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HANDBOUND 

AT THE 



UNIVERSITY OF 
TORONTO PRESS 



CICERO IN HIS LETTEES 



DEPARTMENTAL 
CICEEO IN H 



EDITED WITH NOTES 



BY 



EGBERT YELVEETON TYEEELL, 

M.A., LITT.D. 

D.LITT. QU. UNIV., LL.D. EDIN., 

FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE AND REGIUS PROFESSOR OF GREEK, DUBLIN 
EXAMINER IN LATIN TO THE LONDON UNIVERSITY 



V 
ILontron 

MACMILLAN AND CO. 

AND NEW YORK 
1891 




Pfl 



a. 



Csfff). 



PEEFACE 

A GREAT many edition d have been published, both in 
Germany and in England, of letters selected from the 
correspondence of Cicero. Yet I think there is room 
for this new collection, because it has been made on a 
principle different from that which has been the basis 
of all the " Selections " hitherto offered to the world. 
The latter have invariably chosen those letters which 
throw light on Cicero as a politician, as a public 
man ; and the same letters have been again and 
again presented by successive editors, though in 
some cases they are epistolary only in form, like the 
long and celebrated document addressed to Lentulus, 
in the year 54, and preserved as Fam. i. 9, which is 
really rather a political manifesto or pro vita sua apologia 
than a communication to a private friend. Such 
compositions are highly important and interesting, 
but they have already received sufficient attention. 
At all events they are quite unavailable for my pur 
pose, which is to present to my readers what will 
show Cicero in the character of a private gentleman, 
and throw light on his everyday life, his home 



vi PREFACE 

amusements, and his domestic worries. Hence I 
have given such letters as refer to his family and 
personal friends, their misunderstandings and recon 
ciliations, his studies and his literary preferences, the 
pleasures and drawbacks of country and suburban 
life, his ailments and those of his friends, his tastes 
in art, his views about public shows and combats 
between men and beasts, his criticism on Lucretius, 
his journey to his province. We shall see him com 
plaining to Atticus of the ingratitude of his freedman 
the Greek Dionysius, and Tigellius the Sardinian 
musician, and excusing himself for having thoroughly 
enjoj^ed a dinner at the house of Volumnius, though 
Cytheris reclined opposite to him. We may perhaps 
smile when he discusses the suitability of a certain 
lady to be the successor of the divorced Terentia, 
adding, c She is as ugly a woman as I ever saw ; 
when he complains to Atticus (xv. 15) of the in 
solence of a courtier of Cleopatra s, after it was 
evident that that lady had failed in her attempt to 
fascinate Cicero ; and when he tells Trebatius ho\v 
on going home from dining with him, though bene 
potus, he looked up a law point which they had been 
discussing, and found that he was in the right. We 
shall escape all those letters which discuss, in wearying 
detail, the fears and hopes of men who were candi 
dates for the consulship nearly two thousand years 
ago, the recurrence of which topic is as tiresome as 
the gout in the letters of Walpole. I have also made 



PREFACE vil 

room for characteristic letters of every kind, a couple 
of his incoherent wails from exile ; the bella epistula in 
which he tries to persuade Lucceius to drop the 
thread of his history and devote a special book to 
natam me consule Romam ; the notes written in 
covert and enigmatic Greek about the fraudulent 
attempts of Philotimus, where Milo appears as the 
Crotoniate tyrannicide, Milo s freedman Timotheus 
as the namesake of Conon s father/ and Rome as 
the seven- hilled city. Again, I have introduced 
several examples of the sportive vein found in his 
letters to Trebatius, Paetus, and Volumnius, and a 
couple of specimens of the jerky vigour of Caelius. 

The fact that I have adopted a new principle of 
choice has naturally brought about the result that 
my Selection hardly ever coincides with that of my 
predecessors. Indeed, I have aimed at including in 
preference new letters, if in other respects suitable ; 
so that the student who may find time to read my 
little book, after studying the valuable work of Mr. 
Watson, will find that he not only meets Cicero in a 
new aspect, but that he has before him new and 
characteristic specimens of the correspondence of 
Cicero. My edition does not coincide with that of 
Mr. Watson, except in Epp. iv., 1., lx., Ixi., Ixvi., 
Ixxiii., Ixxviii., and of these seven letters four must 
be introduced into every collection the letter of Sul- 
picius and the answer to it, the dinner with Caesar 
in Cicero s villa near Puteoli, and the fine letter of 



vni PREFACE 

Matius about Caesar. Thus, the great majority of 
the letters now presented have not appeared before 
in any Selection, and very few of the letters from xl. 
to Ixxx. have ever been commented on in English or 
German before ; the letters from i. to xl. have 
already been treated in the Correspondence of Cicero, 
by Mr. Purser and myself. 

In the Introduction, in dealing with Cicero as a 
public man, I have confined myself to those epochs 
in his career in which, as it seems to me, his char 
acter and motives have been misapprehended or 
deliberately misrepresented. The Introduction is for 
the most part abridged from the Correspondence of 
Cicero, where the subjects here treated are dealt with 
in greater detail than seems necessary for those for 
whom the present volume is intended, namely, boys 
in the higher forms at the schools of Great Britain 
and America. 

I have had the invaluable aid of my colleague and 
collaborateur, Mr. L. C. Purser, in my comments on 
the letters not yet included in our joint edition of 
the Correspondence. To him my best thanks are 
due. But he himself would wish me to acknowledge 
even a greater debt of obligation to one who, though 
not a colleague, and influenced only by his love of 
letters, and the kindliness of his disposition, has 
conferred on me a favour which I could not overrate. 
I refer to Dr. Reid, of Gonville and Caius, Cam 
bridge, who has been good enough to read over all 



PREFACE ix 

my notes, and who has allowed me to append many 
of his own comments, thus enriching my little 
edition with the fruits of a Ciceronian erudition 
unrivalled in this kingdom at least. His notes will 
be found enclosed between square brackets at the 
end of my own comment in each case. Many very 
important annotations of his I was obliged to omit, 
as being above the heads of the students to whom 
my edition is offered. It is not, of course, to be 
inferred that Dr. Reid has sanctioned by his approval 
every comment on which he has made no remark ; 
again, I have not thought it necessary to record his 
assent to my views except when he has added some 
thing of his own. It will be observed that I have 
sometimes recorded his direct dissent. I think where 
two views may be held consistently with grammar 
and sense, there is no reason why both should not be 
put before both teachers and learners. Many of the 
letters in this Selection have never been explained 
before except in the very sparse comments of Schiitz 
and Billerbeck, so that there may be a positive 
advantage in putting forward divergent views, if 
both are consistent with grammar and context. 

I have been in the habit of setting free translations 
from the letters as exercises for composition in Latin, 
and I think I can recommend the practice to teachers. 
As an illustration of the usefulness of the letters as 
a model for Latin prose composition, I have appended 
to the Introduction half a dozen exercises in the style 



x PREFACE 

of the Epistles of Cicero written by myself and some 
of my friends. 

I must add my tribute of testimony to the rare 
merits of Messrs. R. and R. Clark s reader. I am 
myself a wretched corrector of the Press. Messrs. R. 
and R. Clark s reader is evidently himself a good 
Latin scholar, and is admirably careful and atten 
tive. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 

I. Cicero as a public man ..... xv 
II. Cicero in his private life .... .xxxvi 

III. On the form of the letters Ix 

IV. Critical ........ xciv 

Conspectus of Corrections ...... ciii 

Appendix to Introduction ...... cviii 

LETTER 

I. To ATTICUS, at Athens (Att. i. 5) . . . 2 

II. To ATTICUS, at Athens (Att. i. 7) . . . 4 

III. To ATTICUS, at Athens (Att. i. 6) . . . 4 

IV. To ATTICUS, at Athens (Att. i. 2) . . . 5 
V. To ATTICUS, in Epirus (Att. i. 17) . . 6 

VI. To ATTICUS, on his way to Rome (Att. ii. 2) . 10 

VII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. ii. 11) . . .11 

VIII. To HIS FAMILY, in Rome (Fam. xiv. 4) . . 12 

IX. To QUINTUS, iii Rome (Q. Fr. i. 3) . .15 

X. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. iii. 20) . .19 

XI. To THE CONSUL, METELLUS NEPOS, in Rome 

(Fam. v. 4) 21 

XII. To M. FADIUS GALLUS (Fam. vii. 26) . . 22 

XIII. To ATTICUS, in Italy, on his Journey to 

Rome (Att. iv. 46) 23 

XIV. To LUCCEIUS (Fam. v. 12) . . . 24 



xii CONTENTS 

LETTER 

XV. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. iv. 9) 
XVI. To FADIUS GALLUS (Fam. vii. 23) 
XVII. To M. MARIUS, in his Villa on the Bay of 

Naples (Fam. vii. 1) 

XVIII. To QUINTUS, in some Suburban Dwelling 

(Q. Fr. ii. 9 [11]) 
XIX. To QUINTUS, in the Country (Q. Fr. ii. 10 

[12]) . 
XX. To QUINTUS, on his way to Caesar s Camp 

in Britain (Q. Fr. ii. 13 [15a]) 
XXI. To QUINTUS, in Britain (Q. Fr. iii. 7) . 
XXII. To TREBATIUS, in the Camp of Caesar in 
Britain (Fam. vii. 16) 

XXIII. To TREBATIUS, in Britain (Fam. vii. 11) 

XXIV. To TREBATIUS, in Gaul (Fam. vii. 12) . 
XXV. To TREBATIUS, in Gaul (Fam. vii. 13) . 

XXVI. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. v. 1) . 
XXVII. FROM CAELIUS TO CICERO, on his Journey to 

his Province (Fam. viii. 1) . 
XXVIII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. v. 9) . 
XXIX. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. v. 12) 
XXX. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. v. 15) 
XXXI. CAELIUS TO CICERO, in his province (Fam. 

viii. 5) 

XXXII. To ATTICUS, on the way to Epirus (Att. v. 20) 
XXXIII. To P. VOLUMNIUS EUTRAPELUS, in Rome 

(Fain. vii. 32) . . . 
XXXIV. To Lucius PAPIRIUS PAETUS, in Rome 

(Fam. ix. 25) 

XXXV. CICERO TO ATTICUS, on his way to Rome 

(Att. vi. 1, 17-26) 

XXXVI. To ATTICUS, on his way to Rome (Att. vi. 4) 



CONTENTS xm 

LETTEK PAGE 

XXXVII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. vi. 5) . 66 

XXXVIII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. vi. 8) . 68 

XXXIX. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. vi. 9) 70 
XL. CICERO AND HIS SON TO TIRO, on his way 

to Rome (Fain. xvi. 9) . . . .71 

XLI. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. vii. 17) . . 73 

XLII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. vii. 20) . . 75 

XLIII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. viii. 4) .76 

XLIV. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. viii. 5) .77 

XLV. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. ix. 2) . . 78 

XLVI. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. x. 17) . 81 

XLVII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. x. 18) . . 82 

XLVIII. To ATTICUS, in Rome (Att. xi. 1) . .83 

XLIX. To PAETUS (Fam. ix. 16) . . . .84 

L. To PAETUS (Fam. ix. 18) . . .88 

LI. To ATTICUS (Att. xii. 6) . . .89 

LII. To PAETUS (Fam. ix. 19) . . . .90 

LIII. To PAETUS (Fam. ix. 20) . . . .91 

LIV. To PAETUS (Fam. ix. 26) . . . .92 

LV. To ATTICUS (Att. xii. 11) . . . .94 

LVI. To CASSIUS (Fam. xv. 17) . . . .94 

LVII. To CASSIUS (Fam. xv. 16) . . . .96 

LVIII. To ATTICUS (Att. xii. 12) . . . .97 

LIX. To ATTICUS (Att. xii. 32) . . . .98 

LX. SERVIUS SULPICIUS TO CICEIIO (Fam. iv. 5). 99 

LXI. CICERO TO SERVIUS SULPICIUS (Fam. iv. 6) . 102 

LXII. To ATTICUS (Att. xii. 45) . . . . 104 

LXIII. To FADIUS GALLUS (Fam. vii. 24) . . 105 

LXIV. To FADIUS GALLUS (Fam. vii. 25) . . 106 

LXV. CURIUS TO CICERO (Fam. vii. 29) . . . 107 

LXVI. To ATTICUS (Att. xiii. 52) . . . . 108 

LXVII. To CURIUS (Fam. vii. 30) 109 



xiv CONTENTS 

LETTER PAGE 

LXA T III. To TIRO (Fam. xvi. 18) . 110 

LXIX. To ATTICUS (Att. xiv. 5) . . .111 

LXX. To TIRO (Fain. xvi. 23) .... 112 

LXXI. To ATTICUS (Att. xiv. 10) . . . .113 

LXXII. To ATTICUS (Att. xiv. 18) . . . . 114 

LXX1II. MATIUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 28). . . 116 

LXXIY. To ATTICUS (Att. xv. 16) . . . .119 

LXXV. To ATTICUS (Att. xv. 15) . . . . 119 

LXXVI. To ATTICUS (Att. xvi. 3) . . . .121 

LXXVII. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO (Fam. x. 32) . 123 

LXXVIII. To CASSIUS, in Laodicea (Fam. xii. 10) . 125 

LXXIX. To TREBATIUS (Fam. vii. 22) ... 127 

LXXX. To TIRO (Fam. xvi. 26) .... 127 

NOTES 129 

INDEX 329 



INTEODUCTION 



CICERO AS A PUBLIC MAN 

I HAVE prefixed to the text of this Selection a few 
sentences which trace the chief events in Cicero s life up 
to the year in which his extant correspondence begins. 
The main incidents of his subsequent life will be familiar 
to such students as will use this Selection, and if any one 
desires a rapid survey of them, he will find the article even 
in the abridged edition of Smith s Dictionary of Biography 
adequate for his needs. It is in the interpretation of the 
acts of Cicero that historians have ever differed, and 
will probably for ever differ. Gaston Boissier has been 
the most eloquent of his recent advocates, and all that 
can be said against him has been concentrated into a few 
scathing epigrams by the great history -maker Theodor 
Mommsen. I have already protested against the outrage 
which Mommsen has committed on the fair fame of 
Cicero. Like Marina in Pericles Prince of Tyre, I have 
spoken holy words to the Lord Lysimachus I have 
endeavoured to vindicate by arguments the character of 



xvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

one whom I regard as a great and good man. For my 
present purpose it will be sufficient to put forward a few 
plain statements of facts. 

There is no ground for saying that Cicero, in his early 
life, coquetted with democracy. He was doubtless a 
representative of the Equestrian class, and thus on the 
whole opposed to the Optimates ; but we do not find that 
his political principles, whatever they were, led him to 
the picking and choosing of his briefs at the beginning of 
his career. His object was to attain to an eminent posi 
tion in the political life of Rome. With his amazing 
intellectual gifts, the obvious avenue to this was the Bar, 
and Cicero seized every opportunity of showing his powers 
as an advocate, without much considering the political 
aspects of the various cases which he undertook. It has 
been alleged that he defended Catiline, charged with 
extortion in Africa, with a view to improving the chances 
of his candidature for the consulship of 63. It is well- 
nigh certain that Cicero did not defend Catiline (see note 
on Ep. iv.) ; but, if he had done so, he would have done 
nothing immoral or unprofessional. Catiline was not at 
the time the declared champion of the democracy. He 
was a dissolute young noble who, like other Roman 
governors, had misused the power which the State had 
entrusted to him. If it be urged that, even apart from 
politics, it was unworthy of Cicero to think of defending 
the oppressor of his province, one may answer that moral 
standards differ in different periods of history. England, 
happily for her subjects, does not look on proconsular 
malversation with the lenient eyes of ancient Rome. If 



INTRODUCTION xvn 

he had lived in the last century of the Roman Republic, 
Burke might have defended Sir Elijah Impey after his 
impeachment of Warren Hastings, without incurring any 
serious reprobation. But it is highly probable that a 
Roman of that epoch would have completely failed to see 
the applicability of the attribute honesty to certain quite 
legitimate transactions on the Turf and the Stock Ex 
change of our own day. 

Cicero and the Equites were driven to the side of the 
nobility by the conspiracy of Catiline, in which Caesar 
undoubtedly took a part. Cicero was now a great power. 
He could give a voice to the party which he espoused. 
And no one discerned this so clearly as Caesar, who 
strained every nerve to secure the advocacy of the great 
consular. But Cicero had by this time begun to indulge 
the dream of a restored Republic of the Scipios; his 
watchwords are senatus auctoritas and ordinum con- 
cordia, and he claims Catulus as his political predecessor. 
In Pompeius he saw the natural instrument of this policy, 
to which he clung, even though painfully conscious of all 
the shortcomings of Pompeius, and fascinated by the 
nobility of Caesar s character and demeanour, as well as 
the majesty of his genius. His letters are never BO 
gloomy as when for a moment he lets his gaze wander 
from this enchanting mirage. The celebrated letter to 
Lentulus (Fam. i. 9), written shortly after his restoration 
from exile, is rather an apology for, than a defence of, 
his political attitude ; and he never fails to reproach him 
self bitterly for defections, even in thought, from the 
causa optima. This causa optima, or complete harmony 



xviii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

between the Senate and the Optimates, was realised for 
the brief period of Cicero s consulate and the succeeding 
three years. And even then it did not absolutely attain 
to Cicero s ideal, for it cannot be said to have had 
Pompeius at its head. We cannot fail to observe how 
Cicero sneers at Pompeius as long as the latter kept up 
friendly relations with the popular leaders. Sampsi- 
ceramus, Arabarches, Hierosolymarius are all jibes at the 
possible despot. It is only when Pompeius has broken 
with the revolutionary party that Cicero uses towards 
him the language of sympathy and respect. But he 
never had for Pompeius that affectionate admiration 
against which he struggled in the case of Caesar. We 
have in a letter to Atticus a strong expression of his 
belief that in Pompeius lay the only hope of the 
Republic : His is the only influence which touches my 
feelings ; nothing else ; not the talk of the patriots, now 
really an extinct class ; not the cause itself, which has 
hitherto inspired no resolute action, and is destined per 
haps to issue in crime. It is to Pompeius I must accord 
the unique position, though he does not ask for it, nor is 
the cause his own, as he says, but the State s. l His 
comment on the death of Pompeius does not speak the 
language of real grief : I cannot but feel grief for his sad 
death ; I found him an upright, good, and worthy man. 2 

1 Me quidem alius nemo movet ; non sermo bonorum qui nulli 
sunt, non causa quae acta timide est, agetur improbe ; uni, uni 
hoc damns, ne id quidem roganti, nee suam causam, ut ait, agenti 
sed publicam. Att. ix. 1, 4. 

2 Non possum eius casum non dolere ; hominem enim inlegrum 
et castum et gravem cognovi. Att. xi. 6, 5. 



INTRODUCTION xix 

The conspiracy of Catiline cannot be regarded as 
having been really a move in the straggle for democracy, 
or a serious attempt to revolutionise the State. Catiline 
was not the political successor of the Gracchi, Saturniiius, 
Drusus, Sulpicius, and Cinna. He drifted into the ranks 
of the insurgents, who were at best political desperadoes 
like Caesar, and was easily crushed by Cicero, who 
deliberately exaggerated the dimensions of the conspiracy 
to enhance his own glory in putting it down. 

There can be little doubt that, had Cicero chosen, the 
Triumvirate might have been a Quattuorvirate ; l but he 
is faithful to his causa optima, the defection of Pompeius 
from which he regrets in expressive phrase (Att. ii. 21, 
3, 4). His only comfort is that he has now no rival in 
Pompeius for the plaudits of posterity (Att. ii. 17, 2). 
Clodius having gained his tribunate by concealing his 
designs against Cicero (a strong proof that Cicero was 
not the object of popular resentment), at once proceeds to 
his revenge. After several enactments, having a tend 
ency to conciliate the various classes of Roman society, 

1 This is stated in so many words by Cicero in the or. de pro- 
vinciis considaribus, 41, me in tribus sibi coniunctissimis consulari- 
bus esse voluit. And this pronouncement is abundantly confirmed 
by Cicero s private letters of this period. See Att. ii. 1, 6, and 7, to 
the words non minus esset probanda medicina quae sanaret vitiosas 
paries reipublicae quam quae exsecaret ; again Att. ii. 3, 3, from 
the words ^a?^ fuit apud me Cornelius, where he distinctly says 
that he might have been a member of the coalition, but that he 
preferred to adhere to the policy and party which from his boyhood 
he looked on as the party of patriotism and constitutionalism. In 
fine, he resolves that his motto shall be : els oluvfa Apicrros 
irepl Trdrptj^. 

1) 



3d CICERO IX HIS LETTERS 

lie proposes a law enacting that 017 one who had pal 
Roman citizens to death without triad should be inter 
dicted from fire and water. Caesar haying in rain tried 
to gain Cicero as an adherent having in Tain sought 
even to afford him an opportunity lor retiring from 
> - - - ." :. ." :.: .-.? . : > 

fare. Indeed Cicero s pteocnce in Rome as a declared 
opponent of the Triumvirate might hare prated an 
obstacle to his own departure lor GauL Pomperas 
betrayed him to whom he had so often pledged his word 
The treason of Pompeius and the jealousy of HortaHH 
weQnigh cost the world some of the nobkst of the 
speeches and essays of CSoero, for often during his oik 
the victim of CtodhBwason the point of setEdosUaOkm 
He often regrets that he had not opposed lone to force. 
:".-."-.;? . - . .". -1..; v;:.::v 

of it: and still more he deplores the ratal step which h< 
- -. . :.,;". ::. : : ..: - - . v. "; ::..; . 1: 
But he inrariaUy attributes hie fiOl first, to tb< 

- - . : r -> _ ----- _ -. - v ". 

quenthr against himself; secondly, to the jealousy felt 
towards him by the rival aspirants to the leadership o 
the Optimate party. 

The recan of Cicero cannot be ascribed to a sadder 

" - ;- :;.; ; . :: :" 1 -.: iv.s :: :"..- ::: ;".::;.- 

Nor is it true to the authorities to say that the terms a. 

-.-"....;. - " : -;- ;.:-; : . : .,: -:- .: ^ : i :v.: iv. 

were the re-establishment of the senatorial governmen 
and the recall of Cicera The exile of Gkero was due fa 
the jealousy of the nobility as much as to the 



INTRODUCTION xxi 

Pompeius. But jealousy is a sentiment which, though it 
grows terribly while its object is still in a position to 
excite it, yet is capable of being allayed by the humilia 
tion of the once envied rival. Cicero recalled from 
exile, even with all the honours which attended his 
recall, was no longer the triumphant parvenu, the 
irresistible moqueur, unstained by a humiliation, and 
unabashed by a repulse. And to this must be added 
the effect of that essentially personal factor in history 
which is so generally treated with disdain by the his 
torians of to-day. A quarrel about the safe keeping of 
an Armenian princeling brought about an incurable 
rupture between Pompeius and Clodius, and obtained for 
Cicero the good offices of Pompeius in procuring his 
restoration. Moreover, the people, whose instincts led 
them to acquiesce in the punishment of a man who had 
undoubtedly strained the constitution, yet felt that he 
had amply atoned his coup d etat, and welcomed back 
the saviour of his country. No doubt the rabble hissed, 
but the people (especially the Italians) were enthusiastic 
in the cause of his restoration, and Pompeius, through 
hatred for Clodius, enrolled himself on the same side. 
The Senate strained every nerve, and there seems to 
have been an organised whip of Italian voters. Nor 
were the bravoes of Milo an unimportant factor in the 
result achieved. 1 Thus the restoration of Cicero was 
brought about mainly by the unconstitutional means by 
which it might more easily have been averted. 

Cicero s exile was a period of deep depression. The 
1 Dio Cass, xxxix. 8. 



xxii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

pigritia, or listlessness, which now sapped all the sources 
of his energy has left its mark on his style. The letters 
from exile show little of his powers of expression. Like 
Hamlet, he has not skill to reckon his groans. His pre 
cision of expression is gone ; he has not the heart to 
achieve it. He says himself in a letter to Atticus that 
he would write more but that grief has paralysed all his 
faculties, and especially his powers of letter-writing. 1 It 
is the period immediately succeeding his restoration which 
has been seized on by his detractors as an opportunity 
for depicting him as a political apostate or a time-serving 
trimmer. His situation was indeed difficult. How do 
you suppose I feel ? he writes to Atticus (iv. 6, 2). II 
I say what duty bids I am looked on as a madman ; as a 
time-server if I follow the dictates of expediency ; and il 
I hold my peace I am said to be browbeaten and in 
thraldom. 2 His detractors represent him as halting 
between two parties, the Optimates and the Triumvirate. 
The fact is, there was now no longer an Optimate party. 
I am not sure that they are not an extinct species, says 
Cicero, nescio an nulli sint. Nor yet was there a Tri 
umvirate ; at least there was not a Triumvirate which 
possessed anything like that clear-cut solidity which it 
now presents to readers of the history of the time. Tc 

1 Ego et saepius ad te etplura scriberem, nisi mihi dolor r/ieut 
cum omnes paries mentis turn maxime huius generis facultateir 
ademisset. Att. iii. 7, 3. 

2 Ego vero qui si loquor de republica quod oportet insanus, & 
quod opus est servus existimor, si taceo oppressus et captus, qui 
dolore esse debeo ? Att. iv. 6, 2. 



INTRODUCTION xxiu 

Cicero the Triumvirate practically meant Pompeius. He 
does not use the expression at all. The Triumvirs figure 
in his letters sometimes as dynastae, or populares, or illi 
qui tenent, or qui lenent omnia ; sometimes they are the 
master (Pompeius) and his supporters (qua dominus qua, 
advocati). 1 Moreover, his old friends the aristocracy, for 
whom he had suffered so much, were offended at the 
enthusiasm of his restoration. * Those who had clipped 
his wings did not care to see them sprouting again. 
When he was bold enough to announce on April 5, in 
the year 56, his intention of calling on the Senate to 
review on May 15 the legislation of Caesar s consulate in 
59, especially the allotment of the Campanian lands 
under the agrarian law of that year, he made a bid for 
his old position as champion of the aristocracy, he gave a 
direct challenge to Caesar, and he raised for the Opti- 
mates a banner round which to rally. He received no 
support. The Optimates would not rally round the flag, 
but they would gladly have seen him wave it, because 
they thought the disagreeably clever parvenu would thus 
irritate Caesar* and alienate Pompeius. This treachery 
was too much for Cicero. He lent a ready ear to the 
suggestion of Pompeius that he should withdraw his 
motion. Quintus made himself surety for the good con 
duct of his brother when he met Pompeius in Sardinia ; 
and shortly afterwards the Triumvirate was placed on a 
firmer basis by the conference at Luca. Cicero s palinode, 
as he calls his speech de provinciis consularibus, was 

1 This seems certainly to be the meaning of Att. ii. 19. 3. See 
note in Correspondence of Cicero. 



xxiv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

written expressly to make this step irrevocable (Att. iv. 
5, 1). He confesses (Att. iv. 5, 1) that he was a down 
right ass (asinum germanum] for not having made 
common cause with the Triumvirs before, and for having 
so long believed in the feeble and treacherous aristocrats. 
But at this time Cicero despairs of society. Writing to 
Curio he says : * I am afraid when you come you will 
find nothing here to interest you ; public life is in such a 
state of syncope, indeed almost complete collapse ; l and 
he writes to his brother Quintus : Nothing can be more 
desperate than the state to which society has come. 2 
We must remember that Cicero was now drawn to 
Pompeius by old political associations, and to Caesar by 
the consistent courtesy, kindness, and respect which 
Caesar showed him ; and that the Optimates, having 
deliberately effaced- themselves, had treacherously tried 
to efface Cicero too. In these circumstances Cicero 
might have followed the Equites in their shift over to 
Caesar and the democrats. But no. The refuge to which 
he sought to betake himself was cultured leisure ; what 
we would now call otium cum dignitate. "If through his 
desire for otium he somewhat sacrificed his dignitas, let 
us remember that he was really not so much a politician 
as a man of letters thrust into political life by his unex 
ampled literary endowments. And above all things let 
us remember that it was only when the cause of Pompeius 

1 Vereor mehercule ne cum veneris non habeas iam quod cures : ita 
sunt omnia debilitata ac iam prope exstincta. Fam. ii. 5. 2. 

2 Nihil est perditius his hominibus, his temporibus. Q. Fr. iii. 
9,1. 



INTRODUCTION xxv 

became really desperate that Cicero s heart went out to 
him. I never wanted to share his prosperity, he writes to 
Atticus ; would rather that I had shared his downfall. l 
The ruin of Pompeius drew Cicero closer to him than his 
most splendid triumphs. Cato was not the only Kornan 
in whose eyes the vanquished found more favour than the 
victorious cause. 

The attitude of Cicero towards Caesar on the one 
hand, and Pompeius on the other, before the outbreak 
of the civil war, has been largely misrepresented. It has 
been urged that Cicero did not really believe in Pompeius 
as the champion of the Republic ; that he knew that 
Pompeius was only using the Constitution as a peg on 
which to hang his personal pretensions ; in short, that 
what both rivals were aiming at was one and the same 
thing a tyrannis. It is true that there are many ex 
pressions in his letters which would seem to support this 
theory, but we must remember that we have in these 
letters (and this is what gives them their profound 
interest) the private and unstudied record of every 
passing phase in the mind of one whose literary genius 
enables him to stereotype each flitting smile or sigh in 
some matchlessly expressive and subtile phrase. Thus 
the correspondence of Cicero supplies us with apt texts 
in support of almost every conceivable theory of his 
character and principles. As once was said about the 
Holy Scriptures 

1 Nwnquam illius victoriae sodus esse volui, calamitatis mallem 
fuisse. Att. ix. 12, 4. 



xxvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

Hie liber est in quo quaerit sua dogmata quisque, 
Invenit et pariter dogmata quisque sua. 

This being so, it is unfair to set against the prevailing 
tone of his letters the hasty expression of a momentary 
fear, the feverish outburst of distracted petulance. 
Cicero does speak of Pompeius as being, like Caesar, 
actuated only by personal motives, but it is in the tone 
in which many a good Tory often said of Beaconsfield, 
I declare he is as bad as Gladstone. A full and fair 
examination of the letters shows that he did regard 
Pompeius as the champion of the Republic, and Caesar 
as its declared foe. I propose, therefore, by means of 
quotations from the letters, to summarise as briefly as 
possible the evidence afforded by the letters for the settle 
ment of this question. 

I. Cicero did not look on neutrality as at all a 
possible course for a man of honour. 

Quid ergo, inquis, acturus es ? idem quod pecudes, quae dis- 
pulsae sui generis secuntur greges : ut bos armenta, sic ego 
bonos viros, aut eos quicunque dicentur boni, sequar, etiam si 
ruent. (Att. vii. 7, 7.) 

Si erit bellum, cum Pompeio esse constitui. (Att. vii. 
26, 3.) 

(Depugnabo) cum bona quidem spe vel vincendi vel in liber- 
tate moriendi. (Att. vii. 9, 4.) 

Si enim castris res geretur, video cum altero vinci satius esse 
quam cum altero vincere. (Att. vii. 1, 4.) 

Sin bellum geretur non deero officio nee dignitati meae. 
(Att. vii. 17, 4.) 

Sive enim ad concordiam res adduci potest sive ad bonorum 
victoriam, utriusvis rei me aut adiutorem velim esse, aut certe 
noil expertem. (Att. vii. 1, 2.) 



INTRODUCTION xxvii 

II. Cicero is resolved to follow Pompeius. 

(1) Through gratitude and affection : 

Quia de me erat optime meritus. (Att. vii. 1, 2.) 

Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio non auctoritate. (Att. 
viii. 1, 4.) 

Cum merita Pompeii sumnia erga salutem meam, familiari- 
tasque quae mihi cum eo est, turn ipsa reipublicae causa me 
adducit, ut mihi vel consihum meum cum illius consilio, vel 
fortuna cum fortuna coniungenda esse videatur. (Att. viii. 
3, 2.) 

Ei TOIS evepytrais xal tf)i\ois <rvyKiv8vvfVT^ov kv rols TTO\LTLKOIS 
K&V [AT] SoKLtxriv eC /3e/3ouAeD<r#cu irepl rCiv tiiXwv. (Att. ix. 4, 2.) 

Quid si non eraipy solum sed etiam evepytrri ? (Att. ix. 
5, 3.) 

Beneficium sequor, mihi crede, non causam . . . causa igitur 
non bona est ? immo optima : sed agetur (memento) foedissime. 
(Att. ix. 7, 3.) 

Nee mehercule hoc facio reipublicae causa quam fimditus 
deletam puto ; sed no quis me putet ingratum in eum qui me 
levavit iis incommodis quibus idem adfecerat. (Att. ix. 19, 2.) 

Ego pro Pompeio lubenter emori possum. Facio pluris 
omnium hominum neminem. Sed non ita : uno in eo iudico 
spem de salute reipublicae. (Att. viii. 2, 4.) 

(2) As leader of the Optimates : 

Si maneo et ilium comitatum optimorum et clarissimorum 
civium desero. (Att. viii. 3, 1.) 

Dabimus hoc Pompeio quod debemus. Nam me quidem 
alius nemo movet ; non sermo bonorum qui nulli sunt ; non 
causa quae acta timide est, agetur improbe. Uni, uni hoc 
damns, no id quidem roganti, nee suani causam (ut ait) agenti, 
sed publicam. (Att. ix. 1, 4.) 

Et Kal /J.7] doKifj.dovTa rrjv 5td TroX^uou KaraXvcriv rrjs rvpavvldos, 
6 /uws TO?S dpiarois. (Att. ix. 4, 2.) 



xxviii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

(3) As about to restore the Republic : 

Quando Pompeius rempublicam recuperarit. (Att. viii. 
3, 2.) 

Sed me movet unus vir ; cuius fugientis comes, rempublicam 
recuperantis, videor esse debere. (Att. viii. 14, 2.) 

Tali viro talem causam agenti. (Att. ix. 5, 3.) 

III. Cicero,, however, sees faults many and serious in 
the Optimate side and Pompeius. 

(1) He despises their dilatoriness, irresolution, weak 
ness, and abandonment of principle. 

Bellum nostri nullum admmistrant. (Att. vii. 20, 1.) 

Nulla causa, nullae vires, nulla sedes quo concurrant qui 
rempublicam defensam velint. (Att. viii. 3, 4.) 

Quern fugiam habeo, quern sequar non habeo. (Att. viii. 7, 
2.) See also to end of this letter. 

At ille tibi, TroXXd x<* t / )et1 r$ Ka\y dicens, pergit Brundisium. 
(Att. viii. 8, 2.) 

Quid hoc miserius, quam altemm plausum in foedissima 
causa quaerere, alterum offensiones in optima ? alterum existi- 
mari conservatorem inimicorum, alterum desertorem aniicorum ? 
(Att. viii. 9, 3.) 

Nihil fieri potest miserius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius. 
(Att. viii. 11, 4.) 

(2) He fears that if victorious they will inflict a 
terrible vengeance on their enemies. 

lovi ipsi iniquum. (Att. viii. 15, 2.) 

Homini magis ad vastandam Italian! quam ad vincendum 
parato. (Att. viii. 16, 2.) 

Bellum crudele et exitiosum suscipi a Pompeio intellegebam. 
(Att. ix. 6, 7.) 

Mirandum in modum Gnaeus noster Sullani regni simili- 



INTRODUCTION xxix 

ttidinem concupivit . . . (causa) agetur . . . foedissime. 
(Att. ix. 7, 3.) 

Hums belli genus fugi, et eo magis quod crudeliora etiam 
cogitari et parari videbam. (Att. ix. 10, 3.) 

Bellum . . . comparat non iniustum ille quidem sed cum 
pium turn etiam necessarium, suis tamen civibus exitiabile nisi 
vicerit, calamitosum etiam si vicerit. (Att. x. 4, 3. ) 

(3) He fears that Pompeius and the Optimates strive 
for tyranny as well as Caesar. 

De sua potentia dimicant homines hoc tempore, periculo 
civitatis. (Att. vii. 3, 4.) 

Ex victoria cum multa mala turn certe tyrannus exsistet. 
(Att. vii. 5. 4.) 

Si viceris tamen servias. (Att. vii. 7, 7.) 

Uterque regnare vult. (Att. viii. 11, 2.) 

Quorum utrique semper patriae salus et dignitas posterior sua 
dominatione . . . fuit. (Att. x. 4, 4.) 

IV. Caesar s side he will not, cannot, join. 

(1) He looks on Caesar as a leader of revolutionists, 
and regards his as the wrong side. 

Omnes damnatos, omnes ignominia adfectos, omnes damna- 
tione ignominiaque dignos iliac facere. (Att. vii. 3, 5.) 

Nee in caede principum clementiorem hunc fore quam Cinna 
fuerit, nee moderatiorem quam Sulla in pecuniis locupletum. 
(Att. vii. 7, 7.) 

Numquam improbi cives habuerunt paratiorem ducem. (Fam. 
xvi. 11, 3.) 

Xpewi dTTo/coTras, <pvydSwv KaOodovs, sescenta alia scelera 
moliri. (Att. vii. 11, 1.) 

Minis invaserat furor non solum improbis sed etiam his qui 
boni habentur ut pugnare cuperent. (Fam. xvi. 12, 2.) 

Foedissima causa. (Att. vii. 9, 3.) 



xxx CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

Qui liic potest se gerere non perdite ? Vetant vita, mores, 
ante facta, ratio suscepti negotii, socii, vires bonorum aut etiam 
constantia? (Att. ix. 2a, 2.) 

Ardet furore et scelere . . . nee iam recusat sed quodam- 
modo postulat ut, quemadmodum est, sic etiam appelletur 
tyrannus. (Att. x. 4, 2.) 

(2) Caesar is called perditus civis (Att. vii. 13) ; 
perdilissimus (Att. viii. 2) ; tyrannus (Att. vii. 20, and 
passim). His conduct is furor (Att. vii. 1 4), and scelus 
(passim). 

(3) Cicero could not face the odium of such a course. 

aidto/jLai Tpwas, nee solum civis sed etiam amici officio revocor. 
(Att. vii. 12, 3.) 

Audio . . . hanc cunctationem nostram non probari, multa- 
que in me et severe in conviviis tempestivis quidem disputari ; 
cedamus igitur. (Att. ix. 1, 3.) 

Nee enim ferre potero sermones istorum quicunque sunt 
uon sunt enim certe ut appellantur boni. (Att. ix. 2a, 3.) 

(4) To join Caesar would be dishonourable. 

Fac posse tuto ; multi enim hortantur. Num etiam honeste ? 
Nullo modo. (Att. vii. 22, fin.) 

Cautior certe est mansio ; honestior existimatur traiectio. 
Malo interdum multi me non caute, quam pauci non honeste, 
fecisse existiment. (Att. viii. 15, 2.) 

Quid rectum sit apparet ; quid expediat obscurum est. 
(Fam. v. 19, 2.) 

Ab illis est periculum, si peccaro ; ab hoc, si recte fecero. 
(Att. x. 8, 5.) 

V. As Cicero is not blind to the weaknesses of 
Pompeius and his side, so he clearly discerns the strong 



INTRODUCTION xxxi 

points in Caesar s conduct and character, as, for instance, 
his tolerance and wise moderation. 

Si mehercule nerainem occiderit, nee cuiquam quidquam 
ademerit, ab his qui eum maxime timuerant maxime diligetur. 
(Att. viii. 13, 1.) 

So that it was not through a mere recoil from Caesar 
that Cicero threw himself into the cause of Pompeius. 

Max Budinger, in an able article on Cicero und der 
Patriciatj has shown what cordial feelings existed both 
before and after the outbreak of the civil war between 
Cicero and Caesar, not as politicians, but as men of the 
world. A few references will be sufficient here. For a 
favourable view of Caesar see Orat. de prov. cons, (de 
livered 56), 40 ff. ; in Vatin. 16, 22 (delivered same 
year) ; pro Sest. 16, 132 (delivered same year) ; Fam. 
iv. 4, 3-4 (written 47) ; Fam. iv. 6, 3 (written 45) ; 
Fam. vi. 6, 8, 9, 10, 13 (written 46). See also the 
fine eulogy in Phil. ii. 116. Caesar dedicated the De 
Analogia to Cicero (Brut. 253). 

