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I*T€rCo N I A N I N S T I T>^§^ I O N 

Ou the rover: Aiuistasio Leon, an itinerant craftsmnu. finishes the edge on a frame 

containing the holy image of San Xavier, a patron saint of the Arizona-Sonora borderlands 

region. Don Anastasio learned this craft, luhich combines reverse-painting on glass luith tin 

frame-making, from- his father. He usually sells his frames with a variety of holy images at the 

Fiesta de San Xavier in Magdalena, Sonora. Photo by Doctor Felippe de Jesus Valenzuela 


1993 Festival of 
American Folklife 

July 1 -July 5 

Co-sponsored by the National Park Service 

Festival of American Folklife 

© 1993 by the Smithsonian Institution 

ISSN 1056-6805 

Editor: Peter Seitel 

Style Editor: Arlene Reiniger 

Designer: ]oan Wolbier 

Assistant Designers: Rebecca Lepkowski, Carmina .'\ngulo 

Typesetter: Harlowe Typograph)' 

Printer: Schneidereith & Sons 

Typeface: New Baskerville 

Paper: LOE Dull 

Insert: Cross Pointe Genesis Milkweed 


America's Reunion on the Mall, Bill isf Hillary Clinton, Al & Tipper Gore 4 

The 1993 Festival, Robert McC. Adams 6 

Cultural Conversation on the Mall, Bruce Babbitt 8 

Culture on the 1990s Agenda, Richard Kiirin 9 

The Festival of American Folklife; Doing More with Less, Diana Parker 15 


United States - Mexico Borderlands/ La Frontera, Olivia Cadaval 1 7 

Living on the Border: A Wound That Will Not Heal, Norma E. Cantil 26 

Cultiual Identities on the Mexico- United States ^ordei, Jose Manuel Valenzuela Arce 30 

The Problem of Identity in a Changing Cultine: Popular Expressions of Culture 

Conflict Along the Lower Rio Grande Border, Americo Paredes 33 

The Arizona-Sonora Border: Line, Region, Magnet, and Filter, fames S. Griffith 37 

The Epic Tradition of the Foiuiding of Nuevo Laredo, Manuel Ceballos-Ramirez 42 

Border, Culture, and Maquiladoras: Testimonies of Women Workers, Maria Eugenia de la O 44 

The Mixteco Presence in Tijuana, Francisco Javier Moreno B. 47 

Mixteco Women on the Migration Route, Laura Velasco Ortiz 49 

The Texas-Mexican (jonjiuito, Manuel Pefia 53 

La Onda Bajita: Lowriding in the Borderlands, Michael C. Stone 56 

Mortars and Metates, Alice Fay Lozano as told to Ian Hancock 59 

The Chinese in Baja California, Maricela Gonzcilez Felix 61 


Sharing Common Groimd: Social Dancing in the U.S.A, 
Vivien Chen luith Magaly E.Jan ad & Chan Moly Sam 63 

Generations of African American Social Dance in Washington, D.C.: 

Hand Dancing, Hip-Hop, and Go-Go, LeeEllen Friedland 69 

Hip-Hop Dance, Anthony Hovington 73 

Iroquois Social Dances: The Life of Dance in the Dance of Life, Linley Logan 74 

"Circle Lip Four on the Old Dance Floor": Old-Time Dancing in 

Chilhowie, Virginia, Susan Eike Spalding 77 


Music in Metropolitan Washington, Phyllis M. May-Machunda 80 
The Music Performance Trust Fimds 82 


Kids' Stuff: Children's Traditions of Play and 

Performance in Metropolitan D.C., Diana Baird NDiaye 84 

City Play, Amanda Dargan Csf Steven Zeitlin 86 

The Jerusalem Festival Project, Amy Horoiuitz 90 

Reprinted from the program book for America's Reunion on the Mall, 
held for the Presidential Inaugural, fanuary 17-18, 1993. 

America's Reunion 
on the Mall 

Bill Cjf Hillary Clinton 
Al Csf Tipper Gore 

From Kamuela, Hawai'i, and Ketchikan, 
Alaska; from Ponce, Puerto Rico, and Rangeley, 
Maine; from the rural heartland of Kansas, Mis- 
souri, and Tennessee; from our major cities of 
Los Angeles, New York, and Chicago, they have 
come to our Nation's capital. From the glam- 
orous world of popular entertainment and from 
the neighborhoods of local communities they 
have come to the Nation's front lawn. Craftspeo- 
ple representing the long-lived arts of America's 
cultural past have come, along with new immi- 
grants whose artistic and cultural traditions will 
make their place in the history now being writ- 
ten. Cooks and stoiytellers, musicians, dancers, 
and artisans have come to this Festival on the 
Mall to tell, to sing, and to weave the stoiy of 
America. Their artistiy, skill, and talent, as 
immense as it is, is but a sample of the cultural 
diversity that exists throughout our land. That 
this diversity can be imited, together, in the sym- 
bolic center of our nation, tells us much about 
who we are and what we dream. 

The enlightened founders of this counti7 
conceived of a new nation in which the many 
could be united. We have always thrived as a 
nation of nations. This has not been easy to 
achieve. We have overcome manv travails to 

forge ideals of tolerance, mutual respect, and 
human dignity. We are still engaged in the pur- 
suit of these ideals, yet, America stands as a bea- 
con of hope. Here, cultural difference can be a 
somxe of strength not weakness, hope not 
despair, joy not sorrow. 

A nation comprised of a diversity of people, 
communities, and cultiual groups is a flexible 
and adaptable one. Ideas, inventions, songs, arts, 
even foods developed by some can be enjoyed by 
all. Never before in the histoiy of humankind 
have so many different people from so many dif- 
ferent places joined together in one nation. And 
never before has a nation accomplished so much 
politically, economically, socially, and culturally 
as ours. Ovu^ form of democracy, our freedom of 
expression, our concern for hiunan rights and 
for the rights of the minority grow from our 
recognition of a diversity of origins, perspectives, 
and interests. The diversity of American lives has 
enriched our souls, oiu' minds, our institutions, 
and even oiu" senses. 

We Americans are proud of wlio we are. We 
take pride in our own regional, ethnic, religious, 
and family identities, for these give us a sense of 
.self. But we are all Americans first. Being Ameri- 
can means bridging differences, not stamping 

them out. It means learning from each other. It 
means including everyone as "us," rather than 
excluding some as "them." It means we can sing 
our own song, enjoy the singing of others, sing 
together, and even make up new songs. Some of 
the distinctly American forms of jazz, blues, 
gospel, and rock-and-roll heard at the Festival 
arose from just such a creative combination of 
cultural styles. Just as our recognition of the 
uniqueness of each and every individual does not 
detract from our sense of a common humanity, 
so, too, the recognition of our diversity need not 
stand in opposition to national unit}- and identi- 
ty. Indeed, just as the creativity, genius, and gen- 
erosity of individuals enlarge our sense of 
humanity, so, too, can an appreciation of our 
diversity increase our sense of national accom- 

It is fitting that we rededicate ourselves to 
joining together at this time and in this place. 
The Mall is the place where Americans talk to 
each other. It is where we celebrate and enshrine 
our national understandings. It is the place 
where soine 30 years ago the Reverend Martin 
Liuher King, Jr., informed the nation of his 
dream — of a nation in which children of differ- 
ent backgrounds, races, and creeds could walk 
hand in hand. Wlrere the differences that divide 
could one day be used to unite. It is thus fitting 
that in the same place on this Day, and on Mar- 
tin Luther King Day, for the inaugural and for 
the first public event celebrating a new adminis- 
tration, the American people gather here, to 
reunite with each other, to reunite with an 
Ainerican ideal, and to reunite with a national 
dream that all of us can help realize. 

The 1993 Festival 

Robert McC. Adams 

Secretary, Smithsonian Institution 

This is, in a sense, the second Festival on the 
Mall this year, the first having taken place some 
six months ago for the Presidential hiaugural. 
The America's Reunion on the Mall brought 
together performing musicians, artists, craftspeo- 
ple, and cooks from all across the country in a 
celebration of our nation's strength in diversity. 
The inaugmal festival was wonderfully successful. 
"We were happy to play a role in celebrating our 
democracy, and all the more so because that 
event reinforced what the Smith.sonian's Festival 
has been doing and saying about American cul- 
ture for the past 26 years. 

Through the Festival of American Folklife 
we have learned that to represent truly the cul- 
ture of our nation, one must represent the diver- 
sity of its people, its commimities, its regions, 
and its genres of cultural expression. We have 
learned that such representations — whether in 
the form of cultiual performances, skill demcjn- 
strations, expository talks, or museum exhibits — 
must result from intimate collaboration with 
those being represented; they too have roles to 
play as researchers, curators, presenters, and 
artists. We have also learned that cultiual repre- 
sentation is a vehicle for affirmation of self- 
worth, especially when it is done in a highly visi- 
ble, centrally symbolic place like the National 
Mall. And we have learned that people — those 
represented at the Festival as well as visitors to it 
— can understand, appreciate, and learn from 
each other when culture is presented in an open. 

respectful setting. Indeed, the Festival has 
proved to be a forum where the confluences and 
divergences of culture can be engaged in a 
peaceful and sometimes even enlightening way. 
At the Festival, the interaction of visitors, partici- 
pants, and Smithsonian staff has often resulted 
in new cultiual awareness and in syntheses of 
new ideas and cultural forms. 

This summer, the Festival includes programs 
on U.S. - Mexico borderlands, American social 
dance, music in the Washington Metropolitan 
area, and urban children's culture. All point to 
how people creatively use the resources of com- 
munity culture to shape life experiences in ways 
that celebrate and affirm social values. 

The Festival's featured program, U.S. - Mexi- 
co Borderlands, is the latest in a series developed 
for the Columbus Quincentenan' which has 
sought to expand public knowledge about the 
cultural histoi"y of our heiuisphere and to fortify 
the Smithsonian's engagement of colleagues and 
communities in Latin America and the 
Caribbean. These programs, including Creoliza- 
tion in the Caribbean, Land and Power in Native 
American Cultures, New Mexico, Maroons in the 
Americas, and American Indian Soundscapes, 
have directly reached some 5 million Festival visi- 
tors. Brought to fruition with the cooperation of 
scores of academic, cultural, and educational 
institutions in 18 nations, these programs have 
engaged the efforts of some 250 different schol- 
ars and over 1,000 exemplaiy culture bearers 

from across the Americas. These Festival pro- 
grams have generated rich documentary 
archives, copies of which reside both at the 
Smithsonian and at collaborating institutions. 
Additionally, these programs have generated two 
documentaiy films, several books, and even the 
passage of cultural legislation. 

Our consideration of cultiual borderlands 
comes at an important time, socially and intellec- 
tually. The migrations and movements of people 
challenge prior notions of boimded, localized 
national cultures. Borderlands are generally 
regarded as the edges of a nation, marginal and 
peripheral to its cultural life. Yet what happens 
when the border region of two nations achieves 
its own sense of identity, its own idea of cidtural 
centrality? The borderlands are characterized by 
cultural dynamism, liminality, and contention. 
And the U.S.- Mexico cultural border is quite 
permeable, with flows of people, goods, and 
ideas that extend not only geographically deep 
into each country, but also deep into their social 
lives. No doubt, in a continent whose patterns of 
exchange may be refashioned by the North 
American Free Trade Agreement or like arrange- 
ments, we will continue to witness the cultural 
evolution of this important region. And so too 
will our thinking aboiU the relationship between 
culture and nation deepen. The examination of 
the borderlands makes it possible for us to see 
culture not as a static accumulation of things, 

but as flows of meanings, styles, and values con- 
tinually reshaped and revalidated by use. 

Finding such phenomena as cultural border- 
lands represented at the Festival signals the fact 
that over the past decade, museums and their 
programs have increasingly become forums for 
addressing the cultural realities of contemporaiy 
life. These cultural realities are complex, and 
often intimately tied to important social and 
political issues. The involvement of the Smith- 
sonian and other such institutions with issues of 
contemporaiT cultural concern is part of our 
public trust. We have the responsibility to con- 
tribute our knowledge and perspective to public 
dialogue and debate — imderstanding of course 
that oiu" voice is only one, and not necessarily 
the definitive one, in that discussion. 

The Festival has historically been a leader in 
this area. This was especially true during the past 
year as its staff engaged colleagues from Hebrew 
and Bir Zeit Universities in researching the grass- 
roots cultural traditions of Jerusalem. No place 
on earth is perhaps as culturally rich, nor as con- 
tentious, as Jerusalem. Yet working with local 
researchers and scholars, community artists and 
leaders, and members of Jerusalem's diverse 
communities, excellent work was accomplished. 
We hope that this lesearch, the understandings 
and substantive practices that animate the cultur- 
al life of that great city, will emerge as a Festival 
program in the near future. 

Cultural Conversation 
on the Mall 

Bruce Babbitt 

Secretary, Department of the Interior 

Tlic National Mall is our countiy's symbolic 
center, where we celebrate our national civic 
rites — the inauguration of a president, our 
independence day, oiu" bicentennial. The Mall is 
our national showcase where we enshrine, in our 
national museums, our understandings of histo- 
ry, culture, science, and the arts. And it is our 
national town square where generations of 
Americans have gathered to speak to each other, 
to represent themselves and their concerns to 
their fellow citizens. 

Since 1967, the Festival of American Folklife 
has presented the grassroots culture of our 
nation, bringing together musicians, craftspeo- 
ple, cooks, stoiytellers, workers, and other cultur- 
al exemplars from eveiy region of our country. 
People from various states, ethnic and Native 
American groups, occupations, and cultures 
have brought their wisdom, knowledge, art, and 
skill to the Mall and have shared it with their fel- 
low citizens. 

For some 20 years, the Department of Interi- 
or through the National Park Sendee and with 
the cooperation of its other Bureaus, has been a 
proud partner in the Festival. The Smithsonian 
and the Park Sendee share a commitment to the 
preservadon of our national heritage — cultural 
and natural. Over the years, the Festival's work 
has been guided by research done by folklorists, 
anthropologists, and historians from both agen- 
cies in communities across the countiy. The Fes- 
tival has been a forum for discussions about cul- 
ture conservation, environmental presenation, 
and local economic development. The Festival 
has provided a training ground for developing 
skills and techniques for the presentation of 
grassroots culture. Most of all, the Festival has 
functioned as a combined outdoor museum and 
interpretive park, where people from around the 
countiy can speak directly to their fellow citizens 
about their history, their culture, and their lives. 

This type of cultural conversation, in which 
cultural traditions can be respectfully presented, 
discussed, and even exchanged, is vital to our 
continued health as a whole nation. As President 
Clinton has affirmed, our cultural diversity is a 
source of national strength. Oiu- educational 
programs and public institutions need to encoin- 
age the study and broadest dissemination of 
knowledge about our history, and about the 
value and flow of ideas between people of varied 
backgrounds. Sometimes our cultural conversa- 
tions will be celebratoiy, and sometimes sober- 
ing. But to appreciate their importance, one 
need only look around the globe to places where 
the cultural conversadon has stopped, and where 
difference has led to intolerance, to the abuse of 
human rights, and even to endemic violence. 

We continually engage the American public 
in eveiy state and territoiy in cultural conversa- 
tions. The Yaqui, represented this year at the Fes- 
tival, have regidarly participated in the Fiesta at 
Tumacacori National Monument in Arizona; 
musicians, craftspeople, and working cowboys 
like those here at the Festival from Texas have 
displayed their culture at Chamizal National 
Memorial Park in El Paso; and local Washington 
area musicians like those at the Fesdval have reg- 
idarly performed in National Park venues at 
Glen Echo and Wolf Trap. The cultmal dialogue 
goes on at historical sites such as America's 
Industrial Heritage Park in Johnstown, Pennsyl- 
vania, at interpretive exhibits in urban parks like 
Lowell National Historical Park, at natural sites 
like Hawaii's Volcanoes National Park, at cultural 
centers being developed in Maine and West Vir- 
ginia, and in programs such as Keepers of the 
Treasures. Our work, and oiu" partnerships with 
the Smithsonian and with many others at the 
national, state, and local level, help Americans 
understand their national heritage, and we fer- 
vently hope, each other. 

Culture on 
the 1990s Agenda 

Richard Kurin 

Who would have thought that cultiue, as a 
sign of group identit)', would play a prominent 
and sometimes deadly role in world politics? 
Who would have thought that culture, as com- 
modified knowledge, art, and image, would be 
the world's largest industry? In one form or 
another, culture has become central to politics 
and economics. Culture is on the agenda for the 
1990s. Wliat role is to be played by institutions 
concerned with understanding culture and edu- 
cating large and broad publics? 

The Politics of Culture 

Talk to a politician about cultural issues a 
few years ago, and before the eyes glazed over, 
you'd likely get a reaction that placed culture in 
the realm of the frivolous, the romantic, or the 
obvious. No more. From ethnic cleansing in 
Yugoslavia, to family values in the United States, 
and a distinct society vote in Canada, culture is 
on the battlefield, in the news, and on the ballot. 
Culture has come to be seen as values, world 
views, and identities that may move world events, 
shatter states and forge new ones. This is not the 
"culture" of high society, the elite arts or com- 
mercial media. It is rather the culture of ordi- 
nary people as expressed in daily life, in the 
streets, the workplace, and the school yard. 

As a political issue culture has emerged in 
public consciousness under the rubric of "multi- 
culturalism," a term which has been used to 
describe 1) a demographic situation — a culturally 
diverse population; 2) a policy — equity in 
resource accessibility for different cultures and 

Richard Kurin is Director of the Smithsonian Institution Cen- 
ter for Folklife Programs & Cultural Studies and a Professor- 
ial Lecturer at The Johns Hopkins University Nitze School of 
Advanced International Studies. He is a cultural anthropolo- 
gist with a Ph.D. from the University of Chicago who has 
done most of his research work in India and Pakistan. He 
first worked on the Festival of American Folklife in 1976. 

their bearers; 3) an ethic — the comparable value 
of every culture; and 4) a process — the ways in 
which cultures interact within pluralistic societies 
and complex individual lives. 

Debates over multiculturalism in all of these 
senses have defined a number of issues. The 
political question of the decade will be whether a 
multicultural state is possible, and if so, how? For 
public institiuions the question is how to make 
multicultiualism part of institutional practice. 
And for students of society and civilization, the 
question is to what extent multicultiualism 
encourages or precludes larger sociocultiual syn- 
theses and unities. Each of these sets of issues — 
the political, the educational, and the evolution- 
aiy have their own histoi7, and their own prob- 
lems and tensions. 

Culture and the Modern State. Modern Europe 
articulated the idea of nation in the mid-1 9th 
centui7 by binding it to ideas of race, language, 
and land. Definitions of singular national cultin- 
al identities were attempted through scholarship 
in folklore, physical and cultural anthropology, 
philolog)'. and other disciplines. Debates over 
the characteristics of these unicultural or mono- 
cultural national identities, from their costiuiies 
to their customs to the question of who is to be 
included in them, have never ceased. 

Many Third World countries, emerging from 
colonial rule after World War II, knew they had 
to construct culturally diverse states — nations 
with different languages, different religions, and 
many ethnic and regional backgrounds. India, 
Indonesia, Kenya, and others had to face the 
issue of forging political imity from cultiual 
diversity. As we know, the maintenance of a cen- 
tral government with a core civic culture has 
been difficult in these societies. Ethnic, religious, 
tribal, linguistic, and regional differences contin- 
ue to challenge national civic cultures. 

The industrialized nations, because of their 
histories, traditions of governance, and levels of 

literacy and education, were thought to be 
immune to pressiues arising from cultural differ- 
ence. Their stability was thought to result from 
their having made the transition from traditional 
and cultiue-bound societies to modern ones. 
Indeed, many political scientists have seen the 
culture of the folk as a sunival, a kind of primor- 
dial identity subsumed by the modern state and 
the rise of the individual. When cultural identit)' 
figures in politics, it is often seen as an irrational, 
unpredictable force. 

Yet this idea of progress is challenged by the 
fact that some of the societies most successful in 
making this modernizing and industrializing 
transition have experienced a strong surge of 
political conflicts apparently based upon reli- 
gious, ethnic, and regional cultmal identity. A 
recent study sponsored by the American Acade- 
my of Sciences (Fundamentalisms and Society: 
Reclaiming the Sciences, the Family and Education) 
found that religious fundamentalism has tended, 
worldwide, to emerge as a cultin al reaction to 
modernism, not as a survival of long held and 
cherished folkways. But even the most modern of 
nations have not been spared from such conflict. 
Movements of immigrant and colonized popula- 
tions, the resistance of previously subjugated 
peoples, and persistence of internal cultural and 
regional differences have challenged received 
ideas of nationhood. Efforts to redefine the state 
as multicultiual have in some cases resulted in 
dissension, conflict, bigoti7, and violence. Many 
nations seem to be under a cultmal siege, threat- 
ened by the unreconstructed cultmal diversity of 
their people. And thus, more and more the ques- 
tion is being asked — is a multicultural state pos- 

According to the former ministers of culture 
of the republics in the former Soviet Union, the 
answer is no. On the eve of the dissolution of the 
Soviet Union, those ministers warned about the 
pitfalls of cultural diversity lest it weaken the U.S. 
in the same way it had undermined the Soviet 

It was at about the same time that debate on 
multiculturalism heated up in American public 
life. The so-called "culture wars" erupted in the 
media, in national institiuions, and eventually in 
presidential politics. To consenative detractors, 
multiculturalism is a highly problematic ideolo- 
gy, ethically relativistic and ahistorical. In this 
critical \aew. Western, European, andjudeo- 
Christian culture have crystallized in the Ameri- 
can historical experience to form a national cul- 
ture characterized by civic pride, political stabili- 

ty, economic success, and high moral ideals. 
They argue that "politically correct" history, 
bilingualism, ethnic particularism, fimding of 
the national arts endowment, Hollywood portray- 
als of the family, and other activities were imder- 
mining the cultural unity and foundations of the 
nation. Some suggested that the way to deal with 
American cultural diversity would be to elimi- 
nate it, generally through the type of cultural 
assimilation associated with mainstream econom- 
ic success. Others suggested that elimination of 
cultmal diversity would involve a more coercive 
strategy of excluding people and ideas. 

Cultural wars became an election issue. On 
the eve of the presidential election the celebrat- 
ing crowd in Washington was told, "no more cul- 
tural wars. No more religious wars. No more cul- 
tiual cleansing." And in accepting the results. 
Bill Clinton interpreted his victory as among 
other things, a call "to bring oiu' people together 
as never before so that our diversity can be a 
source of strength." The Presidential Inaugural 
was termed "America's Reunion" to explicitly cel- 
ebrate the relationship between imity and diver- 
sity. And so the question, at least in the United 
States, would appear to turn away from whether 
or not the multicultural state is possible to the 
question of how to make it so. 

Cultural Representation. Debates over multi- 
culturalism often grow quickly around the public 
events and institutions through which a societ)'"s 
culture is represented. Contending interpreta- 
tions of histoiy, luiderstandings of the present, 
and visions of the futiue have been subjects for 
debate in these arenas. The bicentennial of Aus- 
tralian settlement in 1988 was a harbinger of the 
1992 American (and Iberian) Columbus Quin- 
centenary, as issues of the "discoverers" and "the 
discovered," the glory and the gore, the celebra- 
tion and the commemoradon emerged in 
exhibits, programs, speeches, television pro- 
grams, demonstrations, and coiuiter-demonstra- 
tions. Japan's ceremonials smrounding the 
installation of the Emperor and the commemo- 
ration of Pearl Harbor are also recent contexts 
for stud)'ing what Geoff White calls "the politics 
of remembering. " 

The ways in which different cultural groups 
are remembered and presented is also being 
fought oiU in museimi exhibits, textbooks, televi- 
sion programs, and magazine advertisements. 
Simply piu, many cultural groups are upset with 
their lack of representation, or the skewed or 
prejudicial way in which they are represented, 
and they are using techniques of political persua- 


Forums for multicultural 
encounters will continue 
to be invented as a way 
of grappling with social 
realities. Here at the 1992 
Festival of American Folk- 
life, New Mexican partici- 
pants from various 
Pueblo and Plains Indian, 
Hispanic, Anglo, African 
American, and other 
backgrounds develop a 
multicultural way of 
expressing a new-found 
community spirit. 
Photo by Jeff Tinsley, 
Smithsonian Institution 

sion to do something about it. Public institutions 
are under increased scrutiny to be inclusive and 
positively value cultural diversity in hiring, pro- 
gramming, and audience outreach. 

While generally accepting the ethic of multi- 
culturalism many scholars in cultural studies 
have criticized the way its arguments are framed. 
According to some critics, proponents of multi- 
culturalism endorse simplistic and essentialisdc 
notions of cultural groups. Too often, advocates 
of culturally articulated groups argue as though 
they believe themselves to be naturally constitut- 
ed — as discrete, unchanging species. Hence, 
they unwittinglv accept and replicate scientifical- 
ly unsupportable ideas of race and racial classifi- 
cation. As a social consciousness, this atomistic 
sort of multiculturalism avoids attention to social 
systems (such as capitalism and colonialism) and 
social identities (such as those based upon class, 
gender, region, occupation, and religion) which 
crosscut ethnic groups. It also ignores how indi- 
viduals and communities have juggled, juxta- 
posed, synthesized, and compartmentalized vari- 
ous identities in daily contexts and over the 
course of histoiy. 

New Syntheses and Alternatives. In spite of 
internal difficulties, divisions, and debates, glob- 
al institutions like the U.N. have moved in an 
unprecedented way to define new global consen- 
sus on standards for ethical conduct, himian 
rights, and environmental policy. These are not 
merely agreements among nation-states, but to 

an unprecedented degree seem to represent the 
opinion of people across the planet. A more 
imited Europe, whatever the fate of the Maas- 
tricht Treaty, has emerged, and has subsumed 
aspects of sovereignty and national identity in 
favor of shared economic interest. New free 
trade zones proposed in North America and in 
other parts of the world are based not on similar- 
ities in cultural identities, but on participation in 
regional and global markets. Indeed, there is, as 
Emile Durkheim predicted almost a century ago, 
the emergence of a global culture tied to the 
industrial and post-industrial world. Made possi- 
ble by telecommunication technologies, this new 
culture defines distinct codes, networks, and 
communities of individuals and institutions, 
many, as Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett has 
argued, with a shared folklore. 

But these new, emergent forms of global 
political and economic culture are not so univer- 
sal or so entrenched as to preclude opposition. 
Often characterized as nativistic though not nec- 
essarily home grown, some of multiculturalism's 
opponents proclaim their own form of universal- 
ism. In the United States and in parts of Einope 
some analysts see new forms of Islamic transna- 
tionalism as alternative global visions and a 
threat to the new world order. Domestically, 
some Christian fimdamentalist groups are seen 
in the same way, and indeed, they explicitly chal- 
lenge the very notion of a new world order based 
upon secular economics. How much multicultur- 


alism Clin the new global framework stand when 
faced with ahernative, inimical systems? Does the 
acceptance of a mvUticnIturalist ethic mean 
bringing systems opposed to its ideology into the 

The Economics of Culture 

As culture has become a political problem, it 
has also been turned into an economic treasure. 
Cultural knowledge, artifacts, songs, stories, 
images, and representations are rapidly and 
increasingly being transformed into commodi- 
ties. Culture, as such, is at the forefront of the 
global economy. Who is consuming whose cul- 
ture for whose economic benefit and at what 

Culture as Tourist Industry. Counting toiuism, 
or at least a good part of it, together with the arts 
and entertainment, culture is the largest industn- 
in the world. Trillions of dollars a year are spent 
representing and selling culture. 

Perhaps the largest cultiual enterprise in the 
United States is the Disney Corporation. Millions 
of Americans learn about world cultiues at Dis- 
neyland and Disneyworld where they see the 
pirate-like people of the Caribbean drinking, 
and pygmies of Africa rising out of a river to aim 
their spears at your body — with knives and forks 
presumably to follow. Only slightly less dismay- 
ing is Disney's "Its a Small World After All," a 
tableaux of cute, little, formulaically but differen- 
tially costimied doll-figures meant to represent 
all the world's people singing the same song — 
each in its own language. Ersatz and fakelore 
abound. One French intellectual, intei^viewed 
about Euro-Disney, aptly summarized, "they 
claim to present our folklore and culture, biu 
they have taken it and returned it to us in an 
unrecognizable form." Similarly, cultural theme 
parks, costing millions of dollars, are proliferat- 
ing — in Japan, hidonesia, China, Western 
Africa, the Caribbean, the U.S., and Europe. 

Can touristic cultural theme parks be orga- 
nized so that their representations do justice to 
those represented; so that the material benefits 
of tourism are not just exported or used to build 
more luxury high rise hotels but actually reach 
the people represented; so that such activities do 
not destroy local environments and community 
culture? Strategies to meet these goals have been 
developing under the rubrics of eco-toiuism and 
cultural toiuism. Increased efforts to achieve and 
balance three broadly desirable goals — cultural 
consei"vation, economic development, and envi- 
ronmental preservation — will define key cultur- 

al policy concerns aroiuid the world over the 
next decade. 

Indigenous Creations. Another aspect of the 
cultural economy is the international trade in 
the creations of folk and traditional communities 
the world over. Popular musicians make millions 
of dollars mining the music of South Africans, 
Cajuns, Latin Americans, and others. A contem- 
porary cosmetic company bases its multi-million 
dollar business on folk potions and ethnoaesthet- 
ics. Pharmaceiuical companies work with 
shamans and healers to develop new drugs and 
treatments. Scholars, writers, and artists make a 
healthy living by writing about or appropriating 
the wisdom and knowledge of "their" people. 
Increasingly, folk cultiual knowledge, wisdom, 
and art are going to be repackaged, made and 
marketed for profit, and distributed far beyond 
their traditional audiences. The issues invohing 
the kinds and uses of property — intangible and 
tangible, individual and community, ownership 
and usufruct — continue to emerge as the indus- 
trial and post-industrial economy appropriates 
the creativity of traditional cultiues. If the tech- 
nology, knowledge, and networks are made avail- 
able, some of this may occur under the control 
of the communities that produce this culture. 

Cultural Markets. Mass production and mass 
marketing are designed for products that are the 
same for all consumers. Making everyone mod- 
ern through advertising, propaganda, and other 
discursive forms has been a long term goal of 
industrial economics — whether capitalist or 
socialist. But mass producers are increasingly 
aware of cultural diversity in the marketplace. 
More salsa than ketchup is now eaten in U.S. 
households; Hindi film rentals in New York are a 
big business; a /;«/«/ grocery and butchery are 
necessaiy institutions in several Detroit-area com- 
mimities. In their search for new markets, pro- 
ducers have realized they have to be responsive 
to local needs. And they may have to compete 
with local producers whose niche in the local 
market is cai^ved out by attention to cultural 
needs and aesthetics. The market has at once 
become more homogeneous — penetrated by 
internationally produced goods available every- 
where, and at the same time increasingly cus- 
tomized for local consumption. Apple and IBM 
can sell their computers everywhere, but need a 
variety of script and language packages. Market- 
ing research, needs assessment, and ethnograph- 
ic fieldwork are likely to become increasingly 
entwined, as the interpenetration of local and 
global goods brings cultiually diverse popula- 


tions together in complex patterns of cultural- 
economic exchange. Global businesses will have 
to become more aware of the culture of their 
products, their markets, and their audiences; 
local producers will become increasingly sophis- 
ticated about creating new products and pene- 
trating new markets. 

The Challenge for Cultural Institutions 

What role can public cultural institutions 
concerned with the study, documentation, and 
conservation of culture play in this political and 
economic context? 

We face several problems. One concerns oiu^ 
own standing and expertise as professionals. 
Eveiyone knows something about culture, espe- 
cially one's own. This makes public understand- 
ing of cultural expertise problematic. In Ameri- 
can public discourse it is difficult to separate out 
folk sociology, folk folklore, and folk anthropolo- 
gy from their disciplinaiy varieties. Key terms — 
such as "'society," culture," "tradition," and "com- 
munity" — are used by much of the population, 
journalists, politicians, and experts with consid- 
erable slippage of meaning. 

Wliile scholarly and scientific studies have 
much to contribute, they have generally failed to 
penetrate public luiderstandings. Popularly, soci- 
ology is often reduced to psychology, histoi^y to 
biography, culture to human nature. The social 
sciences, the humanities, and the arts are largely 
marginalized and trivialized in our educational 
systems, which contintie to be informed by a 
resilient anti-intellectualism. Disciplinaiy imder- 
standings, which once held hope of escaping eth- 
nocentrism, have been shown to be heavily influ- 
enced by it. The idea of race in the United 
States, for example, which should have been 
drastically reformulated in light of social and 
natural science findings, nonetheless persists 
among the public and its leaders in its 19th cen- 
tury form. 

This is not just a commimication problem. 
The human studies disciplines have in a reflexive 
moment undercut some of their own legitimacy. 
They have generally remained aloof from nation- 
al and international debates on fimdamental cul- 
tural issues. They have failed to work closely with 
the commimities they study on matters of press- 
ing political and economic concern. 

Scholars and museum curators face a fimda- 
mental challenge. We claim a special empathy 
for, imderstanding of, and ethical relationship 
with the people we study and represent. But if we 
are so intimately and meaningfully involved. 

those petiple should be flocking to us for knowl- 
edge and insight. They, the studied and repre- 
sented, should be coming to our museinns, 
attending our professional meetings, enrolling 
their children in our courses, reading our books, 
and becoming professionals in oiu^ fields. In the 
U.S. this is not happening. The participation of 
African Americans, American Indians, Hispanics, 
and Asian Americans in the cultiual studies and 
museimi fields is stunningly low. 

Emerging Cultural Policy Needs 

What are we going to need for a world in 
which increasing weight is put on culture? 

I think the future of the cultural field is to 
be foimd in a clearer focus on situated scholar- 
ship. Research and analysis need to be situated 
in contexts — historical and contemporaiy, local 
and global — and presented to affected polities 
and institutions. We need research work on 
issues that crosscut disciplines, populations, and 
genres as we have traditionally defined them. 
And we need the active involvement and engage- 
ment of commimity and lay scholars in this effort 
— people who can bring to the field new under- 
standings, assumptions, approaches, and associa- 

We need research on the midticultiual state, 
on comparative cultural politics, on cultural eco- 
nomics, on multicultural lives, on transnational 
cultural flows, on cultural processes associated 
with immigration, acculturation, urbanization, 
and the relationship between culture, environ- 
mental preservation, and development. We need 
stronger scholarship if it is to stand the scrutiny 
of the audiences who can actually think about 
and use our work. This means students and pro- 
fessionals trained in several fields and method- 
ologies. And it also means the penetration of cul- 
tural work into other disciplines — lawyers who 
work on intellectual and cultural property rights 
Lssues need ethnomusicological research to 
imderstand the creation and ownership of songs; 
pharmacologists who will work with rainforest 
healers and shamans need folklore research to 
imderstand ethnobotanical knowledge, and so 

We have to combine research more closely 
with education and public service. We have 
major work to do in developing teaching materi- 
als and upgrading teacher training to reflect the 
complexity' of cultural issues students will face. 
We have to use the full range of new media and 
communicative forms to transmit our ideas so 
that younger and broader publics can entertain 


Maroon leaders from Jamaica, Suriname, French Guiana, Colombia, and Texas met each other for the first time at the 1992 
Festival. Joined here by Rev. Jesse Jackson, the opportunity provided an occasion to discuss the cultural history and conti- 
nuity of these communities, and their common concerns. Photo by Jeff Tinsley, Smithsonian Institution 

them. If kids can sit for hours in front of a video 
game tiying to get Mario to save the princess 
from the dragon, we have to figure out ways to 
engage them with the same intensity in quests 
for cultiual linowledge, understanding, and 

We need to be more creative aboiU how a 
diversity of understandings are shared, discussed, 
and debated. Grassroots communities through- 
out the world cannot afford to communicate 
througli Ph.D. dissertations, the meetings of pro- 
fessional organizations, or documentaiy films — 
the time lag is too long and the audiences too 
small and insignificant. Increasingly public cul- 
tural institiuions themselves will have to become 
forums for cultural conversations. Museums, 
libraries, and universities — in their current 
form, as well as in electronically networked, "vir- 
tual" forms — will have to serve town, national, 
and global conversations, if they are to continue 
to merit public support. The conversations them- 

selves will need to become less of an authorita- 
tive monologue, as central institiuions enable 
dialogue and the increase of knowledge by those 
formerly seen as peripheral. 

The federal investment in this process has 
not been made. The resources put toward multi- 
culturalism are minute. Public institiuions have 
failed to connect enshrined ideas of culture — 
what it is and whose it is — to an increasingly 
multicultiual America. Funds and commitments 
for training people and supporting professionals 
in the cultiual studies areas are lacking. And yet, 
in a changing world, where culture looms larger 
and larger in political and economic life, the 
need for this investment is greater. Developing 
America's cultiual economy in a just way and 
developing public understanding of the nation's 
cultural life seem not only worthwhile goals, but 
urgent ones that require swift and decisive 


The Festival of 
American Folklife: 

Doing More with Less 

Diana Parker 

This year's Festival of American Folklife is 
the 27th since the Smithsonian's annual living 
cultural exhibition began in 1967. We have 
learned much in these years about how to pre- 
sent traditional cultures respectfully and under- 
standably to a broad audience. We have learned 
about the products besides the Festival that can 
come from the research done to produce the 
event. .And we have learned about the ways the 
labor and the money the event requires can be 
used to maximimi effect. 

Walking through the Festival, you see the 
culmination of more than a year of hard work. 
Before a Festival can happen, themes and cura- 
tors must be selected, research plans formulated 
and researchers identified, funds raised, field 
research documentation reviewed, participants 
selected and in\'ited, visas, transportation, hous- 
ing, and meals procured, sites and programs 
designed and produced, signs and program 
book articles written, supplies located, and more. 
Upwards of 100 people have worked closely 
together to create the program on the Mall, and 
over 100 vohmteers a day will add their labor 
during the Festival's span. 

The annual Festival requires a tremendous 
concentration and commitment of intellectual, 
emotional, spiritual, and physical energ)-. It also 
takes a lot of money. Considering salaries, fees, 
transportation, and everything it takes to pro- 
duce the event. Festivals typically cost between 
one and two million dollars, depending on the 
size, length, and complexity of the program. 

In the recent past, the Festival, like the rest 
of the Smithsonian, has had to learn to make do 
with less. Traditionally, about 25% of the cost of 
the Festival has come from Federal funds, 25% 

Diana Parker is the Director of the Festival of American Folk- 
life. She has worked on the Festival in a variety of capacities 
since 1975. 

from Smithsonian trust funds, 20%) from corpo- 
rate and foundation sources, and 30% from 
other governments. The sale of traditional crafts, 
foods, publications, and beverages at the Festival. 
which do much to bring the intimate aesthetics 
and taste of folk culture to a broad audience, 
also help in a limited way to offset the cost of 
production. But the current economic climate 
has limited the a\ailability of Federal and Smith- 
sonian fimds, and also made it more difficult to 
raise fimds from the outside. 

More than 1.2 million people visited the 
1992 Festival. That makes the cost of the Fesdval 
about $1.50 per visitor — less than the cost of a 
concert or a movie ticket and much less than the 
cost of maintaining an artifact-based museum. 
But the economy of the Festival is even greater 
when you consider the ways it reaches beyond 
the Mall. 

Perhaps the most direct way that the Festival 
stretches beyond its temporal and physical 
boundaries is through the media. It is estimated 
that some 40 million people learn about the 
event and the people and themes it presents 
from sources as varied as 'The Today Show," fea- 
ture stories in national and local newspapers, 
and "Nadonal Public Radio" inteniews with Fes- 
tival participants. Public television has produced 
several documentaries about our programs and 
Festival participants, and aired others made by 
independent producers. Perhaps the best known 
is The Stone Carvers, produced by Marjorie Hunt 
and Paul Wagner which won the 1985 Academy 
Award for best docvmientary. 

Remounting sections of the Festival of Amer- 
ican Folklife "back home" has proved an effec- 
tive way of multiphing the value of the money 
spent for research and planning by sharing the 
resources of the Smithsonian with non-Washing- 
ton audiences. The Fesdval's second life reuses 
its research, design, and its museimi-quality 
signs, banners, and publications; it trains people 


in various parts of the counti'y in the art of pre- 
senting traditional culture to a broad public 
audience; and it increases the much desei"ved 
honor tradition bearers receive in their own 
home regions. 

Recent Festival of American Folklife pro- 
grams remoimted back home include Michigan 
(1987), Massachusetts (1988), Hawai'i (1989), 
and the U.S. Virgin Islands (1990). Although 
there was no state or territoiy program at the 

1991 Festival, a portion of the Family Farm pro- 
gram of that year was remounted in the Festival 
of Michigan Folklife in the fall of 1991. The leg- 
islature of the state of New Mexico has recently 
appropriated fimds to remount the successful 

1992 program back home in Las Cruces. Some of 
these Festival restagings, as in Michigan, have 
provided the impetus for year-roimd cultural 
research, educational, and public programs. 
Other restagings, like the one in the U.S. Virgin 
Islands, have led to legislation and the establish- 
ment of local cultural institiuions. Generally, the 
Smithsonian provides in-kind staff support to 
these efforts, which are funded largely by states 
and private sources. 

States and territories participating in the Fes- 
tival receive complete archival copies of the 
research done in preparation for the Festival. 
The Festival has generated significant dociunen- 
taiy collections, which are now housed in many 
state archives and universities. This cultural 
information provides material for books, policy 
studies, and public programs. 

Festival research materials have also been 
used to prepare educational packets for use in 
public schools. Smithsonian and U.S. Virgin 
Islands scholars compiled audio, video, and wiit- 
ten materials from the 1990 Festival to create 
teachers' kits. The kits were used to teach tradi- 
tional culture in Senegal and the U.S. Virgin 
Islands — comparing and contrasting story- 
telling, foodways, music, and other expressive 
forms, and introducing students to the skills 
required to research folk culture in their own 
families and communities. 

Other ways have been foimd to share the 
research done for the Festival with people out- 
side the Washington area. Numerous Smithson- 
ian/Folkways recordings accompanied by exten- 
sive documentary notes have been produced 
from eveiy Festival since 1988, beginning with 

the critically acclaimed Musics of the Soviet Union. 
These recordings have proved valuable tools in 
the classroom for teaching about traditional cul- 
tiue. Their quality is reflected in a Grammy 
Award and several nominations. The most recent 
Festival recording. Roots of Rhythm and Blues: A 
Tribute to the Robert Johnson Era, was nominated 
for a Grammy in the category of best traditional 

Eveiy year the Festival generates ancillaiy 
projects that capitalize on the energy and fimds 
put into it. For instance, the 1984 Black Urban 
Expressive Culture from Philadelphia program 
led to a traveling exhibit, an exhibit catalog, a 
National Geographic article, and a training pro- 
gram for young African American documentary 
photographers. A 1992 program on White House 
Workers is being developed into a film and a 
traveling exhibit for the presidential libraries; 
another 1992 program on Native American 
music is being transformed into an exhibit for 
the National Museimi of the American Indian; 
and yet another, on Maroon cultural histoiy, will 
tour the nation as a future exhibit in the Smith- 
sonian Institiuion Traveling Exhibition Sei"vice. 

Numerous interns, undergraduate, and post- 
doctoral fellows have used the Festival and its 
archives for research and publication. Addition- 
ally, the Center originated a Folklore Summer 
Institute which brings together selected lay schol- 
ars from commimities around the countiy for 
training in research, documentation, and pre- 
sentation of traditional culture, as well as propos- 
al and grant writing. Coinciding with the Festival, 
the Institute allows students to use the event as a 
laboratoiy and an opportunity to meet other tra- 
dition bearers and professionals in the field of 
traditional culture. The National Park Semce 
has held its training program for Native Ameri- 
cans, Alaska Natives, and Native Hawaiians in 
Washington during the Festival for the last two 
years for the same reason. 

Proud as we are of the Festival on the Mall 
created by the tradition bearers it honors, we 
think of the event as just the tip of an iceberg. 
The effect of the Federal funds expended on it is 
amplified many times over by private, state, and 
income-generated fimds that support Festival- 
inspired cultural education projects around the 
countiy and even around the world. 



United States-Mexico 
Borderlands/La Frontera 

Olivia Cadaval 


We dedicate the Borderlands program to Don Americo Parades whose 

lifelong intellectual, artistic, and social engagement with the border has led 

the way in imderstanding borders as distinctive cultural regions. Borders, 

and in particular the area he has called the Lower Rio Grande Border and 

fiom which he came, create complex and turbulent environments. These 

generate what Don Americo has rightly understood as a culture of conflict, 

struggle, and resistance. For Don Americo, it is precisely the generative 

power of the struggle that makes border folklore distinctive. 

La frontera inarca I'l sitio doiide dos paises sobera- 
nos colindan, creando un drnbito de acercamiento pero 
tambien de separacion entre culturas y jurisdicciones 
nacionales. La frontera trazada de acuerdo al tratado 
de Guadalupe Hidalgo de 1848 entre Mexico y los 
Estados Unidos invadio tierras indigenas, dividio 
comunidades rnexicanas, y creo una dindmica de opo- 
rtunidad, explotacion, y conflicto que ha engendrado 
una cultura propia fronteriza. 

