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Author of " Egyptian Myth and Legend " 
' Myths ot Crete and Pre-Hellenic Europe " " Colour Symbolism " &c 





Printed in Great Britain 



In his Presidential Address to the Royal An- 
thropological Institute this year the late Dr. 
Rivers put his finger upon the most urgent need 
for reform in the study of Man, when he appealed 
for "the Unity of Anthropology ". No true con- 
ception of the nature and the early history of the 
human family can be acquired by investigations, 
however carefully they may be done, of one class 
of evidence only. The physical characters of a 
series of skulls can give no reliable information 
unless their exact provenance and relative age are 
known. But the interpretation of the meaning of 
these characters cannot be made unless we know 
something of the movements of the people and the 
distinctive peculiarities of the inhabitants of the 
foreign lands from which they may have come. 
No less important than the study of their physical 
structure is the cultural history of peoples. The 
real spirit of a population is revealed by its 
social and industrial achievements, and by its 



customs and beliefs, rather than by the shape of 
the heads and members of its units. The revival 
of the belief in the widespread diffusion of culture 
in early times has, as one of its many important 
effects, directed attention to the physical peculiar- 
ities of the mixed populations of important foci of 
civilization throughout the world. Such inquiries 
have not only enabled the student of human 
structure to detect racial affinities where he might 
otherwise have neglected to look for them, but on 
the other hand they have been able to give the 
investigator of cultural diffusion evidence of the 
most definite and irrefutable kind in corroboration 
of the reality of his inferences. 

At the present time students are just awakening 
to the fact that no adequate idea of the anthro- 
pology of any area can be acquired unless every 
kind of evidence, somatic and cultural, be taken 
into account, and the problems of the particular 
locality are integrated with those worldwide move- 
ments of men and of civilization of which the 
people and culture of that locality form a part. 

The great merit of Mr. Donald Mackenzie's 
book is due in the main to the fact that he has 
taken this wider vision of his subject and inter- 
preted the history of early man in Britain, not 
simply by describing the varieties of head-form 
or of implements, customs and beliefs, but rather 


by indicating how these different categories of 
information can be put into their appropriate 
setting- in the history of mankind as a whole. 
There is nothing of technical pedantry about Mr. 
Mackenzie's writing. He has made himself 
thoroughly familiar with the customs and beliefs 
of the whole world, as his remarkable series of 
books on mythology has revealed, and in the 
process of acquiring this mass of information he 
has not sacrificed his common sense and powers 
of judgment. He has been able to see clearly 
through this amazing jumble of confusing state- 
ments the way in which every phase of civilization 
in all parts of the world is closely correlated with 
the rest; and he has given luminous expression 
to this clear vision of the history of man and 
civilization as it affects Britain. 

G. Elliot Smith, 

The University of London. 


This volume deals with the history of man in Britain 
from the Ice Age till the Roman period. The evidence 
is gleaned from the various sciences which are usually 
studied apart, including geology, archaeology, philology, 
ethnology or anthropology, &c., and the writer has set 
himself to tell the story of Ancient Man in a manner 
which will interest a wider circle of readers than is usu- 
ally reached by purely technical books. It has not been 
assumed that the representatives of Modern Man who 
first settled in Europe were simple-minded savages. 
The evidence afforded by the craftsmanship, the burial 
customs, and the art of the Cro-Magnon races, those 
contemporaries of the reindeer and the hairy mammoth in 
South-western France, suggests that they had been influ- 
enced by a centre of civilization in which considerable 
progress had already been achieved. There is absolutely 
no evidence that the pioneers were lacking in intelli- 
gence or foresight. If we are to judge merely by 
their skeletons and the shapes and sizes of their skulls, 
it would appear that they were, if anything, both phy- 
sically and mentally superior to the average present-day 
inhabitants of Europe. Nor were they entirely isolated 
from the ancient culture area by which they had been 
originally influenced. As is shown, the evidence 
afforded by an Indian Ocean sea-shell, found in a Cro- 


Magnon burial cavern near Mentone, indicates that 
much has yet to be discovered regard! nj; the activities 
of the early people. 

In writing the history of Ancient Man in Britain, it 
has been found necessary to investigate the Continental 
evidence. When our early ancestors came from some- 
where, they brought something with them, including 
habits of life and habits of thought. The story unfolded 
by British finds is but a part of a larger story ; and if 
this larger story is to be reconstructed, our investigations 
must extend even beyond the continent of Europe. The 
data afforded by the "Red Man of Paviland", who 
was buried with Cro-Magnon rites in a Welsh cave, 
not only emphasize that Continental and North African 
cultural inlluences reached Britain when the ice-cap was 
retreating in Northern Europe, but that from its very 
beginnings the history of our civilization cannot be 
considered apart from that of the early civilization of the 
world as a whole. The writer, however, has not assumed 
in this connection that in all parts of the world man had of 
necessity to pass through the same series of evolutionary 
stages of progress, and that the beliefs, customs, crafts, 
arts, &c., of like character found in different parts of the 
world were everywhere of spontaneous generation. 
There were inventors and discoverers and explorers in 
ancient times as there are at present, and many new 
contrivances were passed on from people to people. 
The man who, for instance, first discovered how to 
•'make fire" by friction of fire-sticks was undoubtedly 
a great scientist and a benefactor of his kind. It is 
shown that shipbuilding had a definite area of origin. 
The "Red Man of Paviland" also reveals to us minds 
pre-occupied with the problems of life and death. It is 
evident that the corpse of the early explorer was smeared 
with red earth and decorated with charms for very 
definite reasons. That the people who thus interred 


their dead with ceremony were less intelligent than the 
Ancient Egyptians who adopted the custom of mummi- 
fication, or the Homeric heroes who practised cremation, 
we have no justification for assuming. 

At the very dawn of British history, which begins 
when the earliest representatives of Modern Man reached 
our native land, the influences of cultures which had 
origin in distant areas of human activity came drifting 
northward to leave an impress which does not appear to 
be yet wholly obliterated. We are the heirs of the Ages 
in a profounder sense than has hitherto been supposed. 

Considered from this point of view, the orthodox 
scheme of Archaeological Ages, which is of comparatively 
recent origin, leaves much to be desired. If anthropo- 
logical data have insisted upon one thing more than 
another, it is that modes of thought, which govern 
action, were less affected by a change of material from 
which artifacts (articles made by man) were manufactured 
than they were by religious ideas and by new means for 
obtaining the necessary food supply. A profounder 
change was effected in the habits of early man in 
Britain by the introduction of the agricultural mode of 
life, and the beliefs, social customs, &c., connected with 
it, than could possibly have been effected by the intro- 
duction of edged implements of stone, bone, or metal. 

As a substitute for the Arch^ological Ages, the writer 
suggests in this volume a new system, based on habits 
of life, which may be found useful for historical pur- 
poses. In this system the terms " Palaeolithic ", " Neo- 
lithic", &c., are confined to industries. "Neolithic 
man", "Bronze Age man", "Iron Age man", and other 
terms of like character may be favoured by some 
archaeologists, but they mean little or nothing to most 
anatomists, who detect different racial types in a single 
"Age". A history of ancient man cannot ignore one 
set of scientists to pleasure another. 

xii l^Ki:i-ACH 

Several chapters are devoted to the religious beliefs 
and customs of our ancestors, and it is shown that there 
is available for study in this connection a mass of 
evidence which the archc-eological agnostics are too prone 
to ignore. The problem of the megalithic monuments 
mus^t evidently be reconsidered in the light of the fuller 
anthropological data now available. Indeed, it would 
appear that a firmer basis than that afforded by "crude 
evolutionary ideas" must be found for British archaeol- 
ogy as a whole. The evidence of surviving beliefs and 
customs, of Celtic philology and literature, of early Chris- 
tian writings, and of recent discoveries in Spain, Meso- 
potamia, and Egypt, cannot, to say the least of it, be 
wholly ignored. 

In dealing with the race problem, the writer has sifted 
the available data which throw light on its connection 
with the history of British culture, and has written as he 
has written in the hope that the growth of fuller know- 
ledge on the subject will be accompanied by the growth 
of a deeper sympathy and a deeper sense of kinship than 
has hitherto prevailed in these islands of ours, which were 
colonized from time to time by groups of enterprising 
pioneers, who have left an enduring impress on the 
national character. The time is past for beginning a 
history of Britain with the Roman invasion, and for the 
too-oft- repeated assertion that before the Romans 
reached Britain our ancestors were isolated and half 





I. Britons of the Stone Age ----- i 

II. Earliest Traces of Modern Man - - - 8 

III. The Age of the "Red Man" of Wales - - - 19 

IV. Shell Deities and Early Trade • - - 35 
V. New Races in Europe ------- 49 

VI. The Faithful Dog- -..---- 61 

VII. Ancient Mariners Reach Britain - - - - 67 

VIII. Neolithic Trade and Industries - - - - 79 

IX. Metal Workers and Megalithic Monuments - 87 

X. Celts and Iberians as Intruders and Traders • 109 

XI. Races of Britain and Ireland ----- 121 

XII. Druidism in Britain and Gaul ----- 140 

XIII. The Lore of Charms ------ »57 

XIV. The World of Our Ancestors ----- 167 
XV. Why Trees and Wells were Worshipped - - 176 

XVI. Ancient Pagan Deities i95 

XVII. Historical Summary . - - 209 

Index 231 




Head of a Cro-Magnon Man - - - Frontispiece 
Examples of Lower Paleolithic Industries found in 

England '- 

Western Europe during the Third Inter-glacial Epoch \b 

Examples of Paleolithic Art 56 

Flint Lance Heads from Ireland So 

Chipped and Polished Artifacts from Southern England So 

The Ring of Stennis, Orkney 96 

Megaliths— Kit's Cotv House, Kent ; Trethevy Stone, 

Cornwall ^ - - - - 100 

Enamelled Bronze Shield 116 

European Types 124 

Ruins of Pictish Tower at Carlowav, Lewis - - - 128 

A Scottish " Broch " (Mousa, Shetland Isles) - - 132 

A Sardinian N'uraghe 136 

Megaliths— Dolmen, near Birori, Sardinia; Tvnewydd 

Dolmen <6o 

One of the Great Trilithons, Stonehenge - - - 172 

Bronze Urn and Cauldron 204 

Bronze Bucklers or Shields 224 


Britons of the Stone Age 

Caricatures of Early Britons — Enterprising- Pioneers — Diseases and 
Folk-cures— Ancient Surgical Operations— Expert Artisans— Organized 
Communities — Introduction of Agriculture — Houses and Cooking Utensils 
— Spinning and Weaving — Different Habits of Life — The Seafarers. 

The Early Britons of the Stone Age have suffered 
much at the hands of modern artists, and especially the 
humorous artists. They are invariably depicted as rude 
and irresponsible savages, with semi-negroid features, 
who had perforce to endure our rigorous and uncertain 
climate clad in loosely fitting skin garments, and to go 
about, even in the depth of winter, barefooted and bare- 
headed, their long tangled locks floating in the wind. 

As a rule, the artists are found to have confused ideas 
regarding the geological periods. Some place the white 
savages in the age when the wonderful megalithic 
monuments were erected and civilization was well ad- 
vanced, while others consign them to the far-distant 
Cretaceous Age in association with the monstrous reptiles 
that browsed on tropical vegetation, being unaware, 
apparently, that the reptiles in question ceased to exist 

(D217) 1 2 


before the appearance of the earliest mammals. Not 
Linfrequently the geological ages and the early stages of 
human culture are hopelessly mixed up, and monsters 
that had been extinct for several million years are shown 
crawling across circles that were erected by men pos- 
sessed of considerable engineering skill. 

It is extremely doubtful if our remote ancestors of the 
Stone Age were as savage or as backward as is gener- 
ally supposed. They were, to begin with, the colonists 
who made Britain a land fit for a strenuous people to 
live in. We cannot deny them either courage or enter- 
prise, nor are we justified in assuming that they were 
devoid of the knowledge and experience required to 
enable them to face the problems of existence in their 
new environment. They came from somewhere, and 
brought something with them; their modes of life did 
not have origin in our native land. 

Although the early people lived an open-air life, it is 
doubtful if they were more physically fit than are the 
Britons of the twentieth century. They were certainly 
not immune from the ravages of disease. In their 
graves are found skeletons of babies, youths, and 
maidens, as well as those of elderly men and women ; 
some spines reveal unmistakable evidence of the effects 
of rheumatism, and worn-down teeth are not uncommon. 
It is possible that the diseases associated with marshy 
localities and damp and cold weather were fairly preva- 
lent, and that there were occasional pestilences with 
heavy death-rates. Epidemics of influenza and measles 
may have cleared some areas for periods of their inhabi- 
tants, the survivors taking flight, as did many Britons 
of the fifth century of our own era, when the country 
was swept by what is referred to in a Welsh book ^ as 
"the yellow plague", because "it made yellow and 
bloodless all whom it attacked". At the same time 

> Book of Llaii Da/. 


recognition must be given to the fact that the early 
people were not wholly ignorant of medical science. 
There is evidence that some quite effective " folk cures " 
are of great antiquity — that the "medicine-men" and 
sorcerers of Ancient Britain had discovered how to treat 
certain diseases by prescribing decoctions in which herbs 
and berries utilized in modern medical science were 
important ingredients. More direct evidence is avail- 
able regarding surgical knowledge and skill. On the 
Continent and in England have been found skulls on 
which the operation known as trepanning — the removing 
of a circular piece of skull so as to relieve the brain from 
pressure or irritation — was successfully performed, as 
is shown by the fact that severed bones had healed 
during life. The accomplished primitive surgeons had 
used flint instruments, which were less liable than those 
of metal to carry infection into a wound. One cannot 
help expressing astonishment that such an operation 
should have been possible — that an ancient man who 
had sustained a skull injury in a battle, or by accident, 
should have been again restored to sanity and health. 
Sprains and ordinary fractures were doubtless treated 
with like skill and success. In some of the incantations 
and charms collected by folk-lorists are lines which 
suggest that the early medicine-men were more than 
mere magicians. One, for instance, dealing with the 
treatment of a fracture, states: 

" He put marrow to marrow; he put pith to pith; he put 
bone to bone; he put membrane to membrane; he put tendon 
to tendon; he put blood to blood; he put tallow to tallow; 
he put flesh to flesh; he put fat to fat; he put skin to skin; 
he put hair to hair; he put warm to warm; he put cool to 

" This," comments a medical man, " is quite a wonder- 
ful statement of the aim of modern surgical * co-aptation ', 

4 A\cii-:.\r MAX IN r.RirAix 

and we ran hardly believe sucli an exact form of words 
imaginable witlioiit a very clear comprehension of the 
natural necessity of correct and precise setting."' 

The discovery that Stone Age man was capable of 
becoming a skilled surgeon is suflicient in itself to make 
us revise our superficial notions regarding him. A new 
interest is certainly imparted to our examination of his 
flint instruments. Apparently these served him in good 
stead, and it must be acknowledged that, after all, a 
stone tool may, for some purposes, be quite as adequate 
as one of metal. It certainly does not follow that the 
man who uses a sharper instrument than did the early 
Briton is necessarily endowed with a sharper intellect, 
or that his ability as an individual artisan is greater. 
The Stone Age man displayed wonderful skill in chip- 
ping flint — a most difficult operation — and he shaped 
and polished stone axes with so marked a degree of 
mathematical precision that, when laid on one side, they 
can be spun round on a centre of gravity. His saws 
were small, but are still found to be quite serviceable for 
the purposes they were constructed for, such as the 
cutting of arrow shafts and bows, and the teeth are so 
minute and regular that it is necessary for us to use a 
magnifying glass in order to appreciate the workmanship. 
Some flint artifacts are comparable with the products of 
modern opticians. The flint workers must have had 
wonderfully keen and accurate eyesight to have produced, 
for instance, little "saws" with twenty-seven teeth to the 
inch, found even in the north of Scotland. In Ancient 
E!gypt these " saws " were used as sickles. 

Considerable groups of the Stone Age men of Britain 
had achieved a remarkable degree of progress. They 
lived in organized communities, and had evidently codes 
of laws and regularized habits of life. They were not 

' Dr. Ilufli Cameron C.illiej in //„',,/• l.i/r of thr l/ighlcnlfi!-, Glasgow. 1911. pp. 85 
rl srg. 


entirely dependt*nt for their food supply on the fish they 
caught and the animals they slew and snared. Patches 
of ground were tilled, and root and cereal crops culti- 
vated with success. Corn was ground in handmills;^ 
the women baked cakes of barley and wheat and rye. 
A rough but serviceable pottery was manufactured and 
used for cooking food, for storing grain, nuts, and 
berries, and for carrying water. Houses were con- 
structed of wattles interwoven between wooden beams 
and plastered over with clay, and of turf and stones; 
these were no doubt thatched with heather, straw, or 
reeds. Only a small proportion of the inhabitants of 
Ancient Britain could have dwelt in caves, for the simple 
reason that caves were not numerous. Underground 
dwellings, not unlike the "dug-outs" made during the 
recent war, were constructed as stores for food and as 
winter retreats. 

As flax was cultivated, there can be little doubt that 
comfortable under-garments were w^orn, if not by all, at 
any rate by some of the Stone Age people. Wool was 
also utilized, and fragments of cloth have been found on 
certain prehistoric sites, as well as spindle-whorls of 
stone, bone, and clay, wooden spindles shaped so as to 
serve their purpose without the aid of whorls, bone 
needles, and crochet or knitting-pins. Those who have 
assumed that the Early Britons were attired in skin 
garments alone, overlook the possibility that a people 
who could sew, spin, and weave, might also have been 
skilled in knitting, and that the jersey and jumper may 
have a respectable antiquity. The art of knitting is 
closely related to that of basket-making, and some would 
have it that many of the earliest potters plastered their 
clay inside baskets of reeds, and that the decorations of 
the early pots were suggested by the markings impressed 

' A pestle or itone was used to pound grain in hollowed slabs or rocks before the 
merhanicnl mill was invented. 


by these. It is of interest to note in this connection that 
some Roman wares were called bascaiidcc, or "baskets", 
and that the Welsh basged — basg, from which our word 
"basket" is derived, signify "network" and "plait- 
ing". The decoration of some pots certainly suggests 
the imitation of wickerwork and knitting, but there are 
symbols also, and these had, no doubt, a religious 

It does not follow, of course, that all the Early Britons 
of the so-called Stone Age were in the same stage of 
civilization, or that they all pursued the same modes of 
life. There were then, as there are now, backward as 
well as progressive communities and individuals, and 
there were likewise representatives of different races — 
tall and short, spare and stout, dark and fair men and 
women, who had migrated at different periods from 
different areas of origin and characterization. Some 
peoples clung to the sea-shore, and lived mainly on 
deep-sea fish and shell-fish ; others were forest and 
moorland hunters, who never ventured to sea or culti- 
vated the soil. There is no evidence to indicate that 
conflicts took place between different communities. It 
may be that in the winter season the hunters occasionally 
raided the houses and barns of the agriculturists. The 
fact, however, that weapons were not common during 
the Stone Age cannot be overlooked in this connection. 
The military profession had not come into existence. 

Certain questions, however, arise in connection with 
even the most backward of the Stone Age peoples. 
How did they reach Britain, and what attracted them 
from the Continent? Man did not take to the sea except 
under dire necessity, and it is certain that large numbers 
could not possibly have crossed the English Channel on 
logs of wood. The boatbuilder's craft and the science 
of navigation must have advanced considerably before 
large migrations across the sea could have taken place. 


When the agricultural mode of life was introduced, the 
early people obtained the seeds of wheat and barley, 
and, as these cultivated grasses do not grow wild in 
Britain, they must have been introduced either by traders 
or settlers. 

It is quite evident that the term "Stone Age" is 
inadequate in so far as it applies to the habits of life 
pursued by the early inhabitants of our native land. 
Nor is it even sufficient in dealing with artifacts, for 
some people made more use of horn and bone than of 
stone, and these were represented among the early 
settlers in Britain. 

Earliest Traces of Modern Man 

The Culture Ag-es — Aucient Races — The Neanderthals — Cro-Mag-non 
Man — The Evolution Theory — Pal.Teolithic Ages — The Transition Period 
— Neanderthal Artifacts — Birth of Cro-Magnon Art — Occupations of Flint- 
yielding Stations— Ravages of Disease— Duration of Glacial and Inter- 
glacial I'eriods. 

In 1865, Sir John Lubbock (afterwards Lord Ave- 
bury), writing in the Prehistoric Times, suggested that 
the Stone Age artifacts found in Western Europe should 
be classified into two main periods, to which he applied 
the terms Palaeolithic (Old Stone) and Neolithic (New 
Stone). The foundations of the classification had pre- 
viously been laid by the French antiquaries M. Boucher 
de Perthes and Kdouard Lartet. It was intended that 
Palaeolithic should refer to rough stone implements, and 
Neolithic to those of the period when certain artifacts 
were polished. 

At the time very little was known regarding the early 
peoples who had pursued the flint-chipping and polish- 
ing industries, and the science of geology was in its 
infancy. A great controversy, which continued for many 
years, was being waged in scientific circles regarding 
the remains of a savage primitive people that had been 
brought to light. Of these the most notable were a 
woman's skull found in 1848 in a quarry at Gibraltar, 
the Cannstadt skull, found in 1700, which had long 
been lying in Stuttgart Museum undescribed and un- 
studied, and portions of a male skeleton taken from a 


limestone cave in Neanderthal, near Dusseldorf, in 1H57. 
Some refused to believe that these, and other similar 
remains subsequently discovered, were human at all; 
others declared that the skulls were those of idiots or 
that they had been distorted by disease. Professor 
Huxley contended that evidence had been forthcomin<j;' 
to prove the existence in remote times of a primitive 
race from which modern man had evolved. 

It is unnecessary here to review the prolonged con- 
troversy. One of its excellent results was the stimula- 
tion of research work. A number of important linds 
have been made during the present century, which have 
thrown a flood of light on the problem. In 1908 a 
skeleton was discovered in a grotto near La Chapelle-aux- 
Saints in France, which definitely established the fact 
that during the earlier or lower period of the PaLneolithic 
Age a Neanderthal race existed on the Continent, and, 
as other remains testify, in England as well. This race 
became extinct. Some hold that there are no living 
descendants of Neanderthal man on our globe; others 
contend that some peoples, or individuals, reveal 
Neanderthaloid traits. The natives of Australia display 
certain characteristics of the extinct species, but they are 
more closely related to Modern Man {Homo sapiens). 
There were pre-Neanderthal peoples, including Piltdown 
man and Heidelberg man. 

During the Pala3olithic Age the ancestors of modern 
man appeared in Western Europe. These are now 
known as the Cro-Magnon races. 

In dealing with the Palaeolithic Age, therefore, it has 
to be borne in mind that the artifacts classified by the 
archaeologists represent the activities, not only of different 
races, but of representatives of different species of 
humanity. Neanderthal man, who differed greatly from 
Modern man, is described as follows by Professor Elliot 


" His short, thick-set, and coarsely built body was carried 
in a iialf-stooping slouch upon short, powerful, and half- 
flexed leg-s of peculiarly ungraceful form. His thick neck 
sloped forward from the broad shoulders to support the 
massive flattened head, which protruded forward, so as to 
form an unbroken curve of neck and back, in place of the 
alteration of curves, which is one of the g^races of the truly 
erect Homo sapiens. The heavy overhanging eyebrow ridges, 
and retreating forehead, the great coarse face, with its large 
eye-sockets, broad nose, and receding chin, combined to 
complete the picture of unattractiveness, which it is more 
probable than not was still further emphasized by a shaggy 
covering of hair over most of the body. The arms were 
relatively short, and the exceptionally large hands lacked the 
delicacy and the nicely balanced co-operation of thumb and 
fingers, which is regarded as one of the most distinctive of 
human characteristics."^ 

As Professor Osborn says: " the structure of the hand 
is a matter of the highest interest in connection with the 
implement-making powers of the Neanderthals". He 
notes that in the large and robust Neanderthal hand, 
"the joint of the metacarpal bone which supports the 
thumb is of peculiar form, convex, and presenting a 
veritable convex condyle, whereas in the existing human 
races the articular surface of the upper part of the thumb 
joint is saddle-shaped, that is concave from within back- 
ward, and convex from without inward ". The Nean- 
derthal fingers were " relatively short and robust".- 

The Cro-Magnons present a sharp contrast to the 
Neanderthals, In all essential features they were of 
modern type. They would, dressed in modern attire, 
pass through the streets of a modern city without par- 
ticular notice being taken of them. One branch of the 
Cro-Magnons was particularly tall and handsome, with 
an average height for the males of 6 feet li inches, with 

1 Primlth'f Man. " ^frll of the 0!il S/oitf .igf (1916), pp. 240-1. 


chests very broad in the upper part, and remarkably 
long shin-bones that indicate swiftness of foot. The 
Neanderthals had short shins and bent knees, and their 
gait must have been slow and awkward. The Cro- 
Magnon hand was quite like that of the most civilized 
men of to-day. 

It is of importance to bring out these facts in con- 
nection with the study of the development of early 
civilization in our native land, because of the prevalence 
of the theory that in collections of stone implements, 
dating from remote Palaeolithic times till the Neolithic 
Age, a complete and orderly series of evolutionary stages 
can be traced. " As like needs ", says one writer in this 
connection, "produce like means of satisfaction, the 
contrivances with which men in similar stages of pro- 
gress overcome natural obstacles are in all times very 
much the same."^ Hugh Miller, the Cromarty stone- 
mason and geologist, was one of the first to urge this 
view. In 1835, he wrote in his Sce?ies and Legends^ 
(ist edition, pp. 31, 32): 

"Man in a savage stage is the same animal everywhere, 
and his constructive powers, whether employed in the forma- 
tion of a legendary story or of a battleaxe, seem to expatiate 
almost everywhere in the same rugged track of invention. 
For even the traditions of this first stage may be identified, 
like its weapons of war, all the world over. "- 

He had written in this vein after seeing the collection 
of stone weapons and implements in the Northern Insti- 
tution at Inverness. "The most practised eye", he 
commented, "can hardly distinguish between the 
weapons of the Old Scot and the New Zealander." 

' British Afiisrum—A Guide to the Antiquities of the Stone Age. p. 76 (1902). 

'Miller had adopted the "stratification theory" of Professor William Robertsoo of 
Edinburgh University, who, in his The History of America (1777), wrote: "Men in their 
savage state pass their days like the animals round them, without knowledge or venera- 
tion of any superior power". 


Kyes have become more practised in dealing with flints 
since Miller's time. Andrew Lan.i^ remembered his 
Miller when he wrote: 

'• Now just as the (lint arrowheads are scattered everywhere, 
in all the continents and isles— and everywhere are much 
alike, and bear no very definite marks of the special influence 
of race— so it is with the habits and legends investigated by 
the student of folk-lore ".' 

The recent discovery that the early flints found in 
Western Europe and in England were shaped by the 
Neanderthals and the pre-Neanderthals compels a re- 
vision of this complacent view of an extraordinarily 
diflicult and complex problem. It is obvious that the 
needs and constructive powers of the Neanderthals, 
whose big clumsy hands lacked "the delicate play be- 
tween the thumb and fingers characteristic of modern 
races", could not have been the same as those of the 
Cro-Magnons, and that the finely shaped implements of 
the Cro-Magnons could not have been evolved from the 
rough implements of the Neanderthals. The craftsmen 
of one race may, however, have imitated, or attempted 
to imitate, the technique of those of another. 

There was a distinct break in the continuity of culture 
during the Palaeolithic Age, caused by the arrival in 
Western Europe of the ancestors of Modern Man. The 
advent of the Cro-Magnons in Europe "represents on 
the cultural side", as Professor Elliot Smith says in 
Primitive Man, "the most momentous event in its 
history ". 

Some urge that the term " Pah-eolithic ' should now 
be discarded altogether, but its use has become so firmly 
established that archaeologists are loth to dispense with 
it. The first period of human culture has, however, 
had to be divided into "Lower" and "Upper Pala;o- 

' Cusfom a'tif Afyfh (iqio edition), p. i v Laiin'* virus rrg^ariliiij< (lints are worfhlrss. 

Moiisterian type 
(from Suffolk) 

Photos. Oxford University Press 

Chelk'an tvpe 
(from the Tliames iji-avel) 

K.\ AMIM.I'.S ()!•' LOWKK P AL.lCOI.irH Ic: 
KOr.M) l.\ i:\C.L.\.\D 
(British .Museum) 



lithic" — Lower closing with the disappearance of the 
Neanderthals, and Upper beginning with the arrival of 
the Cro-Magnons. These periods embrace the sub- 
divisions detected during the latter half of last century 
by the French archaeologists, and are now classified as 

Lower Palaeolithic — 

1. Pre-Chellean. 

2. Chellean (named after the town of Chelles, east 

of Paris). 

3. Acheulian (named after vSt. Acheul in Somme 


4. Mousterian (named after the caves of Le Moustier 

in the valley of the River Vezere). 

Upper Palaeolithic — 

1. Aurignacian (named after Aurignac, Haute 


2. Solutrean (named after Solutre, Saone-et-Loire). 

3. Magdalenian (named after La Madeleine in the 

valley of the River Vezere). 

Then follows, in France, the Azilian stage (named 
after Mas d'Azil, a town at the foot of the Pyrenees) 
which is regarded as the link between LIpper Palaeo- 
lithic and Neolithic. But in Western Europe, including 
Britain, there were really three distinct cultures during 
the so-called "Transition Period". These are the 
Azilian, the Tardenoisian, and the Maglemosian. These 
cultures were associated with the movements of new 
peoples in Europe. 

The pre-Chellean flints (also called Eoliths) were 
wrought by the pre-Neanderthals. Chellean probably 
represents the earliest work in Europe of a pre-Nean- 
derthal type like Piltdown man. The most characteristic 



implement of this phase is the coup de poing, or pear- 
shaped " hand axe", which was at first roughly shaped 
and unsymmetrical. It was greatly improved during 
the Acheulian stage, and after being finely wrought in 
Mousterian times, when it was not much used, was 
supplanted by smaller and better chipped implements. 
The Neanderthals practised the Mousterian industry. 

A profound change oc- 
curred when the Auri- 
gnacian stage of culture 
was inaugurated by the 
intruding Cro-Magnons. 
Skilled workers chipped 
flint in a new way, and, 
like the contemporary in- 
habitants of North Africa, 
shaped artifacts from 
bone; they also used rein- 
deer horn, and the ivory 
tusks of mammoths. The 
birth of pictorial art took 
place in Europe after the 
Cro-Magnons arrived. 
It would appear that 
the remnants of the Neanderthals in the late Mousterian 
stage of culture were stimulated by the arrival of the 
Cro-Magnons to imitate new flint forms and adopt the 
new methods of workmanship. There is no other evi- 
dence to indicate that the Cro-Magnons came into con- 
tact with communities of the Neanderthals. In these 
far-off days Europe was thinly peopled by hunters who 
dwelt in caves. The climate was cold, and the hairy 
mammoth and the reindeer browsed in the lowlands of 
France and Germany. Italy was linked with Africa; 
the grass-lands of North Africa stretched southward 
across the area now known as the Sahara desert, and 

Chelleaii Coup 'ir Poiiig or " Hand Axe " 
RiRlit-hand view shows sinuous cutting edge. 


dense forests fringed the banks of the River Nile and 
extended eastward to the Red Sea. 

Neanderthal man had originally entered Europe when 
the climate was much milder than it is in our own time. 
He crossed over from Africa by the Italian land-bridge, 
and he found African fauna, including species of the 
elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, lion, and the 
hysena, jackal, and sabre-tooth tiger in Spain, France, 
Germany. Thousands of years elapsed and the summers 
became shorter, and the winters longer and more severe, 
until the northern fauna began to migrate southward, 
and the African fauna deserted the plains and decaying 
forests of Europe. Then followed the Fourth Glacial 
phase, and when it was passing away the Neanderthals, 
who had long been in the Mousterian phase of culture, 
saw bands of Cro-Magnons prospecting and hunting in 
southern Europe. The new-comers had migrated from 
some centre of culture in North Africa, and appear to 
have crossed over the Italian land-bridge. It is unlikely 
that many, if any, entered Europe from the east. At 
the time the Black Sea was more than twice its present 
size, and glaciers still blocked the passes of Asia 

A great contrast was presented by the two types of 
mankind. The short, powerfully built, but slouching 
and slow-footed Neanderthals were, in a conflict, no 
match for the tall, active, and swift-footed Cro-Magnons, 
before whom they retreated, yielding up their flint-work- 
ing stations, and their caves and grottoes. It may be, 
as some suggest, that fierce battles were fought, but 
there is no evidence of warfare; it may be that the 
Neanderthals succumbed to imported diseases, as did so 
many thousands of the inhabitants of the Amazon Valley, 
when measles and other diseases were introduced by 
the Spaniards. The fact remains that the Neander- 
thals died out as completely as did the Tasmanians 


before the advance of British settlers. We do not know 
whether or not they resisted, for a time, the intrusion of 
strangers on their hunting-grounds. It may be that the 
ravages of disease completed the tragic history of such 
relations as they may have had with the ancestors of 
Modern Man. 

At this point, before we deal with the arrival in 
Britain of the representatives of the early races, it 
should be noted that differences of opinion exist among 
scientists regarding the geological horizons of the Palaeo- 
lithic culture stages. In the Pleistocene Age there ap- 
pear to have been four great glacial epochs and two 
minor ones. Geological opinion is, however, divided 
in this connection. 

During the First Glacial epoch the musk-ox, now 
found in the Arctic regions, migrated as far south as 
Sussex. The Pliocene ^ mammals were not, however, 
completely exterminated; many of them survived until 
the First Interglacial epoch, which lasted for about 
75,000 years — that is three times longer than the First 
Glacial epoch. The Second Glacial epoch is believed 
to have extended over 25,000 years. It brought to the 
southern shores of the Baltic Sea the reindeer and the 
hairy mammoth. Then came the prolonged Second 
Interglacial stage which prevailed for about 200,000 
years. The climate of Europe underwent a change 
until it grew warmer than it is at the present day, 
and trees, not now found farther north than the Canary 
Islands, flourished in the forests of southern France. 
The Third Glacial stage gradually came on, grew in 
intensity, and then declined during a period estimated 
at about 25,000 years. It was followed by the Third 
Interglacial epoch which may have extended over at 
least 100,000 vears. African animals returned to Europe 
and mingled with those that wandered from Asia and 

' The last divii-ion of tlic Tertiary period. i:rK()iM: dtrixc. tiii-: tiiii;!) 


(Accordiny to thi* Abbi- Brt-inl the Strait of Gibraltar was open and the 
Balearic irroup a trreJit island.) 


the survivors in Europe of the Second Interglacial fauna. 
The Fourth Glacial epoch, which is believed to have 
lasted for about 25,000 years, was very severe. All the 
African or Asiatic mammals either migrated or became 
extinct with the exception of lions and hyaenas, and the 
reindeer found the western plains of Europe as con- 
genial as it does the northern plains at the present 

During the Fourth Post-glacial epoch there were for 
a period of about 25,000 years ^ partial glaciations and 
milder intervals, until during the Neolithic Age of the 
archaeologists the climate of Europe reached the phase 
that at present prevails. 

When, then, did man first appear in Europe? Ac- 
cording to some geologists, and especially Penck and 
James Geikie, the Chellean phase of culture originated 
in the Second Interglacial epoch and the Mousterian 
endured until the Third Interglacial stage, when the 
Neanderthals witnessed the arrival of the Cro-Magnon 
peoples. Boule, Breuil, and others, however, place the 
pre-Chellean, Chellean, Acheulian, and early Mousterian 
stages of Lower (or Early) Paleolithic culture in the 
Third Interglacial epoch, and fix the extermination of 
Neanderthal man, in his late Mousterian culture stage, 
at the close of the Fourth Glacial epoch. This view is 
now being generally accepted. It iinds favour with the 
archaeologists, and seems to accord with the evidence 
they have accumulated. The Upper Paleolithic culture 
of Cro-Magnon man, according to some, began in its 
Aurignacian phase about 25,000 years ago; others con- 
sider, however, that it began about five or six thousand 
years ago, and was contemporaneous with the long pre- 
Dynastic civilization of Egypt. At the time England 
was connected with the Continent by a land -bridge, 

' It must be borne in mind that the lengths of tliesc pcriorls arc subject to revision. 
Opinion is growini; that thev wore not nearly so long a> here slater). 

{r>2\l) 3 


and as the climate grew milder the ancestors of modern 
man could walk across from France to the white cliffs of 
Dover which were then part of a low range of moun- 
tains. As will be shown, there is evidence that the 
last land movement in Britain did not begin until about 
3000 B.C. 


The Age of the " Red Man " 
of Wales 

An Ancient Welshman — Aurignacian Culture in Britain — Coloured 
Bones and Luck Charms— The Cave of Aurignac— Discovery at Cro- 
Magnon Village — An Ancient Tragedy — Significant Burial Customs — 
Cro-Magnon Characters — New Race Types in Central Europe — Galley 
Hill Man— The Piltdown Skull— Ancient Religious Beliefs— Life Principle 
in Blood — Why Body-painting was practised — "Sleepers" in Caves — 
Red Symbolism in different Countries — The Heart as the Seat of Life — 
The Green Stone Talisman — "Soul Substance". 

The earliest discovery of a representative of the Cro- 
Magnons was made in 1823, when Dr. Buckland ex- 
plored the ancient cave-dwelling of Paviland in the 
vicinity of Rhossilly, Gower Peninsula, South Wales. 
This cave, known as "Goat's Hole", is situated between 
30 and 40 feet above the present sea-level, on the face 
of a steep sandstone cliff about 100 feet in height; it is 
60 feet in length and 200 feet broad, while the roof 
attains an altitude of over 25 feet. When this com- 
modious natural shelter was occupied by our remote 
ancestors the land was on a much lower level than it 
is now, and it could be easily reached from the sea- 
shore. Professor Sollas has shown that the Paviland 
cave-dwellers were in the Aurignacian stage of culture, 
and that they had affinities wAh the tall Cro-Magnon 
peoples on the Continent.^ 

^ JiiWiinl 0/ llir Royal Aiilhrofiological Jnsliliilf, Vol. XLIII, 1913. 


A Imman skeleton of a tall man was found in the 
cave deposit in association with the skull and tusks of a 
hairy mammoth, and with implements of Auri^i^nacian 
type. Apparently the Aurignacian colonists had walked 
over the land-bride^e connecting England with France 
many centuries before the land sank and the Channel 
tides began to carve out the white cliffs of Dover. 

In his description of the bones of the ancient cave- 
man, who has been wrongly referred to as the " Red 
Lady of Paviland", Dr. Buckland wrote: 

"They were all of them stained superficially with a dark 
brick-red colour, and enveloped by a coating- of a kind of 
ruddle, composed of red micaceous OKide of iron, which 
stained the earth, and in some parts extended itself to the 
distance of about half an inch around the surface of the 
bones. The body must have been entirely surrounded or 
covered over at the time of its interment with this red 

Near the thighs were about two handfuls of small 
shells {Ncriia ///oralis) which had evidently formed a 
waist girdle. Over forty little rods of ivory, which may 
have once formed a long necklace, lay near the ribs. 
A few ivory rings and a tongue-shaped implement or 
ornament lay beside the body, as well as an instrument 
or charm made of the metacarpal bone of a wolf. 

The next great discovery of this kind was made 
twenty-nine years later. In 1852 a French workman 
was trying to catch a wild rabbit on a lower slope of the 
Pyrenees, near the town of Aurignac in Haute Garonne, 
when he made a surprising find. From the rabbit's 
burrow he drew out a large human bone. A slab of 
stone was subsequently removed, and a grotto or cave 
shelter revealed. In the debris were found portions of 
seventeen skeletons of human beings of different ages 
and both sexes. Only two skulls were intact. 

L'pptT PaIa;olithic Implements 

enacta . oofnt f ^^,»''Vr°" ''?.'."'>• ''J- ;V'^'enacian (keeled scrapers). 4. Aurl- 
^af^i^tr% ("parrot-beak ■ graving tool). 6. Solutrean (laur.l- 7.8,9. Solutrcan(dr.ll. awl. and -.slu.uldered'point). ,0 a Magdalenian. 



This discovery created a stir in the town of Aurignac, 
and there was much speculation regarding the tragedy 
that was supposed to have taken place at some distant 
date. A few folks were prepared to supply circumstantial 
details by connecting the discovery with vague local 
traditions. No one dreamt that the burial-place dated 
back a few thousand years, or, indeed, that the grotto 
had really been a burial-place, and the mayor of the 
town gave instructions that the bones should be interred 
in the parish cemetery. 

Eight years elapsed before the grotto was visited by 
M. Louis Lartet, the great French archaeologist. Out- 
side the stone slab he found the remains of an ancient 
hearth, and a stone implement which had been used 
for chipping flints. In the outer debris were dis- 
covered, too, the bones of animals of the chase, and 
about a hundred flint artifacts, including knives, pro- 
jectiles, and sling-stones, besides bone arrow^s, tools 
shaped from reindeer horns, and an implement like 
a bodkin of roe -deer horn. It transpired that the 
broken bones of animals included those of the cave- 
lion, the cave-bear, the hyasna, the elk, the mammoth, 
and the woolly-haired rhinoceros — all of which had 
been extinct in that part of the world for thousands of 

As in the Paviland cave, there were indications that 
the dead had been interred with ornaments or charms 
on their bodies. Inside the grotto were found " eighteen 
small round and flat plates of a white shelly substance, 
made of some species of cockle {Cardiiim) pierced 
through the middle, as if for being strung into a brace- 
let". Perforated teeth of wild animals had evidently 
been used for a like purpose. 

The distinct industry revealed by the grotto finds has 
been named Aurignacian, after Aurignac. Had the 
human bones not been removed, the scientists would 


have definitely ascertained what particular race of ancient 
men they represented. 

It was not until the spring of 1868 that a flood of light 
was thrown on the Aurignacian racial problem. A 
gang of workmen were engaged in the construction of 
a railway embankment in the vicinity of the village of 
Cro-Magnon, near Les Eyzies, in the valley of the River 
Vezere, when they laid bare another grotto. Intimation 
was at once made to the authorities, and the Minister of 
Public Instruction caused an investigation to be made 
under the direction of M. Louis Lartet. The remains of 
five human skeletons were found. At the back of the 
grotto was the skull of an old man — now known as '* the 
old man of Cro-Magnon " — and its antiquity was at once 
emphasized by the fact that some parts of it were coated 
by stalagmite caused by a calcareous drip from the roof 
of rock. Near "the old man" was found the skeleton 
of a woman. Her forehead bore signs of a deep wound 
that had been made by a cutting instrument. As the 
inner edge of the bone had partly healed, it was apparent 
she had survived her injury for a few weeks. Beside 
her lay the skeleton of a baby which had been prema- 
turely born. The skeletons of two young men were 
found not far from those of the others. Apparently a 
tragic happening had occurred in ancient days in the 
vicinity of the Cro-Magnon grotto. The victims had 
been interred with ceremony, and in accordance with 
the religious rites prevailing at the time. Above three 
hundred pierced marine shells, chiefly of the periwinkle 
species {Littorma littorea)^ which are common on the 
Atlantic coasts, and a few shells of Purpura lapillus (a 
purple-yielding shell), Turitella comtininis, &c., were 
discovered besides the skeletons. These, it would ap- 
pear, had been strung to form necklaces and other 
ornamental charms. M. Lartet found, too, a flat ivory 
pendant pierced with two holes, and was given two 



ullier pL-ndaiUs picked up by yuung people. Near the 
skeletons were several perforated teeth, a split block of 
tl^neiss with a smooth surface, the worked antlers of a 
reindeer that may have been used as a pick for excavat- 
ing Hint, and a few chipped flints. Other artifacts of 
Aurignacian type were unearthed in the debris associated 
with the grotto, which appears to have been used as a 
dwelling-place before the interments had taken place. 

! I Magiioii Man: front and side views 
I Gruttc des Enfanls, Mentone. (After Verncau.) 

The human remains of the Cro-Magnon grotto were 
those of a tall and handsome race of which the "Red 
Man " of Paviland was a representative. Other finds 
have shown that this race was widely distributed in 
Europe. The stature of the men varied from 5 feet 10^, 
inches to 6 feet 4?, inches on the Riviera, that of the women 
being slightly less. That the Cro-Magnons were people 
of high intelligence is suggested by the fact that the skulls 
of the men and women were large, and remarkably well 
developed in the frontal region. Accordingto a prominent 
anatomist the Cro-Magnon women had bigger brains 
than has the average male European of to-day. All 
these ancient skulls are of the dolichocephalic (long- 
headed) type. The faces, however, were comparatively 


broad, and shorter than those of the modern fair North- 
Europeans, while the eheek bones were high— a charac- 
teristic, by the way, of so many modern Scottish faces. 

This type of head — known as the " disharmonic ", 
because a broad face is usually a characteristic of a 
broad skull, and a long face of a long skull — has been 
found to be fairly common among the modern inhabi- 
tants of the Dordogne valley. These French descendants 
of the Cro-Magnons are, however, short and "stocky", 
and most of them have dark hair and eyes. Cro-Magnon 
types have likewise been identified among the Berbers 
of North Africa, and the extinct fair-haired Guanches 
of the Canary Islands, in Brittany, on the islands of 
northern Holland, and in the British Isles. ^ 

A comparatively short race, sometimes referred to as 
the "Combe-Capelle", after the rock-shelter at Combe- 
Capelle, near Montferrand, Perigord, was also active 
during the stage of Aurignacian culture. An adult 
skeleton found in this shelter was that of a man only 
5 feet 3 inches in height. The skull is long and narrow, 
with a lofty forehead, and the chin small and well de- 
veloped. It has some similarity to modern European 
skulls. The skeleton had been subjected for thousands 
of years to the dripping of water saturated with lime, 
and had consequently been well preserved. Near the 
head and neck lay a large number of perforated marine 
shells {Littorina and Nassd). A collection of finely- 
worked flints of early Aurignacian type also lay beside 
the body. 

Reference may also be made here to the finds in 
Moravia. Fragmentary skull caps from Briix and Briinn 
are regarded as evidence of a race which differed from 
the tall Cro-Magnons, and had closer aftinities with 

' For principal references see The Races of Eurofie, W. Z. Ripley, pp. 172 et seq., and 
The Anthropological History of Europe, John Bcddoe (Rhind lectures for 1891 ; revised 
edition, 1911), p. 47. 


Combe-Capelle man. Some incline to connect the Briinn 
type with England, the link being provided by a skele- 
ton called the "Galley Hill" after the place of its dis- 
covery below Gravesend and near Northfleet in Kent. 
Scientists regard him as a contemporary of the Auri- 
gnacian flint-workers of Combe-Capelle and Briinn. 
"Both the Briix and Briinn skulls", writes Professor 
Osborn, "are harmonic; they do not present the very 
broad, high cheek-bones characteristic of the Cro-Ma- 
gnon race,^ the face being of a narrow modern type, but 
not very long. There is a possibility that the Briinn 
race was ancestral to several later dolichocephalic groups 
which are found in the region of the Danube and of 
middle and southern Germany." ^ 

The Galley Hill man had been buried in the gravels 
of the "high terrace", 90 feet above the Thames. His 
bones when found were much decayed and denuded, 
and the skull contorted. The somewhat worn " wisdom 
tooth" indicates that he was a "fully-grown adult, 
though probably not an aged individual ". Those who 
think he was not as old as the flints and the bones of 
extinct animals found in the gravels, regard him as a 
pioneer of the Briinn branch of the Aurignacians. 

The Piltdown skull appears to date back to a period 
vastly more ancient than Neanderthal times. 

Our special interest in the story of early man in 
Britain is with the "Red Man" of Paviland and 
Galley Hill man, because these were representatives of 
the species to which we ourselves belong. The Nean- 
derthals and pre -Neanderthals, who have left their 
Eoliths and Palaioliths in our gravels, vanished like the 
glaciers and the icebergs, and have left, as has been 
indicated, no descendants in our midst. Our history 
begins with the arrival of the Cro-Magnon races, who 

• That is, the tall representatives of the Cr6-Magnon races 
- A fen of the Old Stone Age, pp. 335-6. 


were followed in time by other peoples to whom Europe 
offered attractions during the period of the great thaw, 
when the ice-cap was shrinking towards the north, and 
the flooded rivers were forming the beds on which they 
now flow. 

We have little to learn from Galley Hill man. His 
geological horizon is uncertain, but the balance of the 
available evidence tends to show he was a pioneer of 
the medium-sized hunters who entered Europe from the 
east, during the Aurignacian stage of culture. It is 
otherwise with the "Red Man" of Wales. We know 
definitely what particular family he belonged to; he was 
a representative of the tall variety of Cro-Magnons. We 
know too that those who loved him, and laid his life- 
less body in the Paviland Cave, had introduced into 
Europe the germs of a culture that had been radiated 
from some centre, probably in the ancient forest land to 
the east of the Nile, along the North African coast at 
a time when it jutted far out into the Mediterranean and 
the Sahara was a grassy plain. 

The Cro-Magnons were no mere savages who lived 
the life of animals and concerned themselves merely 
with their material needs. They appear to have been 
a people of active, inventive, and inquiring minds, with 
a social organization and a body of definite beliefs, 
which found expression in their art and in their burial 
customs. The "Red Man" was so called by the 
archaeologists because his bones and the earth beside 
them were stained, as has been noted, by "red mica- 
ceous oxide of iron ". Here we meet with an ancient 
custom of high significance. It was not the case, as 
some have suggested, that the skeleton was coloured 
after the flesh had decayed. There was no indication 
when the human remains were discovered that the grave 
had been disturbed after the corpse was laid in it. The 
fact that the earth as well as the bones retained the 


coloration affords clear proof that the corpse ha«l been 
smeared over with red earth which, after the llesh had 
decayed, fell on the skeleton and the earth and gravel 
beside it. But why, it will be asked, was the corpse so 
treated? Did the Cro-Magnons paint their bodies dur- 
ing life, as do the Australians, the Red Indians, and 
others, to provide "a substitute for clothing"? Thai 
cannot be the reason. They could not have concerned 
themselves about a "substitute" for something they did 
not possess. In France, the Cro-Magnons have left 
pictorial records of their activities and interests in their 
caves and other shelters. Bas reliefs on boulders within 
a shelter at Laussel show that they did not w^ear cloth- 
ing during the Aurignacian epoch which continued for 
many long centuries. We know too that the Austra- 
lians and Indians painted their bodies for religious and 
magical purposes — to protect themselves in battle or 
enable them to perform their mysteries — rain-getting, 
food-getting, and other ceremonies. The ancient Egyp- 
tians painted their gods to "make them healthy". 
Prolonged good health was immortalitv. 

The evidence afforded by the Paviland and other Cro- 
Magnon burials indicates that the red colour was freshly 
applied before the dead was laid in the sepulchre. 
No doubt it was intended to serve a definite purpose, 
that it was an expression of a system of beliefs regard- 
ing life and the hereafter. 

Apparently among the Cro-Magnons the belief was 
already prevalent that the "blood is the life". The 
loss of life appeared to them to be due to the loss of the 
red vitalizing fluid which flowed in the veins. Strong 
men who received wounds in conflict with their fellows, 
or with wild animals, were seen to faint and die in con- 
sequence of profuse bleeding; and those who were 
stricken with sickness grew ashen pale because, as it 
seemed, the supply of blood was insufllcient, a condition 


they may have accounted for, as did the Babylonians of 
a later period, by conceiving that demons entered the 
body and devoured the flesh and blood. It is not too 
much to suppose that they feared death, and that like 
other Pagan religions of antiquity theirs was deeply con- 
cerned with the problem of how to restore and prolong 
life. Their medicine-men appear to have arrived at the 
conclusion that the active principle in blood was the 
substance that coloured it, and they identified this sub- 
stance with red earth. If cheeks grew pale in sickness, 
the flush of health seemed to be restored by the applica- 
tion of a red face paint. The patient did not invariably 
regain strength, but when he did, the recovery was in 
all likelihood attributed to the influence of the blood 
substitute. Rest and slumber were required, as experi- 
ence showed, to work the cure. When death took place, 
it seemed to be a deeper and more prolonged slumber, 
and the whole body was smeared over with the vitalizing 
blood substitute so that, when the spell of weakness had 
passed away, the sleeper might awaken, and come forth 
again with renewed strength from the cave-house in 
which he had been laid. 

The many persistent legends about famous "sleepers" 
that survive till our own day appear to have originally 
been connected with a belief in the return of the dead, 
the antiquity of which we are not justified in limiting, 
especially when it is found that the beliefs connected 
with body paint and shell ornaments and amulets were 
introduced into Europe in early post-glacial times. 
Ancient folk heroes might be forgotten, but from Age 
to Age there arose new heroes to take their places; the 
habit of placing them among the sleepers remained. 
Charlemagne, Frederick of Barbarossa, William Tell, 
King Arthur, the Fians, and the Irish Brian Boroimhe, 
are famous sleepers. French peasants long believed 
that the sleeping Napoleon would one day return to 


protect their native land from invaders, and during the 
Russo-Japanese war it was whispered in Russia that 
General Skobeleff would suddenly awake and hasten to 
Manchuria to lead their troops to victory. For many 
generations the Scots were convinced that James IV, 
whofellat Flodden,wasa "sleeper". His place was taken 
in time by Thomas the Rhymer, who slept in a cave 
and occasionally awoke to visit markets so that he might 
purchase horses for the great war which was to redden 
Tweed and Clyde with blood. Even in our own day 
there were those who refused to believe that General 
Gordon, Sir Hector MacDonald, and Lord Kitchener, 
were really dead. The haunting belief in sleeping 
heroes dies hard. 

Among the famous groups of sleeping heroes are the 
Seven Sleepers of Ephesus — the Christians who had 
been condemned to death by the Emperor Decius and 
concealed themselves in a cave where they slept for 
three and a half centuries. An eighteenth century 
legend tells of seven men in Roman attire, who lay 
in a cave in Western Germany. In Norse Mythology, 
the seven sons of Mimer sleep in the Underworld await- 
ing the blast of the horn, which will be blown at 
Ragnarok when the gods and demons will wage the 
last battle. The sleepers of Arabia once awoke to for- 
tell the coming of Mahomet, and their sleeping dog, 
according to Moslem beliefs, is one of the ten animals 
that will enter Paradise. 

A representative Scottish legend regarding the 
sleepers is located at the Cave of Craigiehowe in the 
Black Isle, Ross-shire, a few miles distant from the 
Rosemarkie cave. It is told that a shepherd once 
entered the cave and saw the sleepers and their dog. 
A horn, or as some say, a whistle, hung suspended from 
the roof. The shepherd blew it once and the sleepers 
shook themselves; he blew a second time, and they 


opened their eyes and raised themselves on their elbows. 
Terrified by the forbidding aspect of the mighty men, 
the shepherd refrained from blowing a third time, but 
turned and fled. As he left the cave he heard one of the 
heroes call after him: "Alas! you have left us worse 
than you found us." As whistles are sometimes found 
in Magdalenian shelters in Western and Central Europe, 
it may be that these were at an early period connected 
with the beliefs about the calling back of the Cro- 
Magnon dead. The ancient whistles were made of hare- 
and reindeer-foot bone. The clay whistle dates from 
the introduction of the Neolithic industry in Hungary. 
The remarkable tendency on the part of mankihd to 
cling to and perpetuate ancient beliefs and customs, and 
especially those connected with sickness and death, is 
forcibly illustrated by the custom of smearing the bodies 
of the living and dead with red ochre. In every part 
of the world red is regarded as a particularly "lucky 
colour", which protects houses and human beings, and 
imparts vitality to those who use it. The belief in the 
protective value of red berries is perpetuated in our 
own Christmas customs when houses are decorated with 
holly, and by those dwellers in remote parts who still 
tie rowan berries to their cows' tails so as to prevent 
witches and fairies from interfering with the milk supply. 
Egyptian women who wore a red jasper in their waist- 
girdles called the stone "a drop of the blood of Isis (the 
mother goddess) ". 

Red symbolism is everywhere connected with life- 
blood and the "vital spark" — the hot "blood of 
life". Brinton^ has shown that in the North American 
languages the word for blood is derived from the word 
for red or the word for fire. The ancient Greek custom 
f)f painting red the wooden images of gods was evi- 
dently connected with the belief that a supply of life- 

l .Wyl/n: ofthf .\>:< n'ortd, p. i6;,. 


blood was thus assured, and that the colour animated 
the Deity, as Homer's ghosts were animated by a blood 
offerintT when Odysseus visited Hades. "The anoint- 
ing of idols with blood for the purpose of animating 
them is", says Farnell, "a part of old Mediterranean 
magic."' The ancient Egyptians, as has been indi- 
cated, painted their gods, some of whom wore red 
garments; a part of their underworld Dewat was " Red 
Land", and there were "red souls" in it.- In India 
standing stones connected with deities are either painted 
red or smeared with the blood of a sacrificed animal. 
The Chinese regard red as the colour of fire and light, 
and in their philosophy they identify it with Yang, the 
chief principle of life;^ it is believed "to expel per- 
nicious influences, and thus particularly to symbolize 
good luck, happiness, delight, and pleasure". Red 
coffins are favoured. The "red gate" on the south 
side of a cemetery "is never opened except for the 
passage of an Emperor".* The Chinese put a powdered 
red stone called /ntn-hongin a drink or in food to destroy 
an evil spirit which may have taken possession of one. 
Red earth is eaten for a similar reason by the Poly- 
nesians and others. Many instances of this kind could 
be given to illustrate the widespread persistence of the 
belief in the vitalizing and protective qualities asso- 
ciated with red substances. In Irish Gaelic, Professor 
W. J. Watson tells me, " ruadh " means both "red" 
and "strong". 

The Cro-Magnons regarded the heart as the seat of 
life, having apparently discovered that it controls the 
distribution of blood. In the cavern of Pindal, in south- 
western France, is the outline of a hairv mammoth 
painted in red ochre, and the seat of life is indicated by 

' Cults ofthr Crfrk Stairs. Vol. V. p. 14,^. 

* Budge, Gods, of thr Egyptians, Vol. 1, p. 20.5. 

' DrGroot, Thr Rrlig;ious Systriii o/C/iiiia, Book I, pp. 216-7. 

< /&:'(/.. Hook I, pp. 28 and j-jj. 


a large red heart. The painting dates back to the early 
Aurignacian period. In other cases, as in the drawing 
of a large bison in the cavern of Niaux, the seat of life 
and the vulnerable parts are indicated by spear- or 
arrow-heads incised on the body. The ancient Egyp- 
tians identified the heart with the mind. To them the 
heart was the seat of intelligence and will-power as well 
as the seat of life. The germ of this belief can appar- 
ently be found in the 
pictorial art and burial 
customs of the Auri- 
gnacian Cro-Magnons. 
Another interesting 
burial custom has been 
traced in the Grimaldi 
caves. Some of the 
skeletons were found to 
have small green stones 
between their teeth or 
inside their mouths.^ 
No doubt these were 
amulets. Their colour 
suggests that green sym- 
bolism has not neces- 
sarily a connection with agricultural religion, as some 
have supposed. The Cro-Magnons do not appear to 
have paid much attent'on to vegetation. In ancient 
Egypt the green stone (Khepera) amulet "typified the 
germ of life". A text says, "A scarab of green stone 
. . . shall be placed in the heart of a man, and it shall 
perform for him the 'opening of the mouth'" — that is, it 
will enable him to speak and eat again. The scarab is 
addressed in a funerary text, "My heart, my mother. 
My heart whereby I came into being." It is believed by 

Outline of a Mammoth painted in red ochre in 
the Cavern of Pindal, France 

The scat of life is indicated by a large red 
heart. (After Brcuil.) 

• I am indebted to the Abbd Brcuil for thi 
course of a conversation. 
( D 217 ) 

ifurmation which he gave mc during; the 


Budge that the Flgyptian custom of "burying green 
basalt scarabs inside or on the breasts of the dead " is as 
old as the first Dynasty {c. 3400 B.c.).^ How much older 
it is one can only speculate. " The Mexicans ", accord- 
ing to Brinton, "were accustomed to say that at one 
time all men have been stones, and that at last they 
would all return to stones, and acting literally on this 
conviction they interred with the bones of the dead a 
small green stone, which was called ' the principle of 
life'."- In China the custom of placing jade tongue 
amulets for the purpose of preserving the dead from 
decay and stimulating the soul to take flight to Paradise 
is of considerable antiquity.^ Crystals and pebbles have 
been found in ancient British graves. It may well be 
that these pebbles were regarded as having had an 
intimate connection with deities, and perhaps to have 
been coagulated forms of what has been called "life 
substance ". Of undoubted importance and signifi- 
cance was the ancient custom of adorning the dead with 
shells. As we have seen, this was a notable feature of 
the Paviland cave burial. The "Red Man "was not 
only smeared with red earth, but "charmed" or pro- 
tected by shell amulets. In the next chapter it will be 
shown that this custom not only aftbrds us a glimpse 
of Aurignacian religious beliefs, but indicates the area 
from which the Cro-Magnons came. 

Professor G. Elliot Smith was the first to emphasize 
the importance attached in ancient times to the beliefs 
associated with the divine " giver of life ". 

> Budge, Gods of i/ie Egyptians. Vol. 1. p. 358. These scarabs have not been found In 
the early Dynastic graves. Green malachite charms, however, were used in even the pre- 
Dynastic period. 

i TIu! Myths of the Nriv World, p. 194. According to liancroft the fjreen stones were 
oftrn placcfl ill the moullis of the dead. 

» I.aufer, Jade, pp. 194 el scq. (Cliicago, 1911). 


Shell Deities and Early Trade 

Early Culture and Early Races— Did Civilization originate in Europe? 
—An Important Clue— Trade in Shells between Red Sea and Italy — 
Traces of Early Trade in Central Europe— Religious Value of Personal 
Ornaments— Importance of Shell Lore— Links between Far East and 
Europe— Shell Deities- A Hebridean Shell Goddess— " Milk of Wisdom " 
—Ancient Goddesses as Providers of Food— Gaelic "Spirit Shell" and 
Japanese "God Body"— Influence of Deities in Jewels, &c. — A Shake- 
spearean Reference— Shells in Cro-Magnon Graves— Early Sacrifices- 
Hand Colours in Palaeolithic Caves— Finger Lore and " Hand Spells". 

When the question is asked, "Whence came the Cro- 
Magnon people of the Aurignacian phase of culture?" 
the answer usually given is, "Somewhere in the East". 
The distribution of the Aurignacian sites indicates that 
the new-comers entered south-western France by way 
of Italy — that is, across the Italian land -bridge from 
North Africa. Of special significance in this connec- 
tion is the fact that Aurignacian culture persisted for 
the longest period of time in Italy. The tallest Cro- 
Magnons appear to have inhabited south-eastern 
France and the western shores of Italy. " It is prob- 
able ", says Osborn, referring to the men six feet four 
and a half inches in height, "that in the genial 
climate of the Riviera these men obtained their finest 
development; the country was admirably protected 
from the cold winds of the north, refuges were abun- 
dant, and game by no means scarce, to judge from the 
quantity of animal bones found in the caves. Under 


such conditions of life the race enjoyed a fine physical 
development and dispersed widely." ' 

It does not follow, however, that the tall people 
originated Aurignacian culture. As has been indicated, 
the stumpy people represented by Combe-Capelle skele- 
tons were likewise exponents of it. "It must not be 
assumed", as Elliot vSmith reminds us, "that the Auri- 
gnacian culture was necessarily invented by the same 
people who introduced it into Europe, and whose re- 
mains were associated with it . . . for any culture can 
be transmitted to an alien people, even when it has not 
been adopted by many branches of the race which was 
responsible for its invention, just as gas illumination, 
oil lamps, and even candles are still in current use by 
the people who invented the electric light, which has been 
widely adopted by many foreign peoples. This elemen- 
tary consideration is so often ignored that it is necessary 
thus to emphasize it, because it is essential for any proper 
understanding of the history of early civilization. "^ 

No trace of Aurignacian culture has, so far, been 
found outside Europe. " May it not, therefore," it may 
be asked, "have originated in Italy or France?" In 
absence of direct evidence, this possibility might be 
admitted. But an important discovery has been made 
at Grimaldi in La Grotte des Enfants (the "grotto of 
infants" — so called because of the discovery there of the 
skeletons of young Cro-Magnon children). Among the 
shells used as amulets by those who used the grotto as 
a sepulchre was one (Cassis rufa) that had been carried 
either by a migrating folk, or by traders, along the 
North African coast and through Italy from some south- 
western Asian beach. The find has been recorded by 
Professor Marcellin Boule.'* 

I M,u o/thr Old Sloiie Agr. pp. 297-8. 

"- Primitive Man (r^mrreiiings o/thr Rritish Aindfniy. Vol. \'II). 

*Le!: Crolirs df Griiiialdi (Baotmse-Kousse), Tome I, fa»c. W—GMosie el Palionlologie 
(Monaco, 1906), p. tj.5. 


In a footnote, G. Dollfus writes: 

" Cassis riifa, L., an Indian ocean shell, is represented in 
the collection at Monaco by two fragments; one was found 
in the lower habitation level D, the other is probably of the 
same origin. The presence of this shell is extraordinary, as 
it has no analogue in the Mediterranean, neither recent nor 
fossil; there exists no species in the North Atlantic or off 
Senegal with which it could be confounded. The fragments 
have traces of the reddish colour preserved, and are not 
fossil ; one of them presents a notch which has determined a 
hole that seems to have been made intentionally. The species 
has not yet been found in the Gulf of Suez nor in the raised 
beaches of the Isthmus. M. Jousseaume has found it in the 
Gulf of Tadjoura at Aden, but it has not yet been encountered 
in the Red Sea nor in the raised beaches of that region. 
The common habitat of Cassis rufa is Socotra, besides the 
Seychelles, Madagascar, Mauritius, New Caledonia, and 
perhaps Tahiti. The fragments discovered at Mentone have 
therefore been brought from a great distance at a very 
ancient epoch by prehistoric man." 

After the Cro-Magnon peoples had spread into Western 
and Central Europe they imported shells from the 
Mediterranean. At Laugerie Basse in the Dordogne, 
for instance, a necklace of pierced shells from the Medi- 
terranean was found in association with a skeleton. 
Atlantic shells could have been obtained from a nearer 
seashore. It may be that the Rhone valley, which later 
became a well-known trade route, was utilized at an 
exceedingly remote period, and that cultural influences 
occasionally "flowed" along it. "Prehistoric man" 
had acquired some experience as a trader even during 
the "hunting period", and he had formulated definite 
religious beliefs. 

It has been the habit of some archaeologists to refer to 
shell and other necklaces, &c., as " personal ornaments ". 
The late Dr. Robert Munro wrote in this connection: 


"We have no knowledg-e of any phase of humanity in 
which the love of personal ornament does not play an im- 
portant part in the life of the individual. The savage of the 
present day, who paints or tattoos liis body, and adorns it 
with shells, feathers, teeth, and trinkets made of the more 
gaudy materials at his disposal, may be accepted as on a 
parallel with the Neolithic people of Europe. . . . Teeth 
are often perforated and used as pendants, especially the 
canines of carnivorous animals, but such ornaments are not 
peculiar to Neolithic times, as they were equally prevalent 
among- the later Palaeolithic races of Europe." ^ 

Modern savages have very definite reasons for wearing 
the so-called "ornaments", and for painting and tattoo- 
ing their bodies. They beheve that the shells, teeth, 
&c., afford them protection, and bring them luck. Ear- 
piercing, distending the lobe of the ear, disfiguring the 
body, the pointing, blackening, or knocking out of teeth, 
are all practices that have a religious significance. 
Even such a highly civilized people as the Chinese per- 
petuate, in their funerary ceremonies, customs that can 
be traced back to an exceedingly remote period in the 
history of mankind. It is not due to *' love of personal 
ornament" that they place cowries, jade, gold, &c., in 
the mouth of the dead, but because they believe that by 
so doing the body is protected, and given a new lease 
of life. The Far Eastern belief that an elixir of ground 
oyster shells will prolong life in the next world is 
evidently a relic of early shell lore. Certain deities are 
associated with certain shells. Some deities have, like 
snails, shells for "houses"; others issue at birth from 
shells. The goddess Venus (Aphrodite) springs from 
the froth of the sea, and is lifted up by Tritons on a 
shell ; she wx^ars a love-girdle. Hathor, the Egyptian 
Venus, had originally a love-girdle of shells. She 
appears to have originated as the personification of a 

• Prehistoric Britain, pp. 142-3. 


shell, and afterwards to have personified the pearl within 
the shell. In early Egyptian graves the shell-amulets 
have been found in thousands. The importance of shell 
lore in ancient religious systems has been emphasized 
by Mr. J. Wilfrid Jackson in his Shells as Evidence of 
the Migrations of Early Culture.^ He shows why the 

Necklace of Sea Shells, 

the cave ot Cro-Mngrnon. (After E. Larlet.) 

cowry and snail shells were worn as amulets and 
charms, and why men were impelled "to search for 
them far and wide and often at great peril". "The 
murmur of the shell was the voice of the god, and the 
trumpet made of a shell became an important instrument 
in initiation ceremonies and in temple worship." Shells 
protected wearers against evil, including the evil eye. 
In like manner protection was afforded by the teeth and 
claws of carnivorous animals. In Asia and Africa the 

' London, 1917. 


belief that tigers, liuns, ike, will not injure those who 
are thus protected is still quite widespread. 

It cannot have been merely for love of personal orna- 
ments that the Cro-Mag-nons of southern PVance im- 
ported Indian Ocean shells, and those of Central and 
Western Europe created a trade in Mediterranean shells. 
Like the ancient inhabitants of the Nile Valley who in 
remote pre-dynastic times imported shells, not only 
from the Mediterranean but from the Red Sea, along 
a long and dangerous desert trade-route, they evidently 
had imparted to shells a definite religious significance. 
The "luck-girdle" of snail-shells worn by the "Red 
Man of Paviland " has, therefore, an interesting history. 
When the Cro-Magnons reached Britain they brought 
w^ith them not only implements invented and developed 
elsewhere, but a heritage of religious beliefs connected 
with shell ornaments and with the red earth with which 
the corpse was smeared when laid in its last resting- 

The ancient religious beliefs connected with shells 
appear to have spread far and wide. Traces of them 
still survive in districts far separated from one another 
and from the area of origin — the borderlands of Asia 
and Africa. In Japanese mythology a young god, 
Ohonamochie — a sort of male Cinderella — is slain by 
his jealous brothers. His mother makes appeal to a sky 
deity who sends to her aid the two goddesses Princess 
Cockleshell and Princess Clam. Princess Cockleshell 
burns and grinds her shell, and with w-ater provided by 
Princess Clam prepares an elixir called "nurse's milk" 
or " mother's milk". As soon as this "milk" is smeared 
over the young god, he is restored to life. In the 
Hebrides it is still the custom of mothers to burn and 
grind the cockle-shell to prepare a lime-water for children 
who suffer from what in Gaelic is called "wasting". In 
North America shells of L^/i/o were placed in the graves 


of Red Indians " as food for the dead during the journey 
to the land of spirits". The pearls were used in India 
as medicines. " The burnt powder of the gems, if taken 
with water, cures haemorrhages, prevents evil spirits 
working mischief in men's minds, cures lunacy and all 
mental diseases, jaundice, &c. . . . Rubbed over the 
body with other medicines it cures leprosy and all skin 
diseases."^ The ancient Cretans, whose culture was 
carried into Asia and through Europe by their enterpris- 
ing sea-and-land traders and prospectors, attached great 
importance to the cockle-shell which they connected 
with their mother goddess, the source of all life and the 
giver of medicines and food. Sir Arthur Evans found 
a large number of cockle-shells, some in Faeince, in the 
shrine of the serpent goddess in the ruins of the Palace 
of Knossos. The fact that the Cretans made artificial 
cockle-shells is of special interest, especially when we 
find that in Egypt the earliest use to which gold was 
put was in the manufacture of models of snail-shells in 
a necklace. '^ In different countries cowrie shells were 
similarly imitated in stone, ivory, and metal. ^ 

Shells were thought to impart vitality and give 
protection, not only to human beings, but even to 
the plots of the earliest florists and agriculturists. 
"Mary, Mary, quite contrairie", who in the nursery 
rhyme has in her garden "cockle-shells all in row", 
was perpetuating an ancient custom. The cockle-shell 
is still favoured by conservative villagers, and may be 
seen in their garden plots and in graveyards. Shells 
placed at cottage doors, on window-sills, and round 
fire-places are supposed to bring luck and give security, 
like the horse-shoe on the door. 

The mother goddess, remembered as the fairy queen, 

' Shells as Evidmce of the Migrations of Early Culture, pp. 84-91. 

' G. A. Reisner, Early Dynastic Cemeteries 0/ Saga-ed-Der, Vol. I, 1908, Plates 6 and 7. 

» Jackson's Shells, pp. 138. 174. 176, 178. 


is still connected with shells in Hebridean folk-lore. 
A Gaelic poet refers to the i^oddess as "the maiden 
queen of wisdom who dwelt in the beauteous bovver 
of the single tree where she could see the whole world 
and where no fool could see her beauty". She lamented 
the lack of wisdom among women, and invited them to 
her knoll. When they were assembled there the god- 
dess appeared, holding in her hand the copan Moire 
("Cup of Mary"), as the blue-eyed limpet shell is called. 
The shell contained " the ais (milk) of wisdom ", which 
she gave to all who sought it. "Many", we are told, 
"came to the knoll too late, and there was no wisdom 
left for them."^ A Gaelic poet says the "maiden 
queen" was attired in emerald green, silver, and mother- 

Here a particular shell is used by an old goddess for 
a specific purpose. She imparts knowledge by provid- 
ing a magic drink referred to as *' milk ". The question 
arises, however, if a deity of this kind was known in 
early times. Did the Cro-Magnons of the Aurignacian 
stage of culture conceive of a god or goddess in human 
form who nourished her human children and instructed 
them as do human mothers? The figure of a woman, 
holding in her hand a horn which appears to have been 
used for drinking from, is of special interest in this con- 
nection. As will be shown, the Hebridean "maiden" 
links with other milk-providing deities. 

The earliest religious writings in the world are the 

' Dr. Alexander Carmicliael. Catmina Gadelica, Vol. U, pp. 147 et arq. Mr. Wilfrid 
Jackson, author of Shells as Evidence of thr Mis^ralions of F.arly Cutturr, tells me that 
the "blue-eyed limpet" is our common Wmpet— Patella vulgala—ihc Lepas. Patclle, 
Jambc, (Eil dc boue, Bernicle, or Flic of the French. In Cornwall it is the "Crogan", 
the " Bornigan ", and the " Brennick ". It is "flither" of the Engliih, "flia" of the 
Farocse, and " lapn " of the Portuguese. A Cornish giant was once, according to a 
folk-tale, set to perform the hopeless task of emptying a pool with a single limpet which 
had a hole in it. Limpets are found in early British graves and in the "kitchen middens". 
TIk-v are met with in abundance in cromlechs, on the Channel Isles and in Brittany, 
covering the bones ami the skulls of the dead. Mr. Jackson thinks they were used like 
cowries for vitali/.iiig and protecting llie dead. 


Pyramid Texts of ancient Egypt which, as Professor 
Breasted so finely says, "vaguely disclose to us a 
vanished world of thought and speech". They abound 
" in allusions to lost myths, to customs and usages long 
since ended". Withal, they reflect the physical con- 
ditions of a particular area— the Nile Valley, in which 
the sun and the river are two outstanding natural 
features. There was, however, a special religious reason 
for connecting the sun and the river. 

In these old Pyramid Texts are survivals from a period 
apparently as ancient as that of early Aurignacian civil- 
ization in Europe, and perhaps, as the clue afforded by 
the Indian shell found in the Grimaldi cave, not un- 
connected with it. The mother goddess, for instance, 
is prayed to so that she may suckle the soul of the dead 
Pharaoh as a mother suckles her child and never wean 
him.^ Milk was thus the elixir of life, and as the mother 
goddess of Egypt is found to have been identified with the 
cowrie — indeed to have been the spirit or personification 
of the shell — the connection between shells and milk 
may have obtained even in Aurignacian times in south- 
western Europe. That the mother goddess of Cro- 
Magnons had a human form is suggested by the 
representations of mothers which have been brought 
to light. An Aurignacian statuette of limestone found 
in the cave of Willendorf, Lower Austria, has been 
called the "Venus of Willendorf". She is very cor- 
pulent — apparently because she was regarded as a giver 
of life. Other statues of like character have been un- 
earthed near Mentone, and they have a striking re- 
semblance to the figurines of fat women found in the 
pre-dynastic graves of Egypt and in Crete and Malta. 
The bas-relief of the fat woman sculptured on a boulder 
inside the Aurignacian shelter of Laussel may similarly 
have been a goddess. In her right hand she holds a 

' Hreasted, Religion anti Thot4ght in Ancient F.g\pt, p. 130. 


bison's horn — perhaps a drinking horn containing an 
elixir. Traces of red colouring remain on the body. 
A notable fact about these mysterious female forms is 
that the heads are formal, the features being scarcely, 
if at all, indicated. 

Even if no such "idols" had been found, it does not 
follow that the early people had no ideas about super- 
natural beings. There are references in Gaelic to the 
coich anama (the "spirit case", or "soul shell", or 
"soul husk"). In Japan, which has a particularly rich 
and voluminous mythology, there are no idols in Shinto 
temples. A deity is symbolized by the shintai (God 
body), which may be a mirrof, a weapon, or a round 
stone, a jewel or a pearl. A pearl is a tama\ so is a 
precious stone, a crystal, a bit of worked jade, or a neck- 
lace of jewels, ivory, artificial beads, &c. The soul of 
a supernatural being is called mi-tania — mi being now 
a honorific prefix, but originally signifying a water 
serpent (dragon god). The shells, of which ancient 
deities were personifications, may well have been to 
the Cro-Magnons pretty much what a tama is to the 
Japanese, and what magic crystals were to mediaeval 
Europeans who used them for magical purposes. It 
may have been believed that in the shells, green stones, 
and crystals remained the influence of deities as the 
power of beasts of prey remained in their teeth and 
claws. The ear-rings and other Pagan ornaments 
which Jacob buried with Laban's idols under the oak 
at Shechem were similarly supposed to be god bodies 
or coagulated forms of " life substance". All idols were 
temporary or permanent bodies of deities, and idols 
were not necessarily large. It would seem to be a 
reasonable conclusion that all the so-called ornaments 
found in ancient graves were supposed to have had an 
intimate connection with the supernatural beings who 
gave origin to and sustained life. These ornaments, or 


charms, or amulets, imparted vitality to human beings, 
because they were regarded as the substance of life 
itself. The red jasper worn in the waist girdles of the 
ancient Egyptians was reputed, as has been stated, to 
be a coagulated drop of the blood of the mother goddess 
Isis. Blood was the essence of life. 

The red woman or goddess of the Laussel shelter 
was probably coloured so as to emphasize her vitalizing 
attributes; the red colour animated the image. 

An interesting reference in Shakespeare's Hamlet to 
ancient burial customs may here be quoted, because it 
throws light on the problem under discussion. When 
Ophelia's body is carried into the graveyard^ one of 
the priests says that as '* her death was doubtful" she 
should have been buried in "ground unsanctified " — 
that is, among the suicides and murderers. Having 
taken her own life, she was unworthy of Christian 
burial, and should be buried in accordance with Pagan 
customs. In all our old churchyards the takers of life 
were interred on the north side, and apparently in 
Shakespeare's day traditional Pagan rites were observed 
in the burials of those regarded as Pagans. The priest 
in Hamlet ^ therefore, says of Ophelia: 

She should in ground unsanctified have lodged 
Till the last trumpet ; for charitable prayers^ 
Shards y flints y and pebbles should be thrown on her. 

There are no shards (fragments of pottery) in the 
Cro-Magnon graves, but flints and pebbles mingle with 
shells, teeth, and other charms and amulets. Vast 
numbers of perforated shells have been found in the 
burial caves near Mentone. In one case the shells are 
so numerous that they seem to have formed a sort of 
burial mantle. " Similarly," says Professor Osborn, 
describing another of these finds, "the female skeleton 

1 llamlrl. \\ i. 


was enveloped in a bed of shells not perforated; the 
legs were extended, while the arms were stretched 
beside the body; there were a few pierced shells and 
a few bits of silex. One of the large male skele<-ons 
of the same grotto had the lower limbs extended, the 
upper limbs folded, and was decorated with a gorget 
and crown of perforated shells; the head rested on a 
block of red stone." In another case "heavy stones 
protected the body from disturbance ; the head was 
decorated with a circle of perforated shells coloured in 
red, and implements of various types were carefully 
placed on the forehead and chest". The body of the 
Combe-Capelle man "was decorated with a necklace 
of perforated shells and surrounded with a great number 
of fine Aurignacian flints. It appears", adds Osborn, 
"that in all the numerous burials of these grottos of 
Aurignacian age and industry of the Cro-Magnon race 
we have the burial standards which prevailed in western 
Europe at this time."^ 

It has been suggested by one of the British archaeolo- 
gists that the necklaces of perforated cowrie shells and 
the red pigment found among the remains of early man 
in Britain were used by children. This theory does not 
accord with the evidence afforded by the Grimaldi caves, 
in which the infant skeletons are neither coloured nor 
decorated. Occasionally, however, the children were 
interred in burial mantles of small perforated shells, 
while female adults were sometimes placed in beds of 
unperforated shells. Shells have been found in early 
British graves. These include Nerifa litoralis, and even 
Patella vulgata, the common limpet. Holes were rubbed 
in them so that they might be strung together. In a 
megalithic cist unearthed in Phoenix Park, Dublin, in 
1838, two male skeletons had each beside them perfor- 
ated shells {Nerita litoralis). During the construction of 

I ^fl•n of Ihr Old Stoiir Agr, pp. 304-5. 


the Edinburgh and Granton railway there was found 
beside a skeleton in a stone cist a quantity of cockle- 
shell rings. Two dozen perforated oyster-shells were 
found in a single Orkney cist. Many other examples 
of this kind could be referred to.^ 

In the Cro-Magnon caverns are imprints of human 
hands which had been laid on rock and then dusted 
round with coloured earth. In a number of cases it is 
shown that one or more finger joints of the left hand had 
been cut off. 

The practice of finger mutilation among Bushman, 
Australian, and Red Indian tribes, is associated with 
burial customs and the ravages of disease. A Bushman 
woman may cut off a joint of one of her fingers when 
a near relative is about to die. Red Indians cut off 
finger-joints when burying their dead during a pes- 
tilence, so as " to cut off deaths"; they sacrificed a part 
of the body to save the whole. In Australia finger 
mutilation is occasionally practised. Highland Gaelic 
stories tell of heroes who lie asleep to gather power 
which will enable them to combat with monsters or 
fierce enemies. Heroines awake them by cutting off 
a finger joint, a part of the ear, or a portion of skin from 
the scalp.'- 

The colours used in drawings of hands in Palaeolithic 
caves are black, white, red, and yellow, as the Abbe 
Breuil has noted. In Spain and India, the hand prints 
are supposed to protect dwellings from evil influences. 
Horse-shoes, holly with berries, various plants, shells, 
Sic, are used for a like purpose among those who in 
our native land perpetuate ancient customs. 

The Arabs have a custom of suspending figures of an 

' A Red Sea cowry shell (Cyfirtra minor) found on the site of Hur-itbourne station 
(L. & S. W. Railway, main line) in Hampshire, was associated.' with "Early Iron Age" 
artifacts. (Paper read by J. R. le B. Tomlin at meeting of Linnsean Society, June 14, 

' For references see my Myths 0/ Crete and Pre-Hellrnic Europe, pp. 30-31, 


open hand from the necks of their children, and the 
Turks and Moors paint hands upon their ships and 
houses, *' as an antidote and counter charm to an evil eye ; 
for five is with them an unlucky number; and 'five 
(fingers, perhaps) in your eyes' is their proverb of 
cursing and defiance". In Portugal the hand spell is 
called the /7.^^. Southey suggests that our common 
phrase "a fig for him" was derived from the name of 
the Portuguese hand amulet.^ 

"The figo for thy friendship" is an interesting refer- 
ence by Shakespeare.'- Fig or figo is probably from 
fico, a snap of the fingers, which in French is fairc la 
figue, and in Italian /7r le fiche. Finger snapping had 
no doubt originally a magical significance. 

1 Notes to Thalaba, Book V, Canto .?6. » //eniy I', V, iii, 6. 

New Races in Europe 

The Solutreaii Industry — A Racial and Cultural Intrusion— Decline 
of Aurig^nacian Art — A God-cult — The Solutrean Thor — Open-air Life — 
Magfdalenian Culture — Decline of Flint Working- — Horn and Bone 
Weapons and Implements — Revival of Cro-Magnon Art — The Lamps 
and Palettes of Cave Artists — The Domesticated Horse — Eskimos in 
Europe — Magdalenian Culture in England — The Vanishing Ice — Rein- 
deer migrate Northward — New Industries — Tardenoisian and Azilian 
Industries — Pictures and Symbols of Azilians — "Long-heads" and 
" Broad-heads " — Maglemosian Culture of Fair Northerners — Pre- 
Neolithic Peoples in Britain. 

In late Aurignacian times the influence of a new 
industry was felt in Western Europe. It first came from 
the south, and reached as far north as England where 
it can be traced in the caverns. Then, in time, it spread 
westward and wedge-like through Central Europe in full 
strength, with the force and thoroughness of an invasion, 
reaching the northern fringe of the Spanish coast. This 
was the Solutrean industry which had distinctive and 
independent features of its own. It was not derived from 
Aurignacian but had developed somewhere in Africa — 
perhaps in Somaliland, whence it radiated along the 
Libyan coast towards the west and eastward into Asia. 
The main or " true" Solutrean influence entered Europe 
from the south-east. It did not pass into Italy, which 
remained in the Aurignacian stage until Azilian times, 
nor did it cross the Pyrenees or invade Spain south of 
the Cantabrian Mountains. The earlier "influence" is 
referred to as " proto-Solutrean ". 


Solutrcan is well represented in Hungary where no 
trace of Aurignacian culture has yet been found. 
Apparently that part of Europe had offered no attrac- 
tions for the Cro-Magnons. 

Who the carriers of this new culture were it is as yet 
impossible to say with confidence. They may have 
been a late "wave" of the same people who had first 
introduced Aurignacian culture into Europe, and they 
may have been representative of a different race. Some 
ethnologists incline to connect the Solutrean culture 
w^ith a new people whose presence is indicated by the 
skulls found at Briinn and Briix in Bohemia, These 
intruders had lower foreheads than the Cro-Magnons, 
narrower and longer faces, and low cheek-bones. It 
may be that they represented a variety of the Mediter- 
ranean race. Whoever they were, they did not make 
much use of ivory and bone, but they worked flint with 
surpassing skill and originality. Their technique was 
quite distinct from the Aurignacian. With the aid of 
wooden or bone tools, they finished their flint artifacts 
by pressure, gave them excellent edges and points, and 
shaped them with artistic skill. Their most character- 
istic flints are the so-called laurel-leaf (broad) and willow- 
leaf (narrow) lances. These were evidently used in the 
chase. There is no evidence that they were used in 
battle. Withal, their weapons had a religious signifi- 
cance. Fourteen laurel-leaf spear-heads of Solutrean 
type which were found together at Volgu, Saone-et- 
Loire, are believed to have been a votive offering to a 
deity. At any rate, these were too finely worked and 
too fragile, like some of the peculiar Shetland and 
Swedish knives of later times, to have been used as 
implements. One has retained traces of red colouring. 
It may be that the belief enshrined in the Gaelic saying, 
" Every weapon has its demon ", had already come into 
existence. In Crete tlie double-axe was in Minoan times 


a symbol of a deity ;^ and in northern Egypt and on the 
Libyan coast the crossed arrows symbolized the god- 
dess Neith; while in various countries, and especially in 
India, there are ancient stories about the spirits of 
weapons appearing in visions and promising to aid 
great hunters and warriors. The custom of giving 
weapons personal names, which survived for long in 
Europe, may have had origin in Solutrean times. 

Art languished in Solutrean times. Geometrical 
figures were incised on ivory and bone; some engrav- 
ing of mammoths, reindeer, and lions have been found 
in Moravia and France. When the human figure was 
depicted, the female was neglected and studies made of 
males. It may be that the Solutreans had a god-cult as 
distinguished from the goddess-cult of the Aurignacians, 
and that their "flint-god" was an early form of Zeus, 
or of Thor, whose earliest hammer was of flint. The 
Romans revered "Jupiter Lapis" (silex). When the 
solemn oath was taken at the ceremony of treaty-making, 
the representative of the Roman people struck a sacri- 
ficial pig with the stlex and said, " Do thou, Diespiter, 
strike the Roman people as I strike this pig here to-day, 
and strike them the more, as thou art greater and 
stronger". Mr. Cyril Bailey {The Religio7i of Ancient 
Rome, p. 7) expresses the view that " in origin the stone 
is itself the god ". 

During Solutrean times the climate of Europe, 
although still cold, was drier that in Aurignacian times. 
It may be that the intruders seized the flint quarries of 
the Cro-Magnons, and also disputed with them the 
possession of hunting-grounds. The cave art declined 
or was suspended during what may have been a military 
regime and perhaps, too, under the influence of a new 
religion and new social customs. Open-air camps 

' For other examples sco !\Ir. LegRc's article in Piocrcdiugs of the Socirly of Biblical 
Archtrology, 1899, p. 310. 

^2 A\Cli:.\r .MAX l.\ BRITAIN 

bcsidf rock -shelters were greatly favoured. It may 
be, as has been suggested, that the Solutreans were as 
expert as the modern Eskimos in providing clothing and 
skin-tents. Hone needles were numerous. They fed 
well, and horse-flesh was a specially favoured food. 

In their mountain retreats, the Aurignacians may 
have concentrated more attention than they had pre- 
viously done on the working of bone and horn ; it may 
be that they were reinforced by new races from north- 
eastern Europe, who had been developing a distinctive 
industry on the borders of Asia. At any rate, the in- 
dustry known as Magdalenian became widespread when 
the ice-fields crept southward again, and southern and 
central Europe became as wet and cold as in early 
Aurignacian times. Solutrean culture gradually declined 
and vanished and Magdalenian became supreme. 

The Magdalenian stage of culture shows affinities 
with Aurignacian and l^etrays no influence of Solutrean 
technique. The method of working flint was quite dif- 
ferent. The .Magdalenians, indeed, appear to have 
attached little importance to flint for implements of the 
chase. They often chipped it badly in their own way and 
sometimes selected flint of poor quality, but they had 
beautiful "scrapers" and "gravers" of flint. It does 
not follow, however, that they were a people on a lower 
stage of culture than the Solutreans. New inventions 
had rendered it unnecessary for them to adopt Solutrean 
technicjue. Most effective implements of horn and bone 
had come into use and, if wars were waged — there is no 
evidence of warfare — the Magdalenians were able to 
give a good account of themselves with javelins and 
exceedingly strong spears which were given a greater 
range by the introduction of spear-throwers — "cases" 
from which spears were thrown. The food supplv was 
increased by a new method of catching fish. Barbed 
harpoons of reindeer-horn had been invented, and no 


doubt many salmon, ike, were caught at river-side 

The Cro-Magnons, as has been found, were again in 
the ascendant, and their artistic genius was given full 
play as in Aurignacian times, and, no doubt, as a result 
of the revival of religious beliefs that fostered art as a 
cult product. Once again the painters, engravers, and 
sculptors adorned the caves with representations of wild 
animals. Colours were used with increasing skill and 
taste. The artists had palettes on which to mix their 
colours, and used stone lamps, specimens of which have 
been found, to light up their "studios" in deep cave 
recesses. During this Magdalenian stage of culture the 
art of the Cro-Magnons reached its highest standard of 
excellence, and grew so extraordinarily rich and varied 
that it compares well with the later religious arts of 
ancient Egypt and Babylonia. 

The horse appears to have been domesticated. There 
is at Saint Michel d'Arudy a "Celtic" horse depicted 
with a bridle, while at La Madeleine was found a " baton 
de commandement " on which a human figure, with a 
stave in his right hand, walks past two horses which 
betray no signs of alarm. 

Our knowledge is scanty regarding the races that 
occupied Europe during Magdalenian times. In addi- 
tion to the Cro-Magnons there were other distinctive 
types. One of these is represented by the Chancelade 
skeleton found at Raymonden shelter. Some think it 
betrays Eskimo affinities and represents a racial "drift" 
from the Russian steppes. in his Ancient Hunters 
Professor Sol las shows that there are resemblances be- 
tween Eskimo and Magdalenian artifacts. 

The Magdalenian culture reached England, although 
it never penetrated into Italy, and was shut out from the 
greater part of Spain. It has been traced as far north 
as Derbvshire, on the north-eastern border of which the 


Cresswi'll caves luivc yielded Magdalcnian relics, in- 
dudini: flint-borers, eni^ravers, &c., and bone imple- 
ments, including a needle, an awl, chisels, an enf:^raving 
of a horse on bone, &c. Kent's Cavern, near Torquay 
in Devonshire, has also yielded Magdalenian flints and 
implements of bone, including pins, awls, barbed har- 
poons, Sec. 

During early Magdalenian times, however, our native 
land did not offer great attractions to Continental people. 
The final glacial epoch may have been partial, but it 
was severe, and there was a decided lowering of the 
temperature. Then came a warmer and drier spell, 
which was followed by the sixth partial glaciation. 
Thereafter the *' great thaw" opened up Europe to the 
invasion of new races from Asia and Africa. 

Three distinct movements of peoples in Europe can 
be traced in post-Magdalenian times, and during what 
has been called the "Transition Period", between the 
Upper PaKxolithic and Lower Neolithic Ages or stages. 
The ice-cap retreated finally from the mountains of Scot- 
land and Sweden, and the reindeer migrated northward. 
Magdalenian civilization was gradually broken up, and 
the cave art suffered sharp decline until at length it 
perished utterly. Trees flourished in areas where 
formerly the reindeer scraped the snow to crop moss 
and lichen, and rich pastures attracted the northward 
migrating red deer, the roe-deer, the ibex, the wild boar, 
wild cattle, &c. 

The new industries are known as the Tardenoisian, 
the Azilian, and the Maglemosian. 

Tardenoisian flints are exceedingly small and beauti- 
fully worked, and have geometric forms; they are known 
as '* microliths " and "pygmy flints". They were 
evidently used in catching fish, some being hooks and 
others spear-heads; and they represent a culture that 
spread round the Mediterranean basin: these flints are 


found in northern Egypt, Tunis, Algeria, and Italy ; from 
Italy they passed through Europe into England and 
Scotland. A people who decorated with scenes of daily 
life rock shelters and caves in Spain, and hunted red 
deer and other animals with bows and arrows, were 
pressing northward across the new grass-lands towards 
the old Magdalenian stations. Men wore pants and 


Geometric or " Pygmy " Flints. (After Brciiil.) 

I. From Tunis and Southern Spain. 2, From Portugal. 3, 4, Azilian types. 
5. 6, 7, Tardenoisian types. 

feather head-dresses; women had short gowns, blouses, 
and caps, as had the late Magdalenians, and both sexes 
wore armlets, anklets, and other ornaments of magical 
potency. Females were nude when engaged in the 
chase. The goddess Diana had evidently her human 
prototypes. There were ceremonial dances, as the rock 
pictures show; women lamented over graves, and affec- 
tionate couples — at least they seem to have been affec- 
tionate — walked hand in hand as they gradually migrated 
towards northern Spain, and northern France and Bri- 
tain. The horse was domesticated, and is seen being 


Ird by the halter. Wild animal "drives" were organ- 
ized, and many victims fell to archer and spearman. 
Arrows were feathered; bows were large and strong. 
Symbolic signs indicate that a script similar to those of 
the /Iigean area, the northern African coast, and pre- 
dynastic Egypt was freely used. Drawings became 
conventional, and ultimately animals and human beings 
were represented by signs. This culture lasted after the 
introduction of the Neolithic industry in some areas, and 
in others after the bronze industry had been adopted by 
sections of the people. 

When the Magdalenian harpoon of reindeer horn was 
imitated by the flat harpoon of red-deer horn, this new 
culture became what is known as Azilian. It met and 
mingled with Tardenoisian, which appears to have 
arrived later, and the combined industries are referred 
to as Azilian-Tardenoisian. 

While the race-drifts, represented by the carriers of 
the Azilian and Tardenoisian industries, were moving 
into France and Britain, another invasion from the East 
was in progress. It is represented in the famous Ofnet 
cave where long-heads and broad-heads were interred. 
The Asiatic Armenoids (Alpine type) had begun to 
arrive in Europe, the glaciers having vanished in Asia 
Minor. Skulls of broad-heads found in the Belgian cave 
of Furfooz, in which sixteen human skeletons were un- 
earthed in 1867, belong to this period. The early 
Armenoids met and mingled with representatives of the 
blond northern race, and were the basis of the broad- 
headed blonds of Holland, Denmark, and Belgium. 

Maglemosian culture is believed to have been intro- 
duced by the ancestors of the fair peoples of Northern 
Europe. It has been so named after the finds at Magle- 
mose in the "Great Moor", near Mullerup, on the 
western coast of Zeeland. A lake existed at this place 
at a time when the Baltic was an inland water completely 

.j^-.,^p^.. -^^^^^^ 


The obiects incUuie: handles of knives and daggers carved in ivory and b""^. line 

perforated bdton de commandement. of , , , 

cave bear. &c., and perforated amulets. 

stalking a bison, of seal, cow, reindeer, 


shut off from the North Sea. In a peat bog, formerly 
the bed of the lake, were found a large number of flint 
and bone artifacts. These included Tardenoisian micro- 
liths, barbed harpoons of bone, needles of bone, spears 
of bone, &c. Bone was more freely used than horn for 
implements and weapons. The animals hunted included 
the stag, roe-deer, moose, wild ox, and wild boar. 
Dogs were domesticated. It appears that the Magle- 
mosians were lake-dwellers. Their houses, however, 
had not been erected on stilts, but apparently on a 
floating platform of logs, which was no doubt anchored 
or moored to the shore. There are traces of Magdalenian 
influence in Maglemosian culture. Although many 
decorative forms on bone implements and engravings 
on rocks are formal and symbolic, there are some fine 
and realistic representations of animals worthy of the 
Magdalenian cave artists. Traces of the Maglemosian 
racial drift have been obtained on both sides of the 
Baltic and in the Danish kitchen middens. Engravings 
on rocks at Lake Onega in Northern Russia closely 
resemble typical Maglemosian work. Apparently the 
northern fair peoples entered Europe from Western 
Siberia, and in time were influenced by Neolithic culture. 
But before the Europeans began to polish their stone 
implements and weapons, the blond hunters and fisher- 
men settled not only in Denmark and Southern Sweden 
and Norway but also in Britain. 

At the time when the Baltic was an inland fresh-water 
lake, the southern part of the North Sea was dry land, 
and trees grew on Dogger Bank, from which fishermen 
still occasionally lift in their trawls lumps of " moor-log" 
(peat) and the bones of animals, including those of the 
reindeer, the red deer, the horse, the wild ox, the bison, 
the Irish elk, the bear, the wolf, the beaver, the woolly 
rhinoceros, the mammoth, and the walrus. No doubt 
the Maglemosians found their way over this "land- 



briiJ<;e", crossinj,^ the rivers in rude boats, and on foot 
when the rivers were frozen. Evidence has been forth- 
comin^r that they also followed the present coast line 
towards Boulogne, near which a typical Maglemosian 
harpoon has been discovered. 

Traces of Maglemosian iniluence have been found 
as far north as Scotland on the Hebridean islands of 


A Notable Example of late Magdalenian Culture: engraving on bone of browsing- 
reindeer. From Kesserloch, Switzerland. (After Hcini.) 

Oronsay and Risga. The MacArthur cave at Oban 
reveals Azilian artifacts. In the Victoria cave near 
vSettle in Yorkshire a late Magdalenian or proto-Azilian 
harpoon made of reindeer-horn is of special interest, 
displaying, as it does, a close connection between late 
Magdalenian and early Azilian. Barbed harpoons, 
found at the shelter of Druimvargie, near Oban, are 
Azilian, some displaying Maglemosian features. Barbed 
harpoons of bone, and especially those with barbs on 
one side only, are generally Maglemosian, while those 
of horn and double-barbed are typically Azilian. 

iV 9 


iloiii and Bone Implement- 


Harpoons: i and j. from MacArthur Cave. Oban; 3. from Laueeric Basse rock-shelter. 

?l""v*' '''■°'" sh-JI-'u-ap. Oronsav. Hebrides; 5. from bed of River Dee near Kirk- 
cudbright; 6, from Palude Brabbie, Italy— all of Azilian type. 8. Reindeer-horn harpoon 
of late Mag^^dalenian. or proto-Azilian. type from Victoria Cave, near Settle, Vorks. 
9, Maglemosian. or Azilian-Maglemosian. harpoon from rock-shelter. Druimvargie. Oban. 

7, lu, II. 12, 13, and 14, bone and deer-horn implements from MacArthur Cave, Oban. 


Apparently the fair Ni)rtherners, the carriers of Magle- 
mosian culture, and the dark Iberians, the carriers of 
Azilian culture, met and mingled in Scotland and Eng- 
land k)ng before the Neolithic industry was introduced. 
There were also, it would appear, communities in Britain 
of Cro-Magnons, and perhaps of other racial types that 
existed on the Continent and in late Magdalenian times. 
The fair peoples of England and Wales, Scotland and 
Ireland are not therefore all necessarily descendants of 
Celts, Angles, Saxons, and Vikings. The pioneer 
settlers in the British Isles, in all probability, included 
blue and grey-eyed and fair or reddish-haired peoples 
who in Scotland may have formed the basis of the later 
Caledonian type, compared by Tacitus to the Germans, 
but bearing an undoubted Celtic racial name, the mili- 
tary aristocrats being Celts. ^ 

•The Abh<5 Breuil, having examined the artifacts associattd with the Western Scottish 
harpoons, inchncs to refer to the culture as " Aiilian-Tardenoisian ". At tlie same time he 
considers the view that IMajjlcmosian influence was operating is worthy of consideration. 
He notes that traces of Maglemosian culture have been reported from England. The 
Abbe has detected Magdalenian influence in artifacts from Campbeltown, .\rgyllshire 
(Procerdinsi of the Society o/ Antiquaries in Scotland, igii-2). 


The Faithful Dog 

Transition Period between Palaeolithic and Neolithic Ages — Theory 
of the Neolithic Edge — Cro-Magnon Civilization was broken up by Users 
of Bow and Arrow— Domesticated Dog of Fair Northerners — Dogs as 
Guides and Protectors of Man — The Dog in Early Religion — Dog Guides 
of Souls— The Dog of Hades — Dogs and Death — The Scape-dog in Scot- 
land — Souls in Dog Form — Traces of Early Domesticated Dogs — Romans 
imported British Dogs. 

The period we have now reached is regarded by some 
as that of transition between the Palceolithic and Neo- 
lithic Ages, and by others as the Early Neolithic period. 
It is necessary, therefore, that we should keep in mind 
that these terms have been to a great extent divested of 
the significance originally attached to them. The tran- 
sition period was a lengthy one, extending over many 
centuries during which great changes occurred. It was 
much longer than the so-called *' Neolithic Age ". New 
races appeared in Europe and introduced new habits of 
life and thought, new animals appeared and animals 
formerly hunted by man retreated northward or became 
extinct; the land sank and rose; a great part of the 
North Sea and the English Channel was for a time dry 
land, and trees grew on the plateau now marked by the 
Dogger Bank during this "Transition Period", and 
before it had ended the Strait of Dover had widened 
and England was completely cut off from the Continent. 

Compared with these great changes the invention of 
the polished axe edge seems almost trivial. Yet some 


writers have regarded this change as being all-important. 
"On the edge ever since its discovery", writes one of 
them with enthusiasm, "has depended and probably 
will depend to the end of time the whole artistic and 
artificial environment of human existence, in all its 
infinite varied complexity. ... By this discovery was 
broken down a wall that for untold ages had dammed 
up a stagnant, unprogressive past, and through the 
breach were let loose all the potentialities of the future 
civilization of mankind. It was entirely due to the dis- 
covery of the edge that man was enabled, in the course 
of time, to invent the art of shipbuilding."^ 

This is a very sweeping claim and hardly justified by 
the evidence that of late years has come to light. Much 
progress had been achieved before the easy method of 
polishing supplanted that of secondary working. The 
so-called Paleolithic implements were not devoid of 
edges. What really happened was that flint-working 
was greatly simplified. The discovery was an impor- 
tant one, but it was not due to it alone that great changes 
in habits of life were introduced. Long before the in- 
troduction of the Neolithic industry, the earliest traces 
of which in Western Europe have been obtained at 
Campigny near the village of Blangy on the River 
Bresle, the Magdalenian civilization of the Cro-Magnons 
had been broken up by the Azilian-Tardenoisian in- 
truders in Central and Western Europe and by the 
Maglemosians in the Baltic area. 

The invading hordes in Spain, so far as can be 
gathered from rock pictures, made more use of bows 
and arrows than of spears, and it may be that their social 
organization was superior to that of the Magdalenians. 
Their animal "drives" suggest as much. It may be 
that they were better equipped for organized warfare — 
if there was warfare— and for hunting by organizing 

1 ririkr M.agmiisoii in Xoirs on Shif>huiliiitii; mtd Nautical Tfimx. London. I9f^>. 


drives than the taller and stronger Cro-Magnons. 
When they reached the Magdalenian stations they 
adopted the barbed harpoon, imitating reindeer-horn 
forms in red-deer horn. 

The blond Maglemosians in the Baltic area introduced 
from Asia the domesticated dog. They were thus able 
to obtain their food supply with greater ease than did 
the Solutreans with their laurel-leaf lances, or the Mag- 
dalenians with their spears tipped with bone or horn. 
When man was joined by his faithful ally he met with 
more success than when he pursued the chase unaided. 
Withal, he could take greater risks when threatened by 
the angry bulls of a herd, and operate over more extended 
tracks of country with less fear of attack by beasts of 
prey. His dogs warned him of approaching peril and 
guarded his camp by night. 

Hunters who dwelt in caves may have done so partly 
for protection against lions and bears and wolves that 
were attracted to hunters' camps by the scent of flesh 
and blood. No doubt barriers had to be erected to 
shield men, women, and children in the darkness; and 
it may be that there were fires and sentinels at cave 

The introduction of the domesticated dog may have 
influenced the development of religious beliefs. Cro- 
Magnon hunters appear to have performed ceremonies 
in the depths of caverns where they painted and carved 
wild animals, with purpose to obtain power over them. 
Their masked dances, in which men and women repre- 
sented wild animals, chiefly beasts of prey, may have 
had a similar significance. The fact that, during the 
Transition Period, a cult art passed out of existence, and 
the caves were no longer centres of culture and political 
power, may have been directly or indirectly due to the 
domestication of the dog and the supremacv achieved by 
the intruders who possessed it. 


There can be no doubt that the dog played its part in 
the development of civilization. As much is suf];^c[ested 
by the lore attaching to this animal. It occupies a 
prominent place in mythology. The dog which guided 
and protected the hunter in his wanderings was supposed 
to guide his soul to the other world. 

He thout^^ht admitted to that equal sky, 
His faithful doi^ would bear him company. 

In Ancient Egypt the dog-headed god Anubis was the 
guide and protector of souls. Apuatua, an early form 
of Osiris, was a dog god. Yama, the Hindu god of 
death, as Dharma, god of justice, assumed his dog form 
to guide the Panadava brothers to Paradise, as is related 
in the Sanskrit epic the Malici-blidrata^ . The god Indra, 
the Hindu Jupiter, was the " big dog", and the custom 
still prevails among primitive Indian peoples of torturing 
a dog by pouring hot oil into its ears so that the "big 
dog" may hear and send rain. In the MaJid-bhdrata 
there is a story about Indra appearing as a hunter fol- 
lowed by a pack of dogs. As the "Wild Huntsman " 
the Scandinavian god Odin rides through the air fol- 
lowed by dogs. The dog is in Greek mythology the 
sentinel of Hades; it figures in a like capacity in the 
Hades of Northern Mythology. Cuchullin, the Gaelic 
hero, kills the dog of Hades and takes its place until 
another dog is found and trained, and that is why he is 
called " Cu " (the dog) of Culann. A pool in Kildonan, 
vSutherland, which was reputed to contain a pot of gold, 
was supposed to be guarded by a big black dog with 
two heads. A similar legend attaches to Hound's Pool 
in the parish of Dean Combe, Devonshire. In different 
parts of the world the dog is the creator and ancestor of 
the human race, the symbol of kinship, &c. The star 
Sirius was associated with the dog. In Scotland and 


Ireland "dog stones" were venerated. A common sur- 
viving belief is that dogs howl by night when a sudden 
death is about to occur. This association of the dog 
with death is echoed by Theocritus. "Hark!" cries 
Simaetha, "the dogs are barking through the town. 
Hecate is at the crossways. Haste, clash the brazen 
cymbals." The dog-god of Scotland is remembered as 
an cu sith ("the supernatural dog"); it is as big as 
a calf, and by night passes rapidly over land and sea. 
A black demon-dog— the " Moddey Dhoo "—referred to 
by Scott in Pevertl of the Peak was supposed to haunt Peel 
Castle in the Isle of Man. A former New Year's day 
custom in Perthshire was to send away from a house 
door a scape-dog with the words, "Get away you dog! 
Whatever death of men or loss of catde would happen 
in this house till the end of the present year, may it all 
light on your head." A similar custom obtained among 
Western Himalayan peoples. Early man appears to 
have regarded his faithful companion as a supernatural 
being. There are Gaelic references to souls appearing 
in dog form to assist families in time of need. Not only 
did the dog attack beasts of prey; in Gaelic folk-tales it 
is the enemy of fairies and demons, and especially cave- 
haunting demons. Early man's gratitude to and depen- 
dence on the dog seems to be reflected in stories of this 

When the Baltic peoples, who are believed to be the 
first "wave" of blond Northerners, moved westward to- 
wards Denmark during the period of the " great thaw ", 
they must have been greatly assisted by the domesticated 
dog, traces of which are found in Maglemosian stations. 
Bones of dogs have been found in the Danish kitchen 
middens and in the MacArthur cave at Oban. It may 
be that the famous breed of British hunting dogs which 
were in Roman times exported to Italy were descended 
from those introduced by the Maglemosian hunters. 