In Att. vii. 20, 2, Cicero writes that the considerations 
which urge him to fly from Rome to the camp of Pom 
peius are his friendship with Gnaeus, the Optimate 
cause, the shamefulness of making common cause with 
a tyrant, about whom one could not be sure whether 
he was destined to prove a Phalaris or a Pisistratus. 
A reference to a letter of Cicero to Sulpicius (Fam. iv. 
4, 3-4) will show how conspicuously Caesar proved 
himself to be not a Phalaris, but a Pisistratus, and some 
thing far more than a Pisistratus. 

Accordingly, the whole state of Cicero s mind before 



xxxn CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

the outbreak of the civil war may thus be summed up : 
What Cicero hoped for was an arrangement (compositio, 
concordia). Anything should be surrendered rather than 
have war. 1 War will bring the tyrannis. Therefore Cicero 
hesitates, and does not openly join Pompeius, whose 
flight from Italy he condemns, while he despises the in 
capacity, dilatoriness, cowardice (almost) of his supporters. 
Moreover, peace is what Cicero most desires : now peace 
Pompeius will not have : 2 he even fears it. 3 Yet Cicero 
hopes he will be able to influence Pompeius. 4 On the 
other hand, Caesar is very powerful, very active, and 
very conciliatory. But Cicero says * he is running a- 
muck (ruit) ; he is perditus ; he is a tyrannus ; his acts 
are furor, scelus. If war is unavoidable, Cicero must 
join Pompeius ; not to do so would be inglorious, dis 
honourable, ungrateful. Yet, again, to think of the 
recklessness of the Optimates and the violence which 
would follow their victory. No matter : Pompeius alone 
moves Cicero ; the acts of him and his side have been a 
tissue of blunders : but his side is the right one. Mihi 
o-Ka(os, he writes, Att. vii. 3, 5, unum erit quod a 
Pompeio gubernabitur. 

1 Ego is sum qui illi concedi putem utilius esse quod postulat, 
quam signa conferri. Att. vii. 5, 5. 



quaeris ecquae spes pacificationis sit quantum ex Pom 
peii multo et accurate sermone perspexi, ne voluntas quidem est. 
Att. vii. 8, 4. 

3 Non modo non expetere pacem istam sed etiam timere visus 
est. Att. vii. 8, 5. 

4 Ipsum Pompeium separatim ad concordiam hortabor. Att. 
vii. 3, 5. 



INTRODUCTION xxxiii 

The later life of Cicero does not present the same 
difficulties as have been found in his relations with the 
democracy in his early career, his subsequent attitude 
towards the Triumvirs, and his choice of a side in the 
civil war. His government of his province was astonish 
ingly pure for his age, though we find that it realised for 
him a considerable fortune; that he was not firm 
enough to persevere in his refusal to favour Brutus in 
his rapacious claims on the citizens of Salamis in Cyprus ; 
and that he made no attempt to develop the material 
resources of the country. 

The restoration of the Commonwealth of the Scipios 
was but a dream; still it was a beautiful dream, and 
Cicero gave his life for it. We may thus sum up the 
motives of principles which guided him. 

Cicero, like every politician, was actuated by mixed 
motives in the line which he took. He desired to achieve 
the commanding position to which he felt that his powers 
entitled him ; but he did not wish to reach by crooked 
paths an eminence, however great. He was ambitious 
to rise, but he was ambitious to rise by inspiring his 
fellow-countrymen with a strong and abiding sense of 
those pre-eminent abilities of which he was conscious, 
and to use his power, when attained, in the honest service 
of the best interests of the State, as he conceived them. 
That vanity and self-laudation, which is so repugnant to 
our sense of fitness, was a vice not only of the man, but 
also of the age, though no doubt he was vain to a degree 
conspicuous even then. How different from ours was the 
spirit of the time when even Caesar, on whose marvel- 



xxxiv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

lous serenity Mommsen dwells so lovingly, could send 
such a letter to the senate as veni, vidi, vici. With 
what ridicule would such a despatch now be received by 
Parliament and the Press. Cicero lived in an epoch 
when pro-consuls sought and found their c laurels in a 
must cake, and on their return to Rome enjoyed the 
empty pageantry of a triumph or a supplicatio, which 
was often but a mockery of their demonstrated incom 
petence. But, in spite of characteristic weaknesses, 
Cicero was a great power in his age. In the opinion 
of his contemporaries he saved Rome in the time of 
Catiline, and did his best to save it in the time of 
Antonius. When once fairly embarked in politics, Cicero 
was eminently serviceable to the party of his adoption. 
For these services he has been condemned by Mommsen, 
but has won the enthusiastic praise of Pliny, who rightly 
sees the splendid triumphs of a born orator, not the en 
forced drudgery of a slighted hireling, in the speeches 
which persuaded the people to abandon the Agrarian 
Law, that is, their food, 1 and to spare Roscius ; and 
which induced the descendants of the Sullan proscripts 
to relinquish their claim to office. It was the same 
magic power which extorted from the indices the con 
demnation of Verres, and which sent Catiline half 
stunned from the Senate. It would be very easy to 
add to Pliny a long array of enthusiastic admirers of 
Cicero among ancient writers. The eloquent eulogy of 
Velleius Paterculus (ii. 66) has often been quoted, and 
Quintilian (Inst. Or. xii. 1, 15) has given a noble testi- 
1 Plin. Nat. Hist. vii. 31. 



INTRODUCTION xxxv 

mony to the patriotism of Cicero : Cremutius Cordus, 
quoted by Seneca (Suas. vii.), writes that he was con 
spicuous not only for the greatness but the number of 
his virtues ; and Livy (Sen. ibid.} says that to praise 
him as he deserves we ought to have another Cicero. 
But these witnesses are superfluous to him who reads the 
letters as they have been read by all historians from 
Niebuhr to Merivale ; while Mommsen and Drumann 
would no doubt dismiss their evidence with a sneer, and 
again betake themselves to their acte d* accusation. 1 

1 I quote here the concluding words of an admirably just and 
learned account of the life of Cicero in the Quarterly Review, by 
Mr. Strachan-Davidson, of Balliol College, Oxford : 

His is one of those characters whose faults lie on the surface ; 
and the preservation of his most secret letters has withdrawn the 
veil which hides the weakness and the pettiness of most men from 
the eyes of posterity. His memory has thus been subjected to a test 
of unprecedented sharpness. Nevertheless, the faithful friends 
who resolved to present to the world his confidential utterances, 
unspoiled by editorial garbling, have not only earned our gratitude 
by the gift of a unique historical monument, but have judged most 
nobly and most truly what was cine to the reputation of Cicero. 
As it was in his lifetime, so it has been with his memory : those 
who have known him most intimately have commonly loved him 
best. He is no demi-god to be set on a pedestal for the worship 
of the nations, but a man with human virtues and human weak 
nesses, and withal possessed of a charm of grace and goodness 
which makes us think of him as of some familiar and beloved 
friend. The calm retrospective judgment of Caesar Augustus, 
recorded for us by Plutarch (Life of Cicero, ch. 49), sums up not 
unfairly the story of Cicero s life. 

" It happened many years after, that Caesar once found one of 
his grandsons with a work of Cicero in his hands. The boy was 
frightened and hid the book under his gown ; but Caesar took it 
C 



xxxvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 



II 



CICERO IN HIS PRIVATE LIFE 

Cicero is presented to us even at the very commence 
ment of his correspondence as being in easy circumstances. 
He already possesses his estates at Formiae and Tus- 
culum. We find him in the year 67 looking out for 
objets (Tart for his gymnasium at Tusculum, and he is in 
a position to pay some 170 for certain statues made of 
the Koyx^rr)<s Ai#o?, for which Megara was famous. He 
had inherited from his father an estate in Arpinum, in 
the neighbourhood of the two country houses of his 
brother Quintus, Arcanum and Laterium ; and a house 
in Rome on the Carinae, which he seems to have made 
over to his brother Quintus, 1 when he himself, after his 
consulate, bought for nearly 30,000 the magnificent 
house of M. Crassus on the Palatine, which brought on 
him so much envy and misconstruction. The marriage 
portion which he received on marrying Terentia, at the 
age of 29, amounted to about 3400. But even before 
this time he was in a position, in the years 79, 78, to 
make a tour through Greece and Asia. What, then, 
were the sources of Cicero s income, for there is no 

from him, and standing there motionless he read through a great 
part of the book ; then he gave it back to the boy and said, 
This was a great orator, my child, a great orator and a man who 
loved his country well." 
1 Plut. Cic. viii. 



INTRODUCTION xxxvn 

evidence that his father left him any great fortune? 
The chief source, no doubt, was his practice at the Bar, 
especially as the advocate of foreign States and Kings. 
For though the Cincian Law 1 forbade the feeing of 
advocates, yet there is abundant evidence that the thank 
fulness of successfully-defended clients generally took a 
substantial form. We may perhaps infer from Att. i. 
20, 7, that the gratitude of L. Papirius Paetus showed 
itself in the appropriate present of his library, and the 
tone of this passage leads us to surmise that the Lex 
Cincia de Muneribus, now nearly 150 years old, had to 
a great extent become obsolete. 2 Cicero, then, who de 
voted himself to the Bar at the early age of 25, must 
have made a considerable income by his profession. For 
there seems to have been but one other source of income 
to him legacies left by grateful clients or admiring 
friends. Plutarch tells us that early in life he was be 
queathed a sum of about 3000, but his receipts under 
this head are probably much exaggerated. 3 For instance, 
we are asked to believe that in 59 the Stoic Diodotus, 

1 This law was really an aristocratic measure. It shut the 
career of an advocate to all who did not possess some fortune. 
It denied the necessities of life to the advocate, while it gave him 
the luxuries, which came in the form of handsome presents from 
wealthy clients. The Bar then, as a political career, until very 
recent times, was the privilege of the well-to-do. 

2 It is possible, indeed, that the remark here may be merely 
playful, as there is no evidence that Cicero ever acted as advocate 
for Papirius Paetus. But, besides this passage, there is abundant 
proof that this law was practically a dead letter. 

3 Cicero boasts (Phil. ii. 40) that he had received in bequests 
above 170,000, but this is probably a rhetorical hyperbole. 



xxxvill CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

who had been for some time an inmate of Cicero s house, 
left him heir to a sum equal to about 85,000 ! Of a 

truth 

Sapiens uno minor est love, dives, 
Liber, honoratus, pulcher, rex denique regum, 

if he can make such bequests to his friends or hosts. 
But the grandeur of the legacy is as nothing compared 
with the coolness of the legatee, Diodotus mortuus est ; 
reliquit nobis II. S. fortasse centies (Att. ii. 20, 6), and 
then he passes to other trifling topics. Malaspina is no 
doubt right in reading sestertia centum, about 850. At 
the age of 61, in the year 45, Cicero did receive a 
very large legacy from Cluvius, which he tells us brought 
in nearly 700 a-year, and afterwards over 800 : 
vehementer me Cluviana delectant, 1 he says to his friend 
Atticus when he discovers how valuable his legacy is 
about to prove. Cicero appears 2 to have been able to 
serve the interests of this rich Puteolan by using in his 
favour his influence with Q. Thermus, who governed 
Asia as pro-praetor in 51. There seems to have existed 
in Ancient Rome a testamentary mania, in consequence 
of which distinguished public characters often became 
the heirs of men personally quite unknown to them. 
The obscure millionaire loved at his death to divide his 
riches between two or three of the most eminent public 
characters of the day. It was not a tribute to the 
character or the politics of the legatee. Such bequests 
were thought to reflect distinction on the testator. Caesar 
and Cicero were co-heirs of Cluvius; and Cicero was 
1 Att. xiv. 9, 1. 2 Fam. xiii. 56. 



INTRODUCTION xxxix 

coupled with the detested Clodius in the will of the 
architect Cyrus. This vagaiy of human folly ought not 
to cause much surprise. Are there not now those who 
during life devote their resources to the entertaining 
of distinguished persons, whose society they dislike; or 
the purchase of works of art, the merits of which they 
cannot appreciate ; or who, at their death, apply to 
ostentatious charity wealth equitably due to dependents 
or benefactors ? 

Such, then, were the main sources of Cicero s income, 
for he refused to avail himself of the ordinary avenues to 
wealth in Rome. These were, first and chiefly, the 
plunder of the provinces. Cicero turned his back on this 
means of enriching himself by waiving his claim to a 
province after his praetorship and his consulate. When, 
in the year 51, he did accept the government of Cilicia, 
he set his face against the illegal practices by which 
Appius had depleted the province. We may form an 
estimate of the wealth to be amassed by an unscrupulous 
governor, when we learn from Cicero himself that, in 
spite of the rigorous purism of his administration, he 
laid by in his provincial life nearly 19,000. This sum, 
which was in cistophori, the Asiatic currency, he deposited 
in the hands of certain puUicani in Ephesus. 1 Another 

1 Cicero distinctly tells Rufus (Fam. v. 20, 9) that Pompeius 
appropriated this money. Yet we read in the early letters of the 
eleventh book to Atticus of this sum of money apparently still 
intact. It seems impossible to escape from the inference of Boot 
that the statement made by Cicero to Rufus was untrue, and that 
it was made with the design of comforting Rufus, who had recently 
sustained a pecuniary loss. Rufus was his quaestor. 



xl CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

road to a fortune neglected by Cicero was the practice of 
usury. 1 It is a singular feature in the social life of this 
period, that men of the highest distinction lent money on 
interest to individuals and corporations. Brutus, though 
according to Shakspere he condemned Cassius for his 
itching palm, had large transactions of this kind, and 
it was thus that Atticus amassed the wealth which he 
knew so well how to keep. Nor was this trade confined 
to men. There is much reason to believe that Terentia 
seriously embarrassed her husband by speculations, in 
which she allowed herself to be defrauded by her steward 
and freedman Philotimus. Caerellia, 2 too, seems to have 
had extensive business transactions. From these Cicero 

1 This mode of acquiring wealth was by no means deemed dis 
reputable in Rome. But Cicero does not seem to have sought 
thus to add to his resources. He uses, in one of his letters to 
Quintus (Q. Fr. i. 3, 6), an expression which seems designedly 
employed to show that his means were more honourably acquired. 
Writing from exile, he speaks of himself as one who once was 
liberis, coniuge, copiis, genere ipso pecuniae, beatissimus. Cicero 
did not look down on trade. In Parad. 6 he writes, qui honeste 
rein quaerunt mercaturis faciendis ; but he aspires, for himself, to 
the function which Scipio, in the Republic (i. 35), claims, cum mihi 
sit unum opus hoc a parentibus maioribusque meis relictum, pro- 
curatio atque administratio reipublicae. 

2 This interesting woman (the loss of whose correspondence with 
Cicero is much to be regretted) for many years afforded to him 
that intelligent sympathy in his literary labours which he sought 
in vain from Terentia. She was the Stella of Cicero. That the 
intimacy partook in no degree of the nature of an intrigue is plain 
from the friendly relations which subsisted between Caerellia and 
Terentia. Yet the rancour of Dio Cassius has not recoiled even 
from this aspersion. Like Swift, Comte, and Goethe, Cicero felt 



INTRODUCTION xli 

always held aloof, though we find him ever ready to lend 
to v, friend, and very frequently obliged to borrow. 1 His 
exile and its consequences involved him in difficulties, 
from which he never wholly emerged. Yet he cannot 
have ever been deeply in debt, for we find him through 
out his life in possession of half a dozen country residences 
in the most delightful parts of Italy, together with 
lodges, or clever soria, at Tarracina, Sinuessa, Gales, 
and Anagnia, which the want of hotels rendered 
necessary for persons of distinction who would travel in 
a manner befitting their rank. In the matter of money 
lent to him, Cicero shows a fastidious sense of honour 
quite in advance of his age. He feels it incumbent on 
him to apply to the repayment of his debt to Caesar the 
money which he had received for the expenses of his 
triumph, because it looks ugly to be in debt to a political 
opponent. 2 Again, on leaving Rome after the death of 

the charm of a woman s sympathy ; but Caerellia never had reason 
to regret that she had extended it to him. In his respect for the 
sanctity of domestic life Cicero presents a strong contrast to the 
manners of his age. Other traits in his character, too, show an 
approximation to modern modes of feeling and thought notably 
his refined repugnance to the cruel sports of the amphitheatre. 
Fam. vii. 1, 3. 

1 Cicero walks under his load of difficulties with a light step, 
which reminds us of Sheridan, with whom, indeed, the scurra 
consularis has other affinities. He says of his country houses at 
Tusculum and Pompeii, me, ilium ipsum vindicem aeris alieni, 
aere non Corinthio sed hoc circumforaneo obruerunt (Att. ii. 1, 11) ; 
and again (Fam. v. 6, 2), itaque nunc ine scito tantum habere aeris 
alieni, ut cupiam coniurare, si quis me recipiat, 

2 Est enim &fj.op(pov dvTnro\t.Tevofj.ti>ov xpeufaiXtT-qv esse. Att. 
vii. 8, 5. 



xlii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

Caesar, 1 he writes to Atticus : I am owed money 
enough to satisfy all claims on me ; yet it often happens 
that debtors fail to pay in due time. If anything of this 
sort should happen, pray consult only my reputation. 
Borrow afresh to meet the demands of my creditors, or 
even raise money by selling my property. 

His married life with Terentia was decorous, but 
destitute of real sympathy. His early letters from exile 
are full of tender expressions, but he seems to have 
become gradually estranged. He suspects her of fritter 
ing away his money under the evil influence of Philo- 
timus. His last letter 2 to her reminds us of the 
celebrated chops and tomato sauce, which the counsel 
for Mrs. Bardell found so difficult to construe into the 
language of affection. Cicero has been blamed for his 
divorce of Terentia, and his remarriage with the youthful 
Publilia at the age of 63. But it must be remem 
bered that 63 was not then thought so advanced an 
age as it is now. Men began life much later than in 
modern times. Cicero cannot be said to have begun his 
political life till he was nearly 40 years of age, and Caesar 
began his career as a great general at an age at which 
Alexander was dead and Napoleon had been conquered. 

Nor was the career of his son Marcus a source of 
happiness to Cicero. Finding him intractable under the 

1 Att. xvi. 2, 2. 

2 In Tusculanum nos ventures putamus aut Nonis aut postridie. 
Jbi ut sint omnia parata. Plures enim fortasse nobiscum erunt et, 
ut arbitror, diutius ibi commorabimur. Labrum si in balineo non 
est, ut sit ; item cetera, quae sunt ad victum et valetudinem neces- 
saria. Fam. xiv. 20. 



INTRODUCTION xliii 

hands of his tutor Dionysius, his father sent him to 
Athens (as to an University) to complete his education. 
His allowance seems very ample, amounting, as it did, to 
about 850 a-year. Yet the youth squanders this on 
carousing and entertainments, while his tutor Gorgias 
abets his extravagances and dissipations, reminding us of 
Doctor Pangloss in the Heir-at-Law. Young Marcus 
seems never to have thoroughly cast off the vices of his 
youth. In the letter to Tiro (Fam. xvi. 21), in which he 
announces his complete reformation, we cannot help 
feeling that the young man protests too much, and we 
hear that, even after Augustus raised him to the con 
sulate, he distinguished himself by his drunken excesses. 1 
It is a sad reflection to think what the consulate was 
when the great orator had to strain every nerve to gain 
it, and what it was when, as a late return for the services 
of the father, the Emperor conferred it, as a piece of 
patronage, on a brainless profligate. 

1 Brutus, however, commended his services at Pharsalia, and 
the delighted father dedicated to young Marcus the De Officiis. It 
is very interesting to observe how, under the profligacy and super 
ficial cultivation of the declining Republic, still we may occasionally 
catch a glimpse of the old Roman qualities, by which fortis Etruria 
crevit. We can still see the iron hand in war. Quintus lays down 
his bloody axe and well-worn scourge ; young Marcus casts the 
reveller s chaplet from his brow ; to wield the sword with all 
the energy of Camillus or Scipio. Plutarch remarks that by a 
singular coincidence Divine justice reserved the completion of the 
punishment of Antonius for the house of Cicero : after the capture 
of the fleet of Antonius, which was immediately followed by his 
death, it was to the new consul, M. Cicero, that the official 
despatch announcing the victory was sent. 



xliv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

It is in his daughter Tullia that Cicero finds his solace 
and pride. Like Francis Atterbury, he found in the 
society of a daughter his one refuge from the changes and 
chances of a troublous life. He is never wearied of 
recounting her virtues. Indeed, he so eulogises her 
intellectual powers and her acquired knowledge, that he 
has almost earned for her the unenviable reputation of an 
esprit fort, or even a blue-stocking. Her infatuation for 
Dolabella, her third husband, is quite consistent with her 
father s account of her. We often find women of really 
exceptional intellect yielding to the fascinations of a 
handsome, shallow, somewhat clever Bohemian. Such 
was the blind admiration which the Bronte sisters felt 
for their worthless brother ; such was the love of George 
Eliot s Romola for Tito; and such was the strange 
infatuation which made Tullia cling to Dolabella, in 
spite of his wicked extravagance, which squandered her 
dower, and his insulting infidelities with Caecilia Metella, 
which he hardly took the trouble to conceal. Tullia had 
lost her first husband, the noble Piso, by death ; she 
was then married to Crassipes. It was when her father 
was absent in Cilicia that her hand was sought for the 
third time. Among her suitors was Tiberius Nero, the 
father of the Emperor. Tullia died in childbirth, 1 at the 
age of 31, at her father s house in Tusculum, where 
she had taken refuge from the outrages of Dolabella. 
Cicero never recovered her loss. He never forgave 
Publilia, who betrayed joy at her death, and never again 
received her into his house, in spite of the girl s earnest 
1 She had had no children by her previous marriages. 



INTRODUCTION xlv 

entreaties for the forgiveness of her aged husband. One 
cannot but smile to find Cicero at once preparing to deify 
his dead daughter, as Hadrian afterwards deified his 
beloved slave. We owe to the death of Tullia the letter 
of Sulpicius, written to console the bereaved father (Ep. 
Ix.) This is by far the best of the extant letters to 
Cicero, which, as a rule, show an amazing inferiority to 
the letters of the orator himself. There is a good letter 
from Matius (Ep. Ixxiii.), and many amusing letters 
from others, but this is the only great letter, not by 
Cicero himself, in the whole correspondence. It is sad to 
see how little real consolation Sulpicius could offer to his 
friend. He urges him to moderate his grief for his 
daughter; to see her father so wretched would wound 
her loving heart were she alive ; perhaps it wounds her 
even now, si qui etiam inferis sensus est. 

In his romantic love for his daughter and his indiffer 
ence to his wife, the character of Cicero presents a trait 
familiar in modern French life. Again, we have a view 
very characteristic of the modern Frenchman in the light 
ness with which he assigns to Terentia religion as her 
department, while his own business is with men. 1 Another 

1 Neque Di quos tu castissime coluisti, neque Iwmines quibus 
ego semper servivi. Fam. xiv. 5, 1 ; cf. also Fani. xiv. 7, 1. 
We find often in Cicero casual hints at his agnosticism, for 
instance, in Att. iv. 10, 1, fors viderit, aut si qui est qui curd 
Deus; and in the Pro Cluent. 171, we have this remarkable 
passage : nam nunc quidem quid tandem illi mali mors attulit ? 
Nisi forte ineptiis et fabulis ducimur, ut existimemus ilium apud 
inferos impiorum supplicia perferre . . . quae si falsa sunt, id 
quod omnes intellegunt, quid ei tandem aliud mors eripuit praeter 



xlvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

thoroughly French feature in his disposition is his hatred 
for provincial life. I cannot express to you/ he writes 
(Att. v. 11, 1), how I am consumed with longing for 
the town, how intolerably insipid is this provincial life. 
A letter to Caelius (Fam. ii. 12, 2), in the passage begin 
ning Urbem, urbem, mi Rufe, cole, et in ista luce vive, 
breathes the very spirit of the salon and boulevard. 

It is singular that the correspondence of another great 
letter- writer should be marked by the same overflowing 
love for a daughter. Madame de Sdvigne^s love for the 
prettiest girl in France certainly was not so well placed 
as the love of Cicero for Tullia. Madame de Grignan 
seems to have been selfish, extravagant, and cold-hearted 
not, indeed, nearly so lovable as her brother Charles 
de Se vigne . Indeed we can hardly acquit the clever 
Frenchwoman of assuming a role, and posing in the pic 
turesque attitude of the adoring mother. 

Cicero speaks in the highest terms of his father and 

sensum doloris I In the speech for Rabirius (29) Cicero anticipates 
an eternal existence for the souls of the good, basing it on the 
instinctive belief of mankind : again, in the De Har. Resp. (19), 
he affirms his belief in the existence of gods, grounding it on the 
evidences of design in Nature. Again, in De Nat. Deor. (i. 37), 
and in De Rep. (vi. 16), he speaks of an overruling Providence. 
But it is strange how lightly his beliefs sit upon him, and how 
little they influence his conduct : in Tusc. i. 74 he says that the 
God who holds authority in our breast forbids us to leave our post 
without his leave ; yet we know that during his exile he clearly 
and deliberately contemplates the commission of this act, and we 
hear nothing at all about any prohibition of conscience, or even a 
hint that self-destruction is unworthy of a good man. See note on 
Ep. Ix. 6. 



INTRODUCTION xlvii 

mother. Of the former he writes (De Or. ii. 1) as optimi 
ac prudentissimi viri, and there is good reason to think 
that the beginning of his poem on his consulship was 
devoted to an elaborate eulogy of his father. 1 Cicero has 
often been accused of want of filial feeling, because he has 
been supposed to have curtly announced the death of his 
father to Atticus in the words pater nobis decessit a. d. 
iiii. Kal. Decembris (Att. i. 6, 2 ; Ep. iii.) In my notes 
on that passage I have fully discussed the soundness of 
the text. It is enough here to observe that even if the 
text be sound, it is quite probable that Cicero had 
announced to Atticus in more fitting terms his father s 
death, and is here (in answer to a question from Atticus) 
merely reminding his friend of the date * the date of my 
poor father s death (for this is the force of nobis) was 
Nov. 27. 2 

While acquitting Cicero in this particular instance, 
one cannot help noticing, even in the most refined of the 
ancient Romans, an absence of sensibilities which polish, 
and even sweeten, the intercourse of modern life. In 
Att. i. 3 Cicero announces to Atticus the death of the 
grandmother of Atticus in jesting phrase, which good 
taste must condemn. It seems that the lady was not 
dear to Atticus, and that he was not at all likely to 
feel real grief for her; yet there is certainly a coarse 
ness of tone in the letter. A sentiment of reverence 

1 See note on Att. i. 19, 10, in Correspondence of Cicero. 

2 For strong expressions of real sorrow for the death of a slave, 
and again, of a mere acquaintance, we have to go no farther than 
Att. i. 12, 4, and iv. 6, 1. 



xlviii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

should be inspired by the thought of death, and even if 
it be not felt, it should be assumed. In such a case, if 
ever, hypocrisy is a homage to good taste. 

In connection with this vindication of Cicero from 
attributed want of affection, it will be pertinent to 
examine briefly a few other charges brought against Cicero 
on the authority of his own letters. 

In Att. iii. 1 2, 2, Cicero says, I am shocked that 
my speech against Curio has become public. I wrote it 
under the influence of anger, and as a reply to his attack 
on me. But I thought I had prevented any chance of its 
getting into circulation. However, inasmuch as I happen 
never to have had any verbal altercation with him, and 
inasmuch as it is written with less than my usual care, I 
think a good case could be made to show it was not by 
me. When Cicero wrote this he was in an agony of 
suspense about the success or failure of the attempts to 
bring about his restoration. A speech against Curio and 
Clodius, of the literary execution of which he was 
ashamed, and which was extremely likely to inflame still 
more against him the resentment of his enemies, had, in 
spite of Cicero s efforts to prevent it, somehow got into 
public circulation. Cicero accordingly wished that it 
could be represented not to be his. It seems to me that 
even at the present day, if a public man wrote something 
which, on reflection, appeared likely to injure him, and 
also was unworthy of him in style, he would feel a desire 
to disown the article, or at least would refrain from 
acknowledging it to be his, which would probably have 
very much the same effect. It is, however, extremely 



INTRODUCTION xlix 

unlikely that the supposed modern statesman, even in a 
letter to an intimate friend, would own his real feelings. 
And this very fact must be placed to the credit of modern 
society. Christianity and chivalry have made certain 
acts and sentiments impossible for a gentleman to avow. 

One is bound to take into account the different points 
of view from which an act presents itself to the moral 
sense at different epochs of society. Cicero did favour 
his friend Brutus in a dispute with the Salaminians ; but 
Brutus could hardly understand why Cicero should take 
the Salaminians into account at all. Cicero was in 
advance of his age in every way, and behind the present 
age, not in obedience to the dictates of the moral sense, 
but only in the education and refinement of it. This 
consideration, I think, entitles Cicero to an acquittal in 
the two following cases. 

We learn (Att. vi. 6, 4) that Cicero was desirous of 
securing the good will of Caelius for his friend Atticus ; 
so he dictated to the copyist of Atticus, who happened 
to be with him, a letter in praise of Caelius, which he 
read to Caelius as having come from Atticus. 1 Cicero, in 
all naivete exclaims, at te apud eum, di boni ! quanta in 
gratia posui, eique legi litteras non tui sed librarii tui. 
It never occurred to Cicero that it was base to stoop to a 
fabrication even to serve a friend. 

In the year 47 B.C. a packet of letters from Quintus, 

directed to various friends, fell accidentally into the 

hands of Marcus. Some of them he forwarded to their 

destination. But on learning from these persons that 

1 Att. xi. 9, 2. 



1 CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

the letters forwarded by him were full of atrocious reflec 
tions upon himself, he opened the remaining missives, 
and sent them to Atticus, leaving it to him to decide 
whether they should be retained or sent to their destina 
tion. The fact that they have been opened, he suggests, 
* makes no matter, for I fancy Pomponia has his seal- 
ring. This, of course, strongly conflicts with modern 
notions about honour, but the writer is supremely uncon 
scious that the act is in any way questionable. 1 Yet of 
those who would now look on such an act as worse than 
a crime, how few would be capable of the high-mindedness 
with which Cicero acted on his discovery of his brother s 
treachery ! He wrote to Caesar a letter (of which we still 
preserve the copy which he sent to Atticus ; Att. xi. 1 2, 
2) completely absolving his brother from the suspicion 
of having instigated his own hostility against Caesar, or 
having urged him to fly to Greece, and begging the good 
offices of Caesar for a brother under the recent sense of 
whose baseness to him he must have been still smarting. 
It seems to me that this is an act of large nobleness and 
truly chivalrous feeling, quite startling when we remem 
ber the times in which Cicero lived. 

The character of Quintus is very remarkable. One is 
familiar with the domestic bully, who in the world is an 
obsequious sycophant. But in Quintus we have the 
exactly opposite type. With his friends he is 

Jealous in honour, sudden and quick in quarrel : 

1 The same observations apply to a practice which Cicero 
acknowledges that he adopts in giving introductory letters to 
friends : see Fam. xiii. 6a. 



INTRODUCTION li 

the violence of his expressions l makes us feel that in his 
tragedies he must have torn the passion to tatters : in 
his province he is a wild beast in ferocity, though he 
seems to have sought to be just, and he certainly was 
not rapacious ; he returned from Asia as poor as he left 
Rome ; but woe to the luckless provincial who was 
caught tripping ; the scourge was not cruel enough for 
Quintus, nor the axe sufficiently expeditious. Not 
Shakspere s Richard was more ready to cry Off with his 
head ! 2 But in private life he was the humblest of men. 
Haec ego patior cotidie is his plaintive ejaculation 
when Pomponia insults him in presence of his brother 
Marcus, and refuses to sit at table because Quintus 
had sent his slave Statius on before to see if dinner 
were ready (Ep. xxvi.) No doubt the undue influence 
accorded to Statius in domestic matters was resented 
by the mistress of the household ; but the paramount 
position of that slave seems to show that (in his private 
life), had Quintus been emancipated from the tyranny of 
Pomponia, he would have experienced but a change of 
rulers. The letters of Marcus are full of affection 
towards his brother Quintus. Nor does he fail in solici 
tude for him and his son even after he has discovered 



1 Cicero, writing to Atticus (xv. 29, 2), says of Quintus, ego 
to/men suspicior hunc, UT SOLET, alucinari : for examples of the 
violence of Quiutus, see Q. Fr. i. 2, 6. 

2 I write Shakspere s Richard advisedly. Shakspere s 
Richard more than once cries Off with his head ! The oft-quoted 
line Off with his head ! So much for Buckingham is not from 
Shakspere, but from Colley Cibber. 

d 



Hi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

their base treachery in seeking to prejudice him with 
Caesar. 

T. Pomponius Atticus, who stood to Cicero in the 
relation which Sir Horace Mann occupied to the Cicero 
of English letter- writing, Horace Walpole, is not a 
pleasing person. His persistent neutrality in politics l 
was a course which, though nowise reprehensible in our 
own times, must have been very much condemned in the 
days of Cicero. Yet he seems to have escaped to a great 
extent from adverse criticism ; and, though connected 
with the unfortunate Sulpicius, he succeeded in living 
uninjured by Cinnan or Sullan, and in affording pecuniary 
assistance to Marius in his flight. He was intimate 
with the best Romans, from Sulla to Augustus ; he was 
on good terms with both Caesar and Pompeius ; he had 
the warm friendship of Brutus, Hortensius, and Cicero, 
and excited the enthusiastic admiration of Cornelius 
Nepos, the friend of Catullus. This he accomplished 
partly by availing himself of the shelter of his philosophic 
opinions. The Epicurean was speculatively bound to 
prefer the life of thought to the life of action. But he 
could not have preserved his complete tranquillity had he 
not early migrated to Athens, and there remained for 
about twenty years. In Athens we find him leading the 
life of a cultured gentleman, a recognised patron of 
literature and the fine arts, and recommending himself to 
his adopted fellow-citizens by gifts of corn grown, no 

1 As regards actions at least. He had, it appears, the strongest 
political feelings. We are told that Atticus exclaimed periisse 
causam si (Caesar) funere elatus esset. 



INTRODUCTION liii 

doubt, on his Epirote estate a Roman practice which 
Cicero seems disposed to condemn. 1 As a thorough 
man of business, 2 a ready lender of money, and a literary 
critic of the first order, Atticus was, of course, very 
useful to Cicero, but no doubt the keen negotiator found 
not a little that was negotiable in his relations with the 
great litterateur. Atticus kept large numbers of librarii, 
or slaves who acted as copyists. These, no doubt, exe 
cuted many copies of the masterpieces of Cicero, and 
thus contributed not a little to fill the coffers of their 
master. Atticus seems to have neglected none of the 
avenues to wealth, and even to have discovered some 
new ones for himself. Not only do we find him practis 
ing money-lending on a large scale, but we even read of 
his buying and training bands of gladiators, to be hired 
out to the Aediles for their public shows. 3 And the 
wealth thus accumulated was preserved by a consistent 
parsimony in his household menage, on which Cicero 
often rallies him. In Att. vi. 1, 13, he takes him to 
task for serving up cheap vegetables on expensive plate, 
and asks what would be his fare if his service were 
of earthenware ; and in Att. xvi. 3, 1, he sends Atticus 
his treatise De Gloria, which he asks him to have 
copied on large paper, and, in suggesting that he 
should read it for his guests at a dinner which he 

1 Att. vi. 6, 2, Ileus tu Trvpovs es drj/j.ov A thenis f Placet hoc 
t&rit 

2 Nepos tells us (ch. 6) nullius rei neque praes neque manceps 
foetus est. 

3 Att. iv. 46, 2 (Ep. xiii.) ; iv. 8a, 2. 



liv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

was about to give, Cicero adds : but give them s 
decent entertainment, an you love me ; else they will 
vent on my treatise their indignation against you. 
Nepos (Vit. Att. 13) says that he knows as a fact thai 
the amount allowed by Atticus for household expenses 
was 3000 asses, or about six guineas of our money, 
a-month. 

Nothing seemed more important to Atticus than tc 
conceal as much as possible his business relations, and tc 
appear before the world as a literary gentleman living on 
his estates in Epirus and elsewhere. When we find that 
his uncle, the odious Caecilius, from whom Cicero tells us 
even his own relations could not get a farthing undei 
twelve per cent, adopted Atticus, and left him heir to a 
large fortune, one is a little tempted to think that the 
usurer Caecilius was in reality a secret partner of Atticus, 
taking much of the profits and all the obloquy, and not 
unwilling on those terms to play Jorkins to the Spenloe 
of his influential nephew. 

One cannot much admire the character of the man who 
was on terms of intimate friendship with Clodius during 
his persecution of Cicero, and who, after the murder oi 
Cicero, was the friend and entertainer of Fulvia, the 
wife of Antonius. His knowledge of business was, no 
doubt, of much service to Cicero ; but we find that 
Cicero even here was able to repay him in kind. The 
very last letter of Cicero to Atticus 1 shows the keen 
interest which Cicero took in the material interests of 
his friend. 

1 Att. xvi. 16. 



INTRODUCTION Iv 

Atticus married Pilia in February 56 at the age of 53. 
Of this marriage the only issue was a daughter, born in 
51, who was married to M. Agrippa, and whose daughter, 
Vipsania Agrippina, was the wife of the Emperor 
Tiberius. We are told that, believing that he was 
suffering from an incurable disease, he destroyed himself 
by abstaining from food for five days (Vit. Att. 22). 

The other correspondents of Cicero who figure in this 
Selection may here be briefly described. 

Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos (Ep. xi.) served as lieu 
tenant of Pompeius in Asia 67-64. He became tribune 
in December 63 and violently opposed Cicero. He it 
was who prevented Cicero from addressing the people on 
laying down his office and only allowed him to take the 
usual oath, whereon Cicero swore that he had saved the 
State. He was praetor in 60, and consul with Lentulus 
Spinther in 57. He did not oppose Cicero s recall from 
exile, and died in 55. 

M. Fadius Gallus (Epp. xii. xvi. Ixiii. Ixiv.), a man of 
learning and taste, a close friend of Cicero and Atticus. 
He was a lieutenant of Caesar s, and was a follower of 
Epicurus. He wrote an eulogy on Cato of Utica. 

L. Lucceius (Ep. xiv.) seems to have had some quarrel 
with Atticus which Cicero endeavoured to compose. He 
was a candidate for the consulship in 60 with Julius 
Caesar, but was defeated. He then withdrew from 
public life and devoted himself to literature. He pro 
jected a contemporaneous history of Eome, beginning from 
the Social or Marsic War. In 55 Cicero wrote to him 
the letter (Ep. xiv. of this Selection) in which he begged 



Ivi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

Lucceius to deal separately with the history of his own 
life from his consulship to his recall from exile. Lucceius 
promised to comply, but seems never to have carried out 
his design. In 49 he embraced the cause of Pompeius, 
and was subsequently pardoned by Caesar and allowed 
to live in Rome, where he enjoyed the society of Cicero. 

For M. Marius (Ep. xvii.) Cicero expresses tli3 
highest admiration and esteem (Q. Fr. ii. 8, 2). Ho 
was very delicate, and of the most refined tastes and 
habits. 

C. Trebatius Testa (Epp. xxii.-xxv. Ixxix.), a Roman 
jurist of great eminence, was an intimate friend of Cicero, 
who recommended him to Caesar when on his Gallic 
campaigns. He followed Caesar s party when the civil 
war broke out. Cicero dedicated to him his Topica, 
and Horace addressed to him the first Satire of tho 
second book. He is often cited as an authority in the- 
Digest, but not even fragments of his books De iure civil i 
and De religionibus survive. He was an Epicurean, am. 
was tribune in 47. 

M. Caelius Rufus (Epp. xxvii. xxxi.), a young noble o: 
great promise, preserved the friendship of Cicero in spite 
of the profligacy of his life. He was distinguished for 
his eloquence, and his letters show great vivacity of 
intellect. He was the lover of Clodia, the enemy of 
Cicero, the belle dame sans merci who has been identified 
with the Lesbia of Catullus. He was quaestor in 57, 
and was prosecuted in 56 on the charge of having 
borrowed money from Clodia to procure the death oi 
Dion, the head of the embassy sent by Ptolemy Auletes 



INTRODUCTION Ivii 

to Rome, and of having attempted to poison Clodia her 
self. He was defended by Cicero in the masterly oration 
still extant. In 52 Caelius was one of the ten tribunes 
who passed the rogalio that Caesar should be allowed to 
become a candidate for the consulship without coining to 
Rome. In 50 he was curule aedile, and in January 49 
he fled to the camp of Caesar, with whom he went to 
Spain in the April of that year. He became praetor in 
48, but offended the other Caesarian magistrates by 
furiously radical proposals, including the abolition of 
debts. Being deprived of his office, he fled to the south 
of Italy, and summoned Milo, his rival in profligacy and 
extravagance, from Massilia to join him. Milo was killed 
in an attack on Cosa, near Thurii ; and Caelius was put 
to death in Thurii at the age of thirty-seven, by some of 
Caesar s Gallic and Spanish cavalry, whom he attempted 
to seduce from their allegiance. 

P. Volumnius Eutrapelus (Ep. xxxiii.) was a Roman 
knight, an intimate friend of Antonius as well as of 
Cicero. Cicero describes a dinner at his house in Ep. liv., 
and justifies his own presence at it. Volumnius was 
praefectus fabrum to Antonius. He used his influence 
with him to save the life of Atticus. 

L. Papirius Paetus (Epp. xxxiv. lii.-liv.) was the 
receiver of some of Cicero s brightest and wittiest letters. 
He gave to Cicero the library which Sev. Claudius had left 
him, and seems to have been regarded by Cicero as a person 
of great taste, not only in gastronomy, but in literature. 

Tiro (Epp. xl. Ixx. Ixxx.) was a slave and afterwards a 
freedman of Cicero s. He it was (most probably) who made 



Iviii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

the collections of Cicero s letters which we now possess. 
He appears in the correspondence of Cicero as habitually 
ailing. Cicero is constantly sending him prescriptions and 
admonitions about preserving his health. He is said to have 
lived to a hundred years of age. He set out for Cilicia with 
Cicero when going to his province, but fell ill on the way, 
and was left by Cicero with Lyso in Patrae in Achaia. 

C. Cassius Longinus (Epp. Ivi. Ivii. Ixxviii.) is the 
friend of Brutus and murderer of Julius Caesar. In 53 
he was quaestor to Crassus in his campaign against the 
Parthians, against whom he gained successes in 52 and 
51. In 49 he was tribune of the plebs, and fled with 
Pompeius from Rome. After the battle of Pharsalia he 
surrendered to Caesar, who forgave him, and even pro 
mised him the province of Syria on his becoming praetor 
in 44. But Cassius never could forgive Caesar, and was 
the chief mover in the conspiracy which ended in his 
murder. He slew himself on the field of battle at 
Philippi in 42. He was married to the half-sister of 
Brutus, and was a man of considerable cultivation, and a 
follower of the philosophy of Epicurus. 

Servius Sulpicius (Epp. Ix. Ixi.) was an orator and 
jurist ; quaestor, 74 ; eurule aedile, 69 ; praetor, 65 
consul with M. Claudius Marcellus, 51. He embraced 
Caesar s cause in the civil war, and was made by Caesar 
pro-consul of Achaia in 46. He died in 43 in the camp 
of M. Antonius, who was besieging Dec. Brutus in 
Mutina. No selection from the correspondence of Cicero 
can omit his eloquent letter to Cicero (Ep. Ix.) consoling 
him on the occasion of his daughter s death. 



INTRODUCTION lix 

M. Curius (Epp. Ixv. Ixvii.) was an intimate private 
friend of Cicero and Atticus, to whom he bequeathed the 
whole of his property, which he had amassed by successful 
practice of the trade of a negotiator for many years at the 
Achaean town of Patrae, which was largely used as a 
place of debarcation from Italy. 

C. Matius Calvena (Ep. Ixxiii.), a common friend of 
Cicero and Trebatius, was a warm admirer of Caesar, 
and a steady adherent to his cause. Cicero nicknames 
him Madams and Calvena on account of his baldness. 
His manly letter to Cicero (Ep. Ixxiii.) on the proper 
attitude towards the dead Caesar has always been much 
admired. It and the letter of Sulpicius on the death of 
Tullia are the only letters in the correspondence which at 
all bear comparison with those of Cicero himself. Matins 
and Postumius undertook the management of the public 
games given by Octavius, and did not satisfy Cicero by their 
action in this matter. Prof. Palmer in his Introduction 
to Horace, Sat. ii. 4, vigorously defends the theory that 
this Matius is the person satirised there under the disguise 
of Catius. We are told by Columella that Matius wrote 
a treatise of cookery, and books on fish and pickles, and 
aimed at making Gastronomy one of the fine arts. 

C. Asinius Pollio (Ep. Ixxvii.), the celebrated poet, 
orator, and historian of the Augustan Court, born B.C. 76, 
died A.D. 4, in the eightieth year of his age. He was 
the friend of Catullus, of Cicero, of Julius Caesar, and 
afterwards of Augustus, and the patron of Virgil and 
Horace, and the critic of Sallust and Livy. 



Ix CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

III 

1. ON THE FORM OF THE LETTERS 

In the time of Cicero the letter was written either (1) 
on thin tablets of wood or ivory covered with wax, in 
which the letters were cut in uncial characters by the 
stilus, the characters being protected from defacement by 
the projecting rim of the tablets ; or (2) they were written 
on paper or parchment with a reed pen and ink. It 
seems probable that the longer letters of Cicero were 
written in the second fashion. We have frequent allu 
sions to charta in the letters ; for instance, in Fam. vii. 
18 Cicero asks Trebatius whether he wrote on a palim 
psest, and if so, what could have been the writing so 
worthless as to make way for the letter. So in Q. Fr. ii. 
14 (15&), 1, it is plain that charta, calamus, and atra- 
mentum were used. The same inference is to be drawn 
from Att. v. 4, 4, and perhaps from the passage already 
adverted to above (Att. vi. 6, 4), where Cicero avails 
himself of the services of the copying slave of Atticus to 
pass off on Caelius the letter written by himself, but 
purporting to come from Atticus ; for Cicero s hand 
writing on charta with a pen would have been much 
more easily recognised than his uncials carved with a 
stilus on wax. Moreover, the use of pen and paper 
would be so obviously more suitable for long letters that 
we can hardly doubt that it was the vehicle used by 
Cicero for his correspondence. Nor is there any real 



INTRODUCTION Ixi 

evidence to set against the passages adduced above, for 
expressions like tabella, exaravi, etc., are applied to the 
use of pen and paper as well as to the use of cera and 
stilus. 1 When the letter was finished the tabellae were 
bound together by a thread, which was sealed at the 
knot. This seal was generally looked on as the formal 
guaranty of genuineness, for the handwriting was generally 
that of a slave, if the writer possessed sufficient means to 
keep a servus a manu or ab epistulis. 

There being no postal arrangements whatever in the 
time of Cicero, it was necessary either to employ private 
messengers, or to avail oneself of the services of the 
tabellarii of the publicani, who were constantly travelling 
between Rome and the provinces. 

For further information about modes of addressing 
letters in Cicero s time, see note on Ep. xxxiii. 1. 

The earliest letter of the correspondence is written in 
the year 68 B.C., the latest in the year 43 B.C. I have 
already expressed my opinion of the great historical value 
of these letters, especially the private letters. Indeed, if 
we except Caesar and the epitome of the lost Books of 
Livy, they are the only basis for the history of the 

1 That in old times cera and stilus were employed in letter- 
writing there can be no doubt. We have all the materials enumer 
ated together, the stilus, the wax, the thread, the tablets, and the 
signet-ring, in Plaut. Bacch. iv. 3, 78 seq. ; such phrases as exarare 
and tabellae would be survivals from the ancient usage ; nor is it at 
all improbable that cliartae would be enclosed between tablets of 
wood or ivory and bound by a thread, so that the tabellae, even 
though actually thus employed, would not necessarily imply the 
use of the cera. 



Ixii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

period of which they treat. If Sallust be looked on as a 
political pamphleteer, we have no better authorities than 
Velleius Paterculus and Suetonius, who cannot be trusted 
unless they give their authority ; and Appian, Plutarch, 
and Dio Cassius, who lived two centuries after Cicero, 
and wrote without any critical spirit. 

Cicero himself never edited or collected his letters. 
But even in his lifetime there was some such project 
formed. The well-known locus classicus on the subject 
is Att. xvi. 5, 5, mearum epistularum nulla est <rw- 
aywyr/, sed habet Tiro instar septuaginta. Et quidem 
sunt a te quaedam sumendae. Eas ego oportet per- 
spiciam, corrigam ; turn denique edentur. Two years 
before this he had written to Tiro a letter (Fam. xvi. 
17), in which he jestingly condemns his use of the adverb 
fideliter in the phrase valetudini fideliter inserviendo, 
and says that he ought to be more careful if he wishes 
his letters to be included in the volume. 1 But it is 
universally agreed that no collection of the letters was 
published during the life of Cicero. The Epistulae ad 
Familiares 2 and ad Atticum were probably published at 

1 The words are tuas quoque epistulas vis referri in wlumina. 
It is to be observed that these words do not imply that any collec 
tion of Cicero s letters existed at that time, but only that Cicero 
desired that such a collection should be made. The words might 
merely mean, are you, too (like myself), set on a collection of 
your letters ? or do you want to make a collection of your 
letters as well as mine ? 

2 This title has no classical authority, and the name is not free 
from objections, for some of Cicero s correspondents were in no 
sense his familiares. However, the correspondence may con- 



INTRODUCTION Ixiii 

the same time, and edited by the same editor ; this has 
been inferred from the fact that there is evidence of the 
strict observance of the rule to exclude from one collec 
tion letters published in the other. This rule is only 
twice violated. We find enclosed to Atticus (Att. x. 9a) 
a letter from Caelius to Cicero which appears as Fain, 
viii. 16; and in the same way a letter from Cicero to 
Dolabella (Fam. ix. 14) is published again among the 
letters to Atticus (Att. xiv. 17a). That the letters to 
Atticus did not appear before the death of Atticus 
(32 B.C.) is probable from the testimony of Corn. Nepos. 
The letters to Quintus and Brutus were published with 
the letters to Atticus. 

The Books of the ad Fam. are entitled according to 
the person to whom the earlier letters in each Book are 
addressed. Thus the first is ad Lentulum, the second ad 
Curionem, the third ad Appium Claudium Pulchrum. 
The eighth consists solely of letters from Caelius to 
Cicero. It is probable that the editor first published 
twelve books, and subsequently added four others, the 
thirteenth and fifteenth being addenda to the first 
edition, the fourteenth consisting solely of letters to his 
family, and the sixteenth of letters to Tiro, who, as we 
shall see, was probably the editor of the collection. 
Subsequent to the extant collections we have evidence of 
the existence of much larger volumes, of which only 
scanty fragments remain. These were probably made in 

veniently be so named, as most of his correspondents were 
familiares. Ad Diver sos is bad Latin. Suetonius calls such a 
series amicorum epp. See note on Att. ii. 13, 1. 



Ixiv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

the Augustan period, and perhaps from them were 
gleaned materials for the books of addenda (Fam. xiii. 
xv.) But the original xii. books were not remodelled on 
the basis of the later collection, for from the four books 
ad Pompeium and the three ad Caesarem, which the 
now lost edition is said on good authority to have con 
tained, we should doubtless have had copious extracts. 
Now the Epp. ad Fam. contain only one letter to 
Pompeius (Fam. v. 7) and three to Caesar (Fain. vii. 5 ; 
xiii. 15, 16). 

The Epp. ad Fam. (and therefore the whole corre 
spondence) were probably edited by Tiro because (1) 
we know that he had formed such a design; (2) ad Fam. 
xvi. contains many letters addressed to him (some even 
not by Cicero) which would hardly have found their way 
into the volume had it not been edited by Tiro ; (3) 
there are no letters from Tiro, just as in the other 
volume there are no letters from Atticus, though Tiro s 
letters were carefully preserved by Cicero, as we are told 
in Att. ix. 10, 4, evolvi volumen epistularum tuarum quod 
ego sub signo habeo servoque diligentissime ; (4) to these 
arguments for the editorship of Tiro may be added one 
drawn from a passage in Att. ii. 1, 3 : Fuit enim 
mihi commodum, quod in eis orationibus, quae Phi- 
lippicae nominantur, enituerat civis ille tuus Demosthenes, 
et quod se ab hoc refractariolo iudiciali dicendi genere 
abiunxerat, ut cre/zvore/aos TIS KOL TroAtTiKtore/oos vide- 
retur, curare ut meae quoque essent orationes, quae 
consulares nominarentur. Quarum una est in senatu 
Kal. Ian., altera ad populum de lege agraria, tertia de 



INTRODUCTION Ixv 

Othone, quarta pro Rabirio, quiuta de proscriptorum 
filiis, sexta, quum provinciam in contione deposui, sep- 
tima, qua Catilinam emisi, octava, quam habui ad popu- 
lum postridie quam Catilina profugit, nona in contione, 
quo die Allobroges invulgarunt, decima in senatu, Nonis 
Decembr. Sunt praeterea duae breves, quasi aTroo-Trao-- 
pxria legis agrariae. Hoc totum o-w/m curabo ut habeas. 
Et quoniam te cum scripta turn res meae delectant, 
iisdem ex libris perspicies et quae gesserim et quae 
dixerim, aut ne poposcisses : ego eiiim tibi me non offere- 
bam. If, as seems probable, this passage is spurious, 
there is much reason for accepting the theory of 
Orelli, that it was inserted by Tiro to vouch for the 
authenticity of the three last speeches against Catiline, 
which (according to Orelli) were not written by Cicero, 
but probably by Tiro. It would certainly have been 
an attractive subject for one who wished to foist his 
own work on posterity as a speech written by the 
great orator, and his position as editor of the letters 
would have given him an opportunity to almost ensure 
the success of his forgery. 

Nake believes that Atticus was the editor, because 
we know from the letters that he bought and sold whole 
libraries, 1 that he kept a large establishment of copyists, 2 
that he in various ways assisted Cicero s literary pursuits, 
suggesting to him subjects on which to employ his pen, 
replying carefully to questions of Cicero on literary points, 
and correcting and criticising his work. Thus Cicero in 
one place says that in his work De Gloria Atticus had 

1 Att. i. 4, 3 ; ii. 4, 1. Alt. xii. 40, 1. 



Ixvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

selected for praise the very best bits, which were now 
enhanced in his own estimation by the approval of his 
friend ; for, he writes, I was in great dread of those 
bits of red wax of yours 1 which pointed out defects. 
The most important testimony in support of Nake s view 
is a passage in Att. ii. 1, 2, tu si tibi placuerit liber 
curabis ut et Athenis sit et in ceteris oppidis Graeciae, 
which shows clearly that Atticus was in the habit of 
actually publishing works of Cicero, the book here re 
ferred to being a memoir of his consulship, written in 
Greek. However, all these arguments do not in my 
opinion counterbalance the evidence for the editorship 
of Tiro, given above, and to it may be added a passage 
in Fam. xvi. 23, 2, where Cicero, writing to Tiro, says, 
Atticus nosterj quid quondam me commoveri iraviKois 
intellexit, idem semper putat, nee videt quibus praesidiis 
philosophiae saeptus sim t et hercle quod timidus ipse est, 
60 pv POTTO let. Surely this contemptuous judgment on 
himself would not have been permitted by Atticus to 
survive in his edition. Moreover, the only objection 
against the theory that Tiro was the editor is the defec 
tive arrangement of the books above referred to ; but 
this is completely explained by the theory of a plurality 

1 Att. xvi. 11, 1, cerulas enim tuas miniatulas extimescebam. It 
was the habit of the ancients to stick pieces of coloured wax on 
the margin of books to mark exceptionable passages. Centla 
could not mean a kind of crayon, as Lewis and Short explain it. 
The Greeks called these cerulae TrapaTrXdcr/xara. For other testi 
monies to the editorship of Atticus, see Att. i. 19, 10 ; 20, 6 ; 
xiii. 37, 3 ; xiii. 43, 3 ; xvi. 6, 4 ; vi. 2, 3, Phliasios dici sciebam, 
et itafac ut habeas. Cp. also Fronto, Ep. vii. 20 (Naber). 



INTRODUCTION Ixvii 

of editions, which, as we have seen, is more than prob 
able. Nor can we accept the view of Nake that the 
collection which we now have was posterior to the much 
fuller collection, of which there is undoubted evidence. 
The paucity of letters to such remarkable personages as 
Caesar and Pompeius is fatal to such a supposition ; for 
we know that the large collection contained books of such 
letters : how, then, can we account for the fact that the 
smaller collection which we possess presents us with very 
few letters to those eminent persons ? The argument on 
which Nake most relies for his theory that the letters, 
as we now have them, were first published in the begin 
ning of the second century A.TX, is the fact that Fronto l 
made a collection of elegant extracts from Cicero s letters 
a fact which seems to me in no way to support his 
hypothesis, but rather to tend to subvert it. 2 

1 Memini me excerpsisse ex Ciceronis epistulis ea duntaxat 
quibus inesset aliqua de eloquentia vel de philosophies vel de Rep. 
disputatio ; praeterea si quid elegantius aut vcrbo notabili dictum 
videretur, excerpsisse . . . Omnes autem Ciceronis epistulas legen- 
das censeo mea sententia, vel magis quam eius omnes orationes. 
Epistulis Ciceronis nihil est perfectius. Front, ad Aiitonin. ii. 5 
(ed. Mai, 1823). 

2 L. Gurlitt, in an able essay (Gottingen, 1879), maintains that 
there never was any larger collection than those which we have. 
He explains the allusions of Nonius and other grammarians as re 
ferring to the collections which we possess, or as being corrupt, or 
as instances of negligence or stupidity on the part of the gram 
marian. With regard to Nonius, he quotes with approbation the 
words of Biicheler (Rhein. Mus. 596), quocum qui comparari 
posset levitate et stupiditate neque antiquitas neque nostra aetas 
ullum grammaticum tulit. 

Gurlitt strongly holds the theory that Tiro was the editor. 



Ixviii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

The three books ad Quintum Fratrem embrace a 
period of six years, from 694-700 (B.C. 60-54). They 
are highly interesting, though not written with that 
complete abandon which characterises the letters to 
Atticus. Indeed one is greatly struck and somewhat 
puzzled by the stately and respectful courtesy of the 
great consular to his younger and comparatively undis 
tinguished brother in the first letter of this correspond 
ence. It is, however, rather a formal essay on provincial 
government than a letter, and was intended as a return 
for the letter of Quintus on the duties of a candidate, 
commonly called De petitione consulatus. 

2. ON THE STYLE OF THE LETTERS 

We have in the letters of Cicero an almost unique 
literary monument. The history of one of the most 
interesting epochs in the annals of the world is unfolded 
to us in a series of cabinet pictures by a master hand. 
We contemplate, passed in review before us, a procession 
of those Roman nobles who in the last few decades of the 
Republic wielded a greater power than is now given to 
kings, and lived with far greater splendour. The Senate 
has been called a mob of kings. Most of its members 
had held, or would at some time hold, governments mon 
irresponsible and not less important than the Governor 
General of India now administers. And all these we sen 
in the letters in the aspect which they presented to thei 
friends and associates, not in the aspect which they pre 
sented to the world and to the historian. We see Pom- 



INTRODUCTION Ixix 

peius, with his embroidered toga and with his chalked 
bandages on his legs, sulking because no one would thrust 
on him that greatness which he might have grasped if he 
had but put forth his hand. We hear how Lucullus 
thought more about teaching his bearded mullets to eat 
out of his hand than about the interests of the causa 
optima so. dear to Cicero. In Caelius and Dolabella we 
have a type of the jeunesse doree of Rome ; in Trebatius, 
of the genial professional man. To each of these Cicero 
writes in a tone suitable to his correspondent s years and 
views. AVhether he exchanges rumusculi with Caelius, 
jokes with Paetus, or politics with Lentulus whether 
he complains or apologises, congratulates or condoles 
whether he lectures his brother Quintus on his violence 
of temper, or addresses himself to the kindly task of 
bantering Trebatius out of his discontent with the camp 
of Caesar in Gaul, we never miss the sustained brilliancy 
and fertility of thought and language. It is most inter 
esting to observe the superiority of his letters to those of 
his correspondents. We have, it is true, many charming 
letters from Caelius and others of Cicero s correspondents, 
notably the exquisite letter of Sulpicius before referred 
to. These, however, are quite exceptional, and the net 
result of the comparison of the letters of Cicero with 
those of his contemporaries is a greatly strengthened 
belief in the amazing literary endowments of Cicero. 1 
But the quality in Cicero s letters 2 which makes them 

1 For points of difference between the letters of Cicero and his 
correspondents, see pp. xc-xciv. 

2 Of course I here refer to the private letters. The public 



Ixx CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

most valuable is that they were not (like the letters of 
Pliny, and Seneca, and Madame de Se vigne ) written to 
be published. The letters are absolutely trustworthy; 
they set forth the failures and foibles of their writer as 
well as his virtues and his triumphs. The portraits with 
which they abound were never to be shown to his in 
voluntary sitters, so there was no reason why they should 
not be faithful. In his speeches this is not so : according 
to the requirements of his brief, his subjects are glorified 
or caricatured beyond recognition. 

As a motto for the whole correspondence may be taken 
his own words l in which he exalts the letter of Atticus 
over the oral description of Curio. He should be a good 
talker who could surpass the vivacity of Cicero s letters. 
But it is a serious error to ascribe carelessness to them. 
His style is colloquial, but thoroughly accurate. Cicero 
is the most precise of writers. Every sentence corre 
sponds to a definite thought, and each word gives its aid 
to the adequate expression of the whole. Those who 
think that the speeches are a mere effusion of rhetoric, a 
piling up of superlatives for most of which another super 
lative might easily be substituted without any injury to 
the meaning or effect of the passage, have (it seems to 
me) not read Cicero aright. Every adjective is set down 
with as careful a pen as ever was plied by a master- 
letters have not this quality. For an instance of the degree to 
which Cicero disguises his real feelings in his public letters see 
Att. xiv. 13&, where he sends to Atticus a copy of a letter to 
Antonius. 

1 (Jbi sunt qui aiunt faffys (f>uvfjs ? Att. ii. 12, 2, 



INTRODUCTION Ixxi 

hand ; each is almost as essential to the sentence as the 
principal verb. We have an amusing testimony to the 
carefulness one might say purism of his letters in Att. 
vii. 3, 10, where he so earnestly defends his use of in 
before Piraeum (while he avows with shame that he 
should have written Piraeum not Piraeea), on the 
ground that Piraeus cannot be regarded as a town; 
citing in defence of his usage Dionysius and Nicias Cous, 
and quoting a passage in point from Caecilius, whom he 
candidly allows to be but a poor authority, as well as one 
from Terence, whose elegantia he considers to be beyond 
dispute. All this, too, at a time when one might have 
supposed that he would have been more concerned in 
deciding on the political position to be assumed by him 
on his return to Rome, which he was fast approaching, 
and from which were constantly reaching him miri 
terrores Caesariani, and reports which he describes as 
falsa, spero, sed certe horribilia. We should, therefore, 
in my opinion, never admit the theory of carelessness in 
the writer to influence our opinion about the soundness 
or unsoundness of a phrase or construction. 

In treating of the Latinity of these letters one must, 
of course, in an Introduction dwell mainly on the general 
aspects of the style, for details referring the student to 
the notes and to specM treatises onjbhe style of the 
letters, such as Stinuer s and Paul Meyer s, afterwards to 
be mentioned; as^weir^a~eT^borate histories of Latin 
style, such as Nagelsbach s St-ilistik, and Drager s 
Historische Syntax. Having pointed out, therefore, 
what seem to me to be the distinctive characteristics of 



Ixxii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

the correspondence as a whole, I shall give a general 
sketch of the broad peculiarities of this branch of litera 
ture as regards the use of words, and offer a few observa 
tions on the distinctions which may be observed between 
the letters of Cicero and of his correspondents. 

A 

There is a very remarkable characteristic of the style 
of these letters, not hitherto dwelt on, 1 so far as I am 
aware a very close parallelism between their diction and 
the diction of the comic drama. 2 It is, indeed, to be 
expected a priori that the language of familiar letter- 
writing would closely resemble the language of familiar 
dialogue. In both cases the language may be expected 
to be largely tinged with the idiom of the sermo 
vulgarisy or colloquialism? Cicero, in an important 

1 Stinuer (de eo quo Cicero in Epistulis usus est sermone, Oppeln, 
E. Fraiick, 1879) notices this feature in the letters, but does not 
pursue the subject. 

2 Cicero has in a passage already quoted expressed his high 
opinion of the elegantia of Terence : in Off. i. 104 he lays down 
that there are two kinds of humour unum illiberale, petulans, 
flagitiosum, obscaenum ; alterum elegans, urbanum, ingeniosum, 
facetum ; and of the latter he makes Plautus a type, in this judg 
ment differing from the verdict of Horace (Ep. in Pis. 270 ; Epp. 
ii. 1, 170) and of Quintilian (x. 1, 99), but afterwards corroborated 
by Gellius (vii. 17, 4), who pronounces Plautus homo linguae atque 
elegantiae in verbis Latin ae princeps. 

3 It must be borne in mind that arcJiaism is a large ingredient 
in colloquialism) as has been pointed out (p. 127) in the very able 
treatise of Paul Meyer, Untersuchung uber die Frage der Ecldheit 
des Briefwechsels Cicero ad Brutum. Stuttgart, 1881. 



INTRODUCTION Ixxiii 

passage, 1 recognises the colloquial character of his letters, 
referring, no doubt, especially to those which we have 
spoken of as his more private letters, namely, those to 
Atticus, Trebatius, Caelius, and his brother Quintus. 
It would be impossible for me here to enter into an 
elaborate comparison between the language of Cicero s 
letters and that of the comic stage. But in order to 
show that the subject well deserves a full treatment, I 
will here point out some of the coincidences which have 
struck me. I will first take one play, the Miles Gloriosus, 
and note the coincidences ; then add such general re 
semblances as have not been touched. 

(1) In the following examples it is not contended that 
in every case the usage adduced is confined to Cic. Epp. 
and the comic drama ; but that it is far more prevalent 
there than elsewhere, and that this circumstance is not 
fortuitous, but arises from the fact that the usage 
referred to partakes of that colloquial character which 
the Germans call Vulgarismus. 

Mil. i. 1, 11, tarn bellatorem : for tarn with predic. 
subst. cf. tarn Lynceus, Fam. ix. 2, 2 ; tarn corruptrice 
provincia, Q. Fr. i. 1, 19; tarn matula, PI. Pers. iv. 3, 
64 ; parum leno, Ter. Phorm. 507. 

Mil. i. 1, 44, sic memini tamen: for sic = l as things now 
stand cf. sed sic meprivas, Fam. v. 20, 4; sic vero fallaces 
sunt, Q. Fr. i. 1, 16. See under sic v. 3 in Lewis and Short. 

1 Quid enim simile Iialet epistola aut iudicio aut contioni 1 
Quin ipsa indicia non solemus omnia tractare uno modo ; privatas 
causas et eas tenues agimus subtil-ins, capitis aut famae ornatius. 
Epistolas vero cotidianis verbis texere solemus. Fam. ix. 21, 1. 



Ixxiv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

Mil. i. 1, 67, dare operam, to attend to : see L. S., 
opera, ii. A 1. 

Mil. ii. 2, 62, tibi ego dico : cf. narro tibi in Cic. Epp. 
See n. on Ep. vii. 1. 

Mil. ii. 2, 95, quid agimus : for this emphatic use of 
pres. indie, instead of delib. subjunc. cf. nunc quid 
respondemus, Att. xvi. 7, 4. 

Mil. ii. 3, 1, certo . . . scio: certo is found only in 
comic poets and in Cic., nearly always in his letters. 

Mil. ii. 6, 103, irae : for abstract substantives in 
plural cf. in PI. opulentiae, Trin. ii. 4, 89 ; parsimoniae, 
ib. iv. 3, 21 ; pcrfidiae, Capt. iii. 3, 7 ; industrial, 
Most. ii. 1, 1 ; paces, Pers. v. 5, 1 ; superliae, Stich. ii. 
2, 27. In Cic. Epp. we find iracundiae, Q. Fr. i. 1, 39 ; 
admurmurationes, Q. Fr. ii. 1, 3 ; aestimationes, Fam. 
ix. 18, 4; apparitiones, Q. Fr. i. 1, 12; compellationes, 
Fam. xii. 25, 2 ; compotationes and concenationes, Fam. 
ix. 24, 3 ; dementiae, Att. ix. 9, 8 ; desperationes, Fam. 
ii. 16, 6; iocationes, Fam. viii. 16, 7; avaritiae, Q. Fr. 
i. 1, 40 ; iucunditates, Att. x. 8, 9 ; tranquillitates, Att. 
vi. 8, 4 ; urbanitates, Fam. xvi. 21, 7. 

Mil. iii. 1, 41, nota noscere: cf. actum agere, Ter. 
Phorm. 419 ; inventum inveni, PI. Capt. ii. 3, 81 ; per- 
ditum per damns, Fam. xiv. 1,5; impeditum impedire, 
Att. xv. 15, 3. 

Mil. iii. 1, 148, odiorum Ilias: cf. malorum impendet 
lAias, Att. viii. 11, 3. 

Mil. iii. 2, 38, loculi: PL affects strange diminutives, 
like this from locus ; e.g. recula, from res ; specula, from 
spes ; ralla, for rarula ; celocula ; nepotulus ; uxorcula. 



INTRODUCTION Ixxv 

Vid. infra, pp. Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii, for a list of dimin. in 
Cic. Epp. 

Mil. iv. 2, 102, tago ; old form of tango : cf. tagax, 
Att. vi. 3, 1. 

Mil. iv. 3, 17, nikU huius: cf. quod huius, quod 
eius, etc., in Cic. Epp. passim. This expression is also 
common in legal formulae. 

Mil. iv. 5, 43, hariolatur : used in Att. viii. 11, 3; 
very frequent in comic poets elsewhere only in Cic. de 
Div. i. 134. The dialogues of Cic. naturally present 
points of contact with the letters; for instance, the 
tmesis of per with adjectives and verbs is common to 
the letters and dialogues of Cic. and the comic drama, 
but does not occur elsewhere in classical Latin. 

(2) Thus the examination of one play of Plautus 
yields a dozen coincidences between the drama and the 
letters. I now add such general stylistic resemblances 
as have not been necessarily suggested by the Miles. 

(a) The prevalence of such interjections as st, hui, 
sodes, amabo te ; ast for at ; absque for sine ; mi for 
mihi. 

(b) Such phrases as nullus venit, not a bit of him 
came ; ab armis nullus discedere, not to move an inch 
from one s post ; Corumbus nullus adhuc, c not a sign 
of Corumbus yet ; nullus tu quidem domum, l don t 
stir a foot to visit him. 5 1 

(c) Teneo, habeo in sense of scio, especially in imper. 

3 Att. xi. 24, 4 ; xv. 22, 1 ; xiv. 3, 1 ; xv. 29, 1. For similar 
usage in the comic poets, Ter. Eun. ii. 1, 10 ; Hec. i. 2, 4 ; Andr. 
ii. 2, 33 ; Plaut. Trin. iii. 1, 5. 



Ixxvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

sic habeto, tantum habeto with accus. and infin. j and 
habeo = possum with infin. 

(d) Copious use of ejuculatory phrases : at te Romae 
non fore ! Att. v. 20, 7 ; tempora I fore cum dubitet, 
Att. xii. 49, 1 ; facinus indignum ! epistolam . . . 
neminem reddidisse, Att. ii. 13, 1 ; esse locum tam prope 
Romam ubi, Att. ii. 6, 2 ; hui / totiensne me dtdisse, 
Att. v. 11, 1 ; me miserum/ te incidisse, Farn. xiv. 1, 
1 ; hem ! mea lux, Fam. xiv. 2, 2. 

(e) Isolated agreements in the employment of a pecu 
liar word (or phrase), as susque deque est, which is found 
only in Plautus and Cic. Epp. among classical writers. 
Paul Meyer (Untersuchung, p. 127) defends expedire 
narrare in Epp. ad Brut. i. 15, 1, on the ground that it 
is an archaism. On similar grounds I would introduce 
accuderim in Att. i. 1, 2, as a Plautine word, and PIPULO 
ac convicio for populi convicio in Q. Fr. ii. 10 (12), 1. 
On a like principle Meyer (p. 134) vindicates tardare 
intrans. in Att. vi. 7, 2 by durare intrans. in Plautus. 
Such cases as these will be noticed in the notes where 
they occur. 

(/) A very striking coincidence with the diction of 
the comic stage is illustrated by the phrase quid mi 
auctor es, Att. xiii. 40, 2 ; quid sim tibi auctor, Fam. 
vi. 8, 2, where auctor es is treated as a verb and takes 
an object in the accusative. This construction is very 
common in Plautus, e.g. ubi quadruplator quempiam 
iniexit manum, Pers. i. 2, 18 ; sitis gnarures hanc rem, 
Most. i. 2, 17 ; quod gravida est, Amph. iii. 1, 18, where 
see Ussing s note. 



INTRODUCTION Ixxvii 

(g) In Plautus words like videlicet, scilicet, ilicet, are, 
as it were, resolved into their component elements and 
govern a case, as if (e.g.) videlicet were Mere licet. A 
very good example of this is found in PL Stich. iv. 1, 
49, 51: 

videlicet, parcum fuisse ilium senem . . . 
videlicet, fuisse ilium nequam adolescentem. 

Hence, I believe it is unsound criticism to change turn 
videlicet datas, the ms. reading in Att. v. 11, 7, to datae, 
which, indeed, would not stand without sunt, as Boot 
observes. 

(h) Another use of the accus., which the letters and 
the comici have in common, is illustrated by scelus 
hominis, { a villain, Att. xi. 9, 2. This usage is pushed 
very far by PI., who not only has scelus viri, Mil. v. 41, 
but even hallex viri, Poen. v. 5, 31 ; hominum mendi- 
cdbula = mendicos, Aul. iv. 8, 3. 

(i) An accusative of cognate or homogeneous objects 
is very common both in the letters and in comedy. 
Under this head come such accusatives as si quidquam 
(i.e. ullum amorem) me amas, Att. v. 17, 5 : cf. id 
gaudeo, Ter. And. ii. 2, 25 ; quid gaudeam, PI. Capt. 
iv. 2, 62. Cf. also quidquid valebo . . . valebo tibi, 
Fam. vi. 6, 13, where T badly gives conciliabo tibi. 

(j) The use of the ethical dative is far more common 
in the letters and in comedy than elsewhere in classical 
literature. In fact the ethical dative without en or ecce 
is very rare in the other writings of Cicero. For this 
reason I would defend TIBI of the mss. in Att. iv. 2, 4, 
vix tandem TIBI de mea voluntate concessum est, after 



Ixxviii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

all, at last, lo and behold you with my consent, the point 
was conceded. The vigorous exclamation is justified by 
the unexpected announcement that Cicero himself was 
for conceding the request of Serranus, which was so 
adverse to his interests. It seems to me most unscien 
tific to read illi, or id ei, or homini for tibi. Surely no 
copyist, however stupid, finding any of these readings, 
all of which yield an obvious sense, would have written 
tibi, which at first sight seems to give no sense at all. 

(k) A passage in the letters ad Fam. affords an 
example, in my opinion, of a characteristic idiom bor 
rowed from the comic stage. The passage, Fam. vii. 
1,1, runs thus : 

Neque tamen dubito qiiin tu ex illo cubiculo tuo, ex quo tibi 
Stabiaimm perforasti et patcfecisti Misenum, per eos dies ma- 
tutina tempora Icdiunculis consumpseris. 

All editors have either changed ex to in or changed 
lectiunculis to spectiunculis. But the ms. reading as 
given above is right. What Cicero means is this : he 
had said above that the leisure of Marius (gained by 
absenting himself from the games) would not be rightly 
employed unless he did something useful. Now to take 
little dips into books might fairly be called useful as 
compared with dozing over hackneyed farces. Spectiun 
culis, taking little peeps at the beauties of the bay of 
Naples would hardly satisfy this condition ; again, spec 
tiunculis is against the mss. ; finally, the word spectarent 
would not have been used after spectiunculis. Accord 
ingly, nearly all the edd., retaining lectiunculis, change 
ex to in before illo cubiculo. But if Cicero wrote the 



INTRODUCTION Ixxix 

easy in illo culiculo, why do all the mss. give us the diffi 
cult ex illo cubiculo 1 The fact is, that in ex illo cubiculo 
tuo ex quo we have an example of that inverse attraction 
which is common in Plautus : cf. 

indidem unde oritur facito ut facias stultitiam sepelibilem. 

PI. Cist. i. 1, 63. 

ego te hodie reddam madidum si vivo probe 
tibi quoi decretumst bibere aquam. 

Aul. iii. 6, 38 

quid ilium facere vis qui tibi quoi divitiae domi maximae sunt 
. . . amicis numum nulluin habes. 

Epid. iii. 1, 8. 

A familiar example in Greek of this inverse attraction 
is /Brjvai KclOev oOtvirtp TJKCI. Soph. 0. C. 1226. 

I think I have now shown sufficient reason for regard 
ing the usage of the comic stage as having an important 
bearing on the criticism of the letters. I have adopted 
this view as a principle in my recension of the text. 
In the criticism of Tacitus a parallelism from Virgil is 
almost as decisive in favour of a disputed reading as a 
parallel passage from the works of Tacitus himself ; for 
it is certain that the very keynote of the prose of Tacitus 
is the imitation of the verse of Virgil. In the criticism 
of Cicero s letters we may go farther, and say that to 
quote an analogous usage in Plautus or Terence is far 
more relevant than to quote an analogous usage from 
the oratory or philosophy of Cicero himself. 1 

1 We have seen that the dialogues, as might be expected, have 
far greater affinities with the letters, as regards the diction, than 
have speeches and rhetorical essays of Cicjero. 



Ixxx CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 



B 

This coincidence between the letters and the stage 
might, as I have said, have been expected a priori, and 
we might also expect to find an extremely delicate use of 
language. When a writer has to treat of very delicate 
subjects at a time when there exists no secure postal 
transmission, he must express himself with caution, and 
this Cicero does with consummate skill. The difficulty 
of the letters is often thus greatly increased. The 
merest hint of the writer s thought must be confided to 
paper. Cicero often couches his meaning in riddles, 
which he fears that even Atticus may be unable to 
decipher. It is amazing that the cases are so few in 
which the ingenuity of scholars has not arrived at a 
solution at least plausible. 

(1) Perhaps in no part of Latin literature is there 
such a delicate usage of the subjunctive as may be found 
in these letters. I have not neglected in my notes to 
call the attention of readers to such cases. Here I shall 
only quote one passage in which the joke depends alto 
gether on the use of the subjunctive, and would vanish 
were the indicative substituted. He is telling (Att. vi. 1, 
25 : Ep. xxxv.) how among the goods of Vedius (which 
were accidentally included among the assets of Pompeius 
Vindullus deceased) were found images or portrait models 
of certain Roman ladies. This compromised the char 
acters of these ladies, for Vedius was a notorious profli 
gate. Among these models was one of Junia, sister of 



INTRODUCTION Ixxxi 

Brutus, and wife of Lepidus. Neither Brutus uor 
Lepidus took any notice of the matter, and Brutus still 
kept up his intimacy with Vedius. This is Cicero s way 
of telling it in his (sc. rebus Vedii) inventae sunt 
quinque imagunculae matronarum, in quibus una sororis 
amid tui hominis Bruti qui hoc utatur, et uxoris illius 
Lepidi qui haec tarn neglegenter ferat, among which was 
a model of the sister of your friend Brutus (a brute part, 1 
indeed, to keep up the fellow s acquaintance), and wife 
of Lepidus (funny, indeed, to take the matter so coolly). 
Here, but for the subjunctive, there would be no play on 
the words Brutus and Lepidus. 

(2) The phrase ita . . . ut is very delicately em 
ployed in the letters, and it is often hard to find an exact 
equivalent in English for this Latin idiom. For instance, 
Att. i. 1, 1, ita negant vulgo ut mihi se debere dicant, 
their refusal generally takes the form of a statement 
that they are pledged to me ; Att. i. 1 9, 8, ita tamen 
his novis amicitiis implicati sumus ut vafer ille Siculus 
insusurret cantilenam illam suam, l involved as I am in 
many new acquaintanceships, yet I do not let them pre 
vent me from having constantly in my ears the refrain of 
the astute Sicilian ; Q. Fr. i. 1, 10, quern scio ita labo- 
rare de existimatione sua ut . . . etiam de nostra laboret, 
1 in whom I know a keen regard for his own reputation 
is yet compatible with as keen a regard for ours ; Att. 
ii. 4, 7, magni aestimo . . . fructum palaestrae Pala- 

1 Cf. Hamlet, iii. 2 : Polonius. I did enact Julius Caesar. I 
was killed in the Capitol. Brutus killed me. Ham. It was a 
brute part of him to kill so capital a calf there. 



Ixxxii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

tinae, sed ita tamen ut nihil minus velim quam Pom- 
poniam versari in timore ruinae, 1 1 greatly value the 
enjoyment of my palaestra on the Palatine, not, how 
ever, so much as to prevent my feeling that anything is 
better than to keep Pomponia in constant fear of the 
falling of the wall. There are other good instances in 
Att. ii. 21, 1 ii. 24, 2 ; iii. 15, 2 ; and in the letter of 
Quintus, De petitione consulatus, 13. 

(3) Caution often compels Cicero to use covert language 
when dealing with dangerous topics. Hence the enig 
matic Greek in which he refers to the dishonesty of 
Philotimus in some letters of the 6th book to Atticus. 
This caution has left its impression on the diction of the 
letters in the use of the plural when only one person is 
meant, e.g. veteres hostes novos amicos in referring to 
Caesar, Fam. v. 7, 1 ; and in Att. i. 17, 3, meos means 
Quintus, tuos Pomponia ; invidorum refers to Hortensius 
in Att. iii. 7, 2. So Pompeius is often referred to by a 
plural attribute. Somewhat like this is the pluralis 
modestiae (as Draeger calls it, Hist. Synt. i. 25), whereby 
a man speaking of himself in a somewhat boastful tone 
softens the arrogance by the use of the plural : see 
Fam. v. 4, 2 : again, in that same letter tuorum 
refers to Clodius alone, but is made plural invidiae 
minuendae causa. 

(4) The use of epistolary tenses is familiar to readers 
of the letters, and is commented on in the notes. For 
the emphatic ego pointing to the fact that the sentence 
in which it occurs is an answer to a question, see Ep. 
viii. 1. 



INTRODUCTION Ixxxiii 





(1) A very interesting feature in these letters is 
Cicero s use of Greek words and phrases. They were 
the argot of literary Home. I have so treated them in 
translating passages in which they occur. I have done 
so even when I was forced to introduce a metaphor not 
even hinted at in the Greek word. For instance, in Att. 
i. 1, 2, where Cicero says ut mihi videatur non esse d&v- 
varov Curium obducere, I render that it seems to me 
on the cards to carry Curius against them. If Cicero 
uses a Greek word where he could quite as easily have 
used a Latin, we must take this circumstance into 
account in translating. Greek words are also frequently 
used as part of the terminology of rhetoric and politics ; 
but the most interesting point connected with this feature 
in the style of the letters is the fact that very often 
Greek words are called in to supply a deficiency in the 
Latin language, and that in those very cases in a num 
ber of instances our own language fails, and we are 
obliged to borrow from the French ; so that a French 
word is not only the best, but the only, word to express 
the meaning of the Greek term in the letter. This fact 
is always taken notice of in the notes ; but the following 
list may be given here of Greek words naturalised by 
Cicero to supply a want in Latin, and translatable by us 
only in naturalised French words: a/o/Sia, ennui; dSia- 
</>o/ota, nonchalance ; 8vo-<D7TLa, mauvaise honte ; 68ov 
en passant ; pereojpos, distrait ; /xet Aiy/xa, 



Ixxxiv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 



douceur ; vewTe/Hayzos, bouleversement ; /uo0/us (?), 
fracas; a-KvA/*os, emeute; //.aA a/ncrTOKpaTiKws, en grand 
seigneur ; Ka^Krys, mauvais sujet; aTr/xxKroTaTos, mala 
droit, faineant ; a</>eA?y9, ingenu, naif ; aTrocroAot/cov, a 
betise ; cr</>aA//,a, a faux pas; ttTr/aotrSiovwov, aKvpov, 
mal cb propos / V7ro/xv?y/xa, me?noire ; Tre/ncrrao-i?, ?%- 
tourage ; Trpoo-vevo-is, penchant; 8va-xP Y l a " ra J desagre- 
mens ; <rvy\v<Tiv rfjs TroAireias, CO?*/? d etat; Aea-)^, 
causerie ; ave/xoc^op^ra, canards ; a7ro(/)^y//aTa, 6c 715 
a/>t^)tAa^)ta, embarras de richesse ; while ar-o- 
corresponds very nearly to the Italian fiasco. En 
all or very nearly all of these the Latin actually wants a 
word, and has borrowed it from the Greek, while we, to 
supply a like lacuna in our own tongue, have recourse :o 
the French. 

(2) Sometimes, as I have observed above, the Greek 
word answers rather to our slang or cant phrases : of 
this we have examples in anVia, * impecuniosity ; 
bad form ; TroAiVevpx, * platform ; T/HC-- 
^?, a bigwig ; ^X^ <a l ea( l ; ^^ KCITO*, 
topsy-turvy ; l/crci/cto, gush ; l^aKav^tfeiv, to picJ; 
holes ; eTrtr^Kra, veneering ; ofuTreivo?, sharpset ; 
0opv/3o7roii, he is an alarmist. * And often we find 
that, by a curious coincidence, Cicero borrows an expres 
sion from the Greek where we have recourse not t( 
French or to any vernacular argot, but to Latin. Where 
we should say de mortuis nil nisi bonum, or more briefly 

1 Modern physicians still write their prescriptions in Latin, and 
affect the use of Latin terms in hygienic or sanitary matters. The 
letters affect Greek terms in these cases. (See note on Ep. iv. 1.) 



INTRODUCTION Ixxxv 



de mortuis, Cicero invariably has o^ 
ind the proverb ne sutor supra crepidam (often wrongly 
quoted ultra) 2 appears in Cicero in its Greek dress as 
e/oSoi Tis. 3 Again, /x^Se SiKrjv 4 is audi alteram partem ; 
a lapsus memoriae is a pvijfioviKov afjidpTrj^a^ viva voce 
is {eocra (friovrj ; seriatim is Kara /xtrov or Kara ACTTTOV j 
corpus (in the sense in which we use the word in the 
phrase Corpus Poetarum) is o-w/xa ; and muta persona 

K(0</)OV TT/aOCTCOTTOl . 



D 

The following are the most characteristic uses of 
words : 

(1) Strange words coined to suit a momentary need, 
such as Pseudo-Cato ( Cato s ape ); Pseudo-damasippus ; 
the curious verbal facteon formed on the analogy of 
<j>iX.o<ro<j)rjTov which immediately precedes it ; Fulviaster 



1 The verse is oi>x bo-li) Kra^voLffLV tir dvSpdaiv ev 

Horn. Od. xxii. 412. But Cic. writes <j)di(j.{i>oi<Tiv : see Att. iv. 
7, 2. He makes a similar (JLV^^OVLKOV dfj.dprr]/j.a in writing Aga- 
memno for Ulixes in de Div. ii. 63. 

2 The proverb is derived from the story of Apelles, who accepted 
the cobbler s criticism when it referred to the loop (ansa) of a 
sandal (crepida) ; but when, elated by his success, the cobbler 
began to criticise the leg of the statue (cavillante circa cms) 
Apelles warned him ne super crepidam iudicaret, you must not 
criticise higher up than the sandal, Pliu. H. N. xxxv. 36, 12. 
Supra is the word used by Valerius Maximus also in telling the 
same story ; ultra has no authority, and, indeed, no meaning. 

3 Zpdoi TIS $\v e/cacrros elSeirj -T~xyf]v. Ar. Vesp. 1431. 

4 /x,??5e diKyv diKdcrys irplv a.v d/jupo iv /mvdov d/coucrT/s. Phocylides. 



Ixxxvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

g 

or Fulviniaster (which is often regarded as corrupt, but 
is defended by Antoniaster, Fragin. Or. Var. 8); desideia- 
tives like petiturit, he is keen about standing ; SuW.v- 
turit, he is bent on a coup d etat ; proscripturit^ he is 
eager for a proscription : we have also salaco, a swag 
gerer ; tocullio, a bit of a usurer ; and strangest of a 1, 
the singular substantives Appietas and Lentulitas, meaa- 
ing your mere possession of the name Appius or 
Lentulus, 1 in a very manly and dignified letter, Fan. 
iii. 7, 5. Cf. Tennyson s Aylmerism. 

Like these are strange words arising directly from tl e 
context, such as consponsor, inhibitio (remigum), traductc r 
(ad plebem), breviloquens, levidensis, tagax ; and from 
the fact that things are spoken of in the letters which 
are not likely to be mentioned elsewhere, such as glut - 
nator (applied to a certain class of bookbinders), apparitto 
(the office of an apparitor) ; to which may be adde 1 
strangely-formed words, such as inconsiderantia, obv<- 
amitio. 

(2) A great prevalence of diminutives, such as th > 
following, of which those printed in italics are not foun< I 
amongst classical writers save in Cicero : actuariolum, 
aedificatiuncula, ambulatiuncula, animula, assentatiun 
cula, atriolum, auricula, captiuncula, cenda, chartula 
classicula, commotiuncula, contiuncula, deliciolae, dever 
soriolum, dextella, diecula, febricula, filiolus, furcilla 
gloriola, imagunculae, laureola, lectiunculae, lintriculus. 
litterulae, membranula, memoriola, naweola, negotiolum. 
nervuli, ocelli, olusculum, oppidulum, pagella, paginula, 
plangunculae (probably a corruption of imagunculae). 



^ INTRODUCTION Ixxxvii 

jlebecula, porticula, jwssessiuncula, raudusculum, rijnila, 
:umusciili, rutula, sedecula, servula, simiolus, sportella, 
tectoriohim, tocullio, villula, vindemiola, vocula, vulticulus; 
to which add the proper names Atticula, Tulliola, and 
(if I am right in my view of Att. ii. 1, 8) jRomula, 1 

To these must be added the following adjectival 
diminutives : argutulus, hilarulus, integellus, lentulus, 
ligneolus, limatulus, longulus, maiusculus, minusculus, 
miniatulus, misellus, pulchellus, putidiusculus, rabiosulus, 
refractariolus, subturpiculus, tenuiculus, and the adverbial 
diminutive meliuscule. 

(3) There are many a7ra ipr;/xeva in the letters 
which we may hold to be due to chance ; that is, we feel 
that, had we larger remains from antiquity, we should 
probably have other instances of their employment. It 
would be uninstructive to supply any list of such words 
(not elsewhere found in classical Latin) as peregrinator, 
adiunctor, 2 corruptrix, aberratio, remiyatio, consolabiiis, 
petasatuSj candidatorius, sanguinarius ; but the follow 
ing adverbs, though to many of them what I have just 
said is applicable, may be set down : assentatorie, de- 
speranter, furenter, immortaliter (gaudeo), impendio, 
inhumaniter, pervesperi, turbulenter, vulgariter, and 
utique, which occurs about twenty times in the letters, 
and only thrice in all the other works of Cicero. 

1 This list aud the following are chiefly taken from A. Stinner, 
I)e eo quo Cicero in Epislulis usus est sermone. Oppeln, Franck, 
1879. Tlie classification is my own. 

2 Cicero in his letters affects words in -tor. We have besides 
those already quoted the following rare examples : approbator, con- 
vector, ioculator(\\ expilator, propayator ; to which add corruptrix. 



Ixxxviii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

(4) Moreover, nearly every adjective and adverb in 
the language is intensified by the prefix per- 1 and miti 
gated by the prefix sub-. This is to be expected, owing 
to the need arising in letters for conveying delicate shades 
of meaning. This need demands also that minute gradua 
tion of the force of a word which the use of the compara 
tive and superlative can so well supply in Latin. Her ce 
the extraordinary richness of the letters in comparative 
and superlative forms both in adjectives and adverbs, lor 
which see Stinner, pp. 12-15. These prefixes are raier 
in the case of verbs, but we have the following : ptr- 
gaudere, perplacere, pertaedet, pervincere, subdiffidere, 
subdocere, subdubitare, subinvidere, subinvitare, subne- 
gare, suboffendere, subringi ( = Sta/xvAAatWiv), subveret i, 
suppaenitet, suppudet. Of other verbs the most strange 
are cenitare, flaccere, fruticari, itare, muginari, pigrari, 
suppetiari, tricari, edolare, repungere, restillare, oblar,- 
guescere. Cicero in his letters also affects rare compos - 
tions with e, ex, as eblandiri, effligere, elugere, emonen, 
exhilarare. 

(5) The following very rare words cannot be brought 
under any of the above classes. They are simply due t< > 
the caprice of the moment : combibo, a boon companion 
(though we have compotor in Phil. ii. 42); obiratio 
involatus (of a bird) ; itus (for abitus) ; reflatus ( i 
contrary wind ); sponsus (gen. -us; for sponsum) ; noctua- 
bundus, involgare (?). In all these cases there were 
other terms quite as suitable to express the exact shade 

1 Tmesis of per with adjectives and verbs is found only in the 
comic poets and the letters and dialogues of Cicero. 



INTRODUCTION Ixxxix 

f meaning ; it was merely a whim to use these very rare 
vords. 

(6) There is nothing more characteristic of the style 
if the letters than the extremely bold use of ellipse. 
Some commentators strain this figure in the most violent 
manner, and understand words which it would require 
not an Atticus or Caelius, but an Oedipus or Teiresias to 
supply. The following, however, are undoubtedly in 
stances of ellipse, and are in some cases very bold 
ndeed : 

De illo domestico scrupulum quern non ignoras (sc. 
tolle), Att. v. 13, 3. Ilia fefellerunt, facilem r quod 
putaramus (sc. fore), Att. ix. 18, 1. At ille adiurans 
nusquam se unquam libentius (sc. fuisse), Fam. ix. 19, 1. 
De Caesaris adventu, scripsit ad me Balbus non ante 
Kalendas Sextiles (sc. futurum), Att. xiii. 21, 6. Quintus 
enim altero die se aiebat (sc. perventurum Romam esse), 
Att. xvi. 4, 1. Quod Tullia te non putabat hoc tcmpore 
ex Italia (sc. abiturum esse), Att. x. 8, 10. Atticam 
doleo tamdiu (sc. aegrotare), Att. xii. 6, 4. De tertio 
pollicetur se deinceps (sc. scripturum), Att. xvi. 11, 4. 
Natio me hominis impulit, ut ei recte putarem (sc. me 
commendare), Fam. xv. 20, 1. Mir or te nikildum cum 
Tigellio (sc. locutum esse), Att. xiii. 50, 3. Illud accuso, 
non te, sed illam, ne salutem quidem (sc. adscripsisse), 
Att. xiii. 22, 5. Quintus filius mihi pollicetur se 
Catonem (sc. futurum), Att. xvi. 1, 6. Nee mirabamur 
nihil a te litter arum (sc. ad nos missum esse), Fam. xvi. 
7, 1. Video te bona perdidisse ; spero idem istucf ami- 
Hares tuos (sc. passos esse), Fam. ix. 18, 4. 



xc CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

(7) Esse with adverbs is justly pointed to as a c.iar- 
acteristic feature in the style of the letters by I aul 
Meyer, p. 161. The following are examples : sic esse ut 
sumus, Fam. xvi. 12, 4 ; tamquam si tu esses itafuewnt, 
Q. Fr. iii. 2, 2 ; Lucretii poemata ita sunt, Q. Fr. ii. 
9(11), 4. 

So we find esse with recte, Att. vii. 17, 1 ; commoc is- 
sime, Fam. xiv. 7, 2 ; tuto, Att. xiv. 20, 3 ; honeste, Fam. 
xiv. 14, 1 ; flagitiose et turpiter, Att. vi. 3, 9 ; kilare et 
libenter, Fam. xvi. 10, 2 ; libenter et sat diu, Att. >v. 
3, 2. 

A stranger use of esse with adverbs is where the adve b 
is predicative, and takes the place, as it were, of an ad t .: 
e.g. haec tarn esse quam audio non puto, Q. Fr. i. 2, 1 ; 
utinam tarn (sc. integra), in periculo fuisset, Att. iii. 1.5, 
2. See also Q. Fr. ii. 13 (15a), 4 (Ep. xx.), quern ad 
modum me censes oportere esse . . . ita et esse etfor* , 
oricula infima scito molliorem. 

E 

In treating of the style of the letters of Cicero, I have 
in nearly every case taken my examples from the letters 
of Cicero himself, but the same views are broadly applic 
able to the ninety letters of his correspondents. I have 
already pointed out how inferior they are, as a rule, in 
style to the great master with whom it was their privi 
lege to correspond. But even in syntax and in the use 
of words in dealing with the raw material of literature 
they show themselves not to be by any means so care- 



INTRODUCTION xci 

il or exact as Cicero himself. Subjoined are examples 
f words and phrases not to be found in Cicero, but 
3eurriug in the letters of his correspondents : l 

(1) In the undoubtedly genuine letter of Brutus, 
"am. xi. 2, we find, in 2, aliud libertate, different 
rom (other than) liberty. This abl. of comparison is 
3und only in Varro, R. R. iii. 16, 23, aliud melle ; Hor. 
at. ii. 3, 208, alias veris ; id. Ep. i. 16, 20, alium 

sapiente ; and in Phaedrus and Apuleius. 

Ibid, facultatem decipiendi nos ; cf. spatium confirm- 
andi sese, Asinius Pollio, Fam. x. 33, 5. 

(2) Balbus, Att. viii. 15, 1, writes dignissimam tuae 
virtutis ; for dignus with gen. (which is un-Ciceroniau) 
cf. PI. Trin. v. 2, 29. 

(3) Bithynicus, Fam. vi. 16, uses intermoriturum ; 
no part of intermori, but intermortuus is found in Cicero. 

(4) Galba, Fam. ix. 30, 3, 4, has dexterius and 
sinisterius. 

(5) Plancus, Fam. x. 8, 4, has diffiteri ; Fam. x. 15, 
4, praecognoscere ; Fam. x. 18, 3, sollicitiorem ; and in 
Fam. x. 11, 1, ut . . . me civem dignum . . . praestem ; 
whereas Cicero uses se praestare with a predicative 
accusative only in the case of a pronoun or adjective. 

(6) Quintus Cicero, Fam. xvi. 27, 2, has dissuavialor. 

(7) Servius Sulpicius, Fam. iv. 5, 2, has existimare 
with genitive of price ; Fam. iv. 5, 5, perfunctum esse. 

1 I do not take into account the letter of Quintus, de pelUione 
consulatus, as being really rather a rhetorical treatise than a letter ; 
nor the Brutiue correspondence, as involving a still unsettled 
question. 



xcii CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

(8) The language of Caelius is marked throughout; by 
peculiarities, iu most cases taking the form of archaism 
and approximation to the language of the stage. The 
following may be quoted here : 

(a) Colloquial and redolent of the comic stage : quod 
illorum capiti sit, Fam. viii. 1, 5, cf. Ter. Phorm. iii. 2, 
6; nunquam = non, 14, 1, cf. Donatus on Ter. Andr. ii. 
4, 7 ; f rig ore frigescimus, 6, 4, cf. curricula transcurre, 
Plant. Mil. ii. 6, 43, oi^natu ornatus, iv. 3, 41 ; nisi si, 
15, 1 ; hui, 15, 2 quam with the positive of the adj., 
as quam clementer, 8, 2. 

(6) Rare words and usages : susurratores, 1, 4 ; sub- 
rostrani, 1, 5 ; incile, 5, 3 ; conglaciare, 6, 3; cokon i- 
cula, 6, 4; aquarium, a water -commissioner, 6, 4; 
velificari, to give a lift to, 10, 2; vapulare, to le 
thrashed, 1, 4 ; ferventer = magnopere, 8, 2, cf. 6, 3; 
moretur (passive), 5, 2; the remarkable Graecism nosti 
J farce Hum quam tardus et parum efficax sit, 10, 3. 

(c) Archaic forms : quoius for cuius, 1, 1 ; 14, 1 ; 16, 
2 ; 17, 1 ; quoi for cui, 2, 1 ; 8, 2 ; 12, 2 ; illi for illic, 
15, 2 ; istoc for istuc, 4, 1 ; rusus for rursus, 8, 3 
7Wm for Pe^ as, Quintil. i. 5, 61. 

The examples which I have adduced may seem hardly 
to warrant the assertion that the letters of Cicero s 
correspondents display a laxity as compared with those 
of Cicero. Yet when we remember what a large body of 
literature Cicero s extant works afford, 1 it is strange that 
Brutus, for instance, in one of the two extant letters 

1 I suppose three-fourths of our Latin Dictionaries are extracts 
from Cicero. 



INTRODUCTION xcin 

which arc certaiuly genuine, should twice hit on an un- 
Ciceronian usage, and that in one of these violations 
there should be associated with him another of Cicero s 
correspondents, Asinius Pollio. Again, Cicero, we may 
suppose, must have had some reason for not using dignus 
with the genitive, or existimare with the genitive of 
price ; this reason must have been unknown to Balbus 
and Sulpicius, or else deliberately rejected by them. 
Finally, we may be surprised not to find in the seven 
hundred and fifty letters of Cicero more words a-rrag 
LpTf]jjLva in classical Latin, when in the two letters of 
Quintus Cicero we find one, and in the twelve letters of 
Plancus three. 

The conclusion seems to be that the correspondents of 
Cicero are even less careful than he is to avoid the vul 
garisms and laxities which beset the speech of daily life. 
A confirmation of this is to be found in their respective 
usage (pointed out by Lieberkiihn) with regard to a 
phrase which occurs repeatedly in the letters. Cicero 
always (except in two places, Att. v. 10, 1 ; viii. 14, 1) 
writes mild crede. On the other hand, crede mild is the 
phrase of Brutus, Fam. xi. 26 ; Cassius, Fam. xii. 12, 4 ; 
Caelius, Fam. viii. 17, 1. According to Bockel (Epis- 
tulae selectae, 8th ed., p. 323) crede mihi is a vulgarism, 
or, at least, belongs especially to familiar speech. Such 
distinctions, however, are perhaps too fine-drawn to find 
favour out of Germany. Among such may be classed the 
acute observation of Wolfflin (Philol. xxxiv. p. 134) that, 
while in his earliest speeches and letters Cicero greatly 
prefers dbs te, he gradually seems to show a growing 



xciv CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

preference for the form a te, which is the only form fcimd 
after the year 700 (B.C. 54). 



IV 

CRITICAL 

For the letters ad Familiares, our ms. authorities 
are the following : 

(1) M, the Medicean. This ms. is of the eleventh 
century. It has always been held until quite lately that 
we owe all our knowledge of the letters of Cicero to 
Petrarch. It is certain that about the year 1345 lie 
found (at Verona probably) the letters to Atticus, Q. 
Cicero, and Brutus. It has been generally supposed thut 
a few years later he found at Vercelli the letters ad 
Familiar es. The Vercelli ms. still exists, together with 
a copy ascribed to Petrarch. The Verona ms. is losi, 
and a copy of it (also ascribed to Petrarch) is our chief 
authority for the letters to Atticus, Quintus, and 
Brutus. 

This opinion, which has been held since the revival o: 1 
learning, has recently been vigorously and successfully 
(as it seems to me) assailed by Dr. Anton Viertel. 1 He 
leaves untouched the belief that Petrarch was the dis 
coverer of the ms. containing the letters to Atticus, 
Quintus, and Brutus. This is plain from the famous 

1 Die Wiederauffiiiduug von Cicero s Briefen durch Petrarcba 
(Kouigsberg, Hartung, 1879). 



INTRODUCTION xcv 

letter of Petrarch to Cicero in the other world, dated 
apud superos Verona, June 16th, 1345 ; that the place 
of finding the ms. was Verona has been inferred (not on 
sufficient grounds) from the fact that Petrarch s letter is 
dated Verona. The extant copy of this ms., according 
to Dr. Viertel, is not by Petrarch. 

But Dr. Viertel maintains that not only did Petrarch 
not discover the ms. containing the letters ad Fam., but 
that he did not even know of the existence of these 
letters. The grounds on which he rests his argument 
are these : 

(a) Petrarch never refers to the Epp. ad Fam., 
though he constantly quotes from Epp. ad Att., Quint., 

Brut, 

(b) He never mentions a second discovery in his extant 

letters. 

(c) In the preface to his own letters, 1359, he con 
trasts the number of his own correspondents with the 
fewness of the correspondents of ancient letter-writers, 
referring to Brutus, Atticus, Quintus, and Cicero s son as 
the correspondents of Cicero. 

(d) In 1372 he speaks of the letters of Cicero as com 
prising tria volumina, plainly those to Atticus, Quintus, 
and Brutus. 

(2) The codices Harleiani in the British Museum. 
They have recently been carefully examined by Franz 
Ruhl, who has given the results of his inquiry in the 
Rhein. Mus. 1875, vol. xxx., pp. 26 ff. The best and 
oldest of these (Harleianus A), which I will call H il , 
is numbered 2G82, is of folio size, on parchment, belongs 



xcvi CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

to the eleventh century, and consists of twenty-live 
quaternions. It contains the Epp. ad Fam. ix.-xvi., 
together with the letter to Augustus Octavianus, the De 
petitione cons., the Laelius, Cato Maior, De Officiis, the 
Philippics, the Verrines, the speeches in Sallustium, pro 
Milone, de Imperio Pompeii, pro Marcello, pro Ligario, aid 
pro Deiotaro ; together with some other authors, as Ful- 
gentius de abstrusis sermonibus. Each book of the Epp. 
ad Fam. has a separate index. The letters and part of 
the speeches are corrected by two hands throughout. 

H a is independent of M ; as is sufficiently shown 
(a) by the fact that H a omits altogether Fam. xi. 13a, 
which is not referred to in the index to Fam. xi. in H *. 
(6) The letters Fam. xii. 22-30 are lumped together * s 
one letter in M, but are given separately in H a . 

But H a and M are undoubtedly from the same archc - 
type. 

The second of the codices Ifarleiani, H b , is numbered 
2773. Riihl says it came originally from the Hospital 
of St. Nicolaus, at Kues. It is on parchment, folio, ami 
in two columns. It belongs to the twelfth century. L 
contains from the beginning of Fam. i. 1 to the word. 
puto etiam si ullam spem, Fam. viii. 9, 3. It is cer 
tainly independent of M. It wants from Fam. i. 9, 20, 
non solum praesenti, to Fam. ii. 1, dignitate es consecutus. 
There is no distinction made between the first and second 
books. Accordingly book iii. is in H b called book ii., 
book iv. is book iii., and so on. There are no separate 
indices to each book of the letters, as in H a . 

H b and T (the codex Turonemis afterwards to be 



INTRODUCTION xcvn 

lescribed) present a remarkable agreement throughout. 
3ut they are independent : see Fam. i. 2, 4, where H b 
md M agree in agatur, while T gives agantur. More- 
Dver, T s curious transposition in Fain. i. 9, 17, is not 
in H b . 

(3) The Codex Turonensis, commonly called T, is in 
the Library of Tours, No. 688. It was included in 
Haenel s Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum qui in 
bibliothecis Galliae Helvetiae Belgiae Britanniae magnae 
Hispaniae Lusitaniae asservantur : Lipsiae, 1829. It 
is a parchment quarto, in two columns. M. Charles 
Thurot, in a valuable pamphlet, entitled Notice sur un 
manuscrit du xii e siecle (published by the BibliotJieque 
de Vecole des hautes etudes: Paris, 1874), has given a 
full account of this ms. It has from Fam. i. to Fam. 
vii. 32, 1, me conferri ; omitting from Fam. ii. 16, 4, 
hoc orbis terrarum, to Fam. iv. 3, 4, appareat cum me 
co. It wants the last three and a half letters of the 
second book, the whole of the third, and the first three 
and a half of the fourth. Orelli believes it not to be 
earlier than the end of the fourteenth century, on the 
not very strong ground that it contains, together with 
the letters, some of the philosophical works of Cicero, 
which combination, he says, his experience teaches him 
to be the mark of a late codex. M. Thurot holds it to be 
of the end of the twelfth century (a) on the authority 
of M. L. Delisle, qui est si profondement verse dans la 
connaissance des manuscrits des bihliotheques de Paris et 
des departements. (6) The writing a Lien les caracteres 
de I ecriture de la fin du xii siecle, (c) T presents in 



xcvni CICERO IX HIS LETTERS 

its text a great improvement on M, and there was not 
enough scholarship at the end of the twelfth century to > 
make these improvements by the exercise of conjecture. 
M. Thurot holds that T comes from the same arche ype- 
(A) as M, but is independent of M. 

(4) Hofmann claims an independent place for 1 , a 
Codex Parisinus, including from Fam. i. to impedu ndi 
moram, Fam. viii. 8, 6 ; and the same claim is made by 
some editors for one page of a Turin palimpsest, which 
includes Fam. vi. 9 and part of 10. Orelli, while chss- 
ing the Wolfenbiittel ms. with the other codices ulti 
mately traceable to M, has remarked how desirable we uld 
be a thorough collation of the codex Guelferbytanus. R. 
Heine (Jahris Jahrb., 1878, Seite 784) has exami led 
the ms., and pronounces it to belong to the fiftee ith 
century, and to have no value independent of M. 

(5) Very important in the criticism of the letters are 
the Editio Neapolitans, (1474), and the editions of 
Victorius, published one in Venice 1536, another in 
Florence 1558 as well as an edition preserved in he 
library of Zurich, of which the time and place of p ib- 
lication are unknown, the last leaf of the copy being lc st. 
This is called A by Orelli, i.e. Editio Antiquissima, but 
must not be confounded with A, the supposed archetype 
of M, H, and T; nor with A, the Codex Antonianvs, 
containing the letters to Atticus, Quintus, and Brutus, of 
which I shall have presently to treat. In this edition A 
will mean the Codex Antonianus. The other two { re 
very seldom mentioned, and when they are mentioned 
each will be given its full title. 



INTRODUCTION xcix 

For the letters to Atticus, Quiutus, and Brutus, we 
ave the following authorities : 

(6) M, the Medicean. This ms. was discovered by 
etrarch, perhaps at Verona, about 1345. The copy 

hich we possess of it was probably procured by 
asquino of Milan for Coluccio Salutato of Florence, 
a two letters, from the word reperire, Att. i. 18, 1, to 
isus est et talis, nearly the last words of Att. i. 19, we 
>se the guidance of M, some leaves of the ms. having 
<erished. But for Att. i. 19 we have the assistance of a 
lodex Poggianus in the Medicean Library, collated by 
h. Mommsen, the celebrated historian, who has con- 
3rred such a benefit on students of the letters by arrang- 
ig those to Quintus in their true order. 

(7) C. This is a name given to a ms. of which we 
,iave no knowledge except from the marginal notes in 

}ratander s edition of 1528, which, however, show it to 
tave been independent of M. 

(8) W. Some leaves of a ms. of these letters are 
reserved at Munich and others at Wurzburg (whence 
the leaves at both places are designated W) : these 
;ontain portions of books xi. and xii. They coincide 
ilosely with the marginal readings in Cratander s 
edition, and are by some supposed to have formed a 
Dart of C. 

(9) Z. The Codex Tornaesianus, now lost, our 
knowledge of which is derived from the notes of Lam- 
binus and a few quotations by Turnebus. 

In addition to these real .sources of knowledge, the 
fabricated codices of Bosius were till quite lately believed 

y 



c CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

in, and carefully regarded in the arrangement of the 
text. Just as Henri Estienne (the famous Stephauus) 
vitiated the criticism of Euripides by recommending his 
own usually excellent conjectures by the authority of 
imaginary mss., so this other and almost equally able 
Frenchman, Simeon Du Bos, a native of Limoges, born 
1535, imposed on the most learned men of throe 
centuries with his imaginary Decurtatus and Crusellim<s, 
and his pretended or falsified citations from the real y 
existing Z. Even Orelli was deceived by the imposture. 
Indeed the great critic of Zurich would probably ha^e 
left little to be added by his successors had he be( u 
aware of the fictitious character of the codices of Bosiu 3. 
And yet Bosius own account of the manner in which Le 
gained possession of his vetustissimi codices might have 
excited suspicion. His Decurtatus (commonly quoted its 
Y) he obtained from a private soldier who had rescued it 
in the sack of a monastery, in which it had been de 
posited. Of his Crusellinus (X) he does not tell h s 
readers the source in his edition published at Limoges, 
1580, but he gives the following rather vague details :-- 
adiutus sum praeterea codice quodam excusso Lugdut i 
qui olim fuerat Petri Cruselli, medici apud nostrahs 
celeberrimi ; ad cuius libri oras doctus ille vir varies 
lectiones apjnnxerat, a se, ut ipse dicebat, diligentissin, e 
et summa fide e vetustissimo et castigatissimo libio 
Novioduni descriptas. The imposture, however, escape 1 
detection for nearly three hundred years, and it was net 
until the year 1855 that Maurice Haupt discovered that 
no such mss. as the Decurtatus (Y) and Crusellinus (X) 



INTRODUCTION ci 

of Bosius ever existed. The discovery of Haupt acquired 
the certainty of a demonstration when Mommsen found 
that a ms. deposited in Paris contained the rough draft of 
Bosius notes for the last seven books of the Epp. ad 
Att. On comparing these with the published commen 
tary of Bosius, Mommsen found that Bosius had fre 
quently ascribed one reading to the mss. in his first draft, 
and another in the published commentary. In each case 
he recommended his own conjecture by the authority of 
the fabricated ms. ; and in some cases he changed his 
view of a passage in the time intervening between the 
first draft and the ultimate publication, and accord 
ingly changed his account of the reading of his ms. 
For instance, in Ep. ad Att. x. G, 2, Bosius in his pub 
lished edition reads De Quincto filio fit a me sedulo ; on 
which he states that his Codex Decurtatus has de Q. F., 
and his Crusellinus, de Q. filio. In his unpublished 
premiere ebauche, found by Mommsen, he had given de 
Q. frat. as the reading of the Decurtatus, adding 
Victorius legit de Q. filio, quam scripturam in meis 
non reperio. Baiter hardly transcends that emphasis of 
expression which is warranted by the case, when after 
narrating the circumstances just referred to he adds, 
Bosium cito scelus suum morte luisse a latronibus 
trucidatum. 

To the above sources of information may be added 
(10) A (Codex Antonianus) and (11) F (Codex Faer- 
ninus), in so far as their readings are reported by Mala- 
spina; but these mss. must be viewed with some 
suspicion. We cannot be sure that we have not in 



en CICERO IN HIS LETTERS 

Malaspina something of the Bosius, whom he riv t als in 
the brilliancy of his conjectures. The title of the work 
of Malaspina (which is extremely rare) is, Malaspirae 
emendationes et suspitiones in epistulas ad Atticum, 
Brutum, et Quintum fr. ; it was published in Venice in 
1563-64. 

(12) The most ancient editions are the editio Romano, 
(R), published at Rome in 1470, and the ed. lenso- 
niana (I), published in Venice in the same year. Those 
are founded on M, R giving generally the reading a 
prima manu, while I, as a rule, presents the marginal or 
superscribed corrections. 



INTRODUCTION 



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INTRODUCTION 



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APPENDIX TO INTEODUCTION 



DINERS OUT 

ALL great cities abound with little men, whose object it is to 
be stars of the dinner-table, and grand purveyors of all the 
stray jokes of the town. So long as these confine themselves to 
fetch and carry for their masters they succeed tolerably well, 
but the moment they set up for originality, and turn manufac 
turers instead of retailers, they are ruined. Like the hind 
wheel of the carriage which is in constant pursuit of the fore 
without ever overtaking it ; so these become the doubles of a 
Selwyii or a Sheridan, but without ever coming up to them. 
They are constantly near wit without being witty, as his valet 
is always near a great man without being great. 



A MOTLEY CREW 

BUT with every care the camp still presented an irregular and 
uncouth appearance. A spy who was sent from England about 
the middle of October reports as follows : They consist of an 
odd medley of grey beards and no beards old men fit to drop 
into the grave, and young boys whose swords are near equal to 
their weight, and I really believe more than their length. 
Four or five thousand may be very good determined men, but 
the rest are mean, dirty, villainous-looking rascals, who seem 
more anxious for plunder than their prince, and would be better 
pleased with four shillings than a crown. 



APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION cix 



CONVIVIORUM CIRCULATORKS 

NON desunt per urbes magnas homnnculi quidam qui lecti 
imi derisores agunt, et facetiarum institores si quid ridiculi sub 
basilicis emanet. Quibus quamdiu satis videtur patronorum 
logos baiulare et quasi rty /ca^Xi/cr?;/ facere, satis belle vivitur ; 
at siquando salinas, ut ita dicam, suas exercere affectaut, con- 
turbant ilico. Scis enim Persianum illud 

frustra sectabere canthum 
Si rota posterior curras et in axe secundo. 

Ita fit ut Laeliastri sive Luciliastri evadant sanniones nostri, 
Laelii aut Lucilii nequaquam ; et, quemadmodum regis pedi- 
sequus ad magnum creber accedat, ad magnitudinem nunquam, 
sic inter lepores semper versati vivant ipsi illepidi. 



ZTP<t>ETOS 

SED ne summa quidem diligentia prohiberi potuit quin aliquid 
inconditi et imparati castra prae se ferrent. Speculator missus 
e Britannia circiter Idus Octobres renunciavit, exercitum e 
senibus barbatis et pueris imberbibus mire commixtis esse con- 
flatum ; homines capulares et adulescentulos gladiorum pondere 
leviores, longitudirie mediusfidius breviores, una tendere ; ad 
quattuor vel quirique milia strenuos sane fortesque viros ; ceteros 
vero meras quisquilias, sordidos et truculentos latrones, prae- 
darum quam principis cupidiores, centussim Caesari praelaturos. 



ex APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION 



GREAT EXPECTATIONS 

THERE will be mistakes at first as there are in all changes. All 
young ladies will imagine that as soon as this bill is carr ed 
they will be instantly married. Schoolboys believe that 
gerunds and supines will be abolished, and that currant ta^ts 
must ultimately come down in price. The corporal and ser 
geant are sure of double pay ; bad poets expect a demand : or 
their epics. Fools will be disappointed, as they always ai e ; 
reasonable men who know what to expect will find that a very 
serious good has been obtained. 



TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN 

WE understand that discharged soldiers who re-enlist are now 
allowed to count their previous service, together with oth>T 
advantages ; and that if they present themselves at the offici s 
of the recruiting districts, or at the headquarters of a regimen ;, 
they will be entitled to ten shillings levy-money, which wi 1 
cover their expenses. 



PINTO 

WELL, now I shall begin my dinner, he said to Pinto whei; 
he was at length served. What surprises me most in you is 
your English. There is not a man who speaks such gooc 
English as you do. English is an expressive language, saic 
Mr. Pinto, but not difficult to master. Its range is limited. 
It consists, so far as I can observe, of four words, nice, jolly, 
cfiarming, and bore, and some grammarians add fond. 



APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION cxi 



OT TATTON EIAOS 

PRIMO quidem, ut in rebus novis forme fit, erunt qui fallautur. 
Hac rogatione perlata unaquaeque puella nil morae futurum 
quin nuptum detur existimabit. Pueri qui Minervam colunt 
sibi persuasum habebunt fore ut leges grammaticae antiquentur 
et crustulorum annona tandem aliquando laxior liat. Tesserarii 
et centuriones duplex stipendium sibi promittent ; Bavins et 
Maevins libros suos nunc demum Sosiis aera merituros credent. 
Stulti, ut semper, frustra erunt ; homines vero perspicaces, 
quibus quid liceat sperare notum, nil parvum protici intellegent. 



PRAEMIA MILITIAE 

ACCEPIMUS fore ut militibus exauctoratis aera procedant, et 
alia accedant commoda si denuo nomina edant ; et si apud con- 
quisitores vel ad stativa cuiusque legionis profiteantur, viritiin 
deberi conscriptionis mercedem et viaticum HS sexagenos. 



SERMO CONVIYIALIS 

CIBO tandem apposito iam cenare libet, Pisoni dixit et ideo 
potissimum mihi admirationem moves quod tarn perite Anglice 
loqueris ut nemo possit melius. Lingua Anglica, respondit 
Piso, quamvis arguta sit tamen ea est quam quis facile calleat. 
Fines eius parum ampli : quippe quattuor tantum, quod sciam, 
nomina habeat. Ei enim res quaevis est aut lepida &utfestiva 
aut dulcis aut insulsa ; praeterea apud nonnullos auctores est 
et in deliciis. 



:_ :: 



FITT 
He? pcwerfal intellect was ill supplied with kmxvfed; 

t;hfs he had no more th.-tn i m.-tn t An icuuirv 

it college. Th.e stock of g*}ner^l infunujicion. w : 
wtt. him from. Caaibrulgs, eitraortiiruiTT for 4 b 
iaferwr to wiiat Fax pojssesseil^ 4a.d begg^rlT wh 
with the niassy, th.e splendid, tfie various creasm 
up in. the tar^e tuind ot Burke. He had no leisure t 
more than what was necessary tor the purposes of the da] 
was passing orer him. 



APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION cxiii 



XOPHPIA nOATTIKH 

INGF.NIO validus, doctrina impar ; nee plura tenuit quam 
quivis adoleseens tirocinium a pud philoeophos emeritus. Sane 
ea return ]H?ritia quam Rhixlo roportavit, (juaiuvis in puoro 
inemorabilis, vel a Luoullo longo superata est ; oadeni mora 
inopia esse videlntur, si cum ainpla ot niultiplici ct lautissiiua 
ubertato contVratur, quam innuensiio Vatronis facilitates con- 
tinuore. Neiupe non erat otiuin ad plura disccuda quani quae 
iu dieiu opus essout. 



CICEEO IN HIS LETTERS 



CICERO S extant correspondence commenced B. c. 68. 
Cicero was then 38 years of age. Ten years before 
he had returned from his travels in Greece and Asia, 
and shortly after his return (aged about 29) had married 
Terentia, At the age of 17 he had served under 
Cn. Porapeius Strabo in the Marsic War. He had 
distinguished himself by his speech for P. Quinctius 
(B.C. 81), and by his daring defence of Sex. Roscius 
Amerinus. and an Arretine woman (B.C. 80), against 
the power of Sulla. He had afterwards, in his defence 
of Q. Roscius Comoedus (B.C. 76), more clearly shown 
his great qualifications for the Bar, and had filled the 
quaestorship at the age of 31 (B.C. 75). But it was not 
until he was 36 years old (two years before the date 
of these letters) that his public life may be said to have 
begun with the prosecution of Verres (B.C. 70). The 
year after this famous prosecution he became curule 
aedile, and while holding that office defended A. Caecina, 
and made the speech for M. Fonteius, charged with mis- 
government in Gaul. Except the treatise De Inventions 
Rhetorica (B.C. 86), Cicero had, at the time when his 
extant correspondence opens, contributed to literature 
only translations from the Greek, most of which he after 
wards retouched, as, for instance, the Proynostica of 
Aratus. Of these translations we preserve only frag 
mentary remains. 

& B 



2 I. (ATT. I. 6) 

I. TO ATTICUS, AT ATHENS (ATT. i. 5) 
ROME, A.U.C. 686; B.C. 68; AET. CIC. 38 

De L. Ciceronis fratris patruelis morte, de Q. fratris animo :n 
uxorera suam, Attici sororem, et placaiido et regendo, de inte> 
missione litterarum, de negotio Acutiliano, de Lucceii offeusioi e 
lenienda, de re Tadiana, de Epirotica emptione Attici, de ornanco 
Tusculauo, de Terentiae valetudine et humanitate. 

1. Quantum dolorem acceperim et quanto fructu siii 
privatus et forensi et domestico Lucii fratris nostri mort 3 
in priinis pro nostra consuetudine tu existimare potes. 
Nani niiln oninia, quae iucunda ex humanitate alterius efc 
moribus homini accidere possunt, ex illo accidebant. Qu. i 
re non dubito quin tibi quoque id molestum sit, cum et 
meo dolore moveare et ipse onmi virtute officioque orna- 
tissimum tuique et sua sponte et meo sermofiic amantem, 
adfineni, amicumque ainiseris. 2. Quod ad me scribis 
de sorore tua, testis erit tibi ipsa quantae mihi curao 
fuerit, tit Quinti fratris animus in earn esset is, qui essc 
deberet. Quem cum esse oflfensiorem arbitrarer, ea.s 
litteras ad eum misi, quibus et placarem ut fratrem ei. 
monerem ut minorem et obiurgarem ut errantem. Itaqw 
ex iis, quae postea saepe ab eo ad me scripta sunt, con 
fido ita esse omnia, ut et oporteat et velimus. 3. De 
litterarum missione sine causa abs te accusor. Numquam 
enim a Pomponia nostra certior sum factus esse cui dare 
litteras possern, porro autem neque mihi accidit ut haberem 
qui in Epirum proficisceretur nequedum te Athenis esse 
audiebamus. 4. De Acutiliano autem negotio quod mihi 



i. (ATT. i. 5) 3 

mandaras, ut primum a tuo digressu Romam veni, con- 
feceram, sed accidit ut et contentione nihil -opus esset, et 
ut ego, qui in te satis consnii statuerim esse, mallein 
Pcducaeum tibi consilium per litteras quam me dare. 
Etenim cum multos dies aures meas Acutilio dedissem, 
cuius sermonis genus tibi notum esse arbitror, non mihi 
grave duxi scribere ad te de illius queriinoniis, cum eas 
audire, quod erat subodiosum, leve putassem. Sed abs te 
ipso, qui ine accusas, unas milii scito litteras redditas esse, 
cum et otii ad scribendum plus et facultatem dandi naaiorem 
habueris. 5. Quod scribis, ctiam si cuius animus in te 
esset offensior, a me recolti^ oportere, teneo quid dicas, 
neque id neglexi, sed est miro quodam modo adfectus. 
Ego autem, quae dicenda fuerunt de te, non praeterii : 
quid autem contendendum esset ex tua putabam volun- 
tate statuere me oportere : quam si ad me perscripseris, 
intelleges me neque diligentiorem esse voluisse, quam tu 
esses, neque neglegentiorem fore, quam tu velis. 6. De 
Tadiana re, mecum Tadius locutus est te ita scripsisse, 
nihil esse iam quod laboraretur, quoniam hereditas usu^ 
capta esset. Id rnirabainur te ignorare, de tutela legitima, 
in qua dicitur esse puella, nihil usu capi posse. 7. Epiro- 
ticam emptionem gaudeo tibi placere. Quae tibi mandavi 
et quae tu intelleges convenire nostro Tusculano, velim, 
ut scribis, cures, quod sine molestia tua facere poteris. 
Nam nos ex omnibus inolestiis et laboribus uno illo in 
loco conquiescimus. 8. Q. fratrem cotidie exspectamus. 
Tcreutia magnos articulorum dolores habet. Et te et 
sororem tuam et matrem AL nmxime difigit ; salutemque 
tibi plurimam ascribit, et Tulliola, deliciae nostrae. Cura 



4 II. (ATT. I. 7) 

ut valeas et nos ames et tibi persuadeas te a me fraterne 
amari. 



II. TO ATTIOUS, AT ATHENS (ATT. i. 7) 
ROME, A.U.C. 686; B.C. 68; AET. CIC. 38 

De matre Attici Caecilia, de pecunia L. Cincio coiistituta, de 
siguis mitteudis, de bibliotheca ab Attico conficienda. 

Apud matrem recte est, eaque nobis curac est. L. 
Cincio HS XXCD coustitui me curaturuin Idibus Februariis. 
Tu velim ea, quae uobis emisse te et parasse scribis, des 
operam ut quam primuiu habeamus, et velim cogites, id 
quod mihi pollicitus es, quern ad modum bibliothecam 
uobis couficere possis. Omnem spem delectationis nostrae, 
quam, cum in otium venerimus, habere voluinus, in tua 
humanitate positam habemus. 



III. TO ATTICUS, AT ATHENS (ATT. i. 6) 
ROME, A.U.C. 687; B.C. 67; AET. CIC. 39 

De mutuo litterarum commercio, de domo Rabiriana Neapoli 
a M . Fonteio empta, de aninio Q. fratris in Pomponiam, de 
patris morte, de Tusculano oruando. 

1. Non committam posthac ut me accusare deepistol- 
arum neglegentia possis. Tu modo videto in tanto otio ut 
par mihi sis. Domum Rabirianam Neapoli, quam tu iam 



iv. (ATT. i. 2) 5 

dimensam et exaedificatam ammo habebas, M .Fonteius 
emit HS cccioooxxx. Id te scire volui, si quid forte ea 
res ad cogitationes tuas pertineret. 2. Q. frater, ut 
mihi videtur, quo volumus ammo est in Pomponiam, et 
cum ea mine in Arpinatibus praediis erat et secum 
habebat hominem xp^a-To^aO ^ D. Turranium. Pater 
nobis decessit A.D. mi. Kal. Decembris. Haec habebam 
fere quae te scire vellem. Tu velim, si qua ornamenta 
yvfJLvao-iuS-f] reperire poteris, quae loci sfnt ehis," quefiT tu 
nun ilrii"ras nc praetermittaa N"oa Tusculano ita 
delectamur, ut nobismet ipsis turn denique, cum illo 
venimus, placeamus. Quid agas omnibus de rebus et 
quid acturus sis fac nos quam diligentissime certiores. 



IV. TO ATTICUS, AT ATHENS (ATT. i. 2) 
ROME, A.U.C. 689 ; B.C. 65 ; AET. CIC. 41 

Exponit M. Cicero de filio sibi nato, de Catilina defendendo, 
de Attici adventu ad bominum nobilium voluntatem sibi concili- 
andam a se exspectato. 

1. L. lulio Caesare C. Marcio Figulo consulibus 
filiolo me auctum scito salva Terentia. Abs te tarn din 
nihil litterarum "? Ego de meis ad te rationibus scripsi 
antea diligenter. Hoc tempore Catilinam, competitorem 
nostrum, defendere cogitamus. Indices habemus, quos 
voluimus, summa accusatoris voluntate. Spero, si 
absolutus erit, coniunctiorem ilium nobis fore in rationc 
petitionis : sin aliter accident, humaniter feremus. 2. 



6 V. (ATT. I. 17) 

Tuo adventu nobis opus est mature : nam prors is 
summa hominum est opinio tuos familiares, nobibs 
homines, adversaries honori nostro fore. Ad eorun 
voluntatem mihi conciliandam maximo te mihi usui fire 
video. Qua re lanuario mense, ut coustituisti, cura lit 
Rornae sis. 



V. TO ATTICUS, IN EPIRUS (ATT. i. 17) 
ROME, A.U.C. 693; B.C. 61; AET. CIC. 45 

M. Cicero de Q. fratris offensione et voluntate mutata ergv 
Atticum exponit, causamque eius rei ipsam praesenti colloqui > 
reservans, adseverat de summo suo erga Atticum amore. Tun 
significat statum rei publicae et solutam paene coniunctioneru 
senatus et ordinis equestris ; de consiliis suis capessendae rei 
publicae, de Lucceii aliorumque petitione consulatus. 

1. Magna mihi varietas voluntatis et dissimilitude 
opinionis ac iudicii Quinti fratris mei demonstrate, est ex 
litteris tuis, in quibus ad me epistolarum illius exempla 
misisti. Qua ex re et molestia sum tanta adfectus, quan- 
tam mihi meus amor summus erga utrumque vestrum 
adferre debuit, et admiratione quidnam accidisset quod 
adferret Quinto fratri meo aut offensionem tarn gravem 
aut commutationem tantam voluntatis. Atque illud a 
me iam ante intellegebatur, quod te quoque ipsum dis- 
cedentem a nobis suspicari videbam, subesse nescio quid 
opinionis incommodae sauciumque eius esse animum et 
insedisse quasdam odiosas suspiciones ; quibus ego mederi 
cum cuperem antea saepe et vehementius etiarn post sorti- 



V. (ATT. I. 17) 7 

tionem provinciae, nee tantum intellegebam ei esse offen- 
sionis, quantum litterae tuae declarabant, nee tantum 
proficiebam, quantum volebam. 2. Sed tameu hoc me 
ipse consolabar, quod non dubitabam quin te ille aut 
Dyrrhachii aut in istis locis uspiam visurus esset. Quod 
cum accidisset, confidebam ac mihi persuaseram fore ut 
omnia placarentur inter vos non modo sermone ac dis- 
putatione, sed conspectu ipso congressuque vestro. Nam 
quanta sit in Quinto fratre meo comitas, quanta iucun- 
ditas, quam mollis animus ad accipiendam et ad depon- 
endam offensionem, nihil attinet me ad te, qui ea nosti, 
scribere. Sed accidit perincommode, quod eum nusquam 
vidisth Valuit enim plus, quod erat illi non nullorum 
artificiis inculcatum, quam aut officium aut necessitudo 
aut amor vester ille pristinus, qui plurimum valere debuit. 
3. Atque huius incommodi culpa ubi resideat facilius 
possum existimare quam scribere. Vereor enim ne, dum 
defendam meos, non parcam tin s. Nam sic intellego, ut 
nihil a domesticis vulneris factum sit, illud quidem, quod 
erat, eos certe sanare potuisse. Sed huiusce rei totius 
vitium, quod aliquanto etiam latins patet quam videtur, 
praesenti tibi commodius exponam. 4. De iis litteris, 
quas ad te Thessalonica misit, et de sermonibus, quos ab 
illo et Romae apud amicos tuos et in itinere habitos putas, 
ecquid tantum causae sit ignoro, sed omnis in tua posita 
est humanitate mihi spes huius levandae molestiae. Nam, 
si ita statueris, et irritabiles aniinos esse optimorum saepe 
homiuum et eosdem placabiles, et esse hanc agilitatem, 
ut ita dicam, mollitiamque naturae plerumque boni- 
tatis, et, id quod caput est, nobis inter nos nostra sive 



8 V. (ATT. I. 17) 

incommoda sive vitia sive iniurias esse tolerandas, facile 
liaec, quern ad moduin spero, mitigabuntur. Quod e0 
ut facias te oro. Nam ad me, qui te unice diligo, max- 
ime pertinet neminem esse meorum, qui ant te non amtt 
aut abs te non ametur. 5. Ilia pars epistolae tuae minime 
fuit necessaria, in qua exponis quas facilitates aut prc- 
viucialium aut urbanorum commodorum et aliis tempori- 
bus et me ipso consule praetermiseris. Mihi enim per- 
specta est ingenuitas et magnitudo animi tui, neque ego 
inter me atque te quidquam interesse umquam dux 
praeter voluutatem institutae vitae, quod me ambitii 
quaedam ad honorum studium, te autem alia minime 
repreliendenda ratio ad honestum otium duxit. Yera 
quidem laude probitatis, diligentiac, religionis neque me 
tibi neque quemquam antepono, amoris vero erga me, cum 
a fraterno [amore] domesticoque discessi, tibi pvimas 
defero. 6. Vidi enim, vidi penitusque perspexi in meis 
variis temporibus et solicitudines et laetitias tuas. Fuit 
mihi saepe et laudis nostrae gratulatio tua hicunda et 
timoris consolatio grata. Quin mihi nunc te absente non 
solum consilium, quo tu excellis, sed etiam sermonis com- 
municatio, quae mihi suavissima tecum solet esse, maxime 
deest quid dicam 1 in publica re, quo in genere mihi 
neglegenti esse non licet, an in forensi labore, quern antea 
propter ambitionem sustinebam, nunc, ut dignitatem tueri 
gratia possim, an in ipsis domesticis negotlis ? in quibus 
ego cum antea turn vero post discessum fratris te sermo- 
nesque nostros desidero. Postremo non labor meus, non 
requies, non negotium, non otium, non forenses res, non 
domesticae, non publicae, non privatae carere diutius tuo 



v. (ATT. i. 17) 9 

suavissimo atque amantissimo consilio ac sermone possuut. 
7. Atque harum rerum commemorationem verecundia 
saepe impeclivit utriusque nostrum. Xunc autem ea fuit 
necessaria propter earn partem epistolae .tuae, per quam 
te ac mores tuos mihi purgatos ac probatos esse voluisti. 
Atque in ista incommoditate alienati illius animi et oftensi 
illud inest tamen commodi, quod et mihi et ceteris amicis 
tuis nota fuit et abs te aliquando testificata tua volimtas 
omittendae provinciae, ut, quod una non estis, non dis- 
sensione ac discidio vestro, sed voluntate ac iudicio tuo 
factum esse videatur. Qua re et ilia, quae violata, expia- 
buntur et haec nostra, quae simt sanctissime conservata, 
suam religionem obtinebunt. 8. Nos hie in re publica 
infirma, misera commutabilique versamur. Credo enim 
te audisse nostros equites paene a senatu esse disiunctos : 
qui primum illud valde graviter tulerunt, promulgatum 
ex senatus consulto fuisse, ut de eis, qui ob iudicandum 
accepissent, quaereretur. Qua in re decernenda cum ego 
casu non adfuissem sensissemque id equestrem ordinem 
ferre moleste neque aperte dicere, obiurgavi senatum, ut 
mihi visus sum, summa cum auctoritate et in causa non 
verecunda admodum gravis et copiosus fui. 9. Ecce 
aliae deliciae equitum vix ferendae ! quas ego non solum 
tuli, sed etiam ornavi. Asiam qui de censoribus con- 
duxerunt, questi sunt in senatu se cupiditate pro- 
lapsos nimium magno concluxisse : ut induceretur locatio, 
postulaverunt. Ego princeps in adiutoribus atque 
adeo secundus : nam, ut illi auderent hoc postularc, 
Crassus eos impulit. Invidiosa res, turpis postulatio 
et confessio temeritatis. Summum erat periculum ne. 



10 VI. (ATT. II. 2) 

si nihil impetrassent, plane alienarentur a senatu. Huic 
quoque rei subvention est maxime a nobis, perfectumque 
ut frequentissimo senatu et libentissimo uterentur, mult i- 
que a me de ordinum dignitate et concordia dicta suiit 
Kal. Decembr. et postridie. Neque adhuc res con- 
fecta est, sed voluntas senatus perspecta. Unus enini 
contra dixerat Metellus consul designatus, cum erat 
dicturus ad quern propter diei brevitatem perventun 
non est heros ille noster Cato. 10. Sic ego conservans 
rationern institutionemque nostram tueor, ut possum, 
illam a me conglutinatam concordiam, sed tamen, quoniam 
ista sunt tarn infirma, munitur quaedam nobis ad retinen - 
das opes nostras tuta, ut spero, via, quam tibi litterh; 
satis explicare non possum, signification parva ostendan 
tamen. Utor Pompeio familiarissime. Video quid dicas. 
Cavebo quae sunt cavenda ac scribam alias ad te de ineis 
consiliis eapessendae rei publicae plura. 11. Lucceium 
scito consulatum habere in animo statim petere : duo 
enim soli dicuntur petituri. Caesar cum eo coire per 
Arrium cogitat, et Bibulus cum hoc se putat per C. Pisonem 
posse coniungi. Rides 1 Non sunt haec ridicula, mihi 
crede. Quid aliud scribam ad te ? quid 1 Multa sunt, 
sed in aliud tempus. Si exspectare velis, cures ut sciam. 
lam illud modeste rogo, quod maxime cupio, ut quam 
primum venias. Nonis Decembribus. 

VI. TO ATTICUS, ON HIS WAY TO ROME (ATT. 11. 2) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 694; B.C. 60; AET. CIC. 46 
M. Cicero Attico Cicerouem suum commendat, Dicaearchum 



vii. (ATT. n. 11) 11 

summis aclficit laudibus, Herodem vituperat : deinde de adventu 
Autonii quaerit et Atticum, ut pridie Kal. secum sit, rogat. 

1. Cura, amabo te, Ciceronem nostrum. Ei nos 
<Tvvvovf.lv videmur. 2. IleAAryvaiW in manibus tenebam 
et hercule magnum acervum Dicaearchi mihi ante pedes 
exstruxeram. magnum horninem ! et unde multo plura 
didiceris quam de Procilio. KoptvOiw et Aftjvaoov 
puto me Romae habere. Mihi crede, si leges haec, dices 
* mirabilis vir est. HpwSr^, si homo esset, eum potius 
legeret quam unam litteram scriberet : qui me epistula 
petivit, ad te, ut video, comminus accessit. Coniurasse 
mallem quam restitisse coniurationi, si ilium mihi audien- 
dum putassem. 3. De Lollio, sanus non es : de vino, 
laudo. Sed heus tu, eequid vides Kal. venire, Antonium 
non venire? indices cogU Nam ita ad me mittunt, 
Nigidium minari in contione se iudicem, qui non adfuerit, 
compellaturum. Velim tamen, si quid est de Antonii 
adventu quod audieris, scribas ad me et, quoniam hue 
non venis, cenes apud nos utique pridie Kal. Cave aliter 
facias. Cura ut valeas. 



VII. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. n. 11) 
FOUMIAE, A.U.C. 695; B.C. 59; AET. CIC. 47 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se in Formiano nihil fere quid Romae 
fiat accipere, rogat ut puero, quern miserit, ponderosam epistolam 
det, ipsum a se in Formiano usque ad prid. Nonas Mai. exspectari, 
Arpinum non posse invitari. 

1. Narro tibi : plane relegatus mihi videor, postea 



12 VIII. (FAM. XIV. 4) 

quam in Formiano sum. Dies enim nullus erat, Aniii 
cum essem, quo die non melius scirem Roraae quid 
ageretur quam ii qui erant Romae. Eteuim litterae tut e 
non solum quid Romae, sed etiam quid in re public: i, 
neque solum quid fieret, verum etiam quid futurum essct 
indicabant. Nunc, nisi si quid ex praetereunte viatore 
exceptum est, scire nihil possumus. Qua re quamquam 
iam te ipsum exspecto, tamen isti puero, quern ad m-3 
statim iussi recurrere, da ponderosam aliquam epistolam, 
plenam omnium non modo actorum, sed etiam opinionun 
tuarum, ac diem, quo Roma sis exiturus, cura ut sciam 
2. Nos in Formiano esse volumus usque ad prid. Nona* 
Mai. Eo si ante earn diem non veneris, Romae te fort 
asse videbo. Nam Arpinum quid ego te invitem ? 

\ uAA dyaOij Kovporpofos. OVT ap eywye 
yXvKpa>Tpov uAAo i 



Haec igitur, ct cura ut valeas. 

VIII. TO HIS FAMILY, IN ROME (FAM. xiv. 4) 
BRUNDISIUM, A.U.C. 696; B.C. 58; AET. CIC. 48 

M. Tullius nxori Terentiae scribit se Bnmdisio per Mace- 
doniam Cyzicum proficisci et sollicitum esse de ipsa et liberis : de 
servis maim mittendis, de doloris sui solacio, de libertorum fide. 

TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE ET TULLIOLAE ET CICERONI 
SUIS 

1. Ego minus saepe do ad vos litteras quam possum. 



VIII. (FAM. XIV. 4) 13 

propterea quod cum oinuia mihi tempora simt misera 
turn vero, cum aut scribo ad vos aut vestras lego, 
conficior lacrimis sic, ut ferre non possim. Quod utinam 
minus vitae cupidi fuissemus ! certe nihil aut non multuni 
in vita mali vidissemus. Quod si nos ad aliquam ali- 
cuius commodi aliquando reciperandi spem fortuua 
reservavit, minus est erratum a nobis : si haec mala 
fixa sunt, ego vero te quam primuin, mea vita, cupio 
videre et in tuo complexu emori, quando neque di, quos 
tu castissime coluisti, neque homines, quibus ego semper 
servivi, nobis gratiam rettulerunt. 2. Nos Brundisii 
apud M. Laenium Flaccum dies xm fuimus, virurn 
optimum, qui periculum fortunarum et capitis sui prae 
mea salute neglexit neque legis improbissimae poena 
deductus est quo minus hospitii et amicitiae ius ofricium- 
que praestaret. Huic utiuam aliquando gratiam referre 
possimus ! babebimus quidem semper. 3. Bruu- 
disio profecti sumus a. d. n. Kalendas Maias : per 
Macedonian! Cyzicmn petebamus. me perditum ! o 
adflictum ! Quid enim 1 Rogem te ut veiiias 1 Mulierem 
aegram et corpore et animo confectam 1 Non rogem ? 
Sine te igitur sini 1 Opinor, sic agam : si est spes nostri 
reditus, earn coufirmes et rein adiuves : sin, ut ego 
metuo, transactum est, quoquo modo potes, ad me fac 
venias. Unum hoc scito : si te habebo, non mihi videbor 
plane perisse. Sed quid Tulliola mea fiet ? lam id vos 
videte : . mihi deest consilium. Sed certe, quoquo modo 
se res habebit, illius misellae et inatrimonio et famae 
serviendum est. Quid, Cicero meus quid aget 1 ? Iste 
vero sit in siuu semper et complexu meo. Non queo 



14 viii. (FAM. xiv. 4) 

plura iam scribere : impedit maeror. Tu quid egeris 
nescio : utrum aliquid teneas an, quod metuo, plane 
sis spoliata. 4. Pisonem, ut scribis, spero fore semper 
nostrum. De familia liberata nihil est quod te moveat. 
Primum tuis ita promissum est, te facturam esse, ut 
quisque esset meritus. Est autem in officio adhuo 
Orpheus : praeterea magno opere nemo. Ceterorun. 
servorum ea causa est, ut, si res a nobis abisset, libert 
nostri essent, si obtinere potuissent : sin ad nos per- 
tineret, servirent, praeterquam oppido pauci. Sed haec 
minora sunt. 5. Tu quod me hortaris, ut animo sim 
magno et spem habeam reciperandae salutis, id velim sit 
eius modi, ut recte sperare possimus. Nunc, miser 
quando tuas iam litteras accipiam ? quis ad me perferet 1 
quas ego exspectassem Brundisii, si esset licitum per 
nautas, qui tempestatem praetermittere noluerunt. Quod 
reliquum est, sustenta te, mea Terentia, ut potes, 
honestissime. Viximus : floruimus : non vitium nostrum, 
sed virtus nostra nos adflixit. Peccatum est nullum, 
nisi quod non una animam cum ornainentis amisimus. 
Sed si hoc fuit liberis nostris gratius, nos vivere, cetera, 
quaniquam ferenda non sunt, feramus. Atqui ego, qui 
te confirmo, ipse me non possum. 6. Clodium Philhe- 
taerum, quod valetudine oculorum impediebatur, hominem 
fidelem, remisi. Sallustius officio vincit omnes. Pes- 
cennius est perbenevolus nobis : quern semper spero tui 
fore observantem. Sica dixerat se mecum fore, sed 
Bmndisio discessit. Cura, quod potes, ut valcas, et sic 
existimes, me vehementius tua rniseria quam mea com- 
moveri. Mea Terentia, fidissima atque optima uxor, et 



IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 15 

mea carissima filiola et spes reliqua nostra, Cicero, 
valete. Pridie Kalendas Maias Brundisio. 



IX. TO QUINTUS, IN ROME (Q. FR. i. 3) 
THESSALONICA, A.U.C. 696 ; B.C. 58 ; AET. CIC. 48 

M. Cicero Q. fratri de pueris sine epistola missis se excusat, de 
exsilii calamitnte queritur, pro oblatis facultatibus gratias agit, 
monet de quorumdam fide suosque coinmeudat. 

MARCUS Q. FRATRI S. 

1. Mi frater, mi frater, mi frater, tune id veritus es, 
ne ego iracundia aliqua adductus pueros ad te sine litteris 
miserim? aut etiam ne te videre noluerim 1 ? Ego tibi 
irascerer 1 tibi ego possem irasci ? Scilicet, tu enim me 
adfiixisti : tui me inimici, tua me invidia ac non ego te 
misere perdidi. Meus ille laudatus consulatus mihi te, 
liberos, patriam, fortunas, tibi velim ne quid eripuerit 
praeter uuuin me. Sed certe a te mihi omnia semper 
honesta et iucunda ceciderunt, a me tibi luctus meae 
calamitatis, metus tuae, desiderium, maeror, solitudo. 
Ego te videre noluerim 1 ? Immo vero me a te videri 
nolui. Non enim vidisses fratrem tuum, non eum, quern 
reliqueras, non eum, quern noras, non eum, quern flens 
flentem, prosequentem proficiscens dimiseras : ne vesti 
gium quidem eius nee simulacrum, sed quamdam eflBgiem 
spirantis mortui. Atque utinam me mortuum prius 
vidisses aut audisses ! utinam te non solum vitae, Bed 
ctiain dignitatis meae Buperstitem reliquisscm ! 2. Sed 



16 IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 

tester omnes deos nie hac una voce a morte esse revoca 
tion, quod omnes in mea vita partem aliqiuim tuae vitae 
repositam esse dicebant. Qua in re peccavi scelerateque 
feci. Nam si occidisseni, mors ipsa meam pietaten 
amoremque in te facile defenderet. Nunc commisi ut 
me vivo careres, vivo me aliis indigeres : mea vox in 
domesticis periculis potissimum occideret, quae saepo 
alienissimis praesidio fuisset. Nani quod ad te pueri 
sine litteris venerunt, qnoniam vides non fuisse iracund 
iam causam, certe pigritia fuit et quaedam infinita vit 
lacrimarum et dolorum. 3. Haec ipsa me quo fleti 
putas scripsisse 1 Eodem quo te "lige"re certo scio. Ai] 
ego possum aut non cogitare aliquando de te aut umquam 
sine lacrimis cogitare 1 Cum enim te desidero, fratrem 
solum desidero? Ego vero suavitate [fratrem prope] 
aequalem, obsequio filium, consilio parentem. Quid 
mihi sine te umquam aut tibi sine me iucundum fuit 1 
Quid, quod eodem tempore desidero filiam 1 qua pietate, 
qua modestia, quo ingenio ! effigieui oris, sennonis, animi 
niei ! Quod filium venustissimum mihique dulcissinium ? 
quern ego ferus ac ferreus e complexu dimisi meo, sapien- 
tiorem puerum quam vellem. Sentiebat euim miser iam 
quid ageretur. Quod vero tuum filium, quod imaginem 
tuam, quern meus Cicero et amabat ut fratrem et iam ut 
maiorem fratrem verebatur 1 Quid, quod mulierem miserri- 
mam, fidelissimam coniugem, me prosequi non sum passus, 
ut esset quae reliquias communis calamitatis, communes 
liberos tueretur 1 ? 4. Sed tamen, quoquo modo potui, 
scripsi et dedi litteras ad te Pliilogono, liberto tuo, quas 
credo tibi postea redditas esse : in quibus idem te hortor et 



IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 17 

rogo, quod pueri tibi verbis meis nuntiarunt, ut Romam 
protinus pergas et properes. Primum enim te praesidio 
esse volui, si qiii essent inimici quorum crudelitas nondum 
esset nostra calamitate satiata. Deinde congressus nostri 
lamentationem pertimui, digressum vero non tulissem, 
atque etiam id ipsum quod tu scribis, metuebam, ne a 
me distrahi non posses. His de causis hoc maximum 
malum, quod te non vidi quo nihil amantissimis et con- 
iunctissimis fratribus acerbius miseriusve videtur accidere 
potuisse, minus acerbum, minus miserum fuit, quam 
fuisset cum congressio turn vero digressio nostra. 5. 
Nunc, si potes, id quod ego, qui tibi semper fortis vide- 
bar, non possum, erige te et confirma, si qua subeunda 
dimicatio erit. Spero, si quid mea spes habet auctori- 
tatis, tibi et integritatem tuam et amorem in te civitatis 
et aliquid etiam misericordiam nostri praesidii laturam. 
Sin eris ab isto periculo vacuus, ages scilicet, si quid agi 
posse de nobis putabis. De quo scribunt ad me quidem 
multi multa et se sperare demonstrant, sed ego quid 
sperem non dispicio, cum inimici plurimum valeant, amici 
partim deseruerint me, partim etiam prodiderint, qui in 
meo reditu fortasse reprehensionem sui sceleris pertimes- 
cant. Sed ista qualia sint tu velim perspicias mihique 
declares. Ego tamen, quam diu tibi opus erit, si quid 
periculi subeundum videbis, vivam : diutius in hac vita 
esse non possum. Neque enim tantum virium habet ulla 
aut prudentia aut doctrina, ut tantum dolorem possit 
sustinere. 6. Scio fuisse et honestius moriendi tempus 
et utilius, sed non hoc solum, multa alia praetermisi, 
quae si queri velim praeterita, nihil agam nisi ut augeam 
c 



18 IX. (Q. FE. I. 3) 

dolorem tuurn, indicem stultitiam meam. Illud quidem 
nee faciendum est nee fieri potest, me diutius, quam aut 
tuum tempus aut firma spes postulabit, in tarn miseia 
tamque turpi vita commorari, tit, qui modo fratre fuerim, 
liberis, coniuge, copiis, genere ipso pecuniae beatissimw;, 
dignitate, auctoritate, existimatione, gratia non inferior 
quam qui umquam fuerunt amplissimi, is nunc in ha 3 
tarn adflicta perditaque fortuua neque me neque meo,; 
lugere diutius possim. 7. Qua re quid ad me scripsisti 
de permutation e 1 quasi vero nunc me non tuae facultate* 
sustineant, qua in re ipsa video miser et sentio quid 
sceleris admiserim, cum tu de visceribus tuis et filii tui 
satis facturus sis quibus debes, ego acceptam ex aerario 
pecuniam tuo nomine frustra dissiparim. Sed tamen et 
M. Antonio, quantum tu scripseras, et Caepioni tantum- 
dem solutum est : mihi ad id, quod cogito, hoc, quod 
habeo, satis est. Sive enim restituimur sive desperamur, 
nihil amplius opus est. Tu, si forte quid erit molestiae, 
te ad Crassum et ad Calidium conferas, censeo. 8. 
Quantum Hortensio credendum sit nescio. Me summa 
sirnulatione amoris summaque adsiduitate cotidiana 
sceleratissime insidiosissimeque tractavit, adiuncto Q. 
Arrio : quorum ego consiliis, promissis, praeceptis desti- 
tutus in hanc calamitatem incidi. Sed haec occultabis, 
ne quid obsint. Illud caveto et eo puto per Pomponium 
fovendum tibi esse ipsum Hortensium ne ille versus, 
qui in te erat collatus, cum aedilitatem petebas, de lege 
Aurelia, falso testimonio confirmetur. Nihil eniin tam 
timeo quam ne, cum intellegant homines quantum miseri- 
cordiae uobis tuae preces et tua salus adlatura sit, op- 



X. (ATT. III. 20) 19 

pugnent te vehementius. 9. Mcssallam tui studiosum 
esse arbitror : Pompeium etiam simulatorem puto. Sed 
haec utinam ne experiare ! quod precarer deos, nisi meas 
preces audire desissent. Verum tamen precor, ut his 
infinitis nostris malis contenti sint : in quibus tamen 
nullins inest peccati infaniia, sed omnis dolor est, quod 
optinie factis poena maxima est constituta. 10. Filiam 
meam et tuam Ciceronemque nostrum quid ego, mi frater, 
tibi commendem? quin illud maereo, quod tibi non 
minorem dolorem illorum orbitas adferet quam mihi. 
Sed te incolumi orbi non erunt. Reliqua, ita mihi salus 
aliqua detur potestasque in patria moriendi, ut me lacrimae 
non sinunt scribere ! Etiam Terentiam velim tueare 
mihique de omnibus rebus rescribas. Sis fortis, quoad 
rei natura patiatur. Idibus luniis, Thessalonicae. 



X. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. m. 20) 
THESSALONICA, A.U.C. 696; B.C. 58; AET. CIC. 48 

M. Cicero gratulatur Attico de eius adoptione per Q. Caecilium 
avunculum iam rnortuiim facta, de condicione et spe sua, de domo 
sua et ceteris rebus suis, quas universas Attico commendat, de 
humanitate Attici, de rogatione Sestii. 

CICERO S. D. Q. CAECILIO Q. F. POMPONIANO ATTICQ 

1. Quod quidem ita esse et avunculum tuum functum 
esse officio vehementissime probo, gaudere me turn dicam, 
si mihi hoc verbo licebit uti. Me miserum ! quam omnia 
essent ex sententia, si nobis animus, si consilium, si fides 
eorum, quibus credidimus, non defuisset ! quae colligere 



20 X. (ATT. III. 20) 

nolo, ne augeam maerorem. Sed tibi venire in mentem 
certo scio quae vita esset nostra, quae suavitas, quie 
dignitas. Ad quae recuperanda, per fortunas ! incumle, 
ut facis, diemque natalem reditus inei cura ut in tins 
aedibus amoenissimis agam tecum et cum meis. E^o 
huic spei et exspectationi, quae nobis proponitur maxim i, 
tamen volui praestolari apud te in Epiro, sed ita ad n e 
scribitur, ut putem esse commodius non eisdem in loc s 
esse. 2. De domo et Curionis oratione, ut scribis, ita es :. 
In universa salute, si ea modo nobis restituetur, inerunt 
omnia, ex quibus nihil malo quam domum. Sed tili 
nihil mando nominatim, totum me tuo amori fideiqu3 
commendo. Quod te in tanta hereditate ab omni oc- 
cupatione expedisti, valde mihi gratum est. Quod 
facultates tuas ad meam salutem polliceris, ut omnibus 
rebus a te praeter ceteros iuver, id quantum sit praesidiun. 
video intellegoque te multas partes meae salutis et sus 
cipere et posse sustinere neque, ut ita facias, rogandum 
esse. 3. Quod me vetas quidquam suspicari accidisse ad 
animum tuum quod secus a me erga te commissum aut 
praetermissum videretur, geram tibi morem et liberabor 
ista cura, tibi tamen eo plus debebo, quo tua in me 
humanitas fuerit excelsior quam in te mea. Velim quid 
videas, quid intellegas, quid agatur ad me scribas, tuosque 
omnes ad nostram salutem adhortere. Eogatio Sestii 
neque dignitatis satis habet nee cautionis. Nam et 
nominatim ferri oportet et de bonis diligentius scribi, 
et id animadvertas velim. Data nil. Non. Octobr. 
Thessalonicae. 



XL (FAM. V. 4) 21 

XI. TO THE CONSUL, METELLUS NEPOS, 
IN ROME (FAM. v. 4) 

DYRRHACHIUM, A.U.C. 697; B.C. 57; AET. CIC. 49 

M. Cicero Q. Metelli consulis opem implorat. 

M. CICERO S. D. Q. METELLO COS. 

1. Litterae Quinti fratris et T. Pomponii, necessarii mei, 
tantum spei dederant, ut in te non minus auxilii quam in 
tuo collega mihi constitutum fuerit. Itaque ad te litteras 
statim misi, per quas, ut fortuna postulabat, et gratias 
tibi egi et de reliquo tempore auxilium petii. Postea 
mihi non tarn meorum litterae quam sermones eorum, qui 
hac iter faciebant, animum tuum immutatum significa- 
bant : quae res fecit ut tibi litteris obstrepere non 
auderem. 2. Nunc mihi Quintus frater meus mitissimam 
tuam orationem, quam in senatu habuisses, perscripsit, 
qua inductus ad te scribere sum conatus et abs te, quantum 
tua fert voluntas, peto quaesoque, ut tuos mecum serves 
potius quam propter adrogantem crudelitatem tuorum me t< 
oppugnes. Tu tuas inirnicitias ut rei publicae donares, 
te vicisti : alienas ut contra rem publicam confirmes, 
adduceris? Quod si mihi tua dementia opem tuleris, 
omnibus in rebus me fore in tua potestate tibi confirmo : 
sin mihi neque magistratus neque senatum neque populum 
auxiliari propter earn vim, quae me cum re publica vicit, 
licuerit, vide ne, cum velis revocare tempus omnium 
jreservandorum, cum qui servetur non erit, non possis. 



22 XII. (FAM. VII. 26) 

XII. TO M. FADIUS GALLUS (FAM. vn. 26) 

TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 697; B.C. 57; AET. CIC. 49 

M. Cicero narrat Gallo herbas in augurali cena suaviter conditi.s 
et a se avidius comesas sibi morbum attulisse. 

CICERO S. D. GALLO 

1. Cum decimum iam diem graviter ex intestinis 
laborarem neque iis, qui mea opera uti volebant, mi 
probarem non valere, quia febrim non haberem, fugi in 
Tusculanum, cum quidem biduum ita ieiunus fuissem, ut nr< 
aquam quidem gustarem. Itaque confectus languore ev, 
fame magis tuum officium desideravi, quam a te requir 
putavi meum. Ego autem cum omnes morbos reformido. 
turn, in quo Epicurum tuum Stoici male accipiunt, quia 
dicat crrpayyovpLKa KCU BvcrcvrcpLKa TrdO-Q sibi molesta esse, 
quorum alterum morbum edacitatis esse putant, alterum 
etiam turpioris intemperantiae. Sane SwevTeptav per- 
timueram. Sed visa est mihi vel loci mutatio vel animi 
etiam relaxatio vel ipsa fortasse iam senescentis morbi 
remissio profuisse. 2. Ac tamen, ne mirere unde hoc 
acciderit quo modove commiserim, lex sumptuaria, quae 
videtur An-oV^ra attulisse, ea mihi fraudi fuit. Nam dum 
volunt isti lauti terra nata, quae lege excepta sunt, in 
honorem adducere, fungos, helvellas, herbas omnes ita 
condiunt, ut nihil possit esse suavius. In eas cum inci- 
dissem in cena augurali apud Lentulum, tanta me Sidppoia. 
adripuit, ut hodie primum videatur coepisse consistere. Ita 
ego, qui me ostreis et muraenis facile abstinebam, a beta et 



XIII. (ATT. IV. 4&) 23 

jLmalva deceptus sum. Posthac igitur erimus cautiores. Tu 
tamen cum audisses ab Anicio vidit enim me nauseantem 
non modo mittendi causam iustam habuisti, sed etiam 
visendi. Ego hie cogito commorari, quoad me reficiam : 
nam et vires et corpus amisi. Sed, si morbum depulero, 
facile, ut spero, ilia revocabo. 



XIII. TO ATTICUS, IN ITALY, ON ms JOURNEY TO 
ROME (ATT. iv. 46) 

ANTIUM, A.U.C. 698; B.C. 56; AET. CIC. 50 

De bibliotheca sua a Tyrannione, ope librariorum Attici, iam 
restituenda et de exspectato Attici adventu. 

1. Perbelle feceris, si ad nos veneris. OfFendes desig- 
nationem Tyrannionis mirificam librorum meorum [biblio 
theca], quorum reliquiae multo meliores sunt quam 
putaram. Etiam velim mihi mittas de tuis librariolis 
duos aliquos, quibus Tyrannic utatur glutinatoribus, ad 
cetera administris, iisque imperes, ut sumant membranti- 
lam ex qua indices fiant, quos vos Graeci, ut opinor, 
criAAv/3ovs appellatis. 2. Sed haec, si tibi erit com- 
moclum. Ipse vero utique fac venias, si potes in his 
locis adhaerescere et Piliam adducere. Ita enim et 
aequum est et cupit Tullia. Medius fidius ne tu emisti 
Ao^ov praeclaruui : gladiatores audio pugnare mirince. 
Si locare voluisses, duobus his muneribus liber esses. Sed 
haec posterius. Tu fac venias, et de librariis, si me 
amas, diligenter. 



24 XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 

XIV. TO LUCCEIUS (FAM. v. 12) 
ARPINUM, A.U.C. 698 ; B.C. 56 ; AKT. CIC. 50 

M. Cicero L. Lucceium scriptorem historicum non ignobilem 
hac epistola summa arte composita rogat, ut de rebus a se in 
consulatu suo gestis et de discessu redituque commentarios 
componat. 

M. CICERO S. D. L. LUCCEIO Q. F. 

1. Coram me tecum eadem haec agere sacpe conantem 
deterruit pudor quidam pacnc subrusticus, quae nunc 
expromam absens audacius : epistola enim non erubcscit. 
Ardeo cupiditate iucredibili neque, ut ego arbitror, repre- 
hendenda, noinen ut nostrum scriptis illustretur et 
celebretur tuis. Quod etsi mihi saepe ostendisti te esse 
facturum, tameu ignoscas velim huic festinationi meae. 
Genus enim scriptorum tuorum etsi erat semper a me 
vehementer exspectatum, tamen vicit opinionem meam 
meque ita vel cepit vel incendit, ut cuperem quam 
celerrime res nostras monimentis commendari tuis. 
Neque enim me solum commemoratio posteritatis ad spem 
quamdam immortal! tatis rapit, sed etiam ilia cupiditas, 
ut vel auctoritate testimonii tui vel indicio benevolentiae 
vel suavitate ingenii vivi perfruamur. 2. Neque tamen, 
haec cum scribebam, eram nescius quantis oneribus pre- 
merere susceptarum rerum et iam institutarum, sed quia 
videbam Italic! belli et civilis historian! iam a te paene 
esse perfectam, dixeras autem mihi te reliquas res 
ordiri, deesse mihi nolui quin te admonerem, ut cogitares 
coniunctene malles cum reliquis rebus nostra contexere 



XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 25 

an, ut multi Graeci fecerunt, Callisthenes Pliocium 
bellum, Timaeus Pyrrhi, Polybius Numantinum, qui 
omnes a perpetuis suis historiis ea, quae dixi, bella 
separavemnt, tu quoque item civilcm coniurationem ab 
hostilibus externisque bellis seiungeres. Equidem ad 
nostram laudem non multum video interesse, sed ad 
properationem meam quiddam interest non te exspectare, 
dum ad locum venias, ac statim causam illam totam et 
tempus adripere. Et simul, si uno in argumento unaque 
in persona mens tua tota versabitur, cerno iam animo 
quanto omnia uberiora atque ornatiora futura sint. 
Neque tamen ignoro quam impudenter faciam, qui 
primum tibi tautum oneris imponam potest enim mihi 
denegare occupatio tua, deinde etiam, ut ornes me, 
postulem. Quid, si ilia tibi non tanto opere videntur 
ornanda? 3. Sed tamen, qui semel verecundiae fines 
transient, eum bene et naviter oportet esse impudentem. 
Itaque te plane etiam atque etiam rogo, ut et ornes ea 
vehementius etiam quam fortasse sentis, et in eo leges 
historiae neglegas, gratiamque illam, de qua suavissime, 
plenissime quodam in prooemio scripsisti, a qua te deflecti 
non magis potuisse demonstras quam Herculem Xeno- 
phontium ilium a Voluptate, earn, si me tibi vehementius 
commendabit, ne aspernere, amorique nostro plusculum 
etiam quam concedet veritas largiare. Quod si te ad- 
ducemus ut hoc suscipias, erit, ut mihi persuadeo, 
materies digna facilitate et copia tua. 4. A principle 
enim coniurationis usque ad reditum nostrum videtur 
mihi modicum quoddam corpus confici posse, in quo et 
ilia poteris uti civilium commutationum scientia vel in 



26 XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 

explicandis causis rerum novarum vcl in remecliis incom- 
modorum, cum et reprehendes ea, quae vituperanda 
duces, et quae placebunt exponendis rationibus compro- 
babis et, si liberius, ut consuesti, agendum putabis, mul- 
torum in nos perfidiam, insidias, proditionem notabis. 
Multam etiam casus nostri varietatem tibi in scribendo 
suppeditabunt plenam cuiusdam voltiptatis, quae vehe- 
menter animos hominum in legendo, te scriptore, retinere 
possit. Nihil est enim aptius ad delectationem lectoris 
quam temporum varietates fortunaeque vicissitudines : 
quae etsi nobis optabiles in experiendo non fuerunt, in 
legendo tamen erunt iucundae : habet enim praeteriti 
doloris secura recordatio delectationem. 5. Ceteris vero 
nulla perfunctis propria molestia, casus autem alienos 
sine ullo dolore intuentibus, etiam ipsa misericord! a est 
iucunda. Quern enim nostrum ille morions apud Man- 
tineam Epaminondas non cum quadam miseratione 
delectaf? qui turn denique sibi evelli iubet spiculum, 
postea quam ei percontanti dictum est clipeum esse salvum, 
ut etiam in vulneris dolore aequo animo cum laude more- 
retur. Cuius studium in legendo non erectum Themis- 
tocli fuga redituque retinetur? Etenim ordo ipse 
annalium mediocriter nos retinet quasi enumeratione 
fastorum : at viri saepe excellentis ancipites variique 
casus habent admirationem, exspectationem, laetitiam, 
molestiam, spem, timorem : si vero exitu notabili con- 
cluduntur, expletur animus iucundissima lectionis volup- 
tate. 6. Quo mihi accident optatius, si in hac sententia 
fueris, ut a continentibus tuis scriptis, in quibus perpetuam 
rerum gestarum historiam complecteris, secernas hanc 



XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 27 

quasi fabulam rerum eventorumque nostrorum : habet enim 
varies actus mutationesque et consiliorum et temporum. 
Ac non vereor ne adsentatiuncula quadam aucupari tuam 
gratiam videar, cum hoc demonstrem, me a te potissimum 
ornari celebrarique velle. Neque enim tu is es, qui quid 
sis nescias et qui non eos magis, qui te non admirentur, 
invidos quam eos, qui laudent, adsentatores arbitrere. 
Neque autem ego sum ita demens, ut me sempiternae 
gloriae per eum commendari velim, qui non ipse quoque 
in me commendando propriam ingenii gloriam consequatur. 
7. Neque enim Alexander ille gratiae causa ab Apelle 
potissimum pingi et a Lysippo fingi volebat, sed quod 
illorum artem cum ipsis turn etiam sibi gloriae fore 
putabat. Atque illi artifices corporis simulacra ignotis 
nota faciebant : quae vel si nulla sint, nihilo sint tamen 
obscuriores clari viri. Nee minus est Spartiates Agesilaus 
ille perhibendus, qui neque pictam neque fictam imaginem 
suam passus est esse, quam qui in eo genere laborarunt ; 
unus enim Xenophontis libellus in eo rege laudando facile 
omnes imagines omnium statuasque superavit. Atque 
hoc praestantius mi hi fuerit et ad laetitiam animi et ad 
memoriae dignitatem, si in tua scripta pervenero, quam 
si in ceterorum, quod non ingenium mihi solum suppedita- 
tum fuerit tuum, sicut Timoleonti a Timaeo aut ab 
Herodoto Themistocli, sed etiam auctoritas clarissimi et 
spectatissimi viri et in rei publicae maximis gravissi- 
misque causis cogniti atque in primis probati : ut mihi 
non solum praeconium, quod, cum in Sigeum venisset, 
Alexander ab Homero Achilli tributum esse dixit, sed 
etiam grave testimonium impertitum clari hominis 



28 XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 

magnique videatur. Placet enim Hector ille milii 
Naevianus, qui non tantum laudari se laetatur, sed 
addit etiam a laudato viro. 8. Quod si a te non 
impetraro, hoc est, si quae te res impedierit neque enim 
fas esse arbitror quidquam ine rogantem abs te non 
impetrare, cogar fortasse facere, quod non nulli saepe 
reprehendunt : scribam ipse de me, multorum tamen 
exemplo et clarorum virorum. Sed, quod te non fugit, 
haec sunt in hoc genere vitia : et verecundius ipsi de sese 
scribant necesse est, si quid est laudandum, et praetereant, 
si quid reprehendendum est. Accedit etiam, ut minor sit 
fides, minor auctoritas, multi denique reprehendant et 
dicant verecundiores esse praecones ludorum gymnicorum, 
qui cum ceteris coronas imposuerint victoribus eorumque 
nomina magna voce pronuntiarint, cum ipsi ante ludorum 
missionem corona donentur, alium praeconem adhibeant, 
ne sua voce se ipsi victores esse praedicent. 9. Haec nos 
vitare cupimus et, si recipis causam nostram, vitabimus, 
idque ut facias roganms. Ac ne forte mirere cur, cum 
inihi saepe ostenderis te accuratissime nostrorum tem- 
porum consilia atque eventus litteris mandaturum, a te id 
nunc tanto opere et tarn multis verbis petamus, ilia nos 
cupiditas incendit, de qua initio scripsi, festinationis, 
quod alacres ammo sumus, ut et ceteri viventibus 
nobis ex libris tuis nos cognoscant et nosmet ipsi 
vivi gloriola nostra perfruainur. 10. His de rebus 
quid acturus sis, si tibi non est molestum, rescribas 
mihi velim. Si enim suscipis causam, conficiam com- 
mentarios rerum omnium : sin autem differs me in 
tempus aliud, coram tecum loquar. Tu interea non 



XV. (ATT. IV. 9) 29 

cessabis et ea, quae habes instituta, perpolies nosque 
diliges. 

XV. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. iv. 9) 
CUMANUM, A.U.C. 699; B.C. 55; AET. CIC. 51 

M. Cicero ab Attico de censura a tribunis impedita certior fieri 
cupit, de Pompeio, quocum una fuerit, de Lucceio, de Q. fratre, de 
itinere suo de Cumano in Pompeianum. 

&J-Ao~^*-< O , U< T PK J^A~k"6 " &~ <*** 

1. Sane velim scire num censum impediant tribuni 
diebus vitiandis est enim hie rumor totaque de 
censura quid agant, quid cogitent. Nos hie cum 
Pompeio fuimus. Multa mecum de re publica, sane sibi 
displicens, ut loquebatur sic est enim in hoc homine 
dicendum, Syriam spernens, Hispaniam iactans : hie 
quoque, ut loquebatur, et, opinor, usquequaque, de hoc 
cum dicemus, sit hoc quasi KCU roSe 4>w/<vAtSov. Tibi 
etiam gratias agebat, quod signa componenda suscepisses, 
in nos vero suavissime hercule est effusus. Venit etiam 
ad me in Cumanum. Etsi nihil minus velle mihi visus 
est quam Messallam consulatum petere : de quo ipso si 
quid scis, velim scire. 2. Quod Lucceio scribis te nostram 
gloriam commendaturum et aedificium nostrum quod 
crebro invisis, gratum. Quintus frater ad me scripsit se, 
quoniam Ciceronem suavissimum tecum haberes, ad te 
Nonis Maiis venturum. Ego me de Cumano movi ante 
diem v. Kal. Maias. Eo die Neapoli apud Paetum. 
Ante diem iv. Kal. Maias iens in Pompeianum bene mane 
haec scripsi. 



30 XVI. (FAM. VII. 23) 

XVI. TO FADIUS GALLUS (FAM. vn. 23) 
ROME, A.U.C. 699; B.C. 55; AET. CIC. 51 

M. Cicero scribit de signis et statuis a M. Fadio Gallo sibi emp- 
tis, quae sibi emi noluisse dicit, sed tamen rata se velle liabere : 
turn de domo a Gallo prope se conducta. 

M. CICERO S. D. M. FADIO GALLO 

1. Tan turn quod ex Arpiuati veneram, cum milii a te 
litterae redditae sunt : ab eodemque accepi Aviariii lit- 
teras, in quibus hoc inerat liberalissimurn, nomina se 
facturum, cum venisset, qua ego vellem die. Fac, quaeso, 
qui ego sum, esse te : estne aut tui pudoris aut nostri, 
primum rogare de die, deinde plus annua postulare ? Sed 
essent, mi Galle, omnia facilia, si et ea mercatus esses, 
quae ego desiderabam, et ad earn suinmam, quam volu- 
eram. Ac tamen ista ipsa, quae te emisse scribis, non 
solum rata mihi enmt, sed etiam grata : plane enim in- 
tellego te non modo studio, sed etiam amore usum quae 
te delectarint, hominem, ut ego semper iudicavi, in omni 
iudicio elegantissimurn, quia me digna putaris, coemisse. 
2. Sed velim maneat Damasippus in sententia : prorsus 
enim ex istis cmptionibus nullam desidero. Tu autem 
ignarus instituti mei, quanti ego genus omnino signorum 
omnium non aestimo, tauti ista quattuor aut quinque 
sumpsisti. Bacchas istas cum Musis Metelli comparas. 
Quid simile ? primum ipsas ego Musas numquam tanti 
putassem atque id fecissem Musis omnibus appro- 
bantibua : sed tamen erat aptum bibliothecae studiisque 
nostris congruens. Bacchis vero ubi est apud me locus ? 



XVI. (FAM. VII. 23) 31 

At pulchellae sunt. Novi op time et saepe vidi. 
Nominatim tibi signa mihi nota mandassem, si probas- 
sem. Ea enim signa ego emere soleo, quae ad simili- 
tudinem gymnasiorum exornent mihi in palaestra locum. 
Martis vero signum quo mihi pacis auctori 1 Gaudeo 
nullum Saturni signum fuisse : haec enim duo signa 
putarem mihi aes alienuin attulisse. Mercurii mallem 
aliquod fuisset : felicius, puto, cum Avianio transigere 
possemus. 3. Quod tibi destinaras trapezophorum, si te 
delectat, habebis : sin autein sententiam nmtasti, ego 
habebo scilicet. Ista quidem summa ne ego multo 
libentius emerim deversorium Tarracinae, ne semper 
hospiti molestus sim. Omnino liberti mei video esse 
culpam, cui plane res certas mandaram, itemque lunii, 
quern puto tibi notum esse, Avianii familiarem. Ex- 
hedria quaedam mihi nova sunt instituta in porticula 
Tusculani. Ea volebam tabellis ornare ; etenim, si quid 
generis istius modi me delectat, pictura delectat. Sed 
tamen, si ista mihi sunt habenda, certiorem velim me 
facias ubi sint, quando arcessantur, quo genere vecturae. 
Si enim Damasippus in sententia non manebit, aliquem 
Pseudodamasippum vel cum iactura reperiemus. 4. Quod 
ad me de doino scribis itcrum, lam id ego proficiscens 
mandaram meae Tulliae : ea euim ipsa hora acceperam 
tuas litteras. Egeram etiam cum tuo Nicia, quod is 
utitur, ut scis, fauiiliariter Crasso. Ut redii autem prius 
quam tuas legi. has proximas litteras, quaesivi, de mea 
Tullia quid egisset. Per Liciniam se egisse dicebat (sed 
opinor Crass um uti non ita multum sorore), earn porro 
negare se audere cum vir abesset est enim profectus in 



32 XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 

Hispaniam f Dexius f illo et absente et inscientemigrart . 
Est mihi gratissimum tanti a te aestimatam consuetu- 
dinem vitae victusque nostri, primum, ut earn domum 
sumeres, ut non modo prope me, sed plane mecum habi- 
tare posses, deinde ut migrare tanto opere festines. Sed 
ne vivam, si tibi concede, ut eius rei tu cupidior sis quan. 
ego sum. Itaque omnia experiar. Video enim quid me* 
intersit, quid utriusque nostrum. Si quid egero, faciair 
ut scias. Tu et ad omnia rescribes et quando te ex- 
spectem facies me, si tibi videtur, certiorem. 



XVII. TO M. MARIUS, IN HIS VILLA ON THE 
BAY OF NAPLES (FAM. vn. 1) 

ROME, A.U.C. 699; B.C. 55; AET. CIC. 51 

M. Cicero probat, quod M. Marius luclos a Pompeio II cos. 
editos spectatum non venerit. Se quoque iuterea Caniuii cansain 
egisse narrat et optare se ait, ut, omissis rebus forensibus, libere 
possit in villis et cum Mario vivere. 

M. CICERO S. D. M. MARIO 

1. Si te dolor aliqui corporis aut infirmitas valetudinis 
tuae tenuit quo minus ad ludos venires, fortunae magis 
tribuo quam sapientiae tuae : sin haec, quae ceteri 
mirantur, contemnenda duxisti et, cum per valetudinem 
posses, venire tamen noluisti, utrumque laetor, et sine 
dolore corporis te fuisse et aniino valuisse, cum ea, quae 
sine causa mirantur alii, neglexeris \ modo ut tibi con- 
stiterit fructus otii tui, quo quidem tibi perfrui mirifice 
licuit, cum esses in ista amoenitate paene solus relictus. 



XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 33 

Neque tamen dubito quin tu ex illo cubiculo tuo, ex quo 
tibi t Stabianum f perforasti et patcfecisti Misenum, per 
eos dies matutiua tempera lectiunculis consumpseris, cum 
illi interea, qui te istic reliquerunt, spectarent comminus 
mimos semisomni. Reliquas vero partes diei tu con- 
sumebas iis delectationibus, quas tibi ipse ad arbitrium 
tuum compararas, nobis autem erant ea perpetienda, 
quae Sp. Maecius probavisset. 2. Omnino, si quaeris, 
ludi apparatissimi, sed non tui stomach! : coniecturam 
enim facio de meo. Nam primum honoris causa in 
scaenam red i erant ii, quos ego honoris causa de scaena 
decesse arbitrabar. Deliciae vero tuae, noster Aesopus, 
eius modi fuit, ut ei desinere per omues liomines liceret. 
Is iurare cum coepisset, vox etim defecit in illo loco : Si 
sciens folio. Quid tibi ego alia narrem ? nosti enim 
reliquos ludos : qui ne id quidem leporis habuenmt, quod 
solent mediocres ludi : apparatus enim spectatio tollebat 
omnem hilaritatem, quo quidem apparatu non dubito quin 
animo aequissimo carueris. Quid enirn delectationis habent 
sescenti muli in Clytaemnestra aut in Equo Troiano 
creterrarum tria milia aut armatura ?aria peditatus et 
equitatus in aliqua pugna *\ quae popularem admirationem 
habuenmt, delectationem tibi nullam attulissent. 3. 
Quod si tu per eos dies operam dedisti Protogeni tuo, 
dum modo is tibi quidvis potius quam orationes meas 
legerit, ne tu hand paullo plus quam quisquam nostrum 
delectationis habuisti. Non enim te puto Graecos aut 
Oscos ludos desiderasse, praesertim cum Oscos ludos vel 
in senatu vestro spectare possis, Graecos ita non ames, 
ut ne ad villam quidem tuam via Graeca ire soleas. 
D 



34 XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 

Nain quid ego te athletas putem desiderare, qui gladia- 
tores contempseris ? in quibus ipse Pompeius confitetu- 
se et operam et oleum perdidisse. Reliquae sunt vena- 
tiones binae per dies quinque, magnificae nemo negat. 
sed quae potest homini esse polito delectatio, CUEC 
aut homo imbecillus a valentissima bestia laniatur aut 
praeclara bestia venabulo transverberatur ? Quae tamen, 
si videnda sunt, saepe vidisti, iieque nos, qui haec spectavi- 
mus, quidquam novi vidimus. Extremus elephantorum 
dies fuit, in quo admiratio magna vulgi atque turbae, 
delectatio nulla exstitit. Quin etiam misericordia quae- 
dam consecuta est atque opinio eius modi, esse quamdam 
illi beluae cum genere humano societatem. 4. His ego 
tamen diebus, ludis scaenicis, ne forte videar tibi non 
modo beatus, sed liber omnino fuisse, dirupi me paene in 
iudicio Galli Caninii, familiaris tui. Quod si tarn 
facilem populum haberem, quam Aesopus habuit, libenter 
mehercule artem desinerem tecumque et cum similibus 
nostri viverem. Nam me cum antea taedebat, cum et 
aetas et ambitio me hortabatur et licebat denique quern 
nolebam non defendere, turn vero hoc tempore vita nulla 
est. Neque enim fructum ullum laboris exspecto et 
cogor nou numquam homines non optime de me meritos 
rogatu eorum, qui bene meriti sunt, defendere. 5. Itaque 
quaero causas omnes aliquando vivendi arbitratu meo, 
teque et istam rationem otii tui et laudo vehementer et 
probo, quodque nos minus intervisis, hoc fero animo 
aequiore, quod, si Romae esses, tamen neque nos lepore 
tuo neque te si qui est in me meo frui liceret propter 
molestissimas occupationes rneas : quibus si me relaxaro 



XVIII. (Q. FR. II. 9 [ll]) 35 

nam ut plane exsolvam non postulo te ipsum, qui 
multos annos nihil aliud commentaris, docebo profecto 
quid sit humaniter vivere. Tu modo istam imbecillitatem 
valetudinis tuae sustenta et tucrc, ut facis, ut nostras 
villas obire et mecum simul Iccticula concursare possis. 
6. Haec ad te pluribus verbis scripsi quam soleo non 
otii abundantia, sed amoris erga te, quod me quadam 
epistola subinvitaras, si memoria tenes, ut ad te aliquid 
eius modi scriberem, quo minus te praetermisisse ludos 
paeniteret. Quod si adsecutus sum, gaudeo : sin minus, 
hoc me tamen consoler, quod posthac ad ludos venies 
nosque vises neque in epistolis relinques meis spem 
aliquam delectationis tuae. 



XVIII. TO QUINTUS, IN SOME SUBURBAN DWELLING 
(Q. FR. n. 9 [11]) 

ROME, A.U.C. 700; B.C. 54; AET. CIC. 52 

M. Cicero Q. fratri scribit, cum nihil quod scribat habeat, de 
libertate Teuediis negata, de laudibtis Q. fratris et de Lucretii ac 
Salustii poiimatis. 

1. Epistolam hanc convitio efflagitarunt codicilli tui. 
Nam res quidem ipsa et is dies, quo tu es profectus, nihil 
mihi ad scribendum argumenti sane dabat. Sed quern ad 
modum, coram cum sumus, sermo nobis deesse non solet, 
sic epistolae nostrae debent interdum alucinari. 2. Tene- 
diorum igitur libertas securi Tenedia praecisa est, cum 
eos praeter me et Bibulum et Calidium et Favonium nemo 
defenderet. 3. De te a Magnetibus ab Sipylo mentio est 



36 XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 

honorifica facta, cum te unum dicerent postulationi L. 
Sestii Pansae restitisse. Reliquis diebus si quid erit quod 
te scire opus sit, aut etiam si nihil erit, tamen scribam 
cotidie aliquid. Pridie Id. neque tibi neque Pomponio 
deero. 4. Lucretii poemata ut scribis ita sunt, multi* 
luminibus ingenii, multae tamen artis. Sed cum 
veneris. Virum te putabo, si Sallustii Empedoclea legeris, 
hominem non putabo. 



XIX. TO QUINTUS, IN THE COUNTRY 
(Q. FR. ii. 10 [12]) 

HOME, A.U.C. 700; B.C. 54; AET. CIC. 52 

M. Cicero Q. fratri de Commageni regis causa a se acta et de 
litteris a Caesare ad se missis refert. 

1. Gaudeo tibi iucundas esse meas litteras, nee tamen 
habuissem scribendi mine quidem ullum argumentum, 
nisi tuas accepissem. Nam pridie Id. cum Appius 
senatum infrequentem coegisset, tantum fuit frigus, ut 
jgpulo, convicio coactus sit nos dimittere. 2. De Com- 
mageno, quod rem totam discusseram, mirifice mihi et 
per se et per Pomponium blanditur Appius. Videt 
enim, hoc genere dicendi si utar in ceteris, Februarium 
sterilem futurum. Eumque lusi iocose satis, neque solum 
illud extorsi oppidulum eius t quod erat positum in 
Euphrati Zeugmate, t praeterea togam sum eius praetex- 
tam, quam erat adeptus Caesare consule, magno homi- 
num risu cavillatus. 3. Quod vult, inquam, renovari 



XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 37 

honores eosdem, quo minus togam praetextam quotannis 
interpolet, decernendum nihil censeo. Vos autem 
homines nobiles, qui Bostrenum praetextatum non fere- 
batis, Commagenum feretis? Genus vides et locum 
iocandi. Multa dixi in ignobilem regem, quibus totus 
est explosus. Quo genere commotus, ut dixi, Appius 
totum me amplexatur. Nihil est enim facilius quam 
reliqua discutere. Sed non facia m ut ilium ofFendam, ne 
imploret fidem lovis Hospitalis, Graios omnes convocet, 
per quos mecum in gratiam redit. 4. Theopompo satis 
faciemus. De Caesare fugerat me ad te scribere. Video 
enim quas tu littcras exspectaris. Sed ille scripsit ad 
Balbum, fasciculum ilium epistolarum, in quo fuerat mca 
et Balbi, totum sibi aqua madidum redditum esse, ut ne 
illud quidem sciat, meam fuisse aliquam epistolam. Sed 
ex Balbi epistola pauca verba intellexerat, ad quae 
rescripsit his verbis : De Cicerone te video quiddam 
scripsisse, quod ego non intellexi : quantum autem coni- 
ectura consequebar, id erat eius modi, ut magis optandum 
quam sperandum putarem. 5. Itaque postea misi ad 
Caesarem eodem illo exemplo litteras. Locum autem 
illius de sua egestate ne sis aspernatus. Ad quern ego 
rescripsi nihil esse quod posthac arcae nostrae fiducia 
conturbaret, lusique in eo genere et familiariter et cum 
dignitate. Amor autem eius erga nos perfertur omnium 
nuntiis singularis. Litterae quidem ad id, quod 
exspectas, fere cum tuo reditu iungentur, reliqua singu- 
lorum dierum scribemus ad te, si modo tabellarios tu 
praebebis. Quamquam eius modi frigus impendebat, ut 
sunimum periculum essefc ne Appio suae aedes urerentur. 



38 XX. (Q. FR. II. 13 



XX. TO QUINTUS, ON HIS WAY TO CAESAR S 
CAMP IN BRITAIN (Q. FR. n. 13 [15]) 

ROME, A.U.C. 700; B.C. 54; AET. CIC. 52 

M. Cicero Caesaris in se amorem et liberalitatera laudat atquc 
eius se studiosissimum profitetur : de eiusdem favore in Trebatium 
et Curtium : de rei publicae statu. 

1. A. d. mi. NOD. Inn., quo die Romam veni, accepi 
tuas litteras, datas Placentia : deinde alteras postridie, 
datas Blandenone cum Caesaris litteris, refertis omni 
officio, diligentia, suavitate. Sunt ista quidem magna 
vel potius maxima. Habent enim vim magnam ad 
gloriam et ad summam dignitatem. Sed mihi crede, 
quem nosti, quod in istis rebus ego plurimi aestimo, id 
iam habeo : te scilicet primum tarn inservientem communi 
dignitati ; deinde Caesaris tantum in me amorem, quem 
omnibus iis honoribus, quos me a se exspectare vult, 
antepono. Litterae vero eius una datae cum tuis, quarum 
initium est, quam suavis ei tuus adventus fuerit et re- 
cordatio veteris amoris, deinde se effecturum ut ego in 
medio dolore ac desiderio tui te, cum a me abesses, 
potissimum secum esse laetarer, incredibiliter delectarunt. 
2. Qua re facis tu quidem fraterne, quod me hortaris, sed 
mehercule currentem nunc quidem, ut omnia mea studia 
in istum unum conferam. Ego vero ardenti quidem 
studio, ac fortasse efficiam, quod saepe viatoribus, cum 
properant, evenit, ut, si serius quam voluerint forte sur- 
rexerint, properando etiam citius, quam si de nocte vigi- 
lassent, perveniant quo velint : sic ego, quonianTin isto 



XX. (Q. FR. II. 13 [l5a]) 39 

homine colendo tam indorraivi din, te mehercule saepe 
excitante, cursu corrigam tarditatem cum equis turn vero, 
quoniam tu scribis poe ma ab eo nostrum probari, quad- 
rigis poeticis. Modo mihi date Britanniam, quam 
pingam coloribus tuis, penicillo meo. Sed quid ago 1 
quod mihi tempus, Romae praesertim, ut iste me rogat, 
manenti, vacuum ostenditur? Sed videro. Fortasse 
enim, ut fit, vincet tuus amor omnes difficultates. 3. 
Trebatium quod ad se miserim, persalse et humaniter 
etiam gratias mihi agit. Negat enim in tanta multitu- 
dine eorum, qui una essent, quemquam fuisse qui vadi- 
monium concipere posset. M. Curtio tril inmtum ab eo 
petivi nam Domitius se derided putasset, si esset a me 
rogatus : hoc enim est eius cotidianum, se ne tribunum 
militum quidem facere : etiam in senatu lusit Appium 
collegam, propterea isse ad Caesarem, ut aliquem tribun- 
atum auferret sed in alterum annum. Id et Curtius 
ita volebat. 4. Tu, quern ad mod urn me censes oportere 
esse et in re publica et in nostris inimicitiis, ita et esse 
et fore oricula infima scito molliorem. 5. Res Romanae 
se sic habebant : erat non nulla spes comitiorum, sed 
iucerta : erat aliqua suspicio dictaturae, ne ea quidem 
certa : summum otium forense, sed senescentis magis 
civitatis quam acquiescentis. Sententia autem nostra in 
senatu eius modi, magis ut alii nobis adsentiantur quam 
nosmet ipsi. 

o T\ i)[juov TToAe/jtos e^e^y 



40 XXI. (Q. FR. III. 7) 

XXL TO QUINTUS, IN BRITAIN (Q. FR. HI. 7) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 700; B.C. 54; AET. CIC. 52 
M. Cicero Q. fratri Romae ingentem aclluviem fuisse scribit. 

1. Romae et maximc . . . et Appia ad Martis mira 
alluvies ; Crassipedis ambulatio ablata, horti, taberua** 
plurimae, magna vis aquae usque ad piscinam publicam 
Viget illud Homeri : 

"H/xar oTrwptva), ore Xafiporarov X* L v8wp 
Zeus, ore STJ p av8pcr(Ti K OT(ro-a//evos 

Cadit enim in absolutionem Gabinii : 

Oi /3ir) elv ayopy (TKoAtas Kpivwri $e 
5 E/< 5e StKrjv eAacrwcrt, Oewv OTTLV OVK 



Sed haec non curare decrevi. 2. Romam cum venero, 
quae perspexero, scribam ad te et maxime de dictatura, 
et ad Labienum et ad Ligurium litteras dabo. Hanc 
scripsi ante lucem ad lychnuchum ligneolum, qui mihi 
erat periucundus, quod eum te aiebant, cum esses Sami, 
curasse faciendum. Vale, mi suavissime et optime frater. 

XXII. TO TREBATIUS, IN THE CAMP OF CAESAR 
IN BRITAIN (FAM. VH. 16) 

ROME, A.U.C. 700; B.C. 54; AET. CIC. 52 

Facete M. Cicero laudat C. Trebatii sapientiam in vitando belli 
discrimine, ut timiditatis eum arguat. 

1 . In Equo Troiano scis esse : in extremo sero sapiunl. 



XXII. (FAM. VII. 16) 41 

Tu tamen, mi vetule, non sero. Priraas illas 
rabiosulas sat fatuas 

dedisti : deinde . . . Quod in Britannia non nimis </>iAo- 
Otupov te praebuisti, plane non reprehendo : mine vero in 
hibernis intectus inihi videris : itaqne te commovere non 
curas. 

Usque quaque sapere oportet : id erit telum acerrimum. 

2. Ego si foris cenitarem, Cn. Octavio familiari tuo non 
defuissem : cui tamen dixi, cum me aliquotiens iuvitaret : 

0^*0 te, quis tu es ? 

Sed mehercules, extra iocum, homo bellus est : veil em 
eum tecum abduxisses. 3. Quid agatis et eequid in 
Italiam venturi sitis hac hieme fac plane sciam. Balbus 
mihi confirmavit te divitem futurum. Id utrum 
Romano more locutus est, bene nummatum te futurum ; 
an, quo modo Stoici dicunt omues esse divites, qui 
caelo et terra frui possint, postea videbo. Qui istinc 
veniunt superbiam tuam accusant, quod negent te percon- 
tantibus respondere. Sed tamen est quod gaudeas. 
Constat enim inter omnes nemincm te uno Samarobrivae 
iuris peritiorem esse. 



42 xxiii. (FAM. TIL 11) 

XXIII. TO TREBATIUS, IN BRITAIN (FAM. vn. 11) 
ROME, A.U.C. 701 ; B.C. 53 ; AET. CIC. 53 

M. Cicero iocatur cum C. Trebatio de interregnis, suadet, ut, 
si e re sua sit, maneat in provincia : sin miuus, se in urbem 
recipiat. 

1. Nisi ante Roma profectus esses, nunc earn certe 
relinqueres. Quis enim tot interregnis hire consultum 
desideraU Ego omnibus, unde petitur, hoc consilii 
dederim, ut a singiilis interregibus binas advocationes 
postulent. Satisne tibi videor abs te his civile didicisse 1 
2. Sed hens tu, quid agis? ecquid fit 1 ? Video enim te 
iam iocari per litteras. Haec signa meliora sunt quam 
in meo Tusculano. Sed quid sit scire cupio. Consuli 
quidem te a Caesare scribis, sed ego tibi ab illo consul! 
mallcm. Quod si aut fit aut futurum putas, perfer istam 
militiam et permane : ego enim desiderium tui spe 
tuorum commodorum consolabor : sin autem ista sunt in- 
aniora, recipe te ad nos. Nam aut erit hie aliquid 
aliquando aut, si minus, una mehercule collocutio nostra 
pluris erit quam omnes Samarobrivae. Denique, si cito 
te rettuleris, sermo nullus erit : si diutius frustra afueris, 
non modo Laberium, sed etiarn sodalem nostrum Valerium 
pertimesco. Mira enim persona induci potest Britannic! 
hire consult!. 3. Haec ego non rideo, quam vis tu rideas, 
sed de re severissima tecum, ut soleo, iocor. Remoto ioco 
tibi hoc amicissimo aniuio praecipio, ut, si istic mea 
commendatione tuam dignitatem obtinebis, perferas 
nostri desiderium, honestatem et facilitates tuas augeas : 
sin autem ista frigebunt, recipias te ad uos. Omnia 



xxiv. (FAM. vn. 12) 43 

tamen quae vis et tua virtute profecto et nostro summo 
erga te studio consequere. 



XXIV. TO TREBATIUS, IN GAUL (FAM. vii. 12) 
ROME, A.U.C. 701 ; B.C. 53 ; AET. CIC. 53 

Per iocum exagitat M. Cicero Epicureos ipsumque adeo Treba- 
tium, quern Epicureum esse factum narraverat Pansa. 

1. Mirabar quid esset quod tu mihi litteras mitterc 
intermisisses. Indicavit mihi Pansa meus Epicureum te 
esse factum. castra praeclara ! Quid tu fecisses, si 
te Tarentum et non Samarobrivam misissem ? lam turn 
mihi non placebas, cum idem tu tuebare quod Selius 
familiaris meus. 2. Sed quonam modo ius civile defendes, 
cum omnia tua causa facias, non civium 1 Ubi porro ilia 
erit formula fiduciae, UT INTER BONOS BENE AGIER 
OPORTET 1 Quis enim bonus est, qui facit nihil nisi sua 
causa 1 ? Quod ius statues COMMUNI DIVIDUNDO, cum 
commune nihil possit esse apud eos, qui omnia voluptate 
sua metiuntur? Quo modo autem tibi placebit IOVEM 
LAPIDEM iurare, cum scias lovem iratum esse nemini 
posse 1 Quid fiet porro populo Ulubrano, si tu statueris 
7roAiTeiW0ai non oporterel Qua re si plane a nobis 
deficis moleste fero : sin Pansae adsentari commoduin 
est, ignosco. Modo scribe aliquando ad nos quid agas et 
a nobis quid fieri aut curari velis. 



44 xxv. (FAM. vn. 13) 

XXV. TO TREBATIUS, IN GAUL (FAM. vn. 13) 
ROME, A.U.C. 701; B.C. 53; AET. CIC. 53 

M. Cicero C. Trebatio causam expouit intermissionis epistolarum 
sibique gratura esse significat iocis interpositis, quod aniicus iam 
libentius in provincia versetur. 

1. Adcone me iniustum esse existimasti, ut tibi iras- 
cerer, quod panim mihi constans et nimium cupidus 
decedendi viderere, ob eamque causam me arbitrare 
litteras ad te iam diu non misisse? Mihi perturbatio 
animi tui, quam primis litteris perspiciebam, molestiam 
attulit. Neque alia ulla fuit causa intermissionis episto 
larum, nisi quod ubi esses plane nesciebam. Hie tu me 
etiam insimulas nee satisfactionem meam accipis 1 Audi, 
Testa mi : utrum superbiorem te pecunia facit an quod 
te imperator consuliU Moriar, ni, quae tua gloria est, 
puto te malle a Caesare consuli quam inaurari. Si vero 
utrumqtie est, quis te feret praeter me, qui omnia ferre 
possum? 2. Sed, ut ad rem redeam, te istic invitum 
non esse vehementer gaudeo, et, ut illud erat molestum. 
sic hoc est iucundum. Tantum metuo, nc artificium 
tuum tibi parum prosit : nam, ut audio, istic 

non ex iure manum consertum, sed mayi ferro 
rem repetunt, 

et tu soles ad vim faciundam adhiberi : ncque est quod 
illam exceptioneni in intcrdicto pertimescas ; QUO TU 

PRIOR VI HOMINIBUS ARMATIS NON VENERIS : SCio enilll 

te non esse procacem in laccssendo. Sed, ut ego quoque 



XXVI. (ATT. V. 1) 45 

te aliquid admoneam de vestris cautionibus, Treviros vites 
censeo : audio capitales esse : mallem auro, argento, acre 
essent. Sed alias iocabimur. Tu ad me de istis rebus 
omnibus scribas velim quam diligentissime. D. iv. Non. 
Mart. 



XXVI. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. v. 1) 
M1NTURNAE, A.U.C. 703 ; B.C. 51 ; AET. CIC. 55 

Cum M. Ciceroni a.u.c. 703 Cilicia prbviucia suscipiencla esset, 
iam Attico ex hoc ipso itiuere hanc et, quae deinceps sequuntur, 
epistolas mittit. Et in liac qnidem prima agit de Annio Saturnino, 
de satisdationibus praediorum, de negotio cum Oppio transigendo, 
de uxore Q. fratris, sorore Attici eiusque inhumauitate in Q. 
fratrem, de mandatis suis, de A. Torquato, quem Minturnis 
amantissime dimiserit. 

1. Ego vero et tuum in discessu vidi animum et mei 
in eo sum ipse testis. Quo magis erit tibi videndum ne 
quid novi decernatur, ut hoc nostrum desiderium ne plus 
sit annuum. 2. De Annio Saturnino curasti probe. De 
satis dando vero te rogo, quoad eris Romae, tu ut satis 
des. Et sunt aliquot satisdationes secundum mancipium, 
vcluti Mennianorum praediorum vel Atilianorum. De 
Oppio factum est ut volui, et maxime, quo(Kde>Dccc. 
aperuisti : quae quidem ego utique vel ver.sura fai. ta* .v 
solvi volo, ne extrema exactio nostrorum nominu 
exspectetur. 3. Nunc venio ad transversum ilium* 
extremae epistolae tuae versiculum, in quo me admones 
de sorore. Quae res se sic habet. Ut veni in Arpinas, 
cum ad me frater venisset, in primis nobis sermo isque 



46 XXVI. (ATT. V. l) 

multus de te fuit : ex quo ego veni ad ea, quae fueramus 
ego et tu inter nos de sorore in Tusculano locuti. Nihil 
tarn vidi mite, iiihil tarn placatum, quam turn meus 
frater erat in sororem tuam, ut etiam, si qua fuerat ex 
ratione sumptus offensio, non appareret. Illo sic die. 
Postridie ex Arpinati profecti sumus. Ut in Arcano 
Quintus maneret dies fecit, ego Aquini, sed prandimus 
in Arcano. Nosti hunc fundum. Quo ut venimus, 
humanissime Quintus : Pomponia/ inquit, tu invita 
mulieres, ego viros ascivero. Nihil potuit, mihi quidcm 
ut visum est, dulcius, idque cum verbis turn etiam ammo 
ac voltu. At ilia audientibus nobis : Ego sum, inquit, 
hie hospita. Id autem ex eo, ut opinor, quod ante- 
cesserat Statins, ut prandium nobis videret. Turn 
Quintus : En, inquit mihi, haec ego patior cotidie. 
4. Dices : Quid, quaeso, istuc erat? Magnum: itaqueme 
ipsum commoverat : sic absurde et aspere verbis vultuque 
responderat. Dissimulavi dolens. Discubuimus omnes 
praeter illam, cui tamen Quintus de mensa misit ; ilia 
reiecit. Quid multa 1 nihil meo fratre lenius, nihil asperius 
tua sorore mihi visum est, et multa praetereo, quae turn 
mihi maiori stomacho quam ipsi Quinto fuerunt. Ego 
inde Aquinum, Quintus in Arcano remansit et Aquinum ad 
me postridie mane venit mihique narravit cum discessura 
esset, fuisse ems modi, qualem ego vidissem. Quid quaeris ? 
Vel ipsi hoc dicas licet, humanitatem ei meo iudicio illo 
die defuisse. Haec ad te scripsi fortasse pluribus, quam 
necesse fuit, ut videres tuas quoque esse partes instituendi 
et monendi. 5. Reliquum est, ut ante quam proficiscare 
mandata nostra exhaurias, scribas ad me omnia, Pompti- 



XXVII. (FAM. VIII. l) 47 

num extrudas, cum profectus eris, cures ut sciam, sic 
habeas, nihil mehercule te mihi nee carius esse nee suavius, 
A. Torquatum amantissime dimisi Minturnis, optimum 
virum : cui me ad te scripsisse aliquid in sermone 
significes velim. 



XXVII. FROM CAELIUS TO CICERO, ON HIS 
JOURNEY TO HIS PROVINCE (FAM. vin. 1) 

ROME, A.U.C. 703; B.C. 51; AET. CIC. 55 

M. Caelius mittit ad M. Ciceronem Ciliciae procos. commentarium 
rerum urbanarum et se excusat, quod euni non ipse coufecerit. 
Addit de comitiis Transpadanorum, de successione Galliarum, de 
Cn. Pompeio, de C. Caesare et Domitio, de M. Cicerone et Q. 
Pompeio, de Planco, de Ciceronis libris politicis. 

1. Quod tibi decedent! pollicitus sum, me omnes res 
urbanas diligentissime tibi perscripturum, data opera 
paravi qui sic omnia persequeretur, ut verear ne tibi 
niniium arguta haec sedulitas videatur. Tametsi tu scio 
quam sis ctiriosus et quam omnibus peregrinantibus 
gratum sit minimarum quoque rerum, quae domi gerantur, 
fieri certiores, tamen in hoc te deprecor, ne meum hoc 
officium adrogautiae condemnes, quod hunc laborem alter! 
delegavi, non quin mihi suavissimum sit et occupato et 
ad litteras scribendas, ut tu nosti, pigerrimo time memoriae 
dare operam, sed ipsum volumen, quod tibi misi, facile, 
ut ego arbitror, me excusat. Nescio quoius otii esset non 
modo perscribere haec, sed omnino animadvertere : omnia 
enim sunt ibi senatus consulta, edicta, fabulae, rumores : 



48 XXVII. (FAM. VIII. l) 

quod exemplum si forte minus te delectarit, ne molestiam 
tibi cum impensa mea exhibeam, fac me certiorem. 3. 
Si quid in re publica mains actum erit, quod isti o^pfera ril 
minus commode persequi possint, et quern ad modum 
actum sit et quae existimatio secuta quaeque de eo sprs 
sit diligenter tibi perscribemus. Ut nunc est, null a 
magno opere exspectatio est. Nam et illi rumores de 
comitiis Transpadanomm Cumarum tenus caluerunt : 
Romam cum venissem, ne tenuissimam quidem aud - 
tionem de ea re accepi. Praeterea Marcellus, quod adhuc 
nihil rettulit de successione provinciarum Galliarum et i:i 
Kalendas Iimias, ut mihi ipse dixit, earn distulit rela- 
tionem, sane-quam eos sermones expressit, qui de eo turn 
fuerunt, cum Romae nos essemus. 3. Tu si Pompeium, 
ut volebas, offendisti, qui tibi visus sit et quam oratio- 
nem habuerit tecum quamque ostenderit voluntatem 
solet enim aliud sentire et loqui neque tantum valern 
ingenio ut non appareat quid cupiat fac mihi perscribas 
4. Quod ad Caesarem, crebri et non belli de eo rumores, 
sed susurratores dumtaxat veniunt : alius equitem per 
didisse, quod, opinor, certe fictum est : alius septiman 
legionem vapulasse, ipsum apud Bellovacos circumseder 
interclusum ab reliquo exercitu : neque adhuc certi quid 
quam est neque haec incerta tamen vulgo iactantur, sec 
inter paucos, quos tu nosti, palam secreto narrantur : at 
Domitius, cum manus ad os apposuit. 5. Te a. d. ix. 
Kal. lunias subrostrani quod illorum capiti sit ! dissi- 
parant perisse : urbe ac foro toto maximus rumor fuit tc 
a Q: Pompeio in itinere occisum. Ego, qui scirem Q. 
Pompeium Baulis iam irfivrjTiKrjv facere, et usque eo, ut 



XXVIII. (ATT. V. 9) 49 

ego misererer eius, esurire, non sum commotus, et hoc 
mendacio, si qua pericula tibi impenderent, ut defun- 
geremur optavi. Plancus quidem tuus Ravennae est et 
magno congiario donatus a Caesare nee beatus nee bene 
instructus est. Tui iroXiTLKol libri omnibus vigent. 



XXVIII. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. v. 9) 

ON THE JOURNEY TO HIS PROVINCE, NEAR ATHENS, 
A.U.C. 70S ; B.C. 51 ; AET. CIC. 55 

M. Cicero Attico gratias agit de muneribus sibi Actium missis 
et exponit de ratione itiueris sui, de provincia abstinenter admini- 
strauda, Attici litteras de negotiis suis Romanis exspectat et cum 
rogat, ut omnia faciat ne sibi provincia plus quam aunua sit, addit 
de Cicerone suo, de Dionysio. 

1. Actium venimus a. d. xvn. Kal. Quinct., cum qui 
dem et Corcyrae et Sybotis muneribus tuis, quae et Areus 
et meus amicus Eutychides opipare et ^iXoTr/joo-^veo-rara 
nobis congesserant, epulati essemus Saliarem in modum. 
Actio maluimus iter facere pedibus, qui incommodissime 
navigassemus, et Leucatem flectere molestum videbatur. 
Actuariis autem minutis Patras accedere sine his impedi- 
mentis non satis visum est decorum. Ego, ut saepe tu 
me currentem hortatus es, cotidie meditor, praecipio 
meis, faciam denique, ut summa modestia et summa 
abstinentia munus hoc extraordinarium traducamus. 
Parthus velim quiescat et fortuna nos iuvet : nostra 
praestabimus. 2. Tu, quaeso, quid agas, ubi quoque 
tempore futurus sis, quales res nostras Romae reliqueris, 
E 



50 XXIX. (ATT. V. 12) 

maxime de xx. et DCCC., cura ut sciaraus. Id unis 
diligenter litteris datis, quae ad me utique perferantur, 
consequere. Illud tamen quoniam nunc abes, cum il 
non agitur, aderis autem ad tempus, ut mihi rescripsti 
memento curare per te et per omnes nostros, in primis 
per Hortensium, ut annus noster maneat suo statu, ne 
quid novi decernatur. Hoc tibi ita mando, ut dubiten 
an etiam te rogem, ut pugnes ne intercaletur. Sed non 
audeo tibi omnia onera imponere. Annum quideni 
utique teneto. 3. Cicero meus, modestissimus et suavis- 
simus puer, tibi salutem dicit. Dionysium sempe 
equidem, ut scis, dilexi : sed cotidie pluris facio, e ; 
mehercule in primis, quod te amat nee tui mentionem 
intermitti sinit. 



XXIX. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. v. 12) 

OFF DELOS, A.U.C. 703; B.C. 51; AET. CIC. 55 

M. Cicero Attico exponit de molestiis cursus maritinri Athenif 
Delum confecti, de Messalla de ambitu reo, de exspectatis Attic: 
litteris, de rebus urbauis, de negotiis suis Romanis. 

1. Negotium magnum est navigare atque id mense 
Quinctili. Sexto die Delum Athenis venimus. Pridie 
Nonas Quinctil. a Piraeeo ad Zostera, vento molesto, qui 
nos ibidem Nonis tenuit. A. d. vin. Idus ad Ceo 
iucunde. Inde Gyarum saevo vento, non adverse : bine 
Syrum, inde Delum, utroque citius quam vellemus cursum 
confecimus. lam nosti aphracta Rhodiorum : nihil quod 
minus fluctum ferre possit. Itaque erat in animo niliil 



XXX. (ATT. V. 15) 51 

festinare nee me Delo movere, nisi omnia a/cpa Fvpecov 
pura vidissem. 2. De Messallajijte statim ut audivi de 
Gyaro dedi litteras, et id ipsuin consilium nostrum 
etiam ad Hortensium, cui quidem valde (rvvrjywvitov. 
Sed tuas de eius iudicii sermonibus et mehercule omni 
de rei publicae statu litteras exspecto, TroAirtKwre/aov 
quidem scriptas, quoniam meos cum Thallumeto nostro 
pervolutas libros, eius modi, iuquam, litteras ex quibus 
ego non quid fiat nam id vel Helonius, vir gravissimus, 
potest efficere, cliens tuns sed quid futurum sit sciam. 
Cum haec leges, habemus consules. Omnia perspicere 
poteris de Caesare, de Pompeio, de ipsis iudiciis. 3. 
Nostra autem negotia, quoniam Romae commoraris, 
amabo te, explica. Cui rei fugerat me rescribere, de 
strue laterum, plane rogo, de aqua, si quid poterit fieri, 
eo sis animo, quo soles esse : quam ego cum mea sponte 
turn tuis sermonibus aestimo plurimi. Ergo tu id con- 
ficies. Praeterea, si quid Philippus rogabit, quod in tua 
re faceres, id velim facias. Plura scribam ad te, cum 
aonstitero : nunc eram plane in medio- mari. 



XXX. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. v. 15) 
LAODICEA, A.U.C. 703; B.C. 51; AET. CIC. 55 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se Laodiceam pervenisse, abstiuenter 
vivere, iter suscepisse Laodicea in Lycaoniam, sed sibi negotium 
provinciae molestum esse, itaque instat amico ut operam det ne 
sibi provincia prorogetur, ab eoque petit ut sibi de rebus urbanis 
scribat. 

1. Laodiceam veni pridie Kal. Sext. Ex hoc die 



52 XXX. (ATT. V. 15) 

clavum anni movebis. Nihil exoptatius adventu moo, 
nihil carius. Sed est incredibile quam me negctii 
taedeat. Non habeat satis magnum campum ille t bi 
non ignotus cursus animi, et industriae meae praeclara 
opera cosset? Quippe. lus Laodiceae me dicere, cum 
Romae A. Plotius dicat? et cum exercitum noster 
amicus habeat tantum, me nomen habere duarum 
legionum exilium? Denique haec non desidero : lucem, 
forum, urbem, domum, vos desidero. Sed feram, it 
potero, sit modo annuum. Si prorogatur, actum est. 
Verum perfacile resisti potest, tu modo Romae sis. 2. 
Quaeris quid hie agam 1 Ita vivam ut maximos sumpti is 
facio. Mirifice delector hoc institute. Admirabilis 
abstinentia ex praeceptis tuis, ut verear ne illud, qucd 
tecum permutavi, versura mini solvendum sit. Aptii 
vulnera non refrico, sed apparent nee occuli possunt. -J. 
Iter Laodicea faciebam a. d. in. Non. Sext., cum bus 
litteras dabam, in castra in Lycaoniam : inde ad Taurum 
cogitabam, ut cum Moeragene signis collatis, si possem, 
de servo tuo decernerem. 

Clitellae bovi impositae sunt, plane non est nostrum onus : 
sed feremus, modo, si me anias, sim annuus. Adsis tu 
ad tempus, ut senatum totum excites. Mirifice sollicitns 
sum, quod iam diu ignota sunt mihi ista omnia. Qua re, 
ut ad te ante scripsi, cum cetera turn res publica cura ut 
mihi nota sit. Epistolam sciebam tarde tibi reddituri 
iri, sed dabam familiari homini ac domestico, C. 
Andronico Puteolano. Tu autem saepe dare tabellarin 
publicanorum poteris per magistros scripturae et portin 
nostrarum dioecesium. 



XXXI. (FAM. VIII. 5) 53 



XXXI. CAELIUS TO CICERO, IN HIS PROVINCE 
(FAM. vni. 5) 

ROME, A.U.C. 703; B.C. 51; AET. CIC. 55 

M. Caelius metuere se M. Ciceroni significat ex Parthici belli 
fama ob paucitatem copiarum eius. Addit de successione pru- 
viuciarum eiusque tarditate. 

1. Qua tu cura sis, quod ad pacem provinciae tuae 
nnitimarumque regionum attinet, nescio : ego quidem 
vehementer animi pendeo. Nam si hoc more moderari 
possemus, ut pro viribus copiarum tuarum belli quoque 
exsisteret magnitudo, et, quantum "gloriae triumphoque 
opus esset, adsequeremur, periculosam et gravem illam 
dimicationem evitaremus, nihil tarn esset optandum. 
Nunc si Parthus movet aliquid, scio non mediocrem fore 
contentionem. Tuus porro exercitus vix unum saltum 
tueri potest. Hanc autem nemo ducit rationem, sed 
omnia desiderantur ab eo tamquam nihil denegatum 
sit ei, quo minus quam paratissinms esset, qui publico 
negotio praepositus est. 2. Accedit hue, quod succes- 
sionem futuram propter Galliarum controversiam non 
video. Tametsi hac de re puto te constitutum quid 
facturus esses habere, tamen, quo maturius constitueres, 
cum hunc eventum providebam, visum est ut te facerem 
certiorem. Nosti enim naec tralaticia : de Galliis con- 
stituetur ; erit qui intercedat ; deinde alius exsistet qui, 
nisi libere liceat de omnibus provinciis decernere senatui, 
reliquas impediat. Sic multum ac diu ludetur atque ita 
diu, ut plus biennium in his tricis moretur. 3. Si quid 



54 XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 

novi de re publica quod tibi scriberem haberem, UKUS 
essem mea consuetudine, ut diligenter et quid actum es^et 
et quid ex eo futurum sperarem perscriberem. Sane 
tamquam in quodam incili iam omnia adhaeseru it. 
Marcellus idem illud de provinciis urget, neque adhuc 
frequentem senatum efficere potuit. Hoc si praeterito 
anno Curio tribunus et eadem actio de provinciis intio- 
ibit, quam facile tune sit omnia impedire et quam hoc 
Caesar iique, qui in sua causa rein publicam non curei t, 
sperent lion te fallit. 

XXXII. TO ATTICUS, ON THE WAY TO EPIRUS 
(ATT. v. 20) 

CILICIA, A.U.C. 703 ; B.C. 51 ; AET. CIC. 55 

M. Cicero Attico res a se in Cilicia gestas et maxime Pinden- 
issi oppidi Eleutherocilicum munitissimi expugnationem exponit. 
Addit de abstineutia sua, de Ariobarzane sua opera regmrm 
obtinente, de Bruto a se excitato, de litteris Romam publice de h s 
rebus gestis mittendis, de metu ne sibi provincia prorogetur, de 
rebus urbanis, de quibus omnibus per Philogenem libertum Atti< i 
certiorem se factum scribit, dein de rebus familiaribus ac domes - 
ticis. Scripta epistola est in castris ad Pindenissum tertio dia 
Saturnaliorum. 

1. Saturnalibus mane se mild Pindenissitae dediderunt, 
septimo et quinquagesimo die, postquam oppugnare eo,s 
coepimus. Qui, malum ! isti Pindenissitae 1 qui sunt 
inquies : nomen audivi numquam. Quid ergo faciam 
num potui Ciliciam Aetoliam aut Macedonian! reddere 
Hoc iam sic habeto, nee hoc exercitu nee hie tanta 
negotia geri potuisse. Quae cognosce *v 7rtro/x^. Sic 



XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 55 

enim concedis mihi proximis litteris. Ephesum ut 
venerim nosti, qui etiam mihi gratulatus es illius diei 
celebritatem, qua nihil me unquam delectavit magis. 
Inde in oppidis iis, f que erant f mirabilitcr accepti Laodi- 
ceam pridie Kal. Sext. venimus. Ibi morati biduum 
perillustres fuimus honorificisque verbis omnes iniurius 
revellimus superioris quadriennii; quod idem dein Apameae 
quinque dies morati et Synnadis triduum, Philomelii quin- 
que dies, Iconii decem fecimus. Nihil ea iuris dictione 
aequabilius, nihil lenius, nihil gravius. 2. Inde in castra 
veni a. d. vn. Kal. Septembr. A. d. in. exercitum 
lustravi apud Iconium. Ex his castris, cum graves 
de Parthis nuntii venirent, perrexi in (Jiliciam per 
Cappadociae parteni earn, quae Ciliciam attingit, eo 
consilio, ut Armenius Artavasdes et ipsi Parthi Cappadocia 
se excludi putarent. Cum dies quinque ad Cybistra 
castra habuissem, certior sum factus Parthos ab illo aditu 
Cappadociae longe abesse, Ciliciae magis imminere. Itaque 
confestim iter in Ciliciam feci per Tauri pylas. 3. 
Tarsum veni a. d. in. Non. Octobr. Inde ad Amanum 
contendi, qui Syriam a Cilicia in aquarum divortio dividit, 
qui mons erat hostium plenus sempiternorum. Hie a. d. 
in. Idus Octobr. magnum numerum hostium occidimus. 
Castella munitissima nocturno Pomptini adventu, nostro 
matutino cepimus, incendimus : imperatores appellati 
sumus. Castra paucos dies habuimus ea ipsa, quae contra 
Dareum habuerat apud Issum Alexander, imperator baud 
paullo melior quam aut tu aut ego. Ibi dies quinque 
morati, direpto et vastato Amano, inde discessimus. Scis 
enim dici quaedam TraviKa, dici item ra Keva rov Tr 



56 XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 

Rumore advcutus nostri et Cassio, qui Antiochia teneba- 
tur, animus accessit et Parthis timor iniectus est. Itaque 
eos cedentes ab oppido Cussius insecutus rem bene gessit. 
Qua in fuga, magna auctoritate Osaces, dux Parthoruri, 
vulnus accepit eoque interiit paucis post diebus. Er;it 
in Syria nostrum nomen in gratia. 4. Venit interim 
Bibulus. Credo, voluit appellatione hac inani nobis esse 
par. In eodem Amano coepit loreolam in mustaceo 
quaerere. At ille cohorteni priuiam totam perdidit cei - 
turiouemque primi pili, nobilem sui generis, Asiniui i 
Deutoncm, et reliquo-s cohortis eiusdem et Sex. Lucilimr, 
T. Gavii Caepionis, locupletis et splendidi honiinis, filium, 
tribunum militum. Sane plagam odiosam acceperat cum 
re turn ternpore. 5. Nos ad Pindenissum, quod oppiduni 
munitissimum Eleutherocilicum omnium memoria in armi;; 
fuit. Feri homines et acres et omnibus rebus at 
defendendum parati. Ciuximus vallo et fossa, aggere max- 
imo, vineis, turre altissima, magna tormentorum copia. 
multis sagittariis : magno labore, apparatu, rnultis sauciis 
uostris, incolumi exercitu, negotium confecimus. Hilara 
sane Saturnalia, militibus quoque, quibus mancipiis 
exceptis reliquaui praedam concessimus : mancipia veni- 
bant Saturnalibus tertiis, cum haec scribebam : in 
tribunal! res erat ad HS cxx. Hinc exercitum in hi- 
berna agri male pacati deducendum Quinto fratri dabam. 
Ipse me Laodiceam recipiebam. 6. Haec adhuc. Sed 
ad praeterita revertamur. Quod me maxime hortaris 
et quod pluris est quam omnia, in quo laboras, ut 
etiam Ligurino /AW/XW satis faciamus, moriar, si quidquain 
fieri potest elegantius. Nee iam ego hanc continentiam 



XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 57 

appello, quae virtus voluptati resistere videtur. Ego in 
vita mea nulla umquam voluptate tanta sum adfectus, 
quanta adficior hac iutegritate. Nee me tarn fama, quae 
summa est, quam res ipsa delectat. Quid quaeris 1 Fuit 
tanti : me ipse non noram nee satis sciebam quid in hoc 
genere facere possem : recte Tre^vo-uo/xcu. Nihil est prae- 
clarius. Interim haec Aa/ATrpa. Ariobarzanes opera mea 
vivit, regnat. Ev TrapoSw, consilio et auctoritate et quod 
insidiatoribus eius dirpoviTov me non niodo dSwpoSo- 
Kryrov praebui, regem regnuinque servavi. Interea e 
Cappadocia ne pilum quidem. Brutum abiectum quan 
tum potui excitavi, quern non minus amo quam tu, paene 
dixi, quam te. Atque etiam spero toto anno imperii 
nostri teruncium sumptus in provincia nullum fore. 7. 
Habes omnia. Nunc publice litteras Romam mittere 
parabam. Uberiores erunt, quam si ex Amano misissem. 
At te Romae non fore ! Sed est totum, quod Kal. Mart, 
futurum est. Vereor enim ne, cum de provincia agetur, 
si Caesar resistet, nos retineamur. His tu si adesses, 
nihil timerem. 8. Redeo ad urbana : quae ego diu 
ignorans ex tuis iucundissimis litteris a. d. xv. Kal. Ian. 
denique cognovi. Eas diligentissime Philogenes, libertus 
tuus, curavit perlonga et non satis tuta via perferendas. 
Nam quas Laenii pueris scribis datas, non acceperam. 
lucuuda de Caesare et quae senatus decrevit et quae tu 
speras : quibus ille si cedit, salvi sumus. Incendio Plae- 
toriano quod Seius auibustus est, minus moleste fero. 
Lucceius de Q. Cassio cur tarn vehemens fuerit et quid 
actum sit aveo scire. 9. Ego, cum Laodiceam venero, 
Quiuto, sororis tuae filio, togam puram iubeor dare, cui 



58 XXXIII. (FAM. VII. 32) 

moderabor diligentius. Deiotarus, cuius auxiliis magi is 
usus sum, ad me, ut scripsit, cum Ciceronibus Laodiceam 
venturus erat. Tuas etiain Epiroticas exspecto litterc s, 
ut habeam rationem non modo negotii, verum etiam 01 ii 
tui. Nicanor in officio est et a me liberaliter tractatur : 
quern, ut puto, Romam cum litteris publicis mittam, ut 
et diligentius perferantur et idem ad me certa de te et a 
te referat. Alexis quod mihi totiens salutem ascribifc, 
est gratum. Sed cur non suis litteris idem facit, quod 
meus ad te Alexis facit 1 Phemio quaeritur Kcpas. Sed 
haec hactenus. Cura ut valeas et ut sciam quando cogitf s 
Romam. Etiam atque etiam vale. 10. Tua tuosque 
Thermo et praesens Ephesi diligentissime commendaran 
et mine per litteras, ipsumque intellexi esse perstudiosuri 
tui. Tu velim, quod antea ad te scripsi, de domo Pam- 
meni des operam, ut, quod tuo meoque beneficio pue? 
habet, cures ne qua ratione convellatur. Id cum honestum 
utrique nostrum existimo, turn mihi erit pergratum. 



XXXIII. TO P. VOLUMNIUS EUTRAPELUS, 
IN ROME (FAM. vn. 32) 

CILICIA, A.U.C. 703 ; B.C. 51 ; AET. CIC. 55 

M. Cicero P. Volumnio scribit de dictis, de iudiciis, de re 
publica, de Dolabella noiidum genero. 

1. Quod sine praenomine familiariter, ut debebas, ad 
me epistolam misisti, primum addubitavi num a Volumnio 
eenatore esset, quocum mihi est magnus usus, deinde 



XXXIII. (FAM. VII. 32) 59 

litterarum fecit, ut intellegerem tuas esse. 
Quibus in litteris omnia mihi periucunda fuerunt praeter 
illud, quod parum diligenter possessio salinarum mearum 
a te procuratore defenditur. Ais enim, ut ego discesserim, 
omnia omnium dicta, in his etiam Sestiana, in me con- 
ferri. Quid? tu id pateris? nonne defendis? nonne 
resistis 1 ? Equidem sperabam ita notata me reliquisse 
genera dictorum meorum, ut cognosci sua sponte possent. 
2. Sed quoniam tanta faex est in urbe, ut nihil tarn 
sit aKvOrjpov quod non alicui veimstum esse videatur, 
pugna, si me amas, nisi acuta d/x</>t/5oAta, nisi elegans 
ij, nisi 7ra/)ay/oa/>t/za bellum, nisi ridiculum irapa 
, nisi cetera, quae sunt a me in secundo libro 
DE ORATORE per Aiitonii personam disputata de ridiculis, 
evrexvtt et arguta apparebunt, ut sacramento contendas 
mea non esse. Nam de iudiciis quod quereris, multo 
laboro minus. Trahantur per me pedibus omnes rei, sit 
vel Seliiis tarn eloquens, ut possit probare se liberum : 
non laboro. Urbanitatis possessionem, amabo, quibusvis 
interdictis defendamus : in qua te unum metuo, contemno 
ceteros. Derideri te putas ? Nunc deinum intellego te 
sapere. 3. Sed mehercules extra iocum : valde mihi 
tuae litterae facetae elegantesque visae sunt. Ilia, quam- 
vis ridicula essent, sicut erant, mihi tamen risuni non 
moverunt. Oupio enim nostrum ilium amicum in 
tribunatu quam plurimum habere gravitatis, id cum 
ipsius causa est mihi, ut scis, in amoribus turn 
mehercule etiam rei publicae : quam quidem, quamvis in 
me ingrata sit, amare non desinam. Tu, mi Volunnii, 
quoniam et iustituisti et mihi vides esse gratum, scribe 



60 XXXIV. (FAM. IX. 25) 

ad me quam saepissime de rebus urbanis, de re publici. 
lucundus est mihi sermo litterarum tuarum. Praeten a 
Dolabellam, quern ego perspicio et iudico cupidissimum 
esse atque amantissimum mei, cohortare et confirma ( t 
redde plane meum ; non mehercule, quo quidquam desi ,, 
sed quia valde ei cupio, non videor nimium laborare. 



XXXIV. TO LUCIUS PAPIRIUS PAETUS, 
IN ROME (FAM. ix. 25) 

LAODTCEA, A.U.C. 704; B.C. 50; AET. CIC. 56 

Cum M. Cicero procos. Ciliciam obtineret, misit ad eum L. 
Paetus litteras de re militari, quibus facete exagitatis amico M. 
Fadium commendat Cicero. 

1. Summum me ducem litterae tuae reddiderunt : 
plane nesciebam te tarn peritum esse rei militaris. 
Pyrrhi te libros et Cineae video lectitasse. Itaque 
obtemperare cogito praeceptis tuis : hoc amplius, navi- 
cularum habere aliquid in ora maritima : contra equitem 
Partlmm negant ullam armaturam meliorem inveniri 
posse. Sed quid Indiums? nescis quo cum imperatore 
tibi negotium sit. HaiSeiav Kvpov, quam contriveram 
legendo, totam in hoc imperio explicavi. 2. Sed ioca- 
bimur alias coram, ut spero, brevi ternpore. Nunc ades 
ad imperandum vel ad parendum potius : sic enim 
antiqui loquebantur. Cum M. Fadio, quod scire te 
arbitror, mihi summus usus est, valdeque eum diligo cum 
propter summam probitatem eius ac singularem modes- 
tiam turn quod in iis controversiis, quas habeo cum tuis 



XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 61 

combibonibus Epicuriis, optima opera eius uti soleo. 3. 
Is cum ad me Laodiceam venisset mecumque ego eum 
esse vellem, repente percussus est atrocissimis litteris, in 
quibus scriptum erat fundum Herculanensem a Q. 
Fadio fratre proscription esse, qui fundus cum eo 
communis esset. Id M. Fadius pergraviter tulit existi- 
mavitque fratrem suum, hominem non sapientem, 
impulsu inimicorum suorum eo progressum esse. Nunc, 
si me amas, mi Paete, negotium totum suscipe : molestia 
Fadium libera. Auctoritate tua nobis opus est et con- 
silio et etiam gratia. Noli pati litigare fratres et 
iudiciis turpibus couflictari. Matonem et Pollionem 
inimicos habet Fadius. Quid multa ? non mehercule tarn 
perscribere possum quam mihi gratum feceris, si otiosum 
Fadium reddideris. Id ille in te positum esse putat 
mihique persuadet. 



XXXV. CICERO TO ATTICUS, ON HIS WAY 
TO ROME (ATT. vi. 1, 17-26) 

LAODICEA, A.U.C. 704; B.C. 50; AET. CIC. 56 

De errore a Metello in subscriptione statuae Africani facto non 
excusando, similibus erroribus a Graecis auctoribus commissis, de 
Philotimo, de admonitione Attici, de M. Octavii postulates, de 
Lepta, de filiola Attici et Pilia. lam breviter respondet ad episto- 
lam quam dam minorem de nmltis variisque rebus et hominibus. 
Litteras Attici ait se exspectare, de Caesare, de Pompeio, de P. 
Vedio eiusque deversatione apud Pompeium Vindullum Laodiceae, 
de monumento Appii Eleusine, de monumento quod sui ipse velit 
esse Athenis. 

17. Destatua Africani w Trpay^driav 



62 XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 

sed me id ipsum delectavit in tuis litteris am ti 1 
Scipio hie Metellus proavum suum nescit censorem ncn 
fuisse 1 ? Atqui nihil habuit aliud inscription nisi COS. 
ea statua, quae ad Opis per te posita in excelso est, in 
ilia autem, quae est ad TLoX.vK\ov<s Herculem, inscrip- 
tum est CENS. quam esse eiusdem status, amictus, anu- 
lus, imago ipsa declarat. At mehercule ego cum in turma 
inauratarum equestrium, quas hie Metellus in Capitolio 
posuit, animadvertissem in Serapiouis subscriptione Afr> 
cani imaginem, erratum fabrile putavi, nunc video Metell . 
dvLo-Toptjo-iav turpem ! 18. Nam illud de Flavio et 
fastis, si secus est, commune erratum est, et tu bell 3 
rjTrop^a-a^ et nos publicam prope opinionem secuti sumus, 
ut multa apud Graecos. Quis enim non dixit EiVoAu, 
rov rrys <j.p\a.ia<$, ab Alcibiade navigante in Sicilian i 
deiectum esse in mare? Redarguit Eratosthenes : adfen 
enim quas ille post id tempus fabulas docuerit. Num 
idcirco Duris Samius, homo in historia diligens, quod 
cum multis erravit, irridetur? Quis Zaleucum legen 
Locris scripsisse non dixit ? Num igitur iacet Theo- 
phrastus, si id a Timaeo, tuo familiari, reprehensum est I 
Sed nescire proavum suum censorem non fuisse turpe est 
praesertim cum post eum consulein nemo Cornelius ilk 
vivo censor fuerit. 19. Quod de Philotimo et de solu 
tione HS XXDC. scribis, Philotimum circiter Kal. lanu 
arias in Chersonesum audio venisse : at mihi ab eo nihil 
adhuc. Reliqua mea Camillus scribit se accepisse : ea 
quae sint nescio et aveo scire. Verum haec posterius et 
coram fortasse commodius. 20. Illud me, mi Attice, in 
extrema fere parte epistolae commovit : scribis enim sic, 



XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 63 

ri XOITTOV ; deinde me obsecras amantissime, ne obliviscar 
vigilare et ut animadvertam quae fiant. Num quid de 
quo inaudisti? Etsi nihil eius modi est. IIoAA.ov yc 
/cat Set. Nee enim me fefellisset nee fallet. Sed ista 
admonitio tua tain accurata nescio quid mihi significare 
visa est. 21. De M. Octavio iterum iam tibi rescribo te 
illi probe respondisse, paullo vellem fidentius. Nam 
Caelius libertum ad me misit et litteras accurate scriptas 
et de pantheris et a civitatibus. Rescripsi alterum me 
moleste ferre, si ego in tenebris laterem nee audiretur 
Romae nidlum in mea provincia nummuin nisi in aes 
alienum erogari, docuique nee mihi conciliare pecuniam 
licere nee illi capere, monuique eum, quern plane diligo, 
ut, cum alios accusasset, cautius viveret, illud autem 
alterum alienum esse existimatione mea, Cibyratas im- 
perio meo publice venari. 22. Lepta tua epistola gaudio 
exsultat. Etenim scripta belle est meque apud eum 
magna in gratia posuit. Filiola tua gratum mihi fecit, 
quod tibi diligenter mandavit ut mihi salutem ascriberes : 
gratum etiam Pilia, sed ilia officiosius, quod mihi, quern 
[iam pridem] numquam vidit. Igitur tu quoque salutem 
utrique ascribito. Litterarum datarum dies pr. Kal. 
lanuar. suavem habuit recordationem clarissimi iuris 
iurandi, quod ego non eram oblitus. Magnus enim 
praetextatus illo die fui. Habes ad omnia, non, ut 
postulasti, \pvcrea ^aAKetwv, sed paria paribus [respondi- 
mus]. 23. Ecce alia autem pusilla epistola, quam non 
relinquam a.vavTt^iovrjrov. ~\ Bene mehercule potuit Luc- 
ceius Tusculanum, nisi forte solet enim cum suo 
tibicine,t et velim scire qui sit status eius. Lentulum 



64 XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 

quidem nostrum omnia praeter Tusculanum proscripsisse 
audio. Cupio hos expedites videre, cupio etiam Sestii m, 
adde, sis, Caelium, in quibus omnibus est, 

ILLV cu vy voter vat, Setcrav 8 vTroB^^Oai. 



De Memmio restituendo ut Curio cogitet te audnse 
puto. De Egnatii Sidicini nomine nee nulla nee magna 
spe sumus. Pinarium, quern mihi commendas, diligent is- 
sime Deiotarus curat graviter aegrum. Respondi etium 
minori. 24. Tu velim, dum ero Laodiceae, id est, ad 
Idus Maias, quam saepissime mecum per litteras 
eolloquare, et cum Athenas veneris iam enim sciemus 
de rebus urbanis, de provinciis, quae omnia in mensem 
Martium sunt collata utique ad me tabellarios mitt; is. 
25. Et hens tn, iamnc vos a Caesare per Herodcm 
talenta Attica L. extorsistis "? in quo, ut audio, magm m 
odium Pompeii suscepistis. Putat enim suos nummos 
vos comedisse, Caesarem in Nemore aedificando diligen:i- 
orem fore. Haec ego ex P. Vedio, magno nebulone, sod 
Pompeii tamen familiari, audivi. Hie Vedius venit mihi 
ob viam cum duobus essedis et reda equis iuncta 3t 
lectica et familia magna pro qua, si Curio legend 
pertulerit, HS centenos pendat necesse est. Erit 
praeterea cynocephalus in essedo nee deerant onagri. 
Numquam vidi hominem nequiorem. Sed extremu n 
audi. Deversatus est Laodiceae apud Pompeiu n 
Vindullum : ibi sua deposuit, cum ad me profectus est. 
Moritur interim Vindullus, quae res ad Magnu n 
[Pompeium] pertinere putabatur. C. Vennonius domum 
Vindulli venit: cum omnia obsignaret in Vedianas rrs 



XXXVI. (ATT. VI. 4) 65 

incidit. In his inventae sunt quinque imagimculae 
matronarum, in quibus una sororis amici tui, hominis 
bruti, qui hoc utatur, et uxoris illius lepidi, qui haec 
tarn neglegenter ferat. Haec te volui TrapLo-Topijcrai. 
Sumus enim ambo belle curiosi. 2G. Unum etiam velim 
cogites. Audio Appium TrpoirvXov Eleusine facere. 
Num inepti nos fuerimus, si nos quoque Academiae 
fecerimus? Puto, inquies. Ergo id ipsum scribes ad 
me. Equidem valde ipsas Athenas amo. Volo esse 
aliquod monumentum meuin. Odi falsas inscriptiones 
statuarum alienarum. Sed ut tibi placebit, faciesque me 
in quern diem Romana incidant mysteria certiorem et quo 
modo hiemaris. Cura ut valeas. Post Leuctricam 
pugnam die septingentesimo sexagesimo quinto. 



XXXVI. TO ATTICUS, ON HIS WAY TO ROME 
(ATT. vi. 4) 

TARSUS, A.U.C. 704; B.C. 50; AET. CIC. 56 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se Tarsum venisse et cum de aliis rebus 
turn de eo sollicitum esse, quern provinciae praeficiat in decessu suo, 
ei omnia sua, quando Romam venerit, commendat, de re sua fam- 
iliari, quam sequent! epistola uberius explicat, /ivoTt/cwrepo* Graecis 
verbis scribit. 

1. Tarsum venimus Nonis luniis. Ibi me mtilta 
moverunt : magnum in Syria bellum, magna in Cilicia 
latrocinia, mihi difficilis ratio administrandi, quod paucos 
dies habebam reliquos annui muneris, illud autem diffi- 
cillimum : relinquendus erat ex senatus consulto qui 
praeesset. Nihil minus probari poterat quam quaestor 

F 



66 XXXVII. (ATT. VI. 5) 

Mescinius. Nam de Caelio nihil audiebamus. Recds- 
simum videbatur Q. fratrem cum imperio relinquere : in 
quo multa molesta, discessus noster, belli periculum, 
militum improbitas, sescenta praeterea. rem totim 
odiosam ! Sed haec fortuna viderit, quoniam consilio r on 
multum uti licet. 2. Tu, quando Romam salvus, ut 
spero, venisti, videbis, ut soles, omnia, quae intellej^es 
nostra interesse, in primis de Tullia mea, cuius de conli- 
cione quid mihi placeret scripsi ad Terentiam, cum tu in 
Graecia esses : deinde de honore nostro : quod enim tu 
afuisti, vereor ut satis diligenter actum in senatu sit de 
litteris meis. 3. Illud praeterea nixniKurtpov ad te 
scribam, tu sagacius odorabere : -njs SapapTos /xov 6 
oTcrOa ov Aeyw ($oe /zot TT/XO^V, e By 
ape<$eyyeTO, 7re</>iy>aKvcu ra? \J/rj<f>ov<s l/c 
TT/? wvs Ttuv VTrap^ovrdiV TOV KpOTwviaTOV Tvpavvo- 
KTOVOV SeSoiKa 8-n, fjiij TI ov vor)(rys ef? Sijirov TOVTO 5>) 
Trcpia-Kf^dfjievos rd, AOITTOC e^acr^)aAio-at. Non queo tan- 
tum, quantum vereor, scribere. Tu autem fac ut mihi 
tuae litterae volent obviae. Haec festinans scripsi in 
itinere atque agmine. Piliae et puellae Caeciliae bell;s- 
simae salutcm dices. 



XXXVII. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. vi. 5) 
TARSUS, A.U.C. 704; B.C. 50; AET. CIC. 56 

De exspectato Attici adventu in urbem, ab eo cupit sibi litter. :s 
obvias initti, in primis de rationibus turbatis in re sua familiari p. r 
libertum uxoris suae, quam rem Graece ev ali>i.y/j.oT$ exponit t 



XXXVII. (ATT. VI. 5) 67 

maxiraae curae Attico esse vult : se in ipso decessu suo sollicitudine 
provinciae maxime urgeri, de Bibulo sibi non molesto, de brevitate 
huius ipsius epistolae. 

1. Nunc quidera profecto Romae es : quo te, si ita est, 
salvum venisse gaudeo : unde quidem quam diu afuisti, 
magis a me abesse videbare, quam si domi esses : minus 
enim mihi meae notae res erant, minus etiam publicae. 
Qua re velim, etsi, ut spero, te haec legente aliquantum 
iam viae processero, tamen obvias mihi litteras quam 
argutissimas de omnibus rebus crebro mittas, in primis de 
quo scripsi ad te antea : rrjs gvvaopov rrjs C/XTJS ov eXev- 
Oepos <5oe [AOL OafJia paTTapifrov Kal aAi tov ev rot? vXX6- 
yois Kal rats Accruals VTTO TL ire^vpaKevai ras ^<ovs ev 
rots vTrdp-^ovcTL rots rov KpoToovtarov. 2. Hoc tu indaga, 
ut soles ; ast hoc magis : e^ ao-recos 7rTaAo<^ov a-rei^wv 
7ra/3e8wKev /zvwv K^. pq. d^etA^/xa TW Ka^tAAo)* eavrov 
re d<^)iAovTa yavas K^ . IK TWV KpOTWVtaTtKajv /cat e/c 
TWV Xe/o/oov^crtTtKWV /x^ . /cat yuvas K\rjpovofJiTJo-a.i ^f/. ^/x . 
TOVTWV Se ^Sc d/?oAov 8ievXvTO)(T6a.ij Travrcov d^etA^- 
^evTWV TOV Sevrepov fjLfjvo S ry vovfiifvuf rov Be aTreXtvOepov 
avrov, ovra O/AWVV/XOV rw Kovwvos Jrar/ot, [irjSev oAocr- 
7T</)/50VTtKevai. ravra ovv, TT^WTOV />iV iVa Trai/ra 
t, SevTepov 8e IVa ^LtrySe TWV TOKWV 6\LyMp r >jcry < s TWV 
aTro T^S 7rpoKKifJLVi^<s. rjfjifpas ocras ai rov 
(T(f>68pa SeSoiKa. Kal yap Traprjv 7rpo<s rjfJias 
i//d/xvos /cat rt o-^e8ov eAvrto-as a?royvovs 8 aAdyco? 
aTrea-riy, eVetTroov, etKW alcr^pov rot 8yp6v T pkve.iv 
meque obiurgavit vetere proverbio TO, /xev StSd/zeva. 3. 
Reliqua vide et quantum fieri potest prospice. Nos etsi 
annuum tempus prope iam emeritum habebamus dies 



68 xxxviii. (ATT. vi. s) 

enim xxxm. erant reliqui sollicitudine provinche 
tamen vel maxime urgebamur. Cum enim arderet Syria 
bello et Bibulus in tan to maerore suo maximam curam 
belli sustineret ad meque legati eius et quaestor et amid 
eius litteras mitterent ut subsidio venirem, etsi exerciturn 
infirmum habebam, auxilia sane bona, sed ea Galataruia, 
Pisidarum, Lyciorum haec enim sunt nostra robora 
tamen esse officium meum putavi exercitum habere quan 
proxime hostem, quoad mihi praeesse provinciae pjr 
senatus consultum liceret. Sed, quo ego maxime dele 3- 
tabar, Bibulus molestus mihi non erat : de omnibus rebus 
scribebat ad me potius, et mihi decessionis dies AeAv^oros 
obrepebat : qui cum advenerit, aAXo 7r/3o/3Ar//-ia, quern 
praeficiam, nisi Caldus quaestor venerit, de quo adhi c 
nihil certi habebamus. 4. Cupiebam mehercule longiorem 
epistolam facere, sed nee erat res de qua scriberem me 
iocari prae cura poteram. Valebis igitur et puellae salit- 
tem Atticulae dices nostraeque Piliae. 



XXXVIII. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. vi. 8) 

EPHESUS, A.U.C. 704; B.C. 50; AET. CIC. 56 

Litteras Attici Ephesi sibi redditas a Batonio gratas fuisse 
significat, sed Batonium meros terrores Caesarianos ad se attulisst : 
de tarditate navigationis suae, de rebus urbanis vult edoceri (t 
quid Atticus de triumpho suo cogitet. 

1 . Cum instituissem ad te scribere calamumque sumj - 
sissem Batonius e navi recta ad me venit domum Ephe* i 
et epistolam tuam reddidit pridie Kal. Octobres. Laete- 



XXXVIII. (ATT. VI. 8) 69 

tus sum felicitate navigations tuae, opportunitate Piliae, 
etiam hercule sermone eiusdem de coniugio Tulliae meae. 

2. Batonius autem meros terrores ad me attulit Caesari- 
anos, cum Lepta etiam plura locutus est, spero falsa, sed 
certe horribilia, exercitum nullo modo dimissurum, cum 
illo praetores designates, Cassium tribunum pi., Lentulum 
consulem facere, Pompeio in animo esse urbem relinquere. 

3. Sed heus tu, num quid moleste fers de illo, qui se 
solet anteferre patruo sororis tuae filii 1 ? At a quibus 
victus? Sed ad rem. 4. Nos etesiae vehementissime 
tardarunt. Detraxit xx. ipsos dies etiam aphractus 
Rhodiorum. Kal. Octobr. Epheso conscendentes hanc 
epistolam dedimus L. Tarquitio, simul e portu egredienti, 
sed expeditius naviganti. JS~os Rhodiorum aphractis 
ceterisque longis navibus tranquillitates aucupaturi 
eramus : ita tamen properabamus, ut non posset magis. 
5. De lajlilliscula Puteolano gratum. Nunc velim dis- 
picias res Romanas, videas quid nobis de triumpho cogi- 
tandum putes, ad quern amici me vocant. Ego, nisi 
Bibulus, qui, dum unus hostis in Syria fuit, pedem porta 
non plus extulit quam domi domo sua, adniteretur de 
triumpho, aequo animo essem. Nunc vero ala-xpov 
o-twTrav. Sed explora rem totam, ut, quo die congress! 
erimus, consiliurn capere possimus. Sat multa, qui et 
properarem et ei litteras darem, qui aut mecum aut 
paullo ante venturus esset. Cicero tibi plurimam 
salutem dicit. Tu dices utriusque nostrum verbis et 
Piliae tuae et filiae. 



70 xxxix. (ATT. vi. 9) 

XXXIX. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. VT. 9) 
ATHENS, A.U.C. 704; B.C. 50; AET. CIC. 56 

M. Cicero Attico scribit se eius litteras ab Acasto servo suo 
accepisse, e quibus cognosset eum febriculam liabere, se spen.re 
iam melius ei esse factum : de re sua familiari, de Q. fratre pi o- 
vinciae non praefecto, de litterarum commercio. 

1. In Piraeea cum exissem pridie Idus Octobr. accepi 
ab Acasto, servo meo, statim tuas litteras, quas quidem 
cum exspectassem iam diu, admiratus sum, ut vili 
obsignatam epistolam, brevitatem eius, ut aperui, rursus 
vvyxvviv litterularum, quia solent tuae compositissiim e 
et clarissimae esse, ac, ne multa, cognovi ex eo, quod il a 
scripseras, te Romam venisse a. d. xn. Kal. Octobr. cu:n 
febri. Percussus vehementer nee magis quam debui 
statim quaero ex Acasto. Ille et tibi et sibi visum ( t 
ita se domi ex tuis audisse, ut nihil esset incommodo. 
Id videbatur approbare, quod erat in extremo, febriculam 
turn te habentem scripsisse. Sed te amavi tamen admin ,- 
tusque sum, quod nihilo minus ad me tua manu scrip- 
sisses. Qua re de hoc satis. Spero enim, quae tui 
prudentia et temperantia est, et hercule, ut me iubet 
Acastus, confido te iam ut volumus valere. 2. A Tui- 
ranio te accepisse nieas litteras gaudeo. Ila/ja^vAa^ov, 
si me amas, TYJV rov (^vparov <fttXoTtAuav avrorara. 
Hanc quae mehercule mihi magno dolori est dilexi 
enim hominem procura, quantulacumque est, Precianan i 
hereditatem prorsus ille ne attingat. Dices nunimo; 
mihi opus esse ad apparatum triumphi, in quo, ui 



XL. (FAM. XVI. 9) 71 

praecipis, nee me KCVOV in expetendo cognosces nee 
arvcfiov in abiiciendo. 3. Intellexi ex tuis litteris te 
ex Turranio audisse a me provinciam fratri traditam. 
Adeon ego non perspexeram prudentiam litterarum 
tuanim 1 ^irtyeiv te scribebas. Quid erat dubitatione 
dignum, si esset quidquam cur placeret fratrem et talem 
fratrem relinqui? Atfer^o-i? ista mihi tua, non CTTOX^ 
videbatur. Monebas de Q. Cicerone puero, ut eum 
quidem neutiquam relinquerem. TLOVJWV oveipov l/xot. 
Eadem omnia, quasi collocuti essemus, vidimus. Non 
fuit faciendum aliter, meque Irrix/Dovta firo\r) tua dubita 
tione liberavit. Sed puto te accepisse de hac re episto- 
lam scriptam accuratius. 4. Ego tabellarios postero die 
ad vos eram missurus, quos puto ante ventures quam 
nostrum Saufeium. Sed eum sine meis litteris ad te 
venire vix rectum erat. 5. Tu mihi, ut polliceris, de 
Tulliola mea, id est, de Dolabella, perscribes, de re 
publica, quam praevideo in summis periculis, de censori- 
bus, maximeque de signis, tabulis quid fiat, referaturne. 
Idibus Octobr. has dedi litteras, quo die, ut scribis, 
Caesar Placentiam legiones quattuor. Quaeso, quid 
nobis futurum est? In arce Athenis static mea uunc 
placet. 

XL. CICERO AND HIS SON TO TIRO, ON HIS 

WAY TO ROME (FAM. xvi. 9) 
BEUNDISIUM, A.U.C. 704; B.C. 50; AET. CIC. 56 

M. Cicero describit navigationis suae cnrsum et ad curandam 
valetudinem Tironem cohortatur. 

1. Nos a te, ut scis, discessimus a. d. iv. Non. Nov- 



72 XL. (FAM. XVI. 9) 

embr. Leucatlem vcnimus a. d. vin. Idus Novembr., a. 
d. vn. Actium : ibi propter tcmpestatem a. d. vi. Idus 
morati sumus. Inde a. d. v. Idus Corey ram bellissime 
navigavimus. Corcyrae fuimus usque ad a. d. xvi. 
Kalend. Decembr. tempestatibus retenti. A. d. xv. 
Kalend. in portum Corcyraeorum ad Cassiopen stadia 
cxx. processimus. Ibi retenti ventis sumus usque ;id 
a. d. vim. Kalendas. Interea, qui cupide profecti sur t, 
multi naufragia fecerunt. 2. Nos _eo die cenati solvimi s. 
Inde austro lenissimo, caelo sereno, nocte ilia et die postero 
in Italian! ad Hydruutem ludibundi pervenimus eodemque 
vento postridie id erat a. d. vn. Kalend. Decembr. 
hora quarta Bruudisium venimus, eodemque tempo -e 
simul nobiscum in oppidurn introiit Terentia, quae :e 
facit plurimi. A. d. v. Kalend. Decembr. servus C i. 
Plancii Brundisii tandem aliquando mihi a te exspect v- 
tissimas litteras reddidit, datas Idibus Novembr., qm,e 
me molestia valde levarunt : utinam omnino liberassent ! 
Sed tamen Asclapo medicus plane confirmat propediem 
te valentem fore. 3. Nunc quid ego te horter, ut omnem 
diligentiam adhibeas ad convalescendum ? Tuam pruden- 
tiam, temperantiam, amorem erga me novi : scio te omnia 
f act u rum, ut nobiscum quam primum sis : sed tamen it a 
velim, ut ne quid properes. Symphoniam Lysonis vellei i 
vitasses, ne in quartam hebdomada incideres. Sed quor - 
iam pudori tuo maluisti obsequi quam valetudini, reliqu i 
cura. Curio misi, ut medico honos haberetur et tihi 
daret quod opus esset : me cui iussisset curaturum. Ecum 
et muluin Brundisii tibi reliqui. Romae vereor ne e:: 
Kalend. Ian. magni ttimultus sint. Nos agemus omni; , 



XLI. (ATT. vn. 17) 73 

inodice. 4. Reliquum est ut te hoc rogena et a te petam, 
ne temere naviges solent nautae festinare quaestus sui 
causa cautus sis, mi Tiro mare magnum et difficile tibi 
restat si poteris cum Mescinio caute is solet navigare 
si minus, cum honesto aliquo homine, cuius auctoritate 
navicularius moveatur. In hoc omnem diligentiam si 
adhibueris teque nobis incolumeni stiteris, omnia a te 
habebo. Etiam atque etiam, noster Tiro, vale. Medico, 
Curio, Lysoni de te scripsi diligentissime. Vale et salve. 

XLI. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. vn. 17) 
FORMIAE, A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57 

M. Cicero Attico scribit de pueris in Graeciam transportanrlis, 
si ipse Hispaniam peteret, de Attici commoratione in urbe cum 
Sexto, de responsis ad Caesaris responsa scriptis a P. Sestio, quae 
ipse a Caesare non acceptum iri existimat, de Trebatii litteris 
rogatu Caesaris ad se missis et quid Trebatio ipse responderit, et 
de consiliis suis, a se Capua reverse in Formiauo mulieres suas 
exspectari, ipsum velle Non. Febr. Capuae esse. 

1. Tuae litterae mihi gratae iucundaeque sunt. De 
pueris in Graeciam transportandis turn cogitabam, cum 
fuga ex Italia quaeri videbatur. Nos enim Hispaniam 
peteremus, ill is hoc aeque commodum non erat. Tu ipse 
cum Sexto etiam nunc mihi videris Romae recte esse 
posse. Etenim minime amici Pompeio nostro esse 
debetis. Nemo enim umquam tantum de urbanis 
praediis detraxit. 2. Videsne me etiam iocari? Scire 
iam te oportet L. Caesar quae responsa referat a 
Pompeio, quas ab eodem ad Caesarem ferat litteras. 



74 XLI. (ATT. VII. 17) 

Scriptae enim et datae ita sunt, ut proponerentur in 
publico : in quo accusavi mecum ipse Pompeium, qui 
cum scriptor luculentus esset, tantas res atque eas, qu le 
in omnium manus venturae essent, Sestio nostro scri- 
bendas dederit. Itaque nihil umquam legi scriptum 
o-?;a-TKt>8e<rTe/>ov. Perspici tamen ex litteris Pompeii 
potest nihil Caesari negari omniaque et cumulate qune 
postulet dari, quae ille amentissimus fuerit nisi acceperit, 
praesertim cum impudentissime postulaverit. Quis enim 
tu es, qui dicas : Si in Hispaniam profectus erit, si 
praesidia dimiserit. 3 Tamen conceditur : minus honesl e 
nunc quidem, violata iam ab illo re publica illatoqve 
bello, quam si olim de ratione habenda impetrasset, (t 
tamen vereor ut his ipsis contentus sit. Nam cum ista 
mandata dedisset L. Caesari, debuit esse paullo quietior, 
dum responsa referrentur, dicitur autem nunc esse 
acerrimus. 3. Trebatius quidem scribit se ab illo ix. 
Kal. Febr. rogatum esse, ut scriberet ad me, ut essem ad 
iirbem : nihil ei me gratius facere posse. Haec verbh 
plurimis. Intellexi ex dierum ratione, ut primum d) 
discessu nostro Caesar audisset, laborare eum coepisse n; 
omnes abessemus. Itaque non dubito quin ad Pisonem, 
quin ad Servium scripserit. Illud admiror non ipsum ad 
me scripsisse, non per Dolabellam, non per Caelium 
egisse, quam quam non aspernor Trebatii litteras, a quo 
me unice diligi scio. 4. Rescripsi ad Trebatium nan 
ad ipsum Caesarem, qui mihi nihil scripsisset, nolui 
quam illud hoc tempore esset difficile, me tamen in 
praediis meis esse neque dilectum ullum neque negotium 
suscepisse. In quo quidem manebo, dum spes pacis erit : 



XLII. (ATT. VII. 20) 75 

sin bellum geretur, non deero officio nee dignitati meae, 
pueros v7reK$/Aevos in Graeciam. Totam enim Italiam 
flagraturam bello intellego. Tantum niali est excitatum 
partim ex improbis, partim ex invidis civibus. Sed haec 
paucis diebus ex illius ad nostra responsa responsis intelle- 
gentur quorsum evasura sint. Turn ad te scribam plura, si 
erit bellum : sin aut otium aut etiam indutiae, te ipsum, ut 
spero, videbo. 5. Ego mi. Non. Febr., quo die has litteras 
dedi, in Formiano, quo Capua redieram, mulieres exspecta- 
bam, quibus quidem scripseram tuis litteris admonitus, ut 
Romae manerent. Sed audio maiorem quemdam in urbe 
timorem esse. Capuae Non. Febr. esse volebam, quia 
consules iusserant. Quidquid hue erit a Pompeio 
adlatum, statim ad te scribam, tuasque de istis rebus 
litteras exspectabo. 



XLII. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. vn. 20) 
CAPUA, A.U.C. 705 ; B.C. 49 ; AET. CIC. 57 

Desperata pace queritur M. Cicero tamen bellum non parari a 
consulibus, a Caesare omnia acerrime agitari. Quaerit ab Attico 
quid sibi agendum putet. 

1. Breviloquentem iam me tempus ipsum facit. 
Pacem enim desperavi, bellum nostri nullum adminis- 
trant. Cave enim putes quidquam esse minoris his 
consulibus : quorum ergo spe audiendi aliquid et cog- 
noscendi nostri apparatus maximo imbri Capuam veui 
pridie Nonas, ut eram iussus. Illi autem nondum 
venerant, sed erant venturi ad Nonas, inanes, imparati. 



76 XLIII. (ATT. VIII. 4) 

Gnaeus autem Luceriae dicebatur esse et adire cohorts 
legionum Appianarum, non firmissimarum. At ilium 
mere mmtiant et iam iamque adesse, non ut mam m 
conserat quicum enim? sed lit fugam intercludut. 
2. Ego autem in Italia KO.V aTroOavtiv nee te id 
consulo sin extra, quid ago? Ad manendum hiems, 
lictores, improvidi et neglegentes duces, ad fugam 
hortatur amicitia Gnaei, causa bononim, turpitude 
coniungendi cum tyranno : qui quidem incertum est 
Phalarimne an Pisistratum sit irnitaturus. Haec velim 
explices et me iuves consilio, etsi te ipsum istic iam 
calere puto. Sed tamen quantum poteris. Ego si qu d 
hie hodie novi cognoro, scies. Iam enim aderunt consults 
ad suas Nonas. Tuas cotidie litteras exspectabo. Ad 
has autem, cum poteris, rescribes. Mulieres et Cicerone :s 
in Formiano reliqui. 



XLIII. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. vm. 4) 

FORMIAE, A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57 

M. Cicero de ingrato Dionysii magistri Ciceronum animo quer - 
tur et quae audierit de C. Atio Paeligno nuntiat, Attici litters 3 
exspectat. 

1. Dionysius quidem tuus potius quam noster, cuhn 
ego cum satis cognossem mores, tuo tamen potius stabam 
iudicio quam meo, ne tui quidem testimonii, quod ei saepo 
apud me dederas, veritus superbum se praebuit in fortuna, 
quam putavit nostram fore : cuius fortunae nos, quantun . 
humano consilio effici poterit, motum ratione quadam gu 



XLIV. (ATT. VIII. 5) 77 

bernabimus. Cui qui noster honos, quod obsequium, quae 
etiam ad ceteros contempt! cuiusdam hominis commen- 
datio defuit ? ut meum iudicium reprehend! a Quinto fratre 
vulgoque ab omnibus mallem quam ilium non etferre lau- 
dibus, Ciceronesque nostros meo potius labore subdoceri 
quam me alium iis magistram quaerere. Ad quern ego quaa 
litteras, di immortales, miseram, quantum honoris signifi- 
cantes, quantum amoris ! Dicaearchum mehercule aut Ari- 
stoxenum diceres arcessi, non hominem omnium loquacis- 
simum et minime aptum ad docendum. 2. Sed est 
memoria bona. Me dicet esse meliore. Quibus litteris 
ita respondit, ut ego nemini, cuius causam non reciperem. 
Semper enim, si potero, si ante suscepta causa non 
impediar, numquam reo cuiquam tarn humili, tarn sor- 
dido, tarn nocenti, tarn alieno tarn praecise negavi quam 
hie mihi plane sine ulla exceptione praecidit. Nihil 
cognovi ingratius, in quo vitio nihil mali non inest. Sed 
de hoc nimis multa. 3. Ego navem paravi : tuas litteras 
tamen exspecto, ut sciam quid respondeant consultation! 
meae. Sulmone C. Atium Paelignum aperuisse Antonio 
portas, cum essent cohortes quinque, Q. Lucretium 
inde effugisse scis, Gnaeum Brundisium ire, Domitium iri 
desertum. Confecta res est. 



XLIV. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. vm. 5) 
FORMIAE, A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57 

M. Cicero Attico scribit Dionysium ipsum ad se venisse et se 
sibi iam referri velle earn epistolam quam Attico misisset ad ilium 



78 XLV. (ATT. IX. 2) 

perferendam. Turn de exspectatione de re Corfiniensi, de Tirone 
M . Curio commendando. 

1. Cum ante lucem vin. Kal. ad te [de Dionydo] 
litteras dedissem, vesperi ad nos eodem die venit i])se 
Dionysius, auctoritate tua permotus, ut suspicor. Quid 
enim putem aliud? Etsi solet eum, cum aliquid furiose 
fecit, paenitere. Numquam autem cerritior fuit quam in 
hoc uegotio. Nam, quod ad te non scripseram, posica 
audivi a tertio miliario timuisse, 



K/3a(T(76V s 

multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset : suo capiti, ut aiui it. 
Sed en meam mansuetudinem ! Conieceram in fasciculi m 
una cum tua veliementem ad ilium epistolam : hanc id 
me referri volo, nee ullam ob aliam causam Pollicun 
servum a pedibus meis Romam misl Eo autem ad te 
scripsi, ut, si tibi forte reddita esset, mihi curares refcr- 
endam, ne in illius manus perveniret. 2. Novi si quid 
esset, scripsissem. Pendeo animi exspectatione de re 
Corfiniensi, in qua de salute rei publicae decernetur. Tu 
fasciculum, qui est M . CURIO inscriptus, velim cures ;td 
eum perferendum, Tironemque Curio commendes et it 
det ei, si quid opus erit in sumptum, roges. 



XLV. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. ix. 2) 
FORMIAE, A.U.C. 705 ; B.C. 49 ; AET. CIC. 57 

Quod Atticus epistola quadam scripserat se gaudere Cicerone n 
mansisse, iam quaerit Cicero utrum ipse eius sententiam para n 



XLV. (ATT. IX. 2) 79 

meminerit an ille sententiam mutaverit. Dubitare se scribit 
de consilio ab Attico sibi dato, exponit de luisera condicione 
sua, si Caesaris partes sequatur, apud Pompeiuia se in offeusa esse 
non posse, quum ille se potius neglexerit, de adventu Postunii Curtii, 
de nuntio Brundisio nondum adlato. 

1. Etsi Nonis Martiis die tuo, ut opinor, exspectabam 
epistolam a te longiorem, tamen ad earn ipsam brevem, 
quam ITII. Nonas VTTO rY]v Av jr/ ti/ dedisti, rescribendum 
putavi. Gaudere ais te raansisse me, et scribis in 
sententia te manere. Mihi autem superioribus litteris 
videbare non dubitare quin cederem, ita, si et Gnaeus 
bene comitatus conscendisset et consules transissent. 
Utrum hoc tu parum commeministi an ego non satis 
intellexi an mutasti sententiam? Sed aut ex epistola, 
quam exspecto, perspiciam quid sentias aut alias abs te 
litteras eliciam. Brundisio nihildum erat adlatum. 

2. rein difficilem planeque perditam ! quam nihil 
praetermittis in consilio dando ! quam nihil tamen quod 
tibi ipsi placeat explicas ! Non esse me una cum 
Pompeio gaudes, ac proponis quam sit turpe me adesse, 
cum quid de illo detrahatur. Nefas esse approbare. 
Certe. Contra igitur ? Di, inquis, averruncent ! Quid 
ergo fiet, si in altero scelus est, in altero supplicium 1 
Impetrabis, inquis, a Caesare ut tibi abesse liceat et esse 
otioso. Supplicandum igitur? Miserum. Quid, si non 
impetraro ? Et de triumpho erit, inquis, integrum. 
Quid, si hoc ipso premar ? Accipiam : quid foedius ? 
Negem : repudiari se totum, magis etiam quam olim in 
xxviratu, putabit. Ac solet, cum se purgat, in me con- 
ferre omnem illorum temporum culpam : ita me sibi 



80 XLV. (ATT. IX. 2) 

fuisse iniinicum, ut ne honorem quidem a se accipere vel- 
lem. Quanto mine hoc idem accipiet asperius 1 Tanto 
scilicet, quanto et honor hie illo est amplior et ipse 
robustior. 3. Nam quod negas te dubitare quin magna 
in offeiisa sim apud Pompeium hoc tempore, non video 
causam cur ita sit, hoc quidem tempore. Qui enim 
amisso Corfinio denique certiorem me sui consilii fecit, is 
queretur Brundisium me non venisse, quum inter me et 
Brundisium Caesar esset 1 Deinde etiam scit d7rapp-rj<rL- 
acrTov esse in ea causa querellam suam. Me putat de 
municipiorum imbecillitate, de dilectibus, de pace, de 
urbe, de pecunia, de Piceno occupando plus vidisse qw m 
se. Sin, cum potuero, non venero, iure erit inimicus; 
quod ego non eo vereor ne mihi noceat quid en m 
faciet ? 

T/s S* <rrl SovAos, TOV Oaveiv a<ppovTi$ wv ; 

sed quia ingrati animi crimen horreo. Confido igitur 
adventum nostrum illi, quoquo tempore fuerit, ut scribis, 
wrptvivTov fore. Nam quod ais, si hie temperatius 
egerit, consideratius consilium te daturum, qui hie potcst 
se gerere non perdite 1 Vetant mores, ante facta, rai io 
suscepti negotii, socii, vires bonorum aut etiam constant: a. 
4. Vixdum epistolam tuam legeram, cum ad me curreas 
ad ilium Postumus Curtius venit, nihil nisi classes 
loquens et exercitus, eripiebat Hispanias, tenebat Asiam, 
Siciliam, Africam, Sardinian], confestim in Graeciam 
persequebatur. Eundum igitur est nee tarn ut belli 
quam ut fugae socii simus. Nee enim ferre potero 
sermones istorum, quicumque sunt : non sunt enim certe, 



XLVI. (ATT. X. 17) 81 

ut appellantur, boni. Sed tamen id ipsum scire cupio, 
quid loquantur, idque lit exquiras meque certiorem facias, 
te vehementer rogo. Nos adhuc quid Brundisii actum 
esset plane nesciebamus : cum sciemus, turn ex re et ex 
tempore consilium capieraus, sed utemur tuo. 



XLVI. TO ATTICUS, IN KOME (ATT. x. 17) 
POMPEII, A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57 

De Hortensii ad se adventu, de Sorapionis adventu cum epistola 
Attici, de lippitudine sua et valetudine Attici, de Ocella, denique, 
quod de diplomate Attici suspicatus erat, se excusat. 

1. Pridie Idus Hortensius ad me venit.scripta epistola. 
Vellem cetera eius. Quam in me incredibilem e/crei/eiav ! 
qua quidem cogito uti. Deinde Serapion cum epistola 
tua, quam prius quam aperuissem, dixi ei te ad me de eo 
scripsisse antea, ut feceras. Deinde, epistola stricta, 
cumulatissime cetera : et hercule hominem bonum et 
doctum et probum existimo : quin etiam navi eius me et 
ipso convectore usurum puto. 2. Crebro refricat lippi- 
tudo, non ilia quidem perodiosa, sed tamen quae impediat 
scriptionem meam. Valetudinem tuam iam confirmatam 
esse et a vetere morbo et a novis temptationibus gaudeo. 
3. Ocellam vellem haberemus. Viderentur enim esse haec 
paullo faciliora. Nunc quidem aequinoctium nos moratur, 
quod valde perturbatum erat. Inde si d/<paes erit, utinam 
idem maneat Hortensius ! si quidem, ut adhuc erat, 
liberalius esse nihil potest. 4. De diplomate, admiraris, 
quasi nescio cuius te flagitii insimularim. Negas enim 
G 



82 XLVII. (ATT. x. is) 

te reperire qui mihi id in mentem venerit. Ego autc m, 
quia scripseras, te proficisci cogitare etenim audierun 
neinini aliter licere, eo te habere censebam, et q ua 
pueris diploma sumpseras. Habes causam opinionis meae, 
et tamen velim scire quid cogites, in prirnisque, si quid 
etiam nunc novi est. xvn. Kal. lun. 



XLVII. TO ATTICUS, IN ROME (ATT. x. 18) 
POMPEII, A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57 

De partu Tulliae, de navigatione impedita adhuc, de custod is, 
quibus adscrvetur, Attici epistolas exspectat, maxime si quid de 
Hispaniis, de Balbo, de misera condicione sua. 

1 . Tullia mea peperit xim. Kal. lun. puerum eTrra/, 17- 
vialov. Quod tvTOKrjo-tv, cst quod gaudeam. Qu)d 
quidem est natum, perimbecillum est. Me mirificae 
tran quill itates adhuc tenuerunt atque maiori impediment 
fuerunt quam custodiae, quibus adservor. Nam ilia 
Hortensiana omnia fuere infantia. Ita fiet : homo nequ s- 
simus a Salvio liberto depravatus est. Itaque posthic 
non scribam ad te quid factums sim, sed quid fecerim : 
omnes enim Kw/n Kouot videntur subauscultare quie 
loquor. 2. Tu tamen, si quid de Hispaniis sive quid 
aliud, perge quaeso scribere, nee meas litteras exspectaris, 
nisi cum quo opto pervenerimus aut si quid ex cursu, scd 
hoc quoque timide scribo : ita omnia tarda adhuc et spiss i. 
Ut male posuimus initia, sic cetera sequuntur. Formiis 
nunc sequimur, eodem nos fortasse Furiae persequentur. 
Ex Balbi autem sermone, quern tecum habuit, non pr > - 



XLVIII. (ATT. XL i) 83 

bamus de Melita. Dubitas igitur quin nos in hostium 
numero habeatl Scrips! equidem Balbo te ad me de 
benevolentia scripsisse et de suspicione. Egi gratias. 
De altero ei me purgavi. 3. Ecquem tu hommein infeli- 
cioreni? Non loquor plura, ne te quoque excruciein. 
Ipse conficior venisse tempus cum iam nee fortiter nee 
prudenter quidquam facere possim. 



XLVIII. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xi. 1) 
EPIRUS, A.U.C. 706; B.C. 48; AET. CIC. 58 

M. Cicero Attico res suas domesticas suscipiendas et tuendas 
commendat. 

1. Accepi a te signatum libellum, quern Anteros attu- 
lerat, ex quo nihil scire potui de nostris domesticis rebus : 
de quibus acerbissime adflictor, quod qui eas dispensavit 
neque adest istic neque ubi terrarum sit scio. Omnem 
autem spem habeo existimationis privatarumque rerum 
in tua erga me mihi perspectissima benevolentia, quam 
si his temporibus miseris et extremis praestiteris, haec 
pericula, quae mihi communia sunt cum ceteris, fortius 
feram : idque ut facias, te obtestor atque obsecro. 2. 
Ego in cistophoro in Asia habeo ad HS. bis et viciens. 
Huius pecuniae pcnnutatione fidem nostram facile tuebere, 
quam quidem ego nisi expeditam relinquere me putassem, 
credens ei, cui tu scis iam pridem minime me credere, 
commoratus essem paullisper nee domesticas res impedi- 
tas reliquissem ; ob eamque causam serins ad te scribo, 



84 XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 

quod sero intellexi quid tiuiendum esset. Te etiam atque 
etiam oro, ut me totum tuendum suscipias, ut, si ii sa]vi 
erunt, quibuscum sum, una cum iis possim incolumis etse 
salutemque mcam benevolcntiae tuae acceptain referre. 



XLIX. TO TAETUS (FAM. ix. 16) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60 

M. Cicero L. Papirio Paeto scribit se nihil praetermisisse, at 
Caesarianorum sibi benevolentiam conciliaret, nee boni civis a it 
sapientis hominis officium iu se posse desiderari. Denique Pat ti 
iocis iocosa reddit. 

1. Delectarunt me tuae litterae, in quibus primirn 
amavi amorem tuum, qui te ad scribendum incitavit 
verentem, ne Silius suo nuntio aliquid mihi sollicitudinis 
attulisset : de quo et tu mihi antea scripseras, bis quidem 
eodem exemplo, facile ut intellegerem te esse commotum, 
et ego tibi accurate rescripseram, ut quoquo modo in tali 
re atque tempore aut liberarem te ista cura aut eerie 
levarem. 2. Sed quoniam proximis quoque litters 
ostendis, quantae tibi curae sit ea res, sic, mi Paetr, 
habeto : quidquid arte fieri potuerit non enim iam satis 
est consilio pugnare : artificium quoddam excogitandui i 
est, sed tamen quidquid elaborari aut effici potuerit 
ad istorum benevolentiam conciliandam et colligendan, 
summo studio me consecutum esse, nee frustra, ut arbi- 
tror : sic enim color, sic observer ab omnibus iis, qui \ 
Caesare diliguntur, ut ab iis me amari putem. Tametn 
non facile diiudicatur amor verus et fictus, nisi aliquot I 



XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 85 

incidat eius modi tern pus, ut quasi aurum igni, sic 
benevolentia fidelis periculo aliquo perspici possit, cetera 
sunt signa communia, sed ego uno utor argumento, quam 
ob rem me ex ammo vereque arbitrer diligi, quia et nostra 
fortuna ea est et illorum, ut simulandi causa non sit. 3. 
De illo autem, quern penes est omnis potestas, nihil video 
quod timeain : nisi quod omnia sunt incerta, cum a iure 
discessum est, nee praestari quidquam potest, quale 
futurum sit, quod positum est in alterius voluntate, ne 
dicam libidine. Sed tamen eius ipsius nulla re a me 
offensus est animus. Est enim adhibita in ea re ipsa 
summa a nobis moderatio. Ut enim olim arbitrabar esse 
meum libere loqui, cuius opera esset in civitate libertas, 
sic ea nunc amissa nihil loqui quod offendat ant illiua 
aut eorum, qui ab illo diliguntur, voluntatem. Effugere 
autem si velim non nullorum acute aut facete dictorum 
famam, fama ingenii mihi est abiicienda : quod, si id 
possem, non recusarem. 4. Sed tamen ipse Caesar habet 
peracre indicium, et, ut Servius, frater tuus, quern littera- 
tissimum fuisse iudico, facile diceret, hie versus Plauti 
non est, hie est, quod tritas aures haberet notandis 
generibus poetarurn et consuetudine legendi, sic audio 
Caesarem, cum volumina iam confecerit aTro^^ey/xarwv, 
si quod adferatur ad eum pro meo, quod meum non sit, 
reiicere solere : quod eo nunc magis facit, quia vivunt mecum 
fere cotidie illius familiares. Incidunt autem in sermone 
vario multa, quae fortasse illis cum dixi nee illitterata nee 
insulsa esse videantur. Haec ad ilium cum reliquis actis 
perferuntur : ita enim ipse mandavit. Sic fit ut, si quid 
praeterea de me audiat, non audieudum putet. Quam 



86 XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 

ob rem Oenomao tuo nihil utor : etsi posuisti loco versus 
Accianos. 5. Sed quae est invidia aut quid mihi mine 
invideri potest? Verum fac posse omnia. Sic video 
philosophis placuisse iis, qui mihi soli videntur vim vir- 
tutis tenere, nihil esse sapientis praestare nisi culpa:n: 
qua mihi videor dupