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BIBLIOTHECA INDICA': 

COLLECTION OF ORIENTAL WORKS 

FDBLISHKD BT TUB 

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. 
Xbw Series. Nob. 910, 023, 929, 940, 957, 991, 1027 *x(i 1036. 



THE AKBAR NAM A 



ABU-LFAZL 



TRANSLATED FROM THE PERSIAN 

BY 

H. BEVERIDGE, LC.S. (Retired). 

VOL. I. _ 
CALCUTTA: 

I'KIHTED KT TMR BAPTIST HISSiOH PRI8B 

AND PUBLISHED BT TUP, 

A>-J*Tlr SOCIETY, 57, PAHK STREET. 

1907. 



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DEDICATION 
Ik Mxxobt of 

M. T. B. 

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PBiriCK TO TBI riWT VOLOME 



PREFACE TO THE FIRST VOLUME. 

Wh9n the ABiatio Society of Bengal did me the honour of ixxvij^ji:^ 
me to tmuilate the AkbamaiQay I replied ihtA I doubted my abiU^ to 
make a. complete trap3latipnj and snggeated that I might edit the 
manuscript versigp by lieatenant Qhaln^rs. My snggestioq wafi ac* 
oeptedf and I accorcUngly obtained from the Boyal.^atic Society the 
loan pf the Ghaliiiera' manasoript and permiiuioii to print it. I 90fm 
found, however, that the translation was too abridged to be made the 
basis of my work, and that it was necessary to ez^cate a new version^ 
Chalmers' manuscript was of great seryice to Elphinstone and Oonnt 
Noer, and it has aUo been of much uefe to my self ^ but Uiere are many 
gape in it, and 4bul Fafl's language has throughout been greatly comr 
pres494- One gap near the beginning extends to over ninety peg^ of 
the printed text, and has the effect qf omittinj; the account pf Akbar's 
birt^, with the prognostics and horoscopes appertaining thereto^ af^ 
w^ as the notices of his ancestors from Adam dpwn to his g^ndr 
i9i*kpf (Bibar). The reader may judge of the extent to which abbins* 
vii^n has been carried, when I state that the Chalmers MS. consists 
of two thinnish yolumes of foolscap, and that the BibUothepa Indica 
edition Qt t\e Perrifm text pccupies th^ee large quartoes whic|i a^r 
gWg^ 1*900 P»ge8. 

.The taslp; of iaranslation l^as occupied me several ypan^, an4 the 
wpf k h^ not been very congenial, for Abu} Fafl is not an author for 
whoin one can fe^ much sympatjiy or admiration. Se jrf^ a great 
flat^Gorer and unhesitatingly suppressed or distorted facts. His style, 
too^ seeins-^at least to Western eyes-rr-to be quite detestable, being full 
of . cinpumlpculjpns, pad. boft turgi4 and obspure. ?jb is often pnjji^, 
^§L 9ft9ft »«i^y poacife »nd darkly allusive. His onp mw^tTss^^ 
it is one which he specially claims for himself«-is his l^bpriQ^fjf^. 
He was an unwearied worker, and when we blanio him and Uunent 
his defipienoiea we s|i^ do well to consider wh^t a blf^ik oar knofjr- 
ledge of Akbar's reign would have been, had not Abill Fayl exerted 
biqiself donng years of strenuous effort to chronicle events and 
institutions. His work also has the imperishable merit of ^igg^ a 



AraABNlMAi - 

record by a contemporaiyi and by one who had access to information 
at first hand. 

I regret that the work of translation has not devolved upon a better 
Persian scholar than I am. I have endeavoured, to do my bestj and I 
have sought assistance in many quarters. I now desire to express my 
^titude to my friends, Maalvi Abdul Haq Abi^, the iatd' Mr. 
3; Bidamibs; Mr.A. O. Ellis of the British Museum^ Mr. Irvine and Mr; 
Whinfield, and to the translation of the lin-i- Akbari, by Professor 
Blochmann and Colonel Jarrett, and the works of Major Pripo. I am 
io^Ifllo indebted for much literary assistance to my elder brotheVi Mr; 
David Beveridge. There are, I am sure, many mistakes in my trans* 
lation and notes, but there would have been many ^ore but for the 
assistance of my friends* I regret that I have been obliged to make 
two long lists of Errata and Addenda, In part this has hebn due to the 
translations being made in England and printed in India, and in part 
to increase of knowledge. The translation of the second volume, which 
carries on the history of Akbar 's reign to the middle of the seventeenth 
yidar, has been completed by me, and I am about to begin the tratifila* 
tion of the third and last volume. The translation has been made f rdm 
the Bibllotheca Indica edition of the text, but I have consulted many 
MSS.' in the British Museum, the India Office, and the Royal Asiatic 
Society's Library, &o. The Bibliotheca Indica edition is by no means 
isb good as it might have been, for the learned native editors* were desti- 
tute of geographical or historical linowledg^. Hence they have often 
made mistakes in the names of persons and place&. They have also no 
explanatory notes. In their preface they are severe upon the Lucknow 
edition. No doubt that edition has many faults, but it was the first 
in the field, and it is on the whole a creditable monument of the enter* 
prise of the publisher, Munshi Newal Eishor, and of the liberality of 
the Maharajah of Patiala. The editor, Maulv! $fidiq 'All, also deserves 
honourable mention. He has added numerous notes, and though 
many of these are trivial, yet there are also many which are really 
enlightening. ' 

Since completing the translation, I have aeien a remarkable MS. 
of the first volume of the Akbamflma in the possession of Saiyid 'All 

r. * . It i9 stated in the Persian preface th%t nine VS9* an^ ^^'^ Iiuoknow litho* 
graph were used in the preparation of ihe'e'ditioQ. None of the'MBS. was pi an 
early datel . • .. ■;...:...:.. 



PBVfACE TO THI riBST VOLUMR. 

Bilgrfim!. This is evidently a roagH draft and contains severa 
things wliioli do not occor in the MSS. of the finished work. Among 
them are one or two letters of Humftyiin. I have given an account 
of this MS. in B.A.S.J. for January 1908^ p. 115. 

4th September, 1902. H. Bevkbibob. 



.'« • > 



V ^ 



v . . . . ./ 



./ 



' • » 



Errata and Addenda. 

1. P. 3, n. 3. Ahmad 'All l^in, keeper of the Rfitnpur Library 

Bohilkand^ showed me a passage in a commentary on Anwari's 

Odes, which offered an explanation of the phrase, 18,000 worlds. It 

said that alf had the meaning of perfect, or complete, because one 

thousand was the highest number used in abjad, or alphabetical 

numeration, and that therefore 18,000 meant only 18. This latter 

number was arrived at by adding together the four worlds, viz., the 

'Adlam jabarut, ^Adlam maldkut, 'arsh, and kwrsi, the seven heavens, 

the four elements, and the three mawdlid^ ^a) ^[^^ i.e., the 

animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms. The commentary was by 

Abul ^asan Firahanl, and gave as the authority for the statement 

'Abdu-r-razz&q K&shi Sultan-al-'A&rifin's Tawil&t. The passage 

occurs at p. 826, of the Bgmpur MS. and is an explanation of a 

verse where Anwari plays on the two meanings of the word alf, 

viz., 1,000 and also the first letter of the alphabet. It also occurs in 

B.M. MS., Or. 361 p. 43a Rieu 5566. 

2*. P. 5, last line. The best translation of the epithet istlsqd 
bahbi^ seems to be " answerer of the prayer for rain/' " See Lane 
13556. The reference is to Akbar^s alleged miracle of causing rain 
to fall, and also to his satisfying the thirst of all who wander about, 
panting after the truth. Blochraann 164. 

3. Do., n. 4. See Am text I, 158 where the lover (^Aa^aq) 
and the loved (Ma^uq) are described as one. 

4. P. 6, n. 2. See Tennyson's paraphrase in his '^Akbar's 
Dream." 

5. P. 7, n. 2. Several of the lines occur in Faizi's Marka-i- 
adwar^ B.M. MS., Add. 7795 p. 25, Canto on Speech. 

6. Verse, Delete capital in Thy. Nizami's lines are addressed 
to an earthly prince, and A.F. employs them in the same sense. 

7. P. 11, n. 3. I.O. MS. 4 has zd. 

8. P. 12, 1. 6. Perhaps the following is a better translation : 
'' Hather the aim of praise is to place this vain, self -adorning, self- 
aactioning, carnal soul on the threshold of submission and the pedestal 
of sapplication and humility, and to cast it out of sight so that 



inward happiness may be graced by oatward surrender^ and the 
inner and outer natures may be decked with lowliness and be fitted 
to the modesty of the bosom of purpose and become the praise of the 
life-gfiving creator." 

9. P. 12, n. 4. See Fai^fs Nal Damans last Canto, p. 188 of 
Newal Eishoro's ed., 1898. 

" I drew (or erected) this dome on vision^s arch. 
To be the glory of the swift-rolling eye. 
See also for use of the phrases Jibuddrdi and khweiAtan-gazitii, 
A.F.'s description of the initiation of a novice in the "Divine 
Faith/' Am, text I, 160 and Blochmann 166. 

10. P. 16, 1. 7. These two epithets occur in the beginning of the 
'lyftr dftnidl. 

11. P. 16, n. 1. Maulv! Abdul Huq Abid informs me that tHe 
meaning here is that Akbar provided food for his people. The 
phrase '^ servants of God'' means here mankind, or at least all 
Mu^ammadans. 

12. L. 18. Perhaps the translation, children of Noah^ Mid n. 2 
are wrong, for the word in the text is ^^ and not ^y. 

18. P. 20, 1. 9. Maulvi A. H. A. informs me that I have missed 4 
the point here. The meaning of Id^urda^angez is " to find fault with/^ 
and the translation should be '* his equity finds defect in the evenness 
of Farwardin, his courtesy derides the breeze of Ardibihight," t.6., his 
equability surpasses that of Farwardin, and his sweetness smiles 
superior to the zephyrs of ArdibihislLt. See for similar hyperboles 
the description of Spring in Vol. II, p. 81. 

14. P. 21. Notes 3 and 4. R.A.S., MSS., 116 and 117 
have tahrir and perhaps this is a preferable reading to tajabbar. 
The reference may be to the cancelling of bonds by tearing the top of 
the document, or to the shrouds with which malefactors provided 
themselves when suing for mercy. 

15. P. 28, four lines from foot. The word in text is harfeard 
fluent, but this does not make good sense. I should be inclined to 
prefer harfaard, which is apparently the reading of B.A.S. MSS., 
Nos. 117 and 119. See Bahfir-i 'Ajam-ed, Newal Kishwar 1894 



BRBATA AND ADDENDA. Ill 

s.v. harfaard. Harfaard however like the word saMkn-sard used later 
on by A.F.^ may mean a word-twitterer, i.e., one who indulges in 
empty verbiage. Maulvi A. H. A. thinks that farfsard is right. 

16. P. 24, 1. 14. Az rdh-i-mijdz middn-id, etc. Bead, '^ this 
follower of the trnth knows from observation of the outer world." 

Do. last line. The words " what strength has Saha/' etc., ending 
with the word atom, form a quatrain, and should have been printed 
as such. The literal translation of the last clause is " less than an 
atom.'' 

17. P. 25, n. 3. Possibly A.P. was thinking of the Anwar 
SuhailL That contains 5 or 6,000 verses and A.F.'s chief mode of 
abridging it in the 'lyar dini^ is to omit them. 

18. P. 26, last line and n. 2. The most correct translation of 
Vctzz^-murdd seems to be " with respect to desires.'' A.F. intimates 
that he is not ambitious. See also p. 874 of this translation^ 
note 1. 

19. P. 27, n. 2. The expression about wearing the cap on the 
crown of the heart may remind us of the passage in the Anabasis 
II. 5, where Tissaphemes says to Glearchus that the help of the 
Greeks will enable him to wear his diadem lightly on his heart* See 
Grote, 4th ed., VII, 240. 

20. P. 29, n. 4, 1. 6. For 227 read 247. 

21. P. 32, n. 2. Bead SB^ahriatdn. 

22. P. 33, n. 3. For Fard5s read Firdus. It may be noted 
here that Oltl in Gitisitftni is pronounced Get! in India, and is so spelt 
by Blochmann. 

23. P. 35, 1. 4. Perhaps tarruz here means, to cleanse. 

24. P. 35, 1. 5. Tan-i- Wdhid is perhaps explained by A.N., II, 
43, where we have the word abb^ifidn, i.e., possessed by the four 
elements. It is applied here to ordinary mortals in whom the consti- 
tuents are not fused together and unified, but are at war with one 
another. 

25. P. 42, second para. According to the Tabaqfiti AkbarT, 
end of account of the 23rd year, the dream occurred on the night 
of the birth. Lucknow ed. 339. ^Aftrif Qandahari says it occurred 
on 4 Bab!'-al-awwal 947. 

26. P. 45, last line and n. 5. Perhaps harf-i-namuddr darmydn 
had merely means that the subject of the namwdar was under 



/ 



/ 

/ 



iv AEBARNlMA. 

discussion. C/. text 162^ 1. 5^ where harf-i-ru&fr^o^ dcmniydn award 
means he introduced the subject of leave. 

27. P. 53^ m. 1. 6. For 43c read 43a. In the same note for pista- 
din read pistachio^ and spot for Souths do for Hajri read Qijra and add^ 
Hijn was the tahiballa^ of a poet. See Bud&uni III^ 386 and Tabaqat 
Akbari^ Lucknow ed. 401. He was long in the service of M. Hind&l 
and was descended from A^mad Jam, and so would be a relative of 
Qamida. His divan is in the A.S.B. library, Cat. p. 117, and also in 
the 1.0. library, Eth^ No. 1441 of p. 793. It contains odes in praise of 
Akbar and a chronogram for Humiyun's death, but I could not find 
any interesting historical allusion in the poems, or any reference to 
Hamida. 

28. P« 53^ n. I think it clear that A.F. means that K. Mu'azzam 
was only the half-brother of Qamida. At p. 55 he uses the word 
a'yfini to denote a full-brother. 

29. P. 54, n. 2, last sentence. For Procyon read Sirius, and 
delete the last four words. The epithet applied to Procyon is ghamiza^^ 
the obscure (?) 

80. P. 55. According to local tradition, Akbar was bom in 
the fields about a mile outside of the fort. See a paper by N. Y. 
Mandlik read 8th March, 1855, and published in his writings and 
speeches, Bombay, 1896, p. 199, and also the Calcutta Review for 
January 1900. Possibly the old fort stood where the Akbar memorial 
now stands, for Y. N. Mandlik says that the old fort was destroyed 
and a new one built by Nur Muhammad Kulhara in 1746. 

31. P. 58, second lina Though idila means a peacock it also 
means a handsome man or woman and the root is iusj beautiful. 
A.F. applies the term to Rupmatl II, 137. It seems to have been a 
title in use among the Afghans. See the story of Kftmran's recep- 
tion by Selim gl^ah in Budauni (Ranking), and see also Babar's 
Memoirs where Taus Khftn is given as the name of an Afghan chief. 

32. P. 58, verse third, last line. The correct translation appears 
to be : " Easily carried away the hearts of lovers of the difficult,*^ 
meaning, I presume, the critical and not easily pleased. 

88. P. 62 near foot. For " rouse " read " roused/' 

34. P. 66, n. Yes ; All§h has properly three Is, so that 66 is 
right. 

35. P. N^6, n. 1 . For 8436 read 3436. 



ERRATA AKD ABDKNDA. T 

36. P. 66, n. 2. For Jafar Sadiq read J'iafar Sftdiq. 

37. P. 60, n. 2. For Tai|hilit read Tasahilfit. It means, simpli- 
fications, or easy lessons. 

88. P. 78, n. 1, col. 2, line llth. For 711 read " 7 lines." 

39. P. 77, n. 2. Alcochoden is evidently the same word as 
Kadhbudd with the article prefixed. 

40. P. 82, n. My remark about the Canon Masadicns is, I 
believe, erroneous. From Behatsek's description it would seem that 
there is no astrology in the work. The copy in the Mulla Firuz 
library is in good condition, and very legible. There is also a copy 
in the Nawab of Bfimpur's library. 

41. P. 8S, n. In last para, delete the repetition of the words 
'^ et ex hoc adorogen/' and substitute " dorongen.^' In last sentence 
of same paragraph read " A difficulty arises/^ 

42. P. 91. For Garden read Cardan. 

43. P. 92, 1. 1. It seems probable that 22 was regarded 
as a mystic number from its being that of the letters of 
the Hebrew, Syriac, and, presumably, of the ancient Arabic, 
alphabets. 

44. End of last para. Substitute the translation " Alas I I have 
no brother to rise high in my service,'' delete note 4 and substitute 
"jijji is here used in the sense of regret. '^ 

45. P. 96, n. 1. Delete comma after gl^iras. In this note I have 
mixed up two distinct princes. The Buyide 'Azad-ad-daula ruled in 
Bagdad. Alp Arslftn whom Col. Jarrett calls 'Azad-ad*daula belongs 
to the 12th century. FathuUa whom Budftuni calls g^fth Fathulla 
came to Akbar's court in 990 A.H. See Budfiunl, Lowe, 826. There 
is a long account of him, taken chiefly from Budftuni, on the Darb&r 
Akbarl of Azad. 

46. P. ill, n. 3. Humftyun's death and Akbar's accession 
occurred when the sun was in Gemini. Can luL^tam-chaharam mean 
the 32nd degree 7 B.M. M.P. Add. 27, 247 has hoiktam dar chaharam, 
i.e., 8 by 4. In the Bid^ahnftma Bib. Ind. I, 66, Akbar is said to 
have been bom when the sun was in Scorpio. I think now that the 
proper translation is '* As the 8th and 4th Houses are Gemini with 
respect to the degrees.'^ 

47. P. 112, 1. 18. Delete comma after Mars, and insert one after 
Jupiter. 



VI akbabnAma. 

p. 117, second para. For ''copied in sketch'^ read '' exactlj 
copied/* 

P. 117, n. 3. The word occurs again in A.N. II, p, 11, 1. 16. 

P. 123. The account of Humayun's dancing seems to be taken 
from the Tfirikh AlfT, though there the circumstance is said to have 
only occurred once. The passage occurs in the description of the 
events of 949 A.H. and at page 572a of B.M. MS. Or. 465 and is as 
follows : — 



48. P. 130, five lines from foot. Daya Bhfiwal means the nurse 
Bhfiwal, and the word d&ya is used immediately before with reference 
to JijI. Dftya Bhfiwal is evidently the same person as BhSwal Ana.^ 
who is mentioned soon afterwards, and A.F.^8 meaning is that thong'h 
there is a statement that Bhftwal was the first nurse, the ascertained 
fact is [iahaqiq dnast) that Akbar was first of all suckled by his 
mother, then by Fa^r-i-nisS, then by Bhawal. Bhawal or Behftwal 
is probably a form of the Persian word bahdwar precious and which is 
sometimes spelt bahdlu. Presumably A.F. by speaking of her as a 
special servant, hbidmatgdr-i-Ubd^ of Humayun, means that she was 
one of his concubines, and of course she must have been a mother. 
Possibly she was Mftham Anaga. Mftham, as I have stated elsewhere, 
means '' my Moon " and is a common appellation of women. The 
author of the Darbftri Akbari, p. 749, makes the curious statement 
that Bhftwal Anaga was the daughter of one Jogft Barhar,^ and that 
she was introduced into the harem of Humftyun by his father Bftbar. 
There her attractive face and manners captivated Humftyun, but her 
star paled before the sun of Miriam-Makini's presence, and the 
king made her over to Jalftl Koka (?). Still she remained in the harem, 
and became one of Akbar's nurses. No authority is given for these 
statements, and I do not know where the author found them. It 

• Qu. ParihSr ? 



EBBATA AND ADDENDA. VU 

looks as if he meant to identify her with Mftham Anaga, and to 
represent the latter as a Hindu. This view might coincide with 
Bad&uni's remark that Akbar was from his earliest years associated 
with low Hindus. I cannot find the tribe or caste Barhir either in 
Crookoj or Sherring^ though there are some names nearly approach- 
ing to itj and I was told in Upper India that there was such a caste. 
A.F. mentions (A.N. 11^ 210^ top line)^ the caste Parihar in describing 
Gondwana. He also mentions there one Jogi DSs a younger brother 
of Sangrftm S&. The Parihfirs were Rajputs and were rulers 
of Bandelkhand before the Candels^ Sleeman's Rambles ed. 1893, 
I, 175 note. It is possible that the Jalal Koka of the Darbfiri Akbar 
may be another name for Nadim Eoka, and that the facts stated 
there may be a solution of the mystery of Adham Khftn's parentage. 
There certainly is, as Elliot remarks, a mystery about the paternity of 
Adham I^an and it may be that though his mother was married to 
Nadim £oka, Humflyun was his father. 

49. P. 132, last line. Maulvi Abdul Haq Abid informs me 
that the meaning of tlie words sftkinfin-i-majdma-i-uns is ''the 
dwellers of the gathering places of Divine love, or, the members of 
the congregations of Divine love/' i.e., the angels. 

50. P. 134. In an article in the R.A.S.J., for January 1889, 
p. 99, 1 endeavoured to show that Maham Anaga was the wife of 
Nadim Kokaltfts^. The mention of his name at p. 185 as one of 
those left at TJmarkot in charge of Miriam-Makini perhaps supports 
this view. It appears from a note by Garcin de Tassy at p. 11 of his 
abridged translation of Syed Ahmad's book on the Delhi monuments, 
Paris, 1861, that the author of Colonel Hama's MS., noticed in the 
article above referred to, was probably Mirzi Hidayat Ullah 
for it is stated by Garcin de Tassy that Hidayat Ullah was a 
grandson of MlrzS Koka and wrote a Tftrikh or chronicle in 1070 A.H. 
or 1659. See also p. 129. Hidayat UUah's chronicle is not in 
the B.M. or I.O., and I have been unable to find out where it is, 
for Garcin de Tassy does not tell us and there is no reference to the 
MS. in Syed Ahmad's book. Hidayat XJUah's name occurs in 
Beale's Oriental Biographies. See below p. 475, n. 3. To the remark 
about Adham Khftn's age at end of note in p. 134 it may be added 
that A.F. describes Adham as taking a prominent part in the 
beginning of the seige of Mankot. He could hardly have done 



vm akbarnAma. 

this if he had been no older than Akbar who vras then onlj 
fourteen* 

51. P. 139, last lines. The late Mr. Bodgers states, Il.A.S,J.. 
for 1898, p. 729, that this chronogram is by Faizi,.but this seems to b? 
a mistake. A.F. does not ascribe it to his brother, and the latter 
was not born till some years after Akbar's birth. 

52. P. 154, n. 8. Probably this is the correct translation. 
AJP. means apparently that previous works, though voluminoai, 
have not treated the subject in a satisfactory manner. 

53. P. 166, n. 8. For If an read If in. 

54. P. 180, last sentence. The expression dar parda dm 
receives elucidation from its recurrence in text I, 347, top line. This, 
I think, disposes of the suggestion inserted by Dr. Bloch in a note 
at the end of this fasciculus. See also II, 42 of text, L 1 and do. 43, 
L 10. By the expression, remaining behind the veil, A.F. not oni/ 
means the period before Akbar's birth, but also the time before lie 
revealed himself to the world. Cf. Blochmann, p. 124, n. 1 and p. 13^ 
line 12. 

55. P. 182, verse. These lines occur in gbarafu-d-din's preface 
to the Zafarnfima, i.e., in his Tarikh Jahfingir. 

56. P. 201, n. 2. There is a mistake in this note. The Prole- 
gomena says ten, but only gives five names. 

57. P. 204, 1. 10. Bead Sidhni§hdni. 

58. P. 217, n. 2. Gauhar ShSd's death is described in tie 
Matla' Sa'adain, and the date given is 9 Bamzftn. Sam Mlrzfi in his 
anthologfy B.M. MS. Add. 7670, p. 466, says Qatalu-d-dfn Muhammad 
Duani was the author of the chronogram. He gives the quatrain. 

59. P. 218, 1. 14. For " gave" read " give." 

60. P. 222, 1. 6. For " then " read '' these." 

61 . Do. gl^ahrbftnu's name is also omitted in gl^TrSzI's text, and 
in the Alwar MS. only four daughters are mentioned, g^ahrbanu 
apparently means the Moon-lady. For " Bihar's," p. 222, n. 1, read 
" 'Umar Sbaikh's." 

62. P. 223, beginning of chapter, and n. 2. For ^' king of the 
four quarters and of the seven heavens " read king of the throsa ol 
the seven worlds." The word cahdr is often used, as Quatrem^re has 
shown in his notes to the Majla' Saadain without really njeaning 
four. Cdhdr bdliii really only means the pillows of the divan. 



I 




EBBATA AND ADDENDA. IZ 

or the divdn itself. By the haft manstar iu meant here probably the 
seven climes^ or the seven heavens, or the seven planets. It is 
however worthy of notice that the Qutb of Delhi was known as the 
MinSaa-i-haft man^ar, i.e., the minaret of seven stories. See Grar9in 
de Tassy's translation of Syed 'Ahmad^s work on Delhi, Paris 1861, 
p. 86. As Delhi was Babar's capital, it is possible that here A.F. 
in alluding to the Qu1;b. 

63. P. 223, n. 4. For Jftni read JftmT. 

64. P. 228, two lines from foot. Text and MSS. have Bektub. 
Erskine, 170, has Bektob. 

65. P. 232, n. last sentence, read Khdlazdld. It means '' full 
aunt.'' Babar in the account of his father's children speaks of one 
daughter as being hamiiiraz4id, i.e., full sister, of N&^ir. 

66. P. 233, line 18. Before 917 read "in the month of 
Rajab." 

. 67. P. 234, top line and n. 1 . Usually called Najm Sini from 
his having succeeded Najm Zargar Gilftni. His real name was Ydr 
Ahmad Ispahan!. The Haft Iqlim I.O. copy 3296 says he was put to 
death by Ubaid IJllah on 3 Bamzftn 918. These occurrences are 
detailed in the T. Alfi B.M. MS., Or. 465, 5146 and also in the 
FJabibu-s-siyar, and in the lives of Ismail and Tahmftsp by K^wftn- 
damlr's son Mahmud, as well as in the anonymous author of the 
life of Ism'ail, B.M. MSS., Or. 2939 and 3248. A.F. is correct in 
saying that Bftbar had at first won the victory ; Ubaid UUah lay 
in ambush and turned the victory into a defeat. The victories which 
Bdbar previously gained occurred near Hi9&r and were won against 
Shaibftni's sons ^mza and Mahdi Sulj;ftns. See Shaibani' letter 
B.M. MS., Or. 3482 68b where a list of his children is given. 

68. Do., n. 1. In the anonymous life of Ism^aTl, p. 215a, it is 
stated that one ward of Karshi was exclusively occupied by Caghatais. 
and that they begged for Babar's protection. He interceded for them 
with Najm Sfini, but it was in vain. On the day of the battle Najm 
S&nl put Babar in the reserve. When Bftbar saw that the battle was 
lost he fled to Hifar. 

69. P. 238, n. 5, for *Haken" read "taker." The derivation 
here given seems correct, and is supported by Gulbadan Begam's 
Memoirs, p. 8c, where Qssim Beg is described as writing to Babar that 
a new prince had been born, and suggesting that his name should be 

II 



X AKBABNlMA. 

made a prognostic of the conquest of India^ ba shctgun fath-i*^ind 
u tahbt alimaah. The last word is Turk! and means '^ taking/' In 
consequence of this letter Bftbar called his son Hindal. 

70. P. 241, top line. Read Biban. 

71. Do., n. 3. A.F. is evidently copying g^aiU^ Zain here. 
He has B.M. MS., Or. 1999, 516, " ha zinjir u l^m-i-gdo.** 

72. P. 243, n. 1. See gl^aikh Zain 88a. The page is misplaced 
in MS. and should come after 57&. 

73. Do., 1. 14. For tulghdma read tulaqma. 

74. P. 244, n. 5. Possibly Bdbar does not name Taimur 
because he was not a bddihdh, but only an Amir. But most likely it 
is because Taimur did not acquire the sovereignty of Hindustan. He 
merely plundered the country and returned. A.F. reckons Taimur^ 
for at p. 245 he calls Bftbar the fourth conqueror. 

75. P. 244. The comparison with Taimur's forces is taken from 
Shaikh Zain, B.M. MS., pp. 53& and 55a. Zain has naukar-4ark 
Turkish servants instead of naukar-i-naukar. He also gives 18,000 as 
the number of horses who can occupy a faraang though he reckons 
Taimur's total force at 72,000. 

76. P. 246, note 278. More probably the reference is to the 
battle of Panipat with Hemu though Akbar had little personal share 
in the victory. Instead of " many rebellions chiefs '^ read ''so many 
refractory chiefs." 

77. P. 247, n. 4. Zain I.e., pp. 63c and b says AlauddTn brought a.' 
diamond to India. Mutamed I^an says in the Iqbilnfimathat Alau-d-* | 
din got diamond from Vikramadltya. In this he is merely copying A.F. 
My opinion now is that it is not certain that Bftbar means that his 
son got the diamond from Yikramaditya's heirs. His language is 
vague and perhaps all he means is that the diamond was one of the 
things that Hum&yun got when he was investing the fort. At any rate 
B&bar's account is not that of an eyewitness. Zain makes Hum&yun 
the spokesman to his father. He says the diamond was reckoned 
worth 2i days of the world's income. The word in Add. 27, 247 is 
-t^^ and I am sure that income is a better translation than 
expenditure. 

78. P. 248, beginning of para. Zain has Tuesday the 29th. 

79. P. 249, n. In Persian quotation read in second line 
I J u^ J sj^ in third ii*-»ly^ and in fourth line first word ^^y 



KRRATA AND ADDENDA. 



XI 



intead of ^t^ and also ^ji^ for ^y.> and dji f or «^ >t to complete 
the sentence shonld be added AfA ^Uifj^^Li tSi ^^)^, 

80. P. 257, last para, and n. 4. Shaikh Zain, p. 98b, says that 
Ibrahim's mother was sent to Eftbul and the TArIkh Mahmadi B.M. Or. 
1 824, p. 57a says that on the road the lady finng herself into the 
Indus and drowned herself. The author gives as his authority for this 
statement the Iqbftlnama of Mutamed Khan, and I have verified the 
reference. It also appears from the Iqb&lnama that the lady's name 
was Bava V. But this was only a sobriquet, and perhaps was the 
name by which Bfibar called her. It means in Hindi, sister and 
paternal aunt. 

81. P. 264, verse. For cap read veil. 

82. 266, n. 5. It appears from Bftbar's Memoirs, Erskine 274, 
that Khan Mirzft was alive on 4th September, 1519, or Ramazan 925, 
for the Jftn Nftsir there mentioned as coming from his government seems 
a clerical error for ^&n Mirzftn; O, p. 272, we see that Kipak had been 
sent to him, and presumably this was to summon him to his presence. 

83. P. 272, n. 2. Insert comma after him, and delete comma 
after Haidar. 

84. P. 273, n. 1. Probably Alwar is correct. The child 
probably was born at Alwar which was his brother Hindal's 
appanage afterwards, and received his name from the place. 

85. P. 277, near foot. Bead " He bade adieu to this faith- 
less world on 6 Jamftda-ul-awwal 937 in a garden (cftrbflghe) in 
Agra, on the banks of the Jamna, which that springtide of fortune 
had made verdant,'^ 

Add. note 2a. The local tradition is that Bflbar was temporarily 
buried in the Rftmbagh (originally perhaps^ irftmbagh) on the left or 
east side of the river, about two miles above the railway bridge. Mr. 
Keene says in his guide to Agra, p. 1, that according to the Akbarnftma 
Bftbar was buried in the Cftrbagh some miles lower down the river 
and nearly opposite the T§j. But the Akbamflma says nothing 
about where the body was buried, and A.F.'s words are that the 
death occurred in a Cdrbdgb' Any laid out garden is called a 
Cdrhdgh, meaning perhaps that it is rectangular, or divided into 



1 Bam may however be the origi- 
nal form. Bam is an abbreviation of 
Aram and here haa nothing to do with 



Bam the Indian hero. See Hyde, 
p. 263 and Steingasa a. v. ram. 



xii axbarnAma. 

squares by partha. Bdbdr's bodj remained in the garden for seyeral 
years, and perhapd would neyer hare beena removed if Hnmftyun 
had n6t beto driven 6nt of India. B&bar tells us that the east 
bank of the Jamna was called KSbul by the Indians in allusion to 
its gardens. Perhaps this gave rise to the story that Babar desired 
to be buried in K&bul^ or it may be that his son satisfied his 
conscience by thinking that his father's body was deposited in a 
place known as K&bul. At all events it seems to have lain there till 
after the battle of Kanauj and the consequent flight from India when 
Bsbar^s widow Bika Begam performed the pious duty of removing it 
to Kftbul. See the story in Jauhar (Persian text) and in Erskine's 
History 11^ 325 n. It is clear from JahSngir's reference to Bika 
Begam in the Tusuk^ P- &'> lith. ed. that she was Babar's widow and 
that conseqilently it was not B&bar's daughter M'asuma^ or Humtyun's 
wife Hftjl Begam who removed the bones. 

There does not appear to be now any trace of the grave in the 
Bam Bftgh. as the Carbfl|^ is now called. The garden seems also to 
have been known as the Gul-af^lln. There is a long account of the 
making of the Girbag^ in B&bar, Erskine 341^ and also in Shai^ 
Zftin's TnriUi B&bftri B.M., Or. 1999, p. 836. It was on the east side 
of the Jamna^ and opposite the fort. S. Zfiin calls it Oftrbagh-i-haslit 
bihisl^t, a name which also occurs in Bflbar. S. Ziin gives a poem 
about the garden, ending in the chronogram ^^T ^ aiU.. These 
three words jChftna kaaba ftfSq, i.e., house of the Kaaba of the 
horizons yield 985. 

86. Nizftmu-d-dm calls Mahdi Siwftja " ddmdd, " but " ddmdd '' \ 
means husband of the king's sister and husband in general as well as 
Bon*in4aw. Gulbadan Begam, who is a better authority on the point, 
calls MahdT l^wftja izna, i.e., brother-in-law (it may also mean son-in- . 
law) of Bibar. In the Babib-as-siyar B.M., MS. Add. 16,679, p. 370a, \ 
line 16, it is stated that MahdT ^wftja was the husband of Bftbar's \ 
elder sister ij^dnzftda Begam. The entry refers to the year 922. In 
the Bombay lithograph and in B.M. Add. 17,925 the name ]^anzada | 
is not given but it is stated that MahdT ^wfija was married to two i 
sisters of Bftbar, that he was the son of MQsa and grandson of || 
Mir Murta^, and that on the mother's side he was descended from 
Abul I^air ^ftn (g^aibani's grandfather). In the Majalis Nafais 
of 'Ali ^er, a {Q^wftja Musft is described as a rich man who bought 




ERRATA AND ADDENDA. ZUI 

reraes from poor poets and passed them off as his own. Apparently 
[br&him Qanuni a famous musician who is also mentioned in the 
!kf ajilis as well as in Sim M. Tahfat B.M. MS. 7671, p. 646 was a son 
[>f !^w§]a Miisfi. 

87. P. 278, Cf. A.N. Ill, 580. The 84th year corresponds to 
997-908 A.H. or 1588-89. The Memoirs were partially translated 
before this, first by gl^ail^ Zain, and second by Payanda Qasan 
Ghaznavi and Muhammad QuK Moghal in 994 et 8eq., i,e,, 1585. It 
also seems to me from a MS. in the Alwar Palaoe-library that the 
so-called 'Abdurrahim's translation existed in Humayun's time. See 
Asiatic Quarterly Review for July and October 1900. 

87a. Do., n. 2. For Tempel read Teufel. 

88. P. 279, Yerse. This quatrain is given in a Persian MS. 
of the Shaw collection in the Indian Institute, Oxford, No. 809 and 
called the Jftm'a-al-muqSmfit, '' collection of assemblies.'' The cir- 
cumstanoes under which Babar came to compose it are also given there. 
We are told that he won the victory over BSnft Sanga owing to 
the mysterious aid of Maulftna Owftjaga Ahmad, otherwise known 
as Maqdum 'A§zim. So he sent Darvesh Muhammad Sftrbfin to him 
at Dahbftd near Samarkand with presents and this verse. The saint 
is said in return to have written part of the Bisftla«B§bari. (Bftbar's 
Memoirs f ) 

89. P. 280. Mr. Blochmann has g^ven a translation of this 
passage at p. 220. of the Proceedings A.S.B. for 1874. There are 
several mistakes in my rendering. For the account of Qjx aikh Zain 
this should be substituted. " ^ai^ Zain Sadr, great-grandson of {ba 
do iffdeta, two removes) g]^2ikh Zainu-d-din SbwftfT. He had acquired 
a knowledge of science, was of quick parts and was skilled in poetry 
and the art of letter- writing. He was distinguished by his long 
association with His Majesty, and became an Amir in the time of 
His Majesty Jahfinbftni Jinnat-X^iyftni.^' See at p. 210 I.e., the 
inscription on S. Zain's mosque at Kachparwa. 

90. Do., line 12. For " paternal '' read ''maternal." 

91. Do., Fftrighi. For an account of him and specimens of his 
poetry see BudddnT, Banking 616. Budiiini says that he and his 
nephew died in the same year (940 A.H.) 

92. P. 281. Mr. Blochmann has '^sur^ widfti kuhnah, a little- 
known poet." The word which I have rendered ''inartificial" is 



XIV 



AKBARNAMA.. 



be^ta^yin, and should be rendered '' obscure/^ He is menliioned 
'All Sixer's Majfilis^ p. 41a, of Persian translation. 

93. Do., 1. 6. Insert indefinite article before masnavi^ 

94. P. 285, n. 2. Mftham most probably means " My moon.*' 
It was apparently a common appellation for women. Cf. Maham 
Anaga, and the name of Taimur's wife. See Schuyler's Turkistan 
II. 97, ed, 1876, where we are told that a beautiful lady who was 
executed at Bokhfira was commonly known as '' My moon of Kenin 
^n&z" Cf. the proper names Nuram, and 3]^ftikham, i,e,, My lig^hfe 
and my ^ai^. If Maham be regarded as a Turkl word it should 
from the law of the sequence of vowels be spelt Mfihim as in P. 
de Courteille. 

94a. The fullest accounts of this worthless character, M. Zamin, 
MTrzft are to be found in B.M, MSS., Or. 2939 and 3248. He was 
married to Bftbar's daughter in Kabul in 921 or 922, and a few 
months afterwards his father-in-law sent him back to Balkh as gover- 
nor. He was not a success there, and could not resist the Uzbegs. 
In 934 Bftbar summoned him to India and settled a large estate upon. 
He ended his days by being drowned at Causa. 

95. Do. According to the Mirflt Sikandari four letters passed 
between Humfiyun and BahSdur ; verse I, p. 293, belongs to Humay un's 
first letter, and verse II to the second, viz., that which was written on 
receipt of Bahftdur's first reply. The M. Sikandari Bombay lithograph 
237 gives Humftyun's second letter, and at 235 Bahadur's reply. The 
latter is very insolent in tone and it is no wonder that it offended 
Humfiyun. It blames him for his treatment of M. Zamftn and taunts 
him with boasting of the deeds of his seventh ancestor (Taimur) while 
having nothing of his own to show. It winds up with a verse to thi^ 
effect. The translation in Bay ley's Gujrat, p. 374, is very erroneous- 
A translation of the M. Sikandari has lately been published at Bombay 
by Fa0 Ullah. The correspondence will also be found in B.M.'s MS., 
Or. 3482, pp. 104-106. I do not think Bayftzid was M. Zamftn's cus- 
todian. More probably he was his fellow-prisoner. 

96. P. 295, Verse. See also T. Alfi, p. 115, of B.M., Or. 465. 
The second couplet is from lEjEafi^, Brockhans, p. 141, Ode 220. 

97. P. 296, 2nd line. The figure 1 is misplaced. It refers to 
" weak head '' on top line. 

98. P. 297, n. 4. In a letter to Erskine, MountstQart Elphinstone, 



ERRATA AND ADDENDA. XT 

see his life by Colebrookei comments on what appears to be Bftbar's 
suppression of facts about the Prince of Hind, whose name he seems 
bo ha^e ased. I presume Elphinstone refers to Al&uddin whom Bftbar 
used as a tool. 

99. P. 298, n. second col. For 960 read 96 n. 

100. P. 802, n. 1. There were at least three Rumi ]OLfins, viz., 

Its. The man whom the Portuguese called ^wlja Sofar, who built 

the fort of Snrat, and whose head was carried off by a cannon ball at 

the second siege of Diu in June 1546. 2nd« His son whom the Tftri^ 

Ma^anunadi calls Khwftja Maham, who was killed in the same siege 

just at its close in November 1646. See Tevins, p. 441. 3rd. Bum! 

Khan^ Bahftdur's artillery-officer who deserted to Humayun and was 

poisoned after the taking of Gunir. Some information regarding 

Rumi Khan the artillerist and ]|^wftja Safar will be found in the 

Barq-al-Yamftn of Qutbu-d-dm of which De Safy has given an 

abstract in N. et E. IV. It appears from it that Rami Khfln the 

artillerist's real name was Mastafa Beg and that he was the son of 

Bairam and nephew of Sulaiman. He came to India in the Turkish 

fleet commanded by his uncle in 9S6. ^waja Safar came at the 

same time and both were well received by Bahftdur, Mastafa getting 

the title of Rumi ^an and the governorship of Diu, and Safar being 

made governor of Surat. The story of Rumi Khdn's being poisoned 

is confirmed by Qutbu-d-din. Erskine, Hist. II, 82 n., says that the 

first Rumi Oan is buried at Surat, and Tevius, p. 385, of his 

commentaries, seems to say that his obsequies were celebrated at 

Diu. 'Aarif Qandahari gives the verses in which the chronogram of 

the building of Surat fort occur, see Blochmann 354, and says they 

were written by A^mad gjt^irfizi known as Razai. The name of the 

builder of the fort is given in the verses as Khftn 'Afigim Khin Khuda* 

wand Khftn. 

101. P. 306, n. 2. Dele din. 

102. P. 307, three lines from foot. Read " Aj^azwfir/' (like 
Ag^az or Oghuz'). He was Governor of Herat and also Atftliq. 

103. P. 309, three lines from foot. Read " Gawars/' 

104. P. 314, 11 lines from foot. For " wrong'' read "strong." 

105. Do., n. 1. The page reference is wrong. 

106. Do., n. 2. For Monday read Tuesday. 

107. P. 316, n. 3. After Nariid insert "and Ahmadftbad." 



XVI AKfiA&KAKA. 

108. P. 317^ (second line $knd b. 1. We are told in tiba M. 
Sikandari that QumSy un called him a " black slave " QhiUdm-i-aiuh . 
*Imfid-ul-Mulk is stated, Bayley's Gujrat p. 400, to have been the son 
of Tawakkal chief of the royal Khdaah Oiaildn. He was put to de&th 
at Surat by !^udawand ^ftn Bum! in 1545, l.c , 435 and 486. 

109. Do., second last para. For Nans&rl read Nauaari. 

110. P. 321, n. 1. Feri^ta calls it Gh&t Karci and an article 
by Mohan L&l Yishnu Lai Pandia in J.A.S.B. for 1897, p. 167^ Bta4>^ 
that Ghat Karci is the name of a town close to the town of BansirAra. 

111. P. 323, 13th line for " reporting " read " repenting." 

lia, P. 823, n. 3. Sofar or Sofarus of the Portag^uese, 
probably the epithet refers to Buml KJian's complexion as the word 
means the pale or yellow. Sofar however is a proper name and. may 
have been Buml O^ftn's real name or it may have been given to Hizn 
on account of his Greek origin, for the Greeks are called the sons of 
A^far (the superlative of safar. Lane 16996). According to Danuan a 
Goes, who calls him ]^w&ja Coffarus, he was born of a Turkieli 
mother and a Christian father in the island of Chios. See Damiazx's 
Diensis Oppognatio, Cologpie 1602, published by Birckmann, 
p. 279. 

. 113. P. 329, n. 2. This genealogy is also given in A.N. II, 64. 
I am inclined to think that Nuru-d-dln first married Gul-bargf, su 
daughter of Babar not named by Gulbadan, and had by her Sellma.^ 
and that then in Humftyun's reign, and probably after the death of 
her first husband I^&n Taimur, he married Gulrang. It is Paffl^i, nofc 
FAshft Begum. Nuru-d-din belonged to the Naq^bandi order. 

114. P. 331, second para. Cf. Jarrett II, 122, where it is said 
that the Bengalis make boats so high that when attached to the 
shore they overtop the walls of a fort. Bum! K^an then seems to 
have adopted a Bengali stratagem. 

115. P. 338, n. 2. Beale, O.B.D., p. 265, of ed. 1894, says that 
Sl^aikh Phul or Bahlul's tomb is on a hill near the fort of Biftna. 
Mahommed Bakhsk^ is said to have buried him there. The brothers 
were descended from FarIdu-d-dIn-5Att;Sr, and their father's name 
was Qiyamu-d-dm, and he is buried at Gbfizipur. 

116. P. 841, n. 2, 1. 3. For " East " read " West." Narhan is 
probably correct for Bayftzld, 1486, speaks of Narhan as a ferry 
near Tajpur where Khwajah Zechariah and others had a Jdglr. 




KRRATA AMD ADDSMDA. X\Xk 

There is a pai^na T&jpur mentioned in the Ain Jarrott II. 130 
as in Sarkftr Tftndlia. Of conrse this is not the Daprbhang^ Tajpur. 

117. P. 344, 5 lines from foot. Dele the word ''learned 7 
within brackets. 

118. Do. n. 2| For Siihna read Siahna. 
118a. Do. n! 4. For Boebach read Boebnok. . 

119« P. 352, seven lines from foot. For dbruydn read bedbruydm. 

120. P. 357, n. 1. A Sftrang ^tn is mentioned in Taimu's. 
Institutes, Davy and White, as a brother of Matn ]^ftn and as 
ruling in the country of Multan. 

121. P. 360. There is an obscurity about Hamfda Bfinu's 
parentage. In B.M. M.S. Add. 7688, which is a collection of 
letters, there are three addressed by Naw&b Bilqis MakSni Miriam 
Beg to her mother and sister. They also appear in the simihir 
collection. Or. 3842, 1475. Apparently the writer is Hamlda 
Banu, for tiiey belong to her time, viz,, the reign of f ^hmftsp, 
and they are such as she might write in a f oreigpi country. They 
also immediately follow the correspondence of her husband, Humft- 
yun. Bilqis Makftnl is a name given to ^amida in the T. Sindh, 
and Miriam Beg may be Miriam Mak&nT. In the first letter the 
writer calls her mother Sultfinam and begs her good offices for one 
Safi S^an, whom she describes as being the son of her lala or 
guardian. The second is to her sister, Zainab Begam, and is to the 
same effect. The third is to her mother and consists of inquiries after 
her health. It is forwarded by one ^w§ja Bif wfin who had come 
to explain his offences. The compiler of the book describes these 
letters as addressed to the writer's own mother and sister, and if 
so, we learn that her mother was called Sult&nam and her sister 
Zainab. But possibly they are addressed to ladies of Tahmisp's 
family whom she may have adopted as her mother and sister. Safi 
Khfin is described in the letters as a Saiyid of noble family, and 
he may be the Amir Safi mentioned in Sam Mirz&'s Tahfat Sdmi 
B.M. MS. P. 46, as belonging to a noble family of Saiyids 
and as coming from Nl^apur. He was a caligraphist. The 
three letters are written in high-flown Persian. It is, however, 
possible that the writer was the niece of Tahmftsp and daughter of 
M'asum Beg whom Hum2y&n is said to have married in Persia. 
Jivuhar 75. 

III 



137. P. 416^ n. 4. It has been augg'ested toine ttiat Shalirifibn 
is a mistake for Shahr-i-sTstan^ the city or capital of Slstan. Bat t 
appears from Yaqut^ Meynard 253 and 301^ that the old capital d 
Sijistan was called Bfim Shahristan^ and was three farsal^^ fr^^ 
Zaranj. 

188. P. 417, end of first para. For " 'amwSn '' read ^amcdn. 

139. P. 427, 1. 8. The Mir&t al 'Aalam has 8§bir DaqSqq, it 
a fuller. 

140. Do. n. i. For " three " read " two.'' 

141. P. 443, last line read "For the world's law is sometiiDc^ 
this, sometimes that.^' Amir Shahi^s ode will be fonnd at p. 18a of 
B. M. MS. Add. 7788, and at 376 of Add. 23,612. The lines whicb 
follow the last distich quoted by A. F. are not very intelligiblf 
Amir Shfihi wsa originally of Sabzawar. There is a full account ci 
hiin in Danlfiit S^fth's work, Browne's ed« 

142. Do. n. 5. Read p. 198 for p. 19. The word cargdh ^ 
cdrkdh in Ilminsky. Add. 27,247 of B. M. has Sabir QulT for Ssbir Qiq 
and dar muqdm sairgfth, t.d., theatre or place of recreation for aih^dh 
QSq seems to be right, for the ^Aftlam ir&I has the jingle Hdfiz Sdbv 
Qdq he nddira vfy afdq. * Add. 27, 247, seems to be the only MS 
which has aaifff^h, but it also occnrs in the Afzal-at-Tawarikh p. 122<\ 
of B. M. MS. Or. 4678, and in the Aalam irai Bein, Cat., snpplemeir^ 
7654, p. 178a. Bee also the dar muqdm panj^dh of Budftuni I^ 481, 
where Dr. Banking's translation, p. 622, seems to be wrong. 

148. P. 484, n. i. Bead Tate fbr Yates. 

144. P. 488, fonr lines from foot. Thongh Barda' or Barza' be 
the name of a place in Azarbaij&n, yet the word here probably means 
'' packsaddle.'^ 

145. P. 442, n. 5, 1. 3. For « to " read « of ." 

146. P. 444, n, Olearias' account of Tabriz may ako be 
consolted. 

147. P. 445, n. 8. Probably one of the two daughters who 
died in the second year of Akbiar's reign daring Miriam Makinl's 
journey from Kabul to India. 

148. P. 446, n. 8. See also Ethe's Gat. I. O. MSS., p. 1210, 
No. 2219. 

149. Do. See Badauni, Banking, 619, for another 'correction 
by HumAyun. 



SRRATA AKD ADDfiNDA. XZl 

150. p. 447, third line from foot. For " forwardness " read 
" audacity/' 

151. F. 451, line 4 and n. Dele, fignre 1. 
151a. P. 459. For Babu Dost readBabft Dost. 

152. P. 465, 1. 22. Insert the word " over.'' 

153. P. 470, 1. 14. Last word. Dele the word " as." 

154. P. 475, n. 2. For " as " read " is." 

155. P. 477, n. 1. For '' in " read '' near " Babft ^asan Abdfil. 
Possibly the place is the Qibcftq pass of Jarrett 11, 400. 

156. P. 481. The editors of text point out in a note that both 
these chronograms are wrongs one yielding 954, and the other 955 
and they observe that 952 as the tme date. 

157. P. 491. n. For Istftlftf read " Istfilif." 

158. Do.n. 1. For "is "read "in." 

158a. 489. note, last line. For I. 46 read II. 46. 

150. P. 494. Line 4, and note. The Muln who was Qizi of 
Lahore is probably the officer mentioned at Vol. II, p. 163, as appoint- 
ed to Malwa, and seems to have been different from Sbarafn-al-din's 
father. 

160. P. 497 n. For " Leydon " read " Leyden." Deerstalking 
is described by Bellew, Journal of Mission to Afghanistan, p. 327, 
as a favonrite amnsement of the Afghans. 

161. P. 500 line 19. For "this Mirzft" read "the Mirza." 

162. P. 502, line 18. For " Zftman " read " Zamln." 
162a. P. 504, n. For " Shairbini " read " Shaibanl." 

163. P. 505, n. Apparently Junaid was also called Amir Qutlaq 
Qadam. See Mahmud's life Of Tahmasp. B. M. MS. Or. 2939, 
1296 , and T. Alfi 536a. line 7. 

164. P. 508, Z. 5. aqdhain if it is the dnal. 

165. P. 521, n. 2. For Hiibak read Heibak. 

166. P. 530, text and note 1. cf. Bayley's Gujrat 446 Su(tan 
Mahmud had commanded his officers to give np the honse of anyone 
guilty of either of those offences to halan, i.e., to plunder. See also 
Bombay lithograph of Mirftt Sikandari p. 302. The reference to 
Bayftzid is p. 356. of his memoirs. 

167. P. 2. 537, n. 2. For " on " read " in ". 

168. P. 539, n. Erskine's opinion is confirmed by Hnmiyun's 
letter to TahmSsp B.M. MS. Add. 7688 p. 105b. 



XXll akbabnAka. 

169. P. 545; n. 3. There is a good deal about Bairam C%lil&n 
in Mahmud's lives of Ism&il and Tahmftsp. He was an Uzbeg and 
governor of Bal^ under Kisten Qara. The Ahsan TawftriUh 1016. 
speaks of Bairam's attacking Herat. He had been ruler of Gurjistan 
and was eventually killed in battle. See 1. c. pp. 1296 and lS3a. 

170. Do. n. 7, Iti Hum§yan's letter to Tahmasp giving an 
account of the expedition to Bal^ he is called l^waja BftqT. 

171. P. 557. I have not found this story about Ism^airs 
handkerchief in the anonymous life of that princci but there is a 
sensational account of his crossing with his troops the rivers Kur and 
Aras (Araxes); viAe p. 55a. But the story is told at length by 
D'Herbelot with only this difference that it was a slipper which 
Ism'ail threw into a trench. 

172. P. 576, n. 1. For ^^l read c- 



ADDITIONAL KBRATA AMD ADDENDA. 



XXlll 



Additional Errata and Addenda, 

1. P. 59, n. 3. For Ilahad Faiz read Ilftlidfid FaizT, and for 
No. 1890 read B.M. MS., Or., 1890. 

2. P. 117, n. 2. Bajins probably means here ''accurately, in 
facsimile." 

8, P. 119, n. 8. 
P. 160, n. 4. 
P. 168, 1. 8. 



For Gfaolgil read Gbolgii. 

For FarSj read Faraj. 

For ''Domes of Haramftn" 



read " ancient 



4. 
5. 

domes.** 

6. P. 192, 1. 14. " The Jfimuqa tribe '* should apparently be 
" JAmuqa's tribe," see p. 193. 

7. P. 200, 7 11. from foot. For Isu Manga read Isu Manga. 

8. P. 203, last sentence. There is a variant which makes it the 
Amir who honoured the saint. 

9. P. 218, 1. 8. For Abu Bakr read Abft Bakr. 

10. Do., 1. 6. For Bdbi read Bftb&i. 

11. P. 225, last line. For " or " read " and." 

12. P. 227,1.3. Put comma after " killed." 

13. P. 229, 1. 10. See Sftm Mirzft's Tahafat, B.M. MS. Add. 
7670, p. 44, for an account of the origin of the name ^wfib-bin. 

14. P. 233, n. 1. For Mahmud Hasan read Muhammad tlusain 

15. P. 234, 1. 9. Insert figure 5 after Jftm. 

16. Do., 1. 13. " The country of Hindustan." Akwardly ex- 
pressed, for Babar was not then seeing Hindustan. But the akward- 
ness is in the original and is apparently due to the fact that Bfibar 
wrote his Memoirs after conquering India. The word both in the 
Turk! and the Persian is Nawdhi, and this is rendered by P. des 
Cour teille " les abords.'' 

1 7. Do., n, 4. For Barik-al read Bftrik-ab. 

18. P. 236, five lines from foot. For " his six brothers'' read 
'* six of his brothers.'' 

19. P. 237, n. 4. The remark near the end of this note is wrong, 
for the Muhammadan Ararat is not what Europeans call Ararat, but 



XXIV AKBABMAHA. 

is a moanfcain called Judi Dftg^ belonging to a range sonbh of Lake 
Van and east of Jasira-b. Omar. It lies a long way S. S. W. of wbal 
is now known as Meant Ararat. 

20. P. 239| 1. 4 from foot. Akwardly expressed, for of coora 
Hamayun arrived before Lahore was taken. There should be a fo] 
stop after ''taken/' the word "and'' should be deleted, and ''on' 
made On. 

21. Do., n. 4. The Ba^^ Wafft was at Admapur (Jalalabid| 
the Bfigh Safft was higher up the river near Cftr B§g^ and there wa 
another Bag^ Safft in the Salt-Bange. 

22. P. 242, top line. For gabions substitute iiirds* They wei 
not gabions, but light wattles (?) which the soldiers carried as the 
marched. See Bftbar 86, and P. de. Courteille 151. 

28. P. 248, 1. 15. The words " according to their rank " ai 
misplaced. They should come after " presents." 

24. P. 253, 4 lines from foot. Perhaps QazI Zift is the ZiauH 
din Niir Beg of ]^wandamTr's Humiyun-nAma, and who, he say 
got the title of AmTr-i-Zakftt. 

26. P. 254, 1. S. Insert H.M. before JahanbSni. 

26. P. 256, 1. 20. Jftjamu'. This town is in Unao, Dude: 
26a. P. 260, n. 1. Cancel note. Beg Mirak was not Ni^Smu-i 

din's grandfather. 

27. P. 262, 1. 8. For Urdu Sbftn read Urdu g^ih. 

28. P. 265, 1. 18. For Eram read Earim. 

29. P. 267, L 11. Insert comma after QfisTm. 

80. P. 277, Verse. The whole verse is given by l^wandam 
in his Humayun nama. See translation by Sadu SuUi Lai, p. 45, < 
B.M. MS. Add. 80,774. 

81. P 281, last sentence. Perhaps this Eicak or Eilcak was tl 
brother whom ^wftja Eilftn left in Qandahar, when he deserted h 
post, and who surrendered to Tahmftsp. The Afzal Tftrikh B.M. M i 
Or. 4678, p. 96a says he was a brother of O^wfija Eilin. The Ahsl 
T.B.M. MS. Or. 4184 calls him, p. 107, Each! Khan and Mahmi 
Or. 2939, p. 1881 calls him Eechak khftn. 

32. P. 285, Verse. For the first two lines substitute 
The year of his auspicious {humdymaiX) birth is "May Almigh^ 
God increase thy stature." 

The second line is a chronogram. In n, 4, for qadran read qtuh 



ADDITIONAL SKBATA AND ADDENDA. XXV 

and for ZddcJcaUdhu read Zfidak Allah. Perhaps Sfimftni only means 
that he was a native of S&mfina (in India). 

88. P. 293^ 1. 4. Bead Kanfir for Kfinftr. 

84. P. 294^ n. 1. Abu Tnrab's account shows that Bahfidur was 
present at the battle of Pftnipat, though he did not take part in it. 

86. P. 295, Verse II. This comes from ^dfi^ Ode 220. Brock- 
hans 141. 

86. P. 296j 1. 9. Abu Turab says in history of Qujrfit^ p. 13a, 
that the twenty krors of old coinage were equal to 30 krors^ 50 lakhs 
murddi. Mn/rddi is explained in dictionaries as meaning small 
money. 

37. P. 802, n. 1. Abii Turftb, p. 79, also gives the title of Sudi- 
wand Sl^ftn to lOiwija Safar. 

38. P, , last line. ^windamTr gives his full name, p. 72 
or 47, as Maulftnft Muhiu-d-din Muhammad Far|j^firi. 

39. P. 315, n. 1. For Kaifu read Kaif. But I doubt if Humfi- 
yun suspected any play on the word. The real explanation of Hum§- 
yun's anger seems to be that the chapter of the Elephant is a denun- 
ciatory and terrifying one, and used in compositions which convey 
threats. Perhaps Hum§yun remembered that it was so used by Sllih- 
rukh, the son of Taimur, in a threatening letter which he addressed in 
833 or 835 A. H. to Barsb&I, the SuUfin of Egypt. See the story in 
the extract from Makrizi given in De Sacy's Chrestomathie Arabe II. 
84. Instead of the letter beginning with Bismillah, it began with 
the Sura of the Elephant, and quoted the whole of it. The rest of 
the letter was filled with menaces. BarsabiT replied in similar style. 

40. P. 316, n. 4. Apparently the 'Alam Lild] here mentioned is 
'Alau-d-d!n, the uncle of Ibr&him SuUftn. 

41. P. 317, n. 1. Yes, ^udfiwand ^an was a very old roan. 
Abu Tarfib says, 286, that he was A^und of SuUftn Mogaffar and 
had been Vizier and Yakil of four SuU&ns. Ferisbta says he was 
the father of Gingiz ^an, not the son, and Abu Turfib makes the 
same statement. 

42. P. 320, 1. 7. As&wal is spelt As^&wal in Sir Theodore 
Hope's book on Ahmad&bftd, and is the spot where the original chief- 
tain was defeated by Qftsim. 

43. P. 324, 1. 10. Abu Turab tells this story, but he does not 
give his informant's name. He only says that he was an Akfaund and 

IV 



XXVI . AKBABKAMA. 

had been Bahfidnr^B teacher and that in this i?ay be had -beoome 
acquainted with him. Nor does he say anything about his informant's 
taking an oath. Qu ? is the Qu);bu-d-dlii of A.F'b story Abu TaraVs 
uncle 7 

44. P. 825, n. 2. I have seen somewhere that there waa a 
mosque in Abmad&bftd called Masjid Safa, but that it was not built 
till 994 A.H.' 

45. P. 886, L 19. For Bab& ^§n read B§b§ Beg* 

46. P. 341. I now incline to think that Narhan is correct. It 
is a well-known ford and is mentioned in the 2nd volume. But 
though A.F. has written Narhan, it does not seem likely that Hum- 
ayun went so far east. 

47. P. 359,1. 17. For 'Abdu-1-Mftkri read Abda MftkrI. 

48. P. 368, n. 1. gb&b Husain had a son by Grulbarak B. who 
died young. 

49. P. 396, n. 1. For J. V. read I. O. 

50. P. 407, n. 2. See Bumes' Cabool, 1842, p. 115. He says 
the correct name is Dingote, and that it is 6 m. above Kfili Bggh> 

51. P. 408, L 10. After Kh&wand, for Muhammad read Mah- 
mud. 

52. P. 416, n. 4. The following note by (reorge P. Tate, Esq.^ 
of the Indian Survey, has been kindly furnished to me by Mr. 
Irvine :— 

" Qila'-i-Uk, tJk is the ancient name of a small district to the north 
of the Hamun-i-Helmand, and therefore of SeistSn, the chief towns of 
which are LS^ and Juwain. The names of these towns are existing 
at the present day, but the name of the district has apparently fallen 
into desuetude, as it does not seem to be generally known. Qila'-i-Uk 
would therefore merely mean the principal fort, or capital of the dis- 
trict, the name of which, if it had one, was not generally known. A 
similar case can be found not far off from that locality. In the Zafar- 
namah the author writes of the capital of SeistSn as Shahr-i-Seist&n^ 
and does not mention it by name. This practice still holds good. 
The word " Shahr '' is used, as we use the word " town,'* with refer- 
ence to London. Rarely, or never, is the " Shahr '' or capital, spoken 
of by its name of Nasratibad. This is the modern capital. The site 
of the ancient capital of Seistan is at a dort distance to the N.-E. of 
the modem capital. tJk, judging from its propinquity to Seistfin, pro- 



ADDITIONAL KRtATA AND ADDENDA. XXVII 

bablywas subject to the (Kaiftm) Maliks of Seistfin, from whose 
country it was divided by the Helmand^ if the Helmand at that time 
did not find a more southerly outlet for its waters, which seems to 
me to have possibly beeu the case. 

" Hum&yuD, if he passed through tJk on his way to Persia, took 
a route which at the present day lies within the Afghan border, and 
the reason of his adopting this route would probably nave been the 
evil reputation for lawlessness earned by the inhabitants of the Kohis- 
tilD, that is, the country around Neh and Birjand, through which the 
trade route (now in use) between Seistin and Mashhad passes. This 
would probably have been the shortest route to Mashhad, had it been 
safe to use it.'' 

53. P. 434, n. 3. For Oazargih read Gazargfth. 

54. P. 439, last- line. For Zailaq read YaiUq: Tailaq means 
summer-quarters, and the translation should apparently be '' first 
stage of the summer-quarters '' 

55. P. 436, n. 7. For Qad§r read Qidir. See Genesis xxv. 18. 

56. P. 440, n. 1. For BaySzfd 176, read Bayftzid 17&. 

57. P. 442, n. 2. This identification is wrong. 
56. P. 448, n. 2. For Safi read Safi. 

59. Do., n. 3. For Saddi read Sadd. 

60. P. 445, 1. 6. For Paik Muhammad read Beg Muhammad. 

61. P. 448, last para. It would seem from Gulbadan Begam's 
Memoirs that either he or his relative Kecak or Kucak wrote an 
account of Humayun's adventures in Sind. Kicak is said to have been 
a brother of ]^w&ja Kilan, so that ^wfija Ghizi was related to him 
also. Note 5 is not altogether correct. ^wSja Qfaazi and Rustam 
Koka fell into di^race in Persia for stealing Humayun's jewels, but he 

^ot over that and was made accountant when Humayun returned to 
Afghanistan. But there he was dismissed for defalcations, see p. 544. 
In the passage of the 2]n referred to by me as Blochmann YII, A.F. 
is represented as saying that the office of Ma^rifwas higher than 
that of diwdn, but surely there must be some mistake, for at p. YI., 
last line, Blochmann translates Ma^rif as clerk, and at p. 544 we ' are 
told that Afzal was promoted from being Ma^rif to being diwftn. 
Perhaps the word at p. YII is not Ma^rif, but Ma^arrif-i-diwan, 
i.e., the exaiter of the diwan or the Diwan par excellence, 

61. P. 448, 1. 4. Brother {barddar) seems a mistake here for 



XXVm AKBABNAMA. 

brother's son (larddarzdda), see p. 542, last para., where Kok! is des- 
cribed as the paternal nncle of Qfiji Muhammad. 

62. P. 448, 1. 18. The description here evidently refers to Mah- 
ram and not to Qasan. ^ 

63. P. 548, near foot. For BSbft Sihrindi read Bftb£ Sihrindi. 

64. P. 460, near middle. For Muhammad M. read Mn^ammadi 
M. 

65. P. 466, 1. 20. For Kot Laka read KoUakft, and translate 
" hill-country." Lakfi means country. 

66. Do. 7 lines from foot. For " strive " read '' strove.*' 

67. P. 475, n. 3. Nadim Koka is called Nadim Beg by Khwan- 
damir in his Humayun-nama, p. 1496, and is described as a Turk and 
as in high favour with Humfiyun, and the recipient of a ^ilat. He 
calls him jandb amdrat sA' adr farM^andaitwdr Jlsdim 'Beg muhrddr 
(sealer). 

68. P. 482, n. 2. For " come back to Humiyun '^ read '' gone 
back to Kfimrftn.^' 

69. P. 520, 1. 7. Insert marginal number 271, and p. 521, L 5, 
from foot insert 272. 

70. P. 522, n. 2. A.F. calls him Buyat&t at pp. 543 and 565. 

71. P. 526, n. 3. For Gulbftn read Gulbfir. 

72. P. 529, 1. lO. The word "jamjhama is used again in text 
II. 117, and clearly means there a morass or collection of water. 

73. P. 530, 1. 11. For Bflbi readBfiba^ and in next line insert 
" army " after victorious, 

74. P. 534, 1. 6. For Bftrgbegi read Birbegi. 

75. P. 540, n. 1. For tamaatogh read tumtatogh. 

76. P. 541. For marginal number 248 read 284. 

77. P. 543, last para. This is an interesting paragraph and 
requires elucidation. It appears from the Xin, Blochmann YI, tbat 
the words Yissier and Diwan are synonymous. The meaning, then, 
fieems to be that l^wftja Qftsim Buyatftt bad been made the Vizier or 
head of the department, and that then Mirza Beg had been appointed 
in his room. He was a poet and apparently inefficient and consequently 
Khw&ja Ghftzl exercised unlimited power. That he was a dishonest 
man is proved by Gulbadan Begam's Memoirs, where we learn 
that he stole HumSyun's jewels. Apparently the investigation was 
undertaken at the sugg^tion of Mir Barka, who belonged to Sabza* 



80. 


Jr« d44| X« v» 


81. 


Do., 1. 11. 


82. 


P. 551,1. 6. 


88. 


P. 68,1.16. 



» 

if 



ADDITIONAL KB^ATA i^^ ADDENDA. 

wir^ and is called in the lin Sa^yid Barka. ^usain Qnli was made 
mnkasni of fhe affair, t.e., aj^pairently reporter of l^e findings of tlie 
conimittee. The word muiaf^llib is giren in Steingass as meanitig 
victorious or t>owerfal, bat here it seems to be used in the sense of 
embez2lingj and it is so nnderstood by the Lucknow editor. Who ImifB 
the Qhiwl^as were found guilty of tagballab, ue., embeszlement. I think 
we should render the passage here '' the fraudulent clerks/' 

78. P. 543, 1. 4 from foot. For S^Swand. 

79. P. 544, n. 1. This note is wrong. The Bbsan Qui! meant 
is probably the sealbearer often mentioned by Bayftzid. See p. 440, 
n. 1. 

For " condenmed " read '' defaulting J 
Insert ahfinbftni after " His Majesty.^ 
Dele stop after Muhammad. 
Insert on margin 808. 
84a n. 2. Dele last sentence. The word in the Memoirs is 

Bakhfbi. 

84. P. 599, 1. 17. DdZe word '' as/' This last sentence, about 
Jog! ^in, has no connection with the account of the Ghkkkars, and 
should have been put into a separate paragraph and prefaced by the 
words '• In fine/' 

85. P. 600, 1. 9. Possible the clause within brackets refers to 
Kftmrin and not to SaUm Qj^fin. Substitute at L 11, '' assistance for 
his own ruin " for '' auxiliaries for his disloyalty. 

86. P. 608, n. 8. For '' Newoomb " read Newoome. 

86a. P. 612. According to the Darbir Akbar!, p. 812, it was 
' Abdullah Si&l|&npuri who sent the boots and also a whip. 

87. P. 614. For Salim SbSh read Salim Q^ftn. A.F. is always 
careful not to style gber or his son Salim, gbfth. 

88. P. 628. The list is A.F/s not Bayftzid's and should not 
have appeared as a note. 

89. P. 665.' Feriflbta says that he, after search, found Hnmiyun's 
divan, and he gives extracts from it. 

Note to Errata and Addenda No. 48 
I have since found the source of the author of the Darbiri 
Akbari's statement about Bhftwal Anaga. It is the Akblmftma, vol. 
III. pp. 742,48 Bib. Ind ed. 



AKBABKlMA. 

There the death of Bhftwal Anaga is recorded^ and it is stuea 
thfit e^e was the daughter of B«iJogiParh§r; (perhaps _^eFani: 
or:.^aar of Jarrett 11. 242) and that Hnmiydn after his maniftp 
with -Miriam Makftni gave Bhftwal in marriage to Jalftl Gouida {U. 
rjo^iter or singer.) It is also said that she was the first to nnis 
rAkbar. She .^ed in the 43rd year on 24 Tir (about 4th July 15$«| 
so that she most have been well over seventy. She is eviden^ 
quite a different perspn from M&ham ^Lnaga. 



\ - 






AKBARNAMA. 



In the nahb of God, the Mebcivul, the Compassionate. 

Introduction, 

Almiglity God ! ^ What a profound thought and glorious idea it 1 
is that the subtle apprehenders of truth, whose bright minds are like 
the breath of morning, and who are keen-sighted students of the 



1 Allah Akbar (Arabic, — Alldhu 
Akbar) Ood is very Oreat, This ex- 
pression is called the taJehir — the 
magnifying — and is often used at 
the commencement of undertakings. 
A.F. places it at the beginning of the 
AJebamdma and also of the Atn, 
Blochmann says, (166n.) " The words 
f iu Ahhar are ambiguous; they 
[ mean, 'God is Great,' or 'Akbar 
L'^Lxod.' There is no doubt that 
Ficib&r liked the phrase for its ambi- 
Z!riCty ; for it was used on coins, the 
n^^erial seals and the heading of 
:A*oks,/ar«i»an8, etc." He then trans- 

^8 from Badaoni, (II, 210) as fol- 
jf^a ; " It was during these days 
^ (A.H. 983=1676-6) that His Majesty 
' once asked how people would like 

it, if he ordered the words Alldhu 
' Akbar to be cut on the imperial seal 
'and the dies of his coins. Most 
' said, people would like it very 
' much. But 9fijT Ibrahim objected 

and said, the phrase had an ambi- 



" guous meaning and the Emperor 
** might substitute the Koran verse 
" Lazikru Alldhi akbaru — To think of 
**Ood M the greatest thing — because 
" it involved no ambiguity. But His 
" Majesty got displeased and said, it 
*' was surely sufficient that no man 
" who felt his weakness would claim 
" divinity ; he merely looked to the 
"sound of the words and he had 
" never thought that a thing could 
''be carried to such an extreme." 
Mr. Lowe (230) has copied this trans- 
lation but it seems to me that Mr. 
Blochmann meant to write "self- 
evident," and not "sufficient," for 
the Persian is OwMt lHIm ^ja, I^wud 

mu'aiyan ast Mr. Behatsek (" Ak- 
bar*B Repudiation of Islam," 14) 
translates : " But the Emperor was 
** not pleased and replied, ' It is self- 
' evident that no man can in his per- 
'fect weakness pretend to be Ood. 
* Our intention is based on the literal 
' meaning and there is no occasion 



AKBARNAMA. 



schedules > of Creation and drawers ' of diagrams on the tablet of 
wisdom and perception^ have not^ with the exception of Speech which 
is but a vagrant breeze and fluctuating gale^ found in the combina- 
tions^ of the elements or in material^ forms^ anything so sublime, 
or a jewel so rare that it come not within the mould of price, that 
Reason's balance cannot weigh it, that Language's measure cannot 
contain it, and that it be beyond the scale of Thought; — and yet, how 
should it be otherwise ? Without help of Speech, the inner world's 
capital could not be biiilt, nor this evil outer world's civilization be 
conceived. 



•to transfer it (to my name.)'" I 
think the passage might be rendered 
thus, " He (Akbar) did not approve, 
"and ohserved, *It is self-evident 
'that a humble slave cannot claim 
' the Godhead ; we are thinking only 
' of the verbal coincidence (with our 
' own name), there is no sense in put- 
' ting such an interpretation (as yon 
'have suggested) on the phrase/" 
The word o^wluo mcmdaahai'^'which. 
I have translated coincidence occurs 
thrice in the beginning of the Akhar- 
ndma in the sense of connection, viz,, 
Bib. Ind. ed. 2, U. 2 and 9 f r. foot 
and 22, 1. 6. 

The conversation is, on the whole, 
creditable both to Akbar and Qajl 
Ibrahim. Akbar, I think, admitted 
that he chose the phrase on account 
of its consonance with his name but 
denied that he had any intention of 
claiming to be Grod. Probably Haji 
Ibrahim's well-meant suggestion 
would not have mended matters, for 
people would still have remarked on 
the double significance of the words. 
See further on this point, BadaonI 
n. 268 (Lowe, 277). In Fai^i's Di- 
todn, there is a long poem in praise 
of Akbar, every couplet of which 
ends with the words, Allah Akhikr, 



^ Jj\ ^ plural of JjA^t jadwal, 
a column. The word is often used 
to signify astronomical tables or 
catalogues. 

% ijllli j\i^ lit. : compass-open- 
ers. 

8 isj'^ vO^, taraJehul 'unpin : 
lit. : elemental combination or inser- 
tion of one element in another. The 

similar phrase iSj*^ VtO^ occurs 
in Itn, No. 4 (13, 1 11.) TaraJeJcub 
is used in the AkIxMmdma (22, 1. 6) 
in opposition to iajarrud, i.e., single- 
ness or nudity. It appears that tile 
phrase refers to the four coljr^ -'^its 
described in Ain No. 13 ai^^\ e 
origin of metals. There itpP*^ 
that the Creator, by calliift 
existence the four element^?^ 
raised up wondrous forms (paif^% 
Further on, we are told that^^il • 
compounds (tnuraJekah), are ^^} , 
into existence, viz.: 1st, a*ar-ir J 
doings from on high, as rain, sSo^y,' 
etc.; 2nd, stones; 3rd, plants; 4tli, 
animals. (Blochmann 39.) 

» 

* i^h^ /^^ paikar haiyUlanX 
material form. ffaiyUldnl is froz^i 
the Greek tJiji, matter. 1 think th.) 
expression is synonymous or nearly 
so with tarakkub * anfan. The ma* 



d 


3 




INTBODUCTION. 



a 



Vebsb*^ 

What a Word* Was that whose utterance 

Unveiled tlie eighteen thousand !^ 

No feast equals it in intoxicating power ; 

No rival comes nigh it in supremacy. 

It is the initiator in the workshop ; 

It sits enthroned in the palace. 

Whatever reaches the heart of the wi«e^ 

The heart utters to the tongue and the tongue rehearses to 

the ear. 
Its path is from the adit to the exit of hearts ; 
Expression and audition are its arena. 
In reason's observatory^ the tongue and the ear 
Are the rising'' and setting of speech's moon. 

We cannot reach its sublime foundation by the ladder ^ of the 



terial forms must also be combiiia- 
i^Ons ol ^^'^ elements. 

nes are Faizi's and in 

Itodr (Centre of Circles) 

in praise of Speech. 

No. 7796, 25b. Rieu's 

1). The MS. has bar 

in the last line in place 

rng the word of two letters 

tin, i.e., k and n, er » Kun, 
i> which Gk>d uttered at the 

Crea. '* Zi kc^f toa nun barun 

award teunain" Exordium of Oul- 

* It is a Mnhammadan idea that 
the nnmber of created species was 
18,000. See BadaonX II. 320 (Lowe, 
330). Also Akhamdma 9, 1. 11. Me- 
ninski s.t;. *alam, quoting from the 
Turkish says, "Deus oeiodecim millia 
mwndorum ereavit" I cannot find 
any explanation of the choice of the 
number 18,OO0l Perhaps it was 
adopted as being a multiple of the 



mysterious number 9, and 9,000 was 
doubled to allow for male and female 
creations. 

The Majma*VrUiawdril^ (quoted by 
Anquetil du Perron, Zendavesia, II 
352n.)> says the first man was called 
Gikhah — earth-lord — and that he 
had a son and daughter named 
Mesci and Mescianeh, and that after 
60 years, they had 18 children. 
At least this is another instance of 
the use of the number 18 and per- 
haps a partial explanation of the 
« 18,000." 

* JRofadgah. Observatories are 
described in the Am (II, 266) as 
wonderful buildings with upper and 
lower windows and placed on elevated 
spots where mists cannot reach them. 
See also I.e. 266 where the word 
rofod is explained. 

^ Lit. are its east and west. 

* Alluding, apparently, to the 
notion that there are nine heavens 
one above another. 



4 



AKBARNAMA. 



skies nor can the swift foot of reason plant a step in its nature's 
mysterious wilderness. Its disposition^ is fiery^ its constitution 
aerial^ its nature earthy but resembling water.* Its fount is the fire- 
temple of the heart; its culmination^ the blissful abode of the 
atmosphere ; it is as water in the flow of its traffic ; earth's surface is 
its place of repose. 

Judges of precedence in the ranks of glory, have in consonance 
with their knowledge and insight, recognized Speech as Commander- 
in-Chief ® of Truth's army, — ^nay, as the true son and heir of the 
mind. They have felt it to be the Archimage^ of knowledge, the 
fire-temple of the heart, — ^nay, to be the mind's first birth.' Espe- 



1 The reference is to the four 
elements. MS. ISTo. 564 says that 
speech is compared to fire, on 
account of its vehemence; to air, 
because it is breath; to earth, 
because its place of utterance is the 
tongue which belongs to the visible 
world ; and to water, because of its 
smoothness and mobility. 

• ^T. dbnumd, showing water 
or looking like water. Ab also means 
lustre and Chalmers translates "of 
liquid purity.*' But A. F. is evident- 
ly thinking of the element of water. 
See a similar passage in Aln No. 4, 
(Bib. Ind. 13), where gold is compared 
to each of the four elements. There 
is a passage in A. F.'s preface to 
the Atn where mankind is divided 
into four classes, corresponding to 
the four elements. 

B Sipah-adlSr, lit : Soldier-Chief ; 
but the description in the A%n of 
the duties and qualifications of the 
Sipah'sdldr shows that he was rather 
a Vizier or Prime Minister. Indeed 
A. F. begins by calling him the Vice- 
gerent of his Majesty. (Jarrett II, 
87). 

* MuJnd muhiddnUddnitlt. 



^ </^^' yi^9 ahU'l'dbdJ, father 
of fathers ; but the meaning is not 
that Speech is the forefather or first- 
parent of mind but that it is the 
Adam or primeval ancestor engen- 
dered by the mind. 

The passage from " Judges " to 
" birth " is a military metaphor, for 
8ufuf (ranks) means lines of soldiers 
and anjuman may mean an army. 
The phrase which I have rendered 
" true son and heir " is Jdialaf-aS' 
aidq or J^laf aidq and means a 
successor or perhaps " Vicar worthy 
of his proto-type." The taeidld and 
article of Text seem uzmecessary, 
Lane 795c. 

Chalmers translates, "Those who 
can appreciate the highest grandeur, 
have by means of their sense and 
penetration understood this exalted 
foundation of the Council Boom of 
Beason to be even the son (the MS. 
has nin— clearly a clerical error) of 
the sincerity of the heart and the 
kindred of wisdom have supposed 
it to be the furnace of the soul or 
rather the Palladium of the afitec* 
tions of the mind." 



INTBODUCriOH. 



ctally preeminent is that Speech ^ which is the ornamented argument 
of the splendid volume; adorned preface of the sublime code^ 
that is, is the praise of the Lord of heaven and earth ; panegyric 
of the Distributor of life and Creator of the body ; which is at once 2 
a stage of exaltation for the beginning and a heart-entrancing 
ornament for the close; at once caravan-conductor* of the elo- 
quent and prince of eloquence ; chamber-lamp of the sitters in dark- 
ness ; solitude-adorning companion of the recluse ; pain-increaser 
of the lovers of the path of God-seeking; ulcer-plaster of the 
wounded dwellers in the recess of impatience ; cordial for the drinkers 
of BorroVs bitter tears ; embalmer ^ of the broken-hearted denizens 
of the hermitage of silence ; marshaller of the brave in the contests 
of divine love ; banquet-lamp of the beloved* ones in the palace of 
peace ; thirst-increaser ^ of thirsty-lipped inquirers ; hunger-increaser 



1 It is difficult to regard all 
these expressions as referring to 
speech only and Chalmers has, 
apparently, considered them as des- 
criptive of the Almighty, for after 
the words " Creator of the body " 
(See infra) he translates, " He be- 
stows the basis of exaltation to the 
commencement of eternity." But 
I think the reference is really to 
speech and that A. F. is thinking 
of the logo$. I learn from the trans- 
lation of the Guliliani'rdz of my 
friend Mr. Whinfield, that Safis ren- 
dered the Neo-Flatonic logos by the 
phrase 'tiql-i'hull, universal reason. 
A. F.'s language may be compared 
with Nigami's address to Speech 
{suJ^cm) at the beginning of the 
McMzawu-hasrar. The author of 
the Ma'dsir-l-umara (11. 622) says 
that A. F. has been called a Nijsaml 
in prose. 

s The force of this antithesis or 
parallelism is not very clear, but 
apparently some such distinction as 
that between the Church militant 



and the Church triumphant is in- 
tended. While the eloquent are 
travelling, i.e., marching on as prais- 
ers of God — and have not yet at- 
tained their goal, speech is their 
leader and when they have arrived 
at their resting place, i.e., at perfec- 
tion — speech becomes their sove- 
reign. Chalmers translates. "He 
leads the Caravan of the Eloquent 
and He is the Prince of Oratory." 

* Properly, pissasphalt, or, as 
Chalmers has it, embalming drug. 
The word in the text is momidi from 
which comes our word mummy. 
We might therefore translate, mum- 
m^ifier, 

♦ Ma'^uq mizdjdn, perhaps fill- 
ed with love or excessively loving. 

^ latisqdhal^sh lit. giver of 
dropsy. Thirst is often an accom- 
paniment of dropsy. Sa'di (Oulistdn 
II. Story 33), speaks of a dropsical 
person as not being satisfied even by 
the Euphrates, and there is a similar 
reference in the Bustdn (III, 1. 26) to 
the condition of a dropsical person. 



6 



AKBARNAMA. 



of hangry-Iiearted ones in the wilderness of search. Hence it is 
that wakeful-hearted sages, — with all their tumult of love and rest* 
less longing, — have stayed the hand of contemplation at the hem of 
the divine canopy ^ and with thirsty lips, and blistered feet, and the 
gulping down of thousands of agitations and cries, have set the seal 
of silence on their lips and — wisely wrapping the foot of respect in 
the skirt of humility, — have not attempted what has not been 
vouchsafed to them from the almonry of destiny. 

Verse. 

Letters^ and dots are the desert sand in Thy perfect path. 

In the universe of Thy wisdom, the city of speech is but some 

market-booths.* 
The warders of jealousy * at Thy door, smite the understanding. 
With blows of astonishment in front, and strokes of ignorance * 

from behind. 



on the banks of the Nile. The 
Romans had a similar notion. See 
Ovid's Fasti (1. 1. 215) and Horace's 
Crescit indulgena aibi dirtLS hydrops^ 

Nee aitim pelliU 

A. F.'s meaning is that some 
knowledge of the Divine praise 
makes one thirst for more. Cf. 
A. F.'s Inahd' where Sharaf u-d-din of 
Manlr is called a thirst-implanter. 
Istisqd also means praying for rain, 
and thus the epithet may mean that 
God puts a prayer for rain in the 
mouths of the thirsty, or that he 
grants their prayer for rain. The 
epithet following —ju'^afza — may 
mean appetite-increaser. 

^ ^tmdaj (howdah) which also 
means a camel-litter. It is probably 
used in this sense in the Akbanuimat 
I. 14, 1. 12 from foot. 

> Lit. poinU cmd letters. By the 
dots are meant the diacritical 
points. The lines are Fai^I s. See 
Ain I. 236, and Blochmann, 550. 



Mr. Blochmann renders the linea, 
thus ;— 

" Science is like blinding desert- 
" sand on the road to Thy perfection ; 
"the town of literature is a mere 
"hamlet, compared with the world 
"of Thy knowledge. Thy jealousys 
"the guard of Thy door, stuns 
"human thought by a blow in the 
" face and gives human ignorance a 
" slap on the nape of the neck." 

Chalmers has, — "The Viceroy of 
" dismay spurns our fancy from Thy 
"door;— With the blow of stupor 

upon its front and the thrust of 

ignorance from behind." 

* ^JJ rustd, a market-town or 
hamlet. 

♦ Or perhaps, the watchmen qf 
Thy jealousy, A. F. speaks (42, 1. 10) 
of the Divine jealousy's preserving 
from public knowledge the true 
character of Akbar's horoscope. 

6 The meaning seems to be 
that the human understanding is 



<( 



(( 



INTRODUCTIOH. 



In other words, praise of the incomparable Deity lies outside 
the field of possibility, and the panegyric of the unequalled God is 
beyond the field of exi^tence.^ 

Y aRSB* 

Wherever discourse* deals with the knowledge of God, 

Our thoughts' praise becomes dispraise. 

Behold rashness, how it boils over with daring ! 

Can a drop embrace the ocean ? 

Think not that it is even a single letter of the Book,* 



encountered by amazement (Cf. 
Gray'fl "amazement in his van.") 
when it attempts to fathom the 
Pivine mysteries and is also buffetted 
by its own ignorance. 

1 d\j^\ akvodn. — ^There is a Hindi 
word ahwdn signifying calculation 
but here, akwan seems to be the plural 
of ^ feun, existence or world. 

8 i^ijAfi^ had%9y which may either 
mean tradition or simply mention or 
discourse. It also means new or 
recent and perhaps the author of the 
lines wished to take advantage of 
these meanings. I think the primary 
meaning here is talk or discourse for 
the lines are Faizi's and we find him 
elsewhere using had\9 in the sense 
of discourse; e,g,, Akhamdma III. 
687, 1. 10, where, addressing himself, 
the poet says, " Faizl ! keep silent 
from this discourse ! " The lines in 
our Text occur (but in other order) 
in the selection from Faizi's poems 
given in the Akhamdma, III, 684, 
1, 2 and 683, last line.) 
Chalmers thus translates the 

lines: — 

** When our traditions could trace 
the knowledge of God, 

" Our most grateful thoughts be- 
come ingratitude. 



"Behold our arrogance in the 

ebullition of our daring 
"When a drop would clasp the 

ocean in its embrace, 
" Think not any volume contains e^ 

letter of it ; 
" For a letter is but as flax and it 

is the shining Moon. 
" How long wilt thou arrange the 

harness of thy speech, 
" Place thy step here with the 

offering of helplessness. 

8 This difficult couplet receives 
illustration from the beginning of 
a letter to Shah 'Abbas of Persia in 
the first book of the Inshd.* There 
it is said that, if all the dots of our 
intelligences and all the schedules 
of our thoughts were combined with 
the armies of knowledge and troops 
of sciences, their total would not 
represent one letter of the Book of 
Praise, or be one ray of the Sun. 
And then we are told, in evident 
allusion to Sa'dl's famous couplet 
about the leaves of the trees, that 
the works of creation praise God 
with a tongueless tongpie. It is 
clear then that the word book {kitah) 
is used in the above verse, in a 
mystical sense for the mysterious 
Becord of the Divine Praise. 



8 



AITBAEKAMA* 



For the Letter is muslin ^ and the Book moonliglit. 

How long wilt thou be an embroiderer * of speech ? 

Stay thy foot here, with the acknowledgment * of humility. 

So long as there is no link between terrestrials and celestials, 
and the path of speech between the earthly and the heavenly is 
closed, what intercourse can there be between the limited and the 
unlimited, so that an atom of the dust can have any lot in the pure, 
world-warming Sun f What goal in the boundless plains of necessity 
and eternity is possible for a prisoner in the subterraneous vault of 
accident and modernity ; and what strength can he have to traverse 
them ? What portion can a bewildered, headless and footless mote* 
have in the beams of the world-lighting Sun f It can only be tossed 
about in the wind. What is a dewdrop to the swelling ocean or to 
the cloud surcharged with rain ? 'Tis but the vaunt of a parched 
lip. Pity it were that a mote should discourse about the Illuminator 
of the assemblage of existences and, though it know him not, and 
cannot address him, yet should speak of him and search for him I 

What connection is there between the dark defile and the courts 
of light ; between non-entity and absolute being ? The creature may 
never attain such knowledge of the Creator, as to be able to draw even 
a few breaths in the rare atmosphere of the praise of His mysteries 
3 {maJcnundt) or to plant some steps in the field of the comprehension 
of the wonders^ of His store-houses {mahbzundt). How theft can he 



1 li^SS katdn. The Lucknow 
editor says katdn is a kind of cloth 
that goes to pieces when exposed 
to the moonlight. Blochmann (94) 
says {katdn) "generally translated 
by linen. All dictionaries agree 
that it is exceedingly thin, so much 
60 that it tears when the moon 
shines on it; — it is muslin.*' A. F. 
(Aln 1. 106.) calls it katdn-i-farangi, 
i.e., European katdn. (See VuUers 
a, v., and the Burhdni-qdti'. Appa- 
rently katdn is our word cotton. 

s cU*^» mahmil, means a camel- 
litter. It is also the term for the 
cloth which is sent annually from 



Egypt, as a covering for the Ka'ha. 
The lines are Faizi's. See Akha/T'^ 
ndma IH. 684, 1. 6. 

8 Jjf^i^^^, dastdwXz. This word 
which Chalmers translates offering, 
is commonly used in India to mean 
a document, voucher or exhibit. 

* The mote is supposed to be in 
love with the sun. Blochmann 597 n. 
and 606 n. 

* Vi^ar^ 'ajdib does not occur in 
the Text after idrdk, but it is found 
in No. 564, in three MSS. of the 
B. A. S. and in three of the A. S. B« 
Chalmers' MS. also seems to hare 
had it. 



INTRODUCTIOK. 



9 



be fit to enter the courts of the Creator's praise F For him who has 
no right of approach^ to speak of the Sultan's privy chamber, is only 
to be exposed to ridicule and to make himself a public laughing- 
stock. 

Vbbsb.' 

Though the foot of Speech be long of stride, 
Thy curtain-stone > hath shattered it. 
Though Speech be fat and lusty. 
It is lean ^ when it reaches Thy table. 

Thou I Higher than our imaginary^ heavens and more 
exalted than the plane of the elements and than the stars, inasmuch 
as Thou hast not bestowed on us knowledge of Thy essence and attri- 
butes, it is manifest that Thou regardest not thanksgiving as within 
oar powers, and seeing that Thou hast conferred on us mercies which 
are infinite, it follows that Thou hast not laid upon us the obligation 
of adequate gratitude I 

When I saw that the door of utterance was closed, I perceived 
that of action open and said to myself in ecstacy ; — 

" If thou hast not the power of utterance and canst not chaunt 
" panegyrics, be not cast down, for it is the smooth-tongued and 
empty-handed who, by a fraudulent barter, traffic words at the 
rate oi realities. The praise which 'is laid upon mankind^ as a 
duty, by the commands of the Understanding, — 'that world-obeyed 



€€ 



t€ 



t< 



^ Both couplets are from the 
Jiiayizan/u'Uaarar of Nigami. See 
Bland's ed. 3, 1.42 and 21. 1.380. 
Nigimt was a fayonrite author with 
Akbar. Blochmann, 104 

> Qu. a stone placed upon the 
edge of a curtain to prevent its 
blowing aside. Perhaps simply 
stone of the threshold. 

* That is, from the length of 
the journey. 

* KuraX'i-'aqnl u awhdm. The 
hwrtH or throne is the crystalline or 
eighth heaven and below the *aral^ 
which is the empyrean — the ninth 
heaven or the heaven of heavens. The 

2 



IcuTsX is supposed to be God's judg- 
ment seat and the author's meaning 
seems to be that God is higher than 
any such imaginary throne. Lane 
(8. V, huTii) quotes an authority as 
saying that the hursi is the place 
of the feet, and 8. v. *ar»li^ quotes 
a saying of Muhammad that the 
seven heavens and earths, by the side 
of the JeursX, are naught but as a ring 
thrown down in a desert land ; and 
such is the kurai with respect to the 
'arsji (the empyrean.) 

imJcdni lit the family of contingent 
existences. 



10 



AKBABNAUA. 



t( 



it 



ft 



te 



tt 



sovereign, — ^is that they make the iiight-illuminating jewel of 
reason,— one of the bountiful Divine Ruler's greatest gifts, — ^into 
a bright lamp, and employ it for sweeping and cleansing the courts 
" of their outer and inner man. Should the taskmasters ^ of fate's 
<* workshop have attired a son of Adam in the garb of want and 
solitude, let him first of all gird up his loins for self-culture and 
afterward let him endeavour the improvement of others. Should 
*' they have brought him into a crowd of associations and contacts— 
'^ as may be inevitable in the arrangements of this evil world, — let 
him, if a ruler, prefer the betterment of others to his own ; for 
the duty of the shepherd is watching the flock, and the design 
of sovereignty is universal guardianship. If he be a subject, 
let him, first of all, show alacrity in obeying the orders of his 
legitimate ruler,* and then let him cleanse the secret chambers 
of his heart from the dust of heavy-pacing sensuality and nimble- 
" footed wrath, so that, by his life and conversation, he be a teacher 
" and a testimony of the incomparable Giver and Cherisher of his 
*' outer and inner man.'' 

When the communing with my heart bad proceeded thus far, 
a resting-stage showed itself afar ofE to my bewildered mind, and my 
thoughts were pleasant for a while. My astonied heart was, it is 
true, saddened by the length and difficulty of the journey, but waa 
cheered by the sound of the machinery of movement,* and by the 
good tidings of eventual arrival. Suddenly the thoughtful foot 
of my boding spirit came upon a stone ; for the praise of God does 
not consist in comprehending His perfect attributes and assigning^ 



ft 



ft 



ft 



ft 



ft 



ft 



1 Manta^imdn, Ut. arrangers or 
managers. 

• j^)l\ ^ {j^ ^1)1 1 oAiodmiru tna^ 
lahu al dmru ; — an Arabic phrase 
signifying the commands of him to 
whom is command, i.e., who has right 
to command. See verse of the Ko- 
ran in the document preserved by 
BadSonl. (11.271, 1.9. Lowe 279. 
Koran, Swra IV. 62.) 

* Wj y^ »-^"^ti ahcmg'i'Bat'i-rah. 
Ahang means symphony and also 



intention or resolution. Perhaps 
the expression refers to the tinkling 
of the camels' bells. Chalmers has 
''the sweet-soanding of the instru- 
ments of travel." The meaning ap- 
pears to be that, though the way is 
long and difficult, the mind of the 
pilgrim is cheered by the thought 
that he is moving on, and will even- 
tually reach his goal. 

^ Lit, connect them with His 
court. 



INTRODUCTION. 



11 



them to His Essence ; nor is it the reckoning up of His benefits which 
are i?rithoat beginning or end, and by dint ^ of these wares of new- 
fang^led^ praise, thrusting oneself forward ; nor* should we regard 
praise as beyond human comprehension and so, stop short of the 



^ Xdit. alongside or abreast of. 

« ^T«lj*>^, hctdus'dlud, stained 
with, novelty. The text has an i^fat 
l>etrween hadtis-alud and the follow- 
ing I^udrd which would, I think, 
be better away. It ia not in No* 

* I read ({ yd, instead of td, as 
this seems to me to make the better 
sense. It also appears to be the 
reading adopted by Chalmers. Most 
texts, however, read td. The Elliot 
MS. (Bodleian 4a) has yd and the 
Walker MS. (Bodleian 115) had yd 
also but this has been altered into 
td, — I suppose by the copyist. B.M. 
MS. Add. No. 6544 has also yd. 
B.M. MS. Add. No. 5610 has td. 
Td may be right and the meaning be 
that the result of attempting to 
number the Divine benefits, eto., is 
^hat one finds the calculation beyond 
one's power and so gives up praise 
in despair. The translation, in this 
case, would run thus ; " Until " (or 
*' with the result that **) " one recog- 
nizes that praise is beyond human 
comprehension and so joins those 
who have fallen short of the portico 
of praise." The author's meaning 
seems to be that for awhile he 
thought he had come to see what was 
** the chief end of man," viz., to do 
his best in the situation in which he 
might be placed. This cheered him 
in spite of the path's being long and 
hard, but suddenly, a fresh difficulty 
presented itself, for he recognized 
tiiat the praise of Grod which per* 



haps, we should call Theology and 
which the author regarded as man's 
prime care. Cf. the Shorter Cate- 
chism — " man's chief end is to glorify 
God and to enjoy him for ever " 
did not consist in either of the two 
following things ; 

1. Attempting to comprehend the 
inscrutable. 

2. Much speaking about His 
bounties, hoping thereby to win 
Grod's favour and to have glory of 
men. 

Nor again was it right to aban- 
don the study of Theology as beyond 
our powers, and devote our energies 
to the improvement of our own 
miserable selves, even if such endea- 
vour were after moral as well as 
material advancement. No! true 
Theology or Divine worship con- 
sisted in renouncing the attempt 
either to fathom the Divine mysteries 
or to recount His benefits and to 
take refuge in acknowledgment of 
our baseness and impotence. The 
author^s view, in short, is that ex- 
pressed in the parable of the 
Pharisee and the Publican, of which 
perhaps, he may have heard from his 
friend Aquaviva. These reflections 
led him to see that he must strive 
after worshipping Grod, though in a 
different fashion from that of the 
theologians, and eventually he found 
rest in the discovery that the highest 
form of Dozology was to record the 
achievements,— spiritual and tempo- 
ral—of that Divine master-piece, the 



12 



AKBARNAMA. 



porch of thanksgiving; nor should we style self-calture ^ the recital 
of the Divine praise^ and growing wearj-hearted' at tlie darkness of 
the road and the distance of the goal, regard such self-deception as a 
gain, and with abandonment of thanksgiving, set about whatever the 
cheatery of the hour represent as our true aim. 

Rather the note of Praise is to lay this praise-loving, self-adorning, 
self-auctioning spirit ^^ on the threshold of service, at the base of 
supplication and humiliation and to cast it down from the arch* of 



Emperor Akbar. Unfortunately we 
may say of Abu-l-fazl what has been 
predicated of the poet Young — that 
he never gets hold of a thought that 
he does not tear it to pieces. 

As the passage is difficult, I give 
Chalmers' translation below :— 

"For the meaning of the giving 
"praise to the Almighty is neither 
" that we should inquire into the 
" qualities of His perfection and then 
"apply them to His Majesty — ^nor 
" that we should reckon up the 
"endless bounties of Eternity and 
" then offer up in return for them, 
"the fabricated wares of our own 
" commendations ; nor should we 

suppose them too excellent for 

human ken and thus despair of 
"reaching the portico of gratitude; 
" nor should we denominate the adorn- 
"ment of ourselves, the recital of 
" Qod's praises ; nor become sorrow- 
" f ul of heart from the dimness of the 
" path and the delicacy of the under- 
" taking, and seizing the opportunity 
"of empty excuses, refrain from 
" shewing forth His praises by com- 
" mencing with the evasion which 
" may appear most plausible for the 
"purpose. But rather the true 
" intent of God's praise is this ;— 
" that our grateful soul should place 
"self-conceit and self -boasting on 



« 



<i 



" the threshold of obedience at the 
" footstool of submission and devo- 
" tion, and thus expel them from the 
" palace of self-interest ; so that our 
"real helplessness may be decked 
" with the semblance of piety and our 
"inward and outward man may be 
" adorned with humility and poverty 
" which will thus suit the seemliness 
" of the breast of our purpose and 
"tend towards the praise of the 
" bounteous Creator of the Universe." 
Chalmers' MS. I. 7.) 

1 Khwejbtan-ardt'i-ll^udra. I 

think this means self-improvement» 
rather than self-glorification. It 
refers, as No. 564 remarks, to the 
endeavours after a better life men- 
tioned above. It may, however, mean 
self-advancement, t.a., striving to 
" get on " without thinking of any- 
thing higher. 

• J/gdr-f^dfir, lit, cripple-heart- 
ed, thus keeping up the metaphor of 
an exhausted wayfarer. 

» V^txMt ^jr^f nafs'i-HpdB, Nafg 
has many meanings but is generally 
rendered spirit or breath. Here per- 
haps, it means something more mate- 
rial and might almost be translated 
body ; else how can the author speak 
of its being flung down, etc. P 

* (3^> ^t* ^^^h or archway, also 
alcove. Jfogi-nan' appears to be » 



INTRODUCTION. 



13 



Belf-consciousnesB and self-regard^ so that its inward poverty may 
be adorned by outward submissiveness^ and its inner and outer 
nature be decked with humility and lowliness till fitness ^ grace 
the bosom of purpose and be turned into praise of the Omnipotent 
Creator. 

Now as sucb wares' of thanksgiving are abundant in the booths 



its purpose." 

8 ^JXkm a(X«, matd*'i-8ipd8, mer- 
chandise of praise. I suppose that 
this praise, like the matd*-i-8itud<ig% 
on the previous page, must mean 



and prophets. Of* a passage in the 
letter to 8hah 'Abbas, already men- 
tioned; %all mahdmid hibriyd 
^uddwandl, the shadow of the 
laudable, qualities of the Almighty. 



12 



AKBARNAMA. 



porch of thanksgiving ; nor should we style self -culture ^ the recital 
of the Divine praise^ and growing weary-hearted • at the darkness of 
the road and the distance of the goal, regard such self-deception as a 
gain, and with abandonment of thanksgiving, set about whatever the 
cheatery of the hour represent as our true aim. 

Rather the note of Praise is to lay this praise-loving, self -adorning. 



i-t 



-1^ 



** a 



iAJm 



NOTE. 

The following passage was accidentally omitted. It should come in at p. 13, 
1. 11, at the end of the second paragraph, and immediately after the word 
" thanksgiving." 

'^ Inasmuch as my aim was lofty, and my intent majestic, my 
scheming soul could not extricate herself from confusion and set 
free the word-framing tongue. My constitution would not allow 
that, like the ignorant and the imitative, I should enter the Praise* 
Court of the most glorious God by force of words and ejaculationsj 
and be soothed by borrowed metaphor and hackneyed phrase. Nor 
yet would my effusive zeal permit that I should, after the manner 
of feeble-souled sages, refrain from searching after Him, or stay 
my lips from speech concerning him, and thus by a contradictory 
confession,^ disparate from one's practice in secular matters, proclaim 
inability and simultaneously hold one's self forth as a right-thinking 
utterer of verities.*' 



' Iqrdr'i'fidqia, The meaning seems 
to be that the same person who 
excuses himself from praising God 
by the plea of inability, yet in other 
matters, for instance in returning 



thanks to men, claims to be endowed 
with eloquence. Chalmers has "a 
lame conclusion which obtains not 
in other matters." Perhaps he read 
qardn. 



" may appear most plausible for the 
"purpose. But rather the true 
"intent of God's praise is this;— 
" that our grateful soul should place 
"self-conceit and self -boasting on 



rial and might almost bo translated 
body ; else how can the author speak 
of its being flung down, etc. P 

♦ 0^» '^i?» *rch or archway, also 
alcove, jpaqt-na^ appears to be a 



INTRODUCTION. 



13 



self-conscionsness and self-regard, so that its inward poverty may 
be adorned by outward submissiveness, and its inner and outer 
nature be decked with humility and lowliness till fitness ^ grace 
the bosom of purpose and be turned into praise of the Omnipotent 
Creator. 

Now as such wares' of thanksgiving are abundant in the booths 
of men and are especially plentiful in my own stall, why do I with- 
hold myself from Divine praise and why do I delay to laud the 
Eternal One 7 Under any circumstances, it is better for me to escape 
from this deceiving misery of self-pleasing and to address myself 
to the heights of lofty thanksgiving. 

I was a long time in perplexity, having neither ability to speak 
nor power to remain silent, when suddenly a door of light was 
opened by the intellect, that glory of life, and my confused heart 
found the neck of hope fitted with the noose of resolution. This 
message came to the ear of guidance, ''Artist in Truth's picture 
gallery I dost thou not compose a book whose frontispiece thou 
mayest adorn with praise ? Thou art inditing the history of the 
liord of time and the terrene {eamin u zamdn) and Crown-jewel of 
monarchs, and praise to God will come into the writing, and thanks- 
giving to the Almighty be part of the picture I praise of praise is 
not right ; the works of the Artificer are the perfect praise of the 
pure God and acknowledge <^ him with a tongueless tongue.^' 

''They (the works of creation) by conferring this knowledge, 
grant to the soul-awakened and inwardly-cultured, possession of 
Light absolute and bring them into the vast shadow of praise which 
together with its delights, is the highest dignity {man^ah) of celes- 
" tial existences."* 



i€ 



t€ 



tl 



i€ 



€€ 



€C 



€€ 



€€ 



€t 



i€ 



poetical phrase for the eye, viz., the 
arch of sight. 

1 I omit the izafai after BbaxBtagX* 
If this be retained, the translation 
will be " until " (or " and ") " it be 
fitted to the fitness of the bosom of 
its purpose." 

8 ^Um f^y Tnatd'-i-aipda, mer- 
chandise of praise. I suppose that 
this praise, like the fnatd*'i'8iiudag% 
on the previous page, must mean 



words, of which the author had no 
doubt a great stock. 

• Cf. Addison's hymn. 

* ^J^J *r>^J> wajub'i-wajiid, 
necessary existences. The reference 
is to the glorified spirits of saints 
and prophets. Of, a passage in the 
letter to Shah Abbas, already men- 
tioned ; aall mahdmid hibriyd 
lAiiddwandt, the shadow of the 
laudable, qualities of the Almighty. 



14 



AKBABNAMA. 



i< 



it 



St 



" Now I it is manifest that no nobler impress or sublimer jewel 
'' is to be seen in the material world,^ than the exalted presence of 
" powerful princes who by their holy energy, regulate the outer world 
** and knit it together. And assuredly, to make over a world to one 
'^ man and to consign to bim the momentous afEairs of a universe is 
to incorporate in him the world of reality, or rather to make him its 
soul. Especially if he be a world-adomer seized with the desire 
of inhaling the fragrant breezes of Truth's spring-time and is seated 
'' on the lofty throne of felicity. Still more if he be the Lord of 
'' an Age who in addition to these two^ endowments, has a heart 
" and mind fed from a hidden fountain. Above all, if he be that 
*' altar of the pious who by the Divine aid, has risen above these 
*' degrees and has become colourist of the House of Truth, banquet- 
'' illuminator of the Hall of Realities, confidant of the Presence 
'' Chamber, intimate of the pure palace of unity, and is by auspicious 
'' fate seated on the throne of fortune. Sway over the outer and inner 
'' world and unravelment of knots, both spiritual and temporal, are 
*' conspicuous in him. Therefore is he the adorner of the imperial 
*' throne ; the uplif ter of the banner of God's shadow in our happy 
'' age ; aggregation of the artists of thought and wisdom, or rather 
^' master-piece of the eternal artificers. With such vast stores of true 
" praise in thy keeping, why remainest thou distraught in search ? " 

On hearing this soul-refreshing message, the morning breeze 
of felicity arose ; the stock of eternal bliss was collected ; the eye 
of hope grew bright ; the outer world became current coin ; the 
inner world exulted; the skirt of success fell into my hand; the 
wished-for countenance came in sight. 

Good God I What a strange mystery it is that in historical 



1 The line of thought Beems to 
be, that the works lof the Creator are 
His highest panegyric and that the 
greatest of these works on earth is 
a king, consequently the description 
of a great king is the highest form 
of Divine praise. Evidently A. F. 
would not have agreed with Pope as 
to what was the noblest work of 
God. 

• wAA^ ^JU, <akim-f-imfttr, the 



elemential world, t.6., the world made 
up of the four elements. The mean- 
ing is that even in the world of 
matter, there is no gem so precious 
as a king, much grander then is one 
who is not only a king but a saint, 
etc. 

• <' Meaning love of truth and 
good fortune ; the latter being con- 
sidered a virtue of no mean order in 
the East." (Chalmers MS. n.) 



INTRODUCTION. 



15 



writings^ praise of the pure Giver is introduced as an adornment to 
the book, whereas here, the book is adorned in order to the praise of 
the Creator. In the pages of secularists, praise comes in as ancillary 
to the design of the book, but in this glorious history, the design is 
Bubservient to the praise. According to the old method, G-od^s praise 
was effected by utterance; in this new rendezyous on Beason^s highway, 
action is praise. My predecessors relied on speech for God's praise ; 
in this exordium of rare writing, recourse is had to the perfect man^ 
who is a God-worshipping king, viz,, that Lord of the World who, 
by virtue of his God-seeking and God-apprehending, has removed 
the veil from between the external and the internal and has established 
love between the sections of the recluse and the layman' and has 
lifted up the curtain from in front ^ of the apparent and the real. 

Heedlessness which used to travel on the opposite road to dis- 
cretion, has retraced his steps and become one of wisdom's servants. 
Formalism^ which had left the regions of inquiry and was stirring 
up tumults, has now thrown inquiry's scarf on his shoulder and 
become a minister at the shrine. Blind self-worship which had 
abandoned the worship of God and adopted the worship of the 
creature, has now got eyes to see with and has come, ashamed and 
downcast, to the temple of divine worship. 

Blear-eyed envy which had megrim' in the head and madness 
in the brain, and used to strive against the Allwise Lawgiver, has 
now got wisdom for his guide, and, having become enrolled as one 
of the pardoned of the shrine of grace,* has been ranked among 
the helpers of the kingdom. Painful longing — the health, indeed. 



1 Lit lords of abstraction (or 
nakedness) and masters of connexion. 

s Chalmers has, " from between 
the fleshly and the spiritnal" and 
this may be the meaning, but the 
expression is " in front of both." 

8 iMi c)'«*^) insdn-i-kdmil. This 
is a Suiistic phrase and is explained 
by Jorjanl. {Notices et Extraits X. 
386, Silvestre de Sa^y.) The phrase 
peffeci man does not mean simply an 
impeccable person, in which sense 
the expression was used, I believe* 
by Whitfield. It rather means the 



essence or highest type of humanity. 
It is also explained as meaning the 
first intelligence, or, — in Arabic 
phrase,— the mother of the book. 
De Sa^y says " L'homme parfait est 
la mdme chose que la premibre intel- 
ligence." (See also Badaoni, Lowe 
266). 

I MM 

♦ iXjJJU, t^iqUd, imitation and also 
hypocrisy and superstition. 

6 y^U, md^oliyd, i,e., the 
Greek fi€X,ayxo\ia, 

6 ixkp, 'attyat, gift or benefi- 
cence. 



16 



A^BARNAHA. 



of Eternity— from being cripple has become a Conner, and appears 
both as the runner and the winning-post. And why should this not 
be when we have, in this enlightened age, the chamber-lamp of the 
universe, the glory of Adam's race, the unveiler of hidden secrets^ 
the revealer of faultless forms f Or how should these things appear 
strange in the eyes of the far-seeing and wise, when he is (at once) 
composer {nd^im) of the institutes of sovereignty, distributor^ of the 
riches of the servants of God, hairsplitting discerner of microscopic 
subtleties, the great lapidary and assaymaster ? 

So long as the spiritual supremacy over the recluse which is 
called Holiness and the sway over laymen which is called Sovereignty, 
wore distinct, there was strife and confusion among the children 
6 of Noah* (mankind). Now that in virtue of his exaltation, fore- 
sight, comprehensive wisdom, universal benevolence, pervading dis- 
cernment and perfect knowledge of God, these two great offices 
{man^db) which are the guiding thread of the spiritual and temporal 
worlds, have been conferred on the opener of the hoards of wisdom 
and claviger of Divine treasuries, a small portion at least,— if his 
holy nature grant the necessary faculty, — may be brought from the 
ambush of concealment to the asylum of publicity. Knowest thou 
at all who is this world-girdling luminary and radiant spirit ? Or 
whose august advent has bestowed this grace f 'Tis he who by 
virtue of his enlightenment and truth, is the world-protecting • 



i The meaning is not that Akbar 
was the almoner of God's servants* 
in which respect he was indeed, 
according to Badaonl, very deficient, 
but that he revealed spiritual mys- 
teries as well as made rales for tem- 
poral administration. The word, 
qdsim, lit divider, reminds ns of 
St. PauVs phrase "rightly dividing 
the word of truth." In this group 
of four epithets, the first and the 
third relate apparently, to temporal 
matters and the second and fourth, 
to spiritual. 

2 Noah is called by Muhamma- 
dans, the second Adam. 

B A. F.'s panegyric on Akbar is 



an extraordinary production, accord- 
ing to our western ideas. Probably, 
however, it was thought very fine by 
his countrymen. The original is fall 
of paronomasia and parallellisms and 
these, as also the alliterations and 
cadenced clauses, make the Persian 
sound much better than the transla- 
tion. The composition must have 
cost the author immense labonr, 
though apparently, the task was not 
entirely his own, for in Fai^I's pro- 
face to his Diwdn we find the epi- 
thets here bestowed on Akbar, from 
ffiu^orrai down to 'dlamjdn u jdn 
*dUim, i.e , for about eight lines of the 
text, and nearly in the same order. 



INTRODUCTtON. 



11 



sovereign of our age, to wit, that Lord (SidhansAdh) of the hosts of 
sciences, — theatre of God's power, — station of infinite bounties,— 
nnique of the eternal temple, — confidant* of the dais of unity, — jewel 
of the imperial mine,— bezel of God's signet-ring, — glory of the 
Gurgdn^ family, — lamp of the tribe of Timur,^ — lord of incompara- 
ble mystery,— heir of Humaydn's throne, — origin* of the canons of 
world-government, — author of universal conquest, — shining fore- 
head of the morning of guidance, — focus ^ of the sun of holiness, — 
sublime* concentration of humanity, — heir-apparent of the sun, — 
anthology of the books of fate and destiny, — protagonist of trium- 
phant armies, — quintessence of the commingling of nights and 
days, — cream of the progeny of the elements'^ and the heavenly 
bodies, — world's eye (sun) of benevolence and bounty, — cheek-mole 



In the Fundgrilben dea Orients (II. 
271), may be found an interesting 
experiment, made by Joseph von 
Hammer, at preserving the oriental 
cadences in a German translation of 
the Turkish Humdyun-ndma, 

1 t^jSU^ muqarrah, said to be 
from the same root as cJieruh and to 
mean, like it, one who is admitted or 
near to God's presence, but the pre- 
ferable opinion is that cherub is 
derived from the Chaldi and means 
the winged man-bull. 

* Oiirgdn is said to mean son-in- 
law or near relation in Mongolian ; 
(Blochmann 4G0n.) it was a title 
taken by Timur to indicate his con- 
nection with the house of Cinglz 
Khan. (S^dillot, " Maieriaux/' 261, 
and Hyde's preface to Ulugh Beg's 
Tables. IV.) 

J^dhib't-qirdn, lord of conjunc- 
tion ; — a name given to Timur, appa- 
rently because the planets (P Jupiter 
and Venus) were in conjunction at 
his birth, but Hyde says it merely 
means dominua potentiae. The three 
8 



successive epithets are used in order 
to indicate that Akbar was, first, the 
glory of the house of Cingiz Eh^ii ; 
second, the lamp of the house of 
Timur; third, the heir of HumayQn; 
and they lead up to a description of 
what he was in himself. 

* The Bib. Ind. ed.' omits this 
phrase, but it occurs in Lucknow ed. 
and in No. 564 and is evidently 
genuine, for otherwise a paronomasia 
or cadence would be lost. The Per- 
sian is ^tf^^j^^ uH^b'^ f *^f mubdi* 
qatvdnin-i'jahdnbdnt and it rhymes 
with the next clause which is f^^^ 
ij\j^ ^jmS «Vp|^, n^u^tari* qawd'id 
kial^ioar aiidnl. 

6 Lit. eye-pupil. 

^ Perhaps, harmonious blend of 
humanity. Maulvi A. Haq Abld 
tells me it may also mean " exalting 
the offspring of Adam" or "elevat- 
ing human nature." The original is 
gardmi edz-i-guhar-i-adam. 

t The elements are called the 
earthly mothers, and the planets, the 
heavenly fathers. 



18 



AKBARNAMA. 



of sovereignty and fortune, — ^back-bone i of the frame of the Khila^ 
fat,^ — bosom-joy of justice and mercy, — brightener (farHzanda) of 
the jewel of fortune and felicity, — exalter [fardianda) of the throne 
and crown, — connoisseur of the gem of the wise, — appreciator of the 
pearl of lofty genius, — opening^ the knots of those trammeled in 
business, — balm of ulcerated hearts, — clear-thoughted stoic,* — ^world- 
adorning life-giver, — a pictured soul and incarnate reason, — world of 
life and life of world, — enlightened truth-seer — Clover of the way, — 
truth-chooser, — of discreet gait and constant intelligence, — wakeful 
occupant of the throne of morning, — sole tenant of light's adytum, — 
illuminating the Presence Chamber, — knowing the boundaries of the 
paths, — achiever of universal* peace, — site of wondrous gifts, — 
grandmaster of the grades of sanctity, — initiated in the mysteries 
of light* and darkness, — theatre of Divine and secular truths, — 
perceiver of the links between the visible^ and invisible worlds,-— 
knowing secrets, spiritual and temporal, — fountain for those athirst 
for the sweet waters of communion, — goal of the strayed from the path 
of perfection, — theatre of refined subtleties and exalted sciences, — 
resting place of infused knowledge and inspired mysteries, — -adorning 
the travelling litter® while in his native land, — light of retirement in 



I Lit. strength of the back. It 
is opposed to the next epithet which 
refers to the eadr, breast or bosom. 

> i.e., the being God's vicegerent. 

8 i.e.t solving their difficulties. 
A. F. applies this phrase to Faizi. 
(Akbamdma III. 673), saying that 
those who were entangled in intri- 
cacies of business, were broken- 
hearted at Faizl's death because 
there was no longer anyone to explain 
their difficulties. 

* J^dhih'dil, which is often used 
to mean a Sufi : lit master of one's 
heart or passions. 

^ J^fulh-i-kull. The state of being 
at peace with every one, which A. F. 
regarded as the perfection of virtue. 
Cf . Hebrews XII. 14. " Follow after 
peace with all men." 



• The Lucknow editor renders 
this " day and night ; " Chalmers has, 
"acquainted with the mysteries of 
good and evil." A similar phrase, 
vi9., nuktcKldn-i-rafnoz safldi u aiydkx 
— occurs in the In§lid\ (Part I, 
beginning of letter to Hakim Ha- 
mam.) 

1 fJ^) J Cf «^j taqidi u itldq% 
fixity and freedom, — meaning the 
temporal and spiritual world. Aln 
III. 246. 1.10. 

8 The Bib. Ind. and Lucknow 
eds. have fitahfal ami, ornament of 
the assemblage, but No. 564 has 
makmil, camel-litter, and so had 
Chalmers' MS. This epithet and the 
next are repeated in the AXn (III. 
249) and are translated by Jarrett 
(III. 406) " who prepares tho litters 



^ T 



^r 



INTRODUCTION. 



19 



society, — apprehending quickly, — retaining long, — giving much, 
getting little, — pilot of the ship^ of the universe, — ark^ of the 
boundless ocean, — keen-sighted guardian of degrees of honour, — • 
subtle distributor of dignities, — of fortunate genius and auspicious 
glance, — of happy horoscope and exalted star, — bearer of heavy 
burdens, — brilliant master of lofty understanding, — ornament of wis- 
dom, — cherisher of the wise, — world-adorning conqueror, — support- 
ing friends, — scattering foes, — binding enemies, — opening countries, 
— exalter* of the thrones of majesty and awe, — uplifter of the 
cushions of pomp and prosperity, — warder of faith and state^ — 
protector of throne and signet, — beautifier of the seven climes, — 
adorner of throne and diadem, — rank-breaking royal cavalier,* — 
tiger- thro wing falcon, — champion of the battle-field of the Holy 
War,* — combatant stalking over the seven worlds, — bulwark builder 



of travel while yet abiding in hie 
native land, — a lamp for those who 
gather in privacy." In a note to the 
first epithet, Colonel Jarrett adds; 
** that is, preparing for the world to 
come while yet in this, or facilitating 
the salvation of others." 

A. F. is never tired of insisting 
on the dualism of Akhar's nature, 
and his meaning here seems to be 
that Akbar had all the graces of a 
pilgrim while yet in his native land, 
and that he had the virtues of a her- 
mit while still mingling with society. 
There can be no doubt that mah- 
mil is the right reading, for mahfal 
can have nothing to do with travel. 
I find too, that it is mahmil in 
the B. M. MSS. Or. Nos. 5610 and 
6544. 

1 The Persian word is safxna in 
both cases, but I take the second use 
of the epithet to refer to Noah's ark. 
However, safxiia can also mean a 
roemorandum book and this may be 
its sense in the first clause. In that 
case didahhdn would signify inspec' 



tor and the phrase be rendered *' In- 
spector of the book of the universe.'* 
S ^s\^. sd'ad from tyjt^, a'ad, 

Chalmers seems to have read <>£ U«, 

ad'ad arm, for he translates "brace- 
let of the arm of magnificence and 
glory." (SbPLi is also a Sufistic 
expression for power generally. See 
Die. of T. Ts., 640 1.4 fr. foot. 

8 In Ain No. 47 (Book 1. Bloch- 
mann, 131) Akbar is called the "royal 
rider (shdhsawdr) of the plain of 
auspiciousness." See also A. F.'s 
explanation of the word shdhsawdr 
in his preface to the Ain. (Bloch- 
mann it.) 

* j^^ ^^f^i J^ihdd'i-akhar, the 
Greater Holy War, viz., that against 
one's lusts ; the Crescentade or war 
against infidels being the Jihad-i- 
asghar or Lesser War. In the A. S. 
B. Per. MSS. Catalogue (170) there 
are entries of two treatises, one on 
the Jihdd-i-aJcbar and the other on the 
Jihdd'i-aagiar. Cf. Bunyan's "Holy 
War" and Babar's Mem., Erskine, 
356, 1.2. 



20 



AKBARNAMA. 



of sovereignty and dominion, — base of the columns of instruction 
and discipline, — holding fast the strong handle of perfect reason, — 
riveter of the massy chain of universal justice, — all eye^ in the 
banquet-hall, — all heart in the battle-field, — in the joyous festival a 
refreshing cloud,* — in the triumphant battle, a blood-drinking sea, — 
in the fields of bravery, an unsheathed sword, — in the tournament 
a polished lance, — a billowy ocean in the world of giving, — a light- 
ning-darting cloud ^ in battle, — his breath, a swaying censer at the 
soul's feast, — his pleasantness, the waving fan of opening^morn, — 
his justice, equable as Farwardln^ and of minute discernment, — his 
temper is like the zephyr of Ardihihishi^ and runs over with smiles,^ 
— his nature is experienced and disciplined in the solution of pro- 
blems, — his flawless intellect is a trusty counsellor in the explication 
of difficulties, — externally his splendour is that of Jam^id,7 and his 
glory that of Farldun,^ — internally he is Socrates in wisdom, Plato 
in perception, — he is trained inwardly and outwardly, — his eye and 
heart are sources of liberality, — he has harmonized tongue and heart, 
and has made unity • partner with plurality, — his vigilance watches 
over appetite, — his genius treads lust under foot, — his fair-dealing 



1 Lit in the face of the ban- 
queting room, all eye (or glance); 
in the heart of the battle-field, all 
liver (pluck.) Bar ru-i-hazamgdh 
iamdm nogr, dar dil-i-razmgdh tamdm 
jigar, 

• Lit. ocean-raining. 

» Naisdn, a Syrian month, cor- 
responding to April, and being the 
7th month of the Sjro-Macedonian 
Calendar, i.e., Greek Era of A. F. It 
is the Nisdn or Ahib of the Jews and 
the first month of their sacred year, 
being that of the Passover. There 
is a saying that when the rain of the 
month of Naisdn drops into shells, 
it produces pearls, and when it 
falls into the mouths of serpents, it 
produces poison. See Whin field's 
0ul^an-i-rd9 (67). 

• The first mouth of the Persian 



year, corresponding to March-April* 
It begins with the vernal equinox and 
hence, perhaps, the allusion to its 
equability. 

* The second month of the Per- 
sian year, corresponding to April - 
May. 

^ Alluding to the sheet-lightnings 
of spring. 

1 An early Persian king, cele- 
brated for his cup or mirror (jam) 
which showed the world. 

• Another early Persian king, 
son or grandson of Jamshid and 
said to have been the first tamer of 
elephants. 

9 i.e., has reconciled solitude and 
society. See opening of tho GhI» 
$han'%^rd», 1.27. Cf. also the Wisddm 
of Solomon, VII, 22. "Alone in kini 
manifold.'* 



INTKODUCTION. 



21 



has overturned the petty stalls of fraud and deception, — the touch- 
stone * of his wisdom has separated the gold-encrusted lunjp* from 

the solid gold. 

He rends the garment of contumacy* which wraps the faces of 
debts, * but draws the mantle of forgiveness over the heads of trans- 
gressions ; the splendour of power streams from the brow of his 
benevolence ; the lightning of benignity draws lambent ^ lights from 
the fires of his wrath. His fury melts adamantine boldness; his 
dread turns to water the courage of the iron-souled ; the shrinking 



I 'Aydr-ddnish, test of wisdom. 
This is the title of A. F.'s transla- 
tion of the Kalilah Damnak or 
rather of his revision of the Anwdri 
Suhailu {Blochmann, 106 and S. 
de Sa^y, "Notices et Eziraiis" X. 
197). There is here probably an 
allusion to Axn No. 5 (Blochmann, 
Book 1. 18), where we are told that 
Akbar had invented modes of puri- 
fying gold. 

* Qalb'i-zar andud az zar-i-gohar' 
dmud* The text has an u after the 
second zar which would be better 
away and which does not occur in 
No. 564. 



* jiar*, tajahhur. The word also 
means restitution or restoration of 
property, and we might give this 
meaning here and interpret the 
phrase to signify that Akbar releases 
debtors from the obligation of resti- 
tution which lies like a veil over 
their faces. But I think that the 
translation contumacy is right and 
that there is an antithesis between 
this and the following clause. A. F. 
means that Akbar compelled the con- 
tumacious to fulfil their obligations, 
?.e., made them pay their fines, taxes, 
compensations for injuries and other 
debts but that, at the same time, he 



was forgiving to offenders. See 
Ain No. 2 (Blochmann, Book II. 13). 
with the account of the distinction 
between exchequer-lands and fiefs. 
See also Axn No. 19 (Blochmann 
Book II., 268). 

* &i}j^t fines or mulcts or debts. 
There are two dins devoted to the 
subject of fines, viz., Nos. 48 and 57 
(Blochmann, Book I. 131 and 140) 
one being headed iS«^]^ and the 
other (jt^O. No. 564 explains the 

word #h!/^ by (^\jft. Even grandees 
were fined and for certain offences 
elephant-drivers were liable to capi- 
tal punishment. See Blochmann 's 
note to Ain No. 83 (217). For tajah- 
bur, the B. M. MS. Or. No. 6544 has 
j\^^ writing, and Chalmers' MS. 
seems to have had this reading for 
he translates, " He tears the screen 
of writing from the face of his 
intent." Apparently, as Mr. Beames 
has suggested to me, Chalmers read 
^1 j^ 'azatnt, intentions, instead of 
^tjP ghardxtn, 

^ Lit, tongues of light. The two 
clauses are opposed ; in spite of his 
benevolence, he is terrible ; in spite 
of his wrath, he is lovely. Orientals 
regard lightning as an object of 
beauty rather than of terror. 



it 



(( 



22 



AKBARNAMA. 



of the age is the impress of the wrinkh'ng of his brows; its expan- 
sioii the. reflex of his nature's blossoming. 

Prayers for his permanence have stationed themselves on the 
tongue of small and great; love and belief in him repose in the 
hoarts of young and old ; the loftiness of his fame has lowered the 
glory of local magnates ; the majesty of his dominion has put away 
the rulers of the quarters of the world ; the echo of his fortune has 
opened the ears of the princes of the horizons ; the ensign ^ of his 
glory has lifted up the eyes of provincial kings;''* his migh^jy fame 
has mingled with the spheres ; the sound of his glory has passed 
from shore to shore; the proclamation of his bounty has transgressed 
the boundaries of the world;* his glorious court has become the 
native land of the elect of the seven climes; his daily increasing 
dominion has become the masterpiece of epochs and cycles; his 
glorious ascension^ the auspicious frontispiece of stars and planets. 

Verse. 

That King of Kings, prop of the sky ! 

The umbrella of his fortune is the sky's shadow ; 

Adorning the garden-plot of wisdom and knowledge ; 

Exalting the throne and the diadem ; — 

The seat of his power is rich in liberality ; 

His fortune's shape has an open brow; 

His proseuce is the truth-seekers* cynosure ; 

His pity a founUiiu-head for the thirsty ; 

By a single thought,* ho has placed under foot 



* **0^» iliitiiliWm* a stool Imll sus- 
poiuUnl to a polo and carriod as an 
ensigiu (Hlochwaun. oO.) 

• Mu}iik'i-UtvKV\f, triluil kinps. 
It iniglu bo romlonni kings of iho 
liontiUw and was tho namo gnon to 
tho satraps, ostabli s)uhI by Aloxanilor 
and 'nmar, ( Alblrftnts " Olmum lo 
of Anoiout Nations" S^iohau. Ht> 
ana lOU Mas'iVU* U, l:*,2, MoNuard 
rt 1\ do iVnirtoiUo). Vt l^^liah, 

1^ o^'* ^''^i* «i>/««ri €&'*£& 



jihai ; lit. the six sidos of the surface, 
meaninsT the six sides of a cube, i.e., 
the world. The regular Arabic 
expression for this ap}iear8 to be 

^U ^^i> w <<, untsfa*hisi ^dlam, the six 
sides of the world, rix., up anddoirn« 
fore and aft, rij:ht and left. ^Stein- 
gass, «. r.V The world is aUo called 
tc^AMi.M shashiarj^ six-doored. 

♦ Or it may be, *' He has placed 
under the fix^i of uuanimiiv.** The 
nitNiniug is that he has united sore- 
re icniv and Nancliiv. 




INTRODUCTION. 



23 



The royal divan and the dervish's carpet. 
The nine heavens revolve for his purpose ; 
The seven stars * travel for his work ; 
By wisdom, he is the age's provider ; 
By vigilance, the world's watchman ; 
His love and his hate, in the banquet and the battle, 
Are brimming cups of wine and blood ; 
The hbdqdn^ fears his wrath; 
. Caesar 3 is disturbed at his frown ; 
Heaven in glory, Earth in stability ;* 
Lord of universal reason,' Jaldlu-d-din,^ 
Essence of sunlight and shadow of God, 
Pearl of crown and throne is Akbar Shah. 
May this old world be renewed by him ! 
May his star be the sun's rays ! 

This empty-handed one, who, from lack of the capital of praise 
had neither room to sit nor a leg to stand upon, became, through 
the above excellent idea and firm resolve, a treasury full of the 
Creator's praise; a marvellous treasury, — for its store increased by 
expenditure and diminished by hoarding. By force of sincerity 
I became an alchemist, and enriched my poverty-stricken soul. I put 
forth the arm of fortune and opened the door of the treasury. 
I was fortunate, I became rich. I was fluent, I became eulogistic. 
I crossed the threshold of allegory and opened the door of truth. 
I was simple, I became acute. The door of success which was shut 
in front of me, was divinely opened. My dejection became exalta- 



1 t.e., the five planets, Mercury, 
Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, — 
and the Sun and Moon. There is a 
similar passage in the Ain (III. 249, 
1.12). 

* Great Khan, the name given 
to the ruler of Chinese Tartary or of 
China. 

* The two titles stand for the 
rulers of the East and West. Turk- 
ish kings, e.g. Bayazid Ilderim, were 
styled QaUar-i-rum even before the 
capture of Constantinople. The lines 



are perhaps Faizi's. Cf. his Nal 
Daman. Bombay, 1831, p. 30. The 
literal rendering of the lines is " The 
M^dqdn dreads the heat of his sweat ; 
Caesar is disturbed at the fold of his 
brow." 

* A. F. did not know of the 
Copemican theory. 

* 'Aql'i-kull, the phrase used by 
Sufis to express the Logos or first 
emanation from God. 

* One of Akbar's names, "the 
glory of faith." 



8 



26 



AffBARNAMA. 



for entering upon this great task/ yet, as my aim was lofty and 
ability small, success was not attained nor my desire achieved antil 
this light shone on the antechamber of my truth-reflecting heart; 
to wit — *^ In this noble enterprise, at the same time that you dis- 
charge your duty to the creature, you are also fulfilling your 
obligations to the Creator. While you are paying your devoirs of 
respect and gratitude, you are in reality, steadfastly engaged iii 
praising Grod, the Creiator of the world/' Day by day, my pur- 
pose was 'growing confirmed and the tnaterials of success were being 
collected, until at length, out of general good-will to the partakers 
of his felicity and fi^om- special favour to me, his charmed one,^ a ray 
of intimation from the icourt -of liberality reached this — as regards 
his sincerity, — forerunner on the highway of loyalty, but — as regards 
attainment • of desires,^ — hindermost (member) of the caravans of 



ii 



€( 



{< 



ti 



attributes ; 2. praise of his majefity 
and perfection ; 3. his feasts and his 
wars; 4. his holiness and pleasant 
ways. But this seems wrbng and to 
be partially occasioned by an errone- 
ous reading. The text and one or 
two MSS. have id hcuiq-Wabudiyai 
u irddaUi'Vfall ni'mat gvjfirda 
hdihc^m. But nearly all the MSS* 
have irddat u ni'mat, missing out 
the wall and this appears the. true 
reading. We thus have three duties 
or points, viz., worship, loyalty and 
gratitude which with the duty to 
posterity, make up the four points. 
The text, however, may be correct 
and the points be made up by regard- 
ing the " newcomers " and posterity 
as two distinct classes. The word 
haqqi in the phrase u ham haqqX bar 
niinisdn, probably has two meanings, 
ri«., duty towards posterity and the 
establishment of a claim by the 
author to the gratitude of posterity. 
The phrase haqql Babii ganldnuia 
18 e\ ideutly Uhod iu uutitl)o:»i^ to 



the haqq- gusdrda. Chalmers ren- 
ders the passage "establish rectitude 
in the tender saplings of mortality 
and in the travellers of the caravans 
of existence." All these, however, 
were only duties towards or rights 
of the creature and so not sufficient 
to excite our. author till he saw 
that in performing them, he would 
also be doing his duty to his 
Creator. 

^ In na^rlcarda'i'I^ud, lit this 
one upon whom his glance had fallen, 
i.e., his gazed one, prot^g^ or client. 
See Atn I. 24, for use of na^arlearda, 
A. F. (Akhamdma III. 114) describes 
how the glamour of Akbar's glance 
fell upon him in the mosque at Fat{;L- 
par SikrI. Cf. Old English " over- 
looked.** 

* Perhaps, the grandeur qf his (u-^ 

pirations, ^J^ 'u»-i-mt4mi. The 
meaning may be that his works did 
not c<|Uttl his faith, Kt*.. that the spirit 
was willing but lUc fic;»h weak. 



INTRODUCTION. 



27 



felicity; and to Abu-1-fazl,. son of Muburak, upon the crown » of 
whose heart is the quadripartite cap' of discipleship and whose 
seven times embroidered sleeve ^ of devotion is celebrated through- 
out the eighteen thousand creations, this sublime mandate was given. 
" Write with the pen of sincerity the account of the glorious events 



•< 



i« 



1 " Tdrah, properly the crown 
of the head." Blochmann 549n. It 
is used here for the sake of the asso- 
jiance with iark. 

S ^jS^Jijl%t^%3^, kuldh-i'Cahdr' 
iarkly the four-segmented cap. The 
reference seems to be to the sym- 
bolical caps worn by dervishes {" The 
Dervishes." J. P. Brown. Triib- 
ner, 1868^ pp. 53, 88, 148). Speak- 
ing of the order of " Bekicuiheea,*' 
Mr. Brown says (148) ** Taj is the 
name of the cap which all wear 
in common. It is made of white 
^ felt and is in four parts. The first 
** shows that the wearer has given up 
" the world ; the second that he has 
"abandoned all hopes of Paradise; 
" the third that he disdains all hypo- 
^ crisy and (it) means that the der- 
" vish cares not whether he is seen or 
not, praying, and is wholly indiffer- 
ent to public opinion ; the fourth is 
" the total abandonment of all the 
*' pleasures of life and that he belongs 
'* to and is fully satisfied with Allah 
** alone. Their names also are She^ 
ree'at, Tareekat, Hakeekat and Mari- 
fat." Tark means a segment, sec- 
tion or gore and also a string and a 
helmet. The Lucknow editor says 
that the four tarka signify the four 
elements, but this is doubtful. Tark 
has also the sense of abandonment 
and dervishes mean, by their larks, 
the abandonment of the world, etc. 
The sect known as the Qftdiris, wear 
a fourfold cap, i,e., one with four 



4< 



<l 



« 



44 



tarke. This may signify the aban- 
donment of this world, of the next, 
of resp^t of men and, fourthly, 
of every thing except God. A. F. 
may also be referring to the four 
degrees of devotion mentioned by 
Blochmann (A. F.'s Preface vn.) and 
by BadaonI (Lowe, 299 and 314) and 
which consisted in the surrender of 
four things, vt'z.. Goods, Life, Fame, 
Faith. Hence the appropriateness 
of the word cahdr'tarkJ, as this may 
be rendered the four abandonmenia 
or aurrendera, Irddat too may mean 
desire and inclination, as well as 
.devotion and discipleship so that the 
.whole phrase may signify the cap of 
the fourfold ahandoivment of desires. 
It is in such many-sided expressions 
that the author delights. 

Writing of Manlavis, Kaempfer in 
his valuable work on Persian customs, 
** AmoBnitatea Exoticas" says, (p. 113), 
**In veatitu nil peregrini hahentt nisi 
mttrom quatuor conapicuam plicia, ex 
faatigio ad oram decurrentibus." 

Aatin-i'haft-tardz'i-^a^idat bar ha- 
itda hazdr *dUxm afsJadnda, lit., whose 
seven-broidered sleeve of devotion 
has been shed over the 18,000 species. 
Seven is a mystic number and there 
may here be a reference to the seven 
valleys of the Manfiqu't-1d*ir of 
Faridu-d-dm 'Attar. The seven 
broideries may mean embroidery in 
seven different colours and be typical 



28 



AKBARNAMA. 



and of our dominion-increasing victories/^ What shall I say was tiie 
effect of this order for describing the occurrences ?^ Did it grant 
permission to undertake the task by bestowing on me the necessary 
genius ? or did it, by a grant of felicity to my hearty appoint me the 



of the seven Paths, etc. See Brown 
1. c. 93. Astin afibflndan means to 
applaud by clapping the hands, to 
dance, and to scatter gifts. It also 
has the contrary meaning of aban- 
doning or refusing. See VuUers and 
the Burhdn-i'qdiV 8. 9. A. F. seems 
here to play upon these meanings, 
but his primary intention probably 
was to signify that he was renowned 
throughout the world for his devotion. 
Chalmers perhaps read anif&afida or 
niibflmda and translates " who was re- 
" nowned among the 18,000 creatures 
"for the seven times embroidered 
" sleeve of trustiness." Perhaps we 
might translate, "whose seven em- 
" broidered sleeve of loyalty has show- 
" ered gifts over the 18,000 species," 
or, without the inafai — "Whose 
" seven-broidered sleeve has showered 
" loyalty over the 18,000 species." 

It would seem that the language 
was originally Fai j^l's, for we find it in 
the preface to his translation of the 
Lildvaa (B. M. MSS. Or. No. 5640, p. 
4). It is also in the printed edition of 
his translation. (Calcutta 1828, p. 2). 
In the MS. the phrase runs thus ;— 

Banda-i-)kafa<ann-t-c{ar|(/a^-i-fa'a(2- 
at u gaftt j^aAr-nt«fcf»-i-d«fdti-t-ira({ai 



d$i%n-i''haft'tardB'i'*aqidat harha^da 
haear *dlam (rfs^nda* 

It should be remembered that 
Faizi projectod writing an AkhiMr* 
ndma on the model of the Bethr%' 
nkcmda/rndina of Nicamf and that 
he, apparently, had begun its compo- 
sition (In^d III). It is probable 
that some of A. F.'s most flowery 
passages are borrowed from his 
brother's incomplete poem. 

Possibly the expression about the 
18,000 species, has reference to A. F.'s 
oft repeated assertions that he had 
arrived at the state of pdh-i-hull^ 
perfect peace with all men. It may 
be noted that the sleeve mentioned 
is the wide sleeve of the Oriental 
which may be opened out and folded 
over the face. The expression sleeve 
of devotion has nothing in oommon 
with Shakespeare's " ravelled sleavo 
of care," where slea/ve means an 
entangled skein. 

The simplest rendering of the 
whole passage is something like 
this; — "MubSrak's son, Abu-l-faal, 
"in whose heart dwell the four 
Renunciations, and the praise of 
whose sevenfold devotion has gone 
" out to the ends of the earth." 

^ I think this must be the mean* 
ing, though the phrase might mean 
"What shall I say ? Was this a 
" command for me to compose the 
" memoirs P " as Chalmers has 
translated it. The objection to this 
rendering is that we have just been 
told he had received a clear order. 



i( 



tt 



INTRODUCTION. 



29 



recorder of glorious events ? or did it bestow eloquence on one 
rude ^ of speech ? Nay I nay ! it gave wings to my words and feet 
to my pen. It was an invisible angel^ conveying from the upper 
world, life-giving news of joy. It was the Archangel* Gabriel bring- 
ing down a revelation from the antechamber of Omnipotence. 

Assuredly, I spent > much labour and research in collecting the 
records and narratives of his Majesty's actions and I was a long time 
interrogating the servants of the State and the old members of the 
illustrious family.^ I examined both prudent, truth-speaking old 



1 4j*^l, a*jami. Chalmers 8eemB 
to have read i/^^^i 'ojctml and so 
translates Kohdn-i-'ajami, the Persian 
tongue. This is also the reading of 
the Lucknow ed. but a*jam% seems 
to be right. A. F. speaks of his 
having a stammering tongue, kaj'maj 
mihdn» (Atn II, 254). 

> ^aTI 4/^1!, namiU'i'dkhar, lit. 
the chief confidant of God. (Dozy 
27256.) A. F. also uses this phrase 
to mean reason. (J.%n I. 13). No 
donbt it is used here partly for the 
play upon the word Ahbar. In a 
Circular Order preserved in the 
Infiio* (Part I.) we have the phrase 
NamuS'i'akha/r u qdnun-i'd*tiatiP'i' 

iultanat. 

> See for another account of the 
inception of the task and of his 
labours, the conclusion of the Ain 
(Jarrett, 400-417). 

* Princess Gnlbadan, the sister 
of Hindal, aunt of Akbar, and widow 
of Ehi?!' Khwaja. wrote her Memoirs 
in accordance with Akbar's request 
and apparently as material for the 
Akhamdma (Bieu's Catalogue 1. 227a. 
and MS. Or. No. 166). Her little 
book, called apparently the Humd' 
yunndnM^ gives interesting details 
about Humiy&n's marriage with 
Akbar's mother and deserves publi- 



cation and translation. She men- 
tions that she was eight years old 
when her father Babar died. 

In the India Office, there is a MS. 
(No. 216) called the TdriJ^'i-humd- 
yun which was composed by Akbar's 
orders for the use of A. F. It was 
dictated by Bftyazld, who had been 
Mtr Sdmdn, steward or superintend- 
ent of the kitchen, under Humayon 
to a clerk of Abu-1-fazl at Labor. 
An examination of the book does not 
show that the author called it the 
Tdnf^'i'humdyun, and such a title 
would be inadequate. Apparently 
the only name given to it by 
the author is that of MuHAtasar 
(Abridgment). It is in fact a book 
of Memoirs and comes down to the 
date of writing, viz., 999 (1590). It 
begins in 949 (1542), with HumS- 
yQn's flight to Persia, and is a per- 
sonal narrative of events from that 
date. Many events in Akbar's reign 
are described, e.g., the murder of 
Shamsu-d-din by Adham Khan (105 
a and h) and Khwaja Mua^^im's 
murder of his wife. (1056 and 106a). 
A valuable feature of the book is its 
lists of officers, especially the long one 
of those who accompanied HumayQn 
to India. The author was Bakiwal 
Begf (Superintendent of the Kitchen) 



30 



AEBARNAMA. 



men and active-minded, right-actioned young ones and reduced their 
statements to writing. The royal commands were issued to the pro- 
vinces, that those who from old service remembered, wiih certainty 
or with adminicle of doubt, the events .of the past, should copy out 
their notes and memoranda and transmit them to Court. Inasmuch 
as this auspicious invitation was not fully responded to nor my wish 
fully accomplished, a second command shone forth from the holy 
Presence-chamber; to wit — that the materials which had been col- 
lected, should be faired out and recited in the royal hearing, and 
that whatever might have to be written down afterwards, should be 
introduced into the noble volume as a supplement, and that such 
details as on account of the minuteness of the inquiries and the 
minutiae of affairs, could not then be brought to an end,' should 
be inserted afterwards at my leisure. Being relieved by this royal 
order, — the interpreter of the Divine ordinance, — from the secret 



in Akbar's time, and his full name 
appears to be Bajazld Sult&n (1583 
last line). He was attached to 
Mun*im Khan and has many details 
about Kabul and the war in Bengal. 
Nine copies of the work were made, 
vi9., two (including one that got mis- 
laid) for the King's Private Library, 
three for the Eoyal Princes, one for 
the library of Gulbadan whom the 
author calls the mother of the king's 
servants, and two for Abu-l-fazVa 
library. The ninth was probably 
the original, and remained with the 

author. 

Bayazld, known as Bayazid Bayat, 
is quoted by Raverty (Notes on 
Af ghanistan) and the B. M. has a 
MS. (Add. No. 26, 610) which con- 
tains an apparently complete trs. of 
BayazTd*s Memoirs by Erskine. 
(Rieu's Cat. II. Pref. XX). Both 
text and trs. merit publication. 

A Apparently /arii gu^ihfo,n here 
means to complete or bring to an 
end and not, to neglect or pass over. 



See Yullers «. v. guzasj^tan^ 9546 and 
the quotation there given from the 
Burhdn-i-qati', With regard to this 
account of the collection of materials, 
it should be remembered that the 
Atn with all its wealth of tables and 
other statistics is part of the Akbar* 
ndma and that the author was pro- 
bably referring to his difficulties in 
getting ' full topographical details. 
What he seems here to mean is that 
he was disturbed in his mind at not 
getting full answers to his inquiries 
for local information and that Akbar 
relieved him by telling him to set to 
work on the material he had, and to 
leave other details to be inserted 
afterwards. We have (Ain II. 14^ 
Jarrett III. 23) the skeleton of an 
elaborate astronomical table which 
appears to be blank in all the MSS. 
Colonel Jarrett supposes that the 
entries were left to be made at a 
later time and that the matter was 
afterwards forgotten or the re(|uired 
information never obtained. 



tNtttODUCTfOK. 



31 



ftnxiety of my heart, I proceeded to reduce into writing the rough 
draughts which were void of the graces of arrangement and style. 
I obtained the chronicle of events beginning at the nineteenth yeai* 10 
of the Divine Era, when the Record Office^ was established by 
the enlightened intellect of his Majesty^ and from its rich pages 
I gathered the accounts of many events. Great pains too, were 
taken to procure originals or copies of most of the orders^ which 
had been issued to the provinces from the Accession up to the 
present day which is the dawn of Portune^s morning.* Their sacred 
contents yielded much material for the sublime volume. I also took 
much trouble to incorporate many of the reports which ministers and 
high officials had submitted, about the affairs of the empire and the 
events of foreign countries.* And my labour-loving soul was satiated 
by the apparatus of inquiry and research. I also exerted myself 
energetically to collect the rough notes and memoranda of sagacious 
and well-informed men. By these means, I constructed b reservoii* 



1 if^ ^^\j e^y^, qdnun-i-wdqi-' 
"a-nawwi. (Blochmann 258, An No. 
10). There were 14 clerks employed 
in the Office, via., two for each day. 
It was established in the 19th year, 
982 (1574). iAkbamdfna III. 118). 
In the same year A. P. entered the 
Emperor's service and we may rea- 
sonably suppose that the institution 
of the Record Office was partly due 
to his suggestion. 

« Two dastur-uWamal (Circulars) 
to the local authorities are preserved 
tit- the first volume of Inshd and 
muc^ of them (with modifications 
and actions) is to be found in the 
Itn (Jarrett II. 37, 66, etc.). 

8 We might here have expected 
A. F. to use this language with re- 
ference to the Accession and not to 
delay the " dawn of fortune's morn- 
ing '* till 40 years of the reign had 
passed away. But clearly he refers 
it to the time of his writing. There 



is a similar passage in Akhar's letter 
to *Abdu-l-lah ^an of Turan. 
(Akhamdma III. 707, 1. 8) where the 
phrase is used with reference to the 
41st year and apparently to the 
completion of the conquest of the 
Deccan and the establishment of 
universal peace. 

* This passage might be compen- 
diously rendered Home and Foreign 
Affairs. The phrase used for foreign 
countries is Akndf-uwildyat, borders 
of foreign countries. Blochmann 
says (Prosody of the Persians, VI.) 
that toildyat, in Indian prose writers 
and poets, means Kabul and Persia, 
and it is possible that Persia is in- 
tended here. But I should think 
Turin and Europe were also refer- 
red to, A. F. would not be likely to 
speak of Kabul as wUdyat because 
he regarded it as part of the empire 
and has described it among the 
8uha$, 



'•It, 



""Sir ,1. 



"y. 






"»oo/;, 



» »^ ""*!. 



"*ii, 









^''^ioTf-i 



'4, 



4'e, 



' o/ 



■""■<«,■ 






'is 







INTHUl>UCT10N. 



an 



Mtryam-makSnly^ a majestic epitlict wliich passed into the enlightened 11 
mind of his Majesty, the king of kings. I style the revered grandfather 
of the Lord of the World, (lazrat Gtti-sitain'i'FardoS'makant^ and thereby 
abridge his designations. 

NoTB. 

R. A. S. No. 117 has a cnrioiis addition to the account of the mandate 
(anU 27) which A. P. received to write the history of Akbar's achieve- 
ments. After afskanda, it has ** Dar bht'ii-duyam Isfandarmaz wah, svna 
sUu-siyum-i'Tlahl ^ukm shud,** etc. "On 22nd Isfandarmaz, 33rd of the 
Divine Era, an order was given." Lower down where it is stated that a 
second commandment was issued (ante page 29) the same MS. has " Dar ruz 
isndd Ardibihisht Sana 8t-u-cahanitn hi sly am Rajah nuh-sad-u-nuwad-u-haft 
hukm mtijadd shid" ** On 26th Ardibiliight of the 34th year, or 3rd Rajab 
997, a second order was issued." I have not found these clauses in any other 
MS., bat they are hardly likely to have been interpolated by the copyist 
and the first date appeal's to agree with A. F.'s other statements, for in the 
-4?» ( Jarrett III. 416) he says that he was seven years employed on the 
hitttory which with the year or so occupied in the collection of materials 
might bring the completion of the work to the 41st or 42nd of Akbar. 



1 Miry am is Miriam or Mary and 
the epithet has been variously ren- 
dered — she who dwells with Maryt — 
is of the household of Mary, — and 
wIm is of equal rank with Mary — viz., 
the Virgin Mary. (The Virgin is 
one of Muhammad's four perfect 
women). Akbar did not invent the 
epithet, for it was borne by his great- 
grandmother, the mother of Babar. 
(See Khafi Khan I. 35). Jahangir's 
wife, Jodh Bai, was called Miry am- 
i'Zamdnl, the Mary of the Age. 1 
think the word MakdnJ, in Hamida 
Banu's title must be translated, rank 



or station, and not household, for it 
was given to her in her life-time. It 
almost looks as though Akbar liked 
the title because it agreed with his 
resemblance to the Messiah. It was 
said that the two resembled one an- 
other in speaking in the cradle. See 
account of miracle wrought by the 
infant Akbar to comfort Jiji Anaga 
(Akbanidma I. 187 and Dabistdn III. 
60, trs.). With reference to this 
incident A. F. calls Akbar Masthd- 
war, Messiah-like. 

* Conqueror of the world, abidin 
in Paradise. 



34 



iKBARMAMA. 



CHAPTER U 

Account of sundbt sscbet annuncutions and holy manifestations 

WHICH took flack BKVOBB HIS MaJKSiVs A08PICIOU8 BIRTH. 

It is not hidden from the mirror-hearts of the qnick^sightod 
and far-seeing — who know the mysteries of truths and who show 
forth the secrets behind the divine veils^ and are curtain-openers of 
elemental {i.e., terrestrial and celestial) mysteries — that the profound 
wisdom and secret power of the Creator ordain that it is by the 
weddings of heavenly' sires with earthly mothers^ and after various 
cycles of lunar ^ aspects, and of applications/ of syzygies and opposi- 
tions of the sun and moon, of conjunctions of the superior^ and 
inferior planets, risings and settings, appearances and disappearances 
of stars, lunar and solar eclipses, qualities of exaltations and falls,* 
influences of zeniths and nadirs,^ and the like, (which are architects 
in the workshop of production and change, and artists in the picture* 
gallery of invention and contrivance) that the unique one comes 
forth from the secret inner chambers into the palace of manifestation. 



I ChalmerB breaks off here, and 
does not resume his translation till 
page 102 of the text. 

* The author here displays his 
learning by giving a string of astro- 
nomical and astrological terms. The 
planets and other heavenly bodies are 
the sires, and the four elements are 
the earthly mothers, though the lat- 
ter may also be " elect ladies," such 
as Alang-goa(Alanqas)andMaryam- 
makftnl. 

S ^D^» itntieo;, union or mix- 
ture; but it appears to be also a 
term for the lunar aspects. See Die. 
of T. T. 1323. 

^ JUui, ittUdl, approximation or 

propinquity. It is an astrological 
term corresponding to the continu- 
ation or application of European 



astrologers and is the opposite of 
iit^^AJf, insirdf, separation. 

• The superior planets are Satu m, 
Jupiter and Mars, — as being above 
or beyond the orbit of the Sun, — and 
the inferior are Venus, Mercury and 
the Moon. 

* A planet falls when it is in the 
house and degree opposite to those 
of its exaltation, ».e., is six heavens, 
180°, from them. Thus the Sun's 
exaltation is 19° Aries and his fall 
19° Libra. The Sun is a planet, 
according to the Ptolemaic system. 

•» u«^-^ J gy, auj u Aa?T|. 
This may also mean the apaideif i.e., 
the apogee and perigee or aphelion 
and perihelion. Auj (Pers. cmIc or 
aug), was used to siguif}* the apogee 
of a planet. 



CHAPTER I. 



35 



and tbat Unity emerges from the veiled ones of tbe cabinet of non- 
existence and displays its glory in tbe sublime assembly of Beings to 
be tbe caase of tbe arrangement of tbe Universe and tbe means of 
discriminating between jnstice and oppression tbrongbont tbe world. 
How can arrangement result from simple ^ matter ? How will it 
make progress wben tbe constitution of every individual is founded 
on a collection of opposite tendencies^* wben tbere is colossal 
egotism in every brain, wben justice is unattainable, love non-existent, 
appetite rampant, and concupiscence daily on tbe increase ? 

Tbe wise and far-sigbted man is aware tbat in every period it is 
indispensable tbat tbere be a ruler wbo sball be strengtbened by God's 
help and made fortunate by eternal blessings. And tbe philosopher 
perceives tbat such a power must be spiritual as well as possessed of 



^ il^tj ^, tan-i-wahid. I under- 
stand this to signify matter only, 
i.e., simple matter without the inter- 
vention of celestial influences. The 
author has been dwelling on the 
necessity of all sorts of combinations 
and influences to produce the Only 
One— the Unique, — and then winds 
up by exclaiming about the impotence 
of mere matter. In the Am (II. 966) 
the author uses ^, tan, in the 
sense of matter as opposed to spirit 
and has the phrase tan gvddlditan, 
to mortify — lit. to melt — the flesh. 

I am, however, by no means sure of 
the meaning and possibly the phrase 
may, as has been suggested to me, 
be an exclamation of surprise at 
Akbar*s greatness, " What an ap- 
paratus of arrangement from one 
man I " This rendering of tan-i-wd- 
kid receives support from the similar 
use of tan in page 4 (line 4 from 
foot) ; but then I do not see its con- 
nection with what follows. Possibly 
the correct reading would be to omit 
the i^at after tan and to translate 
tcdhid as the Unique One. " What 



Cosmos can come out of flesh ? 
How can the Unique One issue from 
it, seeing that every man is made up 
of contradictions P " See the corres- 
ponding passage in the Ain (I. 290 
1.12, Jarrett II. 51) and also in 
the beginning of the first letter to 
'Abdu-1-lah Khan of Turan, in the 
Inahd, Here we have the expres- 
sion qahr-i-wahdat which Jarrett 
translates autocracy. Finally I may 
point out that there is an Arabic 
word 4i;3, tinn, signifying equality, 
and that possibly this is what A. F. 
wrote. His question then would be, 
** How can Cosmos result from equa- 
lity (or equals) P How will the 
Unique One emerge from it P " 

If it be objected that wdhid, aa an 
adjective, cannot mean the " Unique 
One," we might read wahdatj unity ; 
or, with still less violence, take the 
letter ti? to be ii, the conjunction and 
translate u ahad, "and the Unique 
One." 

• Alluding to the four warring 
and contradictory elements. 



na 



AKIURNAMA. 



Btrength of arm. Tho man of experience knows that many years 
iiiiiBt elapse before a ruby^ develop in the embryonic sac of the mine 
and arrive at maturity, so as to be fit for a royal diadem. How 
many revolutions of epochs then, and how many cycles, are required 
before such a priceless pearl and unique jewel,* lacking in naught, 
can obtain his special preparation, so that by ascending steps, he 
arrive at the fulness of perfection ? Acute and experienced 
observers perceive that the length of the period is dependent on the 
number of the subjects,^ for the greater their number, the greater are 
the opposition and incommensurability. The greatness of the Lord of 
an Age is more conspicuous when he takes the burden of the whole 
world and of mankind on the head (farq) of genius, and guards the 
Hocks ijirq) of the universe from strife, and arranges and completes, 
by virtue of his wisdom, the work of the world and of mankind. 
J^ut whenever, in the plenitude of His desires, the Divine Work- 
man wills, that the arrangement of things spiritual and temporal and 
the culture of tho inner and outer worlds be placed in tho hands of 
12 one individual of the human race, how can the period of preparation 
of such a lofty comprehension and sublime intellect be calculated by 
the human understanding, and how can finite cycles contain it ? 
Inasmuch as tho enlightened and wise of our time find these two 
supreme gifts* in the writing on the luminous forehead of tho 
Lord^ of the World (Akbar), they quite justly admit their inability 
tn expound his orbit.* To them, this very fact is bliss, that by the 



I Alluding to the notion that the 
ruby is slowly developed from stone 
!»y the action of the Sun. Of. Milton 
(Paradise Lost III. (508-12). 

" With one virtuous touch 
"The Arch-chimic Sun, so far 

from us remote, 
'* Produces with Terrestrial Humor 

mixt, 
•* Hero in the dark» so many pre- 
cious things 
*' ( )f colour glorious and effect so 

rare." 
8 As the perfect prince. 
^ IjU), raVTyri, sn1»j«'cts. Th(Mvnnl 
priniiirily signifii^s a flock or licnl 



and probably A. F. uses it here with 
a reference to this original meaning. 
We might therefore translate ** the 
size of the flock." 

♦ Viz.f the control of the worlds^ 
etc. 

' ^^^j Bixidev, lord or great 
king: it is the well-known word 
Kited ire. 

i^.>x, manaqib pi. of maytqah, 
virtues, and also, a mountain-path. 
Here. I think, it moans the path of 
Akbar's development, though A. F. 
probably hji> »n oyi* to tlio doiib](> 
mrMiiitip! nf the word, as his tnunrn^r 
is. 



CHAPTEH I. 



37 



Divine aid, they have come to know him. For the comprehension of 
the stages of development of such a Lord is not within the compass 
of human calculation. They know that in venerating this Great One, 
they are doing reverence to the Divine power and are worshipping 
the very Godhead. They spend all their energies in acquiring his 
grace, as that necessarily includes the compassing of the grace 
of the incomparable God. What bliss can be greater than this ? 
Or what fortune can be more exquisite than this boon ? And 
the enlightened and far-seeing man whose visual ray has been 
strengthened by the antimony of rectitude, knows from the analogy * 
of an auspicious star, it' was after thousands of years had been spent, 
womb after womb, in the cradle of preparation, that the broidery of 
existence was bestowed on her Majesty ilanqua,* so that she might 
become 3 worthy of that world-illuminating Light, which is the 
interpretation of that anthropomorphic Sun* which stands at the 



1 Lit. by the guidance of an aus- 
picious star but, I think, the verse 
quoted immediately afterwards, 
shows the meaning to be, that the 
length of time after which an auspi- 
cious star appears, proves how long 
a period is rccjuired for the develop- 
ment of a Light such as that of 
Akbar. 

• Her proper name appears to be 
Alang-goa. See Ssanang-Ssetzen*s 
"History of the Eastern Mongols," 
(trs. J. J. Schmidt, St. Petersburg, 
1829, 59). Ooa or Go means white or 
shining and is a title given to noble 
ladies (I. c. 373). Ssanang-Ssetzen 
was a descendant of Cingiz Khan 
and completed his book in 1662 (I. c. 
299). He describes Alang-goa as 
the (Liughtcr of Baraghodschin-goa, 
wife of Choritai-mergen. She be- 
came the wife of Dobo-mergen and 
l)ore him two sons. Then her hus- 
band died, and during her widow- 
hood, slu? WJis visilrd hy tho Sun 
anil becamr by him, tho mother oi* 



three sons. She is the mythical 
ancestress of the Mongolian race by 
her supernaturally-born son, Budan- 
tsar Mong Khan. A. F. gives an 
account of her (Akbamdma, 64). 
Both he and Ssanang-Ssetzen inti- 
mate that she was miraculously born 
as well as a miraculous mother, and 
the latter gives the name of her 
mother only. 

* Tho word is gardid, became, 
but I think tho past tense is used 
here for the future as is sometimes 
done in Persian. The elements of 
humanity traversed armies of mar- 
tyrs, — thereby becoming purified,— 
and were eventually developed into 
Alanqua. 

* jlL^jj d-»4^, 9ham8a'i'2)es]itdq. 
In Am No. 19, {Ain, Book I. 45), 
A. F. treats of the insignia of royalty 
and begins with the expression 
sliamaa-i'calidrfdq. He then adds 
that this shanvsa is a Divine splen- 
dour wliicli, without tho intervention 
of human effort is the finger- mark 



38 



AKBAUNAHA. 



entrance-gate of ancient tradition and constitutes the basal inscrip- 



of Divine power. Blochmann (50) 
translates, ** The iftomsa of the arch 
of royalty is a Divine light which 
God directly transfers to kings with- 
out the assistance of men, and kings 
are fond of external splendour be- 
cause they consider it an image of 
the Divine glory." He adds, in a 
note, ** SJIk(Mn8a is a picture of the 
Sun, affixed to the gates or walls of 
the palaces of kings. At night, 
these pictures are illuminated." The 
expression sj^maa-i-cdhdrtdq must 
bo connected with that of ilaamaa-i- 
pesl^tdq^ which occurs in the text 
(III. 184, 1.4). The expression there 
used is iia/msO'i'peihfdq'i-dgdhi — 
the solar image of the arch of intelli- 
gence — and is applied to Akbar. 
Similarly Faizi, in the preface to his 
Dlwdn, speaks of the 2^m'-i-2ia2&- 
tdq u sJ^dJi'i-nvJi'J^arga — meaning 
apparently, lamp of the six sides of 
the world and king of the nine 
vaults of heaven. CahdHdq which 
Blochmann translates arch is given 
by Steingass as meaning a kind 
of tent. Dozy (Supplement I. 786) 
defines «&afii8a as a round orna- 
ment or little ball in the shape of the 
Sun ; he also says it is described as 
a sun-shaped button, by means of 
which a door is opened. It may 
apparently mean also a curtain or 
parasol. I think the fl^amsa'i'j^sli- 
tdq in the passage before us, means 
in part, the solar images which were 
set up at the entrance-gates of royal 
palaces and here, we may quote the 
words of Quintus Curtius (III. Cap. 7) 
noticed in Hyde's "Religion of the 
Ancient Persians. " 



" Super tabernaculum unde ab 
omnibus conspici posset, imago 
solis crystallo inclusa fulgebat." 

Perhaps, however, this rather re- 
fers to the akdsdiya. (Blochmann 
60). 

The following extract from Kaemp- 
fer's Amoenitates Exoticae, (Fasicu- 
lus V. 199), gives a nobler idea of 
the Siamea than Mr. Blochmann*s 
description. Kaempfer is describing 
the Gynaeceum Regium or Female 
Apartments of the Palace at Ispahan. 

"Ambulacri superat4 longitudine 
(quam habet 150 passuum) portam 
contingimus primariam, extus, Jani- 
toribus Sopi, intus, albis munitam 
spadonibus. Haec tota caeruleo 
imbuta, iconem exhibit Mithrae, i.e., 
Solis (detorta vox est ab obsolete Me- 
hiin quod Solem notat) priiegrandem, 
auream et apcirso in orbem juhare 
radiantem. Sanctitatem loci, non 
alii ornamenti species, mystici 
gentiu judicio, gravius exprimebat 
quam Mithra, sive Sol, qui coelo 
decus, universitati lux et vitae focus 
praepositus est. Solem igitur pro 
summo Kumine (verius pro ]arv& 
Numinis) antiquitus colebat, ejusque 
simulacrum adoptabat absolutae 
potentiae suae insigne, quod et domi 
statuebat togatae Majestati praesi- 
dium, et in Campo sign is praofercbat 
militaribus ita animas accensurum 
objectu rei, quae uno quasi complexa 
Divini Numinis imaginem, et Majea- 
tatis Regiae praesentiam innueret." 

But I think A. F. chiefly means to 
refer to the solar being who came 
into Alang-goa's tent and that he 
wishes to indicate as the true cxpla- 




CHAPTER I. 



39 



tion^ of true histories. And he perceives that the same Light 
which took shape^ without human ijQstrumentality or a father's loins^ 
in the pure womb of her M&jesty Xlanqua^ after havings in order to 
arrive at perfection, occupied during several ages the bodily wrap- 
pings of other holy witnesses, is manifesting itself at the present day, 
in the pure entity of this unique God-knower and God-worshipper 
(Akbar). 

Vbrsb. 

How many ages have passed away ! 

How many planetary conjunctions occurred, 

That this happy star might come forth from heaven ! 

It is an ancient custom and established institute that the mes- 
sengers of the eternal city and the heralds of the opening of the 
gates' of munificence, before the appearance of an elect one, — such 



nation of the mysterious figure 
which, according to the old tradition, 
came in as an image of the Sun and 
disappeared as a wolf, — that Alang- 
goa was made pregnant by the 
Divine Light, in the same way as the 
Virgin Mary, {Akhamdma 64, ff.). 
It is believed by some writers that 
the story of Alang-goa is an imitation 
of the accounts of the incarnations 
of the Buddha and of Jesus Christ. 

1 i^'f* ^-J^j kitdba-i'tnahdni, 
epithet, inscription, foundation of 
(true records). I think the allusion 
must be to the title Nairun which 
was given to Alang-goa's descend- 
ants by the Sun. (Akhamdma 67t 
1.1). A. F. takes the epithet to be 
derived from nur and says it means 
light-born; but the word does not 
seem to be Arabic and it is not likely 
that the rude forefathers of the 
Mughals would use an Arabic term. 
D'Ohsson (I. 25) says, " Nirun, c'est- 
a dire de la cote, pour designer la 
puret^ de leur origine." Apparently 



then, he does not derijire the word 
from nur but connects it with the 
TurkI narah, a side or place. The 
legend about Alang-goa is men- 
tioned in the SBii^jratu-l-atrdk. (Col. 
W. Miles' trs.) There may however, 
also, be a reference to the J'aha^dt" 
i-ndsirt of Minhij-i-siraj, (Section 
XXI.) where the word £2am«id is 
nsed as a title of a dynasty and 
where there is a passage not unlike 
A. F.'s. (Baverty 696 and Bib. Ind. 
Text 164). Possibly too, the word 
tawdrily here means dates or chro- 
nology and the allusion (or at least, 
one of the allusions) is to the Divine 
Era, established by Akbar. 

* V^i f^i faihu'l'ldh, I learn 
from the Die. of T. T. (1104) that 
this is also an astrological term, 
meaning the coming together in the 
same house of two planets whose 
mansions are opposite to one another, 
e.g,t Saturn and the Sun and Moon, 
Jupiter and Mercury, Mars and 
Yenus. Guido Bonatus has a chap- 



40 



AKBARNAMA. 



13 



that one only comes into existence after thousands of years, — rejoice 
the privileged and wakeful-hearted by the glad tidings of his 
approach. For every event is stationed'* behind the veil of a times 
and the precise^ moment (of its appearance) is concealed and hiddea. 
Yet before it become a certainty, they open a wicket * in the invisiblo 
world in face of the senses^ and the window-fronts hold a lattice * 
of indications. 

Sometimes the manifestations occur in the visible world, and 
sometimes their lustre is exhibited in dreamland, — which is an imago 
of the world of mortals, — so that the recipients may have hope whilo 
on the highway of desire, and may await the wished-for light and 
may be observing the ascension of the auspicious star, for expectation 
enhances joy, and joy is the ornament of felicity. And whatever 
takes form after longing and striving, and obtains its fulfilment after 
watching and waiting, has a charm about it which is not met with 
otherwise. 

An instance of this is the circumstance that his Majesty 
Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyan! (Humayun) after receiving an intimation 
of the advent of the glorious one {an itazrat) was ever keeping 
the dust-stained head of supplication on the earth of humility ; 
and placing the apex of beseechment on the threshold of the Ka'ba 
of requests, and turning the face of hope towards the altar of 
entreaty, used to pray with invocations and longing, for that living 
blessing, which in truth, is an auspicious ascension ^ and an increase of 
life. 



ter headed De apertione portarum. 
(8166). 

A c^j^^yo, mar Hid. This word, 
according to Lane, means lying in 
wait. It means also the station of a 
star and the act of observation and 
of being observed and is used in this 
sense in the Ain (II, 1.5 fr. foot.) 

« Lit. "the knot (i^ 'uqdai) 
of the special time is veiled and 
hidden." 

fl Da/r%ca, a window or wicket. 

4 SS^, fJiabaka, (Dozy, Siippl- 



722b). The name given to a part of 
the astrolabe known as the cobweb ; 
Chaucer's Riet {rete) ; a moveable 
metal plate. See also Jarret, III. 
315, n.l. 

* u^U* C^^Je, fdW-i'humayun, 
There is a play here upon the word 
Humayan, the phrase being capable 
of being rendered the ascenaion or 
rising of Humayun : perhaps too, 
there is an allusion to the etymology, 
real or supposed, of the Persian wurd 
/arzand, son, from /(ir, glory. 



CHAPTER I. 



41 



Vebsb. 

O Lord, by the lampliglit of Tliy Essence, 

By the ocean pearls of Thy Attributes, 

By those holy Ones (prophets and saints) who come forth 

like pure roses. 
Whose souls are washed by the fountains of the sun. 
Grant a jewel to my fortune's crown ; 
Grant a star to my exaltation's heaven ; 
Grant a moonlight to my chamber*. 
Which may disperse the darknesses of the Universe ; 
Irradiate my existence by a sun. 

That' the nine heavens may come within my adoration. 
Give perpetuity to my afflicted soul, 
So^ that, if death come by a hundred ways, I may not die. 

Of a truth, a son who will be one's successor and take one's 
place on the glorious throne, is something which is a compensation 
for life, — for which there is no compensation, — and is a substitute for 
bye-gone years. He is the fruit of life's garden and a celestial 
lantern, fed from the oil of the Divine bounty. He kindles the family 
lamp of the whole line of ancestors and fixes it firmly on the throne 
of fortune. He lengthens and broadens the shades of justice and 
glory over the heads of mortals. Especially, if he be such a rare 
and exquisite product and so consummately dutiful that, if he be 
called jPrimus^ of the Poles of Saints, it is but proper, and if he be 
termed the knot in the grand chain of sovereignty,^ Father of 
Fathers,^ and Great Ancestor, it is but just and in accordance with 



1 c; l ju- » iw, §^(ibi8idn. This is 

A. F.'s name for the harem or serag- 
lio. See Ain 39. The prayer is 
that there may be a moonlike son 
born in the harem. 

t This line is Fai2i*8. See Ah' 
hamdma III, 683, 1.5. 

8 This line is adapted from one 
of Faizl's. Akhamdma III. 683, 1.4. 

* Lit. synopsis or title-page of 
the Poles of the saints. 
6 



* The word aaltanat does not 
occur in the text (Bib. Ind. ed.) but 
is in No. 564 and is probably genuine. 
It occurs after ailnla and before 
a'gtina. The wofd also occurs in 
B. M. No. 1709. 

• Ahu'l'dbd u jadd-i-a'ld, Jadd 
sometimes means maternal grard- 
father or ancestor and perhaps r.as 
this force here. 



42 



AKDARNAMA. 



14 



tlio real facts. It is exceptionally suitable that a king who in sac* 
cession to a line of ancestors is placed on a throne of rule and 
sway, and is world-dominating and world-adorning, should have an 
illustrious successor} ^nd such an one is of all men, the most eager 
in this quest. 

At length, on 4th Rabi'u-1-awwai, 947, of the lunar (JJijra) era 
(Friday, 10 July, 1540) his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyanT had, 
after paying his devotions to the Author of bounty, laid for a time 
his head on the pillow of repose and his limbs on the couch of tran- 
quility, when, suddenly, under the auspicious veil of sleep, — henco 
called the cabinet of secrets— he became aware that God, (Glory be 
to Him) was bestowing on him an illustrious successor whose great- 
ness shone from his forelock, and the lightniug of whose splendour 
was flashing from his temples. From the light of his guidance, the 
dark regions of thoughts and opinions were illuminated, and the 
glory of his justice was lighting up the fields of night and day. It 
is in accordance with the communication which was made by the 
messengers of the invisible world regarding his Majesty (Akbar) 
that the glorious name of that divine masterpiece exalts at the 
present day, pulpits and proclamations. The superscriptions i of the 
gold and silver coins also tell of it. 

When his Majesty awoke, he first returned thanks to God 
for the majestic message and splendid grace and then told the 
rircumstaneo to the intimates of his harem and the servants of hi» 
threshold.* 



i Lit. the faces of the dirluima 
and dindra. The dirham was a silver 
coin and the dhidr a gold one. They 
were in use before Akbar's time. 
.Soe Am Nos. 10 and 11 (Book I. 
Blochniann). Akbar gave new naxneB 
to the coins. 

* ThiH dream occurred about a 
year before Humayuu's marriage 
with Akbar's mother. That raarriago 
took place, according to Gulbadan, on 
Monday, (Doahamba) 9th Jumada-K 
uwwal 918. Gulbadau says the dream 
occurred at Labor, and she gives a 



more poetical account of it. Sho 
says Ahmad-i-jam himself appeared 
in a dream, as an old man dressed in 
green and with a staff in liis hand, 
to Humuyun when the latter was in 
great distress on account of the 
conflicts with Sher Khan, and bade 
him not lose heart, for he would have 
a wonderful sou whom ho was to 
call Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Akbar. 
liibi Konor (qu. Guuawar) was then 
pregnant and it was thought tliat 
slie would have a son, but she bore a 
daughter, BiiJUishl B^uu. 



CHAPTER I. 



43 



Veesk. 

Ai sleep which tore the veil from before the eyes of the soul. 
Cannot be called sleep ; it was the heart's waking. 

Sharif Khan related that when his brother gbamsu-d-dln Mu. 
Klian Atga* was in Ghazni, in the 22nd year of his age^ ho dreamt 
he saw the moon come into his arms.^ He related the fact to his 
venerable father Mir Yar Mu. QhaznavT who was a spiritually- 
minded householder,^ and the latter rejoiced at the happy appearance 
o£ the auspicious circumstance and interpreted it to mean that God 
would, one day, bestow a great privilege upon him which would be 
the means of exalting their family. And so it turned out, for by 
the blessings of that full Moon of glory of the heaven (Akbar) the 
family was raised from the nadir of the dust to the zenith of heaven. 

Another circumstance was communicated by religious, right- 
thinking persons, viz, that when her Highness Miryam Makani — may 
the shadows of her glory be eternal — was pregnant with the holy 
elements of his Majesty, a strange light was perceptible from her 
bright brows. Often her divine countenance had to observers, the 
appearance of mirrors such as are fastened by tirewomen^ near the 
temples of secluded chaste ones. 

And the star of fortune sang this strain with the tongue of ecstacy. 

YlBBSE. 

I placed the clouded brow on the path* of fortune, 
I hung a thousand mirrors on the forehead. 



^ These lines are Faizi's and 
occur in his Dlwdn. B. M. MS. Add. 
No. 7794, 1916. 

8 Blochmann321. HewasAkbar's 
foster-father and became a todkil, 
minister. He was assassinated by 
Adham Khan. The word aiga is 
Turkish and properly ^^1 atdgd, the 
state of being a father. 

• Lit. armpit. ' 

♦ KadJ^udd'i'darvish'fnanis}^. 
This phrase is copied in the Madsiru- 



I'Umard (II. 531), and is, apparently, 
that which Mr. Blochmann has ren- 
dered " a simple farmer." The con- 
text here shows its real meaning. 

^ Jaffar, Herklots says nothing 
of mirrors being attached to the 
forehead, but states that they are 
placed on the thumb. 

• t\ji bardh. Possibly the word is 
hurd and the translation should be, 
" 1 laid the ornament of fortune on 
the clouded brow." 



u 



AKBAKNAMA. 



15 



One day, near the time^ of the auspicioas birth^ her Higliness 
Miryam Mak&ni was riding* on a camel. On the way^ her eye fell 
on a mango-garden. As at such a time, there is an inclination for 
Bub-acid drinks and for sour-sweet fruits, she bade her half-brother,* 
Khwaja Mu'azzam fetch some mangoes. The Khwaja brought 
some, and was giving them into her blessed hand when he saw a 
light upon her glorious brows like that from a mirror. He said^ 
*' Have you put a mirror on your forehead ?" She replied, " I have 
not attached any mirror. What are you referring to V* Then the 
Khwaja looked narrowly and saw that her Highness' shining fore^ 
head was lighted by the light of God. He marvelled at the light 
eternal and mentioned the circumstance to several of the confidential 
courtiers. His statement was to the effect, that the glory of the 
divine light so streamed from the shining brows that he had not 
strength to gaze steadily at it. 

The venerable mother of Khan A'zam Mirza 'Aziz Kokaltash, 
who was his Majesty's nurse,* related the following anecdote. " One 
morning, before I had the good fortune to hold this supreme office, 
a great light approached me and entered my bosom. I felt as if 
the world- warming Sun had fallen into my breast. A strange 
condition supervened and a great astonishment laid hold of me so 
that all the parts and particles of my body were moved and shaken^ 



(t 



i< 



It 



€C 



tt 



^ The birth was on 15th October 
O.8., i.e., 26th October N.S. There 
could hardly have been mangoes on 
the trees near that time, nor is it 
likely that there were any mango 
trees near Amarkot. 

> JSaudaj (ho wdah ), bnt here used, 
I think, to mean camel-litter. 

* iS}^^ ^^\^. ^ckrddar-i'mddari 
which can, apparently, mean either a 
maternal uncle or an uterine brother, 
i.e., a brother on the mother's side. 
Here it must mean the latter, for 
A. F. (I. 221) speaks of the relation- 
ship as aMiuioat-i'al^yqfi which the 
dictionaries explain a£ meaning 
brotherhood. The Ma^dtir (I. 618) 



describes the Khwaja as harddar- 
i-a^yani of Miryam Makani, i.e., her 
full brother. Its author then, appa- 
rently, took al^ydfi to mean full 
brother. 

Nigamu-d-din (Yahaqat, Luck. ed. 
263) speaks of the Ehwa ja as Akbar's 
maternal uncle and as the son of 
'AH Akbar, a descendant of the saint 
A^mad-i-jam. The Khwaja was a 
man of violent temper, if not wholly 
insane. He killed his wife and was 
imprisoned by Akbar in Gwalior. 
(Badaonl, Lowe, 71 and Noer's 
Akbar, A. S. Bovoridge, 1. 104). 

♦ Atagagl. Apparently this ought 
to be ana^a/t, if it comes from anutjn 
a nurse. (Blochmann 323n.) 



CHAPTER I. 



45 



t€ 



t( 



tt 



'' as by excess of joy and ecstacy. And the exquisiteness of that 
delight still suffuses me {lit, still possesses every hair of me). And 
from the time of that white dawn of the morning of majesty and 
beauty and rose-blooming of fortune and glory, I was on the watch, 
'' thinking, * O God ! what will be the result of this sublime feeling ? ' 
'' At length, I was exalted to this lofty service which is the treasure 
'^ of realm and religion {din u dunyd) and of trust/' 

Hemistich. 
" Fortune 1 is what comes to our bosom without trouble." 

" God be praised ! What a blessing it was that came to my 
bosom and what a fortune was receisred within my breast. 
Though externally, I was strongly made for the service of that 
sublimely-born pearl, yet in reality, it was Fortune who inclined her 
*'face> towards me and supported me and my family. Whenever 
'' I took his Majesty on my shoulder, auspiciousness raised me from 
'' the dust. Accordingly, by the blessing of this service which was 
" destined for me, a great grace and a lucky star were conferred on me. 
*' And I and my family became famous throughout the seven climes." 
Another story was told by Maulana^ Nuru-d-din Tarkhan and 
some others who were in attendance on the Court, tn«., that near the 
emergence of the sun of fortune (Akbar), his Highness JahanbanI was 
recreating himself in a room* which had latticed windows, and the 
formula of the rectification^ of the glorious birth was before him. 



t€ 



ti 



it 



I This line is in the Anwdr-i-Su' 
haili (Cap. 14, Storj 2). The literal 
rendering is " Fortune is what comes 
into the bosom without the heart's 
blood '* (being shed), and the nurse 
uses the line to indicate that she had 
not to undergo the pain and danger 
of parturition. 

S There is an antithesis between 
her strong back, pusj^t-i-qawi and 
Fortune's face. 

8 See Blochmann 524 and 541, 
also long account in Badaoni (111. 
197-200) and the Madsir (I. 478). 
He died as custodian of Humayan's 
tomb in 994 (1586). 



i ^ JAm i o j(^ J^dna-i-musaqqaf a 

roofed apartment; apparently the 
word room expresses the meaning. 

6 j\ifj^ kJjo^ harf-i-namuddr the 
"rectification" of English astrolo- 
gers. The namQdar was a device 
for obtaining the date of birth. 
There is an account of it in Ulngh 
Beg's Prolegomena (Part IV. Cap. I. 
146 and S^dillot's Trs. 201). The 
namudar is also called anitnoder in 
European books on astrology. It 
was resorted to when the exact date 
of birth was not known; that is 
when there was doubt as to the cor- 
rectness of clocks, etc. Apparently 



46 



4KBARNAMA. 



Suddenly rays of divine light shone from the lattices, so that all who 
were privileged to be present, both small and great, perceived them. 
Those who were entitled to speak, asked his Highness JahanbanI the 
meaning of the phenomenon, and he replied, " A rose of the rose- 
" garden of the Khilafat will just now come into bloom, and a child 
" of light will emerge from the hidden chamber of magnificence and 
*' glory, and from the gorgeous sardi of Honour and Fortune and plant 
'^ his foot in the circle of existence. The refulgence ^ of his greatness 
" will melt the hearts of the enemies of the State in the crucible of 
'^ destruction, and confer new splendour and glory on our race and 
family. Nay, rather, the night-chamber of the universe wilj acquire 
grandeur and beauty from his world-lighting rays." 

Mir ^Abdu-1-hai §adr,* one of the purely-born, related as fol- 
lows : — " One morning, his Highness JahanbanI Jannat-ashiyanl was 
bowed down in reverie, and seemed much distraught.^ After a time, 
he raised his head and exclaimed, " Praise be to God the Gracious, the 
lamp of our royal family has been relit." On my asking the meaning 
pf his giving thanks, his Highness replied, " While I was in a state of 



<c 



(t 



it is here referred to as something 
used to calculate the time when a 
birth will take place. Ulugh Beg 
gives three nam udurs, viz., Ptolemy's, 
Ilermes* and Zoroaster's. Vullers 
(g. V. 1352a) gives a quotation from 
the Ba}idri'*ajam, mentioning five 
namudars. The phrase harf-i-namu- 
ddr probably means the formula of 
the namadar. It would seem that 
the namudar was also used to dis- 
cover the nature of the coming child, 

e.g., its sex. 

^ Kaukaha means a star and is 
also the name of one of the royal 
ensigns, viz., a polished steel ball 
suspended to a polo. (Blochmann, 

Plate IX). 

• BadaonT has an account of him 
(HI. 273). He calls him Maihhadi, 
i.e., from the town of Maghhad 
(Meshed) in Eastern Persia. He was 
a skilled penman and his brother. 



Mir *Abdu-l-lah was a performer on 
the qdnun (dulcimer). He is, ap- 
parently, the caligraphist mentioned 
in the Aln (Blochmann, 101 and 103), 
but though Mr. Blochmann identities 
him with Mir 'Abdu-l-^i Mir 'Adl, 
this seems doubtful. (Blochmann, 
468, 471 and 480). The man who told 
the story of Humay nil's dream was 
that monarch's J^adr, — Lord High 
Almoner. This office was higher 
than the Mir 'Adl's (Blochmann 
268) and it is not likely that a man 
whom Badaoni praises for sanctity 
would take part in a drinking bout. 
(Blochmann 46 S). However, this is 
not impossible, for Badaoui tells us 
(Lowe, 319) that the New Year festi- 
vities were too much for the sobriety 
of the Qazis and Muftis (Judges) and 
even of pious men. 

B Lit. it appeared as if )iis blessed 
eyes hud bvcome red (or inflnmed). 



CKAPTER !. 



47 



" wakeful * sleep, a brilliant star emerged from a certain quarter (here 
bis Highness pointed to the region where the glorious parturient was) 
" and rose higher and higher every moment. And as it ascended, its 
** size and brilliance increased, until its light had embraced the greater 
" portion of the world. I asked a holy man what the luminous body 
" was, and he replied that it was the light incarnate of my successor, 
*' and that whatever part of the earth had been shone upon by this 
" world-illuminating ray, would come under his dominion, and be 
*' civilized by the light of his justice." Two days after this vision, 
the news came of the ascension of the auspicious star above the 
horizon (9f hope, and when the period of the spiritual manifestation 
and holy vision was compared,* it appeared that the auspicious birth 
and the delivery *of the miraculous message had occurred at one and 
the same time." When such an illustrious progeny is the lot of an 
eminent man,* why should such a communication not be vouchsafed ? 
And when such a boon followed, why should there not have been 
such a reverie-, and such an interpretation ? Such things may appear 
extraordinary to superficial observers and to materialists, but the 
pure-minded and far-seeing conjectured before the event, and knew 
with certainty afterwards that this was the shining of the world-light- 
ing star and that the message betokened the darkness-destroying sun. 
And to those who have had the bliss of being long in the service of 
this Lord of the World and of understanding his glorious qualities, 
the appearance of such portents is no stumbling-block. 

Nor is it hidden from the acute and scrutinising that though 
Maulnna gharafu-d-din ^Ali-i-Yazdi has in the Zafamdma* taken a 
superficial view of tilings and stayed Qaculi Bahadur's^ true vision 
and Tumana Khan's interpretation at His Majesty the Lord of Con- 
junction (Timur) and has explained the eighth shining star that issued 



16 



1 Meaning that his body was 
asleep but his soul awake. 
« With tliat of the birth. 

• Buzurg. This word often 
means a saint or holy person and 
may have that sense here. 

♦ Bib. Ind. I. 11 and 12, but the 
full account of the dream is given 
in the Mnqiuhhuna or Preface to 



the Zafarnama which has not been 
published in the Bib. Ind. edition. 
It is to be regretted that this Pre- 
face which Sharafu-d-din refers 
to at page 11/ has not been printed. 
See Bieu's Catalogue I. 174, Add. 
6538. 

6 See later on, in the detailed 
account of Akbar'*j ancestors. 



4.? 



AKBARNAMA. 



from Qaculi Bahadur's breast^ and lighted up the world, of the 
appearance of his Majesty the Lord of Conjunction who is the seventh* 
ancestor of his Majesty (Akbar), yet it is clear to the minds of those 
far-sighted light-dwellers who understand hermeneutics and the secrets 
of the dream-world that to explain seven stars as seven persons whose 
heads were not exalted by the diadems® of rule, nor were seen on the 
dominion-adorning Divan of excellence, is remote from the principles 
of interpretation and the significance of dreams. Rather those seven 
stars are seven world- adorning potentates, and the world-irradiating 
light is the holy personality of his Majesty the King of Kings who 
hath by the light of his Being illumined the terrene and terrestrials. 
It is the auspicious Akbar^ who was the resplendent light which 
arose from the breast of that Jupiter of good fortune (Qaculi Bahadur). 
Although the latter be, numerically his Majesty's fifteenth' ancestor, 
yet among those there are seven stars of the zodiacal Sign of 
greatness and having the light of this world-illuminating King of 
Kings emblazoned on the foreheads of their biographies. These seven 
W out of the fifteen* have been distinguished for greatness and world- 
adornment, and the eighth of the noble band is his Majesty the King 
of Kings. The light of their rectitude has made the horizons brilliant, 
and in the noble series of the fifteen* great ones, there has been given 
the glorious vesture of spiritual and temporal sovereignty to this per- 
fect witness of Divine Power, and he has been made light-bestower of 
the inner and outer worlds. This explanation is not hidden from the 
subtle investigators of real significations. On this account a synopsis 
of the perfections of this series will be found in this noble volume, and 



I The word in the text is jlh or 
jaih. Later on (p. 68) the word used 
is garihdn, 

S The text has eighth, but accord- 
ing to oar idiom at least, the word 
should be seventh. Nor is A. F. con- 
sistent, for at p. 81 he calls Timur's 
son the sixth ancestor of Akbar. 

S The author means that none of 
Qac all's immediate descendants was 
a king. The first monarch of his 
race was Timur, and the seven stars 
are interpreted b}* A. F. to mean 



Timur and the six descendants who 
intervene between him and Akbar. 

♦ Sa*d-i'Akbar. The auspicious 
conjunction, i.e., the conjunction of 
Jupiter and Venus, but here used 
with a play •upon the Emperor's 
name. See the heading of next 
chapter and the horoscope Chapters 
paBsim. 

^ It Lb sixteenth in the Text. 

^ It is eighteen in the Text, but 
this, I think, must be a mistake for 
sixteen or rather for fifteen. 



CHAPTER I. 



49 



tben the prudent and alert of mind will get proof of these words. 
Whoever at the present day shall perase with the eyes of discernment 
and knowledge^ the account of these illustrions magnates and under- 
stand the office of the Caliph ^ of the Age^ and become acquainted with 
the stages of the degrees of greatness of the Lord of the Worlds will 
applaud the exposition. Away, Away I I am no word-seller,* seek- 
ing for approving glances from men. What more choice blessing can 
there be than this, that my truth-electing heart has been made a fount 
of true impressions,^ and that my scrutinising reason has become an 
alighting-stage^ for these divine subtleties f With these night-gleam- 
ing jewels^ I frame glorious earrings as abiding ornaments for the 
understanding ears of the fortunate lovers of wisdom. 



^ I am not sure if this expression 
applies io Akbar or to his predeces- 
sors. A. F. seems to regard Akbar 
as something higher than the Caliph 
or Vicar-General of the Age. He is 
the Khudev-i-jahan. ue., the Lord or 
Khedive of the World. 

* The reproach of A. F. against 



Firdausi. Jarrett III. 401. 

8 o^ nikdt. Apparently pen- 
marks, i,e,, dots.* 

4 La^a maMit a place where one 
alights. Often, the descent of an 
angel. 

* Alluding to the phosphores- 
cence of diamonds, etc. 



• [ |V*«^ Ci'w nihdl'i-haqqdnl means the same as ^5*0 (3^'*«> daqtViq %-rahh4ni 
in the next sentence, t.e., 'diTine sabtleties.' The above translation, no doabt, is 
wrong. T. B.] 



CHAPTER II. 
Account op the rise op the Great Luminary (the Sun) and op thb 

DIFFUSION OP THE GREATER FoRTUNE (JuPITBR) PROM THE SKY OP 
AU8PICIOU8NES8 THE NATIVITY, TO WIT, OP HiS MaJESTY, 

THB EiNQ OP Kings and Shadow of God. 

The apparition of the result of hopes from the embryonic sac of 
desire, and emergence of the light of fortune from the auspicious 
ascension-point, — the most holy nativity,^ to wit, — of his Majesty 
from the sublime veil and consecrated curtain of her Highness, 
cupola of chastity, — screen of modesty, — saint of seclusion, — scion 
of austerity, — holy one of the age, — dawn> of epochs, — ^mistress of 
the world, — perfect teacher,* — paragon of purity, — pattern of limpi- 
dity, — chosen one of pure disposition, — abounding in trustworthy 
fidelity, — pure-principled princess, — queen of celestial graces, — elect 
lady of time and the terreno; — world's bliss, — wave of eternal ocean, 
— mothor*-o'-pearl of the ocean of bounty, — lamp of the holy family, 
— glory of the house of guidance, — lantern of the wall^ of worship, — 
bridal chamber of the auspicious harem, — forefront of obedience to 



I The sentence of which the word 
'* nativity " is the subject, is conti- 
nued after a series of epithets, by 
the verb " occurred," on page 54. 

S aijb Idzigha beginning to 
rise or conio forth, (Lane). The 
Luck. ed. and No. 564 have ^jli 
hdri* excellent. The Muntal^abu- 
I'lngjidi (Taylor 51a) says that 
hdzigha wa.s the name of a woman 



of the tribe of Ad who listened to 
Joseph and thereby attained great 
sanctity. 

• Amosgdr also means pupil, but 
hero probably teacher. It is used in 
the latter sense in the Aitit I. 202, 
1.2. 

* iJOmd aadaf pearl-shell. 

8 yj^'^ hafXm, properly the 
west wall of the Ka*ba. 



GHAPTftR Ii; 



51 



God, — eye of eternal empire, — pillar of the celestial tlirone, — pedestal 
of the sublime seat, — lady of the exalted marriage-dais, — princess of 
fortune's alcove, — chosen curtain of honour's litter, — exalter of chas- 
tity's coiffure, — glorious gift of heaven, — treasure of Divine mercy, — 
prime dainty of the Divine table, — supreme boon of heavenly gifts, — 
revolving-point of bounties and graces, — glorious pearl of dominion 
and prestige, — spring-flower of justice, — tablet of the gorgeous 
picture-gallery, — splendour of sanctity and love, — fire-flame of majesty 
and exaltation, — cream of abilities and accomplishments, — choice one^ 
of the secrets* of hand and heart, — central node of wisdom and 
wakefulness, — linking the divine and the human, — goodly tree of 
peace and purity, — generous fruit of liberality and election, — truth- 
showing mirror, -T- countenance of certainty, — staircase of majesty, — 
ladder of realm and religion, — tap-root of the umbrageous trunk of 
happiness, — noble palm of the garden of excellence, — veiled matron 18 
of meekness and modesty, — screened and curtained one of honour and 
greatness, — glorious medium between hidden and revealed light, — 
opener of the morning of fortune and favour, — enveloped in celestial 
veils, — her Majesty Miryam MakanT, chaste one of church and state, 
^amida BanuBegam — (may her glorious shadow be perpetuated !) — 
pure scion of that pattern of eminent saints, ^ — pole of the poles of 
greatness, — wanderer in the wilderness of humanity, — swimmer in 
the ocean of divinity, — lamp of spiritual secrets, — key of the trea- 
sures of conquests, — rose-gatherer* of the gardens of revelation, — 
garland-twiner of the fragrant herbs of truth, — abbot {imam) of the 
monastery of asceticism, — cup-bearer of the tavern of abundance, — 
ocean-hearted one of the baiting-place of privation, — ocean-drinker 
of the tavern of unity, — immersed in the seas of holy conflicts, — 
consumed by the lightnings of contemplation, — torch-bearer of the 
chamber of the Path, — caravan-conductor on truth's highway, — 
supreme theatre of the epiphanies of the divine essence, — illumination- 



i Axar*, nal^ha. This may also 
mean bumper or copious draught, 

• j^, aiVr, has for one of its 
meanings the lines of the palm of 
the hand or uf the forehead. I think 



this is the meaning here. 

* The author here leaves Miryam 
MakanI and proceeds to eulogize he . 
remote ancestor, Ahmad-i-jara. 

♦ Oulcm; also a gardener. 



52 



AKBARNAUA. 



Bpot^ of the rays of the AttributeB,^-cambiBts of the secrete of the 
masters of revelation and manifestation, — assayer of the hearts of the 
lords of divine transports, — observant traveller over hearts and 
spirits, — scrutinizer of the interiors of moulds and forms, — disperser ' 
of the clouds of darkness, — procuring the blotting-out of the 
writings^ of transgressions, — knowing the links between the seen 
and the unseen, — revealer of the splendours of the secrets of mani- 
festation and concealment-— 



Yersb. 

Pole^ which salutes the two poles of heaven, 
Bridling by discipline the tigers of lust. 
Stalking as a lion in the forest of the heart, 
Ocean-drinker of love, the premier elephant, Ahmad-i-j§m,^ 



1 AoiA^ j\y} ^is^ ^^1, 

ijld'i-majdli'i-amodr-i'fifdtXya, The 
l^ifdtlya or Attribatists were a Mu- 
\^Tnmadan sect. (See Hughes' Diet, 
of Islam ;— Koran, Sale, Preface;— 
and the Dahiatan, trans. II. 324 and 
830). But I do not think A. F. is 
referring to them here. The occur- 
rence of the word s^tiya in the pre- 
vious clause seems to show that 
flifdiXya is here used merely in the 
sense of attributes or of belonging 
to attributes. Ahmad-i-jdm was a 
BafI but it is not stated that he 
belonged to any particular sect. In 
the Dahisidn (II. 270) we are told on 
the authority of the commentator on 
the G^iiZg^n-t-raz that there are four 
kinds of manifestations, and that 
'*the third is J^ifdtl, belonginfi^ to 
attributes,— when the contemplative 
person sees the Absolute Being en- 
dowed with the attributes of his own 
essence such as science and life, 
and sees himself a real being or 
endowed with these attributes." 
• ^J/-*, farrdf, shroff or motif y- 



ohanger, one who puts philosophy 
into current coin. 

• ^^^l, injild, may also mean 
brightening. Cf. text 46, 1, 7. 

♦ Cf. Isaiah xHv. 22 ; and Colos- 
sians ii. 14. 

* wJi^) 9^^> ^^® P^^®* ^ common 
name for distinguished saints. 

9 Jam is a town in Khurasan (N.- 
E. Persia) and near Herat. (" Jam- 
very near Herat^" says the Ddbietdn 
II. 334). For an account of Ahmad-i- 
jam, see Bieu's Catalogue I. 5516, 
and the Nafahatu-l-unB, He is a 
very famous saint of the 11th and 
12th centuries. His full name is 
Aba Na^r A^mad ibn Abu-l-^san. 
He bore the titles Zhanda-pil. Rag- 
ing, or perhaps Mighty, Elephant, 
and Skoil^U'l-isldtn, He is called 
Ndmaql from bis having been born 
in or at least, from his family's 
having sprung from the village of 
Namaq in the district of Jam. Ho 
was bom 441 H. (1049), and died in 
536 H. (1141). (Dr. Rieu states that 
according to the Jawdhini'l'Osrdr 



CHAPTER IT. 



63 



Holy be his tomb^ {i,e., B. L P.) 



(loL 148) the date of his death is 
fixed by the chronogram 4^^ ^*^\ 

i^ c^«^9 Ahmad Jdm% quddiaa SW' 
ruhu, (See Richardson 718a.) The 
passage occurs at 148a. of Add. 7607, 
Bien's Cat. 1. 43c. and the words are 
^y|.>x« %jm^j0^^y j^U lUa^t olij ^;U 
The letters give the date 536, viz. ;— 
A= 1 J= 3 q=100 r=200 
h= 8 5= 1 d= 4 h= 6 
in = 40 m=40 s= 60 — 
d= 4 1=10 s= 60 636Total. 

There is an acconnt of the saint in 
Dara Shikah'e J^afinatu-l-cmliyd and 
there the writer — the eldest son of 
Shah Jahan — refers to his great- 
great-grandmother, j^mlda Banu's 
descent from Ahmad-i-jam. But 
the fullest account of Ahmad is in 
Jami's NafahatU'l-unSf Jami being a 
townsman of the saint. The life will 
be found in Lees* ed. of the Nafahdt. 
(Cal. 1859, 405-417) A^imad-i-jam is 
said to have converted 300,000 per- 
sons, and to have had 42 children, of 
whom 1 7 survived him. His Diwdn is 
in the B. M., and he wrote other 
works. There is an explanation of 
the term Zhanda'pll by M. Pictet, 
in the Journal Jsiatique for 1843, 
(Series IV., Vol. II., 141). He derives 
it from the Sanscrit canda. Ac- 
cording to Fraser (Journey into 
Khorasan, Lond. 1825, App. B., 39), ifc 
means Elephant-reviver or animator, 
and was given to the saint because he, 
at the cost of his own life, restored 
to life the Governor's elephant. 
Fraser describes his tomb as a rough 
slab of marble, situated in a grove 
of pistadin trees, at Turhat-i-jdm, 



half way between Magjbhad and Herat. 
According to A. F. A^mad-i- jam was 
the ancestor of Humay tin's mother 
as well as of his wife (Hamida Band). 
Humayun visited the South in 1544 
and put up an inscription which 
still exists. (J. B. A. S. Jan. 1897). 

Apparently the father of Hamida 
Band was named *Ali Akbar, for 
Ni|samu-d-dlnsays, KhwajalMu'azgam 
(whom he calls Akbar's maternal 
uncle) was the son of *Ali Akbar. 
According to A. F. the ]^waja was 
only uterine or half-brother of 
Hamida Ban a, but it seems probable 
that 'All Akbar was also her father, 
for Nigamu-d-dln goes on to say that 
'All Akbar was descended from 
^azrat Shaikhu-1-islam. ^anda-pil 
A^mad-i-jSm. Gulbadan calls Hami- 
da Banu, the daughter of Mir Baba 
Dost. Apparently Mir Baba is the 
Maulftna Baba Dost Sadr mentioned 
{Akhamdma I. 315) as a servant for 
whom Hindal had a special regard. 
Perhaps Mir Baba Dost is not his 
full name — though it occurs in the 
Akhamdma — and he may also have 
been named 'All Akbar. Gulbadan 
says that Mir Abu-1-Baqa took part 
in the marriage and that two lakhs 
of rupees were paid (or promised) as 
dower by Humayiin. Abu-1-Baqa 
is referred to in the Akhamdma (I. 
172). In the same volume, (I. 174, 
1.15) mention is made of Khwaja 
Hajri JamI (qu. the Superintendent 
of Ahmad Jami's cell P) as having 
been forward in promoting the mar- 
riage. Gulbadan's account of the 
marriage negotiations is minute and 
interesting. 



54 



AKBARNAHA. 



occurred ^ when the altitude of Procyon* waa 

38^ and when 8hs. 20m. had passed from the beginning of the night 
of 8th Aban** 464, JalalT era, corresponding to 19th Isfandarmiz 911, 
of the old era,* and to night of Sunday {iiab-i-yak-siamba) 5th 
Rajab, lunar era,^ and to 6th Kartik* 1599, Hindu era, and to 16th 



1 See Note 1, page 50. 

8 ^Cm ^jAm, ilii'rd'i'^dmiya, 
the Syrian Dog-star, i.e., Procyon or 
the Lesser Dog-star; Sirius or the 
Greater Dog-star being called ShVra' 
l-yamdni or Dog-star of Yaman, i.e., 
S.-W. Arabia. Procyon is called also 
8hVra'l'*ahur, the Little Dog-star. 

B Aban is the eighth month in the 
Persian year. The Jalall era is also 
called the MalikI because established 
by SultSn Jalalu-d-din Malik Shah 
Seljukl. ' TJmar Khayyam was one of 
the astronomers employed in settling 
this calendar. (Jarrett III. 29.) 
The era began on 5th Sha'ban, 468 
(15th March, 1076,) according to one 
account and according to another, 
on 10th Ramazan 471 (15th March, 
1079). Ulugh Beg says. " This is a 
difference of 1097 days, the cause of 
of which is unknown to us, but as 
the second is that generally adopted, 
we shall follow it." (S^diUot, Prole- 
gomena, 27). The cause of the dif- 
ference is explained by S^dillot at 
page 235. The initial date, 15th 
March, 1079, is that adopted by 
Gibbon and appears to be that fol- 
lowed by A. F. for 1079+468=1543 
or nearly October 1542. 

♦ This is the era of Yazdajird, so- 
called because it dates from the first 
year of his reign, in«., A.D. 632. 
The era, however, began long before 
his time, and according to A. F. 
dates from the accession of Jamohid. 
It began afresh with the accession 
of each king, and it has receired the 



name of the Tazdajird era because 
he was the last king of Persia, he 
being great-grandson of the famous 
Noghirwan, and being vanquished by 
the Muhammadans. (Jarrett III. 
28.) A. F. makes the difference be- 
tween the two eras 447 years. The 
Yazdajird era began on 16th June, 
632 A.D. Isfandarmisj is the 12th 
month in the Persian year. 

* A. F. here calls the Hijra era 
Haldll, lunar, but in the Ain, he 
calls it Hijra. The date corresponds 
to Sunday, 15th October, 1542 O.S. 
and 25th October N.S. Gulbadan 
gives the date as 4th Rajab, but this 
must be a mistake, for 4th Bajab, 949 
was a Saturday, and the birth took 
place on a Sunday. S^dillot (Prole- 
gomena 240) says that 5th Rajab is 
the day of Muf^mmad's conception, 
but Ulugh Beg makes it 15th Rajab 
and calls it the feast of victory. It 
is possible that Akbar got his name 
of Muhammad from his having been 
born on this festival. 

• This era is the Sam vat or Vik- 
rEmaditya era. It began B.C. 57 so 
that its 1599=1542 A.D. The Bibl. 
Ind. ed. has 1519, but this is clearly 
wrong and for nuzdahum — wo*should 
read nuwad u nuhum — as in the Luck- 
now ed. and No. 564 and all the 
other copies which I have consulted. 
According to Cowasji Patell's tables 
the Sam vat year 1599 began on 10th 
October. The year began apparently 
with Ist Kartik so that 6th K&rtik= 
15th October. 



CHAPTER II. 



55 



Ti8hrlnu»-l-awwal 1854, Greek era; — 4hs. 22m.« of the said night 
(that of Saturday, or rather Sundays) were remaining. The place 
was the auspicious city and fortunate fort, Amarkot,* which belongs 



^ Tighrin, the Tigiri of the Jewish 
Calendar, was the first month of the 
Syrian year. It corresponds to our 
October. The era is that of the Seleu- 
cidsd and is also called Syro-Mace- 
donian. It began 1st October B.C. 
312, so that 16th Tiahrinu-l-awwal = 
16th October, 1^42. It appears from 
Cowasji Pat ell's Chronology (162) 
that the Syro-Macedonian year of 
1854 began on 2nd October so that 
16th Teghrlnu-l-awwal corresponds 
exactly with 15th October. A. F. 
calls the era Bum% (Greek). In the 
Am (I. 279) he calls it the era of 
Alexander of Greece, but at p. 274 
I.e. he calls it Bumi, He says it 
took its origin from the death of 
Alexander II. Bicomutus, but that 
it did not come into effect till 12 
years after his death. Ulngh Beg 
treats it as a Christian era and gives, 
under it, the dates of the Christian 
festivals. (See S^dillot, Text 54 and 
Trans. 62). Mas'udi, writing in the 
10th century, does the same thing. 
(See French trans. III. 405)). Al-bi- 
runi {jChronology of Ancient Nations, 
282) also gives the Christian festivals 
and says that the Melkites, Nesto- 
rians and Jacobites observed them. 
In Golius* notes to Al-fargidni (19) 
it is stated that the Jacobites and 
Nestorians use this era, but that 
the Malekites begin their year in 
January. 

s A. F. g^ves two statements of 
the number of hours — one taken 
from the beginning of the night and 
the other from its end. Probably he 



used two records. The sum of the 
two sets of figures, 8hs. 20m. and 
4hs. 22m. is 12hs. 42m. which agrees 
with what apparently, would be the 
length of the night at Amarkot on 
25th October, 1542 (25th is the true 
date allowing for the difference be- 
tween Old and New Styles). Accord- 
ing to a communication with which I 
have been favoured by the Meteoro- 
logical Department, Calcutta — sunset 
on 25th October in lat. 25 N. is at 5-23 
and sunrise, on that day at 6*6. I 
presume there would be little differ- 
ence between sunset on the 25th, 
and sunset on the 24th. The length 
of the night, then, on 24th October, 
would be from 5*23 p.m. to 6*5 a.m. 
or 13hs.-8m.= 12h8. 42m. exactly! 
On 15th October, sunset occurred at 
5*59 P.M. and sunrise at 5'32 a.m. 
The 8th Iban of the Persian era 
apparently corresponds to 26th 
October. It will be remembered 
that this era anticipated the correc- 
tions of the Gregorian Calendar. 
Apparently there is some mistake 
about the years 464 H. and 911 H. 
for when reduced to Christian years, 
they give 1543 and not 1542. 

* Properly Saturday, the birth 
occurring early on Sunday morning. 
Muhammadans count their day or 
nycthemeron from sunset. 

^ Amarkot is a town in Scinde 
lat. 25° 21' N. and long. 69° 46' E. 
(Greenwich). Gulbadan spells it 
Amarkot and in the Imperial Oazet- 
teer of India, it appears as Umarkot. 
The u is short. Its latitude and 



56 



AKBABNAMA. 



to the second climate and lies in latitude 25 N. and longitude 105 
E. of the Fortunate Isles. At that time^ the imperial army had 
marched to subdue the country of Tatta (Scinde) and the litter of 
fortune had been directed to halt in the pleasant country and fortu* 
nate fortress^ on account of the timers drawing nigh for the appear- 
ance of the light of the world. 

Among the strange circumstances which occurred near the time 
of the appearance of the light of fortune, there was this, — that 
before the auspicious moment above-mentioned, the mother felt a 
pressing urgency to bring forth the child. Maulana Cand, the 
astrologer, who by the king's order, had been stationed *by the chaste 
threshold in order that he might cast the horoscope, was perturbed, 
19 as the moment was inauspicious. ''In a short time,^ a glorious 
moment will arrive, such as does not happen once in a thousand 
years. What an advantage if the birth could be delayed." Those 
who were present made light of it and said, '' What is the good of 
*' your agitation ? Such things are not under control." 

At this very instant the impulse to bring forth passed ofE and the 
astrologer's mind was set at rest somewhat by the transit of the 
unlucky moment. The ostensible cause of this supreme blessing was 
that a country midwife had been just brought in to perform her office, 
and as her appearance was repulsive, the holy soul of Miry am Makanl 
felt disgusted and her even temper was rebuffed and so the urgency 
for parturition left her. But when the chosen time came, the Maul&na 



{( 



it 



longitude are also given in the A%n, 
( Jarrett IV. 69 and text II. 32). The 
latitude there given is 24P and longi- 
tude 100^. In Gladwin's trans, the 
longitude is omitted, and the latitude 
given as 20^4(y. The statement in 
the Akhamdma is more to be relied 
upon, as giving A. P.'s figures cor- 
rectly, because the degrees are ex- 
pressed in words. The Fortunate 
UIm are called by Ulugb Beg and 
A. F. the Eternal I»le», ol^i*^ ^i)^* 
Jatd^ir-i'I^dliddt. There is an account 
of the Amarkofc (Oroercotc) district 



by Sir Bartle Frere. Bombay Selec* 
tions XXI. 1855. 

^ The text has ba*d at cand •o'al. 
after some moments. The Luck, 
ed. and No. 564 have ba*d as soman?, 
after some time. This is a con* 
sidered reading in No. 564 for some 
other word has been erased and 
tamdnl substituted. Probably sa- 
mdni is right for the next word to 
it is 9d*al and it is not likely that the 
author would put two 9d*at{s) in jux- 
taposition. 



ti 



CHAPTER II. 57 

became disturbed^ lest it should accidentally pass by. The confidants 
of the harem said to him, " Her Majesty,^ has after mach sufferinpf, 
got an interval of relief and is now slumbering. It would not be 
right to waken her. Whatever Almighty God, in His good pleasure, 
'' has determined, must happen.^' Just as they were speaking, the pains 
of travail came upon her Majesty, Miryam Makani, and awoke her 
and in that auspicious moment, the unique pearl of the viceregency 
of God {Khildfaf) came forth in his glory. 

They spread the carpet of joy under the canopy of chastity and 
curtain of honour, and made ready a feast of joy and exultation. 
The veiled ones of the pavilion, and the chaste inmates of the royal 
harem anointed the eye of hope with the coUyrium of rejoicing and 
coloured the eyebrows of desire with the indigo » of merriness. They 
decked the ear of good tidings with the earring of success, painted the 
face of longing with the vermilion of pleasure, encircled the fore-arm of 
wish with the bracelet of purpose, and donning the anklet of splen- 
dour on the dancing foot, stepped into the theatre of delight and 
joy and raised the strain of praise and gratulation. Fan-wavers 
sprinkled otto of roses, and winnowed the air with sandal-scented 
arms. Dark-haired maidens freshened the floor by rubbing it with 
perfumes. Rose-cheeked damsels gave a new lustre to joy by 
sprinkling rose-water. Red-garmented, sweetly-smiling nymphs 
enveloped the silver-bosomed ones in gold, by scattering saffron. 
Rose-scented, jasmine-cheeked ones soothed the rapid dancers with 
camphorated* sandal-wood. Gold in thuribles on the borders of 
the carpet, gave o£E fumes of incense.* They uncovered the stoves 
which were filled with lign-aloes and ambergris. Musicians created 
enchanting ecstacy^ and melodious minstrels breathed forth magic 
strains. 



1 ffa^s^^t'i-mahd^'ulyd lit. her 
Highness of the sublime couch (or 
eradle). 

« *4-»j, waama, woad or indigo. 
In Zenker's Turkish Diet, this is 
described as a black dye made from 
indigo leaves, with which women 
colour their eyebrows. The dye is I hne. 
8 



indeed of such a deep blue that it 
may be called black. 



ft See the recipe for the powder 
called argaja, Blochmann 74. 

♦ jj^', haJ^ur, A. P. gives a 
recipe for it. Blochmann 74, la«t 



58 



AKBARNAHA. 



Yebsb. 

And softly oiced Indian maids^ 
Glorious ^ as Indian peafowl, 
And light-fingered Chinese mnsiciana 
Produced intoxication with wineless cups ; 
And dulcimer-players from Khurasan 
Brought ease to laden breasts^ 
And singers from the land of 'Iraq,* 
Everlasting capturers* of joy. 

In truth there was an assemblage like the communion of saints 
and recluses in the exquisiteness of its repose, and a carousal like a 
feast of spiritual beings in the absence of wine and cup. Celestial 
spectators took part in the rejoicings without the aid of bodily organs 
20 of vision, and sightseers from the upper world poured forth this 
strain with tongueless tongues : 

Yersb, 

What is this intoxication* without wine or bowl ? 
The wine which is drunk from cups is illicit here. 

Trays of variously coloured fruits were spread, and tables laid 
out with different dainties. Robes of honour of divers colours were 
bestowed, and hbil'at^ upon khil'at was presented. What shall I say 
of the hilarity and rejoicing, for there is no need of explanation or 
description ? Were it possible to give any idea of the completion of 



1 Probably the meaning is not 
that peacocks are melodious, but that 
the Indian maids were in beauty like 
peacocks and had the additional 
charm of being soft-voiced. The 
Mu^mmadans have a tradition that 
the peacock was deprived of his 
voice as a punishment for having 
conducted Eve to where the forbid- 
den fruit {i»e,, wheat) was. See Ja- 
bari's Chronicle, Zotenberg I, 82. 
When the peacock was expelled from 
paradise, he fell upon India. 

• 'Iraq is a Persian province. A 
mode of music takes its name from 



it. Gulistdn 11. Story 19, 

• Or it may be, "Song-makers 
for the banquet of everlasting life," 
or, " Oapturers of joy for the rest of 
life." 

^ I suppose the reference is to the 
intoxicating power of music. See 
Blochmann 612» where A. F. speaks 
of the wine of harmony causing 
intoxication. 

* A MbiVai is more than a robo, 
for it consists of at least three 
articles, riar., the turban, the robe and 
the girdle. 



^ ■> 

;^? 



the designs of iLe c>c!tr>tia!>, I ii::rf;i u^l hew, afic^r IvTiT o-<^r,^ 
and searchii!^, ihej clothed, wiih the gloricus Tvrbe of eJtis5«ei>vV^ tfe«* 
Arranger of die world of reality and the Dispenser c^ tie vs;:ior 
world, and how ther bronsrht him from the hiddeix cradle cvf woa- 
droos woris and from the holy inner chambers, to the wvi^ars»;:$^ 
bridal-chamber of manifestation and splendid nuptial bed. Bui tie 
description of hearenly exultation and of the joys of purs spirits is 
beyond tbe range of speech. 

As soon as the light of glory deigned to emerge from the one:jt 
of fortune^ they despatched swift couriers ^ and haxd--riding hv>rs^^mon 
to conTey the life-increasing nei^ and the heart-expaundiug tivlings to 
the tents of fortune and encampment of glory. This had been 
sixteen* miles off, but on the morrow of the night which had been 
pregnant with the day of auspiciousness, the army marched at dawn 
from that station, and encamped about midday at a spot^ which ^ras 
very churning and salubrious, with clear water and delightful trees. 
There his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat A^yanl had halted and a 
nimiber of courtiers were assembled and in attendance. 



^ Though A T. speaks both of 
coiuriers and horsemen, I do not sup- 
pose he means that there were both 
foot and horse messengers. 

« " Four fanMr ^--y», Arabic 

form of *-^**^, fanang, the para- 
aang of Xenophon ; about 4 miles. 

< Jauhar, according to Stewart's 
trans. (44) says that after leaving 
Amarkot, Ham&yan marched 24 
miles the first day to the banks of 
a large pond, and that the next day 
while the king was encamped there, 
a messenger arrived with the news. 
But according to A. F. Humayon 
did not arrive at the pond in one 
day. His camp was 16 miles off 
from Amarkot and on the morning 
of the birth, he marched again at 
dawn and arrived at the halting 
place where the water was, at about 
midday. Apparently he did not 



get the news till the third day. for 
we are told that he heard of it 
two days after his vision which 
was simultaneous with the birth. 
Jauhar cannot be relied on. Ho 
began his Memoirs 45 years after 
Akbar s birth (995-1687) and he in- 
correctly states that the birth wiw 
on 14th Sha'bin. In Ilhihad Fiiif 
Sirhindl's rescension (No. lS9i)), 
this is altered to 14th Rajab. The 
late KabI Raj ^y^tnal Das wrote a 
paper in the Asiatic Society's Jour- 
nal (J. A. S. B. LV., Part 1. 1886, 
80) to show that the date given by 
Jauhar was the correct one. I do not 
agree with his conclusions, but his 
paper is — like all the Kabl's produc- 
tions — carefully written and inter- 
esting. He translates Jauhar from 
MSS. and his rendering is closer 
than Stewart's. He mentions that 



60 



AKBARNAMA. 



Vbesb. 

Verdant trees with heaven-brushing tops,^ 

Casting shade o'er the head shadowed by the bird of 

paradise.' 
The melodious singing of the birds of the meadow 
Poured joyous notes over the banquet. 

Suddenly a blackness was caused by the hoofs of galloping 
horses. Mehtar Sumbul,3 an old slave (gbuldm), of his Majesty 



there is a stone two miles N.-W. 
of Amarkot which professes to mark 
the spot of Akbar's birth, but the 
date on| it (963) is that of the acces- 
sion. 

Stewart's trans, makes Jauhar's 
account more discrepant from A. F/s 
than it really is, and Erskine has not 
fully amended Stewart here. On 
referring to the original, I find that 
Jauhar says nothing about " the first 
day " or the " next day." What he 
says is, that they marched thirty 
miles (12 koa) and then encamped on 
the bank of a pond {hau^). No 
doabt» this place could be identified. 
It must lie between Amarkof and 
Jan, S. W. of the former (W. S. 
W. is perhaps more correct). The 
B. M. MS. is worm-eaten at the im- 
portant place, but the words seem to 
be du 2&a(, two nights. It is not 
likely that Humayan would march 
30 miles in one day and it is probable 
enough that he made his marches 
by night. Jauhar says that the 
news was brought by a qdfid at 
early morning, viz,, at prayer-time. 
He gives Saturday, 14th Sha'ban as 
the birthday and says that Badru- 
d-din and Jalalu-d-din have the same 
meaning. But this is hardly correct 
and 14th Sha'bSn 949, appears to 
have been a Thursday. Gulbadan 



says the birth took place three days 
after Humayon left AmarkSt and 
adds that the moon was in Leo and 
that the birth occurred under a fixed 
sign. 

^ Lit, rubbing their umbrellas 
against the sky. 

' (j^U* lUp zill-i-humai, the sha- 
dow of the HtMnd, a fabulous bird 
from which the name Humdyun ia 
derived. The Humd was supposed to 
prognosticate a crown to every head 
that it overshadowed. (No. 564 B. M. 
MS. Add. Noft. 5610 and 6544 have 
fLill-i-yiuddl, the shadow of God, 
which the Bib. Ind. gives as a variant). 
The meaning is said to be that the 
trees were so high that they even 
overshadowed the Humd or phoenix, 
high-soaring bird though it be. 

B Sumbul means hycidnth. The 
name looks like that of an eunuch. 
Bumbul is mentioned in the Akbamd' 
fna (I. 224) under the title of Mir 
Atidk (Master of Ordnance) and also 
(263) as commanding a party of 
musketeers. Mtr J[h'«& means Artil- 
lery OflScer or Head of the Ordinance 
Department, like the Corps of Fire- 
workers of the H.E.I.C.'b army, 
but it may also mean, head of the 
musketeers or marksman. (The 
Atisi Sarkdr or Fiery Department 
was one of the divisions of offices 



CHAPTER ir. 



61 



JalianbanI and who was, subsequently raised by the kindnesses of his 
^^j^ty^ the King of Kings, to the title of ^afdar Khan (rank-break- 
ing chief), having perceived that blackness, in which the white sheen 
of two worlds was enveloped, reported the matter to his Majesty 
who said, '' Should these horsemen bring tidings of the birth of the 
" light of the eyes of sovereignty, we will make you ruler over a 
" thousand." 

Yjbsbv. 

Kings of the earth might well give the seven climes as 
a reward for such good news. 

On that side too, the swift horsemen gave rein to their horses 
and galloped forward, and the riders^ of the steeds* of auspicious- 



made by Homayan, in accordance 
with the number of the elements.) 
Mehtar Sumbol was perhaps called 
Safdar ^Sn because of the destmc" 
tive effects of his muskets. (See 
also 1. c. 266). He is mentioned by 
Bayazid (I.O.MS. No. 216, p. 186) as 
Sambul Mir Qazar and as Safdar 
^an Mehtar Atigh- This was in 
HamayQn's reign, which might be 
taken to indicate, contrary to the text, 
that he got the title from Humayan. 
In his first volume, A. F. does not 
give him the title of Safdar Khan 
but calls him Khan and Mir Atigh* 
He was one of those who accom- 
panied Humayan to Persia. He is 
mentioned, as Safdar JO^an, in the 
3th year of Akbar and as taking 
part in the siege of Bantanbhiir 
{AJehamdma II. 330). We are told 
(1. c. III. 772) of a Safdar Khan's 
being promoted to the command of 
1,000 in the 45th year. He is also 
mentioned 1. c. 184. Blochmann ( 532) 
notices a Safdar Khan Kh'sa Khail 
as entered in the J'ahaqat list, but as 
Commander of 2,000. He does not 
apoear in the Am list. 



The title Mehtar is of common 
occurrence in Persian histories. In 
modem Persian, it is used to mean 
a groom, but in India it is the desig* 
nation of a sweeper. In Meynard'a 
Turkish Diet, it is explained as 
** Officier remplissant les functions 
de chambellan ou huissier ; le Grand 
Vizier avait dans sa suite quarante 
mehtar faisant fonction de Suisses 
de son palais." D'Herbdlot (a. v. 
Sanbal) says, " Ce mot est aussi uu 
nom d'homme, et se donne plus ordi- 
nairement aux esclaves noirs, par 
ironie, comme ceux de Jasmin et de 
Caf ur qui signifient le jasmin and le 
camphre dont la blancheur est par- 
faite.'' 

1 Gulbadan says, as also does 
Ni^amu-d-din, that the news was 
brought by Tardi Beg and that 
Humay un rewarded him by forgiving 
his past offences. See Jauhar for an 
account of his overbearing manners. 
He was afterwards put to death by 
Bairam Khan. 

9 cr^J* raJAalij the famous horse 
of Bustam. 



64 



AEBARNAMA. 



22 



Philosophers worthy of Alexander's approval, and astrolabe- 
knowing observers who were always seated in the coancil of mysteries 
and were confidants of the secrets of the heavens, made the horo- 
scope of the aaspicions birth a mirror for their enlightened intellects, 
and reported that the aspects of the planets and their complete or 
partial applications^ prognosticated length of life and the high 
ascension of the Native on the steps of sovereignty and the degrees 
of the Hbfildfat^ as witness the scheme* which has been taken from 
their tables and exhibited on a page of abridgment. 

Likewise his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-as^iyani who held high 
rank in mathematical sciences and had a heaven-embracing mind, and 
whose acute intellect was the heart-expanding mirror^ of Alexander 
and the world-displaying cap of Jamshid, made by his own lofty 
understanding, wondrous deductions and calculations from the indic- 
ations of the horoscope of the divine masterpiece. He compared 
them with the results obtained by the other sages from the marks on 
the plains of the heavens, and the significations of the terrestrial and 
celestial bodies. He found that they all agreed and corroborated one 
another. 

When the sublime festivities were over, he (Humayun) named 
that holy pearl — in accordance with the secret message and divine 
intimation already described, ^by his lofty title and majestic appella- 
tion and caused it to be inscribed in the lists of auspiciousness and 
records of fortune. Thus the interpretation of the veracious vision 
was fulfilled after an interval of two years* and four months I 



the birth was brought to the camp, 
there was no money to give away in 
presents, and Humayon sent for a 
pod of musk and broke it amongst 
his followers, saying it was all he 
had to bestow, and uttering the prayer 
that the child's renown might one 
day so fill the world as the per- 
fume of the musk was pervading the 
tent. This story is worth all A. F/s 
fustian. 

1 ci'ilUit, iUisdldi, This is a tech- 
nical word and corresponds appa- 
rently to the astrological applica- 



tions. (Die. of T. T. 1508, near foot.) 
Gaido Bonatus has a paragraph en- 
titled De alitUal pUmatarum, (Basle 
1550, p. 132). He says alitisal sive 
continuation I omit the i^qfat after 
tafd^il. The technical words for con- 
junction are ijtimd* and qirdn, 

* Referring to MaulanS Cand's 
horoscope, exhibited below. 

^ Blochmann (553n). Alexander's 
mirror is a fable arising out of the 
Pharos at Alexandria. 

♦ From 4th RabVu-l-awwal, 947 to 
5th Rnjab, 040. 



CHAPTER 11. 



65 



God be praised ! Hail ! celestial name and sublime talisman 
which came down from highest heaven and the realms of light and 
glory, whose splendour and whose rays have taken possession of the 
Orient and the Occident. 

Among the excellencies of the name— which is full of wonders 
—there is one which my honoured elder brother, an encyclopaedia 
of inward^ and outward perfections, the poet-laureate, i Abu-l-fai? 
Fai?i has brought out in various admirable writings, namely, that 
by the mysterious connections of letters which are lofty vocables « 
and which,— whether separately* or in combination,— display their 
influences, it appears that the indicatory letters {baiyindt^i-j^uruf)^ 
of the word aftdb (Sun) make the humber 223 and thus correspond 
to the numerical value of the letters of the word Akbar. 



1 FaizT, the elder brother of A. P. 
was Maliku'ih'a^'ard or Poet Lau- 
reate; lit. Prince of Poets. Bloch- 
mami 401 and 548, and Akhamdma 
III. 635. 

« KalimdUi-'dliydt A cabalistic 
expression. See Die. of T. T. 320, 
1.8. 

8 Bar *dlam'i'tajarrud u tckrakhuh, 
lit. world of solitude and combina- 
tion. I think it means separate 
letters and letters in combination, 
and not the spiritual and temporal 
worlds. 

4 kJ^js^ CfUjJ, haiyindUi'hurvf, in- 
dications or evidences of the letters, 
A. F. here enters on cabalistic lore. 
The Die. of T. T. (Calcutta 1853. 
128 ei seqJ) gives twelve 6a«ajf or 
modes of manipulating letters. (See 
also I. c. 156, 1.3). Faizi's seems to be 
the second mode, called the basat-u 
talaffu^ and the hasat-i-hatini and the 
hasat'i'^dhirl (l c. 128, 1.7). It pro- 
ceeds by pronouncing the letters and 
dividing them into zahar and hanlydi. 
Thus dfidh (the Sun) is composed of 
9 



^W* fa, id, alif and 6d. The first 
letter of each of these words is called 
s^bar and is discarded ; thus, (a)lif, 
(f)a, (t)d, (a)lif, (b)d. The remain- 
ing letters are the haiyindt or hanx- 
ydt and their value is calculated 
according to ahjad as follows :— 
I = 30 + f = 80 = 110 

a = 1 

a = 1 

1 = 30 -f f = 80 = 110 
a = 1 

Total ... 223 
The Editor of the Luck. Akhamdma 
says there are nine letters in dfidh, 
ie., alif, fe, ie, he = 9. He cuts' 
ofp the t as being over 100 in value 
(its numerical value is 400) and the 
remaining eight give 223 ; viz., alif 
= 111; /e = 90; c = 10; and ie = 
12; total 223. Thus he arrives at 
the same result, by a different road. 
Blochmann (237, Book II. Am No. 3) 
gives apparently another illustration 
of this process. 

The word Jaldlah is, I think 
made to yield 66 by cutting off th6 



66 



AKRARNAMA. 



Vbrsb.i 

That very light which fs yielded by the world-adorning Sun, 
Is produced from the brows of the sublime Shdhanshdhy 
That Akbar is allied to Aftdh (the Sun), 
Is proved by the evidence (baiyindt) of the names. 

Another of the delightful things about this glorious name is 
that those who are acquainted with the secrets of cabalistic* lore and 
who know the influences and combinations of letters, who are cogni- 
sant of the hidden stations of the divine essence* and of revelations,* 



first letter of Ja and then count- 
ing the others ; viz., a = 1 ; Z = 30 ; 
a = 1 ; Z = 30 ; and fc = 6. I do 
not see how the word Allah could 
make 66 by abjad for a doable letter, 
t.6., one with ta§iid%d, is, according 
to rule, counted as one only. Per- 
haps, however, Allah is regarded as 
containing three lama. 

The Lucknow editor says also that 
the words c{ftdh and nul, i.e., Nawal 
(Kishor), (his printer and publisher) 
harmonize if similarly treated; both 
yielding 612 ! See his note p. 19 
folio ed. and pp. 9 and 10 (preface) 
ed. 1284 H. (1868 A.D.) 

^ This quatrain occurs on p. 3436 
of Faizi's Diwdn (B.M.MS. Add., 
No. 7794) and is preceded by the 
following note by Faizi. 

"Among the strange mysteries 
"which have been revealed to me, 
" who have placed on the head of my 
"heart the four-gored cap of four- 
" fold sincerity, there is this that the 
" haiyindt'i'aamd'ukur^f (evidenti- 
" ary letters) of the sun {dfidh) agree 
" in number with the numerical value. 
" of the word Akbar, which is 223.". , . . 

Probably Fai^X plays on the double 
meaning of the word aimd which 
stands both for ' names ' and ' attri- 



butes.' He has.many other quatrains 
on the same subject. 

* ^HS-^ J j^ jy^Ji rumue-i-jc^ar 

u takair, Jafar means cabalistic 
lore or the art of the mysteries of 
letters. It is said to take its name 
from Jafar Sadiq the 6th Imam, but 
no doubt, the art is much older and 
was in great vogue among the Jews. 
There is a learned article on the 
Kahhala by Dr. Ginsburg in the Ency . 
Brittanica. The literal meaning of 
takair is breaking in pieces, it com- 
ing from the root kaar. It is applied 
to the cabalistic science apparently 
because that partly consists in break- 
ing up words into their component 
letters, which again are allocated to 
the four elements. The word seems 
to be often used as synonymous with 
Jafar. See Die. of T. T. 1251, «. v. 
takair and Ibn KhaldGn, Notieea ei 
ExtraiU, XXI, 189. 



'i^, hu/wlyat, ipseity. See 
Whinfield's Oula]ian'i'rdz, 31 and 
Die. of T. T. 1539. 

* o]!>ii, tanaaKuldt, lit. alightings 
or descendings. 



CHAPTER U. 



67 



aud are aware of the illumination ^ and obscuration of alphabetical 
letters^ according as they are with or without diacritical points^ have 
assigned seven out of the twenty-eight letters of abjad* to each 
element. Now the equably-proportioned letters of this august name 
are a collection of the four-fold degrees {i.e., the four elements), and 
tell of the collection of the four stages of Beauty, Majesty, Bounty 
and Perfection. Thus alif is Fire, kdf Water, bd Air and rd Earth. 
Whenever a name, by reason of the equality of its composition, is so 
made up of letters that no element is wanting in it and no element 
ifi redundant, that name is perfectly equipoised between its limits. 
This equipoise results in the name-bearer^s being possessed of excel- 
lent qualities, bodily health, length of life, exaltation of sovereignty 
aud lasting joy. 

Another point in this matter becomes conspicuous in the window 
of intelligence, viz., that although this Greater Fortune {Sa'd-i- 
akbar, — meaning Jupiter, and here taken for Akbar) may have 
enemies on various sides, yet they will be scattered and annihilated. 
For in the composition and arrangement of the letters of the name, 
there are two medial letters — viz., kdf and bd (k and b) ; kdf is watery* 



hwnif the universe of the lucidity 
and darkness of letters. These are 
divisions of letters made by prac- 
titioners of the art of Jajar. (Die. 
of T. T. 320, 1.6.) Apparently the 
mysterious letters which head most 
chapters in the Qur'an are called 
wwrdnx, lucid. Here, however, A. F. 
bases the distinction upon letters 
being with or without diacritical 
points. His brother Faizi wrote a 
commentary on the Qur'an in which 
he used undotted letters only. 
(Gladwin's Diasertation on Persian 
Rhetoric, etc. 19. Blochmann 540 and 
Die. of T. T. 8. V. harf, 312). Com- 
position without diacritical points is 
called ta7i/ and the opposite is man ^t<j!. 



I conjecture from the arrangement of 
the words in the text and from the 
fact that Faizi called his undotted 
composition fhu^d'U'l-iUid'm, rays of 
inspiration, that the lucid letters 
are those without diacritical points. 
Perhaps the name was given to them 
because they do not require to be 
lighted up or explained by dots. 
Dotted letters are styled also mu'jama 
and undotted muhmala. 

* Abjad, the employment of the 
28 letters of the Arabic alphabet as 
numerals. 

B The letters of the alphabet are 
divided into four classes, corres- 
ponding to the four elements and k 
(kdf) belongs to the class represent- 
ing water. See Die. of T. T. 128. 
The Lucknow editor points out that 
haf has also the meaning of cleaving. 



es 



AKMRKAMA. 



and carries away the supernaU enemies^ who are firej and bd which ia 
aerial^ scatters the nether enemies^ who are earthly. It is right that 
those who know the subtleties of secrets^ should become cognisant 
of the mysterious minutiae of the import of the wondrous Name^ 
and partake of the bounty of its auspiciousness and beneficence. 



I The "supernal enemies" are 
apparently, the ji/MM or demons who, 
according to Mu^mmadan cosmog- 
ony, were made out of fire. They 
are represented by a {al\f) which is 
a fiery letter. B (ra) is an earthy 
letter according to some classifica- 
tions (Die. of T. T., watery) and so, 
represents earthly enemies. In the 
I.O.MS. No. 3330, (which is a copy 
of AkhotAmdma, Vol. I., given by 
Colonel Kirkpatrick), the explanation 
of the numerical value of the letters 
of afiahf which I have already given. 



is stated in a marginal note. The 
annotator also arranges the 28 letters 
of the Arabic alphabet in four 
classes, as follows : — 
Fiery :— a, % (sflX)t fiL t, f, m, h ... 7 
Aerial. — ^b, t, s, 9, n, w, y ^.7 

Earthy : — \t khi r, d, 'ain, gb^iu, 1 7 
Watery :— §, 3, z, 9, z, q, k ... 7 



Total ... 28 

The Die. of T. T. gives a somewhat 
different classification. 



CHAPTER III. 
Description of thi auspicious hoboscope which was cast at the 23 

TIME 01* the glorious BIRTH IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE 
ALTITUDES OF THE GrEEE ASTROLABE. 

Verse. 

Approach heayen-weighing observer^ 

Regard with understanding the connexion of the spheres^ 

Look at the beantifnl horoscope of the Lord of conjanction^^ 

Behold the auspicious charter of two worlds^ 

Contemplate this glorious rescript^ 

Fortune upon fortune^ light upon light. 

When the victory-grasping standards were leaving the fort of 
Amark5t, Maulanft Cand^ the astrologer^ who was possessed of great 
acuteness and thorough dexterity in the science of the astrolabe^ in 
the scrutinizing of astronomical tables^ the construction of almanacs, 
and the interpretations of the stars, — was deputed to be in attend- 
ance at the portals of the cupola of chastity (Miryam Makani, 
Akbar's mother), in order that he might observe the happy time 
and ascertain exactly the period of birth. He* reported in writing 
to the exalted camp that, according to altitudes taken by the Greek 



I J^dhih-qirdn. This title which 
properly belongs to Timflr and was 
afterwards bestowed on Shah JahSn, 
seems to be applied here to Akbar 
because, according to the Indian 
horoscope (viz.. No. 2.), Jupiter and 
Venus were in conjunction at his 
birth. (See text 28, L6.) The title 
may however, mean only Lord of 
epochs. 



* MaalanS CSnd also cast the 
horoscope of JahSnglr (Salim) in 
the 14th year of Akbar, 977 = 1670. 
Text n. 846.) He is mentioned in 
Jai Singh's preface to the Mu^m- 
mad Sh&hl Tables, under the name 
of Mulls CSnd, and as the author 
of the TaahlldUi'AJchcir g&a&t. (Dr. 
Hunter, Asiatic Bescarches, Y. 177.) 



70 



AKBARNAMA. 



astrolabe^ and by calculations based on the Gurgdnl tables (Canon 
of UlnghBegh the figure of the nativity was as follows : — 

FIGURE « I. 

AKBAR'S HOROSCOPE. 
E. 



8. 



Mercury. 

Jupiter. 
III. 
Sun. X LIBRA. 

Saturn. 

SCORPIO. 

IV. 



I. 



Tail of Dragon. 



Venus. 
VIRGO. 



SAGITTARIUS. 



Mars. 



V. 



Natus. 

Sunday, 5 Rajab, 949 

A.H. = 16th October, 

1542, O.S., Circa 2 a.m. 




GEMINI. 



VII. 



CAPRICOR. 

NUS. 



Moon. 



VI. 



AQUARIUS. 
Head of Dragon. 



TAURUS. 



PISCES. 



w. 




N. 



1 Ulugh Beg Mirzfi was a grand- 
son of Timar and son of Shabrnkh. 
For information about his Tables 
see the works of Hyde, Greaves and 
S^iUot. He was bom in 1393 and 
put to death by his own son in 1449. 
His Tables were first published in 
1437. See Jarrett II. 5n., and an 



interesting paragraph and note in 
Erskine's Babar (61.) 

* I have added the numbers of the 
Houses to the diagram, and have 
inserted the date of birth. It will 
be seen that there is a difference of 
form between the horoscope as here 
given aud the more elaborate dia* 



CHAPTER III. 



71 



Although Virgo is a Bioorporal^ Sign, partly Fixed and partly 24 
Tropical, yet in this frontispiece of felicity, the fixity of the horo- 
scope is, on close observation and careful consideration, indicated by 



grams to be found in European 
books. In the latter, the observer 
is supposed to be looking south and 
the First House or Ascendant is on 
his left hand. In the horoscopes of 
the text, the observer appears to be 
looking east, for the First House or 
Ascendant is in front of him. 

Although I have used capital letters 
for the designation of the Signs, it 
should be remembered that the 
Houses are those of the figure and 
not of the heavens, i.e., they are 
mundane and not celestial. They do 
not correspond exactly with the 
celestial Houses, for the First House, 
i.e., the Ascendant or horoscope, and 
which is that of life, begins at 7° of 
Virgo. 

1 This is the Greek Surii^Tof . The 
signs of the Zodiac were divided 
into three groups, vi».. Tropical, 
Fixed and Bicorporal. Each group 
contained four Signs and the list is 
as follows '.— 

Tropical. Fixed, Bicorporal. 

Aries. Taurus. Gemini. 

Cancer. Leo. Virgo. 

Libra. Scorpio. Sagittarius. 

Capricornus. Aquarius. Pisces. 

Astrologers also divided the Signs 
into three groups of four each, 
thus: — 

Tropical. Aries. Ctneer. Libra. Capricomiit. 
Fixed, Taumg. Leo. Scorpio. Aqnariot. 
Sievrfwrol. GemiDl. Virgo. Saf^itta- Piscet. 

rios. 

A. F. seems to say that the term 
hieorporalt like common^ meant that 
A Sign possessed the properties of 



the Signs on either side of it ; e.g., 
Virgo was bicorporal because be- 
tween the Fixed Leo and the Tropi- 
cal Libra. 

The Signs were also divided into 
Tropical, Fixed, Equinoctial and 
Bicorporal : and into Moveable, Fixed 
and Common. Acccording to Lilly's 
** Christian Astrology," the Bicor- 
poral Signs were those represented 
by two bodies, such as Gemini and 
Pisces. Sagittarius is bicorporal 
because a centaur. But Virgo is also 
bicorporal, as may be seen from the 
table in AlbirilnT's India (Sachau, 
II. 218). Apparently this is because 
the figure was regarded as that of 
a hermaphrodite. Lilly (86. 2nd. ed. 
1659) says " Signs are constituted 
between moveable and fixed and 
retain a property or nature partak- 
ing both with the preceding and con- 
sequential Sign." So also Ptolemy 
says, " The Bicorporal Sig^ sever- 
ally follow the Fixed Signs; and 
being thus intermediately placed be- 
tween the Fixed and Tropical Signs, 
they participate in the constitutional 
properties of both from their first 
to their last degree." (Teirahihlos, 
Ashmand, 35.) This explains A. F.'s 
description of Virgo, for she is be- 
tween the Fixed Leo and the Tropi- 
cal Libra. Lilly (96) describes Virgo 
as a " barren Sign, but also human," 
and as " an earthly, cold, melan- 
choly, barren, feminine, nocturnal, 
southern (northern ?) Sign, the 
house and exaltation of 9 (Mer- 
cury), of the earthly triplicity." 



72 



akbabnIma. 



two circumstances. One is that the cusp ^ of the Ascendant is T'^,' 
and so belongs to the first third ^ (decanate) of the Sign which^ 
astrologers are agreed^ denotes fixity. The other is that Yirgo is an 
earthy^ Sign^ and fixity^ is the property of the earthy element. 
These are two proofs of the fixity of the throne of sovereignty and 
of the stability of the cushion {masnad) of the KhildfaL Moreover, 
Mercury, the Lord of the Ascendant, is in this glorious nativity 
posited by the Greater Fortune,* for Jupiter, i.e., the Greater For- 
tune, is beside him, and Mercury is a planet who makes good luck, 
better luck. Yenus, the Lesser Fortune, is in Mercury's^ House 
(Virgo) and Mercury, in hers, w«., Libra.^ He signifies wisdom. 



I ^Ih jj^j jutnO'i-tdli*, i,e., part 
or degree of the Ascendant or horo- 
scope. I think it here means cusp, 
i.e., the place where the House be- 
gins. The phrase occurs again in 
the text, 30. 1.2. 

> Badaoni (Lowe, 269), mentions 
that on the festival of the 8th of 
Virgo, Akbar used to show himself 
marked on the forehead like a Hindu, 
and had strings of jewels tied on 
his wrists by Brahmans. Appa- 
rently this was because it was the 
anniversary of his birth. The 8th 
degree of Virgo might correspond 
to 8th Aban. 

8 Each Sign contains 2(P and is 
divided into three parts of 10° each. 
It may be noted that 7® 7' Virgo is 
said to be Mercury's term. A.F. 
here calls these parts thirds, but 
they are commonly called decanates 
or faces. 

* The Signs are also divided into 
four groups or triplicities, corres- 
ponding to the four elements. 
Taurus, Virgo and Capricomus 
constitute the earthy triplicity. 

^ Referring to the Ptolemaic no- 
tion of the earth's being fixed and 
in the centre of the universe. 



> Jupiter is called Sa^d-i-Akbar 
or the Greater Fortune (Fortuna 
Major) and Venus SaH-i-Asghar or 
the Lesser Fortune (Fortuna Minor.) 
Saturn and Mars are cabled the 
Infortunes. 

'' Mercury is regarded as a 
planet of mixed disposition and the 
character of his influence depends 
on his associate. Here, because he 
is near Jupiter, he is benefic. Virgo 
is his House and place of exalta- 
tion. According to the Lucknow 
editor, his culmination or highest 
point of exaltation is 7° 4' Virgo, 
but according to the JyoiUa-Prakd^ 
it is 15°. Haly in his De judieiis 
aairorum says (16), Mercuriua fortu- 
natue est cumfortunatia, et infortuna' 
tus, cum irtfortunaiU. 

^ Libra is the diurnal House of 
Venus, while it is the hubut or fall 
of the Sun. Hence the distich in 
tlie Anwdr-i'SuIiaili (Cap : IX. Story 
3. 417. Hertford ed.) "Libra is 
the mansion of the star of amuse- 
ment and joy, but the fall of the 
king of the planets." (sc. the Sun.) 
There is another astrological allu- 
sion in the same story, (416) where 
it is said that certain sailors made. 



CHAPTER III. 



73 



knowledge, dexterity and ingenuity, and both by equal distribution 
of (mundane) Houses and by Sign, he is in the Second House which 
is connected* with the means of livelihood and the support of life. 
He bestows on the Native > amplitude of perfect reason and under- 
standing, so that he adorns the universe with the light of intellect 
in the affairs of this life and the next, and opens knots, whether 
spiritual or temporal, with the very finger-tips of his understanding. 



like the Moon, their mansion in a 
watery tower (hutj), I believe this 
refers to the fact that the Moon's 
mansion is Cancer which is a watery 
Sign, t.e., belongs to the watery 
triplicity of Cancer, Scorpio and 
Pisces. 

1 AjytJ taewiyat In the dic- 
tionai'ies, this word is defined as 
meaning making equal or pa/ralleL 
Here it refers to the division of the 
horoscope into twelve parts or 
Houses. "There are two kinds of 
Houses in astrology," says Wilson 
in his Dictionary of Astrology, 
" mundane and planetary. Mandane 
Houses are each a twelfth part of a 
figure (a horoscope) and begin their 
number at the east angle which is 
the First House (Ascendant), and 
proceed according to the order of 
the Signs. The Second House is 
the left, under the Earth, and is 
what they call Succedent, because 
it succeeds to the angle. The Third 
is to the left of the Second and is 
called Cadent, because it falls from 
the angle of the Fourth. The 
Fourth is the north angle or Imum 
Ooelir 

The full expression appears to be 
c^^f &r^ iamaiyaiu-Uhwyut — and 
not fkierely tatwiyat a« in the text. 
Chapter XII of tJlugh Beg's Prolo- 
gomma (Part III. S^dillot 141) is 
10 



headed o^jf^l ^j^ iiyuo j^ and 
S^illot translates this (198), " D^-. 
terminer la distribution r^guli^re 
des douze maisons celestes.'* It 
appears from Bieu's Catalogue of 
Arabic MSS. (Suppl. 519a), that 
there is a chapter in Albiruni's 
Canon MasudicvA (Fol. 2425), on the 
Tatwiyaiu-l-huyut. See also, for 
the full expression, Akbamdma 11. 
711. 2 and 4 fr. foot. Cf. also 
Bddshdhndma of 'Abdu-l-hdmid (99 
1.4 fr. foot), where reference is 
made to the two hisdba or modes of 
calculation. But taswiyat alone also 
occurs there. (I. 103, 1.9.) Of 
course the Houses of a horoscope 
seldom or never exactly correspond 
with the Signs, for they are counted 
from the degree and minute which is 
ascending at the time of birth. The 
author means here that Mercury is 
in the Second House of the figure 
and also, in the Second Sign count- 
ing from Virgo, viz., Libra,— for, as 
the mundane and celestial do not 
correspond. Mercury might have 
been in the Second House of the 
figure and yet in the Third Sign, 
counting from the Ascendant. 

> The Second House is that of 
fortime* wealth, or property, the 
First being that of life. 

B The technical name for the sub- 
ject of a horoscope. 



74 AKRARXAMA. 

As Venus who is renowned for auspiciousness and prosperity and 
who signifies joy and pleasure, — is in this horoscope, (i.e., the 
Ascendant or First House) she keeps ever ready the things of joy 
and gladness and the materials of magnificence and glory. It is a 
remarkable circumstance that whilst the lord of the Ascendant 
(Mercury) is in the House of wealth (the Second), the lord of the 
House of wealth (Venus) ^ is in the Ascendant (the First or Honse 
of Life.) Thus the two together signify personal and circumstantial 
felicity, and bestow a life of power and pleasure. Jupiter — the 
Greater Fortune — who signifies justice, integrity, magnanimity, 
firmness of soul and civilization,^ is also in the Second House and, 
as he is in sextile^ to the Fourth House which is that of finality, he 
keeps perfection of power and pleasure closely associated with the 
glorious condition of his Majesty, down to the very end. The 
double-natured {dipsychus) Mercury has acquired extreme auspicious- 
ness, by reason of his vicinity to the Greater Fortune, and has 
heaped felicity upon felicity. He signifies that the Native will, by 
greatness of genius and loftiness of development, become the apex of 
mankind, and he indicates assemblages of the masters of understand- 
ing and reason and of the lords of perception and penetration. 
The philosophers of the age and sages of every sect will attend the 
wisdom-protecting Court, and ingenious wits of all countries will 
forsake their native lands, and donning the pilgrim's garb, will 
circumambulate his sublime threshold. Whatever the ray of illumi- 
nation shall have darted into his inspired soul, will be consonant with 
25 reason and reality. Having opened the gates of justice and equity to 
all mankind, he will in every action hold fast by the principles of 
rectitude and protection (diydnat u ^iydnat). He will apply his 
genius to founding magnificent buildings such as have rarely been 
constructed in the times of former princes, and in those choice man- 
sions he will pass his time in varieties of joys and happinesses and 
in all manner of ease and independence. 

Among remarkable* circumstances we have this, — that Venus 



^ Though Veuus be feminine, she 
is spoken of as J^dhib, t.e., lord or 
master. 

* Lit. building up of the world. 



^ Sixty degrees or two Houses, 
i.e., one-sixth of the heavens, apart. 

* The author seems to have for- 
gotten that he had already men- 
tioned this circumstance. See 9upra. 



CHAPTER III. 



75 



is in the House of Mercury and Mercury in the House of Venus. 
Thus three happy influences are combined; — viz,, 1°. the happy in- 
fluence of Jupiter, — 2®. the happy influence of Venus; — 3**. tlie 
happy influence which Mercury has imbibed from the fortunate twain. 
This is something very uncommon. 

The Great Light (the Sun), the benefactor of the universe and 
moderator^ of the affairs of mortals, and the special bestower of 
glory, power, pomp and prestige is in the Third House and in a Fixed 
Sign (Scorpio), signifying the grant of dignity, glory, greatness and 
magnificence. As he has come out of his fall* and his face is set 
toward his exaltation, he has made the Native's glory increase, day 
by day, and as he is in aspect* to the Ninth House (Taurus) which 
is that of travel, the standards* of victory and conquest will always 
be upraised on the march,* while he himself protects mankind from 



1 Referring to the Sun's control 
of times, and seasons. 

• -t^ huhutf fall, i.e., the House 
opposite to, or six Houses apart 
from, the House of exaltation. Libra 
is the House of the Sun's fall, as 
being opposite to the House of ex- 
altation, viz., Aries. The author 
says that, as the Sun has emerged 
from Libra and entered Scorpio, he 
has left his fall and is procepding 
towards his exaltation in Aries. 

* j^^ Na^ir. The aspect is one 
of opposition or 180® which is re- 
garded by astrologers as malefic. 
I do not therefore see the appro- 
priateness of A.F.'s remark unless 
indeed, he is using the word na^ir 
in a non-technical sense and merely 
as meaning one who beholds or in- 
spects. There is a reference to the 
aspects in Paradise Lost X. 656. 

To the blanc Moon 

Her office they prescribed, to the 

other five 
Their planetary motions and 

a8p*»ct« 






In Sextile, Square, and Trine 

and Opposite 
Of noxious efficacy. 
♦ I do not feel sure of the 
meaning here. It is perhaps, the 
standards who arc represented as 
illuminating the world,— the allu- 
sion being to the royal flag or 
standard's bearing a picture of the 
sun. See Blochmann Sayyid Ahmad 's 
Plates, IX. Figure I. ITie kaukabah 
(fig. 2) has a sphere suspended from 
it which apparently represents the 
Sun. See Blochmann's quotation 
from Terry IX. 

6 jAm, safar. This word, like the 
German Eeise, means both travel 
and war and A.F. probably intended 
to take advantage of the equivoque. 
There seems also an antithesis in- 
tended between the words safar and 

kanaf, ^-A*^ region or country. The 
standards of victory are abroad on 
the march while the Sun (Akbar) 
remains in the region of light-giving 
and protecting. The literal tranti- 
hitiou i« *• he (i.e.. the Sun or Akbar) 



76 



iKBARNAMA. 



the confusions and calamities of the age and is the light*giver of the 
world. 

As the Third House which is that of kindred^ is Scorpio^ it is 
significant of Scorpion-kinsmen. ^ (^)^ *T*)^t aqdrib-i-'aqdrib,) Saturn 
there sends those alien relatives (distant-near ones) by calamities 
and disasters^ to the nethermost hell of destruction and perdition. 

The Fourth angle' is Sagittarius and is the House of the 
final issue of things. Jupiter, its lord^ is in sextile to it and is 
contiguous* to the ameliorated Mercury,* and in his own term* and 
triplicity.* Whatever the Native deigns to undertake, will be accom- 



(is in) the region of protecting and 
guarding and is giving light to the 
world." There is a similar passage 
in the BddsJ^dhndma (102 top line et 
Beq^.) but there is an interesting dif- 
ference in the mode of treatment. 
The Ninth House is also that of 
religion. A.F. passes over this point 
but the caster of gh&h Jahan's 
horoscope lays stress on it and in- 
fers from the fact of Venus (whom 
he calls the planet of laldm) being 
in aspect towards the Ninth House 
that Shah Jaban will be an upholder 
of religion and a faithfal follower of 
Muhammad. In Shah Jahan's horo- 
scope, the position noticed in Akbar's 
is reversed, the Third House being 
Taurus, i.e., that of Venus, and the 
Ninth being Scorpio. 

i There is a similar play on the 
two words in Badaoni. (Lowe 71.) 
The expression is used there with 
reference to Akbar's maternal uncle, 
^hwaja Mu'as^^sam who certainly 
was a scorpion-relative. 

* There are four angles or cardi- 
nal points, viz., the First, Fourth, 
Seventh and Tenth Houses of a 

horoscope. The Arabic name is ^j 
watad lit. : tent-pole. They are the 



most important houses in a figure, 
the First being the Ascendant, the 
Fourth its nadir, i.e., the north an^Ie 
or hypogeum ; the Seventh, the west 
or descendant angle, being opposite 
to the First, and the Tenth being the 
Mid-heaven. Sagittarius is Jupi- 
ter's House and gaudium. 

ft MuIUmU. This is perhaps a 
technical term and refers to a pla- 
net's applying io another planet. 

* *Vidrid'i'm<k8*ud. Mercury is 
called maa'ueZ, benefited or auspicious^ 
because he has become benefic by 
proximity to Jupiter and Venus. 
See Albirunf (Sachau II. 212.) 

» «**► hadd. The degrees of each 
sign are divided among the five 
planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, 
Venus and Mercury, and those 
assigned to each are called its term 
(terminui). The term is one of a pla* 
net's essential dignities and tables 
of terms, showing the degrees 
assigned to each planet, are to be 
found in all astrological books. 

» This is the fiery triplicity, con- 
sisting of Aries, lieo and Sagit- 
tarius. Jupiter is lord of this tripli- 
city during the night and so, was its 
lord at the time of Akbar's birth. 



CHAPTBR in. 



77 



plished with the greatest ease^ and the terminations of his works 
will be prosperous. 

The Fifth Hoase is that of offspring and is Capricornas^ 
a sign indicative of many^ children. Mars^ the soldier's planet^ 
is there and is a kadhiiudd^ of the Ascendant which is the 
centre^ of the laws of life. It is a glorious thing that this 
warlike planet is in his House of exaltation^ and by face>^ 



A According to Haly (p. 2) Capri- 
corn is a sign of few sons. It is 
Mars* House of exaltation. Haly's 
words are : Signa multorum filiorutn 
Piaees, Oancer, Scorpio; paucorum 
filiorum, Aries, Taurus, Stigittarius, 
Capricomus et Libra. 

S ^ ij\^A^ Jcadl^udd'i'taU'. 

The word kad^vdd perhaps has the 
sense of the Alcochoden of me- 
dieval times. It seems to mean the 
planet in a horoscope which has most 
dignities in a hylegiacal place. 
Alcochoden is sometimes defined as 
the Arabic word for hyleg. (See 
note infra on hyleg.) According to 
VuUers* Dictionary, a. v., kadf^tida 
means, in astrology, the soul or 
vital principle in opposition to kad- 
bdnu, the body. See Mafdtiku-U 
'uliim, 331. It would seem that kad- 
Viudd corresponds to the term " lord 
of the geniture," and means a planet 
in possession of all its dignities, 
essential and accidental. Such a 
planet is said to be muhiazz (from 
ibiitdz), Yelschius in his Commen- 
iarius in Bozndma Naurus (1676) 
identifies kadl^udd with hyleg. The 
Burhdn-i-qdii* states that kadhdnu 
is equivalent to the Greek haildj 
(hyleg). KadJdiudd means pater- 
fa/milias and kadbdnii, fnaterfamilias 
and so, Yullers suggests that haildj 
may be the Greek aAo^os, but I 



believe the derivation from vAocos is 
correct. 

Apparently what is meant here, 
by the Ascendant's being a centre 
of the laws of life, is that the 
Ascendant or First House is the 
House of Life. 

' I take this expression to mean 
merely that the First House is that 
of life, but there may be an allusion 
to the Fardars,— the Alfridaria of 
CardRn, and the true translation may 
be, " a lord of the geniture who is the 
centre of the code of life,"~alluding 
to the fact of Mars' governing the 
years from 28 to 35. 

♦ '^ tcajh. This is the Greek 
irpo&wrov. It is the third part of a 
sign (10°) and thus corresponds to 
the decanate. The word /ace is also 
commonly used in English books on 
astrology. Dozy (II. 7852) says, s.v. 
wajh, " Les astrologies partagent 
chaque sig^e du zodiaque en trois 
faces, de dix degr^s chacune. Les 
trente-six faces sent assignees, cha- 
cune a une des plan^tes ou au soleil 
ou a la lune." Salmon, however, in 
his Horae Maihematicae divides each 
Sign of the Zodiac into six faces of 
5° each. See Tetrahiblos, Ashmand 
28n. The above is what is meant 
by the term facefts applied to a Sign, 
but the word has another meaning 
as applied to a planet. Ashmand 



78 



AEBARNAMA. 



triplicity/ darijdn,^ adarjchi^ and dodecatemorion* lias endowed the 
Native with long life, and has given him the enjoyment of many 
sons and grandsons. His sons, too, will be fortunate and capable. 
He will also have world-traversing, victorious soldiers. It is a 
beautiful coincidence that in the horoscope of the Lord of Con- 
junction, (Timur) Mars is in the Fifth House, as mentioned in 
the Zafamdma} Experienced philosophers have laid stress on the 



(1. c. 54) says, ** Each planet is said 
to be in its proper face, when the 
aspect it holds to the San or Moon 
is similar to that which its own 
House bears to their Houses, for 
example, Yenus is in her proper face 
when making a sextile aspect to 
either luminary, provided she be 
occidental to the Sun, but oriental 
to the Moon, agreeably to the pri- 
mary arrangement of her Houses. 
And it follows that Saturn is in his 
proper face when he is five Signs, 
or in quintile, after the Sun or 
before the Moon ; that Jupiter is so 
in trine ; Mars when in quartiie ; 
Venus when in sextile ; and Mer- 
cury when only one Sign (or, in 
modern phrase, semi-sextile) after 
the Sun or before the Moon.*' Simi- 
larly Wilson (Die. of Astr.) says, 
" a planet is in its fac<^ when it is 
at the same distance from the Sun 
or Moon as its House is from their 
Houses and in the same succession 
of Signs." Probably when A. F. 
speaks of the wajh of a planet, he 
means this kind of face and not the 
third part of a Sign, which he desig- 
nates by darljdn decanate. 

1 The earthy triplicity, consisting 
of Taurus, Virgo and Capricornus. 

• On the meaning of this word, 
see Noie\. at the end of this Chapter, 
page 82. 



B On the meaning of this word, 
see NoteJl, at the end of this Chapter, 
page 82. 

♦ ^.jfi^^\ asnd'a^rXah^ a 
twelfth part or two and a half 
degrees of a Sign ; the 3u)^Kan;/Ao/>«>i' 
of the Greeks. Scaliger refers to 
it in his notes on Manilius (Ley- 
den ed. 179), and a table of Twelfths 
is given in Bengali books on astro- 
logy. The planet which rules the 
Sign is lord of the First Twelfth ; 
the rulers of the two following Signs 
are lords of the second, and third, 
and so on. Thus Mars is lord of the 
first dodecatemorion of Aries, he 
being regent of Aries; Venus lord 
of the second, as being ruler of 
Taurus ; and Mercury is ruler of 
the third, as regent of Virgo. The 
expression tv^elfth part is explained in 
Diet, of T. Ts. (I. 185). Ashmand 
(60) says the Twelfth of a Sign is 
technically called a place. The Per- 
sians call it 5;4^ l^jfj^ duwdzda balira, 

' Bib. Ind. ed. 1.14. The Fifth 
House is that of children. The Fifth 
House of Tim fir's horoscope was 
Taurus, and Jupiter was there as 
well as Mars, while Venus was in the 
Third House (Pisces.) Timur, like 
Augustus wus bom under Capricorn. 
His nativity, as cast by Ashmole, will 
be found in Hyde's Syntagma (II. 
466) ns pointed out hy flililion. 



CHAPTER lit. 



79 



power of Mars in the horoscopes of princes. The present powerful 
and holy horoscope excels that of the Lord of Conjunction in that 
this majestic planet is in his House of exaltation (Capricorn us) and 
has the other dignities mentioned above. This signifies glory and 
greatness, lofty rank^ victory and dominion, and that yet his glory 
will be greater and better from his youth upwards. The Moon 
who is the intermediary^ between the celestial influences and the 
terrestrial elements, having come as an increaser' of light, points the 
way to daily increasing dominion. 

She is also the hyleg,^ which is the tabernacle of the soul and 



^ The heaven of the Moon is that 
nearest the earth, and therefore she 
is regarded as d. link between the 
heavens and the earth. She is also 
the distributor of light from the 
heavenly bodies to the earthy ones. 
See Akhamdma II. 8, 1.14. Haly calls 
the Moon, the Alguazil, i.e., the Vizier 
or Prime Minister of the Sun. 

« j^\ «>j|J zd'tdu'-n-nur. This is an 
epithet of the Moon. She is also 
called the swift-goer, sarVu-s-sair, in 
opposition, perhaps, to Saturn who 
is called the slow-goer. (Akhamdma 
II. 10 1.8.) 

Hyleg is a word well-known in 
European astrology and comes from 

the Greek vXiko«. It signifies the 
foundation or beginning of life and 
also the duration of life. S^dillot 
says (Prolegomena, Text 149). " Ce 
mot signifie le lieu de la vie ; il est 
pris dans le sens de dur^e de la vie." 
Hyleg is also defined as the Moder- 
ator, Significator or Prorogator of 
life. 

Moxon says (Mathematical Diction- 
ary). " Hyleg or hylech, an Arabic 
word signifying the Giver of life ; a 
planet or part of heaven which, in a 
man's nativity becomes, in an astro- 
logical sense, the moderator or signifi- 



cator of his life; hence hylegiacal 
places are such as when a planet hap- 
pens to be posited therein, he may be 
said to be hyleg or to have the 
government of life attributed to him ; 
which places are commonly reckoned 
five, viz., the Ascendant, the Mid- 
heaven, the Seventh House, the Ninth 
and the Eleventh House. Also the 
Sun, Moon and Part of Fortune. 

The question of hylegiacal places 
is one much discussed in astrological 
books. In the text the word is per- 
haps used as an equivalent for had- 
hdnu, the body as opposed to the 
soul, kad^udd. Sachau (Chrono- 
logy of Ancient Nations) has trans- 
lated it by mateffamilias. There is 
a curious note in Schefer*s Chrestho^ 
matie Peraane (I. 102) where he says 
that hyleg is the Arabic form of the 
Persian ^iZo; which signifies master 
of the house or head of the family. 
And he mentions a book by Abu 
Mashar of Balkh bearing the title 
KitdbU'l-HaildJ. M. Schefer sup- 
poses that this book must have treat- 
ed of domestic economy, but it is 
almost certain it was an astrological 
work. Haly says (147) that Ptolemy 
established five hylegs, viz., the Sun, 
the Moon, the Ascendant, the Part of 



80 



AKRARNAMA. 



26 guardian of the body^ and is in the Fifth House. As she is separat- 
ing (mun^arif) from Mars and is in trine to Yenns^ she is a cause of 
continaal healthy soundness of constitution and bodily strength. 

The Sixth House is Aquarius and signifies armies. Satam is 
the dominant and he is in the Third House which is that of alliea 
and helpers. The Dragon's Head {Bda^ Or Anabibason) is there 
and signifies soldiers of loyal and devoted clans. 

The Seventh angle {i.e., the Descendant or west angle) is Pisces 
at the seventh degree^ which is the term^ of Yenus and belongs to 
her triplicity^ and ddarjan.^ She gives ^ chaste veiled ones v^rlxo are 
constant in pleasing service and respects ; and she makes the If ative 
happy and prosperous by their good offices. 

The £ighth House is Aries ; Mars is its lord and his benefic 
influences have already been described. He is in trine to the Ascen- 
dant and signifies the Divine protection ^ in positions of fear and 
hidden dangers. 

The Ninth House (Taurus) is that of travel. As its regent 
(Yenus) is posited in the Ascendant — Virgo, she holds in readiness, 
tranquillity and pleasure in distant journies and makes them a cause 
of increase of territory. 



Fortane and the Place of Conjunc- 
tion or Opposition of the Sun and 
Moon prior to the birth. The Moon 
was probably the hyleg in Akbar's 
horoscope because his birth took 
place at night. 

The hyleg was also called a^KSta and 
was opposed to anaireta, destroyer. 

^ Anabibazon, the ascending node of 
the Greeks and Rdhu of the Hindus. 

* Cardan (Dejudioiie geniturwrwn, 
Kuremburg 1547. 79b.) gives the 
first seven degrees of Pisces as the 
term of Yenus. 

I Yenus is the noctural lord of the 
watery triplicity or trigon, ri«., Can- 
cer, Scorpio and Pisces, for the last 
is her House of exaltation. 

* If ddarjdn be the same as decs- 



nate, I do not see how the seventh 
degree falls within the ddarjdn of 
Venus, for the rule is that the firs 6 
decanate of a Sign belongs to the 
lord of that Sign and the lord of 
Pisces is not Venus but Jupiter. 
Pisces is, however, the House of 
Yenus' exaltation, and its 27th degree 
is said to be the v^^tafia, auj, of Yenus. 
Perhaps the reference is to this. 
Possibly A. F. used the word ddarjdn 
without understanding it. 

'The Seventh House is that of 
marriage. 

* The Eighth House is one of mis- 
fortune and danger. Hence the need 
for the Divine protection. To be in 
trine is to be 120^, four Houses, a]>nrt. 



CHAPTER ni. 



81 



The Part of Forfcane {Para Fortunae i) is in the Tenth angle which 
is that of dominion and prosperity [iqhdV). Its lord^ the auspicious 
Mercury, is in trine to it. As the Greater Fortune (Jupiter) is also in 
trine to it, this signifies majestic sovereignty, perfect reason and justice, 
and brings the world's treasures into the powerful grasp of the Native. 

The Eleventh House (Cancer) is that of Hope. Its lord is the 
crescent Moon. She is in the Fifth House of the horoscope, and as 
she is in trine to the Ascendant, she is a cause of safety and of 
the attainment of desires. 

The Twelfth House (Leo) is that of enemies. The Dragon's 
Tail^ (Zanab) being posited in it, makes the enemies of eternal 
fortune downcast and contemptible. It turns every wretch who 
averts his face from the altar of obedience, topsyturvy into the 
wilderness of annihilation. Its lord, the Sun, being posited in the 
Third House, viz., that of allies and helpers, will bring many oppo- 
nents to repentance and the path of submission and devotion. A 
wonderful thing in this horoscope is that the Tenth House, that of 
dominion and sovereignty, is in Gemini of which the lord of the 
Ascendant, (Mercury) is the regent. It is established that every lord 
of the Ascendant desires to promote his own signification [or perhaps, 
what is committed to him), but that he may be frustrated by obstacles 
to his power. Now in this auspicious horoscope. Mercury's House 
is also that of dominion and sovereignty. Seeing that dominion 
(daulat) is posited in his own (Mercury's) House, why should he 
(Mercury) hold back from carrying out his own signification (or, from 
what has been committed to him) ? 



1 " An imaginary point in the 
heavens supposed to contain equal 
power with the luminaries." (Wilson, 
306). In the Teirahibloa (Ashmand) 
we read that the Part of Fortune is 
calculated by counting the number 



of degrees between the Sun and 
Moon. 

> Katabibazon, the descending Twde 
of the Greeks ; Ketu of the Hindus. 
It is where the Moon crosses the 
ecliptic on her way south. 



11 



82 akbarnAma. 

NOTE I. (from page 78.) 

u^lc^j,) danjdn. Yullers describes this as an astrological rule according 
to which a Sign is divided into three parts and a planet assigned to each. 
The original Persian form is ci'^'i darigdn. It is the dreshkdna or drekkSnd 
of the Hindus. Alblruni (II. 222) says, " Further, there are the triangles* 
called drekkdna. There is no use in enlarging on them, as they are sixnplj 
identical with the so-called draijdnat of our system." Unfortunately AIM- 
runl did not foresee a time when Arabian and Persian astrology would be 
forgotten and his Oanon Masvdictia a sealed book. Sachau speaks of it (there 
are four copies in Europe and one in the Mullft Firoz Library at Bombay) a« 
awaiting the combination of two editors a scholar and an astronomer, but 
probably, a third, an astrologer, would also be required. Colebrooke says 
(Asiatic Researches IX. 367) that the dreshkdna answer to the decani of 
European astrologers. The decani also correspond to the wajh of Arabian 
astrologers and according to the Lucknow editor of the Akhcmidnui^ are called 
by Hindus suratt face. Decanu8, according to Scaliger's notes on Maniliosy 
(329) comes from the Latin and not from the Greek. The Luck. ed. g^ves 
an explanation of the word da/njdn (27) and the corresponding term drekkdna 
is explained in Bengali books on astrology. It seems that every sign is 
divided into three parts each of 10^, that the planet who presides over the 
sign, is lord of the first 10^, that the next 10° are ruled by the planet who 
presides over the Fifth Sign from that under division, and that the third 10^ 
or drekkdna is ruled by the planet presiding over the Ninth Sign from that 
under division. 

(With reference to the " triangles " in the above quotation from Sachau. 
it should be observed that the word in the original is lii^llt alasldi, the plural 
of fidlifi and should be translated thirde and not triangles. The dr^ekdna are 
not triangles but ten degrees or thirds of a Sign.) 



NOTE II. (from page 78.) 
is)^jd^ dda/rjdn. This word puzzled me for a long time. It is not to 
be found in the dictionaries except under the form tt;^«>)f or Mf^^ji^ They 
however do not explain even this word ; saying only that it means " certain 
figures and mysteries in astrology." (See Vullers 78 and Steingass.) The 
Lucknow editor (27) says that ddarjdn is the same as tvdbdl, and he repeats 
this explanation at page 30. He there says also that ddarjdn, is a fortitude 
or dignity superior to that of the darljdn, but inferior to that of the wajh 
face. It is clear therefore that it cannot bear the same meaning as wahdl 
which is a debility and corresponds to the English detriment Perhaps the 
editor connected it with auj, ap$i» or exaltation. Another explanation was sent 
me from India, to the effect that when two planets were in the same muaaUaiat 



CHAPTER III. 88 

or triplicity* each was said to be the ddarjdn or partner of the other. If this 
were so, the word might be connected with the Arabic ^ jdl or ^tj^t idraj 
or idrdjf a fold or folding ; but I now believe this explanation is quite incorrect. 
The fact seems to be that adctrjan or ddarajdn is merely a form of the word 
darijan and is probably nothing bnt that word with the Arabic article al 
prefixed. The word occurs in the Mc^dtthu-Wulum (ed. Yloten, Leyden 1895, 
226) under the forms aldaJiaj and alda/raj and is there explained as synony- 
mous with wajh, furat and ddrtjdn. The editor says it is the same as the 
Greek Scicas. That this explanation is correct appears from the Latin trans- 
lation of an early treatise on Astrology by an Eastern writer, commonly 
known as Alchabitius, but whose real name was ' Abdu-l-'aziz ibn 'U^man 
Aiqabisl and who, according to the Biographie Univeraelle lived in the 10th 
century. He wrote a Mad^i^l or Introduction to Astrology which was trans- 
lated into Latin by Johannis Hispalensis and was several times reprinted. 
Its Arabic title is given in Ha jl S^alfa's Lexicon (Y. 473) as Mad^^l f% 
*ilm-al'Wkjtm, In the Differentia Quarta (Gap. lY. The pages are not 
separately numbered, but this chapter is a few pages after (2c24) of this work, 
there is the following passage :— 

**Modu$ inveniendi dominwn deccmi»** 

** Et esy hoc adorogen, hoc est ut dividaa CMcendene in tree fo/rtee ; et eii 
omnia divieio 10 graduum ; dabisqiie divisionefn primam domino aecendentie ; et 
eeoundam domino quinti eignidb eo; ettertium domino noni; nam ascendens, 
5, et 9 una semper sunt iriplicitas. Verbi gratid, ah initio Arietis usque in 
decimum gradum ejus est dorogen i. (i.e.) deeanus est Mcyrtis. Et si fuerit ex 
to gradu tisque 20 gradum erit ejus dorongen sol, dominus Leonis, Et si fuerit 
20 usque infinem ejus erit dorongen Jupiter, dominus Sagittarii" 

The same volume contains a commentary on Alchabitius by John of Saxony 
and at M.M. 3, we have these words, " Et ex hoc adoringen. Hie docet invenire 
decanv/m" This commentary, it seems, was written in 1331, though apparently 
not printed till 1485. 

The book is in the British Museum, and there is another copy of Alchabitius 
and of John of Saxony's Commentary which was printed at Yenice in 1521. 
In this, too, we have the expression, " Et e» hoc adorogen " and " et ex hoe 
adorogen" This is the passage according to the Yenetian editions of 1485 
and 1521. In another edition, printed at Bologna in 1473 (B.M. press-mark 
8610 d. 10.) we have the form abdorungen, but otherwise the wording is the 
same. It begins, ** Et ex hoc abdorungen " and lower down has the important 
expression "ejus abdorungen, id est, deeanus, est Mars." The occurrence of 
the letter b certainly seems to favour the supposition that the first syllable 
is merely the Arabic article, the b being a misprint for L As for the expression 
et ex hoc, the explanation is that the Differentia Q/uarta is a glossary of astro- 
logical terms and that et ex hoc seems a literal rendering of the Arabic i^j 
wa'minhu* The difficulty arising from A.F.'s using the word as if it were 
of different meaning from darijan, his speaking, for instance, both of the 
darijan and ddarjdn in the same passage. 



84 AKBAliiNlMA. 

This is due, I think, to the fact that each House of a horoscope consists 
of about 30° i.e., of three decanates or darijdna, Heace, in mentioning the 
dignities or properties of a House, instead of saying darijdn and darijdn 
or using the word wajh (face) three times over, he varies the expression for 
the sake of euphony. What the exact etymology of the word adarjdn or 
darijdn is, I am unable to say. The varieties of spelling lead one to suppose 
it a foreign word. It is clear from Alchabitius, that ddarjdn or ddarajan 
is the proper spelling, and that the form aradjdn of the Bdd§lidhnMna and 
the Dictionaries is incorrect. 

Most probably the word comes from the Greek T/atywvov, a triangle. I do 
not think it can come from Scxavo?, for I do not see how the letter r came to 
be inserted. It appears, from Sachau's Albiruni, that the word which in 
our dictionaries is spelled darijdn is in Arabic draijdn, I have suggested 
above that the first syllable or letter of ddarjdn is the Arabic article, but 
there may be another explanation. As Persian does not admit of conjunct 
consonants at the beginning of words, it is possible that when the word was 
borrowed from the Arabic or the Greek, the dr or the tr of the Greek necessi- 
tated either a prosthetic or a medial vowel. Thus trlgonon or draijdn became 
in Persian, either adrajdn or darijdn. In a similar manner we have both 
Iskandar and Sekandar as transliterations of Alexander and dwham for the 
Greek drachme, Firangi for Frank, etc. But if ddarjdn comes from trigonon 
and not from decdnvSf it must still be acknowledged that it came to have 
the same meaning as decanate in English or drekkdna in Sanscrit, and is 
stated by Alchabitius to be the equivalent of decdnua. 

If anything were necessary to prove that the word ddarjdn is identical 
in meaning with wajh, faciea, 1 think it is furnished by the fact that Ha1y> 
(i.e., Abu-l-^iasan * All ibn Abi-'l Bajal al-Shaibani) in his elaborate work on 
astrology, says nothing about darijdn or ddarjdn, though he has a chapter 
De Faciehus or, (as the Arabic has it) Fi-l-toujuh, 

Moreover Guide Bonatus has this passage (ed. Basle 1550 825) De d(yrunges 
non dico hie (the passage occurs in a chapter on the triplicitios) aliqaid 
quoniam videtur specia/re ad considerationem facierum, de quibua latius a,c 
mfficienier dictum est auperitia in Tractatu primo in cap. ed Faciebtu. 

Scaliger has yet another spelling of darijdn ; he calls it dorogen and says 
the Arabs apply the term to the dodecatemoria. (Notes on Manilins 179 
1.36.) This seems to be a mistake. 




CHAPTER IV. 

Scheme of the set-adorning nativity of His Majesty^ the Kino of 27 
Kings ; and summabt of the stellar influences/ according to 

THE methods of THE ASTROLOGERS OF InDIA.* 

By the calcalations of the Indian astrologers^ his Majesty's 
auspicious horoscope falls under Leo which is a Fixed Sign and is 
significant of perfect supremacy, victory, energy and superiority. 
The Sun, which takes more note^ of kings than of all the other 
objects in the universe, is the dominant, and this is a clear indica- 
tion that the Native will be victorious and paramount over famous 
sovereigns and mighty rulers. 

The pillars of his sovereignty and government will gain stabi- 
lity and strength, day by day, and the regulations of his exaltation 
and glory will be carried out firmly and with permanence. The 
rays* of his wrath will* consume the fore-arms* of stiff-necked, 
evil-disposed ones, and the beat of his war-drums will turn to water 
the courage of rank- breaking, tiger-hearted men. 

The scheme of the holy nativity is hereby set down in accord- 



I This appears to be a translation 
of the Greek airorcAea/iaTcu It may 
be rendered judgments, 

s Later on, we find the horoscopes 
of the three princes, Salim (JahSn- 
gir), Murad and Danyal, cast both 
according to the Greek and the 
Indian rules. There is also a horos- 
cope of the Accession. 

^ Akbar said that the Sun speci- 
ally favoured kings and that this 
was why they worshipped it, — there- 
by scandalizing the shallow-minded. 
(Jarrett III. 388. Blochmann 155. 
Text 154 1.16.) 



panja. There is a play on 
the double-meaning of this word, 
panja meaning both rays and paws 
and also footprints, viz., those of 
Leo. Punja also means, in Hindi, a 
cluster, e.flf., of stars. 

^ Lit have consumed, the past 
tense being used for the future in 
accordance with the Persian idiom. 

^ Perhaps this is an allusion to the 
story of Krsna's having burnt off 
998 of the 1,000 arms of BSnasura 
at the place called Kardaha. 



86 



▲KBARNAMA. 



ance with the writing of the foremost of Indian astrolog^ers^ the 
Jotik ^ Rai who was one of the servants of the royal thresbold. 

FIGURE II. 



II. 



VIRGO. 



I. 



LIBRA. \ 


Jupiter. 


Sun. N 


Venus 


Mercury. 


\^ 


III. Saturn. 


\ 



LEO. 



XII. 
CANCEB. 




IV. 



SCORPIO. 



X. 



TAURUS. 



SAGITTARIUS 



Mars. 




VII. 



AQUARIUS. 




28 Notwithstanding* the perfect simplicity and unceremoniousness 



^ This seems to be a title and not 
the name of an individual. See 
Blochmann 404n. where he compares 
the title of Jotik Rai — Court Astro- 
loger, to Birbal's title of K(ib Bai 
—Poet Laareate. The Sanscrit 
word is Jyautifika-^ one who knows 



the Jyotifa. The expression Jyo* 
tUh Rai is used in Jai Singh's pre- 
face and is translated A$tronomer 
Roydl by Dr. Hunter. 

* Or, alongside of, or, together 
with. 







CBAHeR IV. 



6? 



of his MajeBty^ the King of Kings^ such rays of glory and power ^ 

stream from the forehead of his might as to indicate that the Indian 

astrologers are not far from truth when they assert that his noble 

horoscope belongs to Leo. In their books of stellar influences^ it 

is laid down that the Native of this Ascendant is wealthy, victorious 

over enemies^ forgiving towards offenders^ ruling according to just 

and equal laws^ and accomplishing his purposes by force of his own 

reason and by firmness in his own opinions. He will be fond of 

travel^ and will reap benefit from it. And he is lord of excellent 

and obedient children. The meeting* of Jupiter and Venus in the 

Second House makes the Native a guide in various arts and sciences. 

As the Greater Fortune (Jupiter) is in the House of Mercury, 

he (the Native) will be endowed with beauty of form, proportional 

admixture of the elements, gravity of speech, social graces, lofty 

understanding, and sublime apprehension in theology and divine 

worship, and will be adorned with well-doing, and with ability to 

accomplish everything in accordance with propriety. 

Venus in Virgo, takes charge of the adornment of virtuous veiled 
ones and provides for the increase of beauty^ and elegance. As the 
Sun is in the Third House,^ he (the Native) will accomplish whatever 
great undertaking he desires to compass, without reference to any 
other person. He will be powerful and his brethren will not attain 
to him. Indeed the star of the brothers' horoscope is occulted.^ 
Men will be united and agreed in love of him. As Mercury is in 
the Third House, he (the Native) will be talented, versed in 
business, and disliking idleness, a subduer of difficulties, and 
a slayer of enemies {maiiaqqat-kaiA u du^mmi^kuii) . His acute 
thoughts will revel in theology and other philosophies and will attain 



^ ^Ji^^ jckbrut, omnipotence, etc. 
It is a word used by §iIfiB. 

s jk*» aafar. It is probably in- 
tended that this word should have 
its Sofistic meanings also, int., self- 
examination and thinking of the 
other world. 

s Faraham dmada. This may mean 
conj auction or only that both planets 
are in the same Sign. 

* There is here a sketch of Akbar*8 



personal appearance but it is very 
vague. See later on in Amir Fat^u- 
l-lah's horoscope. 

^ Apparently because the Sun is 
regent of the First House or Ascend- 
ant. 

• The Third House is that of 
brethren. The meaning is that as 
the Sun is in the Third House, the 
star of brethren is occulted or com- 
bust. 



88 



AKBARNAMi. 



the rank of ecstacy. And as (Mercury) is in Libra> he will be famed 
throughout the world, and his good deeds wiU be widely known. 
He will be world-conquering and world-ruling for lengthened 
periods of time, and excellent contrivances and ingenious plans are 
indicated. As Saturn is in the Third House, he (the Native) will 
enjoy repose and much tranquility, and will have attached servants 
innumerable, but he will act according to his own personal courage 
and his own ripe reason. As (Saturn) is in Libra, and in exaltation^' 
he (the Native) will be master of the treasures of the world, and as 
Saturn is under the shade of the venerable, world-warming Sun, his 
boundless treasures will last for lengthened periods and will remain 
unaffected by prolonged usage of them. 

He will make delightful journeys with success and accomplish- 
ment of his objects. And there will not be a greater than he upon 
earth. Mighty* black beasts (elephants) will await at his gate. As 
he grows in years, his power will increase, and he will, without 
trouble or pains, acquire great armies and perfect dominion and 
glory. His power and his felicity will be lasting, for there is no 
slower s planet than Saturn, and among his gifts are extent of fortune, 
permanence of sovereignty, and length of days. The Sun, Saturn 
and Mercury are in one Sign. He will, therefore, be friend-cherish- 
ing, foe-subduing, well knowing the laws of amity and inimity. 
Mars being in Sagittarius, mankind will glorify him. For Mars is 
in the triplicity* of the ascendant; and in the house of his friend.^ 
29 This powerful friend is the Greater Fortune and puts away the 
sorrows and the apprehensions of the nations. And he will be happy 
and joyful. And by power visible and invisible, essential and acci- 
dental, he becomes Great of the Great and King of Eangs. The 
glory of his renown embraces the world and the fame of his majesty 



A Libra is Saturn's House of exal- 
tation. 

« The nigri harri of Horace. (Am 
III. 241 and Jarrctt III. 395.) Akbar 
said that when be first carac to 
India he looked upon his liking 
(tawajjvh) for elephants as a prog- 
nostic of his universal ascendency. 

• Alluding to the extent of his 
orbit which wass then the largest 



known. Qani or ^anai^cara, the 
Sanscrit name for Saturn means the 
slow (goer). 

♦ I.e., apparently the fiery triplicity 
to which both Leo and Sagittarius 
belong. 

* According to Cardan. Jupiter is 
not friendly to Mars ; but accordin*» 
to the Jyntim Prakdfa, they are 
friondK. 



*- I 



CHAPTER IV. 89 

extends from sliore to shore. Many princes and rulers will be 
subject to him^ and^ being afraid of him^ will be obedient and sub- 
missive. And as Mars is in the House of Jupiter and the Sun is in 
sextile to him^ the princes throughout the world will place their 
heads on the line of his command and make the dust of his threshold 
the adoration-spot of their obedience. The Moon is in the Sixth 
House ; he may have powerful enemies but they will not reach him, 
nor be able to withstand the scorching lightning of his wrath and 
might, and they will always endeavour to gain his friendship so that 
by borrowing ^ the lights of his alliance, they may be in safety from 
evil. 

As the Moon's detriment * is in Capricorn, the weakness of his 
enemies is signified. And there comes a sweet reasonableness to the 
Native which enables him to decide disputes according to equity and 
the real merits of the cases. 

And having examined contradictory faiths, and different dis- 
positions, he guides every sect in the way of good works. His 
desire is that men should leave the hollow of imitative routine, and 
emerge into the straight highway of inquiry. And as Jupiter is in 
aspect towards him,^ the royal power and might will be beyond cal- 
culation. He will become possessed of tractable children and, as 
Venus is in aspect, high-minded chaste ones of excellent actions will 
serve him for long periods of life and he* will have obedient and 
amiable children. 

SUNDBY BULBS OF INDIAN ASTBOLOGT. 

There are certain principles, too, to be found in the books of 
Indian philosophers which prove the grandeur of this holy nativity. 
If a planet occupy the twelfth (dodecatemorion) of the Moon, the 
Native will have pleasure throughout a long life, and the dust of 
sickness will hardly touch the garment-hem of his health and, while 
in the fullness of his powers, and having become a manifestation 



1 Iqtibda, According to Sylvestre 
de Sacy, it originally meant to bor- 
row fire from another's hearth. 

> Being the opposite of her man- 
sion which is Cancer. 
12 



B Apparently referring to the fact 
that Jupiter and Yenus are in the 
House next to the Ascendant. 

4 Perhaps ^j^, they will have. 



90 



akbabnIma. 



of planetary dignities^ and having attained the acme of felicity,— 
he will obtain a great kingdom, and will have long life and abundant 
blessings, and will be joyful in sublime stations and lof tjr palaces. 
Now, as in this horoscope Mars occupies the dodecatemorion of the 
Moon, all these things are fully proved and established. Se -will be 
lord of victorious armies, and be line-breaking and foe-acattering 
on the battle-fields, and everyone on whom the glance of bis w^rath 
shall fall, will be melted by his terrible majesty. And if an auspi- 
cious planet be in the dodecatemorion of the Sun, the bonoared 
Native will be a mild prince, eloquent and wise, firm and fortunate. 
And in emergencies when the brave in battle and men of men may 
hesitate, the owner of these happy omena will never swerve^ but will 
keep a steady foot on the skirt of fortitude and g^reat-heartedness, 
and the trace* of doubt and the smallest vestige of change iTvill not 
reach the court of his circumspection. Now in this holy horoscope, 
the meeting* of the two Fortunes in the dodecatemorion shows 
abundant auspiciousness. If the Sun be lord of the Ascendant, and 
be in the Third House, the noble Native will be advanced to lofty 
sovereignty. Now this glory is visible in the fortunate frontispiece 
(the diagram of the horoscope). If Jupiter, Mercury and Venus l>e 
30 all three in aspect to the Moon^ this signifies that the Native will 
open up countries and will rule over them. Now in this embellished 
tablet (the diagram) they (the three planets) are kindling the lamp 
of dominion. 

If the cusp of the Ascendant or the Moon be in the nuKbahr* of a 



1 yjii\ ihtizdz, A friend saggested 
to me that this was a mistake for 

}]y^ ihtirdx, superiority, and this 
view appeared to be confirmed by 
the fact that ibtvrdz is the reading of 
MS. 664. It turns out, however, 
that ibtiada is correct, it being an 
astrological term signifying a planet 
possessed of all its dignities and 
appearing in the horoscope (or per- 
haps in the First House). (See Diet, 
of T. Ts. I. 224 «. V. and the Mafd- 
tViU'Wulwn 229). The next clause 
of the text is also an astrological 



1 A 



term, o^ aharaf, a planet in exalta- 
tion. The whole phrase is ^akddai' 
uibtuKUS u $a*ddai-irilt(Mraf. 

s The text has Md*icat horoscope, 
bat the list of errata shows that this 

is a misprint for *«^b to'iAai, li^» 
odour or smell. 

ft Apparently Jupiter and Venas 
are meant. They have already been 
spoken of as meeting in the Second 
House, viz., Yirgo. 

* Nuhhahr, nine parts. It means 
the dividing a Sign into nine parts 
of 3° 20' each, and assigning a pkuct 



CHAPTER IV. 



91 



Sign and fonr planets or more are in aspect to the Moon^ the Native 



to each part. AlhirunX (Sachau. II. 
222) gives a rale for calculating the 
nuhbahraU 

Nuhhahr is the Sanscrit navaffaa. 
The Luoknow editor gives (27) a 
table shewing the arrangement of 
the wuJibahr, It seems to have been 
a refinement of Indian astrologers 
and is not, I believe, referred to by 
Ptolemy. Garden in the peroration 
of his work on Astrological Aphor- 
isms, takes credit to himself for dis- 
carding nuhhahr, etc. His words are 
" AhjeeimuB partes, facieB, noiwtaria, 
dodeecUemoria, haras planetarias, atque 
caetera id gentu wikgamenta" 

The Indian book to which A.F. 
refers, appears to be the Bfhai 
Jdtaka of Vardha Afi^iro. In N. 
Ghidambaran Iyer's translation, 
thereof, I find the following pas- 
sage. (Madras, 1885, 114) "The 
Lagna (Ascendant) or the Moon, 
being in Va^gottama position of 
(sic) all the planets, excepting the 
Moon, by the several groups of four, 
five and six planets, aspecting the 
Lagna or the Moon, the nnmber of 
Toga (s) obtained is 22." See also 
the BrhajjdtaJca^n (Basik Mohan 
Chatterji's ed. Calcutta, 1300 B.S. 
79a.) An explanation is there given 
of how the number 22 is arrived 
at and the floka is explained as 
giving a total of 44 kingdoms or 
rdjayoga{8). There being seven pla- 
nets, — the Sun is one of them, — and 
the Moon being excluded, we get 
the number, 6, mentioned above. 

Monier Williams' Sanscrit Dic- 
tionary defines rdjayoga as " a con- 



stellation nnder which princes are 
bom, or a configuration of planets, 
etc,, at the birth of any person, in- 
dicating him to be destined to 
kingship." 

The Vargottama above referred to 
is defined as follows : (Iyer 10). " In 
the moveable and other Signs, the 
first, the central and the last" (i.6., the 
First, Fifth and Ninth) " navdnisa (s) 
are known as Vargottama posi- 
tions. Planets in such positions 
will produce good effects.'*" The 
chapter in which this passage occurs, 
is that dealing with rdjayoga or the 
birth of kings. Yoga^ however, also 
means conjunction. 

Blochmann (105) has the follow- 
ing passage : — " At the command of 
his Majesty, Mu^nmiad Khan of 
Gujrat translated into Persian, the 
Tdjih, a well-known work on astro- 
logy*" C^^® original is at page 116 
of the Bib. Ind. ed. and the notes give 
the various reading ndjak). Gladwin 
similarly read tdjik, but in a copy 
of his translation in the British 
Museum, Sir W. Jones has written 
the marginal emendation jdtak. 
Probably this is correct. There is, it 
is true, a book or a — Qdstra on Hindu 
astrology, called the Tdjik-grantha, 
but this was, as its name implies, a 
translation from the Persian. See 
Weber's Indische Stiidien II. 247. 
Dr. Weber is inclined to derive the 
word from Tdjih — Arabian— and to 
suppose that the original language 
was Arabic, but there seems no 
reason to go further back than to 
Persian. Tdjik is a well-known 



92 



AKBARNAMl. 



will have 22 Kingdoms ^ and many countries will be permanently in hia 
possession. Now, in this horoscope, not only are the cusp of the 
Ascendant and the Moon in their nuhbahr, but five planets are in 
aspect to the Moon, viz.j the Sun, Jupiter, Venus, /Saturn and Mercury. 



name for a Persian, hence probably 
the title of the Indian book. It is 
not likely that any Persian would 
take the trouble to translate from 
the Sanscrit a work which was itself 
a translation from the Persian. I 
therefore think the proper reading 
must be Jdtak. The two words 
might easily be confounded in writ- 
ing. 

With reference to A. F.'s remark 
about the five planets being in aspect 
to the Moon, it may be pointed out 
that they are not aU in one house, 
BO that they all cannot have the 
same aspect. It will be remembered 
that the Sun was regarded as a planet 
by the ancients. 

1 It does not appear that Akbar 
ever possessed 22 kingdoms. His 
8uhaJi8 (provinces) were originally 
twelve and became fifteen by the con- 
quest of Berar, Khandesh, and 
A^madnagar. (Jarrett II. 115). 
However on the same page, A. F. 
speaks of hoping to add Central Asia 
and Persia, etc., to the list. It is 
curious that under Shah Jahan, the 
provinces numbered 22. (Tieffentha- 
ler Berlin, 1786. I. 66). Bernier's 
list makes the number 20 only, but he 
includes Bengal and Orissa as one. 

In the Brhajjdtakam referred to 
in the previous note, the Sanscrit 
floka is thus given :— 



This may, apparently, be translat- 
ed as follows : — " If the Ascendant " 
(i.e., the horoscope or point on the 
eastern horizon) " or the Moon be in 
Vargotiama, and four or more planets, 
exclusive of the Moon, be in aspect 
thereto, the Native will be king of 
two-and-twenty kingdoms." 

The editor proceeds to explain in 
Bengali, how this figure is arrived 
at ; vis., by making different com- 
binations of the planets. The figure 
44 is reached by counting 22 for the 
case of the Ascendant's being in 
Vargottama and being aspected by 
the planets, and 22 for the similar 
case of the Moon. 

We are told that by some other 
manipulation of the figures, the 
number of kingdoms may rise to 
528, i.e,, 22x24. Apparently A.F. 
claims more than 22 for Akbar and 
reaches at the least 44, — for he says 
that both the Ascendant and the Moon 
are in nuhbahr, though, to be sure, 
he does not say that both are aspect- 
ed by five planets. Apparently he 
shrinks from specifying the number 
of the kingdoms just as he shrinks 
from telling us anything about the 
time of Akbar's death. It is a case 
of Imperium sine fine dedi. Nor 
does A.F. take notice of the fact 
that the ^loka speaks of " Vargoi 
tama," — a word which means chief 
of a class and is only applied to three 
out of the nine navdfiisa positions. 




CHAPTER IV. 



93 



And in this holy nativity^ the lord of the ascendant (the Snn)[i8 in tile 
Third House. If the Native have a brother^ the latter will *not be 
long-lived ^ but many devoted friends will gather round him (the 
Native) and he will be beneficent^ bounteous (or forgiving) and 
powerful and will enjoy sovereigfnty, free from calamity, and pros- 
perity without end. 

The lord of the Second House (Mercury) is in the Third and so, 
he (the Native) will do great things and will bring wondrous works 
to pass. He will devise laws of dominion and wisdom and be a 
terror to the evil-minded, and no alarm on this account will touch 
the hem of his lofty spirit. 

The lord of the Third House is in the Second. The Natiye will 
assist the helpless and downcast, and deal benignantly with well- 
disposed kindred. And all those who walk rightly will experience 
his bounty and benevolence, and will gather fruits from the gardens 
of his bounties and liberalities. It is certain tliat if the lord of the 
Third House be auspicious, the Native will attain great sovereignty. 
Now in this holy nativity, the Lesser Fortune* (Venus) is lord 



1 See to this effect the Bengali 
astrological work, Jyotieh Parkdsh, 
Part II. 55. 

• The text has j*^ *>**• aa'd-i- 
ofghar, 1.6., the Lesser Fortune or 
Yenas, but the editors admit that 
eight out of their nine authorities 
read Ba'd^i-ahbar (Jupiter.) They 
have adopted the reading of a single 
MS. because Yenos and not Jupiter 
is lord of Libra, i.e., the Third 
House. I think this reason suffi- 
cient for the emendation, although 
A. F.'s language where he speaks of 
the planet's signifying a "great 
Khildfat and majestic Government " 
agrees better with Jupiter and would 
seem to imply that Jupiter was in 
his thoughts. However Yenus is a 
much more respectable and important 
divinity with Orientals than she is 



in the West. She is called the 
planet of Islam (Bdd§Itahndma 102, 
1.2) and she ruled over Arabia — so 
the reference to theKhilc^fat may not 
be inappropriate. According to the 
DdbUtdn (III. 107 trans.) Mu^m- 
mad worshipped Yenus and for this 
reason, fixed Friday for the sacred 
day, "as he would not reveal the 
meaning to the common people, he 
kept it secret." This explanation of 
the choice of Friday for the sacred 
day is contrary to that commonly 
received, which is that Friday was 
the most excellent of days because 
the last of Creation and that on which 
man was made. Shfih. JahSn's horos- 
cope was under Libra and also Jahan- 
glr's. It is just possible that A. F. 
may have been thinking of Saturn 
who is in his exaltation in Libra. 



CHAPTER V. 
Bescbiption of ths horoscope of auspicious chabactbbs which was 

CAST BT THS BBUDITB OF THE AQB^ 'AzUU-D-DAULAH ^ AmIB 

Fathu-l-lAh of 351BAZ. 

In the year in which the pattern of natural philosophers, sifted 
flour of erudition-amassing doctors, delicate balance of sciences, 
key of the locks of opinions, raised to lofty dignities^ expounder 
of material truths, assayer* of the jewels of verity, solver of 
Greek problems, render of the curtain between light and dark* 
ness, discerner of the stations and motions of earthly and heavenly 
bodies, soaring phoenix {^ anqd), very learned of the Age, *Azdu-d- 
daulah Amir Fathu-1-lah of ghiraz, under the guidance of good 
fortune, was elevated to the pedestal of the lofty throne and obtained 
a robe of honour, together with degrees of exaltation and steps of 
advancement, — the writer of this noble volume one day remarked to 
him that the horoscopes of the auspicious nativity were discrepant, and 
expressed the hope that he would examine them according to the true 
namUddr, and weigh them in the trutine of inquiry. The honoured 
Mir, having after complete investigation, dqduced the horoscope 
from the Persian rules and the Greek canon, found that the birth 
was in Leo. As in the opinion of the writer, this is the most reliable 
horoscope, he gives its figure here, together with some specimens of 
the prognostications. 



I Arm of the State. From Shiraz. 
be went to the Deccan and joined 
Akbar's Court in 991=1583. We find 
Akbar consulting him as an astrolo- 
ger, about the troubles in Gujr&t 
(Akhamdma III, 431). Perhaps the 
title ' Azdu-d'daulah was given to or 
assumed by Fat^u-1-lfih in allusion to 
the Buyido prince, ' A^du-d-daulah 



Alp Arslan, who reigned in Khurasan 
in the 10th century and was a pat- 
ron of astronomers. (See SMillot). 
There is a Canon (Set of Tables) 
named after him, '^?adt. (See 
Jarrett II. 8 and Blochmann d3n). 

1 He arranged the coinage in the 
29th year, 1585 (Blochmann 33). 



\ 



CBAPTER T. 



97 



PIGURE III. 



32 



\ 11. 


I. 


XII. y/ 


\. Jupiter. 
\. Venus. 


Ascendant. 


Dragon's TaD. y 


Sun. ^v Mercury. 




/ 


\ VIRGO. 
Saturn. X 


LEO. 


CANCER / 


LIBRA. ^v 




/ GEMINI. 


in. \^ 




/ XL 


SCORPIO. 


*Hyleg; antecedent 
Conjunction ; then 


TAURUS. 


IV. 


Jupiter ;lthen Saturn. 


X. 


Mars. V. / 


VII. 


N^ IX. 


SAGITTARIUS / 




\^ ARIES. 


/ 


AQUARIUS. 


>v 


Moon. / 




N. 


/CAPRICORN. 




N. 


/ Dragon's Head. 




PISCES. N. 


/ VI. 




viii. N. 



1 At first sight, it appears as if the entries in this diagram were not 
correct, for Mercury is set down as being in Virgo, whereas the text (33 1.7.) 
describes him as in 25° 24' Libra. Similarly the Dragon's Tail (Katabibazon) 
is in Leo, and not in Cancer ; and the Sun (Text 33 1.9. fr. foot) in Scorpio 
and not in Libra. 

But it should be remembered that the Houses or compartments of the 
figure are mundane Houses (Houses of the horoscope) ana so, overlap the 
Signs. All that is meant by putting the name of a Sign into one of the 
Compartments is that the cusp or boundary of the House is in that Sign. 
The First House for example does not begin till nearly the last degree (tna;., 
28^ of Leo. Apparently the entries in the figure misled Kavi Raj Shyamal 
Das, for he speaks of some of the horoscopes as marking the Sun in Libra 
and others in Scorpio. But three out of the four put the Sun in Scorpio and 
probably the fourtn (Jotik Rai's) does. so, although details are not given. It 
is indeed stated in this that the Sun, Saturn and Mercury are all in one Sign, 
and we are told that the latter two are in Libra but perhaps all that is meant 
is, that the three are in the same House, vi%.^ the Third. 

8 oUI^I Haildj awwal juzu-i-ijlimd*. Apparently this means that the first 
hyleg is the degree or 7)lace where the conjunction of the Sun and Moon took 

13 



'I 



98 



AKBARNAMA. 



The cusp I of the glorious Ascendant in this holy horoscope 
which is a masterpiece of the revolutions of the stars and planets, is 
28'' 36' Leo. The angles* are in Fixed Signs and as the cusp of the 
fortunate-starred Ascendant is in the Sun's House, no planet is its 
dominant. It is the term of Mars, and Jupiter is lord of the tripli- 
city ^ in companionship with the Sun and with Saturn in attendance. 



ft 



rt 



place before the birth. Perhaps 
hyleg is here to be taken to mean 
duration of life. The Lucknow ed. 
and MS. 564 contain more details in 
this compartment and also in the 
other squares of the figure. 

They write "Hyleg; first, the 
"degree of anterior conjunction; 
" then the Part of Fortune ; then 

the degree of the Ascendant's 

Icadkhudd ; with reference to the 
" hyleg, Saturn is first, then Jupiter; 
"and with reference to the Part of 
"Fortune, Mercury, then Jupiter, 
" then Saturn : and with reference 
" to the degree of the Ascendant, 
"first the Sun, then Mars, then 
" Saturn.** In fact they insert here 
the words of the beginning of p. 38 
of the text. Perhaps A. F. or 
Fathu-1-lah was referring to the 
namuddr of Zoroaster. (See ProU- 
gomena text 149 and trans. 204). 
The central entry in the diagram 
of our text appears inconsistent 
with the description at page 38 
where Saturn is placed before Jupi- 
ter as regards the hyleg. 

The horoscope diagrams in the 
Lucknow ed. and in some of the 
MSS. contain many abbreviations. 
The Lucknow ed. explains some of 
them, but the best account of the 
subject that I have seen is the tract 
entitled " Anonymua Peraa de Siglis 
Arahum et Persarum aatronomicia " 
which was found at Constantinople 



by J. Greaves {Oravius) the Oxford 
Professor and published in 1648, at 
the end of his Persian Grammar. 
The tract might well be republished 
for it is rare. Dr. Weber was unable 
to meet with it. 

^ J(yo marJeaz. This ordinarily 
means centre. Mardkaz-i-muhaqqaq^ 
true centres, is the name given to a 
method used by Albiruni for deter- 
mining the limits of the twelve 
Houses. (See Ulugh Beg's Prolego- 
mena 142, S^dillot 198.) But here 
the word means, I think, ctwp, the 
boundary of a House. (See Diet, of 
T.Ts. I. 111. 1.4.) MarJeaz is derived, 
from rakz and, according to Lane 
means " a place where a spear or 
other thing is stuck in the ground 
upright." Apparently the word cusp 
which comes from cuapis, the point 
of a spear, is a translation of the 
Arabic term. There is no Greek 
astrological term corresponding to 
it, so far as I know. 

S Qd'imU'Uauidd ittifdq uftdda. 
The meaning is, apparently, that the 
four angles or cardinal points of the 
horoscope {viz., the First, Fourth, 
Seventh and Tenth Honses) are Fixed 
Signs, viz,, Leo, Scorpio, Aquarius 
and Taurus. 

• Apparently Jupiter and not the 
Sun, is lord of the triplicity (it is 
the fiery one) because the birth took 
place at night. 



^ 



CHAWER V. 



99 



There are the face and darljdn^ of Mars, the nuhbahr of Jupiter, ddar- 
jdn and haftbahr^ of Mars, twelfth of the Moon and detriment^ of 
Saturn. The degree is masculine and lucid, free from misfortune. 
The Sun is dominant over the Ascendant with intent towards an 
alliance with Satnrn. Venus is in 26^ 23' 37'^ Virgo. Admittedly 
the Part* of children is 24' 23 (Virgo); that of wealth, 25'' 7'; that 
of father's death 24** 23'; that of brethren 8* 47'; and that of the 
number of brethren 14* 12' Virgo. 

The cusp of the Second House is 28' 43' Virgo ; it is the House 
and exaltation of Mercury, and term of Saturn. The Moon is master 
of the triplicity in companionship with Venus and the doryphory^ of 
Mars. There are the face and nuhbahr of Mercury, dart jdn of Venus, 
ddarjdn of the Moon, twelfth of the Sun, haftbahr and fall of Venus 
and detriment of Jupiter. The Moon is dominant over the House. 
The degree is masculine, void of darkness or light, of good or bad 
fortune. Jupiter is posited in 1 5' 13' 37'' and Mercury in 25^ 24' 
Libra. The J*art of hope is 12° 53'; that of victory and conquest is 
1' 17' Libra. The place of anterior conjunction is 24' 50' Libra. 

The cusp of the Third House is 28'' 1' Libra. It is the House 
of Venus, exaltation of Saturn, term of Mars, and Mercury is lord 
of the (aerial) triplicity in companionship with Saturn and attended 
by Jupiter. There are the face of Jupiter, the darljdn, nuhbahr , 



^ This is the third darljdn or dreJc" 
Jcdna (dccanate) of Leo. A Table in 
the Bengali astrological work VardJia 
Mihira (38) gives a list of all the 
drekkdna. 

> This is the Sanscrit aaptdm^. It 
is described in Bengali books on 
Astrology and is, apparently, an 
arrangement of the hours of the 
week. It is thus a form of the 
dhargana, 

* J^i? wahdh When a planet is in 
a Sign opposite to his House, he is 
said to be in his detriment. Thus 
Leo is the detriment of Saturn, 
because it is opposite to (six Houses, 
180^, away from) his House, Aquarius. 
That Kobdl corresponds to delrimeni 



appears, among other things, from 
the fact that the letter lam denotes 
the opposite aspect in astrology. This 
is because the Arabs use tlie last 
latter of a word as its abbreviation 
instead of its first ns with us. 

* fY** sahm, pi. f^ sahdmf 
properly means an arrow, 8c. a divin- 
ing-arrow, and hence, a lot or part. 
European astrologers portion out 
the Signs of the Zodiac into Parts. 
Haly and Guido Bonatus have much 
to say about the various partes and 
especially about the Pars Fortiinae. 
(See Diet, of T.Ts. 698, 8. v, Saham,) 

6 I borrow this word from Ash- 
mand. It seems to correspond to 
l^idmaf. 



33 



100 akbakkIma. 

twelfth and hafthahr of Mercury^ ddarjdn and fall of the San, and 
detriment of Mars. Saturn is paramount over this House. The 
degree is feminine, lucid, and void of good or bad fortune. Saturn is 
in 10** 40' 33'^ Scorpio. The Part of Fate is 17° 50' Scorpio. The 
Part of good Fortune, according to Ptolemy ^ and Mutyi'u-d-dm 
Maghrib!. * is 18** 9' Scorpio. The Part of true friends and of 
welfare^ (?) and that of servants are admittedly 28'' 12.' The Part 
of ailments is admittedly 17° 21'. The Sun is 0° 45' 57" Scorpio. 

The cusp of the Fourth House is 27° 21' Scorpio. This is a 
cardinal point (angle) and is the House of Mars, term of Saturn, 
face, twelfth and detriment of Venus. The Lord of the triplicity 
is Mars in companionship with Yenus and attended by the Moon, 
and there are the darljdnoi Mercury and the nt^/i&a^r and hafthahr oi 
Jupiter. Mars is paramount over this House. The degree is mascu- 
line, fixed (qayyima) and void of good or bad fortune. The Part of 
land journeys is 12° 28' Sagittarius. The Part of law-suits is 28° 82 
Scorpio. 

The cusp of the Fifth House is 27° 11' Sagittarius. It is the 
House and nuhbahr of Jupiter and the exaltation of the Dragon's Tail 
(Eatabibazon), the term of Mars and face of Saturn ; the lord of 
the triplicity is Jupiter in companionship with the Sun and with Saturn 
in attendance. There are the Sun's danjdn, the ddarjdn of Venus, 
34 the twelfth of Mars, the nuhhahr of Jupiter and hafthahr of Saturn, 
the fall of the Dragon's Head (Anabibazon) and the detriment of 
Mercury. Jupiter is paramount over the House with an inclination 
for the alliance of Saturn. This degree is masculine, fixed and void 
of good or bad fortune. The Part of sovereignty and territory is 
28° 39' Sagittarius. Cygnus and Aquila are in 25^" Capricorn and 
Mars is in 10" 48' 23". The Moon is in 19° 48" 14' Capricorn. 

The cusp of the Sixth House is 26° 46' Capricorn. It is the 
House of Saturn, exaltation and term of Mars and face of the Sun. 
The Moon is master of the triplicity in companionship with Venua 



^ It is stated, later on, that most 
authorities put it in the 10th House. 

• (See Jarret III. 20n.) Though 
originally from the West and hence 
called Maghrihi, he eventually set- 



I 

tied in Persia and assisted Na^Tru-d- 
dln TQsI. He belongs to the latter 
half of the 13th century. 
• The Text is doubtful here. 



CHAPTER V. 



101 



and attended by Mars. There are the darijdn and nuhhahr of Mer- 
cniy, ddarjdn and twelfth and fall of Jupiter, the hafihdhr and detri- 
ment of the Moon. Mars is paramount over this House in companion- 
ship with Saturn and the Moon. The degree is masculine, lucid 
and unfortunate. The Dragon's Head is 2T 29' 13'' Aquarius. The 
Part of war i and of captives is 24** 44' Capricorn. The Part of the 
deaths of brethren is 2® 1' Aquarius. 

The cusp of the Seventh House is 28'' 86' Aquarius. It is the 
House and twelfth and term of Saturn. The lord of the triplicity 
is Mercury in companionship with Saturn and attended by Jupiter. 
There are the face of the Moon, the darijdn of Venus, ddarjdn and 
nuhhahr of Mercury, haflbahr of Jupiter and detriment of the Sun. 
Saturn is paramount over this House in companionship with Mercury 
and with inclination to the companionship of Jupiter. The degree 
is masculine, dark and void of good or bad fortune. The Part of 
friendship, constancy, firmness and love is 20° 8' Pisces. 

The cusp of the Eighth House is 28'' 43' Pisces. It is the House 
and mihhahr of Jupiter, exaltation of Venus, term,* face, darijdn and 
ddarjdn of Mars who is lord of the triplicity in companionship with 
Venus and tlie doryphory of the Moon. It is the term, haftbahr and 
twelfth of Saturn and the fall of Mercury. Venus is paramount 
over this House in companionship with Mars and with inclination to 
alliance with the Moon. The degree is masculine, fixed, and void 
of good or evil fortune. The Part of excellence is 20® 8' Aries and 
the Part of valour 2° 53' of the same. 



^. 



^ C/4i?^t aljai^. The Lucknow 
ed. reads ^jri^ hahs, * prison/ So 
does MS. Ko. 5(34, and this is, per- 
haps, the correct reading, it being 
coupled with prisoners (alasdrd). 
However, prisoners in the sense 
of captives or prisoners of war, may 
be meant and the reading in the text 
be right. 

s There appears to be a mistake in 
the text, for this same degree is said 
to be both the term of Mars and the 



term of Saturn. This coincidence 
is, I believe, impossible. Probably 
the second statement is wrong for, 
according to Bengali books on astro- 
logy, 28° Pisces falls within the 
term of Mars. The confusion may 
perhaps be due to A.F.'8 use of 
two classifications of terms. Accord- 
ing to the old classification, quoted 
by Cardan, the last two degrees of 
Pisces belong to the term of Saturn. 



102 



AKBARXAMA. 



The cusp of the Ninth House is 28** V Aries. It is the House 
of Mars, the exaltation' of the Sun, the term,* falP nnd ddarjdn of 
Saturn, and face and detriment of Venus. The lord of the tripli- 
city is Jupiter, in companionship with the Sun, and the doryphoiy of 
Saturn. It is the darijdn, nuhbahr, twelfth and haftbahr of Jupiter. 
35 Mars is paramount over this House in companionship with Jupiter 
and with inclination towards alliance with Saturn. The degree i» 
masculine, light and belonging to the deep or pitted* degrees. The 
Part of male children is admittedly 23° 49 Taurus. The Part of 
sea- voyages is 2'^ 36'. The Part of messengers* is 5'' Taurus. 

The cusp of the Tenth House is 27° 2V Taurus. It is the House 
and ddarjdn of Venus, the exaltation of the Moon who is master 



1 Aries is the exaltation of the 
Sun, hut it does not occur in this 
Ninth House which hegins at 28° 
Aries. The Sun's exaltation is 19° 
Aries (according to Bengali books, 
it is 10°) and his fall is 19° Libra. 

i The last five degrees of Aries are 
the terra of Saturn, according to 
one classification and according to 
another, they are the term of Venus, 

* There is some doubt what planet 
these designations are to be assigned 

.to, but it is certain that Aries is the 
fall of Saturn as being opposite to 
Libra — his House of exaltation — and 
that, for a similar reason, it is the 
detriment of Venus, as being oppo- 
site to her Mansion, viz., Libra. 

♦ The text has ^^1 ahdr. MS. 564 
reads j^T dbdr and explains it as 
the plural of ^ biV, 'awell.' Either 
reading is right; Lane (140) gives 
l)oth forms J^\ and jl?T as plural of 

J^. See M('fdnhu-l'*ulum, 227, 1.4, 
(C'f. the Heljrew Beer^liehay i.e., the 
well of the oath.) It is difficult to 
see the connection of wells with 
degrees, but Wilson (Astrological 



Diet.) says that certain degrees are 
called deep or pitted because they 
subject the Native to deep marks of 
small-pox or scars, or, according to 
others, cause an impediment in 
speech, troubles and disputes in 
which he is sunk as in a deep pit. 
Lilly (Christian Astrology 116, 2ud. 
ed. 1659), gives a table of the various 
degrees, viz., masculine and feminine, 
light, dark, smoky, void, deep or 
pitted, lame or deficient and says 
(118) that deep or pitted degrees 
" show the man at a stand in the 
" question he asks, not knowing 
"which way to turn himself and that 
"he had need of help to bring him 
" into a better condition for as n 
" man cast in a ditch cannot easilv 
get out without help so no more 
can this querent in the case he is 
" without assistance.*' In the Astro* 
nomia (Guido Bonatus, 50) there is 
a table of kinds of degrees ; pitted 
degrees are there called gradi^ 
putcalcs. 

6 ^j\ itMfn, * mosscngrrs' and* mcfi- 
sjigos.' (i. Hoiuitus mentions (64<'i 



« 



(( 



CHAPTER V. 



103 



of the triplicity in companionship with Venus, and with attendance of 
Mars, the darljdn of Saturn, the nuhhahr and hafthahr of Mercury, 
the twelfth terra and detriment of Mars. Venus is paramount over 
this House in complete companionship with the Moon and in com- 
panionship with Mars. The degree is masculine, lucid and void of 
good or bad fortune. The Part of good fortune is admitted by all 
with the exception of Ptolemy and MuhyT'u-d-din Maghribi to be 9° 
22' Gemini. The Part of reason and of speech is O'' 51' Gemini. 
The Part of disease is 25*^ 27' Gemini. The Part^ of male offspring 
is admittedly 29° 40' Taurus. The Part of abstinence (temperance) 
is 4" Gemini. The Part of possessions is 19° 36'. The Part of 
enemies is admittedly 25" 27' Gemini. 

The cusp of the Eleventh House is 27° 11' Gemini. It is the 
House and nuhhahr of Mercury and he is lord of the triplicity in 
companionship with Saturn and with attendance of Jupiter. It is the 
exaltation of the Dragon^s Head {Anahihazon) and the term and 
darljdn of Saturn, the face of the Sun, ddarjdn of Jupiter, twelfth and 
hafthahr of Venus. This degree is feminine and fixed, and void 
of good and evil fortune. The Part of the conclusions of actions and 
the Part of marriage are 14° Cancer. Mercury is paramount over 
this House in companionship with Saturn. 

The cusp of the Twelfth House is 26° 46' Cancer. It is the 
House and face of the Moon and the exaltation,* nuhhahr and the 
darljdn of Jupiter. It is the term and detriment of Saturn. Mars 
is lord of triplicity in companionship with Venus and with the Moon 
in attendance. It is the ddarjdn, dodecatemorion, hafthahr and fall of 
Mars. The Moon is paramount over this House with Jupiter, Mars, 
Venus and Saturn. The degree is feminine, lucid and void of good 
or evil fortune. The Dragon's Tail is in 27" 29' 13" Leo. The 
Part of knowledge and clemency {aWilm wa-Uhilm) of superiority 
and victory is 18" 22'. The Part of offspring is admittedly 2° 49' 
The Part of fear and pain is 22° 15'. The Part of life is 2° 49' 
The Part of the father is 18° 22' Leo. 36 



that the Seventh Part of the Ninth 
House is that of Bumores. 

I There is, apparently, some mis- 
take here for just above, in the 
account of the Ninth House, we are 



told that the Part of male children 
is 23° 49' Taurus. 

* Cancer is Jupiter's House of 
exaltation. 



104 



AKBARyXMA. 



The hyleg» in this hoi*o8dope is ;— ^-firstly, the point* of anterior 
dohjtilidtion; secondly, the Part of Fortune; and thirdly, the Ascend* 
ant. As regards the hyleg, the kadldtudd^ is Saturn and then Jupi* 



(( 



fi 



^ Apparently there may be more 
than one hjleg or prorogator of life 
in a figure, and the meaning of the 
text seems to be that the first or chief 
hyleg is the point of anterior con* 
junction; that the Part of Fortune 
is the second hyleg ; and that the 
Ascendant, lit, the degree of the 
Ascendant, is the third. 

The meaning, however, may be 

that the hyleg is the first or most 
important thing in the horoscope. 
This agrees with the remark in the 
Tetrahiblos (Ashmand, 129.) "The 
inquiry into the duration of life 
takes precedence of all other 
"questions as to the events subse- 
"quent to birth." Obviously until 
it is known whether the Native will 
grow up to maturity, it is useless to 
inquire what his career will be in 
other respects. 

• ^ W^f 4)^ juzu'i'ijtima, " point 

of conjunction." See the term ex- 
plained in Diet, of T. Ts. 187 1.4, 
where the phrase is written »Ui^Jf| *J^ 

and where there is a quotation 
from MuUa 'Abdu-1-lah Barjandi's 
Commentary on the Tables of Ulugh 
Beg. One of the hylegs in use was 
the last conjunction of the Sun and 
Moon (syxygy) before the birth, and 
another was the last antecedent op- 
position of the Sun and Moon, The 
full phrase in astrological books, as 
I find from a MS. in the B.A.S.'s 
Library called the Jawdmi* ahJedmu- 
n^nujum was JtjftWt (^ » Ul^t j^ 

^st^ijji f^^ juzU'i-ijtimd* yd isiiqbdl 
tnuqaddam bar ioilddat, ' the point 
to conjunction for opposition an- 



tecedent to the birth.' The point of 
conjunction was presumably, the 
hyleg in Akbar's case, because his 
birth took place on the 4th day of the 
month and consequently shortly 
after a conjunction, for the Mu^m* 
madan months are lunar and begin 
with the new Moon, i.e., conjunction. 
The phrase awwal jvMu-i-ijtifnd* also 
occurs in the diagram (Figure III.) 
(36 1.9. fr. foot and 37 1.3.). SMillot 
(202) translates the phrase juzu-i- 
ijtimd*, (which occurs in Ulogh Beg's 
Prolegomena text 147 1.1.) by le degrS 
de la conjonetion, and the word ^m>aX« 
mutaqadda^n for which muqaddam 
is a variant, by antMeure d la nati- 
vile. 

The point of anterior conjunction, 
we are told, is posited in the Second 
House of the horoscope, being 24^ 
50' Libra and, as both Jupiter and 
Venus are in this House, it is pos- 
sible that the conjunction referred 
to is that of Jupiter and Venus, t.e., 
the two Fortunes, and not the con- 
junction of the Sun and Moon. 
According to the second or Indian 
horoscope, Jupiter and Venus were 
in conjunction in the Second HouBe« 
(text 28 1.6.) 

> The meaning seems to be that as 
regards the duration of life, Saturn is 
the kad^tuUi 'lord of geuiture,' 
as he is the planet with the largest 
orbit and his cycle is that of long- 
evity, being a return to the Ooldcn 
Age when men lived for centuries ; 
(See BadaonI, Lowe 335.) but that 
as regards fortune and sovereignty, 
Jupiter is first ; and as regards the 
Ascendant, the Sun is preeminent. 



CHAPTER V. 105 

ter; as regards ^ the Part of Fortune, Jupiter comes first, then 
Saturn ; as regards the Ascendant, the Sun comes first, then Mars. 



^ j*^ j\ az maniarr. Mamarr h&s | but apparently not here, 
the technical meaning of Iransit, 



14 



106 



akbarnIma. 



CHAPTER VI. 
Explanation or thb judomints contained in this wondbous 

HOSOSCOPB which IB A BRACHIAL AMULET OF THI 8TABS 

AND HEAVENS^ AND THE CBOWN-TALIBXAN OV 

GENERATIONS AND CTCLBS. 

As the fonndation of the holy horoscope has been firmly laid^ 
it is indispensable that an explanation of a few out of its many 
wonderful judgments should be given. 

Judgments ov the First House {ahJcdm). 

As the cusp of the Ascendant is Leo which is the San^s Hoose^ 
this signifies lofty genius and excellence^ and that the holy frame ^ 
will be strong and athletic^ with a large head^ broad forehead, wide 
chest, strength and length, courage, majesty, gravity, beauty of 
feature and powerful brain. As most of the degrees of the Ascend- 
ant (First House) belong to the Sign of Virgo, which is the House 
and exaltation of Mercury who is in the House of Venus (Libra) 
or Second House of the horoscope, and is near* Jupiter and in his 
own term and triplicity, it is fitting that the Native should faU back 
upon his own exquisite intellect in all affairs of finance and state, 
and should accomplish his momentous enterprises by his own excel- 
lent plans. As the Sun is regent of the noble Ascendant in alliance 
with Saturn, the Native will have complete sovereignty over all the 
countries of India and over part of the fourth^ climate. And as^ 



I See JahSnglr's Memoirti, Price 
45. Jahinglr states that his father 
was tall, and remarkable for the 
length of his arms and the breadth 
of his chest. 

t cLaLo mutiofil This word, which 
occurs again a few lines lower down, 
appears to hhve a technical meaning, 
signifying that the planet is within 



the power of the rays of another 
planet. See Diet, of T.Ts. 1508. t.r. 
ittisal. 

BThe San is supposed to have 
special sway over the fourth climaie to 
which Kashmir, Kabul and Badakh* 
eh&n belong. Saturn rules the first 
climate and' India. India belongs 
mostly to the second and third cli- 



CHAPTER VI. 



107 



with reference to positiony^ the San comes after Satanij the empire 
of Hindustin will precede that of the fourth climate. And aa the 
lord of the second cusp, viz,. Mercury, is near the lord of the Ascend- 
ant (the Sun), this is a proof that prosperity and principality {mdl 
u mulk) will be easily acquired. As the Ascendant, the Part of 
Fortune and the place of prior conjunction of the Sun and Moon 
belong to Signs possessing many planets,* there is strong evidence 
of length of life and duration of sovereignty. 

JUDOMENTS 07 THE SbCOND HoUSB. 

As the cusp of the Second House belongs to Virgo, which is 
the House of Mercury who is near the Sun, and most of it belongs 
to Libra, the House of Venus, and as Venus is in the Ascendant^ 
which is the House and exaltation of Mercury, — this signifies that 
wealth and territory will be acquired by means of excellent con- 
trivances and perfect reason, and that the Native will obtain the 
office of king. And Jupiter^s being in this House in his own term, 
and Mercury ^s being near him, are a strong proof of this and 



mates, though A. F. says it is an 
aggregate of the first four climates. 
Jarrett HI. 44. 

The first four climates extend 
from lat. 12°42' to 39° N. In India 
A. P. includes Ceylon, the Moluc- 
cas, Malacca, etc. (Jarrett III. 7.) 
Babar says India belongs to the 
Ist, 2nd and 3rd climates. (Erskine 
312.) A.F. has no Indian places in 
his list of the countries of the fourth 
climate (Jarrett lU. 76) though he 
makes it begin at 33^43' N. The first 
climate must be held to beg^ much 
further south than 12° N. if Ceylon, 
etc., are to be included. 

1 Apparently the meaning is that, 
as in this horoscope the position of 
the Sun is posterior to that of Saturn 
(the latter being in Libra and the 
former in Scorpio), the empire of 
India will be acquired before that of 
the fourth climate. It may, however, 



refer to the circumstance that ac- 
cording to the arrangement of 
heaxfens, Saturn has the first heaven 
and the Sun the fourth. 

s The translation is doubtful ; the 
literal rendering seems to be, ** Signs 
having many risings" (of stars and 
planets?). The Ascendant is Leo; 
the Part of Fortune is in the Tenth 
House, viz : in 9^ 22' Oemini and the 
degree of prior conjunction is in 
Libra. As according to Ptolemy 
and Mu^yi'u-d-dTn Maghribi, the 
Part of Fortune is 18® 9' Scorpio and 
so is in the Third House, A.F.'s 
meaning may possibly be that the 
three things referred to all occur in 
the early Houses of the horoscope. 

» Venus is in 2e? 23* 37" Virgo but 
as this part of Virgo falls into the 
First House of the horoscope, Venus 
is said to be in the Ascendant. 



108 



AKBARNAMA. 



also that tho Viziers will manage affairs by tlie abounding reason* 
©f the Native and not by their own plans. On the contrary, their 
ideas will not endure in the presence of the designs of the Lord of 
the Age. And as the lord of the Second House (Mercury ^) is in the 
Ascendant, he (the Native) will collect countless treasures ; and as 
Jupiter is in this House, he will spend his wealth in ways pleasing to 
87 God, and will walk in God's paths and his property will increase daily. 

And the fact of Jupiter's being in his own term, is a proof of 
long life, so that he will have honoured grandchildren and these 
fortunate ones will grow up under his discipline. 

As Saturn is in the Second House and in exaltation, harm will 
never come to his (the Native's) treasures. The hyleg which is the 
•degree of first conjunction (qu. conjunction prior to the nativity ?) 
is in this House and is a strong proof of the above statement. 
The hadJdmdd (lord of the geniture) which is Saturn and is in 
exaltation, and his companion Jupiter having come into this HousOj 
give to the holy life the influences of two Jeadhbudd{8), Mars is the 
third (kadkhudd) so that the Native will exceed the natural period of 
life, viz., 120 years.* The Moon's being paramount over this House 
is another corroboration of the well-groundedness of this blessing. 



1 Perhaps Saturn is meant ; Libra 
is his House of exaltation. If so, 
the word tali* must be taken not to 
mean ascendant but the whole of the 
horoscope. It may also be the Moon, 
as she is described as being para- 
mount over the Second House. 

S 120 years was considered by as- 
trologers and doctors the natural 
period of a man's life. See Ibn 
Kha ldan's Prolegomena^ (Notices et 
Extraits.) XIX, 347, " Selon les 
m^dicins et les astrologues, la vie 
naturelle de Thomme est de cent 
vingt ana, de I'espece que ceux-ci 
nommcnt grandes ann^es humaines." 
Similarly A. F. says, (Blochmann 121) 
" The elephant, like man, lives to an 
age of one hundred and twenty 
years." A. F. seems actually to have 



hoped that Akbar would outlive 120 

years and that he himself might 

have the honour of recording the 

events of that period. (Jarrett III. 

416.) Kislyioar^udd, * world's lord/ 

(Jarrett II, 258, 1.3) seems to mean 

Akbar himself and not his dynasty. 

Vardha Mihira says (Bfluit Jdtaka 

I. ver. 63) that 120 years and 5 days 

is the maximum of the life of men 

and elephants. Badaoni tells us 

(Lowe 335) that the Jogis promised 

Akbar he would live three or four 

times as long as ordinary men. No 

doubt they referred to the three 

kadl^udd(8) spoken of by A. F. (Seo 

also Albirunl on the length of human 

life. Chronicle of Ancient Nations, 

90.) The three kaflf^iidd(,8) might 

give a total of nearly a thousand 



CHAPTER VI. 



109 



Judgments of the Thied Houses. 
As the lord of the Ascendant (the Sun) is in the Third House, 
this signifies perfect mildness, sedateness, constancy and reverence 
and the succouring of kinsmen. But this tribe, out of short- 
sightedness, will not be single-minded. However as that centre 
(markaz) where the lord of the Ascendant (Scorpio) is, is the 
House of Mars and also his triplicity, term, decanate, ddarjdn and 
dary'dn, and as he himself is in the Fifth House which is his House 
of exaltation^ and his gaudium {fara^) and is the tripliciiy and face 
of Jupiter, and the ddarjdn of the lord of the Ascendant, — the 
improper tlioughts of this faction will become a cause of increased 
glory and enhanced dominion to the Native. And as the beginnings 
of the Third House which have to do with brethren, are a station* 
of the Sun's majesty^ this signifies that brethren will be of no 
account alongside the glory of the holy being (Akbar) and that they 
will quaff the cup of anguish to the dregs. The middle and last 
portions of the Third House, which signify allies and helpers* are, 
according to Ptolemy, the Part of Fortune and they are also the 
face of the Sun and he is co-partner with the hadhhudd (Saturn). 
This signifies that friends and loyalists will be on the carpet of union 
(lit : one colour) and devotion, and be steadfast in respect, and will 
be advanced by the Native to prosperity and wealth. And as this 
place of the Third House has connection with Mars who is in his 
exaltation, and that House is the gaudium and House of Saturn who 



years, according to Badaoni, one of 
the periods mentioned by the JogU, 
for it appears from the Lihellus 
Isagogicua of Ale habi tins, that the 
maximum of Saturn's years, {FridO' 
rid) is 465, of Jupiter's 264, and of 
Mars', the same; 465 -<- 264 +264= 
993. 120 was the maximum of the 
Fridaria bestowed by the Sun- As 
a matter of fact, Akbar did not 
reach even the Scriptural three-score 
and ten, — dying on 13th October, 
1605, (Elphinstone), in his climacteric 
(63 years,) just before the anniversary 
of his birth 15th October, 1542. 
1 VU., that of Capric9rnu8 into 



which the Fifth House of the figure 
extends. 

* Maurid'i'Satwat'i'naiyir'i -a'^cwi. 
The Third House begins at 28° 1' 
Libra, but the allusion is probably 
to the Sun's being in the first degree, 
0° 45' 67" Scorpio ; for the entry of 
a planet into a new Sign is a time of 
special power and auspiciousness. 
See Akhamdma I, 55, 1.2 fr. foot, in 
the account of Enoch. 

d The Text and all authorities read 
tj^j^\ iJ^wdn, 'brothers,' but the 
editors propose to read a*wdn, * al- 
lies or helpers,' and no doubt this is 
the true reading. See Akhamdma 



110 



AKBARNAMA. 



38 



is a foremost kadhbudd and who is also in his exaltation, — friends 
will always be in honour and glory. And as Saturn who is a kad- 
hbudd and is in exaltation, is paramount in the House, this is a 
convincing proof of these things. And the lord (Mars) of the Third 
House being in the Fifth, is a proof of the establishment of noble 
children, and also signifies that there will be travelling and short * 
excursions* which will be provocative of joy. 

One of the wonderful things is that the part of the other world, 
according to all, and the Part of Fortune, according to Ptolemy and 
MuhyT'u-d-din Ma^^ribT, are in one^ place ; to wit, 18** Scorpio in the 
Third House. This rarely occurs in horoscopes, and forcibly indicates 
that good fortune upon good fortune will come in succession from 
the other world, and is also strong evidence for information about 
hidden matters, so that the enlightened mind of the Native will be 
a rendezvous of mysteries. 

Judgments of thk Fourth House. 
As Mars is lord of the cusp (markaz) of this House, and he is 
in his exaltation,* face, and his own trigon {mu§alla§a) and is dominant 



26 11.3 and 17 and 'Abdu-1-^mid's 
Bad§]idhndnia 25 and 27. 

' Abdu-l-^amid of Labor is said 
to have been a pupil of Abu-l-fa^ 1 
(See Bieu's Catalogae I. 260, quoting 
8akli^U&fxd certainly has done his 
to imitate A. F.'s turgidities. He 
himself tells us that he was chosen 
by SUiah Jahan to be his Court 
historian on account of his being 
a proficient in the style of Abu-1- 
fazL It goes without saying that 
writing under Shah Jahan, he is a 
much straiter Mnsulman than his 
master. The lengthy account of 
Sfr ah Jahan's horoscope which he 
gives, was drawn up by Mull& 
'Ala'u-1-mulk of Tun in Ehurasan 
who afterwards got the title of Fazil 
Khan. {Bads^hndma 13). Appa- 
rently the conjunction of planets 
which led to Shah JahSn's receiving 
the title of Second Lord of conjunc- 



tion (the first being Timor) took 
place in 991 (1585), nine years 
before Shah Jahan's birth. Great im> 
portance was attached to Shah JahSn's 
having been born in the thousandth 
year of the Hijra. He was born under 
Libra the sign under which the Pro- 
phet was bom. 

1 Naql means also 'zest to wine,' etc. 

S See Shah Jahan's horoscope for 
a similar expression. Badftdhndma 
20 1.5. 

* This does not seem quite accur* 
ate. In the previous account of the 
Houses, we are told that the Part of 
the other world is 17° dCV Scorpio and 
that of Fortune, according to Ptolemy 
and Mu^yi'u-d-dln is 18° 9' Scorpio. 

* We are told above that Mars 
is posited in 10° 48' 23" Capricorn 
which is bis House of exiJtation. 
The Fourth House begins at 27° 21' 
Scorpio which is Mars* mansion* 



CHAPTEB VI. 



Ill 



over this House and it is tlie term of Jupiter^ what is Bignified is 
that in the beginning of his (the Native's) career territory will come 
into possession through the exertions of military officers. And as this 
House is a Fixed Sign^ and its lord (Mars) is in exaltation and has a 
beneficent ( aspect, territory will continually be coming into the pos- 
session of the King's* servants and whatever so comes will remain 
there permanently. 

As the 8th and 4th ^ of the degrees which belong to the begin- 
ning of Scorpio are Gemini {Jauzd') whose lord (Mercury) is occulted 
by the Sun's rays, this signifies that when the Native shall arrive at 
years of discretion, the might of his intellect will become displayed. 



1 Apparently the meaning is that 
Mars is in the Fifth House, in Cap- 
ricorn, and so has the beneficent trine 
aspect to the First House, that is, 
the House of the Native's life. 

^ Auliyd'i'dauUU. This seems an 
honorific circumlocution for the king 
himself, but may mean that Akbar 
was then a minor, and that conquests 
were made by his regent, Bairam 
Khan. 

8 This is a difficult passage, and 
I am imcertain of the meaning. 
Perhaps the text is corrupt, but all 
the MSS. I have examined give 
the same reading with the apparently 
unimportant difference that sqme 
omit the conjunction ia between 
hasl^tuin and cahdrum. The diffi- 
culty lies in understanding how the 
constellation Gemini comes in* here. 
Jauza means Orion as well as Gemini, 
but the latter seems intended here, 
for A.F., goes on to speak of its 
lord being occulted by the Sun 
and this can only refer to Mercury 
who is the lord of Gemini. It is 
possible that the meaning is that 
Gemini is the Eighth and Fourth 
House from the beginning of Scorpio, 



i.e., is Eight Houses apart on one 
side of the Third House, to which 
the first degrees of Scorpio belong, 
and Four Houses apart on the other. 
It is also possible that A«F. has con- 
founded JoMzd*, Orion, with Jatizd\ 
Gemini. But I rather think that by 
Jauzd^ may be meant the "lesser 

Twins," viss., the stars P and 5 
Scarpionis. See Sayce's "Higher 
Criticism and the Monument8,"p. 69n. 
where Professor Hommel is quoted 
as stating that there are three sets of 
Twins, vt»., Castor and Pollux in 
Gremini, the lesser Twins in Scorpio 
and the lesser Twins in Aries. 
Mercury is in 25^ 24' Libra of the 
horoscope, and so is occulted or 
immersed in the rays of the Sun 
which is posited in the first degrees 
of Scorpio. But I do not see why 
the first degrees of Scorpio are re- 
ferred to by A.F., in his description 
of the Fourth House, for that begins 
near the end of Scorpio. Perhaps 
avovoal is a mistake for aldivr. The 
Fourth House is that of the father 
and so may deal with his death. It is 
also that of lords and states. 



112 



AEBARNAHA. 



and that his honoured ^ father will at this time, have his face tamed 
towards the hidden and inner world and will depart to the eternal 
citj. As most of this House belongs to Sagittarius and the lord of 
the term (Jupiter) is in the Second House of the horoscope, the 
Native will be affectionate and grateful to his father and will receive 
an appanage s from his dominions. 

Judgments of thb Fifth Houss. 

As the lord of most of the Third House which is connected 
with lovers and sincere friends and helpers, to wit, Mars, is in the 
Fifth and in exaltation, this signifies the glorious condition of the 
sons of the Native and their sincerity and affection. And as Saturn 
is paramount over this House, is in exaltation and in his own tripli- 
city and is a kadhbvdd, — and as Jupiter is in his face and triplicity 
and is associated with the iadhhudd (Saturn) and is lord of the cusp 
of this House, — this signifies that the sons of the Native will be for- 
tunate and be defenders of the State and that they will not remove 
the head of respect from the plane of well-pleasing. Aquila, who 
is of the constitution of Mars, and Jupiter and Cygnus, who is of 
the constitution of Jupiter and Venus, are in this House and 
forcibly indicate an abundant catch (§aicl) of pleasure and auspi- 
ciousness. 

JUDGMBNTS OF THB SiXTH HoiTSB. 

As the master (Saturn) of this House (Capricorn) is in his exal- 
tation, and the Dragon's Head is in this House, they signify the 
lasting sovereignty of the Native and the acquisition of abundant 



I Humayan was killed by an acci- 
dent when Akbar was little over 
thirteen. I suppose the meaning is 
that when Akbar was born his in- 
tellect, represented by Mercury, was 
subject to his father, but that when 
he came to the ago of puberty, it 
emerged. 

t This refers to the fact that Jalal- 
abad was assigned by Humayan for 
Akbar's maintenance. See quotation 
from the Mirdt iftabndma of Sh^b 



Nawaz ^h<^n in Kani Lai Das' paper 
J. A, 8. B, for 1886, p. 83. See also, 
what is more to the point, Akhar- 
ndma 1, 315, where we are told that 
the servants and properties of his 
deceased uncle Hindal, including 
Ghazni. &c., were made over to 
Akbar when he was ten years old. 
Jalalabad used to be called Jul 
Shahi and was named after Akbar 
(Jalalu-d-din). See Akbamdnia I. 200 
1.8 from foot. 



CHAPTER Vr. 



113 



wealth and property, and permanence of elemental health, and equa- 
bility of disposition. Should a little sickness affect the hem of his 
holy constitution, it will speedily terminate in perfect health. And 
as Mars is paramount over this House, in co-partnership with Saturn, 
and both are in exaltation, there will be numerous auspicious 
servants^ and attendants* 

JUDGUBNTS OF THE SEVENTH HoUSE. 

As the lord of the cusp of the Seventh * House is Saturn ^^ and 
he is in exaltation, the Native will in his first youth, marry ^ chaste 
veiled ones from the ruling families of India. And as Saturn is in 
the Second House,^ this may indicate that those chaste, curtained 
and holy ones will belong to his tributary and wealth-increasing 
princes. And as the Part of friendship and love is this House, this 
signifies increasing relish of friendship and love, especially as the 
Part of affection is in Pisces which is the House of Jupiter and the 
exaltation of Venus. 

JtJDOHBNTS OP THE ElOHTH Hot7SB. 

As the cusp of this House belongs to Pisces and its lord, Jupiter, 
is in the Second, in his own term and triplicity and the Part^ of 
excellence is in this House, and as Venus is paramount over this 
House in co-partnership with Mars who is in exaltation, — this signi- 
fies the absence of fear^ and danger, and the being rendered safe 
by the protection and defence of God. 

JfTDOMENTS OF THE NiNTH HoUSE. 

As the cusp of this House is in the Sign of Aries and its lord, 
Mars, is in his exaltation and gaudium (Jdrah) and is dominant over 



I The Sixth House is that of ser- 
vants. 

BThe Seventh is the House of 
marriage. 

B Saturn rules India. 

♦ In 969 (1662) i.e.. when Akbar was 
in his twentieth year, he married 
Biharl Mai's daughter. We do not 
hear of anj other marriages in 
early youth with Indian ladies, but 
BadaonI (Lowe 211) tells us that 
Akbar said he had on coming of 
15 



age, married many wives, both free- 
born and slaves, and had not res- 
tricted himself to the legal number 
of four. 

^ The Second is the House I of 
wealth. 

^ Perhaps this is the pars nohilitaii§ 
of Guide Bonatus and which appears 
to be 19^ Aries i,e., the Sun's exalt- 
tion. 

"f The Eighth House is a House of 
misfortunes, death, etc. 



80 



114 



AKBARNAMA. 



this Honse^ the Native will reap benefit from travel,^ and the jonrnieB 
which take place^ will be accompanied by acquisition of territory • 

Judgments of the Tenth House. 

As the cusp of this House belongs to Taurus^ which is the Honse 
of Yenus^ and she is dominant oyer it and is in the Ascendant^ this 
signifies perfect felicity and general superiority, which is an ex- 
pression for a great kingship ; also that this sublime dignity will 
long be in the possession of the Native, especially as this House is 
the exaltation of the Moon. And the Moon is in an aspect* towards 
this House and towards the Ascendant which is one of entire friend* 
ship. And as the Part of Fortune is, by the opinion of the majority^ 
in this House, this signifies perfect fortune and increase of Btate^ 
and that the Native will spend most of his days in managing and 
arranging the affairs of Church and State. And as the Part of 
reason and speech is in this House, it signifies that his reason and 
speech will be king of reasons and at the head of utterances. Much 
too of the specialities of Venus, who is lord of pleasure and joy, will 
be bestowed on him. 

Judgments of the Eleventh House. 
As the cusp of this House belongs to Gemini and its regent 
(Mercury) is in the Second House, which is that of wealth, this 
signifies that the hopes which he forms with regard to fortune and 
territory will be realized to his heart's desire. It also proves that 
he will have sincere friends and that the masters of wisdom and 
knowledge will arrive at high rank in his service. And as the Part 
of the conclusions of actions is in this House, this signifies that his 
hopes* and desires will have a happy termination. 

Judgment op the Twelfth House. 
As the cusp of this House belongs to Cancer and its lord, the 
Moon, is in detriment^ and gaudium (farah), this proves that the 



1 The Ninth is a House of travels. 

* The Moon is in the Fifth House 
tns., 19® 48' 14" Capricorn and so she 
is in trine to the First and Tenth 
Houses. 

B The Eleventh House is that of 
hopes. 



« The Moon is in the Fifth Honse 
in 19° 48' 14" Capricorn and so is in 
detriment as being in the Sign 
opposite to her Mansion, vi»,. Cancer. 
The Twelfth is the House of private 
enemies and a Honse of misfortune. 
Had the Moon been in it^ this would 



CHAPTER VI. 



lU 



enamieB of the State will be constantly in adversity and distress to 
whatever extent may be agreeable to the Native. And the fact of 
the Dragon's Tail ^ (Katabibazon or Zanab) being there in the first 
degree^ is strong evidence of this. And as the Part of knowledge 
and clemency is in this HoasOj it signifies that the Native will^ 
together with his insight (into character), be clement and forgiving 
to the short-sighted and cross-grained ones. And patience, breadth 
of view and' general benevolence will be among his necessary attri- 
butes. 

May Almighty God prolong the life of the Lord of Fortune for 
generations and cycles, since the attributes of greatness, — which are 
the root and flower of universal sovereignity and world-adornment, 
and are a cause of capturing the hearts of friends and foes, and 
attract souls and knit together the thoughts of high and low, — are 
revealed in all their perfection and (as it were) on an open highway 
(Praise be to the gracious God for it) in the* aggregation of refined 
qualities of this Doctor of the High School of Unity; and have 
made >^iTn by his idiosyncracy and fundamental nature, sole owner 
of sublime dignity and peculiar grace. And of a certainty, all those 
admirable qualities and dispositions have, without efEort or vaunting, 
become the blissful possession of this celestial Being, so that from 
this fountain-head of justice, they are distributed by the garden- 
channel of the lords* of liberality. 

Verse, 
For ever, and so long as there are stars in the firmament. 
For ever, and so long as there are bodies with souls. 
May there be no revolution of the spheres without thy pleasure, 
No movement of the heavenly bodies except according to thy will. 



have been a bad omen. I do not 
understand how the Moon is said to 
be mfarah, i.e., joy ; but apparently 
the author draws from this the in- 
ference that the enemies will be dis- 
tressed and the Native will be glad- 
dened. Possibly it refers to the 
Moon's being in the Fifth House and 
80 in trine to the Ascendant. Per- 
haps the word is a mistake for ^ 
fargh, emptiness or disengagement. 



^ The Dragon's Tail is a cause of 
misfortune and increases evil influ- 
ences. Apparently aimjoal 'first/ 
must be a mistake for dJ^ir, * last/ 
for the Dragon's Tail is in the last 
degree of the Twelfth House vim., 
27^ 29' 13" Leo. rSee 8upra,) 

S vk)' f^bdb, Blochmann says 
(563n.) that this word, which is the 
plural of rckbb, is used in Persian as a 
singular to mean a headman or nuigis' 



116 



AKBABNAMA. 



40 This is a sketch of the judgments of the anspicious horoscopes ; 
but if the gifts of the stars^ the blessings of the aspects^ and 
the significations of the Houses, were fully set forth, registers would 
be compiled and books composed. 

VerseA 

His exquisite exaltations cannot be reckoned up, 
Star-gazing mathematicians can but adumbrate them. 



traie. Perhaps then the expression 
arhdb'i-istifd^ refers to Akbar him- 
self. Otherwise, it refers to his 
ministers. 



1 The couplet is Faizi's and occurs 
with slight variation in the preface 
to his Lilavati. Calcutta 1828 p. 2.1.4. 



CHAM'BR VII. 



11? 



CHAFrER VII. 

^DlAGBAM OP THE HOLY H0B08C0PB, CAST BY MaULANA AlyAS OP 

Abdabil/ in accobdanc£ with THE Ilsb^^I Tables. 

Atr the time of writing these pages which are a record of aus- 
piciousness, a horoscope came under mj view which had been drawn 
by the very erudite Maulana Alyas of Ardabil who held high rank 
among mathematicians and was one of his Majesty JahanbaniJannat- 
agbiyanrs courtiers. 

This horoscope also has been copied in sketch* but without 
details of the influences of the Houses and the Judgments. It has 
been copied partly in consideration of the repute of the drawer,* 
and partly because, unlike the others, it is based on the Il^ani 
Tables. 



1 A town in Persia, west of the 
Caspian. It was the capital of the 
province of Asarbaijan. (See Mey- 
nard's Ydqut, Paris, 1861, 21 and 
Jarrett III, 81). Maulana Aly&s 
would naturally follow the IlU^ani 
Tables, for he belonged to the country 



of Tabriz or Maragba where Na^iru* 
d-dm Tasi had his observatory. 

8 ^jr^ bajifiB apparently means in 
genere or in gross, i.e., without de- 
tails. 

m 

* S ^***** muataf^rijt lit. ' ex- 
tractor.' 



U8 



▲sbabmIua. 



FIGURE IV, 



LIBBA. 



SCOBPIO. 



Sun 



Saturn. 



SAGITTARIUS. 



\ 



Venus. 



VIEGO. 



Dragon's Tail. 



LEO 



CANCER. 



/ 



GEMINI. 



Moon. 



CAPEICORN 




Dragon's Head. 



AQUARIUS. 



HSCES. 



TAURUS. 



ARIES. 



ORAPTCR TTII. 



119 



CHAPTEB VIII. 
Account of thk dibiqn of Psotidbnci {HiJemat) m thi diffibenci 41 

BBTWSSN THE GrEIE FHILOSOPHIBS AND THI INDIAN ABTA0L0GSB8 
IN THI HATTBB OF HIS MaJISTT's AUSPICIOUS HOBOBCOPB. 

Some scientific men used to think that the disagreement 
between the Indian and Greek astronomers^ — ^the former placing the 
horoscope in Leo and the latter in Yirgo^ was due to a difference 
of opinion among philosophers about the movement of the Zodiacal 
Heaven. A crowd ^ of ancient* philosophers, including Aristotle, 
were agreed that the Eighth > Heaven had no motion. The philoso- 
pher HipparchuB contended that it did move, but he did not ascer- 
tain the rate of progression. Ptolemy said the motion was one 
degree in a century and that the revolution was completed in 36,000 
years. Most philosophers hold that the rate is one degree in seventy 
years and that the revolution is completed in 25,200 years. Another 
school say that a degree is traversed in sixty-three > years and that 
the revolution is completed in 22,680 years. The cause of such 



1 This passage is substantially re- 
peated in the Aln {111, 11 ; Jarrett 
m. 20.) 

* This is the Heaven of the Fixed 
Stars. In the Atn (III, 34 ; Jarrett 
III, 38) this is numbered as the 
Second Heaven, — the Eighth being 
that of Mercnry. Here the author 
counts them in reverse order, begin- 
ning with the lowest, vis., that of 
the Moon,— and by thus counting 
upwards, the Heaven of the Fixed 
Stars becomes the Eighth. It will 
be remembered that the ancients 
attributed motion to the Fixed Stars, 
or at least to the sphere in which 
they were supposed to be placed. 
''Hie Ptolemaic astronomy attri- 



butes motion and a regular course 
to those stars which we now call 
Fixed but which the Greeks merely 
called ^irXoycls undeviating." (Ash- 
mand 4n.) 

ft I do not know what school is 
referred to here. In the Aln (II, 11 
1.7 fr. foot) Ibn A' (A*Um) (cir. 985 
A.D.) and Na§Tru-d-dIn Jilsi (cir. 
1272 A.D.) are mentioned as holding 
that the rate is one degree in sixty 
solar years. Perhaps the sixty-three 
are lunar but these are equal to 
more than 60 solar years,— for at the 
rate of eleven days a year, we get 
only 660 days or not quite two years. 

According to S^illot (Notes et 
Aclaircissements. Prohgomena, 289) 






120 



AKBARNiMA. 






diflorepanoieB is a difference in the equipment and instruments of 
the observatories and difference in the profundity and subtlety* 
of the observations. 

The fact is, the earliest philosophers did not suspect the motion 
of the Fixed Stars, on account of its exceeding slowness. For this 
reason, they did not get sufficient time to observe it.^ 

At the time when the Signs of the Zodiac were determined, 
the figure Leo which was regarded as a constellation of sevei'al fixed 
stars, was opposite to and in front of a (certain) part of the Heaven 
of Heavens,* and now, owing to the movement of the Zodiacal 
Heaven,^ it has moved from that part and is in the station where 



Na^iru-d-dln as well as Ulugh Beg 
held seventy years to be the time. 
Bat he refers to his Materiaux (481) 
as showing that Arzachil knew of a 
movement as correct as that of oar 
modem Tables. Arago, in his lec- 
tures, says that the movement is 
5(y''103 a year, and that the revolu- 
tion is completed in 25, 867 years. 

In the AstronGmioa quaedam e» 
traditione Shah Cholgll published by 
Greaves (Gravius) about the middle 
of the 17th century, we are told that 
according to observations made in 
the time of the Khalif Al-Mamun 
(813-34 A.D.) a degree was passed 
in 66 years and 8 months. Perhaps 
these were lonar, and if so, they 
woald correspond nearly to the 63 
(solar) mentioned in the Text. Ma- 
^ammad Shah Qalji wrote a com- 
mentary on the Tables of Na^lru-d- 
dln Tasi in 866 (1461). A. F. per- 
haps copied from him, for the passage 
in the beginning of the Ain (Jar- 
rett 6) aboat the explanation of the 
term si/, etc., is very similar to one 
on Mu^^mmad ghSh Qaljl, as given 
by Greaves and also it appears, by 
S^dillot. But Oriental writers copy 
80 mach from one another that it is 



difficult to know who was the origi- 
nal source. Shah Quljl also gives 
seventy years as the rate of pre- 
cession according to the' Maragba 
Tables; and says that the annual 
rate was 61" 26.'" 

1 The text reads vsJ; time, bat 

MS. 564 has ^^ which I have 
adopted. 

s I suppose the meaning is that 
the motion being less than a minute 
a year, it could not become percept- 
ible unless after a lifetime of obser- 
vations or unless the observations 
were continued for generations. 

8 1.6., the Ninth or Crystalline 
Heaven. 

* The Penny Cyclopaedia (Art. 
Astrology) says : " The astrologers 
never made any allowance for the 
precession of the equinoxes. Thus 
though the constellation Aries is 
now in Taurus and the influences 
of its stars ought to have moved 
with them, we find that the astro- 
nomical Aries or first 30° of the 
ecliptic, is used for the constellation. 
Under the circumstances, this is of 
little consequence, but such a prac- 
tice would be fatal to astronomy." 



CRAPTBB tin. 



121 



Yirgo then was. Similarly Virgo has moved to the station of 
Libra, Libra to Scorpio and so on, up to the last Sign. Now the 
calculation of Indian astrologers' is in accord with the observa- 
tions of the ancient philosophers which were based on the notion 
that the Fixed Stars did not move. The calcnlation of the new 
observations* is founded on the movement of the Zodiacal Heaven 
which has caused the constellation Leo to move to the House 



Ashmand (Preface and p. 82) de- 
fends astrologers against this charge 
and says, " We should rather say that 
the stars have changed places than 
that the parts of heaven in which 
they once were situated have done 



so. 

1 The author does not mean that 
the Indian astronomers were ignor- 
ant of the movement of the stars, i.e., 
of the precession of the equinoxes. 
The account in the Ain ( Jarrett III. 
19) shows that they held the move- 
ment to be 54" a year. But they 
thought that the (westward) move- 
ment only extended to 27^ Aries and 
that then the stars retrog^raded to 
27^ Pisces and afterwards recom- 
menced. In other words they held 
that the stars librated between 27° 
Aries and 27° Pisces. 

B By the " new observations " those 
of TTIngh Beg are commonly meant, 
and it must be those which are re- 
ferred to here, for A. F. is dealing 
with the horoscope of Maulana 
Cand which, we are told, was found- 
ed on the Gurg&nt Tables, i.e., those 
of Ulugh Beg. According to Babar 
(Erskine 51) the tables used by the 
Indian astronomers were those of 
Vikram&ditya and he says that 1584 
years had elapsed from the building 
of Vikramiditya's observatory. Ap- 
parently Bibar was writing this in 
16 



1527-28, =1584 Vikramaditya Era 
(which began B.C. 57.) But his state- 
ment in no way coincides with A. F.*s 
for Ulugh Beg's Tables were drawn, 
up in 1484 and published in 1437 
and if we deduct 1190 from 1434, 
we get 244 A.D. as the date of the 
Indian Tables. 

(S6dillot gives the epoch of Ulugb 
Beg's Tables as 841 H. = 1437 A.D.) 

Nor can we reconcile the state- 
ments by supposing that the " new 
observations " mean those of Nasiru- 
d-dln TAsi which were made at 
Maragha in the latter part of the 
13th century. According to the 
Am (Jarrett 4) Na^iru-d-din's obser- 
vatory was built 362 years and Ulugh 
Beg*s 156 before A. F. wrote his 
book. Now the Ain was composed 
in the 40th year of Akbar, Le., 
1596, so that 1234 would be the date 
of the Maragha observations and 
1434 those of Samarqand (Ulugh 
Beg*s). The date 1234 is, however, 
certainly wrong, as it is nearly a 
quarter of a century before the des- 
truction of Baghdad (1258) and we 
know that it was after this that 
HulagQ Kh>n installed Nasiru-d- 
dln at Marftgha. According to 
D'Herbelot, Nasfru-d-din was estab- 
lished at MarSgha iu 657 (1259 ) and 
published his Tables in 668 (1270). 
Perhaps *fi*A»>» fj^ast, sixty, is a 



122 



akbarnIha. 



of Virgo. The difference between the two calculations is 17®,* each 
Sign having moved 17® from its place. From this it may be known 
that 1 1 90 years have elapsed from the observations of the Indian 
philosophers to the new ones, assuming that a degree is traversed 
every seventy years, and most philosophers are agreed that we 
should multiply 17 by 70. On the view of Ptolemy that the move- 
ment is one degree a century, the interval between the two sets 
of observations is 1700 years. 

Keen-sighted inquirers after truth and subtle perceivers of the 
secrets of the skies fell into the valley of perturbation on account 
of these discrepancies. Now that the pattern of the philosophers 
of the Age, 'Azdu-1-daulah Amir Fathu-1-lah of Sl^iraz, has shewn 
by the Greek Canon and the Persian rules that his Majesty's auspi- 
42 cious horoscope is in Leo as has been stated above, it clearly appears 
that the explanation of the disagreement is not, as was commonly 
supposed, that the Indian philosophers deny the existence of the 
spheres, as has been set forth in the Second Volume.^ Rather it 
was the Divine wisdom (hikmat-i-ildhi) and the Divine jealousy which 
demanded that the description of this cavalier^ of the plain of majesty 



copyist's error for ^■s****^ hist, twenty 
which would yield the date 1274. 
A. F., however, with all his industry, 
is not to bo trusted about dates as 
Silvestre do Sacy has shewn with re- 
ference to a statement in the Aydr-i- 
DdniaJi about the poet Radagl. Even 
if we deduct the 1190 years from 
1272, the date of the Maragba obser- 
vations, we do not get back to Vik- 
ramaditya s era, though we get very 
near that of Salivahana, viz., 78 A.D. 
The most probable explanation is 
that Babar was mistaken in suppos- 
ing that the Yikramaditya of the 
Tables was the Yikramaditya of the 
Era. The Indian Tables were pro- 
b*ibly composed in the time of the 
second Yikramaditya and in that of 
Yaraha Mihira, though this date is 



also inconsistent with A. F.'s calcu- 
lation. 

1 It would seem (Text III. 440 1.6 
f r. foot) that the exact difference was 
a little more than 17^, for we aro 
told that Ban a Aram, Akbar's daugh- 
ter, was born under 19° Sagittarius 
or 1° 54' according to Hindil calcu- 
lation. 

• The Lucknow ed. has " last 
volume,*' and this is probably correct, 
the reference apparently being to 
the concluding volume of the Ain, 
viz,. III. 8. (Jarrett III. 13.) 

• urJ^ fdris. It also means a lion 
and so there may be an allusion to 
the constellation Leo. Akbar ia 
called {Aln I. 139) ahdhBuwar-i'^arsa- 
i'i'lbdl, ' the royal rider of the plain 
of fortune.* 



CHAPTER vm. 123 

and confidant of the snblime cabinet, should remain hidden from the 
gaze of keen-sighted, penetrating, minute inquirers, as well as from 
the eyes of the evil-disposed and inwardly blind. 

It was from this cause, that his Majesty Jahanban! Jannat- 
S^yanT, who in astrolabic investigations and studies of astronomical 
Tables and observations, was at the head of the enthroned ' ones of 
acute knowledge and was a second Alexander, — in spite of his per- 
fect labours and exertions in the matter of the horoscope of the 
Lord of the Age, did not attain to the truth (did not reveal the 
whole truth). And likewise all those others who were versed in 
the secrets of astrology, remained within the curtain of contra- 
diction and did not arrive at a perfect knowledge of the mystery. 
And notwithstanding the identity of the canons of calculation 
and the inquiries of right-thinkers, — for natural philosophers do 
not materially disagree in these matters, — owing to the jealousy 
of God, the truth of the holy nativity remained under the veil of 
concealment and was hidden behind the curtain of contradiction. 
But on the whole, if each of the horoscopes be looked at with 
the eye of judgment — and a sketch of each has been given, — it 
becomes plain that in the matter of power, dignity and sublimity, 
external and internal, there is nothing equal to them. Though the 
horoscopes are discrepant, they agree in external and internal 
splendour and congratulate the Native as supreme over the visible 
and invisible worlds. And those intimate friends of his Majesty 
Jahanbani Jannat-ishiySni, whose outward and inward beings were 
clothed with truth and righteousness, have been heard to tell that 
when his Majesty bad the auspicious horoscope shewn to him and 
had considered it, it happened several times that when in his private 
chamber and with the doors all closed, he fell aMancing, and from 
excess of exultation, revolved with a circular motion. Why indeed 
should not sitters in the front ranks of the pavilion of true glory, 
and tasters of the trays of eternal knowledge — who have partaken 
of the sweets of ecstacy and the knowledge of God, indulge in 
transports of joy at the sweets of this revelation, and why should they 
not chaunt strains of rapture ? For these perfections are steps or 

1 The author seems to refer to the been princes, e.g., Alexander, Al- 

fact of eminent astrologers, having phonso of Castile and Ulngh Beg. 



124 



AKBARN.IMA. 



stages of exaltation and are the essence of Divine knovrledge. And 
his Majesty Jah&nbanT Jannat-a^iydnl was by the perfection of his 
personality^ enlightened by flashes of forthcoming events and glimp- 
ses into the future, and his senses were warmed by the aaspicioua 
advent of his Majesty^ the King of Kings. And all these lighta 
were seen^ before realization in the ranks of actions^ in the mirror 
of the wondrous horoscope. And he many times said to those who 
were privileged to converse with him, that the horoscope of this 
Light of Fortune was superior, in several respects and by sundry 
degrees, to that of his Majesty, the Lord of Conjunction ' (Timur) 
43 c^ indeed clearly appears to the scrutinizing students of the prog* 
nostications. And when these two auspicious documents are com- 
pared, and the gifts of the planets and the blessings of the heavens* 
are weighed in the balance of reflection, it will be seen what are the 
communications of the horoscope of the Lord of Conjunction, and 
what are those of the holy horoscope. Praise be to Grod ! notwith- 
standing the remoteness of the horoscopists in time, place and con- 
dition, and the discrepancy of their canons, every one of the glorious 
schemes agrees — as has been shewn — in this, that the Native 
will attain lofty, spiritual and temporal rank, and that his holy 
personality will be a collection of inward and outward excellencies 
and will be possessed of various perfections and will have sway over 
the visible and invisible world. He will have various kinds of sove- 
reignties and various degrees of rule, and will attain lofty rank in 
worship of the Truth and in theology. He will befriend the poor 
and humble, and will have long life and soundness of body and 
an equable disposition and will be praised by high and low and 
thnnked by great and small. He will have perfect knowledge of the 
world, and will rule countries and guard the paths of righteousness. 



1 The horoscope of TlniQr is given 
in the Zafamoma but without much 
detail. There is alao one, as noticed 
by Gibbon, in Hyde's Syntagma 
(Dissert : H. 466) which was cast by 
Ashmole. 

I oti >JU < alwXydt. Perhaps this 
word has a technical meaning here, 



vi»., the superior planets, Mars* 
Jupiter and Saturn, which were so* 
called because their orbits were 
supposed to be higher than that of 
the Sun. See Mafmhu-UulUm, 229, 
top line. Mercury and Yenns and 
the Moon are called hawdkahU'B^ 
iifilych inferior planets. 



CHAPTER Tin. 



125 



aud will pei*forin the duties of government aiid of the administra- 
tion of the world. 

It is a remarkable circumstance that all those qualities which 
astrologers have come to know by toil and meditation, are read by 
simple-minded persons who know nothing of the diagrams of stellar 
mysteries, by dint of their own insight, on the forehead-page ' of 
his Majesty^s career, though they have humbly to acknowledge the 
inability of language to expound them. 

Verse. 

Thy attributes have made tongues incoherent, 

Thy glorious personality has changed certainty into conjecture. 



NOTE ON THE HOROSCOPES OF AKBAR. 

Abu-l-fazl gives four horoscopes. The first and fourth however appear 
to be substantially the same. Both were made by Mu^mmadan servants 
of Hamayan, — the first by Maulana Cand and the fourth by Maulana Alyas 
of Ardabil. Maulana Cand's was drawn up according to the " New Tables/' 
f.0., those of Ulugh Beg Mirza who was Timar's grandson. These were 
calculated for 1437. Maulana Iljas' horoscope was cast according to the 
IlJlJ^ini or Imperial Tables, t.e., those made by Na^iru-d-dln Tusi at Maragha — 
about 60 miles^S. by W. of Tabriz — in the reign of Hulaga Kban cir. 1272. 

Abu-1-fazl, writing in the 40th year of Akbar, (1596) says (Jarrett II, 4.) 
that 362 years had elapsed since Na^Iru-d-din built his observatory and 156 
since Ulugh Beg built his at Samarqand. This gives a date of 1440 for 
TTIngh Beg's Tables and of 1234 for NasTru-d-din's, but the latter is certainly 
wrong, and probably there is some clerical error in the text. If HulagQ 
Khan first established him in Maragha, it is assuredly wrong, but A. F. 
evidently thinks he was there earlier. (A\n II, 11.) 

The second horoscope was made by Jotik Bai, Akbar's astrologer. We 
do not know its exact date but it was, of course, drawn many years after 
Akbar's birth and after the construction, by HumayOn's orders, of the first 
and fourth horoscopes. 

The third was made by Fathu-1-lah of Shiraz and could not have been 
drawn earlier than 991 (1583), for this astronomer did not come to Akbar's 
Court till that year. Indeed A. F. tells us that it was in the first year of 
Fat^u-1-lah's service that he asked him to compare the horoscopes and 
reconcile their discrepancies. 



1 The meaning is, that the actual 
facts of Akbar's life exhibit all those 
wonderful qualities which astrolo- 



gers have found by painful investi^ 
gation of his horoscope. 



1*26 AICBARKAMA. 

Both Maulana Cand and Maulana Alyas put the birth under Virgo and 
there is no doubt this is correct, — if correctness can be predicated of such 
matters. The Indian astrologers probably put the birth in Leo because that 
Sign is the House of the Sun, between whom and Akbar there was supposed 
to be a mysterious connection. Possibly however, the earlier date of their 
Tables warranted them in putting the birth under Leo, as A. F. has ex- 
plained in his chapter on- the discrepancies. But granting that this was so, we 
are not told why their Tables should be preferred to those of Naslru-d-dfn 
and niug^ Beg. And indeed Abu-1-fazl does not prefer them. He telLi as 
that Indian Tables agree with the observations of those philosophers who are 
not aware that there was a movement of the Fixed Stars. In other words, 
he admits that they are wrong. 

If the precession of the equinoxes account for the difference between the 
Tables, why stop short at the Hindu observations P A. F. calculates that 
these were made 1190 years before IJlugh Beg*s, i.e., about 1336 before 
Fathu-1-lah cast Akbar 's horoscope. According to Babar (Erskine 51.) the 
Hindu Tables were made at TJjjain in the time of Vikramaditya, i.e., cir. 57 
B.C. According to Tod, (Bajputana) Hindu astronomers now follow the 
Tables of Jai Singh which were made in 1728. (See Dr. Hunter's paper. 
Asiatic Researches V, 177.) But why did not he or Fathu-1-lah carry the 
calculation further back and ascertain the position of the constellations of 
the Zodiac at the time, say, of the birth of Adam or at least, of Enoch or Idris 
who, according to Mu^ammadans, is the father of astronomy P Some astrolo- 
gers professed to know the position of the stars at the time of the Creation 
and held that Adam was bom under 1° Capricorn (See infra for A. P/a 
account of Adam). And at all events A. F., who seems to have accepted the 
chronology according to which Adam was born about 7000 before his own 
time, could have had no difficulty in calculating the position of the constella- 
tions at that period, allowing one degree for every seventy years. 

According to A. F. the difference between the Indian astrologers and 
Maulana Cand amounts to 17^. But apparently Fathu-l-lah did not adopt the 
Indian calculations, which indeed he probably could not read. (He was 
a Persian apd we are told in the Aln (Blochmann 104) that he superintended 
the translation of part of IJlugh Beg's Tables, though, if as has been sup- 
posed, these were originally written in Persian, one does not see what 
necessity there was for translating them. There is however a doubt on the 
point and A. F.'s remark implies that Ulugh Beg*s Tables were written in a 
foreign language, e.g., Arabic or Turkish. According to D'Herbelot, thej 
were first written in Arabic but S^illot has no doubt that Persian was their 
original language). Fat^^u-l-lah, we are told, based his calculations on the 
Grreek and Persian Tables, not on the Indian, and found the cusp of the 
Ascendant to be 28^ 36' Leo. 

Leo is the Sign immediately preceding Yirgo, and if the difference of 
the Hinda and Persian calculations be 17^, the cusp according to the former, 
should apparently be 20^ Leo, for Maul&uS C&ud*s horoscope brought out 



CHAPTER VIIT. 127 

the cusp of tlie Ascendant as 7^ Virgo. We are not told what Tables 
Fat^u-l-lih used and are left in the dark as to his modua operandi. The 
difference between his calcnlations and those of Manlana Cand was apparently, 
about 8i° vifi., from 28° 36' Leo to 7° Virgo. If, as A. F. does, we take the 
rate of precession to be one degree in 70 years, Fat^n-1-lah must have 
used Tables made about 600 years before Ulngh Beg's. This would give a 
date of about 830 A.D., which approximates to the Baghdad observations of 
the KhalTf Mamun referred to in the Ain (Jarrett II. 3.) 

If we take the more correct rate of precession, vim., one degree in 72 
years, we get a still closer approximation for 8^^=612 years and this, de- 
ducted from 1434=822 A.D. 

I regret that I have not been able to translate the four horoscope chapters 
in a satisfactory manner. They are difficult, for several words of frequent 
use in them, are not to be found in our dictionaries, at least not with their 
astronomical meaning. Dozy's Supplement is of little or no use for astro* 
logical terms, and Lane appears to ignore them altogether. Unfortunately 
with all his amplitude of detail, A. F. fails us at the very pinch of the case. 
That is, he gives no explanation of Fati^u-l-lah's modus operandi and does not 
tell us how he managed to bring the horoscope into Leo. 

It is probable that in places, the text is corrupt. 

Books on astrology are very numerous. One of the best of the old 
treatises is De Jtidiciia Astrorum by 'All Abu-l-(^asan (Albohazan Haly Aben 
Bajal). He, it appears, was born in Spain, for he is styled Ash-Shaibani and 
Aflh-Shablll (Hispaliensis) and his full name is Abu-1-^san 'All Ibn Abi-r- 
raj alu-gh-fihaibanl. 

In Hammer-Furgstall's History of Arabian Literature, (6436) he is styled 
'All Ibn Bajal and we are told that Europeans called him Aben-Bagel and 
that he was born at Cordova and lived in the beginning of the 5th century 
of the Hijra. 

His work on astrology, " Opus magnum de astrologia, octo partilms compre- 
hensum" was first translated from Arabic into Spanish by order of Alphonso, 
the king of Castile, and afterwards from Spanish into Latin. He appears also 
to have been a poet, for a poem of his on astrology is mentioned in Casiri's 
catalogue of the Escurial Library I, 128 and 344. The best edition of Haly's 
work appears to be that by Anthony Stupa, Basle, 1551. There is a copy of 
this in the British Museum and bound up with it, is an elaborate treatise on 
astrology by Guide Bonatus and also a commentary on the Tetrahiblos. 

Guide Bonatus, also called Guide Bonatti and Bonati, was a noted as- 
trologer of the 13th century. He was a native of Florence, but is commonly 
called Foroliviensis or De Foro lAvii, the modem Forli, a town on the eastern 
side of the Appenines and not far from Ravenna. He is said by his astro- 
logical skill to have saved Forli from a siege. Eventually he became a 
monk and died in 1296. 

Lilly quotes Abu-l-^asan under the name of Haly and Sir Walter Scott 
makes Guy Manneriug refer both to him and to Guide Bonatus. D^lambre 




128 AKBlRNlUA. 

says, in his History of astronomy in the Middle Ages, that Abu-l-^asan's book 
" est Tun des plus clairs, des plus m^thodiqnes, and des plus completes que 
nous ayons. C'est une compilation de tout ce que les sages de diff^rents 
pays et de diff^rents si^cles avaient 6crit sur ce sujet futile." It appears 
that Haly was a Christian. There is a MS. copy of his work in the British 
Museum written in beautifully clear Arabic characters. It is numbered 
23,399. See Codices Arabici 6236. It is to be hoped that some day an 
Arabic scholar will print and edit it. 

Lilly's Christian Astrology and the works of Zadkiel are useful and so 
also are Wilson's Dictionary of Astrology (London, 1819), and a work by 
E. Sibley in two quarto volumes and published in 1817. For HindQ astrology, 
I can recommend two Bengali books kindly sent me by Dr. Grierson, viz,, the 
Jyotifa Prdkd^ (Beni Madhab De A Co., Calcutta, 1882, Sak. 1804) and the 
Vardha MUdra of Kali Prosanna Chattarji (1891, Fasli 1300). I have also 
found the notes of Mu^mmad Sadiq 'All the Lucknow editor of the Akbamama 
very useful and I have obtained some light from the two elaborate horos- 
copes of Shah Jahan, — one of bis birth and the other of his accession, — which 
are given in 'Abdu-l-l^amld's Bddsiahndma, 

Mr. Behatsek's Catalogue of the Mulla Ffroz Library in Bombay shews 
that it is very rich in Persian works on astrology. 

To the useful books on Astrology may be added the treatise of Julius 
Firmicus Matemus, a Latin writer of the 4th century A.D. A good and 
cheap edition of this work is in course of publication at Leipsic under the 
editorship of Charles Sittl. Firmicus describes the Dodecaiemoria^ p. 48, 
the Decani, p. 41, and has a chapter, p. 233, on empty and full degrees, the 
full being degrees where the Decani are found, and the empty where their 
influence does not operate. 



n 



€HAPTRR IX. 



^29 



CHAPTEB IX. 

8tAT£MSNT of THS HONOUBBD MAXKS or THB BLISSFUL KUBSIBS AND 

6PIBITUALLT-M0ULDBD CHBBiSHBBB* (qawdbil^ru^ni-qawdUb) 

OF HIS MaIBSTT, THB KING OF KINGS. 

When the lightsome day of his creation arrived^ at once was 
Heaven envioas of Earth for his passing,* and Earth exultant o'er 
Heaven for his august advent. The status of knowledge and in- 
sight became exalted, and with rites which are the glory of the 
ministers of outward show, was that holy essence and pure pearl 
— already washed and cleansed at the fountain-head of Divine Light 
and in the ocean of infinite knowledge {ma'rifat) — bathed and com- 
posed by the hands of shade-loving, radiance-darting, chaste, rose- 
bodied nymphs. Even-tempered, spiritually-minded nurses swathed 
the divine form and heavenly body in auspicious swaddling-bands, 
purer than angelic veils, and laid him with respect and reverence 
in the sacred arms and bosoms of pure-dispositioned ones. And then 
his honied* lips being brought in contact with the benign breasts, 
his mouth was sweetened by the life-giving fluid. 



I J*!^ pi. of *A*UI. The word 
seems properly to mean a midwife, 
but, as it comes after ddya and as 
no midwife is mentioned by name — 
unless Ddya Bhdwal be one, — I have 
rendered it cherisher. The word 

'jtd means both a midwife and a 
wet-nurse. 

i Farr-i-wilddat. There is a play 
here on the two meanings of farr. 
Farr in Arabic means flight, and is 
here used in the sense of departure 
or passing, being contrasted with 
maqdam, advent or coming. The 
birth or vital principle of Akbar left 
Heaven and came npon Earth, there- 
by making Heaven envious and 
Earth leap for pride. But farr or 
17 



far means in Persian, light or splen- 
dour, being etymologically the same 
word as the Greek wvp and the 
English fire and so, farr'i'toilddai 
also means the light or splendour 
of the birth. Farr is often used by 
A. F. to mean the sacred light which 
belongs to a king. Thus at the be- 
ginning of the Ain, he speaks of king- 
ship as a light emanating from God, 
which light modern language calls 
the farr'i'XKodt or Divine light and 
which in ancient times was called 
the snblime halo. (Kiydn-I^ura.) 
(Blochmann iii.) 

B The word in the Text is not 
honied but only sweet. However 
there is perhaps an allusion to the 



180 



AKBARNAMA. 



Verse. 

He drew forth milk by the bounty of his lips. 
Milk and sugar were commingled. 
It was not milk he drank from the breast of hope, 
'Twas water from the Sun's fountain that he imbibed. 

44 As the nobly-born gi^amsu d-din Muhammad of GhaznT had done 

a good service at Kanauj/ his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashyani, 
shortly before the rising of this light of fortune, (Akbar) in magnifi- 
cent recompense of his deed, made him hopeful of eternal bliss by 
promising him the majestic boon, that his high-souled, chaste-natured 
consort — who has now the lofty title of jTji* Anaga — should be clothed 
with the glorious head-dress [mi' jar) and mantle of distinction, by 
obtaining the auspicious service of nursing this new fruit of the 
spring-tide of sovereignty and fortune, and should have the blissful 
charge^ of the nosegay of the house-garden of greatness and g\ovy. 

Accordingly her Majesty, Maryam-makani, Qadasi-arkanT (Pillar 
of Purity) having sent for that adomer of Heaven's table (i.e., celes- 
tial caterer) placed in an auspicious moment, the child-treasure in 
her hopeful bosom. But as the period of pregnancy* of this purely- 
framed nurse was not yet fulfilled, her Majesty ordered that recep- 
tacle of chastity, Daya Bhawal — a special servant of his Majesty 
Jahanbani, and distinguished for ^virtue and purity — to suckle the 
infant. It appears that first of all, he accepted the milk of his royal 
mother. Then Fakhr-i-nisa,^ wife of Nadlm Koka was honoured by 
the charge, then Bhawal Anaga, then the wife of Khwaja Ghazi,* 



practice of putting honey into the 
mouths of the newly-born. 

1 Spelled here Qanauj. Shamsa- 
d-din helped Hamayan up the steep 
bank of the Ganges, after he had 
fiwum across on an elephant when 
defeated by Sher Sl^h. (Bloch- 
mann 321.) 

s According to Meninski (1698) 
Jf jl, in Turkish, means a child's play- 
thing. It also, in Turkish, means 
handsome. 

8 %£^Xk^ hi^dnatt the technical 
word for the charge of a child. 
(Baillie's Mu. Law, 429.) 



* The child to whom she after- 
wards gave birth was 'Aziz Koka, 
the later Khan A's^am. He was thus 
only slightly younger than Akbar 
who used to say that a channel of 
milk conuectod them together. (Afa- 
*diir I. 675). JijT is said to have 
died in 1008 (1599). See I.e. 685 
where she is called Blca Jiii. 

( Gulhadan (26) speaks of Fakhr«i> 
nisa Anaga as the mother of Nadlm 
Koka and wife of Mirza Qull. 

^ There is an account of him in 
Text (I. 222) and he is mentioned in 
Bayazid Sultan's list of the officers 



I 



CHAPTER IT. 



131 



then Hakfma. After these^ the chaste Jiji Anaga^ in accordance 
with her wish^ obtained external and internal felioil^. After her^ 
KokT Anaga^ wife of Togh Begi^ and after her, Bibi Bupa^ had 
their turn of this auspicious service. Then Eh&ldfir {i.e., the mole- 
marked) Anaga^ mother of Sa'adat Yar Koka,^ was selected for 
this great boon. And at last, that chaste matron, Pija Jan Anaga,> 
mother of Zain ^an Koka, acquired a stock of everlasting greatness 
by obtaining her wish for this great blessing. Many other fortunate 
cupolas of chastity were exalted by the excellence of this service. 
It was as if there were Divine wisdom in thus implanting varied 
tempei'aments^ by this series of developments {i.e., the wet-nurses) 
BO that the pure entity/ advancing by gradations, might become 
familiar with the divers methods of Divine manifestation. Or it 



who came to India' with Haniayan. 
A. F. calls him Khwaja Ghazi Ta- 
briz! and says that he was distin- 
guished for hid knowledge of 
accounts and made a dlwdn by 
Hamayiin, and was subsequently, for 
a long time, excluded from Court 
and only returned at the end of his 
life to the Court of Akbar and when 
his intellect was enfeebled by age. 
Bayazld calls htm Khwaja GhazI 
ShirazI and says Ham ay an made 
him a diiodn when he was in the* 
Ta^t-i-8ulaimau country. The fact 
of his long exclusion from Court and 
of his not being entered in the Gran- 
dees of the Aln or of the 'J^abaqdt, 
might explain, supposing him Maham 
Anaga's husband, (see note at end of 
chapter) why no mention is made of 
him in that relation. 

^ Mentioned in BSyazId's Cata- 
logue as Toq Begi SaqI, i.e., page or 
cupbearer. 

S Apparently a Hindastani and 
possibly a Hind a. 

> Sa'adat Yar Koka is mentioned 
three times in the Akbamdma, in 



the third volume, vis, : (192) where he 
is one of those sent on pilgrimage to 
Mecca; (579) where we are told, his 
brother's daughter was given in 
marriage by the Emperor to A. F.*s 
son * Abdu-r-rahm5n (see Blochmann, 
Life of A. F. XXXV.) and lastly 
(656) where we are told of Sa'adat 
Yar's death in the 39th year (A^ar 
1003, November 1595), from exces- 
sive drinking and of the Emperor's 
sorrow for this and of his paying a 
visit of consolation to the house of 
his sister, H&jl Koka. 

* Called by the Ma'dsir and 
Blochmann, Picah Jan Anaga. She 
was the wife of £hw^aja Maqf ad of 
Herat. 

^3fa2&ari6, dispositions, but also 
beverages, and tahaqdt, dishes or 
trays as well as stages or degrees, so 
that apparently one of the intended 
meanings is " divers beverages in 
divers vessels," signifying the va- 
ried nature of the nurses' milk. 

^ The text has Ufuhud, unity, but 
I presume this is a mistake for 
wujudf which occurs in No. 564. 



132 



AK BARN AHA. 



migbt be designed tbat the acute and discerning shonld perceiTe 
that this nursling of fortune belonged to the limpid streams of Dmne 
bounty and was not such as to make spiritual progress by outward 
nutriment^ for as to the spiritual nature of this company (of narses).^ 
it is evident to all of what kind that was^ as also are the lofty 
degrees of the holy stages of this chosen one. 

Among other wondrous indications there was this^ that contrary to 
the way of other infants^ his Majesty^ the king of kings^ at his 
birth and at the first opening of his eyes on the visible world, re- 
joiced the hearts of the wise by a sweet smile.' Penetrating phy* 
fiiognomists recognized the smile as the herald-augury of the smiles of 
the spring of dominion and fortune and saw in it, the opening bud 
of hope and peace. 

After that {i.e., the suckling), in a cradle lighter than a phantom 
(which the carpenters of the throne of sovereignty had framed of 
sandal-wood and lign-aloes, and where they had, as it were, commingl- 
45 ed civet ^ and rose-leaves, and on whose comers and sides they bad 
hung rubies and pearls of price) was laid with gentlest movement 
that unique Pearl of nine mothers o'pearl,* and then they softly 
swayed and rocked him. For cheer and soothing, they chaanted 
with musical {mUsiqi) rhythm the name — auspicious to begin with and 
fitting as a close— of the Creator, the Lord of Glory and Bounty. The 
inmates * of holy hermitages and those who live in the throng of 



I This seems rather nngracious, 
especially after such complimentary 
expressions about them. 

s This is a trait mentioned of 
Zoroaster. (See Dahisidn trans: I. 
218). Only be is said to have laugh- 
ed aloud when he was bom. An- 
quetil du Perron (Life of Zoroaster 
13n.) quotes Pliny who, in his Natural 
History, says, " Risisse eodem die 
quo genitus esset, unum hominem 
accepimuB Zoroastrum." The ac- 
count of Solomon in the Apocrypha 
is more touching. "When I was 
"born, I drew in the common air 
" and fell upon the earth which is of 



"like nature, and the first voice 
" which I uttered, was crying, as all 
•• others do." 

* The Lucknow ed. says that this 
means the Nine Heavens, ^adc^ 
means the oyster-shell and also the 
vault of heaven. It is also a name 
given apparently to the two cons- 
tellations of Ursa Major and Minor. 
See Burhdfi'Uqdti*. 

^ Z^ fi&^j^» i^lso called wibad^ 
whence civet. (Blochmann 79.) 

^ * dk\fdn»i»9awami*. This phrase 
occurs in one of Faizf's odes (A\n I. 
240) and is translated by Blochmann 
(559) 'those who constantly worship 



CHAPTER IX. 



J33 



men who are tlie stewards of time and the terrene and hold to- 
gether the spheres of the universe, attained their desires and thas 
were benefits bestowed on the world and on mankind. They sang 
this gratalatory strain to the darling^ of the skies. 

Verse. 

Hail to thee to whom is committed reason's exaltation.* 

The kingly revolution of the universe is for thee. 

Like thee, the earth has no garden ; 

Like thee, heaven's vault no lamp. 

Creative ocean rolled many a wave 

Till it cast ashore a pearl like thee. 

Fate's pencil drew many a sketch 

Till she made a portrait like thee. 

The world's book is but an allusion' to thee. 

Heaven's volume but an analysis^ of thee. 



in oloisters." The next expression 
$3kindiv-i--fnajami*'i'iiM may mean 
*' dwellers in mosques " as the note 
to this passage in No. 664 seems to 
hold, but I am inclined to think that 
here it means laymen or those who 
carry on the affairs of the world, in 
opposition to the solitaries and ascetic. 
What A. F. intends to say is, I think, 
that by Akbar's birfch, everybody 
attained their desires, that is both 
the lonely ascetic and the worldling, 
and thus the whole universe was 
benefited. It may however be that 
the two classes of holy men are, in- 
tended via ., anchorites and men who 
live in monasteries or congregations 
of saints. I admit too, that this inter- 
pretation seems to agree better with 
what follows, vis., the description of 
such persons " preserving the stars 
from wrong." But see Text (87) where 
we are told that the preparations 
for the revelation of the unique 



Pearl (Akbar) were completed, as 
now the stages of solitude and 
society had been traversed. 
' Jigargodkci' lit : liver-lobe. 

* Sh^raf, an astrological term 
signifying the exaltation of a planet 
or star. This first couplet is adapt- 
ed from Faizl. (Akhamdma III, 
678.) 

I -xaJ •• TalmXh " says Gladwin 

(Dissertations on Persian Rhetoric 
53.) " literally signifies using some- 
" thing savoury and is employed 
"when the author alludes to some 
" popular story or verse, e. g., ' O light 
" ' of my eyes ! when the garden of 
"*my condition is deprived of the 
" ' rose of thy countenance, my state 
" ' becomes like Jacob in the house 
" ' of mourning.' " 

♦ ^j^ ta^rXh. This is from 

•Itarh and seems primarily to mean 
dissection. (Diet : of T. Ts. 735.) 




134 AKBARNAMA. 

MAHAM ANAGA. 

It is singular that this name does not occur in the list of Akbar*s nurses. 
This may be due to Mdham Anaga*8 being a title and not a proper name, 
and it is possible that the lady who was afterwards thus designated, is ineci- 
tioned in the list under some other appellation. She may, for instance, be the 
nurse described as the wife of Khwaja Ghazi and whose own name is not given. 
But even if the title were not bestowed till a later period, one would have 
expected A. F. to have added it to his description, just as he mentions Shamau- 
d-dln's wife by her title of JijI Anaga. The true explanation of the omission 
probably is that Maham Anaga means Head or Superintendent of the nurses 
rather than chief nurse and that the Maham Anaga of the Akbamdma was not 
a wet-nurse. She certainly was not the chief nurse in the sense that the 
child Akbar drew most of his nourishment from her, for we are told 
that Jlji Anaga was chief in this respect, so much so that the other nurses 
accused her of practising witchcraft in order to prevent the infant prince from 
accepting any breast but her own. 

Though Anaga seems primarily to mean a wet-nurse, it has not always 
this meaning. Pavet de Courteille says (Turkish Dictionary, 67) " « ^1 et 
«^i nourrice, sage-femme, gouvernante; on donne aussi a la m^e du B^k^n 
le titre de ^ Ji/' We find also that the mother of Gingis Kb&n had this 
title, her name being given in the Akbamdma (I. 72, top line) as " Olun Anaga *' 
though Erdmann spells it Eke» Apparently the Turkish pronunciation is 
Enge. See Bedhouse s, v. He states that it means a sister-in-law, the wife of 
an elder brother or lady-relative of a bridegroom who is sent to fetch the bride 
home. A. F. sometimes calls Maham Anaga, Mftham Bega and M&ham Agha, and 
it is generally by the title of Bega that Bayaeld Sultan speaks of her in the 
so-called TdriiA'i'humdyun. (h O. Ms. No. 216). He calls her (15) Maham 
Bega and adds the explanation ke dffba anaga Naiodh'i'ii^n hud, i,e., who was 
head of the Prince's nurses. And then follows the statement that she was 
accompanied by Jiji Anaga, i^ife of gj^amsu-d-din Mu. Ghaznawi who was the 
Prince's nurse (ona^a), (Unless indeed the word is aigah and refers to Shamsn* 
d-din.) 

In the Ahbarndftia (II. 55) we are told that Maham Anaga had served the 
prince from his cradle, but it does not follow that she first did so in the capa* 
city of wet-nurse. It may be remarked too that the fact of our not hearing 
that she had a husband or a child of about Akbar's age militates against the 
notion that she was his wet-nurse. Though her son, Adham Khan was a young 
man at the time of his death, he was probably several years older than Akbar 
as otherwise Bayazid would hardly have named him in the list of servants in 
Akbar's train at the time when HumSyOn marched to India. 




CHAPTER X. 



135 



CHAPTER X.» 

Account of the arrival of his Majesty at the world-travbrsino 
CAMP> of his Majesty Jahanban! Jannat-as^yIn!^ frok the 

FORT OF AmARKOT AND OF THE AUSPICIOUS^ CONJUNCTION. 

As the world-seeing eye and auspicious glance of his Majesty 
Jahinbam Jannat-a|hyani was looking for the glorious vision of the 
king of kings^ a gracious order was issued that he should be brought 
to the curtain* of honour and encampment of fortune^ in charge of her 
Majesty Maryam-makSni. ^waja Mu^azzam^^ Nadim Eiikal-tash and 
Sl^amsu-d^din Mu. of Ghazni were sent to be in attendance on the 
auspicious litter. Accordingly his Majesty left Amarkot^ on the 11th 
gl^a^ban^ in a fortunate hour^ under the care and in the arms of her 
Highness Maryam-makanl and departed in a travelling litter.*^ 



I The heading of this chapter is 
omitted in the text and the account 
of Akbar's visit to his father is made 
part of Chapter IX. Bnt the 
heading is given in No. 564 and 
other MSS. and is clearly required. 
The Persian is as follows ; 

In the Lucknow ed. *?*^->^ hamu- 
jihiB, apparently by mistake, sub- 
stituted for *-*0^ hamaukib. 

* According to Nis^amu-d-dTn, the 
meeting-place was in pargana Jan. 
A. F. also states that it was in 
Jan. (1.184.) 

t^^yJ^AMM$ cJjt/^, a phrase applied 
to the conjunction of the two For- 
tunes, Jupiter and Venus. It is 
the title of a famous poem by Amir 



Khusrau on the meeting of Kaiqu- 
bad and his father Na^ira-d-din. 
(Stewart's Bengal 78). 

. 4 c!*>* (3<)t|M surddiq-i-'itssat Dozy 
says (6476) "Dais (an-dessus d'un 
tr6ne.) Ce qa*on nomme en persan 
*^l^ (dont ij^l^ est peutStre une 
alteration) ou •^^tj*» c. a. d. T^norme 
enceinte de toile que dans les pays 
musalmans, entoure la vaste ten to 
du souverain." 

* Apparently he had previously 
left his sister and joined Humayan's 
camp. 

• 20th November, 1542 O. S., Ac- 
cording to Jauhar (trans. 45) the 
day was 10th Bamct^n, 

T TaJAt'i-rawdn, See Ives* voyage 
to India (278) for a representation 
of this conveyance. It is usually 
carried on mules. 



136 



aebarnAma. 



46 



Verse. 

Ere the cradle had fulfilled its season^ 

His exalted fortune (ba&&^) sat on a throne^ (taW)^ 

Eye unopened^ but with the eye of the mind, 

He looked to the ordering of religion and realm ; 

Hand unopened, but his heart desiring 

To put the world 'neath his signet-ring. 

Of his thousand roses, not one in bloom. 

Yet the world was culling flowers from the garden of his fortune. 

When the travelling litter of his Majesty, the king of \dngs, 
the ambulatory treasury of Divine knowledge, had nearly arrived and 
but two stages remained, a world-obeyed order was issued tliat the 
chief officers* and pillars of the State and the general public, small 
and great, should turn towards the altar of fortune and go to meet the 
ha^ha of hopes. A.vant-courier3 of good tidings were arriving Bvory 
minute and bringing, from time to time, the news of the appro- 
pinquating of the glorious tidvent. 

Verse, 

The cavalcade approaches with the king of both worlds in Its 

wake,* 
The caravan of joy goes forth to meet him. 

And on the last day of . gl^-Si^hftn which was the day for the 
glorious alighting, and when the camp of good fortune was only one 
stage distant, his Majesty (Sumayun) was pleased to observe 
" Assuredly the child is compact of auspiciousness, of potent horos- 
cope and has the good fortune of the two worlds enfolded in him, for, 
as he draws nigh, there is another^ assemblage of spectators in the 
upper world who exhibit a virgin joy." What marvel is it that the 
pure soul and illumined intellect of his Majesty Jah&nbani Janaat 



^ Meaning the taf^t'i-rawdn (tra- 
velling-litter.) 

* Lit : eyes of the SuH&nat. 
There is a play on the original mean- 
ing. The eyes were to be turned 
tow^ards the qibla, etc, 

* J^^^ dafnbdl From lin IV. 



438 (Jarrett IV. 393) we learn 
that Akbar objected to the use of 
the word dambdl in poetry as hoing 
proaaic. It literally moans fc»i'. 

♦ Meaning that there was a second 
assemblage, vi»., one in addition to 
that upon earth. 



ORAPTIB X. 137 

-ft^yini should be cognizant of the Divine secrets and be aware of 
the traths hidden in celestial treasuries ? Or how is it strange that 
there should be an epiphany on the apparition of his Majesty, the 
king of kings, the shadow of God, the archetype of the strange 
frontispieces of the universe, and collection of the catalogues of the 
perfections of the sons of Adam 7 And in an hour which held the 
auspicious influences of the conjunctions of the two Fortunes ^ and 
of the two luminaries (the Snn and Moon), his Majesty (Akbar) 
alighted with felicity and dominion at the majestic and glorious 
enclosure, and became fortunb>te by arriving at the station of light 
and took repose under the shadow of the phoenix {humd) of eternal 
prosperity. The blessed crown (tdrak, i.e., crown of the head] of his 
Majesty, the king of kings, was made fortunate by touching the 
throne-brushing feet of his Majesty Jahanbftni and by becoming 
united to a perfect saint (pir). The latter took him lovingly in his 
arms and kissed him on the luminous brow, the tablet of the 
fortunes of the two worlds and title-page of happiness everlasting. 

Verse. 

Whiles he held him to his lip, whiles to his heart, and whiles 
to his head. 

After gazing on this holy light, the inspired tongue engaged 
in returning thanks to the Lord God, Most High and Most Glorious, 
and the pole-star-like* head was lowered in supplicating prostration 
at the portals of the All-sufficient One. 

Verse.^ 

Not only was the head ever bowed. 

Each hair of his body also bent in adoration. 

The guardians of the Divine bounty and the treasurers of 
infinite auspiciousness delivered that deposit of eternities — ^past and 



t Japiter and Yenas ; bat perhaps 
this is only a rhetorical waj of 
describing the Tneeting between 
Akbar and his father or his arrival 
in his mother's company. The time 
being the end of the month would 
be that of the conjunction of the Sun 
and Moon. 

18 



.1 • 
> ^^ /(urqad, a bright star near 

the Pole. The word is often written 

{:}*^j9 and applied to two bright 

stars, P and y, in the Little Bear. 

(Lane 2387a.) 

* These lines are Faint's. 



138 



lEBAKNAMA. 



47 



fatnre — into the king's gracioos bosom and warbled, sweet and low^ 
this strain of thanksgiving. 

Verse, 

This is the Divine deposit. 

Ask of this treasury whatever thoa desirest^ 

This is he in whose heart they placed 

Essential sabstance, verity absolute. 

This is he whose threshold's ka'ba^ 

Is seized upon by kings as their altar {qibla). 

This is he who hath the foot of dominion, 

Enlightener of the throne royal. 

Readers of the page of the human countenance beheld him with 
the eye of meditation and reflection and physiognomists perused 
him with the glance of consideration and contemplation. 

Verse. 

What did they see 7 A picture such as never 
Did they see in Creation's tables. 
From astonishment naught did tbey say, save 
Hail, Light of Wisdom, Eye of Insight, hail. 

Kingly lights shone from his lustrous brow. The letters 
" Shadow of God " were apparent in the lines of his palm. The 
witnesses of Season were visible in the composite of his substance. 
The notes of Theosophy were manifest in his whole being. Justice 
was demonstrated in the evenness of his temperament. Proofs 
of beneficence were revealed in the essence of his nature. The 
characters of a Lord of Conjunction shone out from the fair schedules 
of his ephemeris. Knowledge of occult sciences was evidenced in 
the illumined records of his constitution. Remote mysteries were 
revealed by his keen sight. Far-reaching thoughts streamed oat 
from his lofty glance. 



1 The allusion probably ia to the 
threshold of the Caliph's palace at 
Baghdad which contained a piece of 



the famous black stone of Mecca. 
Sec Richardson's Diet. a. v. dar and 
D'Herb^lot art. Bab, 



CHAPTER XI. 



139 



CHAPTER XI. 
Account ot bomb of the wonderful eteostics on the auspicious 

BIRTH OF HIS MaJESTT, THE KINO OF KINGS. 

Ingenious men made eteostics in prose and verse on the noble 
nativity and composed gratulatory odes. They tendered them for 
acceptance at the Court of his Majesty Jahanbani which was the 
assay-room of human jewels^ and received glorious gifts. 

Among them^ this chronogram by Maulana Nuru-d-din Tartan ^ 
received the palm of applause and approbation. 

Quatrain. 

When the fateful pen of destiny wrote the record. 

It added a comment to the immortal verse 

And wrote, " From the birth-boon of the world's king of kings 

"The date is ghahinshah Jahangir.*'* (World-seizing king of 

kings.) 
And this wonderfully apposite chronogram was discovered by 
one of the learned of the Age. 

Verse. 

Laus Deo ! there has come into being ' 

He who is the world's epitome, 

A king greater B than the kings of the Earth, 



I For an account of bim, see 
Blochmann No. 55, (541) and Badaoni 
III. 157 and especially 197. He ended 
his days as guardian of Humayan's 
tomb. 
^ Tbese words make 949 as follows. 
6h=300 ali=300 

b= 5 h= 5 

n= 50 j= 3 



b= 5 
5= 1 
n= 50 
g= 20 
i= 10 
r=200 

Total ... 949 
• AkbaVf comparatiyo of KoMr. 



140 



▲TBARMlMA. 



Akbar his name^ Jal&I (Glorious) his title. 
The year^ the month, sycthemeron of birth 
Are '' Sunday night, five Rajab."i (949 H.) 



I 



I 



ydk'Sbqminhr pcmj rajah. The text 
has an u and the editors remark 
that this makes the number of 
years six too much, m's. : 955, but 
that if the ii be excluded as in one 
of their MSS. the letters giye the 
correct date, 949. I find that the 
Lacknowed. andNo.564 omit the u. 
The letters give 94B thus :— 
Ih— 300 flh = 300 

b= 2 n=. 50 

1= 10 b = 2 

ks 20 h = 5 



P= 2 




r=200 


n= 50 




i= 3 


i= 3 




b= 2 




Total 


... 949 



According to Mu. calculation Akbar 
was bom on Sunday night, for they 
count the night first and then the 
day, beginning at sunset, bat accord- 
ing to ordinary parlance, he was 
bom on Saturday night, t.e., early on 
Suiiday morning. 



CHAPTER XII. 



141 



CHAPTEE XII. 

ThANESQIVING of Ast^L-FAZL^ THE AUTHOR OF THIS NOBLK VOLUMS^ 

FOB HAVING BEHELD THE TIME OF THIS SOYEBEIGNTT AND FOB 

HATING LONG SERVED HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF KINGS. 

Altliongli it be a heavy sorrow thatj at the rising of the Lumi- 
nary of Fortune^ the author of this noble volume was in the abode of 
non-existence,i without being or the adornment of Divine worship, 
yet how can he discharge his debt of thanks for the grand mercy of 
his having witnessed the era of the subjectively and objectively Great 
One, the ruler of the visible and the invisible ? and of having been 
one on whom has fallen the glance of his favour and guidance ? And 
hundreds more of thanks for this, that, ere he had seen the holy 
horoscope, or its noble secrets and wondrous glories had been revealed 
to him, he had understood that perfection of sanctity and sovereignty 48 
which is beyond the reach of the astrologer's science, and was a 
slave of the Divine power.* And praise upon praise be to God that 
I am not, like Imamu-1-kalftm, Qassanu-l-'ajam, Lisanu-1-haqTqat, 
Qaklm ^Sqani,* sighing for the Lord of the Age who is indispens- 
able for the control of the visible and invisible worlds. For instance 
he has written thus :^* 



1 Aba'1-fazl was bom 14th Jan., 
1551, 80 that he was 8 years and 3 
months younger than Akbar. 

* The author is referring, in part, 
to the supposed fact that the true 
horoscope of Akbar was not known 
until 1583. 

' S^aqani is a famous Persian 
poet who died at Tabriz in 580 
(1185), according to one account and 



in 595 (1199) according to another. 
The lines quoted by A. F. are to be 
found in BJiaqani's Quatrains, (St. 
Petersburg ed. 1875) p. 26, Ruba'l 
145 and p. 18, Buba*l 101. See also 
J. A. S. B. New Series xxxvi. Oct., 
1841, 156. For account of KhaqanT. 
see M. Khanykov's Memoir, Jowmal 
AsvatiqtM, Sixth Series, 1864, iv, 137 
et aeq. and 1865, v, 298. 



142 



akbabnIma. 



Qiuitrain. 

They say that every thousand years of the world 
There comes into existence a true man. 
He came before this, ere we ^ were bom from nothingness. 
He will come after this when we have departed in sorrow. 
Elsewhere he says. 

Every now' and then, the world is saturated with wretches. 
Then a shining soul comes down out of the sky. 
Ehaqani I seek not in this Age for such a thing. 
Sit not by the way for the caravan will come late. 

By auspicious good fortune, I obtained the service of this issuer of 
universal orders and explicator of the ways, and by the favour of his 
patronage and exalted kindness, conifort was brought to my soul, — 
perturbed by the deceptions of the day and dumb-founded in a wilder- 
ness of wants, — and no connexion with the world nor anxiety 
remained save to acquire his favour which indeed is tantamount to 
the pleasing of God. And my mind being freed from the bondage 
of secularity and the restraints of the world, was neither agitated ^ by 
regret for the past nor longing for the future. Hereafter* there will 
be given in its proper place, an account of my obtaining the blessing 
of his service, of my reaching the shade of favour and kindness, and 
of my being exalted above the apices of honour and eminence to the 
Seventh^ Heaven of cognition {ma^rifat) . 



1 1 adopt tho reading of the St. 
Petersburg MS. and No. 564, of ^ 
ma instead of the k ya of the Text. 

« See text, p. 61, 1.6 fr. foot, for 
the word har-ydk-chandi. 

8 The allusion is to KhaqSni's 
quatrain. A. F. means that having, 
like Raphael in Hypatia, found the 
true man, he neither sighs for a past 
appearance nor longs for a future 
advent. Cf . Wordsworth's " The past 
unsighed for and the future sure." 

♦ See Text III. 83fE. A. F. was 
introduced to Akbar in the 19th 
year. 981 (1574). 

k Qjuirfat, paradiBc. It means first 



an upper chamber and hence is 
used to denote the Seventh Heaven 
or highest place in Paradise. (Lane 
2249c.) A. F. means that, by acquir- 
ing Akbar's intimacy, he has risen 
higher than if he had had high office 
and distinguished outward rank. 
Blochmann remarks (xxviii) that 
A. F. "never ciccepted a title," 
But this is rather a question-begging 
phrase. He is No. 71 in the list of 
ManBahddrs, being a Commander of 
Four Thousand and he had the title 
of 'Allami. Bayazid calls him 
Nawab. 



CUAPTBR XIII. 



143 



CHAPTER XIII. 
Abbangement of the lofty-titled line and list of the noble 

NAMES of the EMINENT ANCESTORS OF HIS MaJBSTT^ 

THE KINO OF KINGS. 

The following list gives the excellent appellations of the heaven- 
descended forefathers of bis Majesty, who are linked to celestial^ 
ancestors by degrees of exaltation and gradations of greatness^ and 
all of whom came as kings^ kings of kings^ kingdom-bestowers and 
king-makers, and governed the world by God-given wisdom and true 
insight, such as justice and equity require, so that they have left 
behind them on this earth the reverberation of a good name, which 
is a second life, or rather, is life eternal. 

List.^ 



1. 


Adam. Peace be upon him. 


2. 


Seth. (Text, §il§.) 


3. 


Enosh. 


4. 


Kenan. 


5. 


Mahalalil. (Text, MahalSTl.) 


6. 


Jared. (Text, Yarid.) 


7. 


Enocli. (Ikhnukh, Text.) 


8. 


Metlinsalah. 


9. 


Lamecb. 


10. 


Noab. 


11. 


Japbetb. (Text, Yafii.) 


12. 


Turk. 



1 LC9^ C5^f dbaX 'aUol, sublime 
fathers, i.e., the seven planets. 

> The original gives the list in an 
ascending order, beginning with 



Akbar. I have taken the names of 
the patriarchs from the revised ver- 
sion of the Old Testament. 



144 



AKBABNlMA. 



(Text, Gayuk.) 



(Text, Aifeur.) 



13. Alinjai ^fin. 

14. Dib Baqui. 

15. Kayuk !^an. 

16. Alinja l^an. 

17. Mu^^al Kban. 

18. Qara ^an. 

19. A^uz iOian. 

20. Kun SiSn.* 

21. li :^an. 

22. Yalduz l^m. 

23. Mangali ^an. (Text, MankalT.) 

24. Tingiz Khan. 

25. II Khan. 

26. QiySn. 

(Here there is a break.) 
Of the descendants of Qiyan are ; — 

27. TTmur Tasb. 

28. Mangali ^Otwaja.^ 

29. Yalduz. 

30. Ju^ina Bahadur. 

31. Alanqu^a, daughter of the preceding. 

32. Buzanjar Qa'&n/ son of the preceding. 

33. Buqa Qa*an. 

34. Zutamin Khan.^ (Also Dutamin.) 

35. Qaydu Khan. 



1 Major Raverty (Jfa&aga^-i-na«irf, 
873n) prefers Alminja. Sir H. 
Howorth has lltchi. Apparently 
Alinja is the grandson and not the 
son of Tnrk, his father's name having 
beenTutak. Probably "Alinja" is 
wrong for we find this name a little 
lower in the list. Col. Miles (Gene- 
alogical Tree of the Tarks) has 
Obluchi. 

• Major Barerty (880) says that 
Kun means the Sun, Ai the Moon, 
and YaldCLz a star, and that the three 



were brothers. A. F. in his account 
of Oghuz Khan makes them brothers 
and also mentions Tingiz (Le., the 
sea) as one. (Text, 60 1.2 fr. foot.) 

* It appears from D'Herb^lot that 
this is the Turkish form of Michael, 
hence its frequent recurrence. 

* Qddn, KhaklLn. i.e.. Great Khan. 

* Variously written in the text. In 
one place it is Damanln. Howorth 
has, after Erdmann, Dutam Menen. 
(I. 39.) 



CHAPTER lux. 



U5 



36. Baysang^ar Khftn. 

37. Tamana O^an. 

38. Qaculi Bahadur.^ 

39. Iradam-ci Barlfis. 

40. Sughnj-ci.g 

41. Qaracar Nayfin.s 

42. loal Nayan. 

43. Alankir Balildar. (Yar. tn/ra, Ailanyar ^an.) 

44. Amir Barkal. 

45. Amir TargghaT, 

46. ^ahib Qarfin Qu|bu-d-dany& wa-d-dm^ Amir Timur Gurgan. 

47. Miran S^ili.^ 

48. Sultan Muhammad Mirza. 

49. Sultan AbQ Sa'Id Mirz§. 

50. 'IJmar gl^ai^ MirzS. 

51. Zakira-d-din Mul^ammad Babar Pftdsb^ih.* 

52. NaQiru-d-dm Muhammad Humayun Pad^fih. 

53. Abu'l-Mueaffar^ Jalalu-d-din Mul^ammad Akbar Psdsh&h. 



^ Here, for some time, the list 
ceases to record the names of kings. 
Q&G&Ii is also spelled QajSlI. He 
was twin-brother of Qabal Khan, the 
ancestor of Cinglz Eh&n. In ac- 
cordance with his father, Tumana's 
interpretation of his dream, he 
became Commander-in-Chief. (See 
his biography infra.) 

* Spelled also Sughn-jijan. It 
means wise, according to Baverty 
(898). 

• Spelled also Nu-yln. The word is 
explained as meaning, in Mongolian, 
king's son or prince and also a chief 
or general. See Jarrett III. 344?i. 
where it is transliterated Novian. 
See bIbo Fao'hang'i'BasItidX II. 277. 
Qaatrem^re {Basiidu'd'dtn, Trans. 
76.) says, " Le mot noian c;by on 
noin qui appartient k la languo 
mongole, d6signait le chef d*an 

19 



toman, c'est k dire d*an corps de dix 
mille hommea." 

* Blochmann (Grenealogical Table) 
calls him Jalalu-d-dln Mir&n Shah 
and A F. does so too. (Text 81.) 

* Galbadan mentions that Babar 
took the title of Padfihah after the 
birth of Hnmayan. PadfiJiah was 
changed to Badghah in India because, 
s^jB Blochmann, Fad means orepitut 
ventrU^ 

< In the preface of the Persian 
translation of the MdhdWharat, (B.M. 
No. 5638, p.8.) A F. calls him Aba'l- 
fat^ and this is the name given in 
the document drawn up by A.F.*a 
father, Mubarak, and others and 
preserved by Badaouf. (Blochmann 
185 and Lowe 279.) There too he 
is styled Qtkazl. A.F. also uses the 
title Aba-l-fat(i in the introductory 
verses of the TafBir^i-Akharl or Groat 



146 



▲KBARNAlll. 



49 Let it not be concealed that the aaspicioas record of these higb-* 

bom ones is implanted and contained in the breast-pages^ of the 
transmitters of words^ and recorded and expressed by the conserving' 
tongues of the writings of epochs^ as far as Yaldiiz who is the 25th* 
{i,e,f counting upwards) in ascent from his Majesty and that for the 
period from Mangali !^waja to II ^an^ which may be reckoned 
as 2^000^ years^ nothing has come to light. The cause of this will 
be explained hereafter. 

From II ^an to Adam there are 24 ^ persons. These hare 



Commentary which he presented 
to Akbar on his second introduction 
to him in 982 (1574). (The abjad 
value of the words TafB%r-i'Akhar% is 
983, but the introduction took place 
in 982 H. See InaJid, III.) The full 
name of the Emperor as there given is 
Abu'1-fath Jalalu-d'dln Muhammad 
Akbar Sh^l^ Al-Ghazi. and it would 
seem that the Commentary which 
A.F. then presented was on the 
opening of the Suratu-1-fath, in allu- 
sion to Akbar's name and also to his 
recent victories in Bengal. On the 
other hand, Faizl (Nat u Daman 
Calcutta ed. 1831. 24.) calls Akbar, 
Ab&*l-mu2affar Jamalu-d-daula Q 
Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Akbar. 
Perhaps Mus;affar was the original 
name and was changed to Fat^i, 
after the victories in Bengal and 
to assimilate it to the name of 
Akbar*s favourite residence, FathpQr 
SikrT. The words Mu^affar and 
Fatl^ are nearly synonymous, one 
meaning a victory or victorious, and 
the other victory. 

This seems a fitting place, for 
noting that the first letter of the 
word Akbar is short and the Em- 
peror's name should not be pro- 
nounced Akbar but Akbar. Hence 
the word used to be written in 



English Ukbar or Ukber. The word 
Akbamdma has a double meaning; 
it may signify the History of Akbar 
and also the Great or Supreme Book. 
It is perhaps rather significant that 
both A.F. and his brother should 
omit the title of Ghaxi which was 
given to the young Akbar after the 
defeat of Hemu. 

' Or, pages issuing from. 

* That is counting Akbar as No. I. 
According to the series given by the 
author, Yalduz (it is Yalduz, No. 2, 
and the No. 29 of the English list), 
is the 24th. jadd or ancestor of 
Akbar. Either on this account or 
because he found four in his MS. 
Chalmers has 24th ancestor. 

* Apparently this should be Qlyan 
E^an for he is described as the son 
and not merely as the descendant 
of II Qian. For a similar reason, 
it should be Timur Tash and not 
Mangali Ql^aja. 

* It will be pointed out hereafter 
that A.F. has greatly overstated the 
time during which the Mughals were 
in Irganaqun. Other historiaas 
give the time as between 400 and 
500 years. 

* Chalmers makes this 25, and this 
is correct, unless one exclude Tl 
Khan himself. 



CBiPTKB lilt. 



147 



beun described by hiatoriaiiBi and a brief account of tbem will be 
given. 

Far'^sighted pbilosophera who with ripe judgment and God-given 
wi8dom> have investigated the records of the past^ and who have 
made the recognition of truth a sacred trusty and who exhibit research 
in the weighing of facts, are aware that the hearsay reports and 
traditions about man's origin occurring 7,000 years ago is a thing not 
to be accepted by sages who contemplate the rise^ and decay of the 
world and (can appreciate all the tones) of the seven climes. 

In these matters^ right-thinking and far-seeing Reason, after true 
and just investigation^ sometimes answers in the negative, and some- 
times, out of caution — that baiting place of tranquillity and station of 
wisdom — delays either to admit or to deny. 

By help of Reason— -the glory of the world, — and the assistance 
of trustworthy records and reliable statements about the world, such 
as the ancient books of India and Cathay (^ij^a), etc., which have 
been preserved from the agitations of accidents and with which agree 
the principles of astronomy and the conclusions of astronomical obser- 
vations, (and such things yield trustworthy evidence) and also from 
the successive series of the biographies of the sages of those coun- 
tries and the catena of opinions of this disciplined body (philoso- 
phers), it appears that the beginning of the world and of mortals and 
the source of the manifestations of the Divine attributes has not 
been discovered. Either it is eternal, as was the opinion of many 
ancient philosophers, or of such antiquity as to approximate to 
eternity. 

The sect of Siurha* (Jains) who are preeminent in all the 
countries of India for austerity, asceticism and science, divide time— 



50 



1 LU. observe the spring and 
autumn of the four-fold garden (t.e., 
the world) and know the gamut of 
the seven assemblages from the 
highest the lowest notes— anjuman, 
which I presumes here means climes 
and not the planets. 

* Colebrooke says (As. Res. IX. 
291.) " In Hindustan, the Jains are 
usually called Syauras but distin- 



guish themselves into Sravacas and 
Yatis." The name does not seem 
to be in use now. I do not know 
its origin unless it be a corruption 
of 9^^tSmbara. [See Jarre tt IV, 
210n.) 

The name Syaura was evidently 
in common use in S&rat in the 
middle of the last century for An- 
quetil du Perron refers to it and 



SI 



148 



akbarnIsi. 



called kdl in the Indian language— into two parts. One is Avaaarpini 
(descending cycle) ^ i.e., the period whose beginning is joyful and end 
grievous^ and the other is TJtsarpini (ascending cycle) ^ i.e., the oppo- 
site of the first. Each of these periods is divided into six parts, 
called draa.^ Each dra has a distinct name in accordance with ita 
speciality. 

The first dra of the Avcaarpi^ is called BuWimdn^sukhmdn, the 
meaning of the reduplication being that this portion brings joy upon 
joy and happiness upon happiness. The length of this happy time is 
four hOrdhf^'Sagar. The name of the second dra is Sukhmdn, i.e.9 
a time of felicity and joy. Its duration is three kfirdkOr'Sdgar* The 
name of the third dra is Sukhdm [Suhhrrutn) Dukhmdn, i.e., sorrow 
and misfortune crop up in the time of joy. Its duration is two 
kf^rdkOT'edgar. The fourth dra is called Dukhmdn-gukhmdn, i.e., joy 
and freedom from care rise up in the time of grief and sorrow. Its 
duration is less than one klh'dkor by 42^000* years. 

The fifth dra is Dukhmdn being, the opposite of the second which 
was Sukhmdn. The duration of this dra is 21,000 years. The sixth 
dra is Dukhmdn^dukhmdn being the opposite of the first. Its length 
is likewise 21,000 years. The names of the dras of the second period 
{Utsarpifii) are the same but the first of them corresponds to the 
sixth dra of the first period, the second to the fifth, the third to the 
fourth, and the fourth to the third, the fifth to the second, and the 
sixth to the first of the first period. Their opinion is that at the 



Bays, (Diteours PrSliminair^ 365), 
thftt the two leading classea of 
Hindus at Sftrat are the Brihmaos 
and the Scionras. He calls those, 
Hinda priests, and says that they 
also go by the name of Djettis (ToUb). 
They seldom marry, he sajs, dress 
in white and hare the head un- 
covered and wear their hair short, 
*«like the Abbe9 in Franoe.** They 
carry a "halUH" (brush) to clean 
the places where they sit down* lest 
they should crush an insect. In a 
note, he says that the Scionras call 
the first man Rikaba DeTa and his 



mother, Mam Devi, and that they say 
these beings were created by God 
in Aiodha, «^ the north of Delhi 
(OndhP). Probably, however, Aio- 
dha is a misprint for Agroha or 
Agaroa. (See Tieffenthaler L 13S, 
where Sarang is probably a miatake 
for Scionra). Perhaps thia is why 
they compared {See Text) the hair of 
yw^cJa infants with that of Delhi 
children. 

I Sanskrit ^ifC Sra, a spoke in 
time's wheel. 

* So also As. Res. IX. 258. Major 
Mackenaie's account of the Jaina. 



CHAPTER XIII. 



]49 



present day^ two thousand and odd years of the fifth dfa of the first 
period have elapsed. 

Beit known ^ that the arithmeticians of India call 100^000 a 
laTc; ten laka a prayut, ten prayHts a krOr, one hundred knyra 
an arhj ten arba a hharba, ten hharba a nihharbf ten m^Aarb^ a 
inahdaaruj or padm, ten j!>a<Im« a aankha, and ten aankhaa a tfammlr 
or Z?0ra&:(>r. 

Be it known also that their opinion is that in a former period^ 
in a particular place^ a son and a daughter were bom at each birth, 
a notion also prevalent amongst ourselves.* 

This sect thinks also that the hair of the infants of the district 
of Delhi is 4096 times coarser than the hair of those beings whom 
they cBlljugli^ [yugala). 



1 As to these numbers, see Jarrett 
ni. Ill and Faizl's Lilavath Cal. 
1828, 7 and 8. The statement in the 
text may be put into tabular form 
as follows .— 

100,000 = laJe. 
1,000,000 =prayut. 
10,000,000 = hror. 
100,000,000 = arh. 
1,000,000,000 = kha^. 
10,000,000,000 = nihharh. 
100,000,000,000 = fMhdsaruJ. 

or padm, 
1,000,000,000,000 = sankha. 
10,000,000,000,000, = samudr or 

koraJeor. 

In Text it is stated that 100 
krore, t\d., 1000 millions = an arh but 
this is probably a mistake for 10 
krare. (See the scale in Atn, Jarrett 
III, 111.) Cf. mrra^tmr- Mahdearvj 
Qreat Lake-bom, i.6., the lotus, 
Monier Williams (Dictionary 761a); 
says it is equal to makdmhujc^ ue., 
a billion. 

SA.F. is apparently referring to 
the Mu. tradition that Eve produced 



twins at every birth, vie,, a boy and 
a girl. He may also be referring to 
the views of the Oerbanites as given 
by Abraham Ecchellensis (Principles 
of Geology, Lyell, Chap. II). In that 
case, the words son and daughter 
should be translated male and 
female. 

B (Jarrett lY. 196 and 200.) Sansc. 
yugaJa, a pair. I do not know why 
the number 4096 has been selected ; 
4696 is given in the ^«nas the period 
that had elapsed from the reign of 
Yudhi^thira to 40th Akbar (Jarrett 
n. 15) and also as that from the 
Deluge to the time of writing the 
Iln, i-e., 40th Akbar (1596 A.D.). 
Perhaps 4096 is a mistake for 4696. 

The passage (about the hair) occurs 
also at lln II. 104 (Jarrett III. 200) 
but there seems an error in the Ain 
(Text) inasmuch as it represents the 
hair of a yugala child as 4096 times 
thicker than that of a Delhi child. 
The point, however, clearly is that 
the chopped hair (See Text infra) 
used for filling the cavity, be exces- 
sively fine, to wit, that of a yugala 




150 



akbibnIma. 



51 And they say that if the hair of a seven days old ju^U infant^ 

which is excessively fine^ be subdivided to the uttermost and an abyss 
(lit,, a well) ten miles ^ in depth, breadth and lengthy be filled with 
such particles and after a lapse of a hundred* years^ one segment be 
taken out^ the time in which^ at this rate^ the abyss will be emptied 
is a palupam {J ^^ paly a). And when ten samvdr, — anexplana* 

tion of which term has already been given^ — of palupa7n{H) have 
elapsed^ the period is a adgar. The durations of the aforesaid cycles 
transcend^ in their opinion^ the power of calculation or description. 
Their opinion also is that for the management of the visible and 
invisible world, twenty-four venerable men {ddam) come forth from 
the hidden universe into the apparent one, every six dras and then 
passim away. The name of the first of these is Adinath and they call 
him also Baghunath. The sway of this chosen one of God lasts fifty 
krdrs of laks of adgaraa. The name of the last is MahftvTra.^ 
His sway lasts for 20,000 years, of which 2,000 have elapsed at the 
present day. And the belief of this sect is that these twenty-four 
have come into existence many times and will come again many 
times. 



child, which is 4096 times finer than 
that of a Delhi child and that of a 
seven days' yugala child being still 
finer. Golebrooke (As. Res. 1. c. 313) 
quotes HSmacandra'a Yocabulary, 
and says, "I do not find that he 
"anywhere explains the space of 
" time denominated Bogara or ocean. 
" Bat I understand it to be an extra- 
" yagant estimate of the time which 
'' would elapse before a vast cavity, 
*' filled with chopped hairs, could be 
*' emptied at the rate of one piece of 
** hair in a century ; the time required 
" to empty such a cavity measured by 
" yojofnM every way is a palya and 
" this repeated ten eoiia of eoiU times 
" is a 9dgaTa 1,000,000,000,000,000 pair 
"y(W=one Bogara or adgaropcMta" 



1 Fonr Jcd$, but the Indian word is 
yojana. 

> The Ain has 100 years, and this 
seems the correct reading here for 
B.M. MSS. Nos. 5610 and 1709 have 
har 9ad sal, every hundred years. 
In the text is tad hoMdr, a hundred 
thousand. 

>This is, apparently, differently 
stated in the Atn (Jarrett HI, 192), 
but perhaps the meaning of the 
Aln (Text) is only that 24 demiurges 
appear in each dm and live for three 
or four difxu, 

• * The text has MahidSo, but this 
is clearly a clerical error. (See AXn 
II. 99, 1.4), where the spelling is 
given. The error is apparently re- 
peated at U. 106, 1.3 f r. foot. 



CHAPtER Xnt. 



151 



Opinions or thb Bbahxa. 

The Brahma of India whose teachings nnd practices are 
observed by the majority of Indians^ are agreed that the revolutions 
of the world consist of four Ages. The first, the period of which 
is 1,728,000 years, they call the Sat Tug. In this Age every single 
action of mankind is right, and high and low, rich and poor, great 
and small make truth and uprightness their rule, and show a walk 
and conversation pleasing to God. The natural life of man in this 
Age is 100,000 years. 

The second Age is called IVitd and lasts 1,296,000 years. In it, 
three-fourths of mankind follow ways well-pleasing to God, and the 
natural duration of life is 10,000 years. 

The third Age is called the Dwdpar and lasts 864,000 years. In 
it, one-half of mankind speak and act rightly, and the natural life is 
1,000 years. 

- The fourth Age is the Kal Yug. Its period is 432,000 * years. 
During it, three-fourths of mortals follow ways of falsehood and 
unrighteousness, and the natural life is 100 years. 

This school firmly believes that every now and then the Life-Giver 
of mankind and producer of beings, brings an ascetic and sage' from 
the veil of concealment and non-existence to the palace of manifes- 
tation and existence and makes him the instrument for the creation of 
the world. This mighty one is called Brahma. Their belief is that a 
Brahma lives 100 years, each consisting of 360 days^ and every day* 



I Anqnetil du Perron remarks 
(Tieffenthaler II. XXI), that the 
fourth Age has served to form the 
first three hy adding Buccessively 
432,000. 

S TajcLrrud^ihdd u danisj^-nizhad. 

•The word day is used here in 
two senseSy first as the nycthemeron 
or day of 24 hours and then in its 
ordinary sense, as opposed to nightK 
There seems to be an error in the 
Text J jij^ kazdr u, "a thousand 
and" being a mistake for iSX^\jf^ 
hfisdrun, a thousandfold. The mean- 



ing is " equal to a thousand of four 
Ages, ».c., Mahdyug(B)" The " 1,000 
MoJidyttgis) " is apparently a state- 
ment in round numbers, the more 
exact figures being 980, for each Manu 
existed for 70 kcUpcu (71 according 
to another account) or Mahdyiig^B) 
and as there are 14 successive Manus 
in a day of Brahma, the length of it is 
70x14 = 980. Firiihta has copied 
A.F. (he acknowledges this, stating 
that he is epitomizing A.F.'s transla- 
tion of the Mahdbhdrat), but he has 
gone to A.F.'s preface rather than to 
the AJehamdma, See his Introductioi^ 



152 



AKBAKNilfA. 



62 and every night is equal to a thousand times four Ages (Mahdyug.) 
In their opinion^ the number of Brahmas who have come into existence 
cannot be known by the human intellect^ but they say that according 
to what has been received from authorities^ on the subject of Brahmft^ 
the present Brahmd is the thousand and firsts and that fifty years and 
half* a day of the life of this wondrous being have elapsed at the 
present time. 

The writer of this divine masterpiece has written the account of these 
two doctrines according to the translation of learned and pious Indians* 
from their venerated books. Also in the writings of gbai^ Ibn 'Arabi^ 



(Elliot-Dowson's trans. YI. 532 E. n. 
E.) A.F.'s preface to the Persian 
translation of the Mahdhhdrat is to 
be found in the B.M. Add. No. 5638. 
It was written in the 32nd Akbar 
and contains an accoont of the four 
Ages corresponding to that in the 
Text. (See 1. c. 12a). 

I find in the ^dntiparvaiv^' 
(Twelfth Book of the Mahdbhdrai)^ 
(II, 237, Pratab Chandra Rai's tran.) 
that the four Tugs (Ages) contain 
12,000 years of the gods, i.e,, 432,000 
-T-360 ; and that this period is called 
a Devayug. " A thousand such Fii- 
gas (i.e., Devayuga$ or Mahayttgcu) 
compose a single day of Brahmi. 
The same is the duration of Brah- 
mS's night." 

I oQb Hqai, " trusty friends or con- 
fidants." For use of this word, see 
Text 121 1.12, A.F. probably means 
here Mann or the Manus. Firifthta 
has copied the expression and Pro- 
fessor Dowson (Elliot YI. 563) trans- 
lates, " I have heard from my BrSh- 
man friendB, etc." 

i It would seem from the Aln 
(Jarrett II, 15) that the half day has 
not fully expired, for we are told 
that 14 Manus appear in each of 



Brahma's days. When A.F. was 
writing, 50 years had elapsed, and 
consequently 360 X 14=5,040 Manus 
had appeared. But instead of 7 Man ub 
of the first day of the 51st year's 
having appeared, t.6., the number 
that appear in half a day, we are 
told that only 6 Manus had appeared 
and departed, and that only a portion 
of the time of the 7th, vis., 27 IxUpot, 
3 yugou and 4,700 years ' of the 4th 
Tug had elapsed. If this be correct, 
the 7th Manu had then more than 
half his time to run, vi»., 43 kalpoA 
out of his 70. 

B 8ee Jarrett III, 210 where A.F. 
speaks of having got his information 
about the Jains from learned men 
of the fvetdmbara order, and says 
that he could not get exact informa- 
tion about the tenets of the Digamy 
hcuroB (sky-clad.) 

* Apparently the writer referred 
to is Mu^yT'u-d-dln Ibnu-l-'ArabI, 
author of the Fueusu-hhikam (Hftjl 
Ehalfa IV. 424). See Bieu's Cat. II. 
8315, item III. and 8326, Item XYII. 
and Ar. Cat. No. 233. He was also 
the author of the Fuluhat-i-mak' 
Idydh (sea Bieu II, 8746) and of a num- 
ber of definitions appended to Jor* 



xin. 



158 



and 3ba^]^ Sa'du-d-dm^ l^amui wlio were great saintB and masters 
of exposition and ecstacy^ it is sfcated in the explanation of Divine 
{Ildhi) days and of Bdbbdni^ days that each Babbdm day is made 
up of 1,000 years and every Divine day of 50,000. And the author 
of Nafd^iwrUftmnfi^ has related that in the histories of Cathay, it 



janl in Flugel's ed. The latter gives 
the name as ^'Mohjied-dln Moham- 
med b. Ali Hatimi Tajl vulgo Ibn 
Arabi dictus," and says he died in 
638-1240. A.P. refers to Mn^yl'a-d- 
dln in the A%n (II. 221 and Jarrett 
in. 873.) 8ee also Badaoni, Lowe, 
265. 

^ Apparently Sa'da-d-dln Mu. B. 
al-Mu'ayyad Qamnt who died 650 
H. (Bieu 755a and 1095a.) He is 
referred to in the Aln (Jarrett III. 
390), and ther^ is a short notice of 
him in Prince Dara Shikoh's Safi' 
naiU'Utiuliyd' where it is stated that 
he died in Shurasan 650 H. (1252 
A.D.) 

t ^y^j rdbhdnt. Lane defines this 
as meaning one who devotes himself 
to religious services or exercises, or 
applies himself to excess of devotion. 
He does not give the meaning of " a 
period of time," but states that ra&bl, 
the sing, of rubub, means thousand, 
and that some say it means 10,000. 
Richardson gives ribbt as meaning 
thousands, a myriad. In the second 
Epistle of St. Peter ii. 8, we have 
the expression (as pointed out, I 
believe by Sale) " One day is with 
the Lord as a thousand years and a 
thousand years as one day-" See 
also Psalm xc. 4. In the preface 
to the Mdha^hdrat, A.F. refers to 
the views of Ibn 'Arabt and Imam 
Ja'far Sadiq. 
20 



B See Bieu II. 435a for an account 
of this work. It is an encyclopsedia 
written by Mu. B. Matimadu-l-&muli. 
I have not in B. M. MS. No. 16827, 
been able to find the passage referred 
to by A. F., but the volume is thick 
and has no index. See Jarrett IL 
19, where we aret old that 8,884 wcmi 
60 years, have elapsed up to the date, 
of the Atn. These figures seem in- 
consistent with those of the Text, 
and apparently both are wrong. 
D'Herb^lot (art. Van,) states that the 
Mughals reckon that 874 H. corres- 
ponds to the 8863rd. van of 10,000 
years each, and then adds that 874 H. 
corresponds to 1443 A.D. In the 
end, the figures will come out nearly 
as A.F/s if we substitute a six for 
an eight in the Aln figures, making 
them 8864 and insert an eight in our 
text so as to read 8863 instead 
of 863. 

Here we are told that 863 wan8, 
9,800 years, had elapsed from the time 
of Adam to 735 H.= 1 334 A.D. Con- 
sequently, 1003 H., 1594 A.D. the 40th 
Akbar and the date of the Atn would 
correspond with 864 wane, 60 years, 
for 1594— 1334=260 years. 

874 H. is 88,639,860 years from the 
Creation. 847 H.= 1440 A.D., so that 
this calculation agrees pretty nearly 
with that quoted by A.F. for 1334 
A.D., rtz., 8863 toans 9800 years, the 
difference being 109-60=49 years. 
S^dillot refers to a passage of 



l^ 



AKBAniVA. 



IB written that from the time of Adam Abfi-Ubasbar (Father of- 
mankind) till now {i*e., the date when the aathor of the Nafd'ia waa 
writing) which is 735 H., (1334 A.D.) 8863 wcms^ (Text, 863) 9,800 
years have elapsed. 

A wan with them is 10^000 years. Such is the wide expanse of 
God's kingdom that it is not improbable that these tales and tradi- 
tions may be true. There may have been many Adams. Indeed it 
is stated by Imam Ja^far Sadiq, (Peace be on him I) that there have 
been thousands upon thousands of Adams before the Adam who waa 
pur father. And Shaikh Ibn 'Arabi says it is not improbable thai 
after a Divine {Rabbdni) week, which is 7^000 years and the period of 
the cycle* of the sovereignty of the seven planets, one race is termi- 
nated and another Adam puts on the robe of existence. 

And now, giving truce to length of words and littleness of 
inatter, I proceed to sketch in this glorious record, without converting* 
it into extensive histories, the blissful biography of those fif ty*two 
persons who extend^ from Adam down to his Majesty, the king of 
kings, BO that it may be a cause of increase of knowtedge. As I 
know that this exposition of grandeur will be a complement to tho 
account of his Majesty, the king of kings, I shall treat it with the 
concision which is the adornment of an author. 



D'Herb^lot which, he says, is derived 
from Greaves. S^illot conBiders 
that the true figures are 8863 wana^ 
9860 years ; or 9820 according to one 
MS. This last figure agrees best 
with A.F., for in the Aln ( Jarrett II. 
19) he says that according to the 
Khatdi Era, 8884 wans fiO years have 
elapsed up to the date of his writing, 
i.6.. 40th Akbar=:1596 AD. 1596-1443 
= 158, and this does not differ 
materially from 9864 toona 60 years 
^8863 vxmt 9820 years = 140. 

1 The Text has htur before unmi 
which aeems a mistake. 

s There is probably some mistake 
here. The cycle of the planets was 
generally reckoned as much longer 



than 7,000 years. See amongst other 
places. Principles of Greology, Lyell* 
Cap. II. Quotation from Abraham 
Ecchellensis. Perhaps A. F. means 
that each Bahhanl day is 7,000 years 
long and that thus a Rahhani week 
is 49,000 years. If ao, the trs. should 
be " After a week of Rabbani days/' 

* Perhaps "not being satisfied with 
big books." The Persian is ikiifa' 
for use of which see Text 10, 1.2 
fr. foot. A.F. may mean that cer* 
tain voluminous histories do not gire 
the facts properly. 

* A.F. tells us later that these 52 
persons do not fill the gap between 
Adam and Akbar. There is no re<> 
cord of some 25 generations. 



CUAfTIS XIT. 



15( 



CHAPTBR XIV. 

AccouKT or Adam (Pbacb bi upon him I) 

It iB well-known that he came into existence about 7^000^ years 
ago through the perfect power of Grod, without the intervention of 
a father's loins or a mother's womb and that he was equably com- 
pounded of the four elements. His soul emanated from the fountain 
of bounty in perfection proportionate to his body. He was entitled 
man {insdn) and received the name of Adam. 

At that time the first degree of Capricorn* coincided with the 
eastern horizon, and Saturn was in that Sign, while Jupiter was in 
Pisces, Mars in Aries, the Moon in Leo, the Sun and Mercury in 
Virgo, and Venus in Libra. Some have said that at that time, all 
the planets were in their degrees of exaltation, but clearly this does 
not accord with astronomy for there is a difficulty about Mercury, — 53 
the Sun's exaltation being in Aries and Mercury's in Virgo. But 
Mercury can never be more than 27^ distant from the Sua, how then 
ean he be in exaltation when the Sun is in exaltation, or how can tha 
Sun be in exaltation when Mercury is so f And reflecting on the 
astrological principle that Mercury takes the nature of whatever 
planet he be associated with, it has occurred to me that Mercury may 
have been in the condition of applying^ to some other planet which 
was in exaltation. 



1 The Era of Adam is described 
in the A\n. (Jarrett II, 2.) All the 
periods given there are under 7,000 
years. The " 7,000 years " of A-F/s 
authorities are probably lunar and 
about 211 have to be deducted to con- 
vert them into solar. Many dates 
of the Creation, etc., are given in 
the pahlhu-i-Biyar. 

* Capricorn is Satom's nocturnal 
mansion ; Pisees the nocturnal man- 
sion of Jupiter, and Aries the diurnal 



house of Mars. There does not 
seem to be any special connection 
between the Moon and Leo but 
perhaps she is there as Vizier or 
deputy for the Sun, who is in Virgo, 
—the nocturnal house of Mercury,— 
but whose mansion is Leo. Libra is 
the diurnal house of Venus. 

S Ittifdl, This is the technical 
meaning of the term but A.F. may 
only intend that Mercury was near 
some other planet. 



156 



akbarnIma. 



Adam was of loftj stature^ of a wheaten colour^ had carling 
hair and a handsome countenance. There are different accounts of 
the stature of this patriarchy but most agree that he was sixty cabits 
high. Almighty God produced Eve from his left side and gave her 
in marriage to him^ and by her he begat children. Historians liave 
told many strange and wondrous things about this hero and though 
there be no difficulty about the extent of God's power, yet experi- 
enced and practical men of the world, on looking to the course of 
nature, rather hesitate about accepting them. It is said that at the 
time of his death, he had 40,000 descendants, and that his immediate 
children were 41, viz., 21 boys and 20* girls, but some say there were 
19 girls. Seth was the most eminent of them all. 

Some have said that Adam wrote about elixirs* (?) {ta^ftndt) and 



^ The Mu^mmadan tradition is 
that Eve, at every parturition pro- 
duced twins except at Seth's birth. 
He was born alone,— hence the 
numbers 21 males and 20 females. 
See account of Seth, infra, 

* The Text and No. 564 have 
c^U^Aaj ta'findi. Ordinarily this 
teems to mean evil smells or putri- 
dities, but Steingass gi^es also the 
meaning tincture — "(^:^4•** ta^ftn 
V. n. 2 of u^ tincture)." If this be 
taken in the sense of elixirs or 
efficacious drugs, it may be that 
ia*findt is right and it agrees with 
the statement in the ffabthu-B'Siyar 
that Adam's book dealt, among 
other subjects, with the properties 
of medicines. Yet A.F. would 
hardly class medicine among the 
occult sciences. In the sense of 
tincture, possibly ta'flndt has refer- 
ence here to the tradition mentioned 
in the Prolegomena to the Zofar- 
ndma, that when Adam was cast 
out of Paradise, he fell upon the 
mountains of Ceylon, and spent 100 



years there in prayer and penitence. 
During this time, he wept so much 
that plants grew up out of the pools 
of his tears, and all of these wero 
medicinal or aromatic like cloves* 
cinnamon, etc. 

In B.M. No. MCCCVI, (p. 19) 
(Bieu, Ar. Cat. 601,602) which is the 
Ar. Text of ghahrazurl's Tdnjfjy-w 
hukamd, the word is not ta'findt but 
apparently, alba'qindt, which does 
not seem to have any meaning. The 
passage is cs#UaAiia/| ^ uaSI* u'^'4 
ba'^i kutuh fi-Uba*qindt, Perha|Ni 
the word should be ciUuSJf alyaql- 
nlydt, "certainties" such as articles of 
religion. In I.O. No. 1579, (Per. 
trs. of Sh&hrazuri by one Maqfad 
'All of Tabriz) we find (16a) that 
unfortunately the alba*q%ndt or alya* 
qlniyat of ghahrazurl's Text ia re- 
presented by a word without dia- 
critical marks. The passage is u 
didam man ba*3fi az k^Uubhd^^'^rd dor 
oUaiu goWr imam. Taking the 
illegible word to be ta*BXbat f r. to'f I6» 
the appointing a man as chief and 



OHAPTRR XIV. 



157 



other occult sciences. For example the very learned Sliahrazuri ^ 
has BO stated in his *' Lives of Philosophers/' It is said Adam died 



which with ftakir, may mean the 
external marks or indications of 
Buch a person, this may be rendered, 
" And I saw yarious books about the 
marks (or notes) of an Imam*' (P 
anamt mankind.) Some countenance 
is given to thi^ view by finding that 
Seth, a son of Adam, laid down 16 
rules or marks of a true believer 
(mu*min) as if the father had laid 
down those of an Imam (apostle) and 
the son, those of a disciple. 

Another suggestion which has 
occurred to me is that the word is 
oUW) al'hayyindt, demonstrations," 
and which has also the technical 
sense of " cabalistic interpretations of 
the meanings of letters." This word 
occurs in Hsji Khalfa's account of 
the Sifr-irddam (Book of Adam) 
(Fluegel's ed. III. 599,600.) Here 
we are told that Adam's book was 
written on 21 olive leaves of Paradise 
and its gates (?) and dealt with the 
properties of letters, etc. 

One more suggestion remains, vis., 
that A.F/s word is tajtlndt, i.e., Heb. 
iephillim, "amulets or phylacteries." 
The variants in the notes to our Text 
do not seem of value, and MSS. 
which I have consulted, throw no 
light on the point. Evidently the 
word is used in an unusual sense and 
the copyists have been unable to 
understand it. 

The n of ia^flndt does not, I think, 
occur in the MSS. I have consulted. 
In the beautiful MS. of Halhed 
(No. 6610, 81 1.8 fr. foot) the word 
appears to be ia»tfti«5 ia'fiyat, " obliter- 



ations, amendments." In B.A.S. Na 
116 it . is clearly written va»UiW 
ia*qliydt, and this might yield a good 
sense for ia'qliydt (fr. *aqT) seems to 
mean abstruse points in philosophy. 
(Lane 2114 a and h.) R.A.S. No. 117 
has eiUtoi ia*JiydL 

^ This is the Imam Shamsu-d-din 
Muhammad Shahrazuri referred to 
by Amir Khwand (Kh ondamir) in 
his Khald8€Uu4-aJi^hdr, (Persian 
Munshl, Gladwin, 1801, Fart II. 
265,266.) The Bau^tU'S-safd (Re* 
hatsek ll. Part I.) states that he was 
the author both of the TdrtH^-uhuka' 
md and the NcuihaiU'4»qulub (Hearts' 
Delight), but if so, the latter is ap- 
parently not the work described by 
Bieu (I. 416a.) Shamsn-d*dTn is also 
mentioned in B.M. Ar. Cat. 209, 601, 
602. The book there described is 
anonymous and entitled NaahaiU'U 
a^rtoah u Bau^at-l'trfrdh, ''Delights 
of Souls and Gardens of Joy, 06- 
leciamen Spirituum ei Viridarium 
Oa/udiarum" but Dr. Bieu observes 
that it agprees almost entirely with 
the work of Shamsu-d-dfn ash-Shah^ 
razdrt described by Qiji Khalfa 
(Fluegel YI. 821.) It is in two parts, 
the first, an account of ancient 
philosophers, the second, of those 
subsequent to Mut^ammad, and it 
contains 108 Lives (that described 
by Ha ji Khalfa had 111 .) Apparently 
TdriV^'i-hulMmd is the secondary 
title. It seems to have been 
written at Bafra in 995 (1587). 
Its anthor wrote a commentary on 
Shahrawardl. a philosopher who was 



158 



AKBABNAHA. 



in India and was buried on a mountain in Ceylon i (an island) which 
lies towards the south and which is now known by the name of 
Qadamgdhrd-ddam (Adam's footprint^ i.e., Adam's Peak.) He was ill 
21 days and Eve died, according to one account, a year, according 
to another, seven years and according to a third, three days after 
him. Seth, his successor and administrator, buried her by Adam'a 
side, and it is reported that Noah brought their coffin on board the 
Ark at the time of the Deluge, and afterwards buried them on 
Abu qubaia.^ According to another account, they were buried in 
Jerusalem, and according to a third tradition, in Najf-Kuf a.^ 

Seth — Pbacb bb upon him 

Was the most excellent of Adam's immediate descendants, and 
was born after the catastrophe of Abel. It is said that whenever 
Eve became pregnant, she gave birth to a son and a daughter, but 
that Seth was born alone. IqlTmlya,^ the (twin) sister of Cain was 



put to death at Aleppo by Saladin in 
S87 (1191). (D*Herb^lot 8.v. Scheher- 
▼erdi.) There is a Per. trs. (T.O. 
No. 1579) of the TSntA-i-hukamd by 
M aq^iid 'All of Tabriz, begun under 
the orders of Akbar and completed 
under Jahingfr. The translator 
calls the author that pattern of 
writers Shamsu-l-mnlka wa-d-din 
Manlina ShamBa-d»dln Muhammad 
ShahrazUrl. A.F. seems to have 
made considerable use of therorl j|^-i« 
hMkamd; his account of the three 
Hermes in the notice of Enoch 
agrees closely with the Persian of 
Maq^ad 'All. 

Shahrazflr is a town in the hill- 
country of Persia and apparently 
near the battle-field of Arbela. 
(Jarrett III. 80,81.) A.F. gives 
Shahrazflr as tha name of a district 
also. (Meynard's Ywfii, 856.) The 
name is said to mean the city of 
Zar,-^the son of ^o^ a Persian 
king and founder of the town. 



1 A.F. includes Ceylon in India 
(HindilstSn.) The Arabs call the 
mountain on which Adam waa 
buried, BShnn. 

' Richardson spells AbU Kaisi« 
after D*Herb^lot, and says it is 8 m. 
from Mecca. (D*H. 9jv. Abu Gaia 
Mecca.) AbU qubais is a mountain 
n. of Mecca. Abraham is said to 
have proclaimed from it, the insti* 
tution of pilgrimage. 

i Nedjif about 1| m. (2 hiX,) w. of 
Kfifa. (B^clus IX. 458) (Kufab. 
Jarret III. 64.) Najf means high 
land and tumulus. A.F.'s account 
of Adam's burial-place is perhaps 
taken from the NafSi9Url-fwMb^ 
(B.M. No. 16,259a 827.) 

* Much of A.F.'8 account of the 
Patriarchs seems taken from tha 
i2att|uUa-«-f €(/(£ of Mir Shwind (Mf r- 
Uiond) and the ^a}X,hvr^'9iyar of his 
grandson, Khwind Amir (Khonda* 
mir) or from their sources. The 
£aMvatu-i-fc(^a has been translated 




CHAPTER xnr. 



159 



given in marriage to him (Seth.) When Adam reached the age of a 
thousand^ he made Seth his succefisorj and enjoined all to submit to 
him. In succession to Adam, he carried on, by his weighty intellect 
the administration of the temporal and spiritual worlds. He always 
conducted himself with outward composure and inward efficiency, and 
his were the only descendants who survived Noah's Flood. He 
is called the first Uriay^ a word which in Syriac means teacher. He 
occupied himself with the medical,' mathematical and theologpical 
sciences, and spent most of his life in Syria. Many of his descend- 
ants abandoned secular affairs and practised asceticism in hermitages. 
He left the world when he was 912 years old. Some say that he was 
Adam's grandson and that his father was Sulha,* but this tale is 
without foundation. 



64 



in part by Mr. Behatsek, and his 
translation published by the Or. Trs. 
Fund. This work may advantage- 
etisly be consulted in connection 
with A«F. See also Persian J^barl» 
Zotenberg's trs. 

The story of Iqllmlyft is given in 
Xabarlf (Cap. XXX.) and in the 
12au9aiu-f-«a^. According to one 
tradition, Cain murdered Abel on 
her Bcconnt, as he was not willing 
that she should marry Abel. Her 
name is variously written IqlimlyS, 
Iqlfmi {fiwrhcM^dti* <• v.) and by 
Bayloy Calmana. Iqllmlja means 
litharge, foam of silver. After 
Abel's death, Iqllmiya was married 
to Seth. 

^ Mntammadans spell this name 
like that of Bathsheba's husband, 
but there is no connection between 
the two persons. Uriah means 
"Light of Heaven." (Ox. "Helps 
to the Bible.") D'Herbelot, Art. 
Uriai says : " Les Arabes se senrent 
do ce mot, qui est tir^ du Chaldajujne 



et dn Syriaque Owraui et OurcHo^ 
pour signifier un Maltre ou Docteur 
de la premiere classe, tels qu'ont M'^ 
Edris, Sliedher, Hermes, qai portent 
les titres de premier, second et troi* 
si^me Maitres on Docteurs de 
rUnivers." Chwolsohn in his work 
on the Sabasans, gives the variants, 
Ardnt and Arc^ and comes to the 
conclusion that the word is noi 
Syriac but merely a corruption of 
OrfheM. See 1, 782 and 800 where 
he says, " sammt und senders cor- 
ruptionen aus Orpheus." But may 

it not be connected with Ur, ^'O*, the 
?r of the Chaldees or with the ur 
which means light P The form 
Ardnl is given by Mas'adf (Book of 
Indication and Counsel, deSacy 
IX. 342 n.) 

^ This is the Mu^mmadan division 
of the sciences. (Blochmann 279 n.) 
It is derived from Aristotle. 

B The J2<Hi9a<tt-f-s^f(3 (Trs.) has 
9uplu^ but is unlikely that Mr. 
Behatsek spelt an Ar. word with a jp. 




160 



AKBABHlMA. 



Enosh. "^ 

Enosli was born when Seth was 600 years old. A nnmber of 
writers say that his mother was an immaculately-born^ one whoj 
like Adam, was clothed with the garment of life without the instra- 
mentality of father or mother. He succeeded his father in accord- 
ance with a testament, and was the first who in this cycle^ laid 
the foundations of sovereignty.* They say he reigned 600 years. 
According to Jewish and Christian* traditions, he lived 965 yeara,-^ 
according to Ibn Jauzi,* 950, — and according to Qazi Baizftwl,^ 60O. 
He had many children. 

Kbnan.^ 

Kenan was the most enlightened, fortunate and sagacious of the 
sons of Enosh. After his father's death, this hero, in accordance 
with a testamentary disposition, swayed the affairs of mankind and 
walked in the ways of his illustrious ancestors. He erected the 
buildings of Babylon and founded the city of Sus.'^ They ascribe 
to him the first establishment of houses and gardens. 

The numbers of mankind greatly increased during his time. 
By his wisdom, he distributed them (over the earth), and himself 



^ The Baua^iu-a'aafd says his 
mother was a houri. (Behataek 
I. 67.) 

t t.6., he was the first monarch. 
He is also said to have first planted 
palms. 

* According to Genesis, Enosh. 
lived 905 years. 

« The Aba'l-faraj of the Ain. 
(Jarrett 33.) His full name is 
Aba'l-faraj 'Abdn-l-ra^man b. 'All 
Ibna-l.jaazi*l-bakrf. He died 597 
(1200). His work is called the Mun- 
taifl/m. (Biea, Ar. Gat. No. 460.) 
Quatrembre speaks of Ibn Jaazi as 
author of the Mirdlu-a-zamdnf but it 
appears that this was written by 
Ibn Jauzl's grandson, Aba'l-mus^ffar 



Yosuf b. KizaghH who died 654 
(1256). (Bieu 1. c. No. 465.) 

5 Q5?i Na^fru-d-dln 'Abdu-Mth 
b. IJmaru-l-baiz&wf. (Jarrett II. 
36n. and Rieu 11. 8236.) His work 
is called the Nif^dmU't-tawdriM^, and 
is a general history from Adam to 
674 (1275). He is best known as a 
commentator on the Koran. 

^ Text, Qaindn, 

T A town in EJhazistan, ancient ly^ 
the capital of Persia ;— the Sasa of 
Herodotus and Shusan of Scripture. 
According to the Persians, it was 
founded by Hufibang, grandson of 
Kaiumara (Gayomars). Mir Khw^nd 
ascribes the building of it to Kenan's 
son, Mahalalil and says that before 
the latter 's time, men lived in cares. 



CHAPTER XI?. 



161 



settled with the descendants of Seth in Babylonia. He lived 926 
years^ but some say he drank the water of life, (i.e., lived) 640 years, 
and one school says that he consoled the sorrows of the world, (i.e., 
reigned) for about a century. 

Mahalalil. 

Mahalalil was the best of Kenan's sons. Kenan placed him on 
the throne when he himself had attained the age of 900. He ruled 66 
for 300 years. He lived either 928 or 840 or 895 years. 

Jabbd (Text, Trad.) 

Jared was the most right-minded of the sons of Mahalalil and 
by his honoured father's orders, he administered the affairs of the 
world. He made canals and conduits, and attained the age of 962 or, 
according to some, of 967 years. 

All these magnates of the household of fortune came into 
existence during Adam's lifetime. 

Enoch (Text, Ihbnuib.) 

Enoch is generally known as Idris, and was the distinguished 
son of Jared and bom after Adam's death. Though the last-born 
of Jared's sons, he was, in wisdom and intelligence, older than all of 
them, and was before them all in felicity and understanding. He is 
the first lawgiver since the time of Seth. Some say that Idris was 
100 years old at the time of Adam's death and some that he was 
860 years. He was unrivalled in his knowledge of the science of 
government and the refinements of contrivance. Though some assign 
all sciences and arts to Adam, yet, according to most, astronomy, 
writing,' spinning, weaving and sewing were introduced by Enoch. 
He learned wisdom from Agathodaemon* of Egypt whom they call 
Uria the Second. 

Among his lofty titles is that of Harmasu-l-har&masa^ (Hermes of 
Hermeses or Trismegistus) and he is also called the third Uria. He 



^ Blochmann (99) mentions Idris 
as the inventor of the Hebrew al- 
phabet. 

* Text, Aghwtmun, See Al-btr- 

21 



llnl's India and Chwolsohn on the 
Sabseans. Seth is the first Uria. 

B A%n II. 49 1.4 fr. ft. Jarrett 
III. 109 n. 



162 



' AKBASNlMA. 



attained high rank in theology and sammoned^ mankind to worship in 
seventy-two languages. He founded 100* oities, of which Madina-i- 
roha* was the least. It was a city of Mesopotamia (Jazft'ir) thong^h 
some place it in the ^ijfiz (Petroea Arabia). It was inhabited np to 
the time of Hulftku Khan who^ it is said, destroyed it for the sake of 
the honour of the country and the well-being of the people.* 

He (IdrTs) instructed every tribe and every rank of mankind by 
a special procedure in accordance with their capacities. They &&y 
that he guided men to the reverence of the Great Light (the San) 
for most of them, before his time, were without his abounding 
wisdom and did not give thanks for that light of lights. He re- 
garded it as the stock of visible and invisible fortune, and prescribed 
a great festival at the time of its passing^ from one Sign to another 
which is a special time of glory, and above all when it enters Aries. 



i The phrase for *' summoned " is 
da'imtfa/rmud. The Tdrtli^irhukamd 
(Per. trs. 176, foot) has u fiiala'tg-i- 
rah'-maakun bahaftdd u du zahdn 
da*wat numud u Him u adab 
dmoJ^t Mr. Behatsek remarks that 
72 is a common number in Mu^am- 
madan theology, etc., and that David 
is spoken of as having 72 notes in his 
voice. Mas'udl says (Meynard, 78) 
that after the Deluge, the 72 lan- 
guages were divided as follows r— 
Shem 19, Ham 17, Japhet36; total 

72. 

s The Tdnl^'irhuJMmd has 108. 
(17& foot.) Aba'l-faraj (Pococke) ed- 
1663, p. 6 has 180. 

t Text, Zoha, but there is a var. 
Boha which I adopt, for the city 
meant is probably Edessa, the Roha 
of the Arabs and the modern Orfa. 
It is in Asiatic Turkey, east of the 
Euphrates. (Rdclus IX. 445 and 
Lectures on the Jewish Church* 
Stanley, 6.) If, however, A.F. means 
Edessa, there must be some mistake 
on his part, for Edessa was not, I 



believe, taken by HulakQ KtAn and 
it certainly was not destroyed, for 
it still exists. See Quatrem^re'a 
Baeh^du-d-din (334) for a note (128) 
on a Boha mentioned by Bafih^da-d- 
dfn as having been taken by Hul&ko 
Khan. In the Persian it is spelt 
^jj and Quatrem^re translates 
"Houlagou en personne se dirigea 
vers Bouhah dont il se rend it 
mattre." The note says " J' ignore 
quelle est la ville que notre historicn 
a voulu indiquer, et si le nom est 
oorrectement ^crit." Possibly the 
town is Biha or Biah S.W. of Aleppo. 
(B^clus IX. 765 and 772 n.) 

♦ A.F. here refers to the destruc* 
tion of the Ismailians by HnllkQ, 
the gp-andson of Cingiz Khan, in the 
middle of the 13th century. Cf. 
Gibbon's remark that the eztirpa* 
tion of the Assassins or Ismailians 
of Persia by Hulak^ may be con* 
sidered a service to mankind. 

^ Lit. alighting of glory and reno* 
vation of felicity, — nuzul^i-ijlfH u 
tahwtUuiqhdl, 



CHAPTER XfV. 



163 



And whenever the planets^ who are fed from the bounteous table of 66 
its rays^ entered their own Houses or attained their exaltation, he 
regarded them as of special dignity^ and gave thanks for the wonders 
of creation. Such seasons he looked upon as stations and mani- 
festations of the favour of Ood^ and he spent all his days in the 
service of holy spirits and pure forms. 

He also built the pyramids of Egypt which are known as the 
Domes of Haraman {Grumbaz-i^haramdn). And in those lofty build- 
ings^ all the arts and their tools have been depicted^ so that if the 
knowledge of them be lost, it may be recovered. It is recorded that 
he deputed one of his nobles to lay the foundations of these pyr- 
amids whilst he himself traversed the entire world, eventually re- 
turning to Egypt. 

Abu Ma'oh^^^ o^ Balkh relates that there have been many 
Hermes but that three were preeminent; — (1). Harmasi-haramasa 
(Hermes of Hermeses) or Idris whom the Persians call the grandson 
of Kayumarg.* (2). Hermes of Babylon who built Babylon after the 
Deluge. Pythagoras was one of his disciples. By the exertions of 
this Hermes of Babylon, the sciences which had been lost in Noah's 
Flood were resuscitated. His home was in the city of the Chaldeans 
(KaldSnTn)s which is called the city of the philosophers (wise men) 
of the East (Madina-i-filftsafa-i-mashriq). (8) The Hermes of Egypt 
who was the teacher of Esculapius (Asqlinus).^ He too excelled in 
all sciences, especially in medicine and chemistry and spent much 
time in traveL 

The birth-place of Harmasu-1-haramasa (Idrls) was Manif 
(Memphis) now known by the name of Manuf/ in the land of Egypt. 
Before the founding of Alexandria, it was called the city of philo- 



i (Jarrett IT. 10. No. 43.) He was 
known in the Middle Ages as AI- 
bumaser. This passage closely re- 
sembles the TdnJ^'i'hukamd (166- 
ft. ff.) 

S This IS Hnshang. (Tabarl, Zoten- 
burg, 1. 100.) 

» Mas'adf, de Sa^y. Paris 1877, 
IX. 324 n. Their city was KalwS- 
dha. 



♦ The author of the Tariit-i-tiuka- 
ma distinguishes between Escula- 
pius, who he says is the son of 
Amur, and Asqlinus. 

h yjjkfo Manaf, but the a seems 
wrong ; the Ain gives Manf or Minf . 
(Jarrett III. 75.) It is the Noph of 
the Bible. The Text here agrees 
closely with the Tdrtfdi'i'hukamd. 



164 



AKB.4RNAMA. 



67 



sophers, but when Alexander built that city^i he brougrh^ tlie f >2 
Bophers of Memphis and other places to Alexandria. 

Among the sayings of Enoch is this> '^The three' most Gjccell 
things are tmth when angry, bounty when poor and meircy tt] 
strong/' Wonderful stories are told in histories about his depart i 
from this world, which wise men hesitate about acceptizigp. CJ 
tradition is that he was then 365, another that he was 40o and 
third that he was 365. 

Methusalah. 

Methusalah was the son of Enoch. He had many children, s 
that it is difficult to enumerate them. After his father^ lie "was th 
head of his tribe and called men to Divine worship. When he wa: 
000, he had a son whom he called Lamech. . After that ho lived 2i^i' 
years. 

Lamech. 

Lamech was the unique of his time for lofty character and 
exalted virtue. After his father, he became firmly seated on tiie 
throne. The period of his life was 780 years. And some call liioi 
Lamkan, Lamak, and Lamakh. 

Noah (NCh). 

Noah, the son of Lamech, was bom under the Sign of Leo, 
126 years after Adam's death. He was strong in the ways of reh- 
gion and firmly based on the foundation of justice. The story of his 
calling^ mankind to the worship of God, the disobedience of Ins 
people and the event of the Flood, etc., are well-known. 

Historians have mentioned three floods. First, a flood which 



^ The Ain gives this name to 
Athens. (Jarrett III. 78.) 

* This passage occurs in the 
Tdril^'i'kukamd. (MTr Ehwind, 
Kehatsek I. 72.) The first of these 
three things receives explanation 
from another remark of Enoch (Mir 
Ehw&nd, Behatsek, II. Part I.) to the 
effect that a man should beware of 
uttering in the time of anger, words 



which will be a cause of disgrace to 
him. It may be noted here that MTr 
Khw&nd's account of some of the 
patriarchs is to be found in two 
places, — at the beginning of his 
work and again among the biogra- 
phies of the philosophers. 
* Koran, Sura 71. Noah is said 

to have invented the ndqui ifji^ 
s: wooden gong. 



CHAFIBR XIV. 



165 



occurred before our Adam came into existence. Thus ^ the very learned 
Sliahrazurl says, " Adam belongs to the first cycle which commenced 
after the world had been devastated by the first flood." The second 
flood was in the time of Noah and began at Kufa, in the oven" of Noah's 
house. It lasted six months, and there were eighty persons in the Ark 
{kisAti). On this account the place where they disembarked and settled 
was called the Eighty-Market* {8uqu-§-sa7ndntn), The third* flood 
was in the time of Moses and was confined to the Egyptians. 
Although romancing historians/ in treating of the floods, make the 
last two also extend over the whole world, it is evident that this was 
not so, for in India,* where they have books many thousand years old, 
there is not even a trace of these two floods. To be brief, in a short 
space of time, all the eighty occupants of the Ark died except seven, 
viz., Noah, his three sons, Japheth, Shem and Ham, and their wives • 
Noah assigned Syria, Mesopotamia, 'Iraq and l^urasan to Shem ; 
the western countries, and Abyssinia, Indian, Scinde and the Sudan ^ 



I This passage occurs in the 
TdrlJ^i'hukamd (Maqsad 'All). 

> This is the Ma^mmadan tradi- 
tion. (Xabarl, Zotenberg, I, 108 
and Koran, Sale, Cap. XI). "And 
"the oven poured forth water, or, 
"as the original literally signifies, 
" boiled over, which is consonant to 
" what the Babbins say, that the 
" water was boiling hot." (ilcm?a<'W- 
S'Safd, Behatsek I, 90). 

ft Ar. Suqu'fi-samdnin, It was at 
the foot of the mountain Al Jndi, 
I.e., Mount Ararat. (D'Herbelot art. 
Th(Mnanin). D'H. states that it 
is called also Jazira Bani 'Umar 
(in Mesopotamia). Mas'udi says 
(Meynard, 74) that Al-Jadi is in the 
country of Ba^ra and in Jazira ibn 
'Umar, that the eighty persons were 
40 men and 40 women and that 
8amanin existed in his day, 832 H. 

* Referring apparently to the 
hailstorm — the seventh plague of 



^^yp*^» or perhaps to the overflowing 
of the Red Sea. 

* Shahrazuri describes Noah's 
Deluge as universal (176). 

• It is curious that A.F. should 
assert there was no trace of Noah's 
Flood in the Indian annals for Satya- 
vrata and his Flood have often been 
identified with Noah and the Deluge. 
Probably A.F. identified Satyavrata's 
Flood with that which occurred be- 
fore the birth of Adam, for Satya- 
vrata belongs to the beginning of 
the Satya Yuga and apparently A. F. 
assigned Noah's Flood to the com- 
mencement of the Kali Yuga and the 
beginning of the reign of Yudhisfhira, 
for he gives 4696 years as the inter- 
val between these events and the 
40th Akbar. (Jarrett 11-15 and 22). 

*> Or, "country of the blacks." 
(Jarrett III, 108 and 109. Apparent- 
ly A. F. includes the Arabs among 
the descendants of Ham. 



J 66 



AKBARNiMA. 



to Ham ; and Chiua^ Sclavonia' and Turkistin to Japheth. And in 
the opinion of historians^ the aboriginal inhabitants of those coantries 
at the present day^ are descended from these three^ and the lineage 
of mankind from the days of the Flood is derived from them. Noah 
died when he was either 1600 or 1800 years old. There are other 
stories too about his age^ such as that he lived for 250 or 350 years 
after the Flood and that he was born either 126 years after Adam's 
death or in Adam's last days^ and that he sat upon the throne of 
68 guidance^ (i.e,, became a prophet) when he was 50^ or 150^ or 250, or 
850 years old, and that he was a guide to mortals for 950 years. 

Ham* had nine sons, msr.. Hind, Sind, Zanj (Zanzibar), Nuba, 
Canaan, Eus^, Qabt (copt),* Berber, Qabsh (Abyssinia), and some 
have written that Ham had six sons. They omit Sind and Canaan 
and make Nuba the son of ^ab8b. 

Shem also had nine sons, viz., (1) Arfakh^ad,* (2) Kayumar§ 
/ho is the progenitor of the kings of Persia, (3) Asud^ who founded 
Mada'in^ (the twin-cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon), etc., Ahwaz'' 
and Pahlu (? Peleg) are his sons and Fars is the son of Pahlu, (4) 
Ighan ' the father of g^am (Syria) and Biim (Aeia Minor), (5) 
Buraj,^ of whom historians tell nothing except the name, (6) Laiiz 
(f Lud) from whom the Pharoahs of Egypt are descended, (7) Elam 
who built the cities of Khuzistan ; ^urasan and Tambal '^ are his Bonsj 



I w^U^ J^faqldb, — the original 
Sclavonia, between the Oxus and the 
Dnieper, (Jarrett III, 104.) In the 
Ain (Text) Saqlfib is described as a 
city of Earn which must be a mis- 
take for Bus. It seems that SaqiSb 
and Chaljbes are the same word. 

« Jarrett III, 327. There A.P. 
apparently repudiates the idea that 
the Hindus are descended from Ham. 

* Corresponds to Mizraim of the 

Bible. 
« Arpachshad of Genesis 10, 22. 

* Ashur. 

* Ahh Mada'in of Chosroes. 
(Jarrett III, 6b and 96. Also III, 
32G.) 



^ Ahwaz, a town in B[haziatfai 
(Persia) on the Karun, (Jarrett III, 
65) famous for its weir. (B^lus 
IX, 287 and Curzon Pro. G. 8. 1890.) 

I Yar. If an and Iqfn and (^a6i6«<> 
$»8iyar) Iqan. Probably the last is 
correct for the name seems con« 
nected with Iconium (Koniah) an^d 
to be that of the eponymoas hero of 
the city. 

' So too ^ahtbu-s-Biyar but it 
calls him Naraj. 

10 Tubal. Miles calls him Hakyi^l. 
Perhaps the same as TQmhel. 
(Jarrett II, 245 and 250.) Tambot 
appears as a person's name m tb* 
Tdril^'i'Raihuli and Babar*a Mc 



OHAPTBR XfY. 



167 



and 'Irftq is the son of ^^araeftn^ and Kirmftn (Carmania) and 
Makr&n^ are sons of Tambal^ (8) Aram from whom the tribe of 
'Ad is descended^ (9) Buzar whose sons are Azarbaijan, Arfin^ 
Arman and Far^^n. 

Some say that Shem too had only six sons and omit Kayumarg^ 
Buraj and L&iiz. In shorty there is much discrepancy about the 
descendants of those two (Shem and Ham). 

Japheth. (TiFiS.) 

Japheth was the most just of Noah's sons. The lofty line of his 
Majesty^ the king of kings^ is linked with him^ and the Khans of the 
eastern cities and of Turkistin all derive from him. He is called 
the Father of Turk {Abu'l-turh) , and some historians call him 
Alunja Khan. When Japheth left Suqu-s-samftnin with his wife and 
family, to go to the eastern and northern countries which had been 
assigned to him, he begged his father to teach him a prayer by 
which he might have rain whenever he wanted it. Noah gave him 
a stone which had the property of bringing rain, and indicated that 
he had pronounced over it the Ineffable Name* {lit. Great Name) 
with the design that the foolish should not comprehend the matter 
and transgress his precepts, or perhaps he really recited the Ineffable 
Name over it. And at present there are many of these stones among 
the Turks which they call yedatdsi- The Persians call them aang-u 
yada^ and the Arabs hajarurUmaiar, (rain-stone). And Japheth, on 



I 



moirs. TemhcU'liJ^dna was also a 
name for Far|^ana, Babar, 196. 

1 D'Herbelot art. Macran. Mekran 
here appears to be the well-known 
maritime province of Baluchistan. 

* The passage is obscare and per- 
haps there is an error in the Text. 
Maulavl 'Abdu-1-^aqq 'Abid, to whom 
I referred the passage, writes : " The 
meaning is not clear. There may be 
some misprint in the Text. As the 
passage stands, it may be translated, 
' I have uttered over it the Great 
Name, in order that the simple, not 
getting clue to it, maj not depart 



from his (your) command (or counsel), 
or he actually uttered the Great 
Name over it." The usual account 
is that Noah engraved the Great 
Name on the stone, and possibly we 
should read •^"engraved," for AJj^ 
"uttered," in the last clause. A 
friend has referred me to the passage 
in Revelations II, 17, "I will give 
him a white stone, and upon the stone 
a new name written, which no one 
knoweth saving he that receiveth it." 
* Babar, Erskine xlvii. Baai^idu- 
d-din, Quatrem^re*s elaborate note, 
428, and Vullers II, 334a. 



168 



AKBARNAMA. 



59 



going to those regions, became a dweller in deserts, and wheneTer 
he wished, the cload of God's bounty, came down in rain throagh 
the virtue of that stone. In course of time, children were bom 
to Japheth and he established excellent laws among them, which 
were at once comforting to the short-thoughted and joy-increasing 
to lofty minds. He left eleven sons, viz., 1, Turk, 2, Cin, 3, $aql§b^ 
4, Mansaj,^ also called Mansak, 5, Kamari,* also called Eaimal, 
6, S^alaj, 7, ]^azan, 8, Bus, 9, Sadsan, 10, Ghaz,* 11, Yaraj> 
Some books mention only eight sons, omitting ^halaj, Sads&n and 
Ghaz. 



Tube. 

Turk was the eldest son of Japheth, and the Turks call him 
Yafis 0{^lan.^ He excelled all his brothers in wisdom, management 
and care for his subjects. On his father's death, he sat upon the 
throne of sovereignty and dispensed gentleness, manliness and relief of 
the oppressed. He settled in a place which the Turks call Sll-uk^ or 
Salikal and which had hot and cold springs and delightful meadows. 
He made dwellings of grass and wood and constructed tents, and 
made clothes by sewing together the skins (and furs) of beasts of 
burden and of prey. Salt 7 was discovered in his time. One of his 
laws was that the son should inherit naught but a sword and thai 
whatever was wanted should go to the daughter. They say he was 
contemporary with Kayumars, and that as the latter was the first img 
of Persia, so Turk was the first sultan of Turkistan. He lived to 
the age of 240. 



1 The reputed father of Gog and 
Magog and, apparently, the Scrip- 
tural Mighegh- 

• Gomer of Genesis. Probably the 
Text k IS the MS g. 
. • Guz in VuUers II, 609a. Gozz 
in Mas'adl I, 212. The supposed 
ancestor of the TnrkomSns. 

« D'Herbelot calls him Taraga and 
the ninth son, Isan. 

^ A note to Text states that 
Oghl&n means Hon in Turkish. 



• P Issigh-kul. Text, Stlul Per- 
haps the river Selonga, but the des- 
cription better applies to the lake 
of Issik-kul (Hot Water) which is 
said to be ten times the size of Lake 
Geneva. lUclus YI, 350. It lies K. 
of Yarkand. Its waters do not 
freeze. The ^Jj^o/amfu-I-atfaA calla 
it Jaeelgan. (Miles 25). 

"V The diucovery is said to have 
been made accidentally by his son 
Tdnag or TStak. 




CnAPTBR XIY. 169 

Alinja Sban.l 

Alinja Kh§n was the best of Tark's sons. When the measure 
of Turk^s years was fulfilled^ Alinja l^fin was placed on the throne 
by the will of the chiefs. He made far-sighted wisdom his rule^ and 
spent his days in the administration of justice. When he became 
old^ he went into retirement {i.e,, became a hermit). 

D!b BlQtJ!.» 

Dib Baqui became king on his father's retirement and in accord- 
ance with his appointment. 

Kiyuk was the worthy son of Dib BHqui. When the father bade 
adieu to the worlds he made over the throne of the Khanate to Kiyuk 
who, knowing the duties of sove eignty, acted up to them. 

Alinja Esan. 

Alinja ^iSn was the son of Kiyuk and became heir-apparent in 
the end of his father's days. He was extravagant in his liberalities, 
and in his reign the Turks became intoxicated^ by the world and 
strayed from the path of wisdom. After a long time, twin-sons were 60 
boru to him. One was named Mughul and the other Tiltar. When they 
came to years of discretion, he divided his kingdom into two portions 
and gave one half to Mughul and one half to Tat&r. When their illus- 
trious father died, each of the two sons reigned in his own territory, 
in harmony with one other. 

As this lofty line (Akbar's) has no connection with Tatar and 
his eightfold^ branches (i.e., generations) I pass them over and 
proceed to relate the history of Mughul and his noble descendants. 

Mu@uL SfAN. 

Mu^^ul !^an was a wise prince. He so conducted himself that 
the hearts of his subjects were attached and obedient to him and 



^ ^ajrcUu-l^irdk, Abluchi KhSn. 
« D'Herb^lot, " Great Dignity." 
& This refers to their becoming 
idolaters. (Kh?ifi Khan I, 3). 
* /.e., eight in all, Tatar being one. 

22 



(^a/m<u-{-atra/p. Miles 29). Accord- 
ing to D'Herb^lot (Art. Tatar) Alinja 
Eh^n, the father, is required to make 
up the eight. 



170 



AKBARNAMA. 



all tried to serve him properly. The generations of the Mnghnla are 
nine in number^ beginning with Mughal Khan and ending witb II ^ 
Khan. The Mughuls have taken the usage of Tvquz^ (nine) from 
this^ and thej consider this number most excellent in all matters. 
The Creator bestowed on Mughul '^^n four sons^ Qara ^fin^ X^ar 
Khan^ Elar Khan and Uz l^an. 

QaBA SslN.ft 

Qara Kh§n was both the eldest son and preeminent in jastiee 
and the art of government. He sate upon the throne in succefision 
to his illustrious father and made his summer (aildq) and winter 
(qishldq) quarters in Qaraqum* near two mountains called Irtaq^ 
and Kirtaq. 



T Vullers 4816. Tho generations 
are said to end with II Khan because, 
in his time, the Mughal race was all 
but extirpated. If the statement of 
the Turks, mentioned below, that this 
catastrophe occurred 1000 years 
after Aghuz's death, be correct, it is 
evident that far more than nine 
generations must have intervened 
between Mufitkul and II Eh^n. 

» SteingasB •.r. ** Nine, hence pre- 
sent, gift, such being offered to 
kings, etc., bj nines, as a sacred 
number." 

B I.e., the Black Prince. A.F. omits 
to mention that he was put to death 
by his own son, AghQz* (Eh&fl Ehan 
1,5.) 

* J.e., black sand or dust. The Text 
wrongly has fj* ]j^ Qaraqara/m. The 
Aln mentions the place as belonging 
to the Sixth Climate. (Jarrett III, 
102). The A%n (Text II, 46), des- 
cribes it as a mountain in Turkistan 
(not Kohistan as Jarrett has it) 
and the editor says (l.c.n.) that 
many M8S. read ^j* I/* QfLrdqum* 
This is the correct reading. (Vul- 



lers «.t?. II, 717b, and D'Herb^Iot 
art: Caracum.) In Gladwin's Aln 
the lat. and long, of Qaraqam and 
of E[hanbaligh which immediately 
follows, are given; the long, for 
Qaraqum being 115^ and for Q^an- 
baiigh 124°. 

N.B, KhanbSligh is described in 
Text as the capital of Cathay, not of 
China. 

* Erdmann, o^J^ J cS'^Jjl Urtaq 
and Qaztaq. D*Herb^lot calls thezn 
Artak and Ghertak, and says they 
are part of Mount Imaus (Paradise 
Lost III, 431), and that the city of 
Caracum lies between them, Artak 
being N. and Ghertak S. He gives 
the long, as 116° which agrees very 
well with Gladwin. Of course both 
longs, are calculated from the For- 
tunate Isles. Greenwich long, is 
between 72° and 80.° The lat. of 
the Karakoram Pass (Imperial 
Gazetecr, Hunter), is 35° 33*' or 
about 11° less than that given in the 
Aln, (46 N.). This would imply 
that Qariq&m and QarSqaram are 
totally different names and places. 



CHAPTKR XIV. 



171 



Aghuz K^an was tlie worthy son of Qara Khan^ and was born of 
his chief wife daring the time of his rale. Romancing story- 
tellers relate things abont his naming himself and aboat his progress 
in the path of piety^ which a jast-jadging intellect is not disposed to 
credit. He was admittedly an enlightened^ pious and just ruler and 
framed excellent institations* and laws whereby the varied world was 
composed and the contrarieties of the Age conciliated. Among 
Turki kings, he was like Jamshid among the kings of Persia. By 
his ripe wisdom, lofty genius, felicity and native courage, he brought 
under his sway the countries of Ir&n (Persia) Tursn,^ Rum^ (Asia 
Minor), Egypt, Syria, Europe (Afranj),^ and other lands. Many 
nations came within the shadow of his benevolence, and he estab- 
lished titles among the Turks suitable to their ranks and which 



but on the other hand, D'Herb^lot 
gives the lat. of Caracum as 36^ 
36''. There is an account of the city 
of Karacum (Caracorum) in Gibbon 
who (Cap. 64) makes it about 600 
in. N.W. Fekin. It was also called 
Holin. 

^ Text, Aghur. For account of 
him see Khafi Khan I, 4 and 5, 
D'Herbdlot a.v. Ogouz Khan. SBk^J' 
ratu-l-airdk (Miles) 30. The story 
is that Agh^z refused immediately 
after birth to take the breast, and 
that his mother had a dream in 
which he told her that he would not 
permit her to suckle him until she 
became a belierer in Islam. A ccord- 
ingly she secretly embraced that 
faith. Also, when he was a twelve- 
month old, he told the conclave 
assembled to decide upon his name, 
that it was Aghuz (Kh afi Khan Lc). 
These things occurred long before the 
birth of Mu(iammad, but the latter 
was only the Seal (last) of the Pro- 



phets, and the religion of Islam is 
considered to have existed from all 
time. Hence the Mu. formula of 
" Peace be upon him " is applied to 
Adam and others of the patriarchs. 

^^^ydsd. Text, frayM^a/iai which 
is an error. The best known ydsd 
are those of Cingiz BIhan. (Miles 
1. c. 90 and Gibbon and D*Herb^lot 
art. Jassa). 

• Turkistan or Transoxiana. It is 
said to have been named after Tar, 
the son of Farldun (D'H. art. Mogal), 
but if so, A.F.'s use of it here is an 
anachronism, for he describes Tur 
as nearly exterminating the Mughuls 
about a thousand years after Aghii?; 
Khan's death. 

♦ This may mean the whole Greek 
Empire or " only Asia Minor 
(Boumelia). 

^ Afranj is properly the name of 
a people, viz,, the Franks. llauzaiU' . 
8'8a/d, V, gives a .similar list. 



172 



iKBAKMlMA. 



are on men^s tongues to the present day^ sucli as AT|^ar,i Qanig^If , 
Qibcfiq^ (Kipc&k)^ Qfirligh^ Kbalaj^ etc. He had six sons, vig.j Kun 
(sun), ii (moon), Yulduz (star), Kok (or (Jok) (sky), Tfigti (mountain >, 
and Tangiz (sea). The three elders were called Bazmaq * and the 
61 three others Ujuh, His sons and sons' sons became 24 branches, 
and all the Turks are descended from these magnates. The term 
Turkoman did not exist in old times, but when their posterity came 
to Persia (Iran) and propagated there, their features came to resem- 
ble the Tajiks. But as they were not Tajiks, the latter called them 
Turkomans, i.e., Turk-like. But some say that the Turkomftns are 
a distinct tribe and not related to the Turks. It is said that after 
A|^uz !^an had conquered the world, he returned to his own aettle- 
ment (yurat)^ and seating himself on the throne of dominion^ held a 
!l^uBru-like feast and conferred royal gifts on each of his fortunate 
sons, faithful officers and other servants, and promulgated lofty ordi- 
nances and excellent canons as guides for the perpetuation of prospe- 
rity. He laid it down that the right wing, which TurkomSns call 
BuTdnghdTi and the succession should appertain to the eldest son and 
his descendants, and the left wing, i.e., the Jardngbdr and the exe* 
cutive [wahdlat) to the younger sons. And he decreed that this law 
should always be observed, generation after generation; — hence at 
the present day, one half of the twenty-four branches is associated 
with the right wing and one half with the left. He ruled for 72 or 
73 years and then bade adieu to the world. 

Kun KhSn took his father's plsice, in accordance with his testa- 
ment and acted in administration and government by his own acute 



i The meanings of this and follow- 
ing terms are given by Mfr Khwand 
and Miles. Erdmann, the authority 
often quoted by Howorth, writes 
«J^jti q^arluk, and says it means 
snow-lord. Qipcak is said to mean 
a hollow tree. 

s Said to mean "Broken" and 
"Three arrows." The legend of 
origin is given by Miles. Text, 



Bijuq for Ujaq. Uq is an arrow, 
and uc means three. The etymo- 
logies are also given in Aba-1- 
ghftEl Des Maison 24. The name 
Buzmaq or " Broken " was given to 
the three elder sons because they 
brought in three pieces of a golden 
bow. The three yonngor brought in 
three golden arrows. 



OHAFTBR KIT. 



17S 



understandings and^ the sage counaela of Qabal* !^w§ja who had 
been Vizier to Aghaz El^ftn. He so arranged abont his brothers^ his 
children and his nephews — who were 24 in number^ for each of the 
six brothers had four sons ^ that each recognized his position and 
assisted in the management of the State. Haying reigned for 70 
years^ he appointed Xi !^&n his successor and departed. 

Si Khan observed the laws of his illustrious father^ adorned 
justice with amicability^ and combined wisdom with good actions. 

Tulduz ^Sn was the eldest* son and successor of Xl ^Sn. 
He attained high rank in world-sway and in the dispensing justice. 

Manqaij £sAn (Mighasl).* 

Mangali I^an was the beloved son of Yulduz l^Sn and sate 
upon the throne in succession to him. He was distinguished for devo- 
tion to God^ and for praising the pious. 

Tanqiz ^^[1n. 

Tangiz ^JLn conducted the afihirs of sovereignty after his 
honoured father's death and wore the crown of dominion in Mughu* 
listan for 1 10 years. 

Il EsIn. 

Il KhSn was his noble son. When the father became old and 
weak; he gave II !^an the management of affairs^ and alleging the 
number of his years as an excuse^ went into solitary retirement. 

QlYAN.* 

Qiyftn was the son of II ^S^an and^ by the mysterious ordinances 
of Divine wisdom^ he became a resting-place (maurid) of adversities. 



1 The conjunction u has dropped 
out of the Text, but occurs in the 
Lucknow ed. and in No. 564 

> Text, Irqil, but admittedly this 
is against all the MSS. 

ft Apparently he is Kan's brother, 
and the "illustrious father" must 
bo Agb^> 



* According to another account, 
he was Al Khan's brother. 

^ Mangala may also mean sun, 
or the forehead, (Tar. Bash 7n.) 

s Though this name is the head- 
ing of the Text, the narrative is 
in part that of II Kl^an's reign. 



62 



174 



akbarkIma. 



When the God of wisdom desires to bring a jewel of hamanity to 
perfection, He first manifests sundry ^ favoars nnder the cover of dis* 
favoara of misfortune, and grants him the robe of existence aft&r 
having made some great and pure-hearted ones hia ransom and 
sacrifice {fidd). There is an instance of this in the story of II Khaa 
whoj after the turn of sovereignty came to him, was passing his life 
according to a code which provided for the control of the outer world 
and the contemplation of the world of reality, and was binding ap the 
hearts of the distressed, until that Tur, the son of Faridun, obtained 
sway over Turkistfin, and Transoxiana (Md-wdrdu n-nahr) and in con- 
junction with Sunij ^&n, the king of the Tatars and Aighars, made a 
great war upon II ^in. The Mughul army, under the excellent dis- 
positions of II I^an, made a desperate struggle, and many of the 
Turks, Tatars and Aig^drs were slain. In the combat, TQr and the 
Tatars were unable to resist and fled. They took refuge in stratagema 
and vulpine tricks and dispersed. After going a little way, they hid 
in a defile, and then at the end of the night, suddenly made an on* 
slaught on II Khan's army. Such a massacre took place that of 
II Khan's men not one escaped except his son Qiyan, hia cousin 
Takuz* and their two wives^ who had hidden themselves among the 
slain. At night, these four withdrew to the mountains and with 
many troubles and difficulties, traversed the valleys and ravines, and 
came to a meadow which had salubrious springs and fruits in abun- 
dance. In their helpless state, they regarded this pleasant spot as 
fk godsend and settled in it. The Turks call it Irganaqiin and say 
that the terrible calamity happened 1000 years after the death of 
Aghuz ^an. 

The sage knows that in this wondrous destiny there lay the 

63 plan for the production of that all-jewel, his Majesty, the king of 

kings, so that the status of sacrifice might be attained and also that 

the ascents of banishment, seclusion, and hardship might, in this 

strange fashion, be brought together to the end that the unique pearl. 



i There is perhaps a play on the 
words mirdd and murdd; the first 
meauing a precious stone possessed 
of wondrous qualities, the second 
success. 



* Probably NaqQz is more correct. 

t The Text does not distinctly say 
that the women were wives, the word 
used being Aomm. One account says 
sisters. 



CHAPTER XIY. 



175 



his Majesty^ the king of kings^ — who is the final cause of the crea- 
tion of the glorious series {iahaqa) and also the material for this record 
of Divine praise^ — might become the aggregate of all the stages of 
existence and be acquainted with the grades of humanity, which 
might thus arise,— and should achieve spiritual and temporal success, 
and that in this way there be no defective round (girdi) on the 
periphery of his holiness. 

In fine, after Qiyftn and his companions had settled in that place, 
they begat children and grew into tribes. Those who sprang from 
Qiyan were called Qiyat and those who descended from Takuz were 
called Darlgin. No account is forthcoming of the descendants of 
Qiyan while they were in Irganaqun-— a period of about 2,000 years. 
Presumably in that place and age reading and writing were not 
practised. After the lapse of about -2000 years and in the last 
period of Nushlrwan's^ reigpi, the Qiyat and Darlgin desired to leave 
the place, as it was not large enough for them. A mountain which 
was a mine of iron barred their way at the beg^ning. Able minds 
devised deer-skin bellows {gawazn, perhaps elk) and with these they 
melted that iron mountain and made a way. Then they rescued 
their country from the hands of the Tatars and others, by the sword, 
and contriving vigour, and became firmly seated on the throne of 
success and world-rule. From the circumstance that in four* thousand 
years previous to this event, (i.e., the emigration from Irganaqun) there 



1 NQshlrwan, a king of Persia, 
celebrated for his justice, reigned 
531-579 A.D. Muhammad congratu- 
lated himself on having heen bom 
(578 A.D.) in his reign. 

* I do not understand the principle 
of this calculation. Yulduz B[han. 
under whom the Mnghuls emigrated 
from Irganaqun, is the 29th ancestor, 
reckoning from Adam, and the total 
of 28 must be made up of 25 who 
lived previous to the flight to 
Irganaqfln plu$ three, ins., QiySn, 
TimQr Tagh aiid Mangall, who are 
the only three denizens of that 
settlement whose names have been 



preserved. The period after the 
exodus (cir. 579 A.D.) up to the date 
of A.F.'s writing, was about 1,000 
years, and in it there were 25 rulers 
including Akbar. But how do cal- 
culators reckon, upon these data, 
that the number of ancestors who 
lived in Irganaq&n for 2,000 years, 
was 25 P One would rather expect 
the figure 50. But perhaps the cal- 
culation is based on lives twice as 
long as later ones. (Gibbon Cap. 
42n.) Apparently it is roughly 
based on a progressive diminution of 
the period of human life. A.F. 
reckons that 7,000 years more or less. 



176 



akdarnAha. 



were twenty-eight lofty ancestors and twenty-five in the milleniam 
after it^ sagacious calculators conjecture that during these two 
thousand years (spent in Irganaqun) there were twenty-five ancestors. 
Be ^ it remembered that Mughulistfin is to the eastward and far 
from civilization. Its circuit is seven or eight months' journey. On 
the east^ its boundary extends to Cathay (IQiita) and on the west^ to 
the country of the ATghurs ; on t}ie norths it touches Qargaz and 
Salika (? Kirghiz and Selenga) and on the souths it adjoins Tibet. 
The food of its people is the produce of hunting and fishing and 
their clothing the skins and fur of wild and tame animals. 

TiMtTB Tlss. 

Timur Tft^ is of the auspicious stock of Qiy&n. He was exalted 
by sovereignty and command. 



elapsed from the birth of Adam to 
40th Akbar (1596). From Adam to 
the death of II Khan. 4,000 years 
are comited, and in this period, were 
25 generations. (A.F. speaks of 
28, but this is inclnsive of II Shftu*s 
son, Qiyan and TimGr Tigh and 
Mangali Ehwaja, vie., the grand- 
father and father of the Yuldoz who 
came out from Irganaqan). In the 
thousand years between the emi- 
gration and 40th Akbar, there were 
also 25 generations, and so, appa- 
rently, it was calculated that for 
the intervening 2,000 years (required 
to make up the 7,000) there must 
have been 25 generations. In other 
words, there were 4,000 years in 
which the length of a generation 
was 160 years, 2,000 in which it was 
80 and 1,000 in which it was 40. 
I do not, however, know what au- 
thority A.F. had for his 2,000 years. 
"The tradition of the Mnghuls/' 
says Gibbon (Cap. 42n.) ** of 
'* the 450 years which they passed in 
"the mountains, agrees with the 



" Chinese periods of the History of 
" the Huns and Turks. " (De Onignes 
" Tom. I, Par, II, 376), and of the 20 
"generations from their restora- 
"tion to Gingis." (Cingiz K^in), 
Howorth (I, 35) puts the period at 
400 years. Raghidu-d-din mentions 
a period of 2,000 years, but this is 
the interval from the destruction of 
I] ^Sn and the Mughuls by the 
Tatars up to the date of Baghidu- 
d*din's writing, consequently the 
former event occurred about 700 
B.C. D'Ohsson says (I, Cap. II, 21) 
that according to Maghul traditions, 
their defeat by the Tatars occurred 
2,000 years before the birth of 
Cingfz ShSn. (Jan. 1155 A.D.) 
D'Herbdlot (art. Genghiz Khan) 
says that the Mughuls remained in 
Irganaqun for several generations, 
and that the period was over 1,000 
years. None of these statements 
supports A.F.'s chronology. Possibly 
he wrote one and not two thousand. 
^ This description is taken from 
Zafamdma, Prolegomena. 



CHAPIBK XIV. 



177 



Manqaij Sswaja. 

MangalT Khwaja is the worthy son of Timur Tftsh. He exalted 
the crown of dominion and anspiciousness and possessed the divan 
of power and justice. 

YuldCz KhAn. 

Yulduz !^an was the high-thoughted successor of Mangali 
Khwaja who at the coming out of the Qiydt and Darlgln was the 64 
cliief and leader. From the time of Qiyan, his (Qiyfin's) descendants 
had reigned generation after generation in Irganaqun. Yulduz Khan^ 
by the help of the fortunate star of his dominion, gradually emerged 
from the horizon and civilized the tribes of the Mughuls. He was 
powerful and magnanimous and among the Mughul families, he is 
counted of good blood and fashion who can trace his origin up to 
Yulduz Khan. 

JOiNA^ Bahadur. 

JuTna Bahadur was the worthy son of Yulduz Khan and when 
the cup of his father's years was full, sate on the throne of world- 
government. 



^ Also spelled J&bina and Ciibina. 
For further information regarding 
the Mutiamniadan accounts of the 
descendants of Japheth, I beg to 



refer the reader to the full and inter- 
esting note of Major Raverty which 
begins at p. 869 of his translation 
of the J['abaqdi-i'nd9iri, 



23 




178 



AKBARNAMA. 



CHAPTER XV. 
Heb Majesty AlamquwI, thb cdfola of chastity and tbil 

or PUEITY. 

Whaterer, God, the wondrous Creator, brings forth from the 
hidden places of secrecy to the light of manifestation, is attended by 
extraordinary circumstances. But the sons of men fail to perceive 
these, from the heedlessness which has its props and foundation in 
fulness of life and the wrappage of worldliness. Were it not so, 
man would be ever standing at gaze and not applying himself to 
action. Hence the world-adorning Initiator hides most of the 
wonders of His power from the sight of mortals, but lest they should 
be entirely shut out from the extraordinary spectacle of the Divine 
decrees, He raises this veil from before a few of the holy hiding 
places of His secrets. And again, after much seeing, a heedlessness 
which fate has made a constituent of their natures, causes this very 
sight to become a screen against perception. And again ^ after that, 
the universal benevolence of the Deity, for a thousand diverse pur* 
poses — one being the instruction of the minds of negligent mortals,— 
brings forth a new creation, and raising the veils and curtains some* 
what, displays a wondrous picture. 

The extraordinary story of her Majesty is a case in point. She 
was the happy-starred daughter {duMptar'i'qudsl'aJdptar) of JuTna 
Bahadur of the Qiyit tribe and Barlas'^ family. Her physical and 



1 The passage is obscure, but I 
think the sense is that men get ac- 
cuHtoracd to the wonderful and so 
their very seeing becomes blindness. 
The B.M. No. 5610 (Halhed's) omits 
the aa after hi$yar, thus making 
giaflati (heedlessness) the nomina- 
tive. I have adopted this reading 
OH I think it makes the better sense. 



• Khaft Ehan Bib. Ind. 1, 7n. Ac- 
cording to one copy of the Zafamd' 
ma — Prolegomena, Jabfna was a 
woman and a daughter of Yuldaz 
"Khan. 

* Erdmann says she belonged to 
the tril)C of Qarulas ij^}^- Sec also 
rdrlj^-i-rafilrfi, l^K^y Eliob and Ross 
51, where the uuthor .states tliut siic 



CHAPTER XV. 



179 



mental beauty went on increasing from her earliest years, until by 
loftiness of thought and sublimity of genius, she became the Unique 
of the Age, and by acknowledgment of friends and foes, rela- 
tives and strangers, was magnanimous, pious, and a lover of wisdom. 
The lights of theosophy shone from her countenance, the Divine 
secrets were manifested on her forehead. She sat secluded behind 
the screen of chastity and abode in the privy chamber of meditation 
on the Unity, was a theatre of holy epiphanies and an alighting- 
stage of Divine emanations. When she arrived at maturity, she was, 
Biccording to the custom of princes and the practice of great ones of 
Church and State, given in marriage to Zubun Biy§n, king of 
Mughulistan and her own cousin and (thus) they joined that unique 
pearl of purity with a temporal ruler. As he was not her match, he 
hastened to annihilation and her Majesty Alanquwa who was the repose 65 
(dsdyisk) of the spiritual world, became likewise the ornament 
{drdyisA) of the tempoi*al world and, applying herself of necessity to 
outward acts, she became the sovereign of her tribe {alus). 

One night this divinely radiant one was reposing on her bed, 
when suddenly a glorious ^ light cast a ray into the tent and entered 
the mouth and throat of that fount of spiritual knowledge and glory. 
The cupola of chastity became pregnant by that light in the same 
way as did her Majesty {Hazrat) Miryam* (Mary) the daughter of 
'Imran (Amram). 

Praised be the God who maintained holy human souls from 
Adam down to this child of light, in prosperity and adversity, abun- 
dance and want, victory and defeat, pleasure and pain^ and other 
contrasted conditions, one after another, and made them partakers 
of emanations of the holy light. Before this holy light made its 
fortunate alighting from high heaven, Qiyftn was withdrawn from the 
associations of climates and cities and supported in a solitary wilderness, 
and many ancestors were given to her (Xlanquwa), generation after 



was a Kurkluk {?). In B.M. No. 
7628 of Raahldu-d-din's great work, 
4^566, the name of the tribe is wrif- 
ten \j^3)j^ QarQlas. Barlas then 
must be a copyist's error. 

1 Cf. Shaft Khan I, 8. He says 
the light was like the sxin's disk, and 



that it entered Alanquwa's mouth 
which was open (from astonishment 
apparently, at the spectacle). 

• The Virgin Mary whom Muham- 
mad calls the daughter of 'Amran, 
apparently because he confounded 
her with the sister of Moses. 



180 



AKBARNAUA. 



generation^ for two thousand years in these Highlands (kokistdn), 
thereby purifying her and familiarizing her with the land of holiness 
and converting the human element into a collection of all degrees^ Divine 
and earthly. When the spiritual preparation was complete, Yolduz 
Khan was brought — for the ends of Divine wisdom — from the 
mountains to the city, and seated on a throne, till the turn of the holy 
series reached her Majesty Alanquwg and that divine light, after passing 
without human instrumentality, through many eminent saints and 
sovereigns, displayed itself gloriously in the external world. That 
day ' (viz., of £lanquw&'s conception) was the beginning of the mani- 
festation of his Majesty, the king of kings, who after passing through 
divers stages was revealed to the world from the holy womb of her 
Majesty Miryam-mak§ni for the accomplishment of things visible and 
invisible. 

It needs a Plato of abstract thought to comprehend the saying 
" The Lord* of Time {zamdn) remains behind the veil whilst Time's 
products {zamdniydn)y i.e., mortals, rend it with outward sorrow and 
inward anguish.^' 



1 I should have been inclined to 
read nuvt light here, instead of ros, 
day, bnt all the MSS. seem to have 
roz. 

* I do not fnlly understand this 
passage. ' It seems to be a quota- 
tion, a sort of Sjbilline utter- 
ance, and is naturally dark, since we 
are told that it needs the utmost 
meditation of a Plato to understand 
it. The Lucknow editor says the 
meaning is that a master of wisdom 
should study with might and main 
how the veil may be rent for suffer- 
ing humanity, but I do not see that 
this sense can be got out of the 
words. The translation which I 
have given is the result of a good 
deal of reflection and of a consult- 
ation with my friend Mr. Beames. 
Mr. Beames has given me the follow- 
ing note. "Though the construction 



14 
<« 
II 
II 
II 
If 
II 
(I 
II 
II 
II 
II 
l< 

II 
II 
II 

¥ 
II 

II 

II 

II 



of the sentence is somewhat harsh 
and irregular, yet the general mean- 
ing of the passage seems clear from 
the context." " A.F. starts (Luck- 
now ed. 52 1, ^) by the amazing 
assertion that the beginning of 
the manifestation of Akbar, dated 
from the day of Alanquwa's 
miraculous conception by the Sua 
and continued through many gene- 
rations till he ultimately saw the 
light from the womb of Miryam- 
makanl." 

" Then it evidently occurs to him 
that this is rather a hard saying 
and that some one might object. 
' How could Akbar be conceived in 
'the womb of Alanquw&, seeing 
'that she lived so many centuries 
'before him?' To this he replies 
that only a sago who devotes him- 
self to profound thought and medi- 



CHAPTBR XV. 



181 



Bafc DOW returning to the beginning of the story, I repeat that 
the holy abode of that cupola of chastity was continually at auspi- 
cious times and seasons, made resplendent by the brilliance of that 



If 



« 



" tation can understand this mystical 
"saying, via., that while ordinary 
" mortals rend the veil (pardck-dar), 
" i.e., are born, in due course, Akbar 
" was miraculously held back from 
*' being born, he remained behind 
the veil or, in courtier-like phrase, 
adorning the veil (porcla-aral)— for 
" many ages till his full time arrived. 
"The passage may therefore be 
" translated as follows :^ 

" It requires a Plato of deep medi- 
" tation to accept this statement 
" with the ear of his understanding, 
" that the Prince of the Age is in 
"the condition of adorning the veil, 
" while (ordinary) mortals rend the 
" veil with visible pain and inward 
" groaning.'* 

" The grammatical awkwardness 
"lies in A.F.'s putting ast after 
" parda-da/r instead of and (they are) 
" which would agree better with the 
" plural subject zamdniydn ; and in 
"leaving out ast after drai. But 
"this kind of construction is not 
" unusual. The substitution of the 
" uncouth phrase dar parda-dral * in 
"veil adorn ing-ness* for the simpler 
" parda-drd, * veil adorning * is per- 
" haps due to a desire to play upon 
the two meanings of dar (1), in 
and (2) tearing; contrasting the 
"lot of Akbar who remained for 
" some generations miraculously re- 
" served behind the veil, t.e., in the 
" womb of successive females, with 
" the lot of ordinary mortals who 
" when they are conceived and de- 
*• velopcd, rend the veil, t.c., are born; 



(1 



<i 



"a contrast which, as he justly 
" observes, it takes a Plato, at least, 
" to grasp." 

I have adopted Mr. Beames' note 
with some modifications. My idea is 
that A.F. means to say it is so extra- 
ordinary that the Lord of Time or 
Prince of the Age should remain 
behind the veil (i.e., continue unborn), 
while wretched mortals come into 
existence to their own loss as well as 
to the detriment of the epoch, that 
only a Plato can comprehend the 
mystery or final cause thereof. 
Perhaps A.F.'s thought is illustrated 
by the words of St. Paul, " For we 
know the whole Creation groaneth 
and travaileth in pain together until 
now." See also Cap. XI where A.F. 
speaks of ElisqanT. a poet of a for- 
mer age, vainly longing for the 
appearance of a (lahib-i'Waqi, a Lord 
of the Age or Time. 

I think too that he, as usual, has a 
double meaning, and that he plays 
upon the double sense of parda-dar 
which means both to rend a veil and 
to be dissolute, thus corresponding to 
the double meaning of the Latin 
profanuss I have consulted a num- 
ber of MSS. for variants but without 
success. Several e.g., I, 0. 664 and 
Add. B.M. No. 4044 have parda- 
dost, veil-loving ( ? loving blindness). 
But this seems no improvement. 
Parda-dar IB probably right as ena- 
bling A.F. to take advantage of the 
twolwords(2ar fr. daridan, to tear, 
and dar, within, and to contrast dar 
parda-drax with parda-dar. 



182 akbarnIma. 

light and from time to time, her moral and material natare bright- 
ened by its effulgence. Those who by a soaring flight on the wings 
of genius, have passed beyond the worship of materiality and can 
behold the Causer, do not think occurrences like this strange or 
wonderful in the wide domain of Divine power, and the incredulity 
of worshippers of routine and superficiality is of no weight in their 
esteem. As for those who have remained among secondary 
causes and have not advanced their foot further and cannot, by 
auspicious guidance, forego superficial computations, they too do not 
abide by their first principles, (i.e., are not consistent). For instance 
they admit there was a child without father or mother, viz., the first 
man or Adam, and they accept a child without a mother, whom they 
call Eve. Why then not admit a child without a father ? Especially 
when they are fully assured of such an occurrence in the case of 
Jesu3 and Mary. 

Verse. 

If yon listen to the tale of Mary, 
Believe the same of Alanquwa. 

66 But the world-fashioning Creator who from their inception 

brings all his works to their final accomplishment, effects- His purposes 
by means of the contradictions and oppositions of His beautiful and 
His terrible Attributes [asmd, lit, names). Accordingly there is a 
section of mankind of lofty intelligence, right judgment, exalted 
thought, sublime power and correct thinking, whom He hath placed 
apart and whose condition He advances day by day. So also there 
is a multitude of human shapes, purblind, feeble of apprehension, 
crooked in thought and of evil imaginations, void of usefulness, 
whom He hath marked out and whom He keeps in a state of per* 
tnrbation. And although the cup of His designs may be filled iu 
either of these ways, yet there are many contrivances involved in the 
combination. Accordingly darkness is united with light, bad fortune 
with good, adversity with prosperity and the wicked and black- 
hearted are always putting forward stones of stumbling. But soon 
they are disgraced spiritually and temporarily and depart to tlio 
street of annihilation. 

This brilliant event is an illustration of the above, for when such 
a wondrous thing occurred, evil thoughts arose in the hearts of the 



short-sighted dallards and worshippers of externals who had no 
share in real merit and were alien from the grace of Divine know- 
ledge. That enthroned vestal (Jilanquwa), out of her perfect 
benevolence^ did not desire that these blind wretches should remain 
caught in the slough of this thought and so apprized her nobles of 
the matter. She intimated that '^ if any dullard or simpleton^ un- 
aware of the wondrous power of Ood and the forms of Divine 
decrees^ fall into the misfortune of evil thoughts and sully his mind's 
mirror with the rust of wicked imagination^ he will for ever and ever 
abide in distress and loss. It is better then that I clear the courts 
of their intellect of such confusion. For this purpose^ it is necessary 
tbat awakened -hearted truth-knowers and trusty persons of sincerity - 
watch by night around the tent^ so that the darkness of suspicion and 
doubt caused by the blackness of their hearts may by the light of 
Divine events and the bebolding of hidden radiances^ be changed into 
illumination and that evil thoughts may pass from their turbid minds.'' 

Accordingly several wakeful and prudent^ keen-sighted watchers 
were placed around the tent and like night-burning stars^ they closed 
not their eyes. Suddenly in the middle of the nighty — which is the 
time for the descent of Divine mercies, — a shining light, like bright 
moonlight, — just as the lady, the curtain of chastity, had said, — 
came down from on high and entered the tent. A cry was raised by 
the watchers. For a little while, people were stunned and then their 
vain thoughts and evil imaginations were exorcised. 

When the period of pregnancy was fulfilled, Alanquwa bore 
three noble sons. The first was Buqun QanqT from whom the Qanqln 
tribe is descended ; the second was YusuqT Salji from whom the 
SaljTuts are sprung. The third was Buzanjar Qftan. The descendants 67 
of these nobly-born ones are called Nairun, i.e., light-produced and 
are considered to be the noblest class among the Mughuls. 

Bt^ZANJAR QlAN. 

Buzanjar Qa§n is the ninth ancestor of CingTz Kban and Qaracar 
Nuyan, the fourteenth of his Majesty, the Lord of Conjunction, and 
the twenty-second* of his Majesty, the king of kings. When he 
came to years of discretion, he adorned the sovereignty of Turan, 



1 So Text, but apparently it should be twenty-first. 



184 



akbarnIma. 



and the chiefs of the Tst&r and Turk tribes^ etc.^ who were like 
satraps {Muluk'i-iawd'if, i.e., the Arsacidse) bound the girdle of 
service on their waists. He composed the distractions of the time 
by the vigour of his administration^ distributed justice and bene- 
volence and^ for a prolonged period, soothed and adorned the world 
by his nobility and wisdom. He was contemporary with Abu Muslim 
Marwazi.t When his existence closed, there remained two sous, 
Biiqa and Tuqaba (? Tuqta). 

BCQi EsAn. 
Biiqa Khan was the eldest son of Buzanjar Qaan and the eighth 
ancestor of Cingiz !^an and Qaracar Nuyan. He ascended the 
throne in accordance with his father^s testament and adorned the 
royal divfin by justice and equity. He devised new regulations for 
world-ruling and world-subduing and framed the code of the Khaqans 
of the world. He so carried himself towards his subjects that one 
and all were rendered happy by him. 

DCtamin E^An. 
Zutamin* Kh§n was the upright son of Buqa Khan. When the 
father perceived his own life passing away, he appointed him his 
heir and successor. Zutamin exerted himself in controlling the 
administration and in increasing the prosperity of the kingdom. He 
had nine sons, and on his death, their mother Maniilun who was 
unique in wisdom and management, went into retirement and devoted 
herself to their upbringing. One day, the JalaTrs who belong to the 
Darlgin tribe, laid an ambush » and killed Manulun and eight of her 
sons. Qaidu Khfin, the ninth son, had gone off to China (Macin) in 
order to become his cousin's* son-in-law and so escaped. With the 



i Aba Muslim 'Abdu-r-ra(imSn, 
son of Muhammad and called the 
missionary of the 'Abbasides, i.e., 
(fdkih-i'da'vxxi or author of tho call 
of the 'Abbasidea, (Gibbon cap. 52.) 
and also called okj^ Jaryan. He 
was a general of the 'Abbasides and 
the origin of their power but was 
put to death 136 H. 753 by Khallf 
Maii^fir. (Mas' ad!, Mcjnard. VI, 
58, I7t>, etc.) Mcrv was one of the 
four chief cities of Khuraaau and 



its inhabitants were called Marwazi. 
(D'flerbdlot art. Merou.) 

» The Text follows the MSS. 
which spell the name in two ways. 

■ The Sl^ajrcdU'l-atrdk has a long 
story as to the cause of these 
murders. 

♦ Tho S}i,ajral makes Macin his 
grand-uncle's son, viz., son of Taqtii 
or Tuqaba the brother of Bucja who 
was Qaidii'a grandfather. 



CHAPTER XV, 185 

help of MficTn^ the Jalaira were brought to rae their folly and induced 
to put to death seventy men who had been engaged in the murder of 
Manulun and her children. They also bound their wives and children 
and sent them to Q&idu ^an who marked their foreheads with the 
token of servitude. Their descendants remained for a lengthened 
period in the prison of slavery. 

Qaidu ^an after many adventures^ sat upon the thone of 
sovereignty and supervised the world's civilization.^ He founded 68 
cities and had a following of many clans. He warred with the 
Jalfiirs and firmly established his power. When he passed away^ he 
left three sons. 

BlTASAKGnAB SfiAN. 

Bayasanghar Kh&n was the eldest son and the unique of his Age 
for administrative capacity and for the management of subjects and 
soldiers. He sat upon the throne agreeably to his father's testa- 
ment. 

TOmana KhAn, 

Tumana was the worthy son of Bftyasanghar ^an. When his 
father was departing from this worlds he made over the kingdom to 
him. The dTvftn of sovereignty and world-rule gained lustre during 
his reign. He graced it by his courage and wisdom, and augmented 
the glory of the Age by his magnanimity and bearing of burdens. By 
strength of arm and vigour of mind, he increased his hereditary 
kingdom by adding to it, much of Mongolia (Mughulistfln) and 
Turkistftn. There was not his like for might and prestige in all 
Turkist&n. He had two wives by one of whom he had seven sons 
and by the other twins. One of the twins was named Qabal and was 
the great-grandfather* of Cingiz Sh&n and the other was named 
Qaculi. 



1 The ^ajra^ says he dug a 
canal. 

> Though he was only the third in 
ascent from GingTz Khan, the latter 
was fourth in succession for Qftbila, 
the son of Qabal was succeeded by 



his brother BartSn Bahadur and he 
by his son Yasfika the father of 
Cingiz. This accounts for Cingtz 
being the fourth star which emerged 
from Qabal's bosom. (See infra). 



186 



AKBARNAHi. 



69 



Qac(^li BA.HiDaa. 

Q&cull Bahidur is the eighth ancestor of his Majesty the Lord 
of Conjanction (Timur). He was a theatre of the lights of dominion 
and a station of the impressions of auspiciousness. The refulgence 
of greatness radiated from his countenance and the glory of fortune 
shone from his brow. One night he beheld in a dream ^ a shining 
star emerging from Qabal Khan's breast. It rose to the zenith and 
then was extinguished. This happened thrice. The fourth time^ a 
wondrous bright star arose from his (QabaFs) breast and took the 
horizons with its light. The rays thereof reached and enkindled 
other stars^ and each of them lighted up a region, so that when the 
globe of light disappeared^ the world still remained illuminated. He 
awoke from his vision^ and loosed the bird of thought that he might 
interpret the strange augury. Suddenly sleep again^ overcame him 
and he saw seven stars rise in succession from his own breast and 
disappear. The eighth time^ a mighty star appeared and lighted up 
the whole world. Then some small stars branched off from it so that 
every corner of the universe was illuminated. When the great star 
became invisible^ these other stars shone forth and the universe 
remained bright as before. At daybreak^ Qficull Bahadur reported 
the occurrence to his honoured father Tumana Khan. The latter 
gave the interpretation that from Qabal Khan there would come 
three princes who should sit on the throne of the Kh&nate and be 
lords of lands. But the fourth time^ a king would come after these^ 
who should bring most of the earth under his sway and should have 
children^ each of whom would govern a region. From Qaculi would 
come seven dominant descendants^ bearing on their brows the dia- 



1 Khafl Khan (I, 9) makes each 
brother have a dream but says that 
the stars seen by Qacall were less 
bright than those beheld by the 
elder brother Qabal. Apparently he 
either rejects the application to 
Timur or holds that he was descend- 
ed from the elder brother (through 
Cinglz KhSn). D'Hcrb^lot has a full 
account of the dream. (Art. Tonma- 
nah Kh&n). See also Sharafu-d-dln's 



Zafamdma, (ProlegovMna), and Babar 
and Humayiin, Erskine I, 70 and 
Sh^jraiU'l-aiTdk (Miles). There is a 
good deal about the dream and the 
covenant between the brothers in the 
Bo-called Memoirs of Timur. 

* There is a play on the word 6a«, 
the other meaning being " the hawk 
" (6a«) of his sleep snatched at " the 
bird of thought. 



CHAPTER XT. 187 

dem of primacy and the crown of rule. The eighth time a descen- 
dant would arise who should exhibit world-wide sovereigntj and 
exercise sway and chiefship over all mankind. From him would 
come descendants who should each rule a division of the earth. 

When Tumana Khfin had made an end of his interpretation^ the 
two brothers^ in accordance with his orders^ made a mutual league 
and covenant to the effect that the throne of the Khan should be 
committed to Qabal l^ftn and that Qaculi should be Commander-in- 
Chief and Prime Minister. And it was established that the descen- 
dants of each should^ generation after generation^ observe this 
arrangement. They drew up a solemn compact ('ahd-ndma) to this 
effect in TJighur (Turkish) characters and each brother put his seal 
to it and it was styled the " Altamgba of Tumana Khan." The 
illustrious ancestors of his Majesty^ the king of kings^ — who is the 
final cause of the series having been set in motion — were^ from Adam 
to Tumana Khan^ distinguished by absolute sovereignty and by 
independent sway, and so established the throne of justice. Some 
members of the glorious company also attained to the spiritual world 
and so weroj both outwardly and inwardly^ plenipotent^ as hath been 
set forth in ancient chronicles. 

The Divine strategy — in providing for the apparition of the 
consummation of all degrees^ spiritual and temporal^ by the inter* 
vention of so many rulers of the visible and invisible worlds^ — was 
awaiting the birth-time of his Majesty^ the king of kings^ — for^ as 
being the quintessence of humanity^ his robe must be gorgeously 
embroidered, — and so was day by day, accomplishing the prepara- 
tions. Hence in order to completeness and to cause appreciation of 
the glory of service and the sweets of management, QaculT Bahadur 
was arrayed in the disguise of vicegerency {waJcdlat) so that the 
grades of this status too might come within the purview of this 
glorious company and a provision of every stage of development be 
accumulated for his Majesty, the king of kings. Thus, notwith- 
standing the guiding power, dexterity, greatness and high-minded- 
ness of Qficuli Bahadur, Qabal Kh^n became the heir. Though in 
the external point of age, — which is not regarded by the wise, — he 
was greater, yet in reality, the controlling power of the Divine 
wisdom was engaged in completing the work (of preparation for 
Akbar). When Tumana Khan's star set in the west, Qabal Khan 



188 



akbarnama. 



became established on the throne of rule and Qftculi Bahadnr^ in 
accordance with that fidelity to his promise which is the material of 
eternal bliss^ undertook with concord and singleness of aim^ the 
management of the State in conformity with the rules of loving^ 
mindedness and king-making. 

And when Qabal Khan went from this world of troubled exis- 
tence to the peacefal home of nothingness^ QQbila^ Kh&n who out of 
six sons was the one worthy of the tht^ne and crown^ obtained the 
70 sovereignty^ and QaculT Bahadur remained engaged in the same high 
office of Gommander'^in-Chief^ observed his compact and, by help of 
wisdom and courage^ carried on the affairs of the State. Qubila 
!^an with the support of such a grandee^ who was possessed both of 
God-given wisdom and a world-conquering sword, took vengeance for 
his brother from Xltan ^an {i.e., the Golden Khfln) the ruler of 
Cathay and having made great wars which were masterpieces of men 
of might, inflicted a heavy defeat on the army of Cathay. 

The abstract of this affair is as follows :— The rulers of Cathay 
always were in dread of this noble race and always kept on friendly 
terms with it. When 2.1t§n I^an was confirmed on the throne of 
Cathay, he became much alarmed at hearing of the bravery and 
ability of Qabal Stan. By means of skilful embassies, he established 
concord between them to such an extent that he invited Qabal Khan 
to Cathay. The ^an with the sincerity and honesty which are the 
characteristics of this family, made over the care of the kingdom to 
Qaculi Bahadur and went to Cathay. His reception was very friendly 
and after indulging in pleasure and enjoyment,* he set his face 
homewards. Some of fltfin !0^an's grandees of base and ignoble 
nature^ disturbed his mind with improper words so that he repented 
having said adieu to Qabal Khfin and sent a message to recall him. 
Qabal Kh§n saw through the plot and replied that as he had left in 
an auspicious hour, it would not be proper to return.^ This enraged 
Altan Khan who sent troops with orders to bring him back by hook 
or by crook. Qabal Khan caused the officer in command to alight 



1 Text, Qiilla, hut a note says that 
the Zafamama (Prolegomena) has 
QQbila and this appears the correct 
reading. 

■ Tlio Prolegomena I.e. and tho 



S&o/mi say that Qabal got drunk 
and insulted AltSn. 

^Prolegomena I.e. has S^ngunnu 
mtddnam ** I do not regard it as of 
good omon (to return)." 



CHAPTER XV. 



189 



at the house of a friend of his named Saljuqi who had his dwelling 
by the way-side^ and agreed to tnm back. S§ljuqi secretly told him 
that to return was not advisable and that he had a swift and enduring 
horse which no one could come up with and that the proper^ 
thing for Qabal !l^an was to mount this horse and get away aa 
quickly as possible from this dangerous neighbourhood. 

Qabal Khan acted on this advice and getting on the horse^ 
proceeded to his own camp -yuri). When the Cathay messengers 
heard this, they pursued him with all rapidity but did not come up 
with him till he was in his own camp. Qabal Ehnn seized these 
wicked people and put them to death. Meanwhile his eldest child 
tJ^qin s Barqaq who was matchless for beauty^ was keeping company 
with the gazelles on the borders of the wilderness when a party of 
TStnrs surprised him and took him to j^ltau ^§n. The Khftn put 
this delicate fawn> to death* in satisfaction for those dog-souled 
wolves. 

When Qubila ^&n who was the second son, came to the throne^ 
he collected an army and marciied against ilt&n Bbiin to revenge his 
brother's^ death. A great battle ensued and the Gathaians suffered 
a sore defeat and were plundered of their property. 

When the onset of the army of death fell upon Qubila IQ^Sn^ 
his honoured brother Bartan Bahidur, was established on the throne, 
agreeably to the counsels of the nobles. He preserved the institu- 
tions fydadq, i. e, ydad) of his father and brother and as in his time, he 



71 



1 The meaning apparently is that 
when Qabal was on his way back 
with Altan's officer he got the latter 
to halt at the hoase of a friend by 
the wayside. The Prolegomena (l.c.)» 
tells the story somewhat differently, 
stating that Qabal evaded his pur- 
suers by entering the house of a 
friend bat was inclined to give him* 
self up and return with them, etc. 

s The ificifat of the Text after 
kaJdn is wrong. See D'Herb^lot art. 
Elil Sl^an and Prolegomena l.e. 

* OKaadl'i'dnmishdd, " a milk- 
born gazelle." Cf. Dryden's milk- 



white hind. 

* It is said that AltSn nailed or 
sewed him to a wooden ass in revenge 
for the death of his messengers. One 
account says he was hunting bnt 
A.F.'s words seem to imply that he 
was too young for this, that ho was, 
as it were, a fawn himself and so, 
sporting with the gazelles. The 
Prolegomena seems to say that the 
child had strayed into the plain. 

* The word birddar is loosely used 
and for the sake of assonance with 
hahddur, Qacoll was really uncle of 
Bart&n. 



190 



AKBABNlHA. 



had no rival who could contend with him in war^ the title Ehan was 
marked in people's mouths by that of Bahadur and they stamped 
the coin of his courage with this awe-augmenting appellative. At 
this period^ Qaculi Bahadur who was at once a life-sacrificing brother 
and a Commander-in-Chief Bahadur^ departed to the eternal world. 

Ibadah-ci BablIs. 

Iradam-cT Barlas was the upright son of Qaculi Bahadur and was 
distinguished for his wisdom and military talent. On bis father's 
deaths the patent (iugbrd) of the Commander-in-Chiefship was exalted 
by the entry of his name and he managed affairs according to the 
rules which his father had made illustrious. He was the first who 
bore the title of Barlas^ the meaning of which fine word is brave and 
of noble lineage. The whole Barlas clan traces its origin > from him. 

When Bartan Bahadur died^ Yesugai^ Bahadur^ the third of his 
four Bons^ and father of CingTz Khan^ and who was adorned with the 
cuirass of wisdom and tiie helmet of courage^ placed the crown of 
the Khanfite on his head and graced the throne of world-sway. 
At this time Iradam-dt Barlas died^ leaving twenty-nine sons. 

StJGHO CicAN (The Wise). 

Sughu Clean was distinguished among the noble sons of Iradam-ci 
Barl&s for courage, wisdom and administrative ability. He was also 
the eldest son. He took the place of his honoured father ; osten- 
sibly he was Commander-in-Chief, in reality he was sovereign. 
Yesugai Bahadur, by the world-adorning advice of Sughu Clean 
marched against the Tatars and trod under foot their glory and their 
grandeur. When he had^ by God's help and the might of good 



1 If 80, it seems an anacbronism 
to speak of Alanquwa as belonging 
to the Barlas family in the way A.F., 
(according to the MSS.,) has done in 
his accoont of that lady. And in- 
deed there seems no doubt that 
Barlas is a clerical error for QOralis 
which is the word in Ba^tdu'd^n, 
The Text has laf^'umu'cdld "lofty 
word/' but Quatrem^re {Boiitdu'd' 
din 250n.) thinks that mu*alld is a 



clerical error for mugialt and trans- 
lates "on homme brave et d'une 
naissance illastre ; " and adds " le 
mot barlda dans la langue des Mon- 
goles d^Big^ait un homme brave et 
d'une naissance illastre." 

* Text, BlsQkS, but a note states 
that many MSS. have YasakiL It 
is YasQkS in the Prolegomena I.e., 
Yesugai or Jesugai seems to be the 
correct form. 



CHAPTER XV. 



191 



fortane^ overcome the Tfitfirs^ he Bet out for Dllun^ Buldaq. When 
he arrived there, his chief wife (^§tun) OlQn Anaga* whom he had 72 
left pregnant J gave birth to a noble son on 20th zi-Uqa^da 549 ^ (26th 
Jan., 1155), in the cycle-year of the Hog {Tankiiz). Yesugai Bahidur 
called him TemucTn> Sughu Clean, who possessed lofty intelligence 
and exalted understanding, told Yesugai Bahadur that by the secrets 
of calculation and the favourable aspects of the heavens, it was clear 
that this was the very star which had emerged the fourth time from 
Qabal Khin's breast. 

GiNQiz^ EsAn. 

Though in the noble line of his Majesty, the king of kings, 
which in this book of Divine praise is the starting-point^ of utter- 
ance, it is unnecessary to mention TemucTn who is a branch of the 
holy tree, yet as he was a ray of the divine light of Alanquwa, a 
brief account of him is indispensable. The horoscope of Temucin 
was in Libra and the seven planets 7 were in it. The Dragon's 



1 Text, Dilan Yuldaq. Howorth 
(I, 47) says the place is called Deli- 
gun Buldaghai near the Onon by 
Ssanang Ssetzen and that it is still 
known by the same name, tn«., Delan 
Boldaq. It is in northern Mongolia, 
near the Russian frontier and on the 
right bank of the Onon. D'Herb^lot 
art. Genghiz Khan calls it Diloun 
Joloun. 

* Called by Hammer 'Plan Ike and 
by Erdmann Ulun Egeh. Apparently 
the Turkish pronunciation of cmaga 
is enegeh. The a is not long. 

* Chinese historians put his birth 
seven years later, via., 1162 A.D. for 
they say he died in 1227 at the age 
of 66 and not of 72, as Muhammad- 
ans state. D'Herb^lot, Supplement, 
(Yisdelou) art. Granghiz ]^ftn. Ham- 
mer-Furgstall (56) prefers the date 
1165. 

* Howorth, Temudjin and Temu- 
jin. The word is said to mean 



" finest iron." It may be noted here 
that the best biography of CingTz 
appears to be Prof. Tranz von 
Erdmann's Temndschin der IJners- 
chiitterliche. (Leipsic, 1862.) There 
is a Chinese Life of Cingiz trs. by 
Prof. B. R. Douglas, Lond., 1877. 

8 Gibbon, Zingis ; Howorth, Jingis. 

Meaning, I suppose, that the 
book is called the Akbamdma. 

'^ i.e., the five known to the an- 
cients ^7tc« the Sun and Moon. Their 
conjunction is supposed to indicate 
a cataclysm. (D'Herb^lot art. Keran). 
According to the HaJnburS'Siyar, the 
seven planets were in conjunction 
in Cancer — the horoscope of the 
world — at the time of the Deluge. 
See History of the Golden Horde, 
Hammer-Purgstall, 75 n., for state- 
ment of position of five of the planets 
on 6th Jan., 1155, i.e., shortly before 
Temacin's birth. 



192 



AKBARNAHA. 



Head^ was in the Third House and the Dragon's Tail* in the Ninth. 
Bat some say that in 581* (1185)^ when he became head of the Nairun 
tribe and family^ the seven planets were in conjunction in Libra. 

QarIcab NOyah. 

QarftcSr Nuyan t/as the noble son of Sughfi Cijan and was of 
kingly mind and princely^ bearing. In the year of the Hog 562 
(1167)^ Yesngai Bahadur died and in the same year, Temucin became 
thirteen and Sug^u Cljan, the centre of the sovereignty and adminia* 
tration and leader of the armies, marched nearly contemporaneously 
with this, to the camp of annihilation. QarScSr* Nuyin was then of 
tender age. The Nairun tribe left Temucin and joined the TaljmtB ^ 
so that Temucin was in difficulties and entangled in misfortunes. At 
length, by heaven's aid, he was rescued from these whirlpools and 
terrible dangers and waged war with the Jamuqa, TsTjut, Qanqarit^ 
Jalair and other tribes. When he was over thirty, he became head 
of his own clan and family (the Nairun). On account of the opposi- 
tion of various rulers of Turkistftn, he went in his fortieth year, by 
the advice of Qarficar Nuyan to Avang^ Khdn, the chief of the 
Kerayat tribe and who had an old friendship with Yesugai Bahadur. 
Temucin did good service for him and displayed pre-eminent excellence* 
His favour and intimacy with him and the loftiness of his rank came 



^ Anabibazon and Katabibazon. 
They are evil influences. The Third 
House is that of brethren and short 
journeys. D'Herb^lot says that 
Libra which is regarded by us as 
the Sig^ of Justice, is considered by 
Orientals to be that of winds and 
tempests. 

* I do not find this date in any of 
the lives of Cingiz Khan. He as- 
sumed the name of Cingiz, which 
apparently means the Powerful or 
Unshakeable, in 599 (1202). The 
period 581 seems again referred to 
a little lower where we are told that 
Ginglz became head of his tribe 
when over thirty. A.F.'s date does 
not differ greatly from the 1187 
given by Marco Polo as that of 



Gingiz', recognition nor from the 
1189 given by Ssanan Ssetzen. 

^ Sff^ahryar-nUhdn, Qu. kingma- 
ker. 

* If A.F.'s other dates are right, 
Qaraeir must have been an infant at 
this time for,— if he died in 652 at 
the age of 98, — he must have been 
some 12 years younger than Cingiz. 

^ Text, TSljat and another form i^ 
Tin j at. It seems a different word 
from Tangat. 

• Or Wang, — the Prester John of 
medisBval writers and travellers 
D'Herb^lot art. Kerit and Supple- 
ment (Ylsdelou) 279. Hammer-Purg- 
stall says Toghril was the proper 
name of Avang or Owaiig. 



CHAPTER XY. 



193 



to such a point that the sweet savour of his sincerity was made fra- 
grant by the paatile of friendship' so that the great officers and 
relatives (of ivang !^&n) became jealous. 

J&mQqa^ chief of the Jajarfit tribe^ joined with Sanku,* the son 
of Xvang ^&n, to speak evil of him and they devised falsehoods 
against him whereby the heart of ivang Kbfin was drawn away from 
the right path and he began to entertain evil thoughts. Temucin 
became alarmed and escaped from that*danger by the counsels and 
assistance of Qarficir Nuyan. Twice were great battles fought be- 73 
tween them in which Temucin was victorious. 

When in his 49th, or as some say^ his 50th year, he, in Bamazdn 
599 (May-June 1203), attained the rank of a sovereign and ruler 
of the world. When three years of his reign and rule had passed 
But Tengri,^ a seer of the invisible world and herald of the Divine 
Court, was inspired to give Temucin the title of Cingis lO^ftn or 
king of kings. Day by day, the star of his fortune rose higher 
and higher and year by year, the lightning of his majesty became 
more vivid. He acquired sway over all Cathay, ^otan. Northern 
and Southern China {Cm u Mddn), the desert of Qibcaq, Saqsin,* 



I According to one account, 
noticed by D'Herb^lot, Ginglz mar- 
ried a daughter of Avang. 

* Also gh ankn and Shakfln. 

» Text, TabTengri; but ladopt the 
variant of But Tengri, given also in 
No. 564. Hammer-PurgBtall (65) 
calLs him Buttanri, the son of Itschke 
and says he was step-brother of 
Cingfz, being son of Ginglz's mother 
by her second husband. 

♦ Text, LHi*** Safin, but the notes 
give variants, Saqfn andSabaqlnand 
the Ain (Jarrett III. 100, where see 
note) Saqsln. It is the Sacassin men- 
tionedin D'Ohsson. (1. 346 n.) ''Sacas- 
8in,dit leg^graphe de Bacu, ^taitune 
grande ville du pays des SLazares. 
Sacassin est h pr^ent submerg^e." 
As D'Ohsson remarks it seems con- 
nected with the Sakae or Scythians. 

25 



Apparently it was a place or country 
near the Caspian and is used by 
A.F. to indicate the extent of Cinglz' 
conquests in the West. The Zc^ar- 
ndma Prolegomena says, in reference 
to Cin^iz' conquests, that they ex- 
tended ast ihiidd'i Bulghdr u Saqin 
id intihd*i Gin u Saqsln (?) ^ ^dcin 
where apparently Saqsfn denotes an 
eastern country. YuUers s.v. Saqsln, 
says ** nom. regionie ignotae" and 
refers to the Burhdn'i'qdti* and the 
Farhcmg-i-Basli%dt. The latter says 
it is a country of Turkistan and 
quotes a line of Nigftml which con- 
tains the expression "from Saqsln to 
Samarkand." 

In 1652 Greaves published two 
Geographical Tables one by Na^Iru- 
d-dln 7u8l and the other by Ulugh 
Beg. These are in great measure 



194 



AKBARNAMA. 



Bulgaria^i Xs,^ Russia^ Xlan^f etc. He had four sons, Ju]T> CagbataT. 
Okada!^ TqII. He placed with Jdji the management of feasts and 
hunting. Judiciary matters {ydrghu) and the carrying out of punish* 
ment^ in which administrative government is involved^ were commit- 
ted to the wisdom of Caghatai. Grovernment and political matters 
were assigned to Okadai. The management of military affairs and 
the protection of the camp were made over to Tuli. 

In the months of 615 (1218)^ he marched to Transoxiana against 
Sultan Muhammad^ l^ing of !^warizm* and the people of that country 
received the chastisement of capital punishment. 

When he had finished the affairs of Transoxiana^ he crossed the 
Amu (Oxus) and turned his world-opening reins towards Bal]^. He 
despatched TulT !^an with a large army to ^urasan and after 
conquering Iran and Tur&n, he came from Bal)^ to Taliqan.^ From 
thence he went off to put an end to Jal&lu-d-dm Mangbami^ and in 



identical and perhaps the repetitions 
in Ain ( Jarrett III. 47 et seq), are 
due to indiscriminate copying from 
both. In Greaves' Tables, Saqsin is 
given in Long. 86° 36' and Lat. 43° 
and as belonging to the 5th climate ; 
Bolgar, Long. 90° and Lat. 49° and as 
belonging to the 7th climate. 

Quatremfere (Hist, des Mongoles) 
states that Klaproth has treated at 
great lengfth of the subject of Saqsin. 

I Bular, t.e. Bulghar, (Ain. Jarrett, 
etc.) III. 103) a town on the Caspian. 
This is therefore not the European 
Bulgaria to the west of the Black 
Sea but Great Bulgaria on the Volga. 

« VuUers (34a) gives As as a town 
in Qibcak from which the Osseti 
took their name. But the As of the 
Text appears to be the Crimea or its 
neighbourhood. See Jarrett III. 102 
where it is spelled Af a form not 
given by Vullers. Quatrem^re (Hist, 
des Mongoles, Pref. 70n. 87), says 
"Le mot As ou u*' dosigne les 



Alains qui portent encore aujoor 
d'hui le nom de Oaaets" 

• See Vullers and D*Herb. Alan is 
said to be a town in Turklstan but 
apparently the Alan of the Text is 
the Allan of D'Herb^lot which was 
in the Caucasus and the home of the 
tribe known as the Alant, and which 
occupied country between the Cas- 
pian and Black Seas. 

• The modern Khiva. The citizens 
were all massacred. 

( X>^liqan, a town in Klhurasan, 
E. of Ballfct. (Jarrett III, 87). The 
Siur&san and BadaU^an ^aliqans 
seem to be identical. See Howorth*a 
map. 

• Text, Manklrni, but Ain (11. 204 
and Jarrett III. 843) has MangbarnI 
or Mankbardi, Jarrett observes that 
Hammer-Purgstall says it should be 
written MankbamI but that on Jal&lu- 
d-dln's coins it is Mankbarln. If 
as Hammer states, (74) the term 
means short or flat-nosed {stumpf- 



CHAPTER XY. 



195 



Ramazdn^ 624 (Aug. 1227)^ defeated him np to the banks of the 
Indus. From thence he went to Transoxiana towards his permanent 
encampment (Karakoram). He died in the year of the Hog which 
was also that of his birth and accession, on 4th §afar^ 624, in the 
borders of the coantry of Tang&t.* 

Before his death, he directed that when the inevitable event 
occurred, they should keep it secret until the affair of the people of 
Tangut was completed and that there might be no commotion in dis- 
tant countries. His sons and officers carried out his instructions and 
took steps to conceal the event till the people of Tangut had come 
out^ and been made the forage of the sword. Then they marched 
off bearing the body (of CingTz) m a chest, putting to death every- 



ndHg) we should hardly expect to 
find such a nickname on coins. 
VamWry (Hist, of Bukhara, 1842) 
says the word is Mengberdi, (heaven- 
sent); Raverty (Tahaqat-i-ruiairt, 285) 
that it means having a mole on the 
side of the* nose. (See also 299n.) 
Mwng is given as meaning a mole in 
Shaw's Vocabulary of Eastern Tur- 
kish. The epithet would thus be 
equivalent to KhdlcULr, and, — a mole 
being regarded as a beauty ^ — the 
sobriquet is honorific* 

For an account of the gallant 
Jalalu-d-din see Gibbon Cap. 64 and 
D'Herb^lot art. Jelaleddin and Ain 
l.cr. 

^ This date is wrong as perhaps 
the copyists might have inferred 
from the fact that just below Cingiz 
is described as dying in J^afar, the 
2nd month of 624, whereas Bamaisdn 
is the ninth. Jalalu-d-din's defeat 
really occurred in Rajah 618 (Aug.- 
Sep. 1221). It was therefore the 
time of the rains which enhances the 
splendour of Jal&lu-d-dui's- feat in 
swimming his horse over the Indus. 

> D'Herbelot. 4th Ramadan, This 



agrees with Howorth and Hammer- 
Purgstall who also give the corres- 
ponding European date as 18th Aug. 
Apparently A.F. had inadvertently 
written the date of death as that of 
the defeat of Jalalu-d-din. 4th 
JS^afar is 24th Jan. (1227). Safar is 
given in one place by Baghidu-d-dTn 
whom A.F. copies. (See Hammer- 
Purgstall, G. Horde 92 n. 4.) But 
see Erdmann I.e., p. 573. 

^ Text, Tankaqot. It seems to be 
the Tunkah of the Am (Jarrett III. 
98) in 5th climate and belonging to 
Taslkand. See D'Herbelot art. Tan- 
gat where it is stated that the Arabs 
call the town Tanghikunt a form 
which approaches that in Text. The 
country is also called Hia. (See 
Howorth I. 4 on Hia or Tangut). It 
lies north-west of China and west of 
the Yellow Biver. On some modern 
maps the country is marked as that 
of the Tangats. See Supplement 
(Visdelou, 802), for remarks on 
Scheidercou and Tamghoul. 

♦ They came out under their king 
Shfdaqu (called by Minhaj, Tingii 
E[hftn) to treat with Cingfz who had 



196 AKBABNAHA. 

body whom they inet> so that the news might not be quickly con- 
veyed to the different countries. On 14th Bama:^n of the same year^ 
they brought the body to the great camp and proclaimed the death. 
They buried OingT2S at the foot of a tree which he had, one day when 
74 huntings approved as a site for his grave. In a short space of time^ 
the branches became* so thick that the tomb was hidden by them and 
no one could ascertain the spot. There is a strange mystery in this 
which cannot be understood, except by the wisdom of the wise and 
far-seeing, to wit, that as in life he was under God's protection, so 
also in death did he come under God's supervision, in order that the 
short-sighted might not put forth hands of disrespect against the 
place. Though to take much thought about a tomb is to make one 
self ridiculous to mankind, yet as rulers have to deal chiefly with 
the superficial-minded, this providential guarding (of CingTz' tomb) ia 
a great blessing. And why should not the Divine protection watch 
over one who was so great that an universe abode in the shade of his 
guardianship ? 

Though this great man be in the eyes of the vulgar and even 
to the dite,^ at first glance, a leading exponent of Divine wrath, yet 
to the far-reading view of the wise, ^ite of the elite, he is an 
emanation of Divine blessings. For in the kingdom of Divine 
justice of which human government is a ray, there can be no 
injustice or oppression, and everything which comes into existence 
in the world of evil is based on certain spiritual principles, the real 
nature of which the superficial cannot perceive and which cannot be 
comprehended save by the intellects of the far-seeing and awakened- 
hearted. 

His years were seventy-two complete and most of the seventy- 
third had also elapsed. Of them, twenty-five were spent in reigning 
and conquering. If we look to the dates* of his birth and his death. 



promised them safety, but as he was 
dead, his heirs, I suppose, did not 
think themselyes bound by his pro* 
mise and put them all to death. 
Apparently it was to give a loophole 
for this that Cingfz bade the fact of 
h 18 death to be concealed . ( ydbiiqdt'i' 
naflrl, Rarerty 1087>».) 



1 Minhaj always calls CingiB the 
accursed. 

s i^., reckoning the death as in 
flafcir. If Bamatan be taken, the 
age would be 74, there being 10 solar 
months in a lanar year. 




CBAPTKB lY. 



id7 



as stated in higtories^ his age comes to seventy-foar years and three 
months. Apparently the discrepancy is due to the difference between 
lunar and solar months and yearsj or it may be owing to some cause 
other than the ostensible one. Daring this period^ the high matters 
of government and administration were made illustrions by the 
world-adorning counsels of QarftcSr Nuyan. Why should not a 
potentate who hath such a kinsman {birddar) in blood and in spirit 
by his side as his director to dominion and f ortune^ brush with the 
head of majesty the highest zenith of conquest and rule ? 

Verse. 

Qarficir and Cingiz are cousins {Hm-i-^am and). 
In conquest tooj they are allied {qarinruham and)^ 

When the drum of death was beat^ the I^anship was made over 
to Okadai. The gist of this distressful occurrence is that when on 
the China expedition^ he (Cingiz) had one night an intimation by a 
vision^ that the time of leaving this mirage-like world was at hand. 
He called his sons^ Qaracar Nuy&Ui the Commander-in-Chief, and the 
other nobles and pillars of his empire and after imparting to them 
counsels which might dominate mankind, he appointed Okadai as 
!^an. He sent to the treasury for the covenant which had been 
executed by Qdculi and Qabal !^an and which was the Altamgha of 
Tumana ^O^fin and which his high-souled predecessors had succes- 
sively signedi and had it read before the noble assembly. He 
observed, " I swore to this deed together with Qarflcar Nuyan, do 
you also fulfil its conditions.'' He also had another deed drawn up 75 
between Okadai and his other sons and his kinsmen and made it over 
to Okadu. 

Transoxiana, Turkistdn, the borders of ^wSrizm, the cities of 
the XJig^urs, KSshghar. Badakhshan, Balkh and ^aznih as far as the 
Indus, he assigned to CaghataT !^an. He also made over the cove- 
nant of Qabal lO^in and QSculi Bahadur to Caghatii and said to him, 
" Depart not from the counsels of Qaracar Nuyan and regard him as 
your partner in rule and realm.'' He also established between them 
the bond of fatherhood ^ and sonship. In this way the noble line 



1 According to a MS. of Tlmar's 
Memoirs Cingiz did this by marry- 



ing Qaracar to a daughter of Cagha- 
tai. If 80, Qar&car must surely 



198 



AKBABNiMA. 



(Akbar^s) came to be called Caghatfli;^ otherwise the relatioosbip of 
Caghatai and bis ancestors with his Majesty^ the king of kings. Is one 
of glory and superiority not of propinquity and similarity. 

The Princes and Nuyans acted according to the testament. 
Good God ! could there be such a breach • of covenant by an emi- 
nently wise man like CingTz Khan ! The covenant which had been 
adorned by the seal-royal (Altamgha) of Tumana l^kn should have 
been given to Okadfii Qa'an and he should have been made over to be 
educated and succoured by the weighty counsels of Qaracdr Ntiyan 
so that the provisions of the compact might be carried int-o effect ; or 
did they not produce* that covenant till he (Cingiz) was carried 



have been many years younger than 
Cingfz and hardly fitted to be his 
counsellor. The passage in the 
Memoirs is duJ^tar-i- CaghataiKhdnrd 
hd Qardcdr Nuydn *aqd Jeard u har 
do Ourkdn ndm nilidd. But A.F.'b 
view and that commonly accepted 
is that Qaracar acted as a father to 
Caghatai. (ShairatU'l-cUrdk, Miles 
344.) 

I This does not seem quite correct. 
Babar's mother was a Caghatai be- 
ing a daughter of Tonus Kh&n, a 
descendant of Cingiz, — a fact which 
A.F. notices later on in his account 
of Babar. 

« A.F. holds that Cingiz broke the 
compact by not attaching Qaracfir 
to the Khaqan (Great Khan). But 
Caghartal was the elder son though 
passed over in favour of the younger, 
Okadai and thus ; in one sense, the 
assigning of Qaracar to him was right. 

The Prolegomena l.c. states that 
CingTz made the arrangement be- 
cause Transoxiana had been assign* 
ed to Cagh&tai and as Jalalu-d-din 
Mangbarni was still alive, it was 
necessary to have Caghatai support* 
cd by an experienced general like 
Qaracar. 



Timilr does not seem to hskve 
thought there was a breach of agree- 
ment for he tells us that when 
Taj^aq Timar shewed him the agree* 
ment— which had been written on 
a steel plate and sigpied by Qjibal 
and QacQli, — he acquiesced and ac- 
cepted the Commander-in-Chief ship. 
(Timur's Memoirs, Stewart 12.) See 
too page 22 (Stewart) where TTmiir*s 
father tells him that he had beea 
Sipdh-adldr, Apparently if there 
were a breach of compact, it occurred 
when Tlmar's grandfather. Amir 
Barkal gave up his duties as Sipah^ 
sdldr and retired into private life. 

^ I am not sure of the meaning of 
this passage. My friend Mr. Beamed 
thinks it is that the courtiers should 
not have produced the deed before 
Cingiz so that posterity might havo 
ascribed his conduct to ignorance 
and not to a deliberate design of 
breaking the compact. But Ciog1» 
had asked for the deed, so that they 
could not well have evaded its pro- 
duction, and it is difficult to see how 
an intentional omission to consult 
the deed could make Cingiz's conduct 
or that of his courtiers any better. 
Apparently the words " hd^ir namX^ 



CHAPTER XV. 



199 



away by the inbred forgetfulnesa ^ of human nature^ and thus the 
i^ark of censure in the book of his knowledge was obliterated by the 
line of obliviousness. It is strange too that old writers while treat- 
ing of this subject with verbiage, cavilling and equivocation have not 
come to a right determination about it. It appears as if the world- 
adorning Deity desired to remove from the frame of this lofty lineage, 
the disguise of the Commander-in-Chiefship which Tumana ^ftn had 
imposed but which had really been fashioned by the Divine artificers 
while completing the evolution of his Majesty, the king of kings, 
(and that so) a forgejbf ulness ensued which surpassed in excellence 
thousands of good designs. Inasmuch as the Divine protection 
was ever guarding this lofty line, no failure in the compact and agree- 
ment occurred on the part of Qaculi Bahadur's descendants so that 
when the turn of sovereignty, which was due to their innate and 
acquired power of direction, arrived and they attained the divan- 
adorning Caliphate, there could be no reproach brought against them 
by the wise. Likewise this was the beginning « of the rise of that 



sdyttand " must refer to the officers 
and not to Cinglz for they are com- 
monly used of the act of inferiors 
in bringing something before their 
superior. I am inclined then to 
think that A.F. means to suggest as 
an excuse for Cingiz, that he was at 
death's door and incapable of recol- 
lecting the contents of the deed. Or 
it may be that the important word 
is an (that) and that A.F. means to 
{suggest that possibly the courtiers 
did not produce that deed, i.^., the 
real deed, but some other. 

The Sliajrat (344) remarks that 
Cingiz exceeded in recommending 
Qaracar to Caghatai. Probably this 
remark is based on A.F. and indi- 
cates that the Qkajrat was written 
after the Akhamdma, 

^ Alluding to the Arabic proverb 
(Aba'I-ghftzi» D^smaisons, Preface) 
aimvalu n-ndai awvoalu n»nd$, "the 



first forgetter was the first man." 
This again, I believe, refers to 
the tradition that Adam surren- 
dered 40 years of life in favour of 
his descendant, King David but re- 
pudiated or forgot having done so 
when the Angel of Death came to 
him at the close of his 960th year. 
In consequence of this forgetf ulness 
by Adam, it was laid down in the 
book which Seth received from 
heaven, that all promises or agree- 
ments should be ratified by the pre- 
sence of two witnesses. 

* Timar is regarded as a lineal 
descendant of Qaracar Nuyan, 
though according to Vamb^ry, the 
claim is without foundation. It 
seems that Ba&hid^-d-d^a says no- 
thing about Qaracar's being Cagha- 
tai's generalissimo. (D*Ohsson II. 
109 n.) But he is mentioned in the 
J^abaqat'i-naairi b> Minhaj who was 



200 



%hfc of fortnae I.- ^r *'*'*»*'»*• 

^oiy existence wL fc. ^*^"''*^' '^^ t'ord of Tn • 

^^'\ • ^ ftr ^■"««- 

«^ obedience 1?? """^ '° P«rfo,^in!^f ■ T^°"°^' ^''"i 
When o ,, '"^'^^^ obeenred^i"* *"" '^""^^ »«d « tie « 

*he year of ^. "'• ^« '^"^ «eiren !„ '^fj^'^^^o- »nd Jd 

»«ndfather'« H **^°'' «"> of C^',""^^ ^ver to Q,ri E. 
After so 'r°'^''-- ^*^'' '*« ««-«"--» o| 

concealed that SrT' '"° o^ Cagha^ff \S^'« H«%uS.„,. 
^- -West. sr^''^«^'*° had, d^^^^ Let..o,.| 

lifetime. He ffc "" ^« ^eir, but JT- *°^®™^^t7, nomii>a« 



lifetime. He ,/' "^^""^ « h« heir, bu6 R-- ^""^^ignty, nomia 
^--•te, S he-: Xl ''' (^^oa':'lT£'^^^rin,t,My 
"» fiassia, Cirppo • ^®'' *^« Qa'Sn (f^lr ^ , "*™fin vrho was ki 
*^e ^eat' ^"r^r,;:^ f » Wa ,: '^^^^ fed, Gi^i n^ . 
_____^J»^tie capital) ti^^**^"'8*ria) and came .i 



j'*^*- Qar,ot teTr '■" "''**^ 
.••onbt that Qar.cirt ^""""^ »>« »o 

"•J-oagreatdeauCT" "^"-^ 
f '^feyo-wna which - ^ ^ **•« 
822 (UI9). '''^'' »»« written in 

^^'^^'S:^.l?J^'^' ^^enta. 
»'«»» to the rarti* r. " '"t^duc. 

•«»«* 8«4) hat 



(ffoworth 1. 158 n,_^ 
-tateatharoi'^ff';:!'^^^"*'^' 

«*^«inst;C!?'*^«r'*'^" 

presented that a '^"^^ '^'^ **" 

■noceed b«fn» i. • ^*'"'«on could nrt 

• Third. flo^jr^^fC-a l^g«- 

Chaucer and iinto^ ^^amWn of 






CHAPTBB XV. 



201 



established justice and the cherishing of subjects. When 
^(u Mangu was covered with the veil of annihilation^ Qarftcar Nuyan 
, ;ain appointed Qard Huligu to the government of the country and 

^^^Se»ied during his reign in 652 (1254),^ full of honours and success, at 

i^ooatW^heageof 89. 



AiJAL NOtAk. 



Aijal Nuyftn was the most distinguished for wisdom and godliness 
of Qaricir Nuy&n's ten * children. During the reign of Qara Hulfigu 
. ^ , he took, on account of his wisdom and vigour, the place of his father 
I . ; V(Qarficir). In 662 (1264) he was confirmed on the divan of dominion. 
' ^The CaghataT tribe {alas) was prosperous in his time, but as there was 
^ ^"' much opposition and strife among the descendants of CaghataT Khan, 






F^ 



son -r . 



• Film 



'erci:r^^ 



dan-. 



ij a:-: 
esKT 



si' • 



<l 



"r' 



he got disgusted with affairs and settled in his ancestral city of Kesh 
until the time when Mangu Qfi'an, son of Tuli Khan, son of Cingiz 
K}^&n, sent his brother Hulagu to Persia (Iran) and attached to him 
officers and men from each of the four tribes {alils) of Juji, CaghataT^ 
Okatai (5kadai) and Tuli, By universal request, Aijal Nuyan was 
selected from the Caghatai tribe and appointed as companion* to 
HuUgu E^Sn. That iO^an treated him with great respect and as- 
signed Maragha-Tabriz* to him. 



1 D'Obsson (II. 109 n.) quotes Mir 
Khwand as saying that QaracSr 
died at the age of 79 but the litho- 
graphed ed. of the Rau^tu^-fafd 
(Part Y. 69) gives 89 as the age and 
Mir Khwand'a source, the Zafamd' 
ma. Prolegomena, gives also 89. He 
died in the year of the Hare in the 
Turkish cycle. 

s Five, Prolegomena Le. gives their 
names. 

• Text, bi-raem-i-Bolbuft SdUmr 
does not occur in the dictionary and 
is perhaps ealar-i'hdr, (princepa aulae 
regiae)—'for which, see Vullers «.v. 
aaldr. Possibly the true reading is 
(^^ idioari, a present. For an ac- 
26 



count of this word, see Quatrem^re^ 
Notices, etc., XI Y. 27n. The meaning 
would then be ""He was sent as a 
na^r or present to Hulaka." I ob- 
serve, however, that edlhuri occurs as 
a title in the Zafamdma, (See 
extract therefrom, Tdrtlgi-i-^raiiidi, 
26, where we have £hwaja Salibarl.) 
A MS. however of the Zafamdma 
gives the word as Salbarl. So too. 
Bib. Ind. ed. I. 88 and II. 23 1.5 fr. 
ft.). Sdlbar occurs in the Burhdn-i' 
qdti* but only with the meaning of 
a tree which bears every second 
year. 
^ Jarrett III. 81n. 



k. 



202 



▲rBlRRAJIA. 



Amib Ailaxoab KhAh, 

Amir Ailangar ^an was the most distingoislied son of A.ijal 
Nuy§n. When Aijal departed from Taran with Haligu ]^S]i to 
77 Iran^ Ailangar was made his father's representative in the Ca^^atH 
tribe and when Aijal left this deceitful world in Iran^ Davi j^an, son 
of Baraq !^an^ son of Bisutava^ son of Mawatkan^ son of Ca|^atai 
EhSnj son of Cingiz O^an who bad become Saltan ^ made him Amtru^ 
Uumard > and gave him his father's rank and assigned to him powers 
of binding and loosing. And being fall of wisdom and insight, he 
undertook the management of the affairs of the kingdom. He em- 
braced the glorious Mnhammadan religion. 

AmIb Babkal.' 

Amir Barkal was very high-minded and when his noble father^ 
Amir Ailangar Nuyan left this comfortless worlds in the time of 
Tarmashirin Khan^ son of Dava ^in^ he was the only surviving son* 
As he was always occupied with the care of his own soul^ he had no 
leisure for other things and so^ abstaining from the companionship 
of Kh&ns, he transferred the paternal avocations to his cousins and 
remained independent in Kesh. He was assiduous in seeking God's 
favour and in acquiring virtues. He spent his life in that neighbour- 
hood and provided for his daily sustenance from the various estates 
and villages which belonged to his old possessions and was content 
therewith till he went to the holy kingdom and the eternal country. 

AmIb TabA@1!. 

Amir Taraghai was the distinguished son of Amir Barkal and 
is the father of the Lord of Conjunction (Timur). From early years 
and the flower of youth^ the lights of dominion and fortune shone 
from the court of his nature and the notes of greatness and glory 
illuminated the antechamber of his ways. That noble-minded man 
had a younger brother, Haibat * by name, who was a perfect paragon 



i B.A. S. MS. No. 114 has U salt^x- 
nat before ha 5 ra»%da bud and they 
teem needed. 

* This is regarded as the third 
renewal of the compact between 
Qabal and Q&calT. (Miles 381). 



> A^mad b. 'Arah 8h^ gives 
Abghai as the name of TlmHr'a 
grandfather. 

^ In the Prolegomena Ix, the name 
seems to be Salhita or Malbita, and in 
the 2i«^at««-<-ftHparIjgj^ to be Bita 



CBAPTBR X7. 



203 



of trutli and truth-seeking. Bat the lot of spiritaal and temporal 
eminence had fallen on the elder brother. Like his honoured father 

A 

(Barkal) he always kept his face on the threshold of the lords of holi- 
ness and was favoured by the associates of the portals of eternity. 
Especially that pattern of the masters of ecstacy^ Sl^aikh g^amsu-d- 
din KalSl^^ greatly honoured and respected the Amir and by his 
spiritual insight apprized him of the advent of the star of the Lord 
of Conjunction. 



I do not find his name in Tlmflr's 
Memoirs. A.n uncle, Qajt BarlSs 
and another, Aidkn, are spoken of, 
but they were probably his maternal 
uncles. They were unfriendly to 
him (Stewart's Tlmar, 55). 

« 

^ The Prolegomena Ix. and Kl^ula- 
fat call him Shamsu-d-din Kalar, and 
the former describes him as a suc- 
cessor of Shaikh Shihabu-d-dTn 
ShahrawardI (perhaps the famous 
ShahrawardI of Baghdid). The Pro2e- 
gomena states also that in 775 (1374), 
KmUr removed his father's body to 
near 8hamsu-d-dTn's shrine beside 
the chief mosque. Probably KalSr 
is right for the Amir Kalal whom 
Ttmnr often mentions seems a dif* 
ferent person. (Price and Davey 
(TtmQr*8 Institutes) call him Gulil, 
a word which signifies red powder, 
i.e., abtr). 

An Ami r KalSl is described in the 
SttfinatU'-l'^kuUyd also. D'Herb^lot 
mentions a Shamsu-d-din al-Fakh' 
aur-who lived in Kesh and was con- 



sulted by Tlmilr, but Tf mar's special 
Fir seems t^ have been Qutbu-I- 
aqtab Shaikh Zainu-d-din Aba 
Bakr. (Davey and White's Timur 
4n.) Apparently Ai^mad b. 'Arab 
Shah is the authority for this, who in 
the beginning of his Life of Timur, 
speaks of a Shaikh called Shamsn* 
d-dTn Al Fakhuri whom Tf mar con- 
sulted. 

A.F.'s reference to Shamsu-d-dln's 
foretelling the greatness of Tlmar 
to his father is interesting because 
it seems to be an allusion to Timor's 
Memoirs where the story is told. If 
this is so, it goes to support ihe 
genuineness of the Memoirs by 
showing that they were in existence 
before, at least the reign of Shah 
Jahan. The story, however, about 
Shams U'd-dTn's prophecy also ap- 
pears in the ffalUhu-a'Siyar. 

The Ain (Jarrett III, 358) men- 
tions an Amir Kalal who was a saiikt 
of the Naqsbbandi order. 



204 



AKBABKlMA. 



78 



CHAPTER XVI. 

The Loed of Gkkat Conjunctions, Third Pole i op the Hkiysbsv, 
Pole of Realm and Religion, AmIb Timue G^EoiN.* 

The eternal decree and unchanging will of God hath adorned 
the world by assigning thousands of designs to everything. Thus 
the Almighty, by implanting in the fifty-two persons who form the 
lofty line of the king of kings and who are the instruction of the 
wise, — command, wisdom, soyereignty, guidance, favour, bounty and 
other glorious graces and illustrious qualities, fashioned and finished 
the unique pearl of the Imperial Vicegerency (Khildfat). And from 
and after Qaculi Bahadur, He caused seven heroes of the sacred line 
to descend from the position of visible sovereignty and awarded 
them the status of Commander-in-Chief and king-making {iAdhin^ 
shdhi) so that by experiencing the stage of subjection in the garb of 
obedience, they might in an admirable manner, set forth to the 
apparatus of the universal laboratory. And as for the exalted an- 
cestors who spent their days in Irganaqun, albeit we have no record 



I SdlitU'l-quthtn. Probably this 
means that he is a Pole snpplemen- 
tal to the two Poles, making with 
them a Trinity. But it may mean 
umpire or arbitrator between the 
two Poles, or that ho was three 
kinds of Pole, viz., quthU'l-millai 
(religion), quthu-d-dunyd (the world) 
quibu'd'dtn (faith), us Tlmur is 
styled in the Prolegomena {ZtrfoT' 
ndma). Buy Gonzales de Glavigo 
(Clements B. Markham trs. 124) 
says, " The arms of Timur Beg were 
three circles like " o "s drawn in this 
manner ^o^ and this is to signify 
that he is lord of three parts of the 
world." He adds that TTmUr ordered 
this device to be stamped on his | 



coins and on everything that he had 
and that he ordered his tributaries 
to use it on their coins. Possibly 
the epithet in the Text alludes to 
this device. 

• Timur, we are told, never took 
any title higher than that of Amir 
(officer) which is an allusion to the 
Commander^in-Chiefship held by 
his branch and was accordingly a 
title hereditary in his family. The 
title Ourgdn (son-in-law) refers ap- 
parently to his ancestor QarScir 
NnySn's marriage with a daughter 
of Caghatal, son of Cinglz. But it 
may also refer to his own marriage 
with princesses. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



205 



of them^ yet they too^ generation after generation, were seized of 
greatness. Though the name of sovereignty was not, they possessed 
the reality and shewed it forth by preserving their honour while shut 
out from the haunts of men. And now that the stages of solitude 
and society had been fulfilled and a complete preparation had been 
made for the coming forth of the unique pearl of his Majesty, the 
king of kings, God, the Creator of the world, stripped off the dis- 
guise of dependency which had seemingly been imported into the 
line by the counsels of Tumana Khan, and displayed a hero fit for 
and capable of a great sovereignty. Such was the appearance of his 
Majesty, the Lord of Conjunction, Adomer of the Seven Climes, 
Exalter of Throne and Diadem, Amir Timur Gurgftn. This great 
one came forth and planted his foot in existence in the environs of 
Kesh,^ commonly known as the Siaf^f-irsabz (Green City) and one of 
the towns of Iran,* on the night of Tuesday, 25th Sha'hdn, 736 > (9th 
April, 1336) in the Mouse Year (First of the Turkish cycle) under 
the Sign of Capricorn, from the fair womb and pure veil of her 
Majesty, the perfection of modesty and blessedness, glory of choice- 
ness and purity, guardian of realm and religion, Tagina ^ !^atun* 
This axis of the sphere of the great vicegerency and ocean-centre 
of sublime sovereignty is the star of fortune which arose eighth from 
out the bosom of Qaculi Bahadur. 

According to the view of one historian,^ the true vision of Q&culT 
Bahadur was fulfilled thereby but, as has already been indicated, this 



1 About 40 miles S. by E. of Samar- 
qand. It was called the Green Citj 
on account of the verdare of its 
gardens. (Zc^amdma I. 301.) It 
has been described by Babar (Ers- 
kine, 54) P. de Courteille (1. 106) and 
E. Schuyler. It is also mentioned 
in the Ain (Jarrett, III. 97) as in the 
5th climate and in BadaJshahau ( I )• 
It is generally reckoned a day's 
journey from Samarqand. 

t One MS. has TarSn and so has 
Abdu-l-(LamId (Bddihdhndma, Bib. 
Ind. I. 43) Iran is perhaps right, for 
the word is vaguely used. (D'Her- 



belot «. v.). Kesh is in what is usually 
called Transoxiana and a variant 
gives Mav)ard*U'n'ndhr (Transox- 
iana) instead of Iran. 

S Gibbon quoting Hyde says 1336, 
9th April, 11-57 p.m., lat. 36. 

* Sometimes Naglna, e, g., in 
KhafI Shan. 

» Sharafu-d-din 'AH YazdT (Za- 
famama). The Pahlhu'S-siyar says 
the same thing. A.F. has already 
censured 8harafu-d-din (Cap. I. near 
the end) for identifying the seven 
stars which emerged from QSc fill's 
bosom, with the seven descendants 



^6 



AKBARNiVA. 



day was^ according to the profound inveBtigationfi of tHe wise and 
far-seeing,i only the beginning of the ascent of the constellation and 
the flashing of the first star. 

In the fortunate Age in which the Lord of Conjunction was bomj 
Tarmashinn* ^ftn^ son of Dava !^an^ son of Baraq Oiftn^ son of 



who intervened between Qacalt and 
Timur. A.F. says it is wrong to 
take for stars, men who did not rule, 
and holds that Tlmclr was the first 
of the eight stars and not the last. 
But his interpretation is liable to 
the same objection. It is true that 
Akbar was the eighth in descent 
from Ttmiir, but this was through 
a younger son of the latter, via., 
the third, Miran Shah, and neither 
Miran nor his son, Mu^mmad 
Mirsa (who also was not an eldest 
son) were ever kings. Certainly 
they were never what A.F. calls 
world-adorners and cannot for in- 
stance, be compared for kingly qua- 
lities, extent of dominion and dura- 
tion of reign with Shahrukh, Mlrzi 
(Timdr's fourth son) or for intel- 
lectual eminence with Shahrukh's 
illustrious son Ulugh BSg. Indeed 
of the six who intervened between 
TlmQ.r and Akbar, only three were 
kings, v%»., Aba tia'Id, Babar and 
Humayan. 

1 This is singnilftr and perhaps re- 
fers to Amir FatJ^u-1-lah of SMraa. 

' This seems a mistake. Tarma- 
fiblrln was killed in 1330 according 
to D'Ohsson (IV. Table II.), and 
Mr. Oliver (B. A. S. J. XX New 
Ser.) thinks he died in 1334. It 
would seem that he was living in 
1333, for Ibn Batata apparently 
visited him in that year and Mr. 
Oliver (J. A. 8. B. 1891, II. eleven) 



gives one of his coins dated 733 
(1333). Both D'Herb^lot and Miles 
speak of Amtr Kazgan as rnltxig in 
Transoxiana at the time of Ttmlir s 
birth but Amir Kazgan was only 
a rebellions subject. According to 
ShArafu-d-dln— who ought to be a 
good authority and whom Mas'ndi 
servilely copies, — Sultan Qazan 
the nominal ruler when Timur 
bom and his reign lasted from 73^ 
747 (1332-1346) but the real aatho- 
rity was possessed by Amir Qasin. 

(Bib. Ind. ed. has QarSn Saltan 
^^an and Prolegomena (A. S. B. M^ 
Oa, 26, p. 69a) Qara Sultan MazL 
F^tis de la Croix has Cazan. See 
also Miles 374. Sharafn-d-dfn 
dilates in the ProhgomenOf on the 
birth of Timar in this reign). 

Later on, (I. 43) Sharafu-d-dln 
states that TugUaq TimSr, a grand* 
son of Dava and nephew of Tarma- 
ei^Irln, came to Transoxiana in Ba^ 
hVu-i-adnt 761 (February 1360) and 
that in the 33 years previous, dating 
from the death of Tarmaahirin» 
there had reigned eight kings of the 
Caghatal line. This would fix Tar- 
mafihlrln's death in 728 (1328;. This 
is also the date expressly stated in 
the Prolegomena (A. 8. B. MS. Oo, 
26, p. 68b) as that when Tarmafibt- 
rln was put to death by his cousin 

Far&n. 

The evidence of Ibn Ba|fl(a against 
this is perhaps not of overwhelming 



CBAPTIR XTI. 



207 



BiaQtawij son of BisukaD^ son of Caghatfii ^Sn was raling in Trans- 
oziana. In Irftn four months had passed since the death of Sultan 
Abu Sa'id ' and there was on that account universal confusion in that 
country. 

Ainir SShib Qarfin from his earliest years up to the flower of his 79 
youth^ was occupied in practising the art of hunting* and the methods 
of war and battles. In the Mouse Year 762 > (1361) Amir Tarfighai 
departed from this world. He had four sons and two daughters^ viz., 
9&bib QarllnT, 'ilam g^ai^^ Siyurg^tam^^ Juld^ Qutlam^^ Tarkan 
Agha and S^irin Begl Aghfi, 



weight for he is always confiiBed 
and vagae about dates and he seem- 
ingly never clearly states when he 
saw TarmafihirXn. But the eyidenoe 
of the coin is more difficult to get 
over. It is not however quite con- 
clusive for apart from the fact that 
posthumous coins are not unknown, 
we have the fact that there was an 
apparently fictitious claimant to 
the title of Tarmagh^rin and the 
coin of 733 might have been struck 
by him. 

Mr. Oliver's opinion is that Jink- 
fihl or Jinikighai was reigning in 736 
and he doubts that Buzun ever 
reigned. This is the statement in 
the B. A. S. J., but in the subse- 
quent list in J. A. S. B., Buzcln is 
put down as having reigned from 
742-44. On the other hand, Mr. 
Stanley Lane Poole, as quoted by 
Mr. Key Elias, g^ves Buzun as reign- 
ing in Transoxiana at Timor's birth 
{ranM-t-ra»fti(K, Intr. 40.) 

I The Aba Sa*Id "b. Algiaptou (i.e., 
son of Oljaitu)" of D'HerWlot who 
gives a long account of him and states 
that he was the last prince of the 
house of Cinglz whom the Mughals 
recognized. He was descended from 
Hul&ga Sh&n. The £ia;raiu-^aeraib 



(Miles 309) says he died at the age of 
32, childless, on 13 BaHVu-UdlAar 736 
(D'Ohsson and Beale, 30 Nov., 1335; 
Gladwin 1 Dec). It was Abd Sa'id 
who put to death the famous his- 
torian and minister Bafih^du-d- 
dln. D'Herb^lot mentions that as 
the year 736 was full of calamities, 
it was designated ip lausi. This word 
both gives by ahjad the figure 736 
{via., Z=:30, to=6, and s=700), and also 
indicates by its meaning of " taking 
refuge," the necessity for a protector 
of the Age, viz., Timur. 

• This is from the Zafamama (15) 
which states that Tim£Lr practised 
hunting and the art of war from 10 
years of age. 

• Apparently he died in 761 or 
very early in 762, otherwise the cor- 
responding cycle-year must have been 
that of the Ox. The Zafamama too, 
although not explicit, seems to say 
that Tlmar's father died in 761, — ^the 
year in which Tughlaq Tim fir invaded 
Transoxiana and TTmfir's uncle, Hajl 
BarUs fled to BZhurasan. However 
the Tdril^'i-Jahdngir (the Proh' 
gomena, of the Zafamama) gives 
(near the end) the date of 7&x*&Sh>^^'s 
death, 762. 

« She died 785 {Zafamwma I. 355). 



208 



AKBARNAMA. 



When ^ihih Qarinl arrived at the age of 34 1 solar years, he 
with auspicioas horoscope and lofty fortune and by the counselling of 
his Ood-giyen wisdom which is a station of Divine inspiration, placed 
on his head on Wednesday, 12 Ramazdrij 771 (9, April," 1870), corres- 
ponding to the year of the Dog (It) the diadem of rule and the crown 
of world-conquest and made lofty the throne of sovereignty and world- 
government. And for 36^ years which was the time of his supre- 
macy and world-adornment, he brought under his control and into his 
permanent possession, the countries of Transoxiana, Khwarizm^ Tar- 
kistan, J^urasSn, the two 'Iraqs,^ fzarbaljan, Persia, Mazindar&n, 
Kirman, Diyarbakr, Khuzistan, Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor (Rdm)^ etc, 
by means of his world-conquering courage and his capacious intellect, 
and uplifted the banners of authority and sovereignty in the four 
quarters of the world and in the seven climes. 

Whosoever was befriended^ of Salvation, came forward to meet 
him with the foot of obedience and for such an one, the rose of anspi- 
ciousness bloomed on Fortune's pinnacle. Whoever had misfortane 
and eventual destruction enfolded in his skirt, and disengaged his head 
from the collar of submission, arrived with tearing of hair^ at the 
Judgment-seat of the Dispenser {Qahramdn) of Justice and beheld in 
his own bosom the thorn-brake offspring of his acts. 

On Monday of Zi-l-qa'da? 789, he massacred the inhabitants of 



I Abfi-l-^amld (Badfl^hndnia, 43), 
gives Timor's age then as 35 yrs. 
17 dys. 

s Apparently on his birthday. 

S Aba-1-^mld says for 35 yrs. 
11 ms. 5 dys. 

^ This might mean either Media 
and Babylonia or the cities of Kofa 
and Basra but here it is the former 
for AbQ-1-^mid who copies A.F. says 
(43) the 'Iraqs ef Arabia and Persia. 

^ Lit to whomsoever Salvation 
was the friend of his fortune's day. 
Four MSS. have daulaiofi instead 
of daulat as in Text. 

* Mui'kashdn lit, hair-dragging 

bat here perhaps " dragged by the 
hair." 



t It was 6 2M-qa'da (6th NoTem- 
ber, 1387), according to Price (Re- 
trospect III. 72.) The inhabitants 
rose against Tlm^r while negocia* 
tions for the surrender of the city 
were going on and killed many of 
his soldiers. Tim&r thus alludes to 
the affair (Institutes, White and 
Davy, 119) "And I conqnered the 
city of Ispahan. And I trusted the 
people of Ifpahan and I delivered 
the castle into their hands. And 
they rebelled and the Darogha whom 
I had placed over them, they slew 
with 300 of the soldiers. And I 
also commanded that a general 
slaughter should be made of the 
people of Ifpahin." 



CHAPTER XVI. 



209 



Ispahfin on account of their sedition and rebellion. Thence he turned 
the reins of resolution towards the capital (g^Irftz) of Persia (Fars) 
where the MuzafFar^ family (£l-i-muzafFar) became his servants. 
When news came of the opposition of Tuqtami^ ■ ^&n the ruler of 
Da^t Qipcfik' (the desert of Qipcftk^ i.e., the Khirgiz Steppe) and one 
of those who had been supported* by his Majesty (Timur), he twice led 
his army against him and having exalted the banners of victory, he 
returned. He traversed Dasht Qipc&k which is a thousand leagues 
(faraanga) long and six hundred wide and cleared it of the rubbish of 
strife.^ A second time he marched against Ir&n in 795 (1893) and 
brought death to gl^ah Man^iir^ who had cocked^ the bonnet of 
f rowardnesSj and he extirpated the Muzaffar race. 

And in that country, he performed feats which obliterated those 
of Rustam^ and Afrasiab^ and for the sake of the repose of the 
ministers '^ of his victorious dominion, converted the country of Persia 
into a thornless garden {gulzdr-i-blUhdr). After '^ that he conquered 
Baghdad by the strength of his dominion and fortune. He went 
several times into Georgia and brought there as his companions^ 
victory and conquest. In 12 Muharram, 801 (23rd September, 1398), 



1 D'Herb^lot art. Madhaffar, and 
Eieu's Cat. I. 82 and 168a. The 
dynasty was known by the name of 
Al-i-mujfafEar. It began in 718 
(1318) and was overthrown by Timur 
in 795 (1393). It ruled over Kirman. 

• D'Herb^lot art. Toctamish, 
8 Jarrett III. 102. 

• Taqtamigb at one time owed his 
kingdom to Timiir. He was a des- 
cendant of Gingiz through his son 

Jaji. 
^ EicLa u lAdsIfik "weeds and 

briars." 

• D*Herb61ot art. Mansor; ga- 
farnama Bib. Ind. I. 608, and Gib- 
bon Cap, 65. Man§ur was killed by 
Shahmki and Gibbon says Timur 
declared his esteem of the valour of 



27 



his foe by extirpating all the males 
of so intrepid a race. 

7 Cf. Macaulay*s account of Sir 
John Fen wick cocking his hat in 
Queen Mary's face. 

* Alluding apparently to the taking 
of the famous White Fort (QiZ'o-i- 
8(\fid) 45 miles N.W. of Shiraz and 
which was taken by Bustam also. 
(Hist, of Persia, Malcolm I. 27 and 
46.) 

^ Af raslab, t.e.> conqueror of Persia. 
He was afterwards killed by Zal and 
his son Brustam. 

10 Auliyd-i-daulat, but this phrase 
is often only a respectful way of 
mentioning the king himself. 

11 This was the first taking of Bagh- 
dad, in Sep. 1393. It was taken again 
20th June, 1401. 



210 



AKBARMAMA. 



he made a noble ^ bridge over the Indas and by dominion and fortuiie 
conquered Hindustan.^ In 803 (October 1400) he made an expedi- 
tion against Syria^^ and then raised the morning-breeze of forinne. 
80 The lights of celestial victories illumined that world-conqueror. On 
that occasion Aleppo was taken and then the army went to Damascus 
and shed the blood of the rulers of Syria who were confined in the 
wretchedness* of prison. 

Next year he raised his standards for the purpose of sttbdning 
Rum and on Friday, 1 9 ^ Zi-l-hij ja, 804 (20th July, 1402), having arrayed 
his army and adorned the flag of contest with the crescent of viptory. 



^ The bridge was of boats and 
rafts and made in two days and hardly 
entitled to be styled a jasr-i-'dti 
Timar crossed where Jalalu-d-din 
Mangbarnf swam the river. 

> A.F. has a short notice of this 
expedition in the Ain, under the head- 
ing "Comers into India." See 
Jarrett 349, where instead of " the 
booty obtained was not considerable" 
we should read "they did not value 
it " (the conquest of India). Sir A. 
Cunningham (Indian Eras) gives the 
date of the capture of Delhi as Wed. 
18th Dec, 1398. 

B The reference appears to be to 
the slaughter of prisoners from Alep- 
po, etc., after the first battle before 
Damascus (Zafamama II. 314). 
Among them were Shadun, governor 
of Damascus and apparently many 
other rulers of Syrian cities. These 
had all assembled at Aleppo under 
the orders of the king of £gypt 
(1.C.II. 287.) A^mad 'ArabShSh tells 
how a number of the chief men of 
Damascus surrendered themselves to 
Timnr after the Sultan of Egypt had 
deserted the city and that many of 
these were afterwards put to death 
(Manger, II. Cap. VI and XIII). 



Timur killed them and also the 
prisoners taken in the battle, appar- 
ently because the king of Egypt bad 
tried to have him assassinated and 
because he (the king) had put one 
of his ambassadors to death and im- 
prisoned Altamah Qnjin (Lc. II. 275). 
But the Text may also refer to Tf mar's 
severities against the principal men 
of Damascus after he had tcJcea 
the city. He was incensed again^c 
them because they were Sunnis and 
belonged to the house of Yazid, the 
slayer of Husain, and because they 
had neglected the tomb of the Pro- 
phet's widows. 

^ I am not sure of the meaning of 
i'lll-i-qaid. Several MSS. write it 
without the i^fai and as if it were 
the name of a place. There is a town 
and fortress of Zillah in Asia Minor 
(near to which Csdsar gained hia 
Veni, Vidi, Fioi victory) but I cannot 
find that the Syrian Ami rs were con* 
fined there or that Tfmnr was ever 
there. Possibly stall is a variant for 
%ill, shadow. 

6 A^mad 'Arab g^ah, Thursday, 
27 Zl-l-^ijja {Thamu9). (Manger, II. 
256.) 



CflAPtBA XVL 



211 



lie fought near Angora (Ancyra), a glorious battle with Ilderim 
(Xhunderbolt)^ the Csesar of Rim, and by the secret aids which rode^ 
a.lway8 beside this royal cavalier of the plain of supremacy^ the 
a.ssembled armies of victory and conquest became his stirrup-holders^ 
CLnd the proclamation* of success was issued in the name of that 
world-subduing lord. Ilderim BayazTd (Bajazet) was made prisoner 
mid when they produced him at the foot of the lofty throne^ he was^ 
out of perfect kindness and chivalry^ given a seat above the princes.' 
From thence^ Timur went to Izarbftijan and spent there eighteen 
months in the administration of justice. Kings and kings' sons from 



^ jETam-'tndn, lit equal-reined. 

* Beferring to announcements of 
victory sent to Persia, Tartary, etc. 
{Za/amama II. 447). 

& Text, BlT'i'^aat'i'Slidhaada but 
most MSS. have §idhzadahd and no 
doubt this is the true reading. I am 
also convinced that sTr is a mistake 
for tahar which I have fonnd in one 
A.S.B.MS. See Yullers 9.v. nabardasi 
where the meaning prior locus in 
consesau is given and also the phrase 
Bohardast nt^&oftan, locum aliioretn, 
i.e., magi$ honoratum occupare, to- 
gether with a very apposite Persian 
couplet. 

I do not know whether A.F. was 
justified by his authorities for the 
statement in the Text. The Zafar- 
ndma merely says Timar gave 
Bayazld a seat near himself and the 
Bau^tU'8'8afd that Bayazid was 
given an honourable seat (ii^ara/'i- 
julu$), 

A.F. knows nothing or says no- 
thing about Bayazid *s subsequent 
confinement in an iron cage (Gibbon). 
The story isy however, now 
regarded as disproved. The Eau^ 
states that according to the testi- 
mony of an eye-witness, Tlmar at 



first spoke roughly to Bayazid and 
reproached him for his obstinacy 
and folly. The Zafamdma admits 
this but represents the reproaches 
as given after the removal of his 
chains. 

BSyazId was restored to his king- 
dom and allowed the place of a 
subject or vassal prince (Zafamdma 
II. 461). Accordinp^ to Hammer, the 
" cage " was a woman's litter. But 
a recent writer in the Z. D. M. G. ha» 
refuted Hammer and has, apparently 
unconsciously, vindicated the acumen 
of Gibbon. 

* This statement is misplaced.. 
Timor went to Ajarbaljan before- 
the battle of Angora and the "IS 
months" referred to seems the 
interval between the taking of 
Damascus in January, 1401 and the 
battle of Angora in July, 1402. A.F* 
says nothing of the capture of 
Smyrna from the Knights of 8t^ 
John which occurred after the battle 
of Angora in 805 (December, 1402) 
and was one of Timar'isi greatest 
ftcbierements. The whole of A.F.'s- 
accoont of TTmSr is very poor and 
bears marks of haste. 



212 



A^BABNAHA. 



various countries came and did homage. The i*nler of Egypt coined 
much red and white money in his name and sent it to the world- 
protecting Court. Other rulers of the surrounding countries raised 
the flag of well-wishing on the plain of obedience. And from the 
pulpits of Mecca^ Medina and other holy places^ the kbtitba waa reud 
in his name. In Zi-1-qa'da^ 806 (May^ 1404), he marched agaiiist 
Flruza-kuh' and having won victory there that very day, he, 
without delay, turned towards KhurSs&n. In the beginning' of 
Muljiarram 807 (9th. 10th July, 1404) he went by Nl^apur to Trans- 
oxiana and there in his native country inaugurated a great feast ' 
such as astonished the lords of greatness and splendour. 

After gratifying mankind with largesses and favours, he set 
forth to subdue the territories of China IKhitd). 

On the night of Wednesday, 17 Sl^a'bfin, 807 (18th February, 
1405) in the village {mauza') of Utrar^ which is 76 leagues {farBatsb) 
from Samarqand, he, by the irresistible order of Ood turned his face 
towards the eternal city and rode the steed of life into the spacioas 
abode of the everlasting world. They brought his sublime corse to 
Samarqand with the respect due to so great a man. The following 
lines record the years of the events of this world-adorner. 



Quatrain. 

Sultan Timur is he to whom no king was like ; 
In 786, he came into existence ; 
In 771, he ascended the throne. 
In 807, he bade the world adieu. 



1 A town in MSzindaran, on the 
Caspian. It takes its name from a 
neighbouring moantain which yields 
turquoise or according to another 
derivation, is the " Hill of Victory." 
(D'Herb^lot art. FirouzcouH and 
B^clus 242.) It was seen by Clavigo 
who calls it Berescote, when on his 
way to visit Timar (Markham, 
101). 

• The Diet and entertainment des- 
cribed by Clavigo and Gibbon and 



at which six marriages of Timfir'a 
grandchildren were celebrated. It 
took place September^ 1404, at Sa« 
marqand. 

> Lat. 44 N. Long. 67 E. and about 
300 miles N. by E. of Samarqand on 
right bank of the Sihan (Jaxartes). 
Babar (Erskine I. lln.) says it was 
called also Yenghi* Hence it is the 
Yonghi-kcnt (New Town) of Turkis- 
tan mentioned in the A\n (Jarrett, 
III. 101). 



c^APTCB xn. 



213 



This aUBpiciouB Lord of Conjunction had four sons. (1) Ghiyasu- 
d-din Jahangir Mirza. He died in Samarqand in 776 ^ (1375) in the 
early part of hia father's reign. He left two sons^ Mohammad Sulj^n 81 
whom Tfmur made his heir bat who died after the conquest of Asia 
Minor (Rum) on 17 Sba'bfin, 805, at Suri> a fort of Bum; and P!r 
Muhammad who was made his heir after his brother's death and in 
whose favour his Majesty Sihib QaranI made a will at the end of his 
life. At that time he (Pir Muhammad) was ruler of Ghaznin and the 
borders of India. But he was martyred on 14 Bamasftn, 809 (22nd 
February, 1407), by Pir 'All Taz,^ one of his ofEcers and thus the stain 
of an eternal curse was affixed to the brow of that disloyal one. 

The second son of his Majesty ^ubih QarSni is Mirzg 'Umar 
Shailcb who ruled over Persia. He too died in his father's life-time 
in Babi'n-l'awwaJ, 796 (January, 1394), below the fortress of |^ar« 
matu.^ 



1 Tlxnar's Memoirs and Zafar* 
noma, 777. See Zc^amdma I. 271 
where it is said that 777 corresponds 
with the Crocodile Year. The death 
was in the beginning of 777 and so 
about June 1375. 

s I do not know the authority for 
this statement. Sorl Hi^Sr is men- 
tioned in the Zafamdma (II. 448) 
and P^tis de la Croix says it is a 
fortress between Angora and Kutaya 
(Cotyaenm). See also Retrospect, 
Price, III. 397. In B^lus' map it is 
Sivri Hissar. 

But the Zafamdnia does not say 
Ma^mmad Sultan died there. What 
it says is (II. 492) that he died three 
stages from Qar& Qi^ar (Black Fort) 
while his father was haying him 
conveyed in a trayelling-litter,— *ap- 
parently from Qari Qisar for change 
of air. (See for account of his ill- 
ness and death, Zafamdma II. 490. 
Also Price Lc. III. 424.) The Za^ 
famdma gives date of death 18 
Sha'ban, (11th March, 1403), and thus 



about a fortnight after BSyazTd's; 
according to Hammer, four days 
only — he putting Bftyazid's death 14 
Sha'ban, 803 (8th March, 1403). Ac- 
cording to A(imad 'Arab Shah 
(Manger, I. 147) Mu^mmad SnltSn 
died in Aq Shahr where died also 
Bayazld. 

One MS. (B.M. Add. 27, 247) has 
dar aawdri for da^ riiri and possibly 
this is the true reading, for apparent- 
ly Mn^mmad Saltan died in his 
travelling-litter. 

B D*Herb^lot and several MSS., 
Ydr, Taz appears right. For account 
of the murder (which was commit- 
ted near Shibargh^n, W. of BalJsh) 
see Hist, of Bu^harS, Vamb^ry 215 
and 'Abdu-r-razzak, Qnatrem^re, 
Notices et ExtraiU XIV. 101. Pir 'AH 
was afterwards put to death by 
Shahrukh. 

* Also Kharmana. It is a petty 
fort in Kurdistan. The prince had 
been sent for by his father from 
Persia and was on his way to join 




216 



AKBABMAMA. 



QTya. The MirzS always lived with his brother Mirza ^alil in Samar- 
qand and when the latter proceeded to ^ IrHq, Mirza g^ihrukh told Mlrsl 
Ulugh Beg (his son) what he knew of Muhammad Mlrza^s good qualities 
and praised his noble character ; and the Prince (Ulugh. Beg) always 
shewed him brotherly {i.e., cousinly) kindness. Muhammad Mirza had 
two sons. Sultdn Abu Sa'id Mirza and Manucihr Mirza. When he was 
ill and about to die^ Mirza Ulugh Beg came to inquire after him and the 
latter strongly recommended his son Abu Sa'id to Mirza Ulu gh, Beg. 
Accordingly Abu Sa'Id was brought up with all enjoyment under the 
care of Ulu(|^ Beg and daily moved upwards on the steps of dominioii 
and fortune under his guidance. One day/ one of Ulugh Be^a 
intimates observed to him ^^ Your cousin (Aba Sa'Id) is serving joa 
very zealously/' to which the Mirza replied, '^ He is not serving us but 
is learning the arts of conquest and victory from our companionahip." 
And in this the Mirza was speaking from his perfect insight and per* 
ception, 

SuL^lN ABt^ Sa^Id MlBZA. 

Sulj^n Abu Sa^id Mirza's auspicious birth was in 830 (1427) and 
he became Sultan when he was 25. For 18 years he ruled Turkistan^ 
Transoxiana, Badakhsh&n^ K&bul^ Ghaznin, Qandah&r and the borders 
of Hindustfin and in the end of his reign, 'Ir&q too came into his 
possession. And with this prosperity and extent of territory which 
might become a thousand-fold source of intoxication, he was discreet 
and open-minded and sought for enlightenment from dervishes and 
ascetics. In 872 (1468) Mirza Jahan S^ah, son of Qara Yusuf, the 
ruler of Azarbaljftn, had marched to put down Jzun Hasan Xq* 
quy anlu * but owing to his great carelessness and complete want of 



full brothers. Clavigo (147) calls her 
Hansada. He says " She was of the 
lineage of the old emperors and for 
this reason, Timnr Beg treats her 
with great respect." This points to 
her identity with Mihr Nfish to 
whose lofty lineage A.F. refers. Qly& 
seems the same as QiySt mentioned by 
A.F. in the account of IrganaqQn but 
I do not know the tribe FQlEd (steel). 



1 Babar, Erskine, Introduction 
LIV. 

• White sheep. (Price I.e. III. 608). 
The proper spelling appears to be 
Aq-quyan-lu, The Black sheep are 
the QarSquyanla. A^Qn Hasan, i. e., 
Qasan the Long, was maternal grand* 
father of Sh&h Ism&'ll §afavt, king 
of Persia. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



217 



management, was killed by him.^ The Saltan (Abu Sa'id) led an 83 
army against him (Xzun Qasan). Though £zun I^asan preferred 
peace, it was not accepted and being driven to extremity, he cut off 
the supplies of com. Consequently a great famine arose in the camp 
(of Abu Sa'Td) so that for 14 days the royal horses had no barley and 
as a result of the famine, the soldiers dispersed. XzQn ^asan gained 
the victory and on 22 Rajab, 873 (4th February, 1469), the Suljfin fell 
by fate into the hands of £zun ^asan's men. Three days afterwards 
ho was made over to Ysdgftr Muhammad Mirzfi, son of Sult&n Muham- 
mad Mirza, son of Baysanghar Mirza, son of gj^ahrukh Mirzft who was 
an ally of Xznn Qasan. This worthless inauspicious one slew that power- 
ful king on the pretext* of the murder of Gkiuhar ghad Begum who was 
the wife of g^ahrukh Mirza. The words Maqtal-i'Suljtdn Abu Sa'id 
(the slaughter-spot of Suljan Abu Sa'id) give the date (873 = 1469). 



^IJmab Shaiss MiBZA. 
^Umar Si^aikh Mirza was the fourth^ son of Abu Sa^Id Mirza, being 



1 This is the occurrence referred 
to by Herb^lot in his notice of 
Aba Sa'id. He says that in 861 
(1457), Aba Sa'id was in a bad 
humour owing to having failed to 
capture the citadel of Herat and 
that at this time, some evil -disposed 
persons told him that Sultan Ibra- 
him Mirza (a grandson of Baysan- 
ghar and great-grandson of Shah- 
rukh) had sent messengers to Sul- 
tana Grauhar Sh^d and that he had a 
secret understanding with her. In 
consequence, Aba Sa'id hastily or- 
dered her to be put to death. She 
was the widow of Shahrukh. the 
great-grandfather of Tadgar and 
had been living in Herat which had 
been her husband's capital and wbere 
he had died in 850 (1447). Aba 
Sa'id had taken the town but had 
failed to get possession of the citadel. , 

' Gauhar Shad (Jewel of Delight) 
seems to have been Shahrukh's 

28 



favourite wife, and yamb<$ry states 
(Hist, of Bukhara, 236) that some 
of his verses about her are still re- 
membered by the people of Herat. 
Babar speaks of visiting her tomb. 
She must have been an elderly 
woman when put to death, and the 
vengeance taken by her descendant 
was not excessive and was in accord- 
ance with the Muhammadan law of 
retaliation. She was put to death 
on 10 Ramazan, 861 (31st July, 1457. 
Price I.e. IV, 598.) See inscription 
on her tomb in Cap. Yates "Notes 
on the City of Herat." (J.A.S.B. 1887, 
Vol. 56, p. 98.) She is there called 
Grauhar Shad Agha and the date of her 
death is given only as the middle of 
Ramazan, 861. Yadgar was only a boy 
at the time, for Babar (88) speaks of 
him as an inexperienced lad of 17 or 
18 when he was killed at Herat in 
the following year, 1470. 
» A. F.'s list of Aba Sa'id's sons 



I 
I 

I 



218 



AKBAKNAMA. 



younger tjian Sulj^an Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Muhammad and Sal^n 
Mahmud Mlrzft and older than Sultan MurSd MirzS^ Suljtan WsJad 
Mirza^ Ulugh Beg Mirza^ Abu Bakr Mirzd^ Sultan l^^U Mirza and 
g^ahrukh Mirzl. He was born in Samarqand in 860 (1455). Saltan 
Abu Sa'id Mirzd at first gave Kabul to the Prince and sent him off 
under the guardianship of Baba Kabuli^ but he recalled him from 
Dara-gaz ' for the purpose of a festival.* 

After it was over, he gave him the country of Andijan and the 
Takhti-Ozjand* and after providing him with o£5cers, sent him to that 
country under the guardianship* of Timur Tas^^ Beg. The reason 
for giving this country to the best of his sons was an exceeding* desire 
to preserve his ancestral territory and as his Majesty Sahib Qaram 
gave it to his son ^Umar Shaikh Mirza who was of singular ability, so 
did Abu Sa^Td on account of the sameness of name, gave it to his boq 
^Umar ghaikh. Sahib QaranT is reported to have repeatedly remarked, 
" We conquered the world by the might of 'Umar Shaikh Mir35§'s 
sword, by his staying in Andijan and being a strong barrier between 
our territory and the desert of Qipc&k and by his guarding the 
*' passes, the people of Qipcak were not able to rebel or be turbulent 
*' and we could in security brace ourselves up for the conquest of the 
" world." 

And this wise ruler ('Umar Shaikh the Second) also took extreme 
precautions that no hostile army should be able to cross this territory 



t€ 



€( 



does not agree with E[hwandamir 
and is incorrect. S. Ma][^mad was 
the second, and S. Muhammad the 
third son. Abu Sa*Id left eleven 
sons, and it would appear in spite of 
Babar's own statements, that his 
father was the 6th and not the fourth 
son, the 5th being Ulugh Beg. The 
11th son was apparently a Sultan 
'Umar, who was distinct from 'Umar 

Shai^. 

I "The valley of Gez or Manna 
which lies on the Dihas or Balkhab, 
south of Balkh." (Erskino I. c. 7n.) 
According to Sir H. Bawlinson, (R. 
G. S. Pro. 1876, 170n.) Daragaz means 



valley of the tamarisk. As Aba 
Sa'id had sent 'Umar Shaikh from 
Samarqand, the latter would pass 
Dara-gaz on his way to Afghanistan. 

* Abu Sa'id's famous six months' 
festival which he celebrated at Merv, 
in 1465 and in honour of the cir- 
cumcision of his sons. 

^ Apparently Ozkand in Eastern 
Farghana. 

* *Umar Shaikh was then only ten 
years old. Much of this is from 
Babar's Memoirs. 

^ His full name is Khndabandl 
Timur Tagh* (Babar, Erskiue 8 and 
14.) 



CHAPTEB XVI. 



219 



whicli was the boundary of Mongolia. And though Yiknus * (Jonas) 
Khan tried, he could not get possession of it and not the slightest 
injury happened to its tranquillity. That fortunate and lofty-starred 84 
Prince was one who weighed his words and was eloquent ; he had a 
^reat liking for poets and could recite poetry,. He had a poetical 
temperament but was not solicitous of writing verses and spent most 
of his time in reading books^ historical and poetical. The Skdhndma 
was often recited before him and he was an excellent companion ; of 
open brow and good disposition and fond of quoting good poetry. A 
lofty genius warmed his soul and the beauty of fortune was manifest on 
his brow. He had no equal among his contemporaries for adminis- 
trative ability, care of his subjects and dispensing of justice. His 
courage and generosity were on an equal footing and his genius was 
companioned by his energy. He adorned the throne of sovereignty •« 

For example, once a caravan from China (Khita) had come to the 
hill-country east of Andijan. There was a heavy snow-storm and the 
caravan was overwhelmed so that only two persons escaped. When 
this just man heard of the catastrophe, in spite *of his necessities at 
the time, he did not touch any of the goods but appointed trust- 
worthy persons and attached the property until the heirs were collect- 
ed from their native country to receive the goods, the rights of each 
being ascertained.^ 

This king was always of a dervish mind and inclined to the 
society of religious persons and asked for wisdom at the doors of the 
hearts of the God-knowing. Especially the holy Nasiru-d-dln* 
KhwsLja 'Abidu-1-Ifih, known by the name of Khwaja Ahrar. 



I This is hardly a fair descrip- 
tion of Yanns Khan's proceedings. 
'Umar Shaikh made over his capital 
Alshs^ to YQnus and then repented 
and made war on him. He was de- 
feated and taken prisoner and owed 
his life to Yiinus* generosity. (Tar, 
BoBhUi, 96.) 

* All this is from Babar. (Erskine 
8 and also Pav6t de Courteille.) " But 
the Turkish seems more concise 
than the Persian. A.F. probably 
used the latter for his account is in 



closer accord with Erskine than with 
De Courteille. 

^ This story is told in Babar'a 
Memoirs (8). The stress laid on this 
simple act of honesty by Babar and 
A.F. is rather significant of the 
morals of the time. Probably *Umar 
Shaikh's self-denial on this occasion 
inspired his son Babar to similar ac- 
tion towards the Hindustani mer- 
chants at Kilat-i-ghilzfti* (Memoirs 
225.) 

^ For references to this saint, see 




220 AEBARMAMA. 

In succession to his father^ he ruled in Andijin^ the capital '^' 
Farghana and also Ta^kand^ Shahrukhiya and Siram were in his 
possession. He several times led an army against Samarqand SLud 1.^ 
several times brought to his help Yunus Khan who possessed ih. 
dominions of Caghatfii Khan and was !^an of the Murals a»iid w:&a 
nearly related to him. Whenever he brought him, he assig'ned sonit 
province to him and then as occasion served, Yunus Khan would g* 
back to Mughalistan. On the last occasion 'IJmar Mirza gave hm\ 
Tas]jkand and up to 908 (1502-3) this and Si^ahrukjjiya were in the 
possession of the Caghatai rulers. At this last date the ^^analiip of 
the Mughal tribes belonged to Mahmud Khan, eldest son of Yunn« 
Khan. This Mahmud Kfcan and Sultan Ahmad Mirza brother of 
'tJmar §haikh ruler of Samarqand, having concluded an alliance^ 
marched their forces against the Mirza ('Umar g^aikh). Sultan 
Ahmad Mirza proceeded from the south of the Khajand river and 
Sultan Mahmud Khan from the north of it. Just at this crisis an 
85 extraordinary thing happened to the Mirza. The brief account of it 
is as follows. 

Akhsikat which is known as Akhsi, is one of the seven towns of 
Farghana. Mirzg ^Umar §haikh had made it his capital. The town 
was on a precipitous ravine and all the buildings were on its edge.^ 
As fate would have it, on Monday 4th Bamazan, 899 (9th June, 14941 
he was sitting near his pigeon house which was one of these buildings, 
watching the motions of his birds, when an attendant reported that 
the precipice was breaking away. The Mirz& at once got up and had 
put one foot into its slipper but had not had time to put in the other, 
when the whole precipice gave way and the terrace fell down. The 
Mirza's outward form fell to the bottom but in reality, he ascended 
to the zenith. He waa then 39 years old, having been born in 860, 
at Samarqand. (This last fact has been mentioned already.) 

Be it known that FarghSna belongs to the fifth climate and is on 



Tar, Bashidl 97, etc., and NafahdtU' 
Uuns, Lees, 465. Ho lived in Samar- 
qand. ' Dr. Bicu gives the date of his 
death as 29th RabI' 1. 895 (2nd March, 
1400), (Pera. Cat. Ill, 1086a). See 
also Blochmann 423. 
' Apparently only the fort was on 



the edge of the ravine and the town 
some distance ofE. The fort looked 
down on the Sihan and 'Umar Shaikh 
had increased, the steepness of tbo 
precipice by scarping the rock of the 
ravine. Perhaps this partly caused 
the accident. 



CHAPTER m. 221 

tlie borders of the civilized world. East of it is Kashghar and west, 
Samarqand j south, the mountains on the borders of Badakhshan, To 
the north, although formerly there were cities such as Almaligh, 
Almafcu, TangT, known as Utrar, but at present no traces or ruins 
even of them remain. In the west where are Samarqand and 
Khajand, there are no mountains. Except in this direction, there is 
no entry for foreigners. The river Sihun, known as the Ab-i-khajand^ 
coming from the north-east flows west. It then runs on the north of 
Khajand and south of Finakat which is known as giahrukhiya. Then 
iuclining to the north, it flows towards Turkistan and meeting no other 
river in its course, it disappears beyond Turkistan in the sands. In 
this country there are seven towns, (qasha) five to the south of the 
Sihun and two to the north. The southern towns are Andijan, tJsh, 
Marghlnfin,! Asfara (var, Isfaraj) and ]^B.jand. The northern are 
Al^si and Kdsan. 

This unique pearl of sovereignty had three sons and five 
daughters, the eldest son being his Majesty Firdus-makani Zahiru-d- 
dln Muhammad Babar Padshah. Jahangir Mirza was the next and 
younger by two years and was the son of Fatima Sultan who belonged 
to the TomSn officers (i.e., chiefs of 10,000 men) of the Mughals. The 
third was Nasir Mirza younger than Jahangir by two years. His chaste 
mother was from Andijan and was a concubine named Ummed. The 
eldest daughter was Khanzada Begum, full sister of his Majesty Gltl- 
sitani Firdus-makam and older than he by five years. When g^ah 
Isma'il l^afawl defeated the IJzbegs (S^aibam) at Merv, that chaste 86 
one was in Merv and Sbah Isma'il sent her with all respect to his 
Majesty GifcT-sitani Firdus-makani at Qunduz.* 

After a lapse of ten years, an interview took place between them, 
and his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makani says, "When they 
came I and Mahmudi KokultSsh (foster-brother) went to meet them 
but the Begum and her attendants did not recognize us, although 
*• we made ourselves known. After a while they recognized us." * 






1 The modem name is Mai*ghllaii 
(Erskine I.e. 3n.) It is west of 
Andijan. 

S A town north, of Kabul and east 
of Balich- Sometimes spelled Khun- 
duz. {J'dri^'irraBhidit 239.) 



^ Perhaps the meaning is that she 
could not distinguish Babar from his 
foster-brother. (See Erskine, 10 and 
P. de Courteille, 17). The non-re- 
cognition of her brother is curious 
considering that she was about 24 



222 



AKBARKlMA. 



The next daughter was Mihr Banu Begam^ full sieter of Xj- 
Mirza and eight years younger than Pirdus-makanT. The next ^ 
Yadgar Sultan Begum. Her mother was a concubine named 5x 
Sulfcan. The next was RasTya Sultan Begum. Her motiier T^i 
Ma^duma Sulfcan Begum known as the Qara-guz (Black-eyed) Ba«:ii-. 
Then two daughters were born after *Umar Sl^aikh's deatli. Thi?- 
was also a daughter born of Anu^ ^i^a^ daughter of ^L.wSja ^osx: 
who died young. ^ 



when separated from him and also 
that Haidar Mirza saja (Ney Elias 
239) that Shaibanl divorced her on 
account of his suspecting her attach- 
ment to her brother. When Babar 
left her she became the wife of Shai- 
banl and had a son by him. The 
Shaihani-ndma says her marriage 
with Shaibanl was a love-match and 
It seems probable that Babar has not 
mentioned the whole of the circum- 
stances and that her being left be- 
hind was a part of Babar's agree- 
ment with Shaibanl. Haidar Mirza, 
Babar*s cousin, distinctly states 
ITdrvkh-i-rashtdh Ney Elias, 175, 196 
and 239) that Babar gave his sister 
to Shaibanl. Babar*s own daughter 
Galbadan mentions the arrangement 
in her Memoirs, so that there can 
be no doubt as to the fact. When 
Shaibanl divorced Pbianzada. he 
gave her in marriage to a Sayyid, 
but he as well as Shaibanl. was killed 
in the battle of Merv. 

I A.F.*s account of *Umar Shaikh's 
family as well as of Farghana 
(Khokand) is taken almost verba- 
tim from B&bar, Memoirs. He 
omits the name of Babar's third 
daughter, ShahrbanS BSgum, from 
the list, nor can she be the nameless 
daughter mentioned at the end of 
his account by A.F. for her mother 



was Anush Agha whereas Sha hrtii ^ 
was full sister of Nasir Mfrzi i - 
of a concubine named Uzamed. li 
fact A.F. has confused Mihrb^ri 
and Shahrbanu. The former w-. 
two years older than Babar and *\ 
was Shahrbanu. misnamed MibrbSt.^« 
by A.F., who was eight year- 
younger than Babar. Babar ^^^^ 
the youngest daughter's nazne as Ru- 
qlya and not Baciya as in A* F. 

The Turkish version of JBabar't 
Memoirs gives, apparently wrongk, 
Qara-guz as a sobriquet of Babar' < 
sister instead of his step-mother. 
The nameless daughter mention«d 
by A.F. is referred to later by Bab&r 
(Erskine 14 and P. de Conrteille 2<r>> 
so that in fact 'Umar Shaikfe had 
six daughters. The wife whom the 
text calls Aniigh Agha w called by 
Babar, fi^las Agha and a note to the 
text states that this name appears 
in many MSS. She was removed 
from the harem a few months after 
she had given birth to a daughter. 

With reference to A.F.'b omission 
of the name of the third daughter 
Shahrbanu. it is curious to note that 
a similar omission occurs in two 
MSS. of the Persian translation of 
Babar's Memoirs, B. M. Add. 24, 416 
and 26,200, though No. 26,200 has a 
marginal correction giving her name. 



« 



CHAFTSB XVII«» 



223 



Cf*T: 



CHAPTER XVII. 

His Majesty Oiti-sitAni FibdOs-kaean! Zahibu-d-dIn Muhaumap 

•• • 

Babab PAdsbAh QiiAz!.^ 

King of the four qaarters^* and of the seven heavens ; celestial 
sovereign ; diadem of the sublime throne ; great of genias and great- 
ness-conferring ; f ortune-increaser ; of excellent horoscope ; heaven 
in comprehensiveness; earth in stability; lion-hearted ; clime-captarer; 
lofty in splendour ; of active brain ; searcher after knowledge ; rank- 
breaking lion rampaot; exalter of dominion; ocean-hearted; of 
illustrious origin ; a saintly sovereign ; enthroned in the kingdom of 
reality and spirituality^ Zahiru-d-din Muhammad B&bar Pad^ah 
Ghazi. His pearl-like nature was a station for the marks, of great- 
ness and sublimity ; freedom and detachment together with lofty 
restraint and majestic power flashed forth in his nature ; in asceticism 
and absorption {faqr ufand^) a Junid^ and Bayazid ; while the magni- 



-"\ 



I "World-gripper, Paradise-inhabit- 
ing, Defender of the Faith, Muham- 
mad Babar (Lion), the holy warrior- 
king. Babar is commonly said to 
mean lion or tiger, but this seems to 
me a little doubtful, for the word 
for lion is habr, not hdbar. Besides 
why should the Turks use a Persian 
word? May it not be connected 
with the Caghatai word hdbari or 
bayaf^ old or primitive. See P. de 
Courteille, Turc Diet. 156. 

* Car hdlish-i-haft man^a/r, lit. 
four cushions or elements, seven 
scenes or theatres. The four cush- 
ions mean four thrones and so four 
quarters of the world. 

& Another favourite expression is 
fand u haqd for which see Notices et 
Extraits, S. do Sacy, XII., 327n. 



Fand is used by mystics for the 
Stiff's relation to externals, viz. his 
dying to them and baqd for his re- 
lation to God. 

* Usually Junaid but here Junid, 
unless Bayazid be written Bayazaid. 
Junaid was a famous ascetic known 
as Al-Baghdadi and is said to have 
performed the pilgrimage to Mecca 
thirty times, on foot and alone. 
(Beale art. Junaid). He died about 
909 A.D. See Nafahdlu-l-une, Lees, 
89, No. 81 and Jarrett III. 352, where 
however A. F.'s account is only an 
abridgement of Janl« S. de Sacy 
has translated Jaml's life of Junaid. 
(Notices et Extraita XII, 366 et seq.) 

Bayazid is Bayazid Bistami, also 

known as Xay^ur b. *Isft. He, as well 

as Junaid, belonged to the Naqgh- 



224 



AKBARMAlfA. 



ficence and genius of an Alexander and of a Farldun shone from La 
brow. The holy birth of this majestic one was on 6 MaharrcLin Sr-^ 
(14th February 1483) from the holy womb and pure veil of tbt" 
gloriously chaste and nobly-born^ Qntlaq Nigar Khanum. That jewe. 
of fortune's ocean and sparkling star {durrl) of the heaTon of glorv 
arose from a happy quarter. She, the coiffure of purity aud scarf of 
chastity, was the second daughter of Tunus (Jonah) !^aii and elder 
sister of Sultan Mahmud ICban. Her lineage is as follows : — daa^hter 
of Yanus Khan b. Vais Khan, b. ghir 'All Ogblan, b. Malianuna<i 
Khan, b. H^izr Khwaja ^an, b. Tughlaq Timur Qian, b. Istn Bogba 
l^an, b. Dava Khan, b. Baraq O&n^ b. Isun Tava,* b. Mutakan, b. 
Caghatai Khan, b. GingTz Kban. MaulanS ^isami^ Qarakuli recorded 
the date of the noble birth as follows. 



Verse. 

Since on 6 Muharram was born that bounteous king. 

His birth's chronogram is also 6 Muharram {sAasA-i-MukarramJ) 

87 Though the chronogram be of marvellous coincidence and un- 

fathomable in its significance, there is something stranger yet, viz., the 
chronogram is in six letters which are reckoned by the masters of 



bandi order and ho was Junaid*s his 
predecessor and teacher. According 
to the Khaiinatu- l-aul iyd (I, 519) 
Junaid said, " Bayazid among us is 
like Gabriel among the angels." 
Bayazid was descended from a family 
of fire-worshippers and was a native 
of Bistam in Persia. (S.S.E. of the 
Caspian and 3 m. N.E. of Qhahrud.) 
He died 261 A.H. (874 A.D.) and is 
buried in Bistam. See Meynard's 
Yaqut 104, Jarrett III., 352 and 359 
and Curzon's Persia I.,283 who spells 
the name of the town Bostam and 
notices the saint's tomb. 

i Text, Bisun Tava. 

« T. R. 173, calls the author of the 
chronogram Muuir Marghlnaul and 



describes him as having been one of 
the 'ula'ind of UlughBeg. The Luck. 
ed. calls him Jam! Qarakiili. I have 
consulted the B. M. MSS. of T. R,. 
the name is not clear, it may }h? 
Munlr or Muahlr, Erskine (MS. 
trs. Add. No. 26, 612) calls him 
merely Maulana Marghinanl. Mu- 
nlr means illustrious in Arabic an<l 
may here be descriptive, so that the 
difference between the two names 
may be only as to that of origin^ 
viz., Marghinan or Qarakal. 

QarakQl (Black Lake) is about 28 
miles S. W. of Buk^arS. (Babar, 
Ers. 54.) 

^ Babar, Ere. Litro. LXI. 



1 



CHAPTER XVII, 



225 



computation as a lacky number^ and also the phrase (lafz) shash f^arf 
and the pips {naqsh) ^adad^hbair both indicate the date. Another 
wonderful thing is that the units^ tens and hundreds of the date are 
all the same (8-8-8), thus pointing to equability of dispositions. His 
life corresponded to these mysteries of birth. That exemplar of 
high saints, ^waja AhrSr himself with his own bounty-shedding 
tongue gave him — the auspicious one — ^the names of Zahiru-d-din 
Muhammad, but as this weighty appellation with its majesty and 
sublimity, was not readily pronounceable or current on the tongues 
of the Turks, the name of B§bar was also given to him. 

His Majesty was the eldest and straightest of the sons of 'Umar 
Shaikh Mirza. In his twelfth year, on Tuesday, 5 Bamazan, 899 
(10th June, 1494), he sate upon the throne in Andijan. Few kings 
have encountered such difficulties as he, and the courage, self-reliance 
and en durance which he displayed in the battle-field and in danger 
were superhuman. When the inevitable accident of 'Umar Shaikh 
Mirza occurred in AkhsT, his Majesty Glti-sitani Pirdus-makanT was 
in the Carbagh (Palace) of Andijau. Next day, viz,, Tuesday, 5 
Ramazan, the news was brought to Andijan. In a moment he mount- 
ed his horse and proceeded to the fort of Andijan. As he was alight- 
ing at the gate,^ Shlram^ Taghai seized his bridle and carried him 
towards the namazgah (place of prayer) in order to take him to 
Ozkand and the foot of the hills. His idea was that, as Sulj^an 
Ahmad Mirza was coming with great power, the treacherous officers 
might make over the country to him ; if out of disloyalty, they did 
so, his Majesty's sacred person might be saved from this danger and 
be conveyed to his maternal uncles Ilanja* Khan or Sult;an Mahmud 



I Referring to throws at dice, I 
suppose. Shadi-harf and ' adad-U 
M^air both yield 888, viz., 22^=600, 
A=8, r=200 and /=80, total 888. 
Again, a=70, 2i=8, 5^=600, i=10, 
r=200, total 888. The great standard 
was called shaah iughjX. {T, R.\.c. 93.) 
llie chronogram is in six letters, 
viz.^ eh, gh, m, ^, r, m. 

* Babar, Ers., Mirza's Gate. 

^ Apparently the Shirun T^gh^i 

29 



mentioned in T. B. 1. c. 228, as ma- 
ternal uncle of Babar and as a pillar 
of the State. See too Babar, Ers. 
59 and 94 Apparently he was 
Babar's grand-uncle, being Lis 
mother's uncle. (Erskine, B. and H. I, 
334) Taghai or taqai means mater- 
nal uncle in Caghatai and Firishta 
calls him the taghai of *Umar Shaikh 
Mirza. 
* P. dc C. (I. 32), AlaJH and Babar, 




226 



AKBARNAMA. 



]^an. The officers, on becoming aware of this intention^ sen! 
Khwaja Mul^ammad Darzl to dispel anxieties that had arisen in his 
mind. The cortege had reached the namdzgdh when Kliwaja Ma^tam^ 
mad came up with it. He calmed his Majesty and induced him to 
88 return. When he (Bibar) alighted at the citadel of Andijan, all the 
officers came to wait upon him and received marks of f avoor from 
him. It has already been mentioned that Sull^&n A^mad Mirzft and 
Sultan Mahmud ^an had united and come against 'Umar Sl^aijch 
Mirza. Now that by the decree of fate, an inevitable accident had 
occurred, all the officers, small and great, united to defend the fort. 
Sultjin Ahmad MlrzS had taken possession of Uratippa, Khajand and 
Marghinan which are districts of Far|^flna, and had encamped within 
four ko8 of Andijan. Though they sent ambassadors and knocked a4 
the door of peace, he did not listen but continued to advance. Bnt 
as secret aids were always in attendance on this family, on account of 
the strength of the fort and the unanimity of the officers and of a 
pestilence which broke out in the camp and of the deaths of the 
horses,^ SuUfin Ahmad got into difficulties and came to despair of his 
former designs. He therefore came to terms and returned without 
effecting anything. Coming from the north side of the river of 
Khajand, Sul);fin Mahmud !^an invested Akhsi. JahangTr Mirza, 
brother of his Majesty, and a large number of loyal officers were 
there. The Khan made several assaults, the officers made a spirited 
resistance, and so the Khan also did not effect his purpose, and being 
attacked by a sickness, had to give up his vain enterprise and turn 
his reins towards his own country. For eleven • years, his Majesty 
waged great wars in Transoxiana against the Ca^atai princes and 
the Uzbegs. Thrice he conquered Samarqand, viz., once in 903 (end 
of November 1497) when coming^ from Andij&n, he took it from 



(Ers. 18) Ilchch. His real name 
was Sultan A^mad BIhan and Ilcheh 
is a sobriquet meaning slayer. f'Ers. 
1. 0. 13). He was a son of Tanus 
Khan and half-brother of Babar*8 
mother. 

. * Many horses wore drowned in 
croHHing tlic Kaba and many died of 
disease. 



• Apparently a clerical error for 
18, rt»., for the period from 899 to 
917. Some MSS. seem to have 15 
(which is easily confounded with 
1 1) and Price has 15. (Ret. IV, 666.) 

s The Text reads as if it wore 
Bayasangbar who came from Andi- 
jan but Babar's Mem. show what i.« 
meant. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



227 



Bayasangfaar Mirzd^ son of Sulj^n Mahmud Mirzft ; secondly, from 
g^aibak (ghaibfinl) O^n in 906 (aatnmn of 1500) ; and thirdly, after 
gt^aibak Khin had been killed in 917 (October 1511). As God's 
plan was the revealing of that nniqne pearl, his Majesty the king of 
kings, and designed that the country of Hindustan should be acquired 
and that his Majesty should proceed to a strange land and there 
arrive at greatness and felicity ,-^he caused the gates of trouble to be 
opened in his own native land which is the meeting place of faithful 
servants, so that in no way could that be fit for him. He was com- 
pelled to proceed with a small force towards Badakhs^an and Kabul. 

_ ft 

When he reached Badal^shan, all the people of Khusru SJ^uh who 
was ruler there, accepted his service. And the ruler himself was 
compelled to do so, though this wretch was ring-leader of the unjust 
ones and had martyred* BSyasanghar and blinded Sulj^fin Mas^ud 89 
Mirzft, which two princes were his Majesty's cousins. He (Khusru) 
also showed signs of pitilessness and inhumanity when at a time of 
calamity,* his Majesty's army was pasding into Bada^shftn. 

Now when he beheld the face of his deeds in the mirror of recom- 
pense, and fortune had turned away her countenance from his 
worthless self, his Majesty from perfect humanity and excessive 
generosity, did not exercise retaliation,^ but gave orders that he 
should carry away as much of his property as he desired and go off to 
Khnrftsan. So he took five or six strings^ of mules and camels, laden 



I (Babar, Era. 73.) Bayasanghar, 
who was a poet, was second son of 
Saltan Mnhammad Mirza of Herat, 
the second son of AbQ Sa'id. He was 
put to death on 17th August, 1499. 
(B&bar, Ers. 72.) Mas' ad was his 
brother. See account of his being 
blinded 1. c. 63. It was in 14^7 
that Babar drove Bayasangbar oat of 
Samarqand. 

S Text sdkihqaranl which does 
not make sense. Luck. ed. and 
several MS 8., qardni, calamity or 
crisis. cJj^i qairdn seems to be Tur- 
kish for breaking. This passage 
must refer to Khiisra Shah's treat- 



ment of Babar when he came to 
Hisar (Hisar-i-ghadman) on his flight 
from Samarqand in 907. Babar says, 
(Ers. 126), "Twice did my course 
"lie throagh the country of this 
" BJmsrfl Shah, so famed for his 
"liberal conduct and generosity, 
" and that humanity which he dis- 
" played to the meanest of men, he 
"never showed to me." See also 
T. R. 175. See Ers.'s remarks on 
Babar's behaviour to KhusrQ Shah 
(125). 

» Babar, Ers. 131 and 132. T. B, 
176. 

Leydeu states that seven mules 



228 



akbarnIma. 



with jewelry and gold ornaments and went off to KhurSsan. And his 
Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makani having put Badakhshan into order, 
went to Kabul. 

At that time Muhammad MuqTm^ son of Zu-n-nun Arghun had 
taken Kabul from ^Abdu-razzaq Mirzi^ son of XJlngh Beg Mirza^ Bon 
of Suljan Abu Sa'Td Mirza^ who was his Majesty^s cousin. On hear- 
ing the noise of the coming of the victorious standards^ he fortified 
himself^ but after some days he sought for peace and obtained permia- 
aion to go to his brother Shah Beg in Qandahar with his property. 
Kabul fell into the hands of his Majesty's servants in the end of 
Rabru-1-awwal 910 (beginning of October 1504). After that his 
Majesty proceeded in 911 to capture Qandahar^ and Qilat (Khelat) 
which is a dependency of Qandahar was conquered. After that, for 
reasons of state policy, he abandoned the taking of Qandahar and 
went south and having attacked the Af^an tribes of Sawasang and 
Alatag^,* returned to Kabul. 

In the beginning* of this year there was a great earthquake in 
Kibul and its environs. The ramparts of the fort and many build- 
ings in the citadel and city fell down. All the houses in the village 
of Pemg^an ^ fell down and there were three-and -thirty shocks in 
one day and for a month the earth shook two or three times day and 
night. Many persons lost their lives, and between Pemghan and Baktnb 
a piece of ground a stone's throw* in breadth separated itself and 



go to a string {qafdr), (Babar 132) 
but A. F. (Blochmann 152) gives five 
as the number. 
I Babar, Era. 171n. 

• The year 905 began 4th June 
but the earthquake must have been 
in July. From Babar's Memoirs, it 
appears that it occurred about 40 
days after his mother's death which 
was in the beginning of the year. 

^ Also Pemgh^in- Babar, Ers. 146. 
It is S. or S. W. of Kabul. 

♦ Text, yak kata hasi anddz which 
is unintelligible. I have examined 
the two B. M. Persian MSS. of 
Babar's Memoirs. In both, the pas- 
sage is the same but in the nungin 



of Add. No. 26, 200— the copy used 
by Erskine — we have hit kaia fa«4 
aiiddz. No doubt idf}^ (Turk, stone) 
is correct. Kata is Turkish for 
large but its use here in that sense 
is not apparent unless we take 
tdaj^anddz as one word and say "a 
great " or *' long stone-throw." 
Neither Erskine nor P. de Courteille 
translates kata by great. I should 
be inclined to regard it as the Hin- 
dustani /tif^a and as pleonastic; yak 
kitta tds]^ might then mean merely 
a stone. The passages in the B. M. 
MSS. are p. 1356 of No. 24,416 and 
p. 141a of No. 26,200. 




CHAPTER XVII. 



229 



descended the length of a bowshot and springs burst out from the 
breach. From Istirghac * to Maids n/ a distance of six faraangsy (cir. 
24 m.) the ground was so contorted that part of it rose as high as an 
elephant. In the beginning of the earthquake, clouds of dust rose 
from the tops of the mountains. In the same year there was a great 
earthquake in India.^ 

One of the occurrences of this time was that g^aibak (g^aiban!) 
^&n collected an army and proceeded towards Ehur&san. Sultdn 
Qusain MTrzft assembled all his sons and marched to oppose him. 
He also sent Sayyid Afzal, the son of Mir Sultan 'All Khwib-bin 
(vision-seer) to urge on the advance of his Majesty Firdus-makunT. 
Accordingly he proceeded towards !^urasan in Muharram 912 (end 90 
of May 1506). On the way he received at Eahmard ^ the news of 
Sulj^an Qusain's death. His Majesty Firdus-makani, thinking it still 
more necessary * to advance, went on towards Khurasan contrary to 
the calculations of politicians. Before his army reached !^uras&n, 
short-sighted^ and inexperienced men had placed jointly on the 
throne the Mlrzd's sons, Badi'u-z-zaman and Muzaffar Qusain MirzSs. 

On Monday, 8th Jumada-1-akhar his Majesty met the Mirzas 
at the Murghab and at their request came on to HerSt. But as 



» Now Sirghac. BSbar, Era. 146n. 

« Era. (Biibar, 170) haa "to the 
plain" (maidan) but P. de 0. (I, 349) 
seems correct in taking it as the 
name of a place, Maidan. His trs. 
completes the deacription by aaying 
there were holes large enough for a 
man to hide in. 

> Era. (B. and H. I, 229) notea that 
there was an earthquake at Agra on 

5th July, 1505. Elliot (V, 99) gives 

Sunday, 3rd Jgafa/r (6th July). 

♦ P. de C, Kahmard. Wood (Jour- 
ney to Source of the Oxua, 132), Kam- 
rad. It ia in Afghanistan. N.-W. 
of Kabul and according to Babar 
(Era. 199) in a valley not far from 
the Dandan-ahikan (tooth-breaking) 
Pass. 



K Babar (Era. 200) aaya that he 
went on " from a regard to the repu- 
" tation of our family though I alao 
" had other motivea," apparently to 
try conclusiona once more with 
ShaibanT. 

• The folly conaiated in the dual 
appointment for A.F. and hia achool 
held that kingahip, being the ahadow 
of Godhead, muat be aingle. Babar, 
referring to the joint appointment, 
aaya, (199) "Thia waa a atrange 
"arrangement. A joint kingahip 
"waa never before heard of. The 
" well-known worda of Shaikh Sa*di 
** in the Qulutdn (1, 3) are very appli- 
" cable to it. Ten dervishea aleep 
"in one coverlet (galvm) but two 
"kinga have not room in one clime 
" {jiql%m)r See also T. R. 196. 



230 



akbarkAma. 



he did not perceive in tbem signs of guidance and dominion, he set 
out on his return to Kabul on 8th g^a^bftn (24th Dec.^ 1506). While in 
the Hazara Hills, news arrived that Muhammad Husain Mirza Dag^liit * 
and Sultan Sanjar Barlas had drawn over to their side all the Mnghals 
left in Kabul and had raised up Khan Mirzi* and were besieging Kabul. 
They also spread among the commonalty a report that the sons of 
Sultan 9usain Mirza were meditating^ treachery against his Majesty 
Firdus-makfini. MuUa Babai* Bashagharlj Amir^ Muhibb 'All Kha* 
lifa, Amir Muhammad Qasim Kohbar^ Ahmad Yusuf and Ahmad 
QSsim to whom the protection of Ksbul had been entrusted^ were 
looking after the defence of the fort. As 7 soon as he heard this 
news, he made over the baggage to Jahftngir Mirza who was some* 
what ill,^ and accompanied by a few men crossed the passes of the 
Hindu Koh which were full of snow, under great difficulty, and des- 
cended one morning early upon Kabul. The rebels all crept into 
concealment at the news of his Majesty's approach. He first went 
to his step-grandmother (mother's step-mother) ghah* Begum, who 



1 Text, wrongly, wafdt hard ogblat 
(Babar, Era. 214). This Muhammad 
^asain was the father of Babar's 
cousin Haidar, author of the T* B> 

> Babar*8 cousin; being son of 
Sultan Mul^ammad Mirza, third son of 
Sultan Aba Sa'Id and Sultan Nigar 
KhAuum, danghter of Ynnus Khan 
and Shah Begum. He was thus 
doubly Babar's cousin, being son of 
Babar's father's elder brother and 
of his mother's half-sister. MirzS 
Khan's proper name was Sultin 
Yais Mirza. Khusra Shah killed his 
brother Bayasanghar and blinded 
his brother Mas'ud. He afterwards 
became king of Badakhfihftn. 

* The report was that they had 
imprisoned Babar in the Eagle Cas- 
tle, near Her&t. (Mem. 214). 

♦ T. B, 1. c. 356. Both Babal and 
Muhammad A^mad Kohbar after- 
wards rebelled against Babar. 



6 Babar, Ers. 214, Ehalifa Muhibb 
'All Qurca. 

« Price (Ret. IV, 67) renders this, 
mountain-piercer, but it probably 
comes from the town Kohbar, in 
Sind, mentioned by Jarrett, (II» 
387). Kohbar appears also to be 
the name of a Cantata! tribe (Bloch- 
mann 613n.) Mr. Blochmann quotes 
the name of Mu^amnuid Q&sim Koh- 
bar as that of a poet ; perhaps this 
is the Kohbar of the Text. 

1 Taken from T, R. 1. c. 200. 

8 Apparently from excessive drink- 
ing. 

• Daughter of the king of Ba- 
daU^an and widow of Tanus. 
Babar's maternal grandfather. Bi- 
har's own grandmother was A is or 
IsSn Daulat Begum. (Memoirs. Ers. 
12.) 



i 



CHAPTSR XVII. 



231 



had been the cause of the patting forward of Kh§n Mirzfi, and ad- 
dressed her after kneeling down before her. Knowing well what her 
state of mind was^ he spoke to her with modesty and magnanimity, 
and with soothing words observed to her, '^ If a mother have special 
^'affection for one child, why should another child be aggrieved ?, 
" there is no limit to her authority." Then he said, " I have been 
'' up long and have come a long way," and laying his head on her 
lap, he went to sleep. Thus in order to reassure the Begum who was 
very uneasy, he behaved in a very kind manner^ to her. Ere he had 
fully fallen asleep, his aunt, Mihr* Nigar Khanum, came in and his 



I Era. B. and H. I, 253 and T. B. 
200. The Text is not quite clear. 

* Eldest daughter of YOnus Khan. 
She was first married to Snltan 
A^mad Mirza, uncle of Babar, and on 
his death, to Sh&ihani. (T. B, 96 
and 196). Babar, in order that he 
might escape from Samarqand, gave 
his sister Sh^t^zftda in marriage to 
Shaibanl and as she was niece of 
Mihr Nigar, Shaibanl divorced the 
latter " as it was unlawful for both 
to be married to the same man." 
Mihr Nigar died childless. (T. B, 
155). 

A.F. has apparently taken his 
account from the T&rTUk-i-raghldi 
but has altered its language. 
Erskine who, I believe, had not read 
the T. B. when editing Leyden's 
Babar, makes some mistakes here. 
(Babar, 217 and 218). It is clear 
that the Kh&num was Mihr Nigar, 
Babar's maternal aunt. She was 
probably called Khanum because she 
was the eldest daughter and indeed 
eldest child of Yanus Khan, by his 
chief wife, IsSn Daulat BSgum. {T. B, 
86). She was also the only surviv- 
ing daughter of that marriage, for 
her younger sister, Babar 's mother, 



had lately died. The Eh^num was 
certainly not Sh^h NigSr for she 
had died some years earlier. (Babar, 
Ers. 99 and T. B. 157 where we are 
told that Eh^b Nigar died a year 
and a half before 907=1500 or 1501). 
Nor is it correct to say that A.F. 
speaks of Mirza jQ^an's being 
brought by his mother Sultan Nigar. 
His mother was the daughter of 
Yonus Q^an by 8h&h Begum but, as 
Erskine correctly states, she does 
not appear to have been at Kabul at 
the time. (It should, however, here 
be said that Gulbadan, in her Me- 
moirs, describes Khan Mirza as 
having been brought before Babar 
by his mother. Sultan Nigar. This 
must be a mistake, I think). She 
was first married to Sultan Ma^- 
mnd, son of Sultftn Aba Sa'id, and 
had by him one son, vi«., the Mirza 
Khan or Sultan Yais of the Text 
and afterwards king of Badakhfihftn- 
Sultan Ma^^ad died in January, ^ 
1495, and some years later (Babar 
13) she was married to 'Adil Sultan 
(Ers., XJzbak Sultan) and when ' Adil 
died, to his brother, Qasim Khan 
(the famous ruler of the Kirghizes 
who defeated Shaibanl's troops, T. JR. 



232 



AKBARNAMA. 



Majesty hastily arose and saluted her {ishdn-rd darydftand) . They 
arrested Muhamniad IjLusain Mirza and brought him in. His Majestjr 
being a mine of kindness^ gave him his life and gave him permission 
to go to Khurasan. After that the Khfinum (Mihr Nigar) brought in 
!^ftn Mirza and said, " O life of your mother ! I have brought 



373). Haidar Mirza's account, from 
which A.F. has copied, may be 
seen in Ney Elias and Ross' trs. 
(200) but the word grandson is there 
a mistake for nephew. The MS. of 
Haidar's Text has apparently not 
ruibtra but yugan or ** yezneh^* 
nephew, as Erskine has written in 
the margin of his MS. trs. of T. R. 
B. M. Add. No. 26,162. Erskine 
has apparently written yezneh but the 

right word seems to be tr^ yugan 
which like the Latin nepoa, means 
both a nephew and a grandchild. 
Perhaps nabira has a similar double 
meaning. ^J the yezneh of Erskine 
is given by P. de Courteille as 
brother-in-law or son-in-law. A.F. 
calls Mihr Nigar theKhalazada. i.e., 
cousin of Babar and the same word 
appears in the T. B. Erskine in a 
marginal note (B. M. Add. No. 26, 
612, 192) observed that this word 
which signifies cousin, seems an 
error. I am not sure that the origi- 
nal word is not I^dkizdid which 
perhaps might bo held to mean a 
birth-aunt or full-aunt. Or per- 
haps it is J^dnazdda, home-born in 
allusion to her being his mother's 
full sister. 

The discrepancies in the three 
accounts, viz., Babar's (Ers. 217, etc.) 
Haidar*s and A.F.'s, are curious. 
Babar is presumably most correct, 
for ^aidar was but a child at the 
time, but Haidar's account, derived 



presumably from his father, is the 
most graphic. He says that ju^t 
after Babar had laid his head in hui 
grandmother's lap, the aunt Mihr 
Nigar Khanum came in. He saluted 
her and then she bade him go to the 
castle and see his family and that 
she would come there after him. 
He went and she followed, bringing 
with her, her nephew (Mirza Khan) 
and Haidar's father, Muhammad 
Husain. Babar advanced to meet 
her and she said, "0 life of your 
" (dead) mother, I have brought your 
"guilty nephew and your unfor- 
" tunate cousin." {Ai jdn-i-niddar 
yezneh (or yugan)'i-gundhgdr u hi^ 
rdda/r-i-ndsdzhdr bar dwurdamJ) 
" What do you say to them ? " A.F. 
has altered the words which Babar 
used to his grandmother. Shah 
Begum and Mihr Sultan afterwards 
went towards Badaihshan with Khan 
Mirza but the ladies were caught 
on the road by Aba Bakr and taken 
to Kagi^^iar where they were im- 
prisoned and eventually perished 
miserably. Evidently Mihr Nigar 
was strongly attached to her step- 
mother and her nephew and perhaps 
she was displeased with Babar for 
having contributed to her divorce. 
Babar expresses himself as vexed 
at her leaving him for Badajsiishan. 
"It would have been better and 
more becoming for her to have re- 
mained with me." (Er^. 232). 



CHAPTEK XVII. 



233 



*' your guilty couBin (birddar), what is your pleasure ? " His Majesty 
took him in his arms and spoke kindly to him. After that he left 91 
it to his option to go or stay. The !^an MTrza was so ashamed that 
he could not make up his mind to remain. He took leave and went 
to Qandahir*^ This happened in the same year. 

Next year he (Bibar) proceeded to Qandahar* and fought a great 
battle with S]]^ah Beg, son of Zu-n-nun Arghun and ACuhammad Muqlm 
his younger brother. The Kh&n did good service here. His Majesty 
presented Qandahar to Nftfir Mirz&^ the younger brother 3 of Jah&ngir 
Mirza and returned to Kdbul. He permitted Sl^ah Begum and Khan 
Mirza to proceed to Baday^shsn. After many adventures Khan Mirza 
put Zabir Raghl ^ to death and became confirmed in the dominion of 
Badakhshan. He always retained his loyalty (to Babar). 

In 916 (early in December 1510) an express ^^ brought the news 
that S^aibani K^an was killed and that it was proper for Babar to 
move in that direction. Accordingly in Stawwal, he proceeded ^ there 
and fought great battles with the TJzbegs. He was ever victorious 
and took Samarqand for the third time^ in 917 (Oct. 1511). He ruled 
there for eight months but in ^afar 918 (April 1512) he h^d a great 
battle at Kul Malik with 'Ubaidu-1-lah O^an. Though he had won the 
victory, suddenly by the jugglery of the heavens, he sustained a 
defeat and proceeded to Qif ftr. 



1 This is in accordance with T. B. 
201, but Babar says he got leave to 
go to Khurasan. It would seem 
from T. IL that both Mirza Khan 
and Mahmud Hasan got leave to 
go to Qandahar but that the lat- 
ter went as far then, while Mirza 
Khan stayed. IJaidar says his father 
went on because he wished to go to 
Mecca. He, however, accepted an 
invitation from Shaibanl and was 
killed by him. 

* T. R, 357, Babar besieged Qan- 
dahar for 5 years and 5 months. 

S Half-brother only of Jahangir 
and Babar, his mother being a con- 
cubine. (Babar, Ers. 10). 

* Probably Ragh a hill-district in 

30 



N.-W. Badal^shan and not the Rag 
which is the Rhages of Tobit and 
lies south of Teheran. See T. R, 
203n. 

^ The express was sent by Mirza 
B[han from Badaj^hih^n. The courier 
had traversed the Hindu Kugh in 
the snow and got frost-bitten. He 
arrived early in Ramas^n which in 
that year began 3rd December. Ers. 
B. and H. I, 306 and T. R. 237). 

* Lit. turned the reins of his 
world-traversing steed. Ers. B. and 
H. I, 322 and T, R. 260 for account 
of battle. *nbaidu-l-]ah, called also 
Sultan, married Mtrza Qaidar's sis- 
ter and became king of BuJshara, 
He was Shai haul's nephew. 



234 



AKBABNAMA. 



On another occasional he along with Najm Beg, had a great 
battle below Fort GhajdiwSn with the Uzbegs. Najm Beg 'was killed 
and his Majesty went towards Kabul.* Moreover by secret inspira- 
tion^ he was led to lay aside marching to Transoxiana and to press 
forward to the conquest of Hindustan. Pour times did he turn 
towards this enterprise and as often did he^ from stress of circum- 
stances^ retrace his steps. The first ^ time was in S^a'ban 910 
(Jan. 1505) when he went by Badfim Ca^bma* (Almond Spring) 
and Jagdalik^ passed through the Khaibar and halted at Jam 
(Jamrnd). In the Wdqi'dt-d-babari^ a Turkl book written by his 
Majesty himself^ it is stated that when in six marches^ he went from 
Kabul to idlnapur,^ he had never before seen the Oarmsir^ 
(warm regions) nor the country of HindustSn. " Immediately on 
reaching them, I beheld a new world. The grass was different^ the 
trees different^ the wild animals of a different sort, the birds of a 
different plumage, the manners and customs of the people {utj^Sj cJft ^ 
ail u dins) of a different kind. I was struck with astonishment^ and 
" indeed there was room for wonder/' ^ Nasir MirzS came to this 
stage from Ghaznln to pay his respects. He (Babar) halted at Jam- 



tt 



€C 



a 



ti 



» Ers. B. and H. I, 325 and T. E. 
261. Ghajdiwan is north of Bu- 
khara. The battle was apparently 
fought on 3 Ramaifdn 918 (12th No- 
Tember, 1512). Najm means star and 
the real name of the general was 
Yar Mu^mmad. He is said to have 
been Finance Minister. He seems 
to have been put to death in cold 
blood and in revenge for the mas* 
sacre of Kargh^. 

* He did not go direct to Kabul 
but first to ELisar and was there 
nearly murdered by the mutinous 
Mughals. Thence to Kunduz and 
"at last, despairing altogether of 
"recovering Hisar, he returned to 
"Kabul." The date of his return 
does not seem known but probably 
it was in 920, (1514). Ers. B. and 
H. I, 329n. 



8 Babar, Ers. 156. Babar (309) 
seems to reckon the expedition of 925 
as the first of the five, and Firishta 
and Khaft Khan take the same view. 
Ers. B. and H. I, 41 7n. 

* Jarrett II, 399 and Babar, Ers. 
141n. Badam Caghma is a pass S. 
of the Kabul River and between 
Little Kabul and Barlk-al. 

^ From Jamrad, Babar rode out 
to Bikram (Peshawar). 

* Now Jalalabad. Ers. (B. and H. 
I, 233. Jarrett IF, 405). But Adania- 
par lay about a mile south of the 
modern Jal&labad. 

•J Aln V. Jarrett II, 394, 

* The change here described oc- 
curs at Gandamak. Babar *8 Mem. 
157 and Erskinc's note. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



235 



rfid and consulted about crossing the river Indus known as the NTlab. 92 
Owing to the avarice of BSqi ^ Caghana^TanT the crossing of the Indus 
was postponed and he proceeded against Eoh§t. After taking Kohat^ 
they attacked Ban gash and Naghz.* Then they went to the country 
of the ' Isa Khail and halted in the environs of Tarbila > which is a 
village on the Indus and in the country of Multan. Then he made 
several inarches down the river. From thence he came to the bor- 
ders of Duki^ and after some days to Ghaznin. In the month ZT- 
hajja (May 1505) he returned to Kabul. 

The second ^ time^ the illustrious army proceeded in the month of 
Jumada;.l.awwal 913 (Sep. 1507) by way of Little Kabul (Khurd 
Kabul) to the conquest of Hindustan. They went first from Man- 
draur ^ by 'Atar and g^i^oh and then returned owing to difPerences 
of opinion among the officers. They crossed by Kuner* and NurgiP 
and from Kuner he (Babar) came on a raft (jdla) ^ to the camp and 
then by way of BfidTj' to KftbuL By order of his Majesty, the date 



I Text, "some Caghataia." The 
Luck. ed. is right. (Babar Ers. 156 
and 256). The "avarice" refers to 
Baqi's love of plunder. He was 
younger brother of ^^usra Shah, 
Babar's Memoirs, 128, Caghanian was 
in Transoxiana. T, B, 177n. 

« Text, Newar. Jarrett II, 389, 
399 n. 6. 

a The Belah of Ers. p. 163. Appa- 
rently the Darbelah of the Ain Jarrett 
II, 334. Caghanian is a name given to 
Hisar. Babar. Ers. Intro. XXXV. 

♦ Jarrett, II, 397. Duki means a 
hill or hill-country. Text, Kl. Luck, 
cd. ^^^. See Babar 164». and 149 
where the expedition is described. 

* Babar, Ers.. 232. 
« Jarrett II, 406. 

'' Babar, Ers., 143. The two places 
are on opposite sides of the river 
of Ca^anserai or Kamch, Jarrett 
II, 392». 

8 Abo ^\j ihdla. {Farhang-i-ra- 



sj^idl 8. V,). The Burhdn-i-qafi* des- 
cribes a raft as a thing made of 
wood and grass on (P under) which 
inflated mcuadka are laid and which 
is used for crossing deep streams. 
Probably Babar used one only for 
crossing the river. Raverty (Notes, 
34) quotes a description of a raft 
from Jahangir's Memoirs. This 
kind of raft is still in use. " From 
Jalalabad we embarked on rafts of 
inflated skins and dropped down 
with the stream to Peghawur." 
(Journey to the source of the Oxus. 
Wood, 280). See too " At the Court 
of the Amir," Gray, 12. 

• This name does not seem known 
now. Era. (Babar, 142n.) suggests 
Badpash. Price remarks (173n.) that 
he has not been able to find in the 
maps any of the places mentioned 
in this expedition. I have altered 
the names of the Text so as to accord 
with Erskiue. 



236 



akbabnAmi. 



of his crossing was engraved on a stone above B&dij. This won- 
drous * writing still exists. Till fehis time, tlie noble descendants of 
the Lord of Conjunction were called Mirzas. His Majesty ordered 
that in this inscription,* he should be styled Padshah. 

On Tuesday, 4 Zi-1-qa^da of this auspicious year (6th March, 1508)^ 
occurred, in the citadel of Kabul, the fortunate birth of his Majesty 
Jahanbani Jannat-asbiyani (Humayun). Of this an account will bo 
given hereafter. 

The third time, on Monday,* 1 Muharram 925 (3rd Jan., 151^, 
while the army was marching against Bajaur, there was a great 
earthquake which lasted for half a sidereal hour. Sulpn 'Ala'u-d-dln 
SiwadT (of Swat) arrived as an envoy on the part of Sultan Vais 
Siwadi. In a short time, the fort of Bajaur was captured and was 
presented to Khwaja ^ Kilan Beg, son of Maulani Muhammad l^adr, 
who had been one of the great officers under Mirz§ ^Umar gj^ai^. This 
Khwaja was related to his Majesty in a singular manner for his six 
brothers had given their lives in his service. He himself was a 
special "protege of his Majesty on account of his wisdom and sagacity. 
When his Majesty was contemplating the Siwad (Swat) expedition 
and the conquest of the Yusufzais, Taus Khan, the younger brother 



I One MS. has " This writing has 
not yet disappeared." 

The pass was east of Kabul and 
near the Lamghan (Laghman) dis- 
trict. (Babar, Era., 142). Accord- 
ing to Raverty, (Notes, 100) the 
proper spelling is ^^^, Badpaj ;— 

had meaning wind and :paj or fajj 
Ar. for pass. " Thus Badpaj means 
the Wiudy Pass, the name being 
given on account of the strong wind 
generally blowing there and which 
at times, renders its passage im- 
practicable." Probably then this is 
the pass described by a friend (P Alex- 
ander Bumes, Erskino Hist. I, 517) 
of Mr. Erskino as Badpash. (Babar, 
Ers., 142n.) ** Badpash is a steej) 
koial (pass) half a day's journey to 
the north uf Audioi* ou thu Kabul 



River and about 16 or 18 miles 
west of Targari where the streams 
of Alingir and Alishang join." (I. c. 
142n.) 

• Babar merely says that the 
change took place at this period but, 
by the word /ariM, A.F. seems to 
mean that the title was adopted in 
the inscription. It would be inter- 
esting to know if it still exists. 
Babar complains that it was not well 
cut. 

* Text, Saturday but Monday » 
MSS. and Babar's Memoirs? dc 
Courteille II. ^ note. 

♦ T. i?., 468. According to Babar's 
Mem. Bajaur was taken before Sultan 
•Ala'u-d-diu's arrival and not after, 
as A. F.'s account iuiplifjs. 



CHAPTKB XVII. 



237 



of Qhah Manfur^ who was chieftain of the Yusufzai tribe, brought the 
latter's daughter ^ and uttered words of humility and submission. 
There was also a difficulty about supplies of com in that country of 
wild beasts. His (Babar's) fixed determination too was to undertake 
the expedition to Hindustan. He turned his rein from Siwid. AI« 
though the preparations for the march to India had not been made 
and the officers were not in favour of it, he lighted the torch of 
courage and set forth for the tenebrous regions* of Hindustfin. On 
the morning of Thursday, 16 Muharram, he crossed the river (Indus) 
with horses, camels and baggage,' while the camp (tirdi) baz&r was 
floated across on rafts. They encamped at Kacakot. 

Seven kos from Bhira,^ towards the north, there is a mountain, 
called in the Zafamdma and other books, the hill of Jud and there 
they encamped. His Majesty writes in his Memoirs (Erskine, 254V 
'^ At first I was ignorant of the origin of its name, but afterwards 
'* discovered that in this hill there were two races of men descended 
'* of the same father. One tribe is called Jud, the other Jenjuheh.^' 
He sent ^ Abdu-r-ra^im Shaghawal to Bhira in order to reassure the 
people and prevent anyone from committing violence. At the end 
of the day, he halted east of Bhira, on the bank of tbe river Bihat 



93 



I BEbar married her. (Ers., 250n.) 
Her name was Bibl Mubarak ac- 
cording to Raverty. (Notes, 234). 
Erskine, Babar's Memoirs, 251n. 
calls her Bibi Macherikah. 

* Si wad means also blackness. 

® Text, partdl but the word is 
HiudastanI and spelt partcU. 

^ Perhaps there are two Bhiras. 
(Babar, Ers., 253».) Babar speaks 
(253) of J ad as 7 kos from Bhira and 
(255) of the middle of J ad's being 
10 koa from Bhira. J ad evidently 
belonged to the Salt Range. Erskine 
remarks that Babar's account of it 
is not very exact and that he con- 
sidered all the rough and mountain- 
ous country between the Khaibar 
and Salt Eangcs to be one hill. 



Erskine or rather Leyden (for the 
latter's translation comes down to 
this point) says (254) "This hill 
got the name of J ad from a sup- 
posed resemblance to the celebrated 
hill of Jud (Ararat)." This makes 
Babar and A.F. more intelligible 
but the passage is not in the Tur- 
kish (P. de C. II, 54) and has the 
air of being a marginal note which 
has slipped into the text. Moreover 
Ararat is Jadi or Jada and not jQd. 
Nor does it seem likely that there is 
any resemblance between the lofty 
isolated Ararat and a spur of the 
Salt Range. Jud is probably Sans- 
crit ytuldha ' war.* The reference to 
the Kuh-i-Jud in the Zafamdma is 
at 11, 48, 1. 1. 



238 



aebarnAha. 



(Jhelam^ the ancient Hydaspes). He levied 400^000 sAdhruhbts^ from 
BhTra as the price of protection^ and presented the country to Hindu 
Beg^ assigning the revenues of it to him as a maintenance. Khnsliib 
he made over to g^ah Hasan ^ and arranged that he should assist 
Hindu Beg. He sent MuUa Mursj^id^ on an embassy to Sul(Sn Ibra- 
him^ son of Sulj^an Sikandar L5di^ who had- succeeded his father five 
or six months previously^ in the kingdom of Hindustan^ in order to 
convey to him salutary counsels. Daulat S^Sn, the governor of Lahor, 
detained the ambassador and with utter foUy^ sent him back without 
having fulfilled his mission. On Friday^ 2 RabT'u-1-awwal (4th March ^ 
1519)j the news came of the birth of an auspicious son. As the ex- 
pedition against HindustSn was then in progress^ he was by secret 
inspiration and augury^ named Hindal.^ On Monday/ 5 Babi^a-1- 
awwal the administration of Bhira was given to Hindu Beg and he 



^ About ten or eleven pence each, 
(Babar, Ers., 254n. and 335) so that 
the sum levied was some £20,000. 
The Text might read that this money 
was given to Hind a Beg and has 
been so understood by Price (Ret* 
IV, 674), but if so, AF. seems to 
have mistaken his authority (Babar, 
256, 258 and 309) where Babar says 
he divided the money among his 
troops. P. de C. (II, 64) does not 
mention the sum 400,000 ffts. but 
represents Babar as stating that he 
assembled the headmen of Bhira 
and fixed their ransom at a thousand 
2&d^ru^i« apiece. A.F.'s Text has 
cahdr sad sj^dhrul^i mdl and which 
is unintelligible. The MSS. give the 
correct mdl-i'd/mdn^ price of peace. 

* Incorrect. Babar says (Ers., 
260) that he bestowed Khufili&b on 
Longer Khan who was the prime 
cause and adviser of the expedition 
and that he left him behind to sup- 
port Hindii Beg. Khushab is on the 
right bank of the Jhclam while Bhiru 
is on the left. 



» P. de C. II, 62 gives Thursday 
1 Rabi'u-1-awwal (8rd March, 1519). 
Apparently the ambassador was sent 
partly to claim some portions of the 
Pan jab which had been held by the 
Turks from the days of Timur. 

* Erskine considers the date of 
Sikandar*s death uncertain but would 
put it in 1518 (B. and H. I, 407w.) 
but there does not seem suCBcient 
reason for doubting Firighta'a state- 
ment that he died in November 1517. 
Babar 's statement (Ers., 257) is 
too loosely expressed to be relied 
on. 

6 The affix dl is Turkish and means 
* to take,* so that Hindal would mean 
"taken of India." According to 
Babar, P. de Courteille II, 46 (the pas- 
sage is not in Erskine) the name was 
given by Mahim the wife of Babar 
and adopting mother of Hindal. 

• Text, Sunday, 1 5th, but vide Bal>ar, 
259. One MS. liaH 11 (eleventh) 
which is the right day of the mouth 
for Sunday. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



239 



(Babar) for state reasons^ proceeded to return to Kabul. On Thurs- 
day, the last day of RabT'u-1-awwal (31st March) he arrived at Kabul. 
On 25 Babi'u-1-akhar (April 25th) Hindu Beg who^ out of careless- 
ness,^ had left BhTra^ came to KSbul. 

The date of the setting out of the fourth expedition has not come 
to light but it appears that he (Bftbar) returned after the taking of 
Dahor and from the chronogram* of the taking of Dipalpur, which 
will be stated hereafter, it appears that the expedition was in 930 
(1524). As every event has its special time, this splendid project (of 
conquering India) was postponed. The ostensible cause of this was 
the sluggishness of the officers and the non-co-operation of his bro- 
thers. At last, on the fifth time, by the guidance of God and the 
leadership of Fortune, on Friday, 1st Safar 932 (17th Nov., 1525), when 
the Sun was in Sagittarius, the standards of light were unfurled, 
such as might disperse the darkness of an universe, and placing the 
foot of resolve in the stirrup of reliance on God and of abstention from 
sin,* he proceeded towards the conquest of India. Mirza K§mrSn 
was left in QandahSr and the care of Kabul was also entrusted to 
him. When this expedition was made, victory followed on victory 
and fortune upon fortune. Lahdr and some other large cities of 
India were taken and on 17 Safar (3rd Dec.) his Majesty Jahanbini, 
Jannat-Ssbiygnl, Na^iru-d-din Muhammad Humayun arrived from Ba- 
da^shan with his army, at the camp which was in the B§gh-i-wafft* 



94 



I Babar does not blame him but 
says he was left without sufficient 
means. (267). 

' This is explained by Babar (Ers., 
368) where Wdsit ahahr BabVu-U 
awwal is given as the chronogram of 
the taking of Dipalpar. These words 
yield " Middle of Rabr u-l-awwal 930 " 
and so the conquest occurred about 
22nd Jan., 1624. See AJchamdma 
1, 110 where the reading is Wasat. 
This seems the more correct as TVcUit 
would yield 931. Babar thus alludes 
to this expedition (Ers., 141). " In the 
year in which I defeated Bahar Kh^n 
and conquered Labor and Dlbalpar, 



I brought plantains and planted them 
here," (in the Bagh-i-wafa, near Jala- 
labad). Dipalpur is in the Montgo- 
mery District, Pan jab, and formerly 
on the Beas. It is now in a state of 
decay owing to its distance from the 
river. Text, Dibalpar and according 
to Raverty, this is correct. (J.A.S.B. 
1892, Part I. 376n. 380) Khafl Khan 
(1, 47) has a good deal to say about 
this expedition. 

* For Babar's vows of penitence, see 
Memoirs, Ers., vJ92. 

* Babar made this garden in 914, 
(1508). It was opposite Adinapar 
which was south of the Kabul River 



242 



AK6AHNAMA. 



riages tliere were placed six or seven gabions ^ so that the matchlock 
men might fire their pieces from behind them in securitj. In a few 
days these arrangements were completed. 

At length on Thursday^ the last day of Jnmada-l-S^ar (12th 
April) the phoenix (hnma) of victory made a shade with his wings at 
the city of Panipat. The ranks of the army were arranged in an 
excellent manner. The right wing rested on the city and environs^ 
and the carriages and gabions were placed in front of the centre* 
The left wing was defended by trees and ditches. Snltan Ibrahim^ 
with a large army was drawn np six Jcbs from the city and for a week 
the yonng men and the veterans daily engaged nnmeroos bodies of 
the enemy on the borders of the hostile camp and were always victo- 
rious. At length on Friday, 8 Rajab (20th April) Sulj^ Ibrahim 
marched against the camp with a mighty army and an array of ele- 
phants. His Majesty Giti-sit&ni also drew up his forces and adorned 
the battle-field in the following manner. * 

Battle between his Majesty GitI-sitan! Fibdus-makIn! 
AND Sultan Ibrahim and account of the aebay. 

As the Protector and Doer desired to repair old defeats and to 
convert past afflictions into felicities, He arranged the preliminaries 
for this, and set things in order. Among such arrangements were 
the advancing of Sul.t;an Ibra him for the purpose of giving battle and 
the drawing up of the army of his Majesty Gitl-sitanT. As the 
Divine aid was accompanying the latter, and ever-increasing fortune 
was in his van, he, in spite of a plenitude of difficulties and a pau* 
city of favouring circumstances, had recourse with a tranquil mind 
and firm soul to the inalterable Arbiter and addressed himself to the 
marshalling of his troops. 

The centre was adorned by the presence of his Majesty in person. 

In the right centre which the Turks call unlc-ghul,^ Timur Sultan, 

96 Sulaiman Mirza, Amir Muhammad! K5kultash, Amir g^ah Man^ur 

Barbs, Amir Yunus 'All, Amir Darwes^ Muhammad Sarban, Amir 



1 Turd, (Vullcrs a. v. and Qnatre- 
mfere, Hist, of the Mongols, 337». 
130). The latter qaotcs the passage 
from the Akbamdma. 

8 Text, sD^iji which may be in- 



tended for cuirasses but the true 
word seems ancundn, as follows. 

ft Text, tin. Erskine ung. See 
BSbar, Ers., 227 where this and other 
terms are explained. 



— . 



CHAPTER xvn. 248 

'Abda-l-lah ItitabJSi* wdVe stationed. On the left centre vvliich tlie 
Turks call auUgbul, Amir Khalifa^ Khwaja Mir Miran Sadr, Amir 
A^madT Parwanci^ Amir Tardi Beg^ brother of Kuc Beg^ Mu]|^ibb 'All 
]0^alifa^ Mirza Beg Tartan were stationed. The right wing was in 
charge of his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-asj^iyani ; Amir Khwaja Kalan 
Beg, Sultan Muhammad Daldfii, Amir Hindu Beg, Wall Khazin, Pir Quli 
Sistfini were in attendance on him. On the left wing were stationed 
Muhammad Sultan MirzS, Sayyid Mahdi KhwSja, 'Adil Sultan, 
SultSn Junaid Barlfts, ^wSja Sbah, Mir ^usain. Amir Qutlaq Qadam, 
Amir Jan (text. Khan) Beg, Amir Mu1]tammad Bak^^sliI and other heroes. 
In the vanguard were Khusru Kokultas^ and Muhammad 'All Jang- 
jang j 1 Amir 'Abdu-l-'aziz had charge of the reserve. At the flank 
of the right wing. Wall Kazil,> Malik QSsim, Bfibfi Qasbqa with their 
Mug]^als, were appointed as a flanking-party {tulgbdfna)* At the 
extremity of the left wing, were stationed Qar&qQzi, Abu-1-Mu]|^am- 
mad NTzab&z (lance-player), Sbaikii 'AH, gj^aik^ Jami&l, Tengri QulI 
Mug^l, as a flanking-party. Accordingly the brave swordsmen 
stood with firm foot on the battle-field and with life-taking arrows 
{sahdm) and blood-drinking scimitars {^am^dm) displayed bravery 
and daring. 

Verse, 

The brave stood with firm foot, 
Trees learned from them how to stand. 

At length after great contest, the heavenly aids accompanied 
the centre and wings of the army and by the Divine aid, there 
ensued victory and the defeat of the enemy. A great victory for the 
servants always taking refuge in God became manifest. Sultan 
Ibrihim was slain unrecognised and in a corner, and numerous 
Afghans were the harvest of the royal sword, and the caravans of 
the city of destruction were conducted to the rest-house of annihi- 
lation by the escort of victorious soldiers and the flambeaux of 
world-opening swords. Near the body of Sultan Ibrahim, there lay 



^ (Ers. 305) states that this officer 
was wounded on the day before and 
unable to take his place in the battle. 
But in S. Zain's recension we are 



told that though wounded he con- 
triyed to take part in the great 
battle. 

9 Text, Sharmal. 



246 akbabnAma. 

accomplished. Men of judgment and. experience feel powerless to 
panegyrize properly this masterpiece of the Ages. Hailj Holy One, 
carrier of the world illuminating light of his Majesty^ the king of 
kings^ what marvel if such feats were wrought by Thee I In 
98 shorty his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-mak&ni^ on the rising of the 
lights of victory glorified his forehead-mirror with the dust of 
thanksgiving prostration* He proclaimed presents to all mankind 
and sent his servants to all countries and regions. 

But a deed fit to surpass the lofty designs of those world-opening 
princes who conquered HindustSn^ was the victory of his Majesty 
JahSnbanI Jannat-asjhTyfini which by the blessing of the existence of 
his Majesty^ the king of kings (Akbar) took place in the plain of 
Sibrind.^ Accordingly an account will hereafter be given of how with 
3^000 meuj he delivered India from Sikandar Sur who had more than 
80^000 men. Still stranger is the masterpiece of fortune of the 
. Shadow of God (Akbar) who by the Divine aid so rescued India with 
A few men from the hands of many rebellious* chiefs that the tongue 
of the Age becomes dumb before it. An abridged account will be 
given in its proper place. 

Verse, 

Should Fortune grant me hope. 

Heaven, leisure and opportunity, 

By the kindling society of the truthful, 

I shall embroider tale upon tale.^ 

On this tablet of immortals^ 

1^11 draw a picture for posterity's behoof. 

On the very day of the victory, his Majesty JahSnb&ni Jannat- 
asj^Tyani, Amir !^w&ja Kal§n Beg, Amir Muhammad Kokultash, Amir 
Yunus 'All, Amir g^ah Manfur Barlas, Amir 'Abdul-1-lah EitabdSr, 
Amir 'All Khazin were by orders of the king sent with a force to 
Agra, the capital, the seat of Sul);§n Ibrfthim's government, to take 
possession of the treasure. They gave confidence to the inhabitants— 



1 22nd June, 1555. (B. and H. 
Era. II, 618). 

> Beferring apparently to the re- 
bellion of 'All Qull and others 



the Rebellion of Jaunpar. (Emperor 
Akbar, Von Noor, A. S. Beveridge, 
I, 106 et seq). 
* Text ddaidn dastdn. One MS. 



against Akbar which is known as | has ddstdn daroBidn. 



CHAPTER XVn. 



247 



who are trusts from Ood — ^by diffusing the lights of justice. Sayyid 
Mahdi !^wajaj Mal^ammad Sulj^n Mirza^ ^Jidil Sulj^fin, Amir Junaid 
BarlaSj Amir Qatlaq Qadam were sent to Delhi, to preserve the trea- 
sures and secret stores of that place and to acquaint the subjects and 
inhabitants with the royal graciousness. On the same day proclama- 
tions of victory were written and sent by couriers to Kabul, Bada^- 
shin and Qandahfir. And he himself, on Wednesday, 12 Bajab, (25th 
April, 1526), alighted at Delhi. On Friday, 21 1 (4th May) he unfolded 
the umbrella of fortune in Agra and dispelled the darkness of the 
land. 

Everyone,* small and great, in Hindustan experienced the royal 
kindness and balminess. Out of his comprehensive kindness, the 
mother, children and dependants of Sulj^n Ibrahim were made par- 
takers of his bounty and special stipends were assigned to them. An 
allowance of a property worth seven lakhs of tankas was made to 
Ibrahim's mother. Similarly pensions were bestowed on his other 
relatives. The distracted world was soothed. His Majesty Jahfin- 
bflni Jannat-a^iySni who had previously arrived at Agra, presented 
a diamond eight miaqdls^ in weight and which was valued by jewel- 
lers at one-half of the daily expenditure of the inhabited world. 
They said that this diamond had belonged to the treasury of Sultan 
'Ala*u-d-din (Oiilji). He* (Humayun) got it from the family of 



99 



I Babar, 22, bat if Wed., 12 Bajab, 
be right, Friday was the 21st. 

s Mirza Gaidar remarks that all 
the world, from Turkey to China, 
benefited by the expedition, for the 
treasures obtained by the army, 
enabled them to buy the goods of 
these countries. An interesting 
allusion to the effects of commerce ! 

> 320 meM=279VV carats. (Babar, 
Ers., 308) Erskine (B. and H. I, 438) 
inclines to identify this diamond 
with the one shewn by Aurangzeb to 
Tavornier and valued by him at 
£888,000. By some it is regarded as 
identical with the Koh-i-nur. For 
full discussion of the question, sec 



Tavemier's Travels trs. Valentine 
Ball, II, 431 et acq. 

I have treated of this subject in 
the Calcutta Bevieto, &c., and my 
conclusion is that the Babar diamond 
is the Koh-i-ndr. Humavun car- 

m 

ried the diamond away with him 
and gave it to Sh&h X^hmiisp who 
sent it to the king of A^madnagar. 

* The text seems to say that 'AJa'u- 
d-dfn got it from Vikramaditya's 
heirs and has been so understood by 
Price. But both Ers. and P. de C. 
make it Babar's statement that 
Humaylln got it from V ikramaditya's 
heirs. How 'Ala'u-d-din got it is not 
explained. B[hafi Khan says *Ala'u- 
d-din got it in the Dcccan. 



248 



AKBi^BNAMA. 



Bikram&jit^ the R&ja of Gwsliar. His Majesty^ from the nobilifcy of 
his nature J first accepted it and then returned it to him (Humfijran) 
as a present. 

On Saturday/ 29th Rajab^ he began to examine and distrlbate 
the treasures and hoards^ the collections of many kings. He g^ve 
his Majesty Jahanbftni^ 70 lakhs of Sikandarl tanker and a treasure* 
house of which no account or inventory had been taken. To the 
Amirs^ he gave in accordance with their rank from five to ten lakhs 
of tanhaa and to every soldier and servant he gave presents superior 
to their position. All the man of learnings small and great, were 
made happy by gifts. No one^ either in the camp or the canton- 
ment (wrdu'hazdr) went without a share in the good fortune. The 
scions* of the royal family in Bada^sh&Uj Kftbul and Qandahsr also 
received presents, viz., Kamran Mirza, 17 lakha of tankas ; Muhammad 
Zamftn* according to their rank 15 lakhs and similarly 'Askari Mirzt^ 
Hind&l Mirza and all the ladies of the harem and shining stars ^ 
of the KhUdfat and all the offers and servants who were absent 
from the dais received in accordance with their degree, jewels and 
rich varieties and also gold and silver money. Also to all the relatives 
and dependants, of his Majesty in Samarqand, !^urasan, Kashghar and 
'Irfiq, there were sent valuable gifts. Presents too were despatched to 
the holy sepulchres {maihahid) and blessed shrines in !^urfisaa, 
Samarqand, etc. And an order was issued that to every inhabitant of 
Kftbul, Saddara,' Waraek, ^ust, and Badakhsl^an, male and female^ 



i Saturday, ErskiQe (Babar, 334) 
tajs the date is wrong, for 29th Bajab 
was a Friday and suggests that the 
distribution of treasure on a Friday 
might have interfered with Babar's 
religious duties. P. de C, Monday, 
29th Bajab, Price, "30th of the 
month." 

s Lit. trees of the garden of suc- 
cess. The reference is to the pre- 
sents sent to Kimr&n and others. 
(Babar, Ers. 335). 

* Son of Badl*u-z-zamin MirzS, 
son of SuItSn ^usain Mlrzft of Herftt, 
but the gift was probably made to 



him as being the emperor's son-in- 
law. He served under Bibar and 
HamSyiin and was drowned in the 
Ganges at Causa in 1539. (Elliot, Y. 
203). 

♦ DarrdrX, pi. of Ar. durH, a 
sparkling star or gem. 

^ There are some unintelligible 
words here. P. de C. (II, 233) has 
'' Dans toute la circonscription de 
" versek et la principaut^ de Kabul, 
" il n'y eut pas une Ame vivante, 
'' maitre ou dame, esclave ou homme 
" libre, adulte ou non adulte qui ne 
"reyut un hdheri de gratification," 



CHAFTBB XVII. 



249 



small and groat^ a s&^hrulsbi should be sent. Thus all and sundry^ 
the elite as well as the commonalty, were fed from the table of his 
Majesty's bounty. 



and adds in a note to " circonscrip- 
" tion," " Le mot que je traduis ainsi 
'*par conjecture est soda que la 
'* version persane se contente de 
" r^produire sans rintrepr^ter." To 
*'b4beri," he has the note, " Un 
'^chakrokhi suivant la version per- 
''sane et la traduction anglaise." 
Erskine (Babar, 335) seems to have 
considered that soda u rasak should 
bo read ba sadur ra^, (for produc- 
ing emulation), for he translates, 
''To the country of Kabul, as an 
"incentive to emulation, to every 
" soul, man and woman, slave or free» 
" of age or not, I sent one «&a/»ru^I 
" as a gift I " I have examined the 
passage in the two B.M. MSS. Add. 
Per. of Babar's Memoirs, vim.. No. 
24,416, p. 2696, and No. 26,200, p. 
285a. The latter was used by Ers- 
kine and the passage is as follows i-^ 

There is nothing in either MS. about 
Bada^^an or Khiist. 

The explanation of their mention 
in the A.N. however seems to be 
that A.F. used Shaikh Zain's trs. 
of Babar's Memoirs. This was made 
much earlier than *Abdu-r-rahim*s 
for Shaikh Zain was one of Babar*s 
courtiers and wrote for him the 
pompous firmans given by Babar. 
( Grs., 355 and 359). He is also men- 
tioned in the Akbamdma (I, 119) as 
Shaikh Zain, the JSfadr and grand- 
son of Shaikh Zainu-d-din Khwafl 

32 



(Blochmann, 592n). There arc two 
fragments of this translation in the 
B.M., viz,, Add. No. 26,-202 (Bieu, 
I, 246) and Or. No. 1999 (I. c. UI, 
926) Shaikh Zain*s version is written 
in an ornate and rhetorical style and 
in the third person. Both fragments 
contain the transactions of 932 and 
both speak of Khost or Khwast Ba- 
daU^an in describing the sending 
of the s^ahruldkls. The passage in 
Add. No. 26,202 occnrs at 70a, and in 
Or. No. 1999 at 706. It runs thus, 

(s/ib^ (>«'<»3 ^ «£a^ J3'^^ \:)^y } 

c^yo y ]) dj^ j^ ^J:> fU j'jXoi ^f^ 

— ^JJ 

*' A nd an order was passed that all 
"the inhabitants of the capital 
(P Kabul) and the dwellers in Sada 
Darask (or Warask) and Khust Ba- 
dakl^shan. who were distinguished for 
religion and piety, should each get a 
aJidhruX^V* Apparently then, Sada 
Darask is some hamlet of Khust in 
Badakhflhan. All the other B.M. 
MSS. of * Abdu-r-rahim's trs. agree 
with the two already named in omit- 
ting any mention of Badakhghau. 

The Saddara of the Text might 
mean the hundred valleys and ac- 
cording to Steingass Dara is a dis- 
trict in Badalshaiian. Sada is given 
by Vullers, on the authority of 
Notices et Emtraits, (XIV, 771) as 
meaning a company of 100 men and 
possibly it may be the title of a divi- 



250 



akbarnA»a< 



Verse, 

From the shawering of the jewel-shedding hand, 

Joy burst out afresh in the world. 

Pleasant is the gift that cometh from afar^ 

As the Moon sheds light on earth from her sphere. 



»ion of a country, e.g., the English 
hundred. I can find no such district 
as Warsak or Versak but possibly 
Wakhsh or Vakhsh is nteant. (T. B. 
N. E. & E. 263, asd Babar, Ers. 
Intro. XXX). 

"Ehi^st or Khogt is a district on the 
northern slope of the Hindfl Kugli, 
between south and south-east of Kun- 
duz and lies very near the hill tracts 
known on our tinte as Kafiristan.'' 
T. R., trs. 103n.). Khust is given, in 
Baverty's Pushtu Dictionary, as a 
province in Afghanistan. (See Babar, 
Ers. 151, 268 and 270.) It lay in the 
west of Badakhshan. Mr. Ney Elias' 
map marks it as north of CSrIkar and 
west-north-west of Citral. 

On the whole it appears that Ers- 
kino's rendering " to excite emula- 
tion " cannot be correct though he 
adheres to it in his Babar and Hu- 
mayun (1, 440) adding that perhaps 
Babar 's object was to assist in re- 
cruiting his army, but Mr. Erskine 
had not then probably examined 
Shaikh Zain's translation. It ap- 
pears to me that Babar*s motive was 
rather to enable the people ol Af- 
ghanistan to defend themselves 
against the Uzbegs and to strengthen 
their loyalty. It is probably to these 
presents that he alludes when he 
says (Ers. 310) that Badakhshan, 
Kunduz, Kabul and Qandahar were 
dependent on him, but that instead 
of being a help, he had to send ex- 
tensive i)U|)plies to some of them, on 



account of their being near the 
enemy. This enemy can only mean the 
Uzbegs. I should note that the last 
uoi the Text, viz. that between Kh ast> 
and Badakhshan does not occur in 
all the MSS. Pnce (Betr. lY, 684) 
has ''at Kabul and the neighboor- 
hood." Firighta too has nothing 
about Badalslighan and merely speaks 
of the inhabitants of the 'city of 
Kabul, adding that Babar received^ on 
account of his improvidence, the title 
of- Qalandar. Nor does Kliafi ^h^n 
(Bib. Ind. 1, 53) speak of Badakhsh&n. 
Babar sought afterwards to recoup 
his extravagance by adding 30 per 
cent, to the taxes (Memoirs, 387). 

There is stil! another trs. of Ba- 
bar's Memoirs, that by Mtrza Pay- 
anda Hasan Ghaznavf and Muhd. 
Qull Mughal Hisarf. Bleu, II» 799&. 

Since writing the above note I have 
seen Wood's Journey to the Source 
of the Oxus (Lond. 1872) and am now 

inclined to think that Sada ia a 

• 

mistake for the Arabic t^^ 8<idda, a 
gate or pass. Sad or Sadda seems a 
common name of places in Badakh- 
ohs^ii and in one of Wood's maps (p. 
XC) there is a pass marked Sad-ish* 
tragh or Ishtrakh which may be the 
Sada or Saddara rasak of the Text. 
It is north of Citral and perhaps 
recent expeditions to that neighbour^ 
hood, have thrown or will throw light 
on the locality montioued in the Text. 
i^ad seems to be used in Bada khsh in 
as equivalent to (fam. 



CHAPTSR XTIt. 251 

Tt is a fixed law that when the world-adorning Creator designs 100 
to reveal a unique jewel from its casings, he brings strange things to 
pass so that a man being tried in such ways by word and deed may 
become glorious in the minds of all for firmness and foreseeing. 
Among these, there was this strange circumstance that with all this 
victory and largesse, there was a defect of similitude {qillat-i^ 
mujdnaaat) which worked a want of intimacy (^tZZa^^i-'ooJaw-i-mttwa- 
nasat) with the people of India. 

The soldiery and the peasantry (of India) abstained from inter-* 
course (with the invaders). Although Delhi and Agra had come into 
possession, opponents held the country. Many of the neighbouring 
forts were held by rebels. Qasim Sanbali held Sanbal (Rohilkhand) 
and in the fort of Bigna (Bhartpur) Nizam ^§n was beating the 
drum of opposition. Hasan ^gn Mewati had established himself 
in Mev^fit (south of Delhi) and raised the standard of revolt. Muham* 
mad Zaitun had established himself in Dholpur (Bajputanft) and was 
breathing opposition. Tfttftr !^ftn Sarang^ani (Firis^ta, son of 
Sftrang Khan) was holding Qw&llir ; ^usain KhSnfLohani, Bapri (on 
the Jumna); Qutb iO^an, Et§wa, 'Alam Khftn, Kftlpi. Mar^^ub, a 
slave of Sul);&n Ibrahim^ held Mahgwan (Mathuri) which is near 
Agra. Qanauj and the other cities beyond the Ganges^ were in the 
hands of the Afghans^ under the headship of Nasir ^Sn Lohani and 
Ma'ruf Farmuli who had contended also with Sultan Ibrahim. After 
his death, they had acquired many other countries and having ad- 
vanced some stages, had made Bahfir Kbfin, son of Darya Khan, king 
and styled him SultSn Muhammad.^ 

During this year, while his Majesty had his head-quarters in 
Agra, the hot winds were very oppressive. An impure samum and 
sickness were added to the pusillanimity of the camp. A large num* 
ber absconded out of senseless imaginations. Owing to the rebels, 
the inclement weather, the impassableness of the roads, the delay 
of coming by merchants, there was distress for food and a want of 
necessary articles. The condition of the people became bad. Many 
ofiicers resolved to leave Hindustan for Kabul and its neighbourhood, 
and many soldiers deserted. Though many old officers and veteran 
soldiers used improper language in the Presence, and also secretly 



I B. and H., Ers, I, 412. 



252 



AKBARNAMA. 



used language disagreeable to his Majesty, yet his Majesty Gitl- 
sitani who was unique for far-seeing and endurance, did not heed 
this but set about the administration of the country. At length on 
the part of the elite and those who had been trained by his Majesty 
and from whom different things were to be looked for, there were 
stale movements of old times. ^ Especially was this the case 
with Ahmad! Parwanci and Wall Ehszin. Still more astonish- 
101 ing, Khwaja Kaldn Beg, — who in all the battle fields and occasions, 
especially in the expedition to Hindustan, had always spoken gallantly 
and given such opinions as befitted a brave man — ^now changed his 
views and was the foremost in advocating the abandonment of the 
country, both openly and by covert hints. At length his Majesty 
summoned his officers and spoke wise words of counsel to them^ 
unveiling their secret imaginings {makbt^rdt) and forbidden [mahiurdt) 
ideas. He announced his firm determination, saying, '' We have 
won this fine country by labour and hardship, to give it up for a 
little fatigue and contrariety^ is neither the way of world-conquerors 
nor method of wise men. Joy and sorrow, comfort and distress are 
" linked together. Now that all those labours and troubles have 
" been brought to their end, assuredly rest and smoothness will ap- 
pear in like degree. You must lay firm hold on the strong cable 
of reliance on God and not utter any more vain and factions words. 
^' Whoever has a mind to depart to Kfibul {Wildyat) and to exhibit 
his own worthlessness, it matters not, let him go. But we, relying 
on the lofty courage which rests on the Divine help, have fixed 
'^ India in our heart.'' At last all the officers, after consideration 
and meditation, agreed and confessed that what his Majesty said 
was true and that " the king's word was the word-king.'* With 
heart and soul they placed the head of submission on the ground of 
command and bound themselves to remain. Khwaja KaUn who was 
keener than the others about leaving for Kftbul {Wildyat) received 
permission to depart and the presents for the princes and others 
were sent with him.* Ghaznin, Gardez,^ and the Sulj^n Mas'udI 



€( 



t( 



CC 



(( 



<( 



i< 



f< 



^ The meaning is not clear, but I 
think A.F. is sneering at the pre- 
sumptuous ways of old servauts, Cf. 
text 133, seven lines from foot. 



• He received money also for re- 
pairing a reservoir at G^aznlu. (149). 

• Cir. 65 m. south -cast of Kabul. 
Jarrctt 11, 407. Babur, Era., lltO). 



CHAPTER XVII. 



253 



Uazarca » were given to him in fief. In Hindustan too the pargana of 
Ghurftm' was given to him. Mir Miran also got leave to go to Kabul. 

The Khwaja got leave to depart (to Kftbnl) on Thursday's 
20 Zi'kijja (28th August). It is manifest that every right-minded^ 
fortunate one who conducts business with subtle prudence, is more 
and more snccessful in proportion as he arrives at high positions. 
A mirror of this is the grand story of his Majesty Glti-sitan! Firdiis'- 
makanl who in such a commotion of the soldiery and in presence of 
much opposition, had recourse to world-conquering courage, and 
who, relying on the Divine protection, set his face to accomplish his 
work and achieve Hb desires and made the city of Agra, which is the 
centre of Hindustftn, his fixed residence and with strength of counsel 
and courage and abundant liberality and justice, composed the dis- 
tractions of the country. Accordingly many of the oflScers of Hin- 
dustan and rulers of the country gradually entered his service. 
Among them was ghaikh Ghuran^ who brought with him as many as 
3,000 men of mark.^ Everyone of them received favours above his 102 
condition. 

There were also Firuz Ehftn, gli.aikh BSyazid, Maljimud !^3n 
L5|^fini,Qazi Jia, who were amongst the famous sirdars, and who entered 
the service and obtained their desires. Firuz Khan received a jdgtr 
from Jaunpur of one hror odd^ of tankas. Shaikh Bayazid one 
hrar'^ from Oudhj Mahmud Oifin 90^ lakhs from Oh&zipur. Q§zi 
Jia had an assignment of 20 lakhs from Jaunpur. In a short 
time, there was peace and comfort and joy and pleasure and such 
prosperity as belongs to a permanent government. Some^ days 



I Babar, Ers., 151 and 156. Jar- 
rett, 401n. 

• Guhram, Jarrett II, 296. As my 
friend Mr. Beames has pointed out to 
me, this is Ghuram in Sihrind. It is 
now in the native State of Patiala 
and on the Ghaghar (the old and 
famous Saraswati), about 25 miles 
south-west of Ambala and 24 miles 
due west of Shahabad. 

B Babar, Ers., 341. 

« Ers. audP.de C, Karen. BadaonI 



I, 337, Khuran. Badaoni speaks of 
him as unrivalled in his knowledge 
of music. 

fi Babar calls them bowmen (tar- 
kasltband) from the DUab. 

« I kr., 46 lakhs, 5,000, P. de C. 

T I kr., 48 lakhs, 50,000, P. de C. 

8 90 lakhs, 35,000 P. de C. See also 
Ers. B. and H. I, 416»., correcting 
trs. of Mem. 

» About 11th July, 1526. 



254 akbarnAma. 

after the 'Id of ^awwalj there was a great feast at Agra^ in 
the palace of Saltan Ibrahim when a treasury of gifts was showered 
into the lap of the public. Sambal was assigned to Jahanbani, in 
addition to Sarkftr ^i8fir-flruza which formerly had been given 
him as the reward of valour. Amir Hindu Beg was appointed as his 
deputy to preside over that district. As Biban had besieged the 
fort of Sambalj the aforesaid Amlr^ Kita Beg, Malik Qisim, Baba 
Qashqa with his brothers and Mallft Apaq, ^aikh Grhuran and 
his soldiers from the middle Du&b were rapidly sent there. Biban 
engaged them and was defeated and as that seditious and disloyal 
one {iardm-nimak) after having experienced the sweets of service, 
had out of evil nature turned his back, never again did he behold 
fortune's facei 



CHAPTBR XVIII. 255 



CHAPTER XYIII.1 

Dblibbbations of his Majbstt GIti-sitIni (Babab) and undebtakino 
by humattn of the expedition to the eastward. 

As his Majesty Olti-sitfini Fird&s-makfini was now victorionsly 
established in Agra, the capital of the kingdom, and as the rainy 
season, — which is the spring of India and the period of freshness 
and verdure, of enjoyment with one's friends, and of garden de- 
lights, — ^had passed away and the time for expeditions had arrived, 
he consulted with his ministers as to whether he should proceed to 
the east to quell the Ldb&nis who had advanced with nearly 50,000 
cavalry beyond Qanauj and were meditating hostilities, or should 
march westward against BSna Sfing&' and subdue him, as he was 
very strong and had recently got possession of the fort of Ehandftr^ 
and was cocking the cap of disobedience. After consultation, it was 
decided that as R&nft Sftnga had repeatedly sent representations to 
Kabul and had made protestations of loyalty, the facts of his not 
having done so since and of his having taken the fort of Khandar 103 
from Qasan, the son of Makan, who had not yet done homage, — ^were 
not sufficient evidence of disloyalty, and that it was not advisable to 
proceed against him at present. The proper course was to send 
capable men to ascertain his dispositions and that until the truth 
about him was known, the first thing was to march eastwards and put 
down the L5h§nis. The Emperor intimated that he would attend 
to this matter in person, but meantime his Highness Jah&nbanT, — 
the plant of whose greatness had grown tall in the garden of hope, — 
represented that if this weighty affair were committed to him, he 
would by the help of the royal fortune, bring it to a successful ter- 



i Chalmers resumes his translation 
here after missing out from p. 112, 
p. 102 of the text. 

s According to Tod, Sanga is a 
contraction of Sangram Singh, " the 
lion of battle." 



8 Kandar is a strong hill-fort a 
few miles east of Bantanbhar. Ba- 
bar, £rs., 339. Text and Jarrett II, 
275, Khandar. 



256 aebabnAma. 

mination. The Emperor greatly approved of this request and gladly 
accepted the offer^ and his Highness Jahanbani girded himself for the 
task with energy and good fortune. Orders were issued that there 
should join themselves to Hum&yun^ '£dil Sul(an^ Muhammad Kokul- 
tash^ Amir S^ah Man^ur Barlds^ Amir Qatlaq Qadam^ Amir 'Abdu-1- 
lah, Amir Wall, Amir Jfin Beg, Plr QulT, Arair SJ^ah ^usain, — who 
had been deputed to take Dhdlpur and its neighbourhood from 
Mul^ammad Zaitun and to make it over to Sulj^fin Junaid Barlas and then 
to march against Blana. For this purpose Kabul! Ahmad Q£Laim was 
despatched in all haste to direct these officers to meet Humayun at 
Candwar. Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja, the jdgirddr (fief -holder) of Etawa, 
Muhammad SuUfin Mirza, Sultan Mult^ammad Duldi, Muhammad 'All 
Jang Jang and 'Abdu-l-'azTz,^ Master of the Horse, with the rest of 
the army which had been sent to subdue Quj;b Khan Afghan who 
had raised the standard of revolt in Etfiwa, — were also appointed 
to serve his Highness (Humayun). On Thursday, 18 Zilq'ada (21st 
August, 1526) he came out from Agra at an auspicious moment and 
encamped at a distance of three kos from the city. He marched on 
from there, accompanied by the breeze of victory. Naflr Kbs^a 
who had collected an army in Jajam&S fled while Humayun was 15 
ko8 distant, and crossing the Granges went to the territory of ^arid> 
Humftyun also went in that direction, and having brought that regioa 
into order, partly by severity and partly by gentle measures, turned 
the reins of eaterprise towards Jaunpur. Having reduced Jaunpur 
to order by justice and equity, he administered the country with the 
wisdom of age and the energy of youth. When near Dalmau, Fath 
Khan SarwdnT, who was one of the great nobles of India and whose 
father had received from Sulj;an Ibrfihim the title of A'^am Humfiyuui, 
104 came and did homage to his Highness Jah&nbftni. He (Jahanbani) 
sent him to the imperial Court under the charge of Sayyid Mahdi 
Khwaja and Muhammad Suljb.§n Mlrz§. There he was royally ^ treated 
and received a robe of honour. He received the allowances of his 
father and also a kror and six lakha in addition. Though out of aim- 



» Text, 'All, but this is wrong as tho district of Balia, N.-W. P. Jarrott 

Babar's Mem. and A.S.B. MS. C. 27 . II, 163. 

and Text 107 and 108 hHow. I » Cf. Babar, Ers., 3U. Tho total 

* Mentioned also in Babar's yin»a». amount of the allowances is thcro 

Eva., U<>0. It i» a large partjana in Mtatod as one kror and 1»0 lakhs. 



CHAPTKR ZVIII. 



257 



plicity he wished for the title which his father had possessed^ he re- 
ceived that of Khan Jahan and was dismissed to his estates. His son 
Mahmud !^an was exalted by obtaining permanent service. His 
Majesty Giti-sit&ni was both in appearance and in reality successful 
and munificent in the capital. 

In Muharram 938 (Oct. 1526) the joyful news came from Kabul 
that Maham Begam^ the mother of his Highness Jahanbani^ had given 
birth to a son. His Majesty Giti-sitani named him Muhammad Farilq. 
His birth occurred on 23 Shawwal^ 932 (2nd Aug., 1526), and he died 
in 934 before his father had ever seen him. 

DfiSCBIPTION OF VARIOUS AUSPICIOUS EVBNTS IN THIS YEAR (933), OF 
THE NEWS OF THE BE6ELLI0N OF BANA SaNGA AND OF THE HEKT- 
INQ OF HIS HlQHNESS JaHANBANI WITH HIS MAJESTY GiTI-SITAnI. 

On Wednesday, 24 Safar* (30th Nov., 1526), orders were issued 
to his Highness Jahanbani that he should make over Jaunpur to some 
officers and himself return with all speed, as Rana Sanga was advanc- 
ing with a large army of Hindus and Muhammadans. The convey- 
ance of this message was given to Muhammad ^Ali, son of Mihtar 
^aidar Bikabdir. 

In this year Nizam Khan, the governor of Biana, did homage 
through the instrumentality of that fountain of blessings BafT'u-d-din 
Safavl,' and made over the fortress of Biana to the imperial officers. 
Tgtar IQian also tendered Gw&liSr and kissed the threshold ; and 
Muhammad Zaitun made over Dhdlpur and submitted himself. Every- 
one received royal favours corresponding to his sincerity and loyalty 
and was secured against calamities. 

On 16 Babi'u-1-awwal (2l8t Dec.) of this year, the mother of 
Sultan Ibrahim formed a plot^ by the means of the cooks which had a 
happy* issue, — the crude imaginings of evil-disposed persons coming 
to nothing and they themselves meeting with punishment. 



* 24 Muharram, Ers. and P. de C. 
This is probably correct. A.F. has 
probably written Safar because that 
month appears in a preceding entry 
in Babar's Mem. 24 Mu(iarram= 
31 st October. 

* A native of Tj near the Persian 

33 



Gulf. He was a teacher of A.F.'s 
father and was buried opposite Agra. 
Blochmann, Preface ii and 523 and 
Jarrett II, 180 and III, 423. 

V She attempted to have Babar poi- 
soned. Babar, Ers., 347. 

* Bafdiair gusa^l^t, qu. turned out 




258 



ilEHABNlfflA* 



When the orders were received by his Highness JahanbanT, lie 
appointed Shah Mir I^usain and Amir Suljbfin Junaid Barl&s to the 
command of Jaunpur^ and leaving Qazi Jia who was one of those 
trained up by his Majesty Giti-sittoi, to assist these two officers^ he 
set out for the capital. He also appointed Shaikh Bayazid to Oadh 
and as 'Alam Khiln held Kalpi and it was necessary to dispose of him, 
either peaceably or by force, he led his victorioas army thither. B7 
working on his hopes and fears, he brought him inta the path of 
105 obedience, and taking him in his train, presented him at the world- 
protecting Court. On Sunday, 3rd Babi^u-s-sani, he arrived at the 
Carbas^,^ known later as the Has^t Bihis^t (Bight Paradises) and 
which was by its verdure the spring of power and fortune, and pre^ 
sented himself before his Majesty Glti-sitam. On the same day 
Khwaja Dost Khawand arrived from Kabul, and was received with 
honour. 

At this time representations were continually arriving from 
Mahdi Khwaja wl)o was in Biana, about the rebellioQ of Rana Singd 
and his warlike preparations. 



well. Price (IV. 691) seems to have 
read hu^tr gu^asl^i, went into dark- 
ness, i.e., was killed. But it would 
seem from the Memoirs that she was 
only put into, confinement. See too 
Firiflhta. 



1 Now called Bambagh; A. P.'s 

birthplace and opposite Agra. 

Blochmann, ii and Jarrett II, 180 
^nd 423. 



t!lIXl^BR XtX. 



259 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Dp his Majesty GM-sitani Fied^s-makAni's drawing xjp 

diS FORCBS AGAIN8T BAnA SInqI^ AND tPREARING 
T&B S1?ANDAM8 Ot VlCtORt. 

Whene'er a design takes root in the bosom of an anspicioils one, 
Dn whose honoured head God^ the world-arranger^ hath placed the 
diadem of true sovereignty, and whose lofty intellect is set on obey* 
ing the behests of the Lord of Lords, his action rises above the petty 
views of the vulgar, and he achieves success in realm and religion 
(din u dunyd). The wondrous deeds of his Majesty Giti-sitani 
Firdus-makani are an instance of this, for as his felicity increased 
so also did his wisdom, and in proportion as the causes of dizziness 
augmented, so also did his prudence become enhanced. He ever 
took refuge in the Divine Unity, and in the administration of justice 
and the management of State affairs, never deviated a hair's breadth 
from the highway of reason. And at this time when Bana Sanga, 
in the pride of his numbers and courage and with his brains full of 
boastful madness, began to act presumptuously, and to remove his 
foot from the circle of equanimity, and was drawing nigh with the 
stride of boldness, he (Babar) made the favour of God his strong- 
hold, and gave no admission to the attacks of dismay but proceeded 
to quell that ill-fated disturber of the Age. 

On Monday, 9 Jumada-1-awwal (11th February, 1527), he 
marched out from Agra to extirpate this sedition, and pitched his 
camp in the neighbourhood of the city. Beports were continually 
arriving that the ill-fated one (Bana Sanga) had attacked Biana with 
a large army, and that the troops who had come out of that town, 
had not been able to withstand him and had turned back. Sankar 
Khan Janjuha was killed on that occasion, and Amir Kita Beg^ 
wounded. Having halted four days, he (Babar) marched on the fifth 
and encamped in the plain of Mandhakar' which lies between Agra 



i T.R, 313ff. He was brother of 



» Perhaps the Mandawar of the 



MTr A^mad Qasim Kohbar. Ain. Jarrett II, 182. 



260 



AKBARNAMA. 



and Sikri. It occurred to him that there was no water-supply for 
the troops except in Sikri — -(which after returning thanks for his 
victory, his Majesty Giti-sitani, by giving diacritical points, named 
Sbukri (thanksgiving) and which is now by the auspicious felicity of 
106 the king of kings, known as Fathpur, from its giving victory to 
hearts) — and it might happen that the hostile army by using des- 
patch, would get possession of this. In consequence of this just 
thought, he proceeded next day towards Fathpur and sent Amir 
Darve^ Muhammad Sarban in advance in order that he might find a 
proper ground for encampment. The said Amir fixed on an eligible 
spot in the neighbourhood of Fathpiir Lake {Kul) which is a broad 
sheet of water and an ocean-like reservoir, and that was made the 
pleasant ground of encampment. From thence messengers went to 
summon Mahdl !^waja and the other officers who were in Biana. 
Beg Mirak^ who was a servant of Jahanbani and a number of the 
Emperor's special attendants were sent to collect information. In 
the morning intelligence was brought that the opposing army had 
advanced one kos beyond Bisawar and were eighteen kos distant. On 
the same day Mahdi Khwaja,* Muhammad^ Sul1;an Mirza and the 
other officers who had been in Blana, arrived and did homage. During 
this time, daily skirmishes took place between the outposts in which 
gallant soldiers distinguished themselves and received the royal ap- 
probation. 

At length on Saturday, 13 JumSda-l-akhar 933 (16th March, 
1527), Rana Sanga advanced with a large army to a hill near the 
village of Khanwa* in the Sarkar of Blana and about two ko8 from 
the imperial camp. 

His Majesty states in his Memoirs that according to the Indian 
calculation by which territory yielding one lakh of revenue furnishes 
JOG horse, and one of a kror of revenue, 10,000 horse, the dominions 



1 Possibly the grandfather of 
NisSmu-d-dln A^mad, the author of 
the JaJxiqdL 

• Babar's brother-in-law. The 
statement that he was a son-in-law 
is a mistake of Erskine. KhwRnda* 
mir tells ns near the end of the 
Uabiba-s-siyar that Mahdl Khwaja 



was married to Babar's sister 
EHianzada. 

8 A grandson of Sultan Husain of 
Herat. Babar made him governor 
of Kananj, Mem. 181. 

♦ 37 miles west of Agra, in the 
Bhartpnr State. 



Cfi AFTER XIX. 



261 



of Rana SfingS^ as yielding ten hrors of revenue, furnished 100,000 
horse. Many chiefs also, who had never served under him before, 
gave in their allegiance and increased his army. Thus Sila]^u-d-din,^ 
the ruler of Bdisin and Sarangpur, etc., supplied 30,000 horse ; Rawal 
tJdi Singi of Nagaur, 12,000; Hasan ^an Mewati, ruler of Mewat, 
12,000; Bihari* Mai Idari,M,000 , Nirpat HadS, 7,000; Sitarvi Kaci 
(of Cutch), 6,000; Dharan* Deo, ruler of Mirtha, 4,000 ; Narsingh 
Deo Cuh§n,^ 4,000 ; Mahmud Oan, son of Sikandar Sultan, though 
he had no territory, yet* in hope of regaining his ancestral throne, 
brought with him 10,000 horse; so that the whole force amounted to 
two Idkha and 1,000 horse. 

When his Majesty heard of the arrival of the enemy, he set about 
arranging his forces. The royal station was in the centre. Cln 
Timur7 Sul^n,Mlrza^ Sulaimdn, l^wfija D5st ^awand, Yunus 'All, 107 
Si^ah Mansur Barlas, Darvesh Mul^iammad Sarban,^ 'Abdu-1-lah Kitab- 
dar, D5st Ishak iqa and others of the great officers were stationed in 
the right. On the left were 'Ala'u-d-din,^^ son of Suljan Buhlul Lodi ; 
S^ai^ Zain KhwafT, Amir Muhibb 'Ali, son of Nizamu-d-din 'Ali 
Khalifa ; Tardi Beg, brother of Que Beg; gi^ir§fgan, son of Que Bgg ; 
ILraish Khgn, Khwaja ^usain and many other servants of the Sulfon- 
ate and pillars of the State. 

The right wing was adorned by the fortunate presence of his 



1 Text, Silhadl. See Erskine's 
B. & H. I, 471n. 

« Erskine, Bdrmal (360). 

A Idar or Edar in Kathiawar, 
Gnjrat. 

* Text, Farm and also in fragment 
of Babar's Mem. trs. by P. de 0. II, 
445. 

B This passage occurs in the re- 
port of the victory drawn up by 
Shaikh Zainu-d-din (Babar, Ers.,360). 
There is some discrepancy about the 
proper names and I have corrected 
some of those in the Text. 

» Copied from Babar (Era., 360), 
but the meaning there is that 10,000 
horsemen followed him because they 



hoped that he would recover his 
ancestral possessions. 

"I The eighth son of SultSn ALimad 
Khan and grandson of Yanus ^an, 
so he was Babar's cousin, i.e., his 
mother's nephew. He died of dysen- 
tery at Agra. (T.R. N. & R., 161). 

^ Son of Mfrza £han and after- 
wards ruler of BadaJshshftn* 

• A disciple of Khwaja Ahrar. 

^^ Brother of Saltan Sikandar and 
uncle of Ibrahim Sultan who was 
killed at Panlpat. Ers. B. & H. I 
423 and 421n. According to an- 
other account, 'Ala'u-d-din was 
Ibrahim's brother. He was gener- 
ally known as 'Alam Khan. 



262 AKBARl^iMA. 

Highness Jah5nbaiii and on his right were Qasim Husam Sultailj 
Ahmad Yfisuf Og^laqu, Hindu Beg Qucln, Khusru Koknltish, Qawam 
Beg, Urdu-shan, Wall la&zin, Qaraqu*i) Pir Quli STstani, Ehwaja 
Pahlwan Badakhshi, 'Abdu-1-shakur and many other gallant men. 
On the victorious left of his Highness Jahanbani, were Mir Hama, 
Muhammadi Kokultash, and ^wajagT Asad Jfimdftr. 

And on the right wing there were nobles of India such as the 
IQLan-khanan, Dilawar Khan, Mulkdad Karftrani and Shaikh Ghuran. 

On the left wing were Sayyid Mahdi ^O^wftja, Muhammad Suljt.tii 
Mlrza, 'idil SultSn, son of Mahdi Suljjftn, 'Abdu-l-'aztz Mir Attur, 
Muhammad 'All Jang Jang, Qatlaq Qadam Qarawal, S^ah ^usain Bar* 
begi, Jan Beg Atka. And of the nobles of India there were Jalal 
Kh&n and Kamtl !^an, sons of Sult&n 'Ala'u-d-din, 'All i^an gl^ai^- 
zada Farmuli, Nizam Kh&n of Biina and many other brave warriors 
who girt the waist of service with perfect loyalty. And as a flankinpf 
party, there were Tardi Ikka, Mulk Qssim, brother of B§ba Qushqa 
and many Mughals on the right wing. Muman Atka and Bustam 
Turkaman with many of the Emperor's special dependants were 
stationed on the left wing. 

For the sake of protection, the practise of the holy warriors of 
Bum was followed and a line of carts was arranged and connected by 
chains so that there might be cover for the matchlock-men and canno- 
niers, who were in front of the soldiers, — and Nizamu-d-dm 'Ali 
^alifa was appointed to command this line. Sultan Muhammad Bakh- 
shl, after arranging the commanders and officers in their posts, stood 
near the Emperor to hear his commands which were allied to Divine 
inspiration, — ^and despatched adjutants (tawdctdn) and couriers to all 
sides who conveyed the orders to the officers. When the pillars of 
108 the army had been arranged in this excellent manner, a command 
was issued that no one should stir without orders from his position, 
nor without permission advance his foot into the battle. A watch of 
the day had passed ' when the fire of war was kindled. 

Verse, 

The soldiers bestirred themselves on each side. 
Day and night were commingled. 



I About |9 A. II. 



CHAPTIR XIX. 263» 

On eacli side arose a war-cry. 

Two seas of hate foamed at the lips. 

The steel-shod hoofs of the chargers 

Reddened the ground with the blood of the brave. 

The world-holder mid his glorious camp 

Moved exultant on his prancing steed. 

Such a battle raged on the right and left wings that the earth 
quaked and the universe resounded with the clangour. The left wing 
of the enemy moved against the imperial right and fell upon Etusrii 
Kdkulta^, Mulk Qasim and Baba Qushqa. Cin Timur Sul|;an was 
ordered to go to their assistance and by his intrepid aid he drove the 
enemy nearly to the rear ^ of their centre. A noble reward was as- 
signed to him for this. Mustafa Bum! brought forward the carts 
from the centre of his Highness Jahanbani's division and by his match- 
locks and culverins (zarbzan) so broke up the ranks of the enemy that 
the rust was scoured oS from the mirror-hearts of the brave combat- 
ants, and many of the enemy were laid level with the earth and were 
annihilated. And, as from time to time, the hostile troops advanced, 
so did his Majesty Giti-sitani send on picked men to succour his vic- 
torious soldiers. 

At one time orders were given to Qasim Qusain Sultan, Ahmad 
Tiisuf and Qawam Beg ; at another to Hindu Beg Qucin ; at another 
to Muhammad Kokult&sh and Khwajag! Asad. After that Ynnus 
'All, gliah Mansiir Barlfts and 'Abdul-l-l5h Kitabdar received orders. 
Then D5st I^ak Aqa, Muhammad ^alil Akhta Begi were sent 
to assist. The enemy's right wing repeatedly attacked the left 
wing of the victorious army but every time the loyal souled GhazTs 
affixed some of them to the ground by a rain of calamitous arrows, and 
slew many of them with the lightning of daggers and scimitars. Muman 
Atka and Bustam Turkaman acting according to orders, attacked the 
benighted bands from the rear, and MuUa Mahmud and 'All Atka 
B^sbllq who were servants of Khwaja ^allfa went to their assistance. 
Muhammad Sul(An MirzS, 'Adil Sultan, 'Abdu-l-'aziz Mir Akhur, 
Qatlaq Qadam Qarawal, Muhammad 'All Jang Jang, gl^ih Qusain 
Barbegi and Mughal Gh&njI engaged in action and maintained a firm 
position. Khiwaja Qusain went with a body of the household troops 

1 Babar, nearlj to their centre. 



£64 AKBABNAMA. 

109 {dlwdnldn) to their assistance and all tlie victorious warriors,— who with 
jeopardy of their lives devoted themselves to service, — ^made loftj the 
standards of toil by taking vengeance on the enemy, and ohoked the 
springs of the enemy's hope with the dust of failure. 

Verse, 

The hands i of the javelin-throwers were knot upon knot 

{girth bar girih), 
The backs of the brazen-bodied ones were cuirass upon 

cuirass {zirih bar zirih). 
On each side, the rock-piercing spears 
Closed with thorns the path of safety. 
The shining of caerulean scimitars 
Deprived eyes of sight by their gleaming. 
The dust of the earth put a cap on the Moon 
And stopped the breath in the throat. 

As the engagement was long, owing to the numbers of the enemy^ 
orders were issued to the household troops, who were behind the 
carts like chained tigers, — ^to emerge from the right and left centre 
and after leaving a space in the middle for the musketeers, to charge 
from both sides. In accordance with the noble call the gallant 
youths and valiant warriors, like tigers breaking from their chains 
and gaining their liberty, dashed forward. The clashing {cakdcdk) 
of swords and the whizzing {sAipdsidp) of arrows reached the 
heavens, and that rare one of the Age, 'All Quli,* stood with his fol- 
lowing in front of the centre and performed wonders in discharging 
stones B and in firing of culverins and muskets. Just then orders 
were issued for moving forward the carriages of the centre and his 
Majesty himself moved against the foe. When this was perceived by 
the glorious army, they became agitated like a billowy sea and all 
at once made an assault on the hostile ranks. At the end of the day 
the flame of conflict so blsized up that the right and left of the vic- 
torious army forced and drove the enfeebled left and right of the 



' The meaning seems to be that 
the opposing soldiers were locked 
together in flight. The phrase bra- 



diyar, a Persian hero killed by 
Rustam. 
> Ustad 'All Qui I the cannon icr. 



zen-bodicd was an epithet of Isfan- | * Sang. It may also mean cannon- 

' balls. 



CBAPTBR ZIX. 265 

enemy into one mass with their centre, and so beat npon that wretched 
body that all those ill-fated ones washed their hands of life and rashed 
upon the right and left centre of the imperialists. They approached 
very near but the high-minded Gh^zis stood firm and quitted them- 
selves like men. By heaven's help, the opponents were unable to 
abide the contest and those ill-fated, wretched ones were compelled 
to loose the rein of firmness from the palm of contrivance and to take 
flight and to regard as meritorious their escaping half-dead from such 
a courage-testing contest. The breezes of victory and success blew 
on the grove of fortunate standards, and the buds of strength and 
help blossomed on the branches of faith and exertion. Many of the 110 
hostile troops became the food of the blood-drinking sword and of the 
hawking arrow. And many wounded, the remains of the sword, 
turned the dust-stained cheek of courage, and the besom of dis- 
may swept away the rubbish of their presence from the field of battle, 
quivering like moving sands, they became a Sahara of wretchedness, 
liasan Khfin M^w&ti was killed by a bullet and Bawal Uday Singh, ^ 
Mauik Cand Cuhsn, BSi Candrabhin Dilpat B&i, Gangu, Kram Singh, 
Rao NagarsT^(?) and many of their great chiefs were slain. Many 
thousand wounded were destroyed by the hands and 'neath the swift 
feet of the victorioas army. Muhammad! Kokultdib, 'Abdu-1-^azTz 
Mir AU^ur, 'All Khan and some others were sent to pursue Rana 
Sanga. 

His Majesty GltT-sitam Firdus-makani having become victorious 
returned thanks for this great victory and sublime blessing to Al- 
mighty God, Glory be to His Name, (who arranges the series of 
fates by re-setting the openings and shuttings of things visible and 
invisible) , and pursued the enemy for one Itos from the field of battle, 
till at length night fell ; that day was black for foes and that night 
joyful for friends. Then he recalled his lofty spirit from the enemy 
and beating high the drum of success, turned and reached his camp 
some hours after night-fall. As it was not ordained of God that that 
abandoned one (B.an^ Sanga) should be taken, the men who were sent 
in pursuit of him, did not manage well. His Majesty observes thereon, 
" The time was critical, I should have gone myself and not have trust- 



JB— »» 



I Tod, " of Dangarpar. 
s Text, pangarBl. Erskine, Bao 
34 



Bikersl with the variant Nagarsl. 
P. do C, Rao NigucTsi. 




266 



A&BABNltfA. 



ed to others/' SJ^aikh Zain the Sadr who was possessed of distin- 
guished qualities, found the date of this great victory in the words 
Fath-^'BddshdhA'Ialdm ^ and Mir Gesu sent the same chronogram from 
Kabul. His Majesty writes in hie Memoirs that there was a similar 
coincidence in the chronograms of the former victory of Dipalpfir 
when two persons found the date Wasai-i-sAahr'i'Rabi'ur-UawwaL* 

When BO great a victory had been gained, the pursuit of Rani 
Sanga and the attack on his country were postponed and preference 
was given to the conquest of Mewat. Muhammad 'All Jang Jang, 
111 Shaikh Ghuran and 'Abdu-1-Muluk Qurci were sent with a large force 
against Ilyds Khan who had raised the head of sedition in Koil ^ in 
the Duab and had imprisoned Kacak 'All the governor of that place. 
When the victorious army approached, he was unable to resist them 
and retired. After the victorious army had reached Agra, that rebel 
was produced before the royal Court and met with capital * punish- 
ment. 

As the conquest of Mewat had been determined upon by the 
world-adorning soul (of Babar), he proceeded to that province. On 
Wednesday, 6 Bajab (7th April, 1527), he arrived at Alwar which 
is the capital of Mewit. The treasures of Alwar were bestowed on 
his Highness Jahanbfini. And when this territory had been annexed, 
he returned to the capital in order to undertake the reduction of the 
eastern territories. 



DCPABTUBB OF HIS HlQHNESS JahAnbIn! FOB KAbUL AND BaDASB^An, 
AND THE MABCH OF THE BOTAL ABMY TO AOBA. 

As it was necessary to arrange for the administration of Kibul 
and Badakhshan, and as the time was exigent, and as Badakhsh§n 
had been committed to Humftyun since 917' (1511) when Mirza Khan 



1 The letters make 933. 

S The letters make 930. See 
supra. Babar (Ers., 368) says that it 
was the same persons, Shaikh Zain 
and Mir G^sH, who found oat the 
Dlp&lpQr chronogram. 

» Jarrett II. 188. Text, Kol. It is 
in 'Allgarh. 

♦ He was flayed alive. Ers., Babar, 
368 and P. do CourteiUe II. 310. 



* As pointed out by Ers. (B. A 
H., I. 341) and Blochmann (311n.) 
and Mr. Key Elias (T. R. 373n.), this 
date \rhich is also given by ^aidar 
MirzS, mast be wrong and is per- 
haps a mistake for 927 (1521). In 
917, HumSyan was only three^Qr four 
years old, and in the T. B. (353)^ we 
have an account of MlrzS E^in 
as reigning in BadakhshSn in 924. 



CHAPTER ZIX. 



267 



had died^ and afi tnany servants were employed there, his Highness 
JahanbinT, ornament of world-subduing, jewel of the sword of fortune, 
forehead of glory, frontispiece of splendour and glory, preamble of an 
incomparable model, pupil of the eyes of sovereignty and the Khildfat, 
the fiather of victory (abu-n-na^r), Na^Trn-d-dln Mu|^ammad 
Humgyun was, on 9th Bajab of this auspicious (humdyuiv-fdl) year 
(11th April, 1527), at 3 koa from Alwar despatched to that country. 
At the same time, the Emperor swiftly applied himself to the reduc- 
tion of Biban Afghan who during the Kana^s disturbance had besieged 
Lakhnaw and taken possession of it. Qasim Qusain Sul);fin, Malik 
Q§sim Babli Qai^qa, Abu'l-Muhammad Nizabfiz, Husain Khan, and 
— ^from among the Amirs of India, — 'All Kh&n Farmuli, Mulkdad 
KararanI, Tatar Ehftn and !^Sn Jah&n were sent along with Muham- 
mad Sultan Mirea against him. That luckless one, on hearing of 
the approach of the glorious army, left all his goods behind him, and 
fled with naught but the coin of life in his palm. His Majesty at the 
end of this year, visited Fathpur (Sikri) and Bari * and then proceed- 
ed to Agra. In 934 he visited Koil and went from thence to Sambal' 
to hunt, and after viewing these delightful Highlands, returned to 112 
the capital. On 28th Safar (23rd Nov.) Fakhrjahin Begam » and 



Accurdiiig to P. de C.'s fragment 
of Babar'a Mems. (II. 452) Mirza 
Kbau did not die till 934. This 
must be wrong, for Babar speaks of 
Badakhshan as belonging to himself 
at the time (932) of his conquest of 
India, and it is plain that Mirza 
Kh an was not alive after 927. 
(Babar, Ers. 286 and note.) Most 
probably he died in 926, as Firighta 
miys and as is in accordance with 
Haidar MTrza's statement (Elias & 
Ross 387) that Humajan*s reign in 
Bada^ishan began in 926. The 
events of this year, with the excep- 
tion of those of the first month, are 
not recorded iu Babar's Memoirs 
which are blank for the six years 
from Safar 926 to 932. Gulbadan 
does not give any precise date for 



the death but says that ambassadors 
from BadaUkslxan brought the news 
about the time of the Bajaur cam- 
paign. Apparently they brought 
Sulaiman, Mirza Khan's young son, 
with them. Gulbadan says that 
thereupon, Babar sent Humayan to 
Badal^sh&n and she adds the inter* 
esting circumstance that Babar and 
Maham (Huraayiin's mother) fol- 
lowed him there and stayed a few 
days. 

i In Dholpur, Rajput ana and 44 
miles south-west of Agra. 

* Or Sambhal. See Jarre tt II, 
281, where A. F. states that the rhi- 
noceros is found in Sambhal. 

s B&bar's paternal aunts; they 
seem to have made a short stay only 
with liim and then to have returned 



268 aebarnAma. 

Khadija Sultan Begam arrived from Kibul^ and his Majesty embark- 
ed on a boat and went to meet them and behaved with liberality 
towards them, , 

As news was frequently brought that MedinT Kai, the ruler of 
Canderi ^ was collecting troops and that the Rana also was preparing 
war and putting together the materials of his own destruction^ the 
Emperor marched in a fortunate hour against Canderi and also sent 
6,000 or 7,000 gallant men from Kalpi under Cm Tlmur Sulfcan to 
Canderi. On the morning of Wednesday, 7th Jumada'l-awwal (29th 
Jan., 1528), a splendid victory was gained at Canderi. Fath-i-ddru-U 
iarb (Conquest of the hostile country, i.e., of the country of the infi- 
dels s= 934) is the chronogram of this Divine aid. After this Canderi 
was made over to A^mad S^ah, grandson of Sultan Nasiru-d-din and 
then the Emperor returned on Sunday, 11th Jumada^I-awwal v2nd 
Feb.). 

It has been stated by trustworthy annalists that the Bana (Sanga] 
had meditated revolt and been collecting an army before the Emperor 
marched against Canderi, and that when the former came to Irij,* 
if aq, * a servant of his Majesty Giti-sitanT Firdus-makani, had put it 
into a condition of defence. That black-fated one came and besieged 
the place, but one night he beheld in a dream an ancestor of his 
under a dreadful appearance. He awoke in terror and horror and 
began to tremble in all his limbs. After this he immediately set about 
his return and on the way, the forces of death attacked him and he died. 
The victorious army crossed the river of Burhanpur and it came to the 
ears of the Emperor that Ma^ruf , Biban and BayazTd had gathered 
their forces and that the imperial servants had abandoned Kanauj 
and come to Baberi and that the enemy had taken the fort of Shams- 
ftbftd from Abu'l-muhammad Nizabaz. Accordingly the reins of 
resolution were turned to that quarter and a number of heroes were 
sent on in advance. Merely on seeing the soldiers, the son of Ma^ruf 
became dumbfounded and fled from Kanauj ; and Biban, Bayazid and 
Ma'ruf having heard of the royal army, crossed the Ganges and re- 



to Kabal. (Babar, Krs. 382 and 387.) 
Gulbadan says there were seven of 
them, all daughters of Aba Sa*Id 
and 8he gives some of their names. 



1 Jarrett II, 196. It is inGwalySr. 

« Jarrett II, 187. 

A Babar, Ers. 387, Mulla Afiq. 



< 



CBAPTER XIX. 269 

tnained on the east side, opposite Kanauj, with a view to dispnte the 
passapfe. The royal army continued to advance and on Fridaji 8rd 
Muharram^ 935 (18th Sept., 1328)^ Mirza ^Askari who had been sent 
for from Kabul before the Canderi disturbance, to advise (with the 
Emperor) on the affairs of Multan, arrived and entered upon auspi- 
cious service. On Friday next, the 'A$Aurd, (10th Muharram) Ins Ma- 
jesty halted at Gwalyar and next morning surveyed the palaces of 
BikramajTt and Man Singh and then proceeded towards the cnpital. 113 
He arrived there on Thursday, 25th Muharram. 

On Monday, 10th B-abi^u-l-awwal, couriers arrived from his High- 
ness Jah§nb&ni in Badakhsh&n and brought several pieces of good 
news. It was written that a son had been bom to his Highness 
Jahanbim by the chaste daughter of Yadgar TaghaT and that he had 
received the name of Al-aman.^ As this name was equivocal and had 
an improper meaning among the generality, it was not approved of. 
It was not acceptable also because it had not received the assent of 
his (Bfibar^s) holy heart. The pleasing of the father, especially such 
a father and such a king, is fruitful of blessings, visible and invisible, 
and the displeasing of him is the cause of a hundred evils, external 
and internal. What marvel then if men of experience regard the 
rapid disappearance of this first fruits of sovereignty as a mark of 
this displeasure. 

When his Majesty had been settled in the capital, he convened 
the Turk! and Indian nobles and had a splendid feast and held a 
consultation about the settlement of the eastern districts and the 
extinguishing of the flame of rebellion. After much discussion it was 
agreed, that before his Majesty took the field, Mirza 'AskarT should 
be sent to the east with a large force and that when the trans-Gange- 
tic Amirs had joined him with their forces, some great expedition 
might be undertaken. In accordance with this determination, MTrzft 



^ Al-a/mdn, in Arabic, means peace 
or protection; also the protected 
one, the trnsty. But Babar did not 
like the name because people in gen- 
eral pronounce it alaman or ila/man, 
^ and these words in Turki have bad 
meanings, viz., alaman is a plunderer 
or runner, and ilamarif " I do not 



feel." (P. de C. II, 363n. See also 
Diets. 8. V.) Babar's objections to the 
name are given in his letter to Hu- 
mayan (Ers., 391). Besides the am- 
biguity mentioned above, he objected 
because it was unusual to place the 
article al thus before a name. 



270 



AKBABNlMA. 



114 



' Askari departed on Monday^ 7tb Rabi'u-1-aUbar^ while tlie Em.peroT 
himself went for a visit and for hunting towards Dholpur, 

On 3rd Jumada^l-awwal news came that Mahmud,> tlie son of 
Iskandar^ had taken Bihar and was raising the head of rebellion. His 
Majesty returned from hunting to Agra and it was settled that he 
should proceed in person to the eastern districts. 

At this time^ couriers came from Badakhshan with the intelii- 
gence that his Highness Jahanbani had collected the troops of tKose 
provinces and accompanied by Sulfcan Wais,* had set out with 40 or 50 
thousand men on an expedition against Samarkand. It was also re- 
ported that there was talk of a peace. In an auspicious moment a 
message was sent that^ if the time for negociations had not passed^ 
he should make peace until the afEairs of India had been cleared off. 
The letter also summoned Hindal Mirza and mentioned that Kabai 
was to be a royal domain. He (Babar) also wrote " God willing^ 
" when the afEairs of Hindustan which are near settlement^ shaU foe 
finished^ we shall leave these faithful servants and ourselves Tisit 
our hereditary kingdoms. It is proper^ that all the servants of 
these countries should make preparations for the expedition and 
await the arrival of the imperial army.^' (Babar's) 

On Thursday, the 17th of the said month, he crossed the Jamna 
and went towards the eastern districts. 

In these days the ambassadors of Nu^rat gl^ah/ the ruler of 
Bengal, brought valuable presents and did homage. 



€€ 



€( 



€€ 



if 



i 



^ Brother of the Ibrahim slain at 
Panipat. 

« Ers., B. A H., I. 609. He was 
an Amir of Khatlan (T.B. 21n.) and 
is often called Sultan Awais or Uwais. 
He was Sulaiman's father-in-law. 
(Blochmann, 311.) Babar refers to 
him in a letter to Humay&u (392). 
Apparently he was at one time king 
of Swat. (Babar, Ers., 249). 

* In this and other passages of 
this chapter, describing the events 
of 935, A.F.'s abstract agrees with 
P. de C.'s trs. (Vol. II.) rather than 
with Ers. The meaning is not clear 



in the text, but seems to be that the 
army to be awaited is Babar*s. The 
corresponding passage occurs in a 
letter to Humajan -(P. de C. II, 456) 
and refers to Babar 's desire that all 
his subjects should assist HumSyan 
in his projected expedition against the 
Uzbegs. P. de C. has, " En attendant, 
il est ndcessaire que tous nos sujets 
se joignent k Humaiun dans cette 
Expedition et le servent avec fid^Ht^,*' 
♦ Son of *Ala'u-d-dIn9usainShah. 
Biibar has a short notice^judwhinr 
(Ers., 311). He was also called 
and apparently reigned 151^1532. 




CHAPTER XlX. 



271 



WliM 



ll L' 



On Monday, 19th Jumada'l-akhar, Mii^za 'Askar! arrived on the 
banks of the Ganges and tendered his duty. He was ordered to 
march with his army down the opposite bank of the river. Near 
Karra* news came of the defeat of Mabmud Khan, the son of SuU§n 
Sikandar. Having advanced near the borders of Ghazipur, he stop- 
ped at Bhojpur « and Bihiya.> In that place BihSr was bestowed on 
Mlrza Mabammad ZamSn.^ On Monday, 5th Bamazin,^ being set at 
ease with regard to Bengal and Bihar, he proceeded to Sirwftr ^ to put 
down Biban and BayazTd. The enemy engaged with the victorious 
army and was defeated. After visiting Kharid * and Sikandarpur 
and being satisfied with the state of things there, he rode post^ 
towards Agra which he reached in a short space of time. 

His Highness Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyanT had spent one year 
pleasurably in Badakhshan. Suddenly a desire for the society of 
his Majesty Giti-sitanT, — who was a world of internal and external 
perfections, — ^took possession of him and being unable to restrain 
himself, he made over BadakhshSn to Suli;§n Wais, the father-in-law 
of Mirza Sulaiman, and proceeded towards the Qibla of fortune and 
Ka'ba of hopes. Thus in one day he arrived at K&bul. Mirzfi Kam- 
ran had come there from Qandahar. They met in the ' Idgah^ and 



I 42 miles north-west of Allahabad 
and in AllahabSd district. Jarrett 
II, 167. 

« Towns in ghShabad. 

B The Mems. say (418), that the 
government of Jannpar was con- 
ferred on Muliammad Zaman but he 
also held Bihar (409 and 410). 

• Should be 15th (24th May). (Ers., 
419). 

* So in Text, but in Mems. (Ers., 
419) instead of Sirwar, we have the 
river Sarju or Gogra mentioned and 
are told that Babar marched from 
his station on its banks to put down 
the rebels. But A.F. is nearly in 
accord with P. de C. II, 456, where 
Babar says that on Thursday, 7th 
Ramadan, he marched towards Sirwar 



to repulse Biban and BayazTd. Sir- 
war is also mentioned in Mem. (Ers. 
420) and appears in the list of Babar's 
provinces. (Ers., B. & H., I. 541). 
See Blochmann, 381n. where it is 
stated that Sirwar got its name from 
the river Sarwa. 

In Jaunpar. Jarrett II« 163 and 
164. 

7 Probably because his family had 
just arrived from Kabul. He met 
Maham, his favourite wife and 
Humayan's mother at midnight on 
Sunday, 27th June, 1629. 

8 P. de C. (II, 457) has " lors des 
ceremonies du Bairam." Probably 
Kamran came there for this festival. 
There are two Bairams (Vullers 
8. v.), one on 1st Shawwal and one on 



272 



akbabnIma. 



Ktoran being surprised to see him^ asked him the cause of his jour- 
ney. Humayun replied it was a desire to see his sovereign^ and that 
though he was always seeing him with his mind^s eye, yet this was not 
equal to a personal interview. He ordered Mirza Hindal to proceed 
from Kabul for the protection of Badakhshan and putting the foot of 
purpose in the stirrup of courage^ and ui*ging along the charger of 
joy on the highway of determination^ he in a short time reached Agra 
and was rewarded by tendering his service. 

A wonderful thing was that his Majesty Giti-sitani was sitting 
at table and talking with his (Jahanbani's) mother about him when 
suddenly ^ the shining star emerged from the ascension-point of 
Badakhsj^an. Their hearts were rejoiced and their eyes brightened. 
115 Each day of princes is a feast but that day^ by the advent of his 
Highness Jahgnbani^ was made a feast such as cannot be described. 

Mirz§ Qaidar writes* in his Tftrikh-i-rashTdi that his Highness 
Jahanbini came to Hindustan in 935 (1 528-29) at the summons of 
his Majesty OTti-sitani and that he left Faqr ^Ali in Bada^^§n. 

At this time the darling (lit. eye-pupil) of the Sultanate^ Mirzi 



10th 2i-l-tiiJ8" Probably the latter 
is meant. On the other hand Babar 
(Era., 428) seems to imply that Hu- 
mayan was at Agra on 8th July, 
1629. If so the Bairam referred to 
must have been that of let Shawwal 
(June 8th) and HumayQn must have 
reached Agra at about the same 
time as his mother. This too would 
harmonize with A.F.'s story that he 
appeared all of a sudden when his 
father and mother were talking of 
him. It agrees better too with 
Gaidar's statement that Sa'id Khan 
left Kaghgh^r for BadaJshshan in the 
beginning of Mu^arram 936 (Sept. 
1629). If Humay un only left Badaih- 
Shau in the middle of August, there 
was hardly time for the BadaU^ghTs 
to send to Sa'Id Khan for help and 
for him to get his army together by 
the beginning of September. Ac- 



cording to P. de C. (II, 457n.) and 
Ers., (Babar, 426) Humayun did not 
leave Badaktshln till 936 (1530). 

1 We are not told the date of his 
arrival but as he was at Kabul 
during the Bairam and reached Agra 
in a few days (Babar, P. de 0. II, 
467) he probably arrived at end of 
August, 1529. His mother had come 
about two months before, for Babar 
met her on Sunday night, 27th June. 
She had been six months on the 
journey. 

« T.R.. B. & R., 387. Ers. (B. 
& H., I. 608) has given good reason 
for doubting the statement. Very 
probably Humayun gave out that his 
father had sent for him and Haidar, 
who was in Badakhdl^n shortly 
afterwards, may have recorded what 
he heard then. 



CHAFTEB XIX. 



273 



Anwar ^ had just died and his Majesty was deeply grieved on that 
account. The coming of his Highness Jahanbani was therefore a 
great comfort to his heart. His Highness Jahanbftni remained for a 
while in attendance on him and the Emperor many times declared 
that HnmSyun was an incomparable companion. In fact the name 
of Insdn-ukdmil (Perfection of Humanity) might well be applied to 
that majestic one. When he left BadakhAan for India^ Sultan 
Sa'id S^an^ who was the Khfin of Kashghar and was related * to his 
Majesty and who^ moreover, had been in his service and had received 
favours and instruction from him^^being stimulated to crude imagin- 
ations by messages from Sul);an Yais and other Amirs of Badakhsban, 
left Rasbid T^in (his son) in Yftrkand and marched against Badakh- 
iban. Before he arrived there Mlrza Hindal had reached Badakhshan 
and established himself in Qil'a Zafar.^ Sa'id Khftn besieged the 



1 Gulbadan calls him Al&r or 
Alwar Mlrzi and he appears in her 
list as the yonngeBt child of her own 
mother, Dildar Begam. He must 
have been quite a child when he 
died in 1529, for his elder sister 
Gulbadan was only eight when Babar 
died in December 1530. She de- 
scribes Alar's illness and death. He 
was bom at Kabul. Babar says 
(Ers. 250) that several children were 
bom to him in 925 (1519) but none 
of them lived. See in P. de C. (II. 45) 
a paragraph on this snbject which 
is not in Ers. Its language causes 
confusion about the birth of Hin- 
dal for it would appear from Babar 
(Ers. 250 and P. de G. II. 45) that he 
was bora in 925. But if so, how could 
Babar make over the infant to his 
mother (P. de G., II. 46) who had 
died in 911. The explanation is that 
there is a mistake inP.deG.'s trs., and 
that the child was made over to Ma- 
ham, Babar*s wife, and not to his mo- 
ther and thus became at once a son 
to Babar and a brother to Humayun. 
35 



* Babar's cousin, being the son oi 
Sultan Ahmad, the brother of Babar's 
mother. He was indebted to Babar 
for hospitality at Kabul and for the 
government of Farghana (Mem 8., Ers. 
217). It was Babar who suggested 
to Said Ehan that he should call 
his son "Abdu-r-raghid. (T. E., E. 
& B., 140). The account of Sa'id's 
raid into Badakhghan is given in the 
T. B., 387. It began at the com- 
mencement of 936 (about 5th Sep- 
tember 1529 ; I. c. 388). 

8 The old capital of Badajghshan. 
It was on the Kokca and was built 
by one Mubarak Shah about the 
beginning of the 16th century. Ho 
called it Qil'a-safar on account of 
a victory which he gained there over 
the Uzbegs and because he belonged 
to the Mufsaffar tribe (qu. the Ahl- 
i-mu^ffar of TimQr's day?) The 
ruins of the fort still exist but the 
modem capital is Fai^abad. (T. R. 
220 and n.) The old name of Qil'a- 
isafar was Shaf-tiwar. (Babar, Ers. 
167). 



274 



AKBABNilCA. 



116 



fort for three months and ^ then returned^ re infectd to Eft^^ar. 
His Majesty Giti-sitdnT heard that the KashgharTs had taken possea- 
sion of Bada^^an and he directed !^waja !^al!fa to go and put 
the afEairs of that country in order. Bat the !^waja in his f oUy 
delayed to obey. Then his Majesty asked JahanbdnT who by his 
fortune had come to reside with his Majesty,—- what he thought aboat 
going there himself. He represented in reply, that he had suffered 
affliction by being debarred from the blessing of his Majesty's pre- 
sence, and had vowed that he would never again voluntarily exile 
himself but that there was no help for it, if he were ordered to go. 

Accordingly Mirza Sulaimfin was despatched to Badal^sbfin &nd 
a letter written to Sultan Sa'id saying, '' Considering > my numerous 
claims on your consideration, this afbir seems strange; I have 
recalled Hinddl Mirzfi and have sent Sulaiman. If you have any 
regard for hereditary rights, you will be kind to Sulaiman and 
" leave him in possession of Bada^d^n, for he is as a son to us 
both. This would be well. Otherwise I, having given up my 
responsibility, will place the inheritance in the hands of the heir. 
The rest you know.''* 



a 



i€ 



€C 



€€ 



it 



1 Babar says (Era. 217) " Sultan 
"Sa*ld Ehan, the Eh^n of Eagb- 
" ghar " (he was not so then which 
shows that Babar did not write his 
Memoirs year by year) " came to me 
'* with five or six naked followers on 
" foot. I received them like my own 
" brothers and gave him the Twman 
"of Mandraur." 

> I hare substituted Mr* Boss' 
trs. (T.B., 389) for A.F/s abstract. 
The meaning of the last sentence in 
the letter, is more clearly brought 
out by £rs/ paraphrase (B. & H. I. 
512) " If not," (i.e.. if SultSn Sa'Id 
did not yield), " the Emperor, having 
resigned to him (Sulaiman) his own 
claims, would know how to sup- 
port him against the pretensions of 
others." It seems evident that Ers. 
is right (508) in rejecting jyiaidar 



«f 



ti 



u 



u 



Mirza'fi statement that HumSyan 
left Badakhfihan in obedience to his 
father's commands. Perhaps he is 
confounding 935 with 932, when 
Babar summoned Humiyibi to help 
him in the conquest of India. It is 
clear that Hum&yt&n's abrupt depar- 
ture in 935, deranged Babar's pro- 
ject of reconquering his ancestral 
kingdom and also that it led to dis- 
asters in Badakhfll^* Bat Babar 
was probably too near his end and 
too fond of Humay&n to quarrel 
with him for leaving his post and 
coming to Agra. As Ers. remarks, 
the visit was probably arranged 
between Hum&yUn and his mother. 
See F. de C. II. i57, for the passage 
which A.F. must have had before 
him. 



CHAPTBB XIX. 



275 



Before Mirzft Sulaimftn had reached Kabul^i Badakhsh&n had 
been freed from the oppression of evil-thoaghted men and been made 
an abode of peace, as has been already stated. When he arrived at 
Bada^dltoj Hindftl in accordance with orders (from Bftbar) made 
over the country to him and proceeded to India. 

After some time spent in attendance, his Majesty sent his Highness 
Jahfinbani to Sambal * which was his fief {jdgtr). He remained happily 
there for six months and then w^ suddenly attacked by fever. The 
malady gradually increased and his Majesty G-itT-sitftm Firdus-makfini, 
growing disturbed at the alarming news, ordered, in his affection for 
him, that he be brought to Delhi and thence by water to Agra, in 
order that he might be treated by skilful physicians under the 
Emperor's own eyes. A large number of learned doctors who were 
always in attendance at the royal Court, were directed to employ 
their talents in effecting a cure. In a short space of time, he was 
conveyed by boat. Though physicians used their skill and exhibited 
Messiah-like science, he did not get better. As the sickness was 
prolonged, the Emperor one day wAs seated with the wise men of the 
Age by the Jumna and considering about remedies. Mir Abu 
Baqfi* who was one of the most distinguished saints of the Age, 
represented that it had been received from the ancient sages, that in a 
case like this, when physicians were at a loss, the remedy was to give 
in alms the most valuable thing one had and to seek cure from God. 
His Majesty Oiti-sitaui said, '' I am the most valuable thing that 
Humftyun possesses; than me he has no better thing; I shall make 
myself a sacrifice for him. May Ghod the Creator accept it.'' 

E^wija l^allf a and the other courtiers represented that Humayun 
would, by the grace of Gx>d, recover and attain to the limit of his 



a 



€f 



1 Meaning that 8a^d Eh^n had 
already retreated. Mr. Ney Ellas 
(d89n) Bupposes that Kabul is a mis- 
take in the T.B. for BadalshahaD, 
but no correction seems needed, for 
SulaimSn would go by Kabul from 
India to BadakhshSn. (Price lY. 715) 
Salaiman was then 16, having been 
born in 920 (1514). In the passage 
already referred to, (P. de C. II. 
457) '* Sulaiman" must be a mistake 



for SultSn Wais and the meaning 
be that the latter was Solaiman's 
father-in-law. 

* In the Muradab&d district; north 
of Agra and east of Delhi. It was 
given to HumSyfln in fief in 1526 
(Babar, Ers., 338). 

« T.B. (£. & B.) 478. Be was ap- 
parently related to EJiwSja Khwand 
Mahmfld also called Khwaja NQra. 



27G 



AKBARNAMA. 



natural life under the shadow of his Majesty^s fortune. Why had 
such an expression come from his tongue ? The meaning of the say* 
ing of the great men of old was that the most valuable article of 
property should be given in chariiy, consequently the priceless 
diamond which had in a mysterious way been obtained in the war 
with Ibr&him and had been presented to Humayun^ should be sacri- 
ficed. He replied, " What value has worldly wealth ? and how can 
'' it be a redemption for Humdyun ? I myself shall be his sacrifice. 
'' He is in extremity and I have lost the power (^^^a^) to behold his 
117 ** powerlessness {bH'idqaiVjj but I can endure all his pain/' There- 
after he retired to his oratory and having performed such special 
rites as befitted the occasioUj he thrice walked round his Highnesa 
Jabanb&ni Jannat-a^iySni. When his prayer bad been beard by 
God, — Glory be to His name ! — ^he felt a strange effect on himself and 
cried out, " We have borne it away. We have borne it away." 
Immediately a strange heat of fever surged upon his Majesty and 
there was a sudden diminution of it in the person of his Highness 
Jahfinbani. Thus in a short time he entirely recovered, while Giti- 
sitani Firdus-makani gradually grew worse and the marks of dissolu- 
tion and death became apparent. 

Then out of bis active mind and truth-seeking soul, he summoned 
his officers and nobles and making them place the hands of homage ^ 
to the empire (Khildfat) in the bands of Humgyun, appointed him his 
heir and successor, placing him on the throne of sovereignty, wbile he 
himself remained bed-ridden {tdhih^'-fard^ at the foot of the throne. 
Khwija Khalifa, Qambar 'AH Beg, * Tardi Beg, Hindu Beg^ and all the 
others were in attendance. Lofty counsels and weighty mandates, 
such as might form a stock of lasting fortune and eternal auspicioua- 
ness, — ^were imparted. Advice was given about munificence and 
justice^ about acquiring the favour of God, cherishing subjects, pro- 



1 «Auuj— .This Arabic word is de- 
rived from »^ a contract or sale. 
In swearing allegiance it was usual, 
says Lane, for the person making 
the covenant to place hia hand in 
that of .the prince in confirmation of 
the covenant, as is done by the seller 
and bayer. 



» T. R. (E. & H.) 307, 367, 422. 
He belonged to a family of Barki 
and was a son of Mir Kaka also 
called, apparently. Amir Qasim 
Kncln. Perhaps he is the Qambar 
'All Mughal of Babar's Mem. (Era., 
17). 



CHAPTRB ZIX. 277 

tecting mankind^ the accepting of apologies of those Vfho had failed 
in duty and the pardoning of transgressors; abont the honouring of 
those who did good service and the casting down of the rebellious 
and the oppressors. And he exclaimed " The cream of our testament- 
^^aiy directions is this^ 'Do naught against your brothers even 
"'though they may deserve it.V In truth it waja owing to his 
observing the mandates of the Emperor that his Majesty Jahflnbani 
Jannat^^ftg^iysni suffered so many injuries from his brothers without 
avenging himself^ as will clearly appear from this history. 

When his Majesty Giti-sitani Firdus-makfim was at the height 
of his disordet*^ Mir !^allfa took a short-sighted view — as is the 
nature of mankind — and from a suspicion that he entertained 
about his Highness JahftnbftnT wished to place Mahdi ij^wfija on the 
throne.^ The ]^wfija too^ from his evil disposition and wickedness 
and foUy^ gave way to vain thoughts and coming every day to the 
Darbdr, made a disturbance. At last by the intervention of right- 
speaking, far-sighted meuj l^r j^alifa was brought to the true 
path and passing from such thoughts, forbade the !^wSja to appear 
at the Darbdr, and also prohibited anyone from visiting him. Thus, 
by the Divine aid, things came to their own place, and Bight was 
fixed in its own centre. 

He (Babar) left this world on 6th Jumfida'l-awwal,* 987, in the 118 
Cah&rbS{|^, on the banks of the Jumna in Agra. The eloquent of 
the Age composed chronograms and elegies about his Majesty. 
Among them was this chronogram by Maulftn& g^ihfib Mu'ammft'I 
(the Enigmatist). 

Verse. 
Hum&yun becomes his kingdom's heir.^ 

It would be impossible even if volumes were employed to 
detail the perfections of this Holy One. Among them he possessed 



^ For an account of this intrigue 
see £rs. (B. & H., I. 515 and Elliot, 
y. 187). Mahdl ElkW&ja was Babar's 
brother-in-law. Perhaps Mir Ehalifa 
was afraid of HomayQn's addiction 
to opium (T. R. E. & B. 469). Hu- 
mayun's sudden leaving his post in 



BadakhahSu must have given the old 
man a bad opinion of him. 

^ Firighta, Monday, 5th Jnmada'l- 
awwal (2lBt December, 1530). Ers- 
kine B. & H., I. 517. 

B Hwmdyiin buvoctd tcdr^-t-mii{A:-t« 
wai. 



278 



AKBABNiKA. 



the eight essentials of empire^ tnz, (1) high fortune; (2) great 
designs ; (3) conquering power ; (4) administrative capacity ; (6) civi- 
lizing faculty; (6) devotion to the welfare of Grod^s servants; 
(7) the cherishing of the army; (6) the restraining it from evil. 

And in acquired accomplishments^ he was at the head of his Age. 
He held high rank as a poet and a prose-writer^ and especially in 
Turk! poetry. The Turk! diwdn ^ {dSwdn^turH) of his Majesty is 
of great eloquence and purity^ and its contents are charming. His 
book of Ma§nawi which has the name of Mubin^ (clear) is a famous 
composition and is mentioned with great applause by critics. He 
versified the BtsdlcL-i-^dUiUya^ of ^waja Ahrfir which is a pearl from 
the ocean of knowledge^ and very excellent it was. He also wrote 
his Acts (Wdqi^dt) from the beginning of his reign to the time of 
departure with fidelity and in a lucid and eloquent style. It is an 
Institute for all earthly sovereigns and a manual for teaching right 
thoughts and proper ideas. This Institute of dominion and fortune 
was^ by the world-obeyed commands of the king of kings, translated 
into Persian by Mlrzi ^Sn ^fin-^finftn, son of Bairam ^an, in 
the 34th year of the Divine Era, at the time of the return of the 
standards of glory from the roseate vernal abode of Kashmir and 
E&bul, so that its exquisite bounties might moisten the lips of all the 



I Probably A. F. could not read 
Tnrkl and has copied Qaidar Mirzi's 
panegyric (T. B. £. A B. 178) for 
he seems only to use the Persian trs. 
of the Memoirs. 

* Perhaps, Mubayyan, It was in 
Persian and Erskine says he has 
never met with it. According to 
BadaonI (L 348) it was a versified 
treatise on Mu^iammadan law or 
Theology according to the l^anafl 
school and Shaikh Zain wrote a com- 
mentary on it which he called MutHiu 
See also Dr. Banking's translation, 
450. There are two excellent ar* 
ticles on Bibar and Abdl-fafl by 
Dr. Tempel in the Z. D. M. G. In one 
he mentions that a poem by BSbar 
has been published by Ilminsky. 



B BSbar, Ers., 888 and P. de C, II. 
858. The WdKdiya or Wdlidiya was 
a treatise in honour of Ehwija 
AJbtrir's parents. BSbar put it into 
verse about two years before his 
death, in hopes that the Khw&ja 
(then dead) would cure him of hia 
fever, in the same way as the author 
of a Qoftda had been cured of his 
paralysis. The trss. differ here. 
P. de C. says it was Sharafn-d'din 
al-Bftsirl, the author of the Borda, 
who was cured. He wrote an Arabic 
poem in praise of Mu^anunad and 
died in 694 (1294-5). But if the cure 
was effected by the Eltwija, it must 
have been for another Qharaf a*d- 
dln, possibly of Bukh^rfi. 



CHAPTKR XIX. 



279 



tliirsty and tbat ite hidden treasares might be beheld by those whose 
hands were empty of learning. 

His Majesty was also eminently skilled in mnsic and composed 
charming verses in Persian. Among them the following quatrain is a 
product of his bounteous muse. 

Though I be not related to dervishes^ 
Tet am I their follower in heart and soul. 
Say not a king is far from a denrish ; 
I am a king but yet the slave of dervishes. 

The following two Maihf are also sparkles from his enlightened 
mind. 

Mathf I. 

Parting from thee were perdition, 
Else could I depart from this worid. 

Whilst my heart is bound with her cypress locks, 
I am free from the griefs of the world. 

His Majesty was also famous for treatises on prosody, and among 
them is a book called Mufa^^al which is a commentary on the science. 

His Majesty left four sons and three daughters :— (1) His Majesty 
Jahanbani NafTru-d-dm Muhammad Humayun P&d^^h, (2) Kamran 
MirzS, (3) 'Askari Mirza, (4) Hindal MTrzfi. 

The daughters were : — Gulrang Begam ; Gulcihra Begam ; Oul« 
badan Begam, all three by one mother.* 



119 



i I have in part copied Era.' trs. 
(Babar, 431). 

> Dildar Begam who was also 
Hindal's mother. A. F/s list of 
Babar's children is very imper- 
fect. According to Oulbadan, her 
father bad eighteen children, all of 
whom were born at Kabul except 
two daughters, born at Eh^st. Ap- 
parently she docs not reckon the 



FaJshrn-n-nisa, who was born at 
Samarqand and lived only some 40 
days. Her list is as follow : 

I. Maham BSgam's children :— - 
Hnmay eUi, Barbal, Mihr Jah&n, Ighan 
Danlat, Farflq. 

II. Gnlrulsb's children: Kamran, 
'Askari, Saltan A^mad, Gal'a^ar. 

III. Dildar's children : Gulrang, 
Gulcihra, Hindal, Gulbadan, Alar. 



280 



akbarnAma. 



Among the illustrious men^ courtiers and companions wlio 
attained to felicity in the field of honour of his Majesty Firdus-makdni^ 
there were : — 

(1). Mir Abu-1-baqa ^ who was of lofty rank in learning and 
wisdom. 

(2). 31^aikh Zain Sadr, grandson of Sl^aikh Zainu-d-din !^wafi.* 
He had acquired practical sciences (^ulum-i-muta^drtfa^) and had 
distinguished abilities. He was skilled in prose and the art of letter- 
writing. He was distinguished by his long association with his Ma- 
jesty. He* was also noted in the time of his Majesty Jahanbani 
Jannat-a^iyfini. 

(3). Sl^aikh Abu-1-wajd Farighl/ paternal uncle of gj^ikh 
Zain. He was a pleasant companion and of good disposition. He 
wrote poetry. 

(4). Sultan Muhammad Kusa (beardless.) A pleasant man and 
a critic of poetry. He was a companion of Mir 'All St^Tr ^ and lived in 
the glorious society of his Majesty. 

(5). Maulanfl gl^ih&b Mu'ammai? (the Enigmatist) whose poetical 
name was Haqiri.^ He had an abundant share of learning, eloquence 
and poetry. 

(6). Maulftna Yusufi the physician. He was sent for from !^u- 



ly. Ma'^ama's child, Ma'^Qma. 

These do not bring up the number 
to eighteen for Mihr Jan and Gul- 
rang were the daughters bom at 
KliSat ; perhaps 18 is a mistake for 
16. Gulbadan says the taking of 
K&bul was clearly a good omen, for 
Babar, then 23 and without a son, 
had many children bom thereafter 
and she g^ves it as a reason for his 
liking Kabul that it was their birth- 
place. His attachment to it is also 
proved by his choosing it as his 
place of burial. 

I T. R. E. & R. 478 and A. N. I. 
128. The learning {'ilm) meant is 
probably religioas learning. He 
was a brother of Khwaja Dost. 



> Blochmann, 592n. 

B Perhaps, the science of exposi- 
tion and arrangement. Diet, of T. T., 
1066. 

* Ho was the first to translate 
or rather to paraphrase Babar's 
Memoirs into Persian. Badaoni, I. 
341, 471, and Elliot, IV. 288. 

B Wahidf in corresponding pas- 
sage of P. de C. (II. 463). He made 
chronograms (Babar, Ers. 389). 

« Babar, Ers. 184 and Elliot, IV. 
App. 527. 

7 He came from Herat with 
yh wand Amir in 1528. Babar, Ers. 
382. 

8 P. dc C, Faqirl. 



OBAPTBB XlX. 



281 



rasan. He was dis(;ingm8lied for good quaJities^ for dexterity as an 
operator ^ and for assiduity. 

(7). Surkb Wida'L An old and inartificial poet. He wrote in 
Persian and Tnrki. 

(8). MuUft Baqai. He had a correct taste {saliqa-i'darast) in 
poetry. He composed masnatol in the metre of the maj^an^ in the 
name of his Majesty. 

(9). ^waja Nisama-d-din 'All K^alifa.^ On arccount of his 
long service^ trustworthiness^ soundness of understanding and stead- 
fastness of counsel^ he held high rank under his Majesty. He pos- 
sessed various qualities and excellences and in particular was a suc- 
cessful physician. 

(10). Mir DarwTs^ Muhammad SSLrbaUy* a favourite pupil of 120 
Na^iru-d-dln Khw^ja Ahrar. He was distinguished for learning and 
social qualities and was much relied upon at Court. 

(11). Khwand Mir/ the historian. He was learned and an 
agreeable companion. His writings are well known, e^g.^ the Habibu" 
e^aiyaTy KhuldtatvrUakhhdT^ ^ Dasturu-lnwuzardyf etc. 

(12). ]^waja Kilan Beg^ one of the great officers and who was 
allowed the honour of a seat.^ Distinguished for gravity of manners 
and discretion. His brother Kicak IGbiwaja ^ was keeper of the seals 
and was especially trusted and was allowed a seat.^ 



<« 



u 



1 " Tr^s habile dans Tart de t&ter 

le pouls et de faire le diagaostic 

des maladies," (P. de C. 1. c. 463,) 
He is Y asof bin Mu)^ainmad Harati 
and the author of several medical 
works. Bieu, Pers. Cat. II. 4756. and 
Browne, Cat. Pers. MSS. Camb. 278. 

* The MaJ^zawvA-aardr of Ki|sa* 
mu-d-dln. 

> Commonly known as Mir Kha- 
llfa. 

4 Babar, Ers. 273. Honourably 
distinguished for temperance, 

i> Joined Babar only two years 
before the death of the latter. See 
account of meeting, Elliot, IV. 143, 
155. 

36 



• Text, al^ydr, 

1 Contains the biographies of fa* 
mous ministers. Elliot, lY. 148. 

^ Ahhi-ni^iltMU This epithet is 
generally applied to hermits, but I 
think it means here that BThwaja 
Kilan and his brother were allowed 
to sit in Babar's presence, Khwaja 
Kilan was a poet and composed an 
elegy upon Babar's death. BadaonI, 
1. 341. 

* A Kacak BSg, an elder brother 
of Khwaja Kilan, is mentioned in 
theMems. (Ers., 171) but he was killed 
in 911. Apparently there were 
seven brothers and all were killed 
in Babar's service except KhwiJA 




282 



AKBAKNAMA. 



(13). Sultan Muhcammad DuldSi^ one of the groat officers and 
of excellent morals. 

I refrain from mentioning others as the design of this glorious 
work is to describe the lofty lineage of bis Majesty, the king of kings^ 
and I proceed to the holy traits of his Majesty JahanbSni Jannat- 
ashiyani. And in completing the accounts of those ancestors {buzurgdn) 
I prepare myself for the description of the great one of realm and 
religion and lord of the visible and invisible. 



Kilan (2iSn.) There is a Kocak 
^waja mentioned in Babar, Ers., 
420. Possibly A.F. means ^wa- 
ja Mulla, also an elder brother 
of Khwaja Kilan. He was a JSladr 



(Chief Judge), and BSbar's father 
made him keeper of the seals. Ho 
was killed by an arrow in 902. 
(Babar, Ers. 43.) 



CHAl>TER XX. 



283 



CHAPTER XX. 

His Mubstt JahanbAn! Jannat-AseiyIni Na$ibu-i)-dIn 
Muhammad HuMlTt^N PAD3i{iH-i-(iHAz!. 

Theatre of great gifts ; source of lofty inspirations ; exalter of 
the throne of the ^ilaf at of greatness ; planter of the standard of 
sublime rule ; kingdom-bestowing conqueror of countries; auspicious 
sitter upon the throne ; founder of the canons of justice and equity ; 
arranger of the demonstrations of greatness and sovereignty ; spring 
of the fountains of glory and beneficence ; water-gate for the rivers 
of learning ; brimming rain-cloud of choiceness and purity ; billowy 
sea of liberality and loyalty ; choosing the right, recognizing the 
truth ; sole foundation * of many laws ; both a king of dervish-race • 
and a dervish with a king's title ; parterre-adorning arranger of 
realm and religion ; garland-twiner of spiritual and temporal blos- 
soms; throne of the sphere of eternal mysteries; alidad^ of the 



1 Perhaps codifier or reducer into 
unity. 

> Alluding to the circumstance 
thut Humayan^ as well as his' wife, 
was said to be descended from the 
famous saint A^mad-i-jam. 

» »,iU» *u:sdda. The alidad or 
alhidada of English dictionaries is 
a corruption of this word with the 
prefix of the Arabic article. It 
meant the index or fiduciary of an 
astrolabe. In Murray's English Dic- 
tionary, we are told that the alidad 
is the revolving radius of a gradu- 
ated circle and that in the astrolabe, 
it revolved at the back and was 
called by Chaucer, the Bale. The 
statement, however, that it revolved 
at the backj seems not quite correct. 
In the astrolabes that I have seen, 
the index — it has two limbs — is on 



the face of the instrument. Per- 
haps the explanation is that the 
astrolabe had two limbs or indices 
attached to it, one called the Rule 
and attached to the back of the 
instrument and another in front and 
called the Label. (See Prof. Skeat's 
Chaucer, III and the plates there 
given.) According to Moxon's Diet, 
it is the Label which is the alidad. 
Whitney (Century Diet.) quotes in 
part an interesting passage from the 
Ency. Brit. (X. 181, col. 2). The whole 
of it is as follows : " The astrolabe 
(used by Vasco de Gama) was a metal 
circle graduated round the edge 
with a limb called the alhidada, fixed 
to a pin in the centre and working 
round the graduated circle. The 
instrument had two sights fitted 
upon it, one at each end and was 



284 



AKBAKNlHA* 



astrolabe of theory and practice ; in atisterities of asceticism and 
spirituij transports, a Grecian Plato ^ (Afidiun-i-Yundnl) ; in execu- 
tive energy and the paths of enterprise, a second Alexander (lakan- 
dar-i-^dnl) ; pearl of the seven oceans and glory of the four elements ; 
ascension-point of Suns and dawn of Jupiter ; phosnix {Humd) tower- 
ing to the heights of heaven, — Naisiru-d-din Muhammad Humayun 
Padshah-i-ShazT,^ — May God sanctify his soul !• 

Great God I 'twas as if the veil of humanity and the elemental 
screen had been cast over a holy spirit and a sacred light. The open 
plain of language narrows in the quest of his praises, and the parade- 
ground of indication remains league upon league distant from the 
city of his virtues. God be praised that the time is nigh when I 
may withdraw my hand from lofty genealogy and plunge it in the 
121 skirt of my real intent. I now essay an abridged account of the 
astonishing actions of his Majesty JahanbinT Jannat-ashiyani for this 
is at once a preliminary nigh to my far-seen goal and a commentary 
forming part of the history of my saint and sovereign (Fir u Padshah). 
By unveiling the reflected godhead^ of the divine lord, I shall 
satisfy the thirsty-lipped ^ with the sweet waters of knowledge and 
bring my own parched heart near the shore of the sea of the com« 



suspended by a ring so as to hang 
vertically on one hand, while the 
alhidada was worked up and down 
until the Sun could be seen throngh 
both sights. It then gave the Zenith 
distance." (See Littrdj a.v, Alidada, 
Lane, s.v. and Diet, of T. Ts., I. 291 
and II. 952.) According to the last 
named book, the alicUid was at the 
back of the instrnment as stated in 
Murray's Diet. A.F. applies the term 
to Humayan on account of his 
attainments, real or alleged, in mathe- 
matics. 

^ Orientals seem to have regarded 
Plato as a great ascetic. See account 
of him in Gladwin's Persian Munahl 
(37) where we are told that he spent 
much time in the mountains and 
deserts. 



' Andrcb-lldhuhurhdnahUtWt. "May 
God illuminate his proof " or ** God 
taught him his proof." Lane, 2865a. 

B A. F. means apparently that 
Humayan is the reflected or derivative 
glory of his son but the exact force 
of his blasphemous language is hard 
to discover. Certainly he carried 
his adulation higher than any other 
Mu^mmadan writer. Had A . F. been 
a good Musalman, he would have 
been a better man, for then he ne^fer 
would have confounded the Cremator 
and the creature as ho so oj^ien 
does. 

♦ Several MSS. have dildn, h earts, 
and this is probably the correct read- 
ing as being in antithesis to h' jv^na- 
jigar, lit. thirsty -liver in the\ next 
clause. \ 

\ 



CHAPTER X:eC. 



285 



prehension of the holy virtues of the exquisitely perfect one. 
Avaunt ! Avaunt ! How may the praise of the perfections of this 
unique pearl come from one like me ? It behoves his panegyrist to 
be like himself but alas^ alas I where is anyone like that unique pearl 
of the ocean of knowledge ? I confer a lustre on my own words 
and I compass an achievement for myself inasmuch as I make my 
heart familiar with sacred knowledge and give linto my tongue the 
glory of spirituality. 

O searcher^ after the knowledge of events^ arouse thyself^ and 
receive the announcement that the auspicious birth of his Majesty 
Jahanbani Jannat-gfibiy^nl occurred on the night of Tuesday, 4th Zi- 
qa'da, 913 (6th March, 1508) in the citadel of Kabul and from the 
holy womb of her chaste Majesty Maham Begam.^ 

That pure one .was of a noble family of ^Oiurasan and related 
to Suljtan 9usain Mirza. And I have heard from some reliable 
persons that just as the honoured mother of his Majesty, the king of 
kings, was descended from his Holiness Shaikh (Ahmad) Jam, so also 
was Maham Begam connected with him. His Majesty Glti-sitani 
Firdus-makani married her when he was residing in Herat to condole 
with the sons of Sultan Husain Mirza. Maulana Masnadi found the 
date of his Majesty's birth to be Sultan Humdyun Khan : and 
Shdhri-firuz-qadr (Victorious Prince) and Pddshdh-i'^af'§hikan (Rank- 
breaking king) and also the saying ^' Khuah had'* (May he be 
happy) give the date of this fortunate epoch, as discovered by the 
learned of the Age.^ i^waja Kilan Samani^ has said : — 

Verse. 

It is the year of his fortunate birth. 
May God increase his glory. 
I've taken one alif from his date. 
That I may blind two evil eyes. 



' Here A.F. addresses his readers. 

S Maham is evidently not her full 
name. Erskine asks if Maham be not 
a term of endearment used by Babar 
and signifying " My Moon." 

* The first, second and fourth 
chronograms yield 913, the true date, 



but the third, 853 only. If we read 
pddsJ^ah'i-saf'Bl^ikan'ln (l» = he) the 
chronogram will be correct. 

* Apparently meaning that he 
was of the race of the Samanidse, 
ancient princes of Transoxiana. 
His chronogram is enigmatic. The 



286 



AKBABNiMA. 



The accession of bis Majesty took place in Agra on 9th Jamada'l- 
awwal^ 937 (29th December, 1530), and Khairu-l-muluk (Best of 
kings) ^ is the chronogram. A few days later, he made an excursion 
upon the river and placing the barks of pleasure in the stream of 
joy, gave away on that day » a boat full * of gold, and by the largesse 
122 laid a golden foundation of dominion. Bravo I the first grace bestowed 
on him upon whom is conferred the sovereignty of the world, is 
munificence and liberality. 

Verse. 

Not every man is exalted. 
He becomes hesbd who is kind to men. 
The lion became king of all beasts 
Because he was hospitable in the chase. 

And one of the learned found the date of this wave of giving 
in the words kiiitui^zar (boat or tray of gold =987). 

From the commencement of his career till his accession when 
he had arrived at the age of 24,^ the notes of success and fortune 
were conspicuous on his destiny's forehead and the lights of glory 
and empire streamed forth from the tablets of his greatness and 
glory. How should not his lustrous temples radiate greatness and 
magnanimity when he was carrying the light of the king of kings 
and was the custodian of the granary of Divine knowledge ? It was the 
same light which was shewn forth in the victories of his Majesty Olti- 
sitani Firdus-makanT and that gloriously appeared in the dawnings 



words of tho socond line, ZadaJea-' 
lldku ta'dld qadran yield 914 which 
is one too much. So the composer 
Fays, he takes away an cdif which 
represents the figure one and also, 
from its shape, resembles a bodkin 
or the fine pencil (mil) used for 
blinding. Or it may perhaps be bet- 
ter to take burda am to moan " I 
have added," e.g., that he has added 
tho al\f at the end of qckdran bnt in 
that case, the preposition az con- 
stitutes a difficulty. I should state 



that the word AlWh in the chrono- 
gram is reckoned as 66, being con- 
sidered to contain three Is, only two 
of which however are counted. 

1 Badaonl (1. 344) gives the coaplet 
ending in the chronogram. See Dr. 
Banking's trs. 4^1. 

* Ki^ti means both a Y>oat and a 
tray but here A.F. seems to mean 
the former. But see Elliot Y. 188 
and BadSoiiT, Ranking, 451. 

* Gregorian Calendar, 22 years, 
10 m. only. 



^/ 



CHAFTfiR tX. 267 

of the workl-cotiquering rays of his Majesty Sahib Qarftnl. And 
it was this same light which from the timo of the ocean pearl-shell 
Alanquft^ displayed itself from the royal shells and pearls nnder the 
reils of women in trarail. It was the same light by whose splendour 
Ughaz Khdn was made glorious, and it was the same light which was 
preparing and increasing from Adam till Noah. The secrets of the 
revelation of this light, and the atrange notes of its manifestation 
are beyond the circle of restraint and limitation, nor is every one 
capable of recognizing this secret substance or of understanding its 
subtleties. To sum up ; His Majesty Jahanban! was illuminating the 
world with the power of this Divine light, which through so many 
cycles and epochs had been concealed under various garbs, and the 
time of its apparition was now at hand. Accordingly the glory of 
spiritual and temporal greatness was radiating from the arch of his 
Majesty's shining forehead. Perfect modesty and exceeding courage 
were conjoined in his holy nature, and all his lofty energy was de- 
voted to fulfilling the desires of his great father; and the excellence of 
intrepidity being united with consummate majesty and dignity, out 
of his magnanimity and high-thougbtedness, he paid no regard to self 
and held himself of no account. Consequently he was glorious for 
right-mindedness and lofty courage in every enterprise that he en- 
gaged in and every service that he undertook. In the whole of his 
auspicious life, he adorned the world by joining knowledge with 
power, and power with compassion and clemency. In many sciences 
and especially in mathematics, he had no rival or colleague. His 
noble nature was marked by the combination of the energy of 
Alexander and the learning of Aristotle. He displayed great justice 123 
in carrying out the provisions of the will for the distribution of ter- 
ritories and exhibited thorough equity or rather exceeding kindness 
and beneficence therein. But superiority in spiritual perfections (which 
is real sovereignty), that was his own by God's grace ; none of his 
brothers shared in the dainties of that table of inheritance. 

Everyone connected with the Court received offices and pensions. 
Mirza Kdmran obtained KSbul and Qandahar as his fief : Mirza 
'Askari, Sambal; Mirza Hindal, SarkSr Alwar. Badakhshan was 
made over and confirmed to Mirza Sulaimftu ; and the nobles and 
great officers and the whole of the victorious army were brought into 
obedience by proper measures. Everyone who breathed disaffection, 



288 



AEBARNiMA^ 



e.g., Muhammad Zamdn Mlrza^ son of Badi'u-z-zam&n Mirza^ eon of 
Sulj^n Husain Mirea (who had been in the service of hia Majesty 
GitT-sitani Firdus-makani and been distingnished by being made hia 
son-in-law^ ^ bat who had from short-sightedness and deficiency of 
judgment opened the sleeve of contumacy), bound the cincture of 
service on the waist of obedience. Hia Majesty, after five or six 
months, turned his attention to the conquest of Kalinjar^ and 
besieged that fort for about a month. When the people within 
became distressed, the governor submitted and sent twelve mafM' 
oE gold with other presents. His Majesty had regard to his auppli* 
cations and entreaties and forgave him. From thence he proceeded 
towards Cunir and besieged it. 

Let it not be concealed that this sky-based fortress was in the 
possession of Sul);an Ibrahim and was held for him by Jamal Khan 
KhSssa ^ail Sarangkhanl.* After the catastrophe of Sultan Ibrahim, 
Jamal Khan^s life came to an end from the evil design ^ of a worth* 
Iqpvs son, and gherJ^an sought the widow (who was called Lad Mulk, 
an^.was adorned with beauty and charm) for his wife and by this 
contrivance got possession of the fortress. When g^er Khsn beard 
of the approach of the conquering army, he left his son, Jalftl Khan^ 
with a number of trusty persons, in the fort, and came out himself. 
He sent clever ambassadors and wove crafty speeches. His Majesty, 
recognizing the circumstances of the time, accepted his proposals 
and g^er ]^an sent Ms son, 'Abdu-r-rasjbid 7 to serve his Majesty 
Jahanbftni so that he might himself remain guarded from the blows 
of the imperial armies and ini^ht arrange the materials of pride and 
124 presumption. This son was for a long time in the service, but when 
hia Majesty came to Malwa, to subdue Sulj^an Bahadur, that worth- 



1 He married Babar's daughter 
Ma'sQma whose mother (also called 
Ma' sum a) died in childbed. £rB. B. 
& H. I. 525 and 526 n. 

S In Bundelkhand. 

> Akbar's man was apparently 34} 
fts. (Wilson's Glossary) but Price 
(Retrospect, IV. 713) estimates it at 
28 lbs. 

« Tai ikh-i-Sh^r Sh^hl, Tftj Shan. 



Elliot, IV. 343. See also Babar's 
Mem., 406. Babar visited Cunar. 

^ See the story in Elliot, 1. c. and 
Ers. B. A H. IT. 132. 

^ Also called Isl&m Khan and his 
father's successor on the throne of 
India. ^^ 

1 Also calle^^n^b yii an. Era. 
1. c. II. 12 n. 



CHAFTXa XX. 



289 



less one fled from the imperial army. In 989, when Biban and 
Bayazid the Afghftna rose in rebellion, his Majesty proceeded to the 
eastward. Bayazid was killed in battle against the warlike heroes 
and this rubbish was cleared away, and Jannpur and* the neighbour- 
ing territories, having been given to Sul];fin Junaid Barlfts, his Majesty 
returned to the capital. 

As the echo of his Majesty^s victories and conquests was high- 
sounding in various kingdoms, Sult&n Bahidur, the ruler of Gujrat, 
sent, in 940, experienced ambassadors bearing valuable presents 
to him and set in motion the processes of friendship. His Majesty 
received his overtures with imperial kindness and set his heart 
at rest by sending him diplomas of amity. In the same year, a 
city was founded on .the banks of the Jumna, near Delhi, which 
received the name of Dinpanah.' One of the learned of the Age 
found the chronogram ^a^r-i-padjAa^t-dinpanaA (City of the King, 
Defender of the Faith =940). After that, Muhammad Zaman Mirza 
and Muhammad Sulj;an Mirza with his son, TJlugh Mirza, took the path 
of hostility and rebellion. His Majesty turned the reins of resolu- 
tion against them aud encamped on the Gtinges near Bhujpur. 
Yadgar Na^ir Mirza was sent across the river with a large force 
against the rebels, and by Divine help, he gained a victory. Muham* 
mad Zaman Mirza, Muhammad SaU§n Mirza and Wall Ehub MirzS 
were made prisoners. Muhammad Zaman was sent to Blana and the 
other two were blinded and thereby cast down from the pillar of 
respect. Muhammad Zaman Mirza did not recognize the kindness 
with which he had been treated, but got out of prison by presenting 
a forged order.* He then fled to Gujrat to Sul(an Bahadur. 

Many of the delightful countries of India which had not been 
conquered in the time of his Majesty Oiti-sitani Firdus-makan! on 
account of want of leisure and shortness of time were subdued by 
Lis (HumayQn^s) arm of dominion and strength of fortune. 



' See Khwaiid Aflr*s account of 
the foandiDg of this city. Elliot, 
y. 124. It was Shih&bu-d-dln who 
discovered the chronogram. 

% According to Era. (II. 13 and 



42) he won over his castodian 
Tadgar TaShSI who was goremor 
of IK&na Fort and, I presume, 
HamSyan's father-in-law. (Yidrn 
nupra). 



37 



290 



iffBAKNlVA* 



CHAPTER XXU 

Account of Mirza KAmban's coming to the Fanjab. 

When Mirza Kamran heard of the demise of his Majesty 
Giti-sitani Pirdus-makani, he, out of an inordinate spirit, made over 
Qandahar to Mlrza ^Askar! and proceeded to India in hope that some 
126 advantage might accrue to himself. But whene'er felicity's diadem 
hath exalted the head of a fortunate one and the Divine protection 
is watching over him, what save evil (tabdhi) can happen to the 
evil-disposed [tahdh) ? It is stated that at that time Mir Yunas ' 
'All was, in accordance with the orders of Gitl-sitani Firdus-makani, 
Governor of Lahor. Having laid his plans, Mfrzd Kamran one ni^bt 
pretended to be enraged with Qaraca Beg^ and used violent langaage 
towards him. Next night Qaraca Beg fled with his soldiers from the 
Mlrza's camp to Lah5r. Mir Yunus ^Ali regarded his coming as of 
much importance and received him with great kindness and frequently 
invited him to his own quarters. They were on friendly terms but 
Qaraca was watching his opportunity, till at length on one night when 
there was a convivial party, and Yunus 'All's best soldiers were away 
at their quarters,^ he seized him and, putting him in prison, placed his 
own men in charge of the Fort gates. He then hurried off a message 
to Mirza Kamr§n. The Mirza (who was in expectation of this), came 
post to Lahor and took possession of the city. He released Mir 
Ydnus 'All, apologized to him and said that if he would remain, he 



i This chapter ia a parenthesis 
and should apparently have been 
inserted by A. F. before the latter 
part of the preceding one. It relates 
to the years 938-939 (1532-33). 

> Mentioned several times in Ba* 
bar*s Mem., e.g., 365, near top and 382 
where he is said to be a friend of 
Khwand Amfr, the liistorian. He 
died in 952 (1515-6). A. N. T. 245. 



* Killed by a musket ball near 
Kabul in 958 (1551-2) when loading a 
charge of cavalry against Ham&y On. 
(Janhar, Stewart 101 and A N. I. 
304). 

* Jalgir, perhaps should be Jalgdh, 
B. M. No. 4944 has Jdidigar else* 
where. I do not think it can mean 
estates. Ers. II. 7 translates it as 
quai*ter8. 



OHAPTKR XXI. 201 

T^iight continne to be Governor of Lahor. MTr Yunus 'AH did not 
consent to serve him and takinpf leave, went off to his Majesty Jahan- 
ban! Jannat-asbiyaul. Mirsa Kamran appointed his own creatures to 
the pargands of the Sirkar i of the Panjab and took possession up to 
the Satlaj (which is known as the Water of Ludhiyana). Then he 
craftily sent skilful ambassadors with protestations of loyalty and 
sincerity and begged that he might be confirmed in the province. 
His Majesty JahanbanT^ partly because the sea of his liberality had 
been set in motion, and partly from a desire to observe the precepts 
of bis Majesty GitT-sitaui Firdus*makanT, made over the province to 
him and issued a decree appointing him to the charge of Kabul, 
Qandahar and the Panjab. The Mlrza returned thanks for this un- 
expected favour and sent presents to the Court. He followed this 
up by opening the gates of correspondence and by sending 
eulogiums of his Majesty Jahanbani. Among them was the follow- 
ing ode : — 

Ode, 

May thy beauty increase each moment ; 

May thy star be splendid and fortunate ; 

May every mist which rises on thy way, 

Be the dimming of the light of my own eyes. 

Should dust arise * on Laila's path, 

May its place * be Majnun^s eyes. 

Whoe'er moves not round thee like the limb of a compass, 126 

May he be ejected from this sphere. 

Be victorious* while this world endures, 

May Humayun be the Cyrus (Khusru) of epochs. 

And in truth his prayer was heard, for by reason of his dis- 
loyalty, he was ejected from the sphere of respect or rather from the 
sphere of existence, as will be stated in its own place. In short, 



1 More generally, ^Sluba Labor. 

» Price (IV. 717) seems to have 
read the words gird Jean, i.6., should 
dust, as gar dukan, if moss (or 
touchwood) ; for he translates, " Does 
the moss and the thistle overgrow 
the path of Laila." 



* No. 4944 seems to have jdfT, 
injurious. 

* Kdmrdn, There is a play on the 
author*s name and the words may 
also be rendered, " O Kamran." 




292 



Al^BABNAMA. 



his Majesty out of his magnanimity^ looked to his outward loyalty 
and made him the recipient of princely favours and from exceeding: 
kindness^ rewarded him for the ode by bestowinpf upon him Hisar 
Firuza (Hissar). The MlrzS always kept up appearances and con- 
tinued in obedience and became the receptacle of many favours. In 
939^ ^ (1532-33), Mirza Kftmran made over the government of 
Qandahar to Ehwgja Kilto Beg. The cause of this was that when 
MTrz& 'Askari was coming to Kfibul he encountered the Hazaras on 
the way and was defeated by them. Mirza K§mran was displeased 
by this and took away QandahSr from him. 



I The Text and several MSS. 
have 933 which must be wrong. 
No. 4944 B. M. has 939 ^which is 



no doubt correct and which Price 
must have found in his MS. {Vide 
IV. 718). 



CHAPTRR XXTI. 



293 



CHAPTER XXII. 
March of ths abhy of His Majrstt JahAnbAni jANNAT-lsinYANl 

FOR THR BUBJUQATION OF BrNOAL^ ABANDONMRNT OF THR 
DRSIONy AND BRTURN TO THR CAPITAL. 

When the mind of his Majesty JahanbSni was at leisure from the 
afFairs of his dominions, he, in 941 (1534), turned the rein of intent 
towards the eastern quarter and the conquest of Bengal. The 
standards of felicity had reached the town of Kanir,^ within the 
limits of Kalpi, when it came to the royal hearing that Sultftn Baha- 
dur, under the pretext of besieging Citor, had gathered a large body 
of men under Tatar !|^ftn, son of Sultan ^Ala'u-d-din, and that he was 
entertaining wild projects. His Majesty after an enlightened consul- 
tation, despatched, in Jumada'lawwal 941 (Noyember-December, 
1534,) a force to quell the enemy, and himself beat high the drum of 
return. 

It is not unknown to the circumspect that Sultdn Bahadur was 
ev^er engaged in high-flying imaginings, and was always holding in 
his palate the bruised thorn* of evil wishes. But as, before he be- 
came the ruler of Oujrat and was but a private individual, he had seen 
with the eye of warning a specimen of his Majesty Gltl-sitani Firdus- 
mak&nl's way of fighting in the campaign against Suljtan Ibrahim ; he 
could not bring himself for any consideration to resolve on encoun- 
tering the victorious soldiers of that illustrious family. And this 
view he repeatedly expressed to his confidants. When Tatftr Khan 



1 KinSr of Erskine, II. 16. See 
Jarrett, II. 184 and B&bar's Memoirs, 
Ere. 374^ 375 and 379. It is mention- 
ed there as a ford on the Jumna, two 
or three miles below the junction of 
the CambaL It is described in 
Atkinson's Gazetteer, N.-W. P., 1. 217 
as an old pargana in Jalann. The 
town, on the west bank of the Jumna, 



is now in rains. Elliot, Supp. Glos- 
sary, 315. 
* Cf . Spenser's description of envy : 

" And still did chaw 
Between his cankered teeth a 

venomous toad 
That all the poison ran about his 
jaw." 




294 



AKBARNAITA. 



came and waited upon liim^ lie was continually filling his mind 
with vain propositions and was representing that it was easy for him 
127 to advance beyond the sacred ground of respect. For a time Suljt&n 
Bahidur was not caught^ but at length he one day laid bare the 
truths and said to Tatar KhSn ; *' 1 have been a witness^ of the 
superiority of those splendid soldiers ; the Gujrfit army is no match 
for them, so I shall by craft and contrivance win over his (Ha- 
mayun's) army to myself." Accordingly he opened the doors of his 
treasuries and lavished gold and thereby gained over as many as 
10,000 men, who had the skills to appear as soldiers without being 
in reality such. Daring this time Muhammad Zaman Mirza escaped 
from confinement by the connivance of his custodians,* the servants of 
YadgSr Beg TaghaT> and came to Gujrat. The lord of that country, 
on account of the crude plans that he was concocting, regarded the 
arrival of the Mirza as a gain and treated him with great consideration. 
His Majesty Jahaubdni wrote to Sultan Bahadur that treaties and 
engagements required that all who had turned obligations {i^uquq) 
of service into disobligations {'uquq) and had fled to his (Bahftdur*s) 
dominions, should be sent back or at least be driven out from his pre* 
sence, so that their unanimity (his own and Bahadur's) might be evi- 
denced to the world. Suljan Bahadur, either from inexperience or 
the intoxication of the world, wrote in reply " Should a high-born 
man take refuge with us and be treated with consideration, there 
could not be in this any breach of good feeling or of sincerity, nor 
any detriment to treaties. For instance, in the days of Sikandar 
LodT, there was perfect friendship betwixt him and Sultan Muzaffar 
(Bahadur's father), yet his brother Sultan 'Ala'u-d-din and many 
Sultfins' sons came upon occasions from Agra and Dehli to Gujrtt and 



1 Babar's Mems, Ers. 343. Bahadur 
had quarrelled with his father and 
taken refuge with Ibrahim, and was 
with him at about the time of the 
battle of Panlpat, though apparent- 
ly he left before the battle. BSbar 
calls him a bloodthirsty and un- 
goremable young man. 

* This, I presume, is the meaning 
of the phrase hi huJnn-i'Wfmiid'i-bt- 



bud da ait, i.e., had they been real sol- 
diers they would not have deserted. 

* Erskine, II. 4Q, speaks of his es- 
caping along with his keeper Yadgir 
TaghaT. According to the Sikandar- 
nania, Bay ley 'a Qujrit, 37^ Mu|^m* 
mad ZamEn was under the charge of 
Baytzld Khin Afgh&n. 

* Humly tin's father-in-law ? Ba- 
bar's Memoirs, 388. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



295 



were received with kiuduetis. Never did this cause a breach of 
friendship ! " His Majesty Jah&nbani sent a suitable missive in reply, 
to this purport, " The note of steadfastness in the path of obser- 
vance of treaties is simply this, that any act which can shake the 
pillars of loyalty be utterly eschewed so that the cheek of concord 
be not scratched by the nail of enmity/' He also enclosed these two 
couplets in the rescript. 

Verae I, 

Thou who vauntest a loving heart 

Hurrah a million times, if heart and tongue accord. 

Verae IIA 

Plant the tree of friendship that the heart's desire may 

bear fruit, 
Uproot the sapling of enmity that yields countless ills. 

" Beware, a hundred thousand times beware; listen to my advice 
with the ear of understanding and send that abandoned one {makbiul) 
to the foot of the throne, or withdraw the hand of favour from 
him and let him not abide in thy dominions. Else how can reliance be 
put on thy friendship ? Strange it is that you liken this matter to those 
of ' A.la'u-d-din and others like him. What analogy is there between the ^8 
cases? That afFair was one thing, and this is another. Mayhap 
you have learnt from books of history that in spite of the refractori- 
ness of Ildarim BayazTd, his Majesty SShib Qarani (Timur) was 
constitutionally indisposed to invade Bum, inasmuch as Bayazid 
was engaged in a war with the Franks. But as QarS Yusuf Turk- 
mfin and Sultan Ahmad Jalair had fled to him, his Majesty by sundry 
good counsels forbade him to entertain them. When Bayazid refused . 
to accede to this, his Majesty showed what his might was." * 



^ According to Firighta (see his 
account of Babar's reign) this couplet 
was sent by gh^h Isma'il to Shaibani 
to warn him against attacking 
Persia. 

* Two of the letters which passed 
between Humayun and Bahadur are 
given at greater length in the Mirdt 
'i'SikiXtidarl B.xM. Add. 26,277, 1330. 



See also Bay ley's GujrSt ; the letters 
are also given, as Sir E. C. Bay ley 
has pointed out in the collection of 
letters B.M. Add. 7688 ; Eieu I. 3905. 
Timar's letter to Bay&zid is given in 
the Zafamdma, II. 256, and the 
reasons why he made war on him are 
stated at 389 1. c, Bib. Ind. ed. But, 
as Bayley has pointed out, Tlm&r only 



296 



AKfiABNAMA. 



Salj;an Bahadur out of a weak head and foolishness did not 
write a sensible repl j. Meanwhile Tatar Eh&n kept saying vain thingB ' 
to SuUan Bahadur^ calculated to deceive narrow intellects^ and kept 
urging that he himself might be sent towards the imperial dominions, 
representing that the royal army had grown pampered and comfort- 
loving^ and was no longer such as the Sulj^dn had seen. In conaeqaence 
of the misrepresentations of strife-mongers^ Sultan Bahadur made 
preparations for despatching Tatar Khan and sent to the fort of 
Ranthanbhur twenty hrora of the old coinage of Gujrfit* — equal to 
forty krors of the current Dehli coinage — to be used under Tatar 
Khaa^B instructions for the hiring of new soldiers. He also sent 
Suljan 'Ala'u-d-din, father of Tatar Khan^ with a large force towards 
Kalinjar^ to stir up a disturbance in that quarter. Likewise he 
deputed Burhanu-1-mulk Banydni ^ and a body of Gujrfitis to proceed 
to Nagor and make an attempt on the Panjab, dividing his forces 
with the idea that the imperial army would thereby be thrown into 
confusion. Though able and experienced men told him that his forces 



" 



Bpeaks of Qara Yusof Turkman. 
A^mad Khan Jalalr was the Sultan 
of Baghdad and was driven out by 
Timur. He was a friend of Qara 
YflHuf, but afterwards behaved 
treacherously to him and was defeat- 
ed and put to death by Qara Y&suf 
in 1410. Apparently Sultan A)^mad 
took refuge with the king of Egypt, 
and not with Bayazid. There is a 
long account of him in D'Herbelot, 
under the head, Avis Af^mad Ben 
Avis or Virs. According to the 
Mirdi'i'Sikandarl Bahadur did not 
know how to read and write, and so 
depended on a Munglil who had de- 
serted from Humayilii and took the 
opportunity of revenging himself by 
writing disrespectfully to his old 
master. . 

^ Tang^rdbl, lit. easily becoming 
drunk. 

> Zar, gold ; but apparently silver 



coinage is meant. Erskine in his 
MS. translation of the jUcbamdma (in 
the British Museum,) seems to regard 
the money as silver, but in his History » 
II. 44, speaks of it as gold, and says 
A.F. estimates the Gujrftt gold coins 
as double that of his own time. But 
surely A. F. would never admit that 
the Gujrat gold coins were as fine 
as or finer than Akbar's! See Aln 
Blochmann, 18 and 81. In Firiahta*s 
account of Bahadur Shah. (His- 
tory of Gujrat,) the amount is 
spoken of as thirty krors of muio/** 
/aria, though Briggs seems to ha^o 
had three and not thirty in his M^. 
Ni^amu-d-dln, from whom Firifiht* 
probably borrowed his figures, has 
thirty in his account of Gujrat. 

B MuUdnl Text, but it is clear from 
the Mirdt'uSikandarl that BauyftuT, 
given in the Bib. Ind. as a variant, 
is the true readiog. 



OHAFFIB XXII. 



297 



ahonld march in one direction^ they were not sucoeaBful, and though 
both by hints and plain speech they delineated on the board of mani- 
festation the inanspiciousness of treaty breakings it was of no avail. 
He gave way to the vain thought that as the Ludiyan party claimed 
the sovereignty of Hindustin, the supporting of them {taldiA-i- 
t^dn) did not interfere with his promises^ and that the consequences 
of a violation of engagements would not recoil upon himself. He 
sent Tfitar IQbfin on a bootless quest towards Dihli and, keeping both 
aloof from and in touch with him, addressed himself to the siege of 
Cltor' so that he might both capture the fortress and be an inter- 
mediary for helping the Ludiy&ns when occasion ofFered. Be it known 
that Sul(an 'Ala'u-d-din bore the name of 'Xlam ^an. He was 
brother of Sikandar L5di and paternal uncle of Sultan Ibrahim. 
After Sulj^n Sikandar's death he contended with Sultan Ibrahim, 
and in the territory of Sihrind set up a claim to the sovereignty and 
giving himself the title of Sultan 'A1a'u-d-dTn, marched towards 
Agra with a force of double-faced Afghans. Sultan Ibrfthim came 129 
out to fight, and the two factions met near Hodal.' Snlj^an ^Ala'u-d- 
din not finding himself strong enough to engage in a pitched battle 
made a night attack, but was unsuccessful and had to return with 
loss. Fraudulently and with evil intent he went to Eabul,^ and in 
the war with Ibrahim he was with the victorious army. After the 
conquest of India his Majesty Gitl-sitani Firdaus-makini became 
cognisant of his hidden motives and sent him to Badakhshan.^ With 



1 This must be the second siege of 
Gitor by Bahadur. On the first 
occasion the Rani bought off the 
attack. It is to Bahadur's wars with 
the Hindus and Portuguese that 
Hum ay an refers when speaking of 
Timiir's abstention from invasion 
whilst Bayazid was making war on 
Constantinople. 

> In Sarkar Sahar, Sfibahof Agra, 
Jarrett II, 96 and 195. In the Persian 
text of the A%n 1, 357 and 455, it is 

spelt Moral J;^. and Tief en thaler 
1,169 and 207, spelU it Ilorel and says 
it has many brick houses, and lies on 

38 



the road from Mathura to Dihli. It 
IB about 80 miles south of DihlT. 
Hunter, I. Q., has Hodal and des- 
cribes it as in the Gurgaon district, 
Pan jab. 

* This is a mistake. ' Ala'u-d-dln 
went to Kftbul before his defeat and 
after it he met Babar in India near 
Pelhar. Babar 's Mem., 297. 

* Qil'a ^afar seems to have been 
nsed by Babar as a state-prison. He 
sent Shah B8g, the son of Z^-n-nnn, 
there before the final capture of 
Qandah&r, but Shah Beg managed to 
escape by the help of a slare, Sumbul 



298 



AKBABKAHA. 



the help of Afghan traders he escaped from Qil'a Zafar and came 
to Afghanistan^ and from thence to Balucistanj and finally reached 
Gnjrftt. 

In short, when the armies set out Tfttar !Qan laid hold of the 
treasure and set about recruiting soldiers. Nearlj 40,000 cavaliy, 
Afii^ans and others, gathered round him, and he came to Blana 
and took it. When this news was brought to his Majesty JahanbfinT, 
who had marched to subdue the eastern countries, he turned the 
reins of attention, and with the greatest rapidity arrived at Agra, 
the capital. He despatched MTrz& 'Aekari, MirzS Hindal, T§dg§r 
Nasir Mirzfi,* Qasim Husain Sultfln, Mir Paqir 'All,* Zahid Beg and 
D5st Beg with 18,000 horse to put down this disturbance. His 
Majesty remarked that the putting down of this large army, vrhich 
was approaching Dihli with evil designs, would be in reality the 
extirpating of the other armies; it was therefore best to address 
one's efforts to the subduing of it. When the victorious army drew 
near the opposing force, fear fell on the latter and there were daily 
desertions, so that it gradually decreased and in brief space dwindled 
down to 3,000 horse. As Tatar Khan had obtained his army by 



Mihtar. The story is told in the 
TarlJU^-i-sind. Babar does not men- 
tion it, but with an evident reference 
to SambuVs subsequent achieve- 
ment he speaks with regret (p. 230), 
of Sambul effecting his escape after 
Qandahar was taken. 

As pointed out by Erskine II, 58, 
and 44»., there were two 'AlamE[hanB. 
(Bayley 276n., says there were 
three), and there is considerable con- 
fusion between them. The one who 
called himself 'Ala'a-d-dln, and was 
the brother of Sikandar, had a com- 
mand at the battle of Ehanwft in 
1527 (Babar 363), and his son or sons 
were there also, 1. c. 364. He was pat 
to death in GujrSt in 950 (1543). 
Bird, 260, 261. See Dorn's Hist, of 
the Afghans and Babar *s Memoirs, 
295, for accounts of his defeat by 



Ibrahim (his nephew). Erskine, Hist. 
I, 422n. remarks on the great age 
of 'AliQ'd-dfn as shown by the state- 
ment in Firifihta. He is apparently 
the man whom the Portuguese saw 
at Diu in 1535. See Rehatsek, 
Calcutta Review, 1882, No. 147, p. 73, 
where it is said that one of those pre- 
sent was a brother of the Emperor of 
Dihli and apparently seventy years 
old. He is also probably the 'Alam 
KhSn of the same article, pp. 960 and 
99. The other *Alam Sli<in appears to 
have been a nephew of Ibrahim, and 
consequently a grand-nephew of the 
*Alam Shan who was *Ala'u-d-din. 

1 Humayiin's cousin. 

' Later on, the name is spelt Faqr. 
Possibly it should bo FaJshr, and it 
is so spelt in BadaonI I, 352. 




CHAPTER XZII. 



299 



great importanity and had spent vast sums of money on it^ lie 
neither could make up his mind {rdi) to retire^ nor could he make 
head {riii) in war. At last he washed his hands of life^ and came 
to an engagement at Handrail.^ After having for a while struggled 
hand and foot, he became handless and footless and was made the 
target of fatal arrows, and the harvest of blood-shedding heroes. 
On the dispersal of this army what the inspired mind had foreseen 
came to pass, for the two other forces broke up of themselves on the 
report of the victory and felicity of the conquering army. 



1 Apparently this is the Man^IaSr 
of the Ain^ Jarrett U, 190, and the 
Mandalayan or Madrael of Tiefen- 
thaler 1, 174. It is in Sarkar Man^- 
laer, and is, according toTiefenthaler, 
two miles west of the Cambal. He 
describes it as 12 miles S.S.E. of 
Karauli in which BftjpQtan& State it 
seems to be situated. It lies south of 



Agra and apparently not far from 
Biana. According to Nigamu-d-din 
and Firifihta, Tatar Khan's force was 
reduced to 2,000 men, and he 
perished with 300 of his officers after 
a very gallant fight. The author of 
the Mirdt'i'Sikandari gives an ac- 
count of his struggle. 



300 



akba^rnAma. 



CHAFrER XXIII. 

AcCODNt OF THE JeXPKDlTION Of Hl9 MaJBSTY JahIHbANI JaNNAT- 
ASfilTlNI fOB THB 8VbJ00ATlON OF Gu^BAT, OF XHB 
DBFBAT OF SuL^AN BahADUB^ AND THB 
CONQUEST OF THAT COUNTRY, 

130 Though the world-conquering heart (of HumSyun) was void of 

the thought of the conquest of Gujrat so long as its ruler trod the 
path of harmony and sincerity, yet when the Creator wills to adorn 
a country with the splendour {far) of a lawgiver's advent. He in- 
evitably prepareth the means therefor. The actions of the raler of 
Gujrat are a proof of this, for he, out of native arrogance, the 
assaults of flatterers, abundance of intoxication and intoxicated men, 
poverty of prudence and of the prudent, broke without object, 
treaties and visible ties, and became author of many improper acts. 
Thus it grew imperative for the lofty spirit (of Humayun) to march 
his army towards GujrSt. Accordingly in the beginning of Jumada- 
1-awwal, 941, (8th November, 1534), the foot of determination was 
placed, in a happy hour, in the stirrup of felicity, and the reins of 
prowess were directed to the subjugation of GujrSt. When the 
army approached the fortress of BaTsin,^ the garrison submitted 
entreaties together with rich presents, representing that the fort 
was his Majesty's, and themselves his Majesty's slaves, and that as 
soon as the affair of Sultan Bahadur was settled, of what use would 
the fort be 7 In fact, as the object in view was the conquest of 
Gujrfit, the army did not delay here, but marched on towards M§lw&. 
When the army had encamped at Sarangpur • the news of its arrival 
reached Sultan Bahadur who was then besieging Citor. He awoke 
from the sleep of carelessness and sought the advice of his followers. 



I Fort in Bhopal, I. G. and Jarrett 
IT. 199. It was taken by gher Shah 
in 1545. 

s On the Kail Sind, Dewas State 



of the Central Indian Agency, 80 
miles from Indore, I. G., Jarrett II, 
203, and Tiefenthaler I, 351, irho 
describes it as ruined. 



CHJLFTBB XXUI. 



301 



Moat were of opiniou that as the matter of Citor could be settled 
at any time and the garrison was not giving anj annoyance at 
present^ the proper course was to put off the reduction of the fort 
and to march against the royal army. But Sadr ^an^ who was 
prominent for knowledge and eloquencOi and who ranked high in 
tlie congress (jirga) of soldiers and was renowned for wisdom 
and counsel^ said that the proper thing was to finish the matter 
of the fortress^ already nearly acoomplished^ and that as they had 
come oat against infidelsj the Eling of Islam would not come against 
them. Should he do so, they would then be excused if they aban-* 
doned a holy war (0&du?i) and attacked him. This view commended 
itself to Snl(an Bahadur, so he went on wiUi the siege, and on 3rd 
Bamaaan, 941, (8th March, 1535), subdued the fort of Citdr. Thereupoa 
he marched against the illustrious army which was then encamped 
at Ujjain.^ When the news of Sult&n Bahadur's audacity reached 
the royal bearing, his Majesty also accelerated his movements, and 
the two armies encamped in the territory of Mandasor,^ belonging 
to Malwfi, on the opposite banks of a lake which for greatness and 
breadth vras a sea. An engagement took place between the van 131 
of his Majesty Jahanbani's army commanded by Bacaka Bahadur, 
and Sultan Baliidar's van nnder Sayyid 'AB ^han and Mirza Muqim, 
who had the title of ^nrasan Khan, in which the latter was 
worsted. Sulj^n Bahidur too was worsted {ikikasta) in his heart, 
Taj Khan and §adr !^in said to him " Our army is flushed with 
the victory of €it5r and has not yet greatly felt the force of the 
royal army ; it will address itself to battle with a stout heart. We 



1 In text without ta^ld, but see 
lin Bib. Ind. I, 457. 

« Now in Gwaliir. In Jarrett II, 
208, spelt Manosor. It is about 80 
miles north-west of Ujjain and on the 
north bank of the Sea, a tributary of 
the Cambal. There is a plan of the Bri- 
tish encampment near Mandasiir in 
Blacker'^ MahrattaWar, Londonl821, 
but no lake or tank is shown there. 
Possibly the lake has dried up since 
A.F/s time as had happened with the 



Kinkaria reservoir near A^madabad, 
Tief enthaler I, 378 ; or perhaps A.F. 
means Lake Debar which is not very 
far off and lies between Citor and 
nj jain. See the Bajpatana Grazetteer 
III, 12. It is true this lake is said 
to have been only niade in the end 
of the 17th century, but it may have 
existed before this. Neither Firighta, 
Nisamu-d-din nor the Mir^dt-i-Si' 
kandari refers to any lake. 



804 



AnABVAMA. 



of the victorions army came to the camp of Snltin Bahadnr and set 
about plandering it. A qaantity of spoil, inclading many elephants, 
and horses fell into their hands. Shadawand ^an ' who had been 
both preceptor {ustdd) and finance-minister (wazir) of Sultan Ma^afEar 
was made prisoner and was treated by his Majesty with great fayoor 
and made one of his servants. Yadgar Nagir Mirzfi, Qftsim Saltan, 
and Mir Hindu Beg were despatched with a large force to pursue the 
routed army. 

Verily, whoeyer consorts with men of darkened understanding, 
become darkened. Especially shall an evil day come upon the man 
who violates treaties and engagements, and comes forward as a juggler, 
and plays the game of deception against such a world-lord who 
is the cynosure of sincerity and rectitude. In fine, after Sadr 
Khan and 'Im§du-l-mulk had departed, his Majesty's army went 
straight to the fort of Mandu. His Majesty followed in the wake 
of his troops, and halted at NaHca, * and drew his camp round the 
133 fort. Bum! !^an^ deserted the hostile army and entered his 
Majesty's service and received a robe of honour. On the 14th day * 
Sultan Bahadur after passing by circuitous routes entered the fort of 
Mandu by the Cull Mahesar ' Grate. A talk of an agreement took 
place, according to which Gujrat and the recently acquired Citor 
should remain with the Sultan, while Mandu and its territory should 
belong to his Majesty Jahftnbani. Maulana Mui^ammad Pargj^ali ^ on his 



1 This was an old man, and quite 
different from the two Rami Ehai^s. 
His proper name was apparently 
5aji Mii^mmad ; Bayley, 312. 

* The text has Ghalca, but this is 
corrected in the Errata. It is men- 
tioned, (Jarrett II. 112 and 207) as a 
ninhcil in Sarkar Mandfl and is des- 
eribed in Dr. CampbelFs accoant of 
Mandu, Journal Bomb. R. A. S. XIX, 
154 for 1896. He spells it Naalcha 
and describes it as three miles north 
of the Dihll Gate of Manda. 

> It will be seen from this that 
Khiidawand Khan, the waztr, and 
Kuml Khan are different persons. 



According to the Mir*di4-8ikandari 
(Bayley's Gujrat, 386), Rami deserted 
at Mandasor. The author tells an 
amusing story, on the authority oi 
his father, about Rfiml Ehaa's being 
abused by Bahadur's parrot. 

* The month is not given, but it 
must be 2i-l-qa'da, so the date 
corresponds to 19th May, 1535. Pos- 
sibly however what is meant is tKe 
14th day after Humay&n invesited 
the fort. 

^ Mentioned as a mehdl of AIUndQ, 
Jarrett II, 206. 

• Text Pir 'All, 



I 



CHAPTER XXtlt. 



305 



Majesty's fiide and Sadr Kh§n on behalf of Saltan Bahadur sat 
down together in the Kill Sabil ^ to make arrangements. At the end 
of the night the sentinels of the fort left ofE pacing to and fro, and 
about 200 soldiers of the victorious army entered at the back^ some 
by placiag ladders and some by ropes. Then throwing themselves 
down from the wall, they opened the fort gate there and brought in 
their horses and mounted them. Other soldiers entered by the gate. 
The news was brought to the officer in charge of the works, • Mallu 
Khan of Mandu, who had the title of Qadir gj^ah. He got on horse* 
back and galloped to the Sul1;an who was still asleep. He (Bahadur) 
was awakened by Qadir Shah's cries and, between sleeping and waking, 
took to flight, and rushed out with three or four others. On the 
way Bhupat RST,^ son of Silhadl, who was one of his companions, 
came up from behind and joined him with about twenty horsemen. 
When they got to the gate opening on the esplanade, about 200 
horsemen of the victorious army came forward to intercept them. 
The Sultan was the first to attack them and he was seconded by some 
others. At last he and Mallu ^han and one other follower cut their 
way through and reached the fort of Sungad.* Bahadur lowered 
down horses from there by ropes, and then letting himself down he 
after a thousand troubles took the road to Gujrat. Qasim Husain 
Khan was standing near the Fort. An Uzbak named Burl who had 
deserted from the Suljan's service and become the servant of Qasim 



I Blue road. Perhaps this is the 
Nilkanth celebrated by Jahangir 
and which was visited by Akbar. 
See Dr. Campbell's article already 
cited. I do not however find the 
name Nilkanth in the TQzak. See 
p. 181 of 'Sayyid A^imad's ed. 

» murcal, battery or earthwork. 
Nisfamu-d-dTn in his history of Guj- 
rat calls it the battery of 700 steps. 

* According to the Mirdt-i'Sikan- 
darl, lithog. cd. 279 and Bayley, 388, 
Bhapat betrayed Mandu to the 
enemy in revenge for his father who 
had been killed in 938 (1532), when 
fighting against Bahadur. Silhadl 
39 



or Sulhu-d-din, his father, was a 
Hindu and prince of Malwal He 
fought against Babar at the battle 
of Kh^nwa. Bahadur attacked him 
and deprived him of Raisin, Ac, be- 
cause he kept Musalman women in 
his harem. He was induced to turn 
Mu^mmadan and his name was 
altered to Sulhu-d-din. But he 
recanted and died a Rajput's death, 
a circumstance which may remind 
us of Cranmer's end. See Bayley, 
364. 

♦ It is the inner part or citadel of 
Mandii. See Dr. Campbell's article. 
In text it is written Scinkar. 



806 



akbarnAma. 



Husain Khan, recognised the Suljan and informed the Khfin. But 
the latter, owing to his length of service/ treated what he heard as 
nnheard and so Bahadur carried off half-a-Hfe into safety, and was 
joined by 1,500 men by the time he had reached CampanTr. When 
he got there, he sent as much of his treasures and valuables as he 
Could to the port of Diu.» 

Now that the narrative has come so far, we cannot avoid giving 
some account of the beginning of this auspicious .victory. As the 
victorious heroes were so rapid in getting into the fort of Mandu and 
in performing prodigies of valour there, no authentic news of their 
success emerged in the early morning. When two hours of day had 
134 elapsed his Majesty Jahnnbnni heard of the entry, &c., and mounting 
his horse proceeded towards the fort and entered by the Dibit 
gate.** 

Sadr Khan and his men were meanwhile fighting at the entrance 
to his house, and though he was wounded he continued firm. At 
last, the nobles seized his rein and conducted him to Sungad. Many 
people went with him and took refuge there, and among them was 
Sultan 'flam. The victorious soldiers plundered the houses of the 
enemy for three days, and then an order was issued for restraining 
the spoilers. Reliable persons were sent to Sadr Kh§n and Suljtfin 
'Slam, who inspired them with confidence. After long parleys of 
little moment, they gave the besieged quarter and brought them out, 
but as Sultan 'flam had several times committed sedition and rebel- 
lion, he was hamstrung * and let go. To Sadr Khan royal favours 
were shown. Three days after this victory, his Majesty came down 
from the fort and proceeded by forced marches to Gujrat, accompanied 



^ Fts., kuhna-'amalagl. This is a 
sneer at old servants whom A. F., 
being himself a new man, did not like. 
See a similar nse of kuhna-'amala 
at 157 L 9, and also see 139,1. 3. 

• Text, Dip din hut spelt Dia in 
Mir*at'i' Sikandari. 

• The northern gate. 

• l^ai karda. See Mir*nt-i'Sikan- 
darif 2r>8, for account of this man, and 
also Bay ley, 366». Apparently he was 
Sultan Ibralnm*K nephew and con- 



sequently grand-nephew of the 'Alam 
Shan who called himself SultSn 
'Ala'u-d-dTn. He was the son of Jalal 
Khan, and at one time was governor 
of KalpT. Perhaps Humayan was 
incensed against him because he had 
proved ungrateful for Humayon'a 
kindness in introducing him to 
Babar. Babar's Mem. . 349, 875, 
According to Bayley, 388, he was 
put to death at Mandfi. 



CHAPTEB ZXlir. 



307 



by 30^000 chosen horsemen^ while the camp was ordered to follow 
stage bj stage. 

When the victorious troops came near Campanir they halted^ and 
drew up by the side of the Pipli Gate near the tank of 'Imadu-1- 
mulk which is three k^s in circumference. When Sultan Bahadur 
heard of this^ he strengthened the fort and went out by another gate, 
on the side of the g^ukr tank, and fled to Cambay. By his instruc- 
tions the town (Campanir.) was set on fire, but when his Majesty 
Jahanbgni arrived, he directed the flames to be extinguished. Leaving 
Mir Hindu Rq^ and the rest in Campanir he took about a thousand 
horse and set off rapidly in pursuit of Sultan Bahadur. As soon as the 
Sulj^^n came to Cambay he hastened to Din, after setting fire to a 
hundred warships (Qhardh)^ which he had prepared against the Portu- 
guese, lest the soldiers of the sublime army should embark on them 
and pursue him. On the same day that he left for Diu, his Majesty 
JahanbanT reached Cambay and encamped by the seaside. From 
thence he despatched a force in pursuit of Suljan Bahadur. When 
the SuljL^n reached Diu, the victorious soldiers returned from its neigh- 
bourhood with abundance of booty. By the favours of heaven were 136 
Mandu and Gujrat conquered in 942 (1535). Whoever is stayed upon 
God and whose standard is a good intention, will assuredly have his 
desire placed within his bosom.i 

In the beginning of g^'ab&n of this year, (25th January, 1536) 
Mirza Kamran marched from Lah5r to K^bul, and after a great 
battle won a victory over S&m Mlrza,* the brother of g^ah Tahmasp 
SafavT. The short account of this is as follows. Sam Mlrza came to 
Qandahar with a large body of Qizilba^is {Persians). Khwaja 
Kilan Beg had strengthened Qandahar and defended it for eight 
months. Meanwhile Mirza Kamr3.n marched from Lah5r with a full 
equipment. A great battle took place between him and Sam Mirza. 
Aghziwfir Khan, one of the great officers of the Qizilbashis and Sam 
Mlrzi^s tutor, was taken prisoner and put to death, and many of the 
Qizilbashis perished.^ Mlrzft Kamran returned victorious to Lahdr, 



1 Of. the line in preface of Anwar- 
i-Suhaili' "No seeker leaves that 
door without obtaining his desire." 

> Then about 20 years of age. He 
afterwards wrote biographies of 



Persian poets. Bien's Cat. I, 3676. 

B There is an account of this 
victory in the Tar. B<xah. Ross & 
Elias, 468. Haidar attributes the 
victory to Shwaja Kilan. 



30S 



akbarnAma. 



and the disturbance caused by Mlrza Muhammad Zaraan was put down. 
'J^he explanation of this is briefly this. It has been already mentioiK'J 
that after the defeat of Sultan Bahadur. M. Muhammad Zaman marched 
against Labor with the idea of stirring up strife there. When he came 
to the borders of Sind, Shah Husain, the son of ghah Beg Arghun and 
the ruler of Sind, did not give him a place in his own territory, but 
. pointed out Lahor to him as M. Kamranhad gone towards Qandahar, 
and suggested that as such a rich country was unprotected he should 
go there. The ill-fated Mirza came to Labor, thinking he had got au 
open field, and besieged it. Meanwhile M. Kamran arrived near Labor 
and beat the drum of superiority. M. Muhammad Zaman was dis- 
concerted, and saw no resource except to return to Gujrat. Driven 
out and abandoned, he went there. In this year Mlrza Haidar 
Gurgan came from Kashghar ^ via Badakhshan and joined M. Kamran 
in Lahor. Next spring Shah Tahmasp came in person to the district 
of Qandahar, and Khwfija Kilan Beg put all the wardrobes, pantries 
and other offices in order and sent the keys of the store-houses and 
of the fort to the Shah, saying that he had no means^of holding the 
fort and was unable to give battle, and that it was inconsistent 
with loyalty and his duties as a servant to bis master that he should 
come and do homage to the Shah. Hence he thought it proper to 
set his houses in order and to make them over to his guest and 
for himself to withdraw. He then went by way of Tatta and 
Ucc • to Lahdr. M. Kamrfin for a month would not allow him to 
136 pay his respects, saying " Why could you not have waited till I 
arrived ? " After various transactions M. Kamran made his prepara- 
tions and marched against Qandahar for the second time, leavinir 
M. Haidar in charge of Lfihor. Before this Shah Tahm&sp had pu^ 
Bidagh KhSn Qajar,^ one of the great officers, in charge of Qatida.liac 



1 Tar. Raaji., 467. He came from 
Tibet and Badakhshan. 

* In Bahawalpar, Fan jab, 10 miles 
8. S. W. Multan. Spelt Ach in text 
but corrected in errata, 

* Qacar in text, hut with variant 
Qajar. It is the present royal family 
of Persia. It is curious that X&hmasp 
should have, apparently, employed 



the same Bidagh KhSn again anil 
sent him with his infant son to iio 
company Humayan. ^aidar ^M.Jx-zM 
(Tar, Ba^., 405), remarks oxi tK 
curious readiness with which Biciaj^j 
Khiin surrendered to Kamraj:!, «xri! 
he does not seem to have been. ni< »t 
efficient when attacked by Huma.^- Cl :i 



CHAPTKIt XXIII. 



309 






'"l 



ii> 



iU^' 



■3!" ' 

cr 

. B:> 



and bad departed. M. Kainran arrived and laid siege to Qandahdr^ 
and Bidagh Khan capitulated and retreated. The Mirza got possea- 
sion of Qandahar^ and after putting it into a condition of defence 
returned to L&hor. 

Whither have my words strayed ? It is certainly better that I 
withdraw my hand from these affairs and attach myself to the thread 
of my design. 

When his Majesty Jahanbani was encamped at Cambay with a 
small force Malik Ahmad Lnd and Rukn Daud who were officers of 
Sultan Bahadar^ and leading men in KolTwara^ arranged with the KdlTs 
and Gawars i of that country that as there were few men with his 
Mujesty Jahanbani there was a suitable opportunity for making a 
night attack. They accordingly made preparations. By good for- 
tune an old woman who had|heard of this came to the royal enclosure 
and told one of the attendants that she had urgent business and 
wished to have a personal interview. As she was very impor- 
tunate and appeared to be honest she was admitted to the presence^ and 
communicated the plot of the night attack. His Majesty said '' Whence 
comes this well-wishing of yours." She replied " My son has been 
confined by one of your servants and I want him released as a reward 
for this well-wishing. If I have spoken falsely, punish both me 
and my son." In accordance with orders, her son was produced, 
and a guard placed over them both. As a measure of precaution 
the troops were got into readiness and drawn off. Near dawn 5 or 
6,000 Bhils and Gawars fell upon the royal enclosures, his Majesty 
Jahanbani and the troops having retired to a rising ground. The 
Gawans came and proceeded to plunder, and many rare books, which 
were real companions and were always kept in his Majesty's personal 
possession, were lost. Among these was the Timur-nama,* trans- 



* Text Kawaran, but corrected in 
errata. 

' Era. II. 62n. supposes that this 
was the Zafamdma of 8haraf u-d-din. 
This may he so hut Timur-ndma 
is properly the title of a poem by 
HatifT, i.e., 'Abda-l-lah, the sister's 
son of Jami. See Bieu II, 652 
and Babar's Memoirs, 196. Ers. 



takes A.F. to mean that the very 
copy that was lost was recovered, 
bat A.F. does not clearly say so, and 
the words " having been recovered " 
quoted by Ers. do not occur in 
the text. Probably all that A.F. 
means is that there is now a Ttmur^ 
nama in the imperial library. It is 
rather grotesque that A.F. should 



310 



akbabnAma. 



cribed by Malla Suljan 'All andillustratedby UatadBihzad,andwliich 
is now in the gb^binshah^s library. To sum up in a short space of 
time the breeze of salvation's morn breathed from fortune's ascension, 
and the brave warriors turned upon that mob and discomfited and 
scattered those hapless wretches by discharges * of arrows. That 
old woman's face was brightened^ and she gained her desire. The 
majesty of the royal wrath, and the onslaught of overmastering rage 
boiled over and an order was issued for plundering and burning 
137 Cambay.s After that the pursuit of Sultan Bahadur was abandoned^ 
and the army returned to Campanir. The fortress ^ was besieged for 
four months. Ikhtiyar Khan, who was sprung from a family of Qazis 
in Nariad * which is a town in that country, and who was, for his 
justice and ability one of the Sulj^an's, confidants brought great exer* 
tions to bear on the defence of the fort.^ In addition to all these 



call books Humajun's companions 
just at the time when he left them be- 
hind to be plundered. In Blochmann, 
108, mention is made of an illus- 
trated Zafarndma, but this was 
one executed in Akbar's reign, and 
from the remark on the preceding 
page that Akbar had pictures worthy 
of BihzAd, it would appear, that he 
had not any by Bihzad himself. 
Bihzad was a famous painter of 
Sultan Husain HeratT's Court. See 
Babar, 197, who criticises his style 
of pourtraying youthful beauty. 
Blochmann, 1072, eays that Bihzad 
lived at the Court of Sh^h Ismail 
SafT, and he may have done so 
subsequently. Sultan 'All MashhadI 
was, according to Babar, 197, the 
best writer of the nastalTq char- 
acter. See also Blochmann, 101. 
It aeems probable that HumSyfln 
inherited this book from his father, 
for he had not yet been to Persia 
himself. The Timamama of Hat if I, 
it may be remarked, is a poem in 
imitation of one of Niyaml's and 



more likely to be illustrated that 
the somewhat ponderous and pro* 
saic Zafarndma. 

* Sjilba, unnecessarily corrected 
in Errata to shapa, i.e., whizzing. 
See Richardson I.e. 559a and Y uUers 
490a. 

* See Elliot Y, 193 and Erskine 
II. 62n. Sadr ^^sa was killed in 
the attack by the Gawars. 

* See description of fort by Col. 
Miles, Bom. L. S. Transactions T. 
160 (reprint of 1877). He spells 
the name Champaneer. 

* Nirbad in text, but corrected 
in Errata. It was a district 
in A^madabad Sarkar, Jarrett 11, 
253, and is now a station on tho 
A^madabad railway. Also a plaoo 
on the sea-shore in the Surat 
Sirkar, Jarrett, I. c, 257. 

Erskine understands A.F. as 
meaning that this arrangement 
about drawing up provisions was 
made by Ikhtiyar Sh^n* But I 
doubt if this is correct. A.F. seems 
to mean that in addition to all 



L 



CHAPTEB XXlir. 



811 



protections ^nd precautions it happened that from time to time sundry 
mountaineering (kuh-naward) woodcutters entered by rayines^ which 
from the density of trees and jungle were difficult for foot passengers 
to traverse^ and of course impracticable for traffic^ and for the sake 
of gain brought corn and ghee to the foot of the fort in order to sell 
them at a high price^ while men in the fort let down money by 
ropes and drew up the goods. 

As the siege was long drawn out his Majesty Jahanbani would 
sometimes visit the different sides of the fort and search for a pos- 
sible entrance for his army. On one occasion he went forward from 
the side of Halul^ which is a garden^ and fell in with the people who 
were coming out of the jungle after selling their corn and butter. 
An order was giren to find out what their business was. They said they 
were woodcutters^ but as they had no axes or hatchets with them^ 
their story was not accepted. They were told that they would not 
escape punishment unless they told the truth. Being helpless they 
confessed the truth. Upon this they were bidden to go forward and 
to point out the place. When his Majesty saw it he recognised that it 
was 60 or 70 yards ^ high and very smooth,* so that it would be very 
difficult to climb. By his Majesty's orders 70 or 80 iron nails were 
brought, and driven into the precipice right and left at distances of 
one yard. The young heroes were bid climb these degrees of daring 
{mi'rdj'i'marddnagl). Thirty-nine had ascended when his Majesty 
himself wished to climb. Bairam ^§n begged him to delay till the 
men ahead had got higher up. Saying this he himself stepped up, 
his Majesty Jahanbani followed him and was the 41st. Standings 



I^tiyir's plans there was this fa- 
vourable circumstance that the gar- 
rison were supplied by the Kolls. 
Both Firishta and the Mir'at-i-Sikan- 
darf,Bajlej, 391, represent that there 
was plenty of food in the fort, and 
the former evidently takes the view 
that the fort was captured owing 
to the greed of the Kolis in selling 
provisions to the garrison and which 
led to Hnmayun's exploit, A.F. is 
favourable to I^ttiyar Khan, per- 
haps on account of his literary 



abilities, but Bahadur is said to have 
had a very low opinion of him, 
Bayley, 391. 

^ Gas. The exact length does not 
seem known, but probably was about 
33 inches, Jarrett II, 58, and Wilson's 
Glossary. 

S Hamtodrx. The Brit. Mus. MSS. 
have the opposite of this, viz., ndhcum' 
wdri, but hamwdri is probably 
right. 

^ i.e., about 300 in all, not 341, 
Bee what follows. 



312 



Alt1!ARNAl«r.V. 



there he had about 300 men drawn up by this lt*on ladder. An 
order was given that the victorious army, which was stationed at 
138 the batteries, should attack the fort. The garrison were thrown off 
their guard, and addressed themselves to repel the men from without 
and were looking down from the battlements when suddenly the 300 
braves came from behind, and overwhelmed the garrison with, 
showers of arrows. And when they t^alised the fact that hia 
Majesty Jahanb&nT in person had ascended the stairs of victory, the 
bewildered foe crept into hiding-places* The drum of victory beat 
high, and Ikhtiyar Kban went off to a higher point called MulTya ^ 
and there took refuge. Next day they gave him quarter and sent for 
him. Together with his practical knowledge [ddnish] and his manage- 
ment of state affairs he was fully possessed of sciences, especially 
mathematics and astronomy. He was also skilled as a poet and 
composer of enigmas. He was honoured by being allowed to sit in 
the assembly of the learned, and was distinguished by princely 
favours, and was admitted among the ititimates of the threshold of 
sovereignty. One of the eloquent found the date of this victory 
" Awwal hafta-i'Mdh-i-^afar/' ^ i.e., first week of Safar (943) = l(*th— 
26th July, 1536. 

As the country of Gujrat was in the possession of the servants 
of the empire up to the MahindrT,'^ and as no one was appointed to 
administer the territory on the other side (the West), the peasantry 
wrote to Sultan Bahadur and announced that the collections were 
ready and that a collector of these was necessary ; if one were ap- 
pointed, they would discharge their obligations. All the ofiicers to 
whom the Sul);an spoke on the subject remained silent. 'Imadu-1-Mulk 
however had the courage to come forward, and he agreed to accept 
the office on condition that there should be no questioning afterwards 



* In Jarrett II, 256, the upper fort 
is called Pawah, but according to 
Miles Bom. L, S. T. I. 152 (reprint) 
the proper npelling is Pavanagada, 
wind-fort. 

• The text has mah, but unless 
we read mah the abjad seems to be 
incorrect, being 942 instead of 94.3. 
Erskine VI, tU. Badaoni, Brit. Ind- 



1, 347, has another chronogram " Niih 
Shahr-i-J^afar bud " according to 
which the fort was taken on 9 Safar, 
942, or 9th August, 1535. But Safar 
is only the second month of the Mu- 
hammadan year, and the operations 
at Cambay, and the length of the 
siege seem to require 943. 
8 Also oulk-a the Mahi i. G. T. V. 



CHAPTBB XXIII. 813 

as to any land or authority that he should give to any one in order 
to execute the work of the collection. He proceeded with 200 horse 
towards Ahmadabad. On the way he gave written grants^' of land to 
those whom he knew. When he arrived at Ahmadabftd he had col- 
lected 10,000 cavalry. He gave everyone who possessed two horses 
a lak of gujrdtis. In a short time he had gathered 30^000 cavalry. 
Mujahid O^an, Governor of jQnagadh joined him with 10^000 horse. 

At this time his Majesty Jahanbftni on account of the conquest 
of the fort of Gampanir and of the falling of abundant treasure into 
his hands was holding magnificent banquets and was constantly 
arranging royal entertainments on the banks of the Du Ruya tank. 
One of the paramount conditions of authority is that special servants 
and those in near attendance should have certain fixed rules to abide 
by, and that in every section of them there should be some discreet 
and prudent person appointed who may continually look after their 
rising and sitting, their going and coming, and take precautions 
againsit evil companionship, which is the father and mother of wrong 
ideas. Especially is this required at a time when details are veiled 
from a Lord of the Age by the multiplicity of business. It is fitting 139 
that in such circumstances he should appoint right-speaking, right- 
acting intelligencers who may always bring him correct informa- 
tion of the real state and of the gist of the doings of this body of 
men. Otherwise many of the narrow-minded become from length 
of service less susceptible of the prestige of royalty, and the wine 
of familiarity carries them out of their senses, and leads them into 
the stumbling of eternal ruin. And great seditions emerge from 
this intoxication. Accordingly they became apparent on this occa- 
sion. The story of this is that on the night of the rejoicing and 
banquetings on account of the marvellous victories, some feeble souls 
who were fated to be admitted to the verge of the sublime assem- 
blage, viz,, book-bearers, armour-bearers, ink-horn-bearers and the 
like, happened to have gone to the gardens of Hfilul,' the scent of 
whose flowers might cure the melancholy, and whose heart-expanding 
breeze might give motion to concealed ' blood, and to have started a 



* Matodjib fiefs. For this use of 
the word see text 154 1. 15. 

• Four m. from the modern city. 
Miles. 

40 



* Produce a ferment in sleeping 
blood or perhaps, blood of a mur- 
dered and unregarded man. See 
VuUers I. 759. 



314 



akdarnAma. 



wiiiofeast. In tliis state of exultation which had put to flight sense 
and reason, they took up the Zafarn&ma and read of the beginnings 
of the victorious career of his Majesty Sahib Qirani (Timur) — 
how that prince had with him, in the vernal prime of his glory, 
forty chosen companions, and how one day he took from each a 
couple of arrows and after tying them all together, gave them to 
* each companion to break. Though each put the bundle across his 
knee and exerted all his strength, it was of no use. But when 
he opened the bundle, and gave each two arrows every one broko 
them. His Majesty had then observed " we are forty persons, if 
we are united like this bundle of arrows victory will attend us 
wherever we go." In accordance with this right thought and lofty 
idea they girt up their loins of courage and went forth to conquer.^ 

Those ignorant fools when they heard this story did not reflect 
that each one of the forty was a heaven-aided host. They thought 
merely of the external circumstances and so fell into ruinous 
imaginings. When they reckoned themselves up they found they 
were four hundred, and in their madness and folly they conceived that 
unanimity among 400 persons must be exceeding wrong, and formed 
the notion of conquering the Deccan. Under this hallucination they 
proceeded to tread the broad and downward path to destruction. 
Next day though search was made for those near yet so far {tiazdi' 
Icdn-i'dur) , no trace of them could be found. At last an intimation 
of their wild idea was obtained, and a thousand men were sent to 
seize them. They soon brought to Court those fortune-buffeted and 
doomed men, bound neck and hand. It was Tuesday,* a day when 
his Majesty wore the red vesture of Mars and sate on the throne of 
wrath and vengeance. The crowd of criminals were brought forward, 
140 section by section, and each of them received sentences fitting 



A I have not found this story in 
Sharafu-d-dln though at I. 75, Bibl. 
Ind. ed. thero is an allusion to 
l*Tmur'8 having forty followers. The 
same story is told of Cangiz Khan 
who when on his deathbed used 
the illustration of weapons tied 
together and separate, to teach the 
necessity of union to his sons. See 



Petit de la Croix's life, quoted by 
Erdmann 639, and 442. 

■ Humayan assigned particular 
days of the week to certain duties. 
Thus Monday being Mars-day, was 
one of that assigned to the admin- 
istration of Criminal Justice. See 
extract from Khwand Amir in Elliot 
V. 121 and A. F.'s text I. 358 and 36 1 



CHAPTER XXIII. 



315 



their destiny, and the requirements of complete jnBtice. Some tbey 
bound and made trodden under the feet of mountain-like elephants. 
Many who had carried their heads beyond the line of respect received 
distinction by the removal of the burden of their heads from 
their bodies. A number who, not distinguishing between their feet 
and their hands, had clapped their hands at seditious thoughts wore 
made handless and footless. A set of them who from arrogance 
{kbud'bini lit. self-contemplation) had not kept their ears for the 
royal commands found ears and nose gone from their places, others 
who had laid the fingertip of intent on the edge of misfeasance saw 
no more the figure of a finger in their haud.^ 

After executing these judgments and orders the time of evening 
prayer arrived. The Imam, who was not void of obtuseness, at the first 
genuflection recited the Sura ' A-lam tara Jcaifa ' " Hast thou not seen 
how." After the conclusion of the service the order of vengeance ■ 
was issued that the Imam be thrown under the foot of an elephant 
because he had designedly and allusively recited the chapter of the 
elephant, and had degraded justice to tyranny, and had uttered an 
evil presage.^ Maulina Muhammad Parghali * represented that the 
Imam did not know the meaning of the Quran. But as the fire of 
wrath was darting tongues of flame lie got no reply except abusive 



1 Erskine justly remarks that 
these details are very disgusting, 
and exhibit the wretched punning 
propensity of our James I., but on 
an occasion when it is not ridicu- 
lous but revolting. The sentences 
pronounced depend on idiomatic 
Persian phrases, hardly translatable. 
A. F.'s poor wit may be paral- 
lelled by a too-famous passage in 
Paradise Lost, B. YI, but at least 
it may be said that Milton puts his 
jests into the mouths of devils. 

' Hukni-i-gardun-iritiqam, lit, the 
order of the sphere of vengeance. 
Yullers 8. v, quotes the Bahar-i-'Ajam 
as giving gardun the meaning of 
executioners. 



8 Apparently the fdl-i-had was 
that Humayun would be destroyed 
like the impious king of Yaman. 
Is it possible that Humayun thought 
the Imam was playing on the word 
kaifat which in Persian means intox- 
ication, and was suggesting that he 
was drunk P As Erskine remarks, 
the SQra does not seem to contain 
much matter of offence. Probably 
however the reference to the ele- 
phant was enough. 

* It is pleasant to find this man, 
of whom Qaidar Mirza speaks so 
ill, Tar. Bash. 398, acting properly 
and courageously. He was after- 
wards drowned at Causa. 



316 



AKRAEHAMA. 



epithets. After a time when the light of the Imam's eimplicity slione 
on the m&rge of his holy heart and the conflagration of the flames of 
wrath was Btayed, he expressed much regret and spent the whole nigrht 
in sorrow and weeping.' 

After the completion of this affair I'ardi Beg Ehfin was left in 
CSnip9nir, and the royal standards proceeded towards A^madSbad, 
and encamped on the hank of the Mahindri.> ' ImSdn-I-MuIk had 
the courage to advance, and to make a march for each one that the 
royal army made. Between Nariad and MahTnQdfibSd* he encoun- 
tered MirzS 'Askari who was in the van and seveml Btagee ahead (of 
the niain body). A great battle ensued, and the MirzS was worsted 
until Tsdg&r Nisir Mirz9, Qasim Husain Khtn and Hindu Beg arrived 
with a large body of men and unfurling the flag of fortune proclaim- 
ed to the enemy the approach of the imperial ensigns with a " Lo. 
the sublime army has arrived." The utterance of this word, and ite 
sound reaching the ears of the enemy were simultaneous with Yndgtr 
NSfir Mirz&'s victory and the defeat of the foe. As Tadgfir Nasir 
Mirz3 was ahead of all, the brunt of the battle fell upon him. On 
the side of the enemy 'Jiam l^5n Lodi* and some others offered 
opposition till 'Imftdu-1-mnlk retired half dead. Darwe^ Muhammad 
QariL^ir, father of gl^uja'at Khfto,' obtained martyrdom in this en- 
gagement. Meanwhile the flashing of the royal standards appeared 
and victory upon victory disclosed itself. After the arrival of the 
111 sublime army 3 to 4,000 of the enemy were slain. His Mujeety 



' A.F. doeH not clearlj eaj that 
the order to trample the Imam to 
death was carried out. but Erskine 
eajB it was, and A. F.'a silence im- 
pliea this. Had Hum&jltn repent- 
ed in time, we should have had a 
flourish of trutnpeta about the im- 
perial clemency. 

■ Or Mahl. Cimp&nlr ia up> 
wards of tiO miles E. S. E, A^madS- 
bid, but is visible from the minaret 
of the Jama' Mosjtd, Miles. 

* Jarrett II. 241, now a station on 
the Bomb. Baroda and Central I. By. 
It lies south-east of AVmadabad and 



is. as A.F. stat(^B, nearly lialf-ira_v 
between Narl&d (spelt Madisd in 
time-tables) being 11 miles from 
Narlid and 10 from A^madsbad. 

* It does not appear who this 
'Alam Ehao is. He can hardlj be 
the man who was mntilated at Cam- 
pinTr and jet possibly he is. If 
he was the No. Ill of Bajloy Ihrn 
his real name was Safdnr lQt<ui and 
he was perhaps not a LodI at all. 

t Also called Mnqtm-i-'Arab. 
Btochmann, 371. 



I 



CHAPTffR XXin. 



817 



asked Khadawand ^&n ^ if there was likelihood of another battle^ 
and he replied that if that leprous slave, meaning 'Imadu-1-mulk, 
had been personally in the fight, it was over, and if he had not been 
there was likelihood of another bloody bout. Men were appointed 
to inquire into this matter, and from two wounded men, who were 
lying half dead among the dead, it was ascertained that 'Imadu-1- 
mulk had commanded in person. Next day the grand army marched 
on and then halted, M. 'Askari going on as before in front. When 
the army had encamped on this side of the KankSriya* tank M. 
* AskarT represented that if the whole camp entered the city, the 
inhabitants would be harassed. An order was given that provost- 
marshals {yasdwaldn) be stationed at every gate of the city and that 
they should admit no one except M. 'Askari and his men. 

The army encamped on the delightful spot of Sarkaj, and on 
the third day his Majesty, attended by many of his courtiers, came 
to the city. After that he gave his attention to the affairs of Gujrat 
and settled them in a proper manner. Hindu Beg was stationed 
there with a large force in order that he might go wherever he was 
required. Pattan was given to Mirzd Yftdgar Nasir ; Broach, Nansan 
and the port of Surat to Qasim Husain Suljan ; • Cambay, and Baroda 
to Dost Beg Is^ak Xqa ; and Mahmudabad to M!r Bucaka. 

When the affairs of Gujrat had been settled his Majesty pro- 
ceeded towards the port of Dlu. When the army was leaving 
Danduqa, which is 30 kds (W. S. W.) from Ahmadabad, representa- 
tions came from Agra, the capital, to the effect that as his Majesty 
was far from the seat of Government rebellious men had raised the 
head of disaffection, and extended the arm of strife. Couriers too 



1 This is probably the Wazir and 
not Rami Shau. The expression 
used by him about 'Imadu-1-mulk 
may refer to his being a Circasisan 
(according to FirigJ^ta) and to his 
grandfather's having been a slave. 
Bayley 233, 235. Firighta says he 
was the son of a Cangiz £han. 

« See Tiefenthaler I. 378, who 
states that in his time the tank was 
nearly dried up. It was cleared 



out by Mr. Borrodaile in 1872. 
Bom. Gaz. IV. 17 and Hope's Ahma- 
dabad. It lies north of AhmadabSd. 
In text the name is wrongly spelt 
Kangareya. It means the limestone 
or pebble tank. It is also called 
the Qauz-i-QQJ and was made in 
1451. It covers 72 acres. 

9 A grandson of Sultan J^usain of 
Herat, fiabar's Mem. 353. 



818 



AKBARNAMA. 



arrived from MdlwS and reported that Sikandar Khan ' and Malu 
Khin had sallied forth and fallen upon Mihtar Zambiir the Jagirdir 
of HindifiS and that he had taken his property with him and cckme to 
Ujjain^ and that all the soldiers who were stationed here and there in 
that province had collected there, that the authors of strife bad 
assembled in great numbers and were besieging the city, and tlu^t 
142 Darwesh 'All Kitabdar (librarian) had received a gunshot wound and 
had died^ and that the rest of the besieged had asked for quarter and 
had submitted. His Majesty thereupon determined to return and to make 
Mandu his capital for a time, so that Malvva might be cleared of rebels, 
and also that the newly conquered Grujrat might be brought into order, 
and also that the flames of disaffection which had blazed forth ia 
the settled portion of the empire might be extinguished. Accordingly 
having made over Gujrat to M *Askari and a number of officers be 
turned his rein and halted at Cambay. From thence he vrent to 
Baroda and Broach and from thence to Surat, and from thence to 
Aslr^ and Burhanpur. He stopped seven days in Burhanpilr and 
then marched on and passing under the fort of Asir established bim* 
self at Mandu. As soon as the disaffected heard the sound of the 
return of the royal standards, they were troubled and crept into cor- 
ners. His Majesty found the climate of Malwfi agreeable to his consti- 
tution and made many of his servants jagirdars thereof. And the 
gates of success and satisfaction of desires were thrown open to the 
world. 



1 Apparently the Governor of 
Siwas who was afterwards killed 
with Bahadur at Diu, Bayley 849, 

s In Hoshangabad, Central Prov. 



I. G., S. V. Handia and Jarrett IT. 
207 where it is spelt Hindiah. 
* Aslrgarh in Nimar, Central Pro- 



vmces. 





CHAPTER XlClV. 319 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

MiRZA 'ASKARl LEAVKS GuJBAT WITH BRBELLIOUS DESIGNS. 

Of a surety, a grandee who does not recognise the force of kind- 
ness and prestige, and takes the road of ingratitude, smites his own 
foot with a hatchet,' and of his own act falls into the hell of ruin. 
The story of the doings of Mirzi 'Askari and the oflBcers of Gujrat 
is a proof of this, for owing to the smallness of their capacities a little 
success made them give way to rebellious thoughts. From im- 
moderate living there arose the beginnings of mutual strife and their 
actions were darkened by the mist of dissimulation. Accordingly after 
about three months the enemy stirred up commotion. Khan Jahan 
of Shlr&z and Bumi Khan, who had the name of Safar and who is 
the builder of the fort of Surat, united and took possession of 
Nausuri which was held by 'Abdullah Khan, a relative of Qasim 
Husain Khan tJzbeg. 'Abdullah Khan left that quarter and came to 
Broach. About this time they also took the port of Surat. Khan 
Jahan marched by land to Broach, while Rumi Khan came there by 
sea with warships carrying guns and muskets. Qasim Husain Khan 
lost his head (lit. lost hands and feet), and hurried to Campanlr, 
and then from there went on to Ahmad abad to Mirza 'AskarT 
and Hindu Beg in search of help. Sayyid Ishaq who had received 143 
from Sultan Bahadur the title of ghitab !^an (the swift Khan) 
took possession of Gambay, and Tadgar Nasir Mirza went off from 
Pattan to Ahmadabad at the summons of 'Askari Mirza. Darya Khan 
and Muhafiz 'Khm set out from Raisin and were going towards the 
SuUan at Diu, when finding Pattan empty (i.e., undefended), they 
took possession of it. From want of union and want of counsel 
things came to such a pass that one Ghazanfar^ (the lion), a 



I A proverbial expression. See 
Roebuck's Oriental Proverbs, Part I. 
No. 103. 

8 Blochmann. 348 and Elliot. V 



197. He was brother of Mnhdi 
Qasim Sh^n and foster-brother of 
'Askari. 



820 



AKBARNAMA. 



3-> 



Borvaut of YadgSr NS^ir Mirza deserted with 300 horse and joi»=- 
' Suljtun Bahadur. He invited the Sultan to oome (to Ahimadabad) 
fetters of loyalists followed in succession^ so that Sulj^n Bahidui 
marched towards Ahmad^bad^ and soon halted near Sarkej. ^^sk&: 
Mirza^ Yfidgfir Na^ir Mirzfi^ Hindu Beg, and Qasim Husain Khan pn> 
ceeded with nearly 20,000 horse and confronted the Sultan in tlie re^T 
of Asawal. They faced him for three days and nights^ and tHen, as 
they were neither loyal to his Majesty Jahanbani nor clear-liea<d<?d 
they, out of a darkened understanding and evil thoughts^ went of 
without fighting to Capipamr. Much mischief ensued. 

'Tis evident how far they carried the eating of the salt and the 
breaking the salt-cellar on the table-top ^ and how in the domain oi 
thanksgiving they trod the arena of crime and the field of littJe 
service. Good God, I understand their lack of fidelity, which is & 
priceless jewel and of rare occurrence in this wicked world, but why 
should they drop from their hands the coin of common sense which *> 
negotiable every where 7 In fine, Sultdn Bahadur who had been in & 
thousand anxieties, grew bold and pursued them. Sayyid Mabfirak of 
Bukharfi was at the head of the vanguard and came near the imperial 
army. Yadgar Nifir MirzS who commanded in the rear turned and 
fought bravely with the result that many of the Sultan's van^nard 
were killed, while the MTrzfi was wounded in the arm. The enemy 
halted at Mahmud&bad, and the Mirzft joined the main army. As M. 
'Askari had lost heart he incontinently crossed the MahindrT which 
was in front of him^ and many of the soldiers lost their lives in its 
floods. The Sulj^n arrived at the edge of the river and the Mirzi 
went on to Cftmpdnir. Tardi Beg Khan made arrangements for their 
entertainment, and then went back to his post. 

Next day the MirzSs sent a treacherous message to TardT Heg 
Kh&n to the effect that they were in distress, and their army in evil 
case, and begged that he would send them by way of assistance a 
portion of the fort treasures in order that they might give it to their 
soldiers. When they had refreshed themselves, they would nee 
144 diligence to attack the enemy. They were reporting to Mftndu^ 
where the imperial camp was^ but it would take a courier six days to 



' A proverbial expreasion. Cf. 
Roebuck, 1. c. p. 377, No. 2023 aud 



p. 392, No. 2129 and Vullers, s. v. 
namaJe 1351a. 





CHAPTER XXIV. 321 

get there. TardT Beg Khfo did not consent to this, and the Mirzds 

plotted to seize him so that they might get hold of the whole of the 

treasure, and establish the sovereignty in the name of M. 'Askari. If 

they defeated Sult§n Bahadur so much the better, but if not, as 

his Majesty Jahanbnni liked the Malwg climate, and the territory 

of Agra, the capital, was undefended, they would. go there. Tardi 

Bog Khan came down from the fort and was going to wait upon the 

Mirzas when he got wind of this plot. He hastened back to the fort 

and sent word to the Mirzfts that it was not fitting for them to remain 

there. They sent back a message that they were leaving, but asked 

him to come that they might discuss sundry matters with him 

and bid him farewell. He knew their design and returned a suitable 

answer, and next morning opened fire on them. The Mlrz&s went off 

with evil intentions and proceeded by Ghat Karji ^ towards Agra. 

So long as the victorious (?) army was in the neighbourhood of 

Campanir the Sull;an did not cross the Mahindri which is 15 kOs from 

Campanir. But when news came that the Mirzas had retreated and 

gone off towards Agra with evil designs, the Sulj^an crossed the river 

and came to attack Cimpanir. Tardi Beg Kh§n, in spite of the 

strength of the fort, and the store of preparations there abandoned 

the fort and took the road of safety. He reached MandQ and bad the 

honour of paying his respects. He made known to his Majesty the 

Mirzas' evil intentions and his Majesty on being apprized thereof 

hastened by way of Cltor so that the Mirzas might not get to Agra 

before him. By good fortune he came up with them on the way, near 

Cltor. The helpless Mirz§s submitted to his Majesty and he out of 

innate kindness and clemency did not regard their offences and made 

universal forgiveness, the intercessor for their faults. He made 

liberality to supplement forgiveness and distinguished them by 

princely gifts. 

One of the evils of the time which were the cause* of his 
Majesty's returning from this country to Agra was that Muhammad 
Sul^n Mirza and his son Ulugh Mirza, who had deviated from the 



^ I havo not found this place. 

* Khafi Khan, Bib. Ind. I, 80, and 
Ferigjita give the real reaHon of the 
disastrous change in Humayan's 

41 



affairs, vis., that he had been living 
at MandQ or Shadiabad (abode of 
joy) as it was called, and had been 
enslaved by opium. 




322 



akbarnIka. 



highw^ay of obedience and become rebellious^ as has been alrEji' 
mentioned; emerged at this tirae^ owing to their constitational wor* 
lessness, from the comer of contempt and raised the head of molt-v- 
tion. Thus did those who had been appointed to blind him reeeivr^ _ 
146 lesson.^ They now attacked pargana Bilgram' and then proceede*i '■ 
Qanauj. The sons of Khusrau Kokaltash^^ wlio were there ae'.r-, 
quarter and yielded up Qanauj to them. M. Hindal who waa in Ai^' 
went forth to quell this disturbance^ and the two armies met afrr* 
he had crossed the Ganges at Bilgram. A battle ensued^ and as :sc 
vogue of rebels and strife mongers is like a grass-fire the flames we^f 
extinguished in a moment by the blowing of Fortune's gale. Tu 
north* wind of victory blew and the victorious army parsued v.1 
came to Oudh.^ There Uluo^ Beg M. and his sons had gathered ai 
army and again offered battle. Meanwhile the news came of the 
arrival of the victorious army from Gujrat to Agra. The w^retcheJ 
enemy again fought and were again defeated. Mirzft Hindal retaro* 
ed victorious and kissed the sublime threshold. When the grai#i 
army of his Majesty JahanbanT arrived at Agra Bhupal Rai, governor 
of Bljagada (in Nimar), finding the fort of Mandu undefended boldl* 
entered it^ and Qadir Sl^ah returned to Mnndu, and also Mirin 
Muhammad FaruqT came there from Barhanpur. Sultan Bahadar 
after staying about two weeks in Campamr returned to Diu. Whea 
his Majesty Jahanbani and the invincible fortune of his family ha/J 
turned away from Bahadur with glories of power and majesty^ an event * 
which he thought to be to his advantage became the cause of his^ 
ruin. For after being routed by the victorious army, and after 



1 At p. 124 of text A.F. says thi^t 
M. Sultan was blinded, but here he 
seems to imply that the operation 
was not effectual. See Erskinell, 
14. M. Sultan is a different person 
from M. Zaman though both were 
grandsons of Sultan Hasan of Herat. 
M. Sultan was a daughter's son, 
Blochmann, 462. 

> In Hardoi, a district of Oudh, 
Jarrett 173, 178 and 145 and I. G. 
II. 455. 

» Babar'8 Mem. 363 and 364. 



* It appears from Jauhar, Stewart 
8, that A.F. is here referring to 
the fact that a North- Wester blovrini; 
in the face of the rebels was the 
cause of their discomfiture. See 
also Erskine II, 90. 

* Qr. the town of Ayodhya. 

* Apparently the meaning is that 
HumajQu's departure which Bahadur 
might think an advantage eventu- 
ally turned out to be his destruction 
by leading to his death at the hands 
of the Portuguese. 





CBAPTKB XXIV. 



328 



beholding the impact of the majestic troops he sent persons with 
presents to the PeringhT Viceroy * who was the Warden of the Ports, 
and invited him to come to him. At the time when M. 'Askarl went 
off from Gujrat and the Sultan had come to Din, the Viceroy arrived 
there by sea with ships and soldiers. When he learned the state of 
affairs he grew apprehensive^ lest now that the Salj^n was independent 
of his help he would act perfidiously after an interview. He therefore 
feigned illness and sent messengers to the Sultan to say that he had 
come in compliance with his request and would wait upon him as soon 
as he was better. The Sultan left the highway of caution and on 3 
Bamazan 943 (13th February^ 1537)^ at the close of the day^ went by boat 
to inquire after the Viceroy's health. As soon as he arrived he saw that 
the illness was feigned^ and reporting that he had come he immediately 
proceeded to return. The Feringhis thought that " when such a 
prey has come into our grasp it will be well if we get some harbours 
out of him.'^ The Viceroy intercepted him and requested him to stay 
till some presents should be brought before him. The Sult;an said 
'^ send them afterwards/' and saying this he hastily went towards his 
own vessel. The Feringhi Qazi' stopped him and bade him wait 
and the Sulj^an impatiently drew his sword and clove him to the 
waist. He then jumped from their vessel on to his own. The 
Portuguese boats which were round about closed in upon her and st 146 
fight began. The Suljtan and Bumi Khan ^ flung themselves into the 
sea. A Feringhi acquaintance of Rumi Khftn drew him out, but the 
Sultan was drowned/ and his attendants also perished. The chrono- 



I C£)i^ representing the Portuguese 
YiBerei. His name was Nuno da 
Cuiiha. 

* Apparently Manuel de Sousa, 
Governor of Din. Qazi seems used 
here for Magistrate or Governor. 

* This Rami Kh^u was himself 
an European, which may account 
for his being saved by a Portuguese. 
Barros says he was the son of an 
Albanian father and an Italian 
mother and was born at Brindisi, 
and first came to the east on the 



fleet of the corsair Sulaiman in 
1516 (Conti says his birthplace 
was Otranto). He built the fort of 
Surat, apparently in 947 and not 
in 930, as stated by Anquetil du 
Perron. See Blochmann, 354. The 
Portuguese called him Khwaja 
Safar and Safar Aghft* He was 
killed at the siege of Diu in 1546. 

* The accounts of Bahadur's death 
are very conflicting, and it is diflicult 
to decide how he came by his death. 
My friend Mr. Whiteway has refer- 



824 



akbarnAka. 



gram is Faringiydn'i'Bahddur'kMsA ' (943=1531). And some ased c<^ 
say that he (Bahfidur) came to the surface and reached the shore in 
safety. And subsequently there were reports in Gujrdt and the Oeccac 
of his having been seen by people. For instance, on one oceaeion ^ 
person appeared in the Deccan whom the Nizamn-1-Mulk acknowlede* 
ed, and played Caugdn (polo) with. A crowd gathered round hiw, 
and the NizSm perceiving this resolved to put hini to death. On that 
same night he disappeared from his tent, and people concladed that 
the Nizftm had destroyed him. One day Mir Abu Turab* who is one 
of the GujrSt grandees, related that MuUa Qntbu-d-dm of Shiraz, 
who was SuUnn Bahadur's preceptor, was at that time in the I>eccan 
and that he took an oath that the man was certainly Sultdn Bahadur, 
and that he had spoken to him of certain matters only known to 
themselves, and had received intelligent replies. It cannot be said 
that in the wide kingdom of God's power such things are impossible. 
In fine, when Sultan Bahadur had thus disappeared in the sea. 
and his officers were sitting in the dust (i.e., were in mournin>r>* 



red me to a long and interesting 
account by Correa. Naturally this 
man pnts the blame on Bahadur. 
It would be more satisfactory if 
we could get the official report on 
the occurrence which must surely 
be somewhere in the Portuguese 
archives. No doubt the responsibi- 
lity of explaining Bahadur's death 
rests on the Portuguese for he was 
their guest or at least visitor, and 
was killed among their ships. There 
is a long account of the affair 
in the Mirat-i-SikandarT, p. 28 et 
seq. See also Bayley's Gujrat. 
There is this to be said for the 
Mufiammadan chroniclers that they 
do not represent Bahadur as guilt- 
less in the matter. They represent 
him as trying to outwit the Portu- 
guese and anxious to get the viceroy 
into his power. They are therefore 
niore honest than the Portuguese 



who try to make out that Bahidnr 
went on board to kill the viceror 
and that the Portuguese were alto- 
gether blameless. Probably th** 
truth is that Bahadur went on bourti 
in order to induce the viceroy to 
return with him, that the vicerov 
on the other hand wanted to detain 
him, and that then a scuffle aroM* 
in which Bahadur was slain. It i.« 
curious that the Mirat-i-Sikandari 
does not mention Safar Agti& iu faix 
list of Bahadur's companions, aiui 
that he says they all likewise 
perished. 

* " Feringis, slayers of Bahadur ** 
(or "of heroes"). A more poetical 
chronogram was devised by IlLhtiya** 
Kh^n, viz., Sultdnu-l'har — ShtJitiitt- 
Ubahr: "Monarch ashore, Mart\r 
asea." This also makes 943. 

■ Blochmann, 50G. 




OBArTER XXIV. 



825 



Muhammacl Zaman Mirza put on bine clothes as monming for the 
Sultan, and by hypocritical means got a portion of the treasures of 
Oiijrat into his possession, while another portion fell into the hands 
of the Peringhls, and some was plundered. He also called himself 
the son * of Suljan Bahadur's mother, and sometimes demanded from 
the Peringhls satisfaction for the murder, and sometimes secretly sent 
them large sums of money in order that they might use their in- 
fluence in having him acknowledged as sovereign (lit. recite the 
Khutba in his name). So that for some days they read the Khutba 
in his name in the Safa* Mosque. And he for some time went about 
as an adventurer till at last 'Imadu-1-mnlk brought an army against 
him and defeated him. From thence he being helpless and ashamed 
cast a glance of hope, towards kissing the threshold of his Majesty 
JahanbdnT, as will be hereafter related in its proper place. But leaving 
such matters, to speak of which is to indulge in amplifications and 
rhetoric, I proceed to my proper subject. 

When his Majesty JahSnbanT Jannat-ashiyani arrived at the 
capital the audacious spirits of that neighbourhood who had raised 
the head of refractoriness, and extended the neck of dispute came 
into subjection and obedience, and made tribute the material of their 147 
own peace and safety. The dominions became adorned with repose 
and steadfastness. 



i See Mirat-i-Sikandari 293. 

* 1 do not know where this is. The 
Mirat-i-Sikandari lith. ed., p. 293, says 
that M. Zaman was near Uuah which 
18 3 kos from Diu, and that he there 
set himself up as Saltan. Unah is 
referred to in Jarrett II, 244 and 
247 and 258. See also I. G. art. 



Una. The Mirat says *Imadu-l- 
mulk defeated M. Zaraan-at-Zamar in 
Surat (Kdthidwdr) near Unah. 
Probably the mosque in question is 
in Diu for Mr. Whiteway tells me 
that the Portuguese authorities say 
that the ^{luiha was read for a time 
in M. Zaman's name in Diu. 



326 akbartiAmi. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

March of His Majbbtt JahanbAn! Jannat-asbitAn! to bubduv 
Bengal; his conqokst of that countbt and bbtukm 
TO the Capital^ and what happened in 

THE meanwhile. 

When the world-adoming mind had finished the affairs of tho<e 
regions, (i.e., Agra and the territories referred to at end of last chap- 
ter) his princely genius addressed itself to the arrangements for as 
expedition to Gujrat, so that he might again turn the reins of hi^ 
intent towards that province and might, contrary to former dis- 
positions, make over its management to men whose behaviour should 
show steadiness in administration, and whose proceedings should not 
be characterised by mutability and confusion. He purposed th;it 
when his mind was at ease with regard to the settlement of the 
province, he would return to the capital. Meanwhile news came 
of the emergence of Sher Khan and of his commotions in the 
eastern provinces. Hence the design of subduing Bengal^ which 
had entered his Majesty's heart before the affairs of 6ujr&t and had 
been put off on account of the latter now revived, and orders were 
issued to make preparations for an expedition to Bengal. It was 
decided that gl^er Kh§n should be put down and the territories of 
Bengal subdued. 

Account of flafiR KbAn.^ 

This Sher Khan belonged to the AfgJ^an tribe of Sur. His old 
name was Farld, and he was the son of Hasan, the son of Ibrahim 
Slierakhail. Ibrfihim was a horse-dealer, nor had he any distinction 
aiuong the crowd of tradesmen. His native country was the village 



I A. F*8. account 18 inferior to 
Nij5amu-d-d!n'8 (copied by Firiihtft) 
and to Kh^^ Khan'a. See also Dorii's 



History of the Afgha^iUi P* 80 et seg, 
and Garvin do Ta8sy*8 translation oi 
the Chronicle of Sh^r Shih, 




CHAPTRR XZV. 



327 



of Si^amla < in the territory of NdrnuL* His son Hasan developed 
some nobleness ' and from trading took to soldiering. For a long 
time he was in the service of BaTinal, the grandfather of Balsftl 
Darbarl,* who is at present honoured by being in the service of hia 
Majesty the gl^ahinshah. From there he went to Caund ^ in the 
territory of Sahasram and became a servant of Nafir l^§n Luhini who 
was an officer of Sikandar Lodi. By service and ability he sur- 
passed his follows, and when NasTr Khan died, he entered the service 
of his brother Daulat !^Sn. After that he was enrolled among the 
followers of Baban who was one of the grandees of Sultan Sikandar 
LodT, and achieved a certain amount of distinction. Many things 148 
were accomplished by his management. His son Farid pained his 
own father by his arrogance and evil disposition, and separated from 
him. For a time he was in the service of T^j KhSn LodT and for 
a while he was in Oudh in the service of Qasim Husain Uzbak. 
For a long time he was servant of Sultan Junaid Barlas.^ One 
day Snlt^an Junaid Barlas had taken occasion to introduce him and 
two other Afghans who were in his service to his Majesty Glti-sitfini 
Firdaus-makanT. As soon as the farseeing glance of his Majesty 
fell upon him he remarked *' Suit to Barlas, the eyes of this Afghan, 
(pointing to Fand) indicate turbulence and strife-mongering, he 
ought to be confined." He received the other two favourably. 
Farid got apprehensive on seeing his Majesty Giti-sitini^s look, 
and fled before Sultan (Junaid) could make him over to his men. 
Meanwhile his father died and his property fell into his hands. In 
the territory of Sahasrfira, and in the jungles of Caund, which is 
a pargana of Bohtas, he began to give trouble by practising theft,' 



I Or Simla, according to some. A 
pencil note to Chalmers' MS. transla- 
tion has Shanily 55 miles N. of Dihli. 

> In the district of Agra. J^irrett, 
I [, 193. 

> Ba qadr raiJidi paidd harda* 

♦ Blochmann, 419. 

* The text has JQna. Caund or 
Cand is correct. See Beames J.A.8.B. 
for 1895, p. 81. It was in Sarkar 
Kohtas. 



* He was governor of Kara MSnik- 
par (in Allahabad) under Babar and 
was younger brother of Babar s Vizier 
Ni^Srau-d-dTn. Dom I.e. 92. He 
died in 94^, (1536-37). See Firishta. 

1 These charges may be exaggera^ 
ted, but they are corroborated by 
ShSr SbSh's alleged confession to 
Malla ShKn, Elliot IV, 393n. 



828 



akbaunIma. 



robbeiy and mnrder. In a short space of time He hy craft &r. ' 
unrighteousness surpassed the rebels of the age. Accordini^ly Saltxm 
Bahndur of Gujrat sent him a subsidy by the hands of merch&Dt- 
and summoned him to his side. Farid made the money into capital fj- 
sedition, and sent excuses for not going. He occupied Himself i- 
usurpations, attacks nnd in plundering towns and villages. Id » 
short time many rascals and vagabonds gathered round hiin. Meio:' 
Tvhile the governor * of Bihar who was one of the Luh.aaT noblt^* 
departed this life^ and there was no one left to take up the thre^i 
of his duties. Sher Oidn and his vagabonds made a raid and ^.'i 
hold of much property. Then he returned to his own place, *nii 
suddenly attacked Ulugh Mlrzi, who was near Sirwa (Siru). By crafi 
he got the better of him. From there he turned aud attacked Benares, 
and when he had acquired troops and property he went to Patna au<I 
took possession of that country. He fought a battle at Sorajgarh* 
which is the boundary of the territories of the ruler of Beugai, 
and won a victory. That country also came into his hands. For a 
year he carried on war against NuQrat gtah,* the ruler of Bengal, 
and for a long while he besieged Gaur.* 

One remarkable circumstance was that S^er Khan came to hear 
of an eminent astrologer in the service of the Eaja of Orissst. As 
he had vain and rebellious thoughts he sent for this astrologer to get 
information about his success. The Rajft would not let him go, but 
the astrologer wrote to ^er Khan that he would not prevail over 
Bengal till the lapse of a year, and that he would prevail on a par- 
ticular day> on which the Ganges would be fordable for an hoar. 
149 By fate, what was written came to pass.' 



I This is Sultftn Muhammad, son of 
Paryi La^'^nl. Stewart's Bengal 131. 
Khttf^ Kh*" <-'«^l^« 1**"* Bahadur Khan 
LntatiT, Bib. Ind. cd. 1. 89. In Dorn'a 
History and in Stewart ho is called 

• In Monghyr and at the oast end 
of that diHtriot. But apparently this 
in li Nlip of tlio autlior for Till&garhl 
in IIhi Hoiithal rurKauaa. Sco 
Jurn«lt 11, Ihi and nuto. 



B Text, noflh but this is wroiiir. 
See Jarrett II, \47n. and Riyd»u-a* 
9aldtXn, Bib. Ind. text 139. 

* The text has Gorakhpar, but a 
note says that many M8S. ha\ o 
Gaur. The context and history shovr 
that Gaur is right. See Stewiirt's 
Bengal, 120. Gaur capitulated in 
1537 to Sh^r Shah's son. 

^ See Erskine*H note on this pn*. 
dicion II, 135». Apparently the pre* 





OHAFTBB XXV. 



829 



Verse* 

1 heard from a sage that wisdom is plentif al| 
But that it ia scattered about among mankind. 

During the time that the royal standards were engaged in con- 
quering Mftlwft and Gujrit^ g^er IS^ka seized his opportunity and 
made great progress. The above is a sketch of the beginning of his 
career. The remainder of his story^ the last of his actions, and his 
wretched end will be narrated in a parenthesis of the account of 
Lis Majesty JahanbanT, so that the authors of strife and contention 
may take warning therefrom.^ 

In fine, as the idea of an expedition to the eastern provinces 

had become fixed in the mind of his Majesty Jahanb&ni, Mir Faqr 

'All, who had been one of the great officers of his Majesty Flrdaus- 

makani Giti-sitanT was appointed to the charge of Dihll while 

Agra was entrusted to Mir Muhammad BakhshT, who was one of the 

trusted servants of the State. Yidgfir Na^ir Mirza, his Majesty's 

cousin, was sent to Kalpi which was his jdlglr in order to manage 

that quarter. Nuru-d-din Muhammad Mirza ■ who was married to 

his Majesty's sister Gulrang Begam and was the progenitor of 

Salima Sulj^n Begam, was appointed to the charge of Qanauj. His 

Majesty having in this manner arranged the officers of his kingdom 

went ofE to the eastward by boat, along with his chaste and veiled 



diction must refer to something that 
occurred at the siege of Graur, which 
was situated on an old channel of 
the Gauges, for we do not hear that 
the real Granges became fordable on 
the days of Causa and Qanauj. 

I A.P's moralising is rather mis- 
placed. Was Sher Khan's death 
when engaged in a holy war and in 
the hour of victory, as pitiable as 
the slip on a stair which ended 
HamayUn's days P 

s The MaMXT-i'Tahiml (MS. A. S.B. 
194a) says that Kilru-d-dTn was the 
son of Mirza 'Ala'u-d-daula who was 
related to Shwaja Qasan 'Attar who 
again was son of Ehwaja 'Ala'u-d- 
42 



din who was the first Khalifa of the 
Naqghbandl order. The Gulrang 
BSgam whom NQru*d-dfn married 
was Humaydn's half-sister, being a 
daughter of Dildar Begam and full- 
sister of Hindal and Gulbadan 
Begam. Her daughter Salima was 
first married to Bair&m and after- 
wards to Akbar. Bairam received 
Salima in marriage as a reward for 
his helping Humaynn to conquer 
India, and also perhaps because they 
were related. Sallma's great-grand- 
mother, Paeha Begam being a 
daughter of Bair&m's ancestor 'AH 
Shnkr who belonged to the Turko- 
mans of the Blaok Sheep. 




880 



akbabnIma. 



cotiBorts. MTrzfi 'Askarl and Mirzi Hindftl aocompanied him, wL 
among the officers were IbrihTm Beg Cabuq,^ Jahan^r Qali Bl: 
Khnsrau Beg Kdkaltash, Tardi Beg Khan, Que Beg.s Ta.rdi Beg 
Etavva, Bairam !^§n, Qasim Qusain Ki^ftn Uzbak, Bucaka Be^, ZiU- 
Beg, Dost Beg, Beg Mirak, Haji Mahammad (son of) Baba Qo^'^p 
Ya'qub Beg, Nihal Beg, Bdsj^an Beg, Mugful Beg and a large niimK'* 
of other distinguished men. The army proceeded by land anJ 
by water whilst his Majesty, sometimes sitting in a boat and son:^ 
times riding on horse-back, deliberated on the affairs of state a>. 
proceeded towards the fort of Canar where was S^er Khan. Wlifi 
the army drew nigh to Cunar, M. Muhammad Zaman came fn^r; 
Gujrfit with the dust of confusion on his forehead and the drop« 'V 
shame on his cheek, and had the happiness to be permitted to ki>« 
the lofty threshold. The brief account of this occurrence ia as fc> 
160 lows. His Majesty's dear sister Ma^^uma Sulj^an Begam,* the Mlrsi • 
wife, had in Agra petitioned about the Mirza's guilt and had i^ 
ceived an order of reconciliation. His Majesty from his innate 
goodness, drew the line of forgiveness over his offences and directed 
that he should be sent for. When the Mlrzi arrived near the ^rand 
army, a number of high officers were sent to meet him, and mrhen he 
was a day's journey off, M. 'Askarl and M. HindSl went oat iu 
accordance with the lofty commands and embraced him. M. 'Askarl 
saluting him by raising his hand up to his breast, while M. Hindal 
saluted ^ by putting his hand on his head. They brought the Mlrzi 
with respect to the camp and that day the Mlrza, in accordance with 
the king's command, was conveyed to his own tent. Next day he 
was brought to the lofty pavilion and. having done homage, was 
treated with royal favours. Twice was he exalted in one assemblage 
by a special kbil^at^ a belt, a sword and a horse. Bravo I At the 



1 Blochmann 332, who writes 
Jabaq. Probably edhuk 'celer,' is 
the correct reading. Perhaps he is 
the Ibrahim BSgcik of the Tar. Badk. 
Elias and Ross, 470, and described 
there as father of Jahinglr Qull 

> Blochmann 455, Bfibar 95 and 363. 

* Quahqa is a Turkish word meaning 
the star on a horao'a forehead. B&ba 



Qufihqa was a servant of B&bar, 364. 

* Half-sister of HamayQn, being 
the daughter of Ma'^ama, the 
daughter of Saltan Ai^mad and who 
married her cousin B&bar. Babar 208. 

» See Blochmann 158 for A.F.'s 
account of the taalim, 'Askarl being 
the elder brother did not lalataao 
humbly as HindiL 



I 




CHAPTBB xxr. 831 

Ifate of God's electa bIds are requited (liL bought) by beuefits, and 

'wickednesses are reckoned as virtues. There is such plenty in the 

Btore-house of divine grace that His peculiar mercies are co-ordinate 

vritb offenders ; in proportion as they increase their crimes and sins 

do they obtain increase of grace and forgiveness. This attribute 

is tlie more appropriate to princes in that they are the shadows of 

6od^ BO that by passing over ofiEences no harm is done to the breadth 

of their mercy and the amplitude of their power ; and the wretch 

who is ashamed of his evil deeds, obtains an order of release from 

the pit of torture. In short his Majesty Jahfinbani Jannat AshySnij 

in spite of rebellion so great that (even) to pardon it were improper, 

became an expounder ot the Divine ethics and returned good for 

evil. God be praised I His Majesty, the ^ahins^ah of the Age, 

( Akbar) hath these noble qualities and weighty ethics ; they are part 

of his nature and of the essence of his holy soul,^and in the meting 

out of punishment he practises a consideration and hesitation such 

as no other king has been adorned with from the cycle of Adam 

until now. In this book a few instances will be given out of many. 

May God Almighty increase daily this family and may He, in reward 

of this generous nature bestow plenteous blessings on his Majesty's 

life and dominion 1 

In short when g^er Khan was apprized of the uprearing of the 
victorious standards, he left his son Quj^b Khtn and many others in 
Cuu&r, and after strengthening the fort, departed to Bengal. He 
conquered that country in war and obtained much booty. When 
the world-conquering army of his Majesty JahSnbinl Jannat-ashi- 161 
yam encamped near Cunar, he applied himself to the taking of 
the fortress. Hum! Khan who was the paragon of the age for over- 
coming grand forts and sky-high castles, and who had left Su].tan 
Bahadar after the victory of Mandasor, and been enrolled as one 
of his Majesty's servants, and exalted by the office of Mir Ata§k 
(Director of Ordnance) constructed a covered way (sdhat) upon 
boats and arranged such a roof (sati^a) with strong partitions (?) on 
the top of a platform of planks that the ingenious and skilful bit 
the finger of astonishment in admiration of the workmanship.^ And 



I See Ni{;aina-d-din's account, 
Elliot y, 200. It is more detailed 
and more intelligible than A.F.'8. Ap- 



parently Bam! ^an built a wooden 
tower so lofty that when placed on 
boats and conyejed across the river 



83i 



akbarhIha. 



he carried such'mines under the walls that when they ifn 
Time and the Terrene {zamin u zamdn) were shaken. Qajtb K3ur 
fled^ and the remainder of the garrison asked for quarter uiil crli- 
out. The fort fell into the possession of the king's servajits. !-• 
for those admitted to quarter, they were about 2,000 in namb^ 
though his Majesty JahanbanT had ratified Kumi i^hsn's pronii-c 
and had pardoned ( f ) them, yet Mu'ayyid Beg Diildai,' wlio ^iras 03= 
of the confidential officers, added to the order that their hand* 
should be cut off, and represented that this was the king's comiiian<] 
such was the usurpation* of authority that he displayed ! Hf» 
Majesty Jahftnbfini censured him for this. Bum! I^an l^ceived rojsi 
favours, and his influence and renown were increased. In retura 
for his services the fort was made over to him, but in a few dzp 
he became by destiny an object of envy to the world and pesse^l 
away, poisoned. 

When his mind was free of this affair, the expedition to Bengal 
J)resented itself before him. Nai?!b Stfth,^ the ruler of Bengal, came 



io the foot of the hill, it enabled the 
assailants to get to the wall under 
cover. See also Janhar, Stewart 10, 
and Tiefenthaler's plate I, 450, 
No. XXIX which shows a wall 
coming down to the water's edge. 

1 Dom's History of the Afghans, 
p. 112, calls him the son of Sul- 
tftn Mal^mad, and the Chronicle of 
gj^Sr Sh&b says the same thing but 
adds the epithet Daldai. Garcin de 
Tassy, p. 84. Duldai is a division of 
the BarlSs tribe. Blochmann 388n. 
Niyamu-d-dln says that only the 
artillerymen had their hands cut off, 
and that this was done by Humayfln's 
orders. It is impossible that 2,000 
men- could have their hands cut off 
without Humiyfln's becoming ac- 
quainted with the fact while the 
brutality was going on. Jauhar, 
(Stewart 10), who is perhaps the 
most to be trusted, as he was with 
HumiyQn at the tim«, says that 



BSmT Khan caused the hands of tk* 
artillerymen to be cut off, and tha( 
HumayQn was very angry with him 
on this account. The same anthorit? 
says that Bumi BIhSn's float ire 
battery, &c., did little execution. 
Bayazld 216. tells us that Mn'ayjid 
died in Kabul shortly after the first 
taking of it, to the unixersal joy of 
the army, who regarded him as a 
Satan and as the cause of the loss 
of India, &o. 

s I am not sure Of the meaning 
but think that iahakhtim is used in 
the sense of fancied or slf-assumed 
authority. B. M. MS. has a ki at 
the end of the words which perhaps 
is an improvement, the meaning 
then being that M. BSg so far 
usurped authority that HumayOn 
had to rebuke him. 

ft Naslb is apparently intended 
for Nu^rat, but both names appear 
%b be wrong. Nu^at died in 943 



CHAPTRB ZXT. 



888 



vrounded to the world-protecting Conrti and implored help against 

aKer Kb&n. This was an additional reason for conquering Bengal^ 

and another call to him to proceed there. His Majesty comforted 

Yiiux by his princely sympathy^ and distingaished him by royal 

favours. As the expedition had now been determined upon^ Jaun- 

piir and its territory was made over to Mir Hindu Beg who was one 

of the great officers, while Gunar was given to Mirak Beg. Pre^ 

parations having been made, the army proceeded by land and water. 

When Patna became the camping ground, the loyal servants of the 

Court represented that the rainy season had arrived, and that if 

liis Majesty delayed the Bengal expedition until this season had 

passed over, this would be consonant with the rules of conquest, 

sinoe the passage of cavalry into Bengal at this season was very 

difficult, and would be productive of destruction to the soldiers. 

The ruler of Bengal looked to his own interests and represented that 

S^er ^&n had not yet confirmed himself in Bengal, and that to 

march speedily against him would be a means of extirpating him 162 

with ease. His Majesty out of consideration for this oppressed one, 

and from the plausibility of his statements, gave orders for the 

advance. In Bhagalpur he divided the army, sending M. Hindil 

across the river with 5000 or 6000 men to march along its banks on 

that side. When the army had encamped at Monghyr, news came 

that Jalal Oian, the son of gi^er ^&n, who after his father^s death 

took the name of Sallm ^an,L with Khawa^? K h anj Barmazid,' 

Sarmast O^an,^ Haibat K^an Niyazi,* and Bahar Khan ^ with about 

15,000 men had come to Grarhl which is, as it were, the gate of 

Bengal, and that having strengthened it they were meditating strife 

and sedition. 



A.H., or earlier, and the King of 
Bengal who fled, wounded, to Hu- 
mayan, was Ma^mAd or Saltan 
Ma^mild g^ah, another of the 18 
sons of the famous ^nsain Shah. 
No Naslb appears in the list of 
kings of Bengal, but probably there 
was such a name for there is a 
quarter of the town of ^urflhida- 
bad called Naf ibpftr. 



1 Elsewhere A. F. calls him Islam 
Shan. 

• BarmazTd Goor, Dom, 128. 

• An Afghan tribe, Jarrett II. 403. 

• This according to Dom, 93, was 
a title given by gher Khan to ^abib 
E^an Kakar. 

' Or Pahar. 



834 



AXBARVlVA. 



The account of this affair is ad follows: When Sier K 
heard of the approach of the imperial army he coald not r*' 
himself to fight but went off hy way of Jhirkhand,^ so tbat wb?r 
grand army came into Bengal^ he might go to Bihfir and sr.: 
commotion in that province^ and also that he might place the sp: : 
Bengal in safety. He left Jal&l l^&n and a large body of men i 
Garlil and arranged that when the conquering army approached : 
he himself had got to Sl^erpur^* they should make haste to join h 
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from Shagv.' 
Ibrftlum Beg C&buq, Jah&ng!r Qui! Beg^ Bairfim Beg^ Nahil K: 
Roshan Beg, Gurg 'All Beg, Bacaka Bahadur^ and a largB L: 
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arriT. 
in the neighbourhood of Gafhl, Jal&I Khan departed from his fatht- 
instructions, got together his army and attacked the <»kmp. P. 
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting^ ao as : 
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the enenj 
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Bairi^ 
Ktftn turned several times and attacked the enemy, and dispers^J 
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management ht 
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactoriiT. 
'All O&n MahftwanT,* Haidar Bakhs^i and several other ofiicerr 
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to tbt 
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On the ' 
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was snnk at 
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans, 
the wretches fled. MirzA Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhnt 
163 and Purniyfi was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new 



i JhSrkband is sometimeu identi- 
fied with ChatiaNagpar. It also 
represents the jungle mahaU of 
MidnapSr. It seems to me not im- 
probable that the name here is a 
mistake for Bharkflndi» in BlrbhUm. 
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's 5ar- 
kdr$ J., R. A. S., January, 1896. p. 97 
and Jarrett II, 139. Bharkanda was 
inaarikar.BhArlffibSd. Dorn p. 107, 
speaks of Qh^r Sh^'a retreat- 
ing to the mountains of Bercund, 



and Garcin de Tassy's ChroniciV 
of ShSr Sh&h {76) is to the same 
effect. If the gh^rpftr mentioned 
later be Qh^Erpur AtaT, BharkOnda i> 
more likely to be right than Jhir- 
khand. 

* There are several Sh^rpttrs, hot 
Sl^Srpar Atil is probably the one 
meant. Blochmann 341, Jacrett II, 
140, and text Ain I, 407. 

• Possibly the name is Mahiwatl. 




CHAPTBR XZY. 835 

ef , BO tliat he should come from thence with a proper equipment to 
(eiig^a.1. His Majesty Jah&nb§ni proceeded from there^ march hj 
aarcli^ to Bengal^ and bj the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^ 
^er !Sb.&n and the other Afghans having taken the choicest treasures 
Df Bengal* went off by Jharkhand towards Boht&s^ and got possession 
of it by means of stratagem, 

8s£b Edam's taking of Fort Rohtas. 

The short account of this is as follows : When S^er ^an 

arrived in the neighbourhood of Bohtas^ which is a very strong fortj 

he sent messengers to Raja Cintaman^^ a brahman, the owner of the 

f ort^ reminding him of past favours^ and after making a foundation 

of friendship^ he represented to him that he was in a difficulty^ and 

begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and 

dependants into the fort, and thus make him (gher lOian) pledged 

to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the 

simple-minded Raja was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He^ 

a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and 

placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed 

on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his 

soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers 

there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to 

Bengal. 

History of HumayGn (besumbd). 

His Majesty JahinbanT found the climate of Bengal agreeable 
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country 
jgathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hinddl 
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain 
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with- 
out permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were 



1 30th May, 1538. to 18th May, 1 539. 
Apparently Gaur was taken during 
the rains and probably in June, 1538. 

s Bangala. Probably here and else- 
where Gaur, and not the province, is 
meant. 

& KiKamn-d-dfn and Qi&fi Kh&n 
call him Ear Kisban. Dorn, 93, 



speaks of the BajS of Bohtas' 
having a brahmcun named Chnra- 
man who had much influence with 
him and who was won over by Sher 
B[han. 

♦ According to Dom, 110, the 
story of the litters is false. 



834 



AXBARKlVA. 



The acconnt of thia affair is ad follows: When Sb^^* £ 
heard of the approach of the imperial army he coald not ^^ ~ 
himself to fight bat went off hy way of Jharkhand,^ so tliat whec 
grand army came into Bengali he might go to Bihfir and slv 
commotion in that pro vince^ and also that he might place the Bpc*v 
Bengal in safety. He left Jalil ^an and a large body of men c. 
Garhi and arranged that when the conqnering army approached » 
he himself had got to Slierpuri* they should make haste to join t 
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from BhagB/ 
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, Jahangir Quli Beg, Bairfim Beg^ Nahal K. 
Rdshan Beg, Gurg 'All Beg, Bacaka Bahadur, and a lar^ f - 
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arrn 
in the neighbourhood of Garhl, Jalal Khftn departed from hia fatb* 
instructions, got together his army and attacked the camp. T. 
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting^ so ae ' 
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the ener j 
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Bains 
Khan turned several times and attacked the enemy, and disperk i 
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management b. 
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactorily. 
'All Khan Mahfiwan!,^ Haidar Bakhs^i and several other officers 
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to ih-: 
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On tL: 
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was sunk at 
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans, 
the wretches fled. Mirz& Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhot 
153 and PurnTyft was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new 



^ 



I JhSrkbaud is BometimeB identi- 
fied with Ghatia NagpcLr. It also 
represents the jungle mahals of 
MidnapQr. It seems to me not im* 
probable that the name here is a 
mistake for Bharkandi» in BlrbhUm. 
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's Sar* 
JcdrB J., R. A. S., January, 1896, p. 97 
and Jarrett II, 139. Bharkanda was 
inforJkdr.QharlfftbSd. Dorn p. 107, 
speaks of QhSr Shin's retreat- 
ing to the mountains of Beround, 



and Garcin de Tassy's Chronicle 
of ShSr Sh^ (7^) is to the same 
effect. If the ShSrpilr mentioned 
later be Sh^rpQr Ataf, Bharkanda i^ 
more likely to be right than Jhir- 
khand. 

* There are several Shirp&rs, but 
gh^iT^^ ^t^^ ^B probably the one 
meant. Blochmann 341, Jacrett II, 
140, and text Ain I, 407. 

s Possibly the name is Mahiwati. 



CHAPTBR XXY. 



835 



^f , BO til at he should come from thence with a proper equipment to 
en^^l* His Majesty Jah&nbani proceeded from there, march by 
larcb, to Bengal, and by the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^ 
iher Khan and the other Afgh&ns having taken the choicest treasures 
»f Bengal^ went off by Jharkhand towards Bohtfts, and got possession 
>£ it by means of stratagem. 

85EB SslN^S TAKING OF FOBT ROHTAS. 

The short account of this is as follows : When g^er ^an 

arrived in the neighbourhood of Bohtas^ which is a very strong fort^ 

he sent messengers to Raja Cintaman^^ a brahman, the owner of the 

f ort^ reminding him of past favours^ and after making a foundation 

of friendship^ he represented to him that he was in a difficulty^ and 

begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and 

dependants into the fort^ and thus make him (S^er !^an) pledged 

to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the 

simple-minded Raja was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He^ 

a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and 

placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed 

on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his 

soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers 

there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to 

Bengal. 

HiSTOBY OF HCMAY^ (BESUMBD). 

His Majesty JahSnbani found the climate of Bengal agreeable 
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country 
jgathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. HindSl 
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain 
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with- 
out permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were 



i 30tli May, 1638, to 18th May, 1 539. 
Apparently Gaur was taken daring 
the rains and probably in June, 1538. 

s Bangala. Probably here and else- 
where Gaur, and not the province, is 
meant. 

> Ni0mQ-d-dTn and Sh&fl Eh&n 
call him Ear Kishan. Dorn, 93, 



speaks of the Baj& of Bohtss' 
having a brahma/n named Chnra- 
man who had much influence with 
him and who was won over by Sher 

♦ According to Dom, 110, the 
story of the litters is false. 



834 



AKBARVlVA. 



The acconnt of this affair is aft follows: When ^^er \ 
heard of the approach of the imperial army be coald noi ^ 
himself to fight bat went off by way of Jhirkhand^^ so that when 
grand army came into Bengal^ he might go to JBihSr and 9n: 
commotion in that province^ and also that he might place the epoi!: 
JBengal in safety. He left Jalfil ^an and a large body of men n 
Garhi and arranged that when the conquering army approached . 
he himself had got to gl^erpur^* they should make haste to join L. 
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from Bhftgai 
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, Jahangir Qui! Beg, Bairftm Begj M'ahal K'. 
Rds^an Beg, Gurg 'All Beg, Bacaka Bahadur^ and a lar^ f.* 
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arrfr' 
in the neighbourhood of Garhi, Jalal Khin departed from his faik*- 
instructions, got together his army and attacked the oamp. T. 
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting so as *i 
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the enecj 
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Batii: 
Khan turned several times and attacked the enemy, and disperst:*. 
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management hi 
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactorilT. 
'All Khan MahftwanT,* Haidar Bakhshi and several other ofiice:^ 
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to tK 
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On th^ 
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was sunk s! 
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans, 
the wretches fled. Mirza Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhnt 
153 and Purniyfi was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new 



I JhSrkband is sometimea identi- 
fied with Ch&tia Nagpar. It also 
represents the jungle mahala of 
MidnapQr. It seems to me not im- 
probable that the name here is a 
mistake for BharkQnda in BlrbhUm. 
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's Sa/r- 
hdr$ J., R. A. S., January, 1896, p. 97 
and Jarrett II, 139. BharkiLnda was 
in farjtar. Sharif ibid. Dorn p. 107, 
speaks of Sh%r Sll^^'s retreat- 
ing to the mountains of Beroond, 



and Garcin de Tassy's Chronicle 
of Sh^r gh&h (76) is to the same 
effect. If the ShSrpflr mentioned 
later be Sh^^p^r At&I, Bharkfinda h 
more likely to be right than Jhir- 
khand. 

* There are several Sh^i'pArs, bat 
Shgrpfir Atal is probably the one 
meant. Blochmann 341, Jatreit II, 
140, and text Ain I, 407. 

• Possibly the name is Mahiwatl. 



CHAPTBR zxy. 835 

^f , BO tliat be should come from thence with a proper equipment to 
eni^l. His Majesty Jah&nb&ni proceeded from there^ march by 
larcb^ to Bengal^ and by the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^ 
•her KTi ftn and the other Afghans having taken the choicest treasures 
«f Beng^al* went off by Jharkhand towards Bohtds, and got possession 
>f it by means of stratagem. 

8S&B KhAn^s taking of Fort Rohtas. 

The short account of this is as follows : When gher ^an 

arrived in the neighbourhood of Rohtas^ which is a very strong fort^ 

lie sent messengers to Bajg Cintaman^^ a brahman, the owner of the 

fort, reminding him of past favours, and after making a foundation 

of friendship, he represented to him that he was in a difficulty, and 

begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and 

dependants into the fort, and thus make him (Sl^er ^an) pledged 

to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the 

simple-minded Rajg was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He^ 

a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and 

placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed 

on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his 

soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers 

there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to 

Bengal. 

History oi HumatGn (resumed). 

His Majesty JahSnbanT found the climate of Bengal agreeable 
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country 
jgathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hindal 
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain 
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with- 
oat permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were 



I 30th May,1538, to 18th May, 1539. 
Apparently Ganr was taken during 
the rains and probably in June, 1538. 

> Bangala. Probably here and else- 
where Gaur, and not the province, is 
meant. 

> Ni^ann-d-dln and ]S^&fl Ehau 
call him Ear Kishan. Dom, 93, 



speaks of the Baja of Bohtas' 
having a brahmcm named ChnrS- 
man who had much influence with 
him and who was won over by Sher 
Khan. 

♦ According to Dom, 110, the 
story of the litters is false. 



834 



AXBARKiVA. 



The account of this affair is ad follows: When Sjter Khan 
heard of the approach of the imperial army he could not bring 
himself to fight but went off by way of Jharkhand^^ so that when the 
grand army came into Bengal^ he might go to Bih&r and stir up 
commotion in that province^ and also that he might place the spoils of 
Bengal in safety. He left JaUl ^§n and a large body of men near 
Garhi and arranged that when the conquering army approached and 
he himself had got to gherpur,* they should make haste to join him, 
and should avoid fighting. His Majesty deputed from Bhagalpur 
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, Jahangfr Qull Beg, Bairftm Beg; Nahal Beg, 
Rofhan Beg, Gurg ' Ali Beg, Bacaka Bahadur, and a large force 
consisting of about 5000 or 6000 men. When the imperial army arrived 
in the neighbourhood of GrarhT, Jalal Kh&n departed from his father's 
instructions, got together his army and attacked the camp. The 
men of it had not put themselves in order for fighting so as to 
combat properly. They were not properly drawn up, and the enemy 
was numerous. Nor were the former ready for battle. Bairam 
!^an turned several times and attacked the enemy, and dispersed 
them. He made gallant efforts but from want of management he 
was not properly supported, and things did not go satisfactorily. 
'All Khan MahftwanT,' Haidar Bakhs^i and several other officers 
attained the glory of martyrdom. When this news came to the 
hearing of his Majesty, he rapidly proceeded to the spot. On the 
way the sea-adorning boat which was his special barge, was sunk at 
Colgong. When the royal army came near the black-fated Afghans^ 
the wretches fled. Mirza Hindftl, who had been appointed to Tirhnt 
153 and PurnTyfi was, at his own request, permitted to depart to his new 



1 JhSrkband is sometimeH identi- 
fied with ChQtia Nagp&r. It also 
represents the jungle mahah of 
Midnapor. It seems to me not im- 
probable that the name here is a 
mistake for Bharknnda in Blrbhilm. 
See Beames's Notes on Akbar's 8ar- 
Jedr$ J., R. A. S., January, 1896, p. 97 
and Jarrett II, 139. BharkOnda was 
in f orArdr. Sharif fibSd. Dom p. 107, 
speaks of gh^r Khtn's retreat- 
ing to the mountains of Beround, 



and Garcin de Tassy's Chronicle 
of ghSr 3h^ (76) is to the same 
effect. If the Shgrpflr mentioned 
later be Qh^rpfir At&l, BharkQnda is 
more likely to be right than Jhar- 
khand. 

* There are several Sh^rpfirs, but 
Shgrpflr Atal is probably the one 
meant. Blochmann 341, Jairett IT, 
140, and text Ain I, 407. 

i Possibly the name is Mah&watl. 



CHAFTBR XXY. 



835 



fief, BO that he should come from thence with a proper equipment to 
Bengal. His Majesty Jah&nbdnl proceeded from there^ march by 
march, to Bengal, and by the Divine aid conquered it in 945.^ 
S^er ^an and the other Afghans having taken the choicest treasures 
of Bengal > went oS by Jhirkhand towards BohtSs, and got possession 
of it by means of stratagem. 

QSER ^An's taking of Poet Rohtas. 

The short account of this is as follows : When gher Khan 
arrived in the neighbourhood of Bohtas, which is a very strong fort, 
he sent messengers to Raji Cintaman,^ a brahman, the owner of the 
fort, reminding him of past favours, and after making a foundation 
of friendship, he represented to him that he was in a difficulty, and 
begged him to treat him with humanity and to receive his family and 
dependants into the fort, and thus make him (§^er Khan) pledged 
to be his benefactor. By a hundred flatteries and deceptions the 
simple-minded Rajft was persuaded by the tricks of that juggler. He, 
a stranger to friendship's realm, prepared six hundred litters, and 
placed in each two armed youths, while maidservants were placed 
on every side of the litters. By this stratagem * he introduced his 
soldiers and took the fort. Having placed his family and soldiers 
there, he extended the arm of sedition and blocked the road to 
Bengal. 

History of HumatOn (bbsumed). 

His Majesty Jahanbani found the climate of Bengal agreeable 
and sat down to enjoy himself. The army finding a plentiful country 
gathered the materials of insouciance. At this time too M. Hindal 
was led by evil companions and authors o^ strife to entertain 
wicked designs, and went off in the height of the rains and with- 
out permission, towards Agra. Though admonitory mandates were 



A 30th May,1538, to 18th May, 1539. 
Apparently Ganr was taken during;; 
the rains and probably in Jane, 1538. 

s Bangala. Probably here and else- 
where Gaur, and not the province, is 
meant. 

> Nisamu-d-dfn and Eh^H Eh^n 
call him Bar Kishan. Dom, 93, 



speaks of the Baja of Bohtas' 
having a bnihma/n named ChnrS- 
man who had much influence with 
him and who was won over by Sher 
Ehan. 

* AccordiDg to Dom, 110, the 
story of the litters is false. 



836 



AKBABNlUA. 



sent to him they were without effect. After some days he 
at the capital and arranged his seditious plans* In the inner- 
chamber of his brain^ which was void of the divine halo^ ho 
concocted the desire of sovereignty. Slier Kban, seeing the pro- 
pitiousness of the time, extended his strife and sedition. He came 
and besieged Benares ; he soon took it and put to death Mir Fa^li 
the governor. From there he went to Jaunpur which was held by 
Baba Beg Jalair, the father of gi^dham Khan, he having been appoint- 
ed after the death of Hindu Beg. Bftba Beg brought Jaunpur 
under discipline and sedulously strengthened it. Yusuf Beg, son of 
Ibrahim Beg Cabuq, was marching from Oudh to Bengal. He joined 
Bfiba Beg, but was always scouring the country with an advanced 
154 guard and was ever in quest of an engagement. Jalftl Otftn got 
news of this, and made a rapid march with 2,000 or 3,000 men. Yusuf 
Beg saw the dust of the army and was eager to fight. Though his 
comrades pointed out to him the largeness of the enemy and the 
smallness of his own force, it was of no avail, and he bravely drank 
the last draught in the neighbourhood of JaunpQr. Next day the 
enemy invested Jaunp&r. Bfibfi Khfin Jal&ir gave proof of courage 
and skill in defending it, and sent off reports to the Mirz&s and 
officers. He also made repeated representations to the Court (at 
Gaur]. Mir Faqr 'All came fromDihli to Agra, and proffered sound 
advice to M. Hindal. After much discussion he brought away the 
Mirzfi from Agra to the other side of the river. He also appointed 
Mubammad Bakhs^T to give what help the time allowed of, in des- 
patching Mirza Hindfil quickly «to Jaunpur. Mir Faqr 'All then 
went off from there to Kalpi to get Yadgar Naijir Mirza equipped for 
the army, and to arrange for a meeting of the Mlrzas in the territory 
of Karra,^ and for a march onwards from there. At this time 
Khusrau Beg Kdkaltasb^ HdjT Muhammad (son of) Babft Qu^qa, 
Zihid Beg, MTrz& Nazar and many others, out of crookedness and 
fitrife-mongering absconded from Bengal and came to M. Nuru-d-din 
Muhammad who had been left in Eanauj. The Mirzd reported their 
arrival to M. Hindal, and requested that they should be personally 



^ Agra in text, but Lucknow ed. 
and Price have Karra (4 miles 
W.N.W.All&h&bad)aadthisi8 clear- 



ly right. Tiefenthaler I. 285 haa 
plan of Karra. 



GHAPTKR XXV. 837 

received. M. Hindal sent friendly letters to them by Mul^ammad Ghaz! 
Tughbaij^ who was ope of the Mirzd^s confidants. He also wrote ex- 
planations of their arrival to Yidgar Nafir MirzS and Mir Faqr 'All. 
The oflEicers who were with M. Nuru-d-din Muhammad^ did not wait for 
an answer but came on to Kul (^AlTgarh) which was in Zahid Beg's 
fief. Hindal's messenger heard of this on his way and hastened to join 
them. These short-sighted disloyalists opened their raving moaths and 
plainly said, '' Henceforth we do not serve the king; if you, as you 
have already purposed, will have the hbuiha read in your own name, 
we will enter into your service and render you faithful allegiance ; 
otherwise we shall go to Mirza Kamran where happiness and a wel- 
come are waiting for us (lit, are in our bosom).'' Muhammad GhazT 
Tughbai returned and secretly delivered the officers' message and said, 
that one of two things was inevitable. Either Hindal must have the 
hb^tba read in his own name and send for and caress the officers, or 
they must be laid hold of by stratagem and be confined. M. Hindab 
whose head was always itching after folly, looked upon this opinion 
as a valuable find, and with promises of kind treatment sent for those 
irreflecting traitors and spoke soothingly to them, and confirmed 
them in their evil imaginings. 

When the alienation of Benares and Jaunpur was reported 
to his Majesty Jahanbani and the deceitful designs of M. Hindal 
became known to him, he despatched ghaikh Buhlul who was one 
of the great g^aikhs of India and the recipient of royal favours, 166 
from Bengal that he might proceed quickly to the capital, and by 
sage advice restrain the Mirza from evil thoughts and induce 
him to act with one accord in extirpating the Afghans. The 
Sl^aiUb arrived post-haste, just when the officers were propounding 
their wicked schemes and were near drawing M. Hindal away from 
the straight path. M. Hindal went out to welcome him and brought 
him with honour and respect to his own house. The Shaikh's 
weighty words strengthened M. Hindal in the intention of serving 
with which he had gone forth. Next day Muhammad Bakhshi was 
brought in order that all the preparations for the army — gold, 
camels, horses, accoutrements — might be made. Muhammad Bakhshi 
represented that there was no money for the soldiers, but that there 



* Or Taqbal. It is the name of an Afglian tribe. Jarrett II, 403. 
43 



888 



AKBARKlHA. 



was abundance of materials and stores^ and that he would carry out 
everything as was desired. Four or five days had not passed 
since this conversation when M. Nuru-d-din came in haste from 
Qanauj. And apparently all that the officers had plotted together 
was strengthened by his coming. Muhammad GhazT Tug^bai was 
sent a second time to the officers and they reiterated what they had 
said before, and made this condition, that^ as an indication that their 
proposals had been accepted, ghaikh Buhlul, who was the king^s 
envoy and was confounding their schemes, should be publicly pat 
to death, so that everyone might be assured that M. Hindal had separ- 
ated himself from the king, and that they (the officers) might serve 
him with minds at ease. The Shaikh was engaged in arranging 
for the march of the army, and was looking after the ordering of 
the accoutrements, when the messenger * returned. In accord with 
M. Nuru-d-dTn Muhammad the unbecoming proposal was ratified, 
and M. Nuru-d-din Muhammad seized the Shaikh, by M. HindaFa 
orders, in his house and taking him across the river, ordered him to 
be beheaded s in a sandy spot near the Royal Garden. The aban- 
doned officers came and did homage to the MTrza, and in an inaus- 
picious hour and in a time of confusion the M^utba was read in 
M. HindaVs name. The troops then marched ^ on. Though the 
chaste Dildar 5ghaca Begam, M. Hindftl's venerable mother, and 
the other Begams counselled him, it was absolutely of no avail. The 
tongue of his actions uttered this verse. 



« 



Advice of man is wind in mine ear. 
But 'tis a wind that fans my fire." 



I I.e., Tughbal. He had gone to 
'AlTgarh wlierethe oflScers still were, 
being afraid to come on until Hin- 
dal bad proved his adhesion to their 
Bchcmos. 

* Badaoni describes this occur- 
rence and gives the chronogram 
" Assuredly he died a martyr," 
faqad mdta 9}iahidan^=9 Hy {lhl\H). 
Hhaildi Hubliil or Pul was one of 
the great naints of India and older 



brother of Muhammad Ghans of 
Gwalyar. Badaoiit I. 4. M. Uaidar 
speaks disparagingly of him as 
merely a sorcerer, (p. 398,) but 
apparently never saw him, and was 
prejudiced against him because 
Humayun's attachment to Buhlal 
had made him neglect KhwajaNQra^ 
Haidar's patron saint. 
* Presumably towards Dihll. 



CHAPTBB ZXT. 



339 



When M. Hindfil had the hbufi)a read in his name and came 
before his mother^ that cupola of chastity had a blue ^ cloth over her 
breast. The MTrza said^ ^' What kind of dress is that yon have 
donned at such a time of rejoicing T '* That cupola of chastity 
replied, out of her foresight^ "Why do you regard me? I am wearing 
mourning for you ; you are young (he was only 19) and have^ from the 166 
instigation of irreflecting sedition-mongers^ lost the true way ; you have 
girded your loins for your own destruction/' Muhammad Ba^^T* 
came and said, '^ You have killed the gl^aikh ; why do you delay about 
me ? " The Mirza treated him kindly and took him with him. When 
Yadgar Nasir Mirza and Mir Faqr 'All heard of this bad business 
they made a rapid march from Kdlpi vid Grwalyar, and coming to 
Dihll took measures to strengthen the city and to provide for the 
fort. The Mirza had reached Hamldpur^ near Flrozabsd^ when the 
news came that Y&dgar Nasir Mirza and Mir Faqr 'All had 
arrived at Dihll. The Mirza and the officers consulted together and 
proceeded to invest Dihll. Many of the petty jdglrddrs round about 
came and did homage to the Mirza, and he made march after march 
and besieged Dihll. Yadgar Nasir MlrzS and Mir Faqr 'All exerted 
themselves in holding the fort, and sent an account of affairs to 
M. Efimran and begged him to come and quell the sedition. He set 
out from Lfthor and when he came near Sonpat,* M. Hindal hurried 
off to the province of Agra without having accomplished his purpose. 
When M. EamrSn approached Dihll Mir Faqr 'All came and had 
an interview with him, while Yadgar Nasir Mirza continued to hold the 
fort as before. Mir Faqr 'All induced M. Kamran to proceed to 
Agra, and M. Hindal not having the resolution to remain there went 
off to Alwar. M. Kamran, after he came to Agra, desired that cupola 
of chastity, Dildar Ag^aca Begam to soothe M. Hind§l and to 



1 kahud the sign of mourning. 

> Also called Saltan Muhammad, 
(A.N., I. 269,) and perhaps the 
BaJiiiih^ called Sultan Muhammad of 
BadaUighftn- Blochmann 528. He 
was a servant of Babar. (348 and 364.) 

* 24 miles east of Agra. A pencil 
note toChalmer's MS. suggests either 
Umldpur 8 miles W. by N. Firoza- 



bad, or Mu^ammadipur, Smiles S. B. 
Ffrozabad. Y. Nasir Mirza and Faqr 
*A1I went by the West of Dilili 
and Hindal by the East, but he must 
have been very remiss to let them 
get from Kalpi to Dihll before him. 
♦ I. G. 28 miles N. N. W. Dihll. 
Jarrett II, 287, where it is spelt 
Sonipat. 



840 



AKBAKNlWii. 



recall tim to obedience. That matron (kadbdnu), the pavilion of 
chastity^ brought M. Hindal from Alwar and introduced him to 
M. Kamran with his shroud (futa ) round his neck. The Mirza (Kamrftn) 
behaved with propriety^ and next day he forgave the seditious 
officers and held a levee for them. The Mirzds and officers joined 
together and crossed the Jumna in order to put down the rebellion 
of gher !Oifin. But as auspiciousness did not guide those biglibom 
ones they did not obtain the blessing of such a glorious service. 

In fact when by celestial aid the country of Bengal had come 
into possession of the imperial servants, and its capital had become 
the headquarters of the army, and the great officers had obtained 
large territories in fief, they gathered the materials of enjoyment 
and pleasure and opened the gates of negligence in the front of their 
lives. The pillars of sovereignty paid less attention to administration^ 
and strife-mongers, of which wretches this wide world is never free, 
raised the head of discord and sedition. The time was at hand 
when slumbering strife should lift up her downcast eyelashes. 
Fissures found their way into the foundation of circumspection. 
157 Information such as could be depended upon did not come to head- 
quarters, or if one thing out of many became known to any of the 
confidants, he had not the courage to communicate it, for the 
arrangement then was that no particle of unpleasantness should be 
bruited in the august assemblage. When by degrees the truth 
about the rebellion in Hindust&n was conveyed by real well-wishers, 
who, in disregard of their own advantage, represented the true 
facts, his Majesty Jahfinbani called together the pillars of the state 
and determined on the return of the Grand Army. Though from 
excessive rain the country was under water, and the rivers were 
tempestuous, and it was not the season for campaigning, yet on 
account of the emergency it was considered that a return was 
necessary for the preservation of the empire. The charge of Bengal 
was ordered to be entrusted to Zahid Beg,< but that worthless one 
took up the presumptuous ways of an old servant, and having given 



^ He was married to a sister of 
Ham&yOn'B favourite wife Begha 
BBgam otherwise Qajl B^gam and 
presumed thereupon. Jauhar, 13« 



Some years afterwards he was 
governor of Ghaznin and was pat 
to death by K&mran. 





CHAPTBR XXV. 



341 



way to evil desires^ abBconded and joined Mirzft Hindi!. His 
Majesty* made over Bengal to Jahftngfr Qali Beg and left a large 
force to support him. He then in the height ' of the rains turned 
his bridle and set out for the capital (Agra) . 

When S^er Khan heard of the returning of the royal army, and 
of the departure of the Mirzis from Agra he withdrew from Jaun- 
pur and proceeded towards Bohtis. His plan was that if the sub- 
lime standards should come against him, he should avoid a battle 
and return by the Jharkhand route, by which he had come, and aim 
at Bengal, (qr. Qaur the capital) . And if this should not happen 
(that Humfiyun's army should follow him) and if the imperial army 
should proceed towards Agra and an opportunity offered itself, he 
would follow in its wake and attempt a night attack. "When the 
sublime army of his Majesty Jah5nbfini arrived at Tirhut,* gier 
!^8n came to know the smallness of the force and the disorganiza- 
tion of the royal camp, and waxed audacious (iAzrak) ^ and advanced 
with a large and fully equipped army. 

He got under his control all the country round about the army, 
and no one was able to procure infdrmation about the enemy^s 
manoeuvres. Ibn 'All Qarawalbegi (chief scout) went and brought 
authentic news which were communicated to his Majesty through 



* This is not very intelligible. The 
rains of 946, (1539,) cannot be meant, 
for the battle of Cansa did not take 
place till 27th June, 1539, and after 
Hnmayun had been encamped in the 
neighbourhood for 2 or 3 months. I 
suppose Hamayan must have left 
Gaur in the end of th& rains of 1538, 
t.6., in September or October, and 
before the country was sufficiently 
dried up. But if so, he must have 
marched very slowly indeed not to 
get to Causa till March or April. 
The Hindustani chronicler of 8her 
Shah. Garcin de Tassy, saysHumayun 
left Bengal when the sun was entering 
the sign of the Bull («.«., in April). 
The same phrase 'adu'i'hdrdn, 



height of the rains, has been already 
used at p. 151, with reference to 
Hindal's departure, though that must 
have taken place a considerable time 
before Humayun left Gaur. 

* There is the variant Narhan, but 
neither form seems correct, both 
being too far east. Price has Purtuh 
which he conceives may be Patna, 
and a pencil note to Chalmer's 
suggests Pumiya. This last seems 
most likely. Humayun does not 
seem to have advanced on the N. bank 
of the Granges beyond over against 
Monghir. 

* A pun, iilrak meaning a little 
i&«r tiger. 



842 



asbarnIma. 



M. Muhammad Zaman. Though the grand army had orosaed the 
Ganges^ and was marching to the capital^ yet when news was brought 
of S^er Khan's arrival and of his being close by^ the flames of the 
royal wrath were kindled^ and out of his perfect majesty and 
dominion he turned his reins towards him. Though it was represented 
to him that at such a time^ when the army was in the highest degree 
without equipment — it having travelled such a distance through 
168 mud — it was improper to march against the foe and to hasten to 
the field of battle and that what was proper was to halt soniewhere 
and recruit the army and then to undertake the crushing of the 
enemy, — such views were not acceptable to his Majesty and so he 
crossed the Ganges and marched against the foe. 

It behoves us to know that it is an ancient canon and fixed 
principle that, when the stewards of the kingdom of' Divine destiny 
assign to an individual an article of price, they open beforehand the 
gates of failure and cast him into a tumult of anguish, so that felicity 
may not remove the unique pearl from its place, and that hy this 
experience sorrow may be fulfilled and things brought to an equili- 
brium. Accordingly, — as the apparition of the light-increasing* star 
of mortals, which by showing itself in dreamland from out of QacQlI 
Bahadur's bosom had exalted the vigilant by the blessing of ex- 
pectation, was drawing nigh, — the countenances of the thoughts of 
the meditative and farseeing are not scarred if before this there 
appeared some misfortunes. Thus did such things happen at the 
hands of sundry black-hearted, unwashed Afghans^ to a force 
which might have conquered the universe. Thus was it that, con- 
trary to the advice of ministers, the army marched against the 
Afghans, and came face to face with 3]^er !^an at the village of 
Bihiya ' which is a dependency of Bhojpur.* Tl^ere a hlack * river 
called the Earmnasa (Text, Eanbas) flowed between the two armies. 
The royal army made a bridge over it and crossed. Though the 
royal army was small and many were without equipments, it was 
victorious in every skirmish, and the Afghans were slaughtered on 
every side. But the period of encountering and slaying was pro- 



^Fat^pilr Bihia. Beames J. A. S. B., 
1886,6; Jarrettll. 157. 
B In ah&habSd. 
* An allusion to the evil reputation 



of the KarmnasS* or Destroyer of 
merit, among the Hindas. See B&bar, 
408. 





CHAPTBR XXV. 



843 



longed, and the great brethren, (Hnmayun's brothers), each of whom 
could have conquered a clime, placed, out of shortBightedness, a 
Btumbling block iu the way of their own fortune, and did not act 
harmoniously. The blessedness of learning what service was at 
such a crisis did not help their destiny. Though admonitory res- 
cripts were sent to them, the impressions on these inspired tablets 
took no form in the minds of those iron-hearts. S^er IQian, out 
of craft, sometimes sent influential persons to the sublime porte to 
knock at the door of peace, and sometimes cherished wicked thoughts 
of war. At length he deceitfully and fraudulently left a body of 
infantry and inefficient men, together with his artillery, in face while 
he himself marched two stages to the rear and then encamped. The 
royal army, which had all along been victorious, did not understand 
the craft of that trickster, so they followed and encamped. When 
an event is going to happen in accordance with destiny, carelessness 169 
on the part of the sagacious comes in to help. In this way great 
remissness ensued in keeping watch. At length Muhammad Zaman 
Mirza showed utter negligence on a night when it was his watch. 
That fox (Sher Khan) who was waiting for an opportunity, made a 
night march and in the morning presented himself at the rear of the 
camp. His army was divided into three bands (^Op), one led by 
himself, one by Jalil Khan^ and one by l^awasf Khan. The royal 
troops had not time to buckle their saddles or to close their cuirasses. 
His Majesty Jahanbanl when he became apprized of the army's 
negligence. Was confounded by this specimen of fate's workshop, and 
the thread of resource dropped from his hand. As he was mounting, 
Baba Jalair and Que Beg ^ arrived, and he bade them go quickly and 
bring away the noble lady Haji Begam.* Those two faithful and zealous 
servants drank the wholesome sherbet of martyrdom at the door of 
honour's enclosure. Mir Pahlwan Badakhshi also and many others 
obtained the blessing of offering up their lives around the enclosure 
of chastity. The time was very brief ; her Highness could not come 
out, but as the Divine protection and defence was her surety and safe- 



1 See Errata, hut according to 
some MSS. Tardi Beg Qac Beg is one 
man's name. 

' Daughter of Yadgar Tagbaii uncle 



of Humayun's mother. She was, in 
her youth, his chief wife, and was 
greatly revered by Akbar. 



344 



aebabnIha. 



guards the boisterotts blasts of the evil-minded could not impinge ob 
tbe sanctuary of the harem of chastity, nor the mists of black-heait- 
ed men touch the hem of the curtain of the illustrioaa recluses. 
Divine * spirits from the glorious sanctuary of sublimity defended 
the veiled ones of the chamber of chastity with the wands of the 
door-keepers of * jealousy ; wicked thoughts did not find their way 
into the hearts of those wretches, and Sljer Khan sent ^ off with all 
honour that cupola of chastity in perfect security and observance of 
seclusion. 

In fine, when his Majesty came to the bridge, he found it broken. 
There being no other resource he plunged with his steed into the 
water like a river-traversing crocodile. By fate he got separated 
from his horse. Just then, as Providence was watching over his 
Majesty, a water-carrier became the Elijah^ of his course^ and by 
the help of his (the water-carrier's) swimming, he emerged from that 
whirlpool to the shore of safety. On the way his Majesty asked him 
his name. He answered, "Nizam." His Majesty replied, **A very 
Niz&m Auliya.^' ^ He showed him kindness and favour and promised 
that when he safely sate upon the throne, he would give him royalty for 
half a day. This anguish-fraught affair {qi^^a-i-pur-ghu^^a) occurred 
on 9th Safar, 946, (7th June, 1539), on the bank of the Ganges at the 
Causa^ ferry. M. Muhammad Zamftn, MauUnft Muhammad Parghalij > 
160 Maul&n& Qasim 'All Sadr, Maulana Jalal of Tatta and many officers 
and (learned) learned men sank in the waters of annihilation. His 
Majesty in company with M. 'Askari and a few others rapidly pro* 
ceeded to Agra. M. K&mran was exalted by kissing the threshold, 
and after some days, M. Hindal was brought from Alwar by the 
intervention of M. Kftmr&n and his (Hind&rs) mother, and did homage 



1 Kufu8'i-ndniUB-i'ildh%. 
» This recals the expression jiiAna- 
%-ghiiiratt p. 2 of text. 

* aher Eh&n eventually sent her to 
Humajnn in Afghanist^&n, when the 
latter returned from Persia. 

♦ ^ iyr or Elijah is said to have 
discovered the water of life. A. F. 
however distinguibhos between Khif i* 
and Elitts. Jarrott 111, 375 and 377. 



It is mentioned in Rocbach's Oriental 
Proverbs, Part II, Sec. I, 91, that 
Qiwaja Shizr is considered in India 
to be the guide of those who have 
lost their way. 

' A famous Dihli saint. 

^ In Shahabad. Beamcs, J. A. S.B. 

1.0. 

^ Sec Tar. Raa^. 398 and 469 for 
some severe remarks on this man. 



i 

i 
I 





CHAFTBE XXT» 845 

Trith shame and downcast looks. His Majesty from his innate 
clemency forgave Ids offences and made many inquiries abont his 
iFrelf are. When from canses beyond control a destined event suddenly 
made its appearance, he at once sought to remedy it. He engaged 
himself in collecting arms and in retrieving the position, Officera 
and soldiers came from the provinces and had the honour of per-^ 
forming their obeisances. At this time the honest water-carrier pre-^ 
sented himself at the foot of the throne in reliance on the great 
promise. His Majesty Jah&nbani, who was the crown*giver and 
throne-conferrer of the land of generosity and urbanity, when he saw 
the friendless water-carrier afar oS, immediately gave his Gyrus 
(iebii^rati) -covenant a place on the throne of fulfilment, and having 
vacated the seat of sovereignty in favour of the Elijah ot the path,. 
he set the water-carrier, in accordance with his fMromise, upon 
the throne for half a day, thereby equalling him to the monarch 
of midday. Having excepted sundry kingly powers and functions 
which his capacity could not have comprehended, he exalted hioto 
by conferring on him the dignity of command, and wiped away, 
with the swelling sea of munificence, the dust of want from» 
the conntenance of his condition and of that of his .tribe. Every 
order which during that incumbency on the kingly throne, issued 
from the water-carrier, was executed forthwith. M. KSmran on be- 
holding such Ic^tiness of soul displayed the wrinkle of cavil on the 
forehead ot criticism, and a pretext (for displeasure) was furnished to> 
his trouble-seeking heart. 

After this affair of deceit (that of Causa) g^er K^n made an 
attack on Bengal. He came to the extremiity of Bihar, and then halted 
there and sent Jalal ^&n with a force of troublers against BengaL 
In a short time there was a battle with Jahan^r Quli Khan who 
bravely maintained the contest. Inasmuch however^as the design of 
Providence was otherwise, the Bengal officers did not act harmoniously 
in patting down the rebellion, but sought their own comfort and did not 
combine in this war. After struggles and trials Jahangir Quli waa 
unable to keep the field, and had to retreat and take refuge with 
the landholders {zarmnddrdn). He came forth thence on a false 



' The FersiAQS call the sim 
Pdd^ioh-i'Nimrust, and A. F. fieems 
to pun upon thifi and also ou thp 

44 



circumstance that Nimroz is a name 
for Sistan and Mekran. 




346 



AEBABNAMA^ 



'treaty and engagement and was despatched, along with maTty oiben, 
to the plains of annihilation, g^er IQian being at ease aboat Bengai 
161 went towards Jannpur. This he subdued and made long the arm of 
strife. He sent his younger son^ Qutb ^an^ with a larg'e body d 
vagabonds against KalpT and Etawa. Whea news of this readied the 
august earsj Yadgar Nasir, M. Qasim Husain Khan Uzbak, i^bo held 
these parts in fief, and Iskandar ' SuljLan, who had chargpe for M. 
Kamrgn of some estates in KalpT, were sent against Qutb Kh&n. 
These lions of bravery's 6eld encountered the foxy tricksters and 
fought a great battle. By the Divine aid, they gained the victory 
and Qutb Khan was slain. 

His Majesty Jahanbani stayed for a while in Agra^ the capital, 
arranging his troops, and conciliating his brothers and relatives and 
amending their secret dispositions. Though he washed the dust- 
stained cheek of Kamr§n with the limpid waters of counsel, he could 
in no wise cleanse it, and however much he scoured the rust of con* 
trariety with the burnisher of advice, the brightness of concord conid 
by no means be developed in the mirror of his fortune. And in such a 
crisis, when, even if there were internal dissension, outward concord 
was necessary to safeguard his own fortunes, and at such a time, when 
together with other resources he had 20,000 tried soldiers with him, 
and when by the abounding and beneficent favours and prestige of 
his Majesty Jahanbani, territory from Kabul to Dawar Zamin * in the 
north, and to Samaua^ in the south was in his possession, he, being 
contentious and wanting in his duty to so eminent a king, elder 
brother and benefactor, alleged illness and with abundance of care- 
lessness and absence of circumspection, held himself aloof from such 
important service. Almighty God returned to him in this workshop 
of recompenses (this world), the fruit of his deeds and in the fore- 
front of life he beheld by his own* eyes the punishment of his actions. 
Some of these results will be briefly described with the pen of mani- 
festation in their proper place. 



I 



» Probably the son of Sa'ld Khan 
referred to in the Tar. Rash., 340, 4S7, 

* D&war Zamtii, or Zamf ii Dawar 
in in AfgL&tiist&n, N.-W. (jaudaliar. 



^ In Sihrind, Panjab. Jarrott II. 
206. 

♦ Alluding to Kamrau's iM^iug 
blinded by llumayun. 




I 



CHAPTRR rXY. 



347 



Hemistich. 

When his fortune was departed, the omen came true. 

He had some chronic diseases, and instead of being aroused by 
those secret monitions, he out of perversity, grew stubborn * in the 
path of discontent against his benefactor, and in the displeasing of his 
superior. First he sent Khwaja Kalan Beg with a large force to 
Labor, and then turning away from the qihla of fortune, himself 
followed him. He became an author and architect of destruction 
and detriment, drawing ■ evil on friends and attracting good to 
foes. Though his Majesty Jahanbani said, " Prince, if you may 
not give the blessing of companionship and must throw away such 
an opportunity, make your men join me,'' the MlrzS in direct oppo- 
sition to his Majesty's desire perverted even the king's men and took 162 
them with him. Mirza Haidar, son of M. Husain 6urg§n,^ who was 
the cousin^ of his Majesty GitT-sitani Firdaus-makani, had come 
with M. Kamran to Agra, and had enjoyed the privilege of serv- 
ing his Majesty Jahanbani, and had been treated with abundant 
favours. Mirzd Kfimrfln made his own ailment an excuse and laboured 
to induce him (Haidar) to accompany him. The Mirza showed 
himself favourably inclined towards M. Kamran and proceeded to ex- 
cuse himself (to Humayun), and out of want of consideration brought 
forward the matter of leave. His Majesty observed, " If kindred be 
the point for consideration, you are equally related to us both ; if 
loyalty and truth be regarded, the tie to me is closer. If glory and 
manliness be sought, you should accompany me for I am marching 
against the foe. As to what M. Kamran is representing about his 
illness, you are not a physician nor a druggist, that you should go 
with him. What the Mirzg imagines about Lahor's being a place 
of safety, is idle for, if anything is clear as the result of his holding 
back from this expedition, it is that he will not find a corner of 
safety in India. Tour action cannot be divested of two diflSculties. 
Should I succeed, what face can you put on the matter or what 



I Kamran persuaded himself that 
Hnmayaa had tried to poison him. 

« Cf . Tar. Baai„ 4174, ; " giving 
strength to the enemy, and prepar- 
ing defeat for his friends." 



^ Or KarkSn, t.e. son-in-law. See 
Tar, Boilk-, 278 and Mr. Elias's note. 

* Khdlazdda. maternal aunt's son. 
His mother was younger sister of 
Bahar's mother. 




848 ikbarkAma. 

respect will you have ? Tou will not from shame be able to lift jaar 
head from the ground, so that death will be preferable to life. If, 
which God forbid, the result be otherwise, it will be impossible for 
you to remain in Labor. Whoever has suggested such a thing to 
M. K&mrgn is either wrong in his brain, or he is treacheroas and 
has concealed the truth and entered on the path of flattering'/' > In 
fine, M. Haidar happily found the path of good counsel and glorioaslj 
associated himself with the army of honour. M. Kamr&n oat of his 
abundant forces contributed 8,000 men under the command (JbdMAKgi) 
of M. ^Abdu-1-lfih Mughulj and did not himself obtain the bleaaing 
of service. 



i This account ia abridged from 
the Tar. Ra^. See Elias & Ross, 



472 9i Buq* 




r 



CHAPTIR XXT1. 



34» 



CHAPITER XXVI. 



M ABCH OF HIS MaJBSTT JaHANBInI JaNNAT-A^CTANI's AKlfT fHOU 
AOBA, THIS CAPITAL^ TO THB RASTBRN PrOVINCKS FOR BUP- 
PBKSSINO SSfiB Span's BEBKLLION ; THB RETUBN AFTBR 
CONTSBTBj AHD THB ADMONITOBT BVBNTR WHICH 

FOLLOWED. 

As tlie wondrous artists of fate's picture gallery pursue divers 
metBods of painting and decoration^ it is matter for thanksgiving 
and not for complaint if their workmanship on this occasion be not 
in accordance with desires. Hence God the world'artificer removed 
concord from the illustrious brotherhood and converted combination 
into separation. His Majesty went with few forces against many 163 
enemies^ and out of a stout heart and native courage heeded not 
the paucity of friends and the plurality of foes. 

When the sublime army reached Bhojpur/ S^er Khan came 
with a numerous force to the other side of the Ganges and encamped. 
His Majesty determined to cross the river with his small array, and 
in a short time a bridge was put together at the Bhojpur ferry. 
About 150 heroes made themselves ready for the fray and plunged 
into the river like sea-lions, heedless of the waves and whirlpools. 
Like river- traversing crocodiles they rushed into the treacherous 
deep and crossing over^ routed the numerous enemy. After giving 
proof of their courage and accomplishing their object^ they were re- 
taming to the camp, and when they came near the bridge the Afghani 
brought forward the elephant Girdbilz^* which had remained with 
the enemy at the battle of Causa^ to break down the bridge. That 
enormous elephant approached the head of the bridge and broke* 



I This is the Bhojpur in SarkSr 
Qananj. Jarrett II, 184. It is in the 
Fanikhibid District, 8 miles south- 



east of Famkh^bid and 31 miles 
north-west (upstream) of Qananj. 
t Chahnera' MS. has Girdb&d. 



S50 AKBARNAMA. > 

its supports. Jnst then a cannon ball from the royal camp ampiitn* 
ed * the legs of the elephant Girdbaz^ and the enemy which ^-- 
pressing on^ was put to flight. The gallant men who had sigTiit* : 
. their devotion returned in safety.* The plan of campaign Avas t*. 
the army should march along the river bank to Qanan j. They pr • 
ceeded warily and slowly, march by march. On the way the enemy - 
boats came in sight. A gun was fired from the royal artillery, and "i 
large boat of the foe was broken to pieces, and was shivered by th»< 
dashing of the waves of vengeance. For more than a month the armi» • 
confronted one another near Qanauj. At length Muhammad Sultau 
Mirza and his sons* Ulugh Mlrzg and Shah Mlrza — who traced their 
genealogy up to Sahib QiranT,and were daughter's* grandsons of Saltan 
Hiisain Mlrzi and had been exalted by serving Glti-sitani Firdau>- 
makani, and who, after his death, had set themselves in opposition to 
his Majesty JahanbanI Jannat-a^iyanl, (as has already been allude^i 
to) — finding neither glory nor profit in vain strife, and that strife- 
mongering against their benefactor was unsuccessful, returned to the 
threshold of his Majesty Jahanbfini and proffered the prostration of 
obedience. His Majesty from his perfect kindness and liberality 
regarded their committed offences as uncommitted, forgave them and 
treated them with royal favours. But as they were radically bad 
and ungrateful, they again out of worthlessness and inaptitade took 
to flight at such a crisis and withdrew their feet from the sphere of 
164 constancy and patience. They also pointed the way of desertion to 
other wretches, so that many took the path of disloyalty and with- 
drew themselves. To his Majesty JahanbanI it appeared the proper 
course to cross the river and to engage at any cost, so that any form 
which was to emerge from the screen of secrecy might show its fall 
face. If they delayed, things might take another (t. e. adverse) turn 
and a large number might desert. With the view then of putting an 
obstacle in the way of desertion, a bridge was made and a crossing 



1 Chalmers is probably right in 
translating this "deprived the ele- 
phant of one of its legs." 

s If would seem however that 
Hum&ytln did not succeed in cross- 
ing the river with his main army, 
though presumably that was the 



reason for making this bridge. 

> See Errata to text. 

^ Sultana BSgam, the eldest 
daughter of Sultan Jusam of Her&t, 
Sultin Mu^mmad Mlrza was her 
grandson, B&bar 181 and Tar. Ra§i, 
474. 



CHAPTER X3CVI. 



851 



.ordered. A trench was dug in front of the army, and the artillery 
carriages were put into position and redoubts {murcalhd) constructed. 
Opposite to this^ gher ^an drew up a crowd of rebels and encamped 
after digging a trench. Every day the young men on each side came* 
out and engaged. Meanwhile the sun entered Cancer, ' and the rainy 
season began. The clouds gathered with tumult^ like rutting' 
elephants^ and distilled moisture. The encampment became flooded^ 
and they were compelled to seek for high ground which should be 
free from water and mud, and where the tents, the artillery-park, 
&c. might be placed. It was arranged that the army should be drawn 
out on the morning of the 'Sshar day, (10th Muharram) and that if 
the enemy should come out of his trenches and advance, they would 
fight, and if he remained stationary, they would encamp in the 
selected spot. With this view they mounted their horses on 10th 
Mubiarram 947 (17th May, 1540), and drew up their lines. Muham- 
mad Kh§n Bum! and the sons ^ of Ustfld 'AlT Quli and Ustad Ahmad 
Bdmi, and JSasan ]^alfat, who were the directors of the artillery, 
arranged the gun-carriages and mortars, and stretched chains accord- 
ing to rule. The centre was dignified by the presence of his Majesty ; 
M. Uindal had the fore-centre ; M. ^ Askari the right wing, and Yadg&r 
Nasir Mirza the left. 

M. Gaidar writes* in his Tdrildhi-rasMdi ''His Majesty on that 
day stationed me on his left so that my right was close to his left, and 
from me up to the end of the left centre there were twenty-seven 
bannerets.^ Sher Kh5n arranged his forces in five divisions, two, 
which were the largest, stood in front of the trench, and then advanc- 
ed. Jalal Khnn, Sarmath Khan, and all the Niyazis faced in front of 
M. Hindal. Mubaraz Khan, Bahadur Khan, Bai Husain Jalwani and 



1 This is a mistake. The sun does 
not enter Cancer till after the mid- 
dle of Jane, and the battle was 
fought on 17th May. It is true 
this is old style, but even then the 
ordinary beginning of the rains had 
not arrived. Perhaps it was only a 
May storm. 

* A. F. hero alludes apparently to 
tbo moisture which exudes from elc* 



phant's foreheads when they are in 
heat. Blochmann, 120. 

* Apparently it should be M. K. 
£ami, son of Ustad 'All Quli. Ustad 
'All Quit was Babar's artilleryman. 

^ The quotation is not exact. See 
Tar, Roii. 475 et 8eq» and Erskine's 
Hist. II, 187. 

'^ Lii, Tiigb-bearing Amirs. 



S52 AKBABNlMA. 

all the EararSn! faced Y&dgftr Na^ir Mlrzft and Qasim Qasain ^on. 
^awa^B ^fin, Barmazid and many others came opposite M. 'Afikari. 
165 The first encounter was between M. Hindfil and Jalal Khan. A 
wondrous hand to hand fight occurred and Jalal O^iin fell from his 
horse. The royal left wing ^ drove back the enemy to their centre* 
When Sh^r l^to saw this^ he made an onset in person with a larga 
force, while i^awafs Khgn and his companions fell upon M. 'Askari. 
As soon as the Afghans attacked, many officers did not stand their 
ground but gave way. His Majesty twice attacked the foe and 
threw them into confusion. Though it is not reckoned that the king 
himself should share in a fray, yet at that time of testing manhood, 
how could rules be adhered to ? Hence two lances were broken in 
his Majesty^s hands on that occasion and the claims of endeavour 
and courage were satisfied. But the brothers did not show brother- 
hood, and the captains did not keep the foot of fortitude in the circle 
of steadfastness, but from superfluity of naughtiness were negligent, 
and brought disaster on their lord. It would seem as though when 
this externally and internally great man, who saw with the eyes of 
truth and was capable of contemplating mysteries, went on this ex- 
pedition with such a small army, full of hypocrisy, empty of sincerity, 
it had crossed his lofty mind that it was many degrees better to hasten 
to the city of annihilation on the steed of valour and to urge on the 
horse of his life to the goal of nothingness, than to be courteous to 
friendship-affecting enemies, to league oneself in hypocrisy with them, 
and to play the game {nard) of altercation {radd u badl) with unfair 
gamesters. Better a mirage {aardb) than a river (dbi) which must be 
drunk* in company with those wretches {dbruydn) ! Such to men 
of the world clearly appeared to be the case from his method of 
personal onset. Some of the loyal and single-hearted smote the hand 
of intercession and solicitude on the stirrup of dominion and forcibly 
withdrew him. This I say looking to the processes of the world of 
secondary causes. But in the world of reality, it was God, the world 
adorner, who withdrew him ! Inasmuch as the ascension of the 



1 Text, Jardngidr probably for 
Jawdnghdr, Apparently however the 
word should be vardnghcir for it 
was the right wing under Hindal 



which was successful. Janhar 21, 

S Khurda in text, but see EmUaf 
Of. with this about the mirage, text» 
p. 182, top line. 






GHAFTVB XXVI. 353 

birth-star and the glorious celebration of the apparition of his 
Majestyj the king of kings (Akbar)^ were drawing nigh^ the wondrous 
Creator manifested such strange marvels ! One school of sages con- 
siders that sach events are intended to quicken the attention and to 
arouse the noble-minded, and are not of the nature of recompense for 
actions. Accordingly it was held by ancient philosophers that world- 
ly calamities were a process of polishing for the electa and of rusting 
for the crowd. A number of the enlightened and pure-hearted are of 
opinion that such occurrences are a process of education. When the 
stewards of fate's workshop are advancing a chosen vessel to a lofty 
rank, they first make him compact of all worldly states, of joy and 
sorrow, health and sickness, ease and labour, expansion and contrac- 166 
tion, so that he may be fitted for the lofty rank of sovereignty. And 
many of the swift traversers of the fields of contemplation are 
agreed that the reason of such trials is because it is God's will that 
whenever the boon of greatness is to be bestowed on an auspicious 
one and the time of attaining that blessing be close at hand, there 
should be in that period's antechamber a station of labours, and a 
vent of trials; and that the dust of blemish should mark the skirts 
of his grandeur and glory so that when he hath ascended to the 
perfect stage and the most distant height, this mole-stain may prove 
his charm ^ against the fatal * eye. To speak more clearly ; as the 
times of the appearances of the Holy Light in mortal manif esters 
and human ascension-points — such as was the holy office of her 
Majesty Alanqua — were made resplendent in mysterious withdrawals 
and apparitions of divers individuals, and so planted themselves in 
the visible* world, and were acquiring, under God's special super- 
vision, the acm6 of development, so, — now that the period of the 
showing forth of the final cause of that Light, to wit, the holy incar- 
nation of his Majesty, the king of kings, was at hand, — untoward 
occurrences were made the prophylactic charm of this great blessing. 



^ 8ipand, wild rue. Blochmaxm 
139n. and 677» and Cf. Jarrett III, 
425 and note. Herklots in his 
Glossary says Ispand is the seeds 
of the Mehndi or Lawsonia inermis, 
fTciierally thrown into the fire along 
with benzoin and mustard seed. 
45 



^ 'Ainu'l-leamdl, the perfect eye, 
or an eye capable of killing by its 
glance. Lane 2211a and 2423a. 

s The text has 'dlam-i-mulk-i'S^' 
JuLdat but 3 B. M. M. S. have mulk u 
aliahddat. 



35i 



AEBABNAMA. 



Such was the beauteous fashioning of Creation's workshop ! Ac-i 
now I return from the unveiling of mysteries to the thread of wj 
narrative. 

In fine, when defeat {iiikasti), which was to lay the foandatian 
of the righting [durustt) of the world, made its appearance, the 
oflScers fled without fighting to the bank of the (Janges, 'whicli wa? 
about four miles (a farsahh) distant, and as the requital of their 
disloyalty and ingratitude, sank in the whirlpool of disappointmenr, 
giving the vessels of their lives to the boisterous waters of annihila- 
tion in recompense of their unrighteousness. His Majesty Jahdnbaa? 
mounted with firm foot on an elephant and proceeded across the river. 
He descended from the elephant at the water's edge and was looking 
around for an exit. As the bank was high, no way out presented 
itself. One of the soldiers who had been saved out of the whirlpool 
came there and seizing his Majesty's sacred hand drew him np. In 
truth he then, by help of heaven's favouring hand, drew to himself 
fortune and power. His Majesty asked him his name and birthplace. 
He made answer "My name is ghamsu-d-dln Muhammad^ my 
birthplace is GhaznT, and I am a servant of M. Kamran.'^ His 
Majesty made him hopeful of princely favours. Just then Muq* 
addam Beg,^ one of M. K§mrfin's officers, recognised his Majesty and 
enrolled ^ himself among those who had received the gospel of good 
fortune. Acting upon this, he brought forward his horse, and 
obtained the news of distinction from royal promises. His Majesty 
proceeded from there towards Agra, and was joined on the way by 
the Mlrzas. When they came to the environs of BhangSpur * the 
villagers closed the market against the king's men, and behaved in an 
167 unruly manner, attacking every one who fell into their hands. When 
the august mind was informed of this, M. 'AskarT, YadgSr NSfir M* 
and M. Hinddl were ordered to attack the villains and to chastise 
them. Nearly 3,000 horse and foot of the insolent knaves had 
gathered together. When the royal order arrived, M. Askari delayed 



1 Apparently all that is meant is 
tliat ho entered Huraayan's service. 

> Probably the man mentioned in 
Bubar'H Mem. 400 and 401 as a ser- 
vant of Khwaja Kalan. 

» Sec Erskinc, Hist. II, 192n. The 



place meant is BhangSon in the 
Mainpuri district, and on the Grand 
Trunk Road. Jarrett II, 184, where 
it is spelt BhagSon (note by Hr. 
Irvine.) 




CdiLPtER Xttt. 



855 



to proceed and Yftdgar Nifir Mirzd gave him some strokes with his 
whip, saying that it was from his discord that things had come to 
Bucli a pass. Still he did not take warning, and Yadgir NS?ir Mirza 
and M. Hindal obeyed and went against the crowd. A great fight 
ensued, and a large number of the ill-fated villagers (guwdrdn) 
were killed. The Mirzas after giving them a lesson returned, and 
M. 'Askari who had come to complain, was reprehended. His 
Majesty JahanbSni hastened on to Agra, The provinces were in 
confusion and sedition raised* its head on every side. Next morning 
his Majesty proceeded to the dwelling of that great exemplar, Mir 
Rafr,! who was sprung from the Safavi Sayyids, and was incom- 
parable for knowledge and wisdom, and was the choice favourite 
of princes. He took counsel with him, and the final conclusion of 
his Majesty was that he should go towards the Panjab. If M. Eamran 
were helped by the sovereignty of reason and auspiciousness, and 
should bind on himself the girdle of good service and come actively 
forward to help, the rift of strife might still be closed. With 
this right intention he proceeded to Labor. M. 'Askari went to Sam- 
bal and M. Hindal to Alwar. On 18th Muharram (26th May, 1540) 
Qasim l^usain Sultan joined the king near Dihli through the influence 
of Beg Mirak, and a large body of men collected for the king's 
service. On the 20th he again set out, and on the 22nd M. Hind&l 
and M. Haidar joined him in Rohtak.s On the 23rd his Majesty halt- 
ed there. The garrison shut the gate of the city in his face, thereby 
opening the doors of disgrace for themselves. His Majesty addressed 
himself to the attack and in a short space of time chastised the garrison. 
On 17th Safar the army arrived at Sihrind and on the 20th Mir 
Faqr 'All closed life's litter while on the march. When the army 
approached Labor and were near Daulat Kh§n*s sardi, M. Kamran 
came forward to meet him and did homage. His Majesty alighted in 
the garden of Khwaja D5st Munshi which is the most charming spot 



1 A. F/s mother belonged to this 
family. Cf. Jarrett III. 423, where 
Mir Rafi* is called Mir Raf i*u-d-dTn 
SafavT of Ij (Shiraz). See also 
Babar'a Mem. 346, 349. A. F. speaks 
in the Ain of his being one of the 
Hasan and Husainl Sayyids. He 



died in 954. Jarrett I.e. Rafi' was 
one of the doctors who encouraged 
Sher Shah to break his word to 
Puran Mall and the garrison of 
Raisin. 

« In the Panjab, 42 miles north- 
west of Dihli. 



35G 



AKBARKllfA. 



168 i^ Lahor^ wLile M. Hindal took up his quarters in the garden of 
^w&ja GhSz!^ who was then M. K&mran's diwdn. After that 
M. 'Askarl came from Sambal and settled himself in the house of 
Amir Wall Beg. At this time the fortunate g^amsu-d-din Muhammad 
who had given his hand at the river-bank, arrived and was exalted 
by princely favours. On the 1st' Rabi^u-1-awwal, 947, all the noble 
brothers and Amirs and other servants collected but in spite of so 
many lessons and celestial warnings, these fine fellows ('as;ezan) were not 
taught and did not bind the girdle of sincerity on the waist of resolve. 
Several times they gathered together on his Majesty's service, and 
deliberated and made vows and promises of unity and concord, and 
took the great and godly as their witnesses. Khwdja Kh&wand' 
Mahmud, brother of Khwaja 'Abdu-1-haqq and Mir Abu-l->baq§ 
frequently took part in the deliberations. At length one day all the 
MirzSs, nobles and grandees having been assembled, wrote out a deed 
(tazkira) of concord and unanimity, and to this auspicious minute all 
the officers gave their signatures. 

When this record of confidence had been executed, the deliber- 
ations began. His Majesty gave lofty counsels and uttered excellent 
words. With his pearling tongue he said,^ '^ The miserable end of those 
who deviate from the straight highway of concord is known to all. 
Especially since not long ago when Sul^in Husain Mirza beat the drum 
of death in KhurasSn, he left eighteen ^ capable and fortune-favoured 
sons and yet, in spite of all their array of wealth, in consequence 
of fraternal discord, the kingdom of lO^nrasan (which for so many 
years had been a centre of peace), became in a short space a centre 
of calamities and was transferred to g]i&hi Beg. No trace remained 
of any of the sons except of Badru-z-zaman who went ^ to Turkey, 
and all the sons of the Mirza had been reviled and reprobated by 



1 Three days after this HumayQn 
had a vision in which the coming 
birth of Akbar was announced. A.. N. 
13. Cf. Gulbadan's account, f. 39&. 

• See Tar. Easi,, 395, where he 
is called Qazrat Ma]s;hdumi Kara. 
Abdu-1-^aqq was his younger brother. 

'^ An exaggeration, which occurs 
also in the Tar. liadi^ (B. M. Ms- 



Or. 157, S4Sh) SI. Husain had four- 
teen sons and of these, seven (ac- 
cording to Ehwand Amir) died be- 
fore their father. 

* A. F. gives Humaynn the credit 
of this speech, but the Tar. 12a2&., 
from which he no doubt copied it, 
ascribes it to Haidar. See p. 478. 

* He too, it seems, went there as 



CHAPTKR XXTI. 



357 



liigK and low. With what difficulty had his Majesty GltT-sitanT- 
Firdaus-makani conquered a Hindustan — so vast a country ! If 
through your disunion it pass from our possession into the hands of 
nobodies {ndkasdn) what will the wise say of you ? Now is the time 
to sink the head into the bosom of good counsel and to exsert it from 
jealousy's collar, so that you may attain headship among mankind^ 
and be a means of gaining the favour of 6od/' 

Every one of the authors of compact and of the lords of con- 
federacy forgot the recent agreements^ and each declaimed accord- 
ing to his own good pleasure. M. Kamran said, ^' What occurs to me 
is that the king and all the Mirzas should spend somo days unencum- 
bered in the mountains while I take their families to Kabul. When I 
have put them into safety, I shall return and join you/' M. Bindal and 169 
Yadgar Najir Mirza said, '^ At present we cannot fight the Afghans 
The thing to do now is to go to Bhakkar and to subdue that country. 
By its means we shall conquer Gujrat^ and when these two kingdoms 
have fallen into our hands and we have brought the business to an 
end, the deliverance of this country (India) will be effected in an 
admirable manner.'^ M. !Qaidar said, " It is proper that all the 
Mirzds should settle down after securing the slopes from the mountains 
of Sihrind to those of Sarang.^ I engage that with a small force 
I will in two months get possession of Kashmir. When that news 
comes^ let every man send his belongings to Kashmir, for there is no 
safer place. It will take gher Khan four months to arrive and he 
will not be able to bring into the hill country the gun-carriages and 



a prisoner, having been taken by 
Sultan Salim. He died many years 
before this speech was made, of 
plague, in 926. Possibly the reference 
was to his son Muhammad. Zaman, 
who served Babar and survived till 
the battle of Causa in 1539. 

i See Tar. RasJi., 479n. Mr. Elias 
is no doubt right in considering that 
Sarang is not a place-name. There 
is an Afghan tribe in the Salt Bange 
called the SarangzaT, (Temple, J. A- 
kS. B., 1880, pp. 101 and 106), and 



perhaps Haidar M. referred to them 
rather than to an individual. His 
idea was that the Mughuls should 
occupy the lower ranges between the 
Indus and Kaghrair, i.e., from Sih- 
rind in the S. E. to R&walpindl 
on the N. W. For Sultan Sarang. 
see Blochmann 456 ; and Delmerick, 
J. A. S. B. 1871, p. 87. He was Sul- 
tan Adam's brother and must have 
died in Sher Shah's time, for it was 
Sultan Adam who delivered up 
Kamran to Hnmayan. 



358 AKBABNlHA. 

cannon which are the support^ of his warfare. In a short time 
the Afghan army will be ruined." 

As their words and their hearts were not in unison^ the meeting 
ended without any conclusive speech. Whatever proposals were 
brought forward^ and whatever sound advice his Majesty communi- 
cated in the hope that perchance the lamp of wisdom might be light- 
ed for M. Kimran and that he would turn away from his dark ideas 
and come to the abode of candour^ the Mirza did not alter what he 
had said. All his endeavour was that every one should be ruined^ and 
he counted it a gain that he himself might go to Kabul and secure a 
corner for his own enjoyment. He was perpetually occupied with 
evil thoughts^ and fortune-conferring words did not arouse him. 
Ostensibly he breathed unanimity and would say^ ''I shall come 
forth in some fortunate hour and shall gird on the belt of courage and 
fight the foe with singleness of heart." But secretly he was strength- 
ening the foundations of opposition^ and this to such an extent 
that out of wickedness and blindness^ he privately sent QasT 
'Abdu-1-lah his ^ad/r to g^er !|^Sn^ that he might establish friendly 
relations with him, and made a contract of affection with him. He 
sought the fulfilment of his desires from the help of enemies^ and he 
wrote a letter to the effect that if the Panj&b were secured to him as 
f ormerlyi he would soon bring affairs to a successful issue I 

After these occurrences g^er ]^ftn came to DihlT^ but did not 
advance further. He saw that what had happened was due to his 
good fortune^ and was apprehensive lest if he went on further, his 
affairs would retrograde. He was extremely frightened al)out the 
combination which he heard was making progress in Labor. Mean- 
while the seditious ^adr {fadr-i-pur-ghadar) who added vile malice to 
natural basenessj arrived, g^er Khan whose centre was pivoted in 
170 craft, warmly embraced him, and was a thousand times emboldened * 
by the good news of disunion. He gave him an answer in accordance 
with the Mirza's requests. That wretch (the ^adr) instigated him 
to make a hostile advance, and held out prospects of desertion, g^er 
Khan sent a crafty fellow along with him to ascertain the real state 
of affairs and then return. M. Kftmran received gjjer Khan's am- 



i Bab&r's Mem, 416, mentions that 
the Bengalis, i.e., the Afghans, are 



famous for their skill in artillery. 
S Lit. one heart became a thousand. 




CHAFTBB XXVI. 



359 



^ T?*^- 



h ^'r- 



••-i- J_ 



j^r 






Sir, 



r •)• 



bassador in the garden at L§hor^ and held a feast on that day. He 
also by entreaties induced his Majesty JahanbSni to come there. 
<^That crnde^ short-sighted Mirzi again sent the same wretph (his 
sadr) to g^er ]^in. On this occasion the betrayer of his salt came 
to the bank of the Sul1;ftnpur river, and brought forward disloyal 
proposals and encouraged Sher !^Sn to cross the river. Thereupon 
Muzaffar Turkman, who was stationed on outpost duty near the Sul- 
(anpur river, came and reported to his Majesty that the enemy bad 
crossed the river (the Bias) and killed his brother^s son Junaid Beg, 
who from his qualities of mind and body was a persona grata at Court. 
In the end of Jumdda-1-akhir his Majesty Jahanb&ni and the 
Mirzfis crossed the L&hor river (the Bavi), which was fordable, and 
inarched stage by stage to the Gin&b. As his Majesty Jahanban! was 
resolved to attempt Kashmir, he sent a body of troops in advance 
with M. Qaidar to that province. For, when M. Kamran made a 
rapid march to Qandahftr to contend with S§m Mirza, he left M. 
l^aidar in charge of Labor, ©waja ?ajT, ^Abdu-l-makrT,* Zangi Cak, 
and many of the nobles were opposed to the ruler of Kashmir and 
came to Labor in order that by tbeir intimacy with M. ^aidar they 
might obtain an army from M. Kftmran and so get possession of 
Kashmir. Though M. I^aidar exerted himself, their wish was not 
fulfilled. When M. Hindal raised a disturbance by having the hbut- 
la read in his own name, and M. KSmran marched from Labor to 
Agra, M. ^aidar by great exertions contrived to raise an army and 
to despatch it from the capital' under the charge of Bfiba Jujak* who 
was one of KamrSn's superior officers. His design was that this force 
should proceed to Kashmir under the guidance of the Kashmiri 
nobles aforesaid, and take possession thereof. Baba Jujak was neg- 
ligent in setting out and meanwhile the disaster of Causa ferry, 
which was a blow to eternal dominion, came to be known. He gave 



1 Text, Bakri, but the variant 
MakrI is right. ZangI is Bumkl in 
text. 

« Agra. See Tar, Baab^. 482. 

B Tar. Ea^., Cacak Qaidar does 
not say he was an officer of KamrSn 
and apparently he was a Kaehmirl. 
It appears from ^Ni^amu-d-din and 



from Jarrett II, 390, that there was 
an expedition before this from the 
Panjab and that Kamran sent one, 
Muhammad Beg into Kashmir but 
that after plundering he had to re- 
turn. Apparently this was not long 
after Humayun's accession. 



860 AKBARNAMA. 

up the expedition^ and the Kashmiri noblea tarried in Nan^ahr,' 
RajanrT and the hollows of the hills in the expectation of some event. 
171 But they were continually writing letters to M. Haidar full of the 
advantages of conquering Kashmir, and the Mirza used to bring those 
to his Majesty Jahinbanl's notice. His holy heart grew daily more 
and more eager to visit the charming country of Kashmir, and mean* 
while he gave permission to the Mirzft to proceed in the first place to 
Nansb^'hr with a body of troops. If the Kashmiri nobles, who were 
always urging the expedition, should come forward, Sikandar Tupci, 
who was a fief -holder in that neighbourhood, was to join him with 
his troops. When he got to the passes. Amir Khwaja Kalan, who 
was one of the high officers of his Majesty Criti-sitani Firdaus-ma- 
kani, and of whom some account has already been given, was to 
come and help. As soon as the news of Khwaja Kalan Beg's arrival 
should reach his Majesty Jahanbani he would proceed in person 
towards that province. His Majesty was on the bank (the right or 
west bank) of the Cinab when M. Kfimran and 'Askar! Mirzil went off 
to Kfibul with Khwaja 'Abdu-1-haqq and lOtwija Kh§wand Mahmud. 
Muhammad Sultan Mlrza, TJlugh Beg MlrzS and ShSh Mirza on hear- 
ing, in the territory of Multan, about the separation, joined M. Kamran 
on the bank of the Indus. In the beginning of Rajab, 947, M. Hind§), 
Yfidgar Naf ir Mirza and Qasim Husain Sul^Sn succeeded by importunity 
in taking his Majesty Jahinbani off to Sind, though his intention had 
been to march to Kashmir. Khwftja Kalan Beg, who had promised 
to accompany his Majesty Jahanbani Jannat-ashiyanT, went off from 
Siyalkut and joined M. Kamran. Sikandar Tupci withdrew to the 
Strang hills. In the same Rajab, after his Majesty Jahanbfini had 
gone towards Sind at the Mirz&'s instigation they, after going some 
stages, left him out of thoughtlessness and the suggestions of Beg 
MTrak, who had abandoned his service and joined them. Meanwhile 
QSzi 'Abdu-1-lah arrived with some Afghans. M. Hindars scouts seized 
them and brought them before him. The ill-fated Af^ans were put 
to death, but the wretch 'Abdu-1-lfih having still some breaths of his 
life remaining, escaped punishment at the intercession of Mir Baba • 



1 In the Peshawar district. 

« I believe this to be the father of 
Haraida, Akbar's mother. See Gul- 
bjiduu who ciiUb Hamida's father 



Mir Baba Dost. As he was a teacher 
in Hindal's service he might natur- 
ally intercede for a Icaruod man. 



CHAPTEE XXVT. 



861 



Dost. For twenty days the MTrz§s wandered in the desert of astonish- 
ment. They had no idea what to do or where to go. They were 
severed from fortune and auspicioasness^ and having left dominion's 
f ello^wsliip^ they had lost their object. As they had not followed the 
patli of purpose^ they were astonished and confounded. His Majesty 
Jah§nbdnrhad gone by way of the desert towards Bhakkar^ and 
-was wending his way according to guess and conjecture. They found 
no water^ and there was no grain^ but went on under the guidance of 
endurance and with the rations (zdd) of reliance upon God. At 
length, one day they heard the sound of a kettle-drum. On inquiry, 
it was found that M. Hindal and Yadgar Na^ir Mirz& were three hiis 172 
away and were pacing the valley of search. His Majesty Jahanbani 
sent Mir Abu'1-baqa, who had left the society of M. Eamran, and 
become a companion of the sublime army, to the Mirzas to give them 
information about the camping ground, and to speak wise words 
and advise them to come and kiss the sublime threshold. The Mir in 
accordance with these instructions counselled the Mirzas and acted as 
their guide to the blessing of service. They proceeded in harmony 
towards Bhakkar. Khawa?? Ij^&n and a large army of Af^ans 
was coming up in the rear, but though the imperial army was very 
small, the former had not the courage to give battle. In the end of 
S^a'ban (last days of 1540) when the camp reached tic ' the AmTr 
Sayyid Muhammad Baqir HusainT, who was the frontispiece of Sayyida 
and of the 'Ulama of the age, expired and was buried there. His 
Majesty grieved much f or'his death, but as this evil earth is a scene of 
departure and dismissal {guzasAtani u guzdsAtam), he displayed that 
resignation to the Divine command which is the ornament of those 
whose regard is fixed on the station of submission (maqdm^taaUm) . 
When they had encamped near the residence of Ba^sbui Langft one 
of the landholders and grandees of that part, an order of grace and 
a mandate of favour was sent together with a glorious 1dl>il'at by Beg 
Muhammad Bakdwal, and Eacak Beg, and hopes were held out that 
he should receive the title of TS^§,vl Jahin, a flag and a kettle-drum, 
and he was invited to do loyal service and to send corn to the camp. 
He came forth to meet the envoys, saluted them, and behaved with 



I That is, arrived opposite Cc for 
tUey were travelling down the west 
46 



side of the Cinab and between it and 
the Indus. 



862 



AKBABNAVA. 



respect. Though lie had not the good fortane to come and kiss the 
threshold^ yet with regard to what was ordered^ he showed obedieisoe 
and alacrity, and also sent a proper present. Likewise he arranged 
for traders to bring articles for sale at the royal camp, and he proTid£^l 
many boats for crossing the river on the way to Bhakkar. T^Sdgir Ki<>r 
Mirzft went on with the advance guard, and on 28th Ramadan {26th 
January, 1541), the army reached the neighbourhood of Bhakkar. 
Two days before this Qdzi Ghiyasu-d-dln of Jam, who was connected 
with the illustrious family,^ and was adorned with gifts and graces, 
was raised to the office of ^adr. 

When by God^s help they had passed through so many perils on 
the way and had reached the territory of Bhakkar, they pitched 
their tents at Luhri (Ruhri) which is on the river bank > and opposite 
Bhakkar. His Majesty took up his quarters in a garden on the 
173 environs which was unequalled for pleasantness and delight. Charm- 
ing houses had been erected there and were made illustrions hy his 
presence. The other gardens and houses were divided among^ his 
followers. M. HindSl went four or five kfis and encamped, and some 
days afterwards made his station on the other side of the river. 
Yadgar Nft^ir MirziL also settled afterwards on that side. Snll^ 
Ma^mud of Bhakkar, who was a servant of Mirz§ S^&h Husain Beg 
Ar^un, laid waste the Bhakkar territory and strengthened the fort. 
He also took away the boats from this (the east) side of the river, 
and anchored them under the fort. This Shah Husain Beg was the 
Bon of the Mirzft g^ah Beg Arghun who, when his Majesty GltT-sitSni 
Firdaus-makanT took Qandahar from him came to Tatta and Bhakkar 
and brought all that country into his subjection. 

When the majestic army established the light (far) of its rendez- 
vous at Luhri, a lofty mandate was sent to Sultfin Ma^mud calling 
upon him to pay his respects and to deliver up the fort to the royal 
servants. He represented in reply that he was the servant of Mirzi 
g]^ah Husain, and that so long as the latter did not come, it would 
not be consistent with loyalty for him to present himself, nor could 



I 



I 



^ Hum&yQn's mother was con- 
nected with A^mad Jam, and so was 
hi a wife, the mother of Akbar. 

Qhiy^9^i'<l'^^n wrote a Mauladndma, 
or account of Akbar *8 birth. Bloch- 



mann 382, and MaiQir III. 231 in 
account of Ml r 'All Akbar. Ghiyisu- 
d-dln afterwards deserted Hums J fin. 
' On the east bank. 




CHAPTER XXVI. 



363 



le make over the fort without g^ah Qusain's permission. Such and 
such like were the expressions of inability that he ased. His Majesty 
accepted his excuses^ and sent Amir Tahir §adr and Mir Samandar^ 
two of his confidential servants^ to M. g^fih Qusain at Tatta, and 
diguified him by promises ot favour. M. 3l2.ah Husain received the 
envoys with respect^ and sent g^aildh Mirak, the flower of the des- 
cendants of g^aikh Puran whom all the Arghuns reverence and rely 
upon from old times^ as a messenger^ and with a suitable present^ to 
accompany the royal ambassadors to the Court. He represented that 
the district of Bhakkar yielded little^ while that of |;lSjkan ^ was * 
rich and populous and possessed much corn ; that it was fitting that 
his Majesty should turn his reins towards it and take it into his 
possession^ and that in that way the army would be comfortable^ and 
also he (S^ah Ij[usain) would be at hand with his service. It was a 
fortunate and auspicious circumstance for him that his Majesty should 
now come to those parts^ and that in course of time his fears and 
apprehensions would disappear and he would do himself the honour 
of paying his respects. He also represented that after he had had 
the gratification of paying his respects, his Majesty would, with a 
little exertion, be able to bring Gujrat into his possession, when the 
other territories of Hindustan would fall into his hands. That sordid 174 
one converted duties (^uqiiq) into disobediences ('uqiiq) and coming 
forth by the door of deceit and dissimulation, made a display of false 
though fair-seeming expressions. His Majesty appointed M. Hind§l to 
Patar* and its territory, and himself spent five or six months in the 



I Jarrett II. 340. 

8 In Sarkar Siwasfcan (Sehwau) 

and lower down the Indus then 

Bhakkar. Jarrett II. 340, where it is 

spelt Batar, but with the variant 

Patar. Ni^amu-d-din says it is 50 

Jko« f rom Luhri. Jauhar, 30, says it 

is 20 miles west of the Indus. It is 

perhaps the Pir Fatta of Barnes's 

journey to Kabul, p. 10. The best 

account of it is in Major- General 

Haig's Indus Delta (1894), p. 91, 

note. He says "The ruins of the 

town of Pat, where in August, 1541, 



Hnmayun married l^mlda, and 
where some time later (since 1545) 
his brother Kamran married the 
daughter of Sh^h Huseyn lies a little 
to the east of the present village of 
that name in the Kakar Pargana, 
and bears the name of Pat-kuhna (old 
Pat). On the west side of the old 
site, and separating it from the new 
village, is an old channel, now con- 
taining standing water. In this 
channel, says a local chronicle re- 
lating to that part of the country, 
the river ran at the time of 



364 



AKBABMAMA. 



pleasant spot of Luhri in the hope that the ruler of Tatta wnif 
enter on the right path. Daring this internal he honoc&red M . Hindis 
by visiting him in his camp at Patar. 

Ab the period of the appearance of the light of forl;aoe and tl-r 
rise of the star of glory and grandeur, — which should give grace r*- 
spiritual and physical beauty and be the perfect beautifier of tL? 
world and the next, — were approaching, so did the appara^oa for the 
attainment of this grand blessing and the notes of the e:xistence «^i 
this supreme gift become more and more prepared. Tlie Traidnr 
eyes of the heavenly saints of many thousands of years w&re brig'b!- 
ened by the bounteous advent of that nursling of light, aii<I the dim 
evening of earthly hopes assumed the beauty of the morning' from 
the glory of the coming light of that great pearl of the CskliphHte's 
diadem. For it was on this expedition and in a most excellent season 
and point of time, that in the year 948 ^ he brought Her Highness 
Maryam-makdnT, the sacred and noble lady, the glory of whose cliastity 
and purity and the light of whose sovereignty and sainthood^ show 
forth from her lustrous brow, into the bond of matiimony, wth lordly 
ceremonies and royal rites. A festival of fortune was arranged, and 
coins from the treasury of gifts were showered on the head of the 
world, and hearts were rejoiced by blissful favours. EhwSja Hijri • 
of Jam rendered good service in this auspicious affair. Thereafter 
the yoke-fellows of blessing and fortune proceeded towards the camp. 
For a time the territory of Bhakkar was their place of residence. Gra- 
dually, owing to the disloyalty of the landholders, corn became dear 



I 



HumSyun's visit, so that coming 
from Babarlo (a little to the south of 
Eohrl) by BhetanI in EandhlSra 
and Darbelo, he had no water to 
cross. The river now runs (or did 
a few years ago) 5 or 6 miles east, 
and also 3 miles south of Paf. The 
place gave its name to an extensive 
and very fertile tract of country in 
former times." 

. & A. F. does not give the month 
and day. Gulbadan says, p. 43h, 
that tlie marriage took place at 
midday on a Monday iu the begin- 



ning of Jumadal-awwal, 948, and that 
Humayan himself took the astrolabe 
and calculated the ausiHcioos mo- 
ment. 

s See Badaonf III. 386. Hajriwas 
a religious poet, and apparently 
the meaning is that he celebrated 
the marriage in verse. He was a des- 
cendant of A(imad Jam. He called 
himself Qasan Hijrt, the last being 
an assumed name and signifying 
apparently that he was one who 
lived apart* 




cHAprsR xxn. 



365 



utid the country was made desolate. Imbecile apprehensions and 

niproper schemes passed into the minds of the Mirzas who were his 

^rlajesty^s companions, — such thoughts as might be entertained and 

impressed on the minds of the insincere — till at length M. Hindal, 

at the instigation of Tidgfir Nasir Mirzd who was always secretly in 

opposition, and by the stirring up of QarSca Khfin who held the 

government of Qandahar on M. Kamrfin's behalf, set off and went to 

Qandahar. He also sent a man to Yfidgar Na^ir Mlrz§ to tell him of 

bis own departure, and to call upon him to do likewise. 

When his Majesty heard of this he went on Tuesday, 18th Juma- 
da'1-awwal, 948 (September, * 1541), to the quarters of Mir Abu^I-baqa 
and held a conference with him. He then sent him, under the most 176 
respectful circumstances, as an envoy to Yadgar Na^ir Mirza, that he 
might bring him from the danger-spot of error to the straight path 
of rectitude. The Mir went and by judicious counsels brought the 
Mirza back from the path of opposition to the highway of concord, 
and by his faithful and truthful utterances withheld him from im- 
proper schemes. He settled that the Mirzfi should cross the riyer 
and acknowledge service, and should henceforth remain steadily 
in the fore-court of submission and devotion. The conditions were 
that when Hindustan should be conquered, the MTrzi should get one- 
third, and that when they arrived at Kabul, he should have ^aznf, 
Gar]^ and Lohghar.' which his Majesty 6itT-sitanT, Firdans-makgni 
had given to the Mirza's mother.* On Wednesday the Mir proceeded 
to return after fulfilling his mission. The men of the fort of 
Bhakkar got news of his departure and sent a force against his boat, 
and discharged a shower of arrows on the Mir. He received several 
dangerous wounds, and died next day. His Majesty JahanbSni 
was exceedingly grieved at this, and said with. his truth-speaking 
tongue, that the oppositions and contumacies of brothers, the in- 
gratitude of those whom his salt had nourished, and the helplessness 
of comrades and friends whereby the kingdom of India had been 
lost and many troubles had appeared, were all but one side to {i.e., 



1 18th Jamada*l-awwal would ap- 
parently be 11th September, 1541, but 
then the 18tb was a Saturday, not a 
Tuesday. Perhaps A. F. wrote 13th. 



« B&bar's Mems. 148, Jarrett II. 
406. 

* Babar's sister-in-law, widow of 
his youngest brother Naeir Mirza. 



366 



AKBiRNlMA. 



were all equalled or balanced by) the loss of the Mir ; nay^ tho8« 
calamities did not equal this one. And in truth the Mir^s eminence 
was such as he in his appreciation declared it to be.^ But inasmuch 
as passing wisdom and right-thinking were rooted in his Majesty 
Jahanb&nl's sacred person and were supreme there^ an event like 
this^ which might have been a place of stumbling to the saints of 
faith and might, made him draw nigh to perfect wisdom and swayed 
him to submission and resignation. Even in such a wisdom-robb- 
ing catastrophe^ which might have displaced many a man's foot 
of patience^ this wise and God-fearing one took counsel with God- 
given reason and submitted to the Divine will. Or if by reason of 
the onsets of circumstance^ and the constraining power of his tern- 
peramentj he could not attain to this blissful retreat^ he put aside 
sighing and crying, as is the manner of those whose hearts are tied 
and bound to outer things^ and was contented with the narrow pass 
{tangndi) of long-suffering patience. Praise be to God that though 
his Majesty was at firsts owing to his humanity, somewhat overcome 
by cares and afflictions, yet under the guidance of right reason he 
became cheerful under worldly troubles and recognised good in the 
Divine decrees, according to the fashion of the pious and steady of 
eye who bind nosegays and gather fruit in the rose-garden of sub- 
mission and resignation, and who come to contemplate with truth- 
176 discerning eyes the flowers of such gardens. Five or six days after 
this presaging disaster, Yadgftr Naf ir Mlrza crossed the river and had 
the good fortune to do homage to his Majesty Jahiubfini, who gave 
him a gracious reception. Meantime ^aikh Mirak, the ambassador 
from Tatta, received his congS and a rescript was sent to the ruler of 
Tatta, to the effect that his representations were accepted on condition 
that he faithfully came and did homage. The ruler of Tatta for a 
time gave out that he was coming. As his words were unillumined 
by sincerity's lamp, they did not attain the glory of performance. At 
length his Majesty Jahfinbani granted Bhakkar and its territory to 
Yadgar Nasir Mirza and in the beginning of Jumida'l-ftt^ir, 948^ 



1 It was the Mir who made the 
remark which led to Babar's devot- 
ing himself for Humiyun's recovery 
from sickness, so HumSyan may have 
thought he was indebted to him for 



his life. The Mir is mentioned in 
the Tar. Roii. 478. It was he alao 
who arranged about the marriage of 
Humayan and 9am!da. See Gul- 
badan's Mems. p. 436. 




CHAPTER xxvr. 867 

(latter half (of September^ 1541)^ marched against Tatta. Having 
given to the Mirzathat bad country which by the benediction of 
kingly justice had turned its face towards civilization and became 
rich in corn and vegetables^ he moved forward. Near the castle of 
Sehwan^ Fazll Beg the brother of Mun4m l^an^ Taras^ Beg, elder 
brother of g^&ham Odn> B'Ud others, to the number of about twenty 
were proceeding by boat when a party came out from the castle and 
attacked them. They disembarked and assaulted the foe who fled 
into the castle. Some of these tigers of valour's forest went up 
to the fort, but as they were not supported, they withdrew and joined 
the camp. On 1 7th Bajab his Majesty Jahanbani reached Sehwan and 
invested the castle. Previous to this, the garrison had laid waste the 
buildings and gardens in the environs. During the siege the ruler 
of Tatta advanced, and blocking the way, prevented com from 
reaching the camp. Owing to the protracted siege and the scanty 
supplies of com, the base and dishonest began to desert and even the 
feet of great men, whose notions of rectitude had departed, came 
to slide from their places. For instance, Mir Tahir ^adr, !^wfija 
6hiy§su-d-din of Jam, and Maulanft 'Abdu-1-baqi went off to the ruler 
of Tatta's camp, while Mir Barka, MirzS Hasan, Zafar ^AlT^ son of 
Faqr 'All Beg, and S^wija Muhibb 'Ali BahbiM hastened off to 
Yadgir Nafir Mirzi. At this time it came to his Majesty's ears that 
Mun'im !|^&n, Fazil Beg and many others had joined together and 
were intending to withdraw. His Majesty as a precautionary measure 
imprisoned Mun'im ^Sn, their ringleader. I shall now stop this 177 
part of the narrative, and give some account of Yadgar Nasir Mirza. 

Account of Tddgdr Nd^ir Mirzd, 

He madeLuhr! his residence when his Majesty left him atBhakkar. 
Twice did the garrison attack him by surprise, and, willing or unwill- 
ing, the MTrzfi showed courage in these engagements. Muhammad 'All 
Qdbuci (i.e., door-keeper) and gt^r-dil, both of them related to Mun'im 
!^an, bravely drained the wholesome cup of martyrdom. On a third 
occasion, they (the enemy) had the daring to leave their boats and 
draw up their forces on the sands. On this occasion the Mirzft's men 
showed such superiority that nearly 300 or 400 of the enemy were killed, 
and the hot sand was saturated with the ev