Basado en la investigadon, este programa nos 
ofrece una muestra de esta adtura fronteriza — sus 
historias, sus diversas comunidades, identidades 
locales y regionales, y de su musica, su arte, su arte- 
sania, sus costumbres, su comida y su nanativa. El 
programa se ha realizado gracias a la colaboracion de 
El Cokgio de la Frontera Norte, Texas Folklife 
Resources, Western Folklife Center de la Biblioleca de la 
Universidad de Arizona, el Centra de Estudios 
Regionales de la Universidad Autonoma de Nuevo 
Leon, la Universidad Autonoma de Baja California y 
de investigadores individuals y miembros de varias 
comunidades de ambos lados. Este articulo es una 
introduccion a los ensayos de investigadores partici- 

pantes que aportan diferentes perspectivas y tocan 
diversos temas. 

Finalmente este articulo es una introduccion a los 
participantes del programa en el festival, a esas voces 
individuales que viven y crean la cultura de la fron- 
tera. A traves de sus historias y la presentacion de sus 
habilidades artisticas y creadoras, esperamos apreciar 
la vitalidady riqueza propia de la cultura fronteriza, y 
entrar en un didlogo con los fronterizos mismos para 
mejor entender los problemas y los procesos culturaks y 
sociales que se dan en este drnbito transnacional. 


Borderlands have often been the locale of 
major folk cultural achievements, from the out- 
law ballads of the Scots-English border to the 
heroic corridas oi ionth Texas. Energized by the 
lives of heroes and others, borderlands continue 
to spark themes of frontier lawlessness, national 
pride, rebellion against injustice, and a commu- 
nity hero's stand against all odds. What is it 
about a border that triggers these cultural forms 
and others, such as souvenirs, duty-free liquors. 

"United States-Mexico Borderlands " has been made possible with the support and collaboration of the Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes - 
El Programa Cultural de las Fronteras, El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, Texas Commission on the Arts, Cerveza Tecate - Imported Beer, Texas Folk- 
life Resources, University of Arizona Library 's Western Foltilore Center, Universidad Autonoma de Nuevo Leon - Centro de Informacion de Historia 
Re^onal, Universidad Autonoma de Baja California, Gobiemo del Estado de Nuevo Leon, Mexican Cultural Institute, and the recording industries 
Music Perfonnnnre Trust Funds. 


retaining walls made of automobile tires, and 
maquiladora assembly plants? Is the border a par- 
ticular kind of region or social environment? If 
so, does the border tend to produce a particular 
kind of culture? And what is the relationship 
between this environment and its culture? In this 
essay and in this Festival program we explore 
answers to these questions. 

A line drawn in various ways, a border marks 
the place where adjacent jurisdictions meet. This 
combined conjunction-and-separation of national 
laws and customs creates a zone in which move- 
ments of people and goods are greatly regulated, 
examined, discussed, and hidden. Commerce 
attains a higher importance in border society as 
does dialogue about the identities of its peoples. 
Smuggling, the myriad signs in border towns, 
legal and illegal immigration, and the use of 
unneighborly names between neighbors are parts 
of this picture of accentuated concern with the 
trade in goods and the flow of people. 

The border is an environment of opportuni- 
ty . Individuals find work enforcing or avoiding 
the laws that regulate movement. Companies use 
national differences in labor and euNaronmental 
regulations to pursue their advantage. Border 
society thrives on difference, and people and 
institutions come there to exploit niches in its 

Borders are artifacts of histoiy and are subject 
to change over time. Wlien borders shift, lands 
and peoples are subjected to different sets of 
rules; this creates opportunities for exploitation, 
conditions of hardship, and motivations for revolt. 

An approach to describing a society con- 
structed by difference is necessarily many voiced. 
Rather than a central, authoritative perspective, 
we strive for a de-centered point of view, one 
with many authoritative speakers. Of course, this 
is more easily achieved in the Festival, where citi- 
zens of the border region speak and perform for 
themselves and their communities. But even in 
this printed mediiun, through translation and 
transcription, a varietv of authorities are repre- 

Border society is an abstract concept com- 
poimded of ideas about the sovereignty of 
nation-states, the intensification of commerce 
and social discourse, and strategies of cultural 
representation. The U.S.-Mexico border can be 
understood in these terms; and in this it is simi- 
lar to borders like those between the U.S. and 
Canada, East and West Germany, or Kenya and 
Tanzania. But a particular history of the U.S.- 
Mexico bcjrder is expressed in the images, 
soimds, discourse genres, and social fcjrmations 
discussed below. This particidar historical devel- 
opment has made the border the planet's longest 
between a coimtiy characterized by economic 
practices and achievements sometimes known as 
Tirst world" and a countiT whose economv is 

Olivia Cadaval is curator of the Festival's United States- 
Mexico Borderlands program. She has conducted research 
and collaborated in public programming with the Washing- 
ton, D.C. Latino, Latin American, and Caribbean commu- 
nities/or over a decade. .She received her Ph.D. from George 
Washington University. 


sometimes characterized as 'third world'. The 
growth of a capitalist world economy provided 
the context for the development not only of 
U.S.-Mexico border culture, but also of other 
types of cultural processes that incorporate dif- 
ference — acculturation, creolization, and the 
growth of various cultural diasporas. 

Cultural processes which may be opaque and 
elusive elsewhere become clear at the border. 
This is the case, as Dr. Valenzuela points out, in 
the formation of cultural identitw The border 
offers a stark context of cultural difference, 
social inequality, and ever present reminders of 
governmental power to limit individual opportu- 
nity by ascribing national identity. The dominant 
discourse that assigns low social value to particu- 
lar sectors of the population is answered by a cre- 
ative flood of expressions of identity in music, 
graphic arts, poetry, and styles of clothing and 
self presentation. 

People speak passionately and often artisti- 
cally about themselves and others; they regulate 
exchange and avoid regulation; they struggle to 
survive in an environment often shaped by the 
practices of nation-states and a global economv. 
These human acts are not luiique to borders, but 
they occur there with a claritv and an urgency 
that commands our concern. 

People at the Border 

The region between the Gulf of Mexico and 
Baja California has been inhabited by many 
Native ^\merican societies, which first settled and 
used the land. Spaniards took ownership of these 
lands in grants made by the Spanish crown 
according to a perceived divine right. Mestizos, 
whose practices, like their ancestiy, combined 
hidian and Hispanic heritage, inhabited the 
region. And English-speaking citizens of the 
U.S., whose land acquiring and owning practices 
were informed by principles of commercial capi- 
tal and manifest destiny also settled here. The 
border region is usually thought of as composed 
of these principal groups of landowners, fcjrmer 
landowners, and workers, but its environment of 
opportunity has attracted many others, whose 
successive arrivals continue to transform the 
sociocultural life of the region. 

On the Gulf coast, Jewish families from cen- 
tral Mexico sought refuge from religious perse- 
cudon in the 18th century and established busi- 
nesses in Matamoros and along the valley. In the 
latter part of the 19th centui^, a Mexican govern- 
ment concerned by U.S. expansionism encour- 
aged settlement and in some cases granted land 

When her paralysis was cured, Josefina Ollervidez built 
a shrine in her yard in San Antonio, Texas, to Nuestra 
Senora de los Lagos, a patron saint she brought with her 
from Jalisco in central Mexico. Photo by Kathy Vargas 

in the western region of the border to groups as 
diverse as Chinese, Mennonites, Molokan Rus- 
sians, Black Seminoles, and Kickapoo Indians. 
Black Seminoles and Kickapoo were welcomed 
with the stipulation that they defend the territory 
against the Apache and Comanche raids. 

As Maricela Gonzalez describes in her arti- 
cle, Chinese managers and laborers established 
residence in the towns of Mexicali and Calexico 
at the beginning of the 20th century. The 
damming of the Colorado River converted this 
area in the Imperial Valley along the Colorado 
River into fertile agricultural land. Anglo 
landowners leased this land to Chinese entrepre- 
neurs from California, who smuggled agricultur- 
al laborers into Mexico from China. 

The Bracero Program of 1942-1964, first 
negotiated by the U.S. and Mexico as an emer- 
gency measiue during World War II, encouraged 
large migrations of Mexican workers to the U.S. 
Under its terms, Ameiican agricidtural enterpris- 
es could legally bring Mexican contract laborers 



for seasonal work. In the off-season many did not 
return home but settled on the border, often 
selecting a place where people from their home 
state were already established. 

The Mixtecos are one of 16 indigenous 
groups from Oaxaca who, for at least 30 years, 
have been migrating to urban and agricultural 
areas in Mexico and in the U.S. As Francisco 
Moreno's article points out, they are not a mono- 
lithic group but have regional linguistic and cul- 
tural differences. For them, as for other indige- 
nous migrants in Mexico, the sale of traditional 
and tourist crafts has been an economic main- 
stay. Today, some of the most popular tourist 
items sold throughout Mexico are the rag dolls 
dressed in archetypal peasant garb with no 
strong regional identity. Mixteco women vendors 
sell them in Tijuana. They formerly made the 
dolls but now buy them, along with other tradi- 
tional crafts, from other migrants in Tijuana, 
who come from the western Mexican states of 
Jalisco and Guanajuato, and from Guatemala. 
The traditional and tourist crafts displayed on a 
Mixteco vendor's cart represent the labor of 
many cultural groups on the border and the 
entrepreneiuial skill of Mixtecos who make a liv- 
ing in this market i reatcfi b\ short-distance 

Mexican immigrants continue to seek eco- 
nomic opportunities. Workers have been attract- 
ed to the border area by the 19til-1965 Mexican 
National Border Economic Development Pro- 
gram followed in 1965 by the Industrialization 
Program of the Border, which introduced the 
maquiladora assemblv plants to the region. In 
her article, Maria Eugenia de la O records testi- 
monies of several inac|uiia workers in Ciudad 

From the 1980s onward, economic and polit- 
ical refugees from Central America have swelled 
populations at the border and migrations across 
it. Individuals, groups, and corporate bodies con- 
tinue to be attracted to the border to exploit 
niches in an environment created by difference 
and marginality. Wliat they have constructed, 
appropriated, abandoned, and re-constructed fill 
the social landscape of the border region. 

Regions of the Border 

While border cultiues share an environmeiU 
created by adjacent jurisdictions and socioeco- 
nomic marginality and difference, cultural 
expressions do vaiy from one border town or 
region to another. Older, established communi- 
ties populate the string of small towns on both 

sides of the river along the Rio Grande/Rio 
Bravo valley to Laredo/Nuevo Laredo. Eagle 
Pass/Piedras Negras and Del Rio/Ciudad Acmia 
began as coalmining towns in the 1800s. In Del 
Rfo, the San Felipe spring feeds a network of 
canals, creating a lushness not othei"wise seen in 
south Texas and inviting the establishment of 
Italian vineyards. Here regional cultiual tradi- 
tit:)ns are shaped by agriculture, cattle ranching, 
and mining as much as by the early conflicts 
between the Mexican land-grant settlements and 
the northern land-grabbers. Labor unions of 
Mexican farmers, semce employees, and oil 
workers now organize maquila workers at the 
assembly plants that are replacing those older 
industries on the Mexican side. 

The border follows the river through the 
rough terrain of the Big Bend and through the 
once busy trading posts of Presidio/Ojinaga and 
on to the El Paso/Ciudad Juarez twins estab- 
lished as the "Pas.sage to the North" between the 
mountain ranges, "the border's fulcrum, where 
the river gives way to the fence and where North 
and South have been horsetrading for centuries" 
(Weisman 1986:85). El Paso/Ciudad Juarez is a 
crucible of cultmal identities, in which shared 
border personas are created, exported, re- 
imported, and transformed. Here the pnrhuco, a 
Mexican American, neighorhood identity of the 
1940s and '50s was reforged as the cholo Mexican 
and Mexican American yoiuh of today. 

West of the river a series of straight lines, not 
the topography, define the boundai"y. Here the 
Sonoran Desert border is home to Yaqui and 
O'odham Indians. As noted by Dr. Griffith, there 
is in this region a unique cultural interdepen- 
dence between Native Americans and Mexicans, 
exemplified by the shared celebration of the 
patron saint, Francisco Xavier, and of the mis- 
sionar)' Francisco de Kino (often merged into a 
composite St. Francis along with St. Francis of 
Assisi). Members of these groups share each 
other's crafts and food at the feast in Magdalena, 
20 miles south of Ambos Nogales (the Two 
Nogales). In this area, the socioeconomic strug- 
gle of the Rio Grande/Rio Bravo region is not as 
dominant a feature of life. Wliereas lower border 
corridos praise the valor of men who fight for 
their rights, corridos in this area celebrate famed 
horses that win epic races. 

The westernmost border area between the 
Caliiornias is veiy different. The original Native 
American populations are surroimded and for- 
gotten by the growing urbanization of the early 
20th cell tun'. Many have migrated to San Diego 


Most Mixtecos in Tijuana live in the neigborhood l<nown as the Colonia Obrera, where retaining walls made of tires are 
used to keep homes from sliding down steep hills. Photo by Laura Velasco Ortiz 


On the Rio Bravo/Rio Grande, a pollero (whose work is to assist undocumented travelers cross the 
border) floats children from Ciudad Juarez to El Paso on an inner tube raft. Photo by Pete Reiniger 



and l.os Angeles, establishing large communi- 

A striking architectural feature in the Tijua- 
na working class neighborhoods that spread on 
the sloping canyons of the city is the use of tires 
in landscaping. Tires create stairs that lead up to 
hillside houses, and they are built into retaining 
walls that keep homes from sliding downhill. 
Architects have integrated the distinctive tire 
embankment motif into the cement retaining 
walls they design for affluent neighborhoods, hi 
Nogales, street vendors reserve their space on a 
downtown street with bright yellow half tires 
lined up like croquet wickets to mark their terri- 
tory and attract customers. In Laredo and 
throughout the valley, sculpted and painted tire 
flowerpots decorate the front yards and yard 
shrines. And as almost everywhere, border chil- 
dren swing on tires hung from trees in house 
yards or from metal scaffolds in public play- 

The Border in History 

The Mexican and the United States govern- 
ments settled the location of the border with the 
signing of the Guadalupe Hidalgo Treaty in 1848 
and the Gadsden Purchase in 1853. But long 
before there was a border, Indian commimities 
had settlements in the areas between the Gulf of 
Mexico and the Pacific. In the 17th century, 
Spanish settlers established the same area as the 
northern frontier of New Spain and then of Mex- 
ico after its War of Independence in 1810. In the 
Spanish colonial period, this area was a frontier 
that attracted the most adventiuesome explorers 
and dedicated missionaries. 

The eastern region of the border along the 
Rio Bravo (later called Rio Grande in the U.S.) 
was more hospitable and became a focus of 
regional life as towns grew up along its banks. As 
Dr. Ceballos points out, residents of these towns 
like Laredo felt a strong allegiance to a Mexican 
identity. El Paso del Norte, now known as El 
Paso, was the first and largest town built on the 
river in the early 1600s in the mountain corridor 
that was called El Paso del Norte, the "Passage to 
the North." Many small towns established before 
the creation of the border still dot the Texas val- 

The Rio Grande/Rio Bravo, a "symbol of 
separation" in Texas, constitutes over half of the 
length of the border. In the decades following 
the Mexican-Ainerican War (1850s), U.S. cattle 
barons and agricultural opportimists from the 
East and the Midwest with substantial capital and 

Much border crossing is cJone extra-legally because of 
convenience. Here a grancJmother crosses via a well- 
traveled route for a day's shopping in the U.S. Photo by 
David Burckhalter 

extensive mercantile connections came to domi- 
nate the U.S. -Mexico trade across this Texas river 
border. Shortly after their rise, these merchants 
began to acquire extensive tracts of land in 
Texas and to assert dominion over the earlier 
Spanish and Mexican settlers. This created an 
environment of cultural and economic conflict 
that characterizes the border to this day. 

Dining the Mexican Revolution, which 
began in 1910, the border population increased 
significantly as many moved across the border 
seeking refuge. Migration patterns were estab- 
lished between particular states in Mexico and 
particular regions or towns on the border. For 
example, refugees from central Mexico who set- 
tled in the Texas valley were likely to be joined 
later by immigrants from their hometowns. 
Migrants from the northwestern states of Zacate- 
cas, Durango, and Sinaloa regularly traveled to 
Ciudad Juarez/El Paso. 

Wlien economic recessions hit the LI.S., 
efforts mounted to push immigrants back to 
Mexico. In 1914-1915, the U.s'side of the Rio 
Grande Valley experienced a winter of violence 


A mural decorates the wall of a workers' neighborhood in Ciudad Juarez. Photo by Lyie Rosbotham 

when hundreds of Mexicans, or mejicanos in bor- 
der usage, were persecuted and killed by the 
Texas border patrols. The Great Depression of 
the 1930s brought a new wave of deportations in 
which immigrants who had lived undisturbed in 
the U.S. for decades were repatriated. 

As people from different cultural regions of 
Mexico have settled on the border, they have 
evolved a complexly layered cultural and social 
environment that has been created by competi- 
tion and adaptation for survival. In this struggle, 
border peoples have developed distinctive styles, 
social organizations, and local economies. An 
interesting example of this is the way Mixteco 
vendors in Tijuana appropriate the traditional 
and tourist handicrafts made by other Mexican 
migrants to create a market that helps to support 
not only their own cultiual identits' biu also that 
of the other groups. 

Local economies that develop on the Mexi- 
can side capitalize not only on available skills but 
also on available, usually discarded, materials. 
Small businesses trade in secondhand clothes 
purchased by the poimd and cardboard from the 
U.S. Some items, like the used tires found eveiy- 
where along the border, are made into distinc- 
tive items that support local economies and 
define a border stvle. 

The extensive use of tires is evidence of eco- 
nomic difference and marginality and of the cul- 
tiual inventiveness and resilience that exploits 
the border environment. But the visible pres- 
ence of discarded materials is also a reminder of 
the pollution that is imfortunately also prevalent 
on the border. The poorly regulated industrial- 
ization including that of agricultiue on both 
sides of the border increasingly contaminates the 
air, water, and land. Wltile border residents can 
creatively reuse discarded tires, the unchecked 
and growing regional pollution, which seriously 
affects their health as well as the environment, is 
at present beyond their control. 

The Program 

Based on research in the rich and dynamic 
living cultiue of the border, the Borderlands Fes- 
tival program is designed to provide a glimpse of 
the border — its histories, its diverse communi- 
ties, local and regional identities, and its music, 
arts, crafts, healing practices, foodways, and nar- 
rative. This program has been assembled by the 
Center for Folklife Programs and Cultural Stud- 
ies in collaboration with El Colegio de la Fron- 
tera Norte (a center for studies of the northern 
Mexican border), Texas Folklife Resources, the 
University of Arizona Library's Western Folklife 


Carolina Samaniego de Leyva shapes rounds of asadero 
cheese in her home in El Divisidero, a few miles from Oji- 
naga. Chihuahua. This major cattle region of Mexico's 
northern border is noted for this pliable white cheese 
made from milk curdled with trompillo, a seed from a 
local deadly nightshade plant. Photo by Emily Socolov 

Center, the Centro de Estudios Regionales of the 
Universidad Autonoma de Nuevo Leon, the Uni- 
versidad Autonoma de Baja California, and with 
individual scholars and community members 
from both sides of the border. 

The program is about community-based cul- 
ture. It presents cultural practices foimd on the 
border and cultural expressions about the bor- 
der, and it explores cultiual patterns that seem 
to be created by the border. It also addresses the 
cultural heritage, adaptability, and creativity of 
Native Americans and of the Mexican, Hispanic 
American, Anglo and other immigrant commu- 
nities that have played a part in creating the life 
that siuTounds the Mexico-U.S. border — those 
that maintain it, those that cross it, those that are 
left behind, and those that dwell in the border 
region. The program explores the processes 
through which the groups create, adapt, and pre- 
sei've culture to meet the challenges of life on 
the border. It seeks to present and imderstand 
commiuiity codes of behaNaor that evolved on 

the border including confrontation, evasion, vio- 
lence, and romance, especially as these have 
been transformed into narrative and other forms 
of artistic expression. 

Music performances include emergent forms 
such as the coujiinto, which grows out of the 
interaction between different cultural commiuii- 
ties; older forms, such as the corrido, which has 
been used to presei"ve a historical vision in the 
defense of dispiued territory; and adapted forms 
such as the string band music now incorporated 
into the traditional repertoire of the Tohono 
O'odham Native American commimities. 

Also featured in the program are five nun al- 
ists, whose work reflects the traditions of Mexi- 
can cholo and United States Chicano muralism. 
These traditions draw upon the rich histor)' of 
muralism in the Americas — from wall paintings 
in pre-Columbian temples and colonial chinch- 
es, to popularized images in bars and on com- 
mercial facades, to the socially-engaged master- 
pieces of the Rivera, Orozco, Siqueiros, and 
Tamayo, to the graphic protest in U.S. cities that 
has now been re-contextualized on the border. 
Murals continue to be touchstones of common 
historical experiences, archaeologies of sociocul- 
tiual movements, and powerful statements of 
identitv', ethical principles, and community aspi- 

The unique fusion of border aesthetics and 
handcrafted technology is embodied in lowriders 
— distinctively customized automobiles — 
described below by Michael Stone. These low- 
slung, hopping cars complement the iconogra- 
phy of murals as statements of cultvnal identity. 
Vaqueros of south Texas demonstrate their skills, 
crafts, and foodways associated with their cowboy 
tradition, which dates back to the Spanish colo- 
nial era. A fisherman from the port of 
Brownsville demonstrates shrimping techniques. 
A Laredo blacksmith forges stirrups, belt buck- 
les, and other implements of vaquero life, along 
with a nimiber of traditional and contemporary 
decorative objects. A ropemaker demonstrates 
the use of the local fiber called lechugilla (an 
agave of the amaiyllis family). While fine craft 
traditions like guitar- and finnitiue-making are 
not specific to the border, craftspeople have 
incorporated motifs and instruments native to 
the region, like the bajo sexto guitar. Other occu- 
pational groups characteristic of the border envi- 
ronment include federal Immigration and Natu- 
ralization Senace (INS) agents who regulate 
movement across the border: coyotes and polleros, 
who help migrants evade immigration regula- 


dons; and workers in maquiladorn assembly line 
industries. Narrative sessions focus on the cul- 
ture of craft and occupation in the context of 
the border. 

Aitisans demonstrate crafts used in the 
home and for special celebrations, including 
quilt-making, flower- and pinata-making, candle- 
making, and reverse-painted glass. Participants 
prepare regional specialties, traditional foods 
sened for fiestas, and offer a sampling of t\'pical 
vaquero outdoor cooking. Finally, the Festival 
presents members of the Mixteco Indian com- 
munity in Tijuana, a recent migrant group, 
which preserves its cultural identity and con- 
tribmes to the economy at the border by main- 
taining ties with other Mixteco communities in 
Oaxaca and California. 

The United States-Mexico border has had a 
profoiuid effect on the lives of millions of peo- 
ple. The pending free trade agreement is only 
the latest in a long line of international socioeco- 
nomic arrangements that have wide ranging 
local impacts. Critical attention in Mexico and 
the U.S. has been increasingly focused on the 
historical consciousness created in this border- 
land and on its expression in traditional and 
other forms of art. Recognition of the vitality and 
value of borderland cultiue is growing at the 
margins, among borderland populations, as well 
as in the centers of power and opinion in both 
coiuitries. Scholars and political leaders increas- 
inglv realize that the cultiual encounters, synthe- 
ses, and resistances characteristic of border life 
signal similar cultural developments in the larger 
societies. This intensifying concern and scrutiny 
centers on the margin, but can it reduce the 
marginalit)' in human rights, social dignity, and 
economic opportunity at the border? Listening 
to commimity voices of the border from the 
Mexican and United States sides can better 
inform oiu" thinkinsr and decision-making. 

Citations and Further Readings 

Carrillo Strong, Arturo. 1990. Coirido de Cocaine: 
Inside Stories of Hard Drugs, Big Money and 
Short. Lives. Tucson; Harbinger House. 

Garcia Canclini, Nestor. 1989. Culturas hihridas: 
estrategias para entrary salirde la modernidad. 
Mexico; Grijalbo. 

.1989. Tijuana. La casa de toda la gente. 


Clifford, James. 1993. Sites of Crossing; Borders 
and Diasporas in Late 20th-Centui7 
Expressive Cultiue. Cultural Cunenls 1 (Jan.). 

Graham, Joe, ed. 1991. Hecho en Tejas: Texas 
Mexican Folk Aiis and Crafts. Denton, Texas; 
University of North Texas Press. 

Herzog, Lawrence. 1990. Where North Meets South: 
Cities, space and politics on the United Stales- 
Mexico border. Austin; University of Texas. 

Miller, Tom. 1981. On the Border: Portraits of 
America 's .Southwestern Frontier. New York; 
Harper Row. 

Montejano, David. 1987. Anglos and Mexicans in 
the Making, 1836-1986. Austin; Univ. of 

Quintero Ramirez, Cirila. 1992. Sindicalismo 
tradicional en maquiladoras; El caso de 
Matamoros. Rio Bravo, A Bilingual Joiunal of 
International Studies 1(2);60-71. 

Ross, Stanley R., ed. 1978. Views Across the Border: 
The United States and Mexico. Albuquerque, 
NM; University of New Mexico Press. 

Weisman, Alan. 1986. LaFrontera: The U.S. Border 
with Mexico. San Diego; Harcourt, Grace, 


Living on the Border: 

A Wound That Will Not Heal 

Norma E. Cantu 

Living in the geographical area where the 
U.S. and Mexico meet, the truth is always pre- 
sent. It gnaws at one's consciousness like a fear 
of rabid dogs and coyotes. Beneath every action 
lies the context of border life. And one must see 
that undergirding for what it is — the pain and 
sorrow of daily reminders that here disease runs 
rampant, here drug crimes take a daily toll, here 
infant mortality rates run as high or higher than 
those in Third World coimtries, here one cannot 
drink the water, and here, this land that is our 
land — and has been our land for generations 
— is not really oms. But one must also see bor- 
der life in the context of its joys, its continuous 
healing, and its celebration of a life and culture 
that survives against all odds. For to do othei"wise 
condemns us to falling into the vortex of pes- 
simism and anomie where so many already dwell. 

Lafrontera: the frontier, the edges, the limits, 
the boundaries, the borders, the cultures, the 
languages, the foods; biU more than that, the 
unity and disunity: es lo mismo y no lo es (it's the 
same and it isn't). Chicana novelist Gloria 
Anzaldi'ia speaks of this same terrain, this same 
geography, but her words are hers; they are not 
mine, not ours, not those of eveiyone living 
along the border. However similar experiences 
may be they are not the same, for the frontera is 
as varied as the geography from Matamoros/ 
Brownsville to Tijuana/San Ysidro, and the peo- 
ple that inhabit this wrinkle in space are as var- 
ied as the indigenous peoples that first crossed it 
centuries ago and the peoples who continue to 
traverse it today. The Aztec pantheon didn't real- 

Nomia E. Cantu, a natwe oj the borderlands, received a B.S. 
from Texas A&I University at Laredo, a Master's from 
Texas A&'l at Kingsville, and a Ph.D. from the University 
of Nebraska at Lincoln. She is an associate professor of Eng- 
lish at Laredo State University. She has published poetny, 
short fiction, and critical analyses. 

ly rule these northern lands; and the h^)//('«o per- 
sonality, customs, rites, and language are testa- 
ment to that other native culture, now all but 
gone, which survives in vestiges sometimes as 
vague as an image in the sand, on the wall of a 
cave, or in the lexicon and intonation of a bor- 
der native's speech. 

These lands have always harbcjred transients, 
people moving sometimes north sometimes 
south. Like birds making their annual trek, 
migrant workers board up their homes and pack 
things in trucks and off they go with the local 
priest's blessing. In Laredo, in Eagle Pass, and 
elsewhere, the matachines celebrate on May 3rd, 
December 12th, or another significant date, and 
as they congregate to dance in honor of the holy 
cross, the Virgen de Guadalupe, or other local 
devotion, they remember other lands and other 
times. Spanish and English languages both 
change along the border — mariachis are floiu" 
tortilla tacos in Laredo and Nuevo Laredo and 
within a 50-mile radius of the area; the calo 
(slang) of the batos locos, lowriders, cholos, or 
pachucos maintains its literaiy quality in its exces- 
sive use of metaphor all along the stretch, yet 
changes from community to community, just as 
the names for food and even the foods them- 
selves change. Differences have been there since 
the settlement of the borderlands in the 17th 
and 18th centuries, and the changes wrought 
upon the border culture have occurred over the 
span of more than 300 years; yet there are other 
changes, as well, ongoing changes that will alter 
the very fabric of borderlands cultiue. 

The collusion of a myriad of cultures, not 
just Mexican and LI.S., makes the borderlands 
unique. It is a culture forever in transition, 
changing visibly from year to year. The popula- 
tion increases in number and in variety, as Kore- 
ans, Indians, and other peoples of non-Euro- 
pean, non-Indigenous, and non-Mestizo origin 
flow into the region. Because of such an influx, it 




At the feasts of the Virgin of 
Guadalupe and the Holy Cross, 
the Matachines de la Santa Cruz 
affirm their spiritual bonds to the 
Virgin and the Cross, to each 
other, and to their community by 
dancing before their altar in the 
Ladrillera Barrio of Laredo. Most 
of the members of this religious 
brotherhood came to Laredo in 
the late 1930s from the mining 
towns of Chanel Palafox and 
Dolores in northern Mexico. 
Photo by Norma Cantu 

also changes environmentally, economically, and 
even in style. 

The names for the river may be different — 
Rio Bravo/Rio Grande — but it's the same river 
whose life-giving waters flow down from Col- 
orado, and whose life-taking waters spill out into 
the Gulf of Mexico. The same river is a political 
boimdaiy between two nation-states, but people 
on both sides of the river retain the customs of 
the settlers from Spain and from central Mexico 
along with those of the original inhabitants, 
which they have inherited and adapted to their 
particular needs. 

Newcomers integrate their ways into the 
existing culture, but the old ones remain. 
Intriguing syncretisms occur. Weddings, for 
example, integrate traditional "Mexican" cus- 
toms such as the Arabic arras (marriage coins) 
and the Native lazo (bonding cord) along with 
the German-style polka or conjunto music and 
brindis (toast). An infant's baptism becomes an 
occasion for godparents to exchange prayers, an 
indigenous form encapsulated in a European 
logic. Conversly, a quinceahera (young woman's 
15th birthday) becomes the modern-day puberty- 
rite of a community. In local dance halls dancers 
engage in weekly rites as culturally choreo- 
graphed as of the Catholic pilgrimages to 
santuarios from California to Texas; both cus- 
toms embody forms and values that endure from 

times before European contact. 

Gloria Anzaldiia says that "The U.S.-Mexican 
border es una herida abierta (is an open wound) 
where the Third World grates against the first 
and bleeds" (Anzaldiia 1987). And she continues 
the metaphor by adding that before the wound 
heals it "hemorrhages again, the lifeblood of two 
worlds merging to form a third countiy — a bor- 
der culture." First shaped by the signing of the 
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that cut the area in 
two, the wound has continuously bled, as poli- 
tics, economics, and most recently environmen- 
tal pollution exacerbate the laceration. If some 
healing occurs and a scab barely forms, a new 
blow strikes — such was the economic blow 
struck by the 1982 Mexican devaluation. 

Ours is a history of conflict and resolution, 
of growth and devastation, of battles won and 
lost in conflicts not always of our making. Often 
these contradictory outcomes issue from the 
same set of historical events, like the develop- 
ment of the maquiladora industry, which provides 
jobs even as it renders the river's waters "a verita- 
ble cesspool" {The Laredo Morning Times 1993). 
The inhabitants of the borderlands live in the 
consequences of this history, in the bleeding that 
never stops. Those of us who inhabit this land 
must live with daily human rights violations, con- 
trasting world views, two forms of currency, and 
different "ways of doing things" that in some 



A migrant worker harvests celery and jokes with the photographer. In an interview conducted as part of the Borderlife 
Project of the University of Texas-Pan American, Donna Garcia describes part of her life as a Mexican migrant worker. 
"For years we had been traveling to west Texas to work the cotton crop. I would hear people always talking about 'Those 
migrant workers — look how they left this place; they're so dirty. You can't leave anything out while they are around.' I 
had heard these remarks so often that I thought they were talking of people in trouble with the law. One day my hus- 
band was talking of some mishap and I said, 'Oh, it was probably those migrant workers.' He looked at me and asked 
what I thought migrant workers were, so I told him. When I had finished he told me, 'Mama, we are migrant workers.'" 
Photo by Lillian M. Salcido 

cases make lite easier but in others, nearly intol- 

Immigration and emigration have shaped 
the borderlands. The exodus of Texas border 
natives to the metropolitan areas of Houston, 
Dallas, and San Antonio or to California or the 
Midwest during the 1950s was due in large mea- 
sure to the depressed local economy. But, as emi- 
gration to the north occurred, immigration from 
Mexico into the area continued. The luiemploy- 
ment rates often hovered around the teens and 
did not noticeably, in spite of large 
numbers of families relocating elsewhere, set- 
tling out of the migrant labor stream, in industri- 
alized areas such as Chicago, or going to work in 
other areas of Texas. 

In the 1980s and 1990s, some of these same 

people, now retiring from steel mills in Illinois 
or factories in Detroit, are retiu'ning as retirees 
and settling in the soiuh Texas border communi- 
ties they moved from 40 years ago. For many, 
like my mother's cousins who moved away and 
worked for Bethlehem Steel, Christmas and sum- 
mer vacation were times to visit relatives on the 
border; these days, it is their children who make 
the trip down south to visit them. 

Biu in many cases the move was permanent. 
With little to come back to, families settled per- 
manently in places like California, Wisconsin, 
and Nebraska. This was the experience of my 
father's cousin who lives in Omaha and who 
retired from the upholstering business she 
worked in for over 30 years. She speaks of her 
life away and her reasons for leaving with great 


The shrine in the yard of Isidro Ramirez, a Vietnam War veteran who lives in Laredo, commemorates 
his participation in the war and expresses gratitude for his safe return. IVlr. Ramirez includes in his 
religious work traditional objects like candles, flower vases, and images of saints, and also personal 
offerings that express his patriotism and war experience like the flag of Texas and his military helmet. 
Photo by Norma Cantu 

pain: there were no jobs to be had; political 
machines controlled the few jobs there were; the 
pay was below the national minimimi wage; the 
schools were not good for their kids; and the 
streets weren't paved. At least up north, in spite 
of discrimination, language barriers, alien foods, 
and cold weather, there were jobs; one could 
dream of a better life. The border population is 
in transition once again as it has been for cen- 
turies. The healing occurs for but a short time 
when the newly formed scab is torn by a new ele- 
ment, and the process begins anew. 

The border is not homogenous in geography 
or in cidture; there are many borders, resplen- 
dent in their heterogeneity. We who live in these 
realities celebrate our day-to-day life with family 
came asada gatherings; with civic events such as 
George Washington's Birthday Celebration with 
its numerous border icons like the abrazo 
(embracing) ceremony and the International 
Parade; with high school graduations (currently 
attained by aroimd 55% of students), and other 
markers of academic achievement; and with reli- 
gious events, such as the matachines dance or 
the annual visit to the city by the image of the 
Virgen de San Juan de los Lagos in Mexico, ven- 
erated on both sides of the border. 

The pain and joy of the borderlands — per- 
haps no greater or lesser than the emotions 
stirred by living anywhere contradictions 
aboimd, cultures clash and meld, and life is lived 
on an edge — come from a woimd that will not 
heal and yet is forever healing. These lands have 
always been here; the river of people has flowed 
for centuries. It is only the designation "border" 
that is relatively new, and along with the term 
comes the life one lives in this "in-between 
world" that makes us the "other," the marginal- 
ized. But, from our perspective, the "other" is 
outside, away from, and alien to, the border. 
This is oin- reality, and we, especially we Chi- 
canes and Chicanas, negotiate it in our daily 
lives, as we contend with being treated as aliens 
ourselves. This in essence is the greatest wound 
— the constant reminder of our otherness. 

Citations and Further Readings 

Anzaldtia, Gloria. 1987. Borderlands/La Frontna: 
The New Mestiza. San Francisco: 
Spinster/Aunt Lute Press. 

"Rio Grande labeled 'virtual cesspool'." The 
Laredo Morning Times, 21 April 1993. 


Cultural Identities on the 
Mexico -United States Border 

Jose Manuel Valenzuela Arce 

Translated by Hector Antouio Corpordn 

La fronterd es In iiilriiiii (juf i'.\/iil/t' tin esrcnario 
donde confluyen dos adores de una misma obra: capi- 
ialismo avanzado y drpendencia, intemacionaUzacidn 
del proceso productwo y uldizacKni iiUoisiva de juciza 
de trabajo barata y vulnerable; inUinaiionalidad del 
mercado de trabajo y disminucion de dereelios labo- 
ralfs, emergentes y profundas, y resistencia 
cultural. En este espacio se avecina la desigualdad, se 
evidencia la "desnacionalizacion", se transparenta la 

A Mexican chola dressed in dark, severely styled clothes 
and a masculine hat. Her self-created persona embodies 
a defiant attitude towards authoritarianism, subordina- 
tion, sub-estimation, and poverty. Mexican cholas tend 
to be more dominated by their patriarchal families than 
their counterparts across the border. P/ioto by Jose 
Manuel Valenzuela Arce 

The indigenous communities ot the Mexico- 
United States border region succumbed to vio- 
lence, tuberculosis, venereal diseases, and the 
catechism. From the era of the K'miais, Cucapas, 
Yiunas, Apaches, and Yaquis, to the present, 
there have been a multitude of engagements and 
misencoimters, fusions and ruptures, innova- 
tions and oblivions. Cultures in this region con- 
tinually give shape to themselves through their 
interactions and relations and their social orga- 
nizations, contradictions, and conflicts. 

Much has been discussed about the danger- 
ous possibility of en treguismo or "surrendering to 
foreign influence," by the border population in 
Mexico. But on the contraiy, along that very bor- 
der we find important sociocultural resistance 
movements which articulate their goals with ver- 
bal symbols, visual images, and reinterpretations 
of regional history that assert a cultiual identity 
formed in opposition to the United States. 

In the intense interactions on the Mexico- 
United States border one can see important 
processes of transculturation. These cultural 
processes are ine\'itable and should not automat- 
ically be imderstood as the loss of national iden- 
tity. To the contrary, because these processes 
that occtir in northern Mexico and southern 
United States involve relationships between 
neighbors across a border, their significance 
assumes an international dimension — even 
when they might seem to be local in nature. This 
point has been amplv explained bv Jorge A. Bus- 

The border is a shopwindow that contains a 
staged encoimter between two actors in the same 
play: advanced capitalism and dependency; the 
internationalization of production processes and 
the intensive lUilization of cheap, vulnerable 
manpower; a global labor market and a 
decreased recognition of workers" rights and of 
indigenous and emerging identities. But in that 
scene in the border shopwindow there is also cul- 


A group, or clica, of cholos pose in their neighborhood in front of a mural that depicts, among other elements, the Virgin 
of Guadalupe and an idealized cholo and chola. A defensible power space, the neighborhood is at once a nexus of solidari- 
ty and an immediate source of conflict. Photo by Jose Manuel Valenzuela Arce 

tiiral fusion, re-creation, and resistance. In this 
space suffused by inequality, society becomes 
"dis-nationalized" and the sources of cultural 
identity become transparent. 

Beyond faddish styles fashioned on Ameri- 
can models particularly for consumption by the 
younger population, cross-border popular cul- 
ture in our coimtr\' is prominently expressed in 
coiridos, musica nortena, language, symbols, and 
youth movements. Among the most recent of 
these movements to become popular after the 
mid-1970s is el cholismo — the most massive youth 
phenomenon that emerged among the poor 
population in the northern part of the country. 
Cholos represent a major cultural paradox, for 
they import their national symbols from the Chi- 
cane and Mexican barrios in the United States. 
Many of these symbols had given voice to cultur- 
al resistance in the Chicano movement and 
among Mexican-born youths throughout the 
United States; they were redefined and integrat- 
ed into the speech, graphic arts, and symbolism 
of cholos in Mexico. 

On the other side, important sectors of the 
Mexican-born population in the United States 
resist emotional and cultural isolation by con- 
siuning cultural products made in our country. 
Unfortunately, the majorit)' of these products 
offered through film and especially television are 
of deplorable quality. Mexicans in the United 
States are also culturallv strengthened by further 
immigration of Mexicans to that country and by 
relationships formed with populations on the 
border. In these cultural interactions, as in the 
consumption of Mexican cultural products, and 
in the immigrants' implication in social and 
political processes in Mexico or in transnational 
processes such as undocumented migration, rela- 
tionships between the Mexican and the Chicano 

Jose Manuel Valenzuela Arce, a native ofTecate, Baja Cali- 
fornia, received his Ph.D. from El Colegio de Mexico. He is 
currently a researcher with El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. 
He received the Fray Bernardino de Sahagun Award in 
social anthropology for his book A la brava ese!: cholos, 
punks, chavos, banda. 


populations in the United States are shaped by 
what happens south of the border. 

In the crucible of the border, culture is sub- 
jected to a process of piuification that refines 
and redefines the dominant traits of Mexican 
national culture and combines them with other 
popular forms, regional expressions, and emerg- 
ing identities. BiU the various collective identities 
(cholos, Mixtecos, Zapotecos) find themselves 
penetrated and influenced bv proximity of the 
United States: an indispensable reference in the 
culunal analysis of our coimti-y's northern bor- 
der. The presence of the United States takes vari- 
ous forms, and its cultural products are also 
redefined by the life experience of the social 
groups who use them. 

People construct cultinal identities with a 
wide range of expressions that associate them 
with some groups and differentiate them from 
others. The various collective identities on the 
border are linked by a common bond of differ- 
entiation from the United States and of construc- 
tion from sources not bounded by the interna- 
tional line. They construct their identities in 

This mural, an expression of La Raza movement of the 
1960s and 1970s, depicts a 1940s pachuco wearing charac- 
teristic baggy pants, tattooed with the Mexican Virgin of 
Guadalupe, and positioned in front of a lowrider car and 
crossed Mexican and American flags. Confronted with 
social stigma, pachucos and their cultural heirs value 
boldness, valor, the aesthetic of "cool," and stoicism in 
confronting racism. Their symbolism reflects the interna- 
tional origins of their culture. Photo by Jose Manuel 
Valenzuela Arce 

eveiyday interactions with the Mexican popula- 
tion in the United States, in characteristic usages 
of the terms "them" and "us," and in their culttu- 
al borrowings or reaffirmations of tradition that 
are the resources of their resistance. Cultural 
identity on the border often reinforces collective 
action closely linked to the class situation, as was 
the case with the Chicano Movement in the '60s; 
or in a fundamental way, identit)' can define pop- 
ular youth expressions, as exemplified by 
pachuquismo and ckolismo. 

Further Rmd'mgs 

Bustamante, Jorge A, 1988, Identidad, ctiltural 
nacional y frontera, Amelia Malagamba 
(comp.). Ettcuentros: los festivaks 
internanonidn de Id raza. Mexico: COLEF- 

Malagamba, Amelia. La tdniisiun y su mi/ituio en 
la poblacioii iufanlil de Jijiiaua. Tijuana: 

Monsivais, Carlos. La cultura en la frontera. In 
Estudios fronlerizos. Mexico: ANUIES. 

Valenzuela Arce, Jose Manuel. 1988. A la hrava 
esef: cholos, punks, chavos, haiida. Tijuana, 
B.C., Mexico: El Colegio de la Frontera 

. 1991. Empapados de sereno: el 

movimiento urbano popular en Baja California 
(1928-1988). Tijuana, B.C., Mexico: El 
Colegio de la Frontera Norte. 

, ed. 1992. Entre la magia v la historia: 

tradiciones, mitos y leyendas de la frontera 
Mexico-Estados Unidos. Mexico: El Colegio de 
la Frontera Norte. 

, ed. 1992. Decadencia v auge de las 

ideutidades: cultura nacional, identidad cultural, 
moclernizacidn. Tijuana, B.C., Mexico: El 
Colegio de la Frontera Norte. 



The Problem of Identity in 
a Changing Cuhure: 

Popular Expressions of Culture Conflict 
Along the Lower Rio Grande Border 

Americo Paredes 

Excerpted from Folklore and Culture on the Texas- 
Mexican Border. 1993. Austin: CMAS Books, Cen- 
ter for Mexican American Studies, University of Texas. 

Conflict — cultural, economic, and physical 
— has been a way of life along the border 
between Mexico and the United States, and it is 
in the so-called Niieces-Rio Grande strip where 
its patterns were first established. Problems of 
identity also are common to border dwellers, 
and these problems were first confronted by peo- 
ple of Mexican culture as a result of the Texas 
Revolution. For these reasons, the Lower Rio 
Grande area also can claim to be the source of 
the more typical elements of what we call the cul- 
ture of the Border. 

Life along the border was not alwavs a mat- 
ter of conflicting cultures; there was often coop- 
eration of a sort, between ordinarv people of 
both cultures, since life had to be lived as an 
everyday affair. People most often cooperated in 
circumventing the excessive regulation of ordi- 
nary intercourse across the border, hi other 
words, they regularly were engaged in smug- 
Borders offer special conditions not only for 
smuggling but for the idealization of the smug- 
gler. This soimds pretty obvious, since, after all, 
political boundaries are the obvious places where 
customs and immigration regulations are 
enforced. But we must consider not only the 
existence of such political boimdaries but the 

Americo Paredes is Dickson, Allen, and Anderson Centenni- 
al Professor Emeritus of Anthropology and English at the 
University of Texas at Austin. He received his Ph.D. from the 
University of Texas at Austin, and has taught folklore there 
since 1957. In 1989, the National Endowment for the 
Humanities honored Paredes with the illustrious Charles 
Frankel Prize. In 1 990, the government of Mexico bestowed 
on him its highest award to citizens of other countries: La 
Orden Mexicana del Amila Azteca. 

circumstances of their creation. In this respect, 
the Lower Rio Grande Border was especially suit- 
ed for smuggling operations. 

To appreciate this fact, one has only to con- 
sider that when the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 
officially settled the conflict over territory 
between Mexico and the LJnited States, a ver)' 
well defined geographic featine — the Rio 
Grande itself — became the international line. 
But it was a line that ciU right through the mid- 
dle of what had once been the Mexican province 
of Nuevo Santander. Friends and relatives who 
had been near neighbors — within shouting dis- 
tance across a few hundred feet of water — now 
were legally in different countries. If they wanted 
to visit each other, the law required that they 
travel many miles up or down stream, to the 
nearest official crossing place, instead of swim- 
ming or boating directly across as they used to 
do before. It goes without saying that they paid 
little attention to the requirements of the law. 
When they went visiting, they crossed at the most 
convenient spot on the river; and, as is ancient 
custom when one goes visiting loved ones, they 
took gifts with them: farm products from Mexico 
to Texas, textiles and other manufactined goods 
from Texas to Mexico. Legally, of course, this 
was smuggling, differing from contraband for 
profit in volinne only. Such a pattern is familiar 
to anyone who knows the border, for it still oper- 
ates, not only along the Lower Rio Grande now 
but all along the boundary line between Mexico 
and the United States. 

Unofficial crossings also disregarded immi- 
gration laws. Children born on one side of the 
river would be baptized on the other side, and 
thus appear on church registers as citizens of the 
other coimtry. This bothered no one since peo- 
ple on both sides of the river thought of them- 
selves as rnexicanos, but United States officials 
were concerned about it. People would come 
across to visit relatives and stay long periods of 


time, and perhaps move inland in search of 
work. After 1890, the movement in search of 
work was preponderantly from Mexico deep into 
Texas and beyond. The ease with which the river 
could be crossed and the hospitality of relatives 
and friends on either side also was a boon to 
men who got in trouble with the law. It was not 
necessary to flee over trackless wastes, with the 
law hot on one's trail. All it took was a few 
moments in the water, and one was out of reach 
of his pursuers and in the hands of friends. If 
illegal crossings in search of work were mainly in 
a northerly direction, crossings to escape the law 
were for the most part from north to south. By 
far, not all the Mexicans fleeing American law 
were criminals in an ordinai7 sense. Many were 
victims of cultural conflict, men who had reacted 
violently to assaults on their human dignity or 
their economic rights. 

Resulting from the partition of the Lower 
Rio Grande communides was a set of folk atd- 
tudes that would in time become general along 
the United States-Mexican border. There was a 
generally favorable disposition toward the indi- 
vidual who disregarded customs and immigra- 
tion laws, especially the laws of the United States. 
The professional smuggler was not a figiue of 
reproach, whether he was engaged in smuggling 
American woven goods into Mexico or Mexican 
tequila into Texas. In folklore there was a ten- 
dency to idealize the smuggler, especially the 
tequilrro, as a variant of the hero of cultmal con- 
flict. The smuggler, the illegal alien looking for 
work, and the border-conflict hero became iden- 
dfied with each other in the popular mind. They 
came into conflict with the same American laws 
and sometimes with the same individual officers 
of the law, who were all looked upon as rinches — 
a border-Spanish rendering of "ranger." Men 
who were Texas Rangers, for example, during 
the revenge killings of Mexicans after the Pizana 
uprising of 1915' later were border patrolmen 
who engaged in gunbattles with tequileros. So 
stereotyped did the figine of the rinche become 
that Lower Rio Grande Border versions of "La 
persecucion de Villa" identify Pershing's soldiers 
as rinches. 

A mnido [ballad] tradition of intercultiual 
conflict developed along the Rio Grande, in 

' The uprising occurred on the Lower Rio Grande Border 
and involved a group of Texas-Mexican rancheros attempung 
to create a Spanish-speaking republic in South Texas. Pizana 
endeavored to appeal to other United States minority 
groups. [Original Editor's Note] 

which the hero defends his rights and those of 
other Mexicans against the rinches. The first 
hero of these corridos is Juan Nepomuceno 
Cortina, who is celebrated in an 1859 corrido 
precisely because he helps a fellow Mexican. 

Other major corrido heroes are Gregorio 
Cortez ( 1901 ) , who kills two Texas sheriffs after 
one of them shoots his brother; Jacinto TreNniio 
(1911), who kills several Americans to avenge his 
brother's death; Rito Garcia (1885), who shoots 
several officers who invade his home without a 
warrant; and Aniceto Pizana and his sediciosos 
(1915). Some corrido heroes escape across the 
border into Mexico; others, like Gregorio Cortez 
and Rito Garcia, are betrayed and captured. 
They go to prison but they have stood up for 
what is right. As the "Corrido de Rito Garcia" 

. . . me I'oy a la penitenda 
/Ml) defender mi derecho. 

... 1 am going to the penitentiary 
because I defended my rights. 

The men who smuggled tequila into the 
LInited States during the twenties and early thir- 
ties were no apostles of civil rights, nor did the 
border people think of them as such. But in his 
acdvities, the tequilero risked his life against the 
old enemy, the rinche. And, as has been noted, 
smuggling had long been part of the border way 
of life. Still sung today is "El corrido de Mariano 
Resendez," about a prominent smuggler of tex- 
tiles into Mexico, circa 1900. So highly respected 
were Resendez and his activities that he was 
known as "El Contrabandista." Resendez, of 
course, violated Mexican laws; and his battles 
were with Mexican customs officers. The tequi- 
lero and his activides, however, took on an inter- 
cultural dimension; and they became a kind of 
coda to the corridos of border conflict. 

The heaNy-handed and often brutal manner 
that Anglo lawmen have used in their dealings 
with border Mexicans helped make almost any 
man outside the law a sympathetic figure, with 
the rinche, or Texas Ranger, as the symbol of 
police brutality. That these symbols still are alive 
may be seen in the recent Fred Carrasco affair. 
The border Mexican's tolerance of smuggling 
does not seem to extend to traffic in drugs. The 
few corridos that have been current on the sub- 
ject, such as "Carga blanca," take a negative view 
of the dope peddler. Yet Carrasco's death in 
1976 at the Huntsville (Texas) prison, along with 


Americo Paredes is a folklorist, prize-winning author, and singer of border corridos. 
Photo by Jane E. Levine, courtesy Texas Folklife Resources 

two women hostages, inspired close to a dozen 
corridos with echoes of the old style. The sensa- 
tional character of Carrasco's death cannot be 
discounted, but note should also be taken of the 
unproved though widely circulated charges that 
Carrasco was "executed" by a Texas Ranger, who 
allegedly shot him through the head at close 
range where Carrasco lay wounded. This is a sce- 
nario familiar to many a piece of folk literature 
about cultural conflict — corridos and prose nar- 
ratives — the rinche finishing off the wounded 
Mexican with a bullet through the head. It is 
interesting to compare the following stanzas, the 
first from one of the Carrasco corridos and the 
other two from a tequilero ballad of the thirties. 

El capitdn de los rinches 
fue el primero que cayo 
pero el chaleco de malla 
las balas no traspaso. 

The captain of the Rangers 
was the first one to fall. 

but the armored vest he was wearing 
did not let the bullets through. 

En fin de tarjto invitarle 
Leandro los acompano; 
en las lamas de Almiramba 
file el primero que cayo. 

They kept asking him to go, 
imtil Leandro went with them; 
in the hills of Almiramba 
he was the first one to fall. 

El capitdn de los rinches 
a Silvano se acerco 
y en unos cuantos segundos 
Silvano Garcia murio. 

The captain of the Rangers 
came up close to Silvano, 
and in a few seconds 
Silvano Garcia was dead. 


Similar attitudes are expressed on the Sono- 
ra-Aiizona border, for example, when the hard- 
case hero of "El corrido de C^ananea" is made to 


Me (iganarun los chmfes 
al eslilo americano, 
como al hombre de delito, 
todos con jiistola eii mono. 

The sheriffs caught me 
in the American style, 
as they would a wanted man, 
all of them pistol in hand. 

The partition of Nuevo Santander was also 
to have political effects, arising from the strong 
feeling among the Lower Rio Grande people 
that the land on both sides of the river was equal- 
ly theirs. This involved feelings on a vei"y local 
and personal level, rather than the rhetoric of 
national politics, and is an attitude occasionally 
exhibited by some old Rio Grande people to this 
day. Driving north along one of todays highways 
toward San Antonio, Austin, or Houston, they 
are likely to say as the highway crosses the Nue- 
ces, "We are now entering Texas." Said in jest, of 
course, but the jest has its point. Unlike Mexi- 
cans in California, New Mexico, and the old 
colony of Texas, the Rio Grande people experi- 
enced the dismemberment of Mexico in a ven' 
immediate way. So the attitude developed, early 
and naturally, that a border Mexican was en su 
tiena in Texas even if he had been born in 
Tamaulipas. Such feelings, of course, were the 
basis for the revolts of Cortina and Pizaha. They 
reinforced the borderer's disregard of political 
and social boundaries. And they lead in a direct 
line to the Chicano movement and its mythic 
concept of Aztlan. For the Chicano does not 
base his claim to the Southwest on royal land 
grants or on a lineage that goes back to the 
Spanish conquistadores. On the contrary, he is 
more likely to be the child or grandchild of 
immigrants. He bases his claim to Aztlan on his 
Mexican culture and his mestizo heritage. 

Conversely, the Texas-born Mexican contin- 
ued to think of Mexico as "our land" also. That 
this at times led to problems of identity is seen in 

the folksongs of the Border. In 1885, for exam- 
ple, Rito Garcia protests illegal police entry into 
his home by shooting a few officers of Cameron 
County, Texas. He makes it across the river and 
feels safe, unaware that Porfirio Diaz has an 
extradition agreement with the United States. 
AiTested and returned to Texas, according to the 
corrido, he expresses amazement: 

Yo niniai huhiera creido 
que mi pais tirano fuera, 
que Mai new me entregara 
a la narion extranjera. 

I never would have thought 
that my countiy would be so unjust, 
that Mainero would hand me over 
to a foreign nation. 

And he adds bitterlv: 

Mexicauos, lui lia\ que jiar 
en nuestra propia nacion, 
niinea vayan a buscar 
a Mexieu proleccion. 

Mexicans, we can put no trust 
in our own nation; 
never go to Mexico 
asking for protection. 

But the mexieanos to whom he gives this 
advice are Texas-Mexicans. 

Special thanks to Victor Guerra, Center for Mexican 
American Studies at the University of Texas, Austin. 

Further Readings 

Paredes, Americo. 1958. "W'Uh His Fislal in His 
Hand": A Border Ballad and Its Hero. Austin: 
University of Texas Press. 

. 1976. A Texas-Mexican Cancionero: 

Folksongs of the Lower Border. Chicago: 
University of Illinois Press. 

. 1993. Folklore and Culture on the 

Texas-Mexican Border, ed. Richard Bauniai 
Austin: University of Texas Press. 


The Arizona-Sonora Border: 

Line, Region, Magnet, and Filter 

James S. Griffith 

The Aiizona-Sonora border was established 
as a resiih of the Gadsden Purchase of 1853. It 
runs through desert and mountain countiy, 
from the western Cliihuahuan Desert over by 
New Mexico through a zone of grassland and 
oak-covered hills to the classic Sonoran Desert 
west of Nogales. The land gets more and more 
arid as one travels west, and the western third of 
the border is essentially devoid of human habita- 
tion. It is this stretch of the border, once a major 
road to the Colorado River, that has earned and 
kept the title. El Camino del Diablo, "The Devil's 

There are six ports of entry on the Arizona- 
Sonora border. From east to west these paired 
towns are: Douglas/Agua Prieta, Naco/Naco, 
Nogales/Nogales, Sasabe/Sasabe, Lukevalle/ 
Sonoyta, and San Luis Rio Colorado, which has 
no corresponding town on the Aiizona side. 
Between these towns stretches the border, for 
the most part marked by a three-strand barbed 
wire fence and a series of monuments. The bor- 
der monuments are spaced so that each one is 
visible from its counter- 
part to the east and to 
the west. The fence tra- 
verses valleys, moun- 
tains, lush thickets, and 
sparse desert shrub- 

Wliere it crosses 
true desert, truly 
deserted country, it is a 
simple three-strand 
barbed wire fence. In 
other stretches it 
changes to chain-link 
or, as recently between 
the two Nogaleses, to 
metal strips. 

In the local Span- 
ish, one enters the 

Relampago, famed Mexican quarter horse, beats the Ameri- 
can Chiltepin in a race which was run on the stretch of the 
border near Douglas. Arizona and Agua Prieta, Sonora, 
because temporarily imposed health regulations in 1959 did 
not allow either of the horses to cross. Photo courtesy Uni- 
versity of Arizona Library's Southwest Folklore Center and 
Ralph Romero, Jr. 

count!")' illegally de alamhrc — "through the wire." 
One who does this is an alambrista — a "wireist." 
There are more sophisticated techniques as well. 
In 1990, customs officials discovered an elabo- 
rate tunnel leading from a warehouse in Agua 
Prieta to a similar structure in Douglas, Aiizona. 
Hydraulic equipment had been installed at 
either end, and the whole set-up was capable of 
handling considerable quantities of goods. At 
least three roiridos have been written and circu- 
lated about "el Tiinel." 

The fence sei^ves other, more localized pm- 
poses from time to time. During the 1980s, an 
international volleyball game was regularly held 
near Naco. Each team played in its own country, 
with the chain-link fence serving as the net. 

To the east, in Agua Prieta, match racing has 
long been an important form of recreation. In 
1957, a horse named Relampago (Lightening) 
won an important race and became the instant 
target of many challenges. One of the chal- 
lengers was Chiltepin (named after the fiery 
local wild chile), from Pirtleville, on the U.S. 

side. Hoof-and-mouth 
regulations made it 
impossible for either 
horse to cross into the 
other's country. The 
solution: each horse 
ran on its own side of 
the fence. Relampago 
won that one, too. 

The international 
border creates more 
than a fence between 
countries. It also cre- 
ates a de-nationalized 
zone, a region extend- 
ing for many miles into 
each nation. 

I keep being told 
that Nogales. Sonora, 




By Los Jilgueros del Arroyo 

El estadu de Sonom 

Ya estd aganando la jama 

Que tenia Sinaloa 

Por la cuestion de la Mafia, 

Crimenes yfechorias 

A la Im de la manana. 

Primew lo de los muertos 
Que afragoso le achacaron. 
Luego sigiiio lo del Tiinel 
Que en la linea enrnntrawii. 
Pero lo hallaron solito 
La droga ya habia pasado. 

En la jaula ya no caben 
Leones, tigres, y panteras. 
Ese desierto estd verde 
Y el bianco luz a cualquiera. 
Quanta droga habrd pasado 
g^Por el tunel de Agua Prieta? 

The (Mexican) State of Sonora 
Is stealing the fame away 
that used to belong to Sinaloa 
Due to the business of the Mafia, 
Crimes and acts of villainy 
In the broad light of day. 

First there were the bodies 

That they blame on the rough order. 

Then there was the tunnel 

That they discovered on the border. 

But they came upon it deserted 

The drugs had already passed. 

They no longer fit in the cage 

Lions, tigers, and panthers. 

That desert is green 

And the white stuff shines for anyone. 

How much drugs must have passed 

Through the timnel at Agua Prieta? 

"isn't the real Mexico." That is perfectly true, of 
coiuse, just as Nogales, Arizona, "isn't the real 
United States." Each is a border commiuiity, 
attracting business from the other side of the 
line. Folks cross the border each day to shop, 
work, and socialize. Each town has taken on 
some of the character of its coimterpart on the 
other side of the line. For the traveler from 
Michigan, U.S.A., or Michoacan, Mexico, the for- 
eign flavor starts long before one arrives at the 
border crossing, and reminders of home persist 
long after one has crossed over into the other 

The border attracts. Manufactured goods 
gravitate to it on their way into Mexico, and 
enough vegetables are attracted northwards to 
feed much of the western United States. The 
border region attracts tourists and travelers from 
the United States, seeking just to sample the 
charms of a foreign countiy, or passing through 
on their way farther south into Mexico. An 
increasing nimiber of businesspeople and 

James S. Griffith is Director of the Southwest Folklore Center 
of the University of Arizona. He is a native of southern Cali- 
fornia and has called the Pimeria Alta home since the early 

investors are drawn here, too. It attracts tourists 
from Mexico as well as those in search of eco- 
nomic opportimities. These may involve the 
assembly plants known as maquiladoras on the 
Sonoran side of the border, or they may lie far- 
ther north in the United States. Many opportu- 
nity seekers cross the border illegally. 

This brings us to another important fimction 
of the border. As well as defining a subregion 
that is neither one place nor another, as well as 
serving as a magnet that draws goods and people 
from both countries, the border is also a barrier. 
It is intended to filter out imdesirable influences 
going in both directions. So United States Immi- 
gration and Naturalization Service and the Bor- 
der Patrol fight an unceasing and frustrating bat- 
tle to ensure that only authorized, docinnented 
individuals cross into the United States. On the 
other side, Mexican Customs fights an equally 
endless campaign against the importation of 
untaxed goods, especially automobiles, into 

Another battle — a war, in fact — is con- 
stantly fought across the length and breadth of 
the border region between drug smugglers and 
those who woidd prohibit their traffic into the 
United States. This war touches the lives of every- 
one living within a hundred miles of the border. 


Jesus Leon, an itinerant puppeteer and craftsman, displays his puppet in his vending booth at the Fiesta de San Francisco 
In IVIagdalena, Sonora. The late Don Jesus also made tin frames with reverse-painted glass for holy Images, a tradition he 
has passed on to his children. Itinerant craftsmen, known as pajareros, usually sell these frames with the holy Image of 
the regional patron saint, San Francisco de Quino, or of the Virgin of Guadalupe. Photo by David Burckhalter 

The chapel of Kohatk village is located In the Tohono O'odham Nation In the Arlzona-Sonora border 
region. The pictures with reverse-painted glass in tin frames that flank the central cross were made by 
Itinerant artisans from Imuris, known as pajareros. Photo by James S. Griffith 


Gloria Moroyoqui carefully gathers cut tissue paper into a flower. In her kitchen workshop she makes paper flowers, 
pihatas, the decoratecJ, confetti-filled eggshells called cascarones, and other crafts she creates out of available materials 
like scrap paper, cardboard boxes, popsicle sticks, and straws. Photo by Lyie Rosbotham 

while at the same time it remains ahnost com- 
pletely invisible. Traces of it may be seen, of 
course, in newspaper headlines, in robberies by 
addicts, in the magical spells and prayers to dark 
powers which show up in displays of religious 
articles for sale, and in restrictions on travel to 
some deserted areas near the border. But many 
border residents shrug, remark that only drug 
people seem to be involved in the shoot-outs, 
and go on in their everyday way. 

The border has touched the region's Native 
Americans in special ways. The Tohono 
O'odham claim ancestral lands on both sides of 
the border, and many interpret the Gadsden 
Purchase agreement as having granted them the 
right to move freely across the border within 
their lands. But O'odham land is being 
encroached upon by Mexican farmers and oth- 
ers in Sonora, and the stretch of the border that 
runs through O'odham land is vailnerable to 
smugglers. As a result, one needs a permit nowa- 
days to travel along the southern portion of the 
Tohono O'odham Nation near the border, and 

crossings are not as easy as they once were for 
the O'odham themselves. 

Yaqui Indians live on both sides of the bor- 
der as well. Those living in soiuhern Aiizona 
claim as their homeland the valley of the Rio 
Yaqui, which is 300 miles south of the border. 
Especially at Easter time, Yaqui ritual musicians 
and dancers who live in Mexico travel north with 
their necessaiy regalia and instruments, crossing 
the border at Nogales and going on to Tucson to 
help their kinfolk perform necessary religious 
ceremonies in the United States. Their ritual 
equipment has long puzzled some U.S. Customs 
officials, and a booklet was issued around 1980 
to convince government employees, for instance, 
that a long string of dried cocoon-husks is a leg 
rattle rather than a device for concealing heroin. 

There is one more important observation to 
be made about the Aiizona-Sonora border, or at 
least about its central part. It rims right down the 
middle of what is still, after almost 150 years, a 
cultural region in its own right. 

Wiren Eusebio Francisco Kino, S.J. arrived in 


this region in 1686 as its first permanent Euro- 
pean resident, he called the countiy he moved 
into "la Pimeria Alta," or "Upper Pima Country." 
This distinguished it fiom regions to the south 
where Piman languages were also spoken, as well 
as fiom the lands to the soiuheast and southwest, 
occupied respectively by Seris and Opatas. To 
the north of the Pimerfa Alta were lands occu- 
pied by other peoples, most particularly the 
Apaches. Three hundred years later, the Pimeria 
Alta is still a cultural region, even though it has 
been divided between two nations that did not 
exist in Kino's day. 

The region is unified by several elements. 
There are still Piman speakers (O'odham in 
their own language) on both sides of the border. 
Also, much the same in both coimtries is Mexi- 
can ranching culture, many of whose principal 
families straddle the border. The traditional, 
Jesuit-introduced, folk diet based on wheat, 
cheese, and beef is consistent throughout the 
region, as is the use of the unique tortilla grande 
de hanna — the huge wheat flour tortilla that can 
ineasure well over a foot across, and whose lard 
content often renders it translucent. And finally, 
the region is bound together through a strong 
devotion to the composite San Francisco whose 
statue stands in Magdalena de Kino, Sonora. 

Although the image in Sonora represents St. 
Francis Xavier, the day on which the annual fies- 
ta is celebrated is October 4, the Feast of St. 
Francis of Assisi in the Roman Catholic calendar. 
This composite San Francisco is of tremendous 
regional importance, and his fiesta draws thou- 
sands of pilgrims from north of the border: Mex- 
ican Americans, Tohono O'odham, and Yaquis, 
with a few Anglos thrown in for good measure. 
Among the religious goods offered for sale to pil- 
grims at the Fiesta de San Francisco are colorful, 
reverse-painted glass frames for holy pictures. 

These frames are made by several extended 
families of craftspeople. Each frame consists of a 
sheet of glass which has been painted with geo- 
metric or floral motifs on the back. Both opaque 
and translucent paints are used, and a rectangu- 
lar space is left undecorated, for the holy card. 
The glass is then backed, first with a layer of 
cruinpled tinfoil, and then with either cardboard 
or tin. The tinfoil gives a wonderful, shimmering 
quality to the translucent paint on the glass. 
While holy pictures are inserted into many of the 
frames, others are left bare, so the purchaser can 

insert a favorite saint's picture or even the por- 
trait of a family member. 

Many of these frames are purchased by 
Tohono O'odham and are taken back across the 
border to the altars of the small chapels which 
dot the Tohono O'odham Nation. Others are 
bought by Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and 
Yaquis, and used on home altars. Some, however, 
are bought by Anglo-Americans, especially in the 
past ten years, dining which time the painted 
frames have been exhibited in Tucson and 
Nogales as traditional art. In Mexican and Indian 
hands, the frames are colorful decorations for 
beloved holy pictures or family portraits. In 
Anglo hands, however, the frames themselves 
become the icons — symbols of the region and 
of its traditions. 

In a like way, pitlatas and cascarones (decorat- 
ed eggshells which have been filled with confetti 
and inoimted on decorated paper cones, and 
which are broken over party-goers" heads to 
increase the festive ambiente oi xhe occasion) are 
piuchased by some Anglos for their original, 
intended use, by others for use as wall decora- 
uons. In this guise they become visible symbols 
of the region and statements of their owners" 
sensitivity to the region. By the same token, some 
folk Catholic shrines in Tucson and elsewhere 
have become tourist destinations for Anglos 
wishing to understand regional traditions. 

This then, is the Aiizona-Sonora border. 
Belonging truly to neither nation, it ser\'es as a 
kind of cultural buffer zone for both, cultivating 
its own culture and traditions. Like other bor- 
ders, it both attracts and repels. Like them, it is 
both barrier and filter. It is above all a sUmulat- 
ing cultural enxdronment. After 30 years as a resi- 
dent, I can honestly say that I can think of no 
other place I would rather be. 

Further Readings 

Griffith, James S. 1988. Southern Arizona Folk Arts. 
Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 

. 1992. Beliefs and Holy Places: A 

Spiritual Geography of the Pimeria Alta. Tucson: 
University of Arizona Press. 

Weisman, Alan. 1991. La Frontera: the United States 
Border with Mexico. Tucson: University of 
Ajiizona Press. 


The Epic Tradition of the 
Founding of Nuevo Laredo 

Manuel Ceballos-Ramirez 

Translated by Olivia Cadaval 

Perder la tinra, perder la lengua, jwrder las 
costumbres, es perder el cimiento de la x'ida. 
dejar de ser. 

Pedro Casalddliga 

En Nuevo Laredo existe una de las tradiciones 
mas significativas que contribuye aforjar la identidad 
de los habitantes de lafrontera noiie mexicana. Se 
trata de una tradicion historica que asegura que, en 
1848 al perder Mexico la pequena pobladon de Laredo 
— a causa de lafirma del Tratado de Guadalupe 
Hidalgo entre Mexico y los Estados Unidos — muchos 
de los laredenses la abandonaron. Segun la tradicion, 
la poblacion de Laredo fue abandonada par sus habi- 
tantes porque no se resignaron a pertenecer a una 
nueva nacion y decidieron emigrar a la margen 
derecha del Rio Bravo yfundar otro asentamiento que 
bautizaron con el nornbre de Nuevo Laredo, en recuer- 
do de la poblacion perdida. Ademds, la tradicion ase- 
gura que, no contentos con trasladarse ellos mismos al 
lado mexicano, tambien desenterraron a sus muertos, 
cruzaron sus restos y los reinhumaron en Nuevo Lare- 
do con elfin de que no yacieran en territorio extranjero. 

To lose the earth, to lose the language, to 
lose the customs, is to lose the foundation 
of life, to stop existing. 

Pedro Casaldaliga 

In Nuevo Laredo there is an historical tradi- 
tion that is central to public expressions of civic 
identity at the border. It is the story of how, in 
1848, when Mexico lost the small town of Laredo 
to the L'nited States because of the signing of the 

Manuel Ceballos-Ramirez, a native of Laredo, Tamaulipas, 
received his Master's from the Universidad de Monterrey and 
his Ph.D. from El Colegio de Mexico. At present, he is Coor- 
dinator of the regional office of El Colegio de la Frontera 
Norte in Nuevo Laredo, Director of the Municipal Historical 
Archives, and Professor at the Universidad Autonoma de 

Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, many of its inhabi- 
tants abandoned their homes and emigrated to 
the other side of the Rio Bravo, where they 
founded a settlement they called Nuevo Laredo 
in memory of their lost home. The tradition 
adds that they disinterred their dead, moved 
their remains across the river, and reinterred 
them in Nuevo Laredo so they would not lie in 
foreign territory. 

This nationalistic tradition has been repeat- 
edly cited throughout the history of Nuevo Lare- 
do. In September of 1848 the governor of 
Tamaulipas lamented "the deep pains" that the 
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo had caused but 
recognized the "worthy and faithful Mexicans" 
who had moved to the Mexican side and found- 
ed Nuevo Laredo. At the end of the century, 
Juan E. Richer, author of the first known histoiy 
of Nuevo Laredo, wrote: 

Celebrating the peace of 1848, many of 
the residents of the lost Laredo, not wanti- 
ng to lose their nationality, or to form 
part of a nation whose race, ideas, cus- 
toms, language, and religion were totally 
different from their own, crossed the river 
and established themselves between two 
small ranches . . . 

The tradition achieved a culminating 
moment of glory during Nuevo Laredo's Centen- 
nial Celebration in 1948. It became part of the 
official shield of the city, whose motto, "Always 
with the Homeland," refers to the events of foun- 
dation. The tradition has also been evoked in 
sculptures, murals, poems, songs, hymns, street 
names, schools, as well as in political speeches. 
The civic monimient to "the Foimders" built in 
1958 has the following words inscribed on it: 

A city as patriotic and Mexican in its very 
essence as Nuevo Laredo knows that a city 

42 U.S. 


The mural at the water plant 
in Nuevo Laredo commemo- 
rates the town's epic begin- 
nings. When Laredo became 
part of the United States in 
1848, the Mexican residents 
of Laredo, rather than lose 
their citizenship, crossed the 
newly-established border and 
founded Nuevo Laredo, carry- 
ing with them the disinterred 
remains of their ancestors. 
Photo by Luis Barrera 

is not only a present and a future, but also 
a past; in order to settle in this site they 
brought the revered remains of their 
ancestors, making them part of Mexican 

Some local historians have questioned the 
accuracy of the narrative because of its lack of 
historical documentation. But the historical 
record does include similar exoduses motivated 
by similar nationalistic concerns. And in this 
light, the stoiy of the founding of Nuevo Laredo 
appears not only as a documentary problem but 
also as a problem in the histoiy of ideas — their 
character and their diffusion, persistence and 
reproduction. In this sense, the narradve of the 
foundation of Nuevo Laredo can be considered 
as an epic and still more as a charter myth. ,\s an 
epic, it is a deed of historic importance accom- 
plished with great effort and difficulty. As a char- 
ter myth, it is a stoiy that informs the conduct of 
a social group and symbolically expresses its atti- 
tude in confronting the world. 

These two ideas, epic poem and origin myth, 
are immanent in the behavior valorized in tradi- 
tion about the founding of Nuevo Laredo. On 
occasions when their civic identity is in question, 
this tradition roots Nuevo Laredoans and main- 
tains them "always with the homeland." As long 
as this city occupies an important geopolitical 
position on the international border with the 
United States, the foundation myth of Nuevo 
Laredo will be fundamental to the expression of 
its civic identity. 

Citations and Further Readings 

Benavides, Manuel. 1941. Nuevo Laredo, 

Tamaulipas: su historia y sus hombres. Nuevo 
Laredo: Imprenta Rfos. 

Ceballos Ramirez, Manuel. 1989. Lafundarion de 
Nuevo Laredo: el£mentos para la interpretacidn de 
una tradidon epica. Mexico: Universidad 
Autonoma de Tamaulipas-Miguel Angel 

. 1991. La historia y la epopeya en los 

origenes de Nuevo Laredo. Nuevo Laredo: Col. 
Cuadernos de la Facultad Ni'nu. 5, 
Universidad Autonoma de Tamaulipas. 

Richer, Juan E. 1958. Resena Historica de Nuevo 
Laredo. Nuevo Laredo: Impresos del Norte 
(la. ed. 1901). 

Saldivar, Gabriel. 1945. Historia compendiada de 
Tamaulipas. Mexico: Editorial Beatriz de 

Salinas Dominguez, Manuel L 1981. Los origenes 
de Nuevo Laredo. Ciudad Victoria: 
Universidad Autonoma de Tamaulipas. 

Sosa, Octaviano. 1948. Creadon y denominacion 
de la Villa de Nuevo Laredo. En Centenario e 
Nuevo Laredo. Nuevo Laredo: Comite Pro 
Primer Centenario. 

Villareal Pena, Ismael. 1986. Seis Villas del Norte. 
Ciudad Victoria: Universidad Autonoma de 


Border, Culture, and 

Testimonies of Women Workers 

Maria Eugenia de la O 

Translated by Olivia Cadaval 

Aclnalmciite hi nidmlna iiiiii/iiHatiura de 
exportacioji represenla lafonna mds conspicua del cap- 
ital extranjero en Mexico. Estas fdbricas tuvieron su 
fiiiir/'n en 1 965 cotno parte de iin proyecto alternativo 
dr indnstrializacidyi para lafrontera norte del pais, 
asi como niedida preventiva de empleo para cienlos de 
trabajadores inexicanos que retomarian de Estados 
Unidos al termino del Programa de Braceros. 

La presencia de la industria maquiladora en la 
region fronteriza ha generado formas especificas de 
industrializacion y desarrollo regional, asi como feno- 
menos sociales tales como la masiva presencia de 
mujeres, quienes tradicionahnente se han empleado en 
estas fdbricas, lo que ha estimulado la formanon de 
patrones culturaks especifuos. 

The border iiuKiniladora iiukistiy, the most 
conspiciioiis form of foreign investment in all of 
Mexico, was established in 1965 to absorb the 
labor freed up at the end of the Bracero Pro- 
gram, under which many Mexican workers 
served as migrant laborers on U.S. farms. Grant- 
ed special dispensations in taxes, tariffs, and vari- 
ous forms of regulation by Mexican and U.S. gov- 
ernments, American-based companies like Gen- 
eral Electric, RCA, and Kenworth have built 
assembly plants along the border. The presence 
of the maquiladoras has generated specific forms 
of industrialization and regional development, 
unique social phenomena such as the massive 
concentration of women workers, and specific 
cultural patterns that have been stimulated by 
these conditions. 

The border is a frontier between two differ- 
ent economic and sociocultural worlds. It is also 
a place of refuge that shelters migrants from 
many areas of Mexico. Day by day a great cultur- 
al mosaic is created by the presence of indige- 
nous peoples, border crossing guides, and male 
and female workers including punks and cholos 
(a kind of neighborhood youth identity), to 
mention a few of the border identities. 

This cultural mosaic tends to be masked by 
the daily environment of maquiladora workers, 
which has been shaped to create conformity 
among workers through the more than 20 years 
of these border industries. The striictiuing of 
worker interactions throughout the border 
industrial complex has produced a standardiza- 
tion of experience throughoiu the spheres of 
labor, family, and neighborhood. The environ- 
ment created by work has become the most 
important single factor in the expression of 
social identit)' among border workers. 

Of course, the expression of identity may 
also be a point of resistance, a disruptive coun- 
terstatement to the dominant discourse: 

Here there are many girls that are real 
cholas . . . but the majority of the women 
.say they are a disaster. They paint graffiti 
on doors, walls, and the bathrooms, and 
they fight too much. They know they 
won't be hired, so they get dressed well, 
normal like anyone. But once inside, they 
begin to dress chola. 

Overall, the dominant maquiladora model 
defines workers as a unique and socially specific 
group. In this context, then, can we speak of a 
unified worker's identity or culture? Several com- 
plicating factors prevent this: principal among 
them are the cultures of distinct social groups at 
the border, brought there by massive migratoiy 
flows that sen'e the internationalization of pro- 
ductive processes. Cultural practices at the bor- 
der are thus in constant reformation, reformulat- 
ing and creating border identities. 

This complexity should not cause us to lose 
sight of the fact that for maquiladora workers 
there are only two formative environments that 
bring together social and cultural life. The first is 
the work environment in the maquiladoras. The 
second is dailv life in the workers' neighbor- 


Maquiladora workers attach electric 
harness wires for refrigerators, whose 
assembly will be completed in the 
United States. Mexico's regional 
industrialization program based on 
foreign-owned assembly line plants 
has attracted many migrants from the 
interior of Mexico to the border. 
Photo by Olivia Cadaval 

hoods of the border, which is increasingly com- 
ing under the control of the maquiladora man- 

In structuring the work en\ironnient, 
maquiladoras have always used motivational pro- 
grams that combine control, supenision, and 
the elimination of production problems. This 
type of management achieves its ends by manip- 
ulating workers' subjective values with rewards 
and prizes directly related to production. Among 
the prizes commonlv offered bv the maquilado- 
ras are holiday trips to the interior of the coim- 
try, and hats, jackets, and T-shirts bearing leg- 
ends such as those used by RCA: "RCA and I are 
a team," "I am part of RCA," or "I collaborate 
with RCA." According to the workers, these 
prizes are awarded 

... to achieve higher qualitv. They give us 
pastry, ice cream, and parties, there in 
Taxca, or even take the whole production 
line to eat in Tenampa. Wlien we achieve 
good production or rejection ratios, per- 
haps 100% or even only 70, we go Mth 
the supendsor, the boss of the work 
group, and all the operators. ... In Taxca, 
they know how to value and recognize 
quality and their workers. In Taxca, the 
workers think thev are the best even 

though there are no studies. There is only 
one level above your super\'isor, but every- 
one knows all the posidons and the level 
of performance of everyone else, so it 
works out well. . . . They tell us that this 
place is our place but I don't think so. For 
example, there is this person that hires us. 
He tells us that we are pure garbage and 
that is why we are here. We have told this 
to the bosses, but they do nothing. For 
another example, I talked to one of the 
bosses, and he said I had a bad attitude. 
Well, what I had said was, 'Just hear me 
out. We are taken advantage of all the 
time, but however much we complain, we 
aren't given the power to change any- 

In the world of the maquiladora there are 

Maria Eugenia de la O Martfnez, cunently a doctoral can- 
didate in Sociology at El Colegio de Mexico, is a researcher in 
the Department of Social Studies at El Cole^o de la Frontera 
Norte. Her principal areas of research include restructuring 
industrial processes in norihem Mexico, women's pariicipa- 
tiun in industry, and occupational culture and society on the 
northern Mexican border. She has a forthcoming publication, 
Innovacion tecnologica y clase obrera. Estudio de caso 
de la hidustria Maquiladora R.C.A. 


poor working conditions, punishments, and the 
glaring disadvantage of being a woman. 

... I liave to take two buses, really ioiu- — 
two going and two coming. Sometimes 
the public bus doesn't meet the factory 
bus and I have to pay. Then we have to 
be there at six so I have to get up veiy 
early. . . . The work is very hard, veiy dirty. 
You work with metals, and all the time you 
are shaking off shaNangs and picking out 
splinters. . . . When 1 cut off that finger 
they sewed back on, I grabbed it and 
threw it into my jacket pocket. . . . And 
then there was the supervisor who walked 
in with a female maintenance worker that 
repaired small things. And after a little 
while, he got her pregnant. Although he 
was married, he continued to pursue her. 
She already had a girl. When she felt bad 
or needed something, the superx'isor 
authorized her time card. And the office 
realized he signed her card when she 
wasn't there, so they fired them both. 

As the border industries developed, compa- 
ny control spread to the daily life of the workers 
outside the factoiy environment. Workers' free 
time is now managed by the maquiladora 
through sports, dances, gymnastics, birthday cel- 
ebrations, festivals, and beauty competitions. 
According to management these types of activi- 
ties make workers feel at home. This feeling of 
being "in a family," is explicitly mentioned in the 
invitations to workers and their kin. 

Workers in the maquiladora in Juarez have 
their own nightclub, the Malibu, which has room 
for about 3,000 people and operates when it 
doesn't conflict with work schedules. Its regulars 
playfully call it the "Maquilu," a border-beach 
hybrid, and often party there till dawn. The Mal- 
ibii nightclub and other similar installations 
encourage values and needs desired by the 
maquiladora management. Norma Iglesias 
quotes workers as saying that before they began 
to work in the maquiladora, they didn't go out to 
have a good time, biu preferred to stay at home. 
That changed with work at the maquiladora. 

The factory environment does allow many 
workers to escape, for a time, their poor living 
conditions. They spend a large part of their free 
time in the plant's recreational facilities, where 
they can meet their friends and even bring their 
family to events organized by the company, hi 

their imaginations contrasts are sharpened 
between the modern, industrialized ambience of 
the factoiy and the extreme poverty of workers' 

Workers sometimes use company incentives 
in their own sin"vival strategies, rotating from 
one maquila to the next in search of good prizes 
or bonuses for signing on. They seek "good" 
companies, easier schedules, and better trans- 
portation benefits. They seek better working 
conditions, and especially look for a fun social 
environment where they can find all they need 
for their recreation. Networks among the work- 
ers help one pick out the best plant. Most work- 
ers have a friend or relatives in one plant or 

Is there a workers' culture on the border? 
For more than 20 years workers have shared a set 
of common experiences of work and life in 
maquiladoras, but it is premature to speak of a 
"workers' culture," if we vmderstand by this a 
vision of the world defined by class interests. 
Similarities in the composition of the work force, 
in the workers' condition as migrants, and in age 
are not by themselves sufficient to constitiue a 
culture. Part of workers' culture also resides in 
the family, the neighborhood, and the border- 
land context in which distinct roles and identi- 
ties like the pimk, the student, the single moth- 
er, and the chola converge. Maquiladora work- 
ers' culture is rather a sector shared by, or 
accessed through, many larger cultural worlds. 

As one maquila worker put it: 

. . . well, it's veiy difficult. It's not that 
there was no other work — it's where one 
ends up, the last place you go. If you don't 
get something in one place, and there's 
no way, this leaves going to a maquila. . . . 
I always said, I am ne\'er going to work in a 
maquila, biU yet here I am. 

Citations and Further Readings 

De la O, Maria Eugenia. 1992. Sindicalismo y 
contratacion colectiva en las maquiladoras 
fronterizas. Los casos de Tijuana, Ciudad 
Juarez, y Matamoros. Frontera Norte 4 

Iglesias, Norma. 1985. La flor mas bella de la 

maquiladora: Historia de vida de la mujer en 
Tijuana, B.C. Mexico, D.F.: 


The Mixteco Presence 
in Tijuana 

Francisco Javier Moreno B. 

Translated by Olivia Cadaval 

A mas de 3.000 kilometros de sii higar de origen, 
los mixtecos encontraron en Tijuana, Baja California, 
un territorio base para asentarse y distribuirse. A esta 
ciudad llegan y se quedan, o bien de esta salen hacia 
San Qiiintin, al sur del estado, o bien hacia el norte, a 
los campos y calles de California. En ese movimiento se 
ha ido forjando en Tijuana una comunidad mixteca 
de mas de 5.000 miembros que se llaman a si mismos 
paisanos, mixtecos o oaxaquenos y que los demds los 
nombran inditos, oaxacas, marias, surenos. Se asienta 
la mayoria de los mixtecos en la colo7iia Obrera, al 
suroeste de la ciudad, entre lomas y caiiadas que 
mucho les recuerda a su natal Mixteca o "pueblo de 

Since 1960, many Mixtecos have migrated 
more than 3,000 kilometers (2,000 miles) from 
their home villages in the state of Oaxaca to 
Tijuana, settling there and using their commimi- 
ty as a way station for further migrations south to 
San Quintin or north to California. In Tijuana a 
Mixteco community of more than 5,000 mem- 
bers call one another paisano (fellow countiy- 
man), mixteco, or oaxaqueno (Oaxaca), while oth- 
ers call them inditos (little Indian), oaxacas, 
marias (term for Indian migrant street vendors) , 
or surenos (southerner). The majority of the Mix- 
tecos have settled in the Obrero district in the 
southeast of the city, among hills and narrow 
canyons reminiscent of the landscape in their 
native Mixteca or "country of clouds." 

In the cultural mix of Tijuana, to which 
indigenous and mestizo peoples from all over 

Francisco Moreno luas bom in Hermosillo, Sonora, where he 
received his B.A. in Education and Sociology. He studied for 
his Master's in Regional Development at El Colegio de la 
Frontera Norte in Tijuana, Mexico. He has been a researcher 
of the Department of Cultural Studies at El Colegio de la 
Frontera Norte addressing themes on traditional culture, oral 
tradition of migrant Mixteco groups in Tijuana, and ele- 
mentary education in Mexico. 

Mexico continue to migrate, Mixtecos insist that 
they are an accepted and recognized part of 
urban society. At the same time most of them 
continue to explore their remembered tradi- 
tional culture. Mixtecos in Tijuana still value 
this cultural heritage, although they perceive 
that in their present lives it is of little use to 
them. They still desire aspects of the life in Mix- 
teca, and they retiun there when they can to cel- 
ebrate feasts, to check on land holdings, or for 
other family matters. Mixteca remains a focus of 
collective memory. 

The Mixtecos have achieved recognition 
among ethnic groups in Tijuana for the way they 
celebrate the Day of the Dead. To this traditional 
feast in the popular religious calendar of Mexi- 
co, Mixtecos have added mysdcism and symbol- 
ism beyond the common Catholic practices in 
Tijuana. Each year members of the Mixteco com- 
miuiity are asked to assist in the design and 
preparation of Day of the Dead altars at educa- 
tional and recreational centers. The city's prima- 
ry and secondai7 schools hold competitions in 
Day of the Dead altars, in which Mixteco influ- 
ence has become quite evident in expressive 
styles not commonly seen in other cides of 
northern Mexico. 

In Tijuana Mixtecos speak their own lan- 
guage among themselves but learn Spanish and 
English for social and economic survival. Each 
region of Mixteca from which migration comes 
has its own dialect, but these sociolinguisdc dif- 
ferences are minimized in Tijuana. 

Mixtecos draw social distinctions on the basis 
of "having made it" economically, giving prestige 
to the older and more successful members of the 
community, to bilingual Mixteco teachers, and 
to those with relatives on the other side of the 
border who send support. Mestizos among the 
Mixtecos often distinguish themselves in the eth- 
nic slurs they use, the fights they provoke, and 
the socioeconomic advantage they take. On their 



Curriculum in the Escuela Bilingue El Pipila includes Mixteco language and culture. Photo by Ricardo Garcia 

side, Mixtecos often want to Ijeconie like mesti- 
zos, speaking Spanish, dressing urbanely, and 
gaining access to higher levels of consumption — 
although some Mixtecos live better than mestizos 
in the Obrero district of Tijuana. 

Among Mixtecos, women have greater con- 
tact with mestizos in the rest of the city, for 
women sell diverse products in the market 
places. Mixteco men work mostly in the United 
.States. A large number of yoimg Mixtecos now 
work in mat/uiladora ?iiisemh\y plants, as domes- 
tics, as masons and construction workers, and as 
gardeners. Some have become public employees. 

Mixtecos see language as the key to cultural 
identity. The permanent flow of migrants to and 
from Oaxaca has supported the continued use of 
Mixtecan in Tijuana. And in daily classes, Mixte- 
co teachers transmit knowledge and pride in 
their language, using it to explain and celebrate 
the value of their tradidons, especially foods, fies- 
tas, songs, and stories. 

The rinal, ethnic, and commimity based cul- 
ture of Mixtecos in Tijuana is undergoing a 
transformadon whose outcome cannot be com- 
pletely predicted. Many families continue to pre- 
serve their culture, while others let traditional 
pracdces fall by the wayside, for there is no com- 
munal obligation to keep the faith as there is in 
the Mixteca. Most insist on the community basis 
of Mixtecan culture, biu now also recognize the 

existence of individualism. The necessities and 
opportunities they encounter in the city' oblige 
them to adopt this other kind of identit)'. Distinc- 
tion and stratification are becoming more visible, 
measured in income and expressed in social 

With all ol this, members of the Mixteco 
community in Tijuana aspire to find a better way 
of life. They honor their cultural heritage, but 
finding it not respected and, furthermore, a 
cause of discrimination, they continue to lose 
what they value as they confront the need to 
search for ways of being coimted in the larger 
society. At the same time that they demand 
respect for their rights as citizens, as workers, 
and as human beings, they are adopting many 
aspects of Mexican border cultine. 

Mixtecos perceive their future in Tijuana is 
one of hope and possibility. Confronted with 
returning to the extreme poverty of the Mixteca, 
the majority seems ready to remain in Tijuana. 
The cost is a change of identity, never being the 
same again. The benefit is survival. 

Furthn Reading 

Moreno Barrera, Francisco J. 1992. La tradicion 
oral de los mixtecos en Tijuana. In Entre la 
magia y la historia: Tradiciones, mitos y leyendas 
de lafrontera, ed. M. Valenzuela. Mexico: El 
Colegio de la Frontera Norte. 


Mixteco Women on the 
Migration Route 

Laura Velasco Ortiz 

Translated by Hector Antonio Corpordn 

Siguiendo el viaje de algunas mujeres mixtecas 
que salieron de su pueblo y se instalaron, hasta ahora 
en Tijuana, aparece el dinamismo de la migracion. 
Cambios como la adolescenda, el noviazgo, el 
casamiento o la union, la llegada de los hijos y a veces 
la muerte, son sucesos tenidos por los vaivenes de la 

. . . Una vez que se sale del pueblo la vida cani- 
bia. O se encuentra novio, o se casa, o se tiene 
un hijo. Ya no es la misnia que salio . . . 

Doiia Guadalupe Santilldn 

Back home it rains hard. That's why 
rivers overflow and bridges fall down. 
When our house was flattened, everything 
got soaked, totally destroyed, even the 
birth certificates. 

I was born in San Miguel Aguacate, a 
district of Silacayoapan, in the Mixteca 
region of Oaxaca. As a child I helped my 
parents pull the weeds in the field. Other- 
wise, I looked after the cows. I didn't last 
long in school, because the teacher hit 
me a lot, and I would spend a lot of time 
hiding under chairs. 

I married at age 13. WTien I turned 
17, I left San Miguel, traveling with my 
husband to Veracruz and Tres Valles 
Potreros to cut sugar cane for Boss 
Manuel. I used to cut 120 or 125 bundles 
per week, and my husband, 80 or 85. 
They paid us 50 pesos for our combined 
work. Of course, the money was given to 
him. He was the man. 

When my parents died, I left that 
man. He beat me a lot. I put up with him 
because of my parents. But, "It's over," I 
told myself — and grabbed my children 
and moved to Mexico City, and from 
there to Juarez. Along the way 1 would sell 
peanuts, seeds, candies, and apples. One 

day my oldest son said to me, "Look moth- 
er, let's go to Tijuana. They say there is 
plenty of help for poor people there." 
And here you have me in Tijuana 
telling you all this. Go back? No, I won't 
go back. Everything there is very sad. I tell 
my children, "If you want to return, go 
ahead — to each his own." My life is here. 
Doha Guadalupe Santillan' 

The Mixteca region of Oaxaca still maintains 
the humble beauty of many of Mexico's indige- 
nous regions — and also their poverty, erosion, 
uncultivated parcels of land, and old trucks that 
come and go loaded with migrants. Listening to 
the stories of Mixteco women who have migrated 
from their community, one sees in their faces 
the imprint of these landscapes. Doha Santillan's 
departure from home, though less common than 
that of men, is a familiar indi\adual and cultural 
experience. Mixteco women do domestic work in 
middle and upper class homes in cities like Mexi- 
co City, Oaxaca, Puebla, and more recently, 
Guadalajara, Nogales, Ciudad Juarez, and Tijua- 
na. They also work as street vendors. 

For a long time Mixtecos have been part of 
the labor migrations to agricultural fields in "Ver- 
acruz, Morelos, and what could be called the 
northwestern agricultural strip of Mexico — 
Sinaloa, Sonora, and Baja California — and even 
further to the fields of California, Oregon, Wash- 

'Xhese testimonies by Mixteco women who settled in the 
border city of Tijuana are not intended to be a unified por- 
trait of the female migration from the Mixteca region of Oax- 
aca. In addition to expressing individual and often imique 
experiences, they reflect different sub-regions of Oaxaca. 
The majority' of the families established in the Obrera neigh- 
borhood of Tijuana are from the Silacayoapan district, espe- 
cially from the towns of Sanjeronimo del Progreso, Santa 
Maria Natividad, and Nieves Ixpantepec, and in notably less- 
er proporuon from the district of Huajuapan de Leon and 


ington, Aiizona, and occasionally. Idaho. Mixteco 
women use this route in lesser proportion than 
the men. and their e.xperience of it differs 
markedly, for unlike most men. they usually trav- 
el in the company of a family member. 

In migration, one's environment is continu- 
ally changing — a picture that emerges in experi- 
ences narrated by some of the Mixteco women 
who left their towns to settle for the present in 
Tijuana. One's experiences of adolescence, 
engagement, marriage, birth, and death, are 
shaped by the to-and-fro activities of migration. 
To create their cultiue, Mixteco men and women 
migrants have combined urban and rural knowl- 
edge; they have spanned short and long cultiual 
distances. In this versatile, regional, migrant cul- 
tiue, migration is a 'permanent event' that 
becomes part of life, not a brief experience that 
can be told as an adventure. For these migrants, 
adventure is all of life. In the shortest time, unex- 
pected change can happen. 

I married at the age of 14. My hus- 
band was 35. I did not love the unfortu- 
nate man — I was already too grown up, 
and he was from another town. But 
before, when a man asked for the hand of 
a girl and the mother said yes, there was 
no question. You had no choice but to 

I went with him to live in his town, but 
not for long because he was killed in the 
hills. He used to sell dried pepper that he 
would bring from Pinotepa Nacional. On 
his way back, he was attacked on the road 
by robbers. So, after 1 1 months I was back 
at home. 

I stayed there for a while, and when I 
tinned 16 an aunt took me to Mexico Cit)' 
to work. I took care of a woman who lived 
alone — I swept, washed, and ironed for 
her. When my oldest brother became wid- 
owed he came to get me, but my employer 
offered to raise my wages, and she gave 
him a tip. That's how I ended up staying 
longer with her. But then my mother 

Laura Velasco Ortiz received her Master's in Social Psyrhalo- 
gy at the Universidad Autonoma de Mexico. For tlic last \i.\ 
years she has been studying Mixteco migration to the north- 
west border of Mexico. She is a researcher at the Department 
of Cultural Studies of El Colegio de la Frontera Norte and 
author of the articles, "Notas para estudiar los cambios en el 
com,portamiento migratorio de los mixtecos" and "Migracion 
femenina v reprndiircion familiar: los mixtecos en Tijuana. " 

became ill, and then there was no choice. 
I had to return home to care for my 
brother's children and my mother. 

Dona Elisa Hernandez 

Although the reasons a woman first migrates 
are different in each case, fairly constant factors 
are her youthfulness and a contact with another 
migrant that shapes her future. The majority of 
Mixteco women became migrants in their adoles- 
cence, just like the majority' of all migrants in oiu" 

As far back as I can remember, my 
parents used to send us to haul water on a 
donkey from a distant river. In those days 
school was not mandatory like nowadays. 
Not at all! One was dedicated to keeping 
house — getting up early to make tortillas 
or going to the fields to help plant corn. 
That was the life there — corn, cows, and 
goats. When things went well we harvested 
a lot of corn. Othenvise we sold the ani- 

My mother worked veiy hard. When 
there was a shortage of corn — as we have 
had in recent months without a good crop 

— my father would go to yoke the animal, 
while she bought or borrowed corn, carry- 
ing it on her back for three or four kilo- 
meters (two to two-and-a-half miles). 

That's how it was until we, the chil- 
dren, grew up and began to make it on 
our own. My parents had never gone out- 
side the town. My brother was the first, 
and then I followed. He went to Mexico 
City to work as a bricklayer, and my aunt 
got me a job with a lady in her house. I 
was able to visit home regularly. 

I finally decided to leave home 
because it was vei"y difficult for me. My 
mother would have me prepare six or 
seven kilos (13-15 pounds) of tortillas — 
there were aboiu eight of us in the family 

— for breakfast, lunch, and dinner. It was 
too much. That's why one day I said, "No, 
I won't stay here any longer," and left. 

Dona Paz Vera 

In some cases, like that of Dona Paz Vera, 
migration is the alternative of choice, while in 
others it is a result of marriage. 

At the age of 15 1 met a man of 27. He was 
a migrant who traveled to and from the 


After years of struggling for a 
place to ply their trade, Mixteco 
vendors cleaned and rebuilt the 
fountain in the Plaza de Santa 
Cecilia. Today it is one of the 
major craft markets for border 
tourists in Tijuana. Photo by 
Laura Velasco Ortiz 

Mixteco women vendors 
arrange their display on their 
cart in the Plaza de Santa Cecilia 
in Tijuana. Photo by Laura 
Velasco Ortiz 

fields of Sinaloa . . . We dated for a year 
before I married him . . . when I was 17 
years old, he went to the United States. 
He later returned and said to me, "This 
time we go together" . . . And we went to 
work in San Qiiintin, Baja California. 

Doiia Natalia Flores 

But migration is also sometimes inherited, 
the destiny of progeny. For families with a 
migrant tradition, mobility is a fundamental strat- 
egy for survival. Children experience their par- 
ents' migration as personal and family destiny, 
integrating it into their lives as an inevitable part 
of the future. 

I migrated when I was 14 years old, about 
five years ago, now. I left with my father 
and a younger brother. My mother could 
not come because she was nursing, and 
there was no one else to take care of the 
house. It took us a month to reach Tijua- 
na because we left without money. My 
father would play the saxophone while my 
brother and I passed the hat. I am now 
married to a man I met here. He is from 
my town back in Oaxaca and works on the 
other side, the United States. 

Dona Juana Flores 

It could be said paradoxically that change is 


a constant in these women's experience — 
change in residence, life cycle, and historical 
moment. These combine to shape the life of a 
woman who first leaves home under circum- 
stances that bring together personal reasons, 
family ties, and misfortime. 

Once you leave your hometown, life 
changes. You either find a boyfriend, get 
married, or have a child. You are not the 
same one that left. 

Dona Guadalupe Santillan 

In the course of migration unforeseen events 
take place. Guadalupe migrated for the first time 
to Mexico City, and later returned to her town, 
where she lived for some time. There she gave 
birth to a child and after a period again migrated 
to agricultural fields in the northwest: 

After my return home from Mexico City I 
took care of my widowed brother's chil- 
dren. I spent seven years raising them 
until I luarried my second husband. I 
stayed three years with him and had three 
children. My husband migrated regularly 
to Culiacan imtil one day he foimd anoth- 
er woman and did not return. I was left 
alone with my children and my mother, 
without anyone to wait for. And so I also 
went to work in Culiacan. My children 
stayed home with my mother. In the fields 
I met another man. I started to live with 
him, and together we went to work in 

Dona Elisa Hernandez 

Migratoiy routes of Mixteco women are 
shaped by events of the life cycle. For example, 
marriage in the life of the young woman who 
migrated at 14 to do domestic work in Mexico 
City might cause her to choose a different migra- 
tion alternative, perhaps to northern Mexico with 
her new husband, or with her children alone 
after a separation. The arrival of children coin- 
cides with a return to the place of origin. The 
growth of the children again changes women's 
migrations. Wlien the children reach adoles- 
cence they usually get married, and then the 
women seem to stabilize themselves. They settle 
for longer periods, and like their parents, care 
for their grandchildren while sons and daughters 
migrate to California or Baja California. 

Constant migration makes 'place of destina- 
tion' a relative concept — referring to a month 
in Mexico City, another in Culiacan, others on 
the coast of Hermosillo, afterwards a few years in 
Tijuana, or many more in the United States. But 
the 'final destination' seems to be a Mixteco's 
own place of origin. This seems the principal 
ethnic feature of this migratoiy movement: the 
constant link with the commimity of origin. 

In this venture women play a notable role. 
By preserving the home, whether in their Mixte- 
ca towns or in intermediate destinations — Mexi- 
co City, Ensenada, Tijuana — they make it possi- 
ble for other members of the family, men and 
women, to achieve the mobility necessary for 
travel on old routes or new ones. Their keeping 
of the home fires includes not only awaiting and 
welcoming, but also supporting family members 
who remain at home. 

Tijuana is one such migrant home base 
maintained by women at an intermediate desti- 
nation. Its location on the Mexico-United States 
border allows cross-border mobility for some 
family members, especially the men, to travel 
between the agricultural fields in northern Mexi- 
co and southwestern United States. Mixteco 
women in Tijuana, in domestic roles and as wage 
earners, support the growth of the largest ethnic 
group that settled in Baja ("alifornia. 

Further Readings 

Ai'izpe, Lomdes. 1979. ludigeuas en la Ciudad de 
Mexico. El caso de las "Manas". Mexico: 
Setentas Diana. 

Ayre, L. 1977. La poblacion mixleca en el estado de 
Oaxaca segun el censo de 1970. Mexico: SEP- 

Chimal, C. 1990. Movimiento perpetuo: 

Mixtecos en California. Mexico Indigeua 4 

Crummett, M.A. 1986. La Mujer rural y la 

migracion en America Latina: Investigacion, 
politicas y perspectivas. In La mujer y la 
politica agraria en America Latina, ed., Leon, 
M., et al. Bogota, Colombia: Siglo XXI y 

Yanez, R. 1985. Pimtos de encuentro en una 
comunidad mixteca en Tijuana. Migracion 
de los mixtecos de Oaxaca a Baja California. 

Educacion de Adultos 3(2). 


The Texas -Mexican 

Manuel Pen a 

One of the most enduring musical traditions 
among Mexicans and Mexican Americans is the 
accordion-based ensemble known as conjunto 
(and as musica nortena outside of Texas). Popular 
for over 100 years — especially since its commer- 
cialization in the 1920s — this folk ensemble 
remains to this day the everyday music of work- 
ing-class Texas Mexicans and Mexican norteiios 
(northerners). During the course of its long his- 
toid, the conjunto evolved into a tightly orga- 
nized style that speaks mtisically for the aesthetic 
and ideological sentiments of its adherents. In 
the process, this music of hiunble beginnings 
along the Texas-Mexico border has spread far 
beyond its original base, gaining a vast audience 
in both Mexico and the United States. 

The diatonic, button accordion that anchors 
the conjiuito made its first appearance in north- 
ern Mexico and south Texas sometime in the 
1860s or '70s. The first accordions were simple 
one- or two-row models — quite suitable for the 
musical capabilities of the first norteiio and 
Texas Mexican musicians who experimented 
with the instrument. A strong regional style 
developed by the turn of the century, as the 
accordion became increasingly associated with a 
imique Mexican guitar known as a bajo sexto. 
Another local folk instnmient, the tambora de 
rancho (ranch drimi), also enjoyed prominence 
as a back-up to the accordion. In combination 
with one or both of these instrimients, the accor- 
dion had become by the 1890s the instnmient of 
preference for working-class celebrations on 
both sides of the Texas-Mexico border. 

In Texas, these celebrations were organized 
frequently — too frequently for some Anglos, 

Manuel Pena is an anthropologist who specializes in Mexi- 
can American folklore and music. He is a visiting scholar at 
the University of Houston and has an upcoming book, The 
Mexican American Orquesta: Music, Culture and the 
Dialectics of Conflict. 

who voiced their disapproval of fandangos, or 
"low-class" dances, in the newspapers. For exam- 
ple, the Corpus Christi Caller and the San Antonio 
Express on more than one occasion expressed 
Anglos' negative attitudes toward tejano music 
and dance. In one report, the Express equated 
music and dancing with idleness and concluded 
that "these fandangos have become so frequent 
they are a great curse to the coimtry" (August 20, 
1881). This topical attitiide developed early on 
and persisted well into the 20th centuiy. 

Despite Anglo disapproval, the conjiuito and 
its dances thrived among tejano workers, eventu- 
ally eclipsing all other forms of music for danc- 
ing. Yet, popidar as it was, the conjunto 
remained an ad hoc ensemble imtil the 1930s. 
No permanent combination of instrimients had 
been established prior to that time, perhaps 
because creative and material forces had not yet 
ciystalized to spur radical stylistic development. 
To be sure, some changes had been wrought by 
the 1920s, as the button accordion and the bajo 
sexto by now formed the core of the emerging 
style, while such common European dances as 
the redowa had been regionalized and renamed. 
The redowa itself had been transformed into the 
veils bajito. in contrast to the waltz, which was 
known as a vals alto. Indeed, most of the reperto- 
ly for the dance, or fandango, was of Eiuopean 
origin and included the polka, mazurka, and 
schottishe, in addition to the waltz and redowa. 
One regional genre from Tamaulipas, Mexico, 
the huapango, rounded out the usual repertoiy 
of conjiuitos until World War II. 

Beginning in the 1930s, an innovative singe 
rippled through the emerging conjunto tradi- 
tion, as performers like Narciso Martinez 
(known as "the father" of the modern conjunto), 
Santiago Jimenez, Lolo Cavazos, and others 
began to strike out in new stylistic directions. 
This new surge of innovation must be attributed, 
at least in part, to the active commercial involve- 


Pedro Ayala was one of the early accordion 
leaders and innovators in the conjunto tradi- 
tion. Photo courtesy National Council for the 
Traditional Arts 

ment of the major recording labels in the music 
of the Hispanic Southwest. From the 1920s, com- 
panies such as RCA Victor (Bluebird), Decca, 
Brunswick, and Columbia (Okeh) began exploit- 
ing the musical traditions in the Hispanic South- 
west, hoping to repeat the success they had expe- 
rienced with African American music since the 
early '20s. Under the commercial impetus of the 
big labels, which encouraged record and phono- 
graph sales, radio programming and, especially, 
public dancing (much of it in cantinas, to the 
dismay of Anglos and "respectable" Texas Mexi- 
cans), musicians like Narciso Martinez began to 
experiment. By the end of the 1930s, the conjun- 
to had begun to evolve into the stylistic form the 
ensemble reached during its mature phase in the 
post-World War II years. 

Without a doubt, the most important change 
came in the 1930s, when Narciso Martinez began 
his recording career. Searching for a way to 
stamp his personal st)'le on the accordion, 
Martinez abandoned the old, Germanic tech- 
nique by virtually avoiding the bass-chord but- 
tons on his two-row accordion, concentrating 
instead on the right hand, treble melody but- 
tons. His sound was instantly distinctive and rec- 
ognizable. Its brighter, snappier, and cleaner 
tone contrasted with the older sound, in which 
bajo sexto and the accordionist's left hand both 
played bass-and-accompaniment, creating a 
"thicker," drone-like effect. Martinez left bassina 

and chordal accompaniment to the bajo sexto of 
his most capable partner, Santiago Almeida. 

Narciso Martinez's new style became the 
hallmark of the surging conjunto, just as Almei- 
da's brisk execution on the bajo sexto created 
the standard for future bajistas. Together, the 
two had given birth to the modern conjunto, a 
musical style that would challenge even the for- 
midable mariachi in cultural breadth and depth 
of public acceptance. Indeed, by the 1970s it 
could be said that the conjunto, known in the 
larger market as milsica noriena, was the most 
powerful musical symbol of working-class cul- 
ture. Martinez, however, remained an absolutely 
modest folk musician until his death. He never 
laid claim to anything but a desire to please his 
public. Yet, as Pedro Ayala, another of the early 
accordion leaders, acknowledged, "after Narciso, 
what could the rest of us do except follow his 

In the years following World War II younger 
musicians rose to prominence — la nueva gen- 
eracion (the new generation), as Martinez himself 
called the new crop of accordionists. Led by 
Valerio Longoria, who contributed a number of 
innovations to the rapidly evolving style, the new 
generation quickly brought the conjunto to full 
maturity' after the war. Longoria started his trail- 
blazing career in 1947; however, his greatest con- 
tributions date from 1949, when he introduced 
the modern trap drums into the ct)njunto. Com- 

54 U.S. 


bined with the contrabass, introduced in 1936 by 
Santiago Jimenez, the drums rounded out the 
modern ensemble, which after 1950 consisted of 
accordion, bajo sexto (sometimes guitar), drums, 
and contrabass (electric bass after about 1955). 
Longoria also is credited with another major con- 
tribution: he introduced vocals into the ensem- 
ble, which prior to World War II had restricted 
itself almost exclusively to instrumental music. 
-•Vlter Longoria's move, most of the older genres 
— redowa, schottishe, etc. — were abandoned as 
the polka and the vocal, in the form of the can- 
cion ranchera (either in vals or polka time), 
became the staples of the modern conjimto. 

Several highly innovative performers fol- 
lowed Valerio Longoria. Among the most notable 
is Tony de la Rosa, who established the most 
ideal conjunto soimd in the mid-1950s — a 
slowed-down polka st\le, delivered in a highly 
staccato technique that was the logical culmina- 
tion of Narciso Martinez's emphasis on the treble 
end of the accordion. Los Relampagos del Norte, 
a group from across the border (Reynosa), made 
significant contributions in the 1960s, synthesiz- 
ing the more modern conjunto from Texas with 
the older nortent:) tradition to create a style that 
reached new^ heights in popularit)', both in Mexi- 
co and the U.S. Wlien the leaders of Los Relam- 
pagos, Cornelio Reyna and Ramon Ayala, went 
their separate ways, the latter formed another 
conjunto, Los Bravos del Norte, and that group 
went on to make significant contributions in the 
1970s that kept the norteno tradition at its peak. 

But perhaps the label of "greatest" belongs to 
a conjunto that had its origins in Kingsrille, 
Texas, in 1954 — El Conjunto Bernal. Led bv 
accordionist Paulino Bernal and his brother, bajo 
sexto player Elov, El Conjunto Bernal began early 
on to lift the conjunto style to new heights, as the 
Bernals' absolute master)' of their instruinents 
allowed the group to probe the very limits of the 
conjimto st)ie. Bolstered by some of the finest 
singers and drummers within the tradition. El 
Conjunto Bernal came to be acknowledged as 
"the greatest of all time." The successes of El 
Conjunto Bernal's musical experiments, especial- 
ly in the 1960s, have never been duplicated. 

Since the 1960s, the conjunto has remained 
rather static, despite the advent in the 1980s of 
so-called "progressive" conjuntos, which incorpo- 
rate newer, synthesized sounds into the basic 
style. Neither these newer conjuntos nor those 
who pursue the older st\ie have succeeded in 
transcending the limits set by El Conjunto 
Bernal, but this relative lack of innovation has 

not slowed the spread of the music. Thus, 
despite its reladve consenatism, the tradition has 
expanded far beyond its original confines along 
the Texas-Mexico border. In the last 30 years 
the music has taken root in such far-flung places 
as Washington, California, and the Midwest, as 
well as in the entire tier of northern Mexican 
border states, and even in such distant places as 
Michoacan and Sinaloa. 

As it spreads its base in the LInited States, 
norteno conjunto music, especially as synthe- 
sized by Los Bravos del Norte and its successors 
(e.g., Los Tigres del Norte), continues to articu- 
late a Mexican working-class ethos. In its suiistic 
simpliciU', its continuing adherence to the can- 
cion ranchera and working-class themes, and 
most importantly, in its actualization in weekend 
dances, the conjunto remains the bedrock music 
for millions of people whose eveiyday culture is 
Mexican at its core. More than that, however, the 
conjunto represents a clear musical and ideologi- 
cal alternative to the Americanized forms that 
more acculturated, upwardly-mobile Mexican 
Americans have come to embrace. Accordionist 
Paulino Bernal best summarized the musico-ide- 
ological significance of the conjunto when he 
recalled the sharp status differences that existed 
among Mexican Americans of an earlier era: 

... at that time there was a division — 
that he who liked the orchestra hated the 
conjunto. That's the way it was: "Wlio's 
going to plav, a conjunto? Oh no!" Those 
who went with Balde Gonzalez [a middle- 
class orchestra] were not going to go over 
here with a conjunto. (personal inteniew 
with the author) 

Thus, although nowadays it is patronized by 
many ethnically sensitive, middle-class Mexican 
Americans, conjunto condnues to represent an 
alternative musical ideolog)', and in this way it 
helps to presei"ve a Mexican, working-class cul- 
ture wherever it takes root on Ainerican soil. 
Endowed with this kind of symbolic power, con- 
junto has more than held its own against other 
tv'pes of music that appear from time to time to 
challenge its dominance among a vast audience 
of working-class people. 

Finilier Reading 

Peiia, Manuel. 1985. The Texas-Mexican Conjunto: 
History of a Working-Class Music. Austin: 
Universitv of Texas Press. 


La Onda Bajita: 

Lowriding in the Borderlands 

Michael C. Stone 

The term "lowriders" refers to automobiles 
that have been lowered to within a few inches of 
the road in the expressive style of la onda bajita, 
"the low wave," or "the low trend." It also refers 
to the people who craft them and to those who 
own, drive or ride in them. On both sides of the 
U.S.-Mexico border and throughout the greater 
Southwest, lowriders and their elaborately craft- 
ed camtos, camichas. or ranflas — other names 
for their vehicles — contribute their particular 
style to the rich discourse of regional Mexican- 
American identities. Paradoxically expressed in 
automotive design, lowriders" sense of regional 
cultural continuity contribiUes a distinctive social 
sensibility to the emergent multicultural mosaic 
of late 20th-centui7 North America (Gradante 
1982, 1985; Plascencia 1983; Stone 1990). 

A synthesis of creative imagination and tech- 
nical master)' pushed to their limits, cars with 
state-of-the-art hydraulic technology perform 
stiuit hopping, but raise their "ride" for dri\'ing 
clearance. Skid plates shower sparks into the 
night when dipped to drag over the pavement, 
while neon art illuminates windows, trunk, and 
tmderchassis. Cultiual and religious icons deco- 
rate body and interior in bold murals and etched 
glass, as lowrider caravans move slowly across a 
complex southwestern social landscape. 

Lowriding first drew widespread attention in 
the late 1970s, sensationalized in "cruising" films 
like Boulevard Nights, biuiesqued in Cheech and 
Chong's classic. Up in Smoke, and framed as cul- 
tural curiosity in print (King 1981; Trillen and 
Koren 1980). In a more serious vein. Low Rider 

Michael Stone is a doctored laiKliddlf' in Social Antlirop 
at the University of Texas at Austin, and liolds an M.A. 
from Stanford University. He has published and has a forth- 
coming work in such diverse journals as Studies, Social Sci- 
ence and Medicine, Human Organization, and tiie 
Handbook of Texas. 

magazine, together with the music of bands like 
War, and the Luis Valdez film, Zoot Suit, evoked 
images of social and material realities of barrio 
life in shaping and broadcasting the bajito identi- 
ty and style. As a public forum on Mexican-Amer- 
ican identity. Low Rider imgaz'me recast pejora- 
tive stereotypes — the culturally ambiguous 
pocho-pachuco (Paredes 1978; Valdez 1978; Vil- 
lareal 1959), the dapper zoot-suiter (Mazon 
1984), the street-wise cholo homeboy, the pinto or 
prison veterano, and the wild vato loco (Johansen 
1978) — as affirmative cultural archetypes 
emerging from the long shadow of Anglo domi- 

The style apparently arose in northern Cali- 
fornia in the late 1930s, but evolved in Los Ange- 
les, where its innovators responded to Holly- 
wood's aesthetic and commercial demands. Yet 
lowriders also assume a critical stance. They dis- 
tinguish "low-and-slow" style by asking, "Whose 
cars are high?" (Trillen and Koren 1980). They 
censure hot rodders, "who raise their cars, mak- 
ing all kinds of noise and pollution, racing down 
the streets killing themselves, if not others." By 
contrast, lowriding expresses pride in hand 
craftsmanship learned through community 
apprenticeship and mechanical work in the mili- 
tary, auto detail shops, and garages, and pride in 
economy — the pracdcal need to maintain one's 
own vehicle inexpensively. 

From southern California, migrants trans- 
ported the style throughout the Southwest. Cesar 
Chavez recalls that by the 1940s, farmworkers 
found cars essential to moving quickly from job 
to job. Cars also embodied social status: "We 
were traveling around. . . . You always wanted to 
go into the dance [looking] right . . . [to] come 
in with good cars — we were migrants and the 
cars meant quite a bit" (Gutierrez 1980:43). 

Migrants brought lowriding east into Texas. 
Innovator Richard Salazar says lowriders from 
Los Angeles foimded an early El Paso club, the 


Gustavo "Sleepy" Grado, a Juarez muralist, etched his car window with traditional lowrider motifs — a figure of Christ 
and a chain. The steering wheel is welded chain. Photo by Lyie Rosbotham 

Imperials. Don Ainerico Paredes recalls that 
posnvar Ciystal Cit\', Texas, aficionados would 
convene at the Dair)' Queen to see which car was 
low enough to knock over a cigarette pack. But 
lowriding was part of a broader "'car culture" 
(Flink 1975) of antique and custom shows, hot 
rods, stock cars, drag racing, and demolition der- 
bies. The Nevarez and Salazar brothers, early 
bajito creators, first exhibited in national custom 
shows that added EI Paso to the circuit in the 
early 1970s. 

Lowriding selects from the symbols of the 
dominant Anglo culture, and asserts counter 
meanings that express values in Mexican Ameri- 
can experience. A San Antonio native recalls, 

Culturally we lived in two worlds. Across 
the street from our house on Guadalupe 
Street, the jukebox from Julio's Cantina 
blared out Mexican conidos and conjunto 
music. We learned the words to Jorge 
Negrete's songs long before we ever 
heard of Frank Sinatra. The Malt House 
. . . was West San Antonio's most famous 

hamburger and chicken fried steak drive- 
in. It had a bilingual jukebox [where] we 
first heard Little Richard and EKis Pres- 
ley. No one forced us to choose; we easily 
accepted both musical traditions (Romo 

One veteran explains his nostalgia for 
"oldies" music, period clothing, and cruising 
drive-in movies and burger joints as reminders of 
"the best decade of life . . . [my] teen-aged years" 
(Gradante 1985:73). Another says, "Lowriding is 
the Chicano American Graffiti,'" referring to the 
popular Anglo "cruising" film. Lowriding rede- 
fines these prevailing cultmal forms with the 
fluid, multiple, and often conflicting meanings 
of its bicultural world, celebrating a Mexicano 
heritage that is also irrevocably American. 
Lowriding also contests the conformity of mass 
youth cultiue, and softens the hard edge of 
industrial culture. As El Paso lowrider alumnus 
George Salazar (now a Justice Department attor- 
ney, drug rehabilitation acti\dst, and Rio Grande 
Food Bank chairman) obsen'es, 


The Latin can express his flair for the 
romantic ahnost anywhere, even taking a 
product off a General Motors assembly 
line and giving it an identity. Maybe ... as 
more Mexican Americans . . . enter the 
governing institutions of our country, the 
same warmth will infect the system. Wliy 
not? If we can make something as Ameri- 
can as a car reflect our culture, we can 
probably do it with anything (Weisman 

Lowriding is a declaration of cultinal pride, 
a historically resonant expression of contempo- 
raiT Mexican American identity. Rooted in work- 
ing class experience, lowriders' hand-crafted 
improvisations upon industrial style are a self- 
affirming response to the homogenizing forces 
of mass production and Anglo cultural ideals. 

('.il(ili(iu\ find Further Readings 

Fiink, JamesJ. 1975. The Car C.ultiire. Gambiidge, 
MA: MIT Press. 

(iradanic, William. I9<S2. Low and Slow, Mean 
•ukI ( ;ican. Satural I listory 91:28-39. 

. I9.S."). .\v\ among the Low Riders. In 

Folk Art in J'exa.s. ed. Francis Edward 
Abernethy. Dallas: SMU Press/Texas 
Folklore Society. 

Gutierrez, Jess. 1980. Inteniew: Gesar Ghavez. 

lohanseii, jason Carlos. 1978. The Mvth of the 
Baio Loco, \iie\tri} 2( 1 1 ):(i-7. 

King, \Va\ne. "Low Riders Are Becoming Legion 
Among Chicanos." Neiv )orl; I'itncs, 9 May 

Mazon, Mauricio. 1984. The Zoot-Suit Riots: The 
Psychology of Symbolic Annihilation. Austin: 
LIniversity of Texas Press. 

Paredes, Americo. 1976. A Texas-Mexican 
Cancionero: Folksongs of the Lower Border. 
LJrbana: L'niversifv of Illinois Press. 

. 1978. The Problem of Identity in a 

Ghanging (ailtiue: Popular Expressions of 
Gultme Gonflict along the Lower Rio 
Grande Border. In View across the Border: The 
United States and Mexico, ed. S. Ross, pp. 68- 
94. Albuquerque: L'niversitv of New Mexico 

Plascencia, Luis F.B. 1983. Low Riding in the 
Southwest: Gultinal Symbols in the Mexican 
Gommunity. In History, Culture and Society: 
Chicano Studies in the 1980s, ed. Mario T. 
Garcia, et al., pp. 141-175. Ypsilanti, MI: 
Bilingual Review Press. 

Romo, Ricardo. 1986. An Insider's View of the 
Westside. In Art Among Us/Arte Entre Nosotros. 
eds., Pat Jasper and Ivay Turner, pp. 50-58. 
San Antonio, TX: San Antonio Museimi 

Stone, Michael G. 1990. Bajito y Suavecito: Low 
Riding and the Glass of Glass. Studies ni Latin 
Amerirnn Popular Culture 9:^!^-\2(^. 

Trillin, Gahin, and Ed Koren. 1980. Low and 
Slow, Mean and Glean. The New Yorlierv>4:7()- 

Valdez, Luis. "Once Again, Meet the Zoot 

Suhers." Los Angeles Times, 13 August 1978. 

Villareal, Jose Antonio. 1959. Pocho. Garden City, 
New ^'ork: Anchor Books. 

Weisman, .\lan. 198(i. La Front era: The U.S. Border 
with Mexico. .San Diego: Harcourt. Brace, 


Mortars and Metates 

Alice Fay Lozano 

as told to Ian Hancock 

Alice Fay Lozano is one oftlie Mexican Afro-Semi- 
noles. The Seminoles originally came west from Florida, 
first to Indian Territory in what is now Oklahoma in 
the 1830s, and then to Nacimiento in norihem Mexico 
some 12 years later. In both instances, they were dis- 
tancing themselves from slave raids into their settle- 
ments. In 1870, some of the Nadmiento people came 
north again into Texas to serve as Scouts for the U.S. 
Ar)ny, settling in Brackettvilk after' they were dis- 
charged in 1914. The word seminole is a Creek Indi- 
an reinteipretation of the Spanish cimarron, mean- 
ing, among other things, 'fugitive. " When the British 
were using Africans and Native Americans as slaves 
in the Crown Colonies during the 1 7th and early 18th 
centuries, a number of those people threw off their yoke 
of bondage and escaped south into Spanish Florida. 
Indian Cimarrones, or Seminoles, were not subject to 
the same harassment as the African Seminoles, and not 
all of them left Florida, though almost all of the 
African Seminoles did. In Oklahoma, nearly all of the 
Indian Seminoles remained, while the African Semi- 
noles continued on to Mexico, and subsequently to 

Today, the Seminoles in Mexico (known locally as 
Muscogosj are fewer than 200, and a similar number 
live in and around Brackettville 30 miles north of the 
Texas border. Although there are Afro-Seminole com- 
munities elsewhere — in Oklahoma, Florida, and the 
Bahamas — the Border Seminoles are differejit. Wliile 
retaining their language and many of their traditions. 

Alice Fay Lozarw is a Black Seminole from Nacimiento de los 
Negros, Coahuila. 

Ian Hancock is Professor of Linguistics and English at the 
Lhuversily of Texas at Austin. His major work has been jiiith 
the English-related Creoles and Roniani. His pioneering luork 
in Brackettville, Texas, brought to light the fact that the 
Seminole Maroons of this community have maintained a dis- 
tinct language, Afro-Seminole Creole, closely related to Gut- 
lah. He earned his Ph.D. from the School of Oriental and 
African Studies at the University of London. 

both groups have adopted newer elements of culture: 
those of the hontera. norteiia. Ms. Lozano lives most 
of the time in Nacimiento, sometimes spending time 
with relatives in Del Rio, but prefening the peace and 
spirituality of her home at the foot of the Mexican 
ynountains. During an afternoon, talking in her yard 
about an African-looking mortar, which sat on the 
ground not far from a Mexican grindstone, she com- 
mented that the two really represented the Indian and 
African heritage of her people. I asked hei' to elaborate. 

From the yard around my hacienda in El 
Nacimiento de los Negros I can look down across 
the valley to some other homesteads and see 
men tending their goats and cows, and women 
hanging their washing out to diy. Here at the 
foot of the Sierra Madre range, an hour's drive 
from Melchor Miisquiz, Coahuila State's capital 
city, everything is hushed and peaceful. Only the 
wind, and the noise of the animals pushing 
through the brush, break the silence. 

In my yard you'll find a mortar and pestle, 
which we call maata en maatastick in oiu' own 
speech, and you'll find a grinding stone, in Span- 
ish called a metate y tejolole. More than anything 
else, these two tools for preparing food symbol- 
ize the dual heritage of our Black Seminole peo- 
ple, for one is African, and the other Indian. 

The mortar is far too hea\'y for me to lift; it 
consists of an upright oak log about a foot across 
and two or three feet high, with a depression cut 
into the top several inches deep. The pestle is 
aboiU five feet long, and is also ciU from oak. It is 
about three inches in diameter except for the 
last foot on each end, which is wider, and round- 
ed so that it can crush the dried corn kernels 
and other things we use it for. The metate is 
about a foot square with four small feet, and is 
carved out of one piece of stone. It has a flat top 
which cuiTes inward slightly, and the tejolote, or 
grinder, looks like a fat stone cigar and is used 


Alice "Nina" Fay 
Lozano enjoys the 
tranquility of the 
Sierra Madre moun- 
tains that surround 
the Muscogo com- 
munity of Nacimien- 
to de los Negros in 
northern Coahuila, 
Mexico. Photo by 
David Bosserman 

with both hands to mash peppers and other 
things on the surface. Sometimes we also use a 
molcajete, which is like a small stone mortar and 
pestle, and is used with just one hand. 

Things are different now, because some of 
the homes in Nacimiento have electricity and 
electric blenders, but food processed that way 
doesn't come out the same, and it sure doesn't 
taste as good. Another sign of the changing 
times can be seen inside the panti^; pro\'isions 
from Musquiz, or even from Del Rio across the 
border, are our staples now, but it wasn't always 
like that. In the early days, everything we ate we 
grew and prepared ourselves. In leaner times we 
would go up into the Sierra Madre to cut down 
the royal palms growing there, from which we 
could make a floin" called kunteh. We'd mash and 
soak the fibers, strain them through a fine sieve, 
and use their starchy sediment to make tortillas. 
We don't need to do that any more, but people 
in Nacimiento still use the nattiral medicines 
that grow all around. Plants in the area are 
brewed into teas to remedy all kinds of ailments. 
Even the yerba loca is boiled with water as a pain 
reliever, especially during childbirth. 

Much of our daily fare is Indian in origin. 
Some dishes, like suffki (a kind of cornnieal por- 
ridge) we brought with us from Florida; its name 
is from the Creek language. Others, like toli 
(sweetened and spiced cornmeal pudding) or fry 
bread probably come from Mexican Indians. We 

also make and eat chorizo, tamales, and all kinds 
of other regional foods, which are not exclusive 
to the Seminoles. One popular African dish is 
sweet potato pudding, which we call tettiih-poon. 
Some of these we make at any time, while others 
are for special occasions, such as birthdays or 
ftmerals or the New Year. 

The Border Seminoles differ in some ways 
from Seminole commimities elsewhere, because 
of our special connection with Mexico. Semi- 
noles in Oklahoma or Florida or the Bahamas 
for example, don't share that histoiy, and would 
find some of the things we eat untistial. 

Some people think we already spoke Spanish 
before we reached Mexico, having learned it first 
in Florida. But one thing is certain, wherever we 
learned it: Spanish has taken over as our main 
language in Nacimiento. Only a handful of older 
folk still speak Seminole. The settlement even 
has more oiUsiders living there today than Semi- 
noles themselves, who have moved out to other 
towns, or up to Texas, especially to Brackett\ille. 
With the new interest in our people, and the 
establishment of the Seminole Center and Muse- 
imi in Del Rio, and the attention the Folklife Fes- 
tival has brought us, our own grandchildren are 
beginning to take a renewed interest in their spe- 
cial histoiy. Our language and culture, our own 
unique blend of African and Native American 
and Mexican, may yet suivive to be enjoyed by 
the generations to come. 


The Chinese in 
Baja CaUfornia 

Maricela Gonzalez Felix 

Translated by Hector Antonio Corpordn 

Las incursiom's iniciales de la jwblacion china a 
Baja California se suscitaron entre 1860 -y 1880, 
cuando los chinos de California inaugiiraron la Bahia 
de San Diego con la industria de la pesca del abulon. 
Posteriormente los chinos arribaron en mayor numero 
con la apertura de las tienas a la agticultura en el 
Valle de Mexicali en los primeros anos de este siglo. 
Luego de haberse iniciado la expropiacion de las tierras 
y las dotaciones ejidales a fines de la decada de los 
treintas, los chinos quedaron excluidos delproceso de 
colonizacion y explotacion de la tierra. Con ello los chi- 
nos empezawn a concentrarse en las actividades comer- 
dales y de servidos hasta ese momenta poco desarrol- 
ladas, al liempo que sus asentamientos se empezawn a 
ubicar en la dudad. 

The (Chinese played an important role in the 
19th centui7 development of the California and 
Baja California coast and border region. They 
created the first abalone fishing industry along 
the coast and were a major part of the work force 
that transformed the border region into the pro- 
ductive Imperial Valley on the California side 
and the Mexicali Valley on the Baja California 
side. Chinese have always lived in separate com- 
mimities, but their presence has greatly con- 
tribiued to defining the culture of the region, 
particularly that of Mexicali. 

Chinese were attracted to C>alifornia in the 
middle of the 19th centuiy by the discovery of 
gold and the territorial expansion of the United 
States, which offered job opportimities, high 
salaries, and possibilities of acquiring farm land. 
The majorit)' of the migrants were poor farmers 

Maricela Gonzalez received her B.A. in Sodology at the Uni- 
versidad Autonoma de Baja California in Mexicali and is a 
researcher at the Museo Regional at the Universidad. In 1977, 
she Tvorked in a maquiladora in Mexicali. She is author ofEA 
proceso de aculturacion de la poblacion de origen 
chino en la cuidad de Mexicali, xohich examines the accul- 
turation process of the Chinese community in Mexicali. 

from the pro\ance of Canton, who were fleeing 
poverty and war. 

Chinese first came to Baja California 
between 1860 and 1880. They extended the San 
Diego Bay abalone industiy along the Baja Cali- 
fornia coast down to Bahia de Tortugas. Chinese 
migration from the U.S. to the northern border 
states of Mexico was accelerated by a series of 
anti-Chinese movements in the United States, 
culminating in the first Chinese exclusion law in 
1882. Chinese settled primarily in Baja Califor- 
nia, Sonora, Sinaloa, and Tamaulipas. 

Chinese later arrived in greater nimibers, 
drawn by the land and employment promotions 
of various foreign companies during the last 
decades of the 19th centui^, which were aimed 
at attracting tenant farmers to this scarcely popu- 
lated region. At the turn of the centui^y, the Col- 
orado River Land Company built irrigation 
works and opened the Mexicali Valley for agri- 
cultural development. 

Chinese contractors from California provid- 
ed the company with the necessary labor to work 
the xdrgin lands of the Mexicali Valley at a low 
cost. The Colorado River Land Company leased 
the land to independent Chinese contractors, 
who in tiun sub-leased it to Chinese farmers, hi 
this way, the company indirectly controlled the 
different phases of farming production, making 
the Chinese intermediaries for LJnited States 
businessmen in the exploitation of Mexican 

The relationship between United States 
investors, Chinese contractors, and Chinese 
workers substantially changed after the Mexican 
government stopped Chinese immigrauon in 
192L Other factors contributing to the change 
were the government's 1936 expropriation of 
land owned by foreign companies in Baja Cali- 
fornia and the growth of the Mexican popula- 
tion in the peninsula. Chinese and other foreign 
groups — Japanese and East Indians — were 


excluded from the subsequent redistribution of 
these lands. As a result, they began to concen- 
trate on commercial and service activities mainly 
in Mexicali, leaNang their earlier, rural agricultur- 
al pattern of settlement. 

Another important movement of Chinese to 
the region occurred dining the 1930s anti-Chi- 
nese movement in Mexico. After the Mexican 
government cancelled Chinese immigration in 
1921, various state congresses approved discrimi- 
natoiy legislation prohibiting marriages between 
Chinese and Mexicans, creating special zones to 
isolate the Chinese, and deporting illegal Chi- 
nese immigrants. 

Part of the life histoi"y of an elder Chinese 
man from Mexicali illuminates those years of 

We left Mexico when I was 12 or 13 years 
old, more or less in 1931 or 1932. We left 
Mexico City due to the anti-Chinese cam- 
paign. In those days almost all the Chi- 
nese were discriminated against and 
insulted by Mexicans. I remember that 
when we went to school other kids threw 
stones and called us chaks. 

Although there were many people 
who tried to prevent those kids from 
bothering us, there were always others 
ready to insult us. So that when some 
didn't offend us, others were devoted to 
doing so. They would insult us withoiU 
reason, only because we looked Chinese. 
Almost daily we were attacked with 
stones, and unfortimately, we lived in 
that situation for more than two years. 

The government at that time clearly 
sought to get the Chinese out of the 
counti7, one way or another. As a result, 
many mixed families were broken. A hus- 
band would not be allowed to take his 
wife with him, much less his children who 
were born in Mexico. These things took 
place in various states of the Republic. 
One could not live in that constant 
harassment. The government of that time 
did not want the Chinese in Mexico. 

It seems that at that time a group of 
people with vei7 strong interests had 
come together, and were devoted to 
harassing the Chinese. That group, if 1 
remember correctly, was named the Anti- 
Chinese Party or something like that — 1 
don't remember the name exactly. And 
in spite of the government's knowing of 
their activities, it did nothing to stop 
their cruelties, like those that are said to 
have happened in the state of Coahuila, 
where dozens of Chinese lost their lives 
in confrontations with Mexicans. And in 
Ensenada we know that some Chinese 
connnitted suicide because of that. 

Today the Mexican Chinese community sup- 
ports itself through small- and medium-sized 
commercial activities like restaurants, real estate 
brokerages, money exchange centers, hotels, 
and a variety of retail stores. Recently arrived 
Chinese usually come with six month residence 
permits to work in these establishments. Chinese 
in this western border region have lived for a 
long time in a contradictoiy situation of eco- 
nomic integration and sociocultmal segregation, 
a condition which continues today, as exchanges 
between Chinese and Mexican populations in 
the region remain predominantly economic. 

Further Readings 

Crighton Miller, Stuart. 1969. The Ameriran Image 
of the Chinese, 1785-1882. Berkeley and Los 
Angeles: University of California Press. 

Gonzalez Felix, Maricela. 1990. Elproceso de 

acidturacion de la poblacion de origen rhino en la 
cuidad de Mexicali. Mexicali: Universidad de 
Baja California, Instituto de Investigaciones 

Hu de Hart, Evelyn. 1985-1986. The Chinese of 
Baja California Norte 1910-1934. In 
Proceedings of Pacific Coast Council on 
Latin American Studies. Volume 12. San 
Diego: San Diego State University Press. 




Sharing Common Ground: 
Social Dancing in the U.S.A. 

Vivien Chen 

with Magaly E.Janad and Chan Moly Sam 

Dancing is sheer pleasure for socializing, 
exercise, and self-expression. Dancing means cel- 
ebration — people gathering together, with food 
and drink, at weddings, birthdays, graduations, 
anniversaries, holidays, block parties, for 
fundraisers, or just at end-of-the-week get-togeth- 
er parties. These social events take place in a vari- 
ety' of settings, from private homes to public 
parks. Dancing brings people together and con- 
tinues to play a role in courtship. 

Most of us learned to dance by going to par- 
ties, by observing our elders or peers, or by study- 
ing the technique of particularly good dancers. 
More recendy, young people get a lot of their 
"moves" from videos and television. From these 
resources and experiences, we each develop our 
own style. Music is almost inseparable from social 
dancing and, for most of us, provides the inspira- 
tion to dance. 

As an open and adaptive communicative sys- 
tem, social dance is alwavs up-to-date and reflec- 
tive of its times. Looking closer, one finds that 
dances are also stronglv shaped by their commu- 
nity expressive traditions and social structures. 
Most dance steps and styles derive their moves 
from those of earlier dances and movement 

Dancing brings members of a community' 
together and strengthens cohesiveness by empha- 
sizing shared ethical and aesthetic values. Per- 
forming a common vocabulaiy of movement, in 
time to a shared repertoire of music, one partici- 
pates in a culture. 

The United States is blessed with a diversity 
of communit)' dance traditions and new dance 
forms that have developed from interactions 
between commimities. This exciting American 
mix has had a profound impact on the popular 

"American Social Dance" has been made possible with sup- 
port from the recording industries Music Peifoitnance Trust 

cultiues of nations across the world. The dance 
program at this year's Festival explores social 
dancing traditions in five communities — an 
Appalachian communitv' in soiuhwest Virginia, 
hoquois communities in upstate New York, and 
African American, Bolivian, and Cambodian 
.American communities of Washington, D.C. Tra- 
dition-bearers will teach dances in workshops, 
participate in conversations on a variet)' of 
themes, and demonstrate skills, repertoires, and 
performance styles from their communities. In 
each of these communities, dance is centrally 
important in the expression of cultural identity. 
Consider the interplay of dance, community, and 
identity among two Washington area communi- 
ties, Bolivian and Cambodian Americans. 

Bolivian Dance in Washington, D.C. 

For recent immigrant communities such as 
Bolivians in Washington, D.C, dance sustains an 
important part of their cultural heritage, reaf- 
firming shared values in a new and rapidly chang- 
ing environment. Music and dance also bring 
reminiscences of youth, courtship, and the cultur- 
ally familiar. When away from "home," people 
develop an increased awareness of cultural dis- 
tinctiveness, and actively embrace what was once 
taken for granted. Cultural activities may become 
crucial in expressing one's group identity' and in 
presenting it to the greater American public. 

The Bolivian commimity is one of the largest 
Latino communities in the Washington, D.C. 
area. A majority of the commimitv' came from the 
cities of La Paz, Cochabamba, Santa Cruz, and 
Orin'o, and are of middle class mestizo back- 
groimd. In Bolivia, the population is comprised 
of 60% indigenous Aymara and Quechua peo- 
ples, 30% mixed Indian and Spanish (mestizo), 
and 10% European (primarily Spanish). Bolivia 
was under Spanish colonial rule from 1544 to 
1824 when a republic was established. Bolivia 
became a democratic republic with a constitution 


Men perform the caporales 
dance at Elena and Andres 
Puna's wedding in Virginia. 
Photo by Marlon Vasquez 

in 1967. There has been ongoing immigration to 
the U.S. for more than 30 years, as well as fre- 
quent comnumication between Washington, D.C. 
and Bolivia as himdreds of families retiun each 
Februaiy to take part in two-week long Carnival 
celebrations in Oriiro. 

Cultural organizations in the Washington 
community engage Bolivian youth and families in 
folkloric dances and other social activities 
throughout the year. Weekend practice sessions 
provide opportimities for socializing, and July 
4th, Hispanic, and Chern' Blossom parades down 
Constitution Avenue provide public recognition 
of the Bolivian community and its cultme. 

During the past 20 years Washington's Boli- 
vian community has come to include "revived" 
folk traditions as part of its social dance reper- 
toire to a greater extent than before. Dora Castel- 
lon, president of Comite Pro Bolivia, an unil^relhi 

Vivien T.Y. Chen, curalor o) the Ai?ietican Social Dance pro- 
gram at the Festival of American Folklife, has researched, per- 
formed, and taught dance for several years. She received a 
Masters degree in Dance and Dance Education from Neiu 
York University. 

Magaly E. Jarrad is a dancer, choreogap/ier, scholar, and 
teacher from Oruro, Bolivia. She has received prizes for her 
choreographies at the Carnival in Oruro. Ms. Jarrad currently 
directs a children 's ballet theater in Glen Bumie, Maryland. 
Chan Moly Sam is a Cambodian master dancer, choreograph- 
er, and scholar. Her publications include Vl^mer Folk 
Dance (1987), Khmer Court Dance: A CoiTiprehen,sive 
Study of Movements, Gestures, and Postures as Applied 
Techniques (J 987), and Khmer Court Dance: A Perfor- 
mance Manual (1989). 

cultural organization, obser\'es how social life was 
a few decades ago: 

Growing up in Bolivia I loved to watch 
my father doing the cueca, but I wasn't 
allowed to dance it. These dances were 
looked down upon because they 
belonged to the middle and lower class- 
es. The upper class would go to the balls 
and dance to music from outside the 
countiy, from the United States, like 
waltzes and rock-and-roll. 

As a result of the nationalization of mines in 
1952 and agrarian reform in 1953, indigenous 
commimities that were previously kept immobile 
h\ a feudal-like political economy inigrated to 
cities and abroad. They introduced their music 
and dance traditions to a wider society, and 
indigenous styles of dances such as the huayno 
were infused into the social dance repertoire. 
Huayno and other mestizo dances have since 
become part of the repertoire in the Washington, 
D.C. community. 

Sixteen-year-old Andy Lopez participates in 
dancing as a way of maintaining his Bolivian 

In the United States, there are so many dif- 
ferent cultures, and everybody seems to 
know where they come from. So since 
school doesn't deal with any part of our 
culture, the only way for us to really find 
out what our culture is, or just keep our 
culture, is for us to dance and stick with it. 


Angel Quinteros, who devotes his Sundays to 
performing and teaching Bohvian dance, 
explains, "I love doing dances like ca/ximlcs; it 
makes me feel very powerful." 

For many members of the Bolivian communi- 
ty, dancing is a passion and an essential ingredi- 
ent at weddings, birthday parties, sweet 15 parties 
(quinceanera), baptisms. Carnival, and Virgin Maiy 
celebrations. At house parties all generations par- 
ticipate. Seniors are often energetic and talented 
dancers, while children experience dance 
rhythms from infancy. Three clubs in northern 
Virginia feature live bands, while social dancing 
at smaller parties is inspired by record-playing 

Dancing at social fimctions includes couple 
and group dances: the cumbia, cueca, morenada, 
caporales, diablada, taquirari, huayno, camivalito, 
salsa, merengue, disco, and slow dances. This 
dance repertoire is an artifact of the complex cul- 
tural and social interactions that have taken place 
over the past 500 years in Bolivia and now in Boli- 
vian communities in the U.S. It is a record of the 
inter-relationship of indigenous communities, 
Einopean immigrants (Spanish, English, French, 
and Germans), enslaved Africans (brought to 
work in mines and plantations) , nationals of 
neighboring countries and of the United States, 
and the international entertainment industiy. 

Traditionally, indigenous dances such as 
those of the Aymara and Quechua feature sepa- 
rate lines and circles of women and men, and 
small rimning steps moving from side to side that 
trace small semicircles, recalling agricultural 
planting movements. Mestizo dances have been 
influenced by European spatial patterns, dance 
steps such as skips, hops, and jumps, and the phe- 
nomenon of dancing in couples. 

Most Bolivian parties start with a pan-Latin 
dance like the cumbia, a Colombian dance with a 
strong African-derived rhythm. In cumbia, 
dancers tiun waists, hips, and shoulders as they 
step from side to side. Next come livelier dances 
— morenada, diablada, and caporales — that are 
featiued at the pre-Lenten festivity of Carnival. 
Although dances for the actual Carnival proces- 
sion require much practice, their basic steps can 
be fairly easily done as social dances. 

The diablada dance represents the symbolic 
struggle between good and evil. According to tra- 
ditional belief, the mines in cities like Oruro and 
Potosi, where much of the popidation earns a liv- 
ing, are inhabited by Supay, owner of the miner- 
als. Supay was later interpreted by Evnopeans as 
the diablo, or devil. The commimity prays to the 

Virgin Mary and Archangel Michael to keep the 
devils in their place and to prevent them from 
harming its miners. The diablada featiues a time 
in 2/4 marching time and boimcy steps, jumps, 
and kicks while the dancer turns from side to 

Two dances recall the exploitation of 
enslaved Africans brought by Spaniards to work 
in the mines and plantations dining the colonial 
period. According to some, the morenada repre- 
sents the forced march of slaves toward the mines 
of Potosi in the Andes. According to others, it 
represents the movements of slaves crushing 
grapes in vineyards in the Xingas tropical planta- 
tion area. The dance is said to have been first per- 
formed by the descendants of slaves. Morenada is 
often danced in a circle, with small, slow, side 
steps and occasional turns, and is accompanied 
musically by the matracas, which simulate the 
sound of chains or of cranks turning the wine 

The caporales, a dance created within the last 
20 years, borrows features from the indigenous 
Aymaran cullaguada (turning steps from one side 
to the other with frontal jumps and kicks), has a 
driving rhythm from negrilos del patador (an Afro- 
Bolivdan regional dance), and combines shoulder 
movements from the Brazilian samba. Borrowing 
a personage from the morenada dance, the 
dance depicts the harsh treatment of slaves by the 
caporale (foreman) and his wife on plantations 
during the colonial period. Caporales has gained 
enormous popularity in recent years and is espe- 
cially attractive to teenagers, who enjoy the chal- 
lenge of learning and performing it. Gender 
roles are very defined in this dynamic dance. Boys 
and men perform stomping, strong, percussive 
movements while girls and women perform small- 
er, flirtatious, and swinging hip movements. 

The cueca is a popular courting dance for 
couples. Influenced by the Spanish snnllanes in its 
spatial pattern, the cueca is done with a polka-like 
step. It has four parts. After an introduction and 
saliUe, the man dances behind the woman as they 
travel in a small circle, he pursuing, she teasing, 
both twirling handkerchiefs. They meet and 
dance side by side in the quimba section, and fin- 
ish together in the zapateo with fast tapping foot- 
work. Drinks are often offered to the dancers 
before the dance is repeated. 

In internationally popular dances such as 
merengue and lambada, couples dance apart or 
in a closed position. Originally from the Domini- 
can Republic, the merengue seems to have result- 
ed from a confluence of European contra dance 


and an African style of movement. Its rhythm is 
fast, and when danced in a closed position, part- 
ners move as one by taking little side steps as they 

After a few slow dances like bolero, parties 
traditionally close with a carnivalito or hiiayno, 
during which everyone joins in or is pulled from 
their seats. These are joyous dances in fast, 2/4 
time featuring small rimning, stomping, hopping, 
and jumping movements. The hiiayiio begins as a 
couple dance with partners holding hands or 
linking arms. As momentum gathers lines are 
formed, and dancers wind around the room in 
circular, zig-zag, or intersecting patterns. Often 
the bandleader or deejay will give directions such 
as "pull the ears" or "hands on hips," "do turns," 
"dance on one foot," or "slow down." It is not 
imcommon for women to dance with each other 
in these dances. Using a variety of cultural 
resources, Bolivians in the D.C. area enjoy each 
other's company and dance out rich identities to 
themselves, to each other, and to their neighbors. 

Cambodian American Dance 
in Washington, D.C. 

Among the Cambodian communirv in the 
Washington area, social dancing helps to bring 
individuals and families together at weddings. 
New Year's, birthdays, graduations, and fundrais- 
ers. The selection of dances and the way they are 
danced at parties reflect distinctive cultinal histo- 
r-y, aesthetics, and ethical ideas as well as recent 
influences of an American context. 

The roots of Cambodian dance span millenia 
in Southeast Asia. Throughout its 2,000-year his- 
tory, Cambodian culture has had a fertile inter- 
change with the cultures of India, China, and 
Indonesia. From the 9th to the 1 5th centuries, 
the Angkor Empire fostered a subtle intermin- 
gling of Indian and indigenous elements to pro- 
duce a culture regarded by many scholars as 
among the richest and most creative in Southeast 
Asia. At its largest, the Pilimer Empire ranged 
from the border of China into present-day Thai- 
land, Laos, and southern Vietnam. Cambodia 
became a French protectorate in 1863 and 
gained independence in 1953. Since 1975, after 
the fall of Cambodia to Khmer Rouge forces, the 
Cambodian commimity in Washington, D.C. has 
steadily grown to about 15,000. While many immi- 
grated from urban Phnom Penh, a significant 
number also caine from more riual areas in the 
provinces of Battambang, Siem Reap, and Ki\m- 
pong Thom. 

Cambodian social dance uses leaf and flower 

hand movements, two of the four basic gestures 
of classical dance: tendril (chanol), leaf (/crtrj, 
flower (chip), and fruit (kuong). These represent 
the cycle of fertility and were performed ritually 
to visualize the creative spirit of plants and flow- 
ers. Vuthy Kheav, 30, who grew up on a farm in 
Siem Reap province, remembers dancing the ram 
voug, raw kbaih, and lam lean in the rice fields at 
the completion of planting and hai-vest, to the 
accompaniment of the tro, a two-string fiddle, and 
skordai, a hand drum. Sochietah Ung, 35, learned 
to dance at seasonal festivals that featured free 
movies and social dancing in the evenings. Chan 
Moly Sam recalls that "Evei"y New Year celebra- 
tion in Phnom Penh, you heard the pattern of 
the drum from dust to dawn, or sometimes 
throughout the night, for three days." 

Ram \'ong is always the first dance at any 
social event, often followed by ram kbach and 
lam leav. These are all circle dances done in cou- 
ples in a coiniterclockwise direction in 4/4 time. 
In ram vong the female leads while the male pur- 
sues her, traveling from side to side, seeking eye 
contact. Ram kbach, a slow, graceful dance that 
conveys harmony, is performed with one leg 
crossing in front of the other as the body inclines 
diagonally from one side to the other. In lam 
leav, a courtship dance from Stung Treng 
province, the partners move in intenvoven pat- 
terns. fJimer leu, from the northern provinces, 
features a three-count wiist movement. In sara- 
x'tiiiu, partners face each other, moving their arms 
riivthmically, raising and lowering them, opening 
and closing them like the wings of a bird. The 
dances allow participants the freedom to do varia- 
tions and improvisations. For example, in time to 
the rhythmic pattern of saravann music, a skillful 
couple can travel foi'wards, backwards, or side- 
wards to elaborate on the image of a bird rising 
into the air, soaring, and landing. These dances 
embody the value of attentiveness in male and 
female relationships, and they are an important 
part of courtship. 

The dances also express the value of balance 
and harmony. Dancers cultivate internal balance 
as their gestures flow rhythmically with the music. 
Symmetrical movements alternate from one side 
to the other. Moderation is valued; one should 
not overdo or neglect movements. 

Many Cambodians are equally at ease with 
European-derived dances. Popular western music 
and social dances were introduced to Cambodi- 
ans by Filipinos and the French. In the early 
1900s, the Cambodian court received the gift of a 
large band in residence from the Philippines. 


Nara and Sambonn Lek 
and friends dance the ram 
vong, a traditional 
Cambodian circle dance. 
Photo by Sambonn Lek 

The Filipino musicians taught marching music to 
Cambodian royal and symphonic bands, partici- 
pated in court ensembles, and performed in jazz 
bands at nightclubs. The musicians introduced 
Latin rhythms into Cambodian dance, founding 
big bands that played at ballroom dances. They 
developed a kind of music that came to be called 
phkng manila, or Filipino ensemble music. This 
musical innovation greatly expanded the Cambo- 
dian repertoire. 

Mr. Lek Chhan, a distinguished dancer now 
in his seventies, learned European dances — the 
tango, Boston, cha-cha-cha, rumba, foxtrot, waltz 
— from his French professor in Phnom Penh. 
Fellow students also taught each other with 
recordings and attended nightclubs and bars. 
Western music was also disseminated by French 
high school teachers; and in some militaiy acade- 
mies, high ranking officers received formal train- 
ing in European-derived dances. The madison 
was in vogue by the 1950s, and the twist intro- 
duced by the popular entertainer Chum Kem 
upon his return from France in the early 1960s. 

At parties in the Washington area, musicians 
usually play dances in pairs, juxtaposing fast and 
slow tempos. Contemporai-y bands usually featme 
male and female vocalists, lead, rhythm, and bass 
guitars, and a drimi set or synthesizer. In adopt- 
ing European-derived dance music such as cha- 
cha-cha or tango, Cambodians retained the 
rhythms and composed Klimer melodies and 
lyrics to each song; they simplified the dance 

steps. Dances like the cha-cha-cha and madison 
are interpreted with deft and subtle hip, back, 
and foot movements. 

At social events in Cambodia, dance 
expressed social relationships and values, and the 
dance floor often became an arena of gestural 
eloquence. Traditionally, yoimg men and women 
were only allowed to socialize with each other at 
New Year's, which provided a rare and important 
opportunity to meet, dance, and talk. Women 
would sit together on one side of the room while 
the men sat on the other. A man would offer sam- 
peah, a greeting of respect performed to invite a 
young woman to dance and to take his leave on 
parting. There was no physical contact in tradi- 
tional Cambodian dances. 

Traditionally, yoimg women were kept close 
to the family. As they reached their middle teens 
they entered c/iaul mlob, or "went into shadow," 
meaning they were not to be seen in public, espe- 
cially by young men. Young men were freer in 
comparison and were encouraged to explore the 
outside world and society. 

Wliile women were encoinaged to show 
interest in the court dance traditions, men were 
groomed to be good social dancers. In an older 
generadon, men danced a flamboyant expressive 
role compared with women's modest one. Her 
execution of social dances was not expected to be 
as creative or as varied as her partner's. Members 
of older generations expected that at social 
events, behavior was performed and evaluated 


and everyone was watching. A young man seeking 
a young lady chose his movements carefully, with 
an eye to impressing her family members present 
at the event. Moderation and attentiveness were 
highly valued, while wild and self-involved move- 
ments were looked upon with disfavor. While the 
separation of the sexes is no longer practiced in 
the AjTierican context, the connotations of move- 
ment still persist. 

At wedding receptions, the bride and groom 
and their parents initiate the celebration with the 
ram vong. As revered elders, the parents are the 
first to give blessings to the new couple through 
dance. At other functions, the host or another 
prominent person leads the circle dances. 

In the Washington cominunity, seniors par- 
ticipate in social dancing but only minimally in 
fast genres like the twist, disco, and rock. Young- 
sters have free range of the floor, often dancing 
in separate groupings of boys and of girls. 

Community members note that while dance 
movements have remained essentially the same, 
there have been changes in gender roles. Influ- 
enced by the role of women in Ainerican society, 
Cambodian women have become less confined, 
more assertive, and more nearly equal as dance 
partners. Many people feel that the dancing is 
better now with opportunity for more fun. 

Phavann Chhuan talks about the importance 
of dance and commiuiity for young people sort- 
ing out their identity: 

We get the kids to social functions as 
often as we can, to expose them to 
Khmer cultiue, to give them both views. 
Maybe through peer pressure or group 
participation they'll see that it's accept- 
able to do Cambodian dance as well as 
include other dances with it. We want to 
bring them up in an environment where 
people accept different cultures, where 
the kids will not forget their heritage. 

Shaped by traditional ideas of beaiUv, order, 
and the individual, social dance is a rich and 
deep language for communicating ideas and 
identities. Like a language it is a formal set of cat- 
egories and transformaUons that keeps us in 
touch with centuries of meaning. Yet it is always 
open to change to serve the needs of the 
moment. It is a tool for living that enables us to 
comprehend the voices and actions of others, 
respond to them, and make them our own. 

Washington social dance repertoires contin- 
ue to evolve and grow as new dances are taught 

by relatives, friends, and home videos. Marco 
Castellon added some football moves to caporales 
and brought it down to Oriuo, Bolivia, where he 
traded steps and videos with students there. 
(They showed him a new version of caporales 
that incorporates a freeze, taking inspiration 
from hip-hop.) Lashmi Sam brought the newest 
Cambodian American dance "Hai-vesting the 
Shrimp" from Seattle and is teaching it to neigh- 
bors in Reston. 

Thr iiiilliiiy. ii'niil In lliinik muiix dinuns /mm ihe Bolivian ami 
Cambodia II lommuiiiliesjut \lianng llieir knowledge and wisdom 
with us, including Adela Baldarrama, Hugo Carillo, Phavann and 
Natalie Chhuan, Gonzalo Gutierrez, Katherine Guzman, Jhanina 
Herbas, Vuthy Kheav, Leh Chhan, Sambonn and Nara Lek, Andy 
Lopez, Maria Lopez, Melina Mendez, Jhonny Meneses, Sesane Ouk, 
Shirley Pena, Nelson Perez, Angel Quinteros, Sam-Ang Sam, Rithy 
Sok, Sokhon Soum, Samnang Sun, Sody Teh, Rady and Saroeum 
Tes, Sochietnh Ung, Chinary Ung, Jugo and Alex Urresty, Luis 
Villarroel. Maria Villrgas, and Danett Zepeda. 

Furlher Ri'tidings 

Heredia, Augusto Beltran. 1962. The Histoiy of the 
Camivale. Oruro, Boli\ia: The Department of 

Nash, June. 1979. We Eat the Mines and the Mines 
Eat Us: Dependency and Exploitation in Bolivian 
Tin Mines. New York: C'olumbia University 

Pin, Chap. 1962. Danses Populaire au Cambodge. 
Phnom Penh: Institut Bouddhique. 

Prado, Benjamin Torrico. 1971. Indigenous in the 
Heart of America. La Paz, Bolivia: Los Aniigos 
del Libro. 

Sam, Sam-Ang, and Patricia Campbell. 1991. 

Silent Temples, Songful Hearts: Traditional Music 
of Cambodia. DanbiuT, ConnecticiU: World 
Music Press. 

Suggested Listening 

Cambodian Traditional Music, Vo\. 1. 
Smithsonian/Folkways 4081. 

Cambodian Traditional Music, Vol. 2. 
Smithsonian/Folkways 4082. 

Instruments and Music of Bolivia. 
Smithsonian/Folkways 4012. 

Word of Love. Sann Huy Film 'Video Production, 
CD 2. 

Souvenirs Klimer Air Lines. Chlangden Productions, 
CD 034. 

Dream of You. Preah Vihear Production, CD 2. 



Generations of African American 
Social Dance in Washington, D.C.: 

Hand Dancing, Hip-Hop, and Go-Go 

LeeEllen Friedland 

Wliat do the Motown sound and hip-hop 
music have in common? Each is the musical 
inspiration for a vital dance tradition that thrives 
in the African American communitv of Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

And these two st)les of Black dance — the 
smooth partner coordination and intricate turns 
of "hand dancing" performed to Motown clas- 
sics, and the rhythmic steps and weight shifts 
with elaborate, syncopated arm and torso ges- 
tures done to the rhythmic polyphony of hip-hop 
music — what do they have in comnion? Each 
serves as a generation's prime marker of identity 
and vehicle for artistic expression. Together with 
a third style, go-go, they provide artistic alterna- 
tives to people of different ages and aesthetic 

Hand Dancing 

Hand dancing was born and bred in Wash- 
ington, D.C, during the Motown era, which 
began in the late 1950s. It is essentially a smooth 
version of the Lindy Hop that features almost 
constant hand holding and tinning between 
partners, and several step patterns used to keep 
time.' As musical tempos increased through the 
1960s, with successive Motown hits by groups 
such as the Supremes, Foin- Tops, and Tempta- 
tions, hand dancing stsle developed to suit the 
fast beat and new rhythms. - 

Like popular dance styles before and after it, 
hand dancing soon became a favorite pastime 
for teenagers and young adults. It largely 
eclipsed the older st)'les at house parties, 
cabarets, and clubs in Washington's Black com- 
mimity. Deejays provided the music for dance 
events and built reputations on the breadth of 
their record collections and their skill in crafting 
song sequences. 

Local television shows such as the "Teenara- 
ma Dance Show," which ran from 1963-67, fea- 
tured local teenagers and put hand dancing in 
the spotlight. Indiwdual dancers cultivated dis- 
tinctive styles, often incorporating regional varia- 
tions that developed within the cit). Just by the 
way they danced, hand dancers could be recog- 
nized as hailing from Southeast, Southwest, or 
Northeast Washington. This intra-city variation, 
and the markedly contrasting dance styles seen 
on nationally broadcast shows like "American 
Bandstand," helped to fortifS' local opinion that 
hand dancing was imique to Washington, D.C.^ 

As the Motown era faded into funk and disco 
in the 1970s, however, hand dancing was largely 
replaced by "free dancing" styles, in which part- 
ners do not hold hands. Most of the Black 
teenagers who had grown up hand dancing in 
Washington made an easy transition to the new 
free dancing st)ies, and kept pace as young 
adidts with the new trends in popular Black cu\- 

Some version of tlie Lindy Hop. also known as swing or the Jitterbug, was popular from the 1920s through most of the 1950s. 
Dance historians consider African American dancers t]ie primary innovators of the Lindy form. See Stearns (1964) . Arthur Murray's 
1954 dance manual describes single, double, and triple Lindy Hop steps. Variations of these steps are among those performed by 
Washington-area hand dancers. 

~ I am indebted to Washington deejay Robert Frye. "Captain Fly," for insight into tlie relationship between Motown music and hand 
dancing. Captain Fly chronicles the progression of popular musical style through the 1950s and 1960s on his radio show, "Oldies 
House Party," every Saturday on Washington-area station WPFW (89.3 FM). Along with otlier deejays devoted to the "oldies but 
goodies" format, he is a dedicated historian of oldies music and an inveterate record collector. 

^ I am grateful to many veteran hand dancers for sharing their knowledge with me, including Florence Barber, Jerome Bettis. Phil 
Clark. Bobby L. Conwav. Lewis Fountain, Althia Harris. Ron Patterson, Preston Walker, and Wayiie Williams. 


Hand dancing partners improvise an elaborate 
arm gesture between turns. Photo by LeeEllen 

Veteran deejay Captain 
Fly (Robert Frye) is host 
of the "Oldies House 
Party" radio program 
on WPFW-FM. Photo 
by LeeEllen Friedland 



ture. Sometime in the mid-1980s, however, as 
rap became more commonly heard on the radio 
and hip-hop grew into a major cultiual move- 
ment, hand dancers — by this time mostly in 
their forties and fifties — began to revive their 
generation's "own" music and dance. This 
return to artistic roots planted firmly in the 
Motown era led to a revival of "oldies but good- 
ies" music at Washington-area clubs, cabarets, 
and radio stations that is still going strong. 


Hip-hop is not just a dance style; it is a multi- 
faceted world of expression that includes dance, 
music, a deejay's skilled mix of live and recorded 
sounds, verbal art (including rapping and other 
forms), visual arts (such as graffiti), clothing, 
body adornment, and social attitude. Hip-hop is 
shared by yoimg people of different cultural 
backgroiuids throughout the United States, bin 
its basic aesthetic ideas are deeply rooted in 
African American culture. 

In Washington's Black commimity, hip-hop 
includes social dancing, done by couples (who 
do not hold hands); and exhibition dancing, 
done by individuals or sets of dancers who do 
their most impressive moves and choreographed 
routines to demonstrate their prowess. 

Hip-hop dancing is done to any type of hip- 
hop music — rapping, singing, or instrumental 
— with an appropriate beat and tempo. This can 
also be imadorned rhythm playing, such as a syn- 
thesized drum track or an impromptu beat 
poimded out by hands or with sticks. Social 
dancing is most often based on relatively simple 
patterns of stepping and weight shifting, which 
are overlaid with multiple rhythmic layers of ges- 
tures done with the arms, head, and segments of 
the torso. 

Exhibition dancing can include any move 
used in social dancing, biu it features a wider 
repertoire of fancy stepping patterns; body waves 
and isolated movements of body parts (as in 
"popping"); gestures, facial expressions, and 
other forms of mimicry; acrobatic tumbling, 
splits, jiuTips, and spins; and choreographed rou- 
tines that combine any niunber of different ele- 
ments. Not all dancers choose to develop the 
extraordinary skills of exhibition dancing, but 

Folklorist LeeEllen Friedland has studied European- and 
African-derived social dance traditions in the United Stales 
since 1975. She is director of Ethnologica. a Washington, 
D.C., consulting firm that specializes infolklife and cultural 
heritage research. 

nearly eveiyone that participates in hip-hop does 
social dancing. 

Dancing generally happens at clubs, 
cabarets, and parties that featiue hip-hop music. 
But it can also erupt spontaneously in response 
to music in schoolyards, neighborhood streets, 
and homes. Often these informal performances 
are interspersed with mimicry and acrobatics. 

Deejays are the favored source of music for 
hip-hop dance events. Like those in older gener- 
ations in the Black commvmity, hip-hop deejays 
are valued for their skill in gauging the fit 
between the music and the dancers" mood, for 
their ability to string together inspiring musical 
sequences, and for their collections of soimd 
recordings and equipment that allows the great- 
est range of musical creativity. Most hip-hop dee- 
jays are also adept at "mixing," a range of music- 
making skills including such techniques as "cut- 
ting" and "scratching" that involves the manual 
manipulation of discs on multiple turntables and 
the interpolation of additional soimds generated 
by synthesizers, electronic rhythm machines, 
pre-recorded tapes, verbal art performed by the 
deejay or others, and a variety of percussion 


Though hip-hop culture proxddes the frame- 
work for much of the music and dance among 
yoimg people in the Black community, another 
style, one unique to Washington, D.C., provides 
an artistic alternative for many teenagers: go-go. 
Unlike hip-hop, which except for a deejay's mix- 
ing uses pre-recorded music, go-go is danced to 
live bands that generally include multiple per- 
cussionists (playing a trap set, congas, and a vari- 
ety of small, hand-held instruments) and a mix 
of keyboard synthesizers, bass, horns, guitars, 
and vocalists. This "big band" sound is especially 
well-suited for large public venues such as clubs. 
The music is fimk-derived and incorporates ele- 
ments of Afro-Cuban and jazz styles.'* 

Go-go dancing has the same basic structure 
as hip-hop social dancing — stepping and weight 
shift patterns overlaid with multi-rhythmic arm. 

■* My thanks to Michael Licht of the D.C. Commission on the 
Alts and Humanities for an overview of go-go activities in 
Washington, D.C. The Arts Commission regularly includes 
go-go in its cultural programming and currently co-sponsors 
(with the Malcolm X Cultural Educauon Center) a Cio-go 
HoUine that lists local go-go events {202 543-GOGO). The 
Arts Commission has also published a pamphlet on go-go, 
"What's the Time?" 







*»■• ft 


Kim, Tyrone, Brian, and iVlil<e, members of the 
hip-hop dance group, the Nasty Boys, practice 
a synchronized routine. Photos by LeeEllen 

head, and torso gestures — but it is adapted to 
the slower beat and distinctive go-go rhytlims. 
Though go-go and hip-hop dancing both draw 
on the same fundamental African American 
movement repertoire, go-go dancing has its dis- 
tinctive patterns and frequently uses mimicry like 
that in movement play and exhibition dancing to 
generate new dances. Though go-go is veiy popu- 
lar with teenagers in Washington's Black commu- 
nity, it has generally coexisted with hip-hop 
rather than replaced it altogether. Teenagers" 
interest in go-go appears to fade as they near 
their twenties and return to the artistic frame of 

Further Readim^s 

Friedland, LeeEllen. 1983. Disco: Afro-American 
Vernacular Performance. Dance Research 
Journal lE,{2):27-35. 

■ 1984. Street Dancing, 'Rapping' and 

DJ Mixing: Traditional African-American 
Performance and Contemporary Urban 
Culture, hi Smithsonian Festival of American 
Folklife Program, ed. Thomas Vennum, Jr., pp. 
43-45. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 

George, Nelson, Sally Banes, Susan Flinker, and 
Patt)' Romanowski. 1985. Fresh: Hip Hop Don't 
Stop. New York: Random House. 

Hager, Steven. 1984. Hip Hop: The Illustrated 
History of Break Dancing, Rap Music, and 
Graffiti. New York: St. Martin's Press. 

Hazzard-Gordon, Katrina. \990. Jooki)/': The Rise 
of Social Dance Formations in African-American 
Culture. Philadelphia: Temple University 

Jones, Bessie, and Bess Lomax Hawes. 1972. Step 
It Down: Games, Plays, Songs, and Stories from 
the Afro-American Heritage. New York: Harper 
and Row. 

Stearns, Marshall, and Jean Stearns. 1964. Jazz 
Dance: The Story of American Vernacnlar Dance. 
New York: Schirmer. 

Thompson, Robert Farris. 1974. African Art in 
Motion. Berkeley: Universit)' of California 

. 1983. Flash of the Spirit: African and 

Afro-American Art and Philosophy. New York: 
Random House. 



Hip-Hop Dance 

Anthony Hovington 

Hip-liop culture sprang from the hearts of 
young African Americans and Latinos as a way to 
express themseh'es in the inner cities of New 
York. Beginning around 1973, it became a pow- 
erful influence on popular culture across the 

To put the dancing being done today in per- 
spective, I intenaewed members of the Rock 
Stead}- Crew, one of the first b-boy crews to 
emerge with hip-hop. The term "b-boy" was 
coined by DJ Kool Here. It means break-boy. The 
dance was done to the "break" of the record, the 
funkiest part, the part that was mostly a hard-dri- 
ving beat. An example of a "break" would be a 
drum solo in a James Brown record. The Rock 
Stead\- C.rew still performs and a.spires to make 
hip-hop dancing an accepted art form, like ballet 
and tap dancing. 

"Crazy Legs," of the Rock Steady Crew in 
New York, said that hip-hop dancing started as a 
way out of violence. It kept young people out of 
trouble. Due to the influence of hip-hop, gang 
members began to settle their differences by 
dancing rather than fighting. 

Opinions vaiy on the importance of names 
in hip-hop dancing. Pee-Wee Dance of the Rock 
Stead\- Crew says the crew is named that because 
"we steady be rockin." Crazy Legs got his name 
because he is quite bowlegged and does some 
unique things with those legs. Pee-Wee Dance is 
named for his diminutive stature. Also, he is 32 
years old, so he is called "the dance that won't 

Some dancers name their moves as well. 
Break dancing gave us the "continuous back- 
spin," "windmill," and the "whirl." Crazy Legs 
invented the continuous backspin while Pee-Wee 
Dance invented the whirl. The continuous back- 
spin was a method of using one's legs to contin- 
ue spinning when the dancer would otherwise 
have come to a stop. Pee-Wee Dance describes 
the whirl as a move where he spins while low to 

the ground, comes back up to his feet, and 
then lowers himself again while maintaining his 
spin. Although there is structure to their rou- 
tines, many times the best performances are the 
ones that happen instantaneously in a moment 
of creativity. 

There is a tradition inxolved with hip-hop 
dancing. Older generations continuously pass 
on what they've learned to younger genera- 
tions. Almost all the dancers agreed that they 
learned to dance by going to parties or by get- 
ting together with peers when they were 
yoimger. Little kids learn by watching their 
elders dance then going home to practice. Pee- 
Wee Dance studies st)'les that are similar but 
came before, namely buck dancing and the 
Lindy Hop. He frequents the Schomburg Cen- 
ter in New York to research and to keep his 
mind focused on the tradition of hip-hop danc- 
ing. This style of dancing dates back to Africa 
because there is one common thread — the 
music. The music is percussive. It is based on 
the beat. African communities used the drum 
as a primaiy form of communication and mod- 
ern-day dancers rely on the beat as well. 

Hip-hop dancing needs to be nurtured and 
accepted by those within the communities that 
hip-hop comes from, places like New York, 
Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, Detroit, and 
Miami, that have large concentrations of 
African Americans. As inner city youth strive for 
something to call their own, hip-hop dancing is 
one way to pro\ide them with the means to 
control their own energies and to display them 
at will. Therefore, hip-hop culture and its 
dances will continue to influence popular cul- 
ture in the years to come. 

Aiilhony Hovington received his B.A. in African American 
Studies from Duke University. He works as a Database Man- 
ager at the National Endowment for the Arts. He is Vice-Pres- 
ident of the Washington Chapter of the Zulu Nation. 



Iroquois Social Dances: 

A Life of Dance in the Dance of Life 

Lin ley Logan 

In traciitional communities of the Iroquois, 
more properly the Haudenosaunee (People of 
the Longhouse), introduction to dance comes at 
an early age. Expectant mothers participating in 
dance introduce the developing infant to the 
rhythmic movements and melodies. As newborns 
and infants, children are passed among proud, 
dancing relatives, accustoming them to the feel- 
ing of dance and the lifelong socialization 
process one embraces through it. Strengthening 
commimity solidarity, social dances continue to 
provide an entertaining enxdronment that binds 
people together in friendship, courtship, and 
social identity'. 

The world is sustained by a continuous 
renewal of cycles, a balance of life's positive and 
negative energies. The Ongweh-ohweh-kah (real 
people), as the Haudenosaimee refer to them- 
selves in ceremony, understand this and the 
importance of paying tribtite to it. Among the 
people of the Longhouse, ceremonial dances 
express respect in ritual for the po,sitive energies 
of renewal in nature. Ceremonial prayer, song, 
and dance, reinforce each other's significance in 
the people's expression of gratitude for the life- 
sustaining gifts from the Creator. In the ceremo- 
nial Great Feather Dance, for example, young 
people are encouraged to dance real hard and 
young men are told to "yell out in happiness so 
the Creator will look down to see, hear, and 
know your joy." Social dance events, like ceremo- 
nial events, open with an address recognizing the 
life-sustaining gifts from the Creator. In both, 
the importance of all life forms in the natural 
world is acknowledged, starting with that closest 
to the Mother Earth and continuing on to that 
in the male realm of the sky. 

Social dances, unlike ceremonials, are not 
confined behind the doors of Longhouse com- 
munities. They may fulfill their purpose of enter- 
tainment within a context of ceremonial activi- 
fies but they may also be held as their own event. 

and may even be done oiUside Iroquois commu- 
nities, as at this year's Festival. 

The Iroquois word for social dances — 
guyno,so,ohn anndwadek, note,gawdoe — literally 
means "a group of songs for entertainment pur- 
poses." Social dance events, or socials, are for 
everyone's participation within the commimity 
and always held in the evening to avoid interfer- 
ing with the day's responsibilities. In addition to 
providing entertainment, socials may honor par- 
ticular events, welcome guests, or raise fimds to 
meet an emergency need. Social dances are 
sometimes presented oiuside of their communi- 
ties and are a useful, educational, and entertain- 
ing way of presenting Iroquois culture. 

The Longhouse is central to Iroquois cul- 
ture. Originally developed as the structure for 
extended matriarchal clan family life among the 
Iroquois, the Longhouse was the place for all 
commimal activities. At present the Longhouse 
continues to fimction in tradidonal communities 
as the center for activities such as socials, cere- 
monies, meetings, condolences, weddings, and 
fimerals. The Longhouse is a himible environ- 
ment. It has an entrance facing east welcoming 
the sun, and most Longhouses have separate 
entrances for men and women. Traditionally, 
families or clans sit together in the double row of 
benches along the walls. All Longhouses are 
heated by woodstoves, and the fire plays an inte- 
gral role in the observances that are part of the 
dance. The singers who provide music for the 
dances usually sit at the center or heart of the 

All Iroquois commimities have socials even 
though not all commimities have Longhouses. In 

Linley B. Logan, an enrolled member of the Cattaraugus 
Seneca community, greiu up in the Tonawanda Seneca com- 
munity's Longhouse. He is Program Assistant in the Office 
of Public Programs of the National Museum of the American 



^^^■^^^^^^^■^^^^^^^^H^ ^^ij^H 




1 ^^^^^^^^^^^KtSLWdU ■ flm^^k. V 





Sheri Waterman, Cecilia Sl<ye, Alan Shennandoah, and Brad Bonaparte dance Shake the Bush. Photo by 
Karen Furth, courtesy National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution 

cities where large Native American urban popu- 
lations are centered, there are only a few criteria 
for choosing space, and even church basements 
have been used in some instances. 

There is a definite structure to social dance 
actiNTties. One man, usually a Faithkeeper — the 
member of a group chosen by clan Mothers that 
also includes women — assumes the responsibili- 
ty to direct the evening's events by conferring 
with the elders present. Each time a dance is 
decided on, the singers are told first, then indi- 
viduals are chosen to lead, and finally, a speaker 
is informed, who addresses the audience in our 
language, explaining what will take place. The 
first dance at a social is the Standing Quiver 
Dance, which is a call-and-response song and 
shuffle dance that male singers begin by circling 
the fire (i.e., the woodstove). Its title comes from 
a former men's practice at social gatherings of 
sticking their quivers in the ground, with arrow- 
tips down, forming a cone shape; they would 
then dance aroimd them. 

There are approximately 20 dances in the 
social dance repertoire of the Havidenosaunee. 
All are done counterclockwise in a circle, about 
half in single file, half in partners. About a third 
of the dances are named for animals and grow 
from respect the Haudenosaunee have for the 

gifts of life the natiual world freely shares to 
insure balance and coexistence. Some dances 
mimic animal movements — the Robin, Rac- 
coon, Duck, Pigeon, Rabbit, Snake, and Alligator 

In partner dances that are Iroquois in origin 
men and women do not touch, although they 
may do so in dances in the repertoire from non- 
Iroquois sovnxes. Traditional Iroquois social 
dances with partners include the Fish, Moccasin, 
Raccoon, Pigeon, and Shake the Bush dances. 
Men almost always begin dances. When women 
join in the dance line, they file into it in alter- 
nate spaces from the head of the line to the end. 
When partners are required, they are never pre- 
selected, as women fill their dance line from the 
head to the rear. When partners form double 
lines, the male is always positioned to the outside 
of the circle. Theoretically this represents the 
male role in protecting the commimit)'. Wlien 
partners switch or rotate positions, the male tra- 
ditionally circles the female partner, allowing 
her to remain in the true line of dance. 

The Haudenosaunee, a matriarchal society, 
recognize women's power and sustaining role in 
the cycles of life, and dedicate dances specifically 
to them. The ceremonial Women's Dance 
expresses reverence for "the three sisters" (corn. 



beans, and squash) in a procession called "Givers 
of Life." Women's social dance, the Women's 
Shuffle, done to a different set of songs, express- 
es gratitude for the fertility of Mother Earth 
through fmrowing, massaging movements. 

The cycles of life and renewal are embraced 
in the Corn, Robin, and Pigeon dances. Corn is 
an essential fact of Iroquois life and its dance is 
performed in a double line that symbolizes plant- 
ed rows. The Pigeon Dance, done in remem- 
brance of the passenger pigeon, recalls imbal- 
ance, loss of life, and the importance of recogniz- 
ing and acknowledging the cycles of life. 

Approximately a third of the Iroquois social 
dance repertoire results from a willingness to 
share with other cultures. The Alligator, Friend- 
ship, Rabbit, Roimd, Snake, and the Delaware 
Skin dances are not of Iroquois origin. The Rab- 
bit Dance, acquired from Western cultural 
groups, is a partner's choice dance in which 
women can choose a male partner. Partners hold 
hands, with the male on the inside of the circle. 
Other adopted dances that differ from tradition- 
al Iroquois norms include the Alligator Dance, 
borrowed from the Seminoles and Miccasukees 
from the far Southeast, in which, in a manner 
similar to the Rabbit Dance, partners lock arms 
and proceed with the male in the interior of the 

The instrmnents that accompauN' social 
dance songs are the water drimi played by the 
lead singer and cow horn rattles played by the 
back-up singers. The water drum is hollowed oiU, 
traditionally, but not always, from a single piece 
of wood approximately five to seven inches in 
diameter. Individuals have been known to make 
them with small, manufactiued wooden casks or 
PVC pliuubing pipe. The hollow vessel is covered 
with a stretched piece of leather, which is 
secured with a cloth- or leather-wrapped hoop of 
ash wood. Water is poured into the hollow body, 
and the drum is set upside down, allowing the 
leather to soak. The wet leather is then stretched 
tighter to produce the proper resonance. Water 
brings the drum to life. 

Rattles used for instrumental accompani- 
ment originally were made of elm bark, biu 
European contact and introduction of the cow 
has lead to rattles made of cow horn. The rattle's 
soimd comes from lead shot, beebees, beads, or 
any combination of these placed inside. 

Ceremonial instruments differ from their 
social counterparts in use, material, size, and 
ownership. The ceremonial rattles, depending 
on their application, are made from squash, 

gomds, or snapping tmtle shells. Ceremonial 
drinns are larger than those used for social 
dances. Ceremonial instrimients are never used 
for other purposes, and in 1974 the Onondaga 
Council of Chiefs of the Iroquois Confederacy 
passed a resolution forbidding the sale of reli- 
gious objects, expresslv inc luding ceremonial lat- 

Protecting cultural interests for the secmit)' 
of the Seventh generation (seven generations 
into the futme), is integral to cultural identity. 
Through joyous movement, dance expresses the 
strength and pride in identity that emanate from 
a relationship of respecltul coexistence with the 
natural world. Children are encomaged to expe- 
rience the joy in dance at an early age, as oiu" 
elders, watching our children learning to dance, 
become proudly encomaged about the future of 
the Seventh generation. 

Furlher Readings 

Buck, Hubert Sr., and Sadie Buck. 1990. Askanye. 
Brantford, Ontario: Soimd of the Drinn, 
Woodland Cultural Center. 

Conklin, Harold C and William Sturtevant. 
1953. Seneca Indian Singing Tools at 
Coldsprings Longhouse. Proceedings of the 
American Philosophical Society 91: 262-290. 

Cronk, Michael Sam. 1989. Writing While 
They're Singing: A Conversation about 
Longhouse Social Dance Songs. New York 

Folklore \ 4 {?,-i):49-m. 

Crouse, William Sr. 1986. Ga'noh go:h, gasto se'sha- 
sho'oh [Dnims and Rattles]. Coloring book. 
Salamanca, New York. 

Jamieson, Wilma. 1942. Music life of the Six 
Nations. In Six Nations Indians Yesterday and 
Today. Six Nations Agricultiual Society. 

Lafrance, Ron. 1992. Inside the Longhotise: 
Dances of the Haudenosaunee. In Native 
American Dance Ceremonies and Social 
Traditions. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution National Museiun of the 
American Indian. 

Logan, Linlev. 1992. Dancing the Cycles of Life. 
In Native American Dance Ceremonies and Social 
Traditions. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institiuion National Musemu of the 
American Indian. 

Social Dances and their Origins. Onkwehonwe 
neha (Iroquoian Institute Newsletter) #7 
(Spring 1990). 


"Circle up Four on 
the Old Dance Floor": 

Old-Time Dancing in Chilhowie, Virginia 

Susan Eike Spalding 

A circle of 50 or more smiling dancers com- 
pletely rings the dance floor, holding hands. At 
the first notes of the fiddle, they begin a resilient 
bounce downward in time with the music, and 
some dancers clog, setting up a group rhythm 
that can be seen, heard, and felt. The caller says, 
"All join hands and circle to your left," and the 
old-time square dance begins at the congenial 
Chilhowie Lions" Club in southwest Virginia as it 
always does on Friday nights. At the caller's com- 
mands, the dancers weave patterns that involve 
the whole group, as they drop back to change 
partners or take hands in a "right hand chain" — 
right hand to the partner, left hand to the next 
person all the way around the circle. Wlien the 
caller says "circle up four," the dancers form sets 
of two couples each on the periphery of the cir- 
cle. They make designs together by taking hands, 
going under each other's arms, or changing 
places, all at the caller's command. They circle 
up four again and again, each time making new 
designs, imtil the caller finally directs them into 
several concluding patterns that involve every- 
one, as indi\'iduals and couples travel in lines 
down the dance floor and join with friends to 
build a community by ones, twos, and fours. 
Throughout, the sounds of dancing feet keep 
time with the bluegrass, countiy, or old-time 
music played by the band. 

Old-Time Dancing History 

Old-time square dancing probably has its 
roots in several kinds of dance: English coimtn' 

Susan Spalding, a Certified Movement Anahst and member 
of the board of directors of the Congress on Research in 
Dance, recently completed her Doctorate in Dance at Temple 
University. She has co-edited a book of papers from two con- 
ferences she coordinated, entitled Communities in Motion: 
Dance, Tradition and Community. Her video donimen- 
tary Step Back Cindy: Old Time Dancing in Southwest 
Virginia appeared on PBS in 1991. 

dancing, Scottish and Irish reels, .\frican ring 
plays, and Native American social dances. Some 
believe that from coimtiy dancing came "sets" or 
coordinated group patterns; from reels came 
couples traveling in paths around each other in 
groups of foiu"; from ring dances came the circle 
which begins and often ends the old-time square 
dance. From all the above-mentioned traditions 
came the expressi\'e indi\idual footwork known 
variously as flatfooting, clogging, or buck danc- 
ing. Along the way, old-time square dancing has 
taken in elements of the popular dances of the 
times, such as African American Charleston steps 
and rhyming calls of western club square dance 
figiues. In this centvuT, old-time dancing has 
been a regular recreation for European Ameri- 
cans, African Americans, and Native Americans 
in the central Appalachian region. It has evolved 
to its present form over a period of 300 years of 
interaction among these groups. 

Each area has its own characteristic style, 
and people from one region can tell where 
another dancer comes from by the way he or she 
dances. North Carolina, Kentucky, and Virginia 
dancers have distinct movement styles and incor- 
porate different elements in their square dances. 
Even within southwest Virginia, each area has its 
own particular qualities. The stylistic choices 
made by dancers over generations have been 
influenced by a variety of factors, including poli- 
tics, economics, and patterns of migration. For 
example, old-time dancers in the coalfields 
region have chosen to include many African- 
American elements in their dance because of 
their historical experience. During the first third 
of the 20th centuiy many African American 
southerners were brought in to work in the 
mines, and interethnic solidarity' was forged by 
oppressive living and working conditions. In 
common dance halls provided by the coal com- 
panies people of both groups coidd see each 
other's dancing and trade ideas. As a result, the 



local dancing became more percussive, and 
more angular in appearance than the dancing of 
other areas such as the Blue Ridge. 

In Chilhowie, dancing has been influenced 
in part by its location in the southern portion of 
"The Great Valley" of Virginia, east of the coal- 
fields and west of the Blue Ridge Mountains. It 
stands on a major traffic corridor rimning from 
Pennsylvania to Tennessee which has continually 
brought new residents and new ideas to the Val- 
ley since pre-Columbian times. Valley residents 
have developed a love of variety, which is evident 
in the many different kinds of dances enjoyed in 
an evening, in the frequent changes within each 
square dance, in dancers' desire to learn and 
practice new steps, in the varieties of music used 
for old-time dancing, and in the several callers 
who share the microphone at Chilhowie. Eveiy 
Friday night at the Lions' Club, along with old- 
time square dancing, dancers do clogging, in 
which each person improvises footwork in time 
with the music. Each evening also includes sever- 
al waltz and two-step tunes and at least one 
mixer, such as a Paul Jones or a Broom Dance. 
In addition to gathering on Friday nights, many 
dancers attend one of the area's several other 

old-time dance establishments on Saturday night 
and one or two nights during the week. Some get 
together on Mondays to practice new forms such 
as coimtiy-western line dancing or western club 
square dancing. 

Even though they may be lifetime area resi- 
dents whose parents danced, some dancers at 
the Chilhowie Lions' Club have learned only 
within the last 15 years due to the local renewal 
of interest in old-time dancing. Chilhowie resi- 
dent Evelyn Stiugill theorizes that this cultinal 
revitalization is part of a growth in regional self- 
esteem. "We have learned to appreciate all the 
things we were ashamed of We get out our old 
quilts and things we used to make. We have had 
a revival of appreciation of our heritage." 

Dancing has become the primaiy form of 
recreation for many Lions' Club dancers. As 
Gene and Jane Salyers responded when asked 
about other recreation, "I don't know what we 
did do before we danced!" Dancing is said to be a 
source of fellowship, and a commimity of 
dancers has developed as a result of seeing each 
other several times weekly at dances and lessons. 
Dancer and musician Bill McCall, remembering 
the unexpected condolences sent by dancers on 

Two girls observe and learn clogging techniques from more experienced dancers in Chilhowie, Virginia. 
Photo by French Sturgill 


the death of his mother, says, "I think people are 
as congenial as they ever were. I think the reason 
we don't show it is because we don't visit [as we 
once did]. I think this [dancing] has sort of over- 
come some of that." Care is taken that everyone 
has an opportimity to dance. Caller Kirby Smith 
says, "If yon don't have someone to dance with, 
come on your own. We'll make sure you get 

Chilhowie's Old-Time Dancing: 
Form and Style 

By the beginning of this centuiy, old-time 
square dancing had reached its present form. 
Louise Widener, born in 1899, describes most of 
the figines danced today as having been done in 
countiT homes in her youth; a whole circle 
would break into small circles of foin-, and all the 
small circles would dance at the same time, 
"making puzzles" by holding hands and going 
under each other's arms. 

Today, each square dance includes an initial 
circle left and right, swing, promenade, and a 
large group pattern such as right hand chain, fol- 
lowed by at least six different two couple pat- 
terns, and, finally, two to four large group pat- 
terns. Many people keep clogging steps going 
throughoiu, so that the group rhythm on which 
the dance depends is audible, and the downward 
pulse of the whole group on each beat is \isible. 
At the direction of the caller everyone works 
together in pairs, in groups of four, and in the 
group as a whole to produce clear designs and 
synchronized dancing. 

In the first half of this centuiT. old-time 
dancing in the valley surroiuiding Chilhowie was 
primarily a rural, home-centered recreation. In 
some communities dances were held every night 
in different homes for two weeks around Christ- 
mas. In others they were held more or less week- 
ly in homes year-round, as well as in conjunction 
with cooperative work parties, such as quiltings, 
corn shuckings, and barn raisings. A fiddle usual- 
ly provided the music, soinetimes accompanied 
by banjo, guitar, and bass. At home among 
friends, everyone could take part. 

Today's old-time dancing, though it now 
occms in public places, still inspires individual 
expression in the footwork and group coopera- 

tion and teamwork in the many small and large 
patterns. Old-time dancing is still, above all, 
inclusive rather than exclusive, encouraging 
everyone to participate, and seasoned dancers 
are always ready to teach newcomers. 

Fuiiher Readings 

Abrahams, Roger. 1992. Singing the Master: The 
Emergence of African-American Culture in the 
Plantation South. New York: Pantheon Books. 

Feintuch, Burt. 1981. Dancing to the Music: 

Domestic Square Dances and Community in 
Southcentral Kentucky (1880-1940). /ouma/ 
of the Folklore Institute 18:49-68. 

Friedland, LeeEllen. Forthcoming. Square 
Dance. In The International Encylopedia of 
Dance, ed. Selma Jeanne Cohen. Berkeley: 
University of California Press 1983. 

Hall, Frank. 1984-85. Improvisation and Fixed 
Composition in Clogging. Journal for the 
Anthropological Study of Human Movement 

Matthews, Gail V.S. 1983. Cutting A Dido: A 
Dancer's-Eye View of Mountain Dance in 
Haywood Coimt)', N.C. Master's Thesis, 
Indiana University. 

Szwed, John, and Morton Marks. 1988. The Afro- 
American Transfonnation of Emopean Set 
Dances and Dance Suites. Dance Research 
Journal 20:29-36. 

Wliisnant, David E. 1980. Finding the Way 
Between the Old and the New: The 
Mountain Dance and Folk Festival and 
Bascom Lamar Lunsford's Work as a Citizen. 
Appalachian Journal 7 {\-2) . 

Woodside, Jane, and Susan Spalding, eds. 

Forthcoming. Communities in Motion: Dance, 
Community and Tradition. 

Suggested Viewing 

Johnson, Anne, and Susan Spalding. 1990. Step 
Back Cindy: Old Time Dancing in Southwest 
Virginia. Video documentaiy including 
Chilhowie Lions' Club dancers. Wliitesburg, 
Kentucky: Appalshop, Inc. 



Music in Metropolitan 

Phyllis M. May-Machunda 

Washington, the capital cirs\ has long been 
known for its official culture and public celebra- 
tions such as presidential inaugurations. Inde- 
pendence Day pageantry, military band concerts, 
state funerals, and embassy receptions. Yet it has 
another reality, one sometimes hidden behind 
official functions. Washington, the residential 
city, burgeons with cultures transplanted from 
beyond urban, state, and national boundaries as 
well as hybrid traditions newly rooted in an 
urban environment. 

Metropolitan Washington, with over four 
million residents, is cinrently home to more than 
one million African Americans, 250, OOO Hispanic 
Americans, nearly 250,000 Asian/Pacific Ameri- 
cans, and thousands of other peoples from 
around the world. Unique forces have shaped 
the cultural development of the distinct yet inter- 

"Metw Music" lias been iiKiilr jiossible ivil/i llie supporl of llie 
reroiding iniliisliies Miisie I'ei/iiiiiitiiiee Iriisl I'iiiiils. 

dependent residential communities located on 
the banks of the Potomac and Anacostia rivers. 
Evolving as a center designed to meet the needs 
of national politics and government, the city nei- 
ther developed a culture based on a manufactur- 
ing economy nor drew a large European immi- 
grant populadon as did New York and Baltimore. 
Instead, it developed a strong workforce geared 
to service and government. The metropolitan 
area has been enriched by a continual influx of 
people from the South and, more recently, immi- 
grants from Central America, the Caribbean, 
Southeast Asia and the Horn of Africa. For thou- 
sands who have moved to the area, the city has 
been a focal point of ardent dreams, expanding 
hopes, and magnificent intentions. Viewing the 
city as an environment of distinctly American 
possibilities, people have flocked to Washington 
throughout its 200-year histoiy, in search of 
refuge, a better life, and greater opportunities 
for freedom, education, power, respect, employ- 
ment, and financial security. While some have 

The D.C. Harmoneers 
sing at a Gospel program 
in Washington. The Har- 
moneers, founded in 
1952, are one of nearly 
80 gospel quartets active 
in the D.C. area. Photo 
courtesy D.C. Commis- 
sion on the Arts 


come with abundant wealth, others have brought 
little more than themselves, their values, and 
their traditions to sustain themselves in their 
transition to a new situation. 

Music is among the most vital of these intan- 
gible traditional resources that help to support 
these Washingtonians. To luiderstand the tradi- 
tional musics of Washington, we may first look at 
the variety of communities that create and carry 
on these traditions. 

Urban dwellers characteristically belong to 
multiple communities svich as those based on 
occupational, religious, residential, social/recre- 
ational, familial, and ethnic affiliations. A mem- 
ber of a community may or may not share mem- 
bership with the people who participate in the 
various areas of his or her daily life. For example, 
some Korean Americans in Washington may live, 
work, and socialize together, but many middle- 
class African Americans in Washington typically 
do not. The people with whom African Ameri- 
cans work may not be the same people who live 
in their neighborhoods or with whom they social- 
ize on a regtilar basis. 

Each community has developed particular 
institutions and networks of support facilitating 
social interaction and exchange of information. 
Some of these communities are defined by geo- 
graphical boimdaries, such as a neighborhood, 
and traditions may emerge out of that experi- 
ence. Other communities may lack geographic 
definition biU share common characteristics such 
as age, ethnicity, occupation, social interests, or 
even family relationship. The sharing of values, 
perspectives, and experience creates a basis for 
the existence and growth of tradition. Music pro- 
vides a channel for the expression of community- 
based values. 

In large cities such as Washington, traditional 
communities find economical and efficient ways 
to disseminate information about their activities. 
Washington has dozens of ethnic and neighbor- 
hood newspapers, bilingual and special interest 
radio and television programs, church bulletins, 
flyers, and multi-colored posters announcing 
upcoming community events not mentioned by 
mainstream media. Churches, neighborhood 
schools, restaurants, community centers, and 
local festivals are a few of the institutions that 

Phyllis May-Machunda is an AssistanI Professor of Human- 
ities and Multicultural Studies at Moorhead State University 
in Moorhead, Minnesota. She was formerly on staff in the 
Office of Folklife Programs as afolklorist and ethnomusicolo- 
gislfrom 1985-1989. 

support traditional performance. Such communi- 
ty institutions not only disseminate information 
about the traditions but also may offer a place to 
construct, rehearse, transmit, and present it as 

Music is a central part of festive occasions 
and celebrations as well as an integral featine of 
everyday life. People mark what they feel is dis- 
tinctive and valuable through the use of music, 
frequently accompanied by dance and ritual. For 
instance, various Asian communities of Washing- 
ton have maintained some of the seasonal cere- 
monies of their homelands, such as Lao or Chi- 
nese New Year's celebrations. These elaborate 
and colorful ceremonial events incorporate 
music, costumes, parades, food, and dance and 
draw community members from the entire east- 
ern seaboard. 

Washington has long been a center of gospel 
music. Gospel music thrives in a variety of forms 
in this city, ranging from the harmonies of tradi- 
tional quartet groups to the sounds of more con- 
temporaiy soloists, ensembles, and choirs, some 
of which blend classical techniques with more tra- 
ditional African Ainerican gospel music. African 
Ainerican churches have served as a primary con- 
duit for the transmission of musical aesthetics, 
even for those who have studied music privately. 
Hundreds of churches support numerous choirs, 
smaller family groups, and other ensembles and 
soloists who provide their memberships with 
gospel music. They have offered sympathetic and 
nurturing performance environments for those 
who have directed their skills to the glorification 
of the Lord. Gospel music is central to a variety 
of community events in addition to regular ser- 
vices: for example, pastor, choir, and church 
anniversary celebrations, as well as funerals are 
filled with gospel music. Some churches regularly 
house rehearsals and sponsor concerts by com- 
munity artists oiUside of their own membership. 
These activities and frequent performances at 
other churches in and out of the city provide 
opportunities for mutual exchanges of ideas, 
news, and repertoire. 

Some of the newest and most intense secular 
musical performances in Washington arise from 
African American youth. Go-go, a dance music 
tradition born in this city, is usually performed by 
small bands. Layered rhythmic patterns are 
blended with call-and-response, percussive instru- 
mental riffs, and quotations from familiar 
melodies, frequently overlayered with rap and 
accompanied by coordinated movement. Less 
complex in their multi-layered structures but 



Each year since the 1970s, the Music Perfor- 
mance Trust Funds (MPTF) have generously 
supported musicians performing at the Festival 
of American Folklife. 

The MPTF was founded in 1948. At that time 
new technology had made long-playing phono- 
graph recordings possible. But sound recordings 
initially caused performers to lose employment 
and income, since people could listen to these 
recordings over and over again without payment 
to the musicians. Negotiations between the 
recording industry and the musicians' union 
established a pool of funds to compensate per- 
formers. The recording industiy contribiUes 
money to MPTF from the sales of LP, cassette, 
and CD albums. 

MPTF support of free, live, public perfor- 
mances like those at the Festival has many impor- 
tant benefits. The exposure that reiativelv little- 

known musicians receive at these performances 
improves the chances that they will be offered 
recording contracts. When musicians already 
have recordings on the market, the perfor- 
mances stimulate increased sales. The events also 
help raise the level of understanding for a wider 
range of music and build greater audience 
appreciation for live performance. 

To date, the MPTF has spent more than 
$340 million on its projects. MPTF has enabled 
the Smithsonian to research and present rich tal- 
ent at the Festival every year for two decades. It 
has been crucial in oiu" ability to offer many rela- 
tively unknown musicians "equal time" with 
established career musicians. Many of today's 
well-known artists in fact had their first introduc- 
tion to the commercial world when they played 
together with professional musicians on MPTF- 
fiuided projects. 

related in their uses of rhytiimic patterns, repeti- 
tion, and call-and-response structures are several 
other forms that have dominated many of the 
expressive and competitive play energies of 
D.C.'s youth, including female activities such as 
cheering, double dutch (a form of jump roping 
incorporating multiple ropes), and collegiate 
performance genres such as stepping, a type of 
fraternal "cheer." 

The urban environment offers special oppor- 
tunities for cultural contact and exchange among 
a variety of communities and ethnic groups. One 
example is in the Adams Morgan and Mt. Pleas- 
ant neighborhoods, long recognized as the cen- 
ter of cultural actixaty in the city for Hispanic and 
African people from the U.S., Central and South 
American, the Caribbean, and Africa. The His- 
panic population in this part of the city consists 
predominately of refugees from Guatemala and 
El Salvador, with smaller numbers from Mexico, 
Puerto Rico, and Cuba. Some groups, such as 
Cubans, arrived in more than one wave of migra- 
tion, each from a different social class and carry- 
ing a different set of cultural traditions. Many of 
these commimities celebrate select traditions par- 
ticular to their own cultures. However, in other 
cases, where fewer community members can pass 
on specific traditions, many residents of Adams 

Morgan have been forced to focus on other tradi- 
tions similar to their own. This sharing of tradi- 
tions has resulted in a synthesis or pan-ethnic 
style, celebrating a multicultural heritage. In this 
urban milieu Hispanic, Caribbean, and African 
musicians constantly create new urban perfor- 
mance forms by drawing fragments from known 
repertoires and styles and transforming them 
into new expressions through the use of new har- 
monies, updated texts, and changes in tempo, 
rhythmic configurations, or performance style. 
These traditional musicians often learn to play in 
a variety of musical styles from outside their own 
cultures in order to satisfy the tastes of their 
diverse audiences. The events for which they per- 
form are rarely attended solely bv their own eth- 
nic communities. The musicians are able to 
switch musical styles as easily as others switch 
dialects within a language to commimicate to 
their chosen audiences. 

Music is ephemeral, yet enduring. It embod- 
ies the values and aesthetics of a culture through 
words and restructuring of soimd. It is flexible 
enough to incorporate melodies or poetiy him- 
dreds of years old, yet able to address the most 
contemporaiy issues with relative ease. An inte- 
gral part of living, traditional culture thrives in 
urban Washington, D.C., through music. 


Suggested Listening 

Adams, Tom. Right Hand Mom. Rounder 0282. 

Ganga: Live from Berlin. International 

Jackson, John. Don't Let Your Deal Go Down. 
Arhoolie 378. 

The Johnson Mountain Boys. Blue Diamond. 
Rounder 0293. 

Kouyate, Djimo. West African Kora Music. Music of 
the World TlOl. 

Mulvihill, Brendan and Donna Long. The 
Morning DeiiK Green Linnet 1128. 

Oboade. Kpanlogo Party. Lyricord 7251. 

Hasan Mohammed, originally from Ethiopia, performs at 
the Twins Restaurant in Washington. Photo by Balsha 
Gebretsadik, courtesy D.C. Commission on the Arts 

Li Tian Xiong is a jinghu player with the 
Han Sheng Chinese Opera Institute. The 
troupe was founded in 1977 by David 
Lee to promote Peking Opera in the 
Washington area. Photo by Wei-Ye Jia, 
courtesy D.C. Commission on the Arts. 




Kids' Stuff: 

Children's Traditions of Play and 
Performance in Metropolitan D.C. 

Diana Baird N'Diaye 

Nowhere is the essence of childhood 
revealed more authentically than in play. A viva- 
cious and expressive play culture is still created 
and shared by children within the Washington, 
D.C. metropolitan area despite TV, Nintendo, 
other toys and entertainment manufactured by 
adults, and in the face of ever more difficult real- 
ities of growing up in the city. The 1993 Smith- 
sonian Festival of American Folklife highlights 
some of these traditions of children's play and 
performance. The Festival presents forms that 
invite participation by the whole group such as 
clapping games, ring plays, call-and-response 
singing, and double dutch. Also presented are 
genres, such as rhythmic bucket brigades, that 
are consciously created for an audience. 

The program explores the ways children in 
each generation create, learn, and breathe 
renewed vitality into forms of play and expressive 
tiaditions and the ways they teach them to their 
peers and to yoiuiger friends and siblings. Chil- 
dren in metro D.C. accimiulate extensive knowl- 
edge and master skills while engaged in creative 
play shaped by tradition on city streets, in subur- 
ban backyards, at recreation centers, at Saturday 
and Sunday schools organized by ethnic commu- 
nities, and in school playgrounds. 

Many people think of a tradition bearer as 
an elder who has acciunulated knowledge and 
acquired expertise in a long lifetime of practice. 
But children's traditions are learned, performed, 
and passed on within a very short time span, 
among people who have yet to live two decades. 

Curator of "Kids ' Sliilj. " Dniiin Ban/I NDiaye h an anlhro- 
potogist on the sill 1 1 nf ihr Sniilh\(iiii/iii iiiilcr for Folklife 
Programs and Ciillimil Sliidit's mid llic jiairnl of two kids, 
Alhouri, 14, and Mame N 'Gone. 12, who have provided 
valuable expertise for this project. Ms. Baird N'Diaye contin- 
ues to be involved in issues of educational outreach at the 
.Smithsonian and educational reform in the metropolitan 
Washington area. 

So it is somewhat paradoxical that many of the 
clapping games and songs featured in the pro- 
gram hark back many centinies, and even the rel- 
atively new plav traditions presented have been 
invented dining the past few generations. Forms 
of play are tenaciously long-lasting as each new 
generation claims ownership. In a painting com- 
pleted in the 16th centiuy, Dutch painter Pieter 
Bruegel (the Elder) documented a great variety 
of children's games played in his native city of 
Amsterdam. It is remarkable how many of the 
games that he depicted can be recognized on 
playgroimds in and around Washington, D.C. 

In the Washington metro area, as elsewhere, 
local street play traditions are taught mainly by 
children to other children. Some remain local 
and specific to the commimities in which they are 
created and performed. Others travel by word of 
mouth, observation, and imitation through 
neighborhoods and towns, across state and 
national borders, and sometimes even across con- 
tinents. The demographics of the metro region 
guarantee a large and diverse children's culture. 

The cultiual composition of the city is reflect- 
ed in the neighborhood traditions that children 
bring to the Festival. Some children are African 
American and have parents and grandparents 
who are long-term residents in the metro area or 
have migrated from states fiuther south. Other 
children and their families hail from different 
parts of the Spanish-speaking Americas, while 
more recent immigrants from coimtries in Africa 
and Asia bring games from their homelands. 
European traditions in music and play songs, 
transmitted informally and through institutional- 
ized play in nurseiy schools and kindergarten 
classrooms, can also be foimd at the Festival. 

Longtime residents of the metro area lament 
the fragility of childhood and the increasingly 
dangerous tiun of children's games. The nightly 
newscasts too often remind us that for many chil- 


Members of the championship 
fifth grade double dutch team at 
Seaton Elementary School in the 
District of Columbia show some 
deft moves on Easter Monday's 
traditional African American fam- 
ily event at the National Zoo. 
Photo by Diana Baird N'Diaye 

dren growing up in the cit}', giin-play and pre- 
tend games of gangster have tinned all too real 
with deadly consequences. 

Children's culture has always reflected the 
circumstances of its creation, and those times 
and places have rarely been idyllic for inany chil- 
dren. Rhymes and games such as "Ring Around a 
Rosey" that seem so innocuous today represent 
children's experience of the epidemics of bubon- 
ic plague that ravaged Europe. The words do not 
seem threatening because the situation they com- 
ment on is far away. Yet there are modern-day 
examples. In the 1950s the dangers of contract- 
ing polio may have been reflected in children's 
use of "cooties." And some scholars have pointed 
to the cinrent children's game of booger tag or 
booger touch as reflecting anxiety over contract- 
ing AIDS. The tales told by contemporary city 
children may not always be palatable to adults 
but they both reflect and provide a way of deal- 
ing with the situations of real life. In this play of 
the imagination children seek control over the 
conditions they meet every day. In these forms 
they sometimes gain the powers of eloquent 
expression and cultural transcendence. 

Kids' Stuff encourages participation and dia- 
logue as well as demonstration and observation. 
You are invited, young and old, to join in this cel- 
ebration of children's play and performance. 

Further Readings 

Babcock, W.H. 1888. Games of Washington 

Children. American Anthropologist\o\ 1: 243- 


Cole, Joanne. 1989. Anna Banana: 101 Jump Rope 
Rhymes. New York: Morrow Junior Books. 

Schwartz, AlNin. 1989. I Saw You in the Bathtub 
and Other Folk Rliymes. New York: I Can Read 
Books, HarperCollins Publishers. 

Walker, Barbara K. 1992. Laughing Together: 
Gi^ks and Grins from Around the Globe. 
Minneapolis: Free Spirit Publishing. 

Warren Mattox, Cheryl. 1989. Shake It to the One 
that You Love the Best. El Sobrante, CA: 
Warren Mattox Productions. 

Suggested Listening 

Cabral, Len. Nho Lobo and Other Stories. Story 
Soimd Productions 101. 

Cabral, Len. Anansi Stories and Others. Story 
Sound Productions 102. 

Harley, Bill. Dinosaurs Never Say Pkase. Roimd 
River Records 103. 

Harley, Bill. Cool in School. Roimd Ri\er Records 

Harley, Bill. Come On Out and Play. Round River 
Records 107. 

Harley, Bill. Groiiniups are Strange. Roimd River 
Records 106. 

Jenkins, Ella. Littlejohnny Brown. 

Smithsonian/Folkways C-SF 45026. 

Paz, Suni. Can dories para el Recreo/Children's Songs 
for the Playground. Smithsonian/Folkways C- 
SF 45013.'^ 

Seeger, Pete. American Game and Activity Songs for 
Children. Smithsonian/Folkways C-SF 45025. 


City Play 

Amanda Dargan Cf Steven Zeitlin 

This essay is adapti'd from the authors ' recent hook City 
Play. Copyright © 1 990 by Rutgeys, The Stale Univer- 
sity. Reprinted by permission of Rutgers University 

When John Jacob Rascob and his partners 
transformed the New York skyline by erecting 
the Empire State Building, they probably never 
considered that beneath the tower's express ele- 
vators the old Siinfish Creek had once formed a 
natural swimming hole: nor did they imagine 
that, across the East River in Queens, children 
would use the switching on of the building's 
lights to tell the time for coming in from play. 
Indeed, the architects of American cities did not 
design stoops for ballgames or sidewalks for 
jumping rope, and no one considered the haz- 
ard to kites when they put up telephone wires. 
Yet as a result of countless design decisions like 
these, a yoimg person's experience of New York 
gradually changed — as streets were paved, 
buildings grew upward, cars pushed children 
from the streets, rowhouses filled once vacant 
lots, and the increasing density led to rooftop 
games and cellar clubs. 

We begin with the idea that we can under- 
stand a place — in this case New York City — by 
exploring the traditional activities that give it 
meaning. These highly localized and repeated 
activities shape our experience of the city. 
Through play, harsh and imposing city objects 
often made of metal and concrete are imbued 

Amanda Dargan is the director of the Folk Arts Program at 
the Queens Council on the Arts in New York. She is the 
author of several books and articks on family folklore and 
children 's play traditions. 

Steven Zeitlin is the director and co-founder of City Lore, an 
organization dedicated to the preservation of New York City 's 
living cultural heritage. He is the co-author of a number of 
books on American folk culture including A. Celebration of 
American Family Folklore. 

with human values, associations, and memories. 
Play is one of the ways we develop a sense of 
neighborhood in a large city. Play is one of the 
ways a city street becomes "oiu" block." 

Barging out of doors with play on their 
minds, city children confront stoops, hydrants, 
telephone poles, lampposts, cars, brick walls, 
concrete sidewalks, and asphalt streets. Children 
leaping froin the dooi-ways as He-Man and 
Sheera, or Captain Blood, Superinan, or the 
Knights of the Round Table, have at their dispos- 
al an array of swords and shields, which to the 
iminitiated more closely resemble dented 
garbage can lids and discarded imibrellas. For 
the would-be circus performer or ballet dancer, 
the stoop provides the perfect stage. Those with 
ball in hand have manhole covers, cars, hydrants, 
and lampposts to define a playing field. Jumping 
off ledges, using discarded mattresses and box 
springs as trampolines, or riding bikes up ramps 
made from scrap wood, they enjoy the dizzying 
thrills of vertigo. Each kind of play — vertigo, 
mimicry, chance, physical skill, and strategy — 
has its own city settings and variants. 

In the crowded, paved-over city, urban 
dwellers joyfully locate play by incorporating fea- 
tures of the urban landscape into their games; 
they transform the detritus of luban life into 
homemade playthings and costimies; and they 
exert control over their environment, creating 
and passionately defending private spaces. 

In his essay "Fun in Games," Ei"ving Goffman 
speaks of play as "focused interaction," in which 
rules of pla)^!^ transformation tell players how 
the real world will be modified inside the 
encounter. With the outside world held at bay, 
players create a new world within. A kind of 
membrane forms aroimd them. They often expe- 
rience a sense of intimacy, the closeness of shar- 
ing a world apart. 

Certain kinds of action outside the game 
such as an ambulance going by or a building 


ffi IT'. 

Girls perform "cheers" at the 
Marcy Projects in Bedford- 
Stuyvesant, Brooklyn. Photo by 
Steven Zeitlin, courtesy Queens 
Council on the Arts 

manager yelling out the window can cause the 
play scene to "flood out," bursting the mem- 
brane. Wlien we think of playing fields, we think 
perhaps of diamonds, gridirons, courts, and play- 
grounds, but a playing field can in fact be any- 
where. It is more akin to an energy field that 
repels forces oiuside its domain of interest and 
envelops the players with a force as powerful as 
their concentration. 

Within play worlds, time has its own mea- 
sures: "We played until it got too dark to see," 
many people told us. Children play while the last 
reflection of twilight in the sky still dimly silhou- 
ettes a flying ball; they will play while hunger is 
still possible to ignore. "The heat of day, the chill 
of rain, even the pangs of hunger," wiites Bar- 
bara Biber, "are not sufficient to intrude on the 
absorption of a child at play." Play time is mea- 
sured not according to minutes and hours but 
according to the rules and structures of play; 
time often goes by in a "split second," metered 
by the turning of a rope or the rhythm of a 
rhyme; "Doctor, doctor will I die? / Yes, my 
child, and so will I. / How many moments will I 
live? / One, two, three, four . . ." 

In play, rules and boundaries are defined by 
the players themselves. This is first base — and 
so it is. This sidewalk square is jail, this broken 
antenna is a ray gun — and through the magic 
of play, they are. Transformation is the process 
of recasting the rules, the boundaries, the 
images, the characters of the real world within 
the boundaries of play. This is at the heart of 
play; taking a space or an object and devising a 
new use for it, thereby making it one's own. 

As they transform the cit)' for play, children 
manifest a remarkable imagination. A playful 

order prevails. Hydrants, curbs, and cornices of 
the city become a gameboard. The castoffs of city 
living — bottle caps, broomsticks, and tin cans — 
become playing pieces. "The older kids," writes 
Sam Levenson, "taught the younger ones the arts 
and crafts of the street." Growing up in an East 
Harlem tenement, he recalls how 

ashcan covers were converted into 
Roman shields, oatmeal boxes into tele- 
phones, combs covered with tissue paper 
into kazoos ... a chicken gullet into 
Robin Hood's horn, candlesticks into 
trumpets, orange crates into store coun- 
ters, peanuts into eariings, hatboxes into 
drums, clothespins into pistols, and 
lumps of sugar into dice. 

Street toys are not "found objects"; they are 
searched for. A great deal of effort often goes 
into locaUng and shaping precisely the right 
object for play. In Bedford-Stuyvesant, for 
instance, prized caps for the sidewalk game of 
skelly were fashioned by filing a Moosehead Ale 
bottleneck on the curb to produce a glass ring 
smooth enough to glide along concrete. In Asto- 
ria, the best skelly pieces were the plastic caps on 
the feet of school desks. 

Neighborhoods provide different raw mate- 
rials. In Chinatown, mothers who work in the 
garment industiy provide sought-after items. 
Jacks are often made from buttons — each "but- 
ton jack" consisting of a set of five or six buttons 
sewn together. Children use rubberbands 
hooked together to create a "Chinese jump 
rope." The elastic is stretched between the feet 
of two girls while a third does cat's cradle-like 


carded refrigerator box, "We're just kids! I am 
five and he is three and we rule eveiything!" 

The scholarly interest in children's folklore 
in the United States dates from the work of 
William Wells Newell, who helped to found the 
American Folklore Society in 1888. Like many of 
the scholars who docimiented children's games 
after him, Newell was primarily interested in tra- 
ditional games and rhymes which had sin-\'ived 
across generations of children. Collecting from 
both adults and children in Boston, New York, 
and Philadelphia, Newell believed that the 
"quaint" rhymes of children were "sin"\'ivals" and 
"relics" of ancient song and poeti^. 

Contemporaiy folklorists believe that chil- 
dren's rhymes and games are more interesting 
because of the way they comment on the present 
rather than the past. Nonetheless, through a cen- 
tuiT of collecting, scholars have emphasized tra- 
ditional rhymes and games, transmitted through 
the generations in fixed phrases. The rhymes 
and games gathered in these works echo one 
another, and their texts affirm the consenatism 
of children, who pass on rhymes with small varia- 
tions from one generation to the next. In New 
York, some of the rhymes have a distinctive 
urban flavor: 

A boy plays with stilts in the Lower East Side of Manhat- 
tan, New York. Photo by Martha Cooper, City Lore 

stiuits with her legs. Sometimes, the ropes are 
fashioned from white elastic bands which moth- 
ers bring home from the factories. 

"Play," writes Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 
"is an arena of choice in many contexts where 
life options are limited." In a crowded city with 
its contested arenas, the freedom to play is hard- 
ly regarded as a basic human right. In some parts 
of the city where space is uncontested, a child 
can mark the boundaries of a play space with a 
piece of chalk, and nothing more is needed; chil- 
dren can "frame" their play space with boimd- 
aries based on mutual agreement. More often, 
however, the task of establishing play spaces 
takes on a different character as young and old 
battle for autonomy and control. Perhaps the 
toughness sometimes perceived in city children 
may come from the himian battles they fight to 
earn and maintain the right to playfully trans- 
form some autonomous space in the city. 
Through it all, children strive to gain control 
over their play worlds. As Alissa Duffy chanted as 
she and a friend jimiped up and down on a dis- 

I won't go to Macy's any more, 

more, more. 
There's a big fat policeman at the door, 

door, door. 
He'll grab you by the collar and make 

you pay a dollar. 
I won't go to Macy's any more, 

more, more. 

I should wony, I should care, 
I should many a millionaire. 
He should die, I should ciy, 
I should many another guy. 

Flat to rent, inquire within, 
A lady got put out for drinking gin. 
If she promises to drink no more 
Here's the key to 's front door. 

Bin though scholars and laypeople have a 
longstanding interest in the consei-vatism of tra- 
ditional rhymes and games, improxasation has 
always played a major role in children's play. 
Bess Lomax Hawes writes about the "apparently 
paradoxical co-existence of rules and innovation 
within play." She obsei-ved children playing a 
game whose object was to step on all the sidewalk 


A boy plays skelly in the neighborhood of 
Sunnyside in Queens, New York. Photo by 
Steven Zeitlin, courtesy Queens Council on 
the Arts 

cracks, an exact inversion of another popular 
neighborhood game, "step on a crack, break 
your mother's back." She suggests that "only 
those cultural items which are susceptible to vari- 
ation have much chance of survival." Yet, though 
scholars have noted the impro\isatory qualit\' in 
children's lore, this kind of play has rarely been 
thoroughly documented, nor has it received the 
kind of attention paid to traditional children's 

Our work emphasizes the improvisatory side 
of children's lore; children may be jimiping to 
the same rhymes, and playing the same games, 
but they are impro\'ising with the materials, 
negotiating the rules, and imaginatively fitting 
them into various cit)' spaces. After all, before a 
game can be played, the players must agree 
upon the rules; and in the city, figiuing out the 
rules — deciding just how an abstract set of regu- 
lations will apply to this space at this moment — 
is as important as the game itself. Traditional 
games and rhymes are testaments to the conser- 
vatism of children; but the ways the games are 
actually played at any given moment, the ways 
they are adapted to particular urban settings, 
and the ways they are improvised upon reveals a 
creativity that is no less important to the legacy. 

"Play as a medium of adventure infuses all 
aspects of city life," notes Barbara Kirshenblatt- 

As 'poets of their own acts,' players in 
the city occupy space temporarily: they 
seize the moment to play as the opportu- 
nity arises, inserting the game into the 
interstices of the city's grid and sched- 
ule. . . . Wliile lacking the kinds of insti- 

tutions and spaces controlled by the 
powers that be, players transform the 
mundane into an adventure by means of 
a rope, a ball, a dance or a haircut in 
spaces occupied for the moment. Those 
adventures lead in many directions. . . . 

Further Readings 

Bronner, Simon J. 1988. American Children's 

Folklore. Little Rock, Arkansas: August House. 

Dargan, Amanda, and Steven Zeitlin. 1990. City 
Play. New Brimswick, New Jersey: Rutgers 
University Press. 

Hale, Ethel, and Oliver Hale. 1938. "From 
Sidewalk, Gutter and Stoop: Being a 
Chronicle of Children's Play and Game 
Activity." Manuscript, 2 packages. New York 
Public Libran'. 

Hawes, Bess Lomax, and Bessie Jones. 1972. Step 
It Down: Games, Plays, Songs, and Stories from 
the Afro-American Heritage. New York: Harper 
and Row. 

Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara. 1983. The 

FiUure of Folklore Studies in America: The 
Urban Frontier. Folklore Forum 16: 175-233. 

Mergen, Bernard. 1982. Play and Playthings: A 
Reference Guide. Westport, Connecticut: 
Greenwood Press. 

Nasaw, David. 1985. Children of the City: At Work 
and at Play, 1900-1920. New York: 

Opie, lona, and Peter Opie. 1969. Children's 
Games in Street and Playground. Oxford: 
Clarendon Press. 



The Jerusalem 
Festival Project 

Amy Horoxvitz 

Once, I was sitting on the steps by a 
gate at David's Tower. I had placed my 
two heavy baskets at my side. A group of 
tourists was standing aroimd their guide 
and I became their target marker. 

"You see that man with the baskets? 
Just to the right of his head there's an 
arch from the Roman period — just to 
the right of his head!" 

"But he's moving, he's moving," I 
said to myself. Redeinption will only 
come when their guide tells them, "You 
see that arch from the Roman period? 
It's not important. But next to it, to the 
left and down a bit, there sits a man 
who's bought fruit and vegetables for his 

Yehuda Amichai, 1987 

I wonder, Leah, what would it take 
for two women ripened by age, experi- 
ence, and heartache to build a bridge of 
peace rather than a fortress of war? 

I do not stretch out my hand to you 
in strength. This kind of strength means 
victory at war and I do not wish for any 
more wars for either of us. Nor do I 
stretch it out in weakness, for weakness 
is succumbing to the status quo and I 
won't accept that. Let us both stretch 
out our hands in equality and acknowl- 
edge each other's humanity and rights. 

I ask you to please extend a special 
salute to the Via Dolorosa in Jerusalem, 
The Street of Sorrow. It is a road that 
you and I have been traveling for a long 

Can we take fate into om^ own hands 
and say, "Enough!" 

Wliat will it really take? 

Hala Deeb Jabbour, 1986 

For reasons that Mr. Amichai and IVIs. Jab- 
bour's words make clear, the Jerusalem Festival 
project — begim in the summer of 1992 by the 
Center for Folklife Programs and Cultural Stud- 
ies to produce a living exhibition at the Festival 
of American Folklife — has a complicated and 
difficult task. Its goal is to document and present 
the cultural expression of the people who live in 
this ancient city. And accomplishing this means 
resisting the magnetic pull of the historic sites 
and addressing the realities of the people them- 
selves who dwell in Jerusalem in 1993. In the 
August heat, they pause to reflect and catch their 
breath in a city that has captured imaginations 
for millennia. 

Like many urban centers, Jerusalem is a city 
of cities. Israelis, mainly Jews, live in West 
Jerusalem. Palestinians, with a Sunni Muslim 
majority and a sizable Christian minority, live in 
East Jerusalem. There are exceptions to these 
generalities, and as politics constantly reshape 
the socio-geographical landscape, lives are pro- 
foundly affected. You become aware of 
immarked cleavages in the city by the color of 
the municipal buses, by the languages spoken on 
the stieet and written on signs, by the clothes 
people wear, and by the music spilling out of car 
radios. The boundaries between Jewish and Arab 
Jerusalem are never really forgotten in the 
course of daily life. 

Over 40 Jewish ethnic groups live in West 
Jerusalem; in East Jerusalem Muslims live togeth- 
er with Christian neighbors belonging to some of 
more than 15 Orthodox and Western churches 
represented throughout the city. In both East 
and West Jerusalem, residents with roots in Asia, 

Field research for the Jerusalem Festival project has been made 
possible by the generous support of the Nathan Cummings 
Foundation, Ruth Mott Foundation, Miaosoft Corporatioti, 
and David Schoenhach. 


In this map (1580), the world is seen as a clover leaf, and Jerusalem is its center, surrounded by Asia, Africa, and Europe. 

Africa, Europe, and America interact with people 
who can trace their roots for generations in this 

Who are the women, men, and children of 
Jerusalem? How do they earn the money it takes 
to rent an apartment, buy winter olives, and pay 
taxes? How do they stitch together the traditions 
that they learned from their parents with the 
demands and tensions of contemporan- life in 
Jerusalem? How do they hand this cultural legacy 
over to their children? 

Each Jerusalemite has his or her own reasons 
for living in the city. For some, it is where their 
forbears have always lived; for others where their 
forbears have always prayed to live. Still others 

Amy Horowitz is Curator of the Jenisakm Festival project at 
the Center for Folklife Programs and Cultural Studies at the 
Smithsonian Institution. She holds an M.A. in Jewish Stud- 
ies from New York University and is a doctoral candidate at 
the Department of Folklore at the University of Pennsylvania. 
She has been Artist Representative for the African American 
acapella group, Sivecl Honey In The Rock for 16 years. 

came because of a job, a spouse, a college eckica- 
tion. For those arriving from war and oppression 
elsewhere Jerusalem is a refuge, for those unable 
to return she is a longing. 

The Jerusalem Festival project has asked 
these people to share their knowledge with us 
and with the American people. In response they 
invited us into their homes and taught us about 
the way they live their lives, the problems they 
face, the traditions they teach their children, 
the songs they sing, the fabrics they embroider, 
the stories they heard from their grandparents, 
the prayers they know by heart, the foods they 
eat, the Jobs they do, the jokes they tell, the ritu- 
als that accompany birth, adulthood, and death. 

In July of 1992, two parallel research teams, 
one Israeli and one Palestinian, agreed to partici- 
pate with oiu" Center in a research project direct- 
ed by Dr. Galit Hasan Rokem, a folklorist from 
Hebrew University, and Dr. Suad Amii'y, an archi- 
tect from Bir Zeit University. Together we 
designed a plan by which 40 Palestinian and 
Israeli scholars, students, and community mem- 
bers would help us explore the diversity of cultur- 



Local community members ancJ scholars jointly carried out research for the Jerusalem Festival project. 
Serene HIeleh interviews a Palestinian oud player, Abu Ghranam at his home. Photo by Yacub Arefheh 

al life in Jerusalem with an eye to presenting a 
selection of the flndings at the Festival of Ameri- 
can Folklife. 

The two research teams worked over the past 
year on different terrains and imder different 
conditions to discover and document their con- 
temporaiy cultural traditions. Like any road to 
Jerusalem, their joiuneys were filled with imex- 
pected twists and turns and constant negotiations 
to overcome obstacles. These scholars dug 
beneath the CNN soundbites and their own pre- 
conceived notions. They confronted their own 
feelings about their ancient heritages and uncer- 
tain futures as they walked between sunbaked 
stones. They recorded tales and memories of 
local residents colored by time and by re-telling 
across generations and continents. They gath- 
ered accounts of pilgrims who made the journey 
to Jewish, Christian, and Moslem holy places for 
thousands of years, and they documented pre- 
sent-day tourists who walk those paths today. 
They examined cultural aspects of headlines, 
punch lines, demonstration lines, and bus lines. 
They looked at holidays, soccer games, and the 
sounds of sellers in the market. They recorded 

calls to prayer and the calls to action. 

As we listened we began to imderstand some- 
thing about how people try to live ordinary lives 
under extraordinaiy conditions. Daily existence 
in Jerusalem is franted by war and conflict, heroic 
devotion and unquestioning conviction, check- 
pciints and strikes, and the relentless cameras, 
expectations, assumptions, and interruptions of 
outsiders who claim to have the answers to sup- 
port their version of the truth about Jerusalem. 

The aesthetic cultural expressions that 
emerge in contemporai")'Jerusalem are as com- 
plexly layered as those of any heterogeneous 
urban en\'ironment in which people create an 
artistic dialogue between traditional repertoires. 
Unlikely combinations of aesthetics and cultural 
ideas are brought together by modern technolo- 
gies like cassettes, faxes, 747's, and microwaves. 
The result is folklore in motion; Hebrew prayers 
vocalized in Greek and Turkish melodies change 
to Qtiranic recitations amplified in Arabic from 
local minarets and then again to Armenian folk 
poetry sinig to a western rock beat. The result is 
contact culture; French croissants laced with a 
local herb called zaiar. Eastern Etiropean gefilte 


School girls stop for a moment from play In the Nachlaot neighborhood. West Jerusalem is made up of over 40 Jewish 
ethnic groups including communities from Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Americas. Photo by Amy Horowitz 

fish sei'ved next to Middle Eastern dumplings 
called kubbeh. 

Cultural expression in Jerusalem is often a 
discourse of conflict: jokes about the Hebrew or 
Arabic dialects spoken by various ethnic or 
urban groups, songs about the 1967 war as a vic- 
toiy and about the same war as the beginning of 
occupation. Kurdish Jews in Jerusalem sing bal- 
lads to their old friends in Iraq. Palestinian 
Christians combine lyrics about Christ and the 
intifada in Palm Sunday hymns. 

The Jerusalem Festival project searched 
amidst the monuments and ancient inscriptions 
for the human beings inhabiting the city today. 
In our research, we tried to guard against devel- 
oping a romantic picture of ancient stone and 
olive tree that omits the daily conflicts, television 
antennas, laundry lines, and soda bottles sharing 
the landscape with holy sites. We encouraged 
ourselves to record the scene complete with 
laundry flapping and women scrubbing walkways 
clean of relentless Jerusalem dust. We also tried 
to avoid romanticizing our approach, our schol- 
arly clarity, and our own attempts at deconstruc- 
tion lest our cultural vocabulary be taken as a 
new icon or an authority in itself. Ours is to be a 
picture, not //(f picture. 

Cultural Sketches from 
a Work in Progress 

^alatimo's small pastiy shop is a renowned 
landmark in Jerusalem's Old City for local Pales- 
tinians and Arabs throughout the Middle East. 
The store is tucked slightly back from one of the 
main streets, Bab Khan Ezzeit, crowded with 
evei7 kind of small market shop. As we duck into 
the shop we can hear the bells chiming nearby in 
the Holy Sepulchre. 

Zalatimo is bending over little balls of dough 
which he .swiftly rolls out into circles. He pauses 
and welcomes us in Arabic, Salam Aleikum, 
(peace be with you). Then he tosses the dough 
in the air, stretches and lays it out, and fills it 
with nuts. In an instant the pastry is ready to be 
baked in the old stone oven. 

Zalatimo's father, Daoiid Zalafimo, came to 
Jerusalem from Beirut in 1860 and opened up a 
family business. Today, his sons and grandsons 
help him prepare the traditional pastry called 
mutabak. The family tradition is so renowned that 
people often say "let's go to the Old City and 
have a Zalatimo." 

Zalatimo works almost without pause. Soon 
trays of pastiy sit cooling in the back room 


It takes Bashir more than a month to com- 
plete a window. He carves designs manu- 
ally using hand tools and occasionally an 
electric drill, carefully slanting the angle to 
allow light to pass through. Photo by 
Joan Wolbier 

between ancient pillars that have stood there 
since the Roman period. 

In 1917 ten Ainienian craftsmen were 
brought from Turkey to Jerusalem to help 
restore the ceramic tiles in the Dome of the 
Rock. Armenians were enduring persecution and 
Stefan and Berge Karkashian's father was chosen 
and took refuge in the Armenian Quarter of the 
Old City. In Jerusalem, they established a thriv- 
ing ceramic industry and became integrated into 
the cultural life of the Palestinian community. 

Today potteiy adorned with exquisite 
regional designs — symmetrical Islamic patterns, 
floral arabesques, and Armenian Christian and 
Persian themes — is displayed in their shop on 
Via Dolorosa along with plaques designed by 
Palestinian artist Kamal Boulatta and others 
inscribed with Jewish prayers and astrological 
signs. All the painted brush work is hand done 
by Palestinian women each with a special style. 
Their artistry helps to make this potteiy unique 
amongst the crafts of the Old City. Stefan says 
that he feels his father's shadow and memory 
behind each ceramic piece in the shop. 

We find Bashir Musa AJ Muaswis, the only 
local craftsman of plaster-cai'ved stained-glass 
windows, intensely focused in his studio in the 
Haram (the Muslim Holy Shrine which includes 
the Dome of the Rock and AJ Aqsa Mosque). 
Working in a tradition practiced in the Muslim 
world since the 12th centuiy, he is helping to 
restore the stained-glass windows of these holy 
monuments. The windows create a diffused and 
spiritual light that reflects on the richly colored 
7th century floral mosaic inside the Mosque. 
These designs decorate the interior space since 
human and animal imagery is forbidden by the 
traditions of Islam. The task of carving the plas- 
ter is painstakingly slow. The angle of the cut has 
to be just right in order to catch the light cor- 

Today, the month-long Muslim celebration 
of Ramadan is drawing to a close. In the ninth 
month of the Islamic calendar, Muslims fast dur- 
ing the daylight hotus to commemorate the 
divine gifts of the Qiuan and the Prophet Muh- 
ammad. Soon Mtisa will join with thousands of 
neighbors as the Haram fills with daily prayers. 

Musa learned this craft from a family friend. 


Workers prepare the traditional challah 
dough on Thursday at Motti Lendner's bak- 
ery in Beit Yisrael. Photo by Pete Reiniger 

Dawoud Abdeen, who had carved some of the 
earlier plaster windows at Al Aqsa Mosque. Wlien 
the Mosque was damaged by arson fire in 1969, 
the Waqf (Muslim Endowment) searched for 
artisans who could assist in the restoration. They 
located Abdeen when they noticed that he had 
signed his name in 1920 on one of the windows 
that had been burned in the fire. By now an old 
man, he asked Musa's father for assistance. 
Musa, then a yoimg boy, accompanied his father 
and soon began helping out. He tells us that he 
"stole the secrets of the craft with his eyes." 

Yiddish speech and Hasidic dress dominate 
the narrow streets in Beit Israel, the neighbor- 
hood where Motti Lendner's grandfather, hav- 
ing arrived from Rimiania, started a bakery at 
the turn of the century. Motti, a third generation 
baker, says that today the Orthodox Jewish resi- 
dents come on Thursday afternoons to buy the 
challah that is his trademark, hi his rolled up 
shirtsleeves he labors evei7 day alongside his 
workers. His bakery produces only specially 
braided challah bread eaten as part of the Friday 
night Sabbath ritual. Motti explains that there 

are secrets to braiding the dough, special touch- 
es that insure that the loaves will be knackedig 
(Yiddish for crispy), making a cracking noise 
when you bite into it. 

Motti and the other bakers talk with us 
amidst mounds of dough: "The verse in Genesis: 
'thou shalt earn your bread with your own sweat' 
is said exactly about this bakery," Motti declares. 
"This is truly hard work . . . the neighbors here 
pray for my health and hope I'll keep their sup- 
ply of challahs until the Messiah will come." 

Shmuel Shmueli is a Jewish healer who was 
born in Jerusalem. For generations his family 
passed down the mystical wisdom of Kabbalah (a 
tradition that originated in the Middle Ages). 
Shmueli draws on this spiritual knowledge when 
he prays at the Kotel (the "Western" or "Wailing 
Wall"), the most sacred of Jewish sites, and leads 
special pilgrimages to the tombs of holy sages. 
And he incorporates his family's healing and 
mystical traditions when he builds and decorates 
his sukkah, a festive booth where people gather 
evei7 atitumn to celebrate the holiday of Sukkot 
(Festival of the Tabernacles). According to one 


Pvabbalistic belief, Lhhpizin, guests seated in the 
siikkah are joined by Biblical patriarchs who each 
represent a different quality of the divine spirit. A 
special chair and candle are placed in their 

Shmiieli decorates his sukkah walls with spe- 
cial blessings and pictures of sages from different 
generations. The picture of his own spiritual 
leader, the Rav Sharabi, hangs next to the 
medieval philosopher and physician Maimonides, 
whose medicinal system he uses in his own heal- 
ing work. 

1 hoiisands of Kurdish Jews came to 
Jerusalem in 1951 after living for generations in 
Kurdistan. Their jotnney to Jerusalem was one of 
greater cultinal distance than aeronautic miles. 
At home they kept their ancient traditions of 
praying in Aramaic, cooking Kurdish foods, and 
observing special rituals like Saharatia — a cele- 
bration of the Torah. At the same tiine they 
raised their children as Hebrew-speaking Israelis. 

In the 1970s an ethnic revival inovement 
inspired some of the old-timers to formalize their 
weekly song and dance get-togethers into an 
ensemble called Sheva Aliayot. Yaacov Yaakov, a 
commimity leader, explains: 

The 1950s were years of cultural denial 
and great shame. We took off our famil- 

iar garb and tried to say "I am not 
Kurdi!" Bin there were those who wept 
secretly. Then a few began somewhat 
embarrassedly to dance the old Kurdish 
dances again. 

Their repertoire is sung in Hebrew, Arabic, 
and ^Aramaic and accompanied by the zorneli, a 
traditional double reed instrimient with a pierc- 
ing and captivating voice. Group member Miri- 
am Yehoshua is out of breath after the last song: 

Only we the elders who came from Kur- 
distan know what to dance when the 
zorneh plays. If they ask me how, I'll say 
the same way you imderstand Tchai- 
kovsky, my feet imderstand the zorneh. 

Wlien people weave art and food, song and 
prayer in a conflicted city their expressions are 
loomed on the intricate and tense realities of 
their daily lives, the weight of histoi-y and the 
longing for a more seciue futine. The cultural 
creations of Jerusalem's people present a pre- 
cious opening through which to see and appreci- 
ate the himian faces of this enigmatic city. We 
hope to provide future Festival goers with a 
unique opportimity to enter this doorway and lis- 
ten and talk to Jerusalemites on the Natit)nal 
Mall in Washington. 




1993 Festival of 
American Folklife 

July 1 -July 5 

General Information 

Festival Hours 

Opening ceremonies for the 
Festixal will be held on the Main 
Dance Stage in the American 
Social Dance area at 11:00 a.m.. 
Thin sday, July 1st. Thereafter, 
Festival hours will be 11:00 a.m. to 
5:30 p.m. daily, with dance parties 
every evening from 5:30 to 7:00 
p.m., and evening concerts from 
7:00 to 9:00 ij^^m. 


Traditional food from the U.S.- 
Mexico border region, ethnic 
Indian food from me,tropolitan 
D.C..._ and southern African 
American barbecue will be sold. \ 
See the site map for locations. 

A variety of crafts, books, and 
Smithsonian/Folkways recordings 
relating to the 1993 Festival will be 
sold in the Museimi Shop area on 
the Festival site. 


Visiting members of the press 
should register at the Festival Press 
tent on the Mall near Madison 
Drive and I'ith Street. 

First Aid 

A first aid station will be 
available near the Administration- 
area on the Mall. The Health Units 
in the Museums of .American 
Histoid and Natural History are 
open from 10:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. 


There arc outdoor facilities tt>r 
the public and visitors with 
disabilities located near all of the 
program areas on the Mall. 
Additional restroom facilities are 
available in each of the museum 
buildings during visiung hours. 

Public telephones are available 
on the site, opposite the Museums 
of American History and Natural 
Histor)', and inside the museimis. 

Lost and Found/Lost 
Children and Parents 

Lost items may be turned in or 
retrieved at the Volunteer tent in 
the Administration area. Lost 
family members may be claimed at 
the Volunteer tent also. We advise 
putting a name tag on youngsters. 

Metro Stations 

Metro trains will be running 
evei7 day of the Festival. The 
Festival site is easily accessible to 
the Smithsonian and Federal 
Triangle stations on the Blue and 
Oiange lines. 

Evening Dance Parties 
and Concerts 

Traditional dance music is 
played evet)' evening, 5:30-7:00 
p.m., at the Main Dance Stage in 
the American Social Dance area. 
Come dance. 

An evening concert feati^ring 
groups from the Metro Music 
program will follow the dance 
party from 7:00 to 9:00 p.m. 

Services for Visitors 
with Disabilities 

To make the Festival more 
accessible to visitors who are deaf 
or hard of hearing, an audio loop 
is installed in the American Social 
Dance tent. Four sign language 
interpreters are on site eveiy day at 
the Festival. Check the printed 
schedule and signs for interpreted 
programs. Oral interpreters are 
available for individuals if a request 
is made three full days in advaiKe. 
Call ( 202 ) 786-24 1 4 (TTY) or • 
(202) 786-2942 (voice). 

Large^print copies of the daily 
schedule and audiocassette 
versions of the program book and 
schedule are available at Festival _ 
information kiosks and the 
Volunteer tent. 

Wlieelchairs are available at the 
Festival Volunteer tent. Volunteers 
are on call to assist wheelchair - 
users and to giiide visitors with__ 
visual impairments. There are a 
few designated parking spaces for 
visitois with disabilities along both 
Mall drives. These spaces have 
three hour time restrictions. 

Informacion General 

Horario del Festival 

l.a ceremonia de apertura al 
Festival se celebrara en el 
escenario principal del Pabellon de 
Baile Social, el l*"'" de julio a las 
1 1:00 a.m. A partir de ese dia, las 
horas del Festival seran de 1 1 :00 
a.m. a 5:30 p.m. diariamente con 
fiestas bailables cada noche de 5:30 
a 7:00 p.m.y conciertos de 7:00 a 
9:00 p.m. 


Habra comida tipica de la 
frontera Mexico-Estados Unidos, 
comida etnica de la comimidad 
India del area metropolitana de 
Washington, D.C., y barbacoa siid- 
africana americana a la venta. 
Consulte el mapa del Festival para 
localizar los puestos de comida. 

Se podra comprar ima variedad 
de artesanfas, libros, y discos 
relacionados con los programas del 
Festival de 1993 en la carpa 
designada Tiehda del Museo, 
localizada en la Explanada 


Los miembros de la prensa que 
visiteii el FestivaJ deberan 
inscribirse en la carpa destinada 
para la prensa en el Festival 
localizada en Madison Drive y la 
calle 12.' 

Primeros Auxllios 

Una unidad de la Cruz Roja 
Americana se instalara en ima 
carpa cerca del area de la 
Administracion. Las unidades de 
salud en los museos de Historia 
Norteamericana y de Historia 
Natural estaran abiertos desde las 
10:00 a.m. hasta las 5:30 p.m. 

Servlclos Higienicos y 

Habra facilidades para uso del 
pi'iblico y \isitantes con 
impedimentos-eerca de todas las 
areas de los diferentes programas 
en la Explanada. Ademas, podra 
utilizar los banos de los museos 
durante las horas d^ visita. — 

Telefonos publicos se 
encuentran en la Explanada^ 
enfrente de los museos de Historia 
Norteamericana y de Historia 
Natural, y adentro de los museos. 

Personas y Objetos 

Las personas que esten 
extraviadas o que hayan extraviado 
a sus familiares, pueden pasar por 
el Puesto de Voluntarios, en el area 
de la Administracion, para 
encontrarse con su grupo. 
Recomendamos que los ninos 
Ueven puestas tarjetas con sus 
nombres. Los objetos extra\'iados o 
encontrados podran entregarse o 
reclamarse en el mismo puesto. 

Estaclones del Metro 

Los trenes del Metro estaran 
funcionando diariamente dmante 
el Festival. Puede Uegar a la 
Explanada Nacional facilmente si 
toma el Metro hasta las estaciones 
Smithsonian o Federal Triangle en 
las li'neas azul o naranja. 

Actividades Bailables 

Todas las noches habra mi'isica 
bailable tradicional en el escenario 
principal del Pabellon de Baile 
Social desde las 5:30 hasta las 7:00 
p.m. Lo invitamos a que venga a 

Conjuntos del programa de 
Musica Metropolitana continuaran 
con conciertos desde las 7:00 hasta 
las 9:00 p.m. 

Servicios para Visitantes 
con Impedimentos 

Para hacer el Festival mas 
accesible a visitantes con impedi- 
mentos del oido, un recodo de 
amplificacion de sonido sera 
instalado dentro del Pabellon de 
Baile Social. 

Todos los dias se encontraran 
en el lugar del Festival cuatro 
interpretes dactilologicos. Consulte 
el horario y los letreros en cada 
area para localizacion. 
Interpretes verbales seran 
proveidos si son solicitados con 
ima semana de anticipacion. Por 
favor llame al (202) 786-2414 
(TTY) o (202) 786-2942 (voz). 

Para el beneficio de visitantes 
con impedimentos de la vista, 
copias del itinerario imprimidas en 
letra grande y grabaciones del 
programa estaran disponibles en 
los kioscos de informacion y en el 
Puesto de Voluntarios. 

Sillaide ruedasy voluntarios 
estaran disponibles en el Puesto de 
Voluntarios para asistir a personas 
que usen silla de ruedas y para 
guiar a los visitantes que tienen 
impedimentos de la vista. Los 
visitantes con impedimentos 
podran estacionarse en los 
espacios reservados para estos 
casos que estan localizados a 
ambos lados de la Explanada 
Nacional. Estos estacionamientos 
tienen un li'mite de uso de tres 

Participants in the 1993 
Festival of American Folklife 


Tijuana, Baja California 

Olga Lidia Cortes - Mixteca hat 

and basket maker 
Guadalupe Isabel Flores de Estrada 

- Mixteca altar maker, cook 
Juvencio Extrada Maceda - Mixteco 

storyteller, oral historian, 

Gloria Lopez Lopez - Mixteca 

vendor, altar maker, cook 
Elia Hilda Maceda Flores - Mixteca 

altar maker, cook 
Ofelia Santos Lopez - Mixteca 

vendor, oral historian, hat and 

basket maker, altar maker, cook, 

Francisco Paulino Sierra Cruz - 

Mixteco school teacher 

Cathedral City, California 

Carmen Moreno - guitarist, singer 

Sailta Catarina, Baja California 

Benito Peralta Gonzalez - Pai Pai 
storyteller, oral historian 

Tecate, Baja California 

Jose Luis Lee Sandoval - furniture 

Mexicali, Baja California 

Tfilln Uuii'nsitarid d<- Teatro 
Angel Norzagaray Norzagaray 
Heriberto Norzagaray Norzagaray 
Loreto Ramon Tamayo Rosas 
Alejandra Rioseco de la Peiia 
Andres Garcia Moreno 
Pedro Gabriel Gonzalez Castro 

San Simon Village, Arizona 

Tohuno O'odhrim Sinng Band 
Blaine W.Juan - violin, dancer 
Joseph Alonzo Garcia - violin, 

Frank N. Pedro - guitar 
Victor Augustine Garcia - violin 
Nacho J. Feleys - snare drum 
Mike L. Francisco - bass drum, 


Lupe Lopez - Tohono O'odham 

basket maker 
Marie Leon -Tohono O'odham 

basket maker 

Nogales, Sonora 

Maria Gloria Moroyoqui de 

Roques - Yaqui cook, piiiata and 
flower maker, herbalist 

Imuris, Sonora 

Anastasio Leon - birdcage and 

" frame maker 
Francisco Silva - birdcage and 
frame maker 

Magdalena, Sonora 

Felipe de Jesus Valenzuela - 
regional historian 

Tumacacori, Arizona 

Maria Rodriguf z - tortilla maker, 
flower maker, cook 

Tucson, Arizona 

Reynaldo B. Hernandez - INS 
border patrol, storyteller 

Arturo Carrillo Strong - author, 
oral historian 

Los Hermanos Cuatro - Yaqui 
Norteno Band 

Jesus Juan Yucupicio - electric bass 
Albert M. Yucupicio - accordion 
Angel M. Yucupicio - drums 
Peter S. Yucupicio - hajo sexto 

Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua 

Brigada por La Paz 

Alonso Encina Herrera - muralist 

Jesus Alberto "Pee Wee" Rodriguez 

Medina - muralist 
Gustavo "Sleepy" Grado Tiscareho - 


Miguel Angel "El Tandy" Sandoval 

Lira - muralist 
Oscar Ramirez - guitar maker 

Los Akgres del Norte - Norteno Band 
Jose Flores Cordova - accordion 
Diego Hidalgo Alvarez - bajo sexto 
Emilio Chairez Muiioz - lololoche 

El Paso, Texas 

Agustin Castillo - woodcarver, 

furniture maker 
Carlos Callejo - Chicano muralist 
Romiilo Frias - lowrider. 

El Divisidero, Chihuahua 

Guadalupe Carrasco Leyva - 
quilter, cook 

Paso de Lajitas, Chihuahua 

Baltazar Rodriguez Puentes - ^ 
ranching crafts 

Lajitas, Texas 

\ Adolfo O. Rodriguez - ranching 

Presidio, Texas 

Richard Mark Bernholz - INS 
border patrol, storyteller 

Nacimiento, Chihuahua 

Gertrude Factor Vasquez - oral 
historian, cook, herbalist 

Alice Fay Lozano - oral historian, 
cook, herbalist 

Del Rio, Texas 

Ethel I. Warrior - oral historian, 

William F. Warrior - oral historian, 


Laredo, Texas 

Aiinando Flores - blacksmith 
Maria Paredes de Solis - quilter 

Monterrey, Mexico 

El Palom.o y el Gorrion - Norteno 


Cirilo "El Palomo" Luna Franco - 

accordion, composer 
Miguel "El Gorrion" Luna Franco - 

drums, composer, vocals 
Moises Garcia - guitar 

Hebbronville, Texas 

Omar Galvan - vaquero, . 

ropemaker, cook, stoi"yteller 

Kingsville, Texas 

foe O. Mendietta - vaquero 
horsehair braider 

San Diego, Texas 

Canuto Soliz - vaquero, 

leathenvorker, storyteller, 
' guitarist 

Elsa, Texas 

Los Hermanos Layton - Conjunto 


Antonio V. Layton - guitar, vocals 

Rene Layton - drums 

Norfilia Layton Gonzalez - vocals 

Gilbert Gonzalez - bass guitar 

Benigno Layton - accordion, vocals 

Brownsville, Texas 

Julius Collins - shrimper, 
netmaker, cook 


Square Dancers from 
Southwest Virginia 

Lois B. Buchanan - Glade Spring 
Richard C. Buchanan - Glade 

Carl Farris - CViilhowie 
Virginia Lee Farris - Chilhowie 
Ernest French - Meadowview 
Nancy Haworth - Abingdon 
William R. Haworth - Abingdon 
Mildred Holley - Chilhowie 
Glenn Orfield - Meadowview 
Sandra Orfield - Meadowview 
George V. Owens - Meadowview 
Mai7 D. Owens - Meadowview 
David E. Salyer - Abingdon 
Janie Salyer - Abingdon 
Kirby Smith - caller - Abingdon 
Jack Stevens - Meadowview 
Lala Stevens - Meadowview 
Evelyn W. Sturgill - Chilhowie 

French Sturgill - Chilhowie 
Barbara Vance - Chilhowie 
James Vance - Chilhowie 

Southern Country Band 
Howard Burchette - mandolin, 

fiddle, guitar, vocals - Abingdon 
Barton Fritts - bass - Mountain City, 

William C. Kelly - fiddle - 

AJ Lambert - guitar, mandolin, 

banjo, vocals - Abingdon 
William H. McCall - guitar, vocals - 

Steve Starnes - mandolin - 


Cambodian American Dancers 

Phavann Chliuan - Rockville, 

Chhomanath Chhuan - Rockville, " 

John Kheav - Ft. Washington, 

Vuthy Kheav - Ft, Washington, 

Sesane Ouk - Sterling, Virginia 
Sorabe Phann - Bel Air, Maiyland 
Chan Moly Sarn - Reston, Virginia 
Phillip Rithy Sok - Sterling, 

Nareine Sokhon - Potomac, 

Sareth C. Sokhon - Potomac, 

Soum Sokhon - Potomac, Maryland 
Jammy Samnung Sun - Herndon, 

Nadin Samnung Sun - Herndon, 

Nady Samnung Sun - Herndon, 

Sody T. Tek - Alexandria, Virginia 
Rady Tes - Ft. Washington, 

, Maiyland 
Sochietah Ung - Washington, B.C. 

Kagnol Band 

Kagnol Mol - leader, guitar, organ - 

Chantilly, Virginia 
Hamany Mol - manager - Chantilly, 

Sophy L. Hoeung - vocals - 

Alexandria, Virginia 

Coiy Long - vocals - Silver Spring, 

Mony Ouv- guitar - Woodbridge, 


New Hello Baud 

Samnang Sim - leader, lj.eyboards - 

Herndon, Virginia 
Vutha Pao - lead guitar - Falls 

Church, Virginia 
Phal Soeung - vocals - Herndon, 

Farom Tan - guitar - Woodbridge, 

Chhin Bim Yan - vocals - Herndon, 


Bolivian Dancers 

Juan Leonardo Alanes - Riverdale. 

Adela Baldarrama - Silver Spring, 

Maiyland ' 

Carlos Ballesteros - Arlington, 

Melody Ballesteros - Aiiington, 

Nancy Ballesteros - Arlington, 

Marco A. Castellon - Silver Spring, 

Paola Castellon - Silver Spring, 

Luis H. Fuentes - .Alexandria, 

Virginia ' 

Luz Fuentes - Alexandria, V/irginia 
Magaly Jarrad - Glen Biunie, 

Andy Lopez - Gaithersburg, 

Jhonny V. Meneses - .Alexandria, 

Maria Teresa Mojica - Oakton, 

Angel F. Quinteros - Arlington, 

Leslie Quinteros - Arlington, 

Lillian Quinteros - Aiiington, 

Giovani Ricaldez -Arlington, 

Rosemaiy L. Sejas - Aj lington, 


Alex Urresty - Gaithersburg, 

Jugo Urresty - Gaithersburg, 


Geneiacion Luz 

Charlie Barrionirevo - keyboards, 

vocals - Falls Church, Virginia 
Fermin Barrionuevo - keyboards - 

Falls Church, Virginia 
Mairricio Barrionuevo - director, 

percussion, vocals - 
' Springfield, Virginia 
Jiran Carlos Cueto - guitar, vocals - 

Aiiington, Virginia 
Lelis Cueto - percussion - 

Arlington, Virginia 
Raul Monterrosa - piano - 

Arlington, Virginia 
Julio Robles - bass, vocals - 

Arlington, Virginia 


Enriqire Coria - rharango- 

Alexandria, Virginia 
Jose Raiil Dirran - chamngo, flute - 

Silver Spring, Maryland 
Jose Raiil Gonzalez- chamngo - 

Alexandria, Virginia 
Boris Torrico - flirte - Aiiington, 

Rodolfo Tonico - percussion - 

Arlington, Virginia 

Iroquois Dancers 

Bi ad Bonaparte - MohaVvk Nation, 

Akwesasne * 

Sadie Buck - Seneca, Six Nadons 
Norman B. Hill, Jr. - Casaiga, 

Sue Jacobs - Cayuga, Six Nations 
LuAnn Jamieson - Seneca, 
J Tonawanda 
Scott Logan - Seneca, Tonawanda 
Mite McDonald - Mohawk Nation, 

Robert Shenandoah - Onondaga 

Keith Shenandoah - Onondaga 

Sherri L. Waterman-Hopper - 

Onondaga Nation 

Hand Dancers 

Florence K. Barber - Washington, 

Lawrence Bradford - Washington, 

Kenny Cheeks - Foresrville, 

William H. Eley - Hyattsville, 

Robert "Captain Fly" Frye - deejay - 

Lanham, Maryland 
Leroy Green - Capitol Heights, 

Cynthia Jefferson - C.apitol Heights, 

Addie Robinson - Washington, 

Cynthia Shelton - Hyattsville. 
. Maryland 
Luvenia Shelton - Washington, 

Howard Watkins - Fort 

Washington, Maryland 


Authony Hoxington - Silver Spring, 

John "Super Cool" Mackey - deejay 

- Morningside, Maryland 
Denise Richards - Washington, 


The Nasty Boys 

Rosetta Fultz-Mackey - Hyatts\il.le, 

Brian Robinson - Temple Hills, 

Chuck Sanders - Washington, D.C. 
Kimberty Simpson - District 

Heights, Manland 
Michael Smith -Washington, D.C. 
Tyrone Thornton - Washington, 



Playground Traditions 

Bailey's Elementary School- Falls 

Church, Virginia 
Carmen Boatwright-Bacon - 

preseViter, facilitator 
Linh Air 

Herber Hernandez 
Jacqueline Machado 
Linda Mak 
Carol Ovando 
Srey Saing 
Liiis Valencia 
Other Bailey's students 

Brightwood Elemenlaiy School - 

Washhigton, D.C. 

Jean Alexander -presenter, 

Brooke Andrews-Bondgiee 
Li Nida Blake 
Melissa Carrera 
Mykia Carroll 
Michelle Davis - 
Carmen Douglas 
Gioria Douglas 
Leslie Eustaquio 
V'ictoria Fashoto 
Dottve Gav 

Stephania Gomez 
Carole Green 
Porgha Harrell 
Cristine Holt 
Yolanda Hughes 
Georgette Jones 
Grace Kelly 
Candice Kemier 
Kathr\'n Kot) 
Crystal Little 
Alicia Middletbn 
Tamisha Miller 
Olslani Oyezbola 
Olushola Pyne 
Kimberlee Roate 
Kelia Speight 
Wendy Thomas 
Daphne Vassor 
Marie Williams 
Cherell Wilson 

Raymond Elementary School - 

Washington, D.C. 

Dorothy Walker - presenter. 

Idyis Alexander 
LaTasha Anderson 
Tikia Anderson 
Dominique Brown 
Aisha Clark 
Malika Fateen 
Shawn te Johnson 
Antoinette Titter 
Stephanie W'illiams 
Tadana Wright 

Chinese Yo-Yo and Shuttlecock 

Washington School of Chinese 

Language and Culture- Rockville, 


Lily Liu Chow - principal 

Chinese Yo-yo: 

Bor-Shan Zhu - teacher, facilitator 

Hong Yong Chow - teacher 

Tom Chi 

Cathy K. Chow 

James Rung 

Elain Szu 

Mike Wang 

Anita Wu . 

Leonard Wu 

Jacob Yeh 

Chinese Shuttlecock: 
Ivy Chen - teacher 
Wilson Lin ,, 
Peter Schwartz 
Albert Tsou 

Bucket Brigade 

Barnett W'illiams - percus.sionist, 

Draper African Drummers - 
Washington, D.C. 
James Barber 
Reginald Bell 
James Dudley 
Javon Miles 
Lorenzo Neil 

Neighborhood Cheel^ 

Charles Barrett Reneation Center - 

Alexandria, Virginia 

Maurisette Daniels - cheerleading 

Vanessa Williams - assistant'coach 
Lynique Scott - captain 
LaToya Pittman - co-captain 
Lany Tolliver - mascot , 
Kellv Amolegbe 
Tamika Brooks . 
Cliawmia Dowdy 
Bridget Dupree 
Cassandra Fountain 
Tamar Green 
Quiana Huff 
LaToya Johnson 
Tamika Moore 
Tasha Washington 
Dalecia Williams^ 
Mt. Vernon Recreation Center 
Cheerleaders - PAex3.nAT\.2i, Virginia 
Misty Copeland - coach 
Naila Alexander - coach 
Shanta Baker 
- Nanah Bangura- 
Yonnie Ihedioha 
Tahnia Martin 
Destiny Porter 
Shereva Pretty 
Latresa Randolph 
Camille Reed 

Michelle Ross 
Evern Sharpe 
Jamie Shipp 
Jessica Southall 
Natalia Spinner 
Kimberly Stewart 
Marcellena Thornton 

Nannie Lee Recreation Center 

Cheerleaders - A\eyi2t.ndT\?L, Virginia 

Tonya Banks - coach 

Christina Copeland 

Laresa Dean 

Rashanda Grimes 

Danielle Hawkins 

Ivona Hawkins 

Tina Johnson 

Tysheea Johnson 

Carlita Reed 

Laquita Wliite 

Racha White 

Double Dutch Jump Rope 

D.C. Metropolitan Police Boys and 
Girls Club, Greater Washington Area 
Double Dutch League 
Montgomei"y Gardner - presenter, 

Officer Zenobia Mack - presenter, 


Garrison Elementary School - 

Washington, D.C. 

Rebecca Herndon - presenter, 

Sheila Pickett - assistant coach 

Team A (4th Grade) 
Larrissa Campbell 
Cherri Starks 
Angelina Watkins 

Team B (5th Grade) 
Jennifer Cole 
Octavia Freeman 
Eboni McPherson 
LaKetha Welcher 

P.R. Harris Educational Center - 

Washington, D.C. 

Charlene Jones - presenter, coach 

Shantay Fair 
Lisa Nock 
Rhashelia Outing 
Tomika Yoimg 

Seaton Elementary School - 
Washington, D.C. 
Montez Delaney - presenter, coach 
Shirley Williams - assistant coach 

Team A (5th Grade) 
Memuna Fofana 
Christina Johnson 
Crystal McClaiy 
Jennifer McCleland 

Team B (6th Grade) 
Haja Fofana 
LaShonda Lucas 
LaKesha Simmons 

Team C (5th Grade) 
Beatrice Brooks 
Kitea Lewis 
LaQUanda Morgan 
Regina Williams 

Storytelling and Narratives of 

Len Cabral - Cranston, Rhode 

Bill Harley - Seekonk, 

Mendel Denise Service - 

Washington, D.C. 


Baltimore Korean Dancers 
Ji Eiin Ahn 
Soon Hee Ahn 
Ayang By Chi 
Nanhui Kang 
Eiui Soo Kim 
•Hvimijoo Kim 
Jung Sook Lee 
Hye Sook Lim 
hmcr Sook Park 

Chu Me Yi 
Ann Yim 
Jum Bok Yim 

The Country Gentlemen - Bluegrass 
Charlie Waller - guitar, vocals - 

Gordons\ille, Virginia 
Jimmy Bowen - mandolin, vocals - 

Nashville, Tennessee 
Greg Corbett - 5-string banjo, 

vocals - Troy, North Carolina 
Ronnie Davis - upright bass, vocals - 

Charlottesville, Virginia 

Ganga - Bengali Folk Music 
Hitabrata Roy - dotara - Falls 

Church, Virginia 
Minati B. Roy - khmak - Falls 

Church, Virginia 
Broto Roy - tabla - Falls C>hurch, 

Ivi ishnakali Roy - ghungar- Falls 

(;hinxh, Virginia 

Gospel Pearls 

Beatrice Cooper- Washington, 

Paulette Goodin - Capitol Heights, 

Brenda Little - Washington, D.C. 
Verna Locus - Washington, D.C. 
Connie Monroe - Washington, 


Sam Hubbard and "Reverb"- Gospel 
Sam Hubbard - Washington, D.C. 
Steve Langley- Washington, D.C. 
Reginald Moore - Washington, 


Bruce O'Neal - Washington, D.C. 
Victor Pinkney - Clinton, Mainland 

John Jackson - Piedmont blues 
guitar - Fairfax Station, Virginia 

Johnson Mountain Boys- Bluegrass 
Tom Adams - banjo - Gettysburg, 

Dudley Connell - guitar, vocals - 

German town, Maryland 
Dave McLaughlin - mandolin - 

Winchester, Virginia 

Eddie Stubbs - fiddle - 
Gaithersburg, Maryland 

Earl Yager - bass - Spring Grove, 

Djimo Kouyate - Senegalese griot ■ 
Washington-, D.C. 

Utile Bit A Blues 

Warner Williams - guitar - 

Gaithersburg, Maryland 
Jay Simierour - harmonica - 

Poolsville, Maryland 
.\ndy Vorhees - bass - Poolsville, 


Alfredo Mojica and His Orchestra - 

Latin Dance Music 
Alfredo Mojica, Sr. - band leader - 

Silver Spring, Maryland 
Ralph Eskenazy - keyboards - 

WTieaton, Maryland 
Adrianne Galler Lastra - bass - 

^Wlieaton, Maiyland 
Jose Lopez - percussion - 

Gaithersbiug, Maryland 
Heather McKay - guitar - Potomac, 

Alfi'edo Mojica, Jr. - percussion - 

Bethesda, Maryland 
Eugene Okonsky - piano - Silver 

Spring, Maryland 
Scott Young - saxophone - 

Wheaton, Maryland 

Irish Music & Dance 

Winifted Horan - dancer - New 

York, Neyv York 
Donna Long - piano - Baltimore, 

Brendan MuKihill - fiddle - 

Alexandria, Virginia 

Odadaa - Ghanaian Music & Dance 
Yacub Addy - master drummer - 
Alexandria, Virginia 

Siboney - Cuban Music 
Nelson Rodriguez - director - 
Washington, D.C 

Veltones - Doo Wop 
Joe Herdon - Washington, D.C. 
Larry Jordan - Washington, D.C. 
Sunny Payton -Washington, D.C. 
George Spann - Washington, D.C. 
Moe Warren - Bladensburg, 

Thursday, July 1 








El Bordo 

El Ranchito 

El Ranchito 



Pai Pai Native 


O-odham String 


Border Stories 

Black Seminole 



Pimeria Aha 

El Palomo y 

F.l (iorrii.ii: 


Mural Art S; 

As.idero Cheese 

Mentiras ^ 



Mural Painting 

Border Theater 


Dressing the 

Pascola Dame 

Kl Palomo V 

El C;orri6n: 


Paper Cralts 







Boidci Hislon 

l.os Alegies del 
Norte: Norteno 


Imagery in Arts 

& Crafts 

Corrido K- 
, Ranchera 
Singing - 


Pimeria Aha 

Eos Hermanos 

Cuatro: Yaqui 


Border Theater 




Crafts Jv 


Bolder Sloiies 

. Recycling 



Ciiatro: Vaqm 


Ongoing demonstrations of lowrider art, weaving, reverse glass painting, mural painting, altar 
dressing, leather- and ironworking, and traditional ways of making baskets, hats, quilts, piiiatas, 
paper flowers, birdcages, candles, guitars, furniture, rope, pack saddles, and shrimp nets. 












Dancing fron 
Vrrginia ^ 

Hand Dancini 





Dances x 



t;ontaci i 



Hand Dancing 
Memories from 
the '50s &: 'fiOs 

Daive & 
( :c>mnuiniti 

Strutting \,: 

MaJe & Female 
Identities in 

Motown I.i\es: 

The Hand 
Dance Revival 

The Bohviaii 


Dance Party 


Evening Concert 


Voices: Sam 

Hubbard with 







.\Jfredo Mojica: 
Latin Dance 



eiospel Pearls 


Djimo Kouyate: 

Griot Stories &- 



Bengali Folk 





Donna Long, & 

Winnie Horan: 

Irish Music & 



Little Bit 
\ Blues 



Mountain Bovs: 






Double Diuch 

Jump Rope; 

- Seaton 





Games; ^ 




Bucket Bngade; 


■ Williams &.■ the 

Draper .AlVican 



Tales In ,tnd 

Out of School: 

Bill Barley 


Cheers; Mt. 




Chinese \'o-Vo: 


School of 

Language & 


Double Dutch 
Jiunp Rope; 
PR. Harris 

Schedules are subject to change. Check signs in each 
program area for specific information. 

Sign language interpreters will be' available for selected programs. 
Programs that will be interpreted are marked with the symbol ^^ 

Friday, July 2 








El Bordo 

El Ranchito 

El Ranchito 

Dressing ilie 

Pimeria Alta 

I. OS Alegres 
del Norte: 

Border Histoid 







String Band 


Imageiv m 

Arts Sc (aatLs 

Bajo Sexto 


PaiPai -Native 
Slon telling 

Los Hejnianos 

Cuatro: Yaqui 


Border Stories 

Black Seminole 




I'astola Daiue 

El Palomo v 

El C.orri()n: 


C rafts & 



■ Traditions 



Border Histon 


Day of the 
The Arrival 
of the Little 

Pimeria Alta 

Los Hermanos 

Cuatro: Yaqui 




Border Stories 

- Tohono 


String Band 



Los Alegres del 

Border Stories 


Ongoing demonstrations of lowrider art, weaving, reverse glass painting, mural painting, altar 
dressing, leather- and ironworking, and traditional ways of making baskets, hats, quilts, pinatas, 
paper flowers, birdcages, candles, guitars, furniture, rope, pack saddles, and shrimp nets. 













DC. Snie 


Dancing from 







DJ.s. Callers. 

Sc Singers: 

Inspiring the 


"Hip-Hop. \o 
Don't Stop" 

Life's Passages 

Dam ing Wlio 

We .\re; Dance 

&■ Identirv 

Male & Fen 


Free Staling 
with Rhythm, 

Down the Beat 

Striuting Your 


Dance Party 


Evening Concert 

Los Hern 

the Ma 








Donna Long, & 

Winnie Horan: 

Irish Music >L- 


Odadaa: Music 

& Dance ol 



Sam Hubbard 

Reverb/ Gospel 



Djinio Kouyate: 

Griot Stories S: 

' Music 


Ganga: Bengali 
Folk Music 

. 5:00 

Alfredo Mojica: 

Latin Dance 





Stories My 

Mother Told 

Me: Len Cabral 


Double Dutch 
Jump Rope: 

Eleinen tan- 


Games: Bailey's 
Elemen tary 
School ^_^ 






Willi.mis & the 

Draper Alrican 



Sharing Stories: 
Bill Harley & 
Len Cabral 


Cheers: Charles 



C:hinese Vo-Vo: 


School of^_^ 

Chinese ^^ 

Language & 



Double Dutch 

jimip Rope: 

PR. Harris 


Center ^^ 

Schedules are subject to change. Check signs iii each 
pi ogram area for specific information. 

Sign language interpreters will be available for selected programs. 
Programs that will be interpreted are marked with the symbol ^^ 

Saturday, July 3 








El Bordo 

El Ranchito 

El Ranchito 


Dismantling ot 
the Altar 

Past ola Dante 

El Palomo v 
El Clorrion: 


Craft-s & 




Candy, Making 

I.os Hermanos 

Border HistojT 


Tololot he .^C- 



Siring Band 


ImageiT in .Arts 






El Palomo V 

El (kirrion: 


Border Stories 


Corritlo &: 



Pimeria Alta 

I.os Hermanos 

Cuatro; Yaqni 


' Theatei 






StoiA tellers 


Los Alegres 
del Norte: 


Boirler Stories 


String Band 

Paper Cralts 


, Corrido c^- 


I.os Hermanos 



Ongoing demonstrations of lowrider art, weaving, reverse glass painting, mural painting, altar 
dressing, leather- and ironworking, and traditional ways of making baskets, hats, quilts, pinatas, 
paper flowers, birdcages, candles, guitars, furniture, rope, pack saddles, and shrimp nets. 














Dancing fron 




Hand Dancing 








Hand Dancing 


D.j.s, Callers, 

.i: Singers: 

Inspiring the 


Sacred Js: 
Secular Dance 


Tradition Jv: 
Innovation in 
Bolivian Dance 






Contact in 


Struttini; \t 

The Boli\ia 


Dance Party, 


Evening Concert 

Hand Dancing 

, Blues N.ght: 
l.iitle Bit A 







Sam Hubbard 
with Reverb 



Donna Long, & 

Winnie Horan: 

Irish Music & 



(ianga: Bengali 
Folk Music 


Cospel Pearls 




Djimo kouvale: 

Griot Stories &; 



Odadaa: Music ' 

& Dance from 







Stories About 
Growing Vp: 
Bill Harlev 


Double Dutch 
Jump Rope: 





Games: Bailey's 




Sharing Stories: 
Bill Harlev & 
Len Cabral 


Bucket Brigade: 


Williams & the 

Draper .AJVican 




Cheers: Nannie Recreation 





School of 

l.anuiiasie .V- 



Double Dutch 

Jump Rope: 

PR. Harris 


Center ^^ 

Schedules are subject to change. Check signs in each 
program area for specific information. 

Sign language interpreters will be available for selected programs. 
.Piograms that will be interpreted are marked with the symbol ^^ 

Sunday, July 4 








El Bordo 

El Ranchito 

El Ranchito 

Dressing-the ■ 

Pimeria Alta 

Los Hermanos 



(ielt bration 

El Palomo v 

El Gorrion: 


Murals &: 

Tololoche &: 



Los Hermanos 

Cuatro: Yaqui 


Border Stories 

Blai k 



Border Stories 

Los .\legres 
del Norte: 








String Hand 

Imager)' in 
Arts & C;i afts 


Border Stories 





Los Hermanos 








Pascola Dance 

Los Hermanos 

Cuatro: Yaqui 


Border Stories 


Pai Pai 

LI Palomo V 

F.I Cornon: 



Corrido &■ 

Ongoing demonstrations of lowrider art, weaving, reverse glass painting, mural painting, altar 
dressing, leather- and ironworking, and traditional ways of making baskets, hats, quilts, pinatas, 
paper flowers, birdcages, candles, guitars, furniture, rope, pack saddles, and shrimp nets. 











D.C Sr\Ie 





Dancing from 



^ Bolivian 


PIa\ing with 

Dancing Wlio 

We Are: Dance 

L<: I den tin 


Court & Social 


Contact in 

Strutting Your 


•Hip-Hop. You 
Don't Stop" 

Ceremonial & 
Social Dance 

Block Part> 


Dance Party 

7:00 - 9:00 

Evening Concert 

Los Alegres del 

An Evening of 



Siboney ^z 




Djimo Kouyate: 
Griol Stories & 



CJanga: Bengali 
Folk Music 


Utile Bit A 


Korean Dance 
Company of 





Hubbard with 





Donna Long, & 

Winnie Horan: 

Irish Music & 





Music & Dance 




Stories Mv 

Mother Told 


Me: Len Cabral 


Bucket Brigade: 

Williams & the 

Draper .African 






Kids' Stories 

- Workshop: 

Mendel Denise 


-' SeiTice 

Double Dutch 

Jump Rope: 





Bucket Brigade: 


Williams & the 

Draper African 









Chinese Yo-Yo: 
School of^-. 

(Chinese ^^ 

Language &: 


Schedules aie-subject to change. Check signs in each 
program area for specific information. 

Sign language interpreters will be available for selected progran^s. 
Programs thai will be interpreted are Jtiarked. with the symbol ^^ 

Monday, July 5 







El Bordo 

El Ranchito 

El Ranchito 

Dressing the 

Piinen'a Alta 


Los Alegrcs 
del Norte: 


Si, .lies 
L, hand,! 


I'asiola Dance 


Los Herinanos. 

Caiatro: Vaqiii 


Border Stories 


Accordion .'^■ 
Bajo Sexto 




F,l Paloin..\ 

El t;oiTi6n: 


Paper Crafts 


- Theater 



I'ai Pai Nali\e 

String Band 


Imagen in 

Alts & Crafts 



. 3:00 


del Norte; 

Murals 8: 

V'aquero &■ 



Da\ ot the 


Pimeria Mli\ 

Los Herinanos 


Border Stories 

Los Herinanos 

('uairo; Ydqni 


Border Histon 

Vaquero & 




Sfring Band 


Border Historv 

Ongoing demonstrations of lowrider art, weaving, reverse glass painting, mural painting, altar 
dressing, leather- and ironworking, and traditional ways of making baskets, hats, quilts, piiiatas, 
paper flowers, birdcages, candles, guitars, furniture, rope, pack saddles, and shrimp nets. 










Hand D.incin" 



' Square 
Dancing from' 




Hand Dancing 










Dances ot 

Contait in 


Male & Female 
Identities in 

D.J.s, Callers, 

& Singers: 
Inspiring the 
Dance ^r 

Dancing Wlio 

We ,\re: Danci 

& Identit\ 

Ihe Bolivian 

Court c<: So 


Dance Party 


Evening Concert 

An Evening of 

West African 

Music and 

Dance: ^ 

Odadaa Djuno 







Donna Long. & 

Wmnie Horau: 

Irish Music c<. 



t;anga: Bengal, 
-Folk Music 





Hubbard with 




Little Bit A 


Alfredo Nfejica: 

Latin Dance 




Moimtain Bovs: 





Kids' Stories 


Mendel Denise 


Double Dutch 
Jump Rope: 











Bucket Brigade: 

Williams &; the 

Draper Afru an 



Cheers: Mt. 





Pass It On - 

Metro Play 


Mendel Denise 






Kids' Pku: 

Rhvming. Jt 
Making Music 

Schedules ate subject to chaijge. Check signs in each 
program area for specific information. 

Sign language interpreters will be available for selected programs. 
Programs that will be interpreted are marked with the symbol ^ 

© Information (♦) First Aid 

Q Beverage Concession ^ Restrooms 

dl Food Concession @ Accessible to 

Mobility Impaired 


Social Dance 
Main Stage 


@ CO 


American Social Dance 











Red P' 



Festival Site Map 


Ramada Stage 


o □ 




Ramada Food\va\s 


Miisic Stage 



Juan Soldado Allar '/*> 

^^ Pajareros 
Oavofthe . 

Dead Altar "" 

D \ • 

rn\ I - I Chinese Furniture Maker 


Guitar Maker 

Furniture Maker 

Ranching Crafts ^\ 

Qiiiltcrs V«* 


Mixteco Area 


□ □ 

Black Fisherman Blacksmith 

\ El Ranchilo Foodwavs 

-\y El Ranchito Stage 

•=• n 

Vaqueros ' ' 


owrider El Bordo Stage 

U.S. - Mexico Borderlands 






Kids' Stuff 

The National Mall 



S. Dillon Ripley Sackler African Art Hirshhorn \ \ ^t[ I. Enlam 

Center Gallery Museum Museum /\i..,i., 

Mji \laiicl Av<- &■ "ill Si Exi 


Sorial nance 
Main Si age 


Information (J) First Aid 

Q Beverage Concession Restrooms 

Q Food Concession @ Accessible to 

Mobility Impaired 

American Social Dance 


Social Dance 
Nai laiive Stage 





Festival Site Map 







Raiiuula Si.igi 


V^ Q Ramada Foodwavs 





luan Soldado Altai 


^V Paiarerc 

Music Stage 

Oav of the • _ 

Dead Altar 

° \ r-. 

r-l\ I ■ I Chinese Furniture Maker 

\ rn Siiniii<)le> 

□ □ 

1-1>1U1 111.111 HI.KkMllllh 

(luitar Maker n \ PI ^''V"""^'- 

J-l J_J \ Kl Ranc Into Foodwavs 

Furniture Maker |_J [I V^ D^ 

Ranching Cral IS r-V "P^ V> „ Fl R.imliilo Stage 

Q... ^ p\ ,.,g„.- □ o 


MixleCO Area louiider FIBordo Stage 

U.S. - Mexico Borderlands 

K^A Press 


X '.ross 






Kids' Stuff 

The National Mall 




National Gallery of Art 

S. Dillon Ripley Sackler African Art Hirehhorn \ \ ^ !J"'',",'„'!'j'.t ftTnTsi'T^ 

Center GaUerv Museum Museum * > ,M.,rvU„l Av.J, -.1, s, h.„ 


The Festival ot .\mei-ican Folklife is 
supported in part by Federal 
appropriations and Smithsonian 
Trust Funds. Additionally, 

United States-Mexico Borderlands has 
been made possible with the 
support and collaboration of th^ 
Cons^jo Nacional para la Cultura y 
las Artes - El Programa Cultural de 
las Fronteras, El Colegio de la 
Frontera Norte, Texas Commission 
on the Alts, Cei-veza Tecate - 
Imported Beer, Texas Folklife 
Resotirces, University of Aiizona 
Library's Western Folklore Center, 
Tumacacori National Historical 
Park, Universidad Autonoma de 
Nuevo Leon - Centro de 
Informacion de Historia Regional, 
Universidad Autonoma de Baja 
California, Gobierno de Nuevo . 
Leon, Mexican Cultural Institute, 
and the recording industries Music 
Performance Trust Fimds. 

American Social Dance and Metro 
Music have been made possible 
with the support of the recording 
industries Music Performance 
Trust Funds. 

In Kind 

General Festival Support 

Artex Manufacturing Co., CAilver 

City, California 
Bell Haven Pharmacy, Alexandria, 

Bell Atlantic Paging, Rockyille, 

Ben and Jern's Ice Cream of 

Adams Morgan, Washington, 


Ben and Jerry's Ice Cream of 

Alexandria, Virginia 
Coca Cola Co., Capital Heights, 

CompiUer Tech Senices, Fairfax, 

Dimkin Donuts, Fairfax, Virginia 
Embassy Care Drug Center, Inc., 

Washington, D.C. 
Faxland, Falls Church, Virginia 
Keebler Co., Jessup, Maryland 
K mart, Springfield, Virginia 
Krispy Kreme Doughnut Co., 

Alexandria, Virginia 
Makita U.S.A., Inc., Dayton, New 

Ocean Spray Cranberries, Inc., 

Lakeville, Massachusetts 
Plav It Again Sports, Springfield, 

Randy's Carpets, Washington, D.C. 
Shamrock Supply Co., Alexandria, 

Shurfire Distributors^ Lanham, 

Sugar Association, Washington, 

Rev. Dan Thompson, Annandale, 

Utz Quality Foods, Inc., Hanover, 

William B. Riley Coffee Co., 
Baltimore, Mainland 

U.S. -Mexico Borderlands 
Colortyme Rent to Own, 

Alexandria, Virginia 
C^rolynn's Sewing Center, 

Alexandria, Virginia 
Fischer's Hardware, Springfield, 

Festival of Flowers, Alexandria, 

G Sc L Metals, Inc. of Merrifield, 

Lee's Gas- Supplies, Manassas Park, 

Virginia ^ 
Moimt Vernon Music, ,\lexandria, 

Nova Color Acnlic Paint, Culver 

City, California 
Tandy Leather, Fort Worth, Texas 

A merican Social Dan ce 

Gain's Restaurant, Washington, 

Office Depot, Connecficut Ave., 

NW, Washington, D.C. 
Office Depot, Store 193, Rockville, 

Staples, Inc. - The Office Supply 

Store, W'ashington, D.C. 
Syms, Falls Church, Virginia 

Special Thanks 

General Festival 

We extend special thanks to all the 
volunteers at this year's Festival. 
Only with their assistance are we 
able to present the programs of the 
1993 Festival of American Folklife. 

Man' Cliff, Folklore Society of 

Cireater Washington 
Betty Beuck Derbyshire 
Judy Goodrich 

George Haas, Jr., Lisa Lumber Co. 
Lisa Haas, Lisa Lumber Co. 
Smoot Limiber 
Jan Truitt 

U.S. - Mexico Borderlands ■ 

Esther Acevedo 

Eduardo Barrera 

Francisco Barrientos 

Javier Becerra 

Julia Bendi'mez Patterson 

Jorge A. Bustamante 

Salvador Calderou Rodriguez 

Nestor Garcia Canclini , 

Manuel Ceballos Ramirez 

James Clifford 

Manuel Cosio 

Jose del Val 

John Dwyer 

Roberto Ibarra Escobedo 

Marco Aiitonio Esponda 

Don Garate 

Juana Garza 

Mark Glazer 

Guillermo Gomez Pena 

Paloma Gorostiza 

Joe Graham 

Jose Griego 

Victor Guerra 

Ramon Gutierrez 

Riciv Joachim 

Saul Juarez 

Robert Kiene 

Jose Luis Krafft 

Riuh Lechuga 

Margarita Madrid 

Ambassador Jorge Montano 

Luz Maria Valdez de Montano 

Mario Montaiio 

Jim McNutt 

Salvador Neri 

Florencio Ortiz and Los 

Matachines de la Santa Cruz 
Raymond Paredes 
Maria Teresa Pomar 
Irais Quinones 
Manuel Rios Morales 
Maria del Carmen Ramos 
Gaiy Rehbein 
Al Rendon 
Michael Ritchie 
Marcela Villegas Rodriguez 
Lucia Rubalcaba 
01i\ia Ruiz 
Roberto Salmon 
George Sanchez 
Jose Luis Sanchez 
Jorge Somarriba 
Susan Spader 
Lawrence D. Ta)lor 
Beatriz Torres Abelaire 
Eliseo Torres 
Patricia Torres Mejia 
Tony Valderrama 
Carlos Velez Ibahez 
Caleb Vidaurri 
Cassandra Vidaurri 
Andy Wiget 
Ramon Xilotl 
Maiy Jane Yonker 
Gloria Ann Young 
David Yubeta 
Antonio Zavaleta 

Photographic Resources: 
Carmen Amato 
Da\id Burckhalter 
Alfonso Cardona 
Roberto Cordoba 
Margara de Leon 

Juana Elizondo-Garza 
Lillian M. Salcido 
Kath)' Vargas 

American Social Dance 

African Dance Club and Friends 

Charlie Ahearn 

Maiy Alvarez 

Paul Austerlitz 

Adela Baldarrama 

Florence Barber 

Barnard Elementary School 

Robert Barron 

Barry Berge)" 

Dana Evert Boehm 


Fred Brown 

Archie Burnett 

Ed Cabbell 

Richard Cadima 

Cambodian-American Heritage, 

Cambodian Network Council 
Maria-Teresa Campero 
Hugo Carillo 
Dora Castellon 
Milton Castellon 
Lek Chhuan 
John Ching 
City Lore 
The Club 
John Cohen 
Vicky Cope 
Comite Pro Bolivia 
D;C. Commission for the Arts 
Martha Davis 
The Eclipse (Rea Hon) 
Embassy of Bolivia 
Ethnic Folk Arts Center 
Keenan Faulkner 
Folk Arts Program, National 

Endowment for the Arts 
Flower Films 
Carol Foster 
John Frosch-Schroder 
Robert Fiy . 

Freddy Fuentes 
Luz Fuentes 
Judith Gray 
James R. Gundlach, Jr. 
Gonzalo Gutierrez 
Katherine Guzman 
Billy Hampton 

Betsy Harris 

Miranda Hatacosti 

Katrina Hazzard-Gordon 

Jurrettajordon Heckscher 

Jhanina Herbas 

Glenn Hinson 

George Holt 

Yavonne Jackson 

Jose and Maraya Jaldin 

Phil Jamison 



Carl Jones (CJ) 

Sotie Kenmano 

Sali Ann Kriegsman 

La Copa Club 

Jim Leaiy 

Sambonn and Nara Lek 

Michael Licht 

Maria Lope* 

Nick Manning 

Rick March 

Melina Mendez 

Gordon McCann 

Jerry Minar 

Missouri Cultural Heritage Center 

William Mobley 

Carolina Montano 

Nicole Oeur 

Sylvia Panfil 

Shirley Pena 

Nelson Perez 

Progressive Productions 

Denise Richards 

Brian Robinson 

Rock Steady Crew 

Bachealy and Kiriroath Sam 

Laksmi Sam 

Tes Saroeum 

Neil Selling 

Luis and Rosario Sejas 

Dan Sheehy 

Roberta Singer 

Snack Food Association 

Solar Eclipse Social Club 

Walter Soriano 

Sothira Sotie" 

Star Bar and Grill 

Charles Stephenson 

David A. Taylor 

Jas. Funk Thomas 

Marlon and Magaly Vasquez 

Luis Villarroel 

Maria Villegas 

WandaWoman ©ance/Exercise 

Liz Wells, Snack Food Association 
Wayne Wliite 
WHMM Channel 32 TV 
WPFW Radio- 
Elliott Wiley 
Jane Woodside 
Patricia Zeballos 
Dannet Zepeda 

Metro Music 

Camilla Bryce-Laporte 

D.C. Commission on the Aits and 

Susan Levitas 
Michael Licht 
Joe Wilson 

Kids ' ^tuff 

Art from the Heart of the City 

Freida Austin 

Bailey's Elementary School, Fairfax 

County, Virginia 
Betty Belanus 
Gordon Braithwaite, D.C. Dept. of 

Parks & Recreation 
Kimberly Camp 
Marguerita Chammcjrrow 
Fana Chisolm 
Lily Chow, Washington School of 

Chinese Language and Culture 
City Lore: Center for Research in 

Urban Folk Culture 
Martha Cooper 
Claire Cuddy 
D.C. Artworks 
D.C. Metropolitan Police Boys and 

Girls Club 
Amanda Dargan 
Violetta De la Peha ^ 
Maria Demarest 
Norma Fleishman 
Arturo Flores 
Carol Foster 
Carol Franz 

Freedom Hill Elementary School 
Effie Games 
Coding Saturday Achievement 

Tom Hamilton, Mayor's 

Empowerment Program 

Sally Han 

Sarah Hefner 

Peg Koetch 

Library of Congress: American 

Folklife Center 
Eileen Lorenz, Montgomery 

County Public Schools 
Margirerit,e Luks 
Officer Zenobia Mack 
Maria Marable 
Phyllis May-Machunda 
Georgia McGuire 
Mame N'Gone N'Diaye 
Network of Educators on the 

Office of Pacific American Mfairs 
Raymond Elementaiy School, 

Washington, D.C. 
Kate Rinzler 
Officer Jan Roddy 
Rutgers University Press 
Marilyn Thornton, Shaw~ 

Neighborhood Center, 

Washington, D.C. 
Truxton/Siusum Corda 

Neighborhood Services Center 
Bruce Underwood 
Dorothy Walker 
Walter Reed WildCat Steppers 
Vanessa Williams 
'WPFW Radio 
Steve Zeitlin 

Jerusalem Research Project 
Ibtihaj Abou Gosh 
Yacoub Abu Arafeh 
Reem Abu Kishik 
Rula Abu Kishik 
Albert Aghazarian 
Tamar Alexander 
Nazmi al-Ju'beh 
American Colony Hotel 
Suad Amiry . 
Hannan Ashwari 
Shlomit Atsman 
Yaron Avituv 
Husien Barghouthi 
Roni Beer 

Carol Ann Bernheim 
Shlomi Brosh , 

Noami Chazzan 

Rachel Damaiy 

Gil Daryn 

Raanan Dinin^ 

Abu-Jareer Dirini 

Hani Nour El-Din 

Jaleel Elias 

Tayseer Elias 

Rita Mendes Flohr 

Ruth Freed 

Rivka Gonen 

Tsipporah Greenfield 

Yael Haklai 

Bilal Hammad 

Galit Hasan-Rokem 

Mahmoud Hawari 

Yael Haynoun 

Debbie Hershman 

Subhi)yeh Idris Hillo 

Serene Hleleh 

Hougha Famity 

Faisal Husseini 


Penny Johnson 


Mayor Teddy KoUek 

Tayseer Masriyeh H;izboim 

Nida Masannat 

Hagit Matras 

Arlene and Zali Miller 

Reuvan Namdar 

Iman 'Oun 

Rachel Rabinowitz 

Ittai Rosenbaimi 

Hila Rosenthal 

Nirit Rossler 

Avner Rothenberg 

Sabreen Music Center 

Shifra Safra ^ • 

Hagar Salamon 

Edwin Seroussi 

Amnon Shiloah 

Megina Shlain 

Hamdan Taha 

Salim Tamari 

Vera Tamari 

Naim L. Tarazi 

Shalom Tsabar 

Bracha Yaniv 

Oman Yekutieli 

Festival Staff 

Director, ■Center for FolkUfe Programs 
&" Cultural Studies: Richard 

Festival Director: Diana Parker 

Administrative Officer: Barbara 

Designer: ]Qa.n Wolbier 

Assistant Designers: Carmina Angulo, 
Rebecca Lepkowski 

Design Intents: Tanja Bos, Wendy 
Goodman, Jackie Son 

Program Book Editor: Peter Seitel 

Sign Editor: Carla Borden 

Publication Review: Arlene Reiniger 

Technical Coordinator: Pete Reiniger 

Associate Technical Coordinator- 
Connie Lane' 

Carpenters: Chris Insley, Charhe 

Crew Chiefs: ]uV\e Dobo, Lisa 

Exhibit Wbr/ifrs; Jeannette Buck, 
Haden Garrett, Beth Knight, 
Jennifer Koch, Kevin Livingston,. 
Terr)' Meniefield, Alf Walle 

Technical Creiu Clerk/Typist: Rliea 

Participant Coordinator: Emily 

Assistant Participant Coordinator: 
Lidya Montes 

Supply Coordinator: David Lesansky 

Assistant Supply Coordinator: Ashley 
CI ay borne 

Logistics Coordinator: Craig Stinson 

Sound Coordinator: Tim Kidwell 

Sound Technicians: Beth Curren, 
Mary Margaret Delaney, Kim - 
Frame, Tom Gartland, Gregg 
Lamping, Dean Languell, Bruce 
Loiighiy, Tim Smyser, Susan 

Stage Managers: }e{{ Anthony, 
Teresa Ballard, Beth Curren, 

Maiy Margaret Delaney, Kim 

Frame, Maurice Jackson, John 

Kemper, Al McKenney, Ester 

Perez, Mark Pinyear 
Fiscal Manager: Heather Bester 
Fiscaljechnician: Kay Stubli 
Clerk/Typists: Linda Benner, 

Ramona Dowdal 
Assistant to the Festival Director: Ann 

Special Events Coordinator: ]ohn 

Assistant Special Events Coordinator: . 

Linda Benner 
Social Coordinator: Johaii Rashad 
Informatio n /A ccess ibility Coo rdi nato r: 

John Franklin 
Sign Language Interpreters: Candas 

Barnes, Jean Lindquist, 

Francisco Roman, Hank Young 
Volunteer Coordinator: Lynyonne 

Assistant Vohmleer Coordinator: 

Alison Wilson 
Chief Volunteers: Karen Adams, 

Priscilla Flowers, Marilyn 

Gaston, Phyllis Lesansky, 

Tatiana Maldonado, Sydney 

March, Virginia McCauley, 

Beverly Simons 
Smithsonian /Folkways Recordings 

Director: Anthony Seeger 
Smithsonian /Folkways Recordings 

Assistant: Yusef Jones 
Recordings Mail Order Manager: 

Dudley Connell 
Documentation Coordinators: Jeff 

Place, Guha Shankar, Lori 

Documentation Intern: Andrew 

Food Concessions Coordinator: Peter 

Program Book Sales Coordinator: . ' 

Debra Wimpfheimer 
Public Information: Man' Combs 

United States-Mexico Borderlands 

Program Curator: Olivia Cadaval 

Research Advisor: Peter Seitel 

Coordinator: Hector Antonio 

Program and Participant Assistant: 
Lidya Montes 

Research Assistants: Carmina 
Angulo, Patricia Bowman 

Program Assistants: Jo^e^ph Amisi, 
Jennifer Balbes, Tiffany Belka, 
Angela Jancius, Cynthia 
Vidaurri, -Elena Williams, Lisa 

Translators: Tiffany Belka, Olivia 
Cadaval, Hector Antonio 
Corporan, John McDowell, 
Rene Hdracio Quintanilla 

Collaborating Institutions: 

Centro de Informacion de Historia 

Regional, Universidad 

Autonoma de Nuevo Leon . 
Consejo Nacional para las Culturas 
. y las Artes - El Programa 

Cultural de las Frontera_s 
El Colegio de la Frontera Norte 

El Paso Hispanic Chamber of 

Embajada de Mexico en 

Washington, D.C. 
John E. Conner Museum, 

Texas A & I University- 
Institute of Texan Cultures 
, Institute Cultural de Mexico 
Institute de Bellas Artes del Estado 

de Baja California 
Instituto Nacional Indjgenista 
Institute Mexicano de Ciiltura, San 

Laredo State UniversiH' 

Mexican Cultural InstitiUe 

Museo Regional de la Universidad 
AiUonoma de Baja California en 

National Museum of the American 

New Mexico State Universit)', Las 
Cruces, New Mexico 

Pinieria Alta Historical Society, 
Arizona - . 

Texas A & I University 

Texas Folklife Resources 

Tumacacori National Historical 
Park, Arizona 

University of Arizona Library's 
Southwest Folklore Center 

LJniversity of Aiizona - Biueau of 
Applied Research in 

University of New Mexico, 

University of Texas - Brownsville 

University of Texas, Center for 
Mexican-American Studies 

University of Texas - Pan American 

U.S. Immigration and 
Naturalization Semce 

Presenters and Researchers: Enrique 
Aviles, Norma Can tii, Jessica 
Chapin, Andrew Connors, 
Maricela Gonzalez Felix, Mai"y 
Lou Gortarez, Everardo 
Garduno, James S. Griffith, 
Celso Garza Guajardo, Ian F. 
Hancock, Pat Jasper, Enrique 
Lamadrid, Laiua Larco, 
Francisco Javier Moreno, Daniel 
Sheehy, Emily Socolov. Michael 
C. Stone, Jose Manuel 
Valenzuela Aice, Meynardo 
Vasquez, Laura Velasco Ortiz, 
Thomas Vennum, Jr., Cynthia 

Researchers: Maria Eugenia de la O, 
Enrique Madrid, Angel 
Norzagaray Norzagaray, Manuel 
Pena, Kathy Raglan. Michael 
James Ritdiie, Suzie Reyes, 
Irene Vasquez Valle, Kathy 
Vargas, Felipe dejesiis 

Presentation Cuordiiiator: Bettv 

American Social Dance 

Curator: Vivien Ta-Ving Chen 

P)'og)am Advisors: LeeEllen 
Friedland, Joan Frosch- 
Schroder, Robert Fiye, Gonzalo 
Gutierrez, Glenn Hinson, 
Anthony Hovington, Adrienne 
Kiieppler, Martin Koenig, Ethel 
Raim, Denise Richards, Sally 
Sommer, Jane Woodside, Vicki 
Risner Wulff 

Coordinators: Marianne Hicks, 
Arlene Reiniger 

Progmm Assistants: Hallie Stone, Liz 

Fieldworkers: Enrique Aviles, Sherrill 
Beriyman-Millef , Paola 
Castellon, Chhomanath 
Chhuan, Phavann C^hhuan, 
LeeEllen Friedland, Robert 
Fiye, Anthony Hovington, 
Magaly E.Jarrad, Laura Larco, 
Linley Logan, Lidya Montes, 
Jaime Ortega, Richards, 
Chan Moly Sam, Sally Sommer, 
Susan Eike Spalding 

Presenters: Marco Castellon, Gilka 
War'a Cespedes, LeeEllen 
Friedland, Robert Fiye, Anthony 
Hovington, Magaly E.Jarrad, 
Linlev Logan, Gail Matthews- 
DeNatale, Frank Proschan, 
Denise Richards, Chan Moly 

Kids' Stuff 

Curator: Diana Baird N'Diaye 

Coordinator: Marjorie Hunt 

Program Advisors: Bftty Belanus, 
Paddy Bowman, Camila Biyce- 
Laporte, Peg Koetsch, Phyllis 
May-Machunda, Kate Rinzler, 
Dorothy Walker, Steve Zeitlin 

Fieldworkers: Freedom Hill 
Elementaiy School students 

Presenters: Paddy Bowman, Camila 
BiTce-Laporte, Marjorie Hunt 

Program Assistants: Karen Adams, 
Cybil Brown, Linda Lenoir 

Metro Music 

Coordinators: Richard Kennedy, 
Thomas Venniun, Jr. 

Presenters: Enrique Aviles, Philippa 
Jackson, Richard Kennedy, 
Michael Lieht, Bariy Lee 
Pearson, Jeff Place, Thomas 
Vennum, Jr. 

Intern: Ann Kaplan 

Smithsonian Bureau 
and Office Support 

Office of the Secretary 

Office of the Under Secretary 

Office of the Inspector General 

Office of the General Counsel 

Office of Public Affairs 

Office of the Assistant Secretaiy for Education 

isf Public Semice 
Office of Elementaiy & Secondary Education 

Office of the Assistant Secretaiy for the Sciences 
National Museum of Natural History 

Department of Anthropology Library 
Office of Fellowships and Grants 

Office of the Assistant Secretary for the Arts isr' Humanities 

Accessibility Program 

Anacostia Mitseum { 

Expevimental Gallery 

National Museum of American Art 

National Museum of American Histon' 

Program in African American Culture 
National Museum of the American Indian 
Office of Exhibits Central 
Office of Museum Programs 

Office of the Assistant Secretary for External Affairs 

Office of International Relations 

Office of Special Events and Conference Services 

Office of Telecommunications 

Visitor Information & Associates' Reception Center 

Office of the Assistant Secretary for Finance 

isf Administration 
Business Management Office 

Museum Shops 
Communications Management Division 

Office of InfoFiiiation Resource Management 
Office of the Comptroller 

Office of Contracting and Property Management 
Office of Facilities Services 

Office of Design & Construction 

Office of Environmental Management & Safety 

Office of Plant Senices 

Office of Protection Sei"vices 
Office of Financial & Management Analysis 
Office of Human Resources 
Office of Planning and Budget - 
Office of Printing and Photographic Services 

Duplicating Branch 
Office ofllisk Management 
Office of Sponsored Projects 
Office of the Treasurer 
Travel Services Office 

Office of the Assistant Secretary for Institutional Initiatives 
Office of Development 

You can hear the zoorld on 


Over two thousand Folkiuays titles on cassette 
Over 100 Smithsonian /Folkiuays titles on CD and cassette 

Folkways and Smithsonian /Folkways 
are two of the ways the Center for 
Folklife Programs and Cultural 
Studies supports the continuity and 
integrity of traditional artists and 
cultures. Folkways Records, founded 
by Moses Asch in 1947, luas acquired 
by the Smithsonian Institution in 
1987 to ensure that all the recordings 
remain available as a service to 
scholars, musicians, and the general 
public. All 2,000 titles capturing the 
.world's music, spoken word, and 
sounds are available on Folkiuays 
cassettes. The Smithsonian/Folkways 
label was founded in 1988 for 
reissues and nexu recordings on CD 
and cflssette. 

You can hear the musical 
traditions featured at previous 


Musics (f the Soviet Union (SF 40002) 

Tuva: Music from the Center of Asia 
(SF 40017) 

Bukhara: Musical Crossroads of Asia 
(SF 40030) 


■ Puerto Rican Music in Hawui'i- 
(SF 4-0014) 

Hawaiian Drum Dance Chants: Sounds 
of Power in Time (SF 40015) 

World Music of Struggle: We Shall 
Overcome (In collaboration with 
Cokimbia Recordings: Columbia 
47850, from live recordings at the 
1990 Festival.) 

.4 nortefio gtoup pltns 

tradilional rnusic/rom the 

U.S. - Mexico bordn: 


Roots of Rhythm and Blue\: A Tribute to 
the Robert /ohnson Era (In collabora- 
tion with Columbia Recordings, 
from live recordings at the 1991 

Music of Indonesia 1: Songs Before 
Dawn (SF 40055) 

Music of Indonesia 2: Indonesian 
Popular Music (SF 40056) 

Musicof Indonesia 3: Music from the 
Outskirts of Jakarta (SF 40057) 

Music of Indonesia 4: Music ofNias 
and North Sumatra (SF 40420) 


Drums of Defiance: Music of the 
Jamaican Maroons, the Earliest Free 
Black Communities in lite Americas 
(SF 40412) 

New Mexico: Native American 
Traditions (SF 4040^) 

Neiu Mexico: Hispanic Traditions 
(SF 40409) 

Coming Soon 

Borderlands: From Conjunto to 
Chickenscratch; Music of the Rio Grande 
Valley and Southern Arizona 
(SF 40418). September 1993. 

This recording featines musical 
traditions of the U.S. - Mexico 
border region, similar to those 
presented at the 1993 Festival of 
American Folklife. The recordings 
were licensed from four local record 
companies that specialize in music of 
this region, and represent a variety 
of borderland genres. Compiled 
with the assistance of the Texas 
Folklife ResoiHce Center, Austin, 
Texas. September 1993. 

Look for these and many other' Folkways 
recordings in the Festival Museum sales 
area, ask for them at your local record 
store, or order directly by mail or phone 
from Smithsonian /Folkiuays Recordings, 
414 Hu ngerford Drive Suite 444, 
RockviUe^MD 20850; phone 301/443- 
2314, fax 301/443-1819, Visa and 
Mastercharge accepted. 

Recent Smithsonian/ Folkways 
Releases on CD and Cassette: 

Pete Seeger. Darling Corey and Goofing 
Off Suite (SF 400i8). The two 
influential 1950s Pete Seeger 
recordings reissued here reveal the 
traditional roots upon which he drew 
and his innovations that have since 
become traditions of their own. 

Folk Masters, Great Performances 
Recorded Live at Wolf Trap (SF 40047) . 
A selection from the Folk Masters 
concerts at Wolf Trap in 1992, this 
recording vividly represents the 
breadth of American music and the 
brilliance of the ardsts and groups. 

Lonnie Johnson: The Complete FoMvays 
Recmdings (SF 40067). Historic 
recordings by a legendary arrist 
reissued in a single albiun with new 

Plains Chippeiun/ Metis Music from 
Turtle Mountain: Drums, Fiddles, 
Chansons and Rock & Roll (SF 4041 1 ) . 
A rich portrait of the vital and 
diverse musical traditions of the 
Plains Chippewa/Metis community 
in North Dakota. ■ 

Richard Hagopian, Armenian Music 
Through the Ages (SF 40414), 
Armenian classical and folk styles 
played by an "ud virtuoso. 

Music of Indonesia Volume 4rMusic of 
Mas and Notih Sumatra; Hoho, 
Gendang Karo, Gondang Toba 
(SF 40420) . Rarely heard choral 
singing and instriunental music from 
three ethnic groups on North 
Sumatra and Nias. 

Henry Couiell Piano Music: Tiuenty 
Pieces Played trt the Composer 
(SF 40801). Henry Cowell's avant- 
garde pi^no compositions 
"performed by the composer in 1962 
are carefully remastered and 
reissued with new liner notes. CD 

John Cage and David Tudor: 
Indeterminacy (SF 40804/5). 
Originally issued in 1959, this 
recording explores a ^new aspect of 
form in instrumental and electronic 
music" featuring stories by John 
Cage read to music by David Tudor. 

Mahalia Jackson: I Sing Because I'm 
Happy; Interview luith Songs 
(SFSP 90002). 1952 inteniews with 
Mahalia Jackson, interspersed with 
several of her songs. Published to 
accompany th^ book Got To Tell It: 
Mahalia Jackson. Queen of Gospel by 
Jules Schwerin, Oxford University 
Press 1992. Cassette only. 

Commg Soon 

Music and Dance Traditions of St. ■ 
Lucia, West Indies (SF 4041 6) . 
A selection of St. Lucian traditions 
produce'd in collaboration with the 
Folk Research Centre of St. Lucia. 
August 1993. 

New Lost City Ramblers Volume 2, 
1963-1973: Out Standing in Their Field 
(SF 40040). Compiled from seven 
Folkways albums released by the trio 
consisting of John Cohen, Tracy 
Schwartz, and Mike Seeger. August 

Bosnia: Echoes from an Endangered 
World (.SF 40407). Rich and beautiful 
Muslim traditions, recorded in 
Bosnia before the recent conflicts. 

display a unique confluence of 
Turkish and European influences. 
September 1993. 

Bunggtidfbunggridj: Wangga Songs 
from Northern Australia by Alan 
Maralung (SF 40430) . Dijeridu- 
accompanied .songs learned from 
spirits and performed by Alan 
Maralung. Produced in 
collaboration with the International 
Institute for Traditional Music, 
Berlin. September 1993. 

Bill Monroe and the Bluegrass Boys, Live 
Recordings 1956-1969. Off The Record 
Vo/wmfi (SF 40063). Recorded at . 
concerts and informal gatherings, 
these recordings reveal the creativity 
of this renowned performer. 
October 1993. 

Bill Monroe and Doc Watson, Live Duet 
Recordings 1963-1980 
Off The Record Volu me 2 (SF 40064) . 
In the 1960s, Bill Monroe and Doc 
Watson both found new urban 
audiences, sometimes playing 
together. These imique recordings 
document their Joint performances. 
October 1993. 

Look for these in your record stores, or order directly from folkways Mail 
Older, 414 fiungerford' Drive Suite 444, Rockville MD 20850. Phone 
301/443-2314; Fax 30I/443-J8I9. Visa and Mastercharge accepted. 

For a free catalogue of all Folkways cassettes and Smithsonian /Folkiuays 
rekases,fill in the card below, fax 202/287-3699, or telephone 202/287-3262. 

Please send me a free copy of the 
Whole Folkways Catalogue. 






Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings 

414 Hungerford Drive 

Suite 444 

Rocl<viile, MD 20850 


The Center for Folklife 
Programs & Cultural Studies 

♦ Presents the annual Festival of American Folklife 

♦ Produces Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings, 
Videos and Special Products 

♦ Maintains a collection of recordings, photographs, 
and field notes documenting cultural traditions from 
across the United States and around the world 

♦ Publishes research and documentary studies of 
cultural traditions and issues 

♦ Creates educational materials for teaching 
about cultures 

♦ Organizes seminars, conferences, classes, 
and more. 

If you uiould like to learn 
more about what the. center' 
does and how you can help 
in its work, please Jill in 
and return the attached 
postcard. Thank you for 
your interest. 


Please send me more information about the 
Center for Folklife Programs & Cultural Studies. 






Center for Folklife Programs & Cultural Studies 
Smithsonian Institution - 
955 L'Enfant Plaza, S.W. Suite 2600 
Washington, D.C. 20560 



Secretary: Robert McC. Adams 
Under Secretary: 

Constance Beriy Newman 
Assistant Secretaty for Education and 

Public Seniice:]an\es Early 
Assistant Secretaty for the Sciences: 

Robert Hoffmann 
Assistant Secretary for the Arts and 

Humanities: Tom Freiidenheim 
Assistant Secretary for External Affairs: 

Thomas Lovejoy 
Assistant Secretary for Institutional 

Initiatives: Alice Green 

Assistant Secretary for Finance and 

Administration: Nancy 

Secretary Emeritus: S. Dillon Ripley 
Assistant Secretary Emeritus: 

Ralph Rinzler 

Center for 
FoLKLiFE Programs & 
Cultural Studies 

Director: Richard Kiirin 
Administrative Officer: 

Barbara Strickland 
Festival Director: Diana Parker 
Director, Srnithson ia n /Folkways 

Recordings: Anthony Seeger 
Senior Folklorist: Peter Seitel 
Senior Ethnomusicologist: 

Thomas Vennum, Jr. 
Director, Quincentenary Programs: 

Olivia Cadaval 
Program Analyst: Richard Kennedy 
Folklorists/Curators: Vivien Chen, 

Diana Baird N'Diaye, Amy 

Horowitz, Marjorie Hunt 
Program Managers: Carla Borden, 

John Franklin 
Technical Coordinator-: Pete Reiniger 
Program Specialist: 

Aiiene L. Reiniger 
Fiscal Manager: Heather Bester 
Designer: ]oa.n Wolbier 
Archivist: Jeffrey Place 
Folkiimys Program Specialist: 

Dudley Connell 

Media Specialist: Guha Shankar 
Assistant Archivist: Lori Taylor 
Folkways Assistant: 

Yusef Jones 
Fiscal Technician: Kay Stubli 
Clerk Typists: Linda Benner, Lidva 

Research Associate: Betty Belanus 
Folklife Advisory Council: Roger 
Abrahams, Jacinto Alias, Jane 
Beck, Pat Jasper, Barbara 
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Bernice 
Reagon, John Roberts, Carol 
Robertson, Gilbert Sprauve, 
Jack Tchen, Ricardo Trimillos, 
Carlos Velez-Ibahez 


Secretary of the Interior: Bruce Babbitt 
Director: Roger Kennedy 
Regional Director, National Capital 

Region: Robert G. Stanton 
Deputy Regional Director, National 

Capital Region: Chnsandra L. 

Associate Regional Director, Public 

Affairs & Tourism: 

Sandra A. Alley 
Chief United States Park Police: 

Robert E. Langston 
Assistant Chief United States Park 

Police: Andre R. Jordan 
Commander; Special Forces: 

Maj. Carl R. Holmberg 
Superintendent, National Capitcd 

Parks - Central: 

Arnold M. Goldstein 
Chief Maintenance, National Capital 

Parks - Central: 

William L Newman, Jr. 
Acting Site Manager, National Mall: 

Erin Broadbent 
Employees of the National Capital 

Region and the United States 

Park Police 

The Festival of American Folklife 
is supported in part by Federal 
appropriations and Smithsonian 
Trust Fluids. Additionally, 

United States -Mexico Borderlands 
has been made possible with the 
support and collaboration of the 
Consejo Nacional para la Cultina 
y las Artes — El Programa Cultiu- 
al de las Fronteras, El Colegio de 
la Frontera Norte, Texas Commis- 
sion on the Alts, Cerveza Tecate 
— Imported Beer, Texas Folklife 
Resoinces, University' of Aiizona 
Libraiy's Western Folklore Cen- 
ter, Universidad Autonoma de 
Nuevo Leon — Centro de Infor- 
macion de Historia Regional, Uni- 
versidad Autonoma de Baja Cali- 
fornia, Mexican Cultural Institute, 
and the recording industries 
Music Performance Trust Funds. 

American Social Dance and Metro 
Music have been made possible 
with the support of the recording 
industries Music Performance 
Trust Funds.