Seven Irish dogs were in the fourth century presented 
to Symmachus, a Roman consul, by his brother. " All 
Rome", the grateful recipient wrote, "view them with 
wonder and thought they must have been brought hither 
in iron cages." 

Great dogs were kept in Ancient Britain and Ireland 
for protection against wolves as well as for hunting wild 
animals. The ancient Irish made free use in battle of 
large fierce hounds. In the folk-stories of Scotland dogs 
help human beings to attack and overcome supernatural 
beings. Dogs were the enemies of the fairies, mer- 
maids, &c. 

Dog gods figure on the ancient sculptured stones of 
Scotland. The names of the Irish heroes Cuchullin 
and Con-chobar were derived from those of dog deities. 
" Con " is the genitive of " Cu " (dog). 

Ancient Mariners Reach Britain 

Reindeer in Scotland — North Sea and Eng-lish Channel Land-bridges 
— Early River Rafts and River Boats— Breaking of Land-bridges— Coast 
Erosion — Tilbury Man— Where were first Boats Invented? — Ancient 
Boats in Britain — "Dug-out" Canoes — Imitations of Earlier Papyri 
and Skin Boats — Cork Plug in Ancient Clyde Boat — Early Swedish 
Boats— An African Link — Various Types of British Boats — Daring 
Ancient Mariners— The Veneti Seafarers— Attractions of Early Britain 
for Colonists. 

The Maglemosian (Baltic)and Azilian (Iberian) peoples, 
who reached and settled in Britain long before the in- 
troduction of the Neolithic industry, appear, as has been 
shown, to hav^e crossed the great land-bridge, which is 
now marked by the Dogger Bank, and the narrowed 
land-bridge that connected England and France. No 
doubt they came at first in small bands, wandering along 
the river banks and founding fishing communities, fol- 
lowing the herds of red deer and wild cows that had 
moved northward, and seeking flints, &c. The Cro- 
Magnons, whose civilization the new intruders had 
broken up on the Continent, were already in Britain, 
where the reindeer lingered for many centuries after 
they had vanished from France. The reindeer moss 
still grows in the north of Scotland. Bones and horns 
of the reindeer have been found in this area in associa- 
tion with human remains as late as of the Roman period. 
In the twelfth century the Norsemen hunted reindeer in 


Caithness.^ Caesar refers to the reindeer in the Her- 
cynian forest of Germany {Gallic War, VI, 26). 

The early colonists of fair Northerners who introduced 
the Mac^lemosian culture into Britain from the Baltic 
area could not have crossed the North Sea land-bridge 
without the aid of rafts or boats. Great broad rivers 
were flowing towards the north. The Elbe and the 
Weser joined one another near the island of Heligoland, 
and received tributaries from marshy valleys until a long 
estuary wider than is the Wash at present was formed. 
Another long river flowed northward from the valley of 
the Zuyder Zee, the mouth of which has been traced on 
the north-east of the Dogger Bank. The Rhine reached 
the North Sea on the south-west of the Dogger Bank, 
off Elamborough Head; its tributaries included the 
Meuse and the Thames. The Humber and the rivers 
flowing at present into the Wash were united before 
entering the North Sea between the mouth of the Rhine 
and the coast of East Riding. 

The Dogger Bank was then a plateau. Trawlers, as 
has been stated, sometimes lift from its surface in their 
trawl nets lumps of peat, which they call "moor-log", 
and also the bones of wild animals, including the wild 
ox, the wild horse, red deer, reindeer, the elk, the bear, 
the wolf, the hyaena, the beaver, the walrus the woolly 
rhinoceros, and the hairy mammoth. In the peat have 
been found the remains of the white birch, the hazel, 
sallow, and willow, seeds of bog-bean, fragments of fern, 
&c. All the plants have a northern range. In some 
pieces of peat have been found plants and insects that 
still flourish in Britain. ^ 

The easiest crossing to Britain was over the English 
Channel land-bridge. It was ultimately cut through by 

• The Orbtieyinga Saga. p. iSj, Ediiilnirgh. 187V anH /'rocrrdings of the Society of 
A til iquaries of Scotland, Vol. VUI. 
' Clement Reid, Submerged Forests, pp. 45-7, Loniion, 1913. 


the English Channel river, so tiiat the dark Azilian- 
Tardenoisian peoples from Central and Western Europe 
and the fair Maglemosians must have required and used 
rafts or boats before polished implements of Neolithic 
type came into use. In time the North Sea broke 
through the marshes of the river land to the east of the 
Thames Estuary and joined the waters of the English 
Channel. The Strait of Dover was then formed. At 
first it may have been narrow enough for animals to 
swim across or, at any rate, for the rude river boats or 
rafts of the early colonists to be paddled over in safety 
between tides. Gradually, however, the strait grew 
wider and wider; the chalk cliffs, long undermined by 
boring molluscs and scouring shingle, were torn down 
by great billows during winter storms. 

It may be that for a long period after the North Sea 
and English Channel were united, the Dogger Bank 
remained an island, and that there were other islands 
between Heligoland and the English coast. Pliny, who 
had served with the Roman army in Germany, writing 
in the first century of our era, refers to twenty-three 
islands between the Texel and the Eider in Schleswig- 
Holstein. Seven of these have since vanished. The 
west coast of Schleswig has, during the past eighteen 
hundred years, suffered greatly from erosion, and alluvial 
plains that formerly yielded rich harvests are now repre- 
sented by sandbanks. The Goodwin Sands, which 
stretch for about ten miles off the Kentish coast, were 
once part of the fertile estate of Earl Godwin which was 
destroyed and engulfed by a great storm towards the 
end of the eleventh century. The Gulf of Zuyder Zee 
was formerly a green plain with many towns and villages. 
Periodic inundations since the Roman period have de- 
stroyed flourishing Dutch farms and villages and eaten 
far into the land. There are records of storm-floods that 
drowned on one occasion 20,000, and on another no 


fewer than 100,000 inhabitants.^ It is beheved that large 
tracts of land, the remnants of the ancient North Sea 
land-bridge, have been engulfed since about 3000 B.C., 
as a result not merely of erosion but the gradual sub- 
mergence of the land. This date is suggested by Mr. 
Clement Reid. 

"The estimate", he says, "may have to be modified 
as we obtain better evidence; but it is as well to realize 
clearly that we are not dealing with a long period of 
great geological antiquity; we are dealing with times 
wiien the Egyptian, Babylonian, and Minoan (Cretan) 
civilizations flourished. Northern Europe was then 
probably barbarous, and metals had not come into use;'- 
but the amber trade of the Baltic was probably in full 
swing. Rumours of any great disaster, such as the 
submergence of thousands of square miles and the dis- 
placement of large populations, might spread far and 
wide along the trade routes." It may be that the legend 
of the Lost Atlantis was founded on reports of such a 
disaster, that must have occurred when areas like the 
Dogger Bank were engulfed. It may be too that the 
gradual wasting away of lands that have long since 
vanished propelled migrations of peoples towards the 
smiling coasts of England. According to Ammianus 
the Druids stated that some of the inhabitants of Gaul 
were descendants of refugees from sea-invaded areas. 

The gradual sinking of the land and the process of 
coast erosion has greatly altered the geography of Eng- 
land. The beach on which Julius Caesar landed has 
long since vanished, the dwellings of the ancient Azilian 
and Maglemosian colonists, who reached England in 
post-Glacial times, have been sunk below the E!nglish 
Channel. When Tilbury Docks were being excavated 

' The datet of the greatest disasters on record are 1421, ij^j, and 1570. There were 
also terrible inundations in the seventeenth and finhtci-nth centuries, and in 18^5 and 1855. 
* It was not necessarily barbarous bicausc inital weapons had not bicn invented. 


Roman remains were found embedded in clay several 
feet below high-water mark. Below several layers of 
peat and mud, and immediately under a bank of sand 
in which were fragments of decomposed wood, was 
found the human skeleton known as "Tilbury man". 
The land in this area was originally 80 feet above its 
present level. ^ But while England was sinking Scot- 
land was rising. The MacArthur cave at Oban, in 
which Azilian hunters and fishermen made their home 
on the sea-beach, is now about 30 feet above the old 

Before Dover Strait had been widened by the gradual 
sinking of the land and the process of coast erosion, and 
before the great islands had vanished from the southern 
part of the North Sea, the early hunters and fishermen 
could have experienced no great difficulty in reaching 
England. It is possible that the Azilian, Tardenoisian, 
and Maglemosian peoples had made considerable pro- 
gress in the art of navigation. Traces of the Tarde- 
noisian industry have been obtained in Northern Egypt, 
along the ancient Libyan coast of North Africa where a 
great deal of land has been submerged, and especially 
at Tunis, and in Algiers, in Italy, and in England and 
Scodand, as has been noted. There were boats on the 
Mediterranean at a very early period. The island of 
Crete was reached long before the introduction of copper- 
working by seafarers who visited the island of Melos, 
and there obtained obsidian (natural glass) from which 
sharp implements were fashioned. Egyptian mariners, 
who dwelt on the Delta coast, imported cedar, not only 
from Lebanon but from Morocco, as has been found 
from the evidence afforded by mummies packed with the 
sawdust of cedar from the Atlas Mountains.^ When 
this trade with Morocco began it is impossible to say 

' Submerged Forests, p. 1 20. 

2 The Cairo Scientific Jouruii!, Vol. Ml. No. j* (May, 1909), p loj. 


with certainty. Loiifr before 3000 B.C., however, the 
Hgyptians were building boats that were fitted with 
masts and sails. The ancient mariners were active as 
explorers and traders before implements of copper came 
into use. 

Here we touch on a very interesting problem. Where 
were boats first invented and the art of navigation de- 
veloped? Rafts and floats formed by tying together two 
trees or, as in Egypt, two bundles of reeds, were in use 
at a very early period in various countries. In Baby- 
lonia the "kufa", a great floating basket made water- 
tight with pitch or covered with skins, was an early 
invention. It was used as it still is for river ferry boats. 
But ships were not developed from "kufas ". The dug- 
out canoe is one of the early prototypes of the modern 
ocean-going vessel. It reached this country before the 
Neolithic industry was introduced, and during that 
period when England was slowly sinking and Scotland 
was gradually rising. Dug-out canoes continued to 
come during the so-called " Neolithic" stage of culture 
ere yet the sinking and rising of land had ceased. 
"That Neolithic man lived in Scotland during the 
formation of this beach (the 45- to 50-foot beach) is 
proved", wrote the late Professor James Geikie, "by 
the frequent occurrence in it of his relics. At Perth, for 
example, a dug-out canoe of pine was met with towards 
the bottom of the carse clays; and similar finds have 
frequently been recorded from the contemporaneous 
deposits in the valleys of the Forth and the Clyde."' 

How did early man come to invent the dug-out? Not 
only did he hollow out a tree trunk by the laborious pro- 
cess of burning and by chipping with a flint adze, he 
dressed the trunk so that his boat could be balanced on 
the water. The early shipbuilders had to learn, and 

' Aiiti</Hity 0/ .yfiin in Rurofir. p. 274, Edinburgh, 1914. Tlir term " Neolithic" is here 
rather va^ue. It ajiplicit to the Azih'ans and Ma^leniosiaiis us well as to later peoples. 


did learn, for themselves, "the values of length and 
beam, of draught and sweet lines, of straight keel ; with 
high stem to breast a wave and high stern to repel 
a following sea". The fashioning of a sea-worthy, or 
even a river-worthy boat, must have been in ancient 
times as difficult a task as was the fashioning of the first 
aeroplane in our own day. Many problems had to be 
solved, many experiments had to be made, and, no 
doubt, many tragedies took place before the first safe 
model-boat was paddled across a river. The early 
experimenters may have had shapes of vessels suggested 
to them by fish and birds, and especially by the aquatic 
birds that paddled past them on the river breast with 
dignity and ease. But is it probable that the first 
experiments were made with trees? Did early man 
undertake the laborious task of hewing down tree after 
tree to shape new models, until in the end he found on 
launching the correctly shaped vessel that its balance 
was perfect? Or was the dug-out canoe an imitation of 
a boat already in existence, just as a modern ship built 
of steel or concrete is an imitation of the earlier wooden 
ships? The available evidence regarding this important 
phase of the shipping problem tends to show that, before 
the dug-out was invented, boats were constructed of 
light material. Ancient Egypt was the earliest ship- 
building country in the world, and all ancient ships were 
modelled on those that traded on the calm waters of the 
Nile. Yet Egypt is an almost treeless land. There the 
earliest boats — broad, light skiffs — were made by bind- 
ing together long bundles of the reeds of papyrus. 
Ropes were twisted from papyrus as well as from palm 
fibre.^ It would appear that, before dug-outs were made, 
the problems of boat construction were solved by those 
who had invented papyri skiffs and skin boats. In the 
case of the latter the skins were stretched round a frame- 

1 Brrasted. A llistoty of EK>pt. PP- 9^- 


u'drk, sewed together and made watertight wiih pitch. 
We still refer to the "seams " and the "skin " of a boat. 

The art of boat-building spread far and wide from the 
area of origin. Until recently the Chinese were building 
junks of the same type as they did four or five hundred 
years earlier. These junks have been compared by 
more than one writer to the deep-sea boats of the 
Egyptian Empire period. The Papuans make "dug- 
outs " and carve eyes on the prows as did the ancient 
Egyptians and as do the Maltese, Chinese, &c., in our 
own day. Even when only partly hollowed, the 
Papuan boats have perfect balance in the water as soon 
as they are launched.^ The Polynesians performed 
religious ceremonies when cutting down trees and con- 
structing boats.- In their incantations, &c., the lore of 
boat-building was enshrined and handed down. The 
Polynesian boat was dedicated to the 7710-0 (dragon-god). 
We still retain a relic of an ancient religious ceremony 
when a bottle of wine is broken on the bows of a vessel 
just as it is being launched. 

After the Egyptians were able to secure supplies of 
cedar wood from the Atlas Mountains or Lebanon, by 
drifting rafts of lashed trees along the coast line, they 
made dug-out vessels of various shapes, as can be seen 
in the tomb pictures of the Old Kingdom period. These 
dug-outs were apparently modelled on the earlier papyri 
and skin boats. A ship with a square sail spread to the 
wind is depicted on an Ancient Egyptian two-handed 
jar in the British Museum, which is of pre-dynastic age 
and may date to anything like 4000 or 5000 B.C. At 
that remote period the art of navigation was already well 
advanced, no doubt on account of the experience gained 
on the calm waters of the Nile. 

' WoUaston, f^x"'''" <""i Pupuana (The Stone Agx To-day in Dutch Sew Ouiuen). 
London. iq\2. pp. 53 W seg. 

- Wcstrrvrlt, l.ff^ends of Old Honolulu, pp. 97 rl seq. 


The existence of these boats on the Nile at a time 
when great race migrations were in progress may well 
account for the early appearance of dug-outs in Northern 
Europe. One of the Clyde canoes, found embedded in 
Clyde silt twenty-five feet above the present sea-level, 
was found to have a plug of cork w^hich could only have 
come from the area in which cork trees grow — Spain, 



(fl) Sketch i)f a boat from Victoria Nyanza, after the drawing In Sir Henry Stanley's 
Darkest Africa. Only the handles of the oars are shown. In outline the positions of 
some of the oarsmen are roughly represented. 

(i) Crude drawing of a similar boat carved upon the rocks In Sweden during the Early 
Bronze Age. after Montelius. By comparison with (a) it will be seen that the vertical 
projections were probably intended to represent the oarsmen. 

The upturned hook-like appendage at the stern is found in ancient Egyptian and 
Mediterranean ships, but is absent in the modern African vessel shown in (a). 
These fig^ires are taken from Elliot Smith's Ancient Mariners (1918). 

Southern France, or Italy.^ It may have been manned 
by the Azilians of Spain whose rock paintings date from 
the Transition period. Similar striking evidence of the 
drift of culture from the Mediterranean area towards 
Northern Europe is obtained from some of the rock 
paintings and carvings of Sweden. Among the canoes 
depicted are some with distinct Mediterranean character- 
istics. One at Tegneby in Bohuslan bears a striking 
resemblance to a boat seen by Sir Henr>^ Stanley on 

* Lyell, Autiquily 0/ Man. p. 48. 


Lake Victoria Nyan/a. It set-nis undoubted that the 
designs are of common origin, although separated not 
only by centuries but by barriers of mountain, desert, and 
sea extending many hundreds of miles. From the 
Maglemosian boat the Viking ship was ultimately 
developed; the unprogressive Victoria Nyanza boat- 
builders continued through the Ages repeating the 
design adopted by their remote ancestors. In both 
vessels the keel projects forward, and the figure-head is 
that of a goat or ram. The northern vessel has the 
characteristic inward curving stern of ancient Egyptian 
ships. As the rock on which it was carved is situated 
in a metal-yielding area, the probability is that this type 
of vessel is a relic of the visits paid by searchers for 
metals in ancient times, who established colonies of 
dark miners among the fair Northerners and introduced 
the elements of southern culture. 

The ancient boats found in Scotland are of a variety 
of types. One of those at Glasgow la\', when discovered, 
nearly vertical, with prow uppermost as if it had foundered; 
it had been built " of several pieces of oak, though with- 
out ribs". Another had the remains of an outrigger 
attached to it: beside another, which had been partly 
hollowed by fire, lay two planks that appear to have 
been wash-boards like those on a Sussex dug-out. A 
Clyde clinker-built boat, eighteen feet long, had a keel 
and a base of oak to which ribs had been attached. An 
interesting find at Kinaven in Aberdeenshire, several 
miles distant from the Ythan, a famous pearling river, 
was a dug-out eleven feet long, and about four feet 
broad. It lay embedded at the head of a small ravine 
in five feet of peat which ^appears to have been the bed 
of an ancient lake. Near it were the stumps of big oaks, 
apparently of the Upper Forestian period. 

Among the longest of the ancient boats that have been 
discovered are one forty-two feet long, with an animal 


head on the prow, from Loch Arthur, near Dumfries, 
one thirty-five long from near the River Arun in Sussex, 
one sixty-three feet long- excavated near the Rother in 
Kent, one forty -eight feet six inches long, found at 
Brigg, Lincolnshire, with wooden patches where she had 
sprung a leak, and signs of the caulking of cracks and 
small holes with moss. 

These vessels do not all belong to the same period. 
The date of the Brigg boat is, judging from the geo- 
logical strata, between iioo and 700 B.C. It would 
appear that some of the Clyde vessels found at twenty- 
five feet abpve the present sea-level are even older. 
Beside one Clyde boat was found an axe of polished 
greenstone similar to the axes used by Polynesians and 
others in shaping dug-outs. This axe may, however, 
have been a religious object. To the low bases of some 
vessels were fixed ribs on which skins were stretched. 
These boats were eminently suitable for rough seas, 
being more buoyant than dug-outs. According to 
Himilco the inhabitants of the CEstrymnides, the islands 
"rich in tin and lead", had most sea-worthy skiffs. 
"These people do not make pine keels, nor", he says, 
" do they know how to fashion them ; nor do they make 
fir barks, but, with wonderful skill, fashion skiffs \vith 
sewn skins. In these hide-bound vessels, they skim 
across the ocean." Apparently they were as daring 
mariners as the Oregon Islanders of whom Washington 
Irving has written : 

" It is surprising to see uitli what fearless unconcern these 
savages venture in their light barks upon the roughest and 
most tempestuous seas. They seem to ride upon the wave 
like sea-fowl. Should a surge throw the canoe upon its side, 
and endanger its over turn, those to the windward lean over 
the upper gunwale, thrust their paddles deep into the wave, 
and by this action not merely regain an equilibrium, but give 
their bark a \ igorous impulse forward." 


The ancient mariners whose rude vessels have been 
excavated around our coasts were the forerunners of the 
Celtic sea-traders, who, as the Gaelic evidence shows, 
had names not only for the North Sea and the English 
Channel but also for the Mediterranean Sea. They 
cultivated what is known as the "sea sense", and de- 
veloped shipbuilding and the art of navigation in accord- 
ance with local needs. When Julius Caesar came into 
conflict with the Veneti of Brittany he tells that their 
vessels were greatly superior to those of the Romans. 
"The bodies of the ships", he says, "were built en- 
tirely of oak, stout enough to withstand any shock or 
violence. . . . Instead of cables for their anchors they 
used iron chains. . . . The encounter of our fleet with 
these ships was of such a nature that our fleet excelled 
in speed alone, and the plying of oars; for neither could 
our ships injure theirs with their rams, so great was 
their strength, nor was a weapon easily cast up to them 
owing to their height. . . . About 220 of their ships . . . 
sailed forth from the harbour." In this great allied fleet 
were vessels from our own country.^ 

It must not be imagined that the "sea sense" was 
cultivated because man took pleasure in risking the 
perils of the deep. It was stern necessity that at the 
beginning compelled him to venture on long voyages. 
After England was cut off from France the peoples who 
had adopted the Neolithic industry must have either 
found it absolutely necessary to seek refuge in Britain, 
or were attracted towards it by reports of prospectors 
who found it to be suitable for residence and trade. 

>Ca.sars (iallk Har, Bo.k HI, c. ij-ij. 

Neolithic Trade and Industries 

Attractions of Ancient Britain— Romans search for Gold, Silver, 
Pearls, &c.— The Lure of Precious Stones and Metals— Distribution of 
Ancient British Population— Neolithic Settlements in Flint-yielding- Areas 
—Trade in Flint— Settlements on Lias Formation— Implements from 
Basic Rocks— Trade in Body-painting: Materials— Search for Pearls- 
Gold in Britain and Ireland— Agriculture— The Story of Barley— Neolithic 
Settlers in Ireland— Scottish Neolithic Traders— Neolithic Peoples not 
Wanderers — Trained Neolithic Craftsmen. 

The "drift" of peoples into Britain which began in 
Aurignacian times continued until the Roman period. 
There were definite reasons for early intrusions as there 
were for the Roman invasion. " Britain contains to 
reward the conqueror", Tacitus wrote/ "mines of gold 
and silver and other metals. The sea produces pearls." 
According to Suetonius, who at the end of the first 
century of our era wrote the Lives of the Ccesars, Julius 
Caesar invaded Britain with the desire to enrich himself 
with the pearls found on different parts of the coast. 
On his return to Rome he presented a corselet of British 
pearls to the goddess Venus. He was in need of money 
to further his political ambitions. He found what he 
required elsewhere, however. After the death of Queen 
Cleopatra sufficient gold and silver flowed to Rome 
from Egypt to reduce the loan rate of interest from 12 
to 4 per cent. Spain likewise contributed its share to 
enrich the great predatory state of Rome.- 

Long ages before the Roman period the early peoples 

' Agricoln, Cliap. XII. - Smith, Roman Eiiif>ire. 


of peuls, p»o 

ckms Stones, and 

--?? had a 

irligioas wahie. 

rat quail 

tides of gold «o 

ndals ia dbeir 


PkaeaduMiife of 

~ - 

* ^dieRonans 

^and nanjof 

7 r in tbean ". 

- J in these 

^ Ajto- 


Africa- I 

jn- 5^ «=i »3^ 




known to the ancient mariners who reached our shores 
in vessels of Mediterranean type. 

The colonists who were attracted to Britain at various 
periods settled in those districts most suitable for their 
modes of life. It was necessary that they should obtain 
an adequate supply of the materials from which their 
implements and weapons were manufactured. The dis- 
tribution of the population must have been determined 
by the resources of the various districts. 

At the present day the population of Britain is most 
dense in those areas in which coal and iron are found 
and where commerce is concentrated. In ancient times, 
before metals were used, it must have been densest in 
those areas where flint was found — that is, on the upper 
chalk formations. If worked flints are discovered in 
areas which do not have deposits of flint, the only con- 
clusion that can be drawn is that the flint was obtained 
by means of trade, just as Mediterranean shells were in 
Aurignacian and Magdalenian times obtained by hunters 
who settled in Central Europe. In Devon and Cornwall, 
for instance, large numbers of flint implements have 
been found, yet in these counties suitable flint was 
f'xceedingly scarce in ancient times, except in East 
Devon, where, however, the surface flint is of inferior 
character. In Wilts and Dorset, however, the finest 
quality of flint was found, and it was no doubt from 
these areas that the early settlers in Cornwall and Devon 
received their chief supplies of the raw material, if not of 
the manufactured articles. 

In England, as on the Continent, the most abundant 
finds of the earliest flint implements have been made in 
those areas where the early hunters and fishermen could 
obtain their raw materials. River drift implements are 
discovered in largest numbers on the chalk formations 
of south-eastern England between the Wash and the 
estuary of the Thames. 

(I>217) 7 


The Xeolithic peoples, who made less use of horn and 
bone than did the Azilians and Ma^lemosians, had 
many village settlements on the upper chalk in Dorset 
and Wiltshire, and especially at Avebury where there 
were veritable flint factories, and near the famous flint 
mines at Grimes Graves in the vicinity of Weeting in 
Norfolk and at Cissbury Camp not far from Worthing 
in Sussex. Implements were likewise made of basic 
rocks, including quartzite, ironstone, greenstone, horn- 
blende schist, granite, mica-schist, &c. ; while ornaments 
were made of jet, a hydrocarbon compound allied to 
cannel coal, which takes on a fine polish, Kimeridge 
shale and ivory. Withal, like the Aurignacians and 
Magdalenians, the Neolithic-industry people used body 
paint, which was made with pigments of ochre, hc'ema- 
tite, an ore of iron, and ruddle, an earthy variety of 
iron ore. 

In those districts, where the raw materials for stone 
implements, ornaments, and body paint were found, 
traces survive of the activities of the Neolithic peoples. 
Their graves of long-barrow type are found not only in 
the chalk areas but on the margins of the lias formations. 
Haematite is found in large quantities in West Cumber- 
land and north Lancashire and in south-western Eng- 
land, while the chief source of jet is Whitby in Yorkshire, 
where it occurs in large quantities in beds of the Upper 
Lias shale. 

Mr. W. J. Perry, of Manchester University, who has 
devoted special attention to the study of the distribution 
of megalithic monuments, has been drawing attention 
to the interesting association of these monuments with 
geological formations.^ In the Avebury district stone 
circles, dolmens, chambered barrows, long barrows, and 
Neolithic settlements are numerous; another group of 
megalithic monuments occurs in Oxford on the margin 

■ l^ioccedings of the Mamhester Literary ami Ptiilosof<hiral Sorifty. 19JI. 


showing: distribution of 

Megalithic Monuments 

and deposits of metals and minerals 

Enjj'lish ^flle9 
o lo 20 30 40 50 

Areas in which Megalithic Monuments ..•.•• 

are situated v-V-.v 


of tlie lias formation, and at the south-end of the great 
iron field extending as far as the Clevelands. Accord- 
ing to the memoir of the geological survey, there are 
traces of ancient surface iron-workings in the Middle 
Lias formation of Oxfordshire, where red and brown 
haematite were found. Mr. Perry notes that there are 
megalithic monuments in the vicinity of all these sur- 
face workings, as at Fawler, Adderbury, Hook Norton, 
Woodstock, Steeple Aston, and Hanbury. Apparently 
the Neolithic peoples were attracted to the lias formation 
because it contains haematite, ochre, shale, &c. There 
are significant megaliths in the Whitby region where 
the jet is so plentiful. Amber was obtained from the 
east coast of England and from the Baltic. 

The Neolithic peoples appear to have searched for 
pearls, which are found in a number of English, Welsh, 
Scottish, and Irish rivers, and in the vicinity of most, if 
not all, of these megaliths occur. Gold was the first 
metal worked by man, and it appears to have attracted 
some of the early peoples who settled in Britain. The 
ancient seafarers who found their way northward may 
have included searchers for gold and silver. The latter 
metal was at one time found in great abundance in 
Spain, while gold w-as at one time fairly plentiful in 
south-western Elngland, in North Wales, in various 
parts of Scotland and especially in Lanarkshire, and in 
north-eastern, eastern, and western Ireland. That there 
was a "drift" of civilized peoples into Britain and 
Ireland during the period of the Neolithic industry is 
made evident by the fact that the agricultural mode of life 
was introduced. Barley does not grow wild in Europe. 
The nearest area in which it grew wild and was earliest 
cultivated was the delta area of Egypt, the region from 
which the earliest vessels set out to explore the shores of 
the Mediterranean. It may be that the barley seeds 
were carried to Britain not bv the overland routes alone 


to Channel ports, but also by the seafarers whose boats, 
like the Glasgow one with the cork plug, coasted round 
by Spain and Brittany, and crossed the Channel to south- 
western England and thence went northward to Scot- 
land. As Irish flints and ground axe-heads occur chiefly 
in Ulster, it may be that the drift of early Neolithic 
settlers into County Antrim, in which gold was also 
found, was from south-western Scotland. The Neolithic 
settlement at Whitepark Bay, five miles from the Giant's 
Causeway, was embedded at a considerable depth, show- 
ing that there has been a sinking of the land in this area 
since the Neolithic industry was introduced. 

Neolithic remains are widely distributed over Scot- 
land, but these have not received the intensive study 
devoted to similar relics in England. Mr. Ludovic 
Mann, the Glasgow archaeologist, has, however, com- 
piled interesting data regarding one of the local indus- 
tries that bring out the resource and activities of early 
man. On the island of Arran is a workable variety of 
the natural volcanic glass, called pitch-stone, that of 
other parts of Scotland and of Ireland being " too much 
cracked into small pieces to be of use ". It was used by 
the Neolithic settlers in Arran for manufacturing arrow- 
heads, and as it was imported into Bute, Ayrshire, and 
Wigtownshire, a trade in this material must have existed. 
"If", writes Mr. Mann, "the stone was not locally 
worked up into implements in Bute, it was so manipu- 
lated on the mainland, where workshops of the Neolithic 
period and the immediately succeeding overlap period 
yielded long fine flakes, testifying to greater expertness 
in manufacturing there than is shown by the remains in 
the domestic sites yet awaiting adequate exploration in 
Arran. The explanation may be that the Wigtownshire 
flint knappers, accustomed to handle an abundance of 
flint, were more proficient than in most other places, and 
that the pitch-stone was brought to them as experts, 

SG ASClEXr MAX l.\ ilUlTAlX 

because the material required even more skilful hand- 
ling than flint ".^ In like manner obsidian, as has been 
noted, was imported into Crete from the island of Melos 
by seafarers, long before the introduction of metal 

It will be seen that the Neolithic peoples were no 
mere wandering hunters, as some have represented 
them to have been, but they had their social organiza- 
tion, their industries, and their system of trading by 
land and sea. They settled not only in those areas 
where they could procure a regular food supply, but 
those also in which they obtained the raw materials for 
implements, weapons, and the colouring material which 
they used for religious purposes. They made pottery 
for grave offerings and domestic use, and wooden imple- 
ments regarding which, however, little is known. 
Withal, they had their spinners and weavers. The 
conditions prevailing in Neolithic settlements must have 
been similar to those of later times. There must have 
been systems of laws to make trade and peaceful social 
intercourse possible, and no doubt these had, as else- 
where, a religious basis. Burial customs indicate a 
uniformity of beliefs over wide areas. The skill dis- 
played in working stone was so great that it cannot now 
be emulated. Ripple-flaking has long been a lost art. 
Craftsmen must have undergone a prolonged period of 
training which was intelligently controlled under settled 
conditions of life. It is possible that the so-called Neo- 
lithic folk were chiefly foreigners who exploited the 
riches of the country. The evidence in this connection 
will be found in the next chapter. 

' Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 1917-18. pp. ngetseq. 
" See my Myths of Crete and pre- Hellenic Europe under "Obsidian" in Index. 


Metal Workers and Megalithic 

"Broad-heads" of Bronze Age— The Irish Evidence— Bronze Intro- 
duced by Traders— How Metals were Traced— A Metal Working- Tribe— 
Damnonii in England, Scotland, and Ireland— Miners as Slaves— The Lot 
of Women Workers— Megalithic Monuments in English Metal-yielding 
Areas— Stone Circles in Barren Localities— Early Colonies of Easterners 
in Spain— Egyptian and Babylonian Relics associated with British Jet and 
Baltic Amber- A New Flint Industry of Eastern Origin— British Bronze 
identical with Continental— Ancient Furnaces of Common Origin — 
"Stones of Worship" adorned with Metals— The " Maggot God " of Stone 
Circles— Ancient Egyptian Beads at Stonehenge— Earliest Authentic Date 
in British History — The Aim of Conquests. 

It used to be thought that the introduction of metal 
working into Britain was the result of an invasion of 
alien peoples, who partly exterminated and partly en- 
slaved the long-headed Neolithic inhabitants. This view 
was based on the evidence afforded by a new type of 
grave known as the "Round Barrow". In graves of 
this class have been found Bronze Age relics, a distinc- 
tive kind of pottery, and skulls of broad-heads. The 
invasion of broad-heads undoubtedly took place, and 
their burial customs suggest that their religious beliefs 
were not identical with those of the long -heads. 
But it remains to be proved that they were the actual 
introducers of the bronze industry. They do not appear 
to have reached Ireland, where bronze relics are as- 
sociated with a long-headed people of comparatively low 



The early Irish bronze forms were obviously obtained 
from Spain, while early English bronze forms resemble 
those of F"rance and Italy. Cutting implements were 
the first to be introduced. This fact does not suggest 

l,oiig-head (DoliiJiocephalic) Skull 


liroad-head (Brachycephalic) Skull 

specimens were found in " Round " Barrow!> i 
of Yorkshire 

the East Riding 

that a contjuest took place. The implements may have 
been obtained by traders. Britain apparently had in 
those ancient times its trading colonies, and was visited 
by active and enterprising seafarers. 

The discovery of metals in Britain and Ireland was, 


no doubt, first made by prospectors who had obtained 
experience in working them elsewhere. They may 
have simply come to exploit the country. How these 
men conducted their investigations is indicated by the 
report found in a British Museum manuscript, dating 
from about 1603, in which the prospector gives his 
reason for believing that gold was to be found on 
Crawford Moor in Lanarkshire. He tells that he saw 
among the rocks what Scottish miners call "mothers" 
and English miners "leaders" or "metalline fumes". 
It was believed that the "fumes" arose from veins of 
metal and coloured the rocks as smoke passing upward 
through a tunnel blackens it, and leaves traces on the 
outside. He professed to be able to distinguish between 
the colours left by "fumes" of iron, lead, tin, copper, or 
silver. On Crawford Moor he found " sparr, keel, and 
brimstone " between rocks, and regarded this discovery as 
a sure indication that gold was in situ. The " mothers " 
or "leaders" were more pronounced than any he had 
ever seen in Cornwall, Somersetshire, about Keswick, or 
" any other mineral parts wheresoever I have travelled ".' 
Gold was found in this area of Lanarkshire in consider- 
able quantities, and was no doubt worked in ancient 
times. Of special interest in this connection is the fact 
that it was part of the territory occupied by Damnonians,^ 
who appear to have been a metal -working people. 
Besides occupying the richest metal-yielding area in 
Scotland, the Damnonians were located in Devon and 
Cornwall, and in the east-midland and western parts of 
Ireland, in which gold, copper, and tin-stone were found 
as in south-western England. The Welsh Dyfneint 
(Devon) is supposed by some to be connected with a form 
of this tribal name. Another form in a Yarrow inscrip- 
tion is Dumnogeni. In Ireland Inber Domnann is the 

> R. W. Cochrane Patrick, Early Records relating to Mining in Scotland. Edinburgh, 
1878, p. xxviii. * The Damnonii ot Dumnonii. 


old name of Malahide Bay north of Dublin. Domnu, 
the genitive of which is Domnann, was the name of an 
ancient goddess. In the Irish manuscripts these people 
are referred to as Fir-domnann/ and associated witli the 
Fir-bolg (the men with sacks). A sack-carrying people 
are represented in Spanish rock paintings that date from 
the Azilian till early " Bronze Age" times. In an Irish 
manuscript which praises the fair and tall people, the 
i'ir-boig and Fir-domnann are included among the 
black-eyed and black-haired people, the descendants of 
slaves and churls, and "the promoters of discord among 
the people ". 

The reference to " slaves " is of special interest because 
the lot of the working miners was in ancient days an 
extremely arduous one. In one of his collected records 
which describes the method "of the greatest antiquity " 
Diodorus Siculus (a.d. first century) tells how gold- 
miners, with lights bound on their foreheads, drove 
galleries into the rocks, the fragments of which were 
carried out by frail old men and boys. These were 
broken small by men in the prime of life. The pounded 
stone was then ground in handmills by women: three 
women to a mill and "to each of those who bear this 
lot, death is better than life". Afterwards the milled 
quartz was spread out on an inclined table. Men threw 
water on it, work it through their fingers, and dabbed 
it with sponges until the lighter matter was removed and 
the gold was left behind. The precious metal was placed 
in a clay crucible, which was kept heated for five days 
and five nights. It may be that the Scandinavian 
references to the nine maidens who turn the handle of 
the "world mill" which grinds out metal and soil, and 
the Celtic references to the nine maidens who are associ- 

' The Fir-domnann were known as "the men who used to deepen the earth", or "dig 
pits ■ Professor J. MacNeil in Labor Gabula, p. 119. They were thus called " Dij^gers" 
like the modern Australians. The name of the goddess referred to the depths (the I'nder- 
world). It i^ probable she was the personification of the metal-yielding earth. 


ated with the Celtic cauldron, survive from beliefs that 
reflected the habits and methods of the ancient metal 

It is difficult now to trace the various areas in which 
gold was anciently found in our islands. But this is 
not to be wondered at. In Egypt there were once rich 
goldfields, especially in the Eastern Desert, where about 
100 square miles were so thoroughly worked in ancient 
times that "only the merest traces of gold remain ".^ 
Gold, as has been stated, was formerly found in south- 
western England, North Wales, and, as historical records, 
archaeological data, and place names indicate, in various 
parts of Scotland and Ireland. During the period of the 
" Great Thaw" a great deal of alluvial gold must have 
distributed throughout the country. Silver was found 
in various parts. In Sutherland it is mixed with gold 
as it is elsewhere with lead. Copper was worked in a 
number of districts where the veins cannot in modern 
times be economically worked, and tin was found in 
Ireland and Scotland as well as in south-western England, 
where mining operations do not seem to have been 
begun, as Principal Sir John Rhys has shown, ^ until 
after the supplies of surface tin were exhausted. Of 
special interest in connection with this problem is the 
association of megalithic monuments with ancient mine 
workings. An interesting fact to be borne in mind in 
connection with these relics of the activities and beliefs 
of the early peoples is that they represent a distinct 
culture of complex character. Mr. T. Eric Peet • shows 
that the megalithic buildings "occupy a very remark- 
able position along a vast seaboard which includes the 
Mediterranean coast of Africa and the Atlantic coast of 
Europe. In other words, they lie entirely along a 

' Alford, A Report on Ancient and Prospective Gold ^flning in Egypt, ipoo. and 
Mining in Egypt (by Egfyptologist). 

"^ Celtic Britain, pp. 44 et seq. (4th edition). 

' Rough Slone Monuments, London, 1912, pp. 147-8. 



natural sea route." He gives forcible reasons for arriv- 
ing at the conclusion that "it is impossible to consider 
megalithic building as a mere phase through which 
many nations passed, and it must therefore have been a 
system originating with one race, and spreading far and 
wide, owing either to trade influence or migration". 
He adds: 

" Great movements of races by sea were not by any means 
unusual in primitive days. In fact, the sea has always been 
less of an obstacle to early man than the land with its deserts, 
mountains, and unfordable rivers. There is nothing in- 
herently impossible or even improbable in the suggestion thai 
a gTeat immigration brought the megalithic monuments from 
.Sweden to India or vice versa. History is full of instances 
of such migrations." 

But there must have been a definite reason for these 
race movements. It cannot be that in all cases they 
were forced merely by natural causes, such as changes 
of climate, invasions of the sea, and the drying up of ^ 
once fertile districts, or^by the propelling influences of 
stronger races in every country from the British Isles to 
Japan — that is, in all countries in which megalithic 
monuments of similar type are found. The fact that 
the megalithic monuments are distributed along "a vast 
seaboard " suggests that they were the work of people 
who had acquired a culture of common origin, and 
were attracted to different countries for the same reason. 
What that attraction was is indicated by studying the 
elements of the megalithic culture. In a lecture delivered 
before the British Association in Manchester in 1915, 
Mr. W. J. Perry threw much light on the problem by 
showing that the carriers of the culture practised weaving 
linen, and in some cases the use of Tyrian purple, pearls, 
precious stones, metals, and conch-shell trumpets, as 
well as curious beliefs and superstitions attached to the 


latter, while they ''adopted certain definite metallurgical 
methods, as well as mining". Mr. Perry's paper was 
subsequently published by the Manchester Literary and 
Philosophical Society. It shows that in Western Europe 
the megalithic monuments are distributed in those areas 
in which ancient pre-Roman and pre-Greek mine work- 
ings and metal washings have been traced. " The same 
correspondence", he writes, "seems to hold in the case 
of England and Wales. In the latter country the 
counties where megalithic structures abound are pre- 
cisely those where mineral deposits and ancient mine- 
workings occur. In England the grouping in Cumber- 
land, Westmorland, Northumberland, Durham, and 
Derbyshire is precisely that of old mines; in Cornwall 
the megalithic structures are mainly grouped west of 
Ealmouth, precisely in that district where mining has 
always been most active." 

Pearls, amber, coral, jet, &c., were searched for as well 
as metals. The megalithic monuments near pearling 
rivers, in the vicinity of Whitby, the main source of 
jet, and in Denmark and the Baltic area w^here amber 
was found were, in all likelihood, erected by people who 
had come under the spell of the same ancient culture. 

When, therefore, we come to deal with groups of 
monuments in areas which were unsuitable for agricul- 
ture and unable to sustain large populations, a reasonable 
conclusion to draw is that precious metals, precious 
stones, or pearls were once found near them. The 
pearling beds may iTave been destroyed or greatly re- 
duced in value, ^ or the metals may have been worked 
out, leaving but slight if any indication that they were 
ever in situ. Reference has been made to the traces 
left by ancient miners in Egypt where no gold is now 

' The Scottish pearling^ beds have suffered great injury in historic times. They are the 
property of the "Crown", and no one takes any interest in them except the "pearl 
poachers ". 


found. In our own day rich goldfields in Australia and 
North America have been exhausted. It would be 
unreasonable for us to suppose that the same thing did 
not happen in our country, even although but slight 
traces of the precious metal can now be obtained in areas 
which were thoroughly explored by ancient miners. 

When early man reached Scotland in search of suit- 
able districts in which to settle, he was not likely to be 
attracted by the barren or semi-barren areas in which 
nature grudged soil for cultivation, where pasture lands 
were poor and the coasts were lashed by great billows 
for the greater part of the year, and the tempests of winter 
and spring were particularly severe. Yet in such places 
as Carloway, fronting the Atlantic on the west coast of 
Lewis, and at Stennis in Orkney, across the dangerous 
Pentland Firth, are found the most imposing stone 
circles north of Stonehenge and Avebury. Traces of 
tin have been found in Lewis, and Orkney has yielded 
traces of lead, including silver-lead, copper and zinc, and 
has flint in glacial drift. Traces of tin have likewise 
been found on the mainlands of Ross-shire and Argyll- 
shire, in various islands of the Hebrides and in Stirling- 
shire. The great Stonehenge circle is like the Callernish 
and Stennis circles situated in a semi-barren area, but it 
is an area where surface tin and gold were anciently 
obtained. One cannot help concluding that the early 
people, who populated the wastes of ancient Britain and 
erected megalithic monuments, were attracted by some- 
thing more tangible than the charms of solitude and 
wild scenery. They searched for and found the things 
they required. If they found gold, it must be recognized 
that there was a psychological motive for the search for 
this precious metal. They valued gold, or whatever 
other metal they worked in bleak and isolated places, 
because they had learned to value it elsewhere. 

NVho were the people that first searched for, found, 


and used metals in Western Europe? Some have 
assumed that the natives themselves did so "as a matter 
of course". Such a theory is, however, difficult to 
maintain. Gold is a useless metal for all practical pur- 
poses. It is too soft for implements. Besides, it cannot 
be found or worked except by those who have acquired 
a great deal of knowledge and skill. The men who first 
"washed" it from the soil in Britain must have obtained 
the necessary knowledge and skill in a country where 
it was more plentiful and much easier to work, and 
where — and this point is a most important one — the 
magical and religious beliefs connected with gold have 
a very definite history. Copper, tin, and silver were 
even more difficult to find and work in Britain. The 
ancient people who reached Britain and first worked 
metals or collected ores were not the people who were 
accustomed to use implements of bone, horn, and flint, 
and had been attracted to its shores merely because fish, 
fowl, deer, and cows, were numerous. The searchers for 
metals must have come from centres of Eastern civiliza- 
tion, or from colonies of highly skilled peoples that 
had been established in Western Europe. They did 
not necessarily come to settle permanently in Britain, 
but rather to exploit its natural riches. 

This conclusion is no mere hypothesis. Siret,^ the 
Belgian archieologist, has discovered in southern Spain 
and Portugal traces of numerous settlements of Flasterners 
who searched for minerals, &c., long before the introduc- 
tion of bronze working in Western Europe. They came 
during the archaeological "Stone Age"; they even 
introduced some of the flint implements classed as 
Neolithic by the archaeologists of a past generation. 

These Eastern colonists do not appear to have been an 
organized people. Siret considers that they were merely 
groups of people from Asia — probably the Syrian coast 

> LAiithropologie. igai, contains a lonp account of his discov.-rics. 


— who were in contact with Egypt. During the Empire 
period of Egypt, the Egyptian sphere of influence 
extended to the borders of Asia iMinor. At an earlier 
period Babylonian influence permeated the Syrian coast 
and part of Asia Minor. The religious beliefs of seafarers 
from Syria were likely therefore to bear traces of the 
Egyptian and Babylonian religious systems. Evidence 
that this was the case has been forthcoming in Spain. 

These Eastern colonists not only operated in Spain 
and Portugal, but established contact with Northern 
Europe, They exported what they had searched for 
and found to their Eastern markets. No doubt, they 
employed native labour, but they do not appear to have 
instructed the natives how to make use of the ores they 
themselves valued so highly. In time they were 
expelled from Spain and Portugal by the people or 
mixed peoples who introduced the working of bronze 
and made use of bronze weapons. These bronze carriers 
and workers came from Central Europe, where colonies 
of peoples skilled in the arts of mining and metal work- 
ing had been established. In the Central European 
colonies /Egean and Danubian influences have been 

Among the archaeological finds, which prove that the 
Easterners settled in Iberia before bronze working was 
introduced among the natives, are idol-like objects made 
of hippopotamus ivory from Egypt, a shell {Dentalium 
elcpJiantum) from the Red Sea, objects made from 
ostrich eggs which must have been carried to Spain 
from Africa, alabaster perfume flasks, cups of marble 
and alabaster of Egyptian character which had been 
shaped with copper implements. Oriental painted vases 
with decorations in red, black, blue, and green, ^ mural 
paintings on layers of plaster, feminine statuettes in 
alabaster which Siret considers to be of Babylonian type, 

• TliL- colours blue and Brecn were nbtaincil Irom copper. 


for they differ from JEgean and Egyptian statuettes, a 
cult object (found in graves) resembling the Egyptian 
ded amulet, &c. The Iberian burial places of these 
Eastern colonists have arched cupolas and entrance 
corridors of Egyptian-IMycenasan character. 

Of special interest are the beautifully worked flints 
associated with these Eastern remains in Spain and 
Portugal. Siret draws attention to the fact that no trace 
has been found of "flint factories". This particular 
flint industry was an entirely new one. It was not a 
development of earlier flint-working in Iberia. Appar- 
endy the new industry, which suddenly appears in full 
perfection, was introduced by the Eastern colonists. It 
afterwards spread over the whole maritime west, includ- 
ing Scandinavia where the metal implements of more 
advanced countries were imitated in flint. This impor- 
tant fact emphasizes the need for caution in making use 
of such a term as " Neolithic Age ". Siret's view in this 
connection is that the Easterners, who established trading 
colonies in Spain and elsewhere, prevented the local use 
of metals which they had come to search for and export. 
It was part of their policy to keep the natives in ignor- 
ance of the uses to which metals could be put. 

Evidence has been forthcoming that the operations of 
the Eastern colonies in Spain and Portugal were ex- 
tended towards the maritime north. Associated with 
the Oriential relics already referred to, Siret has dis- 
covered amber from the Baltic, jet from Britain (appar- 
ently from Whitby in Yorkshire) and the green-stone 
called "callais" usually found in beds of tin. The 
Eastern seafarers must have visited Northern Europe to 
exploit its virgin riches. A green-stone axe was found, 
as has been stated, near the boat with the cork plug, which 
lay embedded in Clyde silt at Glasgow. Artifacts of 
callais have been discovered in Brittany, in the south of 
France, in Portugal, and in south-eastern Spain. In the 


latter area, as Sirct has proved, the Easterners worked 
silver-bearing lead and copper. 

The colonists appear to have likewise searched for and 
found gold. A diadem of gold was discovered in a 
necropolis in the south of Spain, where some eminent 
ancient had been interred. This find is, however, an 
exception. Precious metals do not as a rule appear in 
the graves of the period under consideration. 

As has been suggested, the Easterners who exploited 
the wealth of ancient Iberia kept the natives in ignor- 
ance. " This ignorance", Siret says, "was the guarantee 
of the prosperity of the commerce carried on by the 
strangers. . . . The first action of the East on the 
West was the exploitation for its exclusive and personal 
profit of the virgin riches of the latter." These early 
Westerners had no idea of the use and value of the 
metals lying on the surface of their native land, while 
the Orientals valued them, were in need of them, and 
were anxious to obtain them. As Siret puts it: 

" The West was a cow to be milked, a sheep to be fleeced, 
a field to be cultivated, a mine to be exploited." 

In the traditions preserved by classical writers, there 
are references to the skill and cunning of the Phoenicians 
in commerce, and in the exploitation of colonies founded 
among the ignorant Iberians. They did not inform 
rival traders where they found metals. "Formerly", 
as Strabo says, "the Phoenicians monopolized the trade 
from Gades (Cadiz) with the islanders (of the Cassiter- 
ides); and they kept the route a close secret." A vague 
ancient tradition is preserved by Pliny, who tells that 
"tin was first fetched from Cassiteris (the tin island) by 
Midacritus".' We owe it to the secretive Phoenicians 
that the problem of the Cassiterides still remains a 
difficult one to solve. 

I yat. Uisi.. Vll. .sf'(57V S 197- 


To keep the native people ignorant the Easterners, 
Siret believes, forbade the use of metals in their own 
colonies. A direct result of this policy was the great 
development which took place in the manufacture of the 
beautiful flint implements already referred to. These 
the natives imitated, never dreaming that they were imi- 
tating some forms that had been developed by a people 
who used copper in their own country. When, therefore, 
we pick up beautiful Neolithic flints, we cannot be too 
sure that the skill displayed belongs entirely to the 
"Stone Age", or that the flints "evolved" from earlier 
native forms in those areas in which they are found. 

The Easterners do not appear to have extracted the 
metals from their ores either in Iberia or in Northern 
Europe. Tin-stone and silver-bearing lead were used 
for ballast for their ships, and they made anchors of 
lead. Gold washed from river beds could be easily 
packed in small bulk. A people who lived by hunting 
and fishing were not likely to be greatly interested in 
the laborious process of gold-washing. Nor were they 
likely to attach to gold a magical and religious value as 
did the ancient Egyptians and Sumerians. 

So far as can be gathered from the Iberian evidence, 
the period of exploitation by the colonists from the East 
was a somewhat prolonged one. How many centuries 
it covered we can only guess. It is of interest to find, 
in this connection, however, that something was known 
in Mesopotamia before 2000 B.C. regarding the natural 
riches of Western Europe. Tablets have recently been 
found on the site of Asshur, the ancient capital of Assyria, 
which was originally a Sumerian settlement. These 
make reference to the Empire of Sargon of Akkad {c. 
2600 B.C.), which, according to tradition, extended from 
the Persian Gulf to the Syrian coast. Sargon was a 
great conqueror. "He poured out his glory over the 
world ", declares a tablet found a good many years ago. 


It was believed, too, that Sargon embarked on the Medi- 
terranean and occupied Cyprus. The fresh evidence 
from the site of Asshur is to the eftect that he conquered 
Kaptara (? Crete) and '*the Tin Land beyond the Upper 
Sea " (the Mediterranean). The explanation may be 
that he obtained control of the markets to which the 
Easterners carried from Spain and the coasts of Northern 
Europe the ores, pearls, &c., they had searched for and 
found. It may be, therefore, that Britain was visited 
by Easterners even before Sargon's time, and that the 
Glasgow boat with the plug of cork was manned by dark 
Orientals who were prospecting the Scottish coast before 
the last land movement had ceased — that is, some time 
after 3000 B.C. 

When the Easterners were expelled from Spain by a 
people from Central Europe who used weapons of 
bronze, some of them appear to have found refuge in 
Gaul. Siret is of opinion that others withdrew from 
Brittany, where subsidences were taking place along the 
coast, leaving their megalithic monuments below high- 
water mark, and even under several feet of water as at 
Morbraz. He thinks that the settlements of Easterners 
in Brittany were invaded at one and the same time by 
the enemy and the ocean. Other refugees from the 
colonies may have settled in Etruria, and founded the 
Etruscan civilization. Etruscan menhirs resemble those 
of the south of France, while the Etruscan crpzier or 
wand, used in the art of augury, resembles the croziers 
of the megaliths, &c., of France, Spain, and Portugal. 
There are references in Scottish Gaelic stories to *' magic 
wands" possessed by "wise women", and by the 
mothers of Cyclopean one-eyed giants. Ammianus 
Marcellinus, quoting Timagenes,^ attributes to the 

• Timacfnrs(r. 85-5 B.' . ). an Alexandrian hiKlorian, wrote a hi»tor> of the Gauls which 
was made iisr of by Ammianus Marrrllinus (a. P. fourth century), a Greek of Antioch, and 
the author of a history of the Roman Emperors. 

L'ppcr: Kit's Coly Hoiisl-, Kent. Lower: Tnthcvy Stone, Cornwall. 


Druids the statement that part of the inhabitants of Gaul 
were indigenous, but that some had come from the 
farthest shores and districts across the Rhine, "having 
been expelled from their own lands by frequent wars 
and the encroachments of the ocean ". 

The bronze-using peoples who established overland 
trade routes in Europe, displacing in some localities the 
colonies of Easterners and isolating others, must have 
instructed the natives of Western Europe how to mine 
and use metals. Bronze appears to have been introduced 
into Britain by traders. That the ancient Britons did 
not begin quite spontaneously to work copper and tin 
and manufacture bronze is quite evident, because the 
earliest specimens of British bronze which have been 
found are made of ninety per cent of copper and ten per 
cent of tin as on the Continent. " Now, since a know- 
ledge of the compound ", wrote Dr. Robert Munro, 
"implies a previous acquaintance with its component 
elements, it follows that progress in metallurgy had 
already reached the stage of knowing the best combina- 
tion of these metals for the manufacture of cutting tools 
before bronze was practically known in Britain."' 

The furnaces used were not invented in Britain. Pro- 
fessor Gowland has shown that in Europe and Asia the 
system of working mines and melting metals was iden- 
tical in ancient times.' Summarizing Professor Gow- 
land's articles in Archceologia and the Journal of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute, Mr. W. J. Perry writes 
in this connection :2 "The furnaces employed were 
similar; the crucibles were of the same material, and 
generally of the same form; the process of smelting, 
first on the surface and then in the crucibles was found 
t'xery where, even persisting down to present times in 

• Prehistoric Britain, p. 145. 

• The Relationship hetvxen thr aros>af>hiral Distribution of MegaliiUic Monuments 
)ii Ancient Mines, pp. 21 et seg. 


the absence of any fresh cultural influence. The study 
of the technique of mining and smelting has served to 
consolidate the floating mass of facts which we have 
accumulated, and to add support for the contention that 
one cultural influence is responsible for the earliest 
mining and smelting and washing of metals and the 
getting of precious stones and metals. The cause of 
the distribution of the megalithic culture was the search 
for certain forms of material wealth." 

That certain of the megalithic monuments were in- 
timately connected with the people who attached a 
religious value to metals is brought out very forcibly in 
the references to pagan customs and beliefs in early 
Christian Gaelic literature. There are statements in the 
Lives of St. Patrick regarding a pagan god called **Cenn 
Cruach " and "Crom Cruach " whose stone statue was 
"adorned with gold and silver, and surrounded by 
twelve other statues with bronze ornaments". The 
"statue" is called "the king idol of Erin", and it is 
stated that "the twelve idols were made of stone, but he 
(' Crom Cruach ') was of gold ". -To this god of a stone 
circle were offered up "the firstlings of every issue and 
the chief scions of every clan ". Another idol was called 
Crom Dubh ("Black Crom"), and his name "is still 
connected ", O'Curry has written, " with the first Sunday 
of August in Munster and Connaught". An Ulster 
idol was called Crom Chonnaill, which was either a 
living animal or a tree, or was "believed to have been 
such", O'Curry says. De Jubainville translates Ceyin 
Cruach as "Bloody Head" and Crom Cruach as 
"Bloody Curb" or "Bloody Crescent". O'Curry, on 
the other hand, translates Crom Cruach as "Bloody 
Maggot" and Crom Dubh as "Black Maggot". In 
Gaelic legends " maggots" or " worms" are referred to 
as forms of supernatural beings. The maggot which 
appeared on the flesh of a slain animal was apparently 


regarded as a new form assumed by the indestructible 
soul, just as in the Egyptian story of Bata the germ of 
life passes from his bull form in a drop of blood from 
which two trees spring up, and then in a chip from one 
of the trees from which the man is restored in his 
original form.^ A similar belief, which is widespread, 
is that bees have their origin as maggots placed in trees. 
One form of the story was taken over by the early 
Christians, which tells that Jesus was travelling with 
Peter and Paul and asked hospitality from an old 
woman. The woman refused it and struck Paul on the 
head. When the wound putrified maggots were pro- 
duced. Jesus took the maggots from the wound and 
placed them in the hollow of a tree. When next they 
passed that way, "Jesus directed Paul to look in the 
tree hollow where, to his surprise, he found bees and 
honey sprung from his own head".- The custom of 
placing crape on hives and "telling the bees" when a 
death takes place, which still survives in the south of 
England and in the north of Scotland, appears to be 
connected with the ancient belief that the maggot, bee, 
and tree were connected with the sacred animal and the 
sacred stone in which was the spirit of a deity. Sacred 
trees and sacred stones were intimately connected. 
Tacitus tells us that the Romans invaded Mona (Angle- 
sea), they destroyed the sacred groves in which the 
Druids and black-robed priestesses covered the altars 
with the blood of captives.^ There are a number of 
dolmens on this island and traces of ancient mine- 
workings, indicating that it had been occupied by the 
early seafarers who colonized Britain and Ireland and 
worked metals. A connection between the tree cult of 
the Druids and the cult of the builders of megaliths is 

' A worm crept from the heart of a dead Phcenix, and gave origin to a new Pho-nix.— 
Herodotus, II, 73. 
» Rendel Harris, The Ascent of Olympus, p. a. 
* Annals of Tacitus. Book XIV, Chapter »<t-y>. 


thus suggested by Tacitus, as well as by the Irish 
evidence regarding the Ulster idol Crom Chonnaill, 
referred to above (see also Chapter XII). 

Who were the people that followed the earliest 
Easterners and visited our shores to search like them 
for metals and erect megalithic monuments? It is impos- 
sible to answer that question with certainty. There 
were after the introduction of bronze working, as has been 
indicated, intrusions of aliens. These included the intro- 
ducers of the short-barrow method of burial and the later 
introducers of burial by cremation. It does not follow 
that all intrusions were those of conquerors. Traders 
and artisans may have come with their families in large 
numbers and mingled with the earlier peoples. Some 
intruders appear to have come by overland routes from 
southern and central France and from Central Europe 
and the Danube valley, while others came across the sea 
from Spain. That a regular over-seas trade-route was 
in existence is indicated by the references made by 
classical writers to the Cassiterides (Tin Islands). 
Strabo tells that the natives "bartered tin and hides 
with merchants for pottery, salt, and articles of bronze". 
The Phoenicians, as has been noted, "monopolized the 
trade from Gades (Cadiz) with the islanders and kept the 
route a close secret". It was probably along this sea- 
route that Egyptian blue beads reached Britain. Pro- 
fessor Sayce has identified a number of these in Devizes 
Museum, and writes: 

"They are met with plentifully in the Early Bronze Age 
tumuli of Wiltshire in association with amber beads and 
barrel-shaped beads of jet or lignite. Three of them come 
from Stoneb.enge itself. Similar beads of ivory have been 
found in a Bronze Age cist near Warminster: if the material 
is really ivory it must have been derived from the East. The 
cylindrical faience beads, it may be added, have been dis- 
covered in Dorsetshire as well as in Wiltshire." 



Professor Sayce emphasizes that these blue beads 
''belong to one particular period in Egyptian history, 
the latter part of the Eighteenth Dynasty and the earlier 
part of the Nineteenth Dynasty. . . . The period to 
which they belong may be dated 1450- 1250 B.C., and as 

Beads from Bronze Age Barrows on Salisbury Plain 

The large central bead and the small round ones are of amber; the long plain 
ones are of jet; and the long segmented or notched beads are of an opaque blue 
substance (faience). 

we must allow some time tor their passage across the 
trade routes to Wiltshire an approximate date for their 
presence in the British barrows will be 1300 B.C." 

Dr. H. R. Hall, of the British Museum, who dis- 
covered, at Deir el-Bahari in Egypt, "thousands of blue 
glaze beads of the exact particular type of those found 
in Britain", says that they date back till "about 1500 
B.C. ". He noted the resemblance before Professor 


Sayce had written. "It is gratifying", he comments, 
"that the Professor agrees that the Devizes beads are 
undoubtedly Egyptian, as an important voice is thereby 
added to the consensus of opinion on the subject." 
Similar beads have been found in the "Middle Bronze 
Age in Crete and in Western Europe". Dr. Hall 
thinks the Egyptian beads may have reached Britain 
as early as "about 1400 B.C. ".^ We have thus provided 
for us an early date in British history, based on the 
well authenticated chronology of the Empire period of 
Ancient Egypt. Easterners, or traders in touch with 
Easterners, reached our shores carrying Egyptian beads 
shortly before or early in the fourteenth century B.C. 
At this time amber was being imported into the south 
of England from the Baltic, while jet was being carried 
from Whitby in Yorkshire. 

After the introduction of bronze working in Western 
Europe the natives began to work and use metals. 
These could not have been Celts, for in the fourteenth 
century B.C. the Celts had not yet reached Western 
Europe. 2 The earliest searchers for metals who visited 
Britain must therefore have been the congeners of those 
who erected the megalithic monuments in the metal- 
yielding areas of vSpain and Portugal and north-western 

It would appear that the early Easterners exploited 
the virgin riches of Western Europe for a long period — 
perhaps for over a thousand years — and that, after their 
Spanish colonies were broken up by a bronze-using 
people from Central Europe, the knowledge of how to 
work metals spread among the natives. Overland trade 
routes were then opened up. At first these were controlled 
in Western Europe by the Iberians. In time the Celts 

« The Journal 0/ Egyptian Archtrolosy, Vol. I, part I, pp. 18-19. 

* It may be that Celtic chronology will have to be readjusted in the light of recent 


swept westward and formed with the natives mixed 
communities of Celtiberians. The Easterners appear to 
have inaugurated a new era in Western European com- 
merce after the introduction of iron working. They had 
colonies in tlie south and west of Europe and on the 
North African coast, and obtained supplies of metals, 
&c., by sea. They kept the sea-routes secret. British 
ores, &c., were carried to Spain and Carthage. After 
Pytheas visited Britain (see next chapter) the overland 
trade-route to Marseilles was opened up. Supplies of 
surface tin having become exhausted, tin-mines were 
opened in Cornwall. The trade of Britain then came 
under the control of Celtiberian and Celtic peoples, who 
had acquired their knowledge of shipbuilding and 
navigation from the Easterners and the mixed descen- 
dants of Eastern and Iberian peoples. 

It does not follow that the early and later Easterners 
were all of one physical type. They, no doubt, brought 
with them their slaves, including miners and seamen, 
drawn from various countries where they had been pur- 
chased or abducted. 

The men who controlled the ancient trade were not 
necessarily permanent settlers in Western Europe. 
When the carriers of bronze from Central Europe 
obtained control of the Iberian colonies, many traders 
may have fled to other countries, but many colonists, and 
especially the workers, may have become the slaves of 
the intruders, as did the Firbolgs of Ireland who were 
subdued by the Celts. The Damnonians of Britain and 
Ireland who occupied mineral areas may have been a 
"wave" of early Celtic or Celtiberian people. Ulti- 
mately the Celts came, as did the later Normans, and 
formed military aristocracies over peoples of mixed 
descent. The idea that each intrusion involved the 
extermination of earlier peoples is a theory which does 
not accord with the evidence of the ancient Gaelic manu- 


scripts, of classical writers, of folk tradition, and of exist- 
ing race types in different areas in Britain and Ireland. 
A people who exterminated those they conquered 
would have robbed themselves of the chief fruits of 
conquest. In ancient as in later times the aim of 
C(jnquest was to obtain the services of a subject people 
and the control of trade. 


Celts and Iberians as Intruders and 

Few Invasions in looo Years — Broad-heads — Tiie Cremating^ 
People— A New Religion— Celtic People in Britain— The Continental 
Celts— Were Celts Dark or Fair?— Fair Types in Britain and Ireland- 
Celts as Pork Traders— The Ancient Tin Trade— Early Explorers— 
Pytheas and Himilco— The Cassiterides— Tin Mines and Surface Tin- 
Cornish Tin — Metals in Hebrides and Ireland — Lead in Orkney — Dark 
People in Hebrides and Orkney— Celtic Art— Homeric Civilization in 
Britain and Ireland— Why Romans were Conquerors. 

The beginnings of the Bronze and Iron Ages in Britain 
are, according to the chronology favoured by archae- 
ologists, separated by about a thousand years. During 
this long period only two or three invasions appear to 
have taken place, but it is uncertain, as has been indicated, 
whether these came as sudden outbursts from the Con- 
tinent or were simply gradual and peaceful infiltrations 
of traders and settlers. We really know nothing about 
the broad-headed people who introduced the round- 
barrow system of burial, or of the people who cre- 
mated their dead. The latter became predominant in 
south-western England and part of Wales. In the north 
of England the cremating people were less numerous. 
If they were conquerors they may have, as has been sug- 
gested, represented military aristocracies. It may be, 
however, on the other hand, that the cremation custom 
had in some areas more a religious than a racial signifi- 

1 lO 


cance. The beliefs associated with cremation of the 
dead may have spread farther than the people who in- 
troduced the new religion. It would appear that the habit 
of burning the dead was an expresssion of the beliefs 
that souls were transported by means of fire to the Other- 
world paradise. As much is indicated by Greek evidence. 
Homer's heroes burned their dead, and when the ghost 
of Patroklos appeared to his friend Achilles in a dream, 
he said: **Thou sleepest, and hast forgotten me, O 
Achilles. Not in my life wast thou unmindful of me, 
but in my death. Bury me with all speed, that I may 
pass the gates of Hades. Far off the spirits banish me, 
the phantoms of men outworn, nor suffer me to mingle 
with them beyond the River, but vainly I wander along 
the wide-gated dwelling of Hades. Now give me, I pray 
pitifully of thee, thy hand, for never more again shall 
I come back from Hades, when ye have given me my 
due of fire."^ The Arab traveller Ibn Haukal, who 
describes a tenth-century cremation ceremony at Kieff, 
was addressed by a Russ, who said: " As for you Arabs 
you are mad, for those who are the most dear to you, 
and whom you honour most, you place in the ground, 
where they will become a prey to worms, whereas with 
us they are burned in an instant and go straight to 
Paradise." "^ 

The cremating people, who swept into Greece and 
became the over-lords of the earlier settlers, were repre- 
sented in the western movement of tribes towards Gaul 
and Britain. It is uncertain where the cremation 
custom had origin. Apparently it entered Europe from 
Asia. The Vedic Aryans who invaded Northern India 
worshipped the fire-god Agni, who was believed to carry 
souls to Paradise; they cremated their dead and com- 

• Iliad, XXUI. 7s (Lang. Leaf, and Myers' translation, p. 4Sa)- 

« The Mythology of the Eddas, pp. 538-9 {Transactions of the Royal Society 0/ Litera- 
turf, second series. Vol. XII). 


bined with it the practice of suttee, that is, of burning 
the widows of the dead. In Gaul, however, as we 
gather from Julius C^sar, only those widows suspected of 
being concerned in the death of their husbands were 
burned. The Norsemen, however, were acquainted 
with suttee. In one of the Volsung lays Brynhild rides 
towards the pyre on which Sigurd is being burned, and 
casts herself into the flames. The Russians strangled 
and burned widows when great men were cremated. 

The cremating people erected megalithic monuments, 
some of which cover their graves in Britain and else- 

In some districts the intruders of the Bronze Age 
were the earliest settlers. The evidence of the graves in 
Buchan, Aberdeenshire, for instance, shows that the 
broad-heads colonized that area. It may be that, like 
the later Norsemen, bands of people sought for new 
homes in countries where the struggle for existence 
would be less arduous than in their own, which suffered 
from over population, and did not land at points where 
resistance was offered to them. Agriculturists would, no 
doubt, select areas suitable for their mode of life and 
favour river valleys, while seafarers and fishermen 
would cling to the coasts. The tendency of fishermen 
and agriculturists to live apart in separate communities 
has persisted till our own time. There are fishing 
villages along the east coast of Scotland the inhabitants 
of which rarely intermarry with those who draw their 
means of sustenance from the land. 

During the Bronze Age Celtic peoples were filter- 
ing into Britain from Gaul. They appear to have come 
originally from the Danube area as conquerors who 
imposed their rule on the people they subjected. Like 
the Achaeans who overran Greece they seem to have 
originally been a vigorous pastoral people who had 
herds of pigs, were "horse-tamers", used chariots, and 


were fierce and impetuous in battle. In time they 
crossed the Rhine and occupied Gaul. They overcame 
the Etruscans. In 390 B.C. they sacked Rome, Their 
invasion of Greece occurred in the third century, but 
their attempt to reach Delphi was frustrated. Crossing 
into Asia Minor they secured a footin^r in the area 
subsequently known as Galatia, and their descendants 
there were addressed in an epistle by St. Paul. 

Like the Achasans, the Celts appear to have absorbed 
the culture of the ^Egean area and that of the ^gean 
colony at Hallstatt in Austria. They were withal the 
"carriers" of the La Tene Iron Age culture to Britain 
and Ireland. The potter's wheel was introduced by 
them into Britain during the archaeological early Iron 
Age. It is possible that the cremating people of the 
Bronze Age were a Celtic people. But later "waves" 
of the fighting charioteers did not cremate their dead. 

Sharp difference of opinion exists between scholars 
regarding the Celts. Some identify them with the dark- 
haired, broad-headed Armenoids, and others with the 
tall and fair long-headed people of Northern Europe. 
It is possible that the Celts were not a pure race, but 
rather a confederacy of peoples who were influenced at 
different periods by different cultures. That some sec- 
tions were confederacies or small nations of blended 
people is made evident by classic references to the 
Celtiberians, the Celto-Scythians, the Celto-Ligyes, the 
Celto-Thracians, and the Celtillyrians. On reaching 
Britain they mingled with the earlier settlers, forming 
military aristocracies, and dominating large areas. The 
fair Caledonians of Scotland had a Celtic tribal name, 
and used chariots in battle like the Continental Celts. 
Two Caledonian personal names are known — Calgacus 
("swordsman ") and Argentocoxus (" white foot "). In 
Ireland the predominant tribes before and during the 
early Roman period were of similar type. Queen Meave 

Weapons and Religious Objects (British Museum) 

Bronze socketed celts, bronze dagger, sword and spuar-hcads from Thames; two brnnre 

boars with "sun-dKc" ears, which were worn on armour; bronze "sun-disc" from 

Ireland; '•chalk drum" from grave (Yorkshire), with ornamentation showing buttcrHy 

and St. Andrew's Cross symbols; warrior with shield, from rock carvmg (Denmark). 

(r.ai7) n:^ 9 


of Connaught was like Queen Boadicea^ of the Iceni, a 
fair-haired woman who rode to battle in a chariot. 

The Continental trade routes up the Danube and 
Rhone valleys leading towards Britain were for some 
centuries under the control of the Celts. It was no 
doubt to obtain a control over trade that they entered 
Britain and Ireland. On the Continent they engaged 
in pork curing, and supplied Rome and indeed the 
whole of Italy with smoked and salted bacon. Dr. 
Sullivan tells that among the ancient Irish the general 
name for bacon was tini. Smoke-cured hams and 
flitches were called tineiccas, which "is almost identical 
in form with the Gallo-Roman word taniaccae or tanacae 
used by Varro for hams imported from Transalpine 
Gaul into Rome and other parts of Italy ". Puddings 
prepared from the blood of pigs — now known as " black 
puddings" — were, we learn from Varro, likewise ex- 
ported from Gaul to Italy. The ancient Irish were 
partial to "black puddings".' It would appear, therefore, 
that the so-called dreamy Celt was a greasy pork 

According to Strabo the exports from Britain in the 
early part of the first century consisted of gold, silver, 
and iron, wheat, cattle, skins, slaves, and dogs; while 
the imports included ivory ornaments, such as bracelets, 
amber beads, and glass. Tin was exported from Corn- 
wall to Gaul, and carried overland to Marseilles, but 
this does not appear to have been the earliest route. 
As has been indicated, tin appears to have been carried, 
before the Celts obtained control of British trade, by the 
sea route to the Carthaginian colonies in Spain. 

The Carthaginians had long kept secret the sources 
of their supplies of tin from the group of islands known 

' Roudicca was her real name. 

= Introduction to O'Ciirry's Manners nud Ciis/oms of thr Atnieiit Irtsli, Vol. 1, pp. 
rclxix et srg. 


as the Cassiterides. About 322 B.C., however, the 
Greek merchants at Marseilles fitted out an expedition 
which was placed in charge of Pytheas, a mathematician, 
for the purpose of exploring the northern area. This 
scholar wrote an account of his voyage, but only frag- 
ments of it quoted by different ancient authors have 
come down to us. He appears to have coasted round 
Spain and Brittany, and to have sailed up the English 
Channel to Kent, to have reached as far north as Orkney 
and Shetland, and perhaps, as some think, Iceland, to 
have crossed the North Sea towards the mouth of the 
Baltic, and explored a part of the coast of Norway. He 
returned to Britain, which he appears to have partly 
explored before crossing over to Gaul. In an extract 
from his diary, quoted by Strabo, he tells that the Britons 
in certain districts not detailed grew corn, millet, and 
vegetables. Such of them as had corn and honey made 
a beverage from these materials. They brought the 
corn ears into great houses (barns) and threshed them 
there, for on account of the rain and lack of sunshine 
out-door threshing floors were of little use to them. 
Pytheas noted that in Britain the days were longer and 
the nights brighter than in the Mediterranean area. In 
the northern parts he visited the nights were so short that 
the interval between sunset and sunrise was scarcely 
perceptible. The farthest north headland of Britain was 
Cape Orcas.^ Six days sail north of Britain lay Thule, 
which was situated near the frozen sea. There a day 
lasted six months and a night for the same space of 

Another extract refers to hot springs in Britain, and a 
presiding deity identified with Minerva, in whose temple 
"the fires never go out, yet never whiten into ashes; 
when the fire has got dull it turns into round lumps like 
stones ". Apparently coal was in use at a temple situated 

' Orcaa is a Celtic word signifying " young boar". 


at Bath. TiiiKeus, a contemporary of Pytheas, quoting: 
from the lost diary of the explorer, states that tin was 
found on an island called Mictis, lying inwards (north- 
ward) at a distance of six days' sail from Britain. The 
natives made voyages to and from the island in their 
canoes of wickerwork covered with hides. Mictis could 
not have been Cornwall or an island in the English 
Channel. Strabo states that Crassus, who succeeded in 
reaching the Cassiterides, announced that the distance 
to them was greater than that from the Continent to 
Britain, and he found that the tin ore lay on the surface. 
Evidently tin was not mined on the island of Mictis as 
it was in Cornwall in later times. 

An earlier explorer than Pytheas was Himilco, the 
Carthaginian. He reached Britain about 500 B.C. A 
Latin metrical rendering of his lost work was made by 
Rufus Festus Avienus in the fourth century of our era. 
Reference is made to the islands called the CEstrymnides 
that " raise their heads, lie scattered, and are rich in tin 
and lead ". These islands were visited by Himilco, and 
were distant "two days voyage from the Sacred Island 
(Ireland) and near the broad Isle of the Albiones". As 
Rufus Festus Avienus refers to "the hardy folk of 
Britain", his Albiones may have been the people of 
Scotland. The name Albion was originally applied to 
England and Scotland. In the first century, however, 
Latin writers never used " Albion " except as a curiosity, 
and knew England as Britain. According to Himilco, 
the Tartessi of Spain were wont to trade with the natives 
of the northern tin islands. Even the Carthaginians 
"were accustomed to visit these seas". From other 
sources we learn that the Phoenicians carried tin from the 
Cassiterides direct to the Spanish port of Corbilo, the 
exact location of which is uncertain. 

It is of special importance to note that the tin-stone 
was collected on the surface of the islands before mining 

K.\.\.MI:LL1:D bronze shield (tVom tlie Thames near Battersea) 
(Brilisli .Museum) 


operations were conducted elsewhere. In all probability 
the laborious work of digging mines was not commenced 
before the available surface supplies became scanty. 
According to Sir John Rhys^ the districts in southern 
England, where surface tin was first obtained, were 
"chiefly Dartmoor, with the country round Tavistock 
and that around St. Austell, including several valleys 
looking towards the southern coast of Cornwall. In 
most of the old districts where tin existed, it is supposed 
to have lain too deep to have been worked in early 
times." When, however, Poseidonius visited Cornwall 
in the first century of our era, he found that a beginning 
had been made in skilful mining operations. It may be 
that the trade with the Cassiterides was already languish- 
ing on account of changed political conditions and the 
shortage of supplies. 

Where then were the Cassiterides? M. Reinach 
struck at the heart of the problem when he asked, "In 
what western European island is tin found?" Those 
writers who have favoured the group of islands off the 
north-western coast of Spain are confronted by the diffi- 
culty that these have failed to yield traces of tin, while 
those writers who favour Cornwall and the Scilly Islands 
cannot ignore the precise statements that the "tin 
islands" were farther distant from the Continent than 
Britain, and that in the time of Pytheas tin was carried 
from Mictis, which was six days" sail from Britain. The 
fact that traces of tin, copper, and lead have been found 
in the Hebrides is therefore of special interest. Copper, 
too, has been found in Shetland, and lead and zinc in 
Orkney. Withal there are Gaelic place-names in which 
staoin (tin) is referred to, in Islay, Jura (where there are 
traces of old mine-workings), in lona, and on the main- 
land of Ross-shire. Traces of tin are said to have been 
found in Lewis where the great stone circle of Callernish 

• Celtic Britain, p. 44. 


in a semi-barren area indicates the presence at one time 
in its area of a considerable population. The Hebrides 
may well have been the CEstrymnides of Himilco and 
the Cassiterides of classical writers. Jura or lona may 
have been the Mictis of Pytheas. Tin-stone has been 
found in Ireland too, near Dublin, in Wicklow, and in 

The short dark people in the Hebrides and Orkney 
may well be, like the Silurians of Wales, the descendants 
of the ancient mine workers. They have been referred 
to by some as descendants of the crews of wrecked ships 
of the Spanish Armada, and by others as remnants of 
the Lost Ten Tribes. 

In Irish Gaelic literature, however, there is evidence 
that the dark people were in ancient times believed to be 
the descendants of the Fir-bolgs (men with sacks), the 
Fir-domnann (the men who dug the ground), and the 
Galioin (Gauls). Campbell in his Wesi Highland Tales 
has in a note referred to the dark Hebrideans. "Behind 
the fire", he wrote, "sat a girl with one of those 
strange faces which are occasionally to be seen in the 
Western Isles, a face which reminded me of the Nineveh 
sculptures, and of faces seen in San Sebastian. Her hair 
was black as night, and her clear dark eyes glittered 
through the peat smoke. Her complexion was dark, 
and her features so unlike those who sat about her that 
I asked if she were a native of the island (of Barra), and 
learned that she was a Highland girl." It may be that 
the dark Kastern people were those who introduced the 
Eastern and non-Celtic, non-Teutonic prejudice against 
pork as food into Scotland. In Ireland the Celtic people 
apparently obliterated the "taboo" at an early period. 

It was during the Archaeological Late Bronze and 
Early Iron Ages that the Celtic artistic patterns reached 
England. These betray affinities with ^gean motifs, 
and they were afterwards developed in Ireland and 


Scotland. In both countries they were fused with symbols 
of Egyptian and Anatolian origin. 

Like the Celts and the pre-Hellenic people of Greece 
and Crete, the Britons and the Irish wore breeches. 
The Roman poet, Martial,^ satirizes a life "as loose as 
the old breeches of a British pauper". Claudian, the 
poet, pictures Britannia with her cheeks tattoed and 
wearing a sea-coloured cloak and a cap of bear-skin. 
The fact that the Caledonians fought with scanty cloth- 
ing, as did the Greeks, and as did the Highlanders in 
historic times, must not be taken as proof that they 
could not manufacture cloth. According to Rhys, 
Briton means a "cloth clad"- person. The bronze 
fibulae found at Bronze Age sites could not have been 
used to fasten heavy skins. 

When the Romans reached Britain, the natives, like 
the heroes of Homer, used chariots, and had weapons 
of bronze and iron. The archaeology of the ancient 
Irish stories is of similar character. 

In the Bronze Age the swords were pointed and 
apparently used chiefly for thrusting. The conquerors 
who introduced the unpointed iron swords were able 
to shatter the brittle bronze weapons. These iron 
swords were in turn superseded by the pointed and 
well-tempered swords of the Romans. But it was not 
only their superior weapons, their discipline, and their 
knowledge of military strategy that brought the Romans 
success. England was broken up into a number of 
petty kingdoms. "Our greatest advantage", Tacitus 
confessed, "in dealing with such powerful people is 
that they cannot act in concert; it is seldom that even 
two or three tribes will join in meeting a common 
danger; and so while each fights for himself they are 
all conquered together."^ 

• Ep. X, 22. ^ Celtic Britain (4th edition), p. 212. 

» Tacitus. Agricola, Chap. XII. 


When the Britons, under Agricola, began to adopt 
Roman civilization they "rose superior", Tacitus says, 
"by the forces of their natural genius, to the attain- 
ments of the Gauls ". In time they adopted the Roman 
dress, ^ which may have been the prototype of the kilt. 
The Roman language supplanted the Celtic dialects 
in certain parts of England. 

iAg-n\ola, Chap. XXI. 

Races of Britain and Ireland 

Colours or Ancient Races and Mythical Ages— Caucasian Race 
Theory— The Aryan or Indo-European Theory— Races and Languages 
—Celts and Teutons— Fair and Dark Palaeolithic Peoples in Modern 
Britain— Mediterranean Man— The Armenoid or Alpine Broad-heads 
— Ancient British Tribes — Cruithne and Picts — The Picts of the 
" Brochs " as Pirates and Traders— Picts and Fairies— Scottish Types- 
Racial " Pockets". 

The race problem has ever been one of engrossing 
interest to civilized peoples. In almost every old 
mythology we meet with theories that were formulated 
to account for the existence of the different races living 
in the world, and for the races that were supposed to 
have existed for a time and became extinct. An out- 
standing feature of each racial myth is that the people 
among whom it grew up are invariably represented to 
be the finest type of humanity. 

A widespread habit, and one of great antiquity, was 
to divide the races, as the world was divided, into 
four sections, and to distinguish them by their colours. 
The colours were those of the cardinal points and chiefly 
Black, White, Red, and Yellow. The same system was 
adopted in dealing with extinct races. Each of these were 
coloured according to the Age in which they had exis- 
tence, and the colours were connected with metals. 
In Greece and India, for instance, the "Yellow Age" 
was a "Golden Age", the "White Age" a "Silver 


Age", the "Red Age" a "Bronze Age", and the 
"Black Age" an "Iron Age". 

Although the old theories regarding the mythical 
ages and mythical races have long been discarded, 
the habit of dividing mankind and their history into 
four sections, according to colours and the metals chiefly 
used by them, is not yet extinct. We still speak of 
the "Black man", the "Yellow man", the "Red 
man", and the "White man". Archaeologists have 
divided what they call the " pre-history of mankind" 
into the two "Stone Ages ", the " Bronze Age " and the 
"Iron Age". The belief that certain races have be- 
come extinct as the result of conquest by invaders is 
still traceable in those histories that refer, for instance, 
to the disappearance of "Stone Age man " or "Bronze 
Age man ", or of the British Celts, or of the Picts of 

That some races have completely disappeared there 
can be no shadow of a doubt. As we have seen, 
Neanderthal man entirely vanished from the face of the 
globe, and has not left a single descendant among the 
races of mankind. In our own day the Tasmanians 
have become extinct. These cases, however, are ex- 
ceptional. The complete extinction of a race is an 
unusual thing in the history of mankind. A section 
may vanish in one particular area and yet persist in 
another. As a rule, in those districts where races are 
supposed to have perished, it is found that they have 
been absorbed by intruders. In some cases the chief 
change has been one of racial designation and nation- 

Cro-Magnon man, who entered Europe when the 
Neanderthals were hunting the reindeer and other 
animals, is still represented in our midst. Dr. Col- 
lignon, the French ethnologist, who has found many 
representatives of this type in the Dordogne valley 


where their ancestors lived in the decorated cave-dwell- 
ings before their organization was broken up by the 
Azilian and other intruders, shows that the intrusion 
of minorities of males rarely leaves a permanent change 
in a racial type. The alien element tends to dis- 
appear. "When", he writes, "a race is well seated 
in a region, fixed to the soil by agriculture, accli- 
matized by natural selection and sufficiently dense, it 
opposes, for the most precise observations confirm it, 
an enormous resistance to newcomers, whoever they 
may be." Intruders of the male sex only may be bred 
out in time. 

Our interest here is with the races of Britain and 
Ireland, but, as our native islands were peopled from 
the Continent, we cannot ignore the evidence afforded 
by Western and Northern Europe when dealing with 
our own particular phase of the racial problem. 

It is necessary in the first place to get rid of certain 
old theories that were based on imperfect knowledge 
or wrong foundations. One theory applies the term 
"Caucasian Man" to either a considerable section or 
the majority of European peoples. "The utter absur- 
dity of the misnomer Caucasian, as applied to the 
blue-eyed and fair-haired Aryan (?) race of Western 
Europe, is revealed", says Ripley,^ "by two indis- 
putable facts. In the first place, this ideal blond type 
does not occur within many hundred miles of Caucasia; 
and, secondly, nowhere along the great Caucasian chain 
is there a single native tribe making use of a purely 
inflectional or Aryan language." 

The term "Aryan" is similarly a misleading one. 
It was invented by Professor Max Muller and applied 
by him chiefly to a group of languages at a time 
when races were being identified by the languages 
they spoke. These peoples— with as different physical 

» Races oj Europe, p. 436. 


characteristics as have Indians and Norseman, or 
Russians and Spaniards, who spoke Indo-European, or, 
as German scholars have patriotically adapted the term, 
Indo-Germanic languages — were regarded by ethnolo- 
gists of the "philological school" as members of tiie 
one Indo-European or Aryan race or "family". 
Language, however, is no sure indication of race. The 
spread of a language over wide areas may be accounted 
for by trade or political influence or cultural contact. 
In our own day the English language is spoken by 
"Black", "Yellow", and "Red", as well as by 
" White " peoples. 

A safer system is to distinguish racial types by their 
physical peculiarities. When, however, this system is 
applied in Europe, as elsewhere, we shall still find 
differences between peoples. Habits of thought and 
habits of life exercise a stronger influence over indi- 
viduals, and groups of individuals, than do, for in- 
stance, the shape of their heads, the colours of their 
hair, eyes, and skin, or the length and strength of 
their limbs. Two particular individuals may be 
typical representatives of a distinct race and yet not 
only speak different languages, but have a different 
outlook on life, and different ideas as to what is right 
and what is wrong. Different types of people are in 
different parts of the world united by their sense of 
nationality. They are united by language, traditions, 
and beliefs, and by their love of a particular locality 
in which they reside or in which their ancestors were 
wont to reside. A sense of nationality, such as unites 
the British Empire, may extend to far-distant parts of 
the world. 

But, while conscious of the uniting sense of nation- 
ality, our people are at the same time conscious of and 
interested in their physical difi"erences and the histories 
of different sections of our countrymen. The problem as 

i:L"Ruri:AX ivimcs 

I, Moclilcn-.-iMCHii. II, Cro-M,i.-.i(,ii. Ill, ArnK-ndid (Alpine). 
l\\ .\orlh.rn. 


to whether we are mainly Celtic or mainly Teutonic is 
one of perennial interest. 

Here again, when dealing with the past, we meet with 
the same condition of things that prevail at the present 
day. Both the ancient Celts and the people they called 
Teutons ("strangers") were mixed peoples with different 
physical peculiarities. The Celts known to the Greeks 
were a tall, fair-haired people. In Western Europe, as 
has been indicated, they mingled with the dark Iberians, 
and a section of the mingled races was known to the 
Romans as Celtiberians. The Teutons included the 
tall, fair, long-headed Northerners, and the dark, medium- 
sized, broad-headed Central Europeans. Both the fair 
Celts and the fair Teutons appear to have been sections 
of the northern race known to antiquaries as the "Baltic 
people", or " Maglemosians", who entered Europe 
from Siberia and "drifted" along the northern and 
southern shores of the Baltic Sea— the ancient "White 
Sea" of the "White people" of the "White North". 
As we have seen, other types of humanity were "drift- 
ing" towards Britain at the same time — that is, before 
the system of polishing stone implements and weapons 
inaugurated what has been called the "Neolithic 
Age ". 

As modern-day ethnologists have found that the 
masses of the population in Great Britain and Ireland 
are of the early types known to archaeologists as Palaeo- 
lithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age men, the race history 
of our people may be formulated as follows: 

The earliest inhabitants of our islands whose physical 
characteristics can be traced among the living popula- 
tion were the Cro-Magnon peoples. These were followed 
by the fair Northerners, the " carriers " of Maglemosian 
culture, and the dark, medium-sized Iberians, who were 
the "carriers" of Azilian-Tardenoisian culture. There 
were thus fair people in England, Scotland, and Ireland 


thousands of years before the invasions of Celts, Angles, 
Saxons, Jutes, Norsemen, or Danes. 

For a long period, extending over many centuries, 
the migration "stream" from the Continent appears to 
have been continuously flowing. The carriers of 
Neolithic culture were in the main Iberians of Medi- 
terranean racial type — the descendants of the Azilian- 
Tardenoisian peoples who used bows and arrows, 
and broke up the Magdalenian civilization of Cro- 
Magnon man in western and central Europe. This 
race appears to have been characterized in north and 
north-east Africa. "So striking", writes Professor 
Elliot Smith, "is the family likeness between the early 
Neolithic peoples of the British Isles and the Medi- 
terranean and the bulk of the population, both ancient 
and modern, of Egypt and East Africa, that a descrip- 
tion of the bones of an Early Briton of that remote 
epoch might apply in all essential details to an inhabi- 
tant of Somaliland."^ 

This proto-Egyptian (Iberian) people were of medium 
stature, had long skulls and short narrow faces, and 
skeletons of slight and mild build; their complexions 
were as dark as those of the southern Italians in our 
own day, and they had dark-brown or black hair with a 
tendency to curl; the men had scanty facial hair, except 
for a chin-tuft beard. 

These brunets introduced the agricultural mode of life, 
and, as they settled on the granite in south-western 
England, appear to have searched for gold there, and 
imported flint from the settlers on the upper chalk 

In time Europe was invaded from Asia Minor by 
increasing numbers of an Asiatic, broad -headed, 
long-bearded people of similar type to those who had 
filtered into Central Europe and reached Belgium and 

' The Ancitnt Egyptians, p. 58. 


Denmark before Neolithic times. This type is known 
as the "Armenoid race" (the "Alpine race" of some 
writers). It was quite different from the long-headed 
and fair Northern type and the short, brunet Mediter- 
ranean (proto-Egyptian and Iberian) type. The Ar- 
menoid skeletons found in the early graves indicate that 
the Asiatics were a medium-sized, heavily-built people, 
capable, as the large bosses on their bones indicate, of 
considerable muscular development. 

During the archaeological Bronze Age these Ar- 
menoids reached Britain in considerable numbers, and 
introduced the round-barrow method of burial. They 
do not appear, however, as has been indicated, to have 
settled in Ireland. 

At a later period Britain was invaded by a people 
who cremated their dead. As they thus destroyed the 
evidence that would have afforded us an indication of 
their racial affinities, their origin is obscure. 

While these overland migrations were in progress, 
considerable numbers of peoples appear to have reached 
Britain and Ireland by sea from northern and north- 
western France, Portugal, and Spain. They settled 
chiefly in the areas where metals and pearls were once 
found or are still found. "Kitchen middens" and 
megalithic remains are in Ireland mainly associated with 
pearl-yielding rivers. 

The fair Celts and the darker Celtiberians were invad- 
ing and settling in Britain before and after the Romans 
first reached its southern shores. During the Roman 
period, the ruling caste was mainly of south-European 
type, but the Roman legions were composed of Gauls, 
Germans, and Iberians, as well as Italians. No per- 
manent change took place in the ethnics of Britain 
during the four centuries of Roman occupation. The 
Armenoid broad-heads, however, became fewer: "the 
disappearance", as Ripley puts it, "of the round- 


barrow men is the last event of the prehistoric period 
which we are able to distinguish ". The inhabitants 
of the British Isles are, on the whole, long-headed. 
*' Highland and lowland, city or country, peasant or 
philosopher, all are", says Ripley, "practically alike 
in respect to this fundamental racial characteristic." 
Broad-headed types are, of course, to be found, but 
they are in the minority. 

The chief source of our knowledge regarding the early 
tribes or little nations of Britain and Ireland is the work 
of Ptolemy, the geographer, who lived between a.d. 50 
and 150, from which the earliest maps were compiled in 
the fourth century. He shows that England, Wales, 
Scotland, and Ireland were divided among a number of 
peoples. The Dumnonii,^ as has been stated, were in 
possession of Devon and Cornwall, as well as of a large 
area in the south-western and central lowlands of Scot- 
land. Near them were the Durotriges, who were also in 
Ireland. Sussex was occupied by the Regni and Kent 
by the Cantion. The Atrebates, the Belgse, and the 
Parisii were invaders from Gaul during the century that 
followed Caesar's invasion. The Belga? lay across the 
neck of the land between the Bristol Channel and the 
Isle of Wight; the Atrebates clung to the River Thames, 
while the Parisii, w^ho gave their name to Paris, occupied 
the east coast between the Wash and the Humber. 
Essex was the land of the Iceni or Eceni, the tribe of 
Boadicea (Boudicca). Near them were the Catuvellauni 
(men who rejoiced in battle) who w^ere probably rulers 
of a league, and the Trinovantes, whose name is said to 
signify "very vigorous". The most important tribe 
of the north and midlands of England was the Brigantes,- 
whose sphere of influence extended to the Firth of Forth, 

1 F.njjiished " Damnonians" (Chapter IXt. 

* Tacitus says that the Brijjaiitcs were in point nf numbers the most consideraWe folk 
in Britain {.t^uoln. Chapter XVH). 

% % I 

p I 
b "1 


where they met the Votadini, who were probably kins- 
men or allies. On the north-west were the Setantii, 
who appear to have been connected with the Brigantes 
in England and Ireland, Cuchullin, the hero of the Red 
Branch of Ulster, was originally named Setanta.^ In 
south Wales the chief tribe was the Silures, whose 
racial name is believed to cling to the Scilly (Silura) 
Islands. They were evidently like the Dumnonii a 
metal -working people. South-western Wales was 
occupied by the Demets (the "firm folk"). In south- 
western Scotland, the Selgovas ("hunters") occupied 
Galloway, their nearest neighbours being the NovantcC 
of Wigtownshire. The Selgovse may have been those 
peoples known later as the Atecotti. From Fife to 
southern Aberdeenshire the predominant people on the 
east were the Vernicones. In north-east Aberdeenshire 
were the T^xali. To the west of these were the Vaco- 
magi. The Caledonians occupied the Central High- 
lands from Inverness southward to Loch Lomond. 
In Ross-shire were the Decantae, a name resembling 
NovantJE and Setantii. The Lugi and Smert^ (smeared 
people) were farther north. The Cornavii of Caithness 
and North Wales were those who occupied the "horns" 
or "capes". Along the west of Scotland were peoples 
called the Cerones, Creones, and Carnonacas, or Carini, 
perhaps a sheep-rearing people. The Epidii were an 
Argyll tribe, whose name is connected with that of the 
horse — perhaps a horse-god.^ Orkney enshrines the 
tribal name of the boar — perhaps that of the ancient 
boar-god represented on a standing stone near Inverness 
with the sun symbol above its head. The Gaelic name 

' Evidently Cuchullin and other heroes of the " Red Branch " in Ireland were descended 
from people* who had migrated into Ireland from Britain. Their warriors in the old 
manuscript tales receive their higher military training in Alba. It is unlikely they would 
have been trained in a colony. 

* Ancient sacred stones with horses depicted on them survive in Scotland. In Harris 
one horse-stone remains in an old church tower. 

(D217) 10 


of the Shetlanders is "Cat". Caithness is the county 
of the "Cat" people, too. Professor Watson reminds 
us that the people of Sutherland are still "Cats" in 
Gaelic, and that the Duke of Sutherland is referred to as 
" Duke of the Cats ". 

The Picts are not mentioned by PLolemy, They 
appear to have been an agricultural and sea-faring 
people who (c. a.d. 300) engaged in trade and piracy. 
A flood of light has been thrown on the Pictish problem 
by Professor W. J. Watson, Edinburgh.^ He shows 
that when Agricola invaded Scotland (a.d. 85) the pre- 
dominant people were the Caledonians. Early in the 
tiiird century the Caledonians and Mceatce — names 
which included all the tribes north of Hadrian's 
Wall — were so aggressive that Emperor Septimus 
Severus organized a great expedition against them. 
He pressed northward as far as the southern shore of 
the Moray Firth, and, although he fought no battle, lost 
50,000 men in skirmishes, &c. The Caledonians and 
M^eatai rose again, and Severus was preparing a second 
expedition when he died at York in a.d. 211. His son, 
Caracalla, withdrew from Scotland altogether. The 
Emperor Constantius, who died at York in a.d. 306, 
had returned from an expedition, not against the Cale- 
donians, but against the Picts. The Picts were begin- 
ning to become prominent. In 360 they had again to 
be driven back. They had then become allies of the 
Scots from Ulster, who were mentioned in a.d. 297 
by the orator Eumenius, as enemies of the Britons 
in association with the Picti. Professor Watson, draw- 
ing on Gaelic evidence, dates the first settlement of the 
Scots in Argyll "about a.d. 180". 

In 368 the Caledonians were, like the Verturiones, a 
division of the Picts. Afterwards their tribal name dis- 

' The Pills, Inverness, 1931 (lecture ilclivered to llic Gaelic Socicl\ of IiiM-rncss ami 
reprinted from The Inverness Courier). 



appeared. That the Picts and Caledonians were origin- 
ally separate peoples is made clear by the statement of 
a Roman orator who said: "I do not mention the woods 
and marshes of the Caledonians, the Picts, and others". 
In 365 the Pecti, Saxons, Scots, and Atecotti harassed 
the Britons. Thus by the fourth century the Picts had 
taken the place of the Caledonians as the leading tribe, 
or as the military aristocrats of a great part of Scotland, 
the name of which, formerly Caledonia, came to be 
Pictland, Pictavia. 

Who then were the Picts? Professor Watson shows 
that the racial name is in old Norse "Pettr", in Old 
English " Peohta ", and in old Scots " Pecht '.^ These 
forms suggest that the original name was "Pect". 
Ammianus refers to the "Pecti". In old Welsh '*Peith- 
wyr" means '* Pict-men " and *' Peith " comes from 
**Pect". The derivation from the Latin " pictus " 
(painted) must therefore be rejected. It should be borne 
in mind in this connection that the Ancient Britons 
stained their bodies with woad. The application of 
the term "painted" to only one section of them seems 
improbable. "Pecti", says Professor Watson, "can- 
not be separated etymologically from Pictones, the 
name of a Gaulish tribe on the Bay of Biscay south of 
the Loire, near neighbours of the Veneti. Their name 

> The fact that in the Scottish Lowlands the fairies were sometimes called " Pechts" has 
been made much of by those who contend that the prototypes of the fairies were the original 
inhabitants of Western Europe. This theory ignores the well-established custom of giving- 
human names to supernatural beings. In Scotland the hill-giants (Fomorians) have been 
re-named after Arthur (as in Arthur's Seat, Edinburgh), Patrick (Inverness), Wallace 
(Eildon Hills), Samson (Hen Ledi), &c. In like manner fairies were referred to as Pechts. 
The Irish evidence is of similar character. The Danann deities were consigned to fairy- 
land. Donald Gorm, a West Highland chief, gave his name to an Irish fairy. Fairyland 
was the old Paradise, .\rthur, Thomas the Rhymer, Finn-mac-Coul, &c., became "fairy- 
men" after death. A good deal of confusion has been caused by mistranslating the 
Scottish Gaelic word silh (Irish sidlie) as "fairy ". The word sith (pronounced shee) 
means anything unearthly or supernatural, and the " peace" of supernatural life— of death 
after life, as well as the silence of the movements of beings. The cuckoo 
was supposed to dwell for a part of the year in the underworld, and was called eun sith 
("supernatural bird "). Mysterious epidemics were sith diseases. There were sith (super- 
natural) dogs, cats, mice, cows, &c., as well as sith men and sith women. 


shows the same variation between Pictones and Pectones. 
We may therefore claim Pecti as a genuine Celtic word. 
It is of the Cymric or Old British and Gaulish type, not 
of the Gaelic type, for Gaelic has no initial P, while those 
others have." Gildas (c. a.d. 570), Bede (c. a.d. 730), and 
Nennius (c. a.d. 800) refer to the Picts as a people from 
the north of Scotland. Nennius says they occupied 
Orkney first. The legends which connect the Picts 
with Scythia and Hercules were based on Virgil's men- 
tion of " picti Agathyrsi " and " picti Geloni " {JEneid 
IV, 146, Georgics, II, 115) combined with the account by 
Herodotus (IV, 10) of the descent of Gelonus and Aga- 
thyrsus from Hercules. Of late origin therefore was 
the Irish myth that the Picts from Scythia were called 
Agathyrsi and were descended from Gelon, son of 

There never were Picts in Ireland, except as visitors. 
The theory about the Irish Picts arose by mistranslating 
the racial name "Cruithne" as "Picts". Communities 
of Cruithne were anciently settled in the four provinces 
of Ireland, but Cruithne means Britons not Picts. 

The ancient naiue of Great Britain was Albion, while 
Ireland was in Greek "lerne", and in Latin "lubernia" 
(later "Hibernia"). The racial name was applied by 
Pliny to Albion and Hibernia when he referred to the 
island group as "Britannia^". Ptolemy says that Albion 
is "a Britannic isle" and further that Albion (England 
and Scotland) was an island "belonging to the Britan- 
nic Isles". Ireland was also a Britannic isle. It is 
therefore quite clear that the Britons were regarded as the 
predominant people in England, Wales, Scotland, and 
Ireland, and that the verdict of history includes Ireland 
in the British Isles. The Britons were P-Celts, and 
their racial name " Pretan-Pritan " became in the Gaelic 
languageof the Q-Celts "Cruithen", plural "Cruithne". 

In Latin the British Isles are called after their inhabi- 

I % 

C/3 ^ 


tants, the rendering being " Britanni ", while in Greek it 
is "Pretannoi" or " Pretanoi ". As Professor W. J. 
Watson and Professor Sir J. Morris Jones, two able and 
reliable philologists, have insisted, the Greek form is the 
older and more correct, and the Latin form is merely an 
adaptation of the Greek form. 

In the early centuries of our era the term "Britannus" 
was shortened in Latin to " Britto " plural " Brittones". 
This diminutive form, which may be compared with 
" Scotty " for Scotsman, became popular. In Gaelic it 
originated the form **Breatain", representing "Brittones" 
(Britons), which was applied to the Britons of Strath- 
clyde, Wales, and Cornwall, who retained their native 
speech under Roman rule; in Welsh, the rendering was 
" Brython ". The Welsh name for Scotland became 
"Prydyn". The northern people of Scotland, having 
come under the sway of the Picts, were referred to as 
Picts just as they became "Scots" after the tribe of 
Scots rose into prominence. In this sense the Scottish 
Cruithne were Picts. But the Cruithne (Britons) of 
Ireland were never referred to as Picts. Modern scholars 
who have mixed up Cruithne and Picts are the inventors 
of the term " Irish Picts ". 

The Picts of Scotland have been traditionally associated 
with the round buildings known as " brochs ", which are 
all built on the same plan. " Of 490 known brochs ", says 
Professor W. J. Watson, "Orkney and Shetland possess 
145, Caithness has 150, and Sutiieriand 67 — a total of 
362. On the mainland south of Sutherland there are 10 
in Ross, 6 Inverness-shire, 2 in Forfar, i in Stirling, 
Midlothian, Selkirk, and Berwick-shires, 3 in Wigtown- 
shire. In the Isles there are 28 in Lewis, 10 in Harris, 
30 in Skye, i in Raasay, and at least 5 in the isles of 
Argyll. The inference is that the original seat of the 
broch builders must have been in the far north, and that 
their influence proceeded southwards. The masonry 


and contents of the brochs prove them to be the work 
of a most capable people, who lived partly at least by 
agriculture and had a fairly high standard of civilization. 
. . . The distribution of the brochs also indicate that 
their occupants combined agriculture with seafaring. . . . 
The Wigtown brochs, like the west coast ones generally, 
are all close to the sea, and in exceedingly strong 

These Scottish brochs bear a striking resemblance to 
the nuragJii of the island of Sardinia. Both the broch 
and the nuraghe have low doorways which "would at 
once put an enemy at a disadvantage in attempting to 

Describing the Sardinian structures, Mr. T. Eric 
Peet writes:^ "All the miraghi stand in commanding 
situations overlooking large tracts of country, and the 
more important a position is from a strategical point of 
view the stronger will be the niu-aghe \m\\\c)\ defends it". 
Ruins of villages surround these structures. "There 
cannot be the least doubt", says Peet, " that in time of 
danger the inhabitants drove their cattle into the fortified 
enclosure, entered it themselves, and then closed the 

In the Balearic Islands are towers called talayots which 
"resemble rather closely", in Peet's opinion, the tnifaghi 
of Sardinia. The architecture of the ta/ayots, the nuraghi, 
and the brochs resembles that of the bee-hive tombs of 
MyceucC (pre-Hellenic Greece). There are no brochs in 
Ireland. The "round towers" are of Christian origin 
(between ninth and thirteenth centuries a.d.). A tomb 
at Labbamologa, County Cork, however, resembles the 
tombs of the Balearic Isles and Sardinia (Peet, Rough 
Stone Monuments^ pp. 43-4). 

The Picts appear to have come to Scotland from the 
country of the ancient Pictones, whose name survives in 

' f\Oi<f;li SIniir Afniniinrnfs, pp. Sa rf sfq. 


Poitiers (Poictiers) and the province of Poitou in 
France. These Pictones were anciently rivals of the 
Veneti, the chief sea-traders in Western and Northern 
Europe during the pre-Roman period. We gather 
from CiEsar that the Pictones espoused the cause of the 
Romans when the Veneti and their allies revolted. 
They and their near neighbours, the Santoni, supplied 
Casar with ships. ^ These were apparently skiffs which 
were much lighter and smaller than the imposing vessels 
of the Veneti. As the big vessels of the Armada were 
no match for the smaller English vessels, so were the 
Veneti ships no match for the skiffs of the Pictones. 

The Picts who settled in Orkney appear to have 
dominated the eastern and western vScottish sea-routes. 
It is possible that they traded with Scandinavia and 
imported Baltic amber. Tacitus states that the Baltic 
people, who engaged in the amber trade, spoke a dialect 
similar to that of Britain, worshipped the mother-god- 
dess, and regarded the boar as the symbol of their deity.- 
Orkney, as has been noted, is derived from the old 
Celtic word for boar. The boar-people of Orkney who 
came under the sway of the Picts may have been related 
to the amber traders. 

The Scottish broch-people, associated in tradition with 
the Picts, were notorious for their piratic habits. In 
those ancient days, however, piracy was a common 
occupation. The later Vikings, who seized the naval 
base of Orkney for the same reason we may conclude 
as did the Picts, occupied the brochs. Viking means 
"pirate", as York Powell has shown. In EgiTs Saga 
(Chapter XXXII) the hero Bjorn "was sometimes in 
Viking but sometimes on trading voyages".^ 

It may be that the term pictiis was confused with the 

1 De Bella Gallico, Book III, Chapt.r II. 

'' Manners of the Germans, Chnpter XLV. Tlir Ixiar was thr son of a sow-goddess, 
nemrter had originally a sow form. 
' Scautii'naviaii Britain (London, 1908), pp. 61-3. 


racial name Pecti. because the Picts had adopted the 
sailor-hke habit of tattoing their skins — a habit which pro- 
bably had a religious significance. Claudian, the fourth- 
century Roman poet, refers to "the fading steel-wrought 
figures on the dying Pict ". Like the seafaring Scots 
of northern Ireland who harried the Welsh coast between 
the second and fifth centuries of our era, the Picts of 
Scotland had skiffs (scaphas) with sails and twenty oars 
a side. Vessels, masts, ropes, and sails were painted 
a neutral tint, and the crews were attired in the same 
colour. Thus "camouflaged ", the Picts and Scots were 
able to harry the coasts of Romanized Britain. They 
appear to have turned Hadrian's wall from the sea. The 
Pictish seafaring tribes, the Keiths or Cats and the 
Majatas, have left their names in Caithness, Inchkeith, 
Dalkeith, &c., and in the Isle of May, &c.' 

A glimpse of piratical operations in the first century 
before the Christian era is obtained in an Irish manu- 
script account of certain happenings in the reign of 
King Conaire the Great of Ireland. So strict was 
this monarch's rule that several lawless and discon- 
tented persons were forced into exile. 

"Among- the most desperate of the outlaws were the 
monarch's own foster brothers, the four sons of Dond Dess, 
an important chieftain of Leinster. These refractory youths, 
with a larj^e party of followers, took to their boats and ships 
and scoured the coasts of Britain and Scotland, as well as of 
their own country. Having met on the sea with Ing-cel, the 
son of the Kinpf of Britain, who, for his misdeeds, had been 
likewise banished by his own father, both parties entered 
into a league, the first fruits of which were the plunder and 
devastation of a great part of the British coast." 

They afterwards made a descent on the coast of Ire- 
land, and when King Conaire returned from a visit to 

' Kliyi. Celtic Britain (4th ed.), pp. 153, 317. 

A SARDINIAN M A'Ai^Jn-. [\niK^- 134^ 
Compare with the Scottish " Broch", page 132. 


Clare, "he found the whole country before him one 
sheet of lire, the plunderers having landed in his ab- 
sence and carried fire and sword wherever they went".' 

In his description of Britain, Tacitus says that the 
inhabitants varied in their physical traits. Different 
conclusions were drawn concerning their origin. He 
thought the Caledonians were, because of their ruddy 
hair and muscular limbs, of German descent, and that 
the dark Silures of Wales were descendants of Iberian 
colonists. He noted that the inhabitants of southern 
England resembled those of Gaul."- 

Later writers have expressed divergent views regard- 
ing the ethnics of the British Isles. One theory is that 
the fair Teutonic peoples, who invaded Britain during 
the post-Roman period, drove the "dark Celts " west- 
ward, and that that is the reason why in England and 
Scotland the inhabitants of western areas are darker 
than those in the eastern. As we have seen, however, 
the early metal workers settled in the western areas 
for the reason that the minerals they sought for were 
located there. In south-western Scotland the inhabi- 
tants are darker than those on the east, except in 
Aberdeenshire, where there are distinctive megalithic 
remains and two famous pearling rivers, the Ythan and 
Ugie, as well as deposits of flint and traces of gold. 

The people of Scotland are, on the whole, the tallest 
and heaviest people in Europe. It has been suggested 
that their great average stature is due to the settlement 
in their country of the hardy Norsemen of the Viking 
period, but this is improbable, because the average 
stature of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark is lower 
than that of Scotland. A distinctive feature of the 
Scottish face is the high cheek-bone. The Norse 
cheek-bone is distinctly flatter. It may be that the 

1 O'Curry, Manntrrs and Customs of the Ancient Irish, Vol. Ill, p. 136. 
' Aertcola, Chap. XI. 


tall CV6-Ma_t,mons, who had hii;h cheek-bones, have 
contributed to Scottish physical traits. That all the 
fair peoples of Britain and Ireland are, as has been 
indicated, not necessarily descendants of the fair Celts 
and Anglo-Saxons is evident from the traces that have 
been found of the early settlement in these islands of 
the proto-Scandinavians, who introduced the Magle- 
mosian culture long before the introduction of the 
Neolithic industry. Modern ethnologists lean to the 
view that the masses of the present-day population of 
Europe betray Palaeolithic racial affinities. In no 
country in Europe, other than our own, have there been 
fewer ethnic changes. As we have seen, there were 
only two or three intrusions from the Continent between 
the periods when the bronze and iron industries were 
introduced — that is, during about a thousand years. 
The latter invasions were those of types already settled 
in Britain. As in other countries, the tendency to revert 
to the early types represented by the masses of the 
people has not been absent in our native land. The 
intrusions of energetic minorities may have caused 
changes of languages and habits of life, but in time the 
alien element has been absorbed.^ Withal, the influences 
of climate and of the diseases associated with localities 
have ever been at work in eliminating the physically 
unfit — that is, those individuals who cannot live in a 
climate too severe for their constitutions. In large 
industrial cities the short, dark types are more numerous 
than the tall, fair, and large-lunged types. The latter 
appear to be more suited for an open-air life. 

"Pockets" of peoples of distinctive type are to be 
found in different parts of the British Isles. In Barvas, 
Lewis, and elsewhere in the Hebrides, pockets of dark 
peoples of foreign appearance are reputed by theorists, 

' "The rule is", wrltos Ucddoc in this coiiiifction (Thr A>ithrof>ologiral Histo>y of 
Eiitnf>r, |>. 5i), "ihat ;iii niilliropolotjiral type is never wlinlly dispossessed or extirpated ". 


as has been indicated, to be descendants of the sailors 
of the Spanish Armada. They resemble, however, the 
Firbolgs of Ireland and the Silures of Wales. Hert- 
fordshire has a dark, short people too. Galloway, the 
country of the ancient Selfrovce (hunters), is noted for 
its tall people. It may be that there is a Cro-Magnon 
strain in Galloway, and that among the short, dark 
peoples are descendants of the ancient metal workers, 
including the Easterners who settled in Spain. (See 
Chaps. IX and XII.) Beddoe thinks that the Phoenician 
type "occasionally crops up" in Cornwall.^ 

I The Anthropological History of Europe (new edition. Paisley, 1912), p. 50. 

Druidism in Britain and Gaul 

Culture Mixing-— Classical Evidence regardinjj Druids— Doctrine of 
Transmigration oC Souls— Celtic Paradises: Isles of the Blest, Land- 
under-waves, Fairyland, and " Loveless Land " — Paradise as Apple-land 
— Apples, Nuts, and Pork of Longevity — Mistletoe connected with the 
Oak, Apple, and Other Trees— Druids and Oracular Birds— Druids as 
Soothsayers — Thomas the Rhymer as "True Thomas" — Christ as the 
Druid of St. Columba— Stones of Worship— Druid Groves and Dolmens 
in Anglesea — Early Christians denounce Worship of Stones, Trees, 
Wells, and Heavenly Bodies — Vov^-s over Holy Objects— Bull Sacrifices, 
Stone Worship, &c., in Highlands— " Cup-marked " Stones — Origin of 
Druidism — Milk-Goddesses and Milk-yielding Trees — European and 
(Oriental Milk Myths— Tree Cults and Megalilhic Monuments. 

When the question is asked "What was the religion 
of the ancient Britons?" the answer generally given 
is *' Druidism ". But such a term means little more 
than " Priestism ". It would perhaps be better not to 
assume that the religious beliefs of our remote ancestors 
were either indigenous or homogeneous, or that they 
were ever completely systematized at any period or in 
any district. Although certain fundamental beliefs may 
have been widespread, it is clear that there existed not 
a few local or tribal cults. " I swear by the gods of my 
people" one hero may declare in a story, while of 
another it may be told that "Coll" (the hazel) or 
"Fire" was his god. Certain animals were sacred in 
some districts and not in others, or were sacred to some 
individuals only in a single tribe. 

In a country like Britain, subjected in early times 


to periodic intrusions of peoples from different areas, 
the process of "culture mixing" must have been active 
and constant. Imported beliefs were fused with native 
beliefs, or beliefs that had assumed local features, while 
local pantheons no doubt reflected local politics — the 
gods of a military aristocracy being placed over the 
gods of the subject people. At the same time, it does 
not follow that when we find a chief deity bearing a 
certain name in one district, and a different name in 
another, that the religious rites and practices differed 
greatly. Nor does it follow that all peoples who gave 
recognition to a political deity performed the same 
ceremonies or attached the same importance to all 
festivals. Hunters, seafarers, and agriculturists had 
their own peculiar rites, as surviving superstitions (the 
beliefs of other days) clearly indicate, while the workers 
in metals clung to ceremonial practices that differed 
from those performed by representatives of a military 
aristocracy served by the artisans. 

Much has been written about the Druids, but it must 
be confessed that our knowledge regarding them is 
somewhat scanty. Classical writers have made con- 
tradictory statements about their beliefs and ceremonies. 
Pliny alone tells that they showed special reverence 
for the mistletoe growing on the oak, and suggests 
that the name Druid was connected with the Greek 
word drus (an oak). Others tell that there were Druids, 
Seers, and Bards in the Celtic priesthood. In his 
book on divination, Cicero indicates that the Druids 
had embraced the doctrines of Pythagoras, the Greek 
philosopher, who was born about 586 B.C., including 
that of the transmigration of souls. ^ Julius Csesar tells 
that the special province of the Druids in Gaulish 
society was religion in all its aspects; they read oracles, 

' Caesar (De Bella Gallico. \'I, XI\'. 4) says the Druids believed the soul passed from 
one individual to another. 


and instructed large numbers of the nation's youth. 
Pomponius Mela^ says the instruction was given in 
caves and in secluded groves. Csesar records that once 
a year the Druids presided over a general assembly 
of the Gauls at a sacred spot in the country of the 
Carnutes, which was supposed to be the centre of Gaul. 
It is not known whether this holy place was marked 
by a mound, a grove, a stone circle, or a dolmen. The 
Archdruid was chief of the priesthood. Cccsar notes 
that the Germans had no Druids and paid no attention 
to sacrifices. 

Of special interest is the statement that the Druids 
believed in the doctrine of Transmigration of Souls — 
that is, they believed that after death the soul passed 
trom one individual to another, or into plants or animals 
before again passing into a human being at birth. 
According to Diodorus Siculus, who lived in the latter 
part of the first century a.d., the Gauls took little 
account of the end of life, believing they would come 
to life after a certain term of years, entering other 
bodies. He also refers to the custom of throwing letters 
on the funeral pyre, so that the dead might read them.- 
This suggests a belief in residence for a period in a 

The doctrine of Transmigration of Souls did not, 
however, prevail among all Celtic peoples even in 
Gaul. Valerius Maximus, writing about a.d. 30, says 
that the Gauls were in the habit of lending sums of 
money on the promise that they would be repaid in the 
next world. Gaelic and Welsh literature contains little 
evidence of the doctrine of Transmigration of vSouls. 
A few myths suggest that re-birth was a privilege of 
certain specially famous individuals. Mongan, King 
of Dalriada in Ulster, and the Welsh Taliessin, for 
instance, were supposed to have lived for periods in 

' A Spaniani ..l llic first century A.u. "■ BooU V. Chap. XXVHI. 


various forms, including animal, plant, and human 
forms, while other heroes were incarnations of deities. 
The most persistent British belief, however, was that 
after death the soul passed to an Otherworld. 

Julius Caesar says that Druidism was believed to have 
originated in Britain.^ This cannot apply, however, to 
the belief in transmigration of souls, which was shared 
in common by Celts, Greeks, and Indians. According 
to Herodotus, "the Egyptians are the first who have 
affirmed that the soul is immortal, and that when the 
body decays the soul invariably enters another body on 
the point of death ". The story of " The Two Brothers " 
(Anpu and Bata) indicates that the doctrine was known 
in Egypt. There are references in the "Book of the 
Dead" to a soul becoming a lily, a golden falcon, a 
ram, a crocodile, &c., but this doctrine was connected, 
according to Egyptologists, with the belief that souls 
could assume different shapes in the Otherworld. In 
India souls are supposed to pass through animal or 
reptile forms only. The Greek doctrine, like the Celtic, 
includes plant forms. Certain African tribes believe in 
the transmigration of souls. 

In ancient Britain and Ireland the belief obtained, as 
in Greece and elsewhere, that there was an Underworld 
Paradise and certain Islands of the Blest (in Gaelic 
called "The Land of Youth", "The Plain of Bliss", 
&c.) The Underworld was entered through caves, wells, 
rivers or lakes, or through the ocean cavern from which 
the moon arose. There are references in Scottish folk- 
tales to "The Land-Under- Waves ", and to men and 
women entering the Underworld through a "fairy" 
mound, and seeing the dead plucking fruit and reaping 
grain as in the Paradise of the Egyptian god Osiris. It 

' Pliny (Book XXX) says Britain seems to have taiigrht Druidism to the Persians. 
Siref s view, given in the concluding part of this chapter, that Druidism was of Eastern 
origin, is of special interest in this connection. 


is evident that Fairyland was orif^inally a Paradise, 
and the fairy queen an old mother goddess. There are 
references in Welsh to as gloomy an Underworld as the 
Babylonian one. " In addition to Avmvfn, a term 
which", according to the late Professor Anwyl, "seems 
to mean the ' Not-world ', we have other names for the 
world below, such as anghar, 'the loveless place'; 
difant, the unrimmed place (whence the modern Welsh 
word difancoll, * lost for ever ') ; rt^wrj, the abyss ; affan, 
'the land invisible'." In a Welsh poem a bard speaks 
of the Otherworld as "the cruel prison of earth, the 
abode of death, the loveless land".' 

The Border Ballads of Scotland contain references to 
the Fairyland Paradise of the Underworld, to the islands 
or continent of Paradise, and to the dark Otherworld of 
the grave in which the dead lie among devouring worms. 

In one Celtic Elysium, known to the Welsh and Irish, 
the dead feast on pork as do the heroes in the Paradise 
of the Scandinavian god Odin. There is no trace in 
Scotland of a belief or desire to reach a Paradise in 
which the pig was eaten. The popularity of the apple 
as the fruit of longevity was, however, widespread. It 
is uncertain when the beliefs connected with it were 
introduced into England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. 
As they were similar to those connected with the hazel- 
nut, the acorn, the rowan, &c., there may have simply 
been a change of fruit rather than a religious change, 
except in so far as new ceremonies may have been 
associated with the cultivated apple tree. 

A Gaelic story tells of a youth who in Paradise held a 
fragrant golden apple in his right hand. "A third part 
of it he would eat and still, for all he consumed, never 
a whit would it be diminished." As long as he ate the 
apple "nor age nor dimness could affect him". Para- 
dise was in Welsh and Gaelic called "Apple land".* 

* Celtic Krlif^ion, p. 6j. - Avalon, Emain Ablach, &c. 


Its "tree of life" always bore ripe fruit and fresh blos- 
soms. One of the Irish St. Patrick legends pictures a 
fair youth coming from the south ^ clad in crimson 
mantle and yellow shirt, carrying a "double armful of 
round yellow-headed nuts and of most beautiful golden- 
yellow apples". There are stories, too, about the hazel 
with its "good fruit", and of holy fire being taken from 
this tree, and withal a number of hazel place-names that 
probably indicate where sacred hazel groves once existed. 
Hallowe'en customs connected with apples and nuts are 
evidently relics of ancient religious beliefs and cere- 

The Druids are reported by Pliny (as has been stated) 
to have venerated the mistletoe, especially when it was 
found growing on an oak. But the popular parasitic 
plant is very rarely found associated with this tree. 
In France and England it grows chiefly on firs and 
pines or on apple trees, but never on the plane, beech, 
or birch. ^ It is therefore doubtful if the name Druid 
was derived from the root dm which is found in the 
Greek word drus (oak). In Gaelic the Druids are " wise 
men " who read oracles, worked spells, controlled the 
weather, and acted as intercessors between the gods and 
men. Like the dragon-slayers of romance, they under- 
stood "the language of birds", and especially that of 
the particular bird associated with the holy tree of a 
cult. One sacred bird was the wren. According to Dr. 
Whitley Stokes the old Celtic names of wren and Druid 
were derived from the root dreo, which is cognate with 
the German word treu and the English tnie. The Druid 
was therefore, as one who understood the language of 
the wren, a soothsayer, a truth-sayer — a revealer of 

' The south was on the right and signified heaven, while the north was on the left and 
signified hell. 

' Bacon wrote: "Mistletoe groweth chiefly upon crab trees, apple trees, sometimes upon 
hazels, and rarely upon oaks; the mistletoe whereof is counted very medicinal. It it 
evergreen in winter and summer, and beareth a white glistening berry; and it is a plant 
utterly diflfcring from the plant on which it groweth." 

( K -217 ) 11. 


divine truth. A judgment pronounced by Druid or 
king was supposed to be inspired by the deity. It was 
essentially a divine decree. The judge wore round his 
neck the symbol of the deity. "When what he said 
was true, it was roomy for his neck; when false, it was 
narrow." This symbol according to Connacs Glossary 
was called sin (sheen). Some seers derived their power 
to reveal the truth by tasting the blood or juice of a holy 
animal or reptile, or, like Thomas the Rhymer, by eating 
of an apple plucked from the tree of life in the Paradise 
of Fairyland. In an old ballad it is told that when 
Thomas was carried off to the Underworld by the fairy 
queen he was given an inspiring apple that made him a 
" truth-sayer " (a prophet). 

Syne they came to a garden green 
And she pu'd an app'e frae a tree; 
" Take this for thy wages, True Thomas; 

It will give thee the tongue that can never lee (lie)." 

"True Thomas" was " Druid Thomas". 

An interesting reference to Druidism is found in a 
Gaelic poem supposed to have been written by St. 
Columba, in which the missionary says: 

The voices of birds I do not reverence, 

Nor sneezing, nor any charm in this wide world. 

Christ, the Son of God, is my Druid. 

There are Gaelic stories about Druids who read the 
omens of the air and foretell the fates of individuals at 
birth, fix the days on which young warriors should take 
arms, &c. 

In England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales not only 
trees and birds were reverenced, but also standing stones, 
which are sometimes referred to even in modern Gaelic 
as "stones of worshij"* ". Some stories tell of standing 
stones being transformed into human beings when struck 


by a magician's wand. The wand in one story is pos- 
sessed by a "wise woman". Other traditions relate 
that once a year the stones become maidens who visit a 
neighbouring stream and bathe in it. A version of this 
myth survives in Oxfordshire. According to Tacitus 
there were on the island of Mona (Anglesea), which was 
a centre of religious influence, not only Druids, but 
"women in black attire like Furies" — apparently priest- 
esses. As has been noted, a large number of dolmens 
existed on Mona, in which there were also "groves 
devoted to inhuman superstitions".^ 

The early Christian writers refer to the "worship of 
stones" in Ireland. In the seventh century the Council 
at Rouen denounced all those who offer vows to trees, 
or wells, or stones, as they would at altars, or offer 
candles or gifts, as if any divinity resided there capable 
of conferring good or evil. The Council at Aries (a.d. 
452) and the Council at Toledo (a.d. 681) dealt with 
similar pagan practices. That sacred stones were asso- 
ciated with sacred trees is indicated in a decree of an 
early Christian Council held at Nantes which exhorts 
"bishops and their servants to dig up and remove and 
hide in places where they cannot be found those stones 
which in remote and woody places are still worshipped 
and where vows are still made". This worship of stones 
was in Britain, or at any rate in part of England, con- 
nected with the worship of the heavenly bodies. A 
statute of the time of King Canute forbids the barbarous 
adoration of the sun and moon, fire, fountains, stones, 
and all kinds of trees and wood. In the Confession 
attributed to St. Patrick, the Irish are warned that all 
those who adore the sun shall perish eternally. Cormacs 

' The Atuuih of Tacitus, XIV, -jo. The theory tliat mediaeval witches were the 
priestesses of a secret cult that perpetuated pre-Roman British religion is not supported 
by Gaelic evidence. The Gaelic "witches" had no mcetin^js with the devil, and never 
rode on broomsticks. The (Jaelic name for witchcraft is derived from English and is 
not old. 


Glossary explains that Indelha signified Images and 
that this name was applied to the altars of certain idols. 
"They (the pagans) were wont to carve on them the 
forms of the elements they adored: for example, the 
figure of the sun." Irish Gaels swore by "the sun, 
moon, water, and air, day and night, sea and land ". In 
a Scottish story some warriors lift up a portion of earth 
and swear on it. The custom of swearing on weapons 
was widespread in these islands. In ancient times 
people swore by what was holiest to them.' 

One of the latest references to pagan religious customs 
is found in the records of Dingwall Presbytery dating 
from 1649 to 1678. In the Parish of Gairloch, Ross- 
shire, bulls were sacrificed, oblations of milk were poured 
on the hills, wells were adored, and chapels were "cir- 
culated " — the worshippers walked round them sun-wise. 
Those who intended to set out on journeys thrust their 
heads into a hole in a stone. ^ If a head entered the hole, 
it was believed the man would return; if it did not, his 
luck was doubtful. The reference to "oblations of milk" 
is of special interest, because milk was offered to the 
fairies. A milk offering was likewise poured daily into 
the "cup" of a stone known as Clach-na-Gruagach (the 
stone of the long-haired one). A bowl of milk was, in 
the Highlands, placed beside a corpse, and, after burial 
took place, either outside the house door or at the grave. 
The conventionalized Azilian human form is sometimes 
found to be depicted by small "cups" on boulders or 
rocks. Some "cups" were formed by "knocking" 
with a small stone for purposes of divination. The 
"cradle stone" at Burghead is a case in point. It is 
dealt with by Sir Arthur Mitchell {The Past in the 
Present^ pp. 263-5), ^^'ho refers to other "cup-stones" 

' " Every weapon has its demon " is an old Gaelic sayingr. 

* According to the Dingwall records knowledge of " future rvi-nls in refpreiicc cspecialle 
to lyfe and death" was obtained by prrforming a ceremony in connection with the 
hiillinved stone. 


that were regarded as being "efficacious in cases of 
barrenness". In some hollowed stones Highland 
parents immersed children suspected of being change- 

A flood of light has been thrown on the origin of 
Druidism by Siret/ the discoverer of the settlements of 
Easterners in Spain which have been dealt with in an 
earlier chapter. He shows that the colonists were an 
intensely religious people, who introduced the Eastern 
Palm-tree cult and worshipped a goddess similar to the 
Egyptian Hathor, a form of whom was Nut. After they 
were expelled from Spain by a bronze-using people, the 
refugees settled in Gaul and Italy, carrying with them 
the science and religious beliefs and practices associated 
with Druidism. Commercial relations were established 
between the Etruscans, the peoples of Gaul and the south 
of Spain, and with the Phoenicians of Tyre and Carthage 
during the archaeological Early Iron Age. Some of the 
megalithic monuments of North Africa were connected 
with this later drift. 

The goddess Hathor of Egypt was associated with 
the sycamore fig which exudes a milk-like fluid, with 
a sea-shell, with the sky (as Nut she was depicted as 
a star-spangled woman), and with the primeval cow. 
The tree cult was introduced into Rome. The legend 
of the foundation of that city is closely associated with 
the " milk "-yielding fig tree, under which the twins 
Romulus and Remus were nourished by the wolf. The 
fig-milk was regarded as an elixir and was given by the 
Greeks to newly born children. 

Siret shows that the ancient name of the Tiber was 
Rumon, which was derived from the root signifying 
milk. It was supposed to nourish the earth with 
terrestrial milk. From the same root came the name of 
Rome. The ancient milk-providing goddess of Rome 

' L Anthropologie, 19J1. Tome XXX, pp. a.i5 <•/ seq. 


was Dcva Ruinina. Offerings of milk instead of wine 
were made to her. The starry heavens were called 
"Juno's milk" by the Romans, and "Hera's milk" by 
the Greeks, and the name " Milky Way " is still retained. 
The milk tree of the British Isles is the hazel. It 
contains a milky fluid in the green nut, which Highland 
children of a past generation regarded as a fluid that 
gave them strength. Nut-milk w^as evidently regarded in 
ancient times as an elixir like fig-milk.^ There is a great 
deal of Gaelic lore connected with the hazel. In Keat- 
\ngs History of Ireland {Yo\. I, section 12) appears the 
significant statement, "Coll (the hazel) indeed was god 
to MacCuil ". "Coll " is the old Gaelic word for hazel ; 
the modern word is "Call". " Calltuinn " (Englished 
"Calton") is a "hazel grove". There are Caltons in 
Edinburgh and Glasgow and well-worn forms of the 
ancient name elsewhere. In the legends associated with 
the Irish Saint Maedog is one regarding a dried-up 
stick of hazel which "sprouted into leaf and blossom 
and good fruit". It is added that this hazel "endures 
yet (a.d. 624), a fresh tree, undecayed, unwithered, nut- 
laden yearly".- The sacred hazel was supposed to be 
impregnated with the substance of life. Another refer- 
ence is made to Coll na nothar (" hazel of the wounded "). 
Hazel-nuts of longevity, as well as apples of longevity, 
were supposed to grow in the Gaelic Paradise. In a St. 
Patrick legend a youth comes from the south ("south" 
is Paradise and "north" is hell) carrying "a double arm- 
ful of round yellow-headed nuts and of beautiful golden- 
yellow apples". Dr. Joyce states that the ancient Irish 
"attributed certain druidical or fairy virtues to the yew, 
the hazel, and the quicken or rowan tree", and refers to 
"innumerable instances in tales, poems, and other old 

« '■ Comb of the honey and milk of the nut" (in Gaelic c'lr na meala is bainne nan cnu) 
was given as a tonic to weakly children, and is still remembered, the Rev. Kenneth 
MacLeod, Colonsay, informs me. 

"Standish H. OGrady, Siha Gadrlira. \>. 505. 


records, in such expressions as ' Cruachan of the fair 
hazels ', ' Derry-na-nath, on which fair-nutted hazels are 
constantly found'. . . . Among the blessings a good 
king brought on the land was plenty of hazel-nuts: — 
' O'Berga (the chief) for whom the hazels stoop', ' Each 
hazel is rich from the hero'." Hazel-nuts were like the 
figs and dates of the Easterners, largely used for food.^ 

Important evidence regarding the milk elixir and the 
associated myths and doctrines is preserved in the 
ancient religious literature of India and especially in 
the JMalid-hhcirata. The Indian Hathor is the cow- 
mother Surabhi, who sprang from Amrita (Soma) in the 
mouth of the Grandfather (Brahma). A single jet of 
her milk gave origin to "Milky Ocean". The milk 
"mixing with the water" appeared as foam, and was 
the only nourishment of the holy men called "Foam 
drinkers ". Divine milk was also obtained from " milk- 
yielding trees", which were the "children" of one of 
her daughters. These trees included nut trees. Another 
daughter was the mother of birds of the parrot species 
(oracular birds). In the Vedic poems soma, a drink 
prepared from a plant, is said to have been mixed with 
milk and honey, and mention is made of '^ Sit-so?7m'' 
(" river of Soma "). Madhu (mead) was a drink identi- 
fied with soma, or milk and honey." 

There are rivers of mead in the Celtic Paradise. 
Certain trees are in Irish lore associated with rivers that 
were regarded as sacred. These were not necessarily 
milk-yielding trees. In Gaul the plane tree took the 
place of the southern fig tree. The elm tree in Ireland 
and Scotland was similarly connected with the ancient 
milk cult. One of the old names for new milk, found in 
" Cormac's Glossary", is lemlacht, the later form of 
which is leamhnacht. From the same root {Jem') comes 

' A Sniallfy Social Historyt of Ancient Ireland, pp. 100-2 and 367-8. 
» Mactloiu-U and Keith. \'ed!c Index, under Soma and Madlui. 


leamh, the name of the elm. The River Laune in Kil- 
larney is a rendering of the Gaelic name leamhain, 
which in Scotland is found as Leven, the river that 
gave its name to the area known as Lennox (ancient 
Leamhna). Milk place-names in Ireland include "new 
milk lake" (Lough Alewnaghta) in Galway, "which", 
Joyce suggests, " may have been so called from the 
softness of its water". A mythological origin of the 
name is more probable. Wounds received in battle 
were supposed to be healed in baths of the milk of white 
hornless cows.^ In Irish blood-covenant ceremonies 
new milk, blood, and wine were mixed and drunk by 
warriors.^ As late as the twelfth century a rich man's 
child was in Ireland immersed immediately after birth 
in new milk.^ In Rome, in the ninth century, at the 
Easter-eve baptism the chalice was filled "not with 
wine but with milk and honey, that they may under- 
stand . . . that they have entered already upon the 
promised land ".* 

The beliefs associated with the apple, rowan, hazel, 
and oak trees were essentially the same. These trees 
provided the fruits of longevity and knowledge, or the 
wine which was originally regarded as an elixir that 
imparted new life and inspired those who drank it to 
prophecy ^ The oak provided acorns which were eaten. 
Although it does not bear red berries like the rowan, 
a variety of the oak is greatly favoured by the insect 
Kennes, "which yields a scarlet dye nearly equal to 
cochineal, and is the 'scarlet' mentioned in Scripture". 
This fact is of importance as the early peoples attached 

•Joyce, Irish Sames of Places, Vol. I, pi). 507-9, Vol. II, pp. 206-7 ••"id \^S- Marsh 
mallows (leamh) appear to have been included among the herbals of the milk-cult as Ihe 
^oma-|)lant was in India. 

2 Revue Celtique, Vol. XIII. p. 75. 

» Warren, Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Chunh, p. (^7. 

* Henderson's Survivals, p. ai8. 

' Rowan-brrry wine wa» greatly favoured. There are Gaelic references to "the wine of 
the apple (cider)". 


much value to colour and especially to red, the colour of 
life blood. Withal, acorn-cups "are largely imported 
from the Levant for the purposes of tanning, dyeing, 
and making ink".^ A seafaring people like the ancient 
Britons must have tanned the skins used for boats so as 
to prevent them rotting on coming into contact with 
water. Dr. Joyce writes of the ancient Irish in this 
connection, " Curraghs- or wicker- boats were often 
covered with leather. A jacket of hard, tough, tanned 
leather was sometimes worn in battle as a protecting 
corslet. Bags made of leather, and often of undressed 
skins, were pretty generally used to hold liquids. There 
was a sort of leather wallet or bag called crioll, used like 
a modern travelling bag, to hold clothes and other soft 
articles. The art of tanning was well understood in 
ancient Ireland. The name for a tanner was siidaire^ 
which is still a living word. Oak bark was employed, 
and in connection with this use was called coirteach 
(Latin, cortex).'' The oak-god protected seafarers by 
making their vessels sea-worthy. 

Mistletoe berries may have been regarded as milk- 
berries because of their colour, and the ceremonial cut- 
ting of the mistletoe with the golden sickle may well 
have been a ceremony connected with the fertilization 
of trees practised in the East. The mistletoe was reputed 
to be an "all-heal", although really it is useless for 
medicinal purposes. 

That complex ideas were associated with deities im- 
ported into this country, the history of which must be 
sought for elsewhere, is made manifest when we find 
that, in the treeless Outer Hebrides, the goddess known 
as the "maiden queen" has her dwelling in a tree and 
provides the "milk of knowledge" from a sea-shell. She 
could not possibly have had independent origin in Scot- 

1 George Nicholson, Encyclopcedia of Horlicultuir, under "Oak". 
* Curragh is connected with the Latin con'itm, a hide. 


land. Her liistory is rooted in ancient Kf,^ypt, where 
Hathor, the provider of the milk of knowledge and 
longevity, was, as has been indicated, connected with 
the starry sky (the Milky Way), a sea-shell, the milk- 
yielding sycamore fig, and the primeval cow. 

The cult animal of the goddess was in Egypt the star- 
spangled cow; in Troy it was a star-spangled sow'. 
The cult animal of Rome was the wolf which suckled 
Romulus and Remus. In Crete the local Zeus was 
suckled, according to the belief of one cult, by a horned 
sheep-, and according to another cult by a sow. There 
were various cult animals in ancient Scotland, including 
the tabooed pig, the red deer milked by the fairies, the 
wolf, and the cat of the *' Cat" tribes in Shetland, Caith- 
ness, &c. The cow appears to have been sacred to 
certain peoples in ancient Britain and Ireland. It would 
appear, too, that there was a sacred dog in Ireland.^ 

It is evident that among the Eastern beliefs anciently 
imported into the British Isles were some which still 
bear traces of the influence of cults and of culture 
mixing. That religious ideis of Egyptian and Baby- 
lonian origin were blended in this country there can 
be little doubt, for the Gaelic-speaking peoples, who 
revered the hazel as the Egyptians revered the sycamore, 
regarded the liver as the seat of life, as did the Baby- 
lonians, and not the heart, as did the Klgyptians. In 
translations of ancient Gaelic literature " liver" is always 
rendered as "vitals". 

It is of special interest to note that Siret has found 
evidence to show that the Tree Cult of the Easterners 
was connected with the early megalithic monuments. 
The testimony of tradition associates the stone circles, 

■ Schlicmann, Troy a/n/ //s A'rmains. p. jjj. 

i Journal of I/etlenic SluUifs. Vol. XXI. p. 129. 

s It was because Zeus had been suckled by a sow that tlio Cretans, as Athenwus records, 
••will not taste its flesh" (Farnell, Cults 0/ the Greek States. \o\. I, p. 37). In Ireland 
the dog was taboo to CuchuUIn. There is a good deal of Gaelic lore about the sacred 

Cull Animals and " Wondi-r Beasts" (drapons or makara^) un Scottish 
Sculptured Stones 


tS:c., with the Uruids. "We are now obliged", he 
wiites\ "to go back to the theory of the archaeologists 
of a hundred years ago who attributed the megalithic 
monuments to the Druids. The instinct of our pre- 
decessors has been more penetrating than the scientific 
analysis which has taken its place." In Gaelic, as will 
be shown, the words for a sacred grove and the shrine 
within a grove are derived from the same root ;/fw. 
(See also Chapter IX in this connection.) 

* L'Aiithropulogie (igii), pp. 268 et seq. 

The Lore of Charms 

The Meaning of " Luck" — Symbolism of Charms— Colour. Symbolism 
— Death as a Change — Food and Charms for the Dead — The Lucky 
Pearl — Pearl Goddess — Moon as " Pearl of Heaven "—Sky Goddess con- 
nected with Pearls, Groves, and Wells — Night-shining Jewels — Pearl and 
Coral as "Life Givers" — The Morrigan and Morgan le Fay — Goddess 
Freyja and Jewels — Amber connected with Goddess and Boar — "Soul 
Substance" in Amber, Jet, Coral, &c. — Enamel as Substitute for Coral, 
&c.— Precious Metal and Precious Stones — Goddess of Life and Law — 
Pearl as a Standard of \'alue in Gaelic Trade. 

Our ancestors were greatly concerned about their 
luck. They consulted oracles to discover what luck 
was in store for them. To them luck meant everything 
they most desired — good health, good fortune, an 
abundant food supply, and protection against drowning, 
wounds in battle, accidents, and so on. Luck was 
ensured by performing ceremonies and wearing charms. 
Some ceremonies were performed round sacred bon- 
fires (bone fires), when sacrifices were made, at holy 
wells, in groves, or in stone circles. Charms included 
precious stones, coloured stones, pearls, and articles 
of silver, gold, or copper of symbolic shape, or bearing 
an image or inscription. Mascots, "lucky pigs", &c., 
are relics of the ancient custom of wearing charms. 

The colour as well as the shape of a charm revealed 
its particular influence. Certain colours are still re- 
garded as being lucky or unlucky ("yellow is forsaken" 
some say). In ancient times colours meant much to 
the Britons, as they did to other peoples. This fact 


is brouorht out in many tales and customs. A Welsh 
story, for instance, which refers to the appearance of 
supernatural beings attired in red and blue, says, "The 
red on the one part signifies burning, and the blue 
on the other signifies coldness".^ 

On their persisting belief in luck were based the 
religious ideas and practices of the ancient Britons. 
Their chief concern was to protect and prolong life in 
this world and in the next. When death came it 
was regarded as *'a change". The individual was 
supposed either to fall asleep, or to be transported in 
the body to Paradise, or to assume a new form. In 
Scottish Gaelic one can still hear the phrase chaochail e 
("he changed") used to signify that "he died".- But 
after death charms were as necessary as during life. 
As in Aurignacian times, luck-charms in the form of 
necklaces, armlets, &c., were placed in the graves of 
the dead by those who used flint, or bronze, or iron 
to shape implements and weapons. The dead had to 
receive nourishment, and clay vessels are invariably 
found in ancient graves, some of which contain dusty 
deposits. The writer has seen at Fortrose a deposit in 
one of these grave urns, which a medical man identified 
as part of the skeleton of a bird. 

Necklaces of shells, of wild animals' teeth, and orna- 
ments of ivory found in Palasolithic graves or burial 
caves were connected with the belief that they contained 
the animating influence or "life substance" of the 
mother goddess. In later times the pearl found in 
the shell was regarded as being specially sacred. 

Venus (Aphrodite) is, in one of her phases, the per- 
sonification of a pearl, and is lifted from the sea seated 
on a shell. As a sky deity she was connected with 

' I.ady (,h.irlolle Cuiesl. The Afabinogioii (Story of •'Kilwch and C 

(1 wyn ihc son of NuHd "). 

» Also shiubhail e which sijjnifics " hi- « < nl off" (as when walking). 


the planet that bears her name^ and also with the moon. 
The ancients connected the moon with the pearl. In 
some languages the moon is the "pearl of heaven". 
Dante, in his Inferno, refers to the moon as "the 
eternal pearl ". One of the Gaelic names for a pearl 
is neamhnuid. The root is nem of neamh, and neamh 
is "heaven", so that the pearl is "a heavenly thing" 
in Gaelic, as in other ancient languages. It was asso- 
ciated not only with the sky goddess but with the 
sacred grove in which the goddess was worshipped. 
The Gaulish name nemeton, of which the root is like- 
wise nem, means "shrine in a grove". In early Chris- 
tian times in Ireland the name was applied as 7iemed 
to a chapel, and in Scottish place-names"- it survives 
in the form of neimhidh, "church-land", the Englished 
forms of which are Navity, near Cromarty, Navaty in 
Fife, " Rosneath ", formerly Rosneveth (the promon- 
tory of the nemed), "Dalnavie" (dale of the nemed), 
" Cnocnavie " (hillock of the netned), Inchnavie (island 
(jf the nemed), &c. The Gauls had a nemetomanis 
("great shrine"), and when in Roman times a shrine 
was dedicated to Augustus it was called Aiigiistonemeton. 
The root nem is in the Latin word nemus (a grove). 
It was apparently because the goddess of the grove 
was the goddess of the sky and of the pearl, and the 
goddess of battle as well as the goddess of love, that 
Julius Caesar made a thanksgiving offering to Venus 
in her temple at Rome of a corslet of British pearls. 
The Irish goddess Nemon was the spouse of the war 
god Neit. A Roman inscription at Bath refers to the 
British goddess Nemetona. The Gauls had a goddess 
of similar name. In Galatia, Asia Minor, the particular 
tree connected with the sky goddess was the oak, as is 

' Whon depicted with star-spangled garmrnts slic \va^ the goddess of the starry sky 
(■• Milky Way ") like the Egyptian Hathor or Nut. 

■•I Professor W. J. Watson, Place-names of Rons, and Ciomarly. pp. 62-3. 


shown by the name of their reUgious centre which 
was Dm-nemcton ("Oak-grove"). It will be shown 
in a later chapter that the sacred tree was connected 
with the sky and the deities of the sky, with the sacred 
wells and rivers, with the sacred fish, and with the fire, 
the sun, and lightning. Here it may be noted that the 
sacred well is connected with the holy grove, the sky, the 
pearl, and the mother goddess in the Irish place-name 
Neavilmach (Navnagh),^ applied to the well from which 
flows the stream of the Nith. The well is thus, like the 
pearl, "the heavenly one". The root iiem of neamli 
(heaven) is found in the name of St. Brendan's mother, 
who was called Neamhnat (Navnat), which means 
"little" or "dear heavenly one". In neamhan ("raven" 
and " crow ") the bird form of the deity is enshrined. 

Owing to its connection with the moon, the pearl 
was supposed to shine by night. The same peculiarity 
was attributed to certain sacred stones, to coral, jade, 
&c., and to ivory. Munster people perpetuate the 
belief that "at the bottom of the lower lake of Killarney 
there is a diamond of priceless value, which sometimes 
shines so brightly that on certain nights the light bursts 
forth with dazzling brilliancy through the dark waters ".- 
Night-shining jewels are known in Scotland. One is 
suppose to shine on Arthur's Seat, Edinburgh, and 
another on the north "souter" of the Cromarty Firth."' 
Another sacred stone connected with the goddess was 
the onyx, which in ancient Gaelic is called nem. 
Night-shining jewels are referred to in the myths of 
Greece, Arabia, Persia, India, China, Japan, &c. 
Laufer has shown that the Chinese received their lore 
about the night-shining diamond from " Fu-lin " (the 
Byzantine Empire).* 

1 Dr. Joycf. Ivhh Names of Plare-^. Vol. I. p. .^75. » Ihid. Vol. M. p. 378. 

» The two headlands, the ••toufers" or "siitort". .ire supposed to have been »o called 
becau!ie they were sites of tanneries. < Thr Diamond (Chicago, igfs). 

I'pprr: I)..Inicii 

ir. British School of Rome 


■1. S.ii-cliiii.i. Lower: Tvncxwdd I) 



The ancient pearl-fishers spread their pearl-lore far 
and wide. It is told in more than one land that pearls 
are formed by dew-drops from the sky. Pliny says the 
dew- or rain-drops fall into the shells of the pearl- 
oyster when it gapes.^ In modern times the belief is 
that pearls are the congealed tears of the angels. In 
Greece the pearl was called margaritoe, a name which 
survives in Margaret, anciently the name of a goddess. 
The old Persian name for pearl is viargan^ which 
signifies "life giver". It is possible that this is the 
original meaning of the name of Morgan le Fay (Morgan 
the Fairy), who is remembered as the sister of King 
Arthur, and of the Irish goddess Morrigan, usually 
Englished as "Sea-queen" (the sea as the source of 
life), or "great queen". At any rate, Morgan le fay 
and the Morrigan closely resemble one another. In 
Italian we meet with Fata Morgana. 

The old Persian word for coral is likewise margan. 
Coral was supposed to be a tree, and it was regarded 
as the sea-tree of the sea and sky goddess. Amber 
was connected, too, with the goddess. In northern 
mythology, amber, pearls, precious stones, and precious 
metals were supposed to be congealed forms of the tears 
of the goddess FVeyja, the Venus of the Scandinavians. 

Amber, like pearls, was sacred to the mother goddess 
because her life substance (the animating principle) was 
supposed to be concentrated in it. The connection 
between the precious or sacred amber and the goddess 
and her cult animal is brought out in a reference made 
by Tacitus to the amber collectors and traders on the 
southern shore of the Baltic. These are the /Estyans, 
who, according to Tacitus, were costumed like the 
Swedes, but spoke a language resembling the dialect 
of the Britons. "They worship", the historian records, 
"the mother of the gods. The figure of a wild boar 

1 Satu>-al History. Book IX. Chap. LIV. 


is the symbol of their superstition; and he who has 
that emblem about him thinks himself secure even in 
the thickest ranks of the enemy without any need of 
arms or any other mode of defence."^ The animal of 
the amber goddess was thus the boar, which was the 
sacred animal of the Celtic tribe, the Iceni of ancient 
Britain, which under Boadicea revolted against Roman 
rule. The symbol of the boar (remembered as the 
"lucky pig") is found on ancient British armour. On 
the famous Witham shield there are coral and enamel. 
Three bronze boar symbols found in a field at Hounslow 
are preserved in the British Museum. In the same 
field was found a solar-wheel symbol. "The boar 
frequently occurs in British and Gaulish coins of the 
period, and examples have been found as far off as 
Gurina and Transylvania." - Other sacred cult animals 
were connected with the goddess by those people who 
fished for pearls and coral or searched for sacred 
precious stones or precious metals. 

At the basis of the ancient religious system that con- 
nected coral, shells, and pearls with the mother goddess 
of the sea, wells, rivers, and lakes, was the belief that all 
life had its origin in water. Pearls, amber, marsh plants, 
and animals connected with water were supposed to 
be closely associated with the goddess who herself had 
had her origin in water. Tacitus tells that the Baltic 
worshippers of the mother goddess called amber glessc. 
According to Pliny ^ it was called g/essum by the Ger- 
mans, and he tells that one of the Baltic islands famous 
for its amber was named Glessaria. The root is the 
Celtic word glax, which originally meant "water" and 
especially life-giving water. Boece {Cosmographic, 
Chapter XV) tells that in Scotland the belief prevailed 

' Tacitus, Manners of the Germans, Chap. XLV. 

'■' British Afuseum Guide to the Antiquities of thr Early Iron Age, pp. 135-6. 

» Natural History, Book XXWIH, Chapto'i HI. 


that amber was generated of sea-froth. It thus had its 
origin like Aphrodite. Glas is now a colour term in 
Welsh and Gaelic, signifying green or grey, or even 
a shade of blue. It was anciently used to denote 
vigour, as in the term Gaidheal glas ("the vigorous 
Gael " or '* the ambered Gael ", the vigour being derived 
from the goddess of amber and the sea); and in the 
Latinized form of the old British name Cuneglasos, 
which like the Irish Conglas signified "vigorous hound". ^ 
Here the sacred hound figures in place of the sacred 

From the root glas comes also glalsin, the Gaelic name 
for woad, the blue dyestuff with which ancient Britons 
and Gaels stained or tattooed their bodies with figures 
of sacred animals or symbols,- apparently to secure 
protection as did those who had the boar symbol on 
their armour. For the same reason Cuchullin, the 
Irish Achilles, wore pearls in his hair, and the Roman 
Emperor Caligula had a pearl collar on his favourite 
horse. Ice being a form of water is in French glace, 
which also means "glass". When glass beads were 
first manufactured they were regarded, like amber, as 
depositories of "life substance" from the water goddess 
who, as sky goddess, was connected with sun and fire. 
Her fire melted the constituents of glass into liquid 
form, and it hardened like jewels and amber. These 
beads were called "adder stones" (Welsh glain neidre 
and "Druid's gem" or "glass" — in Welsh Gleini na 
Droedh and in Gaelic Glaine nan Druidhe). 

A special peculiarity about amber is that when rubbed 
vigorously it attracts or lifts light articles. That is why 
it is called in Persian Kahruba {Kah, straw; riiba, to 
lift). This name appears in modern French as carahc 

' Rhys rejects the view of Gildas that "Cuneglasos" meant '" tauny butcher". 
' Herodian, Lib. III. says of the inhabitants of Caledonia, " They mark their bodies with 
various pictures of all manner of animals". 


(yellow amber). In Italian, Spanish, and Portugese it 
is carahc. No doubt the early peoples, who gathered 
Adriatic and Baltic amber and distributed it and its lore 
far and wide, discovered this peculiar quality in the 
sacred substance. In Britain, jet was used in the same 
way as amber for luck charms and ornaments. Like 
amber it becomes negatively electric by friction. Bede 
appears to have believed that jet was possessed of special 
virture. "When heated", he says, "it drives away 
serpents." ' The Romans regarded jet as a depository 
of supernatural power - and used it for ornaments. Lentil 
comparatively recently jet was used in Scotland as a 
charm against witchcraft, the evil eye, &c. "A ring 
of hard black schislus found in a cairn in the parish of 
Inchinan", writes a local Scottish historian, "has per- 
formed, if we believe report, many astonishing cures."-' 
Albertite, which, like jet and amber, attracts light 
articles when vigorously rubbed, was made into orna- 
ments. It takes on a finer lustre than jet but loses it 

The fact that jet, albertite, and other black substances 
were supposed to be specially efficacious for protecting 
black horses and cattle is of peculiar interest. Hathor, 
the cow goddess of Egypt, had a black as well as a 
white form as goddess of the night sky and death. 
She was the prototype of the black Aphrodite (Venus). 
In Scotland a black goddess (the nigra dea in Adamnan's 
Life of Columba) was associated with Loch Lochy. 

The use of coral as a sacred substance did not begin 
in Britain until the knowledge of iron working was 
introduced. Coral is not found nearer than the Medi- 
terranean. The people who first brought it to Britain 
must have received it and the beliefs attached to it from 
the Mediterranean area. Before reaching Britain they 

1 Hook I. Chapter 1. - Pliny, Lili. XXX\"I. cap. 34. 

3 Ures HisiOfy of Kutherglen and KUbridr. p. iig. 


had begun to make imitation coral. The substitute was 
enamel, which required for its manufacture great skill 
and considerable knowledge, furnaces capable of gener- 
ating an intense heat being necessary. It is incon- 
ceivable that so expensive a material could have been 
produced except for religious purposes. The warriors 
apparently believed that coral and its substitutes pro- 
tected them as did amber and the boar symbol of the 
mother goddess. 

At first red enamel was used as a substitute for red 
coral, but ultimately blue, yellow, and white enamels 
were produced. Sometimes we find, as at Traprain in 
Scotland, that silver took the place of white enamel. 
It is possible that blue enamel was a substitute for 
turquoise and lapis lazuli, the precious stones associated 
with the mother goddesses of Hathor type, and that 
yellow and white enamels were substitutes for yellow 
and white amber. The Greeks called white amber 
" electrum ". The symbolism of gold and silver links 
closely with that of amber. Possibly the various sacred 
substances and their substitutes were supposed to pro- 
tect different parts of the body. As much is suggested, 
for instance, by the lingering belief that amber protects 
and strengthens the eyes. The solar cult connected the 
ear and the ear-ring with the sun, which was one of the 
"eyes" of the world-deity, the other "eye" being the 
moon. When human ears were pierced, the blood 
drops were offered to the sun-god. Sailors of a past 
generation clung to the ancient notion that gold ear- 
rings exercised a beneficial influence on their eyes. 
Not only the colours of luck objects, but their shapes 
were supposed to ensure luck. The Swashtika symbol, 
the U-form, the S-form, and 8-form symbols, the spiral, 
the leaf-shaped and equal-limbed crosses, Szc, were 
supposed to "attract" and "radiate" the influence of 
the deity. Thus Buddhists accumulate religious "merit" 


not only by fasting and praying, but by making collec- 
tions of jewels and symbols. 

In Britain, as in other countries, the deity was closely 
associated as an influence with law. A Roman inscrip- 
tion on a slab found at Carvoran refers to the mother 
goddess "poising life and laws in a balance". This 
was Ceres, whose worship had been introduced during 
the Roman period, but similar beliefs were attached to 
the ancient goddesses of Britain. Vows were taken 
over objects sacred to her, and sacred objects were used 
as mediums of exchange. In old Gaelic, for instance, 
a jewel or pearl w^as called a set\ in modern Gaelic it is 
sed (pronounced shade). A set (pearl) was equal in 
value to an ounce of gold and to a cow. An ounce of 
gold was therefore a set and a cow was a set, too. 
Three sets was the value of a bondmaid. The value of 
three sets was one cumal. Another standard of value 
was a sack of corn {rniach).^ 

The value attached to gold and pearls was originally 
magical. Jewels and precious metals were searched for 
for to bring wearers "luck" — that is, everything their 
hearts desired. The search for these promoted trade, 
and the sets were used as a standard of value between 
traders. Thus not only religious systems, but even 
the early systems of trade were closely connected with 
the persistent belief in luck and the deity who was the 
source of luck.- 

* Joyce, A Smaller Social History of Ancient Ireland, p. 478. 

' Professor W. J. Watson has drawn my attention to an interesting reference to amber. 
In the Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. II, p. 18, under "Celtic Inscriptions of 
France and Italy", Sir John Rhys deals with Vcbrumaros, a man's name. The second 
element in this n.-xme is tndros (great); the first, ttrbru, "is perhaps to be explained by 
reftrcnce to theJWclsh word g^vrfr (amber)". Rhys thought the name meant that tlie 
man was distinguished for his display of amber "in the adornment of his person". The 
name had probably a deeper significance. Amber was closely associated with the mother 
goddess. One of her names may have been " Uebru ". She personified amber. 

The World of Our Ancestors 

"All Heals" — Influences of Cardinal Points — The Four Red Divi- 
sions of the World — The Black North, White South, Purple East, and 
Dun or Pale East — Good and Bad Words connected with South and 
North — North the left, South the right, East in front, and West behind- 
Cardinal Points Doctrine in Burial Customs — Stone Circle Burials — 
Christian and Pagan Burial Rites — Sunwise Customs — Raising the Devil 
in Stone Circle — Coloured Winds — Coloured Stones raise Winds — The 
"God Body" and "Spirit Husk" — Deities and Cardinal Points— Axis 
of Stonehenge Avenue — God and Goddesses of Circle — Well Worship — 
Lore of Druids. 

The ancient superstitions dealt with in the previous 
chapter afford us glimpses of the world in which our 
ancestors lived, and some idea of the incentives that 
caused them to undertake long and perilous journeys in 
search of articles of religious value. They were as 
greatly concerned as are their descendants about their 
health and their fate. Everything connected with the 
deity, or possessing, as was believed, the influence of 
the deity, was valuable as a charm or as medicine. 
The mistletoe berry was a famous medicine because it 
was the fruit of a parasite supposed to contain the "life 
substance " of a powerful deity. It was an "All Heal " 
or "Cure All",^ yet it was a quack medicine and quite 
useless. Red earth was "blood earth"; it contained 
the animating principle too. Certain herbs were sup- 
posed to be curative. Some herbs were, and in the 

' Richard of Cirencester (fourteenth ic-ntury) says the niistlttoe increased the number of 
animaU, an'l was considirrH as a specific against all poisons (Hook I. Chap. I\'). 


course of tiine their precise qualities were identified. 
But many of them continued in use, althouc^h quite 
useless, because of the colour of their berries, the shape 
of their leaves, or the position in which they grew. If 
one red-berried plant was "lucky" or curative, all red- 
berried plants shared in its reputation. It was because 
of the lore attached to colours that dusky pearls were 
preferred to white pearls, just as in Ceylon yellow pearls 
are chiefly favoured because yellow is the sacred colour 
of the Buddhists. Richard of Cirencester/ referring to 
Bade, says that British pearls are "often of the best 
kind and of every colour: that is, red, purple, violet, 
green, but principally white ". 

In the lore of plants, in religious customs, including 
burial customs, and in beliefs connected with the seasons, 
weather, and sacred sites, there are traces of a doctrine 
based on the belief that good or bad influences " flowed " 
from the cardinal points, just as good or bad influences 
" flowed " from gems, metals, wood, and water. When, 
for instance, certain herbs were pulled from the ground, 
it was important that one should at the time of the 
operation be facing the south. A love-enticing plant 
had to be plucked in this way, and immediately before 

There was much superstition in weather lore, as the 
beliefs connected with St. Swithin's Day indicate. Cer- 
tain days were lucky for removals in certain directions. 
Saturday was the day for flitting northward, and Monday 
for flitting southward. Monday was "the key of the 
week". An old Gaelic saying, repeated in various 
forms in folk stories, runs: 

Shut the north window, 

And quickly close the window to the south; 
.\nd shut the window facing- west, 
Evil never came from the cast. 

1 Book I. Chap. v. 


South-running water was "powerful" for working pro- 
tective charms; north-running water brought evil. 

The idea behind these and other similar beliefs was 
that "the four red divisions" or the "four brown divi- 
sions " of the world were controlled by deities or groups 
of deities, whose influences for good or evil were con- 
tinually "flowing", and especially when winds were 

(Behind) W 


E (Before) 

Diagram of the Gaelic Airts (Cardinal Points) and their A<;sociated Colours 

retcrred to in the text 

Spring was connected with the east, summer with the south, autumn with the west, 

and winter with the north. 

blowing. A good deity sent a good wind, and a bad 
deity sent a bad wind. Each wind was coloured. The 
north was the airt^ (cardinal point) of evil, misfortune, 
and bad luck, and was coloured black; the south was 
the source of good luck, good fortune, summer, and 
longevity, and was coloured white; the east was a 
specially sacred airt, and was coloured purple-red, while 

' This excellent Gaelic word is current i 
airts thr wind can hlaw". 

I Scotland. Burns 

the line, "O" a' the 


the west was the airt of death, and was coloured dun or 
pale. East and south and north and west were con- 
nected. There were various colours for the subsidiary 
points of the compass. 

This doctrine was a very ancient one, because we find 
that in the Gaelic language the specially good words 
are based on the word for the south, and the specially 
bad ones on the name for the north. In Welsh and 
Gaelic the north is on the left hand and the south on the 
right hand, the east in front, and the west behind. It is 
evident, therefore, that the colour scheme of the cardinal 
points had a connection with sun worship. A man who 
adored the rising sun faced the east, and had the north 
on his left and the south on his right. In early Christian 
Gaelic literature it is stated that on the Day of Judgment 
the goats (sinners) will be sent to the north (the left 
hand) and the sheep (the justified) to the south (the right 

The same system can be traced in burial customs. 
Many of the ancient graves lie east and west. Graves 
that lie north and south may have been those of the 
members of a different religious cult, but in some cases 
it is found that the dead were placed in position so that 
they faced the east. In the most ancient graves in 
Egypt men were laid on their right sides with their feet 
directed towards the " red north " and their faces towards 
the golden east. Women were laid on the left sides 
facing the east. Red was in ancient Egypt the male 
colour, and white and yellow the female colours; the 
feet of the men were towards the red north and those of 
women towards the white or yellow south. 

All ancient British burials were not made in accord- 
ance with solar-cult customs. It can be shown, however, 
in some cases that, although a burial custom may appear 
to be either of local or of independent origin, the funda- 
mental doctrine of which it was an expression was the 


same as that behind other burial customs. Reference 
may be made, by way of illustration, to the graves at 
the stone circle of Hakpen Hill in the Avebury area. 
In the seventeenth century a large number of skeletons 
were here unearthed. Dr. Toope of Oxford, writing in 
16S5, has recorded in this connection:^ 

" About 80 yards from where the bones were found is a 
temple, 2 40 yards diameter, with another 15 yards; round 
about bones layd so close that soul (skull) toucheth scul. 
Their feet all round turned towards the temple, one foot 
below the surface of the ground. At the feet of the first 
order lay the head of the next row, the feet always tending 
towards the temple." 

Here the stone circle is apparently the symbol of the 
sun and the "Mecca" from which the good influence 
or "luck" of the sun emanated and gave protection. 
One seems to come into touch with the influence of 
an organized priesthood in this stone circle burial 

The more ancient custom of burying the dead so that 
the influences of the airts might be exercised upon them 
according to their deserts seems, however, to have been 
deep-rooted and persistent. In England, Wales, Scot- 
land, and Ireland the custom obtained until recently of 
reserving the north side of a churchyard for suicides 
and murderers; the " black north " was the proper place 
for such wrong-doers, who were refused Christian rites 
of burial, and were interred according to traditional 
pagan customs. The east was reserved chiefly for 
ecclesiastics, the south for the upper classes, and the 
west for the poorer classes. Funeral processions still 
enter the older churchyards from the east, and proceed 
in the direction of the sun towards the open graves. 
Suicides and murderers were carried in the opposite 

' Quotrd by Sir H. Colt Iloarc in Aiirifit IfUfshirr. U. p. Uy,. 2 Stone circle. 


direction (" withershins abi)ut ").' Tlu- custom of tlcalinj^ 
out cards "sunwise", of stirring food "sunwise", and 
other customs in which turning to the right (the south) 
is observed, appear to be relics of the ancient belief in 
the influences of the airts. Some fishermen still consider 
it unlucky to turn their boats "against the sun". It 
was anciently believed, as references in old ballads indi- 
cate, that a tempest-stricken vessel turned round three 
times against the sun before it sank. According to a 
belief that has survival in some parts of the north of 
Scotland, the devil will appear in the centre of a stone 
circle if one walks round it three times "against the sun" 
at midnight. Among the ancient Irish warriors, Pro- 
fessor W. J. Watson tells me, it was a mark of hostile 
intent to drive round a fort keeping the left hand towards 
it. The early Christian custom of circulating chapels 
and dwelling-houses "sunwise" was based on the 
pagan belief that good influences were conjured in this 

As the winds were coloured like the airts from which 
they blew, it was believed that they could be influenced 
by coloured objects. In his description of the W^'Stern 
Isles, Martin, a seventeenth century writer, referring to 
the Pladda Chuan Island, relates: 

"There is a chapel in the isle dt-dicated to St. Coluniba. 
It has an altar in the east end and therein a blue stone of 
a round form on it, which is always moist. It is an ordinary 
custom, when any of the fishermen are detained in the isle by 
contrary winds, to wash the blue stone with water all round, 
expecting thereby to procure a favourable wind. . . . And so 
great is the reg-ard they have for this stone, tliat they swear 
decisive oaths upon it." 

The moist stone had an indwelling spirit, and was there- 

' In Gaelic det's-iuil means a turning sunwise (by the right or south) from cast to west, 
.Tnd luat, i.e. iuath-iuil. a turninp by thi- north or left from east to west. Dris is the 
K.-nitivc of Dfas (south, right li.-iiul), .nul Tunth is n..rlh or left hand. 

oNK OF Till-: (;ki:at tki-lithuns, stoxehexge 

(see page 174) 



fore a holy object which made vows and agreements of 
binding character. In Japan a stone of this kind is 
called shintai ("god body"). The Gaelic name for a 
god body is '•'' ciiach anavia " ('' soul shrine ", or " spirit- 
case ", or "spirit-husk "). Coich na cno is the shell of a 
nut. The Chinese believe that moist and coloured 
stones are the "eggs" of weather-controlling dragons. 

The connection between blue and the mother goddess 
is of great antiquity. Imitation cowries and other shells 
in blue enamelled terra-cotta have been found in Egyptian 
graves. Blue was the colour of the "luck stone" of 
Hathor, the sky and water goddess whose symbols in- 
cluded the cowrie. The Brigantes of ancient Britain 
had, according to Seneca, blue shields. Shields were 
connected with the goddess of war. In Gaelic, blue is 
the luck colour for womens' clothing.^ English and 
Scottish fishermen still use blue as a mourning colour. 
When a death takes place, a blue line is painted round 
a fishing-boat. The desire for protection by invoking the 
blue goddess probably gave origin to this custom. 

As influences came from the coloured airts, so did the 
great deities and the groups of minor deities associated 
with them. The god Lugh, for instance, always comes 
in the old stories from the north-east, while the goddess 
Morrigan comes from the north-west. ^ The fierce wind- 
raising Scottish goddess of spring comes from the south- 
west. All over Britain the fairies come from the west 
and on eddies of wind like the Greek nereids. In Scot- 
land the evil-working giants come from the black north. 
It was believed that the dead went westward or south- 

' The folIo«ving stanza is from the " Book of Ball> inotc- " 

Mottled to simpletons; blue to women ; 
Crimson to kings of every host ; 
Green and black to noble laymen ; 
White to clerics of proper devotion. 

'• In the Cuchullin Saga Lugh is " a lone man out of the north-eastern quarter . WTien 
the cry of another supernatural being is heard, Cuchullin asks from which direction it came. 
He is told " from the north-west ". The goddess Morrigan then appeared. 


westward towards Paradise. The fact that the axis of 
Stonehenge circle and avenue points to the north-east is 
of special interest when we find that the god Lugh, a 
Celtic Apollo, came from that airt. Either Lugh, or a 
god like him, may have been invoked to come through 
the avenue or to send his influence through it, while the 
priests walked in procession round the circle sunwise. 
Apparently the south-west part of the circle, with its 
great trilithons, resembling the portals of the goddess 
Artemis, was specially consecrated to a goddess like the 
Scottish Cailleach ("Old Wife") who had herds of wild 
animals, protected deer from huntsmen, raised storms, 
and transformed herself into a standing stone. The 
Gaulish goddess Ro-smerta ("very smeared") is regu- 
larly associated with the god identified with Mercury. 
The god Smertullis is equated with Essus (the war god) 
by d'Arbois de Jubainville. 

The differently coloured winds were divine influences 
and revealed their characters by their colours. It was 
apparently because water was impregnated with the 
influences of the deities that wind and water beliefs were 
closely associated. Holy and curative wells and sacred 
rivers and lakes were numerous in ancient Britain and 
Ireland. Offerings made at wells were offerings made 
to a deity. These offerings might be gold and silver, 
as was the case in Gaul, or simply pins of copper. A 
good many wells are still known as "pin wells" and 
"penny wells". The metals and pearls and precious 
stones supposed to contain vital substance were oft'ered 
to the deities so as to animate them. The images of 
gods were painted red for the same reason, or sacrifices 
were offered and their altars drenched with blood. In 
Ireland children were sacrificed to a god called Crom 
Cruach and exchanged for milk and corn. As a Gaelic 
poem records: 

Great was tlie horror and the scare of him. 


The ancient doctrines of which faint or fragmentary 
traces survive in Britain and Ireland may have been 
similar to those taught by the Druids in Gaul. Accord- 
ing to Pomponius Mela, these sages professed to know 
the secrets of the motions of the heavenly bodies and 
the will of the gods.^ Strabo's statement that the Druids 
believed that "human souls and the world were im- 
mortal, but that fire and water would sometime prevail" 
is somewhat obscure. It may be, however, that light is 
thrown on the underlying doctrine by the evidence given 
ill the next chapter regarding the beliefs that fire, water, 
and trees were intimately connected with the chief 

'In a Cuchullin saga the hero, addressing the charioteer, says: "Go out, my friend, 
observe the stars ol the air, and ascertain when midnight comes". The Irish Gaehc 
grifn-tatrisrm is given in an eighth- or ninth-century gloss. It means "sun-standing", 
and refers to the summer solstice. 

Why Trees and Wells were Worshipped 

Ancient British Idols — Pa.efan Temples — Animism and Goddess Wor- 
ship—Trees and Wells connected with Sky— Life Principle in Water- 
Sacred Berries, Nuts, and Acorns — Parasite as " Kiii.^; of Trees " — Fire- 
making Beliefs — Tree and Thunder-god — The Sacred Fish — Salmon as 
form of the Dragon — The Dragon Jewel — C^eltic Dragon Myth — The 
Salmon and the Solar Ring— Polycrates Story— The St. Mungo Legends- 
Glasgow Coat of Arms — Holy Fire from the Hazel — Hunting the Wren, 
Robin, and Mouse — Mouse Lore and Mouse Deity — Mouse-Apollo in 
Britain— Goddess Bride or Hrigit— The Brigantian Chief Deity— God- 
dess of Fire, Healing, Smith-work, and Poetry — Bride's Bird, Tree, and 
Well — Mythical Serpents — Soul Forms — Souls in Reptiles, Animals, and 
Trees— Were-animals — The Butterfly Deity —Souls as Butterflies — Souls 
as Bees— A Hebridean Sea-god. 

Gildas, a sixth-century churchman, tells us that the 
idols in ancient Britain "almost surpassed in number 
those of Egypt". That he did not refer merely to 
standing- stones, which, as we have seen, were "idols" 
to the Gaels, is evident from his precise statements that 
some idols could be seen in his day " mouldering away 
within or without the deserted temples", and that they 
had "stiff and deformed features". " Mouldering" sug- 
gests wood. Gildas states further that besides worship- 
ping idols the British pagans were wont to pay "divine 
honour" to hills and wells and rivers. Reference is 
made in the Life of Columba to a well which was wor- 
shipped as a god. 

The British temples are referred to also by Pope 
Gregory the Great, who in a.d. 6oi addressed a letter 
to Abbot Mellitus, then on a mission to England, giving 



him instructions for the guidance of Augustine of 
Canterbury. The Pope did not wish to have the 
lieathen buildings destroyed, "for", he wrote, " if those 
are well constructed, it is requisite that they can be con- 
verted from the worship of demons to the service of the 
true God. . . . Let the idols that are in them be des- 
troyed." ' 

The temples in question may have been those erected 
during the Romano-British period. One which stood 
at Canterbury was taken possession of by St. Augustine 
after the conversion of King Ethelbert, who had wor- 
shipped idols in it. The Celtic peoples may, however, 
have had temples before the Roman invasion. At any 
rate there were temples as well as sacred groves in Gaul. 
Poseidonius of Apamea refers to a temple at Toulouse 
which was greatly revered and richly endowed by the 
gifts of numerous donors. These gifts included "large 
quantities of gold consecrated to the gods ". The Druids 
crucified human victims who were sacrificed within their 

Diodorus Siculus refers as follows to a famous temple 
in Britain : 

"There is in tliat island a magnificent temple of Apollo 
and a circular shrine, adorned with votive offerings and tablets 
with Greek inscriptions suspended by travellers upon the 
walls. The kings of that city and rulers of the temples are 
the Boreads who take up the government from each other 
according to the order of their tribes. The citizens are given 
up to music, harping and chaunting in honour of the sun."' 

Some writers have identified this temple with Stone- 
henge circle. Layamon informs us in his Bruie, how- 
ever, that the temple of Apollo was situated in London. 
Of course there may have been several temples to this 
god or the British deity identified with him. 

' Bcdr, Hisforia Ecclrsiaslica, \,\h. I, cap. ;o. 
(I- -217) 13 


It may be that the stone circles were regarded as 
temples. It may be, too, that temples constructed of 
wattles and clay were associated with the circles. In 
Pope Gregory's letter reference is made to the custom of 
constructing on festival days "tabernacles of branches 
of trees around those churches which have been changed 
from heathen temples", and to the pagan custom of 
slaying "oxen in sacrifices to demons ". Pytheas refers 
to a temple on an island opposite the mouihof the Loire. 
This island was inhabited by women only, and once a 
year they unroofed and reroofed their temple. In the 
Hebrides the annual custom of unroofing and reroofing 
thatched houses is not yet obsolete; it may originally 
have had a religious significance. 

Gildas's reference to the worship of hills, wells, and 
rivers is by some writers regarded as evidence of the 
existence in ancient Britain of the "primitive belief" 
in spirits. This stage of religious culture is called 
Animism (Spiritism). The discovery, however, that a 
goddess was worshipped in Aurignacian times by the 
Cro-Magnon peoples in Western Europe suggests that 
Animistic beliefs were not necessarily as ancient as has 
been assumed. It may be that what we know as Animism 
was a product of a later period when there arose some- 
what complex ideas about the soul or the various souls 
in man, and the belief became widespread that souls 
could not only transform themselves into animal shapes, 
but could enter statues and gravestones. This concep- 
tion may have been confused with earlier ideas about 
stones, shells, &c., being impregnated with "life sub- 
stance" (the animating principle) derived from the 
mother goddess. Backward peoples, who adopted com- 
plex religious beliefs that had grown up in centres of 
civilization, may not always have had a complete under- 
standing of their significance. It is difficult to believe 
that even savages, who adoj:)tcd the boats iin-ented in 


Egypt from those peoples that came into touch with them, 
were always entirely immune to other cultural influences, 
and retained for thousands of years the beliefs supposed 
to be appropriate for those who were in the "Stone Age". 

Our concern here is with the ancient Britons. It is 
unnecessary for us to glean evidence from Australia, 
South America, or Central Africa to ascertain the char- 
acter of their early religious conceptions and practices. 
There is sufficient local evidence to show that a definite 
body of beliefs lay behind their worship of trees, rivers, 
lakes, wells, standing stones, and of the sun, moon, and 
stars. Our ancestors do not appear to have worshipped 
natural objects either because they were beautiful or 
impressive, but chiefly because they were supposed to 
contain influences which affected mankind either directly 
or indirectly. These influences were supposed to be 
under divine control, and to emanate, in the first place, 
from one deity or another, or from groups of deities. A 
god or goddess was worshipped whether his or her 
influence was good or bad. The deity who sent disease, 
for instance, was believed to be the controller of disease, 
and to him or her offerings were made so that a plague 
might cease. Thus in the Iliad offerings are made to 
the god Mouse-Apollo, who had caused an epidemic of 

Trees and wells were connected with the sky and the 
heavenly bodies. The deity who caused thunder and 
lightning had his habitation at times in the oak, the fir, 
the rowan, the hazel, or some other tree. He was the 
controller of the elements. There are references in 
(".aelic charms to "the King of the Elements". 

The belief in an intimate connection between a well, 
a tree, and the sky appears to have been a product of 
a quaint but not unintelligent process of reasoning.^ 

' Of course it does not follow that the reasoniny: originally took place in tlipsc islands. 
V. .•mplrx beliefs were importrd at an early period. These were localized. 


The early folk were ihinkers, but their reasoning was 
confined within the Hmits of their knowledge, and 
biassed by preconceived ideas. To them water was the 
source of all life. It fell from the sky as rain, or bubbled 
up from the underworld to form a well from which a 
stream flowed. The well was the mother of the stream, 
and the stream was the mother of the lake. It was 
believed that the well-water was specially impregnated 
with the influences that sustained life. The tree that 
grew beside the well was nourished by it. If this tree 
was a rowan, its red berries were supposed to contain in 
concentrated form the animating influence of the deity; 
the berries cured diseases, and thus renewed youth, or 
protected those who used them as charms against evil 
influences. They were luck-berries. If the tree was a 
hazel, its nuts were similarly efficacious; if an oak, its 
acorns were regarded likewise as luck-bringers. The 
parasitic plant that grew on the tree was supposed to be 
stronger and more influential than the tree itself. This 
belief, which is so contrary to our way of thinking, is 
accounted for in an old Gaelic story in which a super- 
natural being says: 

" () man tiiat for Fergus of the feasts dost kindle tire . . . 
never burn the King of the Woods. Monarch of Innisfail'.s 
forest the woodbine is, whom none may hold captive; no 
feeble sovereign's effort it is to hug all tough trees in his 

The weakly parasite was thus regarded as being very 
powerful. That may be the reason why the mistletoe 
was reverenced, and why its milk-white berries were 
supposed to have curative and life-prolonging qualities. 
Although the sacred parasite was not used for fire- 
wood, it served as a fire-producer. Two fire-sticks, one 
from tlie soft parasite and one from the hard wood of the 
tree to which it clung, were rubbed together until sparks 


issued forth :incl fell on dry leaves or dry orass. The 
sparks were blown until a flame sprang up. At this 
flame of holy fire the people kindled their brands, which 
they carried to their houses. The house fires were ex- 
tinguished once a year and relit from the sacred flames. 
Fire was itself a deity, and the deity was "fed" with 
fuel. " Xeed fires " (new fires)^ were kindled at festivals 
so that cattle and human beings might be charmed 
against injury. These festivals were held four times a 
year, and the "new-fire" custom lingers in those dis- 
tricts where New Year's Day, Midsummer, May Day, 
and Hallowe'en bonfires are still being regularly kindled. 

The fact that fire came from a tree induced the early 
people to believe that it was connected with lightning, 
and therefore with the sky god who thundered in the 
heavens. This god was supposed to wield a thunder- 
axe or thunder-hammer with which he smote the sky 
(believed to be solid) or the hills. With his axe or 
hammer he shaped the "world house". 

In Scotland, a goddess, who is remembered as "the 
old wife",'- was supposed to wield the hammer, or to ride 
across the sky on a cloud and throw down "fire-balls" 
that set the woods in flame. Here we find, probably as 
a result of culture mixing, a fusion of beliefs connected 
with the thunder god and the mother goddess. 

Rain fell when the sky deity sent thunder and light- 
ning. To early man, who took fire from a tree which 
was nourished by a well, fire and water seemed to be 
intimately connected.^ The red berries on the sacred 
tree were supposed to contain fire, or the essence of fire. 
When he made rowan-berry wine, he regarded it as 
"fire water" or "the water of life". He drank it, and 

• In Ciai-lic these arc lallivl " tVirtion fires". 

•According to some. Isis is a rendering of a Libyan name moaning "old wife". 

'This connection can be traced in ancient Egypt. The sun and fire were connected, 
and the sun originally rose from the primordial waters. The sun's rays were the " tears " 
of Ra (the sun god). Herbs and trees sprang up where Ra's tears lell. 


thus introduced into his blood fire which stimulated him. 
Ill his blood was " the vital spark". When he died the 
blood grew cold, because the " vital spark " had departed 
from it. 

In the water fire lived in another form. Fish were 
found to be phosphorescent. The fish in the pool was 
at any rate regarded as a form of the deity who nourished 
life and was the origin of life. A specially sacred fish 
was the salmon. It w^as observed that this fish had red 
spots, and these were accounted for by the myth that the 
red berries or nuts from the holy tree dropped into the 
well and were swallowed by the salmon. The "chief" 
or "king" of the salmon was called "the salmon of 
wisdom ". If one caught the " salmon of wisdom " and, 
when roasting it, tasted the first portion of juice that 
came from its body, one obtained a special instalment of 
concentrated wisdom, and became a seer, or magician, or 

The salmon was reverenced also because it was a 
migratory fish. Its comings and goings were regular 
as the seasons, and seemed to be controlled by the ruler 
of the elements with whom it was intimately connected. 
One of its old Gaelic names was ore (pig). It was evi- 
dently connected with that animal; the sea-pig was 
possibly a form of the deity. The porpoise was also an 

Hidden in the well lay a great monster which in 
Gaelic and Welsh stories is referred to as "the beast", 
"the serpent", or "the great worm". Ultimately it 
was identified with the dragon with fiery breath. An 
Irish story connects the salmon and dragon. It tells 
that a harper named Cliach, who had the powers of a 
Druid, kept playing his harp until a lake sprang up. 

> So was a whale. The Latin orca is a Celtic loan-word. Milton uses the Celtic whali-- 
natne in the line 

The haunt of seals, and ores, and sea-mews' clang. 

— Paradise Lost, Boi>k XI, line 8.55. 


This lake was visited by a goddess and her attendants, 
who had assumed the forms of beautiful birds. It was 
called Loch Bel Sead ("lake of the jewel mouth") be- 
cause pearls were found in it, and Loch Crotto Cliach 
("lake of Cliach's harps"). Another name was Loch 
Bel Dragain ("dragon-mouth lake"), because Ternog's 
nurse caught " a fiery dragon in the shape of a salmon " 
and she was induced to throw this salmon into the 
loch. The early Christian addition to the legend runs: 
"And it is that dragon that will come in the festival of 
St. John, near the end of the world, in the reign of Flann 
Cinaidh. And it is of it and out of it shall grow the 
fiery bolt which will kill three-fourth of the people of the 
world." ^ Here fire is connected with the salmon. 

The salmon which could transform itself into a great 
monster guarded the tree and its life-giving berries and 
the treasure offered to the deity of the well. Apparently 
its own strength was supposed to be derived from or 
concentrated in the berries. The queen of the district 
obtained the supernatural power she was supposed to 
possess from the berries too, and stories are told of 
a hero who was persuaded to enter the pool and pluck 
the berries for the queen. He was invariably attacked 
by the "beast", and, after handing the berries to the 
queen, he fell down and died. There are several ver- 
sions of this story. In one version a specially valued 
gold ring, a symbol of authority, is thrown into the 
pool and swallowed by the salmon. The hero catches 
and throws the salmon on to the bank. When he 
plucks the berries, he is attacked by the monster and 
kills it. Having recovered the ring, he gives it to the 
princess, who becomes his wife. Apparently she will be 
chosen as the next queen, because she has eaten the 
salmon and obtained the gold symbol. 

It may be that this story had its origin in the practice 

' O'Ciirry, .Vfanusrii/iJ .\fatrrials. pp. 426-7. 


of ofleiiiig a human sacrifice to ilie deity of the pool, so 
that the youth-renewing red berries might be obtained 
for the queen, the human representative of the deity. 
Her fate was connected with the ring of gold in which, 
as in the berries, the inlluence of the deity was con- 

Polycrates of Samos, a Hellenic sea-king, was simi- 
larly supposed to have his "luck" connected with a 
beautiful seal-stone, the most precious of his jewels. 
On the advice of Pharaoh Amasis of Egypt he flung 
it into the sea. According to Herodotus, it was to avert 
his doom that he disposed of the ring. But he could 
not escape his fate. The jewel came back; it was found 
a few days later in the stomach of a big fish. 

In India, China, and Japan dragons or sea monsters 
are supposed to have luck pearls which confer great power 
on those who obtain possession of them. The famous 
"jewel that grants all desires" and the jewels that 
control the ebb and flow of tides are obtained from, 
and are ultimately returned to, sea-monsters of the 
dragon order. 

The British and Irish myths about sacred gold or 
jewels obtained from the dragon or one of its forms were 
taken over with much else by the early Christian mis- 
sionaries, and given a Christian significance. Among 
the legends attached to the memory of the Irish Saint 
Moling is one that tells how he obtained treasure for 
Christian purposes. His fishermen caught a salmon 
and found in its stomach an ingot of gold. Moling 
divided the gold into three parts— "one third for the 
poor, another for the ornamenting of shrines, a third to 
provide for labour and work ". 

The most complete form of the ancient myth is, how- 
ever, found in the life of Glasgow's patron saint, St. 
Kentigern (St. Mungo). A queen's gold ring had been 
thrown into the River Clvde, and, as she was unable, 


when asked by the kin^-, to produce it, she was con- 
demned to death and cast into a dungeon. The queen 
appealed to St. Kentigern, who instructed her messenger 
to catch a fish in the river and bring it to him. A 
large fish "commonly called a salmon" was caught. 
In its stomach was found the missing ring. The grate- 
ful queen, on her release, confessed her sins to the saint 
and became a Christian. St. Mungo's seal, now the 


Seal of City of Clasgow, 1647-1793, sliowin-,' Trc<-. Ilird, Sali 
and Bdl 

coat of arms of Glasgow, shows the salmon with a ring 
in its mouth, below an oak tree, in the branches of 
which sits, as the oracle bird, a robin red-breast. A 
Christian bell dangles from a branch of the tree. 

That the Glasgow saint took the place of a Druid, ^ so 
that the people might say " Kentigern is my Druid " as 
St. Columba said "Christ is my Druid", is suggested 
by his intimate connection, as shown in his seal, with 
the sacred tree of the "King of the Elements", the 

' Professor W. J. Watson says in this connection: "The Celtic clerics stepped in to the 
■hoes of the Druids. The people regarded them as superior Druids." 


oracular bird (the thunder bird), the salmon form of the 
deity, and the power-conferring ring. As the Druids 
produced sacred tire from wood, so did St. Kentigern. 
It is told that when a youth his rivals extinguished the 
sacred fire under his care. Kentigern went outside the 
monastery and obtained "a bough of growing hazel and 
prayed to the 'Father of Lights'". Then he made 
the sign of the cross, blessed the bough, and breathed 
on it. 

" A wonderful and remarkable thing followed. Straightway 
fire coming forth from heaven, seizing the bough, as if the 
boy had exhaled flames for breath, sent forth fire, vomiting 
rays, and banished all the surrounding darkness. . . . God 
therefore sent forth His light, and led him and brought him 
into the monastery. . . . That hazel from which the little 
branch was taken received a blessing from St. Kentigern, 
and afterwards began to grow into a wood. If from that 
grove of hazel, as the country folks say, even the greenest 
branch is taken, even at the present day, it catches fire like 
the driest material at the touch of fire. ..." 

A redbreast, which was kept as a pet at the monastery, 
was hunted by boys, who tore off its head. Kentigern 
restored the bird to life. The robin was hunted down 
in some districts as was the wren in other districts. An 
old rhyme runs: 

A robin and a wren 

Are God's cock and hen. 

In Pagan times the oracular bird connected with the 
holy tree was sacrificed annually. The robin repre- 
sented the god and the wren (Kitty or Jenny Wren) the 
goddess in some areas. In Gaelic, Spanish, Italian, 
and Greek the wren is "the little King" or "the King 
of Birds". A Gaelic folk-tale tells that the wren flew 
highest in a competition held by the birds for the king- 
shiji, bv concealing itself on an eagle's back. When 


the eagle reached its highest possible altitude, the wren 
rose above it and claimed the honour of kingship. In 
the Isle of Man the wren used to be hunted on St. 
Stephen's Day. Elsewhere it was hunted on Christmas 
Eve or Christmas Day. The dead bird was carried on 
a pole at the head of a procession and buried with cere- 
mony in a churchyard. 

In Scotland the shrew mouse was hunted in like man- 
ner, and buried under an apple tree. A standing stone 
in Perthshire is called in Gaelic "stone of my little 
mouse ". As there were mouse feasts in ancient Scot- 
land, it would appear that a mouse god like Smintheus 
(Mouse-Apollo) was worshipped in ancient times. Mouse 
cures were at one time prevalent. The liver of the 
mouse ^ was given to children who were believed to be 
on the point of death. They rallied quickly after swal- 
lowing it. Roasted mouse was in England and Scotland 
a cure for whooping-cough and smallpox. The Boers 
in South Africa are perpetuating this ancient folk-cure.^ 
In Gaelic folk-lore the mouse deity is remembered as 
lucha sith ("the supernatural mouse"). 

There still survive traces of the worship of a goddess 
who is remembered as Bride in England and Scotland, 
and as Brigit in Ireland. A good deal of the lore 
connected with her has been attached to the memory 
of St. Brigit of Ireland. 

I-'ebruary ist (old style) was known as Bride's Day. 
I ler birds were the wood linnet, which in Gaelic is called 
"Bird of Bride", and the oyster catcher called "Page 
of Bride ", while her plant was the dandelion {am hearnan 
bride), the "milk" of which was the salvation of the 
early lamb. On Bride's Day the serpent awoke from its 
winter sleep and crept from its hole. This serpent is 

' In old Gaelic the liver is the seat of lite. 

» Mri. K. Tawse Jollie., S. Mclsctter, S. Rhodesia, writes me under October 
II. 1918. in .Tnswer to my qinrry. that the Boers reg^ard s/r«>> muis (striped mice) as a 
cure for " weakness of the bowel " in chiMrrn. &r. 


called in Gaelic *' daut,'^hter of hur", mi ribhiiin ("the 
damsel "), i<:c. 

The white serpent was, like the salmon, a source of 
wisdom and magical power. It was evidently a form of 
the goddess. Brigit was the goddess of the Brigantes, 
a tribe whose territory extended from the Firth of Forth 
to the midlands of England.^ The Brigantes took 
possession of a part of Ireland where Brigit had three 
forms as the goddess of healing, the goddess of smith- 
work, and the goddess of poetry, and therefore of 
metrical magical charms. Some think her name signifies 
"fiery arrow". She was the source of fire, and was 
connected with different trees in different areas. The 
Bride-wells were taken over by vSaint Bride. 

The white serpent, referred to in the legends associated 
with Farquhar, the physician, and Michael Scott, some- 
times travelled very swiftly by forming itself into a ring 
with its tail in its mouth. This looks like the old Celtic 
solar serpent. If the serpent were cut in two, the parts 
wriggled towards a stream and united as soon as they 
touched water. If the head were not smashed, it would 
become a beithis, the biggest and most poisonous variety 
of serpent.- The " Deathless snake " of Egypt, referred 
to in an ancient folk-tale, was similarly able to unite its 
severed body. Bride's serpent links with the serpent 
dragons of the F'ar East, which sleep all winter and 
emerge in spring, when they cause thunder and send 
rain, spit pearls, &c. Dr. Alexander Carmichael trans- 
lates the following Gaelic serpent-charm: 

To-day is the day of Bride, 

The serpent shall come iVom his hole; 

• In a Roman rrprcsentation other at Hirrcns. in Pertlislnrc. she Is shown as a winjjed 
figure holding a spear in her right hand and a globe in her left. An altar in Chester is 
dedicated to " De Nymphoc Brig". Her name is enshrined in Hregentz (anciently 
Brigantium), a town in Switzerland. 

-' The bf Hill's lav hiiMcn In arms of the sea and came ashore to devour animals. 


I will not molest the serpent 

And the serpent will not molest me. 

Df X'isser^ quotes the foUowini^- from a Chinese text 
referring to the dragons: 

It" we offer a deprecatory service to them, 
They will leave their abodes ; 
If we do not seek the dragons 
They will also not seek us. 

The serpent, known in Scotland as nathair clialltiiinn 
("snake of the hazel grove"), had evidently a mytho- 
logical significance. Leviathan is represented by the 
Gaelic cirein crbin (sea-serpent), also called mial vihbr 
a chiiiiin ("the great beast of the sea") and ciiairtag 
mlibr a chuain ("the great whirlpool of the sea"); a 
sea-snake was supposed to be located in Corryvreckan 
whirlpool. Kelpies and water horses and water bulls 
are forms assumed by the Scottish dragon. There are 
Far Eastern horse- and bull-dragt)ns. 

In ancient British lore there are references to souls in 
serpent form. A serpent might be a "double" like the 
Egyptian " Ka ". It was believed in Wales that snake- 
souls were concealed in every farm-house. When one 
crept out from its hiding-place and died, the farmer or 
his wife died soon afterwards. Lizards were supposed 
to be forms assumed by women after death.- The otter, 
called in Scottish Gaelic Dobhar-chii ("water dog") and 
l\igh nan Dobhrun ("king of the water" or "river"), 
appears to have been a soul form. When one was 
killed a man or a woman died. The king otter was 
supposed to have a jewel in its head like the Indian 
naga (serpent deity), the Chinese dragon, the toad, &c. 
The king otter was invulnerable except on one white 

' The Oragnii in China anHJaf>itn (1913). 

'Trevclyan. f-'olk-lorr nnii Folk-stories 0/ il\ili\.. p. 165. 


spot below its chin. Those who wore a piece of its 
skin as a charm were supposed to be protected aq-ainst 
injury in battle. Evidently, therefore, the otter was 
originally a god like the boar, the image of which, as 
Tacitus records, was worn for protection by the Baltic 
amber searchers of Celtic speech. The biasd na srogaig 
("the beast of the lowering horn") was a Hebridean 
loch dragon with a single horn on its head; this unicorn 
was tall and clumsy. 

The "double" or external soul might also exist in 
a tree. Both in England and Scotland there are stories 
of trees withering when some one dies, or of some one 
dying when trees are felled. Aubrey tells that when 
the Earl of Winchelsea began to cut down an oak grove 
near his seat at Eastwell in Kent, the Countess died 
suddenly, and then his eldest son, Lord Maidstone, was 
killed at sea. Allan Ramsay, the Scottish poet, tells 
that the Edgewell tree near Dalhousie Castle was fatal 
to the family from which he was descended, and Sir 
Walter Scott refers to it in his "Journal", under the 
date 13th May, 1829. When a branch fell from it in 
July, 1874, ^" old forester exclaimed "The laird's deed 
noo!" and word was received not long afterwards of the 
death of the eleventh Earl of Dalhousie. Souls of giants 
were supposed to be hidden in thorns, eggs, fish, swans, 
&c. At Fasnacloich, in Argyllshire, the visit of swans 
to a small loch is supposed to herald the death of a 

"External souls", or souls after death, assumed the 
forms of cormorants, cuckoos, cranes, eagles, gulls, 
herons, linnets, magpies, ravens, swans, wrens, &c., 
or of deer, mice, cats, dogs, &c. Fairies (supernatural 
beings) appeared as deer or birds. Among the Scottish 
were-animals are cats, black sheep, mice, hares, gulls, 
crows, ravens, magpies, foxes, dogs, &c. Children 
were sometimes transformed by magicians into white 



dogs, and were restored to human form by striking 
them with a magic wand or by supplying shirts of bog- 
cotton. The floating lore regarding were-animals was 
absorbed in witch-lore after the Continental beliefs re- 
garding witches were imported into this country. In 
like manner a good deal of floating lore was attached 
to the devil. In Scotland he is supposed to appear as 
a goat or pig, as a gentleman with a pig's or horse's 
foot, or as a black or green man riding a black or green 
horse followed by black or green dogs. Eels were 
"devil-fish", and were supposed to originate from the 
hairs of horses' manes or tails. Men who ate eels became 
insane, and fought horses. 

In Scotland butterflies and bees were not only soul- 
forms but deities, and there are traces of similar beliefs 
in England, Wales, and Ireland. Scottish Gaelic names 
of the butterfly include dealbha7i-de (" image" or '* form 
of God"), dealbh signifying "image", "form", "picture", 
"idol", or "statue"; dearbadan-de ("manifestation of 
God "); eunan-de ("small bird of God "); teine-de ("fire 
of God ") ; and dealati-de (" brightness of God "). The 
word dealan refers to (i) lightning, (2) the brightness of 
the starry sky, (3) burning coal, (4) the wooden bar of a 
door, and (5) to a wooden peg fastening a cow-halter 
round the neck. The bar and peg, which gave security, 
were evidently connected with the deity. 

In addition to meaning butterfly, dealan-de ("the 
dealan of God ") refers to a burning stick which is 
shaken to and fro or whirled round about. When 
"need fires" (new fires) were lit at Beltain festival 
(1st May) — "Beltain" is supposed to mean "bright 
fires" or "white fires", that is, luck-bringing or sacred 
fires— burning brands were carried from them to houses, 
all domestic fires having previously been extinguished. 
The "new fire" brought luck, prosperity, health, in- 
crease, protection, t^x. ('mil recentlv Highland bovs 


who pierpetuated the custom of lighting bon-fires to 
celebrate old Celtic festivals were wont to snatch burn- 
ing sticks from them and run homewards, whirling the 
dcalan-dc round about so as to keep it burning. 

Souls took the form of a dealan-de (butterfly). Lady 
Wilde relates in Ancient Legends (Vol. I, pp. 66-7) 
the Irish story of a child who saw the butterfly form 
of the soul — "a beautiful living creature with four 
snow-white wings"; it rose from the body of a man 
who had just died and went " fluttering round his 
head ". The child and others watched the winged 
soul "until it passed from sight into the clouds". The 
story continues: "This was the first butterfly that was 
ever seen in Ireland; and now all men know that the 
butterflies are the souls of the dead waiting for the 
moment when they may enter Purgatory, and so pass 
through torture to purification and peace". 

In England and Scotland moths were likewise souls 
of the dead that entered houses by night or fluttered 
outside windows, as if attempting to return to former 

The butterfly god or soul-form was known to the 
Scandinavians. Freyja, the northern goddess, appears 
to have had a butterfl)^ avatar. At any rate, the butter- 
fly was consecrated to her. In Greece the nymph 
Psyche, beloved by Cupid, was a beautiful maiden with 
the wings of a butterfly; her name signifies " the soul ". 
Greek artistes frequently depicted the human soul as 
a butterfly, and especially the particular species called 
■^\riiyj] ("the soul"). On an ancient tomb in Italy a 
butterfly is shown issuing from the open mouth of 
a death-mask. The Serbians believed that the butter- 
fly souls of witches arose from their mouths when they 
slept. They died if their butterfly souls did not return.' 
Evidence of belief in the butterfly soul has been forth- 

» W. K. S. Kalslon, Soiirx of the Kussiaii People pp. i\-, rl seq. 


coming in Burmah, where ceremonies are performed to 
prevent the baby's butterfly soul following that of a 
dead mother.^ The pre-Columbian Americans, and 
especially the Mexicans, believed in butterfly souls 
and butterfly deities. In China the butterfly soul was 
carved in jade and associated with the plum tree;' the 
sacred butterfly was in Scotland associated apparently 
with the honeysuckle {deof^halag), a plant containing 
"life-substance" in the form of honey {lus a viheah 
"honey herb") and milk (another name of the plant 
being bainne-ghamhnach: "milk of the heifer"). As 
we have seen, the honeysuckle was supposed to be 
more powerful than the tree to which it clung; like the 
ivy and mistletoe, it was the plant of a powerful deity. 
Its milk and honey names connect it with the Great 
Mother goddess who was the source of life and nourish- 
ment, and provided the milk-and-honey elixir of life. 

Bee-souls figure in Scottish folk-stories. Hugh Miller 
relates a story of a sleeping man from whose mouth the 
soul issued in the form of the bee.^ Another of like 
character is related by a clergyman.* Both are located 
in the north of Scotland, where, as in the south of Eng- 
land, the custom was prevalent of "telling the bees" 
when a death took place, and of placing crape on hives. 
The bee-mandible symbol appears on Scottish sculp- 
tured stones. Both the bee and the butterfly were 
connected with the goddess Artemis. Milk -yielding 
fig trees were fertilized by bees or wasps, and the god- 
dess, especially in her form as Diana of the Ephesians, 
was connected with the fig tree, the figs being "teats". 

Little is known regarding the Hebridean sea-god 
Seonaidh (pronounced " shony "), who may have been 

• Journal of thr Anth,o/>o!ogUal Institiile, XXVI (1897). p. a.V 

• Laufer, Jade, p. 310. 

' ^fy Srhnols and Schoolmasters, (Chapter VI. 

• Rev. W. Forsyth, Oornoch, in Folk-lore Journal, VI, 171. 
(D217) 14 


a form of the sea-god known to the Irish as Lir and 
to the Welsh as Llyr. His name connects him with 
the word seonadh, signifying "augury", "sorcery", 
" druidism ". According to Martin, the inhabitants of 
Lewis contributed the malt from which ale was brewed 
for an offering to the gods. At night a man waded 
into the sea up to his middle and cried out, "Seonaidh! 
I give thee this cup of ale, hoping that thou wilt be 
so good as to send us plenty of sea-ware for enriching 
our ground during the coming year." He then poured 
tiie ale into the sea. The people afterwards gathered 
in the church of St. Mulway, and stood still for a time 
before the altar on which a candle was burning. When 
a certain signal was given the candle was extinguished. 
The people then made merry in the fields, drinking ale. 

Ancient Pagan Deities 

Deities as Birds — Triads of Gaelic Goddesses — Shape-shifting 
Goddesses— Black Annis of Leicestershire — The Scottish Black Annis — 
Black Kali and Black Demeter — Cat Goddess and Witches — A Scottish 
Artemis— Celtic Adonis Myth — The Cup of Healing — Myths of Gaelic 
Calendar— Irish and Scottish Mythologies Different — Scottish Pork Taboo 
— Eel tabooed in Scotland but not in England — Ancient English Food 
Taboos— Irish Danann Deities— Ancient Deities of England and Wales — 
The Apple Cult — English Wassailling Custom — The Magic Cauldron — 
The Holy Grail — Cauldron a Goddess Symbol — Pearls and Cows of the 
Cauldron — Goddess — Romano-British Deities — Grouped Goddesses — The 
Star Goddess— Sky and Sea Spirits. 

Many of the old British and Irish deities had bird 
forms, and might appear as doves, swallows, swans, 
cranes, cormorants, scald crows, ravens, &c. The cor- 
morant, for instance, is still in some districts called the 
Caillcach dubJi ("the black old wife"). Some deities, like 
Brigit and Morrigan, had triple forms, and appeared as 
three old hags or as three beautiful girls, or assumed 
the forms of women known to those they visited. In 
the Cuchullin stories the Morrigan appears with a 
supernatural cow, the milk of which heals wounds and 
prolongs life. When in conflict with Cuchullin, she 
takes alternately the forms of an eel, a grey wolf, and a 
white cow with red ears. On one occasion she changes 
from human form to that of a dark bird. An old west 
of Hngland goddess was remembered until recently in 
Leicestershire as "Black Annis", "Black Anny", or 
"Cat Anna". She frequented a cave on the Dane 


Hills/ above which grew an oak tree. In the branches of 
the tree she concealed herself, so that she might pounce 
unawares on human beings. Shepherds attributed to 
her the loss of lambs, and mothers their loss of children. 
The supernatural monster had one eye in her blue face, 
and talons instead of hands. Round her waist she wore 
a girdle of human skins. 

A Scottish deity called "Yellow Muilearteach " was 
similarly one-eyed and blue-faced, and had tusks pro- 
truding from her mouth. An apple dangled from her 
waist girdle. The Indian goddess Black Kali is depicted 
as a ferocious being of like character, with a forehead 
eye, in addition to ordinary eyes, and a waist girdle of 
human heads. Greece had its Black Demeter with 
animal-head (a horse's or pig's), and snakes in her 
hair. She haunted a cave in Phigalia. The Egyptian 
goddess Hathor in her cat form (Bast) was kindly, 
and in her Sekhet form was a fierce slayer of man- 

Witches assume cat forms in Scottish witch lore,-^ and 
appear on the riggings and masts of ships doomed to 
destruction. There are references, too, to cat roasting, 
so as to compel the " Big Cat" to appear. The " Big 
Cat" is evidently the deity. In northern India dogs are 
tortured to compel the "Big Dog" (the god Indra) to 
send rain. " Lapus Cati " (the cat stone) is referred to 
in early Christian records. As a mouse was buried 
under an apple tree to make it fruitful, a cat was buried 
under a pear tree. 

The Scottish "Yellow Muilearteach" revels in the 
slaughter of human beings, and folk poems, describing 
a battle waged against her, have been collected. In the 
end she is slain, and her consort comes from the sea to 

' It has been suggested that " Dane" stands for " Danann ". 
« A text states: " Kindly is she as Bast: terrible is she as Sekhet." 

» The Gaelic word for "witch" comes from English. Gaelic "witch lore " is distinctive, 
having retained more ancient beliefs than those connected with the orthodox witches. 


lament her death. A similar hag is remembered as the 
Cailleach ("the old wife"). She had a "blue-black 
face" and one eye "on the f^at of her forehead", and 
she carried a magic hammer. During the period of 
"the little sun" (the winter season) she held sway over 
the world. Her blanket was washed in the whirlpool of 
Corryvreckan, which kept boiling vigorously for several 
days. Ben Nevis was her chief dwelling-place, and in 
a cave in that mountain she kept as a prisoner all winter 
a beautiful maiden who was given the task of washing 
a brown fleece until it became white. When wandering 
among the mountains or along the sea-shore she is 
followed, like Artemis, by herds of deer, goats, swine, 
&c. The venomous black boar is in some of the stories 
under her special protection. Apparently this animal 
was her symbol as it was that of the Baltic amber traders. 
The hero who hunts and slays the boar is himself killed 
by it, as was the Syrian god Adonis by the boar form of 
Ares (Mars). In Gaul the boar-god Moccus was identi- 
fied by the Romans with Mars. 

In Gaelic stories the hero who hunts and slays the 
boar is remembered as Diarmid, the eponymous ancestor 
of the Campbell clan. Apparently the goddess was the 
ugly hag to whom he once gave shelter. She trans- 
formed herself into a beautiful maiden who touched his 
forehead and left on it a " love spot ".^ 

When she vanished he followed her to the " Land- 
Under- Waves ". There he finds her as a beautiful girl 
who is suffering from a wasting disease. To cure her 
he goes on a long journey to obtain a draught of water 
from a healing well. This water he carries in the " Cup 
of Healing ". 

' The " fairy " Queen (the queen of enchantment), who carried off Thomas the Rhymer, 
appeared as a beautiful woman, but was afterwards transformed into an ugly hag. 
Thomas l.imcnls : 

How art thou faded thus in the face, 

That shone befuro as the sun so bricht (bright). 


The winter hag has a son who falls in love with the 
beautiful maiden of Ben Nevis. When he elopes with 
her, his mother raises storms in the early spring- season 
to keep the couple apart and prevent the grass growing. 
These storms are named in the Gaelic Calendar as ''the 
Pecker", "the Whistle", "the Sweeper", "the Com- 
plaint", &c. In the end her son pursues heron horse- 
back, until she transforms herself into a moist grey stone 
" looking over the sea". The story tells that the son's 
horse leapt over arms of the sea. On Loch Etiveside 
a place-name "Horseshoes" is attached to marks on a 
rock supposed to have been caused by his great steed. 
In the Isle of Man the place of the giant son is taken 
by St. Patrick. He rides from Ireland on horseback 
like the ancient sea god. He cursed a monster, which 
was turned into solid rock. St. Patrick's steed left the 
marks of its hoofs on the cliffs.^ 

In Arthurian romance King Arthur pursues Morgan 
le Fay, who likewise transforms herself into a stone. A 
Welsh folk story tells that Arthur's steed leapt across 
the Bristol Channel, and left the marks of its hoofs on a 

It appears that Morgan le Fay is the same deity as 
the Irish Morrigan. Both appear to link with Anu, or 
Danu, the Irish mother goddess, and with Black Anna 
or Annis of Leicestershire. The Irish Danann deities 
wage war against the Fomorians, who are referred to in 
one instance as the gods of the Fir Domnann (Dumnonii), 
the mineral workers or "diggers" of Cornwall and 
Devon, of the south-western and central lowlands of 
Scotland, and central and south-western Ireland. In 
Scotland the Fomorians are numerous; they are hill 
and cave giants like the giants of Cornwall. But there 
are no Scottish Dananns and no "war of the gods". 
The Fomorians of Scotland wage war against the fairies 

' Wm. Cashcn, Afmix Fo/k-lore [Doug\as, 1912), p. 48. 


(as in Wester Ross) or engage in duels, throwing great 
boulders at one another. 

The intruding people who in Ireland formulated the 
Danann mythology do not appear to hav^e reached Scot- 
land before the Christian period. 

An outstanding difference between Scottish and Irish 
beliefs and practices is brought out by the treatment of 
the pig in both countries. Like the Continental Celts, 
the Irish Celts, who formed a military aristocracy over 
the Firbolgs, the Fir Domnann, and the Fir Gailian 
(Gauls), kept pigs and ate pork. In Scotland the pig 
was a demon as in ancient Egypt, and pork was tabooed 
over wide areas. The prejudice against pork in Scotland 
is not yet extinct. It is referred to by Sir Walter Scott 
in a footnote in The Fortunes of Nigel ^ which states: 

"The Scots (Lowlanders), till within the last generation, 
disliked swine's flesh as an article of food as much as the 
Highlanders do at present. Ben Jonson, in drawing James's 
character,^ says he loved no part of a swine. "-' 

Dr. Johnson wrote in his A Journey to the Western 
Highlands in I'j'jj : 

"Of their eels I can give no account, having never tasted 
them, for I believe they are not considered as wholesome 
food. . . . The vulgar inhabitants of Skye, I know not 
whether of the other islands, have not only eels, but pork 
and bacon in abhorrence; and, accordingly, I never saw a 
hog in the Hebrides, except one at Dunvegan." 

**In the year 1691 a question was put, 'Why do 
Scotchmen hate swine's flesh?' and ", says J. G. Dal- 
yell,^ "unsatisfactorily answered, 'They might borrow 
it of the Jews '." As the early Christians of England and 

• King James VI of Scotland and I of England. 

" Ben Jensen's reference is in A Masque of the Metamorphosed Gipsies. 
5 The Darker Superstitions of Scotland (London, i8j4>. p. 425, and Athenian Mer- 
cury, V, I, No. ao, p. 13. 


Ireland did not abhor pork, the prejudice could not 
have been of Christian orij^in. It was based on super- 
stition, and as the superstitions of to-day were the 
religious beliefs of yesterday, the prejudice appears to 
be a survival from pagan times. An ancient religious 
cult, which may have originally been small, became 
influential in Scotland, and the taboo spread even after 
its original significance was forgotten. The Scottish 
prejudice against pork existed chiefly among "the 
common people", as Dr. Johnson found when in Skye. 
Proprietors of alien origin and monks ate pork, but the 
old taboo persisted. Pig-dealers, &c., in the Highlands 
in the nineteenth century refused to eat pork. They 
exported their pigs.^ 

Traces of ancient food taboos, which were connected 
evidently with religious beliefs, have been obtained 
by archaeologists in England. In some districts pork 
appears to have been more favoured than the beef or 
mutton or goat flesh preferred in other districts. Evi- 
dence has been forthcoming that horse flesh was eaten 
in ancient England. A reference in the Life of St. 
Coliimba to a relapsing Christian returning to horse 
flesh suggests that it was a favoured food of a Pagan 

As the devil is called in Scottish Gaelic the "Big 
Black Pig" and in Wales is associated with the " Black 
Sow of All Hallows", it may be that the Welsh had 
once their pig taboo too. The association of the pig 
with Hallowe'en is of special interest. 

In Scotland the eel is still tabooed, although it is 
eaten freely in England. The reason may be that an 

' The south-western Scottish pork trade dates only from the latter part of the eltfli- 
teenth century. There was trouble at Carlisle custom house when the Lowland Scots 
be^^an to export cured pork, because of the difference between the English and Scottish 
salt duty. " For some time", complained a Scottish writer on agriculture, in June, 1811, 
" .T duty of 21. per hunderweight has been charged." Dublin was exporting- pork to 
London in the reign of Henry VUL A small trade in pork was conducted in eastern 
Scotland but was sporadic. 


ancient goddess, remembered longest in Scotland, had 
an eel form. Julius Cc-esar tells that the ancient Britons 
with whom he came into contact did not regard it lawful 
to eat the hare, the domestic fowl, or the goose. In 
Scotland and England the goose was, until recently, 
eaten only once a year at a festival. The tabooed pig 
was eaten once a year in Egypt. It was sacrificed to 
Osiris and the moon. An annual sacrificial pig feast 
may have been observed in ancient Scotland. It is of 
special interest to find in this connection that in the 
Statistical Account of Scotland (1793) the writer on the 
parishes of Sandwick and Stromness, Orkney, says: 
" Every family that has a herd of swine, kills a sow on 
the 17th day of December, and thence it is called 'Sow- 
day '." Orkney retains the name of the Ores (Boars), a 
Pictish tribe. 

There are still people in the Highlands who detest 
"feathered flesh" or "white flesh" (birds), and refuse 
to eat hare and rabbit. Fish taboos have likewise per- 
sisted in the north of Scotland, where mackerel, ling,^ 
and skate are disliked in some areas, while in some 
even the wholesome haddock is not eaten in the winter 
or spring, and is supposed not to be fit for food until 
it gets three drinks of May water — that is, after the 
first three May tides have ebbed and flowed. 

The Danann deities of Ireland were the children of 
descendants of the goddess Danu, whose name is also 
given as Ana or Anu. She was the source of abun- 
dance and the nourisher of gods and men. As '* Buan- 
ann" she was "nurse of heroes". As Aynia, a 
"fairy"- queen, she is still remembered in Ulster, 

• King James I of England and VI of Scotland detested ling as he detested pork. 
The food prejudices of the common people thus influenced royalty, although earlier kings 
and Norman nobles ate pork, eels, &c. 

a The Gaelic word sidh (Irish) or sith (Scottish) means "supernatural" and the 
••peace" and '•silence" of supernatural beings. ••Fairy", as Skeat has emphasized, 
means '•enchantment". It has taken the place of ••fay", which is derived from fate. 
The "fay" was a supernatural being. 


while as Aine, a Munster "fairy", she was formerly 
honoured on St. John's Eve, when villagers, circulat- 
ing a mound, carried straw torches which were after- 
wards waved over cattle and crops to give protection 
and increase. 

A prominent Danann god was Dagda, whose name 
is translated as " the good god ", " the good hand ", by 
some, and as " the fire god " or " fire of god " by others. 
He appears to have been associated with the oak. By 
playing his harp, he caused the seasons to follow one 
another in their proper order. One of his special 
possessions was a cauldron called "The Undry", from 
which an inexhaustible food supply could be obtained. 
He fed heavily on porridge, and was a cook (suppher of 
food) as well as a king. In some respects he resembles 
Thor, and, like him, he was a giant slayer. His wife 
was the goddess Boann, whose name clings to the 
River Boyne, which was supposed to have had its 
origin from an overflowing well. Above this well were 
nine hazel trees; the red nuts of these fell into the well to 
be devoured by salmon and especially by the "salmon 
of knowledge". Here again we meet with the tree 
and well myth. Brigit was a member of the Dagda's 
family. Another was Angus, the god of love. 

Diancecht was the Danann god of healing. His 
grandson Lugh (pronounced loo) has been called the 
"Gaelic Apollo". Goibniu was a Gaelic Vulcan. 

Neit, whose wife was Nemon,^ was a Fomorian god 
of battle. The sea god was Manannan mac Lir. He 
was known to the Welsh as Manawydan ab Llyr, who 
was not only a sea god but "lord of headlands" and 
a patron of traders. Llyr has come down as the 
legendary King Lear, and his name survives in 
Leicester, originally Llyr-cestre of Caer-Llyr (walled 
city of Llyr). His famous and gigantic son Bran 

' I'iDiii the loul Item in iiruinh, heaven, iiemus, a grove, &c. 


became, in the process of time, the "Blessed Bran" 
who introduced Christianity into Britain. 

Another group of Welsh gods, known as "the 
children of Don ", resemble somewhat the Danann 
deities of Ireland. The closest link is Govannon, the 
smith, who appears to be identical with the Irish 
Goibniu. As Irish pirates invaded and settled in 
Wales between the second and fifth centuries of our 
era, it may be that the process of "culture mixing" 
which resulted can be traced in the mythological 
elements embedded in folk and manuscript stories. 
The Welsh deities, however, were connected with cer- 
tain constellations and may have been "intruders" 
from the Continent. Cassiopea's chair was Llys Don 
(the court of the goddess Don). Arianrod (silver circle), 
a goddess and wife of Govannon, had for her castle 
the Northern Crown (Corona Borealis). She is, in 
Arthurian romance, the sister of Arthur. Her brother 
Gwydion had for his castle the "Milky Way", which 
in Irish Gaelic is "the chain of Lugh ". The Irish 
Danann god Nuada has been identified with the British 
Nudd whose children formed the group of " the children 
of Nudd ". 

There were three groups of Welsh deities, the others 
being "the children of Lyr" and "the children of Don". 
Professor Rhys has identified Nudd with Lud, the god 
whose name survives in London (originally Casr Lud) 
and in Ludgate, which may, as has been suggested, 
have originally been "the way of Lud", leading to his 
holy place now occupied by St. Paul's Cathedral. Lud 
had a sanctuary at Lidney in Gloucestershire, where he 
was worshipped in Roman times as is indicated by in- 
scriptions. A bronze plaque shows a youthful god, 
with solar rays round his head, standing in a four-horsed 
chariot. Two winged genii and two Tritons accompany 
him. Apparently he was identified with Apollo. The 


Arthurian Lot or Loth was Lud or Ludd. Mis name 
hngers in " Lothian ". 

Gwydion, the son of Don, was a prominent British 
deity and has been compared to Odin. He w-as the 
father of the god Lieu, whose mother was Arianrod. 
The rainbow was " Lleu's rod-sHng", Dwynwen, the 
so-called British Venus, was Christianized as "the 
blessed Dwyn " and the patron saint of the church of 
Llanddwyn in Anglesey. The magic cauldron was 
possessed by the Welsh goddess Kerridwen. 

A prominent god whose worship appears to have 
been wide-spread was connected with the apple tree, 
which in the Underworld and Islands of the Blest 
was the "Tree of Life". Ancient beliefs and cere- 
monies connected with the apple cult survive in those 
districts in southern England where the curious custom 
is observed of "wassailing" the apple trees on Christ- 
mas Eve or Twelfth Night.^ The "wassailers" visit 
the tree and sing a song in which each apple is 
asked to bear 

Hat-fulls, lap-fulls, 
Sack-fulls, pocket-fulls. 

Cider is poured about the roots of apple trees. This 
ceremony appears to have been originally an elaborate 
one. The tom-tit or some other small bird was con- 
nected with the apple tree, as was the robin or wren 
of other cults with the oak tree. At the wassailing 
ceremony a boy climbed up into a tree and impersonated 
the bird. It may be that in Pagan times a boy was 
sacrificed to the god of the tree. That the bird (in 
some cases it was the robin red-breast) was hunted 
and sacrificed is indicated by old English folk-songs 
beginning like the following: 

" Kendrl Harris. .•////<• Cults, and Thr Ascent of Olympus. 


(British Mus,-uin) 

Vessels such as these are unknown outsi>le tlic Hrltish Isles. 


Old Robin is dead and gone to his grave, 

Hum! Ha! gone to his grave; 
They planted an apple tree over his head, 

Hum! Ha! over his head. 

In England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland a deity, 
or a group of deities in the Underworld, was asso- 
ciated with a magic cauldron, or as it is called in 
Gaelic a "pot of plenty". Heroes or gods obtain 
possession of this cauldron, which provides an inex- 
haustible food supply and much treasure, or is used 
for purposes of divination. It appears to have been 
Christianized into the "Holy Grail", to obtain pos- 
session of which Arthurian knights set out on perilous 

Originally the pot was a symbol of the mother god- 
dess, who renewed youth, provided food for all, and was 
the source of treasure, luck, victory, and wisdom. This 
goddess was associated with the mother cow and the 
life-prolonging pearls that were searched for by early 
Eastern prospectors. There are references to cows and 
pearls in Welsh and Gaelic poems and legends regarding 
the pot. An old Welsh poem in the Book of Taliesin 
says of the cauldron : 

By the breath of nine maidens it would be kindled. 

The head of Hades' cauldron — what is it like? 

A rim it has, with pearls round its border: 

It boils not coward's food: it would not be perjured. 

This extract is from the poem known as " Preidden 
Annwfn " ("Harryings of Hades"), translated by the late 
Professor Sir John Rhys. Arthur and his heroes visit 
Hades to obtain the cauldron, and reference is made to 
the "Speckled Ox". Arthur, in another story, obtains 
the cauldron from Ireland. It is full of money. The 
Welsh god Bran gives to a king of Ireland a magic 
cauldron which restores to life those dead men who are 


placed in it. A Gaelic narrative relates the story of 
Cuchullin's harrying of Hades, which is called "Dun 
vScaith ". Cuchullin's assailants issue from a pit in the 
centre of Dun Scaith in forms of serpents, toads, and 
sharp-beaked monsters. He wins the victory and carries 
away three magic cows and a cauldron that gives in- 
exhaustible supplies of food, gold, and silver. 

The pot figures in various mythologies. It was a 
symbol of the mother goddess Hathor of ancient Egypt 
and of the mother goddess of Troy, and it figures in 
Indian religious literature. In Gaelic lore the knife 
which cuts inexhaustible supplies of flesh from a dry 
bone is evidently another symbol of the deity. 

The talismans possessed by the Dananns were the 
cauldron, the sword and spear of Lugh, and the Lia 
P^ail (or Stone of Destiny)^ which reminds one of the 
three Japanese symbols, the solar mirror, the dragon 
sword, and the tama (a pearl or round stone) kept in 
a Shinto shrine at Ise. The goddess's "life substance" 
was likewise in fruits like the Celestial apples, nuts, 
rowan berries, &c., of the Celts, and the grapes, pome- 
granates, &c., of other peoples, and in herbs like the 
mugwort and mandrake. Her animals were associated 
with rivers. The name of the River Boyne signifies 
"white cow". Tarf (bull) appears in several river 
names, as also does the goddess name Deva (Devona) 
in the Devon, Dee, &c. Philologists have shown that 
Ness, the Inverness-shire river, is identical with Nestos 
in Thrace and Neda in Greece. The goddess Belisama 
(the goddess of war) was identified with the Mersey. 

Goddess groups, usually triads, were as common in 
Gaul as they were in ancient Crete. These deities were 
sometimes called the "Mothers", as in Marne, the 
famous French river, and in the Welsh Y Mamaii, one 
of the names of the " fairies ". 

> Called also clath iia iiiieamhiiinii (the fatal stone). 


Other names of goddess groups include Proximas 
(kinswoman), Niskai (water spirits), and Dervonnae (oak 
spirits). The Romans took over these and other groups 
of ancient deities and the beliefs about their origin in 
the mythical sea they were supposed to cross or rise 
from. Gaelic references to "the coracle of the fairy 
woman" or "supernatural woman" are of special in- 
terest in this connection, especially when it is found that 
the "coracle" is a sea-shell which, by the way, figures as 
a canopy symbol in some of the sculptured groups of 
Romano-British grouped goddesses who sometimes bear 
baskets of apples, sheafs of grain, &c. When the shell 
provides inexhaustible supplies of curative or knowledge- 
conferring milk, it links with the symbolic pot. 

Most of the ancient deities had local names, and con- 
sequently a number of Gaulish gods were identified by 
the Romans with Apollo, including Borvo, whose name 
lingers in Bourbon, Grannos of Aqus Granni (Aix la 
Chapelle), Mogounus, whose name has been shortened to 
Mainz, &c. The gods Taranucus (thunderer), Uxellimus 
(the highest), &c., were identified with Jupiter; Dunatis 
(fort god), Albiorix (world king), Caturix (battle king), 
Belatucadros (brilliant in war), Cocidius, &c., were 
identified with Mars. The name of the god Camulos 
clings to Colchester (Camulodunun). There are 
Romano-British inscriptions that refer to the ancient 
gods under various Celtic names. A popular deity was 
the god of Silvanus, who conferred health and was, no 
doubt, identified with a tree or herb. 

It is uncertain at what period beliefs connected with 
stars were introduced into the British Isles.' As we have 
seen, the Welsh deities were connected with certain star 
groups. "Three Celtic goddesses", writes Anwyl, 

' There is evidence in the Gaeh'c manuscripts that time was measured by the apparent 
movements of the stars. CuchuUin, while sitting at a feast, says to his charioteer : 
" I. .-leg. my friend, go out, observe the stars of the air, and ascertain when midnight 


referring- to Gaul, "whose worship attained to highest 
development were Damona (the goddess of tattle), Sirona 
(the aged one or the star goddess), and Epona (the god- 
dess of horses). These names are Indo-European." 
An Irish poem by a bard who is supposed to have lived 
in the ninth century refers to the Christian saint Ciaran 
of Saigir as a man of stellar origin : 

Liadaine (his mother) was asleep 

On her bed. 

When she turned her face to heaven 

A star fell into her mouth. 

Thence was born the marvellous child 

Ciaran of Saigir who is proclaimed to thee. 

In the north and north-west Highlands the aurora 
borealis is called Na Fir Chlis (" the nimble men ") and * 
"the merry dancers". They are regarded as fairies 
(supernatural beings) like the sea "fairies" Na Fir Ghorin 
(" blue men "), who were probably sea gods. 

The religious beliefs of the Romans were' on no 
higher a level than those of the ancient Britons and 

Historical Summary 

The evidence dealt with in the foregoing chapters 
throws considerable light on the history of early man 
in Britain. We really know more about pre-Roman 
times than about that obscure period of Anglo-Saxon 
invasion and settlement which followed on the with- 
drawal of the Roman army of occupation, yet historians, 
as a rule, regard it as " pre-historic " and outside their 
sphere of interest. As there are no inscriptions and no 
documents to render articulate the archccological Ages 
of Stone and Bronze, they find it impossible to draw any 
definite conclusions. 

It can be urged, however, in criticism of this attitude, 
that the relics of the so-called "pre-historic age" may be 
found to be even more reliable than some contemporary 
documents of the " historic " period. Not a few of these 
are obviously biassed and prejudiced, while some are so 
vague and fragmentary that the conclusions drawn from 
them cannot be otherwise than hypothetical in character. 
A plainer, clearer, and more reliable story is revealed 
by the bones and the artifacts and the surviving relics 
of the intellectual life of our remote ancestors than by 
the writings of some early chroniclers and some early 
historians. It is possible, for instance, in consequence 
of the scanty evidence available, to hold widely diverg- 
ing views regarding the Anglo-Saxon and Celtic pro- 
blems. Pro-Teutonic and pro-Celtic protagonists involve 
us invariably in bitter controversy. That contemporary 

{D217) ' -2(1'.) 15 


documentary evidence, even when somewhat voluminous, 
may fail to yield a clear record of facts is evident from 
the literature that deals, for instance, with the part 
played by Mary Queen of Scots in the Darnley con- 
spiracy and in the events that led to her execution. 

The term "pre-historic" is one that should be discarded. 
It is possible, as has been shown, to write, although in 
outline, the history of certain ancient race movements, 
of the growth and decay of the civilization revealed by 
the cavern art of Aurignacian and Magdalenian times, 
of early trade and of early shipping. The history of art 
goes back for thousands of years before the Classic Age 
dawned in Greece; the history of trade can be traced to 
that remote period when Red Sea shells were imported 
into Italy by Cro-Magnon man; and the history of British 
shipping can be shown to be as old as those dug-outs 
tiiat foundered in ancient Scottish river beds before the 
last land movement had ceased. 

The history of man really begins when and where we 
find the first clear traces of his activities, and as it is pos- 
sible to write not only regarding the movements of tiie 
Cro-Magnon races, but of their beliefs as revealed by 
burial customs, their use of body paint, the importance 
attached to shell and other talismans, and their wonderful 
and high attainments in the arts and crafts, the European 
historical period can be said to begin in the post-Glacial 
epoch when tundra conditions prevailed in Central and 
Western Europe and Italy was connected with the North 
African coast. 

In the case of ancient Egypt, historical data have 
been gleaned from archaeological remains as well as 
from religious texts and brief records of historical events. 
The history of Egyptian agriculture has been traced 
back l)(:yond the dawn of the Dynastic Age and to that 
inarticulate period before the hieroglyphic system of writ- 
ing had been invented, by the discovery in the stomachs 


of the bodies of proto-Egyptians, naturally preserved in 
hot dry sands, of husks of barley and of millet native to 
the land of Egypt. ^ 

The historical data so industriously accumulated in 
Egypt and Babylonia have enabled excavators to date 
certain finds in Crete, and to frame a chronological 
system for the ancient civilization of that island. Other 
relics afford proof of cultural contact between Crete and 
the mainland, as far westward as Spain, w^here traces of 
Cretan activities have been discovered. With the aid 
of comparative evidence, much light is thrown, too, on 
the history of the ancient Hittites, who have left in- 
scriptions that have not yet been deciphered. The 
discoveries made by Siret in Spain and Portugal of 
unmistakable evidence of Egyptian and Babylonian 
cultural influence, trade, and colonization are, therefore, 
to be welcomed. The comparative evidence in this con- 
nection provides a more reliable basis than has hitherto 
been available for Western European archeology. It 
is possible for the historian to date approximately the 
beginning of the export trade in jet from England — 
apparently from Whitby in Yorkshire — and of the export 
trade in amber from the Baltic, and the opening of the 
sea routes between Spain and Northern Europe. The 
further discovery of Egyptian beads in south-western 
England, in association with relics of the English 
" Bronze Age ", is of far-reaching importance. A " pre- 
historic " period surely ceases to be "prehistoric" when 
its relics can be dated even approximately. The English 
jet found in Spain takes us back till about 2500 B.C., 
and the Egyptian beads found in England till about 
1300 B.C. 

The dating of these and other relics raises the Cjuestion 
whether historians should accept, without qualification, 
or at all, the system of "Ages" adopted by archasolo- 

' Elliot Smith, The Ancifnl ligjpiians, p. 42. 


gists. Terms like " Pakuoiithic" (Old Stone) and "Neo- 
lithic" (New Stone) are, in most areas, without precise 
chronological signiiicance. As applied in the historical 
sense, they tend to obscure the fact that the former applies 
to a most prolonged period during which more than one 
civilization arose, flourished, and decayed. In the so- 
called " Old Stone Age " flint was worked with a degree 
of skill never surpassed in the "New vStone Age", as 
Aurignacian and Solutrean artifacts testify; it was also 
sometimes badly worked from poorly selected material, 
as in Magdalenian times, when bone and horn were 
utilized to such an extent that archaeologists would be 
justified in referring to a "Bone and Horn Age". 

Before the Neolithic industry was introduced into 
Western Europe and the so-called "Neolithic Age" 
dawned, as it ended, at various periods in various areas, 
great climatic changes took place, and the distribution 
of sea and land changed more than once. Withal, 
considerable race movements took place in Central and 
Western Europe. In time new habits of life were intro- 
duced into our native land that influenced more pro- 
foundly the subsequent history of Britain than could 
have been possibly accomplished by a new method of 
working flint. The most important cultural change was 
effected by the introduction of the agricultural mode of 

It is important to bear in mind in this connection that 
the ancient civilizations of Egypt and Babylonia were 
based on the agricultural mode of life, and that when 
this mode of life passed into Europe a complex culture 
was transported with it from the area of origin. It was 
the early agriculturists who developed shipbuilding and 
the art of navigation, who first worked metals, and set 
a religious value on gold and silver, on pearls, and on 
certain precious stones, and sent out prospectors to 
search for precious metals and precious gems in distant 


lands. The importance of agriculture in the history of 
civilization cannot be overestimated. In so far as our 
native land is concerned, a new epoch was inaugurated 
when the first agriculturist tilled the soil, sowed imported 
barley seeds, using imported implements, and practising 
strange ceremonies at sowing, and ultimately at harvest 
time, that had origin in a far-distant "cradle" of civiliz- 
ation, and still linger in our midst as folk-lore evidence, 
testifies to the full. In ancient times the ceremonies 
were regarded as being of as much importance as the 
implements, and the associated myths were connected 
with the agriculturists' Calendar, as the Scottish Gaelic 
Calendar bears testimony. 

Instead, therefore, of dividing the early history of 
man in Britain into periods, named after the materials 
from which he made implements and weapons, these 
should be divided so as to throw light on habits of 
life and habits of thought. The early stages of civiliza- 
tion can be referred to as the *' Pre-Agricultural ", and 
those that follow as the " Early Agricultural ". 

Under " Pre-Agricultural " come the culture stages, 
or rather the industries known as (i) Aurignacian, (2) 
Solutrean, and (3) Magdalenian. These do not have 
the same chronological significance everywhere in 
Europe, for the Solutrean industry never disturbed or 
supplemented the Aurignacian in Italy or in Spain south 
of the Cantabrian Mountains, nor did Aurignacian pene- 
trate into Hungary, where the first stage of Modern Man's 
activities was the Solutrean. The three stages, however, 
existed during the post-Glacial period, when man hunted 
the reindeer and other animals favouring similar climatic 
conditions. The French arch^ologists have named this 
the "Reindeer Age". Three later industries were in- 
troduced into Europe during the Pre-Agricultural Age. 
These are known as (i) Azilian, (2) Tardenoisian, and 
(3) Maglemosian. The ice-cap was retreating, the rein- 


deer and other tundra animals moved northward, and 
the red deer arrived in Central and Western Europe. 
We can, therefore, refer to the latter part of the Pre- 
Agricultural times as the "Early Red Deer Age". 

There is Continental evidence to show that the Neo- 
lithic industry was practised prior to the introduction of 
the agricultural mode of life. The " Early Agricultural 
Age", therefore, cuts into the archaeological "Neolithic 
Age " in France. Whether or not it does so in Britain 
is uncertain. 

At the dawn of the British "Early Agricultural Age" 
cultural influences were beginning to "flow" from 
centres of ancient civilization, if not directly, at any rate 
indirecdy. As has been indicated in the foregoing 
pages, the Neolithic industry was practised in Britain by 
a people who had a distinct social organization and 
engaged in trade. Some Neolithic flints were of Eastern 
type or origin. The introduction of bronze from the 
Continent appears to have been effected by sea-faring 
traders, and there is no evidence that it changed the 
prevailing habits of thought and life. Our ancestors 
did not change their skins and their ideas when they 
began to use and manufacture bronze. A section of 
them adopted a new industry, but before doing so they 
had engaged in the search for gold. This is shown by 
the fact that they settled on the granite in Devon and 
Cornwall, while yet they were using flints of Neolithic 
form which had been made elsewhere. Iron working 
was ultimately introduced. The Bronze and Iron 
"Ages" of the arclutologists can be included in the 
historian's "Early Agricultural Age", because agricul- 
ture continued to be the most important factor in the 
economic life of Britain. It was the basis of its civiliza- 
tion ; it rendered possible the development of mining 
and of various industries, and the promotion of trade 
by land and sea. In time the Celtic peoples — that is. 


pt^oples who spoke Celtic dialects — arrived in Britain. 
The Celtic movement was in progress at 500 B.C., and 
had not ended after Julius Caesar invaded southern Eng- 
land. It was finally arrested by the Roman occupation, 
but continued in Ireland. When it really commenced is 
uncertain ; the earliest Celts may have used bronze only. 
The various Ages, according to the system suggested, 
are as follows: — 

1. The Pre-Agricultural Age. 

Sub-divisions : (A) the Reindeer Age with the Auri- 
gnacian, Solutrean, and Magdalenian industries; 
(B) the Early Red Deer Age with the Azilian, 
Tardenoisian, and Maglernosian industries. 

2. The Early Agricultural Age. 

Sub-divisions: (A) the Pre-Celtic Age with the Neo- 
lithic, copper and bronze industries; (B) the Celtic 
Age with the bronze, iron, and enamel industries. 

3. The Romano-British Age. 

Including in Scotland (A) the Caledonian Age and 
(B) the Early Scoto-Pictish Age; and in Ireland the 
Cuchullin Age, during wliich bronze and iron were 

The view favoured by some historians that our ances- 
tors were, prior to the Roman invasion, mere "savages" 
can no longer obtain. It is clearly without justification. 
Nor are we justified in perpetuating the equally hazard- 
ous theory that early British culture was of indigenous 
origin, and passed through a series of evolutionary 
stages in isolation until the country offered sufficient 
attractions to induce first the Celts and afterwards the 
Romans to conquer it. The correct and historical view 
appears to be that from the earliest times Britain was 
subjected to racial and cultural "drifts" from the Con- 
tinent, and that the latter outnumbered the former. 


In the Prc-Agricultural Ago Cro-Magnon colonists 
reached England and Wales while yet in the Aurignacian 
stage of civilization. As much is indicated by the 
evidence of the Paviland cave in South Wales. At a 
later period, proto-Solutrean influence, which had 
entered Western Europe from North Africa, filtered into 
England, and can be traced in those caverns that have 
yielded evidence of occupation. The pure Solutrean 
culture subsequently swept from Eastern Europe as far 
westward as Northern Spain, but Britain, like Southern 
Spain and Italy, remained immune to it. Magdalenian 
culture then arose and became widespread. It had 
relations with the earlier Aurignacian and owed nothing 
to Solutrean. England yields undoubted traces of its 
influence, which operated vigorously at a time when 
Scotland was yet largely covered with ice. Certain 
elements in Aurignacian and Magdalenian cultures 
appear to have persisted in our midst until comparatively 
recent times, especially in connection with burial customs 
and myths regarding the ** sleeping heroes" in burial 

The so-called "Transition Period " between the Upper 
Palaeolithic and Neolithic Ages is well represented, 
especially in Scotland, where the land rose after early 
man's arrival, and even after the introduction of shipping. 
As England was sinking when Scotland was rising, 
English traces of the period are difficult to find. This 
"Transition Period" was of greater duration than the 
archaeological "Neolithic Age". 

Of special interest is the light thrown by relics of the 
"Transition Period" on the race problem. Apparently 
the Cro-Magnons and other peoples of the Magdalenian 
Age were settled in Britain when the intruders, who had 
broken up Magdalenian civilization on the Continent, 
began to arrive. These were (i) the Azilians of Iberian 
(Mediterranean) type; (2) the Tardenoisians, who came 


through Italy from North Africa, and were likewise, it 
would appear, of Mediterranean racial type; and (3) tlie 
Maglemosians, who were mainly a fair, tall people of 
Northern type. The close proximity of Azilian and 
Maglemosian stations in western Scotland— at the Mac- 
Arthur cave (Azilian) and the Drumvaragie shelter 
(Maglemosian) at Oban, for instance— suggests that in 
the course of time racial intermixture took place. That 
all the fair peoples of England, Scodand, and Ireland 
are descended from Celts or Norwegians is a theory 
which has not taken into account the presence in these 
islands at an early period, and before the introduction 
of the Neolithic industry, of the carriers from the Baltic 
area of Maglemosian culture. 

We next pass to the so-called Neolithic stage of 
culture,^ and find it affords fuller and more definite 
evidence regarding the early history of our native land. 
As has been shown, there are data which indicate that 
there was no haphazard distribution of the population 
of England when the Neolithic industry and the agri- 
cultural mode of life were introduced. The theory must 
be discarded that <' Neolithic man" was a wanderer, 
whose movements depended entirely on those of the 
wild animals he hunted, as well as the further theory 
that stone implements and weapons were not used after 
the introduction of metals. There were, as can be 
gathered from the evidence afforded by archaeological 
remains, settled village communities, and centres of in- 
dustry in the Age referred to by archaeologists as " Neo- 
lithic". The Early Agricultural Age had dawned. 
Sections of the population engaged in agriculture, sec- 
tions were miners and workers of flint, sections were 
hunters and fishermen, sections searched for gold, pig- 
ments for body paint, material for ornaments of religious 

I It must be borne in mind that among the producers and users of Neolithic artifacts 
were the Easterners who collected and exported ores. 


value, Sec, and sections engaged in trade, not only with 
English and Scottish peoples, but with those of the 
Continent. The English Channel, and probably the 
North Sea, were crossed by hardy mariners who engaged 
in trade. 

At an early period in the Early Agricultural Age and 
before bronze working was introduced, England and 
Wales, Scotland and Ireland, were influenced more 
directly than had hitherto been the case by the high 
civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia, and especially 
by their colonies in South-western Europe. The recent 
vSpanish finds indicate that a great "wave" of high 
Oriental culture was in motion in Spain as far back as 
2500 B.C., and perhaps at an even earlier period. In- 
cluded among Babylonian and Elgyptian relics in Spain 
are, as has been stated, jet from Whitby, Yorkshire, 
and amber from the Baltic. Apparently the colonists 
had trading relations with Britain. Whether the "Tin 
Land ", which was occupied by a people owing allegiance 
to Sargon of Akkad, was ancient Britain is quite un- 
certain. It was more probably some part of Western 
Europe. That Western European influence was reaching 
Britain before the last land movement had ceased is 
made evident by the fact that the ancient boat with a 
cork plug, which was found in Clyde silt at Glasgow, 
lay 25 feet above the present sea-level. The cork plug 
undoubtedly came from Spain or Italy, and the boat is 
of Mediterranean type.^ It is evident that long before 
the introduction of bronze working the coasts of Britain 
were being explored by enterprizing prospectors, and that 
the virgin riches of our native land were being exploited. 
In this connection it is of importance to find that the 
earliest metal artifacts introduced into our native islands 
were brought by traders, and that those that reached 
England were mainly of Gaulish type, while those that 

> The boat dates the siltiiitf process rather than the silting process the boat. 


reached Ireland were Spanish. The Neolithic industry- 
does not appear to have been widespread in Ireland, 
where copper artifacts were in use at a very early period. 

A large battle-axe of pure copper, described by Sir 
David Brewster in 1822 {Edinburgh Philosophical 
Journal, Vol. VI, p. 357), was found at a depth of 20 
feet in Ratho Bog, near Edinburgh. Above it were 
9 feet of moss, 7 feet of sand, and 4 feet of hard black 
till-clay. '* It must have been deposited along with the 
blue clay", wrote Brewster, "prior to the formation of 
the superincumbent stratum of sand, and must have 
existed before the diluvial operations by which that 
stratum was formed. This opinion of its antiquity is 
strongly confirmed by the peculiarity of its shape, and 
the nature of its composition." The Spanish discoveries 
have revived interest in this important find. 

As has been indicated, jet, pearls, gold, and tin appear 
to have been searched for and found before bronze 
working became a British industry. That the early 
prospectors had experience in locating and working 
metals before they reached this country there can be 
little doubt. There was a psychological motive for their 
adventurous voyages to unknown lands. The distribu- 
tion of the megalithic monuments and graves indicates 
that metals were found and worked in south-western 
England, in Wales, in Derbyshire, and Cumberland, 
that jet was worked at Whitby, and that metals were 
located in Ireland and Scotland, Gold must have been 
widely distributed during the period of the great thaw. 
It is unlikely that traces of alluvial gold, which had 
been located and well worked in ancient times, should 
remain until the present time. In Scotland no traces 
of gold can now be found in a number of districts where, 
according to the records, it was worked as late as the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Some of the surviving 
Scottish megalithic monuments may mark the sites of 


ancient goldliclds ihat were abandoned in early times 
when the supplies of precious metal became exhausted. 
The great circles of Callernish in Lewis and Stennis in 
Orkney are records of activity in semi-barren areas. 
Large communities could not have been attracted to 
these outlying islands to live on the produce of land or 
sea. Traces of metals, &c., indicate that, in both areas 
in ancient times, the builders of megalithic monuments 
settled in remote areas in Britain for the same reason as 
they settled on parts of the Continent. A gold rod has 
been discovered in association with the " Druid Temple " 
at Leys, near Inverness. The Inverness group of circles 
may well have been those of gold-seekers. In Aber- 
deenshire a group of megalithic monuments appears to 
have been erected by searchers for pearls. Gold was 
found in this county in the time of the Stuart kings. 

The close association of megalithic monuments with 
ancient mine workings makes it impossible to resist 
the conclusion that the worship of trees and wells was 
closely connected with the religion of which the mega- 
lithic monuments are records. Siret shows that the 
symbolic markings on typical stone monuments are 
identical with those of the tree cult. Folk-lore and 
philological data tend to support this view. From the 
root nem are derived the Celtic names of the pearl, 
heaven, the grove, and the shrine within the grove 
(see Chap. XIII). The Celts appear to have embraced 
the Druidic system of the earlier Iberians in Western 
Furope, whose culture had been derived from that of 
the Oriental colonists. 

The Oriental mother goddess was connected with 
the sacred tree, with gold and gems, with pearls, 
with rivers, lakes, and the sea, with the sky and 
with the heavenly bodies, long centuries before the 
Palm-tree cult was introduced into Spain by Oriental 
colonists. The symbolism of ptarls links with tliat of 


jet, the symbolism of jet with that of Baltic amber, 
and the symbolism of Baltic amber with that of Adriatic 
amber and of Mediterranean coral. All these sacred 
things were supposed to contain, like jasper and tur- 
quoise in Egypt, the "life substance" of the mother god- 
dess who had her origin in water and her dwelling in 
a tree, and was connected with the sky and '* the waters 
above the firmament". Coral was supposed to be her 
sea tree, and jet, amber, silver, and gold were supposed 
to grow from her fertilizing tears. Beliefs about " grown 
gold" were quite rife in medieval Britain.^ 

It should not surprise us, therefore, to find traces 
of Oriental religious conceptions in ancient Britain and 
Ireland. These have apparently passed from country 
to country, from people to people, from language to 
language, and down the Ages without suffering great 
change. Even when mixed with ideas imported from 
other areas, they have preserved their original funda- 
mental significance. The Hebridean "maiden-queen" 
goddess, who dwells in a tree and provides milk from 
a sea-shell, has a history rooted in a distant area of 
origin, where the goddess who personified the life- 
giving shell was connected with the cow and the sky 
(the Milky Way), as was the goddess Hathor, the 
Egyptian Aphrodite. The tendency to locate imported 
religious beliefs no doubt provides the reason why the 
original palm tree of the goddess was replaced in 
Britain by the hazel, the elm, the rowan, the apple tree, 
the oak, &c. 

On the Continent there were displacements of peoples 
after the introduction of bronze, and especially of bronze 
weapons. There was wealth and there was trade to 
attract and reward the conqueror. The Eastern 
traders of Spain were displaced. Some appear to have 

' The ancient belief is enshrined in Milton's lines referring to " ribs of jjolil " that " grow 
in HcU" and are dug out of its hill (Paradise /.ost, Book I, lines 688-90). 


migrated into Gaul and North Italy; others may have 
found refuge in Ireland and Britain. The sea-routes 
were not, however, closed, ^gean culture filtered into 
Western Europe from Crete, and through the Hallstatt 
culture centre from the Danubian area. The culture 
of the tribes who spoke Celtic dialects was veined with 
^gean and Asiatic influences. In time Continental 
Druidism imbibed ideas regarding the Transmigration 
of Souls and the custom of cremation from an area in 
the East which had influenced the Aryan invaders of 

The origin of the Celts is obscure. Greek writers 
refer to them as a tall, fair people. They were evidently 
a branch of the fair Northern race, but whether they 
came from Northern Europe or Northern Asia is un- 
certain. In Western Europe they intruded themselves 
as conquerors and formed military aristocracies. Like 
other vigorous, intruding minorities elsewhere and at 
different periods, they were in certain localities absorbed 
by the conquered. In Western Europe they were 
fused with Iberian communities, and confederacies of 
Celtiberians came into existence. 

Before the great Celtic movements into Western Europe 
began — that is, before 500 B.C. — Britain was invaded 
by a broad-headed people, but it is uncertain whether 
they came as conquerors or as peaceful traders. In 
time these intruders were absorbed. The evidence 
afforded by burial customs and surviving traces of 
ancient religious beliefs and practices tends to show 
that the culture of the earlier peoples survived over 
large tracts of our native land. An intellectual con- 
quest of conquerors or intruders was effected by the 
indigenous population which was rooted to the soil 
by agriculture and to centres of industry and trade 
by undisturbed habits of life. 

Although the pre-Celtic languages were ultimately 


displaced by the Celtic — it is uncertain when this process 
was completed — the influence of ancient Oriental culture 
remained. In Scotland the pig-taboo, with its history 
rooted in ancient Egypt, has had tardy survival until 
our own times. It has no connection with Celtic 
culture, for the Continental Celts were a pig-rearing 
and pork-eating people, like the ^^gasan invaders of 
Greece. The pig-taboo is still as prevalent in Northern 
Arcadia as in the Scottish Highlands, where the de- 
scendants not only of the ancient Iberians but of 
intruders from pork-loving Ireland and Scandinavia 
have acquired the ancient prejudice and are now per- 
petuating it. 

Some centuries before the Roman occupation, a 
system of gold coinage was established in England. 
Trade with the Continent appears to have greatly in- 
creased in volume and complexity. England, Wales, 
vScotland, and Ireland were divided into small king- 
doms. The evidence afforded by the Irish Gaelic 
manuscripts, which refer to events before and after the 
Roman conquest of Britain, shows that society was 
well organized and that the organization was of non- 
Roman character. Tacitus is responsible for the state- 
ment that the Irish manners and customs were similar 
to those prevailing in Britain, and he makes reference 
to Irish sea-trade and the fact that Irish sea-ports were 
well known to merchants. England suffered more from 
invasions before and after the arrival of Julius Ca;sar 
than did Scotland or Ireland. It was consequently 
incapable of united action against the Romans, as 
Tacitus states clearly. The indigenous tribes refused 
to be allies of the intruders.^ 

In Ireland, w^hich Pliny referred to as one of the 
British Isles, the pre-Celtic Firbolgs were subdued by 
Celtic invaders. The later "waves" of Celts appeared 

' A g I- i col a. Chnp. XH. 


to have subdued the earlier conquerors, with the result 
that "Firbolg" ceased to have a racial significance 
and was applied to all subject peoples. There were 
in Ireland, as in England, upper and lower classes, 
and military tribes that dominated other tribes. Withal, 
there were confederacies, and petty kings, who owed 
allegiance to ''high kings". The "Red Branch" of 
Ulster, of which Cuchullin was an outstanding re- 
presentative, had their warriors trained in Scotland. 
It may be that they were invaders who had passed 
through Scotland into Northern Ireland; at any rate, 
it is unlikely that they would have sent their warriors 
to a "colony" to acquire skill in the use of weapons. 
There were Cruithne (Britons) in all the Irish provinces. 
Most Irish saints were of this stock. 

The pre-Roman Britons had ships of superior quality, 
as is made evident by the fact that a British squadron 
was included in the great Veneti fleet which Caesar 
attacked and defeated with the aid of Pictones and 
other hereditary rivals of the Veneti and their allies. 
In early Roman times Britain thus took an active part 
in European politics in consequence of its important 
commercial interests. 

When the Romans reached Scotland the Caledonians, 
a people with a Celtic tribal name, were politically 
predominant. Like the English and Irish pre-Roman 
peoples, they used chariots and ornamented these with 
finely worked bronze. Enamel was manufactured or 
imported. Some of the Roman stories about the savage 
condition of Scotland may be dismissed as fictions. 
Who can nowadays credit the statement of Herodian' 
that the warriors of Scotland in Roman times passed 
their days in the water, or Dion Cassius's' story that 
they were wont to hide in mud for several days with 
nothing but their heads showing, and that despite their 

> Hfrod!,ni. HI. I). 3 Dion Cassius (Xiphiliniis) LXXVI. 12. 



(British Miist-iiin) 
,er: th.- Tli;inu>. L..w.r: Iru.n \Va 


fine physique they fed chiefly on herbs, fruit, nuts, 
and the bark of trees, and, withal, that they had dis- 
covered a mysterious earth-nut and had only to eat 
a piece no larger than a bean to defy hunger and 
thirst. The further statement that the Scottish "sav- 
ages " were without state or family organization hardly 
accords with historical facts. Even Agricola had cause 
to feel alarm when confronted by the well-organized 
and well-equipped Caledonian army at the battle of 
Mons Grampius, and he found it necessary to retreat 
afterwards, although he claimed to have won a com- 
plete victory. His retreat appears to have been as 
necessary as that of Napoleon from Moscow. The 
later invasion of the Emperor Severus was a dis- 
astrous one for him, entailing the loss of 50,000 men. 

A people who used chariots and horses, and arti- 
facts displaying the artistic skill of those found in 
ancient Britain, had reached a comparatively high state 
of civilization. Warriors did not manufacture their 
own chariots, the harness of their horses, their own 
weapons, armour, and ornaments; these were provided 
for them by artisans. Such things as they required 
and could not obtain in their own country had to be 
imported by traders. The artisans had to be paid in 
kind, if not in coin, and the traders had to give some- 
thing in return for what they received. Craftsmen 
and traders had to be protected by laws, and the laws 
had to be enforced. 

The evidence accumulated by archaeologists is suffi- 
cient to prove that Britain had inherited from seats 
of ancient civilization a high degree of culture and 
technical skill in metal-working, &c., many centuries 
before Rome was built. The finest enamel work on 
bronze in the world was produced in England and 
Ireland, and probably, although definite proof has not 
yet been forthcoming, in Scotland, the enamels of which 


may have been imported and may not. Artisans could 
not have manufactured enamel without furnaces capable 
of generating a high degree of heat. The process was 
a laborious and costly one. It required technical know- 
ledge and skill on the part of the workers. Red, white, 
yellow, and blue enamels were manufactured. Even the 
Romans were astonished at the skill displayed in 
enamel work by the Britons. The people who pro- 
duced these enamels and the local peoples who pur- 
chased them, including the Caledonians, were far 
removed from a state of savagery. 

Many writers, who have accepted without question the 
statements of certain Roman writers regarding the early 
Britons and ignored the evidence that arch^ological 
relics provide regarding the arts and crafts and social 
conditions of pre-Roman times, have in the past written 
in depreciatory vein regarding the ancestors of the vast 
majority of the present population of these islands, who 
suffered so severely at the altar of Roman ambition. 
Everything Roman has been glorified; Roman victories 
over British ** barbarians" have been included among 
the "blessings" of civilization. Yet "there is", as 
Elton says, "something at once mean and tragical 
about the story of the Roman conquest. ... On the one 
side stand the petty tribes, prosperous nations in mina- 
ture, already enriched by commerce and rising to a 
homely culture; on the other the terrible Romans strong 
in their tyranny and an avarice which could never be 
appeased." ^ 

It was in no altruistic spirit that the Romans invaded 
Gaul and broke up the Celtic organization, or that they 
invaded Briton and reduced a free people to a state of 
l)ondage. The life blood of young Britain was drained 
by Rome, and, for the loss sustained, Roman institutions, 
Roman villas and baths, and the Latin language and 

• Oiij^ins of English Ilisloty, pp. Tpi-:-,- 


literature were far from being compensations. Rome 
was a predatory state. When its military organization 
collapsed, its subject states fell with it. Gaul and Britain 
had been weakened by Roman rule; the ancient spirit of 
independence had been undermined; native initiative 
had been ruthlessly stamped out under a system more 
thorough and severe than modern Prussianism. At the 
same time, there is, of course, much to admire in Roman 

During the obscure post-Roman period England 
was occupied by Angles and Saxons and Jutes, who 
have been credited with the wholesale destruction of 
masses of the Britons. The dark-haired survivors were 
supposed to have fled westward, leaving the fair intruders 
in undisputed occupation of the greater part of England. 
But the indigenous peoples of the English mining areas 
were originally a dark-haired and sallow people, and the 
invading Celts were mainly a fair people. Boadicea 
was fair-haired like Queen Meave of Ireland. The 
evidence collected of late years by ethnologists shows 
that the masses of the English population are descended 
from the early peoples of the Pre-Agricultural and Early 
Agricultural Ages. The theory of the wholesale exter- 
mination by the Anglo-Saxons of the early Britons has 
been founded manifestly on very scant and doubtful 

What the Teutonic invasions accomplished in reality 
was the destruction not of a people but of a civilization. 
The native arts and crafts declined, and learning was 
stamped out, when the social organization of post-Roman 
Britain was shattered. On the Continent a similar state 
of matters prevailed. Roman civilization suffered decline 
when the Roman soldier vanished. 

Happily, the elements of "Celtic" civilization had 
been preserved in those areas that had escaped the 
blight of Roman ambition. The peoples of Celtic 


speech had preserved, as ancient Gaehc manuscripts 
testify, a love of the arts as ardent as that of Rome, 
and a hne code of chivalry to which the Romans were 
strangers. The introduction of Christianity had advanced 
this ancient Celtic civilization on new and higher lines. 
When the Columban missionaries began their labours 
outside Scotland and Ireland, they carried Christianity 
and "a new humanism" over England and the Con- 
tinent, "and became the teachers of whole nations, the 
counsellors of kings and emperors". Ireland and 
Scotland had originally received their Christianity from 
Romanized England and Gaul. The Celtic Church 
developed on national lines. Vernacular literature was 
promoted by the Celtic clerics. 

In England, as a result of Teutonic intrusions and 
conquests, Christianity and Romano-British culture had 
been suppressed. The Anglo-Saxons were pagans. In 
time the Celtic missionaries from Scotland and Ireland 
spread Christianity and Christian culture throughout 

It is necessary for us to rid our minds of extreme pro- 
Teutonic prejudices. Nor is it less necessary to avoid 
the equally dangerous pitfall of the Celtic hypothesis. 
Christianity and the associated humanistic culture 
entered these islands during the Roman period. In 
Ireland and Scotland the new religion was perpetuated 
by communities that had preserved pre-Roman habits 
of life and thought which were not necessarily of Celtic 
origin or embraced by a people who can be accurately 
referred to as the "Celtic race". The Celts did not 
exterminate the earlier settlers. Probably the Celts 
were military aristocrats over wide areas. 

Before the fair Celts had intruded themselves in 
I>ritain and Ireland, the seeds of pre-Celtic culture, 
derived by trade and colonization from centres of ancient 
civilization through their colonies, had been sown and 


had borne fruit. The history of British civilization 
begins with neither Celt nor Roman, but with those 
early prospectors and traders who entered and settled 
in the British Isles when mighty Pharaohs were still 
reigning in Egypt, and these and the enterprising 
monarchs in Mesopotamia were promoting trade and 
extending their spheres of influence. The North Syrian 
or Anatolian carriers of Eastern civ^ilization who founded 
colonies in Spain before 2500 B.C. were followed by 
Cretans and Phoenicians. The sea-trade promoted by 
these pioneers made possible the opening up of overland 
trade routes. It was after Pytheas had (about 300 B.C.) 
visited Britain by coasting round Spain and Northern 
France from Marseilles that the volume of British trade 
across France increased greatly and the sea-routes 
became of less importance. When Carthage fell, the 
Romans had the trade of Western Europe at their 
mercy, and their conquests of Gaul and Britain were 
undoubtedly effected for the purpose of enriching them- 
selves at the expense of subject peoples. We owe much 
to Roman culture, but we owe much also to the culture 
of the British pre-Roman period. 


Acha-ans, Celts and, iii, 112. 
Acheulian culture, 13, 14. 
Adonis, killed by boar, 197. 
/Egean culture, Celts absorbed, 

in Central Europe, 96. 

^styans, the, amber traders, 161. 

— worship of mother goddess and 
boar god, 161, 162. 

Africa, Cro-Maynon peoples en- 
tered Europe from, 35. 

— ostrich eggs, ivory, Szc, from, 
found in Spain, 96. 

— transmigration of souls in, 

Age, the Agricultural and pre- 
Agricultural, 213. 

— the Early Red Deer, 214, 215. 

— the Prehistoric, 217. 

— the Historic, 217. 

— the Reindeer, 213. 

Ages, Archaeological, new system 

of, 215. 
problem of Scottish copper 

axe, 219. 

— the M^-thical, colours and metals 
of, 121. See also Geological and 
Archaeological Ages. 

Agriculture, beginning of, in Bri- 
tain, 217. 

— importance of introduction of, 

— history of, 210. 

— Neolithic sickles, 4. 

— barley, wheat, and rye culti- 
vated, 5. 

Aine, the Munster fairy, 202. 

Airts (Cardinal Points), the, doc- 
trine of, 145. See also Cardinal 

Akkad, Sargon of, his knowledge 

of Western Europe, 96, 218. 
Alabaster, Eastern perfume flasks 

of, in Neolithic Spain, 96. 
Albertite, jet and, 164. 
Albiorix, the Gaulish god, 207. 
All Hallows, Black Sow of, 200. 
Amber, associated with jet and 

Egyptian blue beads in England, 

104, 105 (///.), 106. 

— Celtic and German names of, 

— as magical product of water, 
162, 163. 

— eyes strengthened by, 165. 

— imported into Britain at 1400 
B.C., 106; and in first century A. D., 

— jet and pearls and, 22. 

— as " life substance ", 80. 

— Megalithic people searched for, 

— origin of, in Scottish lore, 162. 

— Persian, &c., names of, 163, 164. 

— Tacitus on the Baltic ^Estyans, 

— connection of, with boar god 
and mother goddess, 161. 

— as " tears " of goddess, 161 . 

— trade in, 219. 

— the " vigorous Gael " and, 163. 

— connection of. with Woad, 163. 

— white enamel as substitute for, 

America, green stone symbolism in, 

Angles 126. 

— Celts and, 227. 
Anglo-Saxon intruders, our scanty 

knowledge of, 209. 



Angus, the Irish Rod of love, 202. 
Animism, not the earliest stage in 

religion, 178. 
Annis, Black (also " Black Anny " 

and " Cat Anna "), 195. 

Irish Anu (Danu), and, 198. 

Anthropology, stratification theory, 

II, 12. 
Anu (Ana), the goddess, 198, 201. 
Aphrodite, 221. 

— amber and, 163. 

— the black form of, 164. 

— connection of, with pearl and 
moon, 158. 

— Julius Caesar's pearl offering to, 

— myth of origin of, 38. 

— Egyptian Hathor and, 38. 

— the Scandinavian, 161. 
Apollo, British temples of, 177. 

— the Gaelic, 202. 

— the Gaulish, 207. 

— god of London, 203. 

— mouse connection of, 179. 

— mouse feasts, 187. 
Apple, 221. 

— connection of mouse with, 196. 

— as fruit of longevity, 144. 

— Scottish hag-goddess and, 196. 

— Thomas the Rhymer and apple 
of knowledge and longevity, 146. 

— " wassailing ", 204. 

Apple land (Avalon), the Celtic 

Paradise, 144. 
Apples, life substance in, 206. 
Apple tree, God of, 204. 
Archaeological Ages, 1400 B.C., a 

date in IBritish history, 106. 
" Broad-heads " in Britain 

and " Long-heads " in Ireland 

use bronze, 87. 

— — climate in Upper Palaeo- 
lithic, 14. 

Egyptian and Babylonian 

relics in Neolithic Spain, 96. 

Eg> ptian Empire beads asso- 
ciated with bronze industry in 
south - western England, 104, 
105 (ill.), 106. 

few intrusions between Bronze 

and Iron Ages, 109. 

in humorous art, i . 

"Stone Age " man not neces- 
sarily a savage, 2. 

Archaeological Ages, influences of 
Neanderthal and Cro-Magnon 
races, 12. 

— Irish sagas and, 119. 

bronze and iron swords, 1 19. 

Lord Avcbury's system, 8. 

Neolithic industry intro- 
duced by metal workers in 
Spain, 95, 99. 

relations of Neanderthal and 

Cro-Magnon races, 14, 15, 16. 

" Transition Period " longer 

than " Neolithic Age ", 61. 

Western European metals 

reached Mesopotamia between 
3000 B.C. and 2000 B.C., 99, 100. 
See also Palceolithic and Neo- 

Archieolog}', stratification theory, 
II, 12. 

Argentocoxus, the Caledonian. 112. 

Armenoid (Alpine) races, early 
movements of, 56. 

Armenoids in Britain, 222. 

— intrusions of, in Europe, 126. 

— partial disappearance of, from 
Britain, 127. 

Armlets, in graves, 158. 

Arrow-, the fierv, and goddess 

Brigit, 188. ■ 
Arrows, Azilians introduced, into 

Europe, 55. 

— as sj-mbols of deitj', 51. 

Art, ancient man caricatured in 
modern, i. 

Artemis, bee and butterfly con- 
nected with, 193. 

— myth of the Scottish, 174, 197. 
Arthur, King, Celtic myth attached 

to, 198. 

Arthur's Seat, Edinburgh, night- 
shining gem of, 160. 

giant of, 131, and also note i . 

Aryans, "^Phe, 123. 

Astronomy in Ancient Britain and 
Ireland, 175, and also note i. 

— Welsh and Gaelic names of 
constellations, 203. 

Atlantis, The Lost, 70. 
Atrebates, The, in Britain, 128. 
Augustine of Canterbury, Pope 

Gregory's letter, 176. 
Canterbury temple occupied 

by, 177. 



Augustonemeton (shrine of Augus- 
tus), 159. 

Aurignac, Cro-Magnon cave-tomb 
of, 20, 22. 

Aurignacian, African source of 
culture called, 27, 35. 

— custom of smearing bodies with 
red earth, 27. 

— animism and goddess worship, 

— influence in Britain, 19, 216. 

— burial customs, 45. 

— cave hand-prints, 47. 

— " Combe-Capelle "' man, 25. 

— Briix and Briinn race, 26. 

— Cro-Magnons and, 14. 

— culture of Cro-Magnon grotto, 
23. 24. 

— heart as seat of lile, 32. 

— green stone symbolism, 33. 

— Indian Ocean shell at Grimaldi, 

— Magdalenians and, 52. 

— the Mother-goddess, 42, 178. 

— Egyptian milk and shells link, 

— " Tama " belief, 44. 

— origin of term, 22. 

— pre-Agricultural, 213. 

— Proto-Solutrean influence on, 

— no trace of, in Hungary, 50. 
Aurignacian Age, 13. 
Aurignacian implements (ill.), 21. 
Australian natives. Neanderthal 

man and, 9. 
Avalon (Apple land), the Celtic 

Paradise, 144. 
Avebury, megaliths of, 82. 

burial customs, 171. 

Axe, Chellean (ill.), 14. 

— double, as " god-body ", 50. 

— Glasgow and Spanish green- 
stone axes, 97. 

— as religious object, 77 

Axes, Neolithic, distribution of 
population and, 82, 84. 

— Neolithic, mathematical skill in 
manufacture of, 4. 

Aynia, Irish fairy queen, 201. 
Azilian culture, 62. 

artifacts, 13. 

English Channel land-bridge 

crossed by carriers of, 58. 67, 69. 

Azilian culture, Iberian carriers ofi 

— — pre-Agricultural, 213. 

— — rock paintings, 55. 

customs of, revealed in art, 


script used, 56. 

in Scotland and England, 

58, 60. 

— boats, 75. 

Azilians in Britain, 70, 125. 

Babylonia, goddess of, in Neolithic 
Spain, 96. 

— influence of, in Asia Minor and 
Syria, 95. 

— influence of culture of, 212. 

— influence of, in Britain, 218. 

— knowledge of European metal- 
fields in, 99. 

— religious ideas of, in Britain. 

Baptism, milk and honey used in, 

Eurley, cultivation of, 5. 

— the Eg^'ptian, reaches Britain, 
84, 85. 

Basket-making, relation of, to 

pottery and knitting, 6. 
Beads, as " adder stones " and 

" Druid's gems ", 163. 

— Egyptian blue beads in Eng- 
land, 104, 105 (ill.), 106. 

— Egyptian, in Britain, 211. 
Bede, on jet symbolism, 164. 

Bee, connection of, with Artemis 
and fig tree, 193. 

— as soul form in legends, 193. 
Bees, connection of, with maggot 

soul form, 102. 

— " Telling the bees " custom, 
103, 193- 

Belatucadros, a Gaulish Mars, 207. 
Belga% The, in Britain, 128. 
Belisama, goddess of Mersey, 206. 
Beltain festival, fires at, 191. 
Berries, fire in, 181. 

— life substance in, 206. 

— " the luck ", 180. 

— salmon and red, 183. 
Berry charms, 47. 

Birds, butterfly as " bird of god ", 

— Celtic deities as, 195. 



Birds, lanmuige of, Druids and 
wren, 145. 

— language of, in India, 151. 

— language of, St. Columba and, 

— oyster catcher and wood linnet 
as birds of goddess Bride, 187. 

— swan form of soul, 190. 

— taboo in Ancient Britain, 201. 

— taboo in Highlands, 201. 

— tom-tit, robin, wren, and apple 
cults, 204. 

— wren as king of, 186. 

Black Annis, Irish Anu (Danu) and, 

Leicestershire hag-deity, 195, 


Black Demeter, 196. 

Black goddesses, Greek and Scot- 
tish, 164. 

Black Kali, Indian goddess, 196. 

Black Pig, Devil as, 200. 

Black Sow, Devil as, 200. 

Blood Covenant, 152. 

Boadicea, 162, 227. 

— (Boudicca), Queen, 114. 

— Iceni tribe of, 128. 
Boann, the goddess, 202. 

Boar, Adonis and DiarmiJ slain by, 

— in Orkney, 129. 

— salmon and porpoise as, 182. 
Boar god on British and Gaulish 

coins, 162. 
connection of, with amber, 


the Gaulish, 197. 

Mars as, 197. 

The Inverness, 129, 155 (ill.). 

Boats, ancient migrations by sea, 


— axe of Clyde boat, 77. 

— Himilco's references to 
boats, 77. 

— sea-worthiness of skin-boats. 77. 

— how sea-sense was cultivated, 

— Veneti vessels, 78. 

— Azilian-Tardenoisians and Ma- 
glemosians required, 69. 

— Britain reached by, before last 
land movement ceased, 72. 

— Perth dug-out, under carse 
clays, 72. 

Boats, Forth and Clyde dug-outs, 

— dug-outs not the earliest, 72, 


— Ancient Eg^■ptian papyri and 
skin-boats, 73. 

— " seams " and " skins " of, 74. 

— Egyptian models in Europe and 
Asia, 74. 

— religious ceremonies at con- 
struction of dug-outs, 74. 

— Polynesian, dedicated to gods, 


— earliest Egyptian, 74. 

— Britons and Veneti, 224. 

— Celtic pirates, 136. 

— earliest, in Britain, 218. 

— early builders of, 6. 

— Easterners exported ores by, 
from Western Europe, 99. 

— Egyptian barley carried by early 
seafareis to Britain, 84. 

— exports from early Britain, 104. 

— Glasgow discoveries of ancient, 
75. 76. 

— cork plug in Glasgow boat, 75, 

— invention of, 72. 

— oak god and skin boats, 153. 

— outrigger at Glasgow, 76. 

— ancient Clyde clinker-built boat, 

— Aberdeenshire dug-out, 76. 

— Sussex, Kentish, and Dumfries 
finds of, 77. 

— Brigg boat, 77. 

— Pictish, 136. 

— pre-Roman British, 224. 

— similar t\pes in Africa and 
Scandinavia (ill.), 75. 

— why early seafarers visited Bri- 
tain, 80, 81. 

Bodies painted for religious reasons, 

Boers, the mouse cure of, 187, and 
also note 2. 

Bone implements, 82. 

Magdalenians favoured, 52. 

Bonfires, at Pagan festivals, 181. 

Borvo, the Gaulish Apollo, 207. 

Bows and arrows, Azilians intro- 
duced, into Europe, 55. 

Boyne, River goddess of, 202. 

Bovne, The " white cow ", 206. 



Bran, the god and saint, 202. 
Bride, The goddess, Bird of, and 

Page of, 187. 
dandelion as milk-yielding 

plant of, 1S7. 

— serpent of, as " daughter of 
Ivor " and the " damsel ", 187, 
188. See Brigit. 

— Saint, Goddess Bride and, 18S. 
Bride's Dav, 187. 

Bridewells, 188. 

Brigantes, blue shields of, 173. 

— Brigit (Bride) goddess of, 187. 

— territory occupied by, 188. 

— in England, Scotland, and Ire- 
land, 128, 188. 

Brigit, Dagda and, 202. 

— as " fiery arrow ", 188. 

— the goddess (also Bride), Bri- 
gantes and, 187. 

— three forms of, 188, 195. 

— as hag or girl, 195. 
Britain, Stone Age man in, i. 

— early races in, 16. 

— date of last land movement in, 

Briton, " cloth clad ", 119. 
Britons, the, Cruithne of Irehmd 
were, 131, 132. 

— chief people in ancient Eng- 
land, Ireland, and Scotland, 132. 

Brittany, Easterners in, 100. 
Bronze, Celts and, 106. 

— Gaelic gods connected with, 

— knowledge of, introduced into 
Britain by traders, 101. ! 

— British, same as Continental, j 


— Spanish Easterners displaced by j 
carriers of, 221. t 

Bronze Age, The Arch^ological, 
British " broad - heads " and | 
Irish " long-heads " as bronze ! 
users, 87. I 

French forms in Britain and 

Spanish in Ireland, 88. ^ 

conquest theory, 88. j 

prospectors discovered 

metals in Britain, 89. 

how metals were located, 89. 

bronze carriers reached Spain ] 

from Central Europe, 96. j 

carriers of bronze earliest 

settlers in Buchan, Aberdeen- 
shire, III. 

Bronze Age, Celtic horse-tamers as 
bronze carriers, iii. 

carriers expel Easterners from 

Spain, 100, 101. 

Druidism and, 149. 

Egyptian relics of, 104. 

relics of {.ill.), 113. 

Bronze industry, fibulae and cloth- 
ing, 119. 

Briinn and Briix races, 50. 

skull caps, 25, 26. 

Brut, The, reference in, to Apollo's 
temple, 177. 

Bull, rivers and, 206. 

Bulls, The Sacred, 155 (///.). 

— sacrifice of, in Ross-shire in 
seventeenth century. 148. 

Burial Customs, Avebury evidence 
regarding, 171. 

body painting, 27. 

Seven Sleepers myth, 29. 

British Pagan survivals, 17. 

Cro-Magnon Aurignacian, in 

Wales, 19. 

doctrine of Cardinal Points 

and, 168, 170. 

Egyptian pre-dynastic cus- 
toms, 170. 

food for the dead, 158. 

urns in graves, 158. 

green stones in mouths of 

Cro-Magnon dead, 33. 

Egyptian and American use 

of green stones, 33, 34. 

— long - barrow folk in Eng- 
land, 82. 

milk oflFerings to dead, 148. 

in Neolithic Britain, 86. 

PaljEolithic, 158. 

" Round Barrow " folk, 87. 

Shakespeare's reference to 

Pagan, 45. 

Cro-Magnon rites, 45. 

shell and other ornaments, 36. 

short-barrow and cremation 

intruders, 104. 

solar aspect of ancient Bri- 
tish, 170. 

Welsh ideas about destiny of 

soul, 144. 

why dead were cremated. 

109, no, III. 



Buttcrlly connection of, with jade 
and soul in China, iq-;. 

— connection with plum tree in 
China and honeysuckle in Scot- 
land, 193. 

— as fire god in Gaelic, 191. 

— Gaelic names of, 191. 

— goddess F"reyja and, 192. 

— Psyche as, 192. 

— as Italian soul form, 192. 

— Serbian witches and, 192. 

— Burmese soul as, 193. 

— Mexican soul and fire god as, 

Byzantine Empire, The, Chinese 
lore from, 160. 

The, 174, 197- 





Caithness, the " cat " country, 
Caledonians, The, 129. 

— Celtic tribal name of, 112. 

— personal names of, 112. 

— clothing of, 119. 

— the Picts and, 130. 

— Romans and, 224. 

— Tacitus 's theory regarding, 
Calendar, the Gaelic, 198. 
Calgacus, 112. 
Callernish stone circle, 94. 
Calton (hazel grove), 150. 
Camulos, god of Colchester, : 
Canoes. See Boats. 
Canterbury Pagan temple, 

Augustine used, 177. 
Cantion, the, Kent tribe, 128. 
Cardinal Points, doctrine of, 145, 

south as road to heaven, 145, 

and also note i . 

Gaelic colours of, 168. 

goddesses and gods come 

from their own, 173. 
giants of north and fairies of 

west, 173. 
in modern burial customs, 

" sunwise " and " wither- 

shins ", 172, an 1 also note i. 
Carnonaca- Carini, the, 129. 
Carthage, Britain and. 229. 

— British and Spanish connection 
with, 107. 

— megalithic monuments and, 149. 

Carthage, trade of, with Britain, 114, 
Cassiterides, "i'he, 98. 

— Carthagenians' trade with, 114. 

— Pytheas and, 115. 

— Crassus visits, 116. 

— exports and imports of, 104. 

— Oistrymnides of Himilco and, 

— the Hebrides and, 117. 
Cat, the Big, 196. 

— as goddess, 154. 

I — pear tree and, 196. 

, Cat- Anna, Leicestershire hag-god- 
dess, 195. 

j Cat goddess of Egypt, 196. 

' Cat stone, 196. 

! Cats, the, peoples of Shetland, 
Caithness, and Sutherland as, 
129, 130. 

— witches as, 196. 
Caturix, the Gaulish god, 207. 
Catuvellauni.The, in England, 128. 
Cauldron. See Pot. 
Cauldron, the Celtic, 90, 91. 
Welsh goddess of, 204. 

— of Dagda, 202. 

— Holy Grail and, 205. 

— myth of, 205. 

Celts, Acha?ans and, in. 

— as carriers of La T^ne culture, 

— confederacies formed by, 112. 

— as conquerors of earlier settlers 
in Britain and Ireland, 107. 

— as military aristocrats in Britain. 

— conquests of, in. 

— Etruscans overcome by, 112. 

— Sack of Rome, 112. 

— Danube valley and Rhone val- 
ley trade routes controlled by, 

— as pig rearers and pork curers, 
114, 223. 

— destiny of soul, 144. See Soul. 

— displacement theory regarding, 

— earlier fair folks in Britain, 125. 

— ethnics of, 1 12. 

— the fair in Britain and Ireland, 

— fair queens of, 112. 

— gold and silver offered to deities 
bv, 80. 



Celts, Maglemosians and, 138. 

— origin of, obscure, 222. 

— as Fair Northerners, 222. 

— Pictish problem, 130. See Picts. 

— as pirates, 136. 

— references to clothing of, 119. 

— British breeches, 119. 

— settlement of, in Asia Minor, 

— Tacitus on the Caledonians, 
&c., 137. 

— Teutons and, 125. 

— Iberians and, 125. 

— Teutons did not exterminate, in 
England, 227. 

— early Christian influence of, 228. 

— theory of extermination of, in 
Britain, 122. 

— as traders in Britain, 107. 

— and transmigration of souls, 143. 

— tribes of, in ancient Britain, 

— tribal rivalries of, in Britain, 

— westward movement of, 214. 
Celtic art, lEgean affinities, 118, 


— cauldron, 205, 206. 

— gods, connection of, with metals, 

Cenn Cruach, Irish god, 102, 103. 

Cereals, 5. 

Cerones, Creones, the, 129. 

Chancelade Man, 53. 

Chariots, in pre-Roman Britain, 

Charms, hand-prints, horse-shoes, 

and berries as, 47. 

— herbs and berries as, 167. 

— lore of, 157 et seq. See Shells, 
Necklaces, Pearls. 

— otter skin charm, 189. 
Chellean culture, 13. 
artifacts of, 13, 14. 

— Couf> de Pains (i'lL), 14. 
Children sacrificed, 174. 
China, butterfly soul of, 193. 
Chinese dragon, Scottish Bride 

serpent and, 188, 189. 
Churchyards, Pagan survivals, 171. 
Cocidius, a Gaulish Mars, 207. 
Cockle-shell elixir, in Japan and 

Scotland, 40, 41. 
in Crete, 41. 

Coinage, ancient British, 223. 
Colour symbolism, black and white 

goddesses, 164. 

blue artificial shells, 173. 

blue shields of Brigantes, 


blue as female colour, 173. 

blue as fishermen's mourn- 
ing colour, 173. 

blue stone raises wind, 172. 

body paint used by Neolithic 

industry peoples, 82. 
Celtic root glas as colour 

term, and in amber, &c., 162, 

coloured pearls favoured, 

coloured races and coloured 

ages, 121, 124. 
coloured stones as amulets, 


Dragon's Eggs, 173. 

enamel colours, 165. 

— — four colours of Aurignacian 
hand impressions in caves, 47. 

Gaelic colours of seasons, 


— - — Gaelic colours of winds and 
of Cardmal Points, 168. 

green stones used by Cro- 
Magnon, Ancient Eg\-ptian, and 
pre - Columbian American 
peoples, 33, 34. 

how prospectors located 

metals by rock colours, 89. 

— — Irish rank colours, 173, and 
also note i. 

jade tongue amulets in China, 


luck objects, 165. 

lucky and unlucky colours, 

painted vases in Neolithic 

Spain, 96. 

painting of god, 174. 

red berries as " fire berries ", 


red berries, 31. 

Greek gods painted red, 31. 

Indian megaliths painted, 32. 

Chinese evidence, 32. 

red earth devoured, 32. 

Ruadh (red) means " strong " 

in Gaelic, 32. 



Colour symbolism, red and blue 
supernaturais in Wales, 158. 

red body paint in Welsh 

Aurifinacian cave burial, 20. 

red earth and blood, 167. 

herbs and berries, 167. 

red jasper as blood of god- 
dess, 45. 

red stone in Aurignacian cave 

tomb, 46. 

shells coloured, in Mentone 

cave, 46. 

Red s\Tn holism, 31. 

red blood and red fire, 31, 32. 

blood as food of the dead, 32. 

red souls in " Red Land ", 


red woman as goddess, 45. 

scarlet-yielding insect, 152. 

sex colours, 170. 

— — significance of wind colours, 

— — Solutrean flint-oflFerings col- 
oured red, 50. 

white serpent, i8S. 

why Cro - Alagnon bodies 

were smeared with red earth, 27. 

Woad dye, 163. 

Columba, Saint, Christ as his 

Druid, 146. 
" Combe-Capelle " man, 25, 26, 


shells worn by, 46. 

Conchobar, dog god and, 66. 
Copper, axe of, in Scotland, 219. 

— in Britain, qi. 

- difiicult to find and work in 
Britain, 95. 

— Easterners worked, in Spain, 97, 

— as variety of gold. 80. 

— offered to water deity, 174. 
Coral, enamel and, 162. 

— as " life-giver " (mart;an), 161. 

— as " life substance ", 80. 

— Megalithic people searched for, 

— symbolism of, 221. 

— use of, in Britain, 164, 165. 

— enamel as substitute for, 165. 
Cormorants, Celtic deities as, 195. 
Cornavii,The,in England and Scot- 
land, 129. 

Cornwall, Damnonians in, 89. 

Cow, The Sacred, in Britain and 
Ireland, 152, 154, 195, 206. 

— connected with River Boyne, 

— DamSna, Celtic goddess of 
cattle, 208. 

— Indian, and milk-yielding trees, 

— Morrigan as, 195. 

— The Primeval, in Egypt, 149. 

— white, sacred in Ireland, 152. 
Cranes, Celtic deities as, 195. 
Cremation, in Britain, 127. 

- — significance of, 109. 

Cresswell caves, Magdalenian art 
in, S3- 

Cromartj', night-shining gem of, 

Crom Cruach, Irish god, 102; chil- 
dren sacrificed to, 174. 

as maggot god, 102. 

Cro-Magnon, animism, 178. 

Cro-Magnon Grotto, discovery of, 


skeletons in, 23. 

Cro-Magnon Races, advent of, in 
Europe, 12. 

ancestors of" modern man ", 

10, II. 

archaeological horizon of, 9. 

Aurignacian culture of the, 


Briix and Briinn t},'pes dif- 
ferent from, 26. 

burial customs of, 45. 

cultural influence of, on 

Neanderthals. 14. 

discovery of Cr6-Magnon 

grotto skeletons, 23. 

first discovery of traces of, 

in France, 20. 

history of modern man be- 
gins with, 26. 

as immigrants from Africa, 


Indian Ocean shell at Men- 
tone, 36, 37. 

inventive and inquiring 

minds of, 27. 

Magdalenian culture stage 

of, 53- 

domestication of horse, 53. 

modern representatives of, 




Cro-Magnon Races. Mother-god- 
dess of, 42. 

" Tama " belief, 44. 

not in Hungary, 50. 

" Red Man " of Wales, 19. 

Red Sea shells imported by, 


history of, 210. 

relations of, with Neander- 
thal man, 14. 

in Wales, 19. 

— sea-shell necklace (ill.), 39. 

trade of, in shells, 40. 

tall types, 24. 

high cheek bones of, 25. 

tallest types in Riviera, 35, 36. 

Cro-Magnon skulls (ill.), 24. 

Cro-Magnons, Azilian intruders 
and, 62. 

— heart as seat of life, among, 32. 

— in Britain, 67, 125, 216. 

— English Channel land - bridge 
crossed by, 67. 

— hand-prints and mutilation of 
fingers, 47. 

— modern Scots and, 137. 

— Selgovae and, 139. 

Crow, and goddess of grove and 

sky, 160. 
Crows, Celtic deities as, 195. 
Cruithne, in Ireland, 224. 

— the Irish, not Picts, 132. 

- the Q-Celtic name of Britons, 
Cuchullin, and Scotland, 224. 

— dog god and, 64. 

— goddess Morrigan and, 195. 

— his knowledge of astronomy, 
17s, and also note i. 

— pearls in hair of, 163. 

Dagda, the god, 202. 

— connection with oak and fire, 

— cauldron of, 202. 

— Thor and, 202. 

— a giant-slayer, 202. 
Damnonians. See Dumttomi. 

— an early Celtic " wave ", 107. 

- Fomorians as gods of, 198. 
settlements of, in metal-yielding 

areas, 89. 
Damona, Celtic goddess of cattle, 

Danann deities, 201. 

not in Scotland, 199. 

talismans of, 205. 

■ Japanese talismans, 205. 

war against Fomorians, 198. 

Welsh " Children of Don " 

and, 203. 

Dandelion, as milk-yielding plant 
of goddess Bride, 187. 

Danes, in Britain, 126. 

Dante, moon called " eternal pearl " 
by, 159. 

Danu, the goddess, 198. 

DanulDe valley trade route, 114. 

Danubian culture in Central 
Europe, 96. 

Celts as carriers of, 1 1 1 , 112. 

Decantae, The, 129. 

Deer, as goddess, 154. 

DemetiE, The, in Wales, 129. 

Demeter, The black, 196. 

Demons, dogs as enemies of, 65. 

Derbyshire, Magdalenian art in, 

Deva, Devona, Dee, Rivers, 206. 

Devil as " Big Black Pig " in Scot- 
land, 200. 

— as Black Sow in Wales, 200. 

— as pig, goat, and horse, 191. 
Devon, Damnonians in, 89. 

— Magdalenian art in, 54. 
Diamond, The night-shining, 160. 
Diana of the Ephesians, fig tree 

and, 193. 
Diancecht, Irish god of healing, 

Diarmid, Gaelic Adonis, 197. 
Diodorus Siculus, on gold mining, 

reference to British temple to 

Apollo, 177. 
Disease, deity who sends also w ith- 

draws, 179. 

— ancient man suffered from, 2. 

— " Yellow Plague ", 2. 

Dog, The Big, god Indra a^, 196. 

— The Sacred, 154, 155 (ill.). 

— taboo to Cuchullin, 154, and 
also note 3. See Doi;s. 

Dogger Bank, ancient plateau, 68. 

animal bones, &c., from, 57, 


Island, 69. 

Dog gods, 64. 



Dops, children transformed into, 
I go. 

— domesticated by Maglemosians, 

— religious beliefs regarding, 63. 

— early man's dependtnce on, 65. 

— in ancient Britain and Ireland, 66. 

— in warfare, 66. 

— exported from Britain in first 
century a.d., 114. 

DoK' Star, The, 64. 

Dolmen, 'I'hc. See Mcgalithic 

Domnu, tribal goddess of Dam- 

nonians, qo. 
Don, the Children of, 203. 
Doves, Celtic deities as, 195. 
Dragon, Bride's Scottish serpent 

charm and Chinese charm, 188. 

— Hebridean, iqo. 

— Irish, and the salmon, 182. 

— otter and, 189. 

— on sculptured stone, 155 (///.). 

— luck pearls of, 184. 

— stones as eggs of, 173. 
Dragon-mouth Lake, The Irish, i S3. 
Dragon Slayers, the, Druids and, 

Druid Circle, the Inverness, 220. 
Druidism, 140. 

— belief in British origin of, 142. 

— doctrines absorbed by, 222. 

— eastern orgin of, 149. 

— in ancient Spain, 149. 

— Pliny on Persian religion and, 
143, and also note i. 

— oak cult, 145. 

— tree cults and, 141. 
Druids, in Anglesea, 103. 

— human sacrifices of, 103. 

— " Christ is my Druid ", 146. 

— the collar of truth, 146. 

— connection of, with megalithic 
monuments, 103, 154. 

— and- oak, 141. 

— classical references to, 141. 

— " Druid's gem ", 163. 

— evidence of, regarding races in 
CJaul, 100. 

— Tacituson Anglesea Druids, 147. 
temples of, 177. 

— " True Thomas " (the Rhymer) 
as " Druid Thomas ", 146. 

— sacred salmon and, 182. 

Druids, salmon and dragon myth, 

— star lore of, 175. 

— Kentigern of Glasgow as Chris- 
tian Druid, 185. 

— wren connection, 145. 

— soothsayers, 145, 146. 
Dug-out canoes, origin of, 72. See 


Dumnogeni, The, in Yarrow in- 
scription, 89. 

Dumnonii, 128. See Damnouians. 

— Fomorians as gods of, 198. 

— Silures and, 129. 
Dunatis, Gaulish IVIars, 207. 
Durotriges, in Britain and Ireland, 

Dwyn, St., formerly a goddess, 

Dw^nwen, British Venus, 204. 

Eagle, the Sacred, 155 {ill.). 

— wren and, in myth, 186. 
Ear-rings, as solar symbols, 165. 
East, The, " Evil never came 

from ", 168. See Cardinal 
Easterners, colonies of, in Spain 
and Portugal, 95, 100, 211, 218, 

— descendants of, in Britain, 

— displacement of, in Spain, 100, 

— Druidism introduced into 
Europe by, 149. 

— as exploiters of Western Europe, 

— settlements of, in France and 
Ivtruria, 100. 

— in Hebrides, 139. 

— influence of, in Britain and Ire- 
land, 221. 

— iron industry and, 107. 

— not all of one race, 107. 

— Neolithic industry of, 214. 

— in touch with Britain at 1400 
B.C., 106. 

— in Western Europe, 21S, 229. 
Eel, Morrigan as, 195. 

Eels, as " devil fish " in Scotland, 

— tabooed in Scotland, 199. 
Eggs, Dragons', stones as, 173. 



Egypt, alabaster flasks, Sec, from, 
in Neolithic Spain, 96. 

— artificial shells in, 41, 173. 

— barley of, carried to Europe, 84. 

— black and white goddesses of, 

— blue beads from, in England, 
104, 105 (ill.), 106, 211. 

— Cat goddess of, 196. 

— culture of, transferred with 
barley seeds, 212. 

— " Deathless snake " of, and 
Scottish serpent, 188. 

— dog-headed god of, 64. 

— earliest sailing ship in, 74. 

— earliest use of gold in, 80. 

— malachite charms in, 80. 

— flint sickles of, 4. 

— furnaces and crucibles of, in 
Western Europe, 101. 

— Hathor and Aphrodite, 38. 

— shell amulets in early graves in, 

— Isis as " Old Wife ", 181, and 
also note 2. 

— gods in weapons, 51. 

— gold in, 90. 93. 

— gold diadem from, in Spanish 
Neolithic tomb, 98. 

— gold models of shells in, 41. 

— green stone s\Tnbolism, 33. 

— Hathor as milk goddess, 149. 

— history of agriculture in, 210. 

— ideas regarding soul in, 103. 

— influence of, in Asia Minor and 
Europe, 95. 

— influence of, in Britain, 218. 

— invention of boats in, 72. 

— ivory from, found in Spain, 96. 

— Ka and serpent, 189. 

— milk elixir in Pyramid Texts, 43. 

— milk goddess of, in Scotland, 

— Mother Pot of, and Celtic 
cauldron, 206. 

— Osirian Underworld Paradise, 

— pork taboo in, 201. 

— annual sacrifice of pigs in Scot- 
land and, 201. 

— Post-Glacial forests of, 15. 

— pre -dynastic burial customs, 

— sex colours in, 170. 


Egypt, proto-Egjptians and British 
Iberians, 126. 

— red jasper as " Blood of Isis ", 

— " Red Souls " in " Red Land ", 

— why gods of, were painted, 32. 

— religious ideas of, in Britain, 
154, 201, 206, 218, 221. 

— stones, pearls, metals, &c., and 
deities of, 80. 

— symbols of, in Celtic art, 118. 

— transmigration of souls, 143. 
Elk, on Dogger Bank, 57, 68, 
Elm, 221. 

Enamel. 224. 

— British, the finest, 225. 

— coral and, 162. 

— as substitute for coral, 165. 

— turquoise, lapis lazuli, white 
amber and, 165. 

Enamels, colours of the British, 

Eoliths, 13, 26. 
Epidii, The, 129. 
Epona, Celtic goddess of horses, 

Eskimo, the Chancelade skull, 53. 

— Magdalenian art of, 53. 
Etruscans, 149. 

— Celts as conquerors of, 112. 

— civilization of, origin of, 100. 
European metal-yielding areas, 99. 
Evil Eye, The, shells as protection 

against, 39. 

Fairies, associated with the west, 

— dogs as enemies of, 65. 

— on eddies of western wind, 

— Greek nereids and, 173. 

— Fomorians (giants) at war with, 

— goddess as " fairy woman ", 

— shell boat of, 207. 

— Irish " queens " of, 201. 

— as milkers of deer, 154. 

— as " the mothers " in Wales, 

— Picts and, 131, and also note i. 

— Scottish " Nimble Men " and 
" Blue Men ", 208. 



Fairies, as supernatural beings, 201 , 

and also note 2. 
Fairy dogs, 64. 
Fairyland, as Paradise, 144. 
— Thomas the Rhymer in Paradise 

of, 146. 
Fata Morgana, 161. 
Fauna, Post-Glacial, in Southern 

and Western Europe, 14. 
Festus Avienus, 116. 
Figs, hazel-nuts and, 151. 
Fig milk, 149. 

— trees, bees and wasps fertilize, 


— tree, Diana of the Ephesians and, 

Finger charms, 47. 
Finger - mutilation, Aurignacian 

custom, 47. 

— Australian, Red Indian, and 
Scottish customs, 47. 

Fir, The Sacred, 179. 
Fir-bolgs, The, 188. 

— as miners, 90, and also note i. 

— as slaves, 90. 

— Celts as subduers of, 107. 

— subject peoples called, 223. 
Fir-domnan, 90, and also note i. 
Fir-domnarm, 118. 

— Fomorians as gods of, 198. See 
Datmioniatis and Dumnonii. 

Fire, Beltain need fires, 191. 

— Brigit and, 188. 

— butterfly as god of, in Gaelic, 

— God Dagda and, 202. 

— goddess and, 163. 

— Mexican god of, as butterfly, 


— pool fish and, 182. 

— salmon and, 183. 

— Scottish goddess of, 181. 

— in red berries, 181. 

— in St. Mungo myth, 186. 

— from trees, 180. 

— lightning and, 181. 

— worshipped in ancient Britain, 

Fire-sticks, The, 180. 
" Fire water " as " water of life ", 

Fish taboo, 201. 
Flax, Stone Age people cultivated, 


Flint, as god, 51. 

Flints, in Aurignacian cave-tomb, 


— as offerings to deit>', 50. 
Flint deposits, English, 81. 
early peoples settled beside, 

river-drift man in England 

near, 81. 
Flint industry, Tardenoisian micro- 

liths used by Maglemosians, 57. 

— working, ancient English flint 
factories, 82. 

Aurignacian, 13, 14. See 

Aurignacian, Solutrean, and 

Magdalenian implements {ill.), 

Chellean coup de poing {ill.), 

" Combe - Capelle " man's, 

early English trade in worked 

flints, 81. 
eastern influence in Neo- 
lithic industry, 214. 
Egyptian origin of Spanish 

Neolithic industry, 97. 

the evolution theory, 99. 

Hugh Miller's and Andrew 

Lang's theories regarding, 11. 
Neanderthal and pre-Nean- 

derthal, 12. 

Neolithic saws or sickles, 4. 

Palaeolithic and Neolithic, 

Tardenoisian microliths or 

" pygmy flints ", 54, 55 {ill.). 
proto-Solutrean and " true " 

Solutrean, 49. 
Flint-god, the Solutrean, 51. 

— Zeus and Thor as, 51. 
Foam, as milk, 151. 
Fomorians, duels of, in Scotland, 


— as gods of Dumnonii, 198. 

— Neit as war god, 202. 

— Nemon as goddess of, 202. 

— war of, with fairies, 198, 199. 
Fowl taboo in ancient Britain, 201. 
Freyja, Scandinavian Venus, 161. 

— pearls, amber, &c., as tears of, 

Furfooz man, 56. 



Gaelic Calendar, 19S. 
Galatia, Celts in, 112. 
Galley Hill man, 26. 
Gaul, Celts of, in Roman army, 

— early inhabitants of, 100. 

— refugees from sea-invaded areas 
in, 70. 

Gaulish gods, 207. 

Gems, " Druid's gem ", 163. 

— night-shining, 160. 

— as soul-bodies, 44. 
Geological Ages, breaking of North 

Sea and English Channel land- 
bridges, 69. 

confusion regarding, in 

modern art, i. 

date of last land movement, 


megalithic monuments sub- 
merged, 100. 

early boats and, 72. 

England in Magdalenian 

times, 54. 

sixth glaciation and race 

movements, 54. 

England sinking when Scot- 
land was rising, 71. 

last land movement, 70, 100. 

horizon of Cro-Magnon 

races, 26. 

Pleistocene fauna in Europe, 


Archaeological Ages and, 14. 

Post-Glacial and the early 

Archaeological, 13, 14, 15. 
theories of durations of, 16, 

17. 18. 
Giants, associated with the north, 


— (Fomorians) as gods, 198. 

— war of, with fairies, 198. 

— Scottish, named after heroes, 
131, and also note i. 

Glas, as " water ", " amber ", &c., 

162, 163. 
Glasgow, seal of city of, 185. 
Glass, connection of, with goddess, 


— imported into Britain in first 
centur>- a.d., 114. 

Goat, Devil as, 191. 
God, in stone, 173. 
God-cult, Solutreans and, 51. 


God-cult, stone as god, 51, 173. 
Goddess, Anu (Danu), 198, 201. 

as " fairy queen " in Ireland, 

201, 202. 

— bird forms of, 195. 

— Black Annis, 195. 

— Black Aphrodite. 164. 

— Black goddess of Scotland, 164. 

— The Blue, 173. 

— Bride (Brigit) and her serpent, 

— Brigit as goddess of healing, 
smith-work, and poetry, 188. 

— cat forms of, 196. 

— connection of, with amber and 
swine deities, 161. 

— connection of, with glass, 163. 

— connection of, with grove, sky. 
pearl, &c., in Celtic religion, 
158-60, 162, 179, 206. 

— animals and plants of, 162. 

— cult animals of, 154, 161, 162, 
195, 196, 200. 

— eel and, 200. 

— eel, wolf, &c., forms of, 195. 

— Egyptian milk goddess, 149. 

— Indian milk goddess, 151. 

— Gaulish goddess Ro-smerta, 

— influences of, 179. 

— groups of " mothers ", 206. 

— Hebridean " maiden queen ", 

— honeysuckle as milk - yielding 
plant, 193. 

— bee and, 193. 

— luck and, 167. 

— Morrigan comes from north- 
west, 173. 

— wind goddess from south-west, 


— Scottish Artemis, 174, 196. 

— The Mother, Aurignacians 
favoured, 51. 

connection of, with law and 

trade, 166. 

Cro-Magnon form of, 42, 51 . 

jasper as blood of, 45. 

her life-giving shells, 40. 

shell-milk Highland myth, 


— The mother-pot, 205. 
— ■ rivers and, 206. 

— Oriental, in Spain, 220. 



Goddess, pearl, &c., offerings to, 

— precious stones of, 221. 

— Scottish hag goddess, 174, 196. 

— Indian Kali, 196. 

— shell and milk Hebridcan god- 
dess, 153. 

Gods, animal forms of, 196. 

— Danann deities, 198. 

— deity who sends diseases with- 
draws them, 179. 

— influences of, 179. 

— Gaelic references to, i^o, 179. 

— Hazel god, 140, 150. 

— Gaelic fire god, 140. 

— " King of the Elements ", 179. 

— Romano-Gaulish, 207. 
Goibniu, Irish god and the Welsh 

Govannan, 203. 
Gold, amber and, 165. 

— coins of, in pre-Roman Britain, 

— deposits of, in Britain and Ire- 
land, 79, 84, 89, 91, 95, 114, 219, 

— mixed with silver in Sutherland, 

— earliest use of, in Eg\pt, 80. 

— copper used like, 80. 

— Egyptian diadem of, found in 
Neolithic Spain, 98. 

— in England (map), 82. 

— exported from Britain in first 
century a.d., 114. 

— finds of, in Scotland, 220. 

— first metal worked, 84. 

— as a " form of the gods ", 80. 

— as " fire, liyht, and immorta- 
lity ", 80. 

— as " life giver ", 80. 

— Gaelic god and, 102. 

— Gauls offered, to water deity, 

— how miners worked, 90. 

— " World Mill " myth, 90. 

— ingot of, from salmon, 184. 

— luck of, 1 66. 

— no trace of where worked out, 

— not valued by hunting peoples in 
Europe, 99. 

— offered to deities by Celts, 80. 

— psychological motive for 
searches for, 94. 

Gold, kno\\ledge and skill of 
searchers for, in Britain, 95. 

— ring in St. Mungo legend, 

— rod of, at Inverness stone circle, 

— in salmon myths, 183. 

— Scottish deposits of, 89. 

— search for, in Britain, 214, 217, 

— shells imitated in, 41, 80. 

— trade in, 219. 

— as tree, 221. 
fJoodwin Sands, 69. 

(ioose, taboo in ancient Britain, 

Govannan. See Goibniu. 
Grail, The Holy, 205. 
Grannos, Gaulish Apollo, 207. 
Gregory the Great, letter from, to 

Mellitus, 176. 
Grimaldi, Indian Ocean shell in 

Aurignacian cave at, 36. 
Grove, The sacred, Celtic names of, 


Latin " nemus ", 159. 

Gwydion, the god, Odin and, 204. 

Hades, dog and, 64. 

Hallowe'en, pig associated with, 

Hallstatt culture, Celts influenced 

by, 112. 
Hand-prints, in Aurignacian caves, 


— four colours used, 47. 

— dwellings protected by, in India 
and Spain, 47. 

— Arabian, Turkish, &c., customs, 

Hare, taboo in ancient Britain, 201 
Harpoon, 62. 

— Victoria cave, late Magdalenian 
or proto-Azilian, 58. 

— finds of, in England and Scot- 
land, 58. 

— Azilians imitated Magdalenian 
reindeer horn in red deer horn, 

— Magdalenians introduced, 52. 
Hazel, nut of, as fruit of longevity, 


— as god, 150, 179. 

— in early Christian legends, 150. 

— as milic-yielding tree, 150. 



Hazel, as sacred tree, 150. 

— nuts of, as food. 151. 

— palm tree and, 221. 

— The Sacred, 150, 179. 

— connection of, with sky, wells, 
&c., 179. 

- snakes and. iSg. 

— in St. Mungo (St. Kentigern) 
m>th, 186. 

— sacred fire from, 186. 

— Groves, Sacred, " Caltons " 
were, 150. 

Heart, as seat of life, 154. 

— as seat of life to Cro-Magnons 
and Ancient Egyptians, 32. 

Heaven as South, 170. 
Hebrides, dark folks in, 138. 

— descendants of Easterners in, 

— " Maiden Queen " of, 221. 

— reroofing custom in, 178. 

— Sea god of, 193. 

— traces of metals in, 117. 

— as the CEstr>Tnnides, 118. 
Heifer, milk of, in honeysuckle, 

Hell, as North. See Cardinal Points. 
Herbs, ceremonial gathering of, 168. 

— life substance in, 206. 

— lore of, 167. 

— from tears of sun god, 181, and 
also note 3. 

— Silvanus, god of, 207. 

Hills, Gildas on worship of, 176, 

Himilco, voyage of, 116. 
Homer, reference of, to cremation, 

Honey, in baptisms, 152. 

— as life-substance, 193. 

— nut milk and, 150, and also 
note I. 

— in " soma " and " mead ", 151. 
Honeysuckle, butterfly and, 193. 

— honey and milk of, 193. 
Horn implements, 82. 

Magdalenians favoured, 52. 

Horse, Demeter and, 196. 

— domesticated by Azilians, 55. 

— domesticated by Cr6-Magnons, 

— eaten in Scotland, 200. 

— Epdna, Celtic horse goddess, 

Horse, The Sacred, 155 {ill.). 

— god, 129, and also note 2. 
Horse-shoe charms, 47. 
Hound's Pool, 64. 
Houses, Neolithic, 5. 

Human sacrifices, children as, 174. 

Iberians, Armenoids and, 127. 

— as carriers of Neolithic culture, 

— Celts and, 125. 

— Silurians as, 137. 

Ice, connection of, with amber, Sec, 

Ice Age. See Geological Ages. 
Iceni, The, of Essex, 12S. 

— boar god of, 162. 

Idols, in ancient Britain, 147, 176. 

— Pope Gregory's reference to 
ancient English, 176. 

Indo-European theory, 124. 
Indo-Germanic theory, 124. 
Indra, dog and, 64. 
Ireland, as a British island, 132. 
Iron, exported from Britain in 

first century, A.D., 114. 
Iron Age, Celts in, 112. 
Iron industry. Easterners and, in 

Western Europe, 107. 
Island of Women, 178. 
Isles of the Blest, Gaelic, 143. 
Ivory, associated with bronze, jet, 

and Egyptian beads in England, 


— in Cro-Magnon grotto, 23. 

— Egj'ptian, in Neolithic Spain, 

— imported into Britain in first 
century .^.D., 114. 

— in Welsh cave-tomb, 20. 

Jade, butterfly soul in, 193. 
Japan, the shintai (god body) and 
Gaelic " soul case ", 173. 

— talismans of, and the Irish, 206. 
Jasper, symbolism of, 221. 

Jet, amber and, 164. 

— British and Roman beliefs re- 
garding. 164. 

— as article of trade at 1400 B.C., 

— associated in Stonehenge area 
with Egyptian blue beads, 104, 
105 (ill.)y 106. 



Jet, early trade in, 219. 

— early working of, 82. 

— megalithic people searched for, 


— pearls and amber and, 221. 
Jupiter, The Gaulish, 207. 

— Lapis, 51. 
Jutes, 126. 

— Celts and, 227. 

Kali, the Black, 196. 
Kentigern, St., as Druid, 185. 

in salmon and ring legend, 

Kent's Cavern, Magdalenian art in, 

Kerridiwen, the goddess, cauldron 

of, 204. 
Knife of deity, 206. 
Knitting, Stone Age people and, 5. 

— relation to basket-making and 
pottery, 5. 

Lake, the Sacred, goddess and, 180. 
Lanarkshire, Damnonians in, 89. 
Land-bridges, breaking of North 

Sea and English Channel bridges, 


— Dogger Bank, 57, 61, 67, 68. 

— English Channel, 17, 67. 

— Italian, 14, 35. 

Land movement, the last, 216. 
Language and race, 123, 124, 222. 
Language of birds. See Birds. 
La Tene culture, Celts as carriers 

of, to Britain, 112. 
Leicestershire, Black Annis, a hag 

deity of, 195. 
Lewis, Callernish stone circle, 94. 
Lightning, butterfly form of god of, 


— as heavenly fire, 181. 

— and trees, 181. 

Lir, sea god, 202. See /.At. 

— sea god, " Shony " and, 194. 
Liver as seat of life in Gaelic, 154, 

— cure from mouse's, 187. 
Lizard as soul-form, 189. 
Lieu, the god, 204. 

Llyr, sea god, 202. Sec Lir. 

— the sea god, " Shony " and, 194. 
London, god's name in, 203. 
Love-enticing plants, 168. 

Luck, belief in, 157. 

— berries and, i8o. 

— fire as bringer of, 191. 

— lucky and unlucky days, 168. 

— pearls and, 166, 167. 
Lud, god of London, 203. 

— form of, 203. 

Lugh, Celtic god, associated with 
north-east, 173. 

— Gaelic Apollo, 202. 
Lugi, The, 129. 

MasatJE.The, Picts and Caledonians 
and, 130. 

Magdalenian culture, 13. 

Azilian and, 62. 

Eskimo art and, 53. 

in Britain, 53. 

origin of, 52. 

new implements, 52. 

traces of influence of, in 

Scotland, 60. 

Victoria cave reindeer har- 
poon, 58. 

— cave art revival and progress, 53. 

— implements, 21 {ill.). 

— pre-Agricultural, 213. 
Maggot god, early Christian myth 

of, 103. 

— — bees and, 103. 

Gaelic, 102. 

IMagic wands, 146, 191. 

Etruscan, French and Scot- 
tish, 100. 

Maglemosian culture, 54, 56. 

art and, 57. 

Magdalenian influence on, 57. 

Siberian origin of, 57. 

artifacts and, 13. 

in Britain, 125. 

Northerners as carriers of, 


pre-Agricultural, 213. 

Maglemosians, boats of, 76. 

— animals hunted, 57. 

— land-bridges crossed by, 57. 

— in France and Britain, 58. 

— in Britain, 70. 

— Celts and, 138. 

— Dogger Bank land - bridge 
crossed by, 57, 67. 

— dogs domesticated by, 63. 

— Tardenoisian microliths used 
by. 58. 



Malachite charms, 80. 
Mammoth, bones of, from Dogger 
Bank, 68. 

— evidence (ill.) that heart was 
regarded as seat of life, 33. 

— in Western Europe, 14. See 

Man, the Red, of Wales, ornaments 

of, 80. 
Mars, the Gaulish, 207. 

— Greek and Gaulish boar forms 
of, 197. 

Marsh plants, goddess and, 162. 
Mead, milk and honey in, 151. 
Meave, Queen, 112, 114, 227. 
Mediterranean race in North Africa 
and Britain, 126. 

— Sea, divided by Italian land- 
bridge, 14. 

Megalithic culture, Egyptian in- 
fluence in Britain, &c., loi. 

— monuments, burial customs and, 

connection of, with ancient 

mine workings, &c., 92, 93. 
connection of, with metal 

deposits, 82. 
connection of, with sacred 

groves, 103. 
cult animals on Scottish, 

155 (ill.). 

" cup-marked " stones, 148. 

knocking stones, 148. 

Gruagacli stone, 148. 

" cradle stone ", 148. 

child- getting stones, 148. 

distributed along vast sea- 
board. 91. 
searchers for metals, gems, 

&c., erected, 92. 

distribution of, 82, 83 (ill.). 

distribution of Scottish, 219. 

Druids and, 103, 154. 

Easterners and followers of, 

as builders of, 104, 149. 
Egyptian Empire beads and 

Stonehenge circle, 104, 105 (ill.), 


Gaelic gods and, 102. 

Gaelic metal symbolism and, 

Gaelic name of sacred shrine, 

Phoenicians and, 149. 

Megalithic monuments, their rela- 
tion to exhausted deposits of 
metals, 94. 

problem of Lewis and Ork- 
ney circles, 94. 

— - — Standing Stones as maidens 

Tacitus on Anglesea altars 

and Druids, 147. 

Stonehenge as temple, 177. 

Heathen temples and, 178. 

stone circle as sun symbol, 


stones submerged in Brittany, 


Tree Cult and, 220. 

worship of stones, 147, 179. 

connection of, with trees and 

wells, 147. 

Mentone, Aurignacian Mother- 
goddess, 43. 

— Indian Ocean shell in Aurigna- 
cian cave at, 36. 

Mersey, the, goddess of, 206. 
Mesopotamia, influence of, in Wes- 
tern Europe, 218. 

— knowledge of European metal 
fields in, 99. 

Metals, eastern colonists worked, in 
Spain, 95. 

— Egyptian furnaces and crucibles 
in Britain, loi. 

— megalithic monuments and de- 
posits of, 82. 

— searchers for, in Britain, 89. 

— searchers for; how prospectors 
located deposits of gold, &c., 

— traces of, in Scotland, 93. 
Metal symbolism, Gaelic gods and 

metals, 102. See Gold, Silver, 

Copper, and Bronze. 
Metal working, after introduction 

of bronze working, 106. 
Mictis, tin from, 116. 
Milk, baptisms of, 152. 

— in the blood covenant, 152. 

— children sacrificed for corn and 
milk, 174. 

— cult animals of milk goddess, 


— dandelion as milk-yielding plant 
of goddess Bride, 187. 

— in elixirs, i"?!. 



Milk, "soma" and "mead" and, 

— elm as milk tree, 151. 

— foam as milk, 151. 

— goddess-cow gives healing milk, 

— Hebridean milk goddess, 153. 

— honeysuckle as milk-yielding 
plant, 193. 

— Indian evidence regarding 
" river milk " and milk-yielding 
trees, 151. 

— Irish milk lake, 152. 

— healing baths of, 152. 

— marsh mallows and, 152, and 
also note i. 

— mistletoe berries as milk berries, 

— Oblations of, in Ross-shire, 1-^8. 

— offerings of, to dead, 148. 

— elixir. Highland shell - goddess 
myth, 42. 

Egyptian evidence regarding, 

prepared from shells in 

Japan and Scotland, 40. 

— goddess, Hathor as, 149. 
Milky Way, The, 154, 221. 

in ancient religion, 150. 

in Welsh and Gaelic, 203. 

Mind, heart as, 33. 

Mining, Egyptian methods in Wes- 
tern Europe, 102. 
Mistletoe, as " All Heal ", 153, 167. 

— milk berries, 153. 

— trees on which it grows in Bri- 
tain, 145, and also note 2. 

Modern man, 9. See Cr6-Magnon 

Mogounus, a Gaulish Apollo, 207. 
Moon, Aphrodite as goddess of, 


— Dante refers to, as pearl, 159. 

— Gaels swore by, 148. 

— as " Pearl of Heaven ", 159. 

— worship of, in ancient Britain, 

Morgan le Fay, Arthur's pursuit of, 


goddess Anu and, 198. 

as " life giver ", 161. 

Morrigan, The (Irish goddess), 

Anu and, 198. 

Morrigan, associated with north- 
west, 173. 

— as the " life giver ", i6i. 

— forms of, 195. 

Mother goddess. See Goddess. 
Moths as soul forms, 192. 
Mouse, buried under apple tree, 

— hunting of, in Scotland, 187. 

— mouse cures, 187. 

— Scottish supernatural, 187. 

— Apollo and, 179. 
mouse feasts, 187. 

— cures, Boers have, 187, and also 
note 2. 

— feasts in Scotland and the 
Troad, 187. 

Mousterian Age, 13. 

artifacts of, 14. 

Neanderthal races of, 14. 

Mungo, St., as Druid, 1S5, 186. 
salmon legend of, 1S4. 

Navigation. See Boats. 

Neanderthal man, Cro-Magnon in- 
fluence on, 14. 

disappearance of, 15, 16, 122. 

European climates experi- 
enced by, 14. 

relations of, with Cro-Mag- 
non races, 14. 

first discovery of bones of, 


skeleton of, found, 9. 

Australian natives and, 9. 

description of, 9, 10. 

— — Hint working of, 12. 
Mousterian artifacts of, 14. 

— — Piltdown man and, 26. 
Necklaces in Cro-Magnon grotto, 


— Cro - Magnon sea shells, 39 


— Egyptian blue beads in British 

" I3ronze Age " necklace, 104, 
104, 105 (///.), 106. 

— as gods, 44. 

— in graves, 158. 

— shell, in Welsh Aurignacian cave- 
tomb, 20. 

— why worn, 37. 
Need fires, 181. 

butterfly and, 191. 

Neit, god of battle, 202. 



Nem, the root in neamh (heaven), 
neamhnnid (pearl), nemeton 
(shrine in a grove), «ewe<f (chapel), 
ueimhidh (church-land), netnus 
(a grove), Neman (goddess), and 
Nemetdna (goddess), 159, 160. 

Nfimetona, British goddess, 159. 

Nemon, the goddess, a Fomorian, 

— Irish goddess, and pearl, heaven, 
Sec, 159. 

Neolithic, chronological problem, 

— Egyptian diadem of gold found 
in Spanish Neolithic tomb, 98. 

— Egyptian origin of Spanish Neo- 
lithic industry, 97, 214. 

— metal workers as flint users, 98. 

— Scottish copper axe problem, 

— why ornaments were worn, 37, 

— Age, transition period longer 
than, 61. 

— Culture, Iberians as carriers of, 

— Industry, carriers of, attracted 
to Britain, 78. 

distribution of population 

and, 81-4. 

" Edge "' theory, 61. 

Campigny find, 62. 

in Ireland, 85. 

in Scotland, 85. 

Scottish pitch-stone artifacts, 

carriers of, not wanderers, 


a lost art. 86. 

Nereids, the, fairies and, 173. 
Ness, the River, 206. 
Night-shining gems, 160. 
Norsemen, 126. 

— modern Scots and, 137. 
Northern fair race, 125. 
Northerners, Armenoids and, 127. 
NovantiE, The, 129. 

Nudd, the god, 203. 
Nut, as " soul case ", 173. 
Nut-milk. 150. 

— — honey and, a'j eli.xir. lio. 
and also notft i. 

Nuts, life substance in, 206. 

— of longevity, 150. 

Oak, 221. 

— acorn as fruit of longevity, 
144- . 

— Druids and, 141, 145. 

— Black Annis and, 196. 

— Galatian oak grove and shrine, 

— on Glasgow seal, 185. 

— god of, and seafarers 153. 

— god Dagda and, 202. 
I — the Sacred, 179. 

! — ■ use of acorns, 153. 
: — in tanning, 153. 

— Spirits, 207. 

Oaths, Sacred, Gaels swore by sun, 
moon, &c., 148. 
: Oban, MacArthur Cave, 58, 217. 
Obsidian artifacts, 86. 
Odin, the dog and, 64. 

— pork feasts of, 144. 

— Welsh Gwydion and, 204. 
CEstrymnides, The, Himilco's tin 

I islands, 116, 118. 

Onyx, same name as pearl in 
i Gaelic, 160. 

Oracles, Druids and, 145. 

Ore (young boar), salmon as, 182. 

Ores, The Picts as, 201. 

Orkney, boar name of, 129. 

— megalithic remains in, 94. 

— " Sow day " in, 201. 
Ornaments, " adder stones ", 

" Druid gems ", &c., 163. 
i — jet charms, 164. . 
; — in Cro-Magnon grotto, 23. 
I — as gods or god-cases, 44. 

— in grotto at Aurignac, 22. 

j — in Alentone cave-tombs, 45. 

— religious value of, 80, 165. 

— in Welsh Aurignacian cave- 
tomb, 20 

— why worn by early peoples, 37, 

Ostrich eggs, found in Spain, 96. 
Otter, skin charm of, 189. 

— as god, 190. 

— as soul-form, 1S9. 

— the king, 189. 

— jewel of, 189. 

Palaeolithic, chronological problem, 

— implements of Upper Palaeo- 
lithic, 21 (///.). 



Paljpolithic Age, why ornaments 

were worn, 37, 38. 

break in culture of, 12. 

origin of term, 8. 

races of, 8. 

sub-divisions of, 12, 13. See, 

Chellean, Acheiilian, A'l ouster iaii, 

Aurignacian, Solutrean, and 

Palm tree, British substitutes for, 


cult of, in ancient Spain, 149. 

Paradise, as " Apple land " (Avalon) 


— Celtic ideas regarding, 143. 

— fairyland as, 143. 

— pork feasts in, 144. 

— Welsh ideas regarding, 144. 

— in Border Ballads, 144. 
Parisii, The, in Britain, 128. 
Patrick, St., Pagan myth attached 

to, 198. 
Paviland cave, Cro-Magnon burial 

in Welsh, 19. 
Pearl, Aphrodite (Venus) as pearl, 


— as life substance, 80, 158. 

— moon as " Eternal Pearl " in 
Dante's Inferno, 159. 

— Gaelic name of, 159. 

— nocturnal luminosity of, 160. 
Pearls, British, attracted Romans, 


— and sacred grove, &c., 159. 

— Caesar's pearl of?isring to Venus, 

— in Cuchullin's hair, 163. 

— on Roman emperor's horse, 163. 

— dragons possess, 184. 

— in England (map), 83, 84. 

— fabulous origin of, 161. 

— Irish standard of value a set 
(pearl), 166. 

— luck of, 166. 

— jet and amber and, 221. 

— as " life substance ", 80, 158. 

— as morgan (life-giver), 161. 

— as medicine in India, 41. 

— searched for by megalithic 
people, 92. 

— soul in, 206. 

— as tarna in Japan, 44. 

— as " tears " of goddess Freyja, 

Pearls, why offered to goddess, 
J 74- 

— Ythan River, Aberdeenshire, 
yields, 76. 

Pear tree, cat and, 196. 
Peat, from Dogger Bank, 57, 68. 
Penny Wells, 174. 
Phcenicians, the Cassiterides mono- 
poly of, 104. 

— eastern colonists in Spain and, 

— methods of, as exploiters, 98. 

— in Iron Age, 107. 

— megalithic monuments and, 149. 

— in modern Cornwall, 139. 
Pictones, The, as allies of Romans, 

— Scottish Picts and, 131. 

Picts, The, agriculturists and sea- 
farers, 130. 

— Caledonians and, 130. 

— allies of the Scots, 130. 

— Cruithne were Britons, 132. 

— fairy theory, 131, and also note 

— as Pechts and Recti, 131. 

— Gildas, Bede, and Nennius on, 

— Irish myth regarding, 132. 

— Irish Cruithne not Picts, 132. 

— Saxon allies of, 131. 

— Roman, Scottish, and Welsh 
names of, 131. 

— as branch of the Pictones, 131. 

— tattooing habit of, 136. 

— vessels of, 136. 

— tribes of, 136. 

• — as pirates, 136. 
Pig, Demeter and, 196. 

— Devil as, 191, 200. 

— in Roman religious ceremony, 

— Scottish and Irish treatment of 

— taboo in Scotland, 199. 

— the Sow goddess, 154. 

Pigs, Achaeans and Celts as rearers 
of, III, 199. 

— Adonis and Diarmid and, 197. 

— Celts rearers of, 114. 

— and amber, 161. 

— as food of the dead, 144. 

— " lucky pigs ", 157. 

— Orkney a boar name, 129. 



Pigs, salmon as, 182. See Pork 

Piltdovvn man, 26. 
Pin Wells. 174- 
Pirates, ancient, Picts as, 136. 

Gaelic reference to, 136. 

Pliocene mammals, 16. 
Poetry, goddess of, 18S. 
Polycrates of Samos, luck of, in 

seal, 184. 
Pope Gregory the Great, letter on 

Pagans in England, 176. 
Pork. See Pigs and Stcine. 

— taboo in Arcadia, 223. 

— - — why Cretans detested, 154, 

and also note 3. 

Scottish, 199 et seq., 223. 

Celts ate pork, 199. 

Porpoise as sea-boar, 182. 
Portugal, colonists from, in Britain, 


— early eastern influence in, 211. 

— settlements of Easterners in, 95. 

— settlers from, in Britain, 127. 
Pot, the, shell as, 207. 

— as symbol of Mother-goddess, 

— the Mother, Celtic cauldron as, 

" Pot of Plenty ", Celtic cauldron 

as, 205. 
Potter's wheel, 112. 
Pottery, Neolithic, 5. 

— relation to basket-making and 
knitting, 5, 6. 

Priestesses, ancient British, Tacitus 
refers to, 147. 

— witches and, 147, and also note 

Ptolemy, evidence of, regarding 
British tribes, 128. 

Purple-yielding shells, in Cro- 
Magnon grotto, 23. 

searched for by megalithic 

people, 92. 

Pytheas, 229. 

— exploration of Britain by, 115. 

— the Mictis problem, 116. 

— voyage of, 107. 

Races, alien elements may vanish, 

— " Caucasian Man ' 

— Aryan theory, 123. 


Races, animal names of Scoto- 
Celtic tribes, 129. 

— Azilian and Tardenoisian, 55. 

— Maglemosian, 56. 

— Britain in Roman period, 127. 

— Britain mainly " long-headed ', 

— Ptolemy's evidence regarding 
British tribes, 128. 

— British extermination theory, 

— British Iberians and proto- 
Egyptians, 126. 

— Armenoid intrusions, 87, 126, 

— Spanish settlers in Britain, 127. 

— bronze carriers displace eastern 
metal searchers in Western 
Europe, 100. 

— bronze users as earliest settlers 
in Aberdeenshire, iii. 

— Briinn and Briix, 50. 

— Celts and Armenoids, 112. 

— Celts and Northerners, 112, 222. 

— Celts as conquerors of early 
settlers in Britain, 107. 

— colours of the mythical, 121, 

— extermmation theory, 122. 

— Celts as Fair Northerners, 222. 

— " broad heads " in Britain, 56, 
87, 126, 222. 

— Celts and Teutons, 125. 

— Chancelade skull and Eskimos, 


— Cro-Magnons in Wales, 19. 

— first discovery of Cro-Magnons 
in France, 20. 

— Cuchullin and Scotland, 224. 

— Britons in Ireland, 224. 

— Damnonians as metal workers, 

— Damnonians in England, Scot- 
land, and Ireland, 89, 90. 

— dark and fair peoples in England, 

— descendants of Easterners in 
Britain, 118. 

— drifts of, into Britain, 79. 

— early settlers in Britain, 125, 216. 

— eastern colonists in Spain, 95. 

— Easterners reached ancient Bri- 
tain from Spain, 97. 

— fair and dark among earliest 


settlers in Post-Glacial Britain, 
Races, fair Celts and Teutons, 60. 

— Fir-bolgs in Ireland, 223. 

— Furfooz type, 56. 

— broad-headed fair types, 56. 

— Gaelic Fir-domnann and I'ir- 
bolg, 90, and also note i. 

— Gibraltar man, 8. 

— Cannstadt man, 8. 

— Neanderthal man, g. See Nean- 
derthal Man. 

— great migrations by sea, 92. 

— high and heavy Scots, 137. 

— intrusion of " Round Barrow ", 
broad-headed people, 87, 126. 

— " Long heads " use bronze in 
Ireland, 87. 

— megalithic intruders, 94. 

— mixed peoples among Easterners 
in Western Europe, 107. 

— modern Cro-Magnons in Africa, 
British Isles, and France, 25. 

— " Combe-Capelle " man, 25. 

— Briix and Brunn skulls, 25. 

— " Galley Hill " man, 26, 27. 

— modern man, 9. 

— Cro-Magnon, 9, 19. See Cio- 
Magnon Races. 

— Piltdown man, 9, 26. 

— Heidelberg man, 9. 

— Phoenician type in Cornwall, 


— physical characters of, 124. 

— " pockets " in British Isles, 138. 

— Post-Glacial movements of, 54. 

— pre-Celtic extermination theory, 

— few intrusions in ancient Bri- 
tain, 109. 

— settlements of traders and 
workers, 109. 

— " short barrow " intruders, 104. 

— cremating intruders, 104. 

— Solutrean intrusion, 49. 

— Tacitus 's references to British 
races, 137. 

— transition period and Neolithic, 

Rainbow as god's rod-sling, 204. 
Raven and goddess of grove and 

sky, 160. 
Ravens, Celtic deities as, 195. 
Red deer on Dogger Bank, 68. 

" Red Man ", The Welsh, 19, 27. 
Regni, The, Sussex tribe, 128. 
Reindeer on Dogger Bank, 68. 

— French and German, in early, 
Aurignacian times, 14. See 

— in Scotland till twelfth century, 

— in Germany in Roman times, 

— Age, the, 213. 

Rhodesia, mouse cure in, 187, and 
also note 2. 

Rhone valley trade route, 114. 

Rivers, goddesses and, 206. 

River-worship, 176, 178, 179. 

Robin, apple cult and, 204. 

Robin Red-breast, on Glasgow 
seal, 185. 

■ in St. Mungo legend, 186. 

Romans, how Britain was con- 
quered by, 119, 120. 

— Celtic boats superior to boats of, 

— as exploiters of conquered coun- 
tries, 79. 

— how loan -rate of interest was 
reduced, 79. 

— goddess, groups of, 207. 

— Gauls in army of, 127. 

— mean and tragical conquest of 
Britain by, 226, 227. 

— - myths of, regarding savages in 
ancient Britain, 224. 

— references of, to Picts and Cale- 
donians, 130. 

— religious beliefs of, no higher 
than those of Gaels, 208. 

— Tacitus on rewards of, in Bri- 
tain, 79. 

— wars for trade, 229. 

Rome, connection of, with milk 
goddess cult, 149, 150. 

— sacked by Celts, 112. 
Ro-smerta, the Gaulish goddess 

Rowan, 221. 

— berry of, as fruit of longevity-, 

— the sacred, 179, 180. See Tree 

Rye, cultivation of, 5. 

Sacred stones and sacred trees. 



103. See Megalitltic Monuments 
and Tree Cults. 
Sacrifices, annual pig sacrifices, 

— oxen sacrificed to demons in 
England, 178. 

— at " wassailing ", 204, 205. 
Sahara, 27. 

— grasslands of the, 14. 
St. Swithin's Day, 168. 

Salmon on city of Glasgow seal, 

— as form of dragon, 182. 
— ■ fire and, 183. 

— Gaelic names of, 182. 

— Irish saint finds gold in stomach 
of, 184. 

— in St. jMungo legend, 184. 

— the ring myth, 1S3. 

— the sacred " salmon of wis- 
dom ", 182. 

Sargon of .\kkad, his knowledge of 
Western European metal-yielding 
areas, 99 et seq., 218. 

Saxons, 126. 

— Celts and, 227. 

— the, Picts as allies of, 131. 
Scape-dog, the, 65. 

Scots, The, Cro-Magnons and, 137. 

— Picts and, 130. 

— first settlement of, in Scotland, 

Scott, Michael, in serpent mvth, 

Seafaring. See Boats. 
Sea god, the Hebridean Seonaidh 

(Shony), 193. 
Seasons, Gaelic colours of, 169. 
Selgovae, The, 139. 

— in Galloway, 129. 

Serpent, Bride's serpent and dra- 
gon, 188. 

— as " daughter of Ivor ", the 
" damsel ", Sec, 187. 

— dragon as, 182. 

— goddess Bride and, 187. 

— jet drives away, 164. 

— sacred white, 188. 

— on sculptured stones, 155 (///.). 

— " snake of hazel grove ", 189. 
— sea-serpent, 189. 

— as soul, 189. 

— the white, in Michael Scott 
legend, 188. 

Setantii, The, in England and Ire- 
land, 128. 

— Cuchullin and, 128. 
Severus, disastrous invasion of 

Scotland by, 130, 225. 
Sheep, goddess as, 154. 

— in Scoto-Celtic tribal names, 

Shells, as amulets, 34, 80. 

— Aphrodite as pearl in, 158. 

— in British graves, 46. 

— finds of, in Ireland and Scot- 
land, 46. 

— coloured, in Aurignacian cave- 
tomb, 46. 

— wearing of, not a juvenile cus- 
I tom, 46. 

: — Combe-Capelle man wore, 25. 

I — in Cro-Magnon grotto, 23. 

I — Cro-Magnon trade in, 40. 

I — Japanese and Scottish " shell- 

j milk " elixirs, 40, 221. 

I — " Cup of Mary " Highland 

\ myth, 42. 

— limpet lore, 42, and also note i. 

— Egv'ptian artificial, 173. 

— Egyptian gold models of, 41. 

— stone, ivory, and metal models 
of, 41. 

— as " life-givers ", 41. 

— " Evil Eje " charms, 39. 

— Cro-Magnon necklace, 39 (///.). 

— as food for dead, 41. 

— Cretan artificial, 41. 

— fairy woman's coracle a shell, 

— in grotto at Aurignac, 22. 

— ground shells as elixir, 38. 

— as " houses " of gods, 38. 

— love girdle of, 38. 

— Hebridean tree goddess and, 

— Indian Ocean shell in Auri- 
gnacian cave, 36. 

— as " life substance", 80, 158. 178. 

— mantle of, in Aurignacian cave- 
tomb, 45. 

— milk from, 40, 221. 

— "personal ornaments " theory, 

— Red Sea shell in Hampshire, 47, 
and also note i. 

— Red Sea shell in Neolithic 
Spain, 96. 



Shells, Red Sea shell at Mentone, 

— searched for by megalithic 
people, 92 et seq. 

— in Welsh cave-tomb, 20. 
Ships. Sec Boats. 

Silures, The, llebrideans and, 139. 

— Tacitus on, 137. 

— in Wales and Scilly Islands, 

Silurians, as miners, 118. 
Silvanus, British deity, 207. 
Silver, amber and, 165. 

— in Britain, 91. 

— difficult to find and work in 
Britain, 95. 

— exported from Britain in first 
century a.d., 1 14. 

— Easterners worked, in Spain, 97. 

— Cjaelic god connected with, 102. 

— offered to water deity by Gauls, 


— offered to deities by Celts, So. 

— lead, as ballast for boats of 
Easterners, 99. 

Sin (pronounced sheen), the Druid's 

judgment collar, 146. 
Skins, exported from Britain in 

first century, A.u., 114. 
Sky, connection of sacred trees and 

wells with, 179. 
Slaves, exported from Britain in 

first century a.d., i 14. See Fir- 

Sleepers myth, in Highland story, 


— the Seven, antiquity of myth of, 

Smerta.-, The, 129. 

Smertullis, the god, Ro-smerta 

and, 174. 
Smintheus Apollo. Sec Mouse 

.Solutrean Age, 13. 

— pre- Agricultural, 213. 

— proto-Solutrean influence, 216. 

— culture, cave art declines, 51. 

characteristic artifacts, 50. 

climate, 51. 

open-air camps, 51. 

bone needles numerous, 52. 

decline of, in Europe, 52. 

earliest influence of, in 

Europe, 49. 

Solutrean culture, " true " wave of, 

carriers of, 50. 

— Implements, 21 (ill.). 

Soul, animal shapes of, 65, 178, 190. 
■ — bee and butterfly forms of, 191. 

— bee forms of, in folk tales, 193. 

— beliefs regarding. Sleepers myth, 

— soul-case in Scotland and Japan 

— butterfly as, in Greece, Italy, 
Serbia, Burmah, Mexico, China, 
Scotland, Ireland, &c., 192, 193. 

— the " change " in Gaelic, 158. 

— nourishment of, 158. 

• — cremation customs and destiny 
of, 109. 

— dead go west, 173. 

— dog form of, 65. 

— Druids and transmigration, 142. 

— heart and liver as seats of life, 

— maggot as, 102. 

— Egyptian Bata myth, 103. 

— moth form of, 192. 

— serpent form of, 189. 

— lizard and other forms of, 189. 

— star as, 208. 

— in stone or husk, 173. 

— in trees, 190. 

— in egg, fish, swans, Sec, 190. 

— in weapons, 50. 

— Welsh ideas regarding destiny 
of, 144. 

Sow-day in Orkney, 201. 

Sow goddess, the, 154. See Pigs. 

Spain, British trade with, 114, 116. 

— colonists from, in Britain, 106. 

— displacement of Easterners in, 

— Druidism in, 149. 

— early trade of, with Britain, 218. 

— Easterners in, 95, 211, 218, 229. 

— Easterners kept natives of, 
ignorant of uses of metals, 99. 

— Egyptian gold diadem in Neo- 
lithic tomb, 98. 

— Egyptian origin of Neolithic 
industry in, 97. 

— expulsion of Easterners from, 

— in pre-Agricultural Age, 213. 

— settlers from, in Britain, 127. 


Spear of god Lugh, 206. 
Spinning, 5. 

Spirit worship. See Animism. 
Standing Stones. See Megalithic 

Star, St. Ciaran's stellar origin, 208. 

— the Dog, 64. 

Stars, Druid lore of, 175. 

— Gaels measured time by, 175, 
and also note i. 

— Sirona, star goddess. 208. 

— Milky Way and milk goddess 
cult, 149. 

— Welsh and Gaelic names of, 

Stennis, Standing Stones of, 04. 
Stone of Danann deities, 206. 

— as god, 51. 

Stonehenge, doctrine of Cardinal 
Points and, 174. 

— and Egyptian Empire beads, 
104, 105 07/.), 106. 

— Temple theory, 177. 
Stones, in graves, 33, 34. 

— wind raised Ijy, in Hebrides, 

— as " god body ", 173. 

— as dragon's eggs, 173. 
Sumeria. See Babylonia. 

Sun, ancient British solar symbol, 

— circulating chapels, &c., 148. 

— ear-rings and, 165. 

— fire and, iSi. 

— rays of, as tears, 181, and also 
note 3. 

— Gaelic worship of, 170. 

— Gaels swore by, 148. 

— goddess and, 163. 

— modern and ancient sunwise 
customs, 171. 

Sun-worship in Britain, King 

Canute and, 147. 
Surgery, ancient man's skill in, 2. 

— folk-lore evidence regarding, 3,4. 
Surrogate of life blood, 28. 
Sussex dug-out, 76, 77. 
Swallows, Celtic deities as, 195. 
Swans, as souls, 190. 

— as oracles, 190. 

— Celtic deities as, 195. 
Swine. See Pork Taboo. 

— Celts rearers of, 114. 

— Devil and, 200. 

Swine, Maglemosian hunters of, 57. 

— Orkney a boar name, 129. 

— in Roman religious ceremony, 5 1 . 

— Scottish taboo of, 199. 
Sword of god Lugh, 206. 
Symbols, swashtika, &c., 165, 166. 

See Colour Symbolism. 

Tsexali, The, 129. 

Talismans, Irish and Japanese, 

TaranQcus (Thunderer), Gaulish 

god, 207. 
Tardenoisian, 54, 62. 

— artifacts, 13. 

— Iberian carriers of, 216. 

— pre-Agricultural, 213. 

— pygmy Hints, 54, 55 "('//.). 
Tardenoisians, The, in Britain, 125. 

— English Channel land-bridge 
crossed by, 69. 

— Industry, traces of, in Africa, 
Asia, and Europe, 71. 

— Maglemosians and, 57. 

I Temples, pagan, used as Christian 
! churches, 177. 

— the Gaulish, 177. 

— Apollo's temple in England, 177. 

— Stonehenge, 177. 

— Pytheas refers to, 178. 

— reroofing custom, 178. 
Ten Tribes, The Lost, 118. 
Teutons, British Celts' relations 

with, 137. 

— Celts and, 125. 

Thomas the Rhymer, " True 
Thomas " as " Druid Thomas ", 

Thor, Dagda and, 202. 

Tilbury man, 70, 71. 

Tin, loi. 

— beginning of mining in Corn- 
wall, 116. 

— Scottish and Irish, 94, 117. 

— in Britain and Ireland, 91. 

— surface tin collected in Britain, 


— English mines of, opened after 
surface tin was exhausted, 91. 

— the Mictis problem, 116. 

— descendants of ancient miners in 
Britain, 118. 

— exported from Cornwall in first 
century a.d. i 14. 



Tin, Phcrnicians and the Cassiter- 
ides, 104. 

— search for, in Britain, 95. 

— traces of, in Scotland, 94. 

— trade in, 219. 

— voyage of Pytheas, 107. 

— Cornish mines opened, 107. 
See Cassiterides and GEstrynmides. 

Tin Land, Sargon of Akkad's 
knowledge of the Western Euro- 
pean, 99, 218. 

Tin-stone as ballast for boats of 
Easterners, 99. 

Toad, The, Jewel of, 189. 

Tom-tit, apple cult of, 204. 

Toothache, ancient man suffered 
from, 2. 

Torquay, Magdalenian art near, 

Trade, early British exports, 104. 

— Red Sea shell in Hampshire, 
47, and also note i. 

— routes, British and Irish, 223. 
British trade with Spain and 

Carthage, 114. 
Danube valley and Rhone 

valley, 114. 
early trade between Spain 

and Britain, 218. 
exports from Britain in first 

century a.d., 114. 
when overland routes were 

opened, 106. 

Celts and, 106, 107. 

Phoenicians kept sea-routes 

secret, 107. 

voyage of Pytheas, 107. 

Transition Period. See Azilian, 

Tardcnoisian , and Maglemosian. 
longer than Neolithic Age, 

race movements in, 5-]. 

— in Scotland, 216. 
Transmigration, Druidism and, 

142, 222. 
Traprain, siK'er as substitute for 

white enamel at, 165. 
Tree cults, apple of Imowledge 

eaten by Thomas the Rhymer, 

apple tree as " Tree of Life " 


birds and apple trees, 204. 

Artemis and the fig, 193. 

Tree cults, bee and maggot soul 
forms in trees, 103. 

— — and standing stones, 103, 

coral as sea tree, 221. 

grown gold, 221. 

and standing stones and 

wells, 147. 
trees and wells and heavenly 

bodies, 180. 

Druidism and, 141. 

fig as milk-yielding tree, 149. 

Gaelic and Latin names of 

sacred groves, 159. 

Galatian sacred oak, 159. 

Gaulish, 151. 

elm as niilk tree, 151. 

plane as milk tree, 151. 

grove goddess as raven or 

crow, 160. 
the hazel god, 140, 144. 

— — apple of longevity, 144. 
Hebridean shell and milk 

goddess and, 153. 
Indian milk-yielding trees, 


mouse and apple tree, 196. 

mistletoe and Druidism, 145. 

megalithic monuments and, 


and pearls, &c., 220. 

palm tree cult in Spain, 220. 

oak on Glasgow seal, 185. 

sacred groves and stone 

shrines, 156. 

sacred rowan, 180. 

Silvanus, British tree god, 


souls in trees, 190. 

St. Mungo takes fire from 

the hazel, 186. 

stone circles and, 17S. 

Trees of Longevity and 

Knowledge, 152. 
w^oodbine as " King of the 

Woods " in Gaelic, iSo. 

fire-producing trees, 180. 

Trepanning in ancient times, 2. 
Trinovantes, The, in England, 128. 
Turquoise, symbolism of, 221. 
Twelfth Night, 204. 

Underworld, Gaelic ideas regard- 
ing, 143- 



Underworld, Eg^'ptian paradise of, 

— fairyland as Paradise, 144. 

— Welsh ideas of, 144. 

— " Well of healing " in, 197. 
Urns, burial, food and drink in, 

Uxellimus, Gaulish god, 207. 

Vacomagi, The, 129. 
Veneti,The, Pictones assist Romans 
against, 224. 

— Picts and, 131. 
Venus. See Aphrodite. 

— the British, 204. 

— Cassar ofifered British pearls to, 

— origin of, 38. 

— the Scandinavian, 161. 
Vernicones, The, in Scotland, 129. 
Viking ship, origin of, 76. 
Votadini, in Scotland, 129. 
Vulcan, the Celtic, 202, 203. 

Warfare, Neolithic weapons rare, 6. 
Water, fire in, 182. 

— as source of all life, 180. 

— spirits, 207. 

" Water of Life ", " fire water "as, 

181, 182. 
Weapons, Celts swore by, 148. 

— demons in, 50. 

— as sacred symbols in Ireland and 
Japan, 206. 

Well, " Beast " (dragon) in, 182. 
Wells, Bride (Brigit) and, 188. 

— connection of, with trees, stones, 
and sky, 180. 

— goddess and, 180. 

— " well of healing " in Under- 
world, 197. 

Well-worship and sacred grove, 
heaven, &c., i6o. 

Well-worship, Dingwall Presbytery 
deals with, 148. 

— Gildas refers to, 176. 

— well as a god, 176-9. 

— trees, standing stones, and, 147. 

— winds and, 174. 

— offerings of gold, &c., 174. 
Welsh gods, 203. 
Were-animals, Scottish, 190. 

— witches and, 191. 
Wheat, cultivation of, 5. 
Whistle, the, antiquity' of, 31. 
Widow-burning, no. 

Wind, fairies come on eddies of , 1 73 . 
Wind and water beliefs, 174. 
Wind goddess, Scottish, associated 

with south-west, 173. 
Winds, colours of, 169 et seq. 

— Gaelic names of, in spring, 198. 

— Hebridean wind-stone, 172. 
Witches, cat forms of, 196. 

— priestesses and, 147. 

— were-animals and, 191. 
Withershins, 172. 

Woad, Celtic connection of, with 

water, amber, &c., 163. 
Wolf, goddess as, 154. 

— goddess Morrigan as, 195. 
Woodbine as " King of the 

Woods ", 180. 
" World Mill ", The, metal workers 

and, 90. 
Wren, apple cult of, 204. 

— Druids and, 145. 

— hunting of, 187. 

— the sacred, 1S6. 

— as king of birds, 186. 

Yellow Muilearteach, the, Scottish 
deity, 196, 197. 

Zuyder Zee, formerly a plain, 69. 
disasters of, 69, 70. 

By Biackie & Son, Limited, Gla!:goiv 

YC 27720 

Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 






Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements 
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty 
of Political Science, Columbia University. 


Published Fehniary iqiy 


The writer of this dissertation was born at Sturgis, Mich- 
igan, in 1884. He studied at Wabash College, graduating 
in 1906 with the degree of B.A. and with membership in 
the Phi Beta Kappa Society. He studied at Union Theo- 
logical Seminary, 1906-09, graduating in 1909 with the 
degree of B.D., magna cum laude. In 1908 he entered 
Columbia University, and he received the degree of M.A. 
in 1909. From 1910 until 1915 he taught history in Towns- 
end Harris Hall, the academic department of the College 
of the City of New York. In 191 5 he was appointed pro- 
fessor of history in WTieaton College, Norton, Massachu- 






^een of England 

By Arthur Jay Klein, Professor of History 
in Wheaton College, Norton, Massachusetts. 



boston & neiv york 
Houghton Mifflin Company 

The Riverside Press Cambridge 



Published February iqtj 


In the preparation of this study the writer has attempted 
to make the text interesting and intelligible to the average 
reader. He has, therefore, relegated the dry bones and 
paraphernalia of study to the footnotes and a bibliograph- 
ical appendix. The material for the reign of Elizabeth is 
so voluminous, however, that footnotes and bibliography 
are not complete. The footnotes do not represent all the 
material upon which statements in the text are based, but 
the writer believes that the authorities given amply sup- 
port the opinions and conclusions there expressed. 

In selecting material for the footnotes from the vast 
amount of published and unpublished source matter col- 
lected in the preparation of this essay, the author has con- 
fined the references for the most part to a few representative 
men and collections of sources. The works of Jewel, Parker, 
Whitgift, Hooker, and Cartwright, the Zurich Letters and 
the Domestic State Papers, have, for instance, been chosen 
as most representative and easily available to the general 
reader. Unless otherwise noted, however, the author has 
depended upon the manuscripts in the Record Office and 
not upon the Calendar of the Domestic State Papers, since the 
Calendar, especially for the earlier years of Elizabeth's 
reign, is often so condensed as to give inadequate informa- 
tion. The representative sources selected have been given 
so as to make as complete as possible, within the limits of 
this study, the facts and opinions presented by them. 
Other sources have been given whenever those chosen as 
most representative were lacking or were not of sufficient 

The sources used consist of the laws. Parliamentary 
debates, acts of Council, proclamations, public and private 

VI Preface 

papers, correspondence, sermons, diaries, controversial 
works, and foreign comment. References in the footnotes to 
secondary works have been reduced to the minimum for the 
sake of the appearance of the printed page, but the writer 
has tried to express his sense of obHgation to the work of 
others in the Bibliographical Appendix. It is hoped that the 
Appendix will serve the further purpose of assisting the 
American student, about to enter upon a study of Eliza- 
bethan ecclesiastical and religious history, to find his way in 
the somewhat confusing mass of the literature of the period. 

There remains the pleasant duty of expressing my 
gratitude to the officials of the Public Record Office and 
of the British Museum for their courteous and painstaking 
assistance. To the Reverend Mr. Claude Jenkins, of the 
Lambeth Palace Library, who took the time to teach an 
American stranger how to read and handle the documents 
of the period, I owe one of my most''pleasant memories of 
England and of Englishmen. To Miss Cornelia T. Hudson, 
reference assistant in the Library of Union Theological 
Seminary, I wish to express my thanks for friendly help 
in excess of the official courtesy with which I have met in 
all the libraries I have consulted. The mere acknowledg- 
ment of my debt of gratitude to Professor James T. Shot- 
well, of Columbia University, and to Professor William 
Walker Rockwell, of LTnion Theological Seminary, must nec- 
essarily express inadequately the value of the encourage- 
ment, the suggestions, and the hours of labor which they 
have so freely given. The kindness of Professor Edward 
P. Cheyney, of the University of Pennsylvania, in reading 
and criticizing the completed manuscript, and the help in 
reading the proof given by Professor F. J. Foakcs Jackson, 
of Union Theological Seminary, have assisted materially in 
making the essay more readable. 

Arthur J. Klein. 



Vague conceptions of tolerance — Social nature of intolerance 
— Intolerance manifested in all kinds of social activity — Intoler- 
ance of the larger groups of society — Religion intolerant because 
its truths are revealed and positive — Historic causes of religious 
intolerance — Extent of religious intolerance — Non-religious in- 
tolerance — Tolerance is not negative — This study deals with 
Elizabethan England — It was a period of the formation of 
parties — Importance of Protestant dissent for Elizabethan intol- 


The death of Mary Tudor — England at the accession of 
Elizabeth — Elizabeth's alleged illegitimacy — CathoHcs and 
Protestants — Paul IV and England — The position of Mary 
Stuart — The attitude of Philip II — The attitude of Scotland—- 
Importance of securing the Queen's political position — Caution 
of the government — Religious tastes of Elizabeth — Religious 
indifference of the nation — Tendencies of the Marian exiles 
toward compromise — Compromise and the Catholics — Identi- 
fication of the Sovereign and the State — Catholic opposition — 
Complication of the domestic with the foreign situation — Plans 
of the government — The first Parliament — Freedom of dis- 
cussion — Disputation at Westminster — Employment of mod- 
erate Protestants — Character of the Parliament — Acts of 
Supremacy and Uniformity — Other acts of the Parliament — 
Removal of the Catholic Bishops — The Royal Visitation — 
High Commission — The choice of the higher clergy — The 
character of the new clergy — The choice of the lesser clerg>' — 
Elements of hope for Catholics — The foreign political situation 
— Weaknesses of the ecclesiastical system — Act for the Assur- 
ance of the Queen's Supremacy — Act for execution of Writ de 
Excommunicato Capiendo — Offenses that incurred excommunica- 
tion — Acts against prophesyings and conjurers — Similarity 
of the new establishment to the old. 

LICS 35 

The lenient policy of the government — The Rebellion of the 
North — The old and new nobility — Significance of the revolt 
— The Bull of Excommunication — Its effect on the religious 
situation — Elizabeth's reply to the Bull — Need for further 


legislation — Act makinp further ofTcnses treason — Restraints 
upon the press — Act against the introduction of papal bulls 
and instruments — Fugitives beyond the sea — The Jesuit mis- 
sionaries — Foreign dangers — Statutes to retain the Queen's 
subjects in obedience — Seditious words and rumors — Spanish 
resentment and plot — Parliament of 1584-85 — Parliament of 
1586-87 — Mary Stuart in England — English policy and Mary 
Stuart — England, Mary, and Scotland — England, Mary, and 
Spain — The defeat of the Armada — Continued fear of the 
Spaniard — Enthusiasm for the Crown — Legislation of 1593 — 
The government and the Jesuits — Government policy in dealing 
with the Catholics — The imposition of the death penalty — 
Exile — Desire to keep Catholics in England — Exception in 
cases of the Jesuits and the poor — Inability of the government 
to imprison all Catholics — Fines and confiscations — Resistance 
of the Catholics — Failure of the fines and confiscations to pro- 
duce an income — Later imposition of the pecuniary penalties — 
Lenient administration of the laws against Catholics — Govern- 
mental influence to prevent execution of letter of the law — Fac- 
tions in the Council — Moderating proposals of Cecil — Educa- 
tional value of the government's tolerant attitude. 


Formative period of Anglicanism — The Establishment an 
experiment — Elements of patriotism and of moderation in the 
Church — Political dominance determined these characteristics — 
Relations of Church and State before Elizabeth — Causes for po- 
litical dominance in Elizabeth's reign — The supremacy of the 
Queen — Erastianism — Legal extent of Crown's Supremacy — 
Exercise of supremacy by commission — Preservation of regu- 
lar ecclesiastical jurisdiction — High Court of Delegates and the 
Royal Supremacy — Commissions of Review and the favor of the 
Crown — The Council and the High Commission — Change in 
the nature of High Commission activity — Council and Star 
Chamber — Court influence and the lower ecclesiastical courts — 
Justices of peace and the religious acts — Control of the Council 
over the justices of peace — The logic of secular administration 
of the Religious Acts — Use of the prerogative writs by King's 
Bench and Common Pleas — Special privileges — The Peculiars 

— The Peculiars added confusion to the system — The Palatinates 

— Lesser franchises — System subject to the interference of the 
Court at all points — Irregularity, causes and results — The 
Queen's prerogative and coercive power — Dispensing power of 
the Crown — Legality of the judicial acts of the Queen and Coun- 
cil — Extent of the activity of the Council — Need for coordinat- 
ing power — Inadequacy of the inherited machinery to deal with 
new conditions — The success of the relationship existing between 
State and Church — State intolerance imposed upon the Church 

— Religious and ecclesiastical intolerance restrained by the 
State — Influence of the union of the Church and State upon the 
development of dissent — Political dominance and promotion of 
tolerance — Personal influence of the Queen in this development. 

Contents ix 


Lack of unity in the early Anglican Church — Causes of union 
and elements of disunion — Ambiguous nature of the standards 
set up — Religious character of the Church — Caution needed in 
formulating doctrinal and ecclesiastical standards — The Parlia- 
mentary doctrinal standards — The Thirty-nine _ Articles — 
Further restraint on doctrinal formulation — Religious opposi- 
tion to the abuses of Roman Catholicism — Controversial char- 
acter of the period — The character of the clergy — Queen's 
opposition to religious enthusiasm — Protestantism lightens the 
responsibility of the ecclesiastical organization for the individual 

— Non-religious interest of the period — Demands of ecclesiasti- 
cal controversy — Religious zeal developed by dissent — Need 
for ecclesiastical apologetic — Basis of apologetic historical — 
Papacy rejected upon historical grounds — Church not limited by 
primitive church history — Recognition of the principle of his- 
torical development — Advantage to Anglicanism of this liberal 
position — Importance of ecclesiastical theory in the develop- 
ment of intolerance — Restraints upon Anglican development — 
Causes for development — English sources of the idea of apos- 
tolic succession of the bishops — Whitgift and the apostolic suc- 
cession — Anglican denials of the doctrine — Alarm of the 
radical Protestants — Hooker and the apostolic succession — 
Development of Anglican ecclesiastical consciousness — Changed 
relationship between Anglicans and Continental Protestantism — 
Anglican desire for autonomy — Jewel and Hooker — Jewel's 
emphasis upon the unity of Protestantism — Hooker's defense of 
Anglicanism as an independent entity — Hooker's distrust of 
bare scripture — Jewel's confidence in the power of the Word — 
Hooker's belief in the authority of reason and need for experts 

— Hooker's exaltation of the episcopal organization — Position 
of the Queen in Hooker'stheory — Jewel's idea of the sovereign's 
power — Hooker's lack of confidence in the secular dominance 
over the Church — Changed attitude of Anglicanism toward dis- 
senting opinions — Early uncertainty and liberality — Develop- 
ment of ecclesiastical consciousness paralleled by hardening of the 
Anglican spirit — Other causes for hardening — Early Anglican- 
ism intolerant of papal Catholicism — Changed basis of Anglican 
strength — Moral condemnation of the Jesuits — Common 
ideals of Early Anglicanism and other forms of Protestantism — 
Practical character of the early Church — Development of an- 
tagonism within the Church. 


Complexity of dissent — Difficulties of classification — Loose 
use of the term " Puritan " — Difficulty of distinguishing Puritan 
from Separatist — Precisianists — Presbyterians — Genetic use 
of the term " Congregational"— Anabaptists— Cleavage was upon 
lines of ecclesiastical polity — The Fanatic Sects — Elements of 
discord in the Church — Indifferent nature of the first questions 
of dispute — Ceremonial differences — The sympathies of the 
leaders in State and Church — Variety in the use of ceremonies — 


Parker's Advertisements — Legality of the Advertisements — 
Parker's argument on the habits — The anti-vestiarian argument 

— The determination of the Queen that the habits be worn — 
Reasons for her insistence — Results of the vestiarian contro- 
versy — Bacon on the development of the quarrel between Angli- 
canism and Dissent — First Admonition to Parliament — Its 
place in the development of dissent — Disregard of the Queen's 
position — Circumstances preceding appearance of the First 
Admonition — Literary controversy over the Admonition — Ob- 
jects of the Admonition's attack — Protestations of loyalty — 
Danger in the attack — Intolerance shown by the Admonishers 

— Absolute authority of the New Testament in ecclesiastical or- 
ganization — The Second Admonition — The purpose of the 
publication — Spirit of the Second Admonition — Split in the 
ranks of dissent — Controversy between Cartwright and Whit- 
gift — The work of Travers. 

VII. PROTESTANT DISSENT {continued) . . 159 

Presbyterian polity — Scriptural basis of the system — Basis 
for condemnation of Catholicism — Ecclesiastical intolerance of 
the Presbyterians — Presbyterian doctrinal intolerance toward 
Lutheranism — Presbyterian attack upon the Anglican organiza- 
tion — Results upon Anglicanism of the Presbyterian attack — 
Presbyterian attack upon Anglican doctrinal standards and its 
results — Presbyterians and the fight for Parliamentary freedom 

— Aristocratic character of Presbyterianism — Presbyterianism 
to be established by the government — Presbj^terian theory of 
the relationship between Church and State — Legal basis of 
governmental repression of Presbyterianism — Opposition to 
repression on the part of officials — Basis of charges of disloyalty 

— The attitude of Cecil and Elizabeth — Danger to the govern- 
ment's policy of leniency toward Catholics — Danger to cordial 
relations with all forms of Continental Protestantism — Dissent- 
ing movements other than the Presbyterian — Rejection of 
necessity of the union of Church and State — Idea of the Church 
as a body of the spiritually fit — Narrow dogmatic standards — 
Loose and ineffective form of organization — Religious earnest- 
ness of the group — Religious basis for condemnation of others 

— Attempt to transfer basis of disagreement from unessential to 
essential — Doctrinal and religious intolerance — Causes for 
Elizabethan condemnation of the Congregationalistic groups. 


Importance of the separation from the Roman Catholic 
Church — The governmental policy of toleration — Modifica- 
tion of the governmental policy by reason of Catholic activity — 
Modification of the governmental policy by reason of Presbyte- 
rian activity — Modification of the governmental policy by 
reason of Anglican development — The idea that ecclesiastical 
unity was essential to political unity — Development of Anglican 

Contents - xi 

ecclesiastical intolerance — Presbyterian intolerance — Rejec- 
tion of the connection between Church and State by the Congre- 
gational group — The development of three strong religious 

INDEX 213 



Most of us feel that intolerance is an antiquated evil. We 
hasten to enroll ourselves in the ranks of the tolerant, and 
at least in the free world of hypothesis and speculation, we 
experience, at little cost, the self-congratulatory pleasure 
of thus reckoning ourselves in the advance guard of civiliza- 
tion. As a matter of fact, our conception of tolerance is usu- 
ally so vague as to entail no renunciation of our pet preju- 
dices: our renunciation is confined to the abandonment of 
intolerant principles, moribund some centuries before our 
birth. Men have probably always in this way proclaimed 
their allegiance to the spirit and principles of toleration 
without being seriously disturbed by their own intolerances, 
and without voicing any earnest protest against the intoler- 
ance of their own time. We easily recognize the inconsist- 
ency between the utterances and the attitude of Elizabethan 
Englishmen who insisted by means of prison and banish- 
ment that the forms of a Prayer Book be strictly observed, 
and looked with horror upon the Spanish Inquisition. We 
smile a superior smile over their boasts of tolerance on the 
score that the number of Catholics killed by Queen Eliza- 
beth did not equal the number of Protestants killed by Queen 
Mary, and we may even see the weakness of their modern 
apologists who point with pride to the fact that Elizabethan 
England had no St. Bartholomew's Eve. The examples of 
such inconsistency are amusing and satisfying in direct pro- 
portion to their antiquity and their distance from our own 
ruts of thought. When in England it became possible for all 

2 Intolep^>te in the Reign of Elizabeth 

icli^ioyis to exist Fide by side, and men therefore proclaimed 
themselves toLrant, there was still attached to Catholicism 
and to all forms of Protestantism other than the particular 
form knowTi as Anglicanism the penalty of the curtailment 
of political rights. Some Englishmen are still unreconciled 
to the removal of divorce and marriage from the jurisdiction 
of the Established Church. Some Americans still defend 
Sabbatarian legislation enacted at the demand of a reli- 
gious prejudice which saw no intolerance in forcing the ex- 
treme interpretation of the Mosaic law upon Christian and 
non-Christian alike. Like our ancestors, we leave suffi- 
cient leeway for the full play of our own intolerances and 
with easy carelessness avoid the discomforts of exact 

Intolerance is essentially a social phenomenon based 
upon the group conviction of "rightness." When mani- 
fested by the dominant group, it is both a dynamic and a 
conservative force. It is occupied with the maintenance of 
things as they are, and has for its purpose social unity. 
It exerts itself to bring into line those individuals, or groups 
of individuals, who are clinging to things as they were, and 
attempts to restrain the individuals or groups of individuals 
who are striving toward things as they shall be. Its relations 
and its sympathies are closer to the past than to the future. 
It bases its authority on accepted knowledge or opinion. 
Opposed to it are the groups who cling to opinions already 
rejected and the groups with opinions not yet accepted. 
Intolerance is a phase in the development of social conscious- 
ness, a part of the process of whipping into shape unique or 
diverse elements of the social group. It is a by-product of the 
process of social grouping. In so far as the various social 
groups have conflicting interests or standards, and so long 
as the existence of one or more groups is theoretically or 
practically inconsistent with the existence of other groups, 
antagonism or intolerance results. Since the social relation- 

Introductory 3 

ships of men are practically infinite in variety, intolerance 
may be displayed upon any subject of sufficient interest or 
importance to secure the adherence of a group, and may 
manifest itself in an infinite variety of ways. Medical in- 
tolerance has shown itself in the persecution of the advo- 
cates of anaesthetics and antiseptics. National intolerance 
of the foreigner, legal intolerance of new conceptions of 
justice, social intolerance of unusual manners, the intoler- 
ance of the radical for the slower-minded conservative in 
politics, economics, law, or dress, — these intolerances may 
vary in extent, nature, and results, and their history is 
merely the story of the modification of the extent, nature, 
and results of antagonisms. 

Necessarily the intolerance displayed by the larger groups 
of society is most conspicuous and receives the most at- 
tention, although from the standpoint of the progress of so- 
ciety such intolerance may not be of the most far-reaching 
influence. Religion, for instance, which occupies the con- 
sciousness of groups of international size, has been given 
so much attention by the writers on intolerance that it has 
become necessary to resist its claims to a monopoly of the 

Religion, however, is of great importance for the subject 
of intolerance from other reasons than the mere size of the 
religious groups. Religion is based upon bodies of opinion 
that are regarded as more important and as more positive 
than any of the other facts of human life. Starting with a 
group of opinions which are positively and supernaturally 
revealed, religion ofi'ers the greatest resistance to the at- 
tacks of critical reason and to the advance of the merely 
human phases of knowledge. It insists with inflexibility upon 
the truth of its tenets and the acceptance of them by all men. 
Historically, also, the religious organization in Western Eu- 
rope obtained such a dominance over men that it succeeded 
in subjecting to its religious and ecclesiastical control ele- 
ments of social activity which, as we view the matter now. 

4 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

were only remotely connected with the acceptance of its 
fundamental body of divinely revealed dogma. It suc- 
ceeded in adapting to this dogma almost the whole body of 
scientific and social investigation. Chemistry, anatomy, 
botany, astronomy, as well as law and government, all 
felt the restraining force of ecclesiastical conceptions and 
dogmas. Its supernatural elements were emphasized at the 
expense of human progress. Claiming to be the most social 
force, it became anti-social in so far as it made its ideal one 
of otherworldliness. Obviously the students of intolerance 
have a rich and important field in religion. 

The Christian religion has afforded material for studies of 
pagan intolerance of Christians, and Christian intolerance 
of pagans. We have volumes upon Catholic intolerance of 
Protestants and upon Protestant intolerance of Catholics 
and of other Protestants. The study of religious intolerance, 
both Catholic and Protestant, in the field of non-religious 
activities is still rich in unexplored possibilities, so rich that 
it is perhaps useless to attempt to call the attention of the 
historians of intolerance to the fact that there is also a field 
worth investigating in the groups of non-religious intoler- 
ance. A very interesting book, or series of books, even, more 
useful than much that has been written about religious in- 
tolerance, might be compiled by some one who turned his 
attention to the intolerances of medicine, of law, or of eti- 
quette. They might even repay the historian by displaying 
a humorous ridiculousness that the solemn connotations of 
theology make impossible in that field. 

It is unfortunate that the study of intolerance has been 
so largely confined to a record of punishments and penalties, 
and has concerned itself so little with the development of 
positive tolerance. The interesting and important thing 
about intolerance is its decrease. It has usually been taken 
for granted that decrease of intolerance has meant increase 
of tolerance ; but this is not always true and tends to make 
tolerance synonymous with indifference. Tolerance becomes 

Introductory " 5 

at best easy amiability. Indifference and amiability are 
negative and afford no basis for the self-congratulatory at- 
titude we like to associate with tolerance. Tolerance as a 
force provocative of progress is positive. It implies a def- 
inite attitude of mind, an open-minded observation of diver- 
gent opinions, a conscious refraining from the attitude of 
condemnation, and a willingness to adopt ideas if they prove, 
or seem likely to prove good. Intolerance of heretical ideas 
prevents progress. Tolerance welcomes the new, looks to 
the future, has a supreme confidence in the upward evolu- 
tion of society. 

It is the purpose of this essay to examine one very small 
field of religious intolerance, that in England during the 
reign of Elizabeth. Much has been done already. Catholics 
and Anglicans alike have devoted volumes to the suffering 
and disabilities of the Catholics. The subordination of re- 
ligious to political considerations which marks the step in the 
direction of religious tolerance that came with the revolt 
of the nations from the suzerainty of the Papacy and the 
formation of national churches, has been repeatedly empha- 
sized. The importance of the period for the developments 
in the reign of the Stuarts has been pointed out. But un- 
fortunately attention has been confined too exclusively to 
the government and the Anglican Establishment. Of almost 
equal importance are the rise of the dissenting Protestant 
groups in England, particularly the Presbyterian, and their 
attitudes and theories of relationship with the Catholics, the 
Established Church, and the government. Elizabeth's reign 
was essentially a period of the formation of parties and 
opinions. During her reign Puritan and Independent came 
to group consciousness, grew into awareness of themselves 
as distinct from Anglicanism and from each other; the 
Anglican Church rose, collected its forces, and transformed 
itself from a tool of secular government into a militant ec- 
clesiastical organization. The ground for the later struggle 

6 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

was prepared; and if in the seventeenth century we find 
distinctly dilTerent theories at the basis of intolerance, we 
must seek the origin of the later attitude in Elizabeth's 
day. Her reign is a time of beginnings, a period of prelimi- 
nary development, and partakes of the interest and uncer- 
tainties of all origins of complex social phenomena. 

The purpose of this essay is to estimate and to call atten- 
tion not only to the intolerance of the government and the 
Established Church, but also to the rising Protestant 
groups of dissent, and to indicate the way they conditioned 
and influenced the attitude of both the government and 
the Church and intrenched themselves for the future con- 



Unloved and disheartened, Mary Tudor died on the 17th 
of November, 1558. Her sincere struggle to establish the 
old faith in England once more, her pathetic love for Philip 
of Spain, the loss of Calais, the knowledge that without 
children to succeed her the work done could not endure, — 
all these things had made her life a sad one. Our imagina- 
tions have clothed her reign with gloom and blood, while 
that of her successor has become correspondingly splendid, 
intriguing, fanciful, swashbuckler, profane, — a living age. 
We approach the study of Elizabeth's reign with the expec- 
tation of finding at last a period when life was all dramatic, 
but, as always, we find that the facts are less romantic than 
our imaginative pictures. 

Life to the Elizabethan Englishman was not all a joyous 
adventure. Famine and pestilence ushered in the reign. 
An empty treasury confronted the new queen. The com- 
mercial and the industrial life of the kingdom declined. 
War with France and Scotland made taxation heavy. The 
army and navy were riddled by graft, and crumbling for- 
tresses indicated a lack of national military pride. The 
officials of Mary's rule still maintained their power in 
Church and State, objects of hatred to the people, and — 
the greatest danger to the Queen's peaceable accession — 
centers around which might gather foreign opposition to 
the daughter of Anne Boleyn. 

Elizabeth's alleged illegitimacy 
In the eyes of her Catholic subjects Elizabeth rested 
under the shadow of an uncertain title. The charge of ille- 
gitimacy had stamped its black smudge upon the brow of 

8 Intoleranxe in the Reign of Elizabeth 

the bahy girl, followed her through young womanhood in 
her uncertain and dangerous position during the reign of 
Mary, and when death had removed Mary, strode specter- 
like across the joy of the nation. Upon Elizabeth's entry 
into the City she was greeted with great demonstrations 
of joy by the populace, but the councillors whom she had 
called around her » realized that within the kingdom. Cath- 
olic K)\e for Mother Church and power, Catholic consist- 
ency, might unite a large party which, resting upon papal 
condemnation of the marriage of her father and mother, 
would reject her claims to the throne. Domestic dangers to 
her position might also threaten from that anti-Catholic 
party whose members had grown bitter under the persecu- 
tions of Mary.2 jh^ domestic dangers became menacing 
and real by reason of their complication with the projects 
and ambitions of foreign powers. 

From the fact of Elizabeth's illegitimacy in the eyes of 
the Catholic world sprang two great foreign dangers, the 
one to endure throughout the reign, the other to end only 
with an act which has brought upon Elizabeth's name an 
undeserved reproach ; the Papal See was hostile and Mary 
of Scotland set up a claim to England's throne. 

Neither Elizabeth nor her advisers, probably, expected 
that a break with the Papacy could be avoided. The Pope's 
attitude must necessarily be determined in some measure 
by the pronouncements of his predecessor upon the marriage 
of which Elizabeth was the fruit. It could hardly be ex- 

* Ctv il. Parry. Cave, Sadler, RoRers, Sackville, and Haddon were summoned H.itfuld. The old council was reorganized. Sir Thomas Parry became 
ComptrolitT of the Household; Sir Edward Rogers. \'ice-rhaniherlain; William 
Cecil. Principal Secretary- in the place of Dr. Boxall, Archdeacon of Ely; Sir Baron displaceil the .Xrchbishop of York as Keeper of the Great Seal; 
while the 1-arls of FJedford, Derby, and Northampton, Cave, Sadler, and Sack- 
ville took the pl.ires of Mary's councillors. Pembroke, Arundel, Howard, 
Shrewsbury-, Winchester, Clinton. Petre, and Mason continued. 

* S. R. M.iitl.ind, Essays on Subjects connected with the Reformation in Eng- 
land, with an introduction by A. \V. Ilutlon (London and New York, 1899), 
Essays VI, no. ii; vii. no. iii; viir, IX; X, quotes from Knox, Goodman, Whitting- 
ham, Kcthe, Bccon, Bradford, Ponet. 

Politics and Religion 9 

pected that the most compliant and peace-loving of popes 
would heartily welcome to the family of Catholic royalty 
the daughter of Anne Boleyn. Still less could it be expected 
that Paul IV, energetic and uncompromising, would dis- 
regard that quarrel which had torn England from the fold 
of the faithful. Theoretically, at least, — and it was chiefly 
upon theoretical grounds that those closest to Elizabeth 
had to base their policy, — Mary of Scotland must have 
seemed to the Papacy the only logical and legitimate heir 
to England's throne. 

Mary recognized her advantage, and she was sufficiently 
vigorous in her Catholicism and shrewd in her politics to 
seize every weapon opportunity might offer. Although 
Elizabeth was seated upon the throne and was supported 
by the sentiment of the English people, Mary's hope of dis- 
placing her was by no means based on dreams alone. She 
had married the Dauphin of France, who succeeded to the 
crown as Francis II but a few months after Elizabeth's 
accession, and upon the advice of the Cardinal of Lorraine 
the new King and Queen at once added to their other titles 
that of King and Queen of England. With France behind 
her claim, and the Pope supporting her, Elizabeth might 
have been crowded off the throne and England forced into 
Catholicism, had Philip, the autocrat of the Catholic pow- 
ers, also thrown his weight into the struggle upon the side 
of Mary. But Philip, with all his Catholic enthusiasm, 
would never allow France and the Guises to attain that 
dominance in European affairs which the addition of Eng- 
land to their power would have meant. Philip did not love 
England, nor did he wish to see it become Protestant, but 
at the first he had hopes that the country might still be 
preser^^ed for Catholicism and be made to scrv-e his own 
purposes against the aggression of France.^ Elizabeth 
played with the offer of marriage which Philip made as long 
as it was possible to avoid a decisive answer, and encouraged 

* Venetian Calendar, 72, April 23, 1559, June 11, 1559. 

10 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

him to iK-lievc that the Council of Trent might accomplish 
something to make reconciliation possible even though she 
rejected his hand. Philip lent his aid in securing favorable 
terms for England at the Peace of Catcau-Cambr6sis and 
relieved her from the embarrassment of his opposition at 
the time when he could have done most harm to Elizabeth. 
But Mary's purposes were not balked by the opposition 
of Philip alone. She did not have the sympathy of her own 
land, Scotland, either in the alliance with France, in her 
desire to establish the Catholic religion, or in her opposition 
to England. In Scotland the Reformation had established 
itself among all classes, although the motives which inspired 
them were not exclusively religious; for, in Scotland, as in 
other countries, a variety of purposes inspired the Protes- 
tant party. Here, as elsewhere, it was not simply a religious 
reformation, but a social conflict arising from political, 
economic, and legal motives. The party formed in Scot- 
land in 1557 was made up of elements looking for the spoil of 
the wealthy and corrupt Church, for the expulsion of French 
influence from the country, the lessening of the royal power, 
the establishment of Protestant doctrines; and it was from 
these diverse elements that the signers of the first Covenant 
were drawn. Nor did the Covenant represent the extreme 
Calvinism usually associated with the Scotch; it demanded 
merely that the English Book of Common Prayer be used, 
and that preaching be permitted. Not until after the return 
to Scotland of John Knox in May, 1559, was the stamp of un- 
compromising Calvinism placed upon the Scottish Church. 
Mar>' could look for bitter opposition from her Scottish sub- 
jects If she tried, with French aid, to establish herself upon 
the English throne and attempted to impose Catholicism 
uj)on the English people and autocratic power upon Scot- 
land. In spite of these difficulties, however, the danger to 
England was real. Any change in the situation which might 
free Mary's hands, or any change in the attitude of Philip 
which would cause him to abandon his hostility to France 

Politics and Religion ii 

and unite with that country in opposition to England, 
might sweep Elizabeth off the throne and place the nation 
in danger of foreign dominion. From this situation came 
that succession of crises calling for the patriotism of Eng- 
lishmen which ended only with the death of Mary and the 
defeat of the Armada. 

In these circumstances domestic considerations were of 
primary importance In determining the character of the 
changes In the religious establishment of England. Of first 
importance, also, in any changes to be made was the per- 
sonal and dynastic safety of the Queen. The necessity of 
making her position as queen secure took precedence over 
all questions of personal or national religious preference. 
Could her throne have been secured most certainly by con- 
tinuing the alliance with the Papacy by means of diplomatic 
accommodations on both sides, doubtless this would have 
been the method adopted. The personal attitude and charac- 
ter of Paul IV, and perhaps also French influence upon the 
Papal See, the Continental religious and political situation 
combined with the domestic situation to make such a solu- 
tion of Elizabeth's difficulties well-nigh impossible. Without 
voluntary concessions on the part of the Papacy,^ It seemed 
to Elizabeth's advisers more dangerous to meddle with the 
papal power in England than to abolish It altogether. ^ Yet 
the wretched condition of the military and economic re- 
sources and the uncertainty of national support made 
dangerous a step so radical as complete separation from the 
Roman Church. 

* Dixon {History of the Church oj England from the Abolition of the Roman 
Jurisdiction [Oxford, 1902], vol. v, p. 88) has disposed of the often-repeated 
assertion that the Pope offered to confirm the English Prayer Book if his 
authority was acknowledged. But cf. Raynaldus, no. 42 (trans, in E. P. 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 373-74), where the offer to sanction 
the English Liturgy, allow the Lord's Supper in both kinds, and revoke the 
condemnation of the marriage of Henry and Anne is printed. 

* Slate Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. i, no. 68. 

12 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

The government advanced with caution. The exiles on 
account of reh'gion were allowed to return in great numbers, 
but nothing was done for them. In May, 1 559, Jewel com- 
plained to Bullinger, "... at present we are so li\ing, as 
scarcely to seem like persons returned from exile; for to 
say nothing else, not one of us has yet had even his own 
property restored to him." ^ All preaching was prohibited 
until Parliament could meet to decide upon a form of ec- 
clesiastical settlement.- The Queen herself received men of 
all parties, wrote to the Pope,^ kept up her friendship with 
Philip of Spain. The Council repressed the enthusiasms 
of Catholics and Protestants alike. The government was 
anxious to give neither Protestants nor Catholics hopes or 
fears which would bring matters to a crisis until they had 
formulated and arranged for the execution of the policy best 
suited to secure the allegiance of as great a number of all 
religious parties as was possible. Dictated by the desire 
to make secure the position of the Queen, this policy must 
necessarily be one of compromise and moderation, at least 
until it was safe to disturb the delicate balance of the foreign 
political situation which made England dependent upon 
the friendship of Philip and freedom from the active hos- 
tility of the other Catholic Powers. 

In entire accord with the moderation thus made neces- 
sary were the personal tastes and preferences of the Queen. 
She did not share, she could not understand, the uncom- 
promising zeal of either Catholic or Protestant. If the 
political considerations demanded a Protestant or anti- 
papal establishment, she was willing that it should be set up; 
yet her love for the pomp and forms of a stately religion and 
her hatred of the extremes and fanaticism of Protestant en- 
thusiasm were real, and she stood ready to estal)lish and 
maintain the policy of moderation which left room for 
some of the forms she loved. 

• Zurifh I^ttfrs, no. xx. 

• H. N. Hirt, The Elizabethan Rclif^ious SctUemenl (London, 1907), p. 23. 

• Raynaltlus, Ann. Ecc, Ann. 1559, no. 2. 

Politics and Religion 13 

The middle course could make little appeal to enthu- 
siasm. Zealous Catholics could not be satisfied thus nor 
could the extreme Protestants be content with halfway 
measures. "Others are seeking after a golden, or, as it 
rather seems to me, a leaden mediocrity; and are crying 
out, that the half is better than the whole." "Whatever 
is to be, I only wish that our party may not act with 
too much worldly prudence and policy in the cause of 
God." ^ But Elizabeth and the men who were in her con- 
fidence were not extremists, they were not religious enthusi- 
asts; they represented the national state of mind and were 
justified in their belief that the Queen could depend upon 
the nation's support for a reasonable and moderate re- 
ligious settlement. 

On the religious question the nation was, on the whole, 
indifferent. Nor is it strange that this was true at this 
time. England had been forced through change after 
change in the religious establishment, beginning with 
Henry VIII and ending with the proscriptions of Mary. 
It had been trained for a quarter of a century to adjust 
itself to a turn-coat policy in religious matters. As Lloyd 
quaintly says of Cecil, "He saw the interest of this state 
changed six times, and died an honest man: the crown 
put upon four heads, yet he continued a faithful subject: 
religion changed, as to the public constitution of it, five 
times, yet he kept the faith." ^ During that period the na- 
tion had seen England sink into insignificance in Conti- 
nental affairs and watched its internal conditions grow 
from bad to worse. The extremes of Mary's reign and the 
growing economic distress of the country repelled English 
thought from purely religious quarrels and absorbed their 
attention in more practical matters. Just as at the Res- 
toration, following a period of political control by the ex- 
tremists in religion, there was a period during which re- 

* Jewel, Works, vol. iv, Letters, no. xii, Jewel to Martyr; Zurich Letters, no. 
viii, Jewel to Martyr, Jan. 26, 1559. ' Nares, Burghley, vol. iii, p. 326. 

14 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

ligious enthusiasm languished and the country joyfully 
proceeded to recuperate from the effects of religious re- 
straints, so now after Mary's persecutions there succeeded 
a period of that indifference to religion, which, if not a 
promoter of positive tolerance is a great check on intol- 
erance. The countr>' needed the help of all in adjusting its 
home affairs and demanded their loyalty to protect their 
queen and themselves from another Catholic sovereign. 
Their enthusiasm found vent in these things, not in religious 
contentions. The policy of subordinating religious consid- 
erations to the political safety of the nation enabled the 
Church of the early part of Elizabeth's reign to survive 
the attacks from within and without the kingdom; the 
Church was not itself an ol)ject of enthusiastic support, but 
served as a standard around which Englishmen gathered to 
defend principles to which they gave their deepest loyalty 
and purpose, determination and love. Changes which ap- 
pealed to the loyalty and patriotism of the nation, and 
which freed it from the wearisome persecutions and dis- 
tracting turmoil that characterized Mary's reign, were 
certain of English support. 

The policy of moderation, the halfway course, which the 
religious indifference, the political situation, and the 
Queen's preferences made the logical plan to secure the alle- 
giance of the kingdom, implied, of course, a departure from 
Roman Catholicism in the direction of some form of Prot- 
estantism. The religious and ecclesiastical history of Eng- 
land under Henry and Edward furnished a precedent for 
the change which could be made with the least shock to the 
feelings of Englishmen. 

The Church developed In the reigns of Elizabeth's 
father and brother was of a character which of all the 
forms of Protestantism departed least in belief, form, 
and organization from Catholicism. Practically all of 
Elizabeth's mature subjects had been living in the time 
of Henry and Edward, and there existed a large party 

Politics and Religion 15 

within the kingdom accustomed to, if not partisans of 
the Church, as it had developed in Edwardian times. The 
right wing of this party had in Mary's reign become 
stronger and its leaders had confirmed their predilections 
by residence on the Continent, where they had associated 
closely with the prominent figures of Continental Protes- 
tantism. On the Continent sufficient time had elapsed 
since Luther's attack upon the Papacy to make less domi- 
nant the essentially political motives of the revolt from 
papal control, and Protestantism itself had begun that 
hardening of dogmatic and ecclesiastical standards which 
resulted in a more oppressive spirit than had existed in 
Catholicism itself prior to the Lutheran revolt; but this 
development had not yet gone so far nor the Protestant 
parties become so strong that anti-papal principles had 
sunk into the background of sectarian propaganda. Thus 
the English who had fled to the Continent during Mary's 
reign were, with the exception of a few extremists hyp- 
notized by the Calvinistic system, most influenced by their 
residence in the Protestant centers toward an anti-papal 
rather than toward a narrow sectarian policy. 

These men the government could use in carrying out its 
plans, though it did not ask their help in making them.^ 
^-lany of the most able and practical were ready to make 
compromises, either for the sake of introducing a modi- 
fied reform into the Church in England, or for the sake of 
securing for themselves the exercise and emoluments of 
clerical office.^ Papal Catholics could not compromise. 
The theory of the Church forbade it, although it is perhaps 
true that shame for the compromises of the past rather than 
strict regard for the theory of the Church induced many 
of them to stand firmly now upon the convictions registered 
during Mary's reign. ^ "For sake of consistency which the 

* Jewel, Works, vol. iv, Letters, nos. viii, x, xii; Zurich Letters, nos. xi, xiv, 
XV ; Parker Correspondence, no. xlix. 

* Jewel, Works, vol. ii, p. 770; Zurich Letters, no. xlix. 

* Jewel, Works, vol. iv, Letters, no. xiv; Zurich Letters, no. xxvii; Burnet, 

1 6 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

miserable knaves now choose to call their conscience, 
some few of the bishops, who were furious in the late 
Marian times, cannot as yet in so short a time, for very 
shame return to their senses." ^ Lukewarm Catholics, 
however, Catholics from policy. Catholics whose patriotism 
exceeded their love for the Church, should not be driven into 
opposition by extreme measures. With regard to the Prot- 
estants the government occupied the strategic position. 
Any change from Catholicism could be regarded as a con- 
cession which, for the present, must perforce satisfy the 
radicals, and win for the government the great mass of 
reformers, already prepared to make compromises and to 
rejoice over gains religious or financial.^ Necessity, not in- 
clination, may have made the changes in the religious es- 
tablishment veer toward Protestantism, but the govern- 
ment had little to fear from a national Protestant party 
and could safely proceed in the direction made inevitable 
by the attitude of the Pope and by the political situation. 
The change was so moderately made, however, that Ascham 
was able to write to Sturmius, "[The Queen has] exercised 
such moderation, that the papists themselves have no com- 
plaint to make of having been severely dealt with."^ 

The government, in depending for the success of a com- 
promise religious policy upon the party of reform and upon 
the Catholics whose papal traditions were not so strong 
as their English feelings, was strengthened by the circum- 
stances which made support of its religious policy clearly 
essential to the safety of the Queen. Loyalty to the sover- 
eign was the greatest practical bond of national union in 
sixteenth-century England, the first principle of national 
patriotism. That such a spirit existed and would support 
the Queen's religious policy was comparatively easy of con- 

nistory of the Rrformation of the Church of England (Pocock edition, Oxford, 
1865). pt. III. hk. VI. no. 51. 

* Jewel, Works, vol. IV, Letters, no. Ixi. Cf. ibid., nos. xv, xx, xxi. 
» Zurich Lfttfrs, nos. ii, xxvi, xxxiii. 

• Ibid., no. Ixiv. 

Politics and Religion 17 

firmation during a time when the opinions of the great mass 
of the population were negligible or non-existent. The new 
nobles and gentry were sufficiently numerous and influen- 
tial to see to it that their dependents made no serious trouble; 
their own allegiance was secured by conviction, or by pros- 
pects of place and profit.^ 

In England the Queen might depend upon practically the 
united support of the reforming party and upon many luke- 
warm Catholics. The greatest dangers within the king- 
dom came from the older Catholic nobility, displeased at the 
prominence of the new men as well as devoted to the old 
Church, and from the clerics who had held high office in 
Church and State during Mary's reign. The latter, alarmed 
at the uncertainty of the government's policy, reasonably 
certain that Papal Catholicism would not be established 
as the religion of the State, and fearful lest the extreme 
Protestants ultimately have their way and a system of per- 
secution be inaugurated, formed the party of opposition 
to governmental plans for an ecclesiastical compromise. 
Yet for the most part this opposition was passive, and was 
accompanied by protestations of loyalty to the Crown, 
and to the Queen. 

This party would have been of little importance and 
helpless in the grip of royal disfavor had not the policy 
which the foreign complications forced upon the govern- 
ment been one of compromise and reconciliation of all loyal 
Catholics. In so far as the clerical party was at one with 
and in a sense dependent upon foreign, that is papal, poli- 
tics, it was dangerous to the government; but fear of alli- 
ance or intrigue with Continental Catholicism had to give 
way before the more pressing danger that the suppres- 
sion or harsh treatment of the old leaders of the Church 
would excite the sympathy, or arouse the antagonism, of 
men who would otherwise quietly acquiesce in the moderate 
proposals of the government. 

1 Lee, The Church under Elizabeth (2 vols. 1880), vol. i, p. 70. 

1 8 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Elizabeth's first parliament 
The details of the slow and cautious plans of the govern- 
ment would here occupy too much space and serve only to 
confuse the purposes of this essay. ^ They are to be found 
in the histories of the period. Throughout the time between 
the accession of Elizabeth and the meeting of her first Par- 
liament the plans for the religious changes were perfected 
and the country carefully persuaded into an attitude of wait- 
ing for the settlement of the religious questions to be em- 
bodied in law by that body.- In the mean time Cecil and the 
other leaders arranged for the election to Commons of men 
who would be amenable to the directions of the Cro^vn,3 ^nd 
the committee of the Council, "for the consideration of all 
things necessary for the Parliament" drafted the measures 
thought necessary to be passed by that body when it should 

Parliament was opened on January 25, 1559, with the 
usual ceremony, and Convocation assembled, as was the 
custom, at the same time. In the Lords the bishops and 
one abbot took their usual places and were permitted a free- 
dom in voicing their opposition to all the proposed religious 
changes that would hardly have been granted to lay oppo- 
nents of governmental policy.^ Convocation passed articles 
asserting uncompromising adherence to the Roman Catholic 
faith. "^ The fairness of the government and its magnanimity 
were ostentatious; the pleas of the clerics vivid and im- 
passioned, in spite of the fact that they knew their case was 

' Slatf Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. I, no. 69; vol. IV, no. 40; Strype, 
Annds, vol. i, pt.i. pp. 74-76. .\pp., no. iv; Burnet, pt. 11, bk. ill, no. I, p. 497; 
Dotld (Tierncy'scd.). vol. ii, p. 123, and App., no. 33. 

• Zurich Letters, nos. iii, viii. 

• For mctho<ls of influcncinR the elections cf. Council to Parker and Cobham, 
Parker Correspondence, no. cclx.xxvii, Feb. 1 7, 1570. 

• Slrypc. AnnaJs, vol. i, pt. 1, App., no. iv; Uodd (Tierncy'scd.), II, p. 123, 
and App.. no. 33; Dixon, vol. v, p. 22, note. 

• Strype, Annals, vol. 1, pt. i, App., nos. vi, vii, ix, x, xi; D'Ewes, Journals, 
Elizalx-th's first I'.irlianunt. 

• Wilkins, Cvncilta, vol. iv, p. 179. 

Politics and Religion 19 

hopeless except as the vigor of their protests in Parliament 
and through the Convocation might serve to modify or 
soften for Catholics the terms of the settlement. They knew 
that the government would go as far as it could to avoid 
trouble and that it was willing to make as light as was con- 
sistent with safety the disabilities placed upon the Cath- 
olics. Elizabeth had shown this, when at her coronation, ten 
days before the assembling of Parliament, the Catholic 
bishops, who had, with the exception of Oglethorpe, refused 
to ofhciate,^ were allowed to escape any outward evidence 
of her displeasure. In spite of a perv^erseness which often 
drove the even-minded Cecil to distraction, Elizabeth some- 
times showed, when conditions demanded it, a proper re- 
gard for practical politics, even at the expense of her per- 
sonal feelings. 

After Parliament had been in session for some time and 
after the points of the settlement had been well mulled 
over in both houses, the government reached the cul- 
mination, and at the same time the end, of its previous pol- 
icy toward IVIary's clergy. Arrangements were made for a 
great disputation, before the members of the Council and 
the nobility at Westminster, between the representatives of 
the Catholic and of the reforming parties. Governmental 
show of fairness in choosing the subjects for the conference 
and in arranging the method of discussion was perhaps more 
seeming than real, but the indiscretions of the Catholic 
divines, before the notable assemblage gathered to listen to 
the debate, afforded the authorities sufficiently good grounds 
for placing restraints upon their liberties. The refusal of the 
Catholics to proceed had, if we may trust Jewel, another 
effect, doubtless appreciated by the government. Jewel 
wrote to Martyr immediately after the affair, "It is alto- 
gether incredible how much this conduct has lessened the 
opinion that the people entertained of the bishops; for they 

' Dixon (vol. V, pp. 47-51) denies this, but does not seem to me to have 
proved his case. 

20 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

all begin to suspect that they refused to say anything, only 
because they had not anything to say." ^ 

W'c have already had occasion to mention the impatience 
of the Protestants, who had returned from exile or come out 
of hiding, over their neglected condition and the slowness of 
the government in making provision for them. Their im- 
patience was aggra\ated by governmental permission of 
dilatory tactics by the Catholic bishops. "It is idly and 
scurrilously said, liy way of joke, that as heretofore Christ 
was cast out by his enemies, so he is now kept out by his 
friends." "We manage ... as if God himself could scarce 
retain his authority without our ordinances and precau- 
tions." - Since most of them were not admitted to the 
counsels and purposes of the government in its treatment 
of Catholics, nor capable of understanding the need for 
caution and moderation, they were greatly discouraged over 
their prospects. The moderate men of the reforming party, 
however, who, like Cox,^ and Parker, were least fanatical, 
were used by the leaders at court and given assurances of 
favor, conditional upon cooperation in establishing a church 
such as the government had in mind. Protestants preached 
at court and were given employment upon the details of 
arrangement for the changes contemplated, such as the 
revision of Edward's Prayer Book and the compilation of 
the Book of Homilies. With the progress of the work of 
Parliament the Protestants had less cause for complaint 
and were allowed greater expression of opinion so long as 
they did not exceed the limits of discussion set by govern- 
ment policy. Forced, as the court was, to depend for sup- 
port of its anti-papal policy upon the reformers, it placed 
confidence only in those who were in sympathy with its de- 

> Jewel. Works, vol. iv. Letters, no. ix (Zurich Letters, no. xii; Burnet, pt. 
Ill, l)k. VI, no. 49, p. 407). Cf. also ibiri., no. viii; Zurich Letters, nos. xi, xix; 
Hiirnet, pt. Ill, bk. VI, no. 47, p. 402; S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. in, no. 52; Strype, 
Annals, vol. i, pt. i, App., nos. xv, xvi. 

' Zurich Letters, no. xiii. Cf. also ibid., nos. xi, xiv, xvii, xix, xlii. 

• Hall, Eltzabclhan Age, chap, viii, "The Churchman," pp. 103-18. 

Politics and Religion 21 

sire to make no radical changes, and to conduct all things in 
order and decency, with proper regard to the secular inter- 
ests of all concerned. 

The carefully packed Parliament was significantly 
enough characterized by the predominance of younger men 
who had not had previous experience as members of the 
Commons. They were for the most part of Protestant sym- 
pathies, but sufficiently in awe of court influence to submit 
to the management of Cecil and the Crown. We find in this 
Parliament little of that tendency to take the bit in its teeth 
and direct its own course which later in the reign gave such 
opportunity for the exercise of royal authority in restraint 
of Parliamentary action. No serious obstacles presented 
themselves in the Commons to the passage of the religious 
acts determined upon by the government ; but nothing was 
done in haste, and the willingness of the Commons was re- 
strained by the greater experience of the Lords. Perhaps, 
too, the government was willing to allow more or less 
radical talk in the Commons to counteract the effects of 
Catholic protests in the Upper House. The history of the 
passage of the acts through Parliament is somewhat tire- 
some, and significant only as confirming the care and super- 
vision of the court leaders. It will be sufficient here to name 
and summarize briefly the provisions of the acts as they 
finally received the signature of the Queen. 

The most important of these were the Acts of Supremacy ^ 
and Uniformity. 2 The Act of Supremacy repealed i and 2 
Philip and Mary, c. 8, which had revived papal jurisdic- 
tion, and the statutes concerning heresy made in that 
reign. Ten statutes of Henry VHI and one of Edward were 
revived. It dropped the title "Supreme Head of the 
Church," 2 although it retained the substance and pro- 

» Statutes oj the Realm, i Eliz., c. I. * Ibid., c. 2. 

« D'Ewes, Journals, p. 38; Stubbs, In App. Ecc. Courts, Com. Report, Ses- 
sional Papers, 1883, vol. xxiv, p. 44: "the effect of omitting the revival of 26 
H. VIII, c. I, 28 H. VIII, c. 10, 35 H. VIII, c. 3, and 35 H. VIII, c. i, sec. 7. 
was the abolition of the royal claim to the title of supreme head as affirmed 
by Act of Parliament." 

22 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

vided for the exercise of a supreme royal authority by means 
of ecclesiastical commissions practically unlimited by law 
as to composition, number, and duration. The old juris- 
diction of the ecclesiastical courts was, however, retained. 
The Act of Uniformity imposed an ambiguous Prayer Book, 
designed to permit men of all faiths to take part in the serv- 
ices. Of laymen no declaration of faith was demanded; 
outward conformity, signified by attendance upon the 
ser\'ice, was all that was asked ; and a fine of twelve pence 
imposed for absence from the new services was intended to 
secure attendance. Office-holders,^ both lay and clerical, 
were required to take an oath acknowledging the Queen's 
supremacy and renouncing all allegiance and obedience to 
any foreign power, upon pain of loss of, and disqualifica- 
tion for office. Clerics who took the oath, but refused to 
use the ser\-ice and comply with the terms of the act, were 
subject to increasing penalties culminating in deposition and 
life imprisonment. 

Besides the two great measures of establishment, which 
virtually placed the Queen at the head of the English Church, 
Parliament annexed the first fruits and tenths to the Crown; 
declared Elizabeth lawful heir to the CrowTi,- without, how- 
ever, affirming in so many words the validity of Anne's 
marriage to Henry; annexed to the Crown the religious 
houses which Mary had founded; and gave the Queen 
power, with the ecclesiastical commissioners, to take further 
order for the regulation of the cathedral and collegiate 

After the completion of the work of Elizabeth's first 
Parliament and its dissolution, the government had yet to 
put the system devised into operation. Naturally the first 

» Cf. however, Spcn. Col., 1558-67, vol. I, no. 36, p. 76; Parker Corrcsp., 
no. Ixxi. 

» Statutes of the Realm, i Eliz., c. 5. » Ibid., c. 22. 

Politics and Religion 23 

step toward the inauguration of the establishment was the 
removal of the obstructionist bishops. This the Act of Uni- 
formity had made legally possible in the paragraphs which 
provided that from the clerics an oath acknowledging the 
Queen's supremacy might be demanded by such persons as 
were authorized by the Queen to receive it. The Council, by 
virtue of commission dated May 23, offered the oath to the 
Roman bishops, and, upon their refusal to take it, deposed, 
during the course of the summer, all except Landaff, who 
took the oath and was allowed to retain his bishopric. 

The removal of the lesser Catholic clergy throughout the 
kingdom was accomplished by means of Commissions of 
Royal Visitation formed during the summer months. Eng- 
land was divided into six circuits and commissioners, mostly 
laymen, appointed to make the rounds,^ administer the 
oath to the clergy, and inquire into certain articles of which 
the most interesting are those concerning the late perse- 
cutions. ^ The visitors carried with them also a set of royal 
injunctions for the guidance of the Church. These were 
copied after the injunctions of Edward VI, with an explana- 
tion added at the end setting forth the fact that the Queen 
did not claim spiritual functions and a denial that the gov- 
ernment attached to the taking of the oath the acknowledg- 
ment of any such belief.^ Because of the extent of the ter- 
ritory to be covered by these commissions and because 
of their limited powers, the results of this visitation are 
hard to estimate. Anglican and Catholic writers, after 
careful study of all available statistical information, differ 
widely in their conclusions as to the number of the clergy 

* 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. x, no. i; vol. vi, no. 12; Henry Gee, Elizabethan 
Clergy (Oxford, 1898), pp. 89-93, 133-36; Cardwell, Documentary Annals, 
vol. I, 249; Burnet, pt. 11, bk. iii, no. 7, p. 533. 

* Articles printed in Gee, Elizabethan Clergy, pp. 65-70; Sparrow, Collec- 

» Prothero, Select Statutes, p. 184; Sparrow, Collections, p. 65; S. P., Dom., 
Eliz., vol. XV, no. 27; Burnet, pt. 11, bk. in, p. 631; Collier, 11, 433; Strype, 
Annals, vol. i, pt. i, p. 197; Jewel, Works, vol. iv, "Defence of the Apology," 
PP- 958-1039; Whitgift, Works (Parker Society), vol. I, p. 22. 

24 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

who were deposed. ^ The point Is not essential. We know 
enough to be certain that, while not thorough in its work, 
the visitation accomplished practically all that the govern- 
ment hoped for or desired; the system was inaugurated and 
its most fanatical enemies removed from the exercise of 
their offices. The perfection of the system, and the sifting 
out of enemies whom the visitation had missed and the 
government desired to find, might safely be left to other 
more permanent agencies of supervision. 

The examination of the certificates of the royal visitors 
and the completion of their work - were assigned by com- 
mission, dated September 13, to the central commission for 
the exercise of royal supremacy contemplated by the Act 
of Supremacy. This central or permanent body had already 
been created and given extensive powers by commission 
issued on July 19, although it probably did not meet until 
the practical completion of the work of the royal visitors, 
as many of its members were also visitors. Besides the busi- 
ness resulting from the work of the Royal Visitation, the 
central commission had committed to its care the super- 
vision of the working of the Acts of Supremacy and Uni- 
formity throughout the kingdom, repression of seditious 
books, heretical opinions, false rumors, slanderous words, 
disturbances of, and absence from, the established services, 
and was further given jurisdiction over all vagabonds of 
London and the vicinity.^ , ^ . 

The removal of the Catholic bishops, the work of the 
Royal X'isitation, and the creation of a central commission 
were in large part merely repressive measures, providing for 
proper policing of the country. It was essential to the work- 
ing f)f the system that the episcopal offices, made vacant by 
the forced retirement of the Roman Catholic bishops, be 

» Gcc, Elizabethan Clergy (Oxford, 1898); H. N. Birt, Elizabethan Religious 
Settlement (IvOndon. 1907). 

• S. P., Pom.. Eliz., vol. VII, no. 79; Gee, Elizabethan Clergy, p. 141; Birt, 
Elizabethan Religious Settlement, p. 183, no. 2. C}. Parker Corresp., no. Ixxx. 

» S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. v, no. 18; Prothero, Select Statutes, pp. 227-32; 
Cardwell, Documentary Annals, vol. i, p. 223. 

Politics and Religion 25 

filled. There was no lack of candidates for the positions. 
Protestants who from conviction regarded the abolition of 
the papal supremacy as the essential element for the Na- 
tional Church; Protestants who hoped for further reform, 
but were willing to take honorable office in the Church for 
the sake of excluding persons less Protestant than them- 
selves, and for the sake of working from the inside for 
more radical changes; Protestants whose convictions were 
swayed by the knowledge that high offices in the Church 
were not likely to be awarded to radicals — all more or 
less modestly waited for preferment. And men from all 
of these classes obtained what they waited for, some in 
positions less high than they had hoped, but better than 
exile or obscurity. The disagreeable bickerings of the newly 
chosen clergy with the Queen over the exchange of parson- 
ages impropriate for bishops' lands, which delayed their 
installation and consecration for some time, was not entirely 
due to greed on the part of the bishops. "The bishops are 
as yet only marked out, and their estates are in the mean 
time gloriously swelling the exchequer," ^ Jewel wrote to 
Martyr in November, 1559. Many felt, with Jewel, more 
concern over the impoverishment of the Church by the 
Queen's excessive demands than for their own loss of 
worldly goods. Their greed at this time has probably been 
considerably magnified because of the avarice of such men 
as Aylmer, one of the least admirable of the Elizabethan 
bishops. His conduct was the opposite of that which he had 
demanded before he became a bishop. Then he had cried, 
"Come of you Bishoppes, away with your superfluities, 
yeld up your thousands, be content with hundreds as they 
be in other reformed Churches, where be as greate learned 
men as you are. Let your portion be priestlike and not 
princelike." ^ As a bishop his greed became a common 

> Zurich Letters, no. xxxv. Cf. Parker Corresp., nos. Ixviii, Ixix; S. P., Dom., 
Eliz., vol. VIII, no. 19. 

' Maitland, Essays on Subjects connected with the Reformation, p. 166; Str>'pe, 
Annals, vol. ll, pt. I, App., no. xx.\i; Str\-pe, Aylmer, passim. 

26 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

scandal. But Parker, Jewel, Grindal, Parkhurst, and many 
of the others were men of relatively high character, al- 
though better fitted perhaps for scholastic affairs than for 
the complexities of practical ecclesiastical administration. 
None of them had ability or training in ecclesiastical ad- 
ministration comparable to that of Cecil in secular admin- 
istration. Yet they were earnest and sincere men fitted to 
give intelligent, if not brilliant, service in the establishment 
of the Church. 

The selection of the lesser clergy to fill the places made 
vacant by the work of the Royal \'isitation presented a much 
more difficult problem. Secular influence in the selection of 
these men was exerted by local magnates and nobles with 
more concern for selfish advantage than for the welfare 
either of Church or of State, and Parker wrote to Lady 
Bacon: — 

I was informed the best of the country, not under the degree 
of knights, were infected with this sore, so far that some one 
knight had four or five, some other seven or eight benefices 
clouted together, fleecing them all, defrauding the crown's subjects 
of their duty of prayers, somewhere setting boys and their serving- 

The Queen herself did not realize the need for competent 
preachers and pastors; the higher clergy were in too many 
cases, even where competent men were available, careless 
about securing their services, or as greedy as the laity to 
secure cheap ones. Clerical service gave no dignified or 
honored position in the community, and the financial 
rewards were not enticing to men of ability. The tone and 
character of the lesser clerg>' reached perhaps its lowest ebb 
during the first years of Elizabeth's reign.- 

In spite of the setting in motion of the machinery pro- 
vided by the religious acts, the Roman Catholics were not 
entirely disheartened. There were elements in the situation 

' Parker Corresp., no. ccxxxix. » CJ. chap. V, p. 131. 

Politics and Religion 27 

which justified them in thinking that their case was not 
hopeless. Although they had apparently lost power, the ob- 
vious conciliatory policy of the government gave them prac- 
tical assurance that they were in little real present danger 
and led them to hope that a chance for rehabilitation might 
present itself. That the organization and the services of the 
establishment were not radically changed by the new order 
was a subject for congratulation among Catholics. Parsons, 
the Jesuit, at a later date rejoices "that the sweet and high 
Providence of Almighty God hath not been small in con- 
serv^ing and holding together a good portion of the material 
part of the old English Catholick Church, above all other 
Nations, that have been over-run with Heresie, for that we 
have yet on foot many principal Monuments that are de- 
stroyed, in other countries, as namely we have our Cathe- 
dral Churches and Bishopricks yet standing, our Deanries, 
Canonries, Archdeaconries, and other Benefices not de- 
stroyed, our Colledges and Universities whole, so that there 
wanteth nothing, but a new form to give them Life and 
Spirit by putting good and vertuous Men into them. . . ." ^ 
The work of the Royal Commissioners of Visitation had 
varied with the character of the visitors and the sentiments 
of the districts visited, and the institution of the new system 
was by no means thorough. Catholic clergy were left, in 
some sections at least, in charge of their old parishes. 
"... The prebendaries in the cathedrals, and the parish 
priests in the other churches, retaining the outward habits 
and inward feeling of popery, so fascinate the ears and eyes 
of the multitude that they are unable to believe but that 
either the popish doctrine is still retained, or at least that it 
will be shortly restored." ^ The most dangerous and rabid 
of the papal adherents had been removed, but the impres- 
sion was given that this was all the government wished to 

» Parsons, Memorial of the Reformation of England, printed in part in Taunton, 
English Jesuits, App., p. 478. 

» Zurich Letters, no. liii, Lever to Bullinger, July 10, 1560. 

2S Intoleranxe in the Reign of Elizabeth 

accomplish. Finally, there was much in the foreign polit- 
ical situation to give Catholics hope, and cause concern to 
Elizabeth and her adsisers. 

Foreign events during the first four or five years of Eliza- 
beth's reign sers'ed to emphasize the need for the loyalty 
of Englishmen and for the maintenance of governmental 
control over the religious question.^ When Parliament met 
for the second time, January 12, 1563, Philip had given up 
his hope of regaining England for Catholicism by matrimo- 
nial alliance. Elizabeth had refused to send representatives 
to the Council of Trent, and the labors of that body had 
ended without accomplishing anything which tended toward 
reconciliation. In 1562 the Pope, Pius IV, issued a brief for- 
bidding Catholics to attend the English ser\'ices on pain of 
being declared schismatic, and thus, in some measure, Eng- 
lish Catholics had been compelled to withdraw the assent 
to the new arrangement which the moderate policy of the 
government had won from them. Mary was back in Scot- 
land,' forced to make concessions to the Protestants to 
maintain her throne, but craftily intriguing to gain freedom. 
,She schemed and waited in the hope that a turn of the wheel 
might seat her on the English throne and give her the means 
to suppress the hated preachers. Her hopes were dependent 
upon her uncles the Guises, and events in France in 1562 
seemed to indicate that the time she awaited had come. The 
year opened with the issue by Catharine of an edict of 
toleration. Guise replied with the massacre of a Protestant 
congregation at Vassy. He entered Paris and seized the 
queen mother and the king. The Huguenot leaders took the 
field and France was divided into two hostile and destruc- 
tive religious camps. Philip sent forces to Gascony to aid the 
Guises. The Pope and the Duke of Savoy hired Italians 

> D'Ewcs, Journals, Coril's speech in the second Parliament. Cf. Zurich 
Letters, nos. Ixix, Ixxii, Ixxiii. 

Politics and Religion 29 

and Pledmontese to attack the Huguenots from the south- 
west. German mercenaries were added to the Catholic forces 
in the north. The Huguenots seemed enclosed in the net 
of their foes. Mary negotiated a marriage with the son of 
Philip, strengthened her connections with the Continental 
Catholics, and plotted the overthrow of Elizabeth and the 
restoration of both Scotland and England to the jurisdic- 
tion of the Papal See. Success for the Catholics on the Con- 
tinent seemed to mean success for Mary in Scotland, per- 
haps in England also. Then came the battle of Dreux and 
the virtual defeat of the combined Huguenot forces. 

That the English Parliament in this situation should 
strengthen the kingdom's defenses against its religious and 
political enemies was inevitable; that it proceeded along 
the lines of the weaknesses found in the system established 
is evidence of conservatism and moderation not to be 
expected from a radical Protestant body. 

There is no question that the system had been proved 
ineffective in some points by the experience of the past 
five years. In the first place, under the arrangements made 
by the Act of Supremacy for administering the oath, many, 
both clerics and laity, who were in positions to hinder the 
secure establishment of the system, had been able to escape, 
either because the means for administering the oath were in- 
effective, or because they were not included in the classes 
specified as required to take it. Thus we find disorders both 
among the clerics and laity, particularly in the north where 
the great centers of Catholic dissent were situated, and 
where the need for a united front was especially great from a 
military standpoint. Compared with the extent of the coun- 
try, the means of administering the oath to the clergy were 
few, and where such means should have been sufficient 
they were often hindered by the opposition or indiffer- 
ence of secular officials whose sympathies were with their 
Catholic neighbors. The ecclesiastics were often forced to 
make such complaints as Parker's to Cecil: — 

30 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

I am here stoutly faced out In' that vain official who was de- 
clared to have slandered Mr. Morris and some justices of the 
peace, and purpose to examine the foul slander of Morris accord- 
ing to the request of your letters. The official seemeth to dis- 
credit my office, for that I am but one of the commission, and 
have none other assistants here; and therefore it would do good 
service if the commission I sued for to be renewed were granted. 
There be stout words muttered for actions of the case, and for 
dangerous prcmunires, and specially tossed by his friends, pa- 
pists only, where the better subjects do universally cry out his 
abuses. If I had some advice from you I should do the better.* 

Complaints of such hindrance were constantly sent to the 
Council, because the bishops and other ecclesiastics were 
without the power necessary to enforce their orders. Since 
the real sting of excommunication lay, for the Catholics, 
not in exclusion from the Church, but in the temporal pen- 
alties attached to that condition, failure to impose these 
penalties took from the hands of the Church the force of its 
most powerful weapon. Here, then, are at least two impor- 
tant defects of the system created by the acts of 1559: the 
right to administer the oath of supremacy and the obligation 
to take it did not extend far enough to cover all dangers, 
and the ecclesiastical censure of excommunication could not 
be rightly enforced because minor ofificials, particularly the 
shcritTs and justices of the peace, failed to do their duty 
and there was no generally applicable means of forcing them 
to do so. These are obviously defects that needed correc- 
tion, and we find that Parliament's two most important 
acts, the Act for the Assurance of the Queen's Supremacy 
and the Act for the Better Enforcement of the Writ de Ex- 
commiuiicato Capiendo, deal with these very things. 

The Act for the Assurance of the Queen's Supremacy ^ 
had for its purpose the most efTective administration of the 
previous legislation concerning the royal supremacy and the 

' Parker Corresp., no. cclxxix; cf. Grindal, Remains, Letters, no. Ixxli; 5. P., 
Dom., Eliz., vol. ccL.xx. no. 99; vol. ccLXXiv, no. 25. 

• Statutes of the Realm, 5 Kliz., c. i ; cf. speeches against the bill by Browne, 
Lord Montague, and Atkinson, Strype, Annals, vol. i, chap. xxvi. 

Politics and Religion 31 

extension of such legislation to persons not previously reached 
by its requirements, particularly the provision which com- 
pelled the taking of the oath of supremacy. The punishment 
for maintenance of the papal power in England was in- 
creased, and the enforcement of the law was, for the first 
time, brought under the control of a powerful and efficient 
secular court, King's Bench. The minor officials to whom 
the administration of the laws against Catholics had been 
in great part entrusted, were made directly responsible to 
it for the performance of their duty. The loopholes left by 
the Act of Supremacy for escape from taking the oath of 
supremacy were closed and the application of the require- 
ment was greatly extended. To those classes of persons 
formerly required to take it, were added the members of 
Commons, all lay and clerical graduates of the universi- 
ties, schoolmasters, public and private teachers, barristers, 
lawyers, sheriffs, and all "persons whatsoever who have or 
shall be admitted to any ministry or office belonging to the 
common law or any other law within the realm." The agents 
for administering the oath were increased in number. Every 
archbishop and bishop was given power to administer the 
oath to all ecclesiastics within his diocese, and the Lord 
Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal was authorized 
to issue commissions to any persons he saw fit, to adminis- 
ter the oath to such persons as were specified in the com- 
mission. Refusal to take the oath was punished by more 
severe penalties.^ 

In the Act for the due Execution of the Writ de Excommu- 
nicato Capiendo ^ the ecclesiastical censure of excommunica- 
tion was made stronger. It had long been the custom for the 
bishop, upon excommunicating an offender, to write to the 
Court of Chancery for a writ de Excommunicato Capiendo, 

» Parker Corresp., nos. cxxvii and cxxviii. Parker, with the approval of 
Cecil, took measures to see that these penalties were not too severely enforced. 
Cf. Str>'pe, Parker, 126. 

» Statutes of the Realm, 5 Eliz., c. 23. History of the act in Strype, Annals, 
vol. I, pt. I, p. 460. 

32 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

or capias. Chancery issued the writ to the sheriff for execu- 
tion, and that officer was supposed upon its receipt to ar- 
rest and imprison the person excommunicated. Under the 
new establishment, however, the sheriff was often in sym- 
pathy with such offenders and failed to do his duty,^ and 
there was, in cases of such failure, no way, by means of the 
ordinary processes of law, to force him to perform his duty 
because the writ was not returnable to any court. The new 
act, probably drawn up by Parker and Grindal,^ provided, 
by means of fines imposed upon the minor officials for fail- 
ure to do their duty, that the authority of the spiritual 
censure be effectively enforced and that the personal lean- 
ings of the sheriffs should not prevent the execution of the 
penalties involved in excommunication. Incidentally the 
act specifies the offenses that incur the penalty of Excom- 

Excommunicatyon dothe proceede upon some cause or con- 
tcmpte of some originall matter of Heresie or refusing to have his 
or their childe baptysed or to receave the Holy Communion as 
yt commonlye is now used to be recyved in the churche of Eng- 
lande, or to come to Dyvine service nowe commonlye used in 
the said churche of Englandc, or crrour in matters of religion or 
doctr>-ne now rcccyvcd and alowed in the sayd churche of Eng- 
lande, incontcnencyc, usurye, symonye, periurye, in the ecclesias- 
tical court or Idolatr>e. 

Parliament did not confine its work for the security of the 
Queen and the realm to the enactment of these two acts. The 
repression of that class of persons who pretended to fore- 
cast events, or to exercise magical powers, was looked to in 
two special acts which imposed penalties upon witches and 
enchanters. Such persons were regarded as dangerous be- 
cause of their associations with the old religion.^ The acts 
were framed because the people were misled by seditious 
persons dissatisfied with the religious establishment, who 

* Gee, Elizabethan Clergy, p. 19. « Strype, Annals, vol. i, pt. I, p. 460. 

• Statutes of the Realm, 5 Kliz., c. 15; Str^'pc, Annals, vol. 1, pt. I, pp. 441, 
465-66; Statutes of the Realm, 5 Eliz., c. 16. 

Politics and Religion 33 

used prophecy and divination as excuses or incentives for 
bringing about the Queen's death. The beUef in magic, 
possession, witchcraft, and similar supernatural manifesta- 
tions of power was shared by all classes and by all types of 
religious faith. This somewhat curious persistence in Chris- 
tianity of an essentially dual conception of the universe and 
supernatural forces has extended even to the present time, 
and though the importance which all men of that time at- 
tached to such claims seems absurd to-day, the fear was 
real and the danger imagined particularly hard to meet. 

In the establishment thus created by the first Parliament 
and strengthened by the second, there was little to alarm 
the great mass of the people. There was no change made 
that on the surface could not be justified by some act of the 
past, although, as is usual. Englishman's precedent applied 
to a new situation might involve consequences utterly for- 
eign to the substance of past conceptions. The old machin- 
ery remained; the two provinces, the bishoprics, and in 
great part the same clergy still conducted the services. 
The serv^ices were not so different as to shock religious sense, 
or to arouse the opposition of the people, although iso- 
lated cases of Protestant violence and Catholic stubborn- 
ness might occur. For a long time the Queen retained, 
much to the distress of her clergy, elements of the old wor- 
ship in her private chapel.^ The supremacy of the Queen 
was maintained, but the title of "Supreme Head of the 
Church," so offensive to Catholics, was not assumed, and 
the national headship over all estates of the realm found 
support in the patriotic sentiments of all Protestants and a 
great number of Catholics. In the enforcement of the su- 
premacy no extraordinary judicial bodies with which thepeo- 
ple were unfamiliar were created. The Queen's commissions 

» Parker Corresp., nos. Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixxii; Zurich Letters, nos. xxv, xl, xxxix, 

xliv, xlviii, xliii.. 

34 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

were similar to those of Edward and Mar>', and the regular 
and ecclesiastical courts exercised jurisdiction in establish- 
ing and maintaining the supremacy and ecclesiastical order 
in much the same way that they had in the past. The pur- 
poses of the government had been to construct a Church 
which would enable Elizabeth to retain her throne, which 
would reconcile Catholics and Protestants, and which might 
serve as a police force over the outlying districts of the 
kingdom. The Church as established served as a protection 
against Catholic dangers and in a minor degree insured the 
a\oidancc of Protestant excesses.* As a governmental tool 
it accomplished its objects with as little friction and injus- 
tice as could be expected. In the hands of Elizabeth and 
her government it came as near satisfying all parties as any 
system that could have been devised. 

The years from 1563 to the end of Elizabeth's reign 
brought no essential changes in the structure of the Church. 
Details were adjusted and relationships changed somewhat 
as new problems arose and as the Church itself developed 
an independent ecclesiastical consciousness, but essentially 
the structure given the Church in the first years of Eliza- 
beth remained unchanged. Of the adjustments and changed 
relationships, so far as they concern the growth of an inde- 
pendent Anglican Church, and the development of various 
phases of Protestant dissent, we shall speak in succeeding 
chapters. They are phases of English religious and ecclesi- 
astical history which may be best treated after we have 
reviewed the course of those events which, to the minds 
of all Protestant elements in the kingdom, most closely 
concerned the religious as well as the political integrity of 

» 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. vi, no. 22; vol. xiii, no. 32; Strype, Annals, vol. I, 
pt. I, p. 279; Collier, Ecc. Hiit., vol. vi, p. 332. 



The Catholic danger was, during the whole reign of Eliza- 
beth, the one most prominent in English religious politics, 
yet the lenient policy in the handling of her Catholic sub- 
jects, inaugurated at the beginning, was maintained by 
Elizabeth and her government. Repression of disorder and 
restraint of individuals whose activity might be politically 
dangerous were in general the only purpose of that policy. 
Nevertheless, we find considerable diversity in the thorough- 
ness with which such restraint and repression were exer- 
cised, and a growing severity in the laws enacted for dealing 
with Catholic recusants. At times of great national danger 
or of increased Catholic activity, laws were put in execution 
with greater vigor and greater legal safeguards were erected. 
A history of the reign in detail is unnecessary here, but a 
r6sum6 of the chief events and situations in connection with 
the Catholic problem will make clear the grounds for politi- 
cal fear of Catholic disturbance and the incentives afforded 
for new legislation ; and a description of this legislation will, 
in conjunction with other sources of information, afford 
a basis for an analysis of the character and purposes of 
governmental repression of Catholics. 

From 1563 until 1570 there is little of striking Interest or 
importance to detain us. They were years of anxiety. It is 
true, years during which the kingdom was least prepared 
to meet the Catholic disorders within and attack from Cath- 
olic powers outside the kingdom, yet the wisdom of the 
governmental policy of waiting, and the confusion of Con- 
tinental politics enabled the State to weather the minor dis- 

36 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

turbanccs caused by the revolt of the nobles in the north 
and the tempests of the vestiarian controversy. We are 
for the present concerned only with the former. 

The rebellion of Northumberland and Westmoreland in 
1569 was not based exclusively upon dislike of the religious 
changes made by Elizabeth and a consequent advocacy of 
the claims of Mary Stuart, but was in part at least founded 
upon the disgruntled feeling of the old nobility displaced 
by "new men." The earls, a remnant of the feudal nobil- 
ity, with many of the views and ideals of family position 
which belonged to an earlier time, were jealous of the power 
wielded by Cecil, Bacon, Walsingham, and the new families. 
In their proclamation the rebels charged that the Queen 
was surrounded "by divers newe set-upp nobles, who not 
onlie go aboute to overthrow and put downe the ancient 
nobilitie of the realme, but also have misused the queen's 
majestie's owne personne, and also have by the space of 
twelve yeares nowe past set upp and mayntayned a new- 
found religion and heresie contrary to God's word." ^ In one 
sense, the revolt of 1569 was a struggle between the old and 
the new aristocracy, and it is easily conceivable that some 
such strife would have arisen had a political situation other 
than the religious one made the monarchy as dependent 
upon the employment and preference of the new men as was 
Elizabeth in the situation which had been forced upon her. 

The revolt was easily quelled, and punished with a cruelty 
in excess of the dangers that might justly have been feared 
from such a poorly planned attempt upon the throne of 
Elizabeth. The revolt of the north proved that internal 
Catholic discontent could not serve as the primary force 
for the overthrow of existing conditions, although it might, 
under certain circumstances, form a powerful auxiliary to 
foreign invasion should the international political situation 
unite the enemies of Elizabeth against England. The fact 

> LinRanl. Hist. Eng., vol. v, p. 113. CJ. Bull of Excommunication, par. 2; 
Jewel, Works, vol. IV, pp. 1130-31. 

The Government and the Catholics 37 

that the parties of opposition were essentially foreign, papal, 
Scotch, Spanish, won for Elizabeth the support of all who 
resented outside interference in English affairs, and brought 
her triumphantly through the succession of crises that con- 
fronted the kingdom. 


In February', 1570, the carefully laid and remarkably suc- 
cessful plans of the government to secure by a broad and 
inclusive policy the adherence of Catholics to the estab- 
lishment were rudely disturbed. The question now became 
whether the government's lenient policy during the years 
preceding would bear good or evil fruit. Four years before, 
Pius V, hot-tempered and pious in fact as well as name, 
had come to the papal throne. In 1570 he issued a Bull 
of Excommunication against Elizabeth.* What its conse- 
quences might be it was hard to estimate. Catholics were 
compelled to choose definitely whether they should withdraw 
from the Elizabethan establishment that assent which the 
leniency of the government had made possible, or remain 
true to their loyal feelings and incur the censures of Mother 
Church. Would the leniency of governmental religious pol- 
icy bear fruit in continued adherence of loyal Catholics at 
so great cost? Or would they yield obedience to the Pope 
at the sacrifice of personal comfort and safety, loyalty and 
home? The Pope demanded the sacrifice of English loyalty 
to ecclesiastical and religious zeal. Many hesitated, and 
Elizabeth issued a masterly proclamation in which she dis- 
claimed a desire to sacrifice religious feeling to patriotic 
feeling: — 

Her majesty would have all her loving subjects to understand, 
that, as long as they shall openly continue in the obser\^ation of 
her laws, and shall not wilfully and manifestly break them by 
their open actions, her majesty's means is not to have any of 
them molested by any inquisition or examination of their con- 

» Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv, p. 260; Cardwell, Doc. Annals, vol. I, pp. 328- 
31 ; Burnet, pt. II, bk. in, no. 13, p. 579. 

38 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

sciences in causes of religion ; but to accept and entreat them as her 
good and ol)edient subjects. She meancth not to enter into the 
inquisition of any men's consciences as long as they shall observe 
her laws in their open deeds. ^ 

The Bull was not popular with the reasonable English 
Catholics, nor with the European princes.^ From this time 
forth, until the final settlement of the danger to England 
from foreign aggression, all parties in England felt that 
however much they difTered, there was need for a common 
front against the enemy. In a sense it aroused the Protes- 
tants of England to a united loyalty to the Crown which 
had not been possible before, not even ten years before at 
the reorganization of the Church. The only point of dis- 
agreement was as to the severity of the measures that 
should be taken in retaliation upon the Catholics who sub- 
mitted to the commands of the Bull. 

The publication of the Bull of Excommunication was the 
occasion for the most striking proclamation of governmental 
determination to adhere to its fundamental policy of ab- 
staining from active Interference with Catholics whose reli- 
gious beliefs did not involve them In political plots; but the 
revolt of the northern earls and the dangers attendant upon 
the Imprisonment of IMary Stuart, In conjunction with the 
publication of the Bull, led the political leaders to favor the 
passage of more restrictive legislation by the Parliament 
of 1 57 1. That element in Parliament which wished for 
a more radically Protestant reformation of the Anglican 
Establishment was more bitterly antl-CatholIc than the 
government, and heartily lent Itself to the framing of severe 
laws against the Catholics. An act, "whereby certayne 
offences bee made treason," ^ attempted to counteract the 
efTects of the Bull by making treasonable the declaration in 
any way that the Queen was not, or,- .ght not to be, queen 

' 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. Lxxi, nos. i6 and 34. 

* Span. Cal., p. 254, Philip to Gueraude Spes; For. Cat., p. 291, Norris to 
Eliz.; ibid., p. 339; RaynaUius. p. 177 (1571). 

• Statutes oj the Realm, 13 Eliz., c. I. 

The Government and the Catholics 39 

and the declaration that Elizabeth was a heretic, schismatic, 
or usurper. By disbarring from the succession any who 
claimed a greater right to the throne, and making the 
maintenance of such claims treason, the act struck at 
Mary of Scotland and her Catholic supporters. Not con- 
tent with this, severe penalties were attached to the publica- 
tion of books which, before any act of Parliament was made 
establishing the succession, maintained the right of any 
particular person to the succession. Another act made trea- 
sonable the introduction and putting into execution of Bulls 
or other instruments from the See of Rome, and subjected 
the importers of articles blessed by the Pope to the penalties 
of Provisors and Premunire.^ Catholics who had fled to the 
Continent were, by still another act, commanded to return 
home within six months upon pain of forfeiture of their lands 
during life. 2 These measures made clear the resolution of 
the nation to protect itself and its queen. But Cecil wrote, 
"... there shall be no colour or occasion to shed the blood 
of any of her Majesty's subjects that shall only profess de- 
votion in their religion without bending their labours ma- 
liciously to disturb the common quiet of the realm, and 
therewith to cause sedition and rebellion to occupy the place 
of peace against it." ^ Since the severity of the enforcement 
of the laws rested almost entirely upon the Queen and her 
councillors. Catholics had little to fear as long as they kept 
their skirts clear of political intrigue. 

LAWS against catholics FROM I580 TO 1 587 

The Parliament which reassembled in 1580-81 had to 
meet a situation more complicated and alarming even than 
that following the publication of the Bull of Excommunica- 
tion. The seminary at Douay, founded in 1568 by William 
Allen to train Catholic priests to fill the vacancies in the 
English priesthood caused by the death or withdrawal of the 

1 Statutes of the Realm, 13 Eliz., c. 2. » Ibid., c. 3. 

» Dom. Col., Eliz., p. 391. 

40 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Marian clergy, had prospered, and in 1576 began to send 
its missionaries into the kingdom. The effect of their pres- 
ence was made evident l)y increased activity on the part of 
the CathoHc laity and more general refusal to attend the 
established ser\'ices. In 1580 the first of the Jesuit mission- 
aries. Campion and Parsons, landed in England and passed 
from one end of the country to the other.^ Latent enthusi- 
asm for the old faith was roused by the earnest preaching of 
Campion, while Parsons sowed the seeds of political discon- 
tent and gathered together the loose ends of Catholic plot 
and intrigue. In the Netherlands Don John of Austria had 
planned a descent upon England by sea, and so pressing 
was the danger that in 1577 Elizabeth made an alliance with 
the Netherlands and sent men and money to the assistance of 
the burghers. In 1578 Philip's forces defeated the Dutch at 
Gemblours, and the next year the Pacification of Ghent was 
broken by the defection of the Catholic southern provinces. 
In Ireland papal soldiers, headed by the Jesuit Sander, 
landed in 1580 and aroused the Irish to rebellion, and at the 
same time William Gilbert was sent to England to organize 
the Catholics for cooperation with the Spanish forces of 
Philip. Walsingham and his spies were active and success- 
ful in ferreting out and punishing recusants, yet the dan- 
gers in the situation and the panic fear of Englishmen 
demanded that some more severe weapon than any yet in 
existence be created for use against the Catholics. ^ 

The Parliament of 1581 enacted in the statute "to retaine 
the Qucenes Majesties Subjects in their due Obedience" 
that all "persons whatsoever which . . . shall by any wayes 
or means . . . withdraw any of the Qucenes Maties subjects 
from their . . . obedience to her Majestic or . . . withdraw 
them . . . from the rclygion nowe by her Highnes aucthori- 
tie established ... to the Romyshe Religion . . . shalbe ad- 

* S. p., Dom., Eliz., \'o\. cxxwn, no. 28; vol. cxLiv, no. 65; Strype, /Innc/i, 
vol. in, App.. no. vi. 

* Span. CaL.Eliz., vol. in, nos. 31 and 119; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. CXLII, 
no. 33; vol. cxxxvi, no. 41; vol. cxxxiii, no. 46. 

The Government and the Catholics 41 

judged to be Traitors." ^ Any person thus withdrawn was 
also declared guilty of high treason. The saying of mass 
was punished by a fine of two hundred marks ; and persons 
not going to church, as required by law, were to forfeit to 
the Queen for every month twenty pounds of lawful English 
money, and after one year of absence to give bond of at least 
two hundred pounds for good behavior. An act against se- 
ditious words and rumors uttered against the Queen pro- 
vided the penalties of fine for the first, and death for the 
second offense. ^ 

From 1582 until 1585 the situation increased in difficul- 
ties for England, but came to no crisis. Spanish resentment 
at the exploits of the English freebooters on the seas and 
over the secret aid and open sympathy of the English for 
the Netherlands grew in bitterness. Mendoza plotted with 
Mary and was dismissed from England.^ Philip's fear of 
French interference disappeared upon the death of Alengon 
and the outbreak of the war of religion between Henry of 
Navarre and the Catholics. The assassination of William of 
Orange freed Spain from its most able single opponent in 
the Netherlands and raised a panic of fear for the life of their 
queen in England. Parliament in 1584-85 passed an act 
I banishing Jesuits from the realm, ^ and sanctioned the as- 
sociations formed for the defense of the Queen. ^ 

Antwerp fell, and in January, 1586, Elizabeth openly 
broke with Spain and sent an armed force to the aid of the 
Dutch. James of Scotland was induced, by his desire for rec- 
ognition as the next in succession, to form an offensive and 
defensive alliance with Elizabeth. The Parliament of 1586- 
87 made effective the law of 1581 levying a fine of twenty 

» Statutes of the Realm, 23 Eliz., c. i ; Span. Col., Eliz., vol. iii, no. 57; 5. P., 
Dom., Eliz., vol. cxxvii, no. 6; vol. cxxxvi, no. 15; D'Ewes, Journals, pp. 
272, 274, 285-88, 293, 302. 

* Statutes of the Realm, 23 Eliz., c. 2. 

* Strype, Annals, vol. Ill, App., no. xx\'i. 

* Statutes of the Realm, 27 Eliz., c. 2; S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. ccxvi, no. 22. 
' Statutes of the Realm, 27 Eliz., c. i ; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. ll, nos. 6 and 7; 

vol. CLXXiii, no. 81; D'Ewes, Journals, 285. 

42 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

pounds upon Catholic recusants, by authorizing the seizure 
of the g(jods and two thirds of the lands of such as evaded 
or refused payment/ and vigorously addressed itself to the 
removal of Mary Stuart from the situation. The complicity 
of Mary in the Babington Plot gave to Walsingham and 
the statesmen who had long urged her death, grounds for 
insistence, and the more decisive stand of England inter- 
nationally made the elimination of Mary a consistent and 
logical step. After nineteen years of imprisonment Mary 
Stuart was beheaded on F'ebruary 8, 1587. 


The importance of this step as indicative of the new de- 
termination of English policy in meeting the dangers which 
had confronted the realm from the beginning of Elizabeth's 
reign, will be made more evident, perhaps, by a summary 
showing the position which Mary occupied in national and 
international affairs during the period of her captivity. We 
have already spoken of her title to the throne of England 
and its bearing upon the Catholic problem during the first 
years of Elizabeth's reign, but until Elizabeth w-as definitely 
excluded from the Catholic communion Mary of Scotland 
must have felt that her claims to England's throne, in so 
far as they were dependent upon Catholic rejection of Eliza- 
beth's legitimacy, had not received adequate support from 
papal power. When the Bull of Excommunication wa^ 
finally issued by Pius V (1570), however, Mary was not 
free to push her claims wdth vigor, nor had her course of 
action during the years immediately preceding her con- 
finement in England tended to make real the political pur- 
poses by which she should have regulated her personal and 
political action. We shall not here review the familiar story 
of Mar>', Queen of Scots, her difficulties at home, the flight 
to England, her imprisonment and death. English treat- 
ment of the Scottish queen and Elizabeth's attitude toward 

1 Statutes of the Realm, 28 and 29 Eliz., c. 6. 

The Government and the Catholics 43 

her, points which concern us closely, have been the sub- 
jects of bitter historical controversy and partisanship. The 
motives which governed the English in their treatment of 
Mary have always provided a rich field for disagreement to 
the controversialists. With the details of that discussion we 
shall not meddle. We shall present briefly the considera- 
tions which to us seem to have determined England's atti- 
tude toward Mary. 

In the eyes of the English political leaders of the time the 
detention of the queen for nineteen years was not wise. 
Barlow, Bishop of Chichester, wrote in 1575: "We have 
nothing new here, unless it be a new thing to hold a wolf 
by the ears, to cherish a snake in one's bosom ; which things 
have ceased to be novelties in this country: for the queen of 
the north, the plague of Britain, the prince of darkness in 
the form of a she wolf, is still kept in custody among us." ^ 

They clamored for her death: "If that only desperate 
person were away, as by justice soon it might be, the 
Queen's Majesty's good subjects would be in better hope, 
and the papists daily expectation vanquished. . . . There 
be many worldings, many counterfeits, many ambidexters, 
many neutrals, strong themselves in all their doings, and 
yet we which ought to be filii lucis, want our policies and 
prudence." - 

That they did not have their way was undoubtedly due 
to the stubbornness of the Queen, her absolute refusal to 
make a decision to do as they wished. For this conduct on 
her part we have been offered the explanation that she was 
unwilling that the blood of her cousin should rest upon her 
head. Perhaps Elizabeth did have some such scruple, but 
it may be as reasonable to believe that the delay which she 
caused was due to a truly statesmanlike realization of the 
consequences of Mary's death. It must be remembered that 

* Zurich Letters, no. ccvii; Parker Corresp., no. ccxlix. 
' Parker Corresp., no. ccciv, Parker to Burghley, Sept. l6, 1572; Strypc, 
Annals, vol. ll, App., no. xiv. 

44 Intoleil\nce in the Reign of Elizabeth 

the years until the death of Mary were years of political 
balancing and caution for England, years of Inaction where 
inaction was possible, careful and parsimonious decision 
only when decision became ine\-itable, not alone in regard 
to the fate of Mary of Scotland, but in foreign and domestic 
policy in all other lines. Elizabeth with the men about her 
realized that Mary alive must be the nucleus of multitudi- 
nous plots. Would Mary dead give greater safety to Eng- 
land? Probably not. Mary's plots with English factions, 
papal emissaries, Scotch Catholics, and Spanish interests 
were dangerous only if they could be developed In secret, 
and It appears that nothing was hidden from the crafty 
spies of W alsingham and Cecil. In Scotland the Protestant 
party e\idently joined with the radical English In demand- 
ing Mary's death. Elizabeth could have surrendered Mary 
and got rid of her easily had there appeared to her no good 
reason for keeping her cousin under her own control. 
Most of us find It dlfi(icult to think of the Scotch as anything 
other than Presbyterian, but it must not be forgotten that 
to Englishmen of Elizabeth's time it was by no means cer- 
tain that Catholicism would not once more gain the upper 
hand In Scotland. Release of Mary might be the occasion 
for an outburst of Catholic zeal and fury there. As long as 
Mary was in English hands, England could count on Scot- 
land's friendship and dependence. If Scotland became Cath- 
olic once more, Mary alive in English custody was worth 
more to England than Mary dead In the grave. Never- 
theless, Mary's life was more Important to England from 
the standpoint of her Influence upon the question of the 
Spanish attitude than of the Scotch. Many Catholics did 
not see, Mary herself did not realize, but Elizabeth may 
have understood perfectly that the interest of Philip of 
Spain in the restoration of England to Catholicism had in 
it a very large clement of selfishness. Philip entered into 
plots with Mary, he promised great aids, he sheltered and 
pensioned expatriated English Catholics, he stirred up dis- 

The Government and the Catholics 45 

content in the country. But he would not invade England 
to set Mary Stuart, a niece of Guise, upon England's throne 
— not even for love of Catholicism. He waited as Elizabeth 
hoped he would wait. He waited until Mary died at odds 
with her Protestant son. He waited until those who had 
been children at the accession of Elizabeth had grown to 
manhood under her rule and under the influence of the 
Church she had established. When Mary was killed Philip 
was ready to act. He received as a legacy from the Scotch 
queen the bequest of her claims on the English throne.^ 
Action by Philip now, if successful, would bring him the 
selfish rewards which had always been essential to secure 
his action. He sent the Armada. The Spanish party, which 
for years before Mary's death he had tried to build up in 
England with the help of the Jesuit Parsons, proved to 
have no substantial body. All England, Catholic and 
Protestant alike, rallied to repel the invader. ^ Elizabeth's 
policy had proved successful. 

That Elizabeth foresaw all this is incredible; that she may 
and probably did believe that the selfishness of Philip would 
keep him out of England as long as Mary Stuart was alive, 
is not difficult to believe; and it is easier to believe that this, 
rather than Elizabeth's fear of the blood of her cousin, was 
the reason why Mary's life was preserved for so many 
years in the face of English opposition. 

the laws of 1593 
The defeat of the Armada did not for the Elizabethan, 
as it does for us, mark the end of the Spanish danger. It 
seemed a great victory, a national and providential deliver- 
ance from the hands of Antichrist and the hated foreigner; 

1 Cal. State Papers (Simancas), vol. lii, pp. 581, 590, 645; Labanoff, Lellres 
de Marie Stuart, vol. vi, p. 453; Record of the English Catholics, vol. 11, pp. 
285, 286, paper drawn up by Parsons and Allen. 

» Pierce, Introduction to the Mar prelate Tracts, p. 146; Cal. Stute Papers, 
Dom., Add. 1580-1625, vol. xxxi, p. 14; Strype, Annals, vol. m, App., no. 
Ixv, a paper drawn up to show the Catholics how they may assist in repelling 
the Spaniard. 

46 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

but the name and the prestige of Spain were still great, the 
forces of the Papacy insidious and persistent; the throne 
of the Queen and the independence of England not yet 
safe. Partly as a result of the national panic over contin- 
ued dangers from the Spaniard and his "devils" the Jesu- 
its, partly as a result of her thirty-five years' reign, dedi- 
cated, as the nation felt, to the spiritual as well as the 
political welfare and safety of England, enthusiasm for the 
Queen burst into flame and loyalty to the Crown assumed an 
importance that threatened to give to the monarchy a power 
and authority equal to that exercised by Henry VIII. Prot- 
estant extremists as well as Catholic, all whose opinions 
in the least threatened the safety of the State or the 
disturbance of the established system, were dangerous and 
should be crushed. In 1593 Parliament passed the most 
severe anti-Catholic legislation of the reign. ^ But it also 
enacted statutes against Protestant dissenters hardly less 
rigorous. 2 At no time in the reign, however, would depend- 
ence upon the formal letter of the law give a more mislead- 
ing conception of the true spirit of governmental religious 
policy. The obvious inference from the legislation of 1593, 
that the Queen was taking advantage of a wave of national 
feeling to inaugurate a system of relentless repression of 
Catholics would be far from the truth. National loyalty 
won victories and wrote statutes which gave the Queen 
the mastery and might have supported a relentless perse- 
cution had the government desired it; but the government 
did not. Elizabeth used her supremacy in more tolerant 

After the harsh laws of 1593 a system of horrible perse- 
cution would have been set up In England had the will to 
punish been as angry as the tone of the law. Fortunately 
those who led, both in Church and State, directed their 
efforts not to crushing either Jesuits or Catholics, but to 

* Statutes of the Realm, 35 Eliz., c. 2. 

* Ibid., c. I, "An Acte to retayne the Quencs subjectes in obedience." 

The Government and the Catholics 47 

providing insurance against treasonable outbursts of their 
enthusiasm. We find Bancroft, Bishop of London, with the 
consent of Elizabeth and the written absolution of the 
Council, going so far as to furnish the secular priests of 
Rome with printers and protecting them in the distribution 
of their books in order that the influence of the dangerous 
Jesuits might be counteracted. He and the Court hoped 
to win all loyal Catholics to peace by this practical evi- 
dence of immunity for those who confined their Catholi- 
cism to belief in the doctrines of the IVIother Church and 
kept their skirts clear of political intrigue. Catholics were 
even led to hope for toleration of their religion. A Catholic 
wrote to Cecil : — 

England, I know, standeth in most dangerous terms to be a 
spoil to all the world, and to be brought into perpetual bondage, 
and that, I fear, your lordships and the rest of the Council will see 
when it is too late. Would to God, therefore, Her Majesty would 
grant toleration of religion, whereby men's minds would be ap- 
peased and join all in one for the defence of our country. We 
see what safety it hath been to France, how peaceable the king- 
dom of Polonia is where no man's conscience is forced, how the 
Germans live, being contrary in religion, without giving offence 
one to another. Why might not we do the like in England, seeing 
everyman must answer for his own soul at the Latter Day, and 
that religion is the gift of God and cannot be beaten into a man's 
head with a hammer? Well may men's bodies be forced but not 
their minds, and where force is used, love is lost, and the prince 
and state endangered.^ 

In 1 601 Bancroft went so far in that direction as to pre- 
sent a petition for Catholic toleration to Elizabeth and his 
reproof was no more severe than the observation from the 
Queen, "These men perceiving my lenity and clemency 
toward them, are not content, but demand everything, and 
wish to have it at once." 

To quiet the alarm of Presbyterians and radical church- 
men who were frightened at the seeming kindness to the 
Catholics, Elizabeth was forced to issue a proclamation 

* Historical MSS. Commission, Hatfield MSS., pt. vn, pp. 363-64- 

48 Intoleranxe in the Reign of Elizabeth 

disclaiming any intention to permit a toleration in Eng- 
land : — 

They [the secular priests] do almost insinuate into the minds 
of all sorts of people (as well the good that grieve at it, as the 
bad that thirst after it) that we have some purpose to grant a tol- 
eration of two religions within our realm, where God (we thank 
Him for it who seeth into the secret corners of all hearts) doth 
not only know our innoccncy from such imagination, but how 
far it hath been from any about us to offer to our cars the per- 
suasion of such a course, as would not only disturb the peace 
of the church, but bring this our State into confusion.' 

But the leaders dominated the situation and had no in- 
tention of abandoning the consistent policy of reconciliation 
and moderation which the Queen had found so efTective 
during the period preceding the Armada. Bancroft did not 
succeed, as he had hoped, in transferring from Jesuits to 
seculars the influence over the Catholic laity, but he so 
intensified the bitter dissension in the ranks of English 
Catholicism that the danger of Catholic plot was for the 
time reduced to a negligible factor, and the persecuting 
spirit of the acts of 1593 grew cold during the last ten 
years of Elizabeth's reign. ^ 

The penalties imposed by the statutes ran through 
the whole range of punishments designed to discourage 
crime against the State. Fine, imprisonment, segregation, 
exile, or death, might legally result from failure to conform 
to the established ecclesiastical requirements, but Eliza- 
beth and her government in the imposition of these penal- 
ties assumed pretty definite policies which modified con- 
siderably the purposes of the statutes imposing them. 

The authorities were exceedingly reluctant to apply the 
extreme penalty to all those who might clearly and easily 
have been brought under the terms of the statutes. The ex- 

> S. p., Dom., Eliz., vol. CCLXXXV, no. 55. 

* Usher, Reconstruction, vol. i, pp. 132-37. 156-59. 

The Government and the Catholics 49 

cesses of Mary's reign were fresh in the minds of the people 
as a horrible example of papal cruelty which it was the pride 
of the English to avoid. Elizabeth's hope of securing the 
peaceable acquiescence of the nation to the new ecclesias- 
tical establishment was dependent upon abstinence, so far 
as possible, from any action which would incite the fears 
of Catholics or range the nation definitely upon the side of 
the radical Protestants. Ecclesiastical censures, fines, short 
terms of imprisonment, even if applied pretty generally, 
would necessarily afford less ground for the development 
of Catholic desperation than would even one death for 
adherence to the old faith. Patience, care that pressure was 
not applied to those persons who might, if pressed, persist 
in opinions and actions which would subject them to the 
extreme penalties of the law, a certain clear-sighted blind- 
ness to the \aolation of the law, enabled Elizabeth to rule for 
ten years unsmirched by the blood of any Catholic subject. 
When armed rebellion, papal absolution from obedience to 
her rule, and treasonable plots against her throne and life 
made it clear that some Catholics, at least, would not rest 
content with the passive resistance which Elizabeth had 
been well content to overlook, the policy of the government 
in dealing with such persons was carefully formulated and 
given the widest publicity. 

The public utterances of governmental officials, the state 
papers and writings of Burleigh, the proclamations of Eliza- 
beth in reply to the Bull of Excommunication, made the 
strongest possible declaration of the government's purpose 
to abstain from interference with the religious opinions 
and conscientious scruples of Englishmen, so long as those 
opinions and scruples did not involve the commission of 
open acts in direct violation of the law and dangerous to 
the safety of the State. To be sure, such a statement might 
mean little, since, under a less liberal interpretation, almost 
any manifestation of Catholic faith could, without incon- 
sistency with the avowed policy, be treated as inimical to 

50 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

the welfare of the commonwealth. But with few exceptions 
Elizabeth and her government were careful to seek and to 
find evidence of clearly menacing purpose before proceeding 
to the imposition of the death penalty.^ Legally much was 
treasonable that was not punished as such, and the knowl- 
edge of Catholic activity in the hands of the government at 
all times was used only when it seemed that a warning was 
needed, or that the activity of some individual was actu- 
ally dangerous to the State. 

lY'rhaps no closer comparison of the English govern- 
mental attitude toward Catholics can be made than with 
the attitude of established government toward anarchistic 
opinion in our own time. The attitude is distinctly one of 
suspicion and supervision, but also one of tolerance and 
abstinence from active interference, except when the ex- 
pression of opinion becomes clearly destructive of exist- 
ing institutions or manifests itself in acts of violence. 
The comparison is also susceptible of extension to the 
opportunity afforded in both cases for the manifesta- 
tion by minor officials, because of individual feeling or 
desire for personal advantage, of an attitude less tolerant 
than the one assumed by the government. The zeal of the 
police in our own country sometimes oversteps the law, and 
in Elizabeth's day it sometimes became necessary for the 
government to restrain excessive zeal in the repression of 
Catholics on the part of government officials. The central- 
ized authority of the Privy Council enabled the govern- 
ment to dismiss quietly harmless Catholics whom the zeal 
of local officials had involved in difficulties. 

"The total number of Catholics who suffered under her 
[Elizabeth] was 189; 128 of them being priests, 58 laymen 
and 3 women." To them should be added — as Law remarks 
in his "Calendar of English Martyrs" — thirty-two Fran- 

• Strype, Annals, vol. ill, App., no. xlvii, "That such papists as of late times 
have been executed were by a statute of Edward III lawfully executed as 
traitors, A treatise." 

The Government and the Catholics 51 

ciscans "who were starved to death." ^ This is one of the 
most recent CathoHc statements. If the figures given are ac- 
cepted without question, one who is uninterested in proving 
the diaboHc activity of the Elizabethan government will be 
impressed by the comparative smallness of the number who 
suffered death during the forty-five years of Elizabeth's rule. 
In this number are included Catholics who suffered because 
of clearly treasonable activity as well as those who suffered 
because of too great caution on the part of the government. 
The number, therefore, who suffered death without having 
been involved in what, to-day even, would be regarded as 
treason, must have been relatively small; so small as to af- 
ford little ground for the argument that the action of the 
government against Catholics was inspired by a theory of its 
duty to crush out that type of personal religious faith. It is 
undoubtedly true that some Catholics were condemned to 
death and executed who were personally guiltless of more 
than adherence to their religious faith, but they were the 
innocent victims of the treasonable activity of their fellow 
Catholics, rather than of governmental religious intolerance. 
The case of Campion is in point. Campion was himself sin- 
gularly free from political guile and suffered death, not for 
his own intrigues, but for those of his brother Jesuit Parsons. 
Many Catholic writers have either included in their lists 
of martyrs every Catholic who died, no matter what the 
cause, or have, with more seeming fairness, made the most 
of every case where the evidence of treasonable complicity 
is not clear. Anglicans have endeavored often to establish 
presumption of criminal complicity in practically all the 
cases, or have satisfied themselves by glossing over the 
facts by vague, general statements about differences of times 
and the cruelty of the age. To an impartial observer it seems 
useless to tr>' to distinguish in every case between the 
justly and the unjustly condemned upon the basis of such 

» W. S. Lilly, "England since the Reformation," Catholic Encyclopedia, 
vol. V, p. 449. 

52 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

remnants of evidence as remain to us. The important thing 
is not the establishment of the justice or injustice of indi- 
vidual cases, but the determination of whether the policy 
proclaimed by the government was the one which was in 
fact adhered to in its treatment of Catholics. The evidence 
is overwhelmingly in favor of the conclusion that it was. 
The cases in which the death penalty was imposed without 
definite political reason are so few that, though they may 
excite compassion and regret, they are not of sufficient 
weight to counterbalance the evidence which establishes the 
unwillingness of the government to proceed to the death 
penalty in its dealings with Roman Catholics. Elizabeth 
created and maintained an illegal toleration of Catholics 
of such extent that in the later years of her reign the Catho- 
lics were encouraged to hope that freedom of worship would 
be granted them, and Elizabeth was compelled, by the fears 
and bigotry of her radical Protestant subjects, to issue a 
proclamation denying that she had any such purpose. Per- 
haps nothing more clearly indicates the success of the gov- 
ernment's Catholic policy. The most important hindrance 
to it during the last ten years of the reign came, not from 
the excesses of the Catholics, but from the opposition of 
the radical Protestant groups that had, during the first 
thirty years of Elizabeth's rule, developed into parties of 
consistent antagonism to the middle course in ecclesiastical 
matters. Of these bodies and their attitude we shall speak 
in a succeeding chapter. 

Theoretically, the purpose of the death penalty is the 
final removal of those subjected to it from the community 
to whose peace and existence their presence is a menace. 
From the standpoint of the State, the more merciful penalty 
of exile is less effective than death, only because of the pos- 
sibility of a secret return to the community. Because of 
the unwillingness of the English authorities to stir up the 
emotional horror of the nation l)y condemning Catholics to 
death, the policy of exiling them would have been an ob- 

The Government and the Catholics 53 

vious one for the government to adopt had it desired to 
rid the commonwealth of Catholics. But the circumstances 
were such that the detention of Catholics in England was 
less dangerous than forcing them into, or permitting them 
to seek, exile. 

In 1574 Cox wrote, "Certain of our nobility, pupils of the 
Roman pontiff, either weary of their happiness or impatient 
of the long continued progress of the gospel, have taken 
flight, some into France, some into Spain, others into differ- 
ent places, with the view of plotting some mischief against 
the professors of godliness."^ The aid which exiles might 
give to foreign enemies was more to be feared than their 
activity at home under the eye of the government. 

We have noted the laws which attempted, by means of 
confiscation of property, to secure the return to England 
of such persons as fled overseas. Probably such laws were 
not very effective in inducing those to return who had 
already fled to the safety of the Continent, but they were 
perhaps of use in causing Catholics who were still in Eng- 
land to remain in the enjoyment of their property even at 
the expense of occasional fines, a regular tax, or short terms 
of imprisonment; and this unwillingness to subject them- 
selves to the hardships of property loss and exile was en- 
couraged by practical assurance of the inability and un- 
willingness of the government to impose upon Catholics 
who remained peacefully in England, penalties involving 
hardships equal to those of exile. 

There are but two exceptions to the consistent purpose 
of the State to keep the Catholics at home. The statute 
against Jesuits and seminary priests, passed in 1585,- pro- 
vided for the expulsion of such persons from the kingdom 
within forty days after the close of Parliament, and the act 
passed in 1593 against Popish Recusants ^ provided that 

• Zurich Letters, no. cxcix; S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. CLXXVi, no. 9; Strype, 
Annals, vol. 11, pt. I, p. 495; pt. II, App., no. xl. 

* 27 Eliz., c. II. » 35 Eliz., c. II, sec. v. 

54 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

those who because of poverty lived better in prison than 
they could if "abrode at their own Hbertie," should be com- 
pelled to adjure the realm. The provision of the act against 
the Jesuits and seminary priests which required them to 
leave the realm applied, however, only to a small and, in 
a sense, non-resident class, whose activity in England was 
more dangerous than upon the Continent, and is no very 
large exception to the general rule. Further the provision 
which allowed Jesuits and priests to remain for forty days 
after the close of Parliament was a merciful and politic 
measure, for the laws already upon the statute books were 
sufficient to condemn to death any Jesuit or priest caught 
in England, and it was probable that the dread of Jesuit 
machinations felt by the nation would have left no other al- 
ternative. The opportunity to leave, thus offered Jesuits and 
priests, gave no such cause for Catholic alarm as would the 
enforcement of previous law against those already virtually 
in the power of the government. The other exception was 
merely the logical consequence of the chief purpose of the 
government in dealing with the Catholics, the purpose to 
make them pay the expenses of supervision and, if possible, 
a profit for the treasury. The class alTected by the order to 
leave the kingdom did not have and could not pay any 
money toward its own support. The order to leave the 
realm was in fact about equivalent to the expulsion of a 
pauper class. ^ Without money they could work little harm 
on the Continent. 

The imprisonment of Catholics who refused to submit to 
the formal requirements of the law in regard to church at- 
tendance and outward conformity was not persecution in- 
spired by religious principle. The conformity which the gov- 
ernment demanded was little more than a pledge of political 
loyalty to the Crown, and at first did not, to most Catholics, 

» See R. B. Merriman, "Notes on the Treatment of the English Catholics 
in the Reign of E\iza\icih," American Historical Review, April, 1908, vol. XIH, 
no. 3, for a project to send poor Catholics to America. 

The Government and the Catholics 55 

imply any renunciation of their religious faith. Imprisonment 
was resorted to because it was felt that persons who would 
not grant the easy pledge of loyalty demanded were danger- 
ously hostile and should be shut up until they were no 
longer dangerous; that is, until they would submit them- 
selves and conform. The difficulty encountered, however, 
in this method of dealing with Catholics was that there were 
too many of them, — there were not enough prisons to hold 
them all. Several methods of confinement were tried. Cath- 
olics were committed to prison at their own expense, they 
were released on bond, they were confined to their houses or 
neighborhoods, or placed in the easy custody of responsible 
individuals.^ Segregation in such places as Ely and Wis- 
beach was tried. But there was an embarrassingly large 
number of Catholics, and to imprison them all, even by 
these expedients, involved a great deal of expense that the 
government did not like to incur. 

Fines and confiscations of property were the penalties 
that appealed most to the parsimony of Elizabeth, and best 
fitted in with the purposes of the government to avoid plac- 
ing excessive burdens upon loyal Catholics.^ The fine of one 
shilling for absence from church brought in little money, 
however, and contributed practically nothing toward the 
expense of supervision. In the early eighties, when Catho- 
lic activity became alarming, Walsingham found that his 
vigorous efforts to cope with the danger were costing more 
than the sum furnished by confiscations, the fine of one 
hundred marks imposed upon those who depraved the serv- 
ices, and the fine of one shilling for absence from church. 
The act passed by Parliament in 1581, "to reteine the 
Queenes Majesties Subjectes in their due Obedience," en- 
deavored to make up the deficit by providing that absentees 
from church be fined twenty pounds a month. In Decem- 
ber, 1580, Mendoza had written to Philip, "The Queen has 
ordered an inquiry into the incomes of the imprisoned 

» S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. cxxvil, no. 6. * Ibid., no. 7. 

56 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Catholics, which cannot fail to be considerable as their 
number is large. It is understood that the object is to pass 
an Act in Parliament confiscating their property if they do 
not go to church. Their punishment hitherto has only been 
imprisonment." ^ The statute was not so severe as they had 
feared, however, and perhaps nothing so well serves to em- 
phasize the previous want of hardship imposed upon Cath- 
olics as their efforts to prevent the passage of this law. They 
offered Elizabeth a hundred and fifty thousand crowns in 
a lump sum as evidence of their loyalty and willingness to 
contribute to her expenses, and their unwillingness to pay 
such a tax.- But, curiously enough, the act had neglected 
to provide a means of levying upon the lands and property 
of those subject to the penalties, and the first alarm of the 
Catholics subsided as soon as it became evident that the 
law would become inoperative if passive resistance and eva- 
sion were resorted to. A curious paper drawn up by a 
Catholic to furnish directions on how to meet the law is 
headed : — 

A briefe advertisement howe to answere unto the statute for not 
cominge to church both in law and conscience conteyning three 
principall pointes. The first what is to be said in law to that 
common demand, Doe you or will you goe to the Church, The 
second whether the matter of the statute for not cominge to 
Church can be found by inquisition of a Jury. Thirdly, if any 
person beinge denied the advantage of all exceptions by lawe 
how to answere with most safety according to the duty of a 

To many, imprisonment or the easy custody in which 
they found themselves, was far preferable to the payment 
of such a sum for their freedom. "* Further, the essential 
defect of the act was hardly more responsible for the failure 
to impose the large fine than was Elizabeth's attitude.^ 

» Span. Cal., Eliz., vol. HI, no. 57, p. 70. ' /jjj.^ no. 79. 

* S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. cx.wvi, no. 15. 

* Span. Cal., Eliz., vol. ni, no. 109; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. cxxxvi, no. 
17; vol. cxiv, no. 22. 

» 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. CLV, no. 42. 

The Government and the Catholics 57 

The passage of the act had raised such alarm among Catho- 
lics and the crisis of 1581 had passed so easily that, dearly 
as she loved money, Elizabeth felt it wa^dangerous to her 
policy of compromise to permit its rigid enforcement. There 
is no evidence that the government secured the regular in- 
come from the fines which might have been expected and 
which actually did accrue, when, in 1587, the threatening 
danger of Spanish invasion made the Court willing that the 
defects of the act be corrected, and removed Elizabeth's 
personal opposition to its enforcement. 

Walsingham was dissatisfied with the act and with the 
attitude of Elizabeth, for he well knew that had the Court 
wished the law enforced, the minor defects of statement in 
the law would have presented no insurmountable obstacle.^ 
When the contributions of recusants ^ in 1585-86, toward 
the force raised for the assistance of the Netherlands, 
showed that the failure of the act of 1581 was not entirely 
due to the poverty of the Catholics, but to their unwilling- 
ness to submit themselves to such an excessive tax as the 
law demanded, Walsingham seized upon this idea and se- 
cured a letter from the Privy Council to the sheriffs and 
justices of peace, which had for its purpose such ease and 
alleviation of the penalties imposed by the laws as would 
enable the government to secure a reasonable tax from all 
recusants.^ The proposal was that the local officials should 
require the recusants "to make offer and sett downe every 
man accordinge to his particular value what yearly sume 
he cane be contented of his owne disposition to allowe . . . 
to be discharged of the perill and penalties of the lawe 
whereunto they may stand subjecte and liable by reason of 
their recusancye." The income promised as a result of this 
modification of the act was more than had been obtained 
during the four years since its passage, but Walsingham was 

• 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. CLVii, no. 51; vol. CLI, nos. 72 and 73. 
» Ibid., vol. CLXX.xiii, nos. 15, 23, 32, 33, 35, 38, 40, 45, 46, 51, 53, 57, 61, 
62, 71, 72; vol. CLXXXiv, nos. 41, 45, 46, 61. 
' Ibid., vol. CLXXXVi, nos. 81-83; vol. clxxxvii, no. 45. 

58 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

not yet satisfied with the returns.^ The recusants had just 
made what they felt was a generous contribution to the ex- 
penses of the Dutch expedition, and did not wish to part 
with any more money. The law of 1 581 had been a dead 
letter so long that its perils and penalties did not inspire 
them with much fear. It would have been well for them had 
their response been more enthusiastic and liberal, for the 
fears inspired by the foreign political situation in 1586-87 
led Parliament in 1587 to provide for the enforcement of 
the penalty by authorizing the seizure of two thirds of the 
lands and all the goods of recusants who evaded or refused 
to pay the fine.^ 

The administration of this phase of the law was now 
taken out of the hands of the local officials, often incompe- 
tent or parties to its evasion, and placed in the hands of 
court appointees, and the results were gratifying both to the 
government and to those who shared with the government 
the revenues forced from the Catholics.' During the last 
years of the reign, this method of taxation had become 
so regular and dependable that the recusants' fines were 
farmed out. 

Curiously enough, in the face of statutes which made the 
Catholic faith a crime, we find Catholics occupying offices 
of trust in the kingdom, rich and powerful, giving whole- 
heartedly of their loyal service against the Spanish invader. 
Their presence, in the face of the laws on the statute books, 
would have been impossible had laws been consistently 
enforced. "* Needless to say they were not. Within limits the 
laws were consistently annulled. Loyal Catholics from 
whom money could be extracted were left in comparative 

* 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. CLXXXVii, nos. 45, 48, 49, 64; vol. clxxxix, nos. 2, 
17, 47, 48; vol. cxc, no. II; vol. cxciv, no. 73; Strype, Annals, vol. iil, pt. 
II, App., no. xiii. 

* 29 Eliz., c. 6; D'Ewes, Journals, pp. 387-88, 415-17. 

' 5. P., Dom., FJiz., vol. ccxxix, no. 68; vol. ccxLi, no. 66; vol. CLVii, no. 77; 
vol. CCLi, no. 53; \V. H. Frere, English Church under Elizabeth and James I, pp. 
214, 264-67, 337; Strj'pe, Annals, vol. iv, no. cxxxii; no. xxxi. 

* Parker Corresp., no. cccv, Parker to Burghley, Oct. 6, 1572. 

The Government and the Catholics 59 

peace. The laws stood on the books, witnesses to the world 
of the loyalty and patriotism of the English people; warn- 
ings against disloyalty; harsh correctors of treason when 
need required. They were little more. They were intended 
by the government to be little more. However truly they 
may stand to-day, and stood then, as the expression of an 
intolerant religious spirit in the people of England, that was 
not the purpose of the government in allowing their enact- 
ment, nor is it evident in the government's use of the laws 
enacted. Had the rulers wished to use the laws in the spirit 
of repression, persecution would have been more severe than 
we find it, and the existence within the kingdom of any con- 
siderable body of Catholic believers impossible. The gov- 
ernment was not, however, seeking the extermination of 
Catholics; it was seeking the safest policy for itself; it might 
use the intolerance of religious fanatics to make its laws, 
but it would use its own judgment in enforcing them. 

It is hard for us to conceive of the innumerable influences 
the Court could bring to bear, without coming into open con- 
flict with the statutes of Parliament, to annul the effects of 
the legislation therein embodied, if such statutes interfered 
with, or were contrary to, the policy upon which the govern- 
ment had determined. The Queen's prerogative was great. 
The Council was practically unlimited by existing law or 
public opinion in what it could do. The law itself placed in 
the Queen's hands the means to make of little effect any 
procedure of which she disapproved. The Church was abso- 
lutely under her thumb, and could not move to do its share 
in enforcing these acts without her consent or even direct 
order. The local officials were under the influence of the 
gentry,^ and upon the local officials depended the enforce- 
ment of the acts to an extent little realized to-day; and their 
responsibility to the superior power, while undisputed, was 
not backed by an efficient series of connecting links or an 

• Parker Corresp., no. cc, Parker to Cecil, Feb. 12, 1565-66; S. P., Dom., 
Elii., vol. XIX, no. 24; vol. Lxxiv, no. 22. 

6o Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

cfTcctlve supen-ision. Further, the influence of the gentry 
in protecting their retainers in office was greatly increased 
during a time when the government feared to antagonize 
any of their class because of the immense influence they had 
upon their immediate neighbors, and the mass of unintelli- 
gent and otherwise negligible persons who took their opin- 
ions and orders from the gentry. 

Your Lordship knowcth that the people are comonly carried 
away by gentlemen Recusants, landlords, and some other ring- 
leaders of that sorter so as the winninge or the punishinge of one 
or two of them is a reclaymingc or a kind of bridlinge of many that 
doe depend upon them.^ 

I would plainly prove this, that neither ye Papists number equall 
their report, nor ye Puritans would euer fill up a long register, if 
ye ministers and Recusants were not backed, flattered and en- 
couraged by Gentlemen in countries that make a good reason for 
it, if private evil may justifie such formes, as keep oyle still in 
yt Lampe.2 

■ All these influences combined to make the acts of Parlia- 
ment less severe in practice than they were in letter. Nor 
must it be lost sight of that the Parliaments from 1570 to 
1585 were Parliaments containing a large anti-Catholic ele- 
ment which the Queen and the Church of England men 
were anxious to keep under control because they were rep- 
resentative of a class which desired definitely to abandon 
the government policy of leniency in religious matters. 
Their statutes ser\^ed as a means to keep down dangerous 
conspiracies and as a testimonial to the Catholic powers 
that the Queen was backed by the nation in her position of 
independence. That they should be rigidly enforced, Eliza- 
beth did not desire. 

This view is not entirely supported by the utterances of 
those who surrounded Elizabeth and were supposed to be 
in her confidence. But there were in her Court and Council 
at least two factions, the one headed by Leicester and Sir 
Francis Knollys, who represented the rabid Puritan oppo- 

1 5. P., Dom., Jac. I, vol. xui, no. 25. ' Ibid., vol. xii, no. 28. 

The Government and the Catholics 6i 

sition to all things Romish, in part from conviction, per- 
haps, but chiefly from desire to humiliate the second and 
leading faction headed by Cecil and Bacon, The utterances 
of the former may be dismissed for the present by classing 
them with that radical element in Parliament whose pro- 
gramme of legislation ser\'ed the useful purpose of warning 
against conspiracy and foreign interference. The latter fac- 
tion felt that the Queen proceeded too moderately and 
agreed, in part at least, with the anti-Catholic Parliamen- 
tary programme of the radical reformers. Their motives 
were, however, entirely political and loyal, and not, as it 
seems, personal or religious, and they agreed, that, if pos- 
sible, the policy of reconciliation was best. Cecil seems to 
have continually entertained plans for preserving and mak- 
ing more effective Elizabeth's determination to make state 
policy and not religious opinion the test of Catholic repres- 
sion. As late as 1583 we find him proposing that the oath of 
supremacy be so modified that Catholics could swear their 
allegiance without violating their religious convictions. 

Therefore considering that the urging of the oath of suprem- 
acy must needs, In some degree, beget despair, since in the taking 
of it, he must either think he doth an unlawful act, (as without 
the special grace of God he cannot think otherwise,) or else, by 
refusing It, must become a traitor, which before some hurt done 
seemeth hard : I humbly submit this to your excellent considera- 
tion. Whether, with as much security of your majesty's person 
and state, and more satisfaction for them, it were not better to 
leave the oath to this sense. That whosoever, would not bear 
arms against all foreign princes, and namely the pope, that 
should any way Invade your majesty's dominions, he should be a 
traitor? For hereof this commodity will ensue, that those papists 
(as I think most papists would, that should take this oath) would 
be divided from the great mutual confidence which Is now between 
the pope and them by reason of their afflictions for him; and such 
priests as would refuse that oath, then no tongue could say, for 
shame, that they suffer for religion, if they did suffer. 

But here It may be objected they would dissemble and equivo- 
cate with this oath, and that the pope would dispense with them 
in that case. Even so may they with the present oath, both 

62 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

dissemble and equivocate, and also have the pope's dispensation 
for the present oath, as well as the other.' 

The numlier of Catholics in the country was great and it 
is somewhat astonishing and difficult of explanation, if one 
believes that the government had deliberately set out to 
suppress all Catholics, to find Cecil saying, " I wish no les- 
sening of their number but by preaching and by education 
of the younger under schoolmasters." His proposal that 
tenants be protected from popish landlords to the extent 
"that they be not put out of their living" for embracing the 
established religion, neither argues any general suppression 
of Catholics nor any desire on the part of Cecil that they 
be absolutely suppressed.^ 

It is clear that the anti-Catholic legislation, passed in 
part because of dangers from Catholic enemies, in part be- 
cause of the influence of growing anti-Catholic sects, was 
modified in the letter of its enforcement, primarily by the 
conciliatory and positively tolerant purposes of government 
politics, and secondarily by the unavoidable inadequacy of 
the machinery of enforcement. 

We have in this chapter traced briefly the course of Eliza- 
bethan religious and ecclesiastical politics, with especial 
reference to the relations that existed between the Catholics 
and the English government. We have shown that political 
motives dominated the government in its organization of 
the Church and in its repression of Roman Catholicism. 
We have endeavored to make clear the fact that in spite of 
penal legislation, in spite of pressure from within and with- 
out the kingdom, considerations of national safety made the 
policy of the government throughout the reign one of con- 
ciliation toward Catholics. This conciliatory attitude marks 

' "A Tract of Lord Burleigh to the Queen," Somers Tracts, by Sir Walter 
Scott, vol. I, p. 165 (13 vols. London, 1809). Quoted in Hallam, Const. Hist., 
vol. I, p. 157. 

* Burleigh, "Execution of Justice," and Walsingham's letter printed in 
Burnet, pt. 11, bk. HI, p. 661. Also Queen's proclamation after the issue of the 
Bull of Excommunication. Spedding, Life and Letters of Bacon, vol. I, p. 97; 
cf. for the Catholic view, J. H. Pollen in The Month, Nov., 1904. 

The Government and the Catholics 63 

a perceptible advance in the direction of toleration by its 
educational influence upon the people of England toward 
the acceptance of the principle that state safety, preserv^a- 
tion of national political integrity, and not championship of 
a particular form of salvation, was the reason for restraint 
on men's religious practices, and that such restraint should 
be exercised only when open and overt acts, or the expressed 
determination to commit actual acts of hostility, arising 
from such opinions, endanger the safety of the common- 
wealth. Unfortunately the acceptance of these principles 
was not complete. The government had erected and main- 
tained a National Church that had yet to learn to apply 
these ideas to all, and Puritanism had during the period 
developed into complex groups of fanatical intolerance. It 
is to the examination of the Anglican Church and the sects 
of Protestantism that we must now turn. 



It would be an interesting study in religious life and ideals 
and in religious psychology to attempt to draw a diagram of 
the complex motives which actuated the men who once more 
set in motion the machinery of the Church of Henry VIII. 
It would be an interesting and perhaps profitable study to 
examine the mechanism they set in motion at the beginning 
of Elizabeth's reign, when the Church was in its formative 
period, and when the structural features of its organization 
were in greatest evidence, and their character of greatest 
importance in determining the nature of the English Estab- 
lishment. But motives and mechanics are closely connected. 
The Anglican Church, like every other great institution 
drawing its support from the love and emotion of a people, 
never existed in mechanical form alone. The Church was 
always a living body, not a structure artificially constructed 
from the blue-prints of mere governmental politics. Men 
built into the Church their motives, loves, hatreds, their 
delusions and ambitions. 

Yet the Church of that time was not the Anglican Church 
we know, with its great body of traditions, its long history 
and distinctive personality. Anglicanism had not yet won 
for itself an allegiance which in devotion and in loyalty — 
and occasionally in bigotry — has rivaled the feeling of 
Catholics for Mother Church. The Church had not come 
to look upon itself as an institution whose form and doctrine 
had been determined by the ordinance of Deity. It had not 
yet returned in search of apostolic authorization to the 
dim infancy of a primitive church history of questionable 
authenticity. At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign the 
Church did not demand from Englishmen their adherence 

Church and State 65 

upon these grounds; Its appeal was to expediency and to 
loyalty, rather than to divine right. 

The new church system was an experiment, a part of that 
general experimentation to find a modus vivendi and to meet 
the untried difficulties by which Protestantism was every- 
where confronted. It was an experiment connected with, 
and founded upon, the experience and organization of the 
past, but an experiment nevertheless. Many who sup- 
ported it recognized its experimental character and hoped 
that it would be but temporary, the vestibule to that better 
and more truly Christian building whose plan they had 
learned from John Calvin in the days of their exile. Many 
failed to see that it was an experiment and felt surprise 
when later experience proved this governmental tool unable 
to cope with changed conditions. None believed possible, 
few desired, a complete break with past ecclesiastical his- 
tory ; but neither did any recognize the inadequacy of that 
organization and that past experience for the new condi- 
tions. Between the elements which made up the new 
Church conflict arose. Yet, as we search for the qualities 
which have held for centuries the allegiance of Englishmen, 
we find two still maintaining their sway, which lay at the 
basis of the Church even in Its foundation, the elements of 
patriotism and of moderation. 


How great has been the influence of these two factors 
during the history of the Church, how important the role 
they have played during its later development, we shall not 
inquire; it is impossible, however, to comprehend the 
Church of Elizabeth's day without understanding how there 
was breathed Into it a spirit which has made Englishmen 
feel that the Anglican Church is peculiarly English, noble 
and worthy the devotion and love of Englishmen, and that 
it is neither rabid with the unreasonable and unreasoning 
love of change, nor, on the other hand, cold and inflexible 

66 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

and dead. We must understand the Englishman's loyalty 
to the Church as a national institution and the English- 
man's pride in the safe, sane character of the Church's 
government and doctrine, if we would understand the 
structure which was given to the Church when England's 
greatest sovereign sat upon the throne. 

Fundamental in the creation and maintenance of that 
moderation and inclusiveness, which have come to be the 
particular pride of the Anglican Establishment, were the 
close connection between Church and State at the beginning 
of Elizabeth's reign, and the dominance of political interests 
in that union throughout the forty-odd years of her rule. 
The identification of the ecclesiastical and the religious es- 
tablishment of the kingdom with the political integrity of 
England gave to the support of the Church a patriotic im- 
portance which has persisted through times when national 
welfare demanded rejection of the claims of the Church. To 
the dominance of State over Church in Elizabeth's time, the 
Anglican Establishment owes those elements of character 
and form which have made it an institution so distinc- 
tively national, and through which it still retains the alle- 
giance of the vast mass of Englishmen. 

In England the subordination of the Church to the will of 
the sovereign was no new thing. From the time when Wil- 
liam the Norman had refused to render homage to Gregory 
VII, and resisted all attempts to sink his power and the Eng- 
lish Church, into absolute subservience to the dominance of 
the Roman See, kings of England had struggled to keep a 
grip on the National Church, and Parliament had enacted 
laws to maintain the independence which they believed an 
essential characteristic of the Church in England. Conti- 
nental theory and practice supported the assumption that 
the religion of the people should follow the religion of the 
prince. The ecclesiastical changes undertaken by Henry 

Church and State 67 

had rested fundamentally upon this principle and, at a time 
when the popular absolutism of the first Tudors had so 
closely identified loyalty to the sovereign with loyalty to the 
nation, the people of the kingdom accepted the theory al- 
most without question, and a book, written by Hayward, 
which asserted that allegiance was due to the State and not 
to the person of the sovereign raised a great stir because of 
the novelty of the idea.^ The reigns of Edward and Mary 
and the ecclesiastical changes which accompanied them 
confirm the fact of submission to the idea, in spite of the 
persistence during Mary's reign of a Protestant opposition 
developed under Edward. As long as national life and loy- 
alty to the Crown were so closely identified, the connection 
between Church and State would persist if the personal 
safety or the dynastic claims of the sovereign made neces- 
sary the championship of any particular religious or ecclesi- 
astical establishment against the claims of foreign power. 
The hostility of Roman Catholics and Roman Catholic 
powers to Elizabeth made it necessary for the Queen to call 
upon the nation for support of her ecclesiastical policy in 
order that her right to rule, established by the Parliament 
of Henry, might be maintained. 

An ecclesiastical establishment, on any basis other than 
that of the supremacy of the Queen over the Church as well 
as State, was, to the Tudor Elizabeth, inconceivable. Eng- 
lish history and Continental practice made it familiar. The 
political situation made it necessary. Elizabeth's desire for 
the power which she believed essential to her dignity made 
impossible any other arrangement. On such practical 
considerations was based the royal headship, still one 
of the distinctive characteristics of the English Establish- 

Although Elizabeth's first Parliament had, in the Act of 
Supremacy, dropped the title used by Henry, "Supreme 
Head of the Church in England," so offensive to Catholics 

* S. p., Dom., Eliz., vol. CCLXXV, no. 28, no. 31. 

68 Intoleilvnce in the Reign of Elizabeth 

and not entirely acceptable to some Protestants/ the essen- 
tial fact remained. It is somewhat difficult to define just 
what this headship involved, just what were its limits. The 
act does not clearly define it. The men of Elizabeth's time 
set few bounds. Elizabeth herself disclaimed the right to 
exercise spiritual functions,^ yet it is difftcult to see how 
powers she undoul^tedly did exercise are to be distinguished 
from supreme pastoral oflice. The act, 8 Elizabeth, c. i, 
declares that the Queen, "by her supreme power and au- 
thority, hath dispensed with all causes and doubts of any 
imperfection or disability that can or may in any way be 
objected" against the validity of the consecrations of the 
archbishops and bishops already made. She sometimes as- 
serted powers equal to those of the Pope, and the leaders of 
the kingdom, both in Church and State, were equally gen- 
erous. Cecil said that the Queen might do as much as the 
Pope and that she certainly could exercise powers equal to 
those of Archbishop Parker.^ Jewel asserted that the Eng- 
lish give to the sovereign "that prerogatve and chief ty that 
evermore hath been due unto him by the ordinance and 
word of God ; that is to say, to be the nurse of God's reli- 
gion ; to make laws for the church ; to hear and take up cases 
and questions of the faith if he be able; or otherwise to com- 
mit them over by his authority unto the learned; to com- 
mand the bishops and priests to do their duties and to pun- 
ish such as be ofTenders." * Bancroft granted that her 
authority was equal to that of the Pope. Parker was more 
cautious. He wrote: "It is one thing to discuss w^hat is 
done, in order or out of order, and commonly hand over 

» Jewel, Works, vol. iv, Letters, no. xii; Def. of ApoL, pp. 974-76; Zurich 
Letters, nos. xvii, xviii; Burnet, vol. in, bk. vi, no. 52; Parker Corresp., no. 
xlix; Calvin, Commentary on the Book of Amos, chap. vii. v. 13, "Erant enim 
blasphemi qui vocarent cum [Henricum VIII] Summum Caput Ecclesiae sub 

* S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. xv, no. 27; vol. .x.xvii, no. 40; Thirty-nine Articles, 
on the Civil Magistrate. 

' Parker Corresp., no. cclxx. 

* Jewel, Works, vol. iii, p. 167. Cf. also, ibid., vol. I, pp. 396-97, 410-I1; 
vol. Ill, p. 98; vol. IV, pp. 976, 959, 903, 1036. 

Church and State 69 

head, and what is safely and surely done by warrant of law. 
During the prince's life who will doubt of anything that may 
pass from that authority? But the question is, what will 
stand sure in all times, by the judgment of the best learned? 
And here I am offended with some lawyers, who make the 
Injunctions of the prince in her own life not to be of such 
force as they make a Roman law written in the same or like 
case." ^ And to Cecil; "Whatsoever the ecclesiastical pre- 
rogative is, I fear it is not so great as your pen hath given it 
her in the Injunction, and yet her governance is of more 
prerogative than the head papists would grant unto her." ^ 
Pilkington. who represented the more Protestant group 
within the Establishment wrote: "We endure, I must con- 
fess, many things against our inclinations, and groan under 
them, which if we wished ever so much, no entreaty can 
remove. We are under authority, and cannot make any 
innovation without the sanction of the queen, or abrogate 
any thing without the authority of the laws: and the only 
alternative now allowed us is, whether we will bear with 
these things or disturb the peace of the church." ' 

No party, not even the more radical Protestants,^ whether 
Calvinist, Lutheran, or Zwinglian, questioned the necessity 
of the union of Church and State, and a certain supremacy 
of the sovereign over the Church. The difficulties were en- 
tirely over the extent of that supremacy and the nature of 
that union. Theoretically, perhaps, the Established Church 
of Elizabeth was founded upon a difference in kind of se- 
cular and spiritual matters, of government and church. 
"A church and a commonwealth, we grant, are things In na- 
ture the one distinguished from the other. A church Is one 
way, and a commonwealth another way defined." ^ But 

» Parker Corresp., no. cclxx. ' Ibid., no. ccclxix. 

* Zurich Letters, no. clxxvii. 

* The Anabaptists would have questioned the necessity for such union be- 
tween the Church and State, but it is very doubtful whether there were Ana- 
baptists in England during the early years of Elizabeth's reign. There were 
certainly not enough to merit the name of party. Cf. Burrage, Early English 
Dissenters, passim. ^ Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. viii, chap, i, sec. 2. 

70 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

mediaeval histor>' had long before proved untenable the the- 
ory that supreme spiritual authority and supreme temporal 
power could move each in its own distinct sphere. The 
theory of the equality of the two powers had given way to 
two opposing theories: that the secular power was inferior 
in kind to spiritual power and therefore subject to it in all 
matters over which the spiritual power chose to assert its 
authority; that the secular power was divinely instituted 
and therefore had control to a great extent within the spirit- 
ual realm. The political necessity for a strong secular ad- 
ministration in England and the complications of secular 
with religious politics necessitated the negation of the theo- 
retical separation of the two powers. To all intents the 
Church was founded and conducted upon purely Erastian 
principles. This was the view of the Queen and was con- 
firmed by the action of the government, and in great part 
also, by the statements of churchmen, however much they 
kicked against the pricks of governmental domination in 
individual cases. 

The religious acts passed by Elizabeth's first Parliament 
had vested in the Imperial Crown of the realm all spiritual 
or ecclesiastical authority of visitation, reformation, and 
correction of the Church,^ and had given to the Queen 
authority to make ordinances and rules in churches col- 
legiate, corporations, and schools,'^ and with the advice of 
the Metropolitan to make changes In the order appointed In 
the Book of Common Prayer or In the ornaments of the 
church and ministers.^ Here certainly is extensive power, 
and the means for its practical exercise were provided by the 
authorization of commissions to be issued under the Great 
Seal."* The power of the Queen was not limited, by the 
terms of the act, as to the time for which such commissions 
should continue their existence, the number of persons in 

* Act of Supremacy, par. vii. 

* I Eliz., c. 22; Parker Corrcsp., nos. cv, cvii. 

» The Act of Uniformity, par. xiii. Cf. Parker Corresp., nos. xciv and xcv. 
« Act of Uniformity, par. viii. 

Church and State 71 

the commission, nor the number of commissions existent at 
any one time. The only limitation placed upon her in their 
appointment was that such persons as were appointed be 
natural-born subjects of the realm. 

In actual practice the Queen took full advantage of this 
broad privilege to an extent usually given little weight in 
the treatment of the ecclesiastical commissions during her 
reign. Emphasis has most usually been placed upon the 
central, more permanent ecclesiastical commission at Lon- 
don, commonly called the High Commission, but other 
commissions of wide jurisdiction and extensive powers were 
created; commissions of royal visitation, provincial com- 
missions, diocesan commissions, and temporary or local 
commissions were issued for special purposes, all exercising 
according to the particular terms of the letters patent, as 
provided by the act, a more or less extensive degree of the 
power involved in the royal supremacy.^ It should be 
noted, in passing, that the lesser and local commissions, the 
commissions other than the High Commission, enabled the 
Queen to keep a closer rein on ecclesiastical affairs than 
would have been possible had she vested her authority in 
one High Commission, which might have developed a ten- 
dency to become an independent body, exercising her pow- 
ers without reference to the Queen, in somewhat the same 
way that the King's Court outgrew the control of royal 

The extensive power involved in the royal supremacy 
thus placed in the hands of the Queen, is by the acts appar- 
ently limited by the clause which saves the jurisdiction of 
the regular ecclesiastical officers and courts, but this limita- 

1 S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. cxLi, nos. 3, 28; vol. Lxxiv, no. 37; vol. cviii, 
nos. 7, 8; vol. cxix, no. 60; vol. Lxxvii, no. 81; vol. xlvi, nos. 19, 20, 32; vol. 
XXIII. no. 56; vol. XXVI, nos. 41, 42; Prothero, Select Statutes, pp. 241. 240. 237, 
235, 232, 150; Gee, Elizabethan Clergy, pp. 37-38; Birt, Elizabethan Settlement, 
p. 222. 

']2 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

tion is more seeming than real. The regular jurisdiction 
of the ecclesiastical courts extended over matrimonial and 
testamentary cases and offenses such as perjury, sacrilege, 
heresy, and immorality. The censures they might impose 
were penitential in their nature, culminating in exclusion 
from the church — excommunication. Excommunication 
was foUowcxi by the imposition of further punishment, — 
fine, imprisonment, or death at the hands of the temporal 
power. By the Acts of Uniformity and Supremacy their 
jurisdiction was extended, and the censures placed in the 
hands of ecclesiastical officials were increased in severity. 
Vet their relation to the temporal power was in general one 
of subordination, subordination to the temporal courts and 
to the Crown. 

This subordination to the Crown, so far as the orderly 
system is concerned, is best illustrated by the fact that the 
highest court of appeal in ecclesiastical cases was a body 
appointed by the temporal power and largely made up of 
the laity. In theory ecclesiastical causes passed by a regu- 
lar system of appeals from the Archdeacons' or Bishops' 
Courts, to final settlement, so far as the Church had con- 
trol, in the x\rchbishop's Court. ^ But when the abolition of 
papal power made necessary some substitute for appeal 
from the national ecclesiastical courts to papal ones, Henry 
VIII had provided ^ that appeals from the Archbishop's 
Court might be made to the king and be determined by a 
Royal Commission.' Owing to the fact that these commis- 
sions were chosen from a regular list kept by the Secretary 
of Appeal to the Lord Chancellor, it became in a sense a 
permanent court and thus received the name of High Court 
of Delegates, although a new commission was appointed for 

» The Archbishop's Courts were sources of confusion and corruption. 
C/. Grinrlal, Remains, p. 361, Letter no. Ixxxiii. 

* 25 Henry VI H, c 19, repealed by i and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 8, but 
revived by the Act of Supremacy. 

» Brodrick and Freemantle, p. Ivii, n. 2, for a case which went through the 
whole system. 

Church and State 73 

the hearing of each case.^ During Elizabeth's reign the 
Court of Delegates was of little importance, for there was 
one notable exception to the general rule that all ecclesias- 
tical appeals lay to this court. Because the High Commis- 
sioners were the Queen's delegates, with authority, by vir- 
tue of their commission, finally to hear and determine cases, 
no appeal lay from their decision to the Court of Delegates,- 
and litigants preferred to have their cases tried by the High 
Commission rather than by the slower and more involved 
process of the High Court of Delegates. 

The supremacy of the Crown is further marked by the 
fact that although the High Court of Delegates and the 
High Commissioners were thus final and definitive courts, 
it was possible, following the analogy of papal practice, to 
secure further hearing by petitioning the Queen in Council 
for a Commission of Review.^ Since such commissions were 
not, according to Blackstone,^ "a matter of right, which the 
subject may demand, ex debito justiticB : but merely a matter 
of favour," the power of the sovereign, at a time when sub- 
servient commissioners were always available, enabled the 
Crown to enforce its personal will upon the Church by 
perfectly legal process. 

The dominance of the Crown over the system of ecclesias- 
tical courts was not, however, maintained by its position at 
the apex of the system alone. Interference and dictation 
from the Queen and Council extended down the line from 
the highest to the lowest courts having to do with the eccle- 
siastical causes and the enforcement of the religious acts 
passed during Elizabeth's reign, which so closely concerned 
the political interests and purposes of the government. 

^ Blackstone, Com., vol. ii, bk. iii, c. v, p. 65; Phillimore, Ecc. Law, vol. 11, 
p. 970; VV. F. Finlason, Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, p. 68; Brod- 
rick and Freemantle, Collections of Judgments, p. xlvi, 

* Brodrick and Freemantle, pp. xliii-xliv. 

* Phillimore, Ecc. Law, vol. 11, p. 971; Coke, 4 Inst., 341. Example of such 
commission, Brodrick and Freemantle, p. xlii; cf. Justice Williams, Law of 
Executors, vol. i, p. 437 (3d ed.); Commission for Ecc. Courts (1832), p. 701. 

* Blackstone, vol. 11, bk. iii, c. 5, p. 67. 

74 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

The chief of these courts, the High Commission, may be 
regarded as somewhat out of the Hue of regular ecclesiastical 
courts, in spite of its use as a final court of appeal, for its 
most important regular function was the handling of busi- 
ness arising from the enforcement of the statutes passed in 
Elizabeth's reign, both in an appellate capacity and as a 
court of original jurisdiction. During the early part of the 
reign it acted as a sort of committee of the Council for con- 
sideration of cases committed to it by the Council,^ re- 
ceived its orders from the Council, and registered its deci- 
sions according to the wishes of that body. Toward the end 
of the reign, however, it was becoming increasingly a body 
of ecclesiastical administration. "The commission itself e 
was ordained for very good purposes, but it is most horriblie 
abused by you, and turned cleane contrarie to the ende 
wherefore it was ordayned."^ But Cosin wrote in 1593, in 
defense of its activity, " the device of the Commission Eccle- 
siasticall was for assistance and ayde of Ordinary Jurisdic- 
tion Ecclesiasticall, and for rounder proceeding and more 
greuious punishment at least (in these dissolute times) more 
feared: then can or may by Ordinarie Jurisdiction be in- 
flicted." ^ As the Commission was used more extensively 
for purposes more purely administrative, the Council or 
Star Chamber attended to religious or ecclesiastical cases 
which were of political importance. At no time, however, 
was it free from the control of the Queen and her secular 
officers. Such control, of course, was natural and intended, 
since the Commission acted merely as the Queen's represen- 
tative, yet it was doubtless intended by the acts that the 
jurisdiction exercised by the commissions was to be such, 

1 Parker Corresp., nos. Ivii, Iviii, lix, Ix, Ixii, Ixiii, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxiii; Privy Council 
Register (New Series), xi, 315, 435; xviii, 362; xxiv, 317; xxv, 113, 211, 505; 
xxvi, 179; xi. 137, 149, 174, 182, 212, 322, 362, 386; vii, 145; xi, 322; xii, 336; 
xiii, 72; viii, 395; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. XLVI, no. 12. 

* Marprelatc Tracts, Epistle, conclusion. 

* Richard Cosin, Apology of and for Sundry Proceedings by Jurisdiction Ec- 
clesiastical (1593). pt. I. p. 1 1 1. Cf. Strypc, Whilgift, vol. I, p. 267 ; Calderwood, 
History of the Scottish Kirk, vol. vii, p. 63. 

Church and State 75 

and to be exercised In such way, as was consonant with 
legal practice in ecclesiastical courts, although in part cre- 
ated free from restraints in order that action might be ex- 
pedited. The illegality of some of the High Commission's 
activity during the early part of the reign was made possible 
by the pressing dangers which threatened and by the sub- 
servience to the will of the Queen of its members, who, in 
other capacities, owed their preferment to their sovereign. 
The increasing opposition to it by the secular courts toward 
the end of the reign was due to the greater security of the 
kingdom and to the fact that the Council and the Council in 
Star Chamber gradually removed from it business of a reli- 
gious or ecclesiastical character which concerned the safety 
of the State; although, on the other hand, the Council and 
Star Chamber may have been compelled to assume charge 
of such business because of the legal opposition to the High 
Commission. The Star Chamber and the Council were not 
so subject to legal restraints as was the Commission and 
could deal summarily with cases which the Queen or her 
advisers felt should be thus handled. The legal powers of 
the Star Chamber were extensive and Its close connection 
with the Crown gave it power to exercise extra-legal juris- 
diction which at a later time the nation resented fiercely. 
The activity of this court Is, however, so intimately con- 
nected with the exercise of royal prerogative and a subject 
of such dispute that we shall defer Its consideration until 
we have occasion to speak of that phase of the Queen's pre- 
rogative which partook of the character of administration 
of justice. 

Royal and secular influence upon the regular ecclesiastical 
courts was hardly less direct and dominant. The Bishop's 
Court, regularly a consistory court presided over by the 
official of the bishop, had jurisdiction over all ecclesiastical 
matters within the limits of the diocese. This official origi- 
nally held office at the pleasure of the bishop and ceased to 
exercise jurisdiction upon the removal or death of the bishop 

76 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

to whom he owed his appointment; but by Elizabeth's time 
he had become entirely independent of the bishop for his 
tenure of office. The control of the bishop was preserved, 
however, by the fact that the bishop might reser\-e such 
particular cases as he or the Crown desired for his own hear- 
ing.^ Further the diocesan court was inhibited from exer- 
cising jurisdiction during episcopal visitation of the diocese. 
Appeal lay from the bishop to the Metropolitan Court.^ 
Although interference of the Crown with the courts of the 
diocese, by means of its influence upon the bishop, was per- 
haps of little importance in actual practice, the dependence 
of the bishop upon royalty for place and preferment sub- 
jected his episcopal jurisdiction to the constant influence, if 
not the direction, of the Queen and those who surrounded 
her. The courts of the bishops and the archbishops were 
subject to interference by the Queen and Council chiefly by 
admonition to try cases, or by reproof and punishment of 
ecclesiastical officials who failed to do their duty, although 
cases are not lacking in which their officials were ordered by 
the Council to render particular decisions or punishments 
in cases that came to the notice of the Council, or ordered 
to send offenders, already before the ecclesiastical court, up 
to London for examination by the Council. Such cases were 
then usually committed by the Lords of the Council to set- 
tlement by the High Commission with directions to exam- 
ine further and report to the Council, or to proceed to such 
penalty as seemed to them good, or to inflict punishment 
according to the directions of the Council given with the 


The justices of peace, to whom were committed certain 
phases of the enforcement of the religious acts, came most 
closely in contact with the people and dealt with minor 

» Report of the Ecc. Comm. (1832), pp. 11-12, and for 18S3, pp. 25-26. 
' Phillimore, Ecc. Law, vol. 11, p. 970. 

Church and State *]•] 

offenses at first instance. The justices held office and exer- 
cised power by virtue of commission from the Crown, ^ and 
were compelled to take the oath acknowledging the Queen's 
supremacy besides the regular oath promising uprightness 
in the discharge of the duties of office. Their jurisdiction 
over offenses coming under the terms of the religious acts 
formed the most intimate contact between the people and 
the superior agents of ecclesiastical and religious control. 
Cases too difficult, or too serious for settlement in general 
sessions, were committed to the ecclesiastical commissioners 
or reported to the Council. Subject as they were to the 
supervision and the orders of the Council and the Star 
Chamber, the justices of peace served in many capacities. 
Because of their humble position and because of the fact 
that they were not usually trained in legal lore, they came 
in for a great deal of supervision. Failure of the justices to 
do their duty, either of office or by conceding that degree of 
religious conformity and zeal which were regarded as essen- 
tial, was reported to the Council. ^ The justices of peace 
were ordered to seize persons whom the Council wished sent 
to them in London, and they were directed by the Council 
to enforce the Queen's proclamations. Justices who refused 
the oath of supremacy were looked after and the loyal ones 
directed how to proceed in regard to offering the oath to the 
others. They were sometimes required to determine cases of 
religious offense without "further troubling the Council of 
any such matters." The Council sent the justices to ex- 
amine Papists and directed them where to send the exami- 
nations already taken. There is hardly a point at which 
their activities did not come in for the guidance of the 
powers above. 3 

1 Prothero, Select Statutes, pp. 144, 147, 149; Crompton. L'Office et Au- 
thorite de Justices de Peace, p. 3. (ed. 1583); Middlesex Count\' Records, vol. 
I, p. xxiv (Middlesex County Record Society); Beard, The Office of Justice of 
the Peace in England, New York, 1904. 

* 5. P., Dam., Eliz., vol. xix, no. 42; vol. xxi, no. 13. 

» Ibid., vol. VI, no. 29; vol. XVI, no. 49; vol. LX, no. 53; Acts of Privy Coun- 
cil, passim. 

78 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

The placing of the administration of the ecclesiastical law 
in the hands of justices of peace is not consistent with the 
conception of the Church as a body having exclusive juris- 
diction over spiritual and ecclesiastical questions, but the 
ofTenses with which the justices dealt were statutory of- 
fenses against the royal power; and their jurisdiction, and 
the jurisdiction of the other secular courts over such eccle- 
siastical questions, is entirely consistent with the idea of the 
Church as one means of securing the sovereign's supremacy 
over all the subjects of the realm. t 

The chief points of contact between secular and ecclesi- 
astical courts, however, aside from such statutory relation- 
ships as were created by the religious acts are found in the 
attempts of the secular courts, notably King's Bench and 
Common Pleas, to preserve the common law from encroach- 
ment by the ecclesiastical courts and High Commissioners. 
Such restraint was most usually exercised by means of pre- 
rogative writs. ^ 

irregularity of the system 

It was characteristic of the time that certain rights, 
acquired originally by way of grant from the Crown, or 
possessed by virtue of long custom, were private property. 
Thus there were a variety of jurisdictions, franchises, and 
patronages which were treated as private property, and 
gave the holders the power to hinder in many ways the regu- 
lar execution of justice and the enforcement of the laws for 
religious uniformity. In the hands of the Queen were some 
such rights which she held as private property independent 
of her sovereignty over the realm, and in such cases she had 
a more efTectix-e means of control than that afforded her by 
the laws of the kingdom. X'^arlous sections of the country, 
various cities and institutions,^ were especally favored or 

' Blackstone, Com., bk. in, c. vii, pp. io8, in. 

' The Universities were especially important and very tenacious of their 
charter rifihts. Parker Corresp., no. ccl.\iv, note 3; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. XLix, 
no. 29; vol. XIX, no. 56. 

Church and State" 79 

had, by right of custom, charter, or special grant, exemption 
from the control of the regular courts to greater or less ex- 
tent ; or were given special local courts to deal with matters 
which ordinarily fell under the jurisdiction of the regular 
courts. This characteristic of Tudor times is, in the ecclesi- 
astical courts, exemplified by the "peculiars"; those in the 
realm of secular judicature may be grouped as the palati- 
nates and lesser franchises. 

During papal times, as marks of exceptional favor or for 
the purpose of curtailing the power of great ecclesiastics, the 
Papal See had granted to various churches and districts 
exemption from the jurisdiction of the regular ecclesiastical 
superior. This irregularity was entirely in line with the 
prevalence of special franchises and privileges in the secular 
administration and continued until long after our period. 
The churches or districts which held such exemptions from 
the control of the regular ecclesiastical system are called 
" peculiars." The subject is particularly intricate and irreg- 
ular, but wherever we find a peculiar court it means that 
certain extraordinary rights of exemption from local juris- 
diction, or rights to exercise an independent jurisdiction out 
of harmony with the regular system, have been granted as 
special privileges, just as in feudal society it was usual for 
large landholders to exercise a franchise jurisdiction which 
displaced or paralleled the jurisdiction of the king's courts.^ 
The Report of the Ecclesiastical Commission of 1832 shows 
that there were many kinds of these peculiars, archiepls- 
copal, episcopal, diaconal, prebendal, rectorial, and vicarial. 
The way in which they curtailed the jurisdiction of the 
diocesan courts — the privilege was often granted for this 
purpose — may be seen from a report in the Episcopal Reg- 
ister of the Bishop of London, Grindal, made to the Privy 
Council in 1563.^ We learn that out of a total of six hun- 
dred and forty-one churches in London, forty-seven were 

> Holdsworth, Hist. Eng. Law, vol. i. p. 370. 

• Phillemore, Ecc. Law, p. 927; Birt, Elizabethan Settlement, p. 443. 

8o Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

peculiars, exempt from his jurisdiction. Of these, thirteen, 
including Bow Church whose dean was judge of the Court of 
Arches, belonged to the peculiar jurisdiction of the arch- 
bishop, but some were exempt both from the jurisdiction of 
the bishop and of the archbishop. Henry VIII provided 
that appeals from peculiars, whose privileges exempted 
them from the jurisdiction of the higher ecclesiastical 
courts, lay directly to the King in Chancery, the High 
Court of Delegates. It would be a somewhat profitless 
study to attempt to determine how far the existence of these 
peculiars affected the regular and appellate jurisdiction of 
the Bishops' and Archbishops' Courts, but that they con- 
tributed to the intricacy and confusion of the administra- 
tion of ecclesiastical law is evident.^ 

The palatinates were sections which were in a sense sepa- 
rate from the rest of the country and in which the king's 
WTit did not run. They had a local independence. 

The power and authority of those that had counties Palatine 
was king-like for they might pardon treasons, murders, felonies, 
and outlawries thereupon. They might also make justices of 
eyre, justices of assize, or gaol delivery, and of the peace. And 
ail original and judicial writs, and all manner of indictments of 
treasons and felony, and the process thereupon was made in the 
name of the persons having such county Palatine. And in every 
writ and indictment within any County Palatine it was sup- 
posed to be contra pacemof him that had the county Palatine. ^ 

They were subject, however, to the acts of Parliament, 
and, owing to the nature of English government and to the 
development of royal power, they did not continue an in- 
dependent development. Their legal system closely followed 
that of the English system and English common law was 
applied in their courts. Often the same officer acted as 
royal judge and judge of the palatinate. Bacon describes 
the judicial system of the palatinate as "a small model of 

> Phillemore, Ecc. Law, pp. 214, 441; Parker Corresp., no. ccxcvi; Grindal, 
Remains, p. 150, item 11. 

' Coke, 4 Inst., p. 205. Cf. G. T. Lapsley, County Palatine of Durham; Holds- 
worth, Eng. Law, vol. I, p. 50. 

Church and State 8i 

the great government of the kingdom," but the establish- 
ment of the Councils of the North and of Wales and the 
work of Henry VIII extended the control of the Crown and 
reduced their independence.^ 

The lesser franchises were of varying degrees of impor- 
tance and gave the holder different degrees of immunity from 
the interference of the royal officials. Thus, some, like the 
frankpledge, prevented the sheriff from inquiring into the 
affairs of the neighborhood, and by this means the nobles 
were often able to defeat, or delay, the purposes of the 
Crown by preventing royal officials from carrying out their 
directions within the liberties. 

We have seen that, in the ecclesiastical court system, the 
final appeal lay to a court dominated by secular interest and 
directly dependent for its existence and power upon the will 
of the sovereign. According to the strict system of ecclesias- 
tical court procedure, it would seem that there should be 
little interference with the ecclesiastical courts until by 
regular process litigation had brought matters to the point 
where appeal was made to the Queen for the appointment 
of Delegates. The strict system was not, however, the real 
one, and still less was the independent working of the sys- 
tem so complete as it would seem. In fact, the ecclesiastical 
court system did not exist independently, but was subject 
to interference from the secular courts, and the Queen, and 
the Queen's Council at all points. Secular courts had in 
some cases original jurisdiction concurrent with that of the 
ecclesiastical courts; the secular courts could by means of 
the prerogative writs restrain the ecclesiastical courts from 
hearing or proceeding to judgment. The Queen exercised 
her authority directly by virtue of her prerogative, and by 
means of the direct dependence of the ecclesiastical courts 
upon her for existence and authority, or indirectly through 
the identical interests of the court officials and the aristo- 
cratic class. 

' 27 H. Vlir, c. 24; 32 H. VIII. c. 50; 34 H. VIII, c. 26; 13 Ellz., c. 12. Ely 
and Durham retained their own jurisdiction, however, until 1835. 

82 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

The confusion of the system, the inextricable mixture of 
secular and ecclesiastical power, must certainly be evident. 
It is possible to take any one phase of the system and make 
it appear fairly consistent and regular, but the overlappings 
and cross-currents make the arrangement of the whole 
scheme a somewhat chaotic one. This was, of course, due 
in great part to the necessity of meeting emergencies, the 
habit of using the commission, the undeveloped state of the 
best established courts and their uncertain relations with 
one another. The machinery for the enforcement of the law 
was by its very complexity made inefificient and wasteful of 
effort for accomplishing the purposes of the government, 
administering the affairs of the Church, and coordinating 
the activities of the government and Church.^ It was a 
makeshift system, wheels and cogs were added, flexible 
couplings inserted, power applied to meet temporary or 
extraordinary emergencies until the least degree of efficiency 
was dependent upon an arbitrary disregard of machinery 
and the direct application of royal power to the task in 
hand. Elizabeth wrote to Parker: — 

If any superior officers shall be found hereto disagreeable, if 
otherwise your discretion or authority shall not serv^e to reform 
them, We will that you shall duly inform us thereof, to the end we 
may give indelayed order for the same; for we intend to have no 
dissension or variety grow by suffering of persons which maintain 
dissension to remain in authority; for so the sovereign authority 
which we have under Almighty God should be violate and made 
frustrate, and we might be well thought to bear the sword in vain.^ 

The sovereign did not lack the power, nor did Elizabeth lack 
the will to use it. 

the royal prerogative 
The extensive legal powers given by the acts were not 
interpreted conser\-atively by the Queen or the men around 
her. The extent of her rightful prerogative was not defined 

* Parker Corresp., nos. ccxxxix, cclxxxiii, cccvi, cccviii, cccxvii, cccxxxiv, 
cccli, cccliii, App. ii, p. 485; Cheyney, History of England from the Armada, 
vol. I, p. 130. * Parker Corresp., no. clxx. 

Church and State 83 

or limited. The temper of the Queen, the legal machinery 
which was at her service in accomplishing illegal objects, the 
political dangers which made men desire to avoid the delays 
and complexities of legal procedure, united in procuring 
from the nation assent to proceedings to which, at a later 
time, it could no longer be induced to submit. The will of 
the sovereign was absolute within the field where previously 
delegated agents had not by consent or custom removed 
power from her hands, and her influence over such dele- 
gated agents was so great that in a case of contest, not in- 
volving national feeling, she was practically certain of vic- 
tory.^ The control by the sovereign, whether directly, or 
through her Council, may be classified as that which par- 
took of the character of legislation and that which partook 
of the character of administration of justice. 

The extensive control exercised by the Queen personally, 
by means of letters and proclamations was in part based 
upon the prerogative right, claimed and generally allowed 
in Tudor times, that the sovereign could issue edicts having 
the force of law concerning matters not contrary to the 
statutes of the realm or the common law; and in part 
founded upon the act of Parliament which gave the Queen 
the ecclesiastical supremacy. It would be difficult, and is 
unnecessary, to attempt to determine upon which of these 
rights the various acts of Elizabeth were based. Sufficient 
to know that her letters and proclamations were treated by 
secular and ecclesiastical officials as having the force of law 
and that the Council insisted upon the observance of her 
proclamations as though they were statutory enactments. 
"... The queen by her royal prerogative has power to pro- 
vide remedies for the punishment or otherwise of exorbitant 
offenses as the case and time require, without Parliament," 
and such proclamations be firm and forcible law and of the 
like force as the common law or an act of Parliament, de- 
clared the Council in Star Chamber,^ 

* 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. xviii, no. 21; vol. ccviii, no. 15 and no. 34. 

* Quoted in Cheyney, Hist. Eng. from Armada, vol. i, p. 92. 

84 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Of somewhat different character from this power of posi- 
tive enactment, is the dispensing power exercised by the 
Queen, although it, too, is based upon the royal prerogative. 
The dispensing power is a survival of that absolutism which 
existed at a time when monarchy had not become consti- 
tutionally limited. Founded upon a similar basis, also, was 
the interference of the Queen in the action of Parliament; 
although it is true that in religious matters the Queen 
might claim that until her ecclesiastical supremacy had 
been repealed by the body which established it, if she 
would admit the power of that body to establish it, Parlia- 
ment could have no right to exercise any part of the func- 
tions invoked in the supremacy without her express 

It is not difficult to see how the power of legislative enact- 
ment was based upon the royal prerogative, but many writ- 
ers have hesitated or failed to recognize that the same prin- 
ciple is involved when the administration of justice by the 
Queen and Council is concerned. Because this branch of the 
royal power was so largely exercised by the Council, which 
in turn was so closely connected with a court, the Star 
Chamber, which at a later time was declared illegal, the 
legal categories of a later period have been applied to this 
phase of royal activity, and the true situation confused. 

That the administration of justice was at one time a fun- 
damental duty of the sovereign is clear from the fact that 
from this royal obligation arose the whole judicial and court 
system of England. That the growth of the courts rendered 
them to a great degree independent of the sovereign, and 
limited the sovereign in the exercise of his administrative 
duty, in so far as it concerned the administration of justice, 
is equally clear from the history of English law. But that 
in Elizabeth's time this growth of the courts had deprived 
the sovereign of all, or nearly all, of these functions is an 
unwarranted assumption and contradicted by the facts. 
The facts show that to the sovereign still remained a con- 

Church and State 85 

siderable portion of the king's original right and duty to 
see that justice was administered and enforced. Under the 
Tudors this right was exercised extensively, and was not 
confined to matters not cognizable in the established courts, 
nor to the supervision of these courts, but included juris- 
dictions concurrent with those of both the secular and the 
ecclesiastical courts. No one, so far as we know, denies 
that the Queen or the Council actually attended to mat- 
ters which it was the regular duty of the established courts 
to look after, but the foundation of these acts has been 
often misinterpreted. 

Though Finlason attempts to show that the Council never 
had any "direct judicial power or jurisdiction original or 
appellate, as to causes arising within the realm," and main- 
tains that the actual exercise of such power was an "abusive 
and usurped jurisdiction" during the reign of Elizabeth,^ 
he admits that it did have the legal right to deal with cases 
arising in dependencies without the realm — that is, Guern- 
sey, Jersey, and the colonies — by virtue of the "duty of 
the sovereign to see that justice was administered in all his 
dominions and to prevent a failure of justice." He admits 
here, in other words, that the Council was the Queen's rep- 
resentative, in these cases to exercise the royal function of 
administering justice. And he admits also that such func- 
tion was still held by the sovereign until a time much later 
than that which we are considering. But he denies that the 
function was legally operative in England where royal 
courts regularly exercised the jurisdiction involved in such 
royal power. The very fact that the Council did exercise 
such powers in England refutes his argument, even though 
it were not for the further fact that it was not until eighty 
years after our period that the exercise of such powers by 
the Star Chamber was abolished by act of Parliament, at a 
time when the royal power was undergoing a violent curtail- 
ment. That the restraint of royal power in this direction 

1 Finlason, Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, pp. i6, 187, 690. 

86 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

was one of the greatest benefits conferred by the contest 
between the Stuart kings and the people, may perhaps be 
admitted, but that this result of that contest has anything 
to do with the legality of the royal prerogative during the 
first years of Elizabeth's reign can be maintained only by 
imposing on an earlier time the legal conceptions of a 
period over eighty years subsequent. We must return to 
what we actually find during the early years of Elizabeth's 
reign and the only conclusion possible from those facts is 
that the sovereign did, at this time, exercise, personally or 
by means of her Council, a control which involved both the 
right of legislative action and of administration of justice. 
It is not necessary for us, perhaps, to distinguish the legal 
from the illegal, or extra-legal exercise of royal power, since 
our interest lies in the fact rather than in its basis. By vir- 
tue of her prerogative, her legal rights, or extra-legal powers 
the Queen issued injunctions and orders for the regulation 
of the Church, prescribed regulations for the press, issued 
proclamations, maintained a close supervision over her 
officials ecclesiastical and lay, enforced or created penalties 
against offenders.^ The Council, as representative of the 
Queen or on its own legal authority, handled much of this 
business without attempting to distinguish carefully upon 
what authority its action was based. It super^'ised both 
secular and ecclesiastical courts, received petitions and 
appeals, dealt with offenders directly, or gave orders how 
they should be dealt with by other agents. It is difficult to 
place any definite limits to their jurisdiction and their activ- 
ity.- Probably none was placed at the time. Whatever 
came to their attention as requiring correction or guidance, 

* Sparrow, Collections, p. 65; Cardwell, Documentary AnncUs, vol. i, p. 178; 
Strype. Parker, vol. I, p. 442 ; Str\'pe, Whitgijt, App. iii, no. xxiv ; Prothero, 
Select Statutes, pp. 168-72; Grindal, Remains, pp. 404-35; Camden, Annals, 
(1625), blc. Ill, pp. 14-16. 

* S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. in, nos. 52, 54; vol. xi, nos. 16, 25; vol. x.xi, no. 7; 
vol. XXIV, no. 24; vol. XII, no. 13; vol. xvi, nos. 49, 60; Acts of the Privy Coun- 
cil, vol. VII, pp. 127, 145; Strype, Annals, vol. I, pt. I, p. 139; C hey ney, /iii/or^ 
of England from the Armada, vol. i, p. 80. 


Church and State 87 

they attended to in one way or another, directly or indi- 
rectly, and during this period we find no instance of protest 
against their powers, certainly not from the ecclesiastical 
officials. On the contrary, Parker's appeal to the Council, 
"if you lay not your helping hand to it . . . all that is done 
is but to be laughed at," was by no means rare.^ The feeling 
was probably pretty general that the times were not settled, 
that the new establishment was uncertain and in need of 
support from all sources; no one cared to question the au- 
thority of the body which was so closely connected with 
the safety of the Queen and with the exercise of her broad 
and poorly defined prerogative, especially since the actual 
force which the Council could wield, legally or illegally, 
made opposition dangerous. To the exercise of royal power 
and the activity of the Council was due whatever of unity 
or efficiency there was in the workings of the complex ma- 
chinery. If it had not been for some overriding or directing 
force which could solve problems without unnecessary ref- 
erence to the complex instruments provided by law, the 
confusion would have been far greater than it actually was. 
Strype has preserved for us a somewhat whimsical note, 
made by an Elizabethan cleric, recording what "every man 

hath cure of souls is infolded by his oath to keep and obey " ; I. The 
sacred canonical word of God. II. The statutes of the realm. 
III. The queen's majesty's injunctions, and formal letters pat- 
ent. IV. The letters of the lords of the Privy Council. V. The 
Metropolitan his injunctions and articles. VI. The articles 
and mandates of his bishop. VII. The articles and mandates 
of Mr. Archdeacon. VIII. The mandates of chancellors or com- 
missaries, sompners, receivers, etc. IX. The comptrolment of 
all men with patience.^ 

The opponents of the bishops expressed their conscious- 
ness of restraint with somewhat less patience: — 

. . . No preachers may withoute greate danger of the lawes, 

* Parker Corresp., nos. clxxvi, ccv, ccvi, ccxix. 

* Strype, Annals, vol. I, pt. ii, p. 132. 

88 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

utter all truthe comprised in the book of God. It is so circum- 
scribed and wrapt within the compasse of suche statutes, suche 
penalties, suche injunctions, suche advertisements, suche ar- 
ticles, suche canons, suche sober caveats, and suche manifolde 
pamphlets, that in manner it doth but peepe out from behinde 
the scrcene. The lawes of the lande, the booke of common prayer, 
the Quecnes Injunctions, the Commissioners advertisements, the 
bishops late Canons, Lindwoodes Provincials every bishops Ar- 
ticles in his diocese, my Lord of Canterburies sober caveates in 
his licenses to preachers, and his highe courte of prerogative or 
grave fatherly faculties, these together, or the worste of them (as 
some of them be too badde) may not be broken or offended 
against, but with more daunger than to offende against the Bible.' 


The Queen seems to have believed at first that all that 
was necessary for the establishment of the Church and the 
accomplishment of the government's objects, was the pas- 
sage of the laws and the installation of the ofificers of the 
system to do their complex duty. She displayed an angry 
impatience with her clergy, and charged them with neglect 
and failure to do their duty when the Establishment failed 
of itself to accomplish what she desired ; ^ yet her own will- 
fulness and greed were as responsible as more fundamental 
causes in the failure of the ecclesiastical machinery. Parker 
was moved to protest bitterly that all he could do amounted 
to nothing unsupported by the Queen, or, what was worse, 
that he was actually hindered in his work by her perverse- 
ness and her willingness to lend her ear to the plaints of 
the enemies he made in doing her will. " If this ball shall 
be tossed unto us, and then have no authority by the 
Queen's Majesty's hand, we will set still." ^ "And where 
the Queen's Highness will needs have me assay with mine 
own authority what I can do for order, I trust I shall 
not be stayed hereafter."'' He felt that the clergy were 

* Puritan Manifestoes, Second Admonition, p. 91. 

* Parker Corresp., nos. cvii, clxx, cclxxiii. » Ibid., no. clxxvi. 

* Ibid., no. ccix; c/. also, nos. cxiv, clxxviii, cciii; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. 
clxxv, no. 2. 

Church and State 89 

being used by the Queen to shield herself from the unpopu- 
larity which might result from the work she wished done. 
"The talk, as I am informed, is much increased, and un- 
restful they be, and I alone they say am in fault. For as 
for the Queen's Majesty's part, in my expostulation with 
many of them I signify their disobedience, wherein, because 
they see the danger they cease to impute it to her Majesty, 
for they say, but for my calling on, she is indifferent." " If 
this matter shall be overturned with all these great hopes, 
etc., I am at a point to be used and abused: nam scio nos 
episcopos in hunc usum positos esse.'' ^ Aylmer bluntly said, 
" I am blamed for not taking upon me a matter wherein she 
herself would not be seen." ^ 

Yet, in spite of hindrances, in spite of the uncertainties of 
royal temper and the discouragement of the clergy at times, 
the results desired by the government were obtained. The 
nation was won to regard for the Anglican Establishment as 
a patriotic duty, the Church itself preserved from the narrow 
sectarianism of the Continent. Of the lesser effects of the 
connection of Church and State upon the spirit of Anglican- 
ism, of the compromise spirit of its standards, and the 
practical character of its leaders, we shall have occasion to 
refer in the following chapter. 

The union of Church and State was of primary impor- 
tance in determining the degree of tolerance possible in 
England during Elizabeth's reign. It is obvious that the 
political purposes of the government were such as made 
certain forms of Catholic and Protestant activity equally 
intolerable. In so far as the desire of the government was 
to repress such activity, its attitude was by its dominance 
over the Church forced upon the ecclesiastical establish- 
ment. The Church reflected the intolerance of the State. 
Yet this was of little importance as a factor in the promo- 

* Parker Corresp., no. clxxix. 

* Strype, Aylmer, p. 77; cf. also Parker Corresp., nos. cxiv, cxx\'ii, clxx\-iii, 

90 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

tion of ecclesiastical intolerance, for moderate and reason- 
able as was the spirit of the personnel of the Establishment, 
ecclesiastics, by virtue of their narrow interests and per- 
spective, were more inclined to repress the religious ene- 
mies of the government than was the government itself. 
The policy of the government acted rather as a check than 
an incentive to intolerance on the part of the ecclesiastical 
authorities. We find the Church and its officers prevented 
by their subjection to the will of the secular power from 
exercising the force which they conceived their position 
gave them, and which they felt should, from the standpoint 
of the Church, be exercised. The instruments of the law, 
however, were not in their control, and their own courts 
and officials were so restrained at every point by the in- 
fluence of the Queen, the Council, and the secular officials, 
that there was little opportunity to display that spirit of 
compulsion which many of them would have liked to ex- 
ercise toward both Catholics and Protestants. The mod- 
erate and conciliatory policy of the State prevented the 
development of doctrinal and ecclesiastical bigotry in a 
Church which, unrestrained, would doubtless have devel- 
oped both. 

In the union of the two, and the consequent mould in 
which the Church was cast, lay also one of the principal 
causes for the growth of dissent. The union between State 
and Church determined the early character of this dissent. 
Individuals found the restraints imposed upon them too 
confining, and without daring to break the mould itself, 
without daring to direct their energies against the funda- 
mental structure of a Church backed by government pat- 
ronage, sought a greater freedom within the system itself. 
Thus the vestiarian controversy was significant, not as a 
protest against the system, but as a protest against one of 
the small features within the system which it was felt could 
be safely attacked without coming in conflict with the 
government. That this controversy later developed into 

Church and State 91 

what amounted to a direct attack upon the particular type 
of ecclesiastical organization, was due to influences of which 
we shall speak when we come to deal with the development 
of dissent. 

There is no question that there is in the general lenient 
policy of the government to let live in comparative peace 
any who would take the essential vows of loyalty to the 
Crown, and attend the services of the Church as pre- 
scribed by law, an advance in tolerance over the spirit of 
the time. Government restraint prevented the Church from 
demanding subscription to a particular set of doctrinal the- 
ories, and when subscription to a formula was demanded it 
was subscription to no such system as that embodied in the 
Augsburg Confession, but to a somewhat spineless collection 
of polemic statements, that in only the slightest degree in- 
volved religious intolerance.^ It was the fault of the ar- 
rangement which so subjugated the Church to the State, 
and the temporary character of the advance in tolerance 
was due to this, that the peculiar form of ecclesiastical 
organization made it inevitable that once established firmly 
the organization would no longer be content to be so inclu- 
sive and so colorless. The good of the relationship, from the 
standpoint of the permanent advance of tolerance, lay in 
the opportunity it gave for dissenting opinion to become 
powerful enough to resist with strength all later attempts 
at complete suppression, so that in the end it became neces- 
sary to arrange some peaceable method for the existence of 
varied phases of Christianity side by side. 

To carry to its logical consequence the dominance of the 
Queen over both State and Church, would lead to the con- 
clusion that whatever tolerance or intolerance we discover 
manifested by either, was based, not on group consciousness 
and prejudice, but upon the personal will of the sovereign. 
Undoubtedly Elizabeth's personal prejudices modified pro- 
foundly the groups which are for us the only index to 

» Cf. Thirty-nine Articles, Arts, xix and xxii. 

92 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

national feeling, but it would be absurd to ascribe an all- 
powerful influence to the Queen. Intolerance of any im- 
portance is always the manifestation of a social attitude of 
greater or less extent, however great may be the influence 
of an individual in determining that attitude. In England 
neither national, religious, nor ecclesiastical unity of feeling 
had reached a high development, and as intolerance is the 
outward manifestation of variant groups striving for social 
cohesion the time was ripe in England for an outburst of 
religious and political intolerance. Around the person and 
the throne of Elizabeth centered the development of Eng- 
lish national unity, and it is to her glory that her great influ- 
ence made religion and the Church subservient to that 
development, and was directed toward the moderation and 
elimination of religious differences. She made mistakes, she 
was unwise, but to her, and to a few men around her, is due 
the fact that the tone of the government in religious matters 
was more sane and reasonable than the spirit of the men 
she used to establish and serve in her Church. 


The men who made up the early Church of Elizabeth were 
drawn from three parties, those to whom the compromise 
Church was agreeable because of temperamental or intel- 
lectual convictions, Catholics who were loyal and felt that 
the governmental Establishment was sufficiently right to 
excuse the outward show of adherence which the govern- 
ment demanded, and the more radical Protestants who were 
ready to make compromises and concessions for the sake of 
securing an anti-Roman Church, and perhaps for the sake 
of securing for themselves the advantages of position and 
hoped-for power. Naturally those who would now be 
called the Erastians were most acceptable to the Queen 
and secured the most important positions. The direct- 
ing heads were not extremists, not religious enthusiasts. 
They were reasonable men. They were cautious men. 
Temperament and the desire to keep their positions made 
them so. The antiquarian interests of Parker, and his dry- 
as-dust researches, so far removed from definitely religious 
views, are characteristic of the men who had the Church 
in charge at the first of the reign. Parker, Grindal, Sandys, 
and the rest were eminently practical men in a worldly 
sense, good men also, but not religious enthusiasts, not 
unreasonably pious. They were not men fitted to assume 
a rousing captaincy of militant religion. The govern- 
ment was perhaps not utterly indifferent to religious 
interest, but primarily fighting for self-preservation; the 
Church itself was inspired by the same fears as the govern- 
ment and well satisfied with the alliance of the two. The 
Protestant party also hated the common enemy with a bit- 
ter hatred and felt that for the present it could give up 

94 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

cherished notions in order to present a united front to the 
foe. Any institution thus founded on the alliance of essen- 
tially dilTerent ideas in opposition to a common foe, or even 
in love of a common object, is liable to rupture when the 
danger disappears or the common object is obtained. Color- 
less and political as the Church was in the beginning, 
founded upon compromise, there lay within it the seeds and 
the causes for the growth of divergent opinions of well- 
founded character, should the country once become free 
from external danger. 

The desire of the Church to compromise comes out clearly 
in the standards which it set up, or attempted to set up. 
Judging from these standards alone, the Church, apart from 
its obtrusive patriotism, emphasized few aspects of religious 
conviction. The only legal standard was for years the tak- 
ing of a purely political oath of loyalty to the Crown by the 
clerics, and, on the part of the laymen, a purely formal ex- 
pression of allegiance to the established government by 
attendance on the Church services. True there was an at- 
tempt by the Church to secure the adoption of a standard of 
belief in 1563, but government policy secured the delay in 
the necessary enactment of that standard into law until 1 57 1 , 
when the political situation had been so changed by the pro- 
nouncements of Papacy that the government was willing to 
permit the Thirty-nine Articles to be incorporated into the 
body of ecclesiastical standards. But the Articles are them- 
selves so indefinite in statement, so merely anti-Roman, 
that they but serve to emphasize further the compromise 
and political character of the English Establishment. The 
fact that the Church was established at, and according to, 
the dictates of government policy resulted in a Church that 
was a compromise. It was not simply a compromise be- 
tween Catholicism and Protestantism, but, more important 
still, it was a compromise with itself. It was a conscious 

Anglicanism 95 

attempt to abstain from making definite statements of its 
own position and justification of its position as a compro- 
mise Church. 

You may see how he [Jewel] would mingle policy and religion 
together. Surely he is wise and a good serv-ant in this time.^ And 
where the Queen's Highness doth note me to be too soft and easy, 
I think divers of my brethren will rather note me, if they were 
asked, too sharp and too earnest in moderation, Avhich towards 
them I have used, and will still do, till mediocrity shall be re- 
ceived amongst us.^ 

We find the clergy taking pride in its "mediocrity," al- 
though there could be little defense of the Church from that 
standpoint.^ This was a condition which was bound to van- 
ish as soon as the dangers from foreign aggression disap- 
peared and the Church had acquired the sanction of age. At 
first, however, the only clear thing about its position was 
that it was not papal and that it was English, things, which, 
in themselves, do not define a Church any more than they 
define industrial or philosophical systems. That the Church 
finally escaped from colorless compromise, and has, in gen- 
eral, become a deliberately tolerant and inclusive body, was 
due to the men who directed its affairs in later years, to the 
struggle with enthusiasts through which it passed, to the 
essentially patriotic and national stamp placed upon it in 
the beginning. 

Yet the Church established by the government, Erastian 
in form and conception, would have failed to become the 
great Church we know, it could not have played the role it 
has in the development of England, it could not have held 
the allegiance of Englishmen, had it not been something 
greater than a tool of secular politics. In the face of sincere 
religious feeling, before the enthusiasm of Puritan eamest- 

* Parker Corresp., no. cxvi; cf. no. clxiv. 

* Ibid., no. cxxvii; cf. Strype, Parker, bk. l, p. 126. 

* J. H. Newman's early defense of the via media would have been impossible 
for one who lived in Elizabeth's day and adhered to the Establishment during 
her first years of rule. 

96 Intoler^vnce in the Reign of Elizabeth 

ness and inexorable piety, It would have failed even to serve 
the political purpose for which it was created, it could not 
have continued its life and remained for centuries the 
Church to which Englishmen have given their allegiance, 
had it not been from the first something more than Erastian, 
something more than expedient. It was religious. During 
the time when its officers and its polity were most subservi- 
ent to governmental dictation, the English Church had, and 
was conscious of the fact that it had, a function other than 
that of serving merely as a cog in the governmental ma- 
chinery. Yet the connection between Church and State, 
the essential subordination of ecclesiastical to secular policy, 
was during Elizabeth's reign never repudiated by the Es- 
tablished Church; and the development of its religious life, 
as well as the development of ecclesiastical and doctrinal 
theory, was necessarily limited by that relationship. Oppo- 
nents charged that "common experience dothe prove, that 
they doe for the most parte apply them selves to the time 
and seeke rather to please and followe worldly pollicie, then 
sincerely to promote Gods cause, and to publish his truth." * 

The moderate and conciliatory purposes of secular poli- 
tics made the formulation of an independent ecclesiastical 
or doctrinal apologetic a delicate task. Any theory of the 
ecclesiastical Establishment which too vigorously con- 
demned Catholicism would defeat the desire of the govern- 
ment to procure the allegiance of Catholics, and would not 
be permitted. Any theory which antagonized the Conti- 
nental reformers would be equally distasteful to the gov- 
ernment. In doctrine and in religion, therefore, we find 
little development during Elizabeth's reign over what had 
existed from the first, largely because of the restraints 
placed upon such development by royal taste and policy. By 

1 Puritan Manifestoes, Second Admonition, p. 89. Cf. Burrage, English Dis- 
senters, vol. II, p. 98. 

Anglicanism 97 

the acts of Parliament which erected the Elizabethan Estab- 
lishment, there was, appropriately enough, considering the 
secular character of the parliamentary bodies, little empha- 
sis placed upon the doctrinal features of the new Church. 
In the Act of Uniformity we find a limitation placed upon 
doctrinal formulation, in entire accord with the historical 
grounds upon which the repudiation of papal claims had 
been made, and entirely in harmony with the essentially 
political interest of the act establishing the form of ecclesi- 
astical service and government. The Apostles' and Atha- 
nasian Creeds, the pronouncements of the first four General 
Councils, and the Scriptures, are to serve as the standards 
upon which charges of heresy are to be based. These are 
indefinite standards, the interpretation of which may vary 
with changed conditions of thought and government; nor 
can they be regarded as furnishing a proper doctrinal state- 
ment of the position of the English Church ; they are rather 
the traditional inheritance of all Christians, Catholic as well 
as Protestant, and are in no way distinctive or to be ranked 
in the same class with the doctrinal formularies of the Con- 
tinental Reformed and Lutheran Churches. 

The first real attempt to give to the Establishment a defi- 
nite statement of its doctrinal and ecclesiastical belief, was 
that of the Convocation of 1563 when it passed the Thirty- 
nine Articles. A detailed history of the Articles, or an anal- 
ysis of their contents even, would be out of place here, and 
would require a treatment far beyond the limits of this 
study. Essentially they were the Forty-two Articles of 
Edward VI, modified in the spirit of compromise. They 
were essentially polemic, in so far as ecclesiastical theory is 
concerned, and conciliatory in regard to doctrine. "The 
papists mislike of the book of common prayers for nothing 
else, but because it swerveth from their mass-book, and is 
not in all points like unto it. And these men mislike it for 
nothing else, but that it hath too much likelihood unto it," ^ 

1 Whitgift, Works, vol. i, p. 120. Cf. also, Zurich Letters, nos. cix, cxii. cxx. 

98 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

wrote Whitgift, and the same might have been said of the 
Articles. They so far fail to embody what came to be dis- 
tinctively Anglican that a later English ecclesiastic could 
say of them that they "are no more part of the Church of 
England than the limpet which clings to the rock is the rock 
itself." ^ Doctrinally there is nothing in them which could 
not, by judicious interpretation, be accepted by any Prot- 
estant, or even by any Catholic. Yet so great was the 
Queen's aversion to definite statement of the position of the 
Church, apart from its Erastianism, or so anxious her con- 
cern that the way be left open for any move which the fu- 
ture political situation might make necessary, that even 
this seemed dangerous and she refused the royal signature 
necessary to give the Articles authoritative position. It was 
not until nine years later, ^ when all hope of reconcilation 
with the Papacy was past, at a time when it might be sup- 
posed that the Church could afford to take a more decisive 
stand than in 1563, that the Articles received Parliamentary 
sanction and the assent of the Queen ; ^ and then in a form 
whose interpretation, in so far as the ecclesiastical features 
were concerned, was debatable. 

The catechism, in both the longer and shorter forms pre- 
pared by Nowell, similarly avoided debatable doctrinal 
statements and never received governmental sanction. The 
Church, for the most part, gave the government hearty 
support in repressing doctrinal discussion. The homilies 
were prepared for this purpose, as well as for supplying 
homiletic material for use by those incapable of preparing 
their own sermons. Elizabeth and Cecil discouraged such 
doctrinal debates as Parker and Jewel and the early prel- 
ates were inclined to enter upon, and so great were the 
restraints imposed upon the clergy that many of them 

» Hook, Lives of the Archbishops, Parker, p. 353. Cf. Child, Church and State. 
p. 196. 

2 Parker Corresp., nos. ccxxiv, ccxxv; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. XLI, no. 43; 
D'Ewes, Journals, pp. 132, 133. 

' 13 Eliz., c. 2. 

Anglicanism 99 

thought caution was being carried too far. "To be pre- 
scribed in preaching, to have no matter in controversy in 
religion spoken of, is thought far unreasonable, specially 
seeing so many adversaries as by their books plentifully had 
in the court from beyond the sea, do impugn the verity of 
our religion." ^ "What can I hope, when injunctions are 
laid upon those appointed to preach, not to handle vice 
with too much severity; when the preachers are deemed 
intolerable, if they say anything that is displeasing?" ^ 

When \\'hitgift, in his zeal for the doctrines of Calvinism 
and for the suppression of dissent, endeavored to impose the 
Calvinistic Lambeth Articles upon the Church, the Queen, 
through Cecil, promptly quashed both the attempt to give 
Anglican doctrine a Calvinistic stamp, and the seeming 
assertion of archiepiscopal authority in the realm of reli- 
gious dogma. 

Quite apart from any ecclesiastical theory or formulation 
of doctrine, however, the Church looked upon itself as the 
opponent of Roman Catholicism. This, of course, was in 
part due to the trend of secular politics in opposition to 
Rome, but the presence within the Church of influential 
and sincere men whose political fear of the menace of Rome 
was equaled by their moral and religious horror of the 
abuses within that Church, gave to this opposition a 
strength and determination which no mere loyalty to the 
Crown could have done. In England, as on the Continent, 
the purely secular motives of opposition to the papal and 
ecclesiastical control enabled those whose religious or moral 
motives led them to protest against abuses which shocked 
and repulsed them, to express their opinions and to resist 
suppression. In England, as on the Continent also, the 
secular revolt, however, would have been immensely more 

1 Parker Corresp., no. clxxv, Parker to Cecil. 
* Zurich Letters, no. xxxix, Sampson to Martyr. 

100 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

complicated and have resulted in more distress and insta- 
bility than was actually the case, had it not been for ideal- 
istic notions of religion and the Church which afforded the 
necessary emotional grounds of opposition. ^ Following the 
usual habit of men the English Church and its leaders 
found at hand the material for the construction of an 
ecclesiastical theory which allowed full play for their emo- 
tional condemnation of Roman Catholicism, but the emo- 
tional rather than the intellectual motive, determined the 
spirit and attitude of the Church. 

A superficial reading of the writings of the time would 
lead one to believe that the only possible concern felt for 
the souls of Englishmen was lest they be damned through 
adherence to Romanism, and that the ecclesiastics believed 
Rome the only religious danger which the Church had to 
combat. Yet there were not lacking within the Church men 
who felt that, independently of ecclesiastical or doctrinal 
theory, independently of opposition to Rome even, the 
Church had laid upon it the duty of proclaiming the gospel 
of God's forgiving love to common men. The controversial 
character of the period is, of course, much more patent than 
this idealistic concern for the souls of men, and it often con- 
cealed the religious earnestness which really existed. The 
pressing political aggression of the Papacy gave to the age 
an essentially controversial stamp and many causes com- 
bined to prevent the development of Anglican religious 

Within the Church were men more concerned over the 
dignity and remuneration of clerical office than about the 
spiritual duties connected therewith.*^ Earnest and trained 
men to take the lower, more intimate pastoral ofiices were 

1 Fox's Martyrolog:y, probably the most widely known of Elizabethan re- 
ligious productions, was little more than an emotional campaign document 
intended to arouse the feelinj^ of the English against Roman Catholicism. 

" Strype, Annals, vol. II, pt. i, pp. 331, 463, 467; Strype, Aylmer, p. 169; 
Froude, History of England, vol. Xll, pp. 4-7, 543; Dixon, History of the Church, 
vol. V, p. 23; Parker Corresp., no. ccxxxiv; Usher, Reconstruction, vol. I, pp. 
209-11; Pierce, Introd. to Marprclate Tracts, pp. loi et seq. 

Anglicanism ioi 

lacking. Ignorant and illiterate artisans were, of necessity, 
employed to perform the services. Parker admitted the 

. . . We and you both, for tolerable supply thereof, have here- 
tofore admitted unto the ministry sundry artificers and others, 
not traded and brought up in learning, and, as it happened in a 
multitude, some that were of base occupations.^ 

There was truth in the charge made, that 

the bishops have made priests of the basest of the people, not only 
for their occupations and trades whence they have taken them as 
shoemakers, barbers, tailors, waterbearers, shepherds, and horse 
keepers, but also for their want of good learning and honesty.'^ 

Sandys wrote: — 

The disease spreadeth for patrons gape for gain, and hungry fel- 
lows utterly destitute of all good learning and godly zeal, yea 
scarcely clothed with common honesty, having money, find ready 
entrance to the Church.' 

The greed of patrons enabled the unfit to secure places. 
Bishop Cooper could write truthfully: — 

As for the corruption in bestowing other meaner livings, the 
chief fault thereof is in patrons themselves. For it is the usual 
manner of the most part of these (I speak of too good experience) 
though they may have good store of able men in the Universities, 
yet if an ambitious or greedy minister corne not unto them to sue 
for the benefice, if there be an insufficient nrian or a corrupt person 
within two shires of them, whom they think they can draw to any 
composition for their own benefit, they will by one means or 
other find him out, and if the bishop shall make courtesy to ad- 
mit him, some such shift shall be found by the law, either by 
Qiiare impedit or otherwise, that whether the bishop will or no, he 
shall be shifted into the benefice. I know some bishops unto 
whom such suits against the patrons have been more chargeable 
in one year, than they have gained by all the benefices they have 

1 Parker Corresp., no. Ixxxvi. 

* Supplication of Puritan Ministers to Parliament in 1586, quoted in Neal, 
vol. I, p. 317. Cf. also Parker Corresp., nos. ccxi, ccxxxix, cclxxxii; Jewel, 
Works, vol. II, p. 1012; vol. IV, pp. 909, 873; Zurich Letters, no. Ivi; Stripe, 
Whitgift, vol. I, pp. 328-30; Grindal, Remains, p. 130; Whitgift, Works, vol. I, 
p. 316. 

» Quoted in Hunt, Relig. Thought, vol. i, p. 77- 


bestowed since they were bishops, or I think will do while they 
be bishops.' 

Political caution enabled disloyal parish priests who had 
ser\'cd under the Catholic regime to retain their livings, 
much to the discouragement of the ecclesiastical officials. 

This Machiavel government is strange to me, for it bringeth 
forth strange fruits. As soon is the papist favoured as is the true 
Protestant. And yet forsooth my levity doth mar all. When the 
true subject is not regarded but overthwarted, when the rebel is 
borne with, a good commonwealth, scilicet. When the faithful 
subject and officer hath spent his wit to search, to find, to indict, 
to arraign, and to condemn, yet must they be kept still for a fair 
day to cut our own throats.^ 

All of these conditions combined to give to the lower 
clergy, and too often to the higher also, a character little 
provocative of spiritual life in the Church. A great part of 
the nation was dead to the emotions that give religion vital- 
ity. Ideas of morality were loose among both clergy and 
laity; ' ministerial office, of the lesser kind at least, carried 
with it no guarantee or expectation of respectability.* 
There was little hope of immediate or rapid improvement. 
The changing value of money, due to the increased supply 
of gold from the New^ W'orld, the changed agricultural and 
commercial conditions, so reduced the already insufficient 
remuneration of clerical office, that only the inefficient and 
untrained were attracted to the ministry in its more humble 
aspects. "For what man of reason will think that eight 
pounds yearly is able to maintain a learned divine? When 
as every scull in a kitchen and groom in a stable is better 
provided for?" ^ 

1 Cooper, Admonition, p. 147, quoted in Hooker, Ecc. Pol., vol. 11, bk. vii, 
chap. XXIV, sec. 7, note 87. Cf. Hooker, Ecc. Pol., vol. li, bk. vii, chap, xxiv, 
sec. 7, p. 210. 

"^ Parker Corresp., no. ccxcvil. Cf. also Usher, Reconstruction, vol. I, pp. 35, 
no, in; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. ix, no. 71; VVhitgift, Works, vol. i, p. 313. 

5 Hall, Elizabethan Age, chap, vil, "The Courtier"; App., pp. 242-50. 

* Cf. Spenser, Shepheard's Calendar and Mother Hubbard's Tale; Parker 
Corresp., no. cc. 

' Strype, Whitgift, vol. I, p. 534- Cf. also ibid., vol. in, p. 174; Usher, Recon- 

Anglicanism 103 

The Queen did not like the idea of religious zeal, she could 
not understand the stern and unyielding religious convic- 
tions of either Catholic or Protestant. She feared the effects 
of both. The growth within the Church of any great enthu- 
siasm for any kind of religious belief seemed to her danger- 
ous. She dreaded the effects upon the people of popular and 
soul-stirring preachers. She preferred that the Church slum- 
ber a little. When Grindal, one of the most sincere of the 
clergy and most deeply imbued with the spirit of piety, at- 
tempted to regulate the prophesyings in the interests of an 
educated ministry, she absolutely commanded him to put 
them down. He refused. His unwillingness to allow the 
political fears, or personal dislike of the Queen, to interfere 
with what he regarded as his spiritual duty,^ stirred the 
Queen to wrath and she promptly suspended him from the 
exercise of his office of Archbishop of Canterbury. When 
one whom she personally had held in high regard, one of 
such eminence in the organization which she had built up, 
was thus suppressed for attempting to encourage a purely 
spiritual exercise, it was not likely that less favored persons 
and less eminent ones would meet with much consideration 
at her hands. The growth of any considerable body within 
the Church which attempted to place in the forefront the 
belief that the Church was the repository of God's truth, 
and had, as such, a duty transcending its duty of obedience 
to the commands of royalty, could not exist during Eliza- 
beth's reign. 

In so far as Protestantism asserted the power and neces- 
sity of direct communion between man and his God, the 
pressure upon the corporate Church to regard itself as re- 
sponsible for the individual was lightened, and, upon reli- 

slruction, vol. I, pp. 219-39; Collier., Ecc. Hist., vol. 11, App., p. 104: Hooker, 
Ecc. Pol.,hk. VII, chap, xxiv; Willcins, Concilia, vol. iv, p. 283; E. F. Gay, 
Royal Historical Society's Transactions (New Series), vol. xiv, pp. 258-62. 

1 Strype, Grindal, pp. 327, 328, App., p. 558; Grindal, Remains, pp. 373. 374. 
376-90, 467, 468, Letters, nos. xc-xcix, App., nos. ii, iii; Prothero, Select Stat- 
utes, pp. 202-06; S. P., Dam., Eliz., vol. xli, no. 44; Strype, Annals, vol. II, 
pt. II, App., nos. viii, ix; vol. II, pt. i, App., nos, xxiii, xxxviii, xxxix. 

104 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

gious grounds, the demand of the Church that the individ- 
ual submit his soul to the Church lost force. Anglicanism 
was under the necessity of securing universal allegiance 
because the political situation demanded the adherence of 
all Englishmen to the State Church; this need, and the in- 
fluence of the Protestant idea of individual capability and 
responsibility in the sphere of religion, weakened ecclesias- 
tical insistence upon, and concern for, the salvation of men. 
Nevertheless, imbued as were many of its clergy with the 
moral and religious ideas and feelings of a Protestantism 
kept sane by governmental regulation and cool-headedness, 
it was inevitable that they should have the spiritual welfare 
of their charges thrust upon their consciousness. We find 
them striving constantly to raise the standards, morally and 
educationally, of both clergy and people. But with the death 
of the clerics who sur\'ived from the reign of Mary, and 
with the dying-out of such men as Parker, Jewel, Sandys, 
and Grindal, when Whitgift and Bancroft, with their talent 
for organization, took the places of the first clerics, the 
Church was absorbed in the conflict with Presbyterianism 
and with religiously earnest dissent; there were difficulties in 
the way of the cultivation of the religious life of the Church. 
Yet many men had been by that time educated under the 
Elizabethan Church,^ and perhaps there was as much moral 
earnestness and truly religious propaganda as exists in any 
Church when men are busy with concerns more immediate 
and practical than the salvation of their souls. Religious 
enthusiasm sometimes serv^es as a substitute for other intel- 
lectual and emotional excitement, but seldom makes much 
headway at a time so crowded with political, literary, and 
commercial interest as was the reign of Elizabeth. During 
Elizabeth's reign the consciousness in the Anglican Church 
of its function as God's messenger of salvation never de- 
veloped into any great spiritual or religious movement. 
There was too much need for the establishment of the 
» At Cambridge in 1568, 28 men proceeded B.A.; in 1583, 277. 

Anglicanism 105 

machinery of the Church, too great necessity for caution in 
every pronouncement upon religious questions; there was 
not, in the stress of papal controversy, time for the devel- 
opment of non-controversial religious earnestness. The 
Church was, as was the rest of the nation, religiously quies- 
cent, until stirred into life by the agitation of a group of 
emotionally religious men whose convictions, borrowed or 
adapted from Continental Protestantism, brought them into 
conflict with the constituted church authorities and the 

Justification of the Establishment as an organization was 
an immediate need, more pressing than the formulation of 
its doctrinal theory or the development of its religious life. 
The formulation of an ecclesiastical theory for the Church, 
was, of necessity, one of the first considerations of the men 
who took office in the new Establishment. Obviously the 
real political motives behind the organization of the Church, 
the bare assertion of the Erastlan principle, could not ser^'e 
as adequate apology for the Church in the minds of many 
Englishmen, nor could it serve as a defense against the 
attacks of its enemies. 

The historical claims of Henry, reiterated by the Eliza- 
bethan religious acts, served as the basis for the develop- 
ment of a theory of the Church such as was required. His- 
torically, the preface to Elizabeth's Act of Supremacy 
asserted, the jurisdiction of the Papacy in England was a 
usurped and abused jurisdiction. The Act of Uniformity 
asserted that the doctrinal standards of the Church were 
primitive, pre-Roman. Thus the language of the acts indi- 
cates the justification of the Church which was in the minds 
of the leaders in the separation movement. That the Eliza- 
bethan Church should continue the development of the 
ecclesiastical apologetic chosen by Henry was natural. It 
gave to the Church of Elizabeth a direct connection with 

io6 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

the Church of her father under which most of her subjects 
had been born. It was a return, beyond the unpopular reign 
of Mary, to the golden times of her predecessors. The justi- 
fication of the Establishment upon historical grounds was 
also entirely in line with the attempts of the Continent to 
find historical basis for their separation from the Church of 
Rome. Englishmen who during Mary's reign had retired 
into private life or fled to the Continent, men like Jewel and 
Parker, had imbibed their ideas from the separatist apolo- 
gists of Henry's and Edward's reigns; those who spent their 
time on the Continent had used the opportunity for associa- 
tion with Continental reformers, to perfect their studies in 
primitive church history; a study based, it is true, upon un- 
critical use of the sources, but nevertheless adequate for 
their purposes in spite of the Catholic charge, "Your own 
opinion is the rule to esteeme them or despise them." ^ 
Parker the Archbishop was an antiquarian. His interests 
and his tastes combined to make agreeable the defense upon 
historical grounds of the Church of which he was the head. 
Jewel, the first apologist of the English Church, was an om- 
nivorous student who sought and found, in his study of the 
primitive fathers, abundant authority for the Establish- 
ment. Nowhere is the essential unity of thought upon the 
Continent and in England shown more strikingly than in 
the importance given to historical investigation of the first 
four centuries of Christianity. 

The historical apologetic had for its fundamental article 
the idea emphasized by the preface to the Act of Supremacy, 
the idea that the jurisdiction of the Papacy historically did 
not reach back to the beginnings of Christianity.^ The 
primitive Church knew no such papal power; it contem- 
plated no such hierarchy and universal dominion as was 
maintained by the Romans. A natural corollary to this 

» Jewel, Works, vol. in, p. 176. 

* Ibid., pp. 192, 233, 267; vol. II, pp. 106, 85; vol. IV, pp. 1062-68, 1072; 
vol. I, pp. 338, 444, 3-25; Parker Corresp., no. Ixxvii. 

Anglicanism 107 

fundamental rejection upon historical grounds, of papal 
claims, was the rejection also of many of the rites and cere- 
monies and observances of the Roman Catholic Church. 
Extreme unction, administration of the sacrament in one 
kind only, the excessive use of saints' days, were rejected, 
practically, because of the objections of the extremer Prot- 
estants; theoretically, because no authority was found for 
their use in primitive times. "As for us, we have planted 
no new religion, but only have renewed the old, that was 
undoubtedly founded and used by the apostles of Christ, 
and other holy fathers in the primitive church, and of this 
long late time, by means of the multitude of your traditions 
and vanities, hath been drowned." ^ Yet the association of 
the Church with the government in the particularly close 
relations which conciliatory politics made necessary, pre- 
vented the maintenance of primitive practice as the exclu- 
sive touchstone for organization and ceremony in the Eng- 
lish Church. 2 The subserv^ience of the Church to the will of 
the Queen made necessary the retention of ceremonies and 
forms of organization whose persistence in the English Es- 
tablishment would have been hard to justify on the grounds 
of apostolic precedent. A theory permitting a more liberal 
practice than that laid down even by liberal interpretation 
of the primitive history of the Christian Church was neces- 
sary. In essence, the basis for this theory, so far as it had a 
Scriptural basis, was Paul's command to render obedience 
unto superior powers. The leaders of the Church also 
showed a common sense in their recognition of historical 
development and change in external ecclesiastical organiza- 
tion hardly to be expected in the sixteenth century. No 
doubt their contention that the form of the organization 
and the ceremonies to be used in the Church were to be 

^ Jewel, Works, vol. iv, pp. 777, 1123. The economic argument that such 
profusion of saints' days interfered with labor was advanced, but during the 
first years of Elizabeth's rule received little emphasis. It was a favorite argu- 
ment with the Presbyterians. 

2 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 65, 75; vol. Ill, p. 177. 

io8 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

determined by the needs of time and place, was inspired in 
great part by the necessity of finding a justification for cer- 
tain features of the English Establishment which could not 
be defended upon purely historical grounds, but that this 
defense took the general ground of reasonableness, rather 
than some more narrow ground, such as the divine character 
of the kingship, was due, in some cases at least, to a truly 
liberal realization of the fact rather than to polemic difficul- 

Practical common sense and practical needs produced 
this liberal sense of historical development. There was in 
this position room for the necessary Erastianism of the 
Church and no difficulty to reconcile with the acts of Par- 
liament and the headship of the Queen. The contention 
that the external form of ecclesiastical establishment was a 
matter of indifference and might, therefore, be changed and 
accommodated to the needs of different peoples at different 
times, served in a measure to blunt the reproaches of the 
Catholics that Elizabeth's Church existed merely by virtue 
of secular, that is. Parliamentary, enactment. To this 
charge the reply was not a direct denial, but a counter- 
charge that Parliament had always debated concerning 
ecclesiastical changes and that under Mary the Catholics 
had a "Parliament faith, a Parliament mass, and a Parlia- 
ment Pope." 2 The refusal to claim for the English Estab- 
lishment any particular sanctity, or divinely given plan, 
enabled the Church to avoid condemning Continental Prot- 
estantism and permitted the most cordial relations with the 
most important forms of anti-Romanism. At the same time, 
Parker's claim that the English Church was the truly 
Catholic Church was given its full force in reconciling those 
Catholics who could be brought to renounce the ecclesias- 

' Cf. the rather amusing instance, " In the Apostles' times that was harmless, 
which being now revived would be scandalous; as their oscula sancta." Hooker, 
Ecc. Pol., Pre/., chap. IV, sec. 4, p. 137- 

' Jewel, Works, vol. iv, p. 904. Cf. ibid., vol. iv, pp. 903, 898, 902, 264, 166, 
906; Whitgift, Works, vol. I, p. 185; Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. viii, chap. vi. 

Anglicanism 109 

tical headship of the Pope. Hardly less important was the 
fact that, with such a theory for the basis of an ecclesiastical 
structure, there was not inevitably bound the acceptance of 
any set of semi-religious ecclesiastical dogma. And finally, 
such a basis gave encouragement to a great number of radi- 
cal Protestants to believe that entire freedom was left to the 
Church to develop an organization and a service more in 
accord with their extreme ideas than was the Establishment 
already erected. This particularly was true as regards the 
ceremonies of the Church, and led directly to the attacks 
made upon the vestments and certain other ceremonies 
which Parker was hard put to it to defend upon the grounds 
of expediency. 

We have indicated how few were the steps taken in the 
doctrinal and religious development of the Established 
Church during the reign of Elizabeth, and have shown some 
of the causes which prevented further growth in those lines. 
The same causes were, for the most part, operative in pre- 
venting development of ecclesiastical theory also, but there 
was, nevertheless, a tendency here toward the formation of 
a particular system. The development of ecclesiastical 
theory is most important for the theory of intolerance in 
Elizabeth's reign, for, contrary to the accepted belief, it is 
in the realm of ecclesiastical, rather than purely religious, 
divergence, that the greatest field for intolerance lies. The 
emotional reactions which lead to intolerance may be de- 
veloped from any kind of divergence in views, even those 
which often seem the most immaterial are capable of pro- 
ducing as strong reactions as those bearing directly on daily 
life. But where belief is the foundation of social institutions 
it is most likely to secure the defense of lasting intolerance. 
It is the necessity for defense of the social organization for 
religious purposes, rather than the necessity for the defense 
of a particular type of strictly religious dogma, that affords 
the greatest occasion for a display of intolerance. The 
dogma which the organization has made official may serve 

no Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

as the charge on which intolerance manifests itself, but the 
supposed danger to the organization implied in the rejection 
of the dogma of the organization, inspires the charges. 
Nothing illustrates this more strikingly than the latitude 
allowed to scholars by the Catholic Church in their specula- 
tions, so long as they did not so express or publish their 
private opinions as to threaten the safety of the hierarchy. 
In England the differences between dissenting Protestant 
groups and the Establishment, which caused the greatest 
friction, were differences of organization and ceremony 
rather than those of religion. The political connection be- 
tween the Church and State accentuated the danger in 
every dissenting tendency which attacked the form of the 
religious social system established by the secular govern- 
ment. It was not the political danger to the monarchy, but 
the ecclesiastical danger to the Establishment which led to 
the development of ecclesiastical theory in the English 
Establishment. It was in opposition to hostile champion- 
ship of the Presbyterian form of ecclesiastical organization 
that the most important tendency to development of a new 
Anglican ecclesiastical theory arose. This tendency was 
toward the development of the dogma of the apostolic 
succession of the bishops. 

The immediate sources of the idea of the apostolic succes- 
sion in England are difficult to determine, primarily because 
the development in Elizabeth's reign did not become a clear 
and consistent championship of the theory. The dignity of 
episcopal, as opposed to the claims of papal, power was an 
old subject of controversy, and it was but natural that it 
should assert itself in the English Church, whose foundation 
was opposition to the Papacy and whose episcopal adminis- 
tration was a survival from the old Church. The substitu- 
tion by Henry of his own authority for that of the Pope, and 
the very personal exercise of that power by him, were not 
conducive to the development of an independent episcopal 
theory. Barlow, Bishop of St. Asaph's, said: — 

Anglicanism hi 

If the King's grace being supreme head of the Church of Eng- 
land, did choose, denominate, and elect any layman (being 
learned) to be a bishop, that be so chosen (without mention 
being made of any orders) should be as good a bishop as he is 
or the best in England.^ 

Cranmer said he valued his episcopal title no more than 
he did " the paring of an apple," and that " there is no more 
promise of God that grace is given in the committing of the 
ecclesiastical office than it is in the committing of the civil 
office." 2 An ambiguous statement in the ordinal of Edward 
VI suggests, but does not assert, the necessity for episcopal 
ordination, and practice during his reign destroys whatever 
force might be given to this seeming assertion of episcopal 
dignity. Jewel, at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, con- 
fused the question of an apostolic episcopal succession with 
the succession of apostolic doctrine in the Church. He re- 
fused to be definite, and certainly no apostolic succession of 
bishops was asserted as essential. He implies that it was 
not. " If it were certain that the religion and truth of God 
passeth e\'ermore orderly by succession and none otherwise, 
then were succession a very good substantial argument of 
the truth." ^ The attempt of Whitgift to call in question 
the validity of Travers's Continental ordination, and the 
appeals made to the case of Whittingham,^ which concerned 
the same question, indicate a tendency to interpret the act, 
"that ministers be of sound doctrine," as excluding all who 
had not been ordained according to the legal forms of 
the Anglican Church, which, of course, required episcopal 

The act itself states that 

Every person under the degree of a bishop, which doth or shall 

1 Quoted in J. Gregory, Puritanism, p. 50. 

^ Cranmer, Works (Jenkins ed.). vol. li, p. 102. Cf. Cranmer, Remains and 
Letters, p. 305. 

' Jewel, Works, vol. ni, p. 322. Cf. also ibid., vol. in, pp. 103, 104, 106, 

* Cf. Maitland, Essays, " Puritan Politics," no. ii, pp. 77-98; Str>-pe, A nnals, 
vol. U, pt. II, App., no. xiii; Strype, Parker, 156, App., nos. xxvii, xlvii. 

112 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

pretend to be a priest or minister of God's holy word and sacra- 
ments, by reason of any other form of institution, consecration, 
or ordering than the form set forth by ParHament in the time of 
the late king Edward VI or now used; shall in the presence of the 
bishop or guardian of the spiritualities of some one diocese where 
he hath or shall have ecclesiastical living, declare his assent and 
subscribe to all the articles of religion, which only concern the 
confession of the true Christian faith and the doctrine of the 

The generally accepted opinion, confirmed by practice, was 
that the act admitted of Presbyterian ordination.^ Whit- 
gift's opponents, and some of his friends, interpreted his 
attack as an expedient and illegal glorification of the 
episcopal ofifice. 

. . . Let our aduersar>'es looke unto yt how they account of the 
refourmed Churches abroad seing they have denyed such to be 
suffycyent and lawfull Ministers of the Ghospell of Christ, who 
have bene of those Churches allowed and ordayned thereunto.^ 

But there is little indication here of a theory of apostolic 
episcopal succession. Whitgift undoubtedly desired a more 
independent and autocratic episcopal authority, but the 
most superficial thought discovered the obvious antagonism 
of the theory of a divinely ordained episcopal ministry, to 
that subservience to the political dominance which was the 
essential characteristic of the Elizabethan foundation. 
^ Dr. Hammond wrote to Burghley in 1588: — 

The bishops of our realm do not (so far as I ever yet heard), nor 
may not, claim to themselves any other authority than is given 
them by the statute of the 25th of King Henry the Eighth, re- 
cited in the first year of Her Majesty's reign, or by other statutes 
of the land; neither is it reasonable they should make other 
claims, for if it had pleased Her Majesty with the wisdom of the 
realm, to have used no bishops at all, we could not have com- 
plained justly of any defect in our church: or if it had liked them 
to limit the authority of bishops to shorter terms, they might not 

* 13 Eliz., c. 12. 

* Strypc, Grindal, bk. VI, chap, xm; Cosin, Works, vol. iv, pp. 403-07, 449- 
50; Bacon, quoted, p. 147. 

' Penry's Answer to Fifteen Slanderous Articles, Burrage, Eng. Dissenters, 
vol. II, p. 67. Cf. also, Travers's Supplication, in Hooker, Works, vol. 11, p. 331. 

Anglicanism 113 

have said they had any wrong. But sith it hath pleased Her 
Majesty to use the ministry of bishops, and to assign them this 
authority, it must be to me, that am a subject, as God's ordi- 
nance, and therefore to be obeyed according to St. Paul's rule.^ 

A theory of divine right episcopacy implies an independ- 
ence and freedom of action for ecclesiastical ofificials far 
beyond that contemplated by the ecclesiastical or secular 
founders of the system, and Elizabeth could admit no such 
theory, whatever its polemic advantages against Catholics 
or dissentient Protestants. Whitgift and the others, on 
whom is usually laid the charge of having introduced the 
idea, made statements and used arguments which may be 
interpreted as tending toward some such doctrine, but fear 
of the consequences led them to disclaim hastily and em- 
phatically that they held such opinions. Bishop Cooper 
said : — 

That our Bishops and ministers do not challenge to holde by 
succession, it is most evident: their whole doctrine and preaching 
is contrary.^ 

Whitgift goes to great lengths in his denials: — 

If it had pleased her majesty with the wisdom of the realm, to 
have used no bishops at all, we could not have complained justly 
of any defect in our church.^ If it had pleased her Majesty to 
have assigned the imposition of hands to the deans of every cathe- 
dral church, or some other numbers of ministers, which in no sort 
were bishops, but as they be pastors, there had been no wrong 
done to their persons that I can conceive.^ 

Bancroft, in the sermon in which it is claimed he sug- 
gested the divine character of bishops, proclaimed that to 
the Queen belonged "all the authority and jurisdiction 
which by usurpation at any time did appertain to the 

1 Quoted in Child, Church and State, p. 293. Cf. Lee. Elizabethan Church, 
vol. n, p. 124. * Cooper, Admonition (Arber ed.). P- I37- 

3 Quoted in Hunt, Religious Thought, vol. HI, p. 298; Strype, Whitgift, App., 
no. xlii, Whitgift to Sir Francis Knollys. 

* Strype, Whitgift, vol. Ill, pp. 222-23. 

6 Child, Church and State, pp. 237-38. On the other side, Hook, Lives of 
the Archbishops, vol. v, pp. 194-95. 

114 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Nevertheless, their statements which showed the apos- 
tolic tendency excited the wrath of their opponents and the 
condemnation of their friends. Knollys wrote in anger and 
excitement to Cecil, ^ that the superiority and authority of 
the bishops rested upon the royal authority alone and that 
Dr. Whitgift had, he believed, incurred the penalty of 
pnTmunire by claiming for the bishops a divine right. 
Bacon strongly disapproved of the implied condemnation 
of their Continental brethren, and the clerics, who pro- 
pounded the theory in opposition to the claims of Pres- 
byterian dissent, themselves felt that it was a dangerous 
doctrine whose implications they did not care to accept. 

Hooker, who marks the most just and able presentation 
of the Anglican view, and who had been foremost in con- 
tention with Travers,^ heartily defends the episcopalian 
system of organization upon grounds of history and expedi- 
ency, and even hints that it might be strongly defended 
upon a Scriptural basis. 

If we did seek to maintain that which most advantageth our 
own cause, the very best way for us, and the strongest against 
them were to hold even as they do, that there must needs be 
found in Scripture some particular form of church polity which 
God hath instituted, and which for that very cause belongeth 
to all churches, to all times. But with any such partial eye to 
respect ourselves, and by coming to make those things seem the 
truest which are the fittest to serve our purpose, is a thing which 
we neither like nor mean to follow. Wherefore that which we take 
to be generally true concerning the mutability of laws, the same 
we have plainly delivered.' 

He carefully abstains from asserting for bishops any apos- 
tolic authority not dependent upon the will of the sovereign 
and the parliamentary establishment of the episcopal or- 
ganization, and admits that "we are not simply without 

' S. p., Dom., Eliz., vol. cccxxxni, no. 62; Strype, Annals, vol. iv, no. iv, 
App., no. v. 

* Travers, Supplication to the Council, Hooker, Works, vol. n, pp. 329-38; 
Hooker's answer to Travers, ibid., pp. 339-51. 

* Hooker, Works, Ecc. Pol., vol. iii, chap, x, sec. 8. Cf. ibid., sees., 14, 18. 

Anglicanism 115 

exception to urge a lineal descent of power from the Apos- 
tles by continued succession of bishops in every effective 

Apostolic succession of bishops was not a consistently 
worked-out and defended system, however rich in argumen- 
tative material Elizabeth's reign may have proved to later 
defenders of the theory. There are too many contradictions 
and denials of logical conclusions, yet those who recognize 
the illogical existence of contradictory opinions, side by 
side in the minds of men, can understand that the idea was 
not wholly absent. Because of assertions made by Eliza- 
bethan clerics, some have discovered a theory of episcopal 
succession in the Elizabethan Church from the first ;^ some 
have, because of the contradictions and denials, refused to 
recognize its existence at all at that date.^ Both are wrong. 
The germs from which the theory was to develop and the 
causes for the development of the theory did exist. A devel- 
opment did take place, but not a development which en- 
ables us to predicate an apostolic episcopal succession in 
the reign of Elizabeth. It was a development of ecclesi- 
astical consciousness and dignity. Its nature is most strik- 
ingly shown in the changed attitude toward Continental 
Protestantism, and the attempts of Whitgift and Bancroft 
to strengthen the administrative machinery of the Church. 

Considerations of personal friendship and of similar 
ideals for the Church, and common enmity to papal power, 
made the early Anglican Church tolerant and friendly to 
Continental Protestantism, and in a sense dependent upon 
it. But with the death of the Marian exiles there were no 
longer influences of such importance and strength to hold 
the two together. The Zurich letters present a somewhat 
pathetic picture as the Continental and English friends 

1 Hooker, ubi sup., bk. vil, chap, xiv, sec. 2, p. 175. Cf. also bk. in, chap. 
II, sec. 2; Editor's preface, p. xxxiii, n. 49; Strype, Whitgift, vo!. 11, p. 202; 
S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. vii, no. 46, for a later falsification of the facts in 
accordance with later apostolic theory. Cf. Saravia's treatises. 

' Hook, Lives of the Archbishops (New Series), Crindal, vol. v, p. 41. 

' Child, Church and State, App., no. vi. 

ii6 Intoler^\nce in the Reign of Elizabeth 

exchange letters telling of the death of former associates, 
until, at last, the correspondence is taken up by a second 
generation whose friendship is traditional rather than real. 
The personnel of both the Continental and English churches 
had changed. There was not that intimate personal inter- 
course and sympathy of the first years of Elizabeth's reign. 
Naturally, as the Protestants within the English Church 
had been disappointed in their attempts to make more 
radical changes, the sympathy of the Continent shifted 
from the Anglican Church to that body within the Anglican 
Church which set itself squarely for dissent. And in the 
same way, the Anglican Church, while prevented by politi- 
cal considerations and pressure by the Crown from con- 
demning or breaking with the Continent entirely, as it 
passed through the dangers of Catholic opposition, and 
resisted the attacks of Protestant radicals at home, devel- 
oped a consciousness of unity and homogeneity which made 
it less anxious for the approval of Continental Protestantism 
and more confident of its own self-sufiiciency. One would 
hardly have found the early Elizabethan clerics writing as 
did Hooker, "... for mine own part, although I see that 
certain reformed churches, the Scottish especially and 
French, have not that which best agreeth with the sacred 
Scripture, I mean the government that is by bishops . . . 
this their defect and imperfection I had rather lament in 
such case than exagitate, considering that men oftentimes, 
without any fault of their own may be driven to want that 
kind of polity or regiment which is best." ^ 

As the Church gained this feeling of social unity and 
ecclesiastical solidity, there was a tendency to resent the 
too active interference of secular power in its affairs, a desire 
for more complete autonomy. The hold of the State was 
too strong to permit the development of an ecclesiastical 
theory which would free the Church from the chains of 
temporal politics and secular greed, but the practical tal- 

* Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. in, chap, xi, sec. 14. 

Anglicanism 117 

ents of Whitgift and Bancroft saw opportunity for permis- 
sible and necessary work in the reconstruction of the admin- 
istrative machinery of the Church. Whitgift, upon becom- 
ing archbishop, set vigorously to work. He enforced the 
laws against recusants; caused the press censorship to be 
vested in himself and the Bishop of London, and allowed 
the publication of none but the official Bible. He saw to it 
that the prescribed apparel was worn and that only priests 
and deacons and those with special license were allowed to 
preach. He would license no preachers without subscription 
to the famous "Three Articles," acceptance of the Royal 
Supremacy, the Thirty-nine Articles, and the Prayer-Book 
with the Pontifical prescribed. The Ecclesiastical Com- 
mission gave him the most effective means of working the 
administrative machinery, and the oath ex officio mero, the 
most hated and feared method of procedure in the Com- 
mission, was used by Whitgift persistently. When legal 
opposition" made necessary some other means of proceed- 
ing wi- I the work he had undertaken, the Archbishop 
turned to the Star Chamber and thus added his quota to 
the burdens and sins of that court. Whitgift was in ear- 
nest, but royal jealousy and the inertness of an established 
order prevented during Elizabeth's reign more than the 
beginning of the reform needed in the ecclesiastical admin- 
istration. At the accession of James, however, with that 
monarch's hearty cooperation, Bancroft was enabled to 
bring about the changes which his experience in Elizabeth's 
reign had shown him were desirable from the standpoint 
of the ecclesiastical body. 

It was not, then, in religious life, in religious or ecclesi- 
astical dogma, that the Church of Elizabeth made its most 
important development, but in the creation of a church per- 
sonality. Starting with a fundamentally Erastian concep- 
tion of itself, yet with large elements of truly religious feel- 
ing also, the Church failed to develop much beyond the 
initial stages cither doctrinally or religiously. Ecclcsiasti- 

ii8 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

cally there was a tendency to give to the Church, as a de- 
fense against Catholic and Protestant, and, to a certain 
extent, perhaps, as a means of freeing itself from the bur- 
densome restraints of royal control, an ecclesiastical apolo- 
getic which contained the germs of the dogma of apostolic 
episcopal succession. This tendency, however, was re- 
strained by the subservient position in which the Church 
found itself as a result of the peculiar facts of its creation 
and the circumstances of its continued existence. 

Perhaps no more illuminating summary of the change in 
the Church could be made than a comparison of Jewel, the 
first, with Hooker, the last, apologist of the reign. Jewel 
defended the Church from the attacks of the Catholics, 
Hooker from the Protestants. This difference of purpose 
might seem to make a comparison of the two somewhat 
difficult, but the very fact that the object of fear and an- 
tagonism had changed, is of great significance. Jewel felt 
no need for defending the Church from Protestants, for the 
bond between the English Church and the other varieties 
of Protestant faith was close, and their dislike of the com- 
mon foe outweighed the unimportant difi"erences among 
themselves. By Hooker's time this unity of feeling had 
broken down before the attacks of dissent and the develop- 
ment of Anglican ecclesiastical consciousness. In the Eng- 
lish Church itself the differences of opinion which Jewel 
recognized as real were minimized and sunk from sight in 
the unity of faith and hatred which existed among all Eng- 
lish Protestants. "Touching the dissensions in Religion 
which ye imagine to be amongst us in the church of Eng- 
land, I will say nothing. It grieveth you full sore to see 
that in all the articles of the faith, and in the whole sub- 
stance of doctrine we do so quietly join together." ^ Jewel 

1 Jewel, Works, Def. of A pal., p. 6io. Cf. ibid., p. 623; Zurich Letters, no. 

Anglicanism 119 

was in somewhat the same position, in relation to the 
Catholics, that the Presbyterians occupied in relation to 
Hooker and the Anglican Establishment. There is a striking 
similarity between the reproaches Jewel cast upon the 
Romanists, and the attacks of the Presbyterians which 
Hooker had to repel. Inconsistency, greed, secularization 
of spiritual office, retention of superstitious ceremonies, 
aggrandizement of ecclesiastical office, charges which the 
Church of Hooker's day had to meet from the dissenters, 
were the old charges that Jewel had used as his chief justi- 
fication for the break of the Church in England from the 
Papal Establishment. Cartwright's demand, "that they 
remember their former times, and correct themselves by 
themselves," ^ had in it the sting of truth. The fact that 
during Elizabeth's reign the allies of her early Establish- 
ment had become the chief danger, to be feared more than 
the Cat' .^3, indicates a change in circumstances, and 
necessitated a development of Anglican apologetic that 
Jewel would never have dreamed of. Hooker was com- 
pelled to make a defense of the Church as an independent 
entity, distinct from all other churches both Catholic and 
Protestant. Jewel's doctrines and arguments would have 
ser\'ed as well for any of the Protestant churches as for the 
Church of England. Because of this changed standpoint, 
forced upon the Anglicans by the growth and attacks of 
English dissenters, the attitude toward the Catholic Church 
was different. In a sense it was more friendly. 

The Church of Rome favourablie admitted to be of the house 
of God; Calvin with the reformed Churches full of faults, and 
most of all they which endevoured to be most removed from 
conformitie with the Church of Rome.^ 

Instead of justifying the English Church upon the merely 
anti-papal grounds of an experimental organization, Hooker 
rested his case upon the dignity and worth of the Anglican 

' Cartwright, apud Whitgift, Works, vol. I, p. 37. 

* Hooker, Works, vol. i, p. 123, n. 12, Christian Letter. Cf. also ibid.,vo\. I, 
p. 86. 

120 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Ecclesiastical Establishment. He raised the Church above 
the attacks of Catholic and Protestant by glorifying its 
polity, and tried to make its position impregnable, by means 
of an articulated system of reasoning. 

Where Jewel had emphasized the authority of truth and 
the Scripture, Hooker was convinced of the incompetence 
of both in the hands of the common man. 

Thus much we see, it hath already made thousands so head- 
strong even in gross and palpable errors, that a man whose capac- 
ity will scarce serve him to utter five words in sensible manner 
blusheth not in any doubt concerning matter of Scripture to 
think his own bare Yea as good as the Nay of all the wise, grave, 
and learned judgments that are in the whole world: which inso- 
Icncy must be repressed or it will be the very bane of Christian 

The truth and the Scripture must be predigested by clerical 
and ecclesiastical learning and be accepted by the general- 
ity upon that authority. For 

In our doubtful cases of law, what man is there who seeth not 
how requisite it is that professors of skill in that faculty be our 
directors? So it is in all other kinds of knowledge. And even in 
this kind likewise the Lord hath himself appointed, that the 
priests lips should preser\'e knowledge, and that other men should 
seek the truth at his mouth, because he is the messenger of the 
Lord of hosts. 2 

Reason must interpret and organize, the reason of a class 
expert and competent in religion. Jewel, clinging to what 
has been sometimes regarded as the fundamental principle 
of the Protestant Reformation, would have asserted the 
sufficient ability of all men to learn the truth from the 
Scriptures, and proclaimed the uselessness of interposing 
between them and the Bii)le the authority of experts. " In 
human conceits it is the part of a wise man to wait for judg- 
ment and consent of men ; but in matters divine God's word 

» Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. n, chap, vii, sec. 6, p. 213. 

« Ibid., Pref., chap, ill, sec. 2, p. 130. Cf. ibid., chap, iv, sec. 4; bk. u, chap. 
VII, sec. 3; bk. Ill, chap, viii, sec. 13. 

Anglicanism 121 

is all in all : the which as soon as a godly man hath received, 
he presently yields and submits himself; he is not wavering 
nor does he wait for any other." ^ Jewel believed that the 
Scriptures were sufBcient to bring all men to unity in mat- 
ters of faith. Hooker knew this was untrue, and solved 
the difficulty by interposing the authority or reason of the 
Anglican Church, as Jewel's opponents interposed the Cath- 
olic. Hooker, however, based the authority of the Angli- 
can Church, not upon a theory of living divinity in the 
Church with Scriptural authority to rule and interpret, 
but upon the authority of reason. He, therefore, had a basis 
for rejecting Catholic claims which Jewel had not had. This 
was merely a development, it is true, of the idea of "order 
and decency" and "fitness for time and place" which Jewel 
and Parker had proclaimed, but it went further. In Hooker's 
apologetic - .^ order and fitness, the system devised by 
ecclesiastical reason from the basis of the Scriptures, had 
become static, solidified. Hooker did not deny the possibil- 
ity, or even some future desirability, of change, but he so 
carefully legalized the process by which such change could 
be brought about, that it became difficult, and remote, and 
the field of change definitely narrowed. Nowhere is this 
more evident than in his exaltation of episcopacy. 

Let us not fear to be herein bold and peremptory, that if any- 
thing in the Church's government, surely the first institution of 
Bishops was from heaven, was even of God; the Holy Ghost was 
the author of it.^ 

This we boldly therefore set down as a most infallible truth, 
that the Church of Christ is at this day lawfully, and so hath been 
sithence the first beginning, governed by Bishops having per- 
manent superiority, and ruling power over other ministers of the 
word and sacraments.^ 

... It had either divine appointment before hand or divine 
approbation afterwards, and is in that respect to be acknowledged 
the ordinance of God.'* 

1 Jewel, Works, vol. iv, pp. 1121-22. Cf. ibid., pp. 897, 1162-88. 

* Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. vii, chap, v, sec. 10. 

« Ibid., bk. VII, chap. Ill, sec. i. * Ibid., bk. vii, chap, v, sec. 2. 

122 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

He comes as near as he dares to the assertion of Scriptural 
authority for that form of organization; in fact he has no 
doubt but that it was established and maintained by divine 
approval, but he avoids breaking with the previous Anglican 
position in regard to the Continental churches, for " the 
necessity of polity and regiment in all Churches may be 
held without holding any one certain form to be necessary 
in them all." ^ He escapes the consequences of denying royal 
authority over the Church, by admitting that, although 
there is a divine authority for the episcopal organization, 
there is no divine guarantee of its permanence. 

On the other side bishops, albeit they may avouch with con- 
formity of truth that their authority hath thus descended even 
from the very apostles themselves, yet the absolute and everlast- 
ing continuance of it they cannot say that any commandment of 
the Lord doth enjoin; and therefore must acknowledge that the 
Church hath power by universal consent upon urgent cause to 
take it away.^ 

The Church and the bishops are given an authority which 
makes it somewhat difficult for Hooker to admit the royal 
authority which Elizabeth insisted upon. Because of the 
power actually possessed by the sovereign, he recognized 
that the sovereign must be given a prominent and decisive 
place in the system, but he wished to do so, also, because 
he saw that by making the sovereign the ultimate author- 
ity, hence ultimately responsible, the attacks of the dis- 
senters upon the Church would be given an aspect of dis- 
loyalty which no previous charges had been able to bring 
home to the Queen and to the dissenters themselves. He 
identified the State and the Church by making them differ- 
ent aspects of the same national group. 

We hold, that seeing there is not any man of the Church of 
England but the same man is also a member of the common- 

» Hooker, ubi sup., bk. in, chap, ii, sec. i. Cf. also, ibid., bk. iv, chap, xni, 
sec. 7; Whitgift, Works, vol. I, p. 369. 

* Hooker, ubi sup., bk. vii, chap, v, sec. 8. 

Anglicanism i 23 

wealth; nor any man a member of the commonwealth, which is 
not also of the Church of England; therefore as in a figure tri- 
angular the base doth differ from the sides thereof, and yet one 
and the selfsame line is both a base and also a side; a side simply, 
a base if it chance to be at the bottom and underlie the rest; so, 
albeit properties and actions of one kind do cause the name of a 
commonwealth, qualities and functions of another sort the name 
of a Church to be given unto a multitude, yet one and the self- 
same multitude may in such sort be both, and is so with us, that 
no person appertaining to the one can be denied to be also of the 

At the head of this group was the Queen with authority over 
secular and ecclesiastical affairs by virtue of irrevocable 
cession by the people. Hence, the sovereign was superior to 
the officers of the Church in legislation, jurisdiction, and 
nomination to office, and changes could come only through 
the will of t e sovereign. 2 

Jewel had also given the sovereign an extensive authority. 
He was fond of asserting "that since the strength of the 
Empire is lessened, and kingdoms have succeeded to the 
imperial power, that right, [formerly held by the emperor in 
matters of religion] is common to Christian kings and 
princes." ^ "We give him that prerogative and chiefty that 
evermore hath been due him by the ordinance and word of 
God; that is to say, to be the nurse of God's religion to 
make laws for the church; to hear and take up cases and 
questions of the faith, if he be able; or otherwise to commit 
them over by his authority unto the learned; to command 
the bishops and priests to do their duties, and to punish 
such as be offenders."^ But the power of the Emperor was 
itself a debatable question and Jewel did not go further in 
justification of the royal power over the Church. 

Although Hooker proposed a theory of sovereign power 

1 Hooker, Ecc. Pol, bk. vni, chap. I, sec. 2. Cf. Whitgift, Works, vol. I, 
p. 388. 

* Hooker, ubi sup., bk. vin, chaps, vn and vni. 

» Jewel, Works, vol. iv, "Epistle to Scipio." Cf. vol. in, p. 167. 

* Jewel, ubi sup., p. 1123. 

124 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

consistent with his ecclesiastical theory, it is evident that 
he had less confidence in the beneficence of the connection 
of the Establishment with the monarchy than did Jewel, 
and was anxious to save for the Church and her officials a 
dignified position. He would have preferred to allow the 
Anglican Episcopacy to stand upon its own feet. 


The changed viewpoint and attitude of the English 
Church, thus indicated by a comparison of the first and the 
last apologists of the reign, was, in its development, paral- 
leled by changing attitudes toward those religious and eccle- 
siastical groups within the kingdom which diverged from 
the Anglican Church in doctrine and polity. The basis for 
governmental intolerance of dissent, both Catholic and 
Protestant, did not change; the severity of its laws and its 
actions increased until 1593; but the grounds upon which 
such laws were passed and upon which governmental repres- 
sion of dissent was exercised, remained the same throughout 
the reign. In the beginning, the Church, as a religious 
organization, had little basis of intolerance apart from, or 
other than, the basis of governmental intolerance, state 
safety. This was, of course, due to the fact that it had not 
yet dc\xloped a life and organization consciousness apart 
from its life as an arm of secular politics. Its earliest de- 
mands, even as an ecclesiastical body, went little beyond 
adherence to the Queen's supremacy and attendance upon 
the serv^ices established, not by ecclesiastical or spiritual 
authority, but by a purely temporal and only theoretically 
representative national body. There was little concern ex- 
pressed or felt, at first, in the spiritual welfare or salvation 
of the members of this Church, nor could there be much 
emphasis upon this point when all parties agreed that the 
form of organization of the Church, even the greater part 
of the ill-defined doctrines of the Church, were not cssen- 

Anglicanism 125 

tials of salvation, but were expedients, or the best conclu- 
sions of men, at the most, only human and likely to err. 
Thus they felt that, while certain doctrines were better and 
that all men ought to believe them, the Roman Catholic 
even might be saved, believing as he did; there could be 
no great harm in demanding this state conformity from 
Catholics. However, as the Church of England, with its 
organization and ritual, was found to inspire love, and men 
learned to respect the theory on which it rested and to 
value its historical associations, Anglicans began to regret 
the ties which an earlier policy had imposed upon it, and 
to demand that the Church should be adhered to, not as 
a political necessity, but for the sake of Its own merits. 
Not that they r emulated the pleas and the arguments in- 
herent in the political connection, but they regretted more 
the restraints It placed upon them from punishing those who 
did not like the forms and rites grown dear to themselves. 

Her Majesty told me that I had supreme government ecclesi- 
astical; but what is it to govern cumbered with such subtlety?^ 
It is (by too much sufferance) past my reach and my brethren. 
The comfort that these puritans have, and their continuance, 
Is marvellous; and therefore, if her Highness with her council 
step not to it, I see the likelihood of a pitiful commonwealth to 
follow. - 

And their transition to this position was Induced from both 
sides by powerful irritants. The Pope had excommunicated 
their Queen, for, and by whom, their Church had been 
reestablished; loyalty demanded that they expel, for safe- 
ty's sake, from the body of the new organization all who 
retained their love for Roman Catholicism. The law of the 
land reflected this loyal feeling and placed in their hands 
the means of accomplishing their desire. The Protestants 
whom Parker had called Preclsianist, developed an ecclesi- 
astical theory antagonistic to the established organization, 
and angrily hurled at the heads of Anglicanism reproaches 

» Parker Corresp., no. ccclxix. Cf. S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. xciii, no. 8. 
» Ibid., no. cccxxi. Cf. ibid., no. cccxiii. 

126 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

which their subsen'ience to the government made it diffi- 
cult to escape. In the beginning the Church was in a de- 
fensive position ecclesiastically against Catholics only, 
and the defense was not ecclesiastically intolerant, but 

Religiously, in so far as the Church had any aggressive 
religious consciousness, it regarded itself as the enemy of 
the abuses of Roman Catholicism. This enmity afforded, 
perhaps, something of the emotional fervor which is so 
necessary to intolerance, and might have helped to make 
more vigorously hostile the intolerance of the Anglican 
Church, had it not been restrained by the necessity, im- 
posed upon it by its subjection to the State, of reconciling 
Catholics to itself. The Church had not yet an authorita- 
tive and accepted apologetic upon which to base theories 
of intolerance. Governmentally, and as a tool of secular 
politics, its position was strong and well defined ; religiously 
and ecclesiastically its position was indefinite, and the state- 
ment of its justification as an organization was not yet 
crystallized into definite form. In so far as the apologetic 
of Jewel and Parker was a justification for the Church's 
existence, it did not ser\'e as a basis for intolerance of 
Catholics, but of the Papacy. The distinction is one that is 
essentially superficial in view of Roman Catholic history 
and theory, but to such men as Parker and Jewel, to Eliz- 
abeth and many leaders in England, the distinction was a 
true one, and their hope of maintaining the government's 
position was dependent, they believed, upon the recognition 
by Catholics that it was a legitimate distinction. In so far, 
then, as the primitive Church idea afforded a ground for 
intolerance, it was the basis for intolerance of papal author- 
ity alone. And it was intended to be no more. This theory 
was a defensive rather than an aggressive one. Had it be- 
come aggressive, or had it carried with it definite state- 
ments, or dogmatic definitions of the exact form of primi- 
tive, pre-Catholic doctrine, as did Presbyterianism, it might 

Anglicanism 127 

have sensed as the basis for intolerance of Catholic or 
Protestant, according to the nature of the Church or belief 
thus defined. Politics, if not the convictions of the early 
leaders, prevented such definitions, however, and ecclesi- 
astically the Church was liberal. 

The religious intolerance of the Church manifested toward 
Catholics increased in intensity as it became a national 
institution, dependent no longer for sustenance upon gov- 
ernmental strength, but upon the love of the English na- 
tion. Its religious intolerance was, in other words, the 
result of its ecclesiastical development, from a hastily 
gathered army for *^ iefense of the sovereign, into a true 
social religious group. 

Aside from the increased love of the organization which 
afforded in later Elizabethan days a basis for condemnation 
and intolerance of Catholics, there was a practical reason 
for development of intolerance of Catholics which had close 
connection with, and in part was due to, the older Erastian 
standpoint, but which was, at the same time, distinct from 
and independent of that view. The increased activity of the 
Jesuits in England, the foundation of Jesuit communities, 
and the underground organizations of Jesuit missionaries, 
the multiplication of plots against the Queen and nation, 
filled Englishmen with terror; not alone because they feared 
for the safety of the State, but because they gave credit to 
reports of, and fully believed in, the extreme Protestant 
conception of the Jesuit teachings. They believed that the 
Jesuits stopped at no immoral, treacherous, or traitorous 
act to accomplish their purposes. They believed thoroughly 
that papal absolution, particularly in the case of the Jesuits, 
was at hand to relieve from spiritual penalties any crime or 
dastardly deed which was intended to promote the rule 
of the Roman See. The Church, with other Englishmen, 
heartily condemned both the Jesuits and the Church of 
which they were a part, upon what they believed to be, and 
what were in fact, high moral grounds. 

128 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

The development during Elizabeth's reign of Anglican 
intolerance of Protestantism may well afford food for 
cynical comment to those who test the spirit of ecclesiasti- 
cism by the life of the great teacher of Galilee. The clerics 
of the early Establishment were the Puritans of the previous 
reign, strivers for religious and ecclesiastical freedom.^ They 
were the pupils and friends of Continental Protestants. 
They disclaimed any particular sanctity for their Church. 
Their Calvinistic and Lutheran friends were the champions 
of a new temple of freedom where God might be worshiped 
in the spirit of holiness and simple love. The new Estab- 
lishment was but one more added to the brotherhood of the 
free churches of God in Europe. So the idealists of the new 
English Church proclaimed. 

Unfortunately, or fortunately, perhaps, the Church was 
not exclusively idealistic. It was a practical compromise 
between men who were half-heartedly Catholic in doctrine 
but anti-papal, and men who were Protestant but moder- 
ate, distinctly anti-papal, and willing to accept compromise 
in ecclesiastical organization and ceremony because, in the 
situation, it was the best that could be obtained. The 
Church defended itself by the assertion that the form of the 
ecclesiastical organization was a matter of indifference. 
Justification of itself against the claim of the Catholics that 
theirs was the only divinely instituted Church, as we have 
pointed out, compelled that, and at the same time this 
apologetic secured the allegiance of those who wished a 
more distinctively Protestant form of organization, for upon 
such a theory changes could be made when opportunity 
offered. It is here that the influence of the Queen is most 
striking. She did not wish, she would not permit, the radical 
swing to be made, and she was able, by virtue of the power 
given her by the Parliamentary acts, and by virtue of her 
assumed or justly claimed prerogative, to carry out her will, 

> Maitland, Essays, "Puritan Veracity," no. ii, p. 17; Grindal, Remains, 
p. 203. 

Anglicanism 129 

and also to prevent any modification of the power originally 
placed in her hands. Political danger and the common 
opposition to papal claims won the allegiance to the Church 
of those more radical in doctrine and ecclesiastical theory 
than the Establishment; political necessity and the compos- 
ite character of the personnel of the Church made it neces- 
sar>', during the first decade of Elizabeth's reign, to deal 
tenderly with such persons. The party which intended that 
the Church should not change toward Continental Protes- 
tant forms of doctrine or ritual, but should continue its life 
as the embodiment o' ...ediocrity," or, as they preferred 
to put it, in the ideal form for England which events had 
given it at the first, was strong and destined to survive. By 
the time of Whitgift, however, dissent had become more 
impatient, and consequently the tone of the Establishment 
more brusque and insistent. 

. . . Such insolent audacity against states and lawful regiment 
is rather to be corrected with due punishment than confuted by 

Surely the Church of God in this business is neither of capacity, 
I trust, so weak, nor so unstrengthened, I know, with authority 
from above, but that her laws may exact obedience at the hands 
of her own children and enjoin gainsayers silence, giving them 
roundly to understand that where our duty is submission weak 
oppositions betoken pride. ^ 

It was dissent within the Church that aroused the loyal 
party of moderation to begin that formulation of a theory 
of church government which later developed into the Laud- 
ian Church idea. Where both sections of the Church had 
formerly agreed that its particular polity was a matter of 
indifference, they now advanced diverse theories of gov- 
ernment, and each maintained its preference as though it 
alone were right. Opposition developed on each side, until, 

1 WhitRift, Works, vol. II, p. l88. Cf. also ibid., vol. I, pp. 170, 142. 122; 
Strype, Whitgift, vol. i, pp. 229-32; vol. in, pp. 81, 104-07; Pierce, Introd. to 
Mar prelate Tracts, pp. 71, 72. 

2 Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. v, chap, vni, sec. 4, p. 304- 

130 Intoler.\nce in the Reign of Elizabeth 

instead of discussing mere preferences and degrees of ex- 
pediency, each was violently defending a form of church 
government as alone divine, right, and acceptable to God. 
It is of this development that we shall speak in the next 



Dissent in the days of Elizabeth is of particular interest 
because many of those great religious organizations, which 
have taken such a prom.' _ part in English religious and 
political life during the last three hundred years, trace their 
English sources to her reign. It was a period of the forma- 
tion of churches and church parties, and has the peculiar 
fascination and at the same time the uncertainties of all peri- 
ods of beginnings. Dislike of the Establishment manifested 
itself in almost every degree, from a simple, mild disap- 
proval of the ceremonies of the Established Church, to a 
scathing denunciation of its forms, and a relentless deter- 
mination to destroy it. Because organizations had not yet 
fully developed, because ideas were not yet crystallized and 
embodied in ecclesiastical standards, the classification of 
dissent during this period is difficult. 

The names we apply to ecclesiastical bodies or religious 
opinions which began their growth in Elizabeth's reign, 
cannot be applied safely, in many cases, to the groups from 
which they developed. Contemporary names are Inaccurate 
and have, by later development and association, taken on 
meanings utterly foreign to the thought of Elizabeth's time. 
Puritan, Anabaptist, Barrowist, Brownist, Seeker, Famillst, 
were terms used variously, and Inaccurately, to designate 
men whose opinions were condemned by constituted author- 
ity;^ but will not serve for purposes of classification, even 
In the cases where they represented more or less definite 

* Pierce, Marprelate Tracts, "The Epistle," p. 80. One of the conditions of 
peace with the bishops is "that they never slander the cause of Reformation 
or the furthcrers thereof in terming the cause by the name of Anabaptistery, 
schism, etc., and the men Puritans and enemies of the State." 

132 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

types of opinion in Elizabethan usage. Many historians 
have been accustomed, when speaking of dissent in Eliza- 
beth's reign, tp use the term " Puritan" to designat e a// who 
wished refor m: while others have applied the name to all 
unthin the Church who wished reform , and have called those 
who attempted to accomplish their reforms outside th e 
rhnrrh , "Separat ists." This classification, however, is in- 
accurate and unsatisfactory. Elizabethan usage of the term 
" Puritan" does not sanction such a classification. We find 
that Elizabethans applied the name to types of thought and 
policy that are clearly Separatist. It was a loose term, at- 
tached in scorn or dislike to a variety of religious and eccle- 
siastical opinions, usually implying, at first, merely a desire 
to change the rites and ceremonies of the English Estab- 
lishment, without implying attack upon its fundamental 
organization or character. It was in this sense applied to 
those whom Archbishop Parker preferred, more accurately, 
to call "Precisianists," quibblers over minor points of wor- 
ship and ceremony, and was particularly distasteful to 
those accused of Puritanism because it had for them all the 
odium of an ancient heresy. "This name is very aptly given 
to these men ; not because they be pure, no more than were 
the heretics called Cathari; but because they think them- 
selves to be mundioris ceteris, more pure than others as 
Cathari did." ^ Yet, with the development of organized dis- 
sent, it was with Increasing frequency applied to all, except 
Catholics, who differed from the Established Church in 
their opinions as to the organization and character of a true 
chu rch. \ The use of the term for purposes of classification isS^^ 
also confusing because we ordinarily use the name to desig- 
nate a type of thought, rather than a religious or ecclesi- 
astical party; and the type of thought which we think of as 
Puritan was a development of the seventeenth century, and 
did not characterize any group of dissent in Elizabeth^ 

» Whitgift, Works, vol. l, p. 171. CJ. ibid., p. 172; Sto-pe, Annals, vol. ill, 
pt. I, pp. 264-68. 

Protestant Dissent 133 

time. At the beginning of James I's reign the term was 
taking on its later meaning. 

The imputation of the name of Puritan is now growne so odious 
and reproachfull that many men for feare thereof are rather will- 
ing to be thought to favour some vice or superstition than to 
undergoe the scandall of that name, and seeing many who both 
do approve and are verie desirous to obey his Majesties lawes and 
government, (as well ecclesiastical as temporal,) yet only for 
absteyning from or not approving grosse vices or profaneness or 
for due frequenting publique exercises of religion or practicing 
the private duties thereof in their owne familyes, are branded 
with that opprobrious name.^ 

In Elizabethan usage, however, the name " Puritan" was ap- 
plied impartially to any and all who condemned the theory 
or practice of the Established Church, and had no reference 
to those qualities of character and mind which seventeenth- 
century history attached to the name. Cartwright wrote, 
in protesting against the application of the term to the 
Presbyterians : — 

What is our "straitness of life" any other than is required in 
all Christians? We bring in, I am sure, no monachism or anchor- 
ism, we eat and drink as other men, we live as other men, we are 
apparelled as other men, we lie as other men, we use those honest 
recreations that other men do; and we think that there is no good 
thing or commodity of life in the world, but that in sobriety we 
may be partakers of, so far as our degree and calling will suffer us, 
and as God maketh us able to have it.'* 

Further, the familiar division of English dissent into 
Puritan and Separatist is inaccurate and unsatisfactory for 
Elizabeth's reign, because it is difficult and sometimes im- 
possible to distinguish between the two. The degrees of 
separation were so varied that what may by one be regarded 
as merely Puritan, may by another with equal reason be 
classed as Separatist. 'The sources of Separatism are so^- 
clearly Puritan, and the development from one to the other 

» Report on the Rutland Papers, vol. iv, p. 213. 
» Cartwright, apud Whitgift, Works, vol. i, p. no. 

134 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

so gradual, that it is impossible to discover definitely a line 
of demarcation between the two; a great part of the dis- 
satisfied can be placed defmitely in neither class. The advo- 
cates of Presbyterianism, for instance, were recruited from 
Precisianists or Puritans, were called "Puritans," and, even 
after a long period of development, regarded themselves as 
part of the Anglican Establishment. "We make no separa- 
tion from the church; we go about to separate all those 
things that offend in the church, to the end that we, being 
all knit to the sincere truth of the Gospel, might afterwards 
in the same bond of truth be more nearly and closely joined 
together." ^ Yet they condemned the fundamental structure 
of the Anglican Church as it existed, and set up their own 
unauthorized classes and synods which constituted a sepa- 
rate organization whose Scriptural character was proclaimed. 
It may be possible to call some particular sections of the 
Presbyterian movement "Puritan," but the term has no 
meaning for the movement as a whole. 

Because of these difiiculties we shall avoid so far as pos- 
sible the familiar classification. We shall apply the term 
"Precisianists," following Archbishop's Parker's usage, to 
the quibblers who did not ally themselves with any of the 
distinct groups of dissent in attack upon the fundamental 
structure of the Establishment. Those who advocated the 
Presbyterian form of church government are easily placed 
in a class by themselves, and form the most important dis- 
tinct group within the ranks of dissent. To those bodies 
which did not adhere to the Presbyterian polity, we shall 
apply the contemporary names so far as possible, and group 
them, with two exceptions, upon the basis of polity, under 
the genetic name of " Congregationalists," although some- 
what inaccurately in some cases. To this group belong the 
Brownists, Barrowists, and Anabaptists. 

Of these the Anabaptists are least important, although 

1 Cartwright, apud Whitgift, Works, vol. I, p. 102. Cf. ibid., vol. I, pp. 95, 
104; Theses Martinianx, Pierce, Marprelate Tracts, pp. 314-21. 

Protestant Dissent 135 

the term is frequently used in the literature of the period. 
It was not, however, strictly applied, but, because of Ana- 
baptist radical, social, and economic theories and the excesses 
at Munster, serv^ed as a term to cast reproach on all who 
were irregular or fanatical in their religious opinions. 

It is more than I thought could have happened unto you, once 
to admit into your mind this opinion of anabaptism of your 
brethren, which have always had it in as great detestation as 
yourself, preached against it as much as yourself, hated of the 
followers and favourers of it as much as yourself. And it is yet 
more strange, that you have not doubted to give out such slan- 
derous reports of them, but dare to present such accusations to 
the holy and sacred seat of justice, and thereby (so much as in 
you lieth) to corrupt it, and to call for the sword upon the inno- 
cent, (which is given for their maintenance and safety,) that, as it 
is a boldness untolerable, so could I hardly have thought that it 
could have fallen into any that had carried but the countenance 
and name of a professor of the gospel, much less of a doctor of 

"Anabaptist " was used by Elizabethan Englishmen in some- 
what the same sense that highly respectable members of 
modern society have used the term "anarchist," and, until 
recently, the term " socialist." ^ Radical Presbyterians, Bar- 
rowists, Brownists, Seekers, and Familists are all called by 
the offensive name; but Anabaptism proper was of little 
importance during our period and may be disregarded, ex- 
cept as other types of dissent, most numerous among the 
Congregational group, represented, or were supposed to 
represent, phases of Anabaptist opinion. 

It is characteristic of those groups of dissent from which 
the Presbyterian and Congregational Churches originated, 
that their chief disagreement with the Established Church 
concerned matters of ceremony and of ecclesiastical polity, 

1 Cartwright, apud VVhitgift, Works, vol. i, p. 77- Cf. ibid., vol. I. pp. 125- 
36, 105; S. P., Dom., Eliz., vo\. xiii, no. 36; Strype, Grindal,p. 181; Grindal.i?^- 
mains, p. 243; Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. 11, p. 21; vol. I, pp. 64, 66. 

2 Parker Corresp., no. cccxxv; Strype, Parker, bk. IV, chap. XXIV; Grindal. 

Remains, pp. 297, 298. 

136 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

rather than of doctrine or essential matters of faith. ^ The 
Presbyterian adhered to the particular form of church 
organization and theological dogma promulgated by Calvin; 
but, of these tenets, the distinguishing one was the ecclesi- 
astical polity, not Calvinistic theological dogma, for the 
Calvinistic theology was the accepted theology of the great- 
est number of loyal Church of England men, and of many 
of the other groups of dissent. As Presbyterianism meant 
the advocacy of the presbyterial organization, so Congre- 
gationalism was merely championship of a particular form 
of church organization, one made up of independent local 
groups controlling their own afifairs and determining what 
doctrines should be taught in particular Congregational 
churches. Within Congregationalism, therefore, we find 
the widest diversity of religious belief and management. 

Of the minor sects that fall neither under the classifica- 
tion of Presbyterian nor Congregational, the most impor- 
tant was the Family of Love. These belong to a class by 
themselves, to that peculiarly fanatic religious type which 
bases group consciousness on a recently living leader, sup- 
posedly endowed with a new, divinely given revelation. ^ 
Since this adherence to a divine message, given in the life- 
time of the believer, is a matter of actually controlling faith 
and emotion, these sects afford some of the most interesting 
phenomena of religious psychology; but, because of their 
connection with the life of one or two prophets, they are 
not usually of long duration nor of particular influence on 
the thought of the time. In Elizabeth's reign they afford 
the most striking example of persecution from religious and 
social motives. 

This classification of dissent, into Presbyterian, Congre- 
gational, and " fanatic," affords a basis for our treatment of 

" Grindal, Remains, Letters, no. Ixix; Dean Bridges, Defence, Preface, p. 43, 
quoted in Pierce, Mar prelate Tracts, Introd., p. xxiii; Hooker, Ecc. Pol., Preface, 
chap. Ill, sec. 7; ibid., note 57. 

* Hooker, Works, vol. 11, p. 61, note; Strjpe, i4Mna/5, vol. ill, pt. 11, App., 
nos. XXV, xlviii, xlix. 

Protestant Dissent 137 

Elizabethan dissent. After tracing their common sources, 
we shall speak of their opinions and their relations to the 
Established Church, to each other, and to the government. 

As we have pointed out in a previous chapter, the com- 
promise character of the English Establishment, and the 
composite personnel of the Anglican clergy, were sources of 
disunion. Many of the clergy had spent their exile during 
the reign of Mary in close association with the Reformers 
of the Continent where they had imbibed Continental no- 
tions of ecclesiastical independence and hatred of the 
Papacy. They took service in an Establishment which was 
pledged to peaceable and friendly relations with the Conti- 
nental Reformers by little except common enmity to the 
Papacy. Thus, within the Establishment, were men at 
heart more extremely Protestant than the Church under 
which they took servdce and office, and to which they ten- 
dered conformity. Some of them frankly told their Conti- 
nental friends, and were approved by them for so determin- 
ing, that, in accepting the Elizabethan Establishment and 
employment under it, they were doing so in order to pre- 
vent less Protestant persons securing the direction of affairs, 
and with the fixed determination to exert all their official 
influence to bring about changes of a more radical nature. 

It was enjoined us (who had not then any authority either to 
make laws or repeal them) either to wear the caps and surplices, 
or to give place to others. We complied with this injunction, lest 
our enemies should take possession of the places deserted by our- 
selves. We certainly hope to repeal this clause of the act next 
session; but if this cannot be effected, since the papists are form- 
ing a secret and powerful opposition, I nevertheless am of opinion 
that we ought to continue in the ministry, lest, if we desert and 
reject it upon such grounds, they insinuate themselves.^ 

» Zurich Letters, Horn to Gualter, no. xcvi. Cf. ibid., nos. xxvi, xxxiii, xlii, 

138 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

The lukewarm character of the government policy in reli- 
gious matters logically led, therefore, under the shelter of 
the compromise, to the development of a large body which 
wished to go to greater lengths in reform, and to give to 
the Church a character more in accord with its own extreme 

. . . Our religion . . . will strike its roots yet deeper and deeper; and 
that which is now creeping on and advancing by little and little, 
will grow up with greater fruitfulness and verdure. As far as I can, 
I am exerting myself in this matter to the utmost of my poor 
abilities: others too are labouring for the same object, to which 
especially is directed the godly diligence of certain preachers, and 
particularly Jewel, now elected a bishop, and your friend Park- 

Yet the questions which gave ground for the first dispute 
were questions which both sides united in calling matters of 
indifference. The most prominent of these, and the earliest 
to come into dispute in any wide way, were questions of 

Differences in regard to rites and external obser\^ances 
early manifested themselves, nowhere more strikingly than 
in the Convocation of 1563.- Proposals were there made in 
the lower house, that saints' days be abolished, that the 
use of the cross in baptism be omitted, that kneeling at the 
communion be left to the ordinary's discretion, that organs 
be removed from the churches, and that the minister use 
the surplice only in saying ser\'ice and at the sacraments. 
These proposals were rejected by a scant majority of one, 
and those voting in their favor were by no means of the 
less able clergy. Many of the bishops themselves were num- 
bered in the party of those who were called Precisianists, 
Jewel expressed his opinion of the habits in no uncertain 
tone: — 

' Zurich Letters, Earl of Bedford to R. Gualter, no. xli. Cf. ibid., nos. ii, v, 
vii, Ix; Strype, Annals, vol. in, pt. i, pp. 25 et seq.; pt. ll, App., no. iii. 
* Prothero, Select Statutes, p. 190; Strype, Annals, chaps, xxix, xxx. 

Protestant Dissent 139 

As to what you write respecting religion, and the theatrical 
habits, I heartily wish it could be accomplished. We on our parts 
have not been wanting to so good a cause. But those persons 
who have taken such delight in these matters, have followed, I 
believe, the ignorance of the priests; whom, when they found 
them to be no better than mere logs of wood, without talent, or 
learning, or morality, they were willing at least to commend to 
the people by that comical dress. For in these times, alas! no care 
whatever is taken for the encouragement of literature and the due 
succession of learned men. And accordingly since they cannot 
obtain influence in a proper way, they seek to occupy the eyes of 
the multitude with these ridiculous trifles. These are, indeed, as 
you ver>' properly observe, the relics of the Amorites. For who 
can deny it? And I wish that sometime or other they may be 
taken away, and extirpated even to the lowest roots: neither my 
voice nor my exertions shall be wanting to effect that object.^ 

Sandys also hoped that the habits would not be retained. 

The last book of service is gone through with a proviso to retain 
the ornaments which were used in the first and second year of 
King Edward, until it please the Queen to take other order for 
them. Our gloss upon this text is, that we shall not be forced to 
use them, but that others in the meantime shall not convey them 
away, but that they may remain for the Queen. ^ 

Grindal and Horn wrote : — 

Nor is it owing to us that vestments of this kind have not been 
altogether done away with: so far from it, that we most solemnly 
make oath that we have hitherto laboured with all earnestness, 
fidelity, and diligence, to effect what our brethren require, and 
what we ourselves wish.^ 

Pilkington and Parkhurst openly espoused the cause of the 
radicals. Pilkington wrote to Leicester: — 

It is necessary in apparel to show how a Protestant is to be 
known from a Papist. Popery is beggarly; patched up of all sorts 
of ceremonies. The white rochets of bishops began with a 
Novatian heretic; and these other things, the cap and the rest, 
have the like foundation.* 

1 Zurich Letters, no. xxxiv, Jewel to Martyr. Cf. ibid., nos. xv, xxxii. 
» Parker Corresp., no. xlix, Sandys to Parker. Cf. Zurich Letters, no. xlvm. 
» Zurich Letters, no. cxxi. Cf. Parker Corresp., nos. cl.xxv, clxxix, ccxiii. 
ccxviii; Grindal, Remains, pp. 211, 242, Letters, no. Ixix. 

« Str^-pe, Parker, bk. II, App., no. xxv. Cf. Parker Corresp., no. cl.xxix. 

140 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 
Parker complained of Parkhurst: — 

The bishop of Norwich is blamed even of the best sort for his 
remissness in ordering his clergy. He winketh at schismatics and 
anabaptists, as I am informed. Surely I see great variety in min- 
istration. A surplice may not be borne here. And the ministers 
follow the folly of the people, calling it charity to feed their fond 
humour. Oh, my Lord, what shall become of this time.^ 

Nor was it in the Church alone that the differences between 
the radicals and the conformists became the subject of seri- 
ous difTerence of opinion. Sandys wrote to Burghley: — 

Surely they will make a division not only among the people but 
also amongst the Nobilite, yea, and I feare among men of highest 
calling and greatest authorite except spedy order be taken therein. ^ 

The nobles were actuated, not only by conviction, but by 
motives of policy and even of greed. 

Another sort of men there is, which have been content to run 
on with the reformers for a time, and to make them poor instru- 
ments of their own designs. . . . Those things which under this 
colour they have effected to their own good are, i. By maintain- 
ing a contrary faction, they have kept the clergy always in awe, 
and thereby made them more pliable and willing to buy their 
peace. 2. By maintaining an opinion of equality among ministers, 
they have made way to their own purposes for devouring cathe- 
dral churches and bishops livings. 3. By exclaiming against 
abuses in the Church they have carried their own corrupt deal- 
ings in the civil state more covertly. For such is the nature of the 
multitude they are not able to apprehend many things at once, 
so as being possessed with dislike or liking of any one thing, many 
other in the meantime may escape them without being perceived. 
4. They have sought to disgrace the clergy in entertaining a con- 
ceit in men's minds, and confirming it by continual practice, that 
men of learning, and specially of the clergy, which are employed 
in the chiefest kind of learning, are not to be admitted, or spar- 
ingly admitted to matters of state; contrary to the practice of all 
well governed commonwealths, and of our own till these late 

* Parker Corresp., no. cvii. Cf. Zurich Letters, nos. Ixv, cxvii. 

* Puritan Manifestoes, App., p. 152. 

* (jeorge Craamer's letter to Hooker, App. 11 to bk. v of Ecc. Pol., vol. il, 
p. 64. 

Protestant Dissent 141 

Of Leicester Parker wrote to Cecil : — 

I am credibly informed that the earl is unquiet, and conferrcth 
by help of some of the examiners to use the counsel of certain pre- 
cisians I fear, and purposeth to undo me, etc. Yet I care not for 
him. Yet I will reverence him because her Majesty hath so 
placed him, as I do all others toward her. And if you do not pro- 
vide in time to dull this attempt, there will be few in authority 
to care greatly for your danger, and for such others. They will 
provide for themself, and will learn by me in my case how to do.^ 

Walsingham appointed the Puritan Reynolds to the di- 
vinity lecture at Oxford founded to discredit Romanism. 2 
Knollys, Sir Thomas Smith, and Sir Walter IMildmay wrote 
an extraordinary letter to Parkhurst desiring him to allow 
the exercises called " prophesyings " to continue, although 
Parker was at the time making vigorous attempts to sup- 
press these training schools for Puritanism.^ Even Cecil, 
who headed the opposite faction in the Council, was not 
altogether favorable to Parker's procedure, and took care 
in many cases that those affected by the orders in regard to 
the ceremonies and vestments suffer a minimum of incon- 

As a result the ceremonies were not ever^'where obser\'ed. 
The minister's taste often dictated whether he should wear 
the habits or not, and determined the posture of the con- 
gregation during communion. Forms of baptism varied. 
The sign of the cross was sometimes used, sometimes not. 
Many of the clergy held the prescribed habits up to ridicule. 
The Dean of Wells, Turner, even made a man do penance 
for adultery in a square priest's cap, much to the scandal 
of his more dignified brethren. ^ But in 1565, under pres- 

» Parker Corresp., no. ccclxvii. CJ. ibid., nos. clxxix, ccxviii, ccxix, cclxxvi, 
cccxi, cccxii, cccxxviii. 

' Hooker, Works, vol. I, p. xxx. 

» Parker Corresp., p. 457, note 2. Cf. also, nos. cccl, cccll, cccliii. 

* Ibid., nos. clxxviii, clxxix, clx.xxiv, clxxxv, clxxxvi; Grindal, Remains, Let- 
ters, no. Ixxvii; 5. P., Dam., Eliz., vol. CLXXn, no. I. Travcrs, Hookers oppo- 
nent at the Temple Church, was Burghley's chaplain and tutor to his children. 

' Parker Corresp., no. clxxxii; Zurich Letters, no. cviii. 

142 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

sure from Ellzal)cth, Parker issued his famous "Advertise- 
ments," which were designed to do away with all such irreg- 
ularities, and proceeded to enforce conformity to the habits. 

There was some uncertainty whether he could legally 
proceed to the deprivation of ministers who refused the 
test he intended to offer, and neither the court, nor the 
great lay lawyers, would back him up; some of them 
through sympathy for the views of the dissenters, some 
through question as to the legality of such procedure. The 
test was made by Parker and Grindal on the London clergy 
and most of them submitted. The rest were suspended at 
once and given three months to consider before the bishops 
proceeded to deprivation. Grindal did not like the work nor 
did some of the other commissioners. Parker had printed 
his articles without the Queen's authorization, although on 
the title-page, he had endeavored to create the impression 
that they had that sanction by proclaiming that they were 
issued "by virtue of the Queen's Majesty's letters" com- 
manding the same.^ Had Elizabeth given them her sanction, 
they w^ould have had the authority of law as provided by 
the Act of Uniformity empowering the Queen, with the 
advice of the Metropolitan, to take further order for the 
ceremonies and ornaments of the Church, as was the im- 
pression conveyed by Parker's clever title-page. The "Ad- 
vertisements," however, did not settle the question as 
Parker hoped, but aroused much alarm at the prospect of 
compulsion, and occasioned much of the opposition to the 
bishops and the Establishment which now began to develop 
everywhere. Parker's proceedings mark the real beginning 
of the split in the Anglican Church. 

We may regard Parker as most clearly representing the 
official Anglican position; and even Parker did not hesitate 
to say that these were matters of indifference in themselves. 

' Parker Corresp., nos. clxxv, clxxvi, clxxviii, cciii, ccix, ccx; Wilkins, Con- 
cilia, vol. IV, p. 247; Cardwcll, Annals, vol. i, p. 287; Prothero, Select Statutes, 
p. 191; Gee and Hardy, Documents; Sparrow, Collections; S. P., Dom., Eliz., 
vol. XXXIX, no. 14. 

Protestant Dissent 143 

" Does your Lordship think that I care either for cap, tippet, 
surplice, or wafer-bread, or any such?" ^ He argued that 
the habits and the ritual were not essential matters, in the 
sense that the Catholic Church made them essential, but, 
because of the order and decency lent by them to the church 
service and the ministerial person, were worthy of obsers'a- 
tion, even had the law of Parliament and the will of the 
sovereign not ordained that within the English Church such 
habits and ritual should be observed. In no sense were 
other Protestant churches condemned for not using them, 
for there was nothing sacred in their use or character. "The 
Queen hath not established these garments and things for 
any holiness' sake or religion, but only for a civil order and 
comeliness: because she would have the ministers known 
from other men, as the aldermen are known by their tip- 
pets," etc. 2 Why should Christians squabble about such 
matters and give to Catholics opportunity for reproaching 
the Protestants for their lack of unity, and, at the same 
time, by such quarrels make Continental friends believe 
that the English Church tacitly condemned them because 
they did not use the habits? The law commanded all to use 
the habits — what was the profit in fighting about them? 

On the other hand, those who objected to the habits pro- 
claimed with equal certainty that they were matters of 
indifference. Few made the actual wearing of the hab- 
its a matter of conscience. Such men as Dr. Humphrey^ 
argued: in this indifferent matter of the wearing of the 
habits why give the wearing or not wearing of them such 
importance that refusal or dislike of them entails dismis- 
sal from the ministry of the Church?^ Many devout and 

1 Parker Corresp., no. ccclxix. CJ. conclusion of the Advertisements. 

* Grindal, Remains, p. 210. 

» 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. xxxvi, no. 64; vol. xxxix, no. 63; Zurich Letters. 
nos. Ixxxv, ci, cix, cii; Strype, Annals, vol. I, pt. li, App., no. xxvii; Str>pe, 
Parker, bk. 11, App., nos. xxx, xxxi. 

* It seems curious to find Whitgift's name among those who took this posi- 
tion. Cf. Strype, Parker, bk. iii, chap. Ill, p. 125, and App.. no. x.xxix; 5. P., 
Dom., Eliz., vol. xxxviii, no. 10; Str>pe, Whitgift, App., no. iv. 

144 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

serious young men, who are heartily loyal to the Queen and 
deeply attached to the Church now established, feel that 
they cannot take service under her because they are obliged 
to wear a costume which they look upon as a badge of 
Romanism. W^hy not leave it, in the present dangerous, 
unsettled, poverty-stricken, and preacherless condition of 
the Church, to individual conscience? We shall thus secure 
the whole-hearted service of the able men whom we need so 
much. They agree on all else, why exclude them from be- 
coming one of us, or eject devout and worthy preachers 
who are already within the serv^ice of the Church, because 
an indifferent matter is made into one of vital importance? 
If we insist on the outward obser\'ances of Catholicism, we 
give our Continental friends the idea that we are not truly 
Protestant, but still cling, or will soon return, to images, 
crosses, and tapers. Humphrey held that there was nothing 
wrong in the habits themselves, but that insistence upon 
them was a restraint of Christian liberty ill fitted for a 
Church in the position and of the character of the Anglican 
Establishment. He held up the threat that if the habits 
were insisted upon, the Church would lose the support and 
ser\ace of many who would other\vise give hearty allegiance. 
At root the differences were largely temperamental and 
matters of taste. 

Parker would have been glad to give in ; he grew tired of 

The Queen's Majesty willed my lord of York to declare her 
pleasure determinately to have the order to go forward. I trust 
her Highness hath devised how it may be performed. I utterly 
despair therein as of myself, and therefore must sit still, as I have 
now done, alway waiting either her toleration, or else further aid. 
Mr. Secretary, can it be thought, that I alone, having sun and 
moon against me, can compass this difficulty? If you of her 
Majesty's council provide no otherwise for this matter than as it 
appeareth openly, what the sequel will be horresco vcl reminis- 
cendo} And must I do still all things alone? I am not able, and 

1 Parker Corresp., no. cc.w. 

Protestant Dissent 145 

must refuse to promise to do that I cannot, and is another man's 
charge. All other men must win honour and defence, and I only 
shame to be so vilely reported. And yet I am not weary to bear, 
to do service to God and to my prince; but an ox can draw no 
more than he can.^ 

But neither the opposition of a great part of her clergy, nor 
the influence of councillors could secure changes which the 
Queen did not desire. And she did not desire these, although 
she would not come out openly with support for her clergy 
in enforcing the things she wished. She did not like the 
barrenness and extremes of Continental Protestantism, and 
she did like form and pomp. Had there been any real, imme- 
diate danger to the Church, and hence to the government, 
from the dispute, it is probable that she would have gi\-en 
way as she did in other cases, but she sensed the situation 
too well to feel that it was necessary to give way. She felt 
that she might continue to maintain her absolute sway over 
the Church in this respect in spite of some factious individ- 
uals. To Parker's objection "that these precise folks would 
ofTer their goods and bodies to prison, rather than they 
would relent," Elizabeth replied by ordering him to im- 
prison them then. 2 Several considerations in the situation 
made her insist that the habits and ritual be strictly ob- 
served. In the first place, it was the law, and the law must 
be enforced. In the second place, she felt that the question 
was not of enough importance to alienate any large body 
of the clergy. And her opinion was correct. Grindal wrote 
to Bullinger: — 

Many of the more learned clergy seemed to be on the point of 
forsaking their ministry. Many of the people also had it in con- 
templation to withdraw from us, and set up private meetings; 
but however most of them, through the mercy of the Lord, have 
now returned to a better mind.' 

» Parker Corresp., no. ccxiii. Cf. also, ibid., nos. cxiv, clxxvi, cciii, cccxxi. 

» Ibid., no. ccxiii. Cf. also, ibid., nos. clxx, clxxi, ccxcii. 

» Zurich Letters, no. cxi. Cf. also, ibid., no. cxxi; Parker Corresp., no. ccvn. 

146 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

They would not give up their lately won places because of 
the mere wearing of a habit. Further, she was not so keen 
for preachers, devout and able, as was Humphrey.^ She 
preferred that the Church slumber a little. A large body in 
the Church liked the habits and the forms; they did not 
desire, and some realized the inexpediency of making such 
radical changes that the service would seem unfamiliar to 
the people as a whole. Few of the Protestant officers of the 
Church felt it worth while to make any vigorous protest 
against their use in opposition to the wish of the Queen, 
and many condemned the agitators for stirring up discus- 
sion and controversy over the question. Nor did the Conti- 
nental Reformers stand back of the extremists or take the 
view they were expected to take. They felt that opposition 
to the government Church was not worth while on such 
matters when the government was apparently so whole- 
heartedly opposing the Papacy. Bullinger wrote to Horn : — 

I approve the zeal of those persons who would have the church 
purged from all the dregs of popery. . . . On the other hand, I 
also commend your prudence, who do not think that churches 
are to be forsaken because of the vestments. . . . But, as far as 
I can form an opinion, your common adversaries are only aiming 
at this, that on your removal they may put in your places either 
papists, or else Lutheran doctors and presidents, who are not 
very much unlike them.^ 

And to Humphrey and Sampson the same divine wrote: — 

It appears indeed most extraordinary to me, (if I may be al- 
lowed, most accomplished and very dear brethren, to speak my 
sentiments without offence,) that you can persuade yourselves 
that you cannot, with a safe conscience subject yourselves and 
churches to vestiarian bondage; and that you do not rather con- 
sider, to what kind of bondage you will subject yourselves and 
churches, if you refuse to comply with a civil ordinance, which 
is a matter of indifference, and are perpetually contending in this 
troublesome way; because by the relinquishment of your oflfice, 
you will expose the churches to wolves, or at least to teachers who 

> C/. Elizabeth's letter to Grindal, Prothero, Select Statutes, pp. 205, 206. 
* Zurich Letters, no. xcviii. -- 

Protestant Dissent 147 

are far from competent, and who are not equally fitted with 
yourselves for the instruction of the people.^ 

Elizabeth had her way. A few men lost their preferments, 
but the habits were worn. In itself the vestiarian contro- 
versy is an exceedingly dry, and, like so many of the discus- 
sions which have engaged the controversial genius of Chris- 
tianity, silly, discussion; but its significance, as one of the 
breaking-points between the two wings of the Church, can- 
not be overemphasized. This controversy lies at the root 
of the matter. Added to the natural temperamental differ- 
ences of taste, the discussion about the vestments dug up 
arguments, and stirred up feelings, and prepared the way 
for opinions, which, when developed, made continuous 
union impossible. But for a time the question slumbered. 
It never died out entirely; and the arguments used in this 
controversy lay at hand when the increasingly radical 
opinions of the discontented compelled them to diverge 
still more widely from the Established Church. ^ 

That there should develop a more positive opposition 
was inevitable. That antagonism between the Church 
Established and Church Militant should grow sharp and 
bitter was in part the result of controversy and in part the 
result of the character of the men who carried on the work 
of the Anglican Establishment and of the opposition to the 
Establishment. It was a growing quarrel, increasing from 
these small beginnings to irreconcilable differences. Bacon 
has well described the nature of the development of this 

It maybe remembered, that on their part which call for refor- 
mation, was first propounded some dislike of certain ceremonies 
supposed to be superstitious; some complaint of durnb mmisters 
who possessed rich benefices; and some invectives against the idle 

> Zurich Letters, no. civ. Cf. also, ibid., nos. xlii, xlvi, clvii, clviii; Strype, 
Annals, vol. i, pt. I, App., nos. xxiv-xxvii. .... 

2 Parker Corresp., no. ccxii; Zurich Letters, nos. cix, cxii, cxxii, cxxix, clxxiii. 
clxxiv, clxxv, clxxvii. 

148 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

and monastical continuance within the Universities, by those 
who had Hvings to be resident upon ; and such hke abuses. Thence 
they went on to condemn the government of bishops as an hier- 
archy remaining to us of the corruptions of the Roman church, 
and to except to sundry institutions as not sufficiently dehvered 
from the poUutions of the former times. And lastly, they ad- 
vanced to define of an only and perpetual form of policy in the 
church; which (without consideration of possibility or foresight 
of peril or perturbation of the church and state) must be erected 
and planted by the magistrate. Here they stay. Others, (not able 
to keep footing in so steep ground) descend further; That the 
same must be entered into and accepted of the people, at their 
peril, without the attending of the establishment of authority: 
and so in the meantime they refuse to communicate with us, re- 
puting us to have no church. This hath been the progression of 
that side: — I mean of the generality. For I know, some persons 
(being of the nature, not only to love extremities, but also to fall 
to them without degrees,) were at the highest strain at the first. 
The other part which maintaineth the present government of the 
church, hath not kept to one tenor neither. First, those cere- 
monies which were pretended to be corrupt they maintained to 
be things indifferent, and opposed the examples of the good times 
of the church to the challenge which was made unto them, be- 
cause they were used in the later superstitious times. Then were 
they also content mildly to acknowledge many imperfections in 
the church: as tares come up amongst the corn; which yet (ac- 
cording to the wisdom taught by our Saviour) were not with 
strife to be pulled up, lest it might spoil and supplant the good 
corn, but to grow on together until the harvest. After, they 
grew to a more absolute defence and maintenance of all the 
orders of the church, and stiffly to hold that nothing was to be 
innovated; partly because it needed not, partly because it would 
make a breach upon the rest. Thence (Exasperate through con- 
tentions) they are fallen to a direct condemnation of the contrary 
part, as of a sect. Yea and some indiscreet persons have been 
bold in open preaching to use dishonourable and derogative 
speech and censure of the churches abroad; and that so far, as 
some of our men (as I have heard) ordained in foreign parts have 
been pronounced to be no lawful ministers. Thus we see the 
beginnings were modest, but the extremes are violent; so as there 
is almost as great a distance now of either side from itself, as was 
at the first of one from the other. ^ 

Bacon, Letters and Life (Spcdding ed.), vol. I, pp. 86-87. 

Protestant Dissent 149 

Bishop Cooper's statement is more explicit, but essen- 
tially the same: — 

At the beginning, some learned and godly preachers, for private 
respects in themselves, made strange to wear the surplice, cap, 
or tippet: but yet so that they declared themselves to think the 
thing indifferent, and not to judge evil of such as did use them 
[Grindal, Sandys, Parkhurst, Nowel, 1562]. Shortly after rose 
up other [Sampson, Humphrey, Lever, Whittingham] defending 
that they were not things indifferent, but distained with anti- 
christian idolatry, and therefore not to be suffered in the Church. 
Not long after came another sort [Cartwright, Travers, Field] 
affirming that those matters touching apparel were but trifles, 
and not worthy contention in the Church, but that there were 
greater things far of more weight and importance, and indeed 
touching faith and religion, and therefore meet to be altered in a 
church rightly reformed. As the Book of Common Prayer, the 
administration of the Sacraments, the government of the Church, 
the election of ministers, and a number of other like. Fourthly, 
now break out another sort [Brownists], earnestly affirming and 
teaching, that we have no church, no bishops, no ministers, no 
sacraments; and therefore that all that love Jesus Christ ought 
with all speed to separate themselves from our congregations, 
because our assemblies are profane, wicked, and antichristian. 
Thus have you heard of four degrees for the overthrow of the 
state of the Church of England. Now lastly of all come in these 
men, that m.ake their whole direction against the living of bishops 
and other ecclesiastical ministers: that they should have no tem- 
poral lands or jurisdiction.^ 

It is characteristic of the first stages of this development 
that the leaders of the opposition tried to bring about the 
desired changes by what they conceived to be regular and 
lawful methods. The first important literary effort to secure 
the adoption of changes advocated took the form of an 
appeal to Parliament. The "First Admonition to Parlia- 
ment," written by two ministers, Fielde and Wilcox, was 
not a proclamation of independence in religious and ecclesi- 
astical matters, but an appeal to civil authority to correct 
the abuses within the Church, and to change it in accord- 
ance with Scriptural models. Its authors believed that the 

» Cooper, Admonition, p. 16, quoted in Hooker, Works, vol. i, p. 129, note 40. 

150 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

national representative body had the right to alter the fun- 
damental structure of the Church by statute. Their belief 
was justified by the fact that the acts of Parliament had 
undoubtedly created and given legal form to the Estab- 
lishment which existed. They had not been able to carry 
their reforms in Convocation by the regular and ordinary 
means created by statute for ecclesiastical lawmaking and 
they, therefore, went behind Convocation to Parliament. 
In this belief and appeal, however, they disregarded the 
position of the Queen in the system and her determination 
to maintain it. She looked upon such appeal to Parliament 
as an infringement of her rights of supremacy over the 
Church. Parliament had vested the control of ecclesiastical 
affairs in her. She was determined to keep that control, and 
throughout the reign insisted, with more or less success, 
that Parliament keep its hands ofT ecclesiastical matters, 
even when the proposals were not those of malcontents.^ 
Such an attitude on the part of the Queen was not calcu- 
lated to satisfy the appellants, nor did it soothe the dignity 
of the Commons, but the fact remains that Elizabeth was 
able to make good her position and that the appeal of the 
"First Admonition" was punished as seditious. 

The circumstances immediately preceding its publication 
made it doubly obnoxious to the Queen. In the Parliament 
of 1572 a bill was introduced in the Commons which pro- 
vided that the penalties imposed by the existing religious 
acts for not using the prescribed rites and ceremonies 
should be in force "against such persons onely as do or shall 
use anie maner of papisticall service, rites or Ceremonyes," 
or who "use the same forme so prescribed more supersti- 
ciouslie" than authorized. ^ It also provided that, by per- 
mission of the bishop, any minister might be free to omit 
ail, or any part, of the Prayer Book, or to use the serv^ice of 
the French or Dutch congregations. These drastic changes 

1 D'Ewcs, Journals, pp. 132, 133; Parker Corresp., nos. ccxxiv, ccxxv. 

* 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. Lxxxvi, nos. 45, 46, 48; Puritan Manifestoes, App. i. 

Protestant Dissent 


were disliked by many, and a committee was appointed to 
frame another bill. The second bill restricted the penalties 
to those uses of the book which were Popish or superstitious, 
and gave some further liberty to the preacher. Speaker Bell 
stopped proceedings, however, by signifying "her Highness' 
pleasure, that from henceforth no more bills concerning 
religion shall be preferred or received into this House unless 
the same should be first considered and liked by the clergy." ^ 
It was immediately after this session of Parliament that 
the "Admonition" appeared. 

They did not only propound it out of time (after the parliament 
was ended), but out of order also, that is, in the manner of a libel, 
with false allegations and applications of the scriptures, oppro- 
brious speeches, and slanders. ^ For if you ask of the time; the 
Admonition was published after the parliament, to the which it 
was dedicated, was ended. If you speak of the place; it was not 
exhibited in parliament (as it ought to have been), but spread 
abroad in corners, and sent into the country. If you inquire of 
the persons; it came first to their hands who had least to do in 

It was not strange that Elizabeth, already annoyed by the 
attitude of the Commons, should regard it as an attack 
upon ^her authority, and believe that it partook more of the 
nature of a seditious appeal to the people than an appeal to 

Wilcox and Fielde were lodged in prison, but that did not 
prevent the "Admonition" from becoming popular and 
widely circulated. A lively literary contest resulted. Bishop 
Cooper of Lincoln refuted the pamphlet in a sermon at 
Paul's Cross a week after Parliament closed. An anony- 
mous reply to Cooper appeared almost immediately, and. 
in spite of the efforts of Archbishop Parker to discover the 
secret press, ^ within three months after its first appearance, 

» D'Ewes, Journals, p. 213; S. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. Lxxxvi, no. 47. 

* VVhitgift, Works, vol. I, p. 39. 

» Ibid., p. 80. Cf. also, D'Ewes, Journals, pp. 160, 161; Zurich Letters, no. 

♦ Parker Corresp., nos. ccciii, cccxiii; Sandys to Burghley, Aug. 28, 1573; 
Puritan Manifestoes, App. vi. 

152 Intoleilvnce in the Reign of Elizabeth 

the "Admonition" was twice printed in a second edition, 
while Ficlde and Wilcox were still in prison. Closely con- 
nected with the "Admonition" were two treatises which 
appeared as one publication in September or October of the 
same year, "An Exhortation to the Byshops to deal bro- 
therly with theyr Brethern," and, "An exhortation to the 
Bishops and their clergie to aunswer a little booke that 
came forthe the last Parliament." Shortly after the appear- 
ance of the "Admonition," its opponents compiled "A 
Viewe of the Churche that the Authors of the late published 
Admonition would have planted within this realme of 
England, containing such Positions as they now hold against 
the state of the said Church, as it is nowe." We have no 
copy of this tract, but its contents are made clear by an 
answer which appeared not earlier than September, 1572, 
under the title, " Certaine Articles collected and taken (as it 
is thought) by the Byshops out of a litle Boke entituled An 
Admonition to the Parliament with an answere to the same." 
This series of attacks upon the Establishment represents 
the first stage of the Presbyterian movement. This stage is 
midway between the early Precisianist attacks upon the 
ceremonies and habits of the Church, and the active propa- 
ganda to establish the distinctive ecclesiastical organization 
of Presbyterianism. As in the case of the opponents of the 
vestments any resemblance to the practices of the Roman 
Church is sufficient basis for condemnation. But there is 
an advance from the early vestiarian position. The chief 
object of attack is not the ritual, but the organization and 
the spirit of the Church and the clergy. While the "Ad- 
monition" does not minimize the importance of abandoning 
the ceremonies which are copied from the ceremonies of the 
old Church, the chief and most telling part of its attack is 
directed against the church organization itself, because it is 
similar to the hierarchy of Rome, with its grades of rank, 
its ecclesiastical nobility, its courts, and faculties, officials 
and commissioners, its dispensations and licenses. The 

Protestant Dissent 153 

likeness to Roman organization inevitably stamps its organi- 
zation as wrong; the fact that it does not follow the New 
Testament pattern irretrievably damns it. They find in the 
proceedings of the bishops and other clerics who exercised 
secular functions, not simply, however, the externals of Ro- 
man, non-Scriptural organization, but the very spirit of papal 
episcopal rule and anti-Christian superiority. The Church 
deals more hardly with true Protestants like themselves, 
who are loyal to the Queen and to Christ's holy religion, 
than with the traitorous and anti-Christian Romanists. 

In spite of the fact that they must have recognized that 
such arguments were covert attacks upon the connection 
between Church and State, they proclaimed their loyalty 
to the Queen and the government. They warned the Queen 
that such resemblance to Rome, such a Roman hierarchy 
within the kingdom, afforded the greatest encouragement 
to her Papist enemies. They pleaded that they were more 
truly her loyal subjects than the bishops who maintained 
such a state of affairs. Yet there is a note of rebellion 
against the secular dictation as represented by the Queen. 
In ancient times "nothing was taught but God's work and 
now Princes pleasures, mennes devices, popish ceremonies, 
and Antichristian rites in publique pulpits defended." ^ 
"The pope's canon law and the will of the prince must have 
the first place, and be preferred before the word and ordi- 
nance of Christ." 2 The Queen could not have relished the 
demand that Parliament see to it that "the statute may 
more prevaile than an Injunction." 

The appeal that poor men may study the matters in dis- 
pute is a return to what is traditionally regarded as a funda- 
mental principle of the Protestant revolt, the right of every 
man to judge his own soul's problems. To such a liberal 
as Sandys even, their position seems dangerously anti- 
aristocratic and democratic. 

» Puritan Manifestoes, p. 12. 

* Cf. "Parte of a Register," Grindal, Remains, p. 205. 

154 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

It may easely appcare what boldcnesse and disobedience theis 
new writers have alredy wrought in the mynds of the people and 
that agaynst the Civill Magistrate whome in words they seme 
to extoll but whose authoritie in very dede they labor to caste 
downe. For he seeth litill that doth not perceyve how that their 
whole proceedinges tend to a mere popularities 

• In spite of a seeming democracy and love of liberty, in 
spite of the fact that they enter the plea which is now recog- 
nized as one of the greatest arguments against intolerance, 
the plea that persecution does no good,^ these writers were 
not tolerant even within the narrow limits of Protestantism. 
If divergent, they would have all opinions suppressed ex- 
cept their own. They would substitute for the authority of 
the early Church fathers and antiquity, in matters of eccle- 
siastical organization and discipline, the authority of the 
New Testament. And when they said New Testament, 
they meant the verbally inspired text. Inasmuch as this is 
an absolute and more restricted authority, it necessarily 
implies a greater intolerance of all divergences. Yet as the 
New Testament does not cover so much ground as "antiq- 
uity," — that is, tradition, — they freed the Church from 
many "precepts of men," thus seemingly increasing the 
sphere of freedom. This greater freedom was, however, 
largely neutralized by their insisting that nothing should 
be done in the Church for which there was not a clear com- 
mand of God. 

In the autumn of the year in which the "First Admoni- 
tion" appeared, Thomas Cartwright wrote and published 
the "Second Admonition to Parliament." Led by Cart- 
wright, Presbyterianism now entered upon that long and 
wearisome literary conflict with the Anglican Establishment, 
which, even to-day, has not entirely fallen into the desue- 
tude it deserves. Although a cluster of lesser lights sur- 
rounded them, the controversy centers about the works of 
Cartwright and Dr. John Whitgift. The two had clashed 

1 Puritan Manifestoes, p. 154. * Ibid., p. 71. 

Protestant Dissent 155 

before, and over substantially the same questions when 
Cartwright was Lady Margaret Professor at the University 
of Cambridge and Whitgift Master of Trinity College.^ In 
that contest Whitgift succeeded in expelling Cartwright 
from the University, and Cartwright had gone to Geneva, 
where he had been confirmed in his opinions by his associ- 
ations with the fountain-heads of Presbyterianism. He re- 
turned in 1572 at an opportune moment to take up his 
old quarrel with Whitgift. Excitement over the "First 
Admonition" was great. It was read on all sides, Whitgift 
had under way the construction of the official reply, "An 
Answere to a certen Libel intituled An Admonition to the 
Parliament," and Cartwright brought out the "Second 
Admonition" in time to receive his share of the worthy 
doctor's condemnation. 

The " Second Admonition " may be regarded as marking 
a new stage in the controversy between dissent and Angli- 
canism ; it marks the transfer in essential interest from con- 
demnation of abuses to advocacy of a particular form of 
church polity, the Presbyterian. 

The other bokes are shorte (as it was requisite to present to 
you), and therefore they have not so muche tolde you how to 
Reforme, as what to Reforme. They have tolde you of many 
things amisse, and that very truely, they have tolde you in gen- 
erall, what were to be restored, but howe to doe these things, as it 
is the hardest pointe, so it requireth, as themselves saye, a larger 
discourse. I meane therfore to supplie . . . something that may 
make to the expressing of the matter, so plainely, that you may 
have sufficient light to proceede by. . . .^ 

Unfortunately for those who are compelled to wade 
through the vast mass of literary polemic that resulted, the 
method of procedure presented in the "Second Admonition " 
was not so clear that the force of truth compelled Its imme- 
diate acceptance. Cartwrlght's work is less Interesting than 

» Grindal, Remains, Letters, no. Ixv, and note 4: Str>'pc. Whitgift, vol. i. p. iq; 
Str>'pe, Annals, vol. 11. pt. I, App., nos. i, iii ; 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. LXXi, no. 1 1 . 

' " Second Admonition," Puritan Manifestoes, p. 90. 

6 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

the "First Admonition." Its tone is less earnest in that it is 
an intellectual, rather than an emotional, attack. In it we 
find the narrowing and hardening that almost inevitably 
accompany attempts to give practical organization to 
idealistic or moral theories. The emphasis shifts from 
moral and religious indignation, on a relatively high plane, 
to an intellectual presentation of a definite ecclesiastical 
polity. The "Second Admonition" and the development 
of the propaganda under Cartwright's leadership mark a 
distinct departure from the ground of the "First Admoni- 
tion," as that work marks a breaking-away from those who 
merely desired reforms in the English ceremonial. The 
"Second Admonition" marks out the lines of development 
for a distinct and peculiar form of dissent, the Presbyterian. 
Not all dissenters followed that line of development. Cart- 
wright succeeded in causing or forcing a division in the 
ranks of the reformers. Many who were most ardent in the 
struggle still further to modify the English Establishment 
toward Protestantism, particularly in regard to ceremonies, 
refused to follow Cartwright's extreme statements and posi- 
tions.^ Some of these contented themselves with remaining 
in the Church as churchmen with Precisianist tendencies, 
some withdrew in time to form churches more consonant 
with the spirit of Christianity than that proposed by Cart- 
wright. Of these we shall speak more in detail after we have 
presented the course and the results of the Presbyterian 

The "Second Admonition" and the Presbyterian move- 
ment logically developed from the opposition to Roman 
Catholicism manifested by the Vestiarians and the authors 
of the "First Admonition," but, more important, the 
"Second Admonition" developed the attack upon the 
Established Church organization and created the form and 
machinery for putting into operation the church organiza- 

> Zurich Letters, nos. clxxxli, clxxxvi, cxcli, cxciii; Strype, Annals, vol. ill, 
pt. II, App., no. xlix. 

Protestant Dissent 157 

tlon based upon Scriptural model which the "First Admo- 
nition" suggested. 

By the consent of all, evidently, Cartwright was now re- 
garded as the head of the opposition, and the controversy, 
so far as it was a Presbyterian controversy, was left pretty 
largely in his hands. He wrote at once, "A Reply to an An- 
swere made of Doctor Whitgift," and then escaped to the 
Continent in time to avoid a warrant issued for his arrest 
by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.^ Elizabeth's procla- 
mation against the two "Admonitions" ^ made that a safe 
vantage-ground to occupy. Whitgift followed him with a 
"Defence of the Answere," and at long range Cartwright 
discharged two more shots, "The Second Rcplie" in 1575, 
and "The Rest of the Second Replie" in 1577. To these 
Whitgift did not reply, evidently considering that his mas- 
sive work, made available to the modern reader by the 
Parker Society, had said all that was desirable. He now 
trusted to less intellectual means to suppress his opponents. 
As Hook expresses it, "It is not necessary to pursue this 
controversy further, especially as it passed from the hands 
of Whitgift to those of Bishop Aylmer, by whom Cart- 
wright was several times committed to prison." ^ 

In the mean time another Presbyterian work, of more 
real importance than a great deal of the work of Cartwright, 
had appeared. Walter Travers, whom we have met before 
in connection with the question of ordinations, wrote, while 
on the Continent, a Latin presentation of the Presbyte- 
rian system, " Ecclcsiastiae Disciplinae . . . Explicato." This 
Cartwright translated and published as, "A full and plaine 
declaration of Ecclesiasticall Discipline owt of the word of 
God and off the declininge off the church of England from 
the same." The " Book of Discipline," as it is familiarly 

1 Zurich Letters, no. cciii. CJ. Soames, Elizabethan History, p. 141. 
« 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. .xci, no. 47; Zurich Letters, no. cxc; Puritan Mani- 
festoes, App. v; Strype, Parker, vol. 11, p. 320. 

» Hook, Lives of the Archbishops, vol. v, p. 152 (New Series). 

158 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

known, is a consistent and logical presentation of the Pres- 
byterian system, and formed the party platform. ^ 

From this series of works, and from minor, incidental 
tracts and letters, we derive the essentials of Presbyterian 
ecclesiastical polity in England, its attitude toward Catho- 
lics and Continental Protestantism, its relations with the 
Anglican Establishment and the government. We shall 
examine these things in the order mentioned. 

> Dr. John Bridges answered Travers's book in Defence of the Government 
Established in the Church of England for Ecclesiastical Matters. Aylmer had 
been offered the task, but declined. Parker Corresp., no. ccclxviii; Grindal, 
Remains, Letters, no. bcxviii. 



The familiar Presbyterian form of church organization is 
midway between the aristocratic EpiscopaHan and the 
democratic Congregational forms of ecclesiastical polity. 
The unit of the organization is the presbytery, made up of 
the ministers and elders of the local churches. Presbytery 
appoints and inducts the ministers and is the court of appeal 
for the local congregations. Local management is vested in 
a consistory session made up of the ministers and elders, 
subject in some respects to the wishes of the congregation, 
but, in effect, exercising practically its own discretion. The 
English system contemplated, also, provincial and national 
synods to serve for the consideration and settlement of 
church problems with which the local presbyteries were not 
competent to deal finally. 

For this organization Scriptural authority was claimed. 
The pattern thus found in the Scriptures was the only right 
pattern for a Church of Christ; the New Testament made 
necessary the acceptance and the use of this particular 
organization.^ There was no place for any other form, no 
authority equal to the Scriptures for the use of any other 
ecclesiastical organization. Presbyterian adherence to a 
particular form of organization, and assertion of a binding 
Scriptural obligation for its use, resulted in important con- 
sequences for the theory of relationship between various 
churches already existing. 

Sharing with the Anti-Vestiarians, the Precisianists, and 
the authors of the " First Admonition," a hatred for all that 
was Roman Catholic in ritual and form, this theory, that 

1 Whitgift. Works, vol. II. pp. 6, 60, 195, 259; Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. iii, 
chap. V, sec. i ; chap, vii, sec. 4. 

i6o Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth' 

the New Testament commanded the use of the Presbyterian 
organization and condemned all others, gave to the adher- 
ents of this party a basis for condemnation of papal organi- 
zation and Catholic ritual which the Anglican Church and 
the predecessors of the Presbyterians in discontent in Eng- 
land had lacked. The papal organization and the rites of 
the Roman Church were damnable and anti-Christian, not 
simply because of corruption and abuses, but because Christ 
had established another form of organization and other 
rites. They applied the test to the Church of England and 
found it base metal, for the Church of England likes "well 
of popish mass-mongers, men for all seasons, king Henry's 
priests, King Edward's priests, queen Mary's priests, who 
of a truth, if God's word were precisely followed, should 
from the same be utterly removed." ^ It thus gave ground 
for a more thorough-going opposition to, and a more utterly 
irreconcilable intolerance of, all that pertained to Catholi- 
cism. There was no need for Presbyterianism to appeal to 
political policy and national patriotism in justification of 
its opposition to Rome. 

Inasmuch as the command of the New Testament to them 
entailed a religious duty or implied one,^ since anything not 
there authorized was, to the Presbyterian mind, unsavory 
in the nostrils of the Lord, Presbyterianism became the 
advocate of an intolerant and exclusive theory. It substi- 
tuted, within the sphere of ecclesiastical organization, the 
authority of the Scriptures for the authority of reason, 
drew "all things unto the determination of bare and naked 
Scripture."^ The sphere of religious tolerance narrows and 
expands directly in proportion to the number of things that 
are added to, or removed from, the sphere of religious 

1 Cartwright, apud WhitRift, Works, vol. I, p, 317. Cf. ibid., vol. I, p. 115. 
In later editions " King Edward's priests" was omitted. Cf. Cambridge His- 
tory of English Literature, vol. iii, p. 403. 

' Zurich Letters, no. cixxvii; VVhitgift, Works, vol. I, p. 26, note 3; pp. 180, 
183; Hooker, Works, vol. i, p. 227, note 61. 

* Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. 11, chap, vii, sec. i. 

Protestant Dissent i6i 

necessity. In so far as ecclesiastical polity is brought into 
the forefront of reHgious propaganda, it becomes narrow 
and intolerant. Anglicanism removed ecclesiastical polity 
from the list of things religiously essential; polity was a 
matter of indifference to be regulated and changed in 
accordance with the needs and circumstances of time and 
place. "... That any kind of government is so necessary 
that without it the church cannot be saved, or that it may 
not be altered into some other kind thought to be more 
expedient, I utterly deny," wrote Whitgift.^ Anglicanism 
may have been intolerant of diversity in matters of polity 
and ritual, but it was an intolerance based, not upon a 
theory that these things were religiously important, but 
upon the belief that the legal establishment of certain forms 
by national legislation and the safety of the kingdom neces- 
sitated their observance. Apart from the religious question, 
reason may well decide that enactments by a national as- 
sembly based on political necessity are more justifiably 
insisted on than any dogmatic consideration. By this test 
Presbyterianism represents a backward tendency in the 
development of toleration. 

The results of this theory of a divinely originated pres- 
bytery were not confined to the additional basis given for 
condemnation of Catholics. All forms of Protestantism not 
following the New Testament model were open to the same 
condemnation as the Catholic Church. Lutheranism and 
Anglicanism were equally detestable. Cartwright went so 
far as to say, "Heretics" — and by heretics he meant those 
not Calvinistic — " ought to be put to death now," and he 
backed his extreme statement by the assertion that, "If this 
be bloody and extreme I am content to be so counted with 
the Holy Ghost." 2 

... To say that any magistrate can save the life of blasphem- 
ers, contemptuous and stubborn idolaters, murderers, adulterers, 

1 Whitgift, Works, vol. i, p. 184. 

» Cartwright, Second Reply, apud Whitgift, Works, vol. I, p. I16, note I. 
Cf. also ibid., vol. i, p. 386. 

1 62 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

incestuous persons, and such like, which God by his judicial law 
hath commanded to be put to death, I do utterly deny, and am 
ready to prove, if that pertained to this question, and therefore, 
although the judicial laws are permitted to the discretion of the 
prince and magistrate, yet not so generally as you seem to affirm, 
and as I have oftentimes said, that not only must it not be done 
against the word but according to the word and by it.^ 

It is, however, in connection with the condemnation of 
Anglicanism that the results of the Presbyterian ecclesias- 
tical polity are most significant. The Anglican Church did 
not claim that it followed apostolic practice in church organ- 
ization; it admitted that it did not. It said the form of 
organization was not an essential matter. Cartwright's older 
contemporaries in dissatisfaction were in substantial agree- 
ment with the Anglican Establishment upon the essential 
indifference of ecclesiastical polity, but in so far as they 
attacked the organization at all, maintained that the Angli- 
can organization was inexpedient. Cartwright united with 
them in attack upon the resemblance of Anglicanism to 

Remove homilies, articles, injunctions, and that prescript 
order of service made out of the mass-book. . . . We must needs 
say as followeth, that this book is an unperfect book, culled and 
picked out of that popish dung hill, the portuise and mass-book 
full of all abominations. ... It is wicked, to say no worse of it, 
so to attribute to a book, indeed culled out of the vile popish 
service-book, with some certain rubrics and gloses of their own 
device, such authority, as only is due to God in his book. . . . 
Again, when learned they to multiply up many prayers of one 
effect, so many times Glory be to the Father, so many times The 
Lord be with you, so many times Let us Pray? Whence learned 
they all these needless repetitions? is it not the popish Gloria 

He attacked the wealth and pomp of the Anglican ecclesi- 
astics, but departed from the position of the Admonishers 
by maintaining that the Anglican Church was wrong in its 

* Cartwright, apud VVhitKift, Works, vol. l, p. 270. 

* Cartwright, Second Admonition, apud Whitgift, Works, vol. i, p. I19i 
note 6. 

Protestant Dissent 163 

very essence.* New Testament authority necessitated an- 
other form of organization, and for the establishment of the 
new, the Church already established must give way. Theo- 
cratic, exclusive Calvinism must be substituted for the 
merely expedient and comprehensive Episcopalian Estab- 
lishment. The Anglican Church was an attempt to nation- 
alize the religious organization, with loyalty to the Queen 
as its fundamental article. The Presbyterian programme 
was an attempt to create a narrow, national, sectarianism 
founded upon exclusively Biblical authority. Political needs 
were a secondary consideration, although it is true that 
their antagonism to the Papacy served as a strong argu- 
ment for the observance of that political policy which they 
deemed most wise for the nation and royal safety — abso« 
lute suppression of all Catholics. 

From the Presbyterian opposition to Anglicanism, thus 
based upon Scriptural authority, resulted important con- 
sequences in Anglicanism itself. Anglicanism began the 
formulation, as we have pointed out in a previous chapter, 
of a divine right theory of episcopacy to meet the claims of 
Presbyterianism. It abandoned the old basis of its apolo- 
getic, expediency and antiquity, and substituted other argu- 
ments. This shift took two directions. First, a return, with 
the Presbyterians, to an exclusively Scriptural authority 
where authorization of the Episcopal form was found ; and 
second, the development of an entirely new line of argu- 
ment which based the authority of Scriptures and of religion 
itself upon reason. The Scriptures could be used by An- 
glicans in defense of their peculiar organization as force- 
fully as in defense of the Presbyterian. This appeal was 
made at first with desire simply to refute the Presbyterian 
argument that Anglicanism had no Scriptural basis, without 
implying that, when found, Scriptural authority should be 
used to maintain an exclusively Episcopalian polity as the 

» Cartwright himself did not believe in, or practice, separation from the 
Anglican communion, however. 

164 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Presbyterians maintained an exclusively Presbyterian one; 
but it was perhaps inevitable, in the face of Presbyterian 
attack and argument, that Anglicanism should make, with 
Presbyterians, but in opposition to them, the logical step 
to maintenance of a divinely instituted and exclusive form 
of ecclesiastical polity. This logical advance was not made 
decisively in Elizabeth's reign. A theory of divinely ap- 
pointed Presbyterianism or Episcopalianism was antago- 
nistic to the political dominance which the Queen insisted 
upon maintaining,^ and to which, for the sake of self- 
preservation, the Church was compelled to assent. Angli- 
canism, however, was turned toward the theory of an apos- 
tolical episcopal succession, and as soon as governmental 
opposition was withdrawn by the death of Elizabeth, it 
proceeded to develop within its ranks a sectarianism as 
contracted as that of its enemies. 

The suggestion of Hooker in his "Ecclesiastical Polity," 
that reason had to rule in all cases even though arguing 
from a basis of verbally inspired Scripture, served as better 
ground for the apologetic of a Church so subservient to 
royal power and political policy as was the Anglican Es- 
tablishment. That the rule of reason was, however, as op- 
posed to Episcopalianism as to Presbyterianism, was a 
fact which neither Hooker and his party, nor the party 
of opposition, recognized until many years after our pe- 
riod, when men began to ascribe their conversion to Ro- 
man Catholicism to the teachings of the "Ecclesiastical 

Of less real importance than the advocacy of a particular 
form of church polity by the Presbyterians, was their oppo- 
sition to Anglicanism upon doctrinal grounds. Presbyterian 
polity was inseparably linked with the extremes of Calvin- 
istic doctrine. Anglicanism was, as we have pointed out 

* Had Elizabeth set up claims to rule by divine right, as did her successor and 
the French monarchs, there would have been no necessary antagonism between 
a divinely appointed Episcopal organization and her dominance. But Eliza- 
beth's power was not based on "a divine right" theory. 

Protestant Dissent 165 

above, tied to no articulated system of dogma; its stand- 
ards were indefinite and theologically inclusive. This gave 
adequate grounds to Presbyterians for condemnation of 
Anglican belief, independently of their condemnation of 
Anglicanism on the score of polity. Accusations of Luther- 
anism were not relished by many of the bishops. Most of 
them classed together, "wolves. Papists, Lutherans, Sad- 
ducees and Herodians,"^ and asserted that, "as he [the 
Devil] is unable to restore popery altogether, he is endeav- 
ouring, but imperceptibly and by degrees, to bring us 
back to Lutheranism." 2 They were for the most part 
Calvinistic themselves, but, from the standpoint of tolera- 
tion, it is fortunate that their Calvinism did not express 
itself decisively in the creeds and articles of the Establish- 
ment. Whitgift's attempt to impose the Calvinistic Lam- 
beth Articles upon Anglicanism fortunately failed. We 
have Elizabeth to thank for this, however great be the 
reproach we may feel justified in casting upon her for less 
beneficent exercise of her royal power. The liberality re- 
sulting from this freedom from dogmatic exclusiveness, gave 
occasion for some of the most strikingly intolerant utter- 
ances of Presbyterianism. They felt that the Church was 
too generous, too broad, its charity too closely allied to lack 
of zeal in the Lord. They objected that some of the prayers 
of the English Service were too charitable in view of what 
could properly be asked of the justice of God. "They," 
the Radicals said, "pray that all men may be saved with- 
out exception; and that all travelling by sea and land may 
be preserved, Turks and traitors not excepted ... in all 
their service there is no edification, they pray that all men 
may be saved." ^ Undoubtedly some men should be damned. 
The doctrinal opposition of the Presbyterians did not result 
in an increased hardening of Anglican dogmatic standards 

* Zurich Letters, no. cviii. 

* Ibid., no. cxxx. Cf. ibid., nos. cxxiv, cxi, cxxi, ccxv. 

» Narcs, BurgJiley, vol. Ill, p. 348. Cf. "First Admonition," Puritan Marti- 
festoes, p. 29; Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. v, chap, xxvii, sec. i, p. 346. 

1 66 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

comparable to the increased rigidity of its ecclesiastical 
polity. We even find in Hooker statements which indicate 
that the prevalent Calvinism was too uncompromising for 
the Anglican Establishment. 

Incidental to Presbyterian defense of an exclusive New 
Testament ecclesiastical polity, insistence upon Calvinistic 
theology, and attack upon Anglicanism, Presbyterianism 
has some points of interest deserving of mention. One of 
the most insistent and important claims made for Presby- 
terianism is that it is in general, and was in particular dur- 
ing the reign of Elizabeth, the champion of liberty and 
democracy. Were this true, minor considerations of narrow 
theology and polity would sink into oblivion, when com- 
pared to the great service thus rendered to the cause of 
toleration. The justification for these claims is found, 
ordinarily, in the fact that in Parliament the chief defenders 
of the liberties of Parliament in opposition to the absolutism 
of Elizabeth were also found in opposition to the Estab- 
lished Church.^ The questions which gave rise to the 
greatest assertion of Parliamentary right were, during the 
time when the Presbyterian controversy was at its height, 
questions of ecclesiastical polity and reform. The union of 
the question of national liberty with the question of eccle- 
siastical dissent was natural. Further, it is obvious that 
during this period the champions of national liberty were 
champions also of ecclesiastical dissent. But the obvious 
fact does not state the truth quite accurately. The greatest 
champions of the liberties of Parliament took occasion to 
voice their claims as questions of any sort gave them occa- 
sion to do so. During this period the questions of Church 
abuses, and the right to consider them, were the ques- 
tions about which the conflict with the government and the 
Queen centered. At a later time these topics had sunk into 
the background, and the fight for Parliamentary liberties 
went on over the question of patents and monopolies. In so 

» Whitgift, Works, vol. i, pp. 42, 262; vol. 11, pp. 264, 398. 

Protestant Dissent 167 

far as ecclesiastical dissenters were the champions of liberty, 
we would not deny to Presbyterians their fair share in any 
glory that may be derived therefrom. But they have no 
exclusive claims. Alongside of Presbyterians in this oppo- 
sition were those within the Church itself, by no means 
advocates of Presbyterian doctrines, those whom we call 
Precisians, those actuated merely by desire to embarrass the 
bishops, lovers of liberty to whom the religious questions 
merely gave occasion for opposition to encroachments upon 
it by the sovereign, other types of dissent more truly demo- 
cratic in their religious and ecclesiastical theory than the 
Presbyterian.^ Presbyterians were allied with these oppo- 
nents of royal absolutism ; that was the only possible escape 
from the consequences of their religious and ecclesiasti- 
cal principles; but their championship did not arise from 
the liberal character of those religious and ecclesiastical 

Presbyterian principles of ecclesiastical organization were 
not democratic, but aristocratic. Appeals to fears of Eng- 
lishmen that the bishops were seizing, or would seize, 
excessive power similar to that possessed by the Catholic 
bishops might touch a real danger, but were not consistent 
with proposals to set up a governing ministry like that of 
Scotland or Geneva. Arguments against concentration of 
wealth in religious men's hands, to the deprivation of the 
poor, arguments against religious rank and lordship, as 
contrary to Scriptural example, have in themselves nothing 
to do with championship of democracy and came with bad 
grace from those who proposed to establish such an aristo- 
cratic and exclusive system as the Presbyterian. An eccle- 
siastical system of standards which would limit church 
membership to those who accepted a dogmatic theological 
doctrine so precise as that of Calvin, is, in the last analysis, 
as undemocratic as its theology. However aristocratic is the 

1 Parker Corresp., no. cccxxi; Cartwright, apud Whitgift, Works, vol. I. 
P- 390. 

1 68 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Episcopalian form of government, it was one of the glories 
of Anglicanism that it was inclusive and liberal in its theo- 
logical requirements. Outward conformity to established 
forms it may have demanded; submission of the private 
judgment to the confines of a theological system it did not. 
Even subscription to the doctrinal articles which it asked 
was made liberal by the indefinite character of those articles, 
an indefiniteness which admitted of interpretation conso- 
nant with a whole range of theological opinion. Presby- 
terian Calvinism certainly fails to satisfy one of the most 
important requisites of any democratic system, individual 

To one unprejudiced by adherence to any sect it must 
be hard to see the justice in Presbyterian claims to cham- 
pionship of civil and religious liberty. Presbyterianism was 
not tolerant; it was not democratic in ecclesiastical or 
theological theory. Its purpose was the substitution on 
a national scale of theocratic, exclusive Calvinism for po- 
litical inclusive Episcopalianism. Ecclesiastically it was 
exclusive, theologically it was intolerant. Nor can we see 
in its theory of the relationship between Church and State 
any great contribution to the principles of liberty and tol- 

Condemning as they did all other forms and all other 
doctrines, upon the basis of Scriptural truth, it might have 
been expected that Presbyterians would advance the toler- 
ant suggestion that such obvious Scriptural authority be 
left to work conformity and uniformity by its simple pres- 
entation in preaching and teaching. As we have seen, how- 
ever, they felt that the force of truth works but slowly, and 
that the need for acceptance of Presbyterian ecclesiastical 
and theological dogma was urgent. They proposed that the 
government compel the acceptance of both at once. The 
relations, therefore, between Church and State were not to 
be severed, but to be made closer, in order, not that political 
needs might be served by the Church, but that political 

Protestant Dissent 169 

power might do the will of God as interpreted by the 

They would beare men in hand that we despise authoritie, and 
contemne lawes, but they shamefully slaunder us to you, that so 
say. For it is her majesties authoritie we flye to, as the supreme 
governour in all causes, and over all persones within her domin- 
ions appointed by God, and we flie to the lawes of this rcalme, 
the bonds of all peace and good orders in this land. And we 
beseche her majestic to have the hearing of this matter of Gods, 
and to take the defence of it upon her. And to fortifie it by law, 
that it may be received by common order through out her 
dominions. For though the orders be, and ought to be drawne 
out of the booke of God, yet it is hir majestie that by hir princely 
authoritie shuld see every of these things put in practise, and 
punish those that neglect them, making lawes therfore, for the 
churche maye keepe these orders, but never in peace, except the 
comfortable and blessed assistance of the states and governors 
linke in to see them accepted in their countreys, and used.^ 

The Queen was not to dictate to the new Establishment as 
she dictated to the Episcopalian one. 

No civil magistrate in councils or assemblies for church matters 
can either be chief moderator, overruler, judge, or determineer, 
nor has such authority as that, without his consent, it should not 
be lawful for ecclesiastical persons to make any church orders 
or ceremonies.- Church matters ought ordinarily to be handled 
by church officers. The principal direction of them is by God's 
ordinance committed to the ministers of the church and to the 
ecclesiastical governors. As these meddle not with the making 
civil laws, so the civil magistrate ought not to ordain ceremonies, 
or determine controversies in the church, as long as they do not 
intrench upon his temporal authority. 'Tis the princes province 
to protect and defend the councils of his clergy, to keep the peace; 
to see their decrees executed: and to punish the contemners of 
them: but to exercise no spiritual jurisdiction. "It must be 
remembered that civil magistrates must govern the church ac- 
cording to the rules of God prescribed in his word; and that as 
they are nurses so they be servants unto the church ; and as they 
rule in the church, so they must remember to submit themselves 

» "Second Admonition," Puritan Manifestoes, p. 130. Cf. Theses Martinian<t, 
Pierce, Marprelate Tracts, p. 309. 

' But cf. the Act of Uniformity on this point. 

1 70 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

unto the church, to submit their sceptres, to throw down their 
crowns before the church, yea, as the prophet speaketh, to lick 
the dust off the feet of the church." ^ 

Rhetorical as this language undoubtedly is, it is strikingly 
similar in sentiment, as well as expression, to the language 
of some of those great bishops of Rome whom the Protestant 
Reformers denounced so heartily. This presents clearly 
enough the relationship which it was proposed should exist 
between Church and State when Presbyterianism was 
established. This was essentially the true position of 
Elizabethan Presbyterianism, although we find the point 
obscured by numberless protestations of ministerial humil- 
ity. They were loyal inasmuch as they were whole-heartedly 
opponents of her most dangerous enemies, the Papists. 
They acknowledged her supremacy in temporal things, and 
over spiritual persons in temporal matters. 

If the question be, whether princes and magistrates be neces- 
sary in the church, it holdeth that the use of them is more than of 
the sun, without the which the world cannot stand. If it be of 
their honour, it holdeth that, with humble submission of mind, 
the outward also of the body, yea the body itself, and all that it 
hath, if need so require, are to be yielded for the defence of the 
prince, and for that service, for the which the prince will use them 
unto, for the glory of God, and maintenance of the common- 
weal th.^ 

They were humble and unpretentious inasmuch as they 
were suppressed and felt their lack of power. In spite, there- 
fore, of these protestations the Presbyterians came into 
conflict with the government and were subject to suppres- 
sion by the government. 

The religious acts intended primarily for the suppression 
of Papists afforded the legal basis for the prosecution and 
the Presbyterians protested that "lawes that were purposely 

* Quoted in Madox, Vindication of the Church of England, p. 122. Cf. also, 
" Second Admonition," Puritan Manifestoes, p. 93; Cartwright, apud Whitgift, 
Works, vol. I, p. 390; ibid., pp. 27, 377; Zurich Letters, nos. clxxxvii, cxciv. 

» Cartwright, apud Whitgift, Works, vol. i, p. 20. Cf. also, ibid., vol. I, pp. 21 , 
79, 82, 105. 

Protestant Dissent 171 

made for the wicked, be made snares by you to catch the 
godly." ^ Until the drastic legislation of 1593, the provision 
of the act,^ which demanded that all clerics below the dig- 
nity of bishop should subscribe to "all the articles of reli- 
gion which only concern the confession of the true Christian 
faith and the doctrine of the sacraments" comprised in the 
Thirty-nine Articles, served as the legal basis of restraint 
upon the nonconformists. The phrase was interpreted by 
the bishops to mean that by the act subscription was re- 
quired to all the Articles, those relating to the government 
as well as those relating to the doctrine of the Church.^ 
The opponents of the bishops interpreted it as meaning 
that subscription was required by the act to the articles of 
religion only. Under the leadership of Whitgift the Church 
proceeded, by means of the Ecclesiastical Commission and 
the oath ex officio, to subject the dissenters to great hard- 
ships. In this course Whitgift had the support of the 
Queen, although he was impeded sometimes by the oppo- 
sition of members of her Council. For the most part, how- 
ever, this unofficial governmental opposition was not 
exercised because of favor to Presbyterian principles, but 
because of dislike for the ecclesiastical aggrandizement of 
the bishops and their harshness. A great deal of the severity 
shown during this period was due to the personal character 
of the men in charge of ecclesiastical affairs, men like Whit- 
gift, Bancroft, and Aylmer, rather than to a consistent 
regard for the principles of the Establishment. The oppo- 
sition to their proceedings by Cecil and other men of influ- 
ence was excited by humanitarian principles, rather than 
by intellectual or religious sympathy with those who 
suffered from the proceedings of the bishops. 

1 "An Exhortation to the Byshops to deale Brotherly with theyr brethren," 
Puritan Manifestoes, p. 67; Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. 11, Illustrative 
Documents, p. 21. 

» D'Ewes", Journals, pp. 132, 160, 184; Strype. Whitgift, bk. iii. App., 

172 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Convinced as they have been of the injustice of charges 
of disloyalty made against the Presbyterians, defenders of 
that system have usually dismissed the charges as having 
no other basis than the vindictiveness of the bishops, with 
their cry of "Disloyal to the Church, Disloyal to the 
Queen." ^ Without holding a brief for the ecclesiastics, we 
find more reasonable ground for the prevalence of these 
charges on the part of both ecclesiastical and secular lead- 
ers, and for their acceptance by the Queen. Elizabeth was 
not so subject to the influence of her bishops that she would 
permit them to impose their merely ecclesiastical hatreds 
upon her. The men supposed to have the greatest influence 
upon her personal opinions were not subservient to the 
bishops nor in sympathy with them ecclesiastically. 

To a man like Cecil, with his high conception of the royal 
prerogative and power, the ecclesiastical conditions in 
Scotland were sufflcient reason for rejecting Presbyterian- 
ism. The Presbyterian theory of the relation between 
Church and State would subordinate the Queen to the 
clergy. 2 That the advocates of such theories should be sup- 
pressed and restrained by the Queen was inevitable. She 
had a high conception of her position and she was deter- 
mined to maintain it. The statutes of the realm gave her 
the advantageous position in such a contest; she could 
legally suppress such variations. But had this not been 
true, it is certain that she would have used her prerogative 
in spite of law; interpretation of an ambiguous phrase in the 
statute of 1 57 1 was by no means the full measure of the 
lengths she would have gone had it been necessary. Yet 
there is in her attitude little that suggests religious intoler- 
ance. Such measures as she took, or were taken at her 

1 Parker Corresp., nos. cccxxv, cccxxvi, cccxxxi, cccxxxiii, ccclxix; "Second 
Admonition," Puritan Manifestoes, p. 92; Whitgift, Works, vol. i, pp. 20, 393, 
423, 466; vol. II, pp. 263, 399; Usher, Reconstruction, vol. I, p. 45, note 2. 

2 Zurich Letters, nos. xxxviii, note 3; clxxxv; Strype, Annals, vol. iv, no. xciv; 
Hooker, Works, App., no. ii to bk. v of Ecc. Pol.; Cooper, Admonition, p. 86; 
Parker Corresp., no. Ixii. 

Protestant Dissent 173 

direction, have In them nothing of the spirit of religious 
persecution. Elizabeth was influenced by no religious nar- 
rowness in her treatment of any of the bodies of dissent; 
political policy was the absolutely controlling motive in 
her suppression of nonconformity in all its phases. This 
may seem an extreme statement in view of the measures 
taken by her ecclesiastical officers, evidently at her direc- 
tion; but the degree of coercive power she placed in their 
hands was determined by the political necessity she felt 
for maintaining her supremacy over the ecclesiastical 
establishment of the realm, not by the positive ecclesias- 
tical intolerance of spirit which actuated some of the bishops 
who administered that power. In the case of the Presby- 
terians, rabid anti-Catholic propaganda, appealing to 
national sentiments of detestation for the Papacy, threat- 
ened not only the stately forms and ceremonies which she 
loved, but, more important still, it endangered that policy 
of conciliation and moderation toward non-political Cath- 
olics which she felt compelled to maintain in the face of its 
unpopularity with some of her closest advisers, and, during 
the last twenty years of her reign, with a great body of the 
best educated and most conscientiously loyal of her sub- 
jects. The extreme, uncompromising attitude of Presby- 
terianism toward all that savored of Catholicism was not 
to her liking. She preferred the old forms. The Church 
of England was sufficiently compliant, and there was room 
in its policy for such winking at Catholicism as secular 
politics made necessary. Elizabeth was willing to use the 
radical element as a means of keeping political Catholicism 
in check, but did not intend that the extremists should so 
gain the upper hand that loyal and merely religious Cath- 
olics should be forced into opposition to her. 

Similarly, the exclusive ecclesiastical polity of the Pres- 
byterians and their mathematical system of theology, 
which carried with them active condemnation of those Con- 
tinental churches which were not Genevan in form and 

174 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

doctrine, might be supposed to threaten the friendship 
which she wished to maintain with all forms of Protestant- 
ism, Lutheran as well as Calvinistic. There is little direct 
evidence to prove that this aspect of Presbyterianism was 
given much consideration, but the conclusion that this may 
have in part influenced the attitude of the Queen, is at 
least reasonable, in view of her desire to be regarded as the 
champion of all anti-papal movements. That repression of 
Presbyterian leaders and thought would alienate their Con- 
tinental sympathizers, may have in part determined the 
fact that it was not against Presbyterian dissent that the 
most severe and persistent repression was directed, but 
against those types of nonconformity which originated in 
England itself and were, therefore, not representative of a 
wing of Continental reform. 

With the assistance of the bishops, Elizabeth was made 
to feel the full force of any possible arguments that could 
be urged against the Presbyterians on the score of disloy- 
alty. Absurd as such charges were from the standpoint of 
the personal feelings of the representatives of the move- 
ment, there was, nevertheless, that in their theory and their 
writings which might easily be interpreted as more disloyal 
than was mere condemnation of the Established Church. 

non-presbyterian dissent 
In regard to the opinion and practice of the nonconform- 
ing Protestant movements which did not ally themselves 
with Presbyterianism, and have a different development, 
and other theories of relationship to the Established Church, 
to the State, and to the other religious communions, it is 
difficult to generalize. There developed from the early op- 
position to the Anglican Establishment a variety of minor 
movements and sects, other than the Presbyterian. The 
most important of these, though marked by the widest di- 
versity, belong to that group of ecclesiastical and religious 
sects from which the Congregational theory and system of 

Protestant Dissent 175 

ecclesiastical organization developed. We include under the 
genetic name of Congregational the Barrowists, the Brown- 
ists, the Anabaptists, and with reserv^ations the opinions of 
Penry, Greenwood, Robinson, and the writer or writers 
of the ]\Iartin "Marprelate Tracts," and individuals who 
share the essential characteristic of the group, but who are 
not to be classed definitely with its main divisions. Our 
interest is not primarily with the minutiae of the ecclesias- 
tical or religious beliefs of individuals, and it is not neces- 
sary to regard minor phases of dogma and practice in the 
opinions of individuals which seem to separate them from 
the leaders of the Congregational movement. 

The idea at the root of all the somewhat heterogeneous 
groups of religious opinion thus classified was the idea that 
the Church should not be an inclusive body whose stand- 
ards of belief and admission to membership were dictated 
by state policy.^ Current opinion required that all men 
belong to the Church ; hence kindliness of heart and of judg- 
ment required that all men be admitted easily or even com- 
pelled to enter the ecclesiastical body established by law.^ 
This opinion the Congregational groups rejected. They 
would have no easy application of the parable of the wheat 
and the tares so far as church membership was concerned. 
Barrow in the Fleet Prison in 1590 wrote: — 

Never hath all kinds of sinne and wickedness more universally 
raigned in any nation at any time yet all are received into the 
church, all made members of Christ. All these people with all 
these manners were in one daye, with the blast of Q. Elizabeth's 
trumpet of ignorant papistcs and grosse idolaters, made faithful 
Christians and true professors. ^ IThe Church of England is com- 
posed of] all the profane and wicked of the land, Atheists, Pa- 
pists, Anabaptists, and heretics of all sorts, gluttons, rioters, blas- 
phemers, purgerers, covetous, extortioners, thieves, whores, 

» Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. ii, pp. 29, 32. 

» Cardwell, Doc. Annals, vol. i, pp. 321, 383, 387; Strype, Whilgifl, vol. in, 
p. 71. 

» Barrow's examination, printed in Arber, Introd. to Marprelate Controversy, 
pp. 41-48. 

176 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

witches, connivers, etc., and who not, that dwelleth within this 
land, or is within the Queen's dominions.^ 

Free from the State and all outside control, the local church 
should be made up of individuals conforming to, and judged 
worthy by the standards of belief and practice determined 
upon by a group already accepting and living according to 
those standards. Browne defined the church as 

The Church planted or gathered in a company or number of 
Christians or believers, which, by a willing covenant made with 
their God, are under the government of God and Christ, and keep 
His laws in one holy communion. The Church government is the 
lordship of Christ in the communion of His offices, whereby His 
people obey His will, and have mutual use of their graces and 
callings to further their godliness and welfare.^ 

Thus their idea of a church was that of a body of spiritu- 
ally fit persons united for worship together and for com- 
munion with God. Because the local church thus stood by 
itself, self-sufficient and with full authority to create its 
own machinery of administration, and to formulate its own 
doctrinal standards, within the ranks of Congregationally 
organized churches we find great diversity of opinion and 

The standards are usually as narrow religiously as those 
of Presbyterianism, for the ideal to be reached was absolute 
truth and holiness of life, and in the pursuit of absolute 
truth, men of ability or of spiritually earnest zeal, though 
often unlearned, in that day sought to express their spirit 
in the statements of dogmatic theology, rather than in the 
formulation of the broad principles essential to the reli- 
gious life. They felt that these religious truths might be 
formulated by the unlearned as well as by the learned and 

1 Barrow, Brief Discovery of the false Church, vi, 9. Cf. Whitgift, Works, 
vol. I, pp. 382, 385; Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk, in, chap, i, sec. 7; Works, vol. 11, 
p. 63, note 18. 

» Cf. Burragc, English Dissenters, vol. ll, pp. 60, 139; Hooker, Works, vol. ll, 
p. 63, note 18. 

Protestant Dissent 177 

attacked the Presbyterians for emphasis on an educated 

These Reformists howsoever for fashion sake they give the 
people a Httle Hberty to sweeten their mouths and make them 
beHeve that they should choose their own ministers, yet even in 
this pretended choice do they cozen and beguile them also, leaving 
them nothing but the smoky, windy title of election only, enjoin- 
ing them to choose some university clerk, — one of those college 
birds of their own brood, — or else comes a synod in the neck of 
them, and annihilates the election whatsoever it be.^ 

This contempt for the aristocracy of learning and this demo- 
cratic confidence in the people may have been promoted by 
the fact that lay readers were employed in the services of 
the Established Church. Mechanics and artisans took part 
in, and conducted parts of the services of the State Church, 
and hence the people saw no great incongruity when men in 
humble circumstances assumed independent leadership. ^ 

Browne, who is usually regarded as the father of Congre- 
gationalism, had a hard time to find enough men to accept 
his formulation of rules of faith and practice to make a 
church, and parted with his congregation in anger because 
some would not agree to the rules he laid down. It Is char- 
acteristic of the local church principle, however, that each 
local church recognizes the other churches, whatever their 
polity. Congregational, Presbyterian, or Episcopalian, as 
true churches of Christ, although Anglicanism and Presby- 
terianism might be regarded as corrupted by mistakes and 
condemned for unchristian refusal to practice the principles 
of religion as the Congregationalist understood them. 

And in the meane tyme (as yt becometh us to iudge) we are 
perswaded that her Maiestie and many thowsandes of her Sub- 
iectes (who as yet differ in iudgment amongst themselves and 
from us In many thinges) are the deare Children of God, and 
heyres of saluation through faith In Christ Ihesus, etc.^ 

1 Barrow, quoted in Dexter, Congregationalism, p. 239. 
* Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. 11, p. 29. 
» Ibid., p. 69. CJ. also pp. 67, 84, 104. 

178 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

Congrcgationalists make a great deal of the ecclesiastical 
liberalism of Congregational principles, but neglect the facts 
of withdrawal upon religious grounds from communion with 
English and Continental Protestants.^ Religiously Congre- 
gationalists were more precise and intolerant than either 
Anglicanism or Presbyterianism, but ecclesiastical narrow- 
ness and intolerance are foreign to the principles upon which 
the system of local churches is based. Owing to the narrow- 
ness of accepted religious principles in almost all of the 
Congregationalist churches, this ecclesiastical tolerance did 
not extend to the individual. Churches were regarded as 
the units and were to be permitted a freedom and looseness 
of cooperation that appeared anarchistic in Elizabeth's day. 
Yet, as it was thus more individualistic and democratic, so 
it was a less effective form of organization than Presby- 
terianism or Anglicanism. 

Presbyterianism had an orderly sense consonant with its 
propaganda to establish a particular form of church gov- 
ernment; it attempted, with a reasonable degree of success, 
to keep within the letter of the law.^ The groups of Congre- 
gationalism were not allied to any one form of ecclesiastical 
organization, strictly speaking, nor indeed to any one form 
of theological doctrine. They lacked, therefore, the sense 
of organization cohesiveness. Hooker summed it up in the 
statement, "Yea, I am persuaded, that of them with whom 
in this cause we strive, there are whose betters amongst men 
would be hardly found, if they did not live amongst men, 
but in some wilderness by themselves."^ Congregationalism 
did not undergo that institutional hardening which made 
the Presbyterian movement at least capable of under- 
standing Anglican concern at divergence, and patient to 

' Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. 11, p. 83; Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. v, App. 
no. ii, p. 63, note 16; bk. in, chap, i, sec. 10, p. 224; Strype, Annals, vol. iv, 
no. Ixii. 

* Cf. Strype, Whitgift, vol. in, pp. 262, 283, 284; vol. il, p. 84; Usher, Pres- 
byterian Movement, pp. 92, 93, 31, 36, 38. 

» Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. i, chap, xvi, sec. 6. 

Protestant Dissent 179 

use intelligent and orderly methods of displacing it. The 
lack of unity, ecclesiastically and dogmatically, in Congre- 
gationalism, moreover, prevented the concerted action 
which Presbyterianism was able to bring to bear in the 
attack upon the Established Church. 

In spite of the inadequacy of its ecclesiastical organiza- 
tion, or perhaps because of it, the whole group is charac- 
terized by a religious enthusiasm and intense religious fer- 
vor that are foreign to the Anglican Church, and in great 
part to Presbyterianism also. It is this intensity of religious 
feeling, as distinct from intellectual conviction of the truth 
of theological dogma, rather than the championship of their 
own Congregational polity, that lies at the basis of their 
condemnation of others. Toward Catholics this antagonism 
goes to great lengths. The expressions of denunciation and 
invective reach a heat even more fervid than that of the 
most enthusiastic Presbyterian. "That most dreadful! 
Religion of Antichrist, the great enemye of the Lord Ihesus, 
and the most pestilent adversary of the thrones of kinges 
and Princes"^ was so much an object of horror that lan- 
guage seemed to fail to express the depth of their abhorrence. 
Here, too, lay essentially the cause of their denunciation 
of the Anglican Church. Although their attacks, like the 
attacks of Presbyterians, are directed against the cere- 
monies, the government, the officials, the courts, and the 
abuses of the Church, there is in their polemic a note of 
burning zeal that sometimes almost reaches the height and 
earnestness of the most fierce denunciations of the prophets 
of Israel. 

This emotional intensity is interesting. It is the very 
stuff from which religious intolerance is made. Curiously 
enough, and unusual in the history of religion, it is a fer\'or, 
however, which is essentially liberal and tolerant as com- 
pared with contemporary religious opinion. 

» Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. ii, p. 82; Waddington. Penry, pp. 113. « M- 
Cf., however, the language of the Second Scotch Confession of 1580 (SchafI, 
Credo iii, pp. 480 et seq.). Luther too went pretty far in this way. 

i8o Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

... It is to no purpose that her Maicsties subiectes should be- 
stowe their tyme in learning, in the study and medytation of the 
word, in reading the wrytinges and doingcs of learned men and 
of the holy Martyrs that have bene in former ages, especyally 
the wrytinges published by her Maiesties authorytie, yf they 
may not without danger professe and hold those truthes which 
they learne out of them, and that in such sort, as they are able to 
convince all the world that will stand against them, by no other 
weapons then by the word of God. . . . Impr>'sonment, yndyte- 
mentcs arraignmentes yea death yt selfe, are no meet weapons 
to convince the conscyence grounded upon the word of the Lord, 
accompanied with so many testimonies of his famous seruantes 
and Churches.^ 

Whether one agrees with the religious opinions of Browne, 
or indeed with Christianity itself, one must recognize an 
earnestness here, even in their anger against other forms 
of their religion, which is comparable to the anger of their 
Master against the scribes and Pharisees. The spirit of 
Christ's "Woe unto ye scribes and Pharisees" was in the 
utterances of those Congregationalists, who denounced their 
fellow Christians as He denounced his fellow Jews for the 
abandonment of the true principles of religion, truth, and 
uprightness, and substituted rites and ceremonies and the 
incidents and unessentials of organization. It is sometimes 
difificult to tell whether Presbyterianism, Anglicanism, and 
even Catholicism were most concerned about diversity from 
the truths which they believed religiously essential or about 
diversity from their particular form of worship. Congrega- 
tionalism was intolerant of such substitution of form and 
ritual for the truths of the religion of Jesus Christ as they 
saw them. Because this was true, the attacks of Congrega- 
tionalists were directed against the ecclesiastical organiza- 
tion of Anglicanism, and against the connection between 
the State and the Church which had established and main- 
tained the Anglican organization; and the grounds of that 
attack were religious, not merely ecclesiastical, as some 

1 Penny's "Confession and Apology," Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. ii, 
p. 87. 

Protestant Dissent 


writers maintain. Congregationalism was not fighting 
essentially for the creation of a new form of ecclesiastical 
organization. Episcopalianism and Presbyterianism as we 
know them in the United States would not have been exter- 
minated by Congregationalists, nor would Catholicism it- 
self, except as it claims to be the only agent of salvation 
upon earth. Their tolerance, however, did not extend to 
the permission of life and the protection of the State for the 
agnostic and the atheist, or those who denied such essential 
elements of the Christian faith as the Triune character of 
the Godhead and the everlasting damnation of sinful men. 
Their zeal made them more intolerant of such crimes against 
traditional Christianity than was Anglicanism, for their 
religious feeling was of primary importance and had not 
sunk into the background of an ecclesiastical system. 

Congregationalists were chiefly subject to condemnation 
by the government, the Establishment, and the Presby- 
terians because they attacked the current theory that gov- 
ernmental unity was dependent upon ecclesiastical and 
religious unity. This position necessarily undermined the 
favorite doctrine of the age in regard to the headship of the 
sovereign over the Church.^ Such tenets were, to the minds 
of the average Elizabethan Englishmen who occupied posi- 
tions of trust in Church and State, utterly irreconcilable 
with political loyalty to the Queen and to the nation. Prot- 
estations of submission and loyalty ^ could not convince 
them. Further, the Congregational system of church organ- 
ization was essentially democratic and brought Congrega- 
tionalists in for a persecution more relentless than that 
directed against the followers of Cartwright;^ monarchical 
and aristocratic antagonism to democratic sentiments re- 
garded them as more dangerous. The development of an 

1 Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. viii, chap. l, sec. 2; Parker Corresp., no ccI; Bur- 
rage, English Dissenters, vol. I, p. loi; vol. ii, pp. 28, 63, 64, 78. 

» Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. 11, pp. 78, 79. 

« Elias Thacher and John Copping were hanged in 1583 for "dispcrsinge of 
Browne's bookes." 

1 82 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

economic and intellectual aristocracy, interested in for- 
warding social and economic movements antagonistic to 
its own supremacy, is a matter of comparatively recent 
growth. In Elizabeth's day and for long after, religious 
and secular aristocrats were opposed on grounds of eco- 
nomic interest to all movements which looked to the pop- 
ulace for the creation of a church. 

A second fault is in their manner of complaining, not only be- 
cause it is for the most part in bitter and reproachful terms, but 
also because it is unto the common people, judges incompetent 
and insufficient, both to determine anything amiss for want of 
skill and authority to amend it.^ 

Congregationalism could hope to win from the powers of 
the realm no such freedom of worship as was granted to the 
foreign congregations in London and elsewhere,- for Con- 
gregationalists were not so important commercially, indus- 
trially, and politically as were these refugees;^ and could 
not, it was thought, safely be allowed exemption from laws 
binding on all Englishmen. 

1 Cranmer's letter to Hooker, Hooker, Ecc. Pol., bk. v, App., no. ii, p. 65; 
c/. Whitgift, Works, vol. i, p. 467. 

2 5. P., Dom., Eliz., vol. xxiii, no. 67; Parker Corresp., nos. cxli, cxcvi, and 
note i, ccxlv, ccxlvii, cccxxii; Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. ll, p. 118. 

3 Burrage, English Dissenters, vol. i, p. 118. 



The reign of Elizabeth is not altogether an encouraging 
field to the idealist seeking in the past for the first rays of 
the light of tolerance. Catholics were fined, imprisoned, 
suffered death/ Protestants who refused to accept the ex- 
isting regime endured hardships no less severe. Govern- 
ment compelled adherence to its own Church and that 
Church stood for no great principle of religious freedom. 
In the realm of religion no commanding personality stands 
as the leader or the embodiment of his age; still less as a 
beacon light to the thought of succeeding ages. Two ecclesi- 
astics alone, Fox and Hooker, are known to-day outside the 
halls of theological learning: the one as the author of a work 
which has perpetuated religious and theological bitterness 
founded upon falsehood and bigotry; the other remembered 
for the literary style of his prose, but for no great contribu- 
tion to religious thought or feeling. No single voice was 
raised to free the minds of men from the restraints of theo- 
logical and ecclesiastical dogma. The sovereign herself 
stood for no heroic principle of power or right. Her vices 
even were not impressive. Her genius for deceit gave her a 
certain distinction even in a Christendom skilled in lying; 
but Elizabeth's accomplishments were so petty in positive 
statesmanship demanding bold imagination and vision as 
to excite no wonder by their courage and audacity. No 
statesman under her formulated a bold and striking na- 
tional religious policy which left his name impressed upon 
the institutions of his creation. Bickerings hardly worthy 
the name of religious struggles; an expedient policy so ab- 
ject as almost to deny the existence of principle; repression 
without the excuse of a burning faith in an abstract ideal; 

1 84 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

these are the superficial characteristics of the age. Yet the 
importance of the Elizabethan age in the history of tolera- 
tion stands upon a sure foundation. 

When Elizabeth ascended the throne of England more 
than a generation had passed since Luther had stirred the 
souls of men by his proclamation of revolt. His call to arms 
as it echoed over Europe had roused men of all nations to 
range themselves in fighting mood upon one side or the 
other. Religious enthusiasm, national feeling, a new vision 
of moral and intellectual life had stirred Catholicism and 
Protestantism alike to the very depths. No longer were 
ideas and ideals to be passively received and held; they 
became banners to lead armies by, the standards for which 
men joyfully flung away their strength. Hatred, unreason- 
ing and unreasonable, obscured high purpose and lofty aim; 
in the name of religious faith both sides descended to unex- 
plored depths of savagery and cruelty. But such sacrifice 
could not continue. Here and there in Europe evidences of 
returning sanity were seen. Vicious combat brought desire 
for peace, and the realization that ultimately an adjustment 
of its religious quarrels must be made if European civiliza- 
tion was to endure manifested itself in the first vague grop- 
ings for some basis of settlement. In Germany a certain 
basis of toleration in a small territorial setting was offered 
by the Peace of Augsburg. In France the wisdom of L'Hopi- 
tal attempted to secure an adjustment upon humane prin- 
ciples only to be defeated by the militarist elements which 
broke down the first slight barriers of moderation and left 
us the memory of St. Bartholomew's Eve. In England the 
same groping took form in a policy which may appear petty, 
but which, at least in the maturing consciousness of the 
national State, created a national Church. The pettiness 
of England's compromising religious policy may be for- 
gotten and forgiven in the wilder significance which that 
policy has as one phase of a general European adjustment. 

That the withdrawal of England from the jurisdiction of 

Conclusion 185 

the Papal See afforded no occasion for dramatic declaration 
of principles makes no less important, in the history of reli- 
gious toleration, the character of that withdrawal and the 
attempted adjustment of the religious questions of the age. 
It is true that the history of intolerance as well as the his- 
tory of tolerance during the reign of Elizabeth is largely the 
story of the problems raised by the Catholic question. It Is 
true that all the elements in the English religious situation 
reflect in their spirit the fact of the Catholic presence. But 
the fundamental fact that rises above all confusing issues is 
the unmistakable one that the government formulated and 
proclaimed a policy designed to meet the dangers of papal 
politics, not by more persecution but by less. 

Primarily the complexities and difficulties of the political 
situation at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign defined the 
nature and extent of governmental toleration. The Queen 
and her officials plainly declared, and their actions backed 
up the declaration, that the consciences of men should not 
be \qolated by Interference with their purely religious be- 
liefs so long as conscience was not made the shield and ex- 
cuse for opinions so depraved as to Involve the Queen's 
subjects in acts of open violence against the State. Such 
was the degree of toleration made possible by the patriotism 
and the religious Indifference of the nation and by the per- 
sonal character and convictions of the nation's leaders. 
The association of English Catholics with the ambitions of 
Mary Stuart, with the schemes of Philip of Spain, the ac- 
tivity of Jesuits upon the Continent and in England aroused 
in the nation and In many of its leaders a sense of danger 
and a strong enmity which threatened this policy. Prcsby- 
terianism advocated the extermination of all who adhered 
to the Roman Catholic faith, and although itself suljject 
to governmental restraint, added strength to that clement 
in the kingdom which upon other grounds opposed the 
lenient attitude toward the most active religious enemies 
of the Queen and the nation. Anglicanism also, to a lesser 

1 86 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

degree, as it developed an independent ecclesiastical con- 
sciousness sometimes displayed a desire to force Catholics 
into the fold of the English Establishment more insistent 
than was compatible with the purposes of the Queen and 
her councillors. The aggressive measures of the papacy com- 
pelled the abandonment in part of the liberality at first 
proclaimed and maintained. Yet the incentives to more 
drastic measures, whether from Catholic excess and treason 
or from Protestant prejudice, were never so powerful as to 
force the government to substitute for the policy it had at 
first assumed a policy of Catholic extermination. 

The fundamental defect in carrying out the government's 
policy of toleration, however, was not the opposition of the 
Catholics, not the activity of the Presbyterians, not the 
ambitions of Anglicans, but the retention of a state ecclesi- 
astical establishment and the idea that ecclesiastical unity 
was essential to political unity. It was upon this basis that 
the adjustment proposed by the Elizabethan government 
rested and it was foredoomed to ultimate failure. The con- 
formity of all men to one ecclesiastical organization, how- 
ever liberal its doctrinal standards and however formal the 
degree of conformity demanded, implies a simplicity or a 
hypocrisy of which men are not so universally guilty. Cer- 
tainly such a programme could not succeed in an age that 
had developed two forces so antagonistic as Catholicism 
and Protestantism. But that the government should have 
abandoned the accepted belief of the times and permitted 
complete freedom of worship by no means follows. The 
religious forces with which it had to deal were themselves 
too intolerant to enjoy freedom or to employ it intelli- 
gently. Freedom would have defeated its own ends; free- 
dom would have brought religious strife utterly beyond the 
control of the forces of order. Modern tolerance may regret 
the failure of the Elizabethan attempt, it may clearly recog- 
nize the causes of that failure, but only fanatical love of an 
ideal not yet universally understood in our own time will 

Conclusion 187 

refuse to do homage to the measure of success which, with 
the material at its disposal, Elizabethan England was able 
to attain. 

Elizabethan ecclesiastical and religious bodies reacted to 
the Catholic danger and to the governmental policy, but the 
attitude of all toward the spirit of tolerance was also de- 
termined by their reactions upon one another and by char- 
acteristics peculiar to themselves. 

The Elizabethan Establishment was the work of men 
temperamentally opposed to extreme theories of church 
government and was from policy fundamentally tolerant 
as well as inclusive. The doctrinal standards which were 
set up and the form of the organization itself were such 
as would imply the least strain upon the consciences and 
prejudices of the Englishmen whose formal allegiance to 
its Establishment the government demanded. The polit- 
ical purposes of the Establishment were clear and the 
function of allegiance to the Church as a test of loyalty to 
the Crown most evident. Conformity at the first to most 
of Elizabeth's subjects meant little more than this, but as 
Catholic opposition became more uncompromising and as 
Protestant discontent with the religious and ecclesiastical 
features of the State Establishment became more pro- 
nounced and clear-cut, Anglicanism developed an ecclesi- 
astical consciousness of its own worth and excellence in 
only a minor degree dependent upon its position as an arm 
of secular politics. The vigorous attack of Presbytcrianism 
upon the Establishment aroused it to defense of itself, not 
by appeal to its political and national functions alone, but 
also by championship of the desirability of the Episcopalian 
organization for its own sake. More radical Protestantism, 
both in England and upon the Continent, was regarded 
with less brotherly warmth, and arrangements which had 
at first been borne as mere expedients became the objects 
of earnest defense. 

Presbytcrianism, which was the most persistent and 

1 88 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

irritating Protestant enemy Anglicans had to face, presented 
in Elizabeth's reign few aspects of tolerant spirit. Its lack 
of power and the necessity, imposed upon it by its weak- 
ness, of assuming the postures of petition, were responsible 
for whatever evidence of Presbyterian tolerance .may be 
discovered. The insistence upon a New Testament ecclesi- 
astical polity and the importance given by Presbyterianism 
to the form of the ecclesiastical organization as a part of 
the gospel were more mediaeval in tendency than was the 
retention by Anglicanism and by the government of the 
idea of national conformity to a state ecclesiastical estab- 
lishment. Further, the close connection of the Presbyterian 
form of organization with the cold and precise theology 
of Calvin made Presbyterianism dogmatically, as well as 
ecclesiastically, intolerant of all other forms of the Chris- 
tian religion. Anglicanism developed its own peculiar 
ecclesiastical organization and doctrinal standards and 
built into them a spirit that has at all events the virtues 
of humanness and practicality. English Presbyterianism 
adopted ready-made a system of church government and 
the carefully articulated process of reasoning or argument 
upon which that system rested. It adopted, too, the most 
consistent and mathematically exact system of theology 
that Christianity has developed, — Calvinism entire as it 
was laid down by its creator. Presbyterianism was thus 
furnished with an ecclesiastical and dogmatic pattern to 
which it insisted that all organized Christianity must con- 
form. All its direct influence was toward greater intoler- 

Of the ecclesiastical and religious movements developed 
during the reign of Elizabeth, the one which contained most 
possibilities of adjustment to modern ways of thinking was 
the Congrcgationalist, but it was of least influence upon 
Elizabethan thought and action, and in her reign developed 
little beyond the initial stages. The group was religiously 
and moi;aIly fired by intense earnestness and inspired to 

Conclusion 189 

righteous indignation and intolerance of the abuses and 
shame of scholastic Protestant ecclesiasticism. It proposed 
to destroy the strongest bulwark of national and ecclesi- 
astical intolerance, the connection between Church and 
State, but, except as a forerunner and a source of later 
development, the Congregationalists are of no importance 
for the history of tolerance in the reign of Elizabeth. 

Political considerations caused the formulation and pro- 
mulgation of the one definite theory of religious toleration 
that the reign of Elizabeth offers us, and political causes 
also prevented the theory being carried to its logical con- 
clusion, but the success of Elizabethan politics, our judg- 
ment of the character of Elizabethan policy, is not to be 
determined by its religious effects alone. Whatever the 
success or failure of the attempt at religious adjustment the 
policy which dealt with the religious situation dealt also 
with greater things. It was in the days of Elizabeth that 
the England of to-day was taking shape in commerce, in 
literature, in national policy. Labor was being faced as a 
national problem, the theories and the practice of finance 
were becoming modern, England was entering upon its 
period of commercial expansion. In response to this new 
wealth and enlarged outlook England was reveling in the 
creations of a released and profane imagination. Govern- 
mental policy not only for the time freed England from the 
more savage manifestations of religious hatreds and thus 
released her energies for development along these lines, but 
the religious aspects of governmental policy also directly 
contributed to that development by giving to the nation a 
great church in which centered much of high national pride. 

Society transforms itself slowly, irrationally, with curious 
inconsistencies. Social groups form alliances and antago- 
nisms rationally impossible. Tolerance and intolerance exist 
side by side. Tolerance in Elizabeth's reign did not in the- 
ory keep pace with national economic, literary, and patriotic 

190 Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth 

development. The reign had weakened but not cast ofT the 
hold of Roman Catholicism upon the nation. Anglicanism 
had become a great national force with a strong hold upon 
the affections of Englishmen. Presbyterianism had formed 
a compact ecclesiastical group. A few, ill-organized cham- 
pions of church freedom and religious liberalism had begun 
to make their voices heard in the land. Greater bitterness 
and more savage quarrels would interfere with the free 
development of the national spirit, but already was visible 
the ultimate triumph of that sounder principle of national 
unity which recognized the element of variety in a har- 
monious whole — a principle which only the modern world 
has realized. In this field, therefore, as in others, the age of 
Elizabeth is the threshold to our own. 


Bibliographical Appendix 


Two purposes have controlled the preparation of this biblio- 
graphical appendix: the wish to lighten the foot notes, and the 
desire to provide a bibliography that may prove useful to other 
American students. Completeness is impossible; rigid selection 
would have excluded many works here mentioned. The mention 
of less reliable works with critical comments will perhaps assist 
American students who are venturing into this field. The atten- 
tion given to pre-Elizabethan and general works is necessary to 
a preliminary understanding of the topic and period. In this por- 
tion of the bibliography many omissions would be serious were 
the purpose other than that of providing introductory material 
for the study of Elizabethan ecclesiastical and religious history. 

The manuscripts of the period of Elizabeth are, of course, not 
available in America ; but the American student who has an oppor- 
tunity to spend some time in England will find great collections 
opened to him and every facility for work offered at the Public 
Record Office, the British Museum, and the Lambeth Palace 
Library. For the student who is familiar with considerable detail 
of the reign of Elizabeth the best introduction to the manuscripts 
is undoubtedly the collection of State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, 
in the Public Record Office. These are conveniently bound and 
represent every phase of the Elizabethan age, so that the student 
who intends to specialize in this field will be abundantly repaid 
by reading the whole series. Other series of papers have been 
arranged and catalogued or calendared so that their use presents 
few difficulties to the beginner. Unfortunately, however, great 
masses of manuscript material exist, particularly those under the 
control of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, which have never 
been prepared for use and are, furthermore, not opened under 
ordinary circumstances to examination by foreign students. 

Many great collections of printed sources are available in 
American universit>' libraries. For such material consult, E. C. 
Richardson, Union List of Collections on European History in 
American Libraries (Princeton 1912; Supplement: Copies Added 
191 2-1 9 1 5, ibid., 1915; A. H. Shearer, Alphabetical Subject Index, 

ibid., 1915). . r ,. • f 

The Calendar of the State Papers, Domestic, for the reign ot 

194 Bibliographical Appendix 

Elizabeth has been published by the Government and may be 
found in several of the larger American libraries. For the student 
without access to the documents themselves the calendars serve 
as a very fair substitute, although the Domestic Calendar for^the 
earlier years of Elizabeth's reign is too summary in character to 
be entirely satisfactory. The later volumes are much more com- 
plete. The Foreign Calendar, the Venetian Calendar, the Calendar 
of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs preserved in 
the Archives of Simancas, and the Calendar of the Caretu Papers 
assist in making access to the documents themselves less impera- 
tive. The Statutes of the Realme (printed by command of His 
Majesty King George the III, 1819) is, of course, essential to 
any study of English history. Simonds D'Ewes, Journals of all 
the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, both of the 
House of Lords and House of Commons, revised and published by 
Paul Boives (London, 1682), is necessary for the study of Parlia- 
mentary history during the reign. Tudor and Stuart Proclama- 
tions, 14S5-1714, calendared and described by Robert Steele, under 
the direction of the Earl of Crauford (vol. i, England, vol. 11, Scot- 
land and Ireland, Oxford, 1909), is a work required constantly for 
that phase of Elizabethan administration, and makes access to 
H. Dyson, Queene Elizabeth's Proclamations (1618), less impor- 
tant. J. R. Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council of England (New 
Series), throws much light on many topics and is essential for an 
understanding of the activity and importance of the Council in 
Elizabc1:han government. In the Reports from Commissioners, 
Inspectors and Others (35 vols. , London), the MSS. of the Duke of 
Rutland comprise four volumes and contain much of interest and 
importance. Thos. Rymer, Foedera conveyitiones literae et cujusqtie 
generis acta publica (20 vols., London, 1726-35), is indispensable. 
Other collections of first-rate importance are Spencer Hall, 
Documents from Simancas relating to the Reign of Queen Elizabeth 
(London, 1865); P. Forbes, Full View of the Public Transactions 
in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (2 vols., London, 1740-41); State 
Papers of Sir Ralph Sadler (ed. Clifford, Edinburgh, 1809); Sir 
Henry Ellis, Origitial Letters Illustrative of English History. 

Several smaller but very useful collections should be found in 
every college library. Prothero, Select Statutes and Other Constitu- 
tional Documents (Oxford, 1898); A. F. Pollard, Tudor Tracts, 
1532-1588 (An English Garner, Westminster, 1903); Pocock, 
Records of the Rcformatioji (2 vols., Oxford, 1870). 

Printed letters, papers, and writings of Elizabethan statesmen 
available are, W. Murdin, Burghley State Papers (London, 1759); 
Samuel Haynes, Collection of State Papers Relating to Affairs in 

Bibliographical Appendix 195 

the Reigns of King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, Queen Mary 
and Queen Elizabeth, from the year 1542 to 1570 ; transcribed from 
the original letters left by Wm. Cecil, Lord Burghley (London, 1740) ; 
The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon, Including all his Occa- 
sional Works (cd. Spedding, 7 vols., London, 1861-74). 

Biographical works sometimes quote largely from the sources, 
but are usually of little assistance to the historical student be- 
cause of inaccuracy of quotation and the tendency to make a hero 
of the subject of study. Further, biographies are often written 
without a clear understanding of the age, and tend, therefore, to 
produce distorted estimates. These defects are more usually 
found in the older books. Edward Nares, Memoirs of the Life and 
Administration of the Right Honourable, Wm. Cecil, Lord Burghley 
(3 vols., London, 1828-31), is, for instance, almost useless. M.A.S. 
Hume, The Great Lord Burghley ; A Study of Elizabethan State- 
craft (New York, 1898), on the other hand, is the work of a mod- 
ern\ scholar thoroughly familiar with the sources for the whole 
reig\i of Elizabeth. Of similar importance is Karl Stahlin, Sir 
Fra^icis Walsingham und seine Zeit (Heidelberg, 1908). 

Of the great biographical collections the Dictio?iary of National 
Biography is indispensable as a guide, but will, for the special 
student, serve as little else, for its summary character gives it 
rather more than its full measure of the disadvantages of all 
biographical material. Such collections as Arthur L Dasent, 
Speakers of the House of Commons (London and New York, 191 1) ; 
John Lord Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers of 
the Great Seal of England (10 vols., London, 1868); E. Foss, A 
Biographical Dictionary of the Judges of England (9 vols., London, 
1848-64), may sometimes prove helpful if used intelligently. 

For English constitutional and legal history the classical his- 
tories remain useful, although extreme caution should be exer- 
cised, for statements of fact are often wrong and theories anti- 
quated. Henry Hallam, The Constitutional History of England 
from the Accession of Henry VII to the Death of George II -with a 
continuation from George III to i860, by Thos. Erskine May (5 
vols.. New York and Boston, 1865), is a convenient edition of this 
old work. Thomas Pitt Taswell-Langmead, English Constitu- 
tional History from the Teutonic Conquest to the Present Time (5th 
ed., revised by Philip A. Ashworth, London and Boston, 1896), 
should be checked by other histories and special articles. The 
only contemporary account of the English Constitution is ^hat of 
Sir T. Smith, De Republica Anglorum (London, 1583)- Sir W. 
Stanford, Exposition of the Kings Prerogative (London, 1567). >9 
well worth examining. 

196 Bibliographical Appendix 

Of the histories of the English law, W. S. Holdsworth, A His- 
tory of English Laiv (vol. i, London, 1903), is the most readable. 
J. Fitzjames Stephen, History of the Criminal Law of England 
(3 vols., London, 1883), is not entirely satisfactory, but has its 
uses. Sir Edward Coke, Institutes (many editions, the one used 
was that of London, 1809), and Sir William Blackstone, Com- 
mentaries on the Laws of England in Four Books (ed. by Thos. M. 
Cooley, 2d cd., 2 vols., Chicago, 1876), are necessary works. 
James Dyer, Reports of Cases (London, 1794), presents much of 
value. The student of the working of the law will also find much 
of interest in The Middlesex County Records, vol. i, Indictments, 
Coroners Inquests, Post-mortem and Recognizances from 3rd 
Edicard VI to the end of the Reign of Elizabeth (ed. John Cordy 
Jefferson, published by the Middlesex County Records Society). 
Miscellaneous special works and articles of use are D'Jardine, 
Reading on the Use of Torture in the Criminal Law of England 
previously to the Commonwealth (a pamphlet; London, 1837); 
Crompton, LOffice et authorite de Justices de Peace (ed. 1583); 
George Burton Adams, "The Descendants of the Curia Regis" 
{American Historical Review, vol. xrii, no. i); Dicey, The Privy 
Council (Oxford, i860); Conyers Read, "Walsingham and Burgh- 
ley in Queen Elizabeth's Privy Council" {English Historical Re- 
view, vol. xxviii, p. 42); Record Commission Publications, vols, 
l-iii : Cases before the Star Chamber in the Reign of Elizabeth ; C. A. 
Beard, The Office of Justice of Peace in England (New York, 1904). 

For ecclesiastical law and administration the classic is probably 
Sir Robert Phillimore, The Ecclesiastical Law of the Church of 
England (2d edition by his son W. G. F. Phillimore, 2 vols., 
London, 1895). Felix Makower, The Constitutional History and 
Constitution of the Church of England (trans. London, 1895), is the 
only work covering that field, but it is inadequate in many re- 
spects. Richard Burn, The Ecclesiastical Law (8th ed. by R. P. 
Tyrwhitt, 4 vols., London, 1824), is an old work, but for the stu- 
dent of the Tudor period, not a specialist in the ecclesiastical law, 
forms a convenient book of reference for terms and processes. Of 
primary importance is the Report of the Royal Commission on 
Ecclesiastical Courts (London, 1883, 2 vols.). G. C. Brodrick and 
W. H. Frcemantle, Collections of Judgments of the Judicial Com- 
mittee of the Privy Council in Ecclesiastical Cases relating to Doc- 
trine and Discipline (London, 1865), contains much historical 
material of value in the introduction, although written in defense 
of a particular theory. W. F. Finlason, The History, Constitution 
and Character of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council Con- 
sidered as a Judicial Tribunal ; Especially in Ecclesiastical Cases 

Bibliographical Appendix 197 

(London, 187-), is representative of a type of partisan discus- 

For the study of Parliament several works of varying degrees 
of excellence exist. The old Parliamentary History of England, 
from the earliest period to the year iSoj (36 vols., London, 1806-20, 
vols. 2-12; William Cobbett's Parliamentary History from the 
Norman Conquest to the year 1S03) will not prove inviting to the 
modern student. Edward and Annie G. Porritt, The Unreformcd 
House of Commons, Parliamentary Representation before iSj2 
(2 vols., Cambridge, 1903), is a modern work that should not be 
neglected. C. G. Bayne, "The First House of Commons of Queen 
Elizabeth" (English Historical Review, vol. xxiii, pp. 455-76; 643- 
82), is a special study of an interesting Parliament. 

For the Council and administration, besides works already 
mentioned, special studies should be consulted, such as Conyers 
Read, "Factions in the English Privy Council under Elizabeth" 
{American Historical Association Annual Report, 191 1, vol. i, 
pp. 109-20), for a brief summary. Other articles will be found in 
the English Historical Review. Charles A. Coulomb, The Admin- 
istration of the English Borders during the Reign of Elizabeth (Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania Series), deals with one of the most inter- 
esting phases of administration. 

The political histories of the Tudors are legion, and because of 
the political character of ecclesiastical and religious history dur- 
ing the period, they treat that phase in considerable detail. A. F. 
FoWard, Political History of En gla fid from Edward VI to the Death 
of Elizabeth (sixth volume in the series. Political History of Eng- 
land, edited by W. Hunt and R. L. Poole), is one of the best 
more recent introductions. The opinions and interpretations 
offered by J. A. Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey 
to the Death of Elizabeth (12 vols., 1863-66), should not be accepted 
as authoritative, but his work remains the best detailed account 
covering the whole period. Green, History of England (many edi- 
tions), is interesting reading. Some works covering sections of the 
Tudor period are more useful than the general works. E. P. 
Cheyney, A History of England from the Defeat of the Armada to 
the Death of Elizabeth (vol. i. New York, 191 3). deals with a period 
somewhat neglected by historians and will do much to correct 
the current impression that Elizabethan history ended with the 
defeat of the Armada. 

For Henry, Edward, and Mary the following are of first-rate 
importance: Moberly, The Early Tudors (Epoch Scries); Pollard, 
Henry VIII (London, 1902); J. S. Brewer, Reign of Henry VIII, 
from his Accession to the Death of Wolsey (ed. by J . Gairdner, 2 vols., 


198 Bibliographical Appendix 

London, 1884); A. DuBoys, Catherine d'Aragon et Ics Origines du 
Schisme Anglican (Geneva, 1880, trans, by C. M. Yonge, 2 vols., 
London, 1881); N. Harpsfield, Treatise of the Pretended Divorce 
between Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon (ed. N. Pocock, 
Camden Society, 1878); Paul VT\cdn\^n,Anne Boleyn,a Chapter of 
English History, 1 527-1 536 (2 vols., London, 1884); Literary 
Remains of Edward VI (Roxburghe Club, ed. J. G. Nichols, 2 
vols., London, 1857); Sir J. Hayward, Life and Reign of Edward 
VI (London, 1630) ; P. F. Tytler, England in the Reigns of Edward 
VI and Mary {2 vo\s., London, 1839); Chronicle of Queen Jane and 
Queen Mary (Camden Society, London, 1850); J. M. Stone, The 
History of Mary I, Queen of England, as found in the Public 
Records, Despatches of Ambassadors, in Original Private Letters, 
and Other Contemporary Documents (New York and London, 
1901); Zimmerman, Maria die Katholische (Freiburg, 1891); 
Friedman, "New Facts in the History of Mary, Queen of Eng- 
land" {Macmillan s Magazine, vol. xix, pp. 1-12). 

For English life and thought during the reign of Elizabeth: 
Rye, England as seen by Foreigners in the Days of Elizabeth and 
James (1865); E. P. Cheyney, Social Changes in England in the 
i6th Century (Philadelphia, 1895); Mandell Creighton, The Age 
of Elizabeth (Epochs of Modern History, New York, 1884) ; H. D. 
Traill, Social England (vol. iii. New York and London, 1895); 
Harrison, Elizabethan England (Camelot Series); Hubert Hall, 
Society in the Elizabethan Age (London, 1886), an excellent correc- 
tive for poetic views; Wallace Notestein, A History of Witchcraft 
in England from 1558-1718 (American Historical Association, 
Washington, 191 1), a remarkable study; Payne, Voyages of 
Elizabethan Seamen (First Series, Oxford, 1893); Saintsbury, 
Elizabethan Literature; J. W. Burgon, Life and Times of Sir 
Thomas Gresham (2 vols., London, 1839). 

For economic history: W. J. Ashley, Introduction to English 
Economic History (London, 1892); W. Cunningham, The Growth 
of English Industry and Commerce; David D. Macpherson, An- 
nals of Commerce (4 vols., London, 1805); J. E. T. Rogers, The 
History of Agriculture and Prices (vol. iv, Oxford, 1882); W. A. 
Shaw, History of Currency (London, 1895); R. Ruding, Annals 
of the Coinage (3d ed. by Aherman, 3 vols., London, 1840); 
S. Dowell, History of Taxation (2d ed., 4 vols., London, 1888). 

For the life of Elizabeth: Frank A. Mumby, The Girlhood of 
Queen Elizabeth told in Contemporary Letters (New York, 1909); 
Wiesener, The Youth of Elizabeth, 1533-^55^ (English trans., 2 
vols., London, 1879); M. A. S. Hume, The Courtships of Queen 
Elizabeth (New York, 1896, London, 1898); William Camden, 

Bibliographical Appendix 199 

The History of the Most Renowned and Victorious Princess, Eliza- 
beth, etc. (London, 1675); J. Stow, Annates, continued to the End 
of 1631 by E. Howes (London, 1631); E. S. Beesly, Queen Eliza- 
beth (London and New York, 1892; Twelve English Statesmen); 
Mandell Creighton, Queen Elizabeth (New York and London, 
1900); Thomas Wright, Queen Elizabeth and Her Times, a series 
of letters of distinguished persons of the Period (London, 1838); 
Collins, Queen Elizabeth's Defence. 

For the European situation: Arthur Henry Johnson, Europe 
in the i6th Century, 14Q4-IS98 (Periods of European History, 
London, 1900); IVL Philippson, Westeuropa im Zeitallcr von 
Philipp II, Elisabeth u. Heinrich IV (Oncken Series, Berlin, 
1882); Henri Forneron, Les dues de Guise et leur epoque (2 vols., 
Paris, 1877); and by the same author, Histoire de Philippe II 
(2 vols., Paris, 1881-82); J. W. Thompson, The Wars of Religion 
in France, 1559-1576. The Huguenots. Catherine de Medic, and 
Philip II (Chicago, 1909). Cf. also M. A. S. Hume, Philip II of 
Spain (Foreign Statesmen, ed. by J. B. Bury, London, 1897); 
State Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada (ed. by 
J. K. Laughton, vol. i, 1894, Navy Record Society Pub.). 

For Scotland and Mary Stuart: David Calderwood, The His- 
tory of the Kirk of Scotland (ed. by Thomas Thomson, vols, i-vi, 
Edinburgh, 1842-45), one of the older histories of considerable 
importance. J. Spottiswoode, History of the Church and State of 
Scotland (Spottiswoode Society, Edinburgh, 1851; ist edition, 
London, 1655); Thomas Wright, History of Scotland (3 vols., 
London and New York, 1856); Peter Hume Brown, History of 
Scotland (Cambridge Historical Series, ed. G. W. Prothcro, 3 
vols., Cambridge, 1899-1909); Mathieson, Politics and Religion, 
a Study of Scottish History from the Reformation to the Ra'olution 
(2 vols., Glasgow, 1902) ; P. Lorimer, John Knox and the Church of 
England (London, 1875); David Hay Fleming, The Reformation 
in Scotland, Causes, Characteristics, Consequences (Lectures deliv- 
ered at Princeton Theological Seminary, 1907-08, London, 1910) ;. 
State Papers of Scotland and Mary Queen of Scots, Calendar (\ol. 
I, Edinburgh, 1898); Antoine Louis Paris, Negotiations, Icttres, ct 
pieces diverses relatives au r^gne de Francois II (in Collections de 
documents inedits sur Vhistoire de France, vol. 19, Paris, 1841); 
Prince A. Labanoff, Lettres, instructions et memoires de M. S., 
reine d'Ecosse (7 vols., London, 1844); J. H. Pollen, Papal Xego- 
tiationswith Mary Queen of Scots (Scottish History Society Pub., 
vol. xxxvii, Edinburgh, 1901); H. Machyn, Diary (Camden 
Society. London, 1847); J. Anderson, Collections relating to the 
History of Mary Queen of Scotland (4 vols., Edinburgh, 1727-28) ; 

200 Bibliographical Appendix 

R. S. Rait, Relations hchvccn England and Scotlatid (London, 
1901); Agnes Strickland, Mary Queen of Scots, Letters and Docu' 
ments connected li'ith her Personal History (3 vols., London, 1843) ; 
The Bardon Papers, Documents relating to the Imprisonment and 
Trial of Mary Queen of Scots (edited for the Royal Historical 
Society by Conycrs Read with a prefatory note by Charles 
Cotton, Camden Society, 3d Series, vol. xvii, London, 1909). 

Printed collections of sources for ecclesiastical history are 
numerous. D. Wilkins, Concilia Magna; BritannicB (4 vols., Lon- 
don, 1739), is indispensable. Anthony Sparrow, A Collection of 
Articles, Injunctions, Canons, Orders, Ordinances and Constitutions 
Ecclesiastical with Other Publick Records of the Church of England 
(4th impression, London, 1684), contains many things of value. 
Edward Cardwell, Documentary Annals of the Reformed Church of 
England from 1546-1716 with notes historical and explanatory 
(2 vols., Oxford, 1839), is sometimes inaccurate, and the historical 
notes are of little value, but is a convenient collection. Gee and 
Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History (New 
York and London, 1896), is the best of the more recent collections. 
W. H. Frere, Visitation Articles and Injunctiojis of the Period of the 
Reformation (3 vols., London, 1910), has superseded all other texts. 

Among the publications of various societies will be found prac- 
tically all the works and writings of Anglican divines. The publi- 
cations of the Parker Society especially give easy access to great 
quantities of such material. Among the most important works of 
this character published by the Parker Society are: The Corre- 
spondence of Matthew Parker, comprising letters written by and to 
him from a.d. 1535 to his Death A.D. 1572 (edited by John Bruce 
and Thomas T. Perowne, Cambridge, 1853); the Works of John 
Jewel (edited by John Ayre, 2 vols., 1848-50) contain "The 
Apology of the Church of England," "The Defence of the Apol- 
ogy." "The Epistle to Scipio," "A View ©f a Seditious Bull," 
"A Treatise of the Holy Scriptures," "Letters and Miscellaneous 
Pieces"; the Works of Sa?tdys (London, 1842); Edmund Grindal, 
Remains (edited by William Nicholson, Cambridge, 1843); Works 
of Whitgift (edited by John Ayre, Cambridge, 1851); Zurich Let- 
ters, or The Correspondence of Several English Bishops and Others 
with some of the Helvetic Reformers, during the Reign of Queen 
Elizabeth (trans, and edited by Rev. Hastings Robinson, 2d edi- 
tion chronologically arranged in one series, Cambridge, 1846). 
The works of Cranmer, Coverdale, Hooper, Latimer, Bale, Brad- 
ford, Bullinger, Becon, Hutchinson, Ridley, and Pilkington also 
have been published by the Society. For further information see 
the Parker Society's General Index (Cambridge, 1855). 

Bibliographical Appendix 201 

The Anglo-CathoHc Library contains considerable material of 
first-rate importance, and the Camden Society pubUshes many 
things not easily procured elsewhere. Lists of the publications of 
these series should be consulted. Camden Society publications of 
great value, not conveniently mentioned elsewhere, are: J. Fox, 
Narratives oj the Reformation (ed. J. G. Nichols, 1859) ; John Hay- 
ward, ^«na/5 of the First Four Years of Queen Elizabeth (edited by 
Bruce, 1840) ; Mary Bateson, A Collection of Original Letters from 
the Bishops to the Privy Council 1564 (Camden Miscellany, vol. ix, 
London, 1893). 

The older biographies are worth consulting for the documents 
they incorporate, although their accuracy cannot be depended 
upon. The labors of John Strype (died 1737) produced several 
lives, published in the Oxford edition of his works (other editions 
are available in some of the larger libraries), among them the 
lives of Parker, Grindal, Whitgift, Aylmer, Cheke, Smith, Cran- 
mer, all with abundant collections of sources. 

Other collections of works and biographies are Thomas Cran- 
mer, Remains and Letters (Jenkyns ed., 4 vols., Oxford, 1833), 
which should be used in connection with Pollard, Thomas Cran- 
mer (1903) ; Henry Geast Dugdale, Life and Character of Edmund 
Geste (London, 1840); the works of Richard Hooker have been 
published in whole or part many times, but the edition of Rev. 
John Keble, The Works of that Learned and Judicious Divine, Mr. 
Richard Hooker, unth an account of his life and death by Isaac 
Walton (2 vols., 3d American from the last Oxford edition. New 
York, 1857), contains much valuable supplementary material. 
The writings of Bancroft have not all been reprinted, but his 
Dangerous Positions and Proceedings published and practised 
within this Island of Brytaine under Pretence of Reformation and 
for the Presbyterian Discipline (London, 1593) was reprinted in 
1640 and in 1 7 12 and large extracts are given in Roland G. Usher, 
Presbyterian Movement as illustrated by the Minute Book of the 
Dedham Classis (Camden Society Pub.). Other works of Ban- 
croft are noted elsewhere. Ralph Churton, Life of Alexander 
Noivell (Oxford, 1809), is a life of one of the less conspicuous of 
the Elizabethan divines. 

W. F. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury (New Series, 
7 vols., 1868-76), contains much material, but is written from the 
standpoint of a vigorous and somewhat narrow ecclesiastic; it 
serves rather to throw light upon the opinions of latter-day 
Anglicanism than upon the period with which it deals. F. O. 
White, Lives of the Elizabethan Bishops of the Angluan Church 
(London, 1898), is another collection worth examining. 

202 Bibliographical Appendix 

First and early editions of Elizabethan ecclesiastical and reli- 
gious literature are not readily available in America, but some 
good public collections exist. That of the Prince Library, now 
incorporated in the Boston Public Library, contains among other 
things three copies of Bancroft's Dangerous Positions, possibly 
the only copies in America. The McAlpin Collection in the 
Union Theological Seminary, New York City, is prol^ably the 
most complete in this country and contains much not to be 
found in any other American collection, both of the works of the 
Elizabethan Anglicans and of their opponents. The collection is 
now being catalogued by Dr. Charles Ripley Gillett and it is to 
be hoped that the catalogue will soon be printed. In the mean 
time it is difficult to say just what will be found there; but the 
writer has seen A Brief Discours off the troubles hegonne at Franck- 
ford in Germany Anno Domini 1554, in an edition of 1575; Bucer, 
On A p par ell (1566); Covcrdale's Letter (1564); Parker, Advertise- 
ments (1564) ; The Judgement of the Reverend Father Master Henry 
Bullinger (1566); Grindal's Visitation Articles (1580); Penry's 
Defence (1588); Thomas Bilson, Perpetual Government of Christ's 
Church, etc. (London, 1593); [Bancroft] Conspiracie for Pretended 
Reformation, viz. Presbyteriall Discipline; R. Cosin, Racket, Cop- 
pinger, etc. (London, 1593); Thomas Cooper, An Admonitioti to 
the People of England (London, 1589); J. Lily, Pappe with an 
hatchet. Alias A figgefor my God sonne or Cracke me this nut (1589) ; 
Richard Bancroft, A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse the g of 
Februarie anno 1588 (London, 1588); J. Udall, Demonstration of 
the truth of Discipline (1589) ; Whip for an Ape and Marline; John 
Davidson, D. Bancrofts Rashnes in Rayling against the Church of 
Scotland (Edinburgh, 1590); The Execution of Justice in England 
for maintenaunce of publique and Christian peace, etc., by William 
Cecil (London, 1583). Other early editions available in America 
are Matthew Sutcliffe, Treatise of Ecclesiastical Discipline (1591); 
also Sutcliffe, De Presbyterio (about 1590) ; Christopher Goodman, 
Hoii) Superior Powers ought to be obeyed of their subjects (Geneva, 
1558); John Bridges, Defence of the Goverjimefit Established in the 
Church of England for Ecclesiastical Matters (1587) ; Richard Cosin, 
Apology of and for Sundry Proceedings by Jurisdiction Ecclesias- 
tical (1593); Sir John Harrington, Brief View of the State of the 
Church of England. 

There is some tendency on the part of modern students to 
neglect the older historians on the score of their undoubted preju- 
dices and inaccuracy; but the student who does so will deprive 
himself of valuable assistance. The prejudices of the older histo- 
rians are by no means craftily concealed, and with thu number of 

Bibliographical Appendix 203 

printed sources and calendars available inaccuracies can rather 
easily be checked. With care in regard to these things the modem 
student will find much of interest and profit in many of the fol- 
lowing: J. Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials . . . of the Church of 
England (3 vols., Oxford, 1822), and the same author's Annals of 
the Reformation and Establishment of Religion and other various 
occurrences in the Church of England during Queen Elizabeth's 
Happy Reign (7 vols., Oxford, 1824), both abundantly supplied 
with collections of papers, records, and letters. Gilbert Burnet, 
The History of the Reformation of the Church of England : a new 
edition carefully revised and the records collated with the originals 
by Nicholas Pocock (7 vols., Oxford, 1865), includes Wharton's 
Specimen of Errors. Both Strype and Burnet write from the 
standpoint of Anglicans. John Lingard, A History of England 
from the First Invasion of the Romans (5th ed., 8 vols., Paris, 
1840), is the work of a Catholic of considerable breadth. Jeremy 
Collier, An Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain Chiefly of Eng- 
land from the First Planting of Christianity to the End of the Reign 
of King Charles the Second : with a Brief Account of the Affairs of 
Religion in Ireland (ed. by Francis Barham, 9 vols., London, 
1840), from the standpoint of a strong Tory and Jacobite at the 
period of the Revolution of 1688. C. Dodd [H. Tootell], Church 
History (ed. M. A. Tierney, 5 vols., London, 1839-43), written 
by a Catholic priest as an antidote to Burnet. Peter Hcylyn, 
Ecclesia Restaurata, or the History of the Reformation of the Church 
of England (ed. by James Craigie Robertson and printed by the 
Ecclesiastical History Society, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1849), and 
Thomas Fuller, Church History of Britain (ed. J. S. Brewer, 6 vols., 
London, 1837), were written by clerics of the English Church who 
adhered to Charles I and to the High Church Laudian party. 
W. Corbett, Protestant Reformation (ed. F. A. Gasquet, 2 vols., 
London, 1896), with which it may be interesting to compare 
Charles Hastings Collette, Queen Elizabeth and the Penal Laws, 
with an Introduction on Wm. Cobbett's "History of the Protestant 
Reformation." Passing in review the Reigns of Henry VIII, Ed- 
ward VI and Mary (Protestant Alliance, London. 1890). Henry 
Soames, History of the Reformation of the Church of England 
(4 vols., London, 1826-28), and the same writer's Elizabethan 
Religious History (London, 1839), are less interesting than the 
older works. 

The examination of more recent writers on the Church, cover- 
ing the whole or parts of the Tudor period, will convince the 
careful American student, unprejudiced by national and ecclesi- 
astical sympathies, that in some respects even greater care is 

204 Bibliographical Appent)ix 

required in their use than is the case of the older historians. 
Documents and sources are used more accurately, there is little 
or no conscious polemic purpose, and prejudices are less obvious, 
but the student who compares the equally scholarly work of a 
modem Anglican cleric, a modem Catholic priest, and a noncon- 
formist scholar will often find widely divergent conclusions equally 
honest. Religious and national prejudices are so difficult to escape 
that the student should be on his guard constantly, both in his 
own work and in estimating the work of even the most conscien- 
tious of modern scholars. 

Richard Watson Dixon, History of the Church of England 
from the Abolition of the Roman Jurisdiction (6 vols., of which 
vols, v and w were compiled from the notes and papers of Canon 
Dixon by Henr\- Gee), is one of the fairest written by an Anglican 
clerg\-man. It is frankly stated that the writer's standpoint is 
that of a Church of England cleric. James Gairdner, The English 
Church in the i6th Century (1902), and the same author's History 
of the English Church from Henry to the Death of Mary (1902), 
covering part of the same period, while not entirely free from 
faults, are most excellent. \V. H. Frere. Tlie English Church in 
the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I, Ijj8-i62j (in the History of 
the English Church, edited by W. R. \V. Stephens and W. Hunt, 
London and New York, 1904), is a scholarly introduction to the 
period, although Frere's patience with the Puritans is not always 
unstrained. John Hunt, Religious Thought in England from the 
Reformation to the Last Century (3 vols., 1870), is a somewhat 
older work deser\-ing examination. To the same class belongs 
John Henr\- Blunt, Reformation of the Church of England (2 vols., 
New York, 1882). Henr>' Gee. Elizabethan Clergy and the Settle- 
ment of Religion, 1^58-1564 (Oxford, 1898), is a scholarly treat- 
ment of one phase of the subject, but this Anglican treatment 
should be compared with the study of the same subject by a 
Catholic scholar, Henr\' Xorbert Birt, The Elizabethan Religious 
Settlement ; A Study of Contemporary Documents (London, 1907). 
Gilbert \V. Child, Church and State under the Tudors (London and 
New York, 1890), is as clear-sighted as any work the student can 
wish to examine. On the same topic as .\rthur Elliot, The Slate 
and the Church (London and New York, 1896), a great deal of 
literature of historical value will be found arising from the recent 
attempts to bring about disestablishment. Roland G. Usher, 
The Reconstruction of the English Church (2 vols., New York and 
London, 1910), is a brilliant work written by an American scholar. 
S. F. Maitland, Essays on Subjects connected unth the Reformation 
in England (reprinted with an introduction by A. W. Hutton, 

Bibliographical Appendix 


London and New York, 1899), is the work of one of the most able 
of the older English scholars and deals with early and pre-Eliza- 
bethan topics. These essays should be studied carefully. Bishop 
Stubbs, Seventeen Lectures on the Study of Mediccval and Modern 
History (Oxford, 1900), is, naturally, scholarly and suggestive. 

Histories of particular dioceses are published by the Society 
for Promoting Christian Knowledge in a series called Diocesan 
Histories. Of particular interest are J. L. Low, Durham (London, 
1881); R. H. Morris, Chester (London, 1895); H. W. Phillott, 
Hereford (London, 1888) ; R. S. Ferguson, Carlisle (London, 1889), 
For the Univ^ersities consult J. B. Mullinger, History of the Uni- 
versity of Cambridge, and Anthony k Wood, Historia el antiqui- 
tates universitatis Oxoniensis (Oxonian, 1674). Thomas Baker's 
History of the College of St. John the Evangelist, Cambridge, has 
been edited by J. E. B. Mayor (2 vols., Cambridge, 1896). Among 
the many local histories published by local history societies and 
antiquarians William Watson, Historical Account of the Ancient 
Toivn and Port of Wisbeach (Wisbeach, 1827), will be very helpful. 

For Convocation, T. Lathbury, History of the Convocation of the 
Church of England (ist ed., London, 1842; 2d ed., London, 1853); 
F. Atterbury, Rights and Privileges of an English Convocation (2d 
ed., London, 1701). G. Nicholsius, Defensio Ecclesice Anglicans: 
(London, 1708), has an interesting section on "homiliarum in nas- 
cente Reformatione usus," and some material on the same topic 
will be found in J. T. Tomlinson, The Prayer Book, Articles and 
Homilies (London, 1897). 

On the Prayer Book there are several works of first-rate im- 
portance, but the following will prove particularly useful: F. 
Proctor and W. H. Frere, New History of the Book of Common 
Prayer (London, 1901); Nicholas Pocock, The Reformation and 
the Prayer Book (London, 1879); F. A. Gasquet, Edward VI and 
the Book of Common Prayer (London, 1890); J. Parker, The First 
Prayer Book of Edward VI (Oxford, 1877); N. Pocock, Troubles 
connected with the First Book of Common Prayer (Papers from 
the Petyt MSS., Camden Society, London, 1884); L. Pullan, His- 
tory of the Book of Common Prayer (London, 1900); H. Gee, The 
Elizabethan Prayer-book and Ornaments (London, 1902); E. C. 
Harrington, Pope Pius IV and the Book of Common Prayer. 

For the Thirty-nine Articles cf. E. C. S. Gibson, The 39 Articles 
(2d ed., London, 1898); C. Hardwick, History of the Articles of 
Religion (Cambridge, 1859). 

For the liturgies : Liturgies of Edward VI (Parker Society-, edited 
by J. Kelley, Cambridge, 1844) ; Liturgies set forth in the Reign of 
Elizabeth (Parker Society, edited by Clay, Cambridge, 1847). 

2o6 Bibliographical Appendix 

For episcopacy and the apostolic succession consult: Bishop 
Hall, Episcopacy by Divine Right Asserted ; E. E. Estcourt, Ques- 
tion of Anglican Ordinations (London, 1873); Stubbs, Apostolical 
Succession in the Church oj England; John Bramhall, On Apostolic 
Succession of the Church of England, in Works (ed. by A. W. 
Haddon, 5 vols., Oxford, 1842-45); Samuel F. Hulton, The Pri- 
macy of England (Oxford and London, 1899); Francis Johnson, 
A Treatise of the Ministry of the Church of England; Pierre Frangois 
Courayer, Dissertation on the Validity of the Ordinations of the 
English and of the Succession of the Bishops of the Anglican Church ; 
•with the proofs establishing the facts advanced in this work (Oxford, 
1844). The works of Saravia should be examined, especially De 
diver sis gradibus ministrorum (London, 1590). He defended the 
episcopal forms and the succession during the last years of 
Elizabeth's reign and had considerable influence upon the 
Anglican divines. There are long quotations from sixteenth- 
century Anglican writers in A. J. Mason, The Church of England 
and Episcopacy (Cambridge, 19 14). 

For an understanding of what Erastianism is, cf. J. N. Figgis, 
" Erastus and Erastianism" {Journal of Theological Studies, 
vol. II, p. 66). 

The older histories of the nonconformists and dissenters are 
many of them prejudiced in the extreme and misrepresent facts 
and motives, but should be examined as carefully as the Anglican 
histories of the same class. Neal, History of the Puritans, should be 
read in connection with Madox, Vindication of the Church of Eng- 
land against Neal. Benjamin Hanbury, Historical Memorials 
Relating to the Independents (1839-44); Marsden, History of the 
Early Puritans; Samuel Hopkins, The Puritans or the Church, 
Court, and Parliament of England during the Reigns of Ediuard VI 
and Queen Elizabeth (3 vols., Boston, 1859-61), a common book, 
but of little value; Benjamin Brook, Lives of the Puritans (3 vols., 
London, 181 3), is little more than a series of brief biographical 
sketches, sometimes useful in locating particular men, but of no 
historical value. John Brown, The English Puritans (Cambridge, 
1912, Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature), is a good 
recent introduction to the subject. Henry W. Clark, History of 
English Nonconformity from Wiclif to the close of the igth Century 
(vol. I, 1911, deals with the period up to the early Stuarts; vol. II, 
London, 1913, The Restoration). Champlin Burrage has written 
and published much on various phases of English dissent and all 
his work is worthy of examination, some of it indispensable. Of 
his writings the following are important: The Early English Dis- 
senters in the Light of Recent Research, 15 50-1641 (2 vols., Cam- 

Bibliographical Appendix 207 

bridge, 1912. Vol. i, History and Criticism ; vol. 11, Illustrative 
Documents, many of them hitherto unpubHshcd), is a most schol- 
arly treatment from the factual standpoint, and the introduction 
contains a valuable discussion of the literature. CJ., also, Cham- 
plin Burrage, The True Story of Robert Broume, 1550-1633, Father 
of Congregationalism (London, 1906); The ' Retraction' of Robert 
Browne, Father of Congregationalism, being a Reproof e of certeine 
Schismatical persons [i.e., Henry Barrowe, John Greenwood and 
their Congregation] and their Doctrine, etc., written probably about 
1588 (London, 1907); The Church Covenant Idea; Its Origin and 
its Development (American Baptist Publication Society, Phila- 
delphia, 1904); Johfi Penry, the So-called Martyr of Congregation- 
alism as revealed in the Original Record of His Trial and in Docu- 
ments related thereto (Oxford and London, 1913); Elizabethan 
Puritanism and Separatism. The work of Henr>' M. Dexter is also 
important, although of somew^hat different character and perhaps 
not so accurate as that of Burrage. Cf. Dexter, Congregationalism, 
What it is, Whence it is. How it Works, etc. (Boston, 1865); Con- 
gregationalism as Seen in its Literature (New York, 1880); The 
True Story of John Smyth, the se-baptist as told by himself and his 
contemporaries (Boston, 1881). For the Congregational and Bap- 
tist development: R. W. Dale, History of English Congregational- 
ism (London, 1907); John ClifTord, The Origin and Growth of the 
English Baptists (London, 1857); Thomas Crosby, A History of 
the English Baptists from the Reformation to the Beginning of the 
Reign of King George I (London, 1738); and for the Anabaptists, 
H. S. Burrage, The Anabaptists of the i6th Century (American 
Society of Church History Papers, vol. in, pp. 145-64. 1891); 
John Waddington, John Petiry, the Pilgrim Martyr, 15 59-15 93 
(London, 1854), may prove of some assistance. 

For the Martin Marprelate controversy: William Pierce, An 
Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts, A Chapter in the 
Evolution of Religious and Civil Liberty in England (New York. 
1909), and the same writer's Marprelate Tracts, 15S8, 15S9, with 
notes historical and explanatory (London, 191 0. are the best 
books on the subject. William Maskell, A History of the Martin 
Marprelate Controversy; Edward Arber, An Introductory Sketch 
to the Martin Marprelate Controversy (English Scholars' Library) ; 
H. M. Dexter, Martin Marprelate Controversy, present the views 
of older scholars. Many of the original tracts, and some of the 
replies as well, are in the Mc^lpin Collection in the I'nion Theo- 
logical Seminary Library. For detailed literature see Pierce, 
Introduction, and Tracts. . 

Other writings of the dissenters and nonconformists will be 


2o8 Bibliographical Appendix 

found in various collections and libraries. W. H. Frere and C. E, 
Douglas have edited Puritan Matiifcstocs, A Study of the Origin of 
the Puritan Revolt. With a reprint of the Admonition to the Parlia- 
ment and kindred documents, 1572 (Society for Promoting Chris- 
tian Knowledge, in the Church History Society Publications, vol. 
Lxxii, London and New York, 1907). Arber, English Scholars' 
Library, contains many things and the list for that series should 
be consulted. It contains a reprint of Brief Discourse of the 
Troubles at Frankfort ; J. Udall,i4 Demonstration of the Truth of 
Discipline ;\]da\\, Diotrephes, Pappe ivith a Hatchet, is printed in 
Elizabethan and Jacobean Pamphlets, edited by George Saintsbury. 

For the Presbyterians and their leaders in Elizabeth's time, 
there is abundant source material, but few works of first-rate 
importance. Benjamin Brook, Memoirs of the Life and Writings 
of Thomas Carticright (London, 1845), is still, so far as the writer 
knows, the only life of that eminent and vigorous Presbyterian, 
and it is to be hoped that a new one will soon take the place of 
Brook's work. Roland G. Usher, The Presbyterian Movement in 
the Reign of Queen Elizabeth as illustrated by the Minute Book of the 
Dedham Classis, 1382-IJ8Q (Camden Society, 1905), presents 
an interesting theory with considerable backing of fact. W. A. 
Shaw, "Elizabethan Presbyterianism " {English Historical Review, 
vol. Ill), is worth reading. 

Three works touching the Familists are the chief source for the 
English group: Henry Nickolas, An Introduction to the holy under- 
standing of the Glass of Righteousness ; J. Knewstubs, Cojifutation 
of certain monstrous and horrible heresies taught by H. N. 1579; and 
John Rogers The displaying of an horrible sect of gross and ivicked 
heretics, naming themselves, the Family of Love ; -with the lives of the 
Authors etc. (London, 1578). 

For the Catholics in England during the reign of Elizabeth a 
great deal of material has been published, much of it unfortu- 
nately, whether written by Anglican, Catholic, or nonconformist, 
not very reliable. Arnold Oskar Meyer, Ejigland u. die Katholische 
Kirke unter Elisabeth u. den Stuarts (vol. i unter Elisabeth, Rom, 
191 1 ; translated, St. Louis, 1916), is a scholarly work by a Ger- 
man who has carefully studied the documents. Ranke, Analecte 
in die Romischc Papste (translated in the Bohn Library) is still a 
very useful work. F. G. Lee, Church under Q. Elizabeth (2 vols., 
1880), is a work by no means fair, but suggestive in many respects. 
Nicholas Sander, Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism, pub- 
lished 15S5 with a Continuation of the History by the Rev. Edward 
Rishton (translated with an introduction and notes by David 
Lewis, London, 1877), is an excellent example of contemporary 

Bibliographical Appendix 209 

Catholic writing. Catholic Tractates of the i6th Century (ed. T. G. 
Law, Scottish Text Society, Edinburgh, 1901), gives further ma- 
terial of somewhat the same character. Raynaldus, Annales 
Ecclesiastici, should most certainly be used although on many 
points not to be depended upon. For the Council of Trent the 
old classical histories of Sarpi and Pallavicino remain the best 

For the Popes: W. Voss, Die Verhandlungen Pius IV mit den 
katholischen Machten (Leipzig, 1887); an article by Maitland, 
"Queen Elizabeth and Paul IV" (English Historical Review, vol. 
XV, p. 326); Mendham, Life and Pontificate of Pius V (London, 
1832; supplement, 1833). 

Works of value in the study of the treatment of the English 
Catholics are: Phillips, Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy (Lon- 
don, 1905); T. E. Bridgett and T. F. Knox, The True Story of the 
Catholic Hierarchy deposed by Queen Elizabeth (London, 1889); 
T. F. Knox, Records of Anglican Catholics under the Penal Laws 
(London, 1878); Bishop Challoner, Memoirs of Missio7iary Priests 
and Other Catholics of Both Sexes that have suffered Death in England 
on Religious Accounts from 1377-1684 (ed. T. G. Law, Manches- 
ter, 1878) ; Charles Buller, Historical Memoirs of the English, Irish 
and Scottish Catholics since the Reform (3d ed., 4 vols., London, 
1822) ; Cardinal Manning, Calendar of Martyrs of the i6th and 17th 
Centuries (London, 1887); T. G. Law, A Calendar of the English 
Martyrs of the i6th and 17th Centuries (London, 1876) ; Pollen and 
Burton, Lives of the English Martyrs, 1583-1588 (1914). is the 
latest. All these works must be used with considerable cau- 

The work of J. H. Pollen, a modern Catholic scholar, deserves 
the highest consideration. Cf. especially his Unpublished Docu- 
ments relating to the English Martyrs (vol. i, 1584-1603, Catholic 
Record Soc. Pub. v, 1908); Acts of the English Martyrs hitherto 
unpublished (London, 1891), and various articles in The Month. 
Especially "Religious Terrorism under Q. Elizabeth" (March, 
1905); "Politics of English Catholics during the Reign of Q. 
Elizabeth" (1902); "The Question of Queen Elizabeth's Suc- 
cessor" (May, 1903)- 

Consult also the following : F. A. Gasquet, Hampshire Recusants, 
a story of their troubles in the time of Elizabeth (London, 1895); 
J. J. E. Proost, Les refugies anglais et irlandais en Belgigue d la 
suite de la reforme religieuse etablie sous Elisabeth et Jacques I; 
Guilday, English Catholic Refugees on the Continent (vol. i, 1914); 
M. A. S. Hume, Treason and Plot, Struggles for Catholic Supremacy 
in the Last Years of Q. Elizabeth (new edition, London, 1908); the 

210 Bibliographical Appendix 

article by R. B. Merriman, "Notes on the Treatment of the Eng- 
lish Catholics in the reign of Elizabeth" (American Historical 
Review, vol. xiii, no. 3), is by an American scholar and exceed- 
ingly fair. 

On the Bull of Excommunication two of the most interesting 
contemporary pamphlets are BuHcb Papistical ante hrennuni contra 
sereniss. Anglice Francice et Hibernice Reginam Elizahetham et 
contra inclytum Anglice regnum promulgatce Refutatio, orthodoxcegue 
RegincB et Universi regni Anglice defensio Henrychi Biillingeri 
(London, 1572), and A Disclosing of the great Bull and certain 
calves that he hath gotten and specially the Monster Bull that roared 
at my Lord Bishops Gate. (Imprinted at London by John Daye.) 
On the same topic see M. Creighton, "The Excommunication of 
Q. Elizabeth " {English Historical Review, vol. vii, p. 81). 

For the Jesuits consult: Robert Persons, The First Entrance of 
the Fathers of the Society into England (ed. J. H. Pollen, Catholic 
Record Society, Miscellanea, vol. 11, 1906); Henry Foley, Records 
of the English Province of the Society of Jesus (8 vols., London, 
1877-83) ; Ethelred L. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in Eng- 
land, 1580-1773 (Philadelphia and London, 1901); T, G. Law, 
Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between Jesuits and Seculars in the 
Reign of Queen Elizabeth with a Reprint of Christopher Bagshaws' 
'True Relation of the Faction begun at Wisbich' (London, 1889). 
Biographical material: Richard Simpson, Edmund Champion, a 
Biography (London, 1867); The Letters and Memorials of Wm. 
Cardinal Allen, 1 532-1 5Q4 (edited by the Fathers of the Congre- 
gation of the London Oratory, London, 1882); Morris, Life of 
Father John Gerard (London, 1881). 

For the student particularly interested in the development of 
toleration and liberty the following books are suggested: James 
Mackinnon, A History of Modern Liberty (3 vols., London, 1906- 
08, vol. II, The Age of the Reformation, and vol. iii. The Stuarts). 
Sir Frederick Pollock, "The Theory of Persecution," in Essays on 
Jurisprudence and Ethics; Schafif, Religious Liberty (in Publica- 
tions of the American Historical Association, 1886-87); Mandell 
Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance (Hulsean Lectures, 1893- 
94, London and New York, 1895); J. O. Bevan, Birth and Growth 
of Toleration (London, 1909); Sir James Fitzjamcs Stephen, 
Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. One of the best studies is A. A. 
Seaton, Theory of Toleration under the Later Stuarts (Cambridge, 
1911), and it has an introduction of primary importance. Cf., 
also, C. Beard, The Reformation of the i6th Century in its relation 
to modern Thought and Knowledge (London, 1883). H. T. Buckle, 
History of Civilization in England (2 vols., New York, 1891, from 

Bibliographical Appendix 211 

the 2cl London ed.), takes a view now somewhat antiquated but 
worth considering. The intellectual aspects of the develop- 
ment are ably presented by J. B. Bury, A History of Freedom 
of Thought {Home University Library), and in greater detail by 
J. M. Robertson, A Short History of Freethought (2 vols New 
York, 1906). 



Act for the Assurance of the Queen's 
Supremacy, 30. 

Act for the Better Enforcement of 
the Writ de Excommunicato Capi- 
endo, 30. 

Act of Supremacy, 21-24, 29, 67, 72, 

Act of Uniformity, 21-24, 72, 97, 105, 

Acts of Parliament, religious, 70, 73, 
80, 82, 97, 150. 

Advertisements, Parker's, 142. 

Agnostics, Congregationalists intol- 
erant of, 181. 

Anabaptists, 69 «., 131, 134, I75- 

Anglican Church, 5, 64, 142. See also 
Established Church. 

Anglicanism, 93-130, 161, 180, 187, 

Answere to a certen Libel intituled An 
Admonition to the Parliament, An, 

Anti-Vestiarians, 159. 
Apostolic succession of bishops, iio- 


Ascham, 16. 

Atheists, Congregationalists intoler- 
ant of, 181. ^ 

Aylmer, Bishop, 25, 157. 

Bacon, 80, 114, 147- 

Bancroft, Bishop of London, 47, 68, 

113. 117- 

Barlow, Bishop, 43, no. 

Barrow, 175. 

Barrowists, 131, 134. 175- 

Bell, Speaker, 151. 

Bible, publication of official, 117; pri- 
vate interpretation of, 120. 

Bigotry, 90. 

Bishops, opposed religious changes, 
18; refused to debate with reform- 
ers, 19; removal of Catholic, 23; 
selection of Protestant, 25; courts 
of, 76; apostolic succession of, iio- 

Blackstone, 73. 

Book of Common Prayer, 10, 1 1 n., 70, 

97, 117, 150; of Edward VI, 20. 
Book of Discipline, 157, 
Book of Homilies, 20. 
Bridges, Dr. John, 158 n. 
Browne, 176, 177, 180. 
Brownists, 131, 134, 175. 
BuUinger, 146. 

Calendar of English Martyrs, 50. 

Calvin, 65, 136. 

Calvinism, 10, 99, 165, 188. 

Campion, Jesuit missionary*, 40, 51. 

Capias, Writ of, 32. 

Cartwright, Thomas, 119, 133, 135, 
154, 160-65, 181. 

Catechism, Nowell's, 98. 

Catholicism, Roman, 9, 14, 125, 173, 

Cecil, Sir William, 13, 18, 21, 61, 98, 
141, 172; quoted, 39, 68. 

Ceremonies, religious, 109, 141; a 
cause of dissent, 135, 138, 152. 

Chancery', Court of, 31. 

Church, a, Congregationalist idea of, 

Church, the, and the secular courts, 76. 

Church and State, 64-92, 122, 153, 
168, 172, t8o, 189. 

Church of England. See Established 

Clergy, removal of Catholic, 19, 23; 
required to take oath of supremacy, 
22; selection of Protestant. 26: in- 
competent, 26, 95, 102; restraints 
on, 98; illiterate, 100; lack of mor- 
als of, 102; opposed use of habits, 

Clerical offices, desire for, 15. loo. 
Commissions, Ecclesiastical, 7°: o' 

Royal Visitation, 23, 27; of Review, 

Common Picas, Court of, 78. 
Confiscation of property for absence 

from church, 55. 



Conformity, 22, 54. 

Congregationalism, 135, 174-82, 188. 

Congregationalists, 134, 135, 174-82. 

Continental Protestantism, 15, 115, 
128, 137, 145- 

Convocation, 18, 150. 

Cooper, Bishop, loi, 113, 149, 151. 

Copping, John, 181 n. 

Cosin, 74. 

Council, the, 12, 18, 74, 77, 84-87. 

Court of Arches, 80. 

Courts, 84; ecclesiastical, 71-82; sec- 
ular, 76. 

Covenant, the, 10. 

Cox, 20, 53. 

Cranmer, iii, 182. 

Crown, power of the, 72-76. 

Defence of the Answere, 157. 

Democracy of Presbyterianism, 166. 

Disloyalty, Presbyterian, to Queen, 

Dissent, 116, 129; causes of, 90; 
Protestant, 131-82. 

Doctrinal standards, Anglican, formu- 
lation of, 96-99. 

Ecclesiastics Disciplince . . . Explicate, 


Ecclesiastical apologetic, 117. 

Ecclesiastical polity, 135, 161, 164. 

Ecclesiastical Polity, Hooker's, 164. 

Ecclesiastical theory, formulation of, 

Edward VI, 14. 

Elizabeth, Queen, 5, 183; alleged ille- 
gitimacy of, 7; attitude toward the 
Pope, 8; attitude on the religious 
question, 12-16, 33, 57; her first 
Parliament, 18-22; and the clergy, 
25, 88, 145, 147; second Parliament, 
28-33; excommunication of, 37; the 
royal prerogative of, 59, 82 ff.; 
power over Church, 59, 67-71, 82, 
92, 165; opposed religious zeal, 98, 
163; attitude toward Presbyterians, 
172-74; stood for no heroic prin- 
ciple, 183. 

Enchanters, repression of, 32. 

Episcopacy, exaltation of, 121. 

Erastianism of Established Church, 
70, 93, 108. 

Established Church, 93-130; under 
Henry and Edward, 14; inaugura- 

tion of, 22-28; excommunication 
from, 31 ; and Catholics, 35-63, 185; 
success of, 33; compulsory attend- 
ance, 41, 54, 94; national character 
of, 65-66, 88; a compromise, 94, 
128; justification of, 105; desire of, 
for autonomy, 116; and Protestant 
dissent, 131 Jf.; and Presbyterians, 
135. 188; and Congregationalists, 
135. 179-81. 

Establishment. See Established 

Excommunication, 30-32, 72; of 
Elizabeth, 37. 

Executions of Catholics, 50. 

Exhortation to the Bishops, etc., 152. 

Exiles, Protestant, 12; Catholic, 52. 

Familists, 131. 

Family of Love, 136. 

Fielde, 149, 151. 

Finlason, 85. 

First Admonition to Parliament, 149, 

155. 159- 
Foreign dangers to England, 8, 9, 28, 

Forty-two Articles of Edward VI, 

Fox, 183. 

Franchises, 78, 81. 
Frankpledge, 81. 

Gentry, influence of, 59. 

Government, intolerance of, 6, 186, 
189, 191; caution of, on religious 
question, 11-17; moderation of, 14, 
29; and the Catholics, 35-63. 

Greenwood, 175. 

Grindal, Bishop, 79, 103, 139, 142, 

Habits, controversy over use of, 138- 

Hammond, Dr., 112. 
Hayward, 67. 

Henry VIII, 14, 67, 72, 80. 
Heresy, 21, 97. 

High commission, the, 71, 74. 
High Court of Delegates, 72, 80. 
Historical apologetic for Established 

Church, 106. 
Hook, 157. 
Hooker, 114, 116, 118-24, 164, 178, 




Horn, 137 n., 139. 
Huguenots, 28. 
Humphrey, Dr., 143, 146. 

Imprisonment of Catholics, 54. 

Indifference, religious, 13. 

Intolerance, definition of , 2; varieties 
of, 3; religious, 3-4; checked by 
religious indifference, 14; checked 
by government, 90; Elizabeth's in- 
fluence on, 92; ecclesiastical theory 
a cause of, 109; Anglican, 124, 128; 
Presbyterian, 154, 159-63; Congre- 
gationalist, 178. 

James, King, 117. 

Jesuits, 46, 47, 127, 185; banishment 

of, 40, 53- 
Jewel, 106, III, 118-24, 138; quoted, 

12, 13, 19, 25, 68, 138. 
Justices of the peace, religious acts 

enforced by, 30, 76. 

King's Bench, Court of, 31, 71, 78. 
Knollys, Sir Francis, 60, 114, 141. 
Knox, John, 10. 

Landaff, Bishop, 23. 

Laudian Church idea, the, 129. 

Laws against Catholics, 39-42, 46; 

administration of, 48-63; against 

Protestant dissenters, 46. 
Leicester, Earl of, 141. 
L'Hopital, 184. 

Loyalty to the Queen, 14, 16, 46, 54. 
Luther, 15, 179 w., 184. 
Lutheranism, 161, 165. 

Mar prelate Tracts, 131 n., 175. 

Martyr, 19. 

Mary, Queen of Scots, claim of, to 

throne, 8-1 1, 28, 42-45, 185. 
Mary Tudor, 7, 13. "'» 
Mass, saying of, prohibited, 41. 
"Mediocrity" of Anglican clerg\-, 95; 

of Anglican Church, 129. 
Mildmay, Sir Walter, 141. 
Ministry, educated, opposed by Con- 

gregationalists, 177. 
Moderation of Anglican Church, 65. 

National character of Establishment, 

New Testament, authority for Pres- 

byterian organization in, 153, 159- 

63, 188. 
Nonconformists, 171. 
Northumberland, Earl of, 36. 
Nowell's catechism, 98. 

Oath ex officio mero, 117, 171. 

Oath of supremacy, 23, 29-31, 61, 77. 
j Oglethorpe, 19. 

I Organization, church, Anglican form 

of, no, 128; Congregationalist form 

I of, 136; Presbyterian form of, 159. 

Palatinates, 79, 80. 

Papacy, attitude toward Elizabeth, 
8, II, 98; historical claims of, re- 
jected by Protestants, 106; Protes- 
tant opposition to, no, 126, 137, 

Parker, Archbishop, 31 n., 88, 93, 106. 
140-45, 151; quoted, 26, 29, 6«, 


Parkhurst, 139. 

Parliament, 40, 67, 70, 83, 150: Eliz- 
abeth's first, 18-22; Elizabeth's sec- 
ond, 28-33. 

Parsons, the Jesuit, 27, 40, 51. 

Patriotism at basis of Anglican 
Church, 65. 

Paul IV, Pope, 9, II. 

"Peculiars," 79. 

Penalties, 41, 48, 55, 72. 

Penr>', 175, 180. 

Philip of Spain, 9, 12, 28, 44, 185. 

Pilkington, 69, 139. 

Pius IV, Pope. 28. 

Pius V, Pope, e.xcommunicated Eliz- 
abeth, 37. 

Politics and religion, 8-34. 

Pope, attitude of, toward Elizabeth, 
8, 11,28,37. 
I Prayer Book. See Book of Common 

Preaching prohibited, 12; licenses 
for, 117. 

Precisianists. 125. 132, 134, 138. 159- 

Prerogative writs, 7H, 81. 

Presbyterianism, and AnRlicaniBm, 
I 104. 119. '34. '52. »**7: opposition 
I to Catholics, 126. I5<). 185: intol- 
I era nee of, 154. i59-^'3. '^. »*'• 
form of organization of, 159; Uwed 
i onauthority of the Scriptures, 160. 

Presbyterians, 5, 47. '59-<>4- 



Press censorship, 117. 

Priests, 27, 53, 102. 

Prophesyings, 141. 

Protestant dissent, 131-82. 

Protestant dissenters, attitude of 
Anglicanism toward, 124. 

Protestantism, 14, 103, 186. 

Protestants, 20, 38, 93, 118; return of 
exiled, 12; Elizabeth's attitude to- 
ward, 12; impatience of, with gov- 
ernment, 12, 20; candidates for 
clerical offices, 25; in Scotland, 44; 
did not oppose union of Church and 
State, 69; Anglican intolerance of, 

Provincial commissions, 71. 

Puritans, 60, 125, 128, 131-34. 

Reason, the rule of, in Anglicanism, 

Rebellion of the Northern Earls, 

Recusants, 42, 53, 57, 117. 
Reformation, the, 10. 
Religion, intolerance in, 3-4; and 

politics, 8-34; of England, changes 

in, 13; indifference in, 14. 
Religious houses annexed to Crown, 

Religious liberty, 166. 
Reply to an Answere made of Doctor 

Whit gift, A, 157. 
Report of the Ecclesiastical Commission 

of 1832, 79. 
Rest of the Second Replie, The, 157. 
Reynolds, 141. 
Rights, special, 78. 
Rites and ceremonies, 107, 150. 
Robinson, 175. 

Roman Catholics. See Catholics. 
Royal Commission, 72; of Visita- 
tion, 23, 27, 71. 
Royal headship of Church, 66-71, 

Royal prerogative, the, 82. 
Royal \'isitation, Commission of, 23, 

27- 71. 

Sandys, 93, loi, 139, 153. 

Scotland, 10, 44, 172. 

Scripture, authority of, 120; for Pres- 
byterian form of organization, 159; 
for Episcopal form of organiza- 
tion, 163. 

Second Admonition to Parliament, 

154-56, 169. 
Second Replie, The, 157. 
Second Scotch Confession, 179 n. 
Secular courts and the Church, 76. 
"Seekers," 131. 
Segregation of Catholics, 55. 
"Separatists," 132. 
Smith, Sir Thomas, 141. 
Spiritual life of the Church, 99-105. 
Star Chamber, the, 74-77, 84, 117. 
State and Church. See Church and 

Strype, 87. 
Sturmius, 16. 
Supremacy, Act of, 21-24, 29, 67, 72, 


Taxation of Catholics, 53, 57. 

Thacher, Elias, 181. 

Thirty-nine Articles, the, 94, 97, 1 1 7, 

"Three Articles," 117. 

Tolerance, hope of Catholics for, 47; 
advance of England toward, 63, 
91; eflfect of union of Church and 
State on, 89; defects in govern- 
ment's policy of, 183, 186; success 
of government's policy of, 189. 

Travers, Walter, in, 114, 157. 

Turner, Dean of Wells, 141. 

Uniformity, Act of, 21-24, 72, 97, 
105, 142. 

Universities, 78 «.; graduates of, re- 
quired to take oath, 31. 

Vestiarian controversy, 90, 141-47, 

Vestments. See Habits. 
Viewe of the Churche that the Authors 

of the late published Admonition 

would have planted, etc., 152. 
Visitation, Commission of Royal, 23, 

27, 71. 

Walsingham, 40, 45, 57, 141. 

Westmoreland, Earl of, 36. 

Whitgift, Dr. John, 98, 113, 117, 129, 
143 M., 165; controversy with Cart- 
wright, 154-57- 

Wilcox, 149, 151. 

Witches, laws against, 32. 

JFrit de Excommunicato Capiendo, 31. 

U . S . A 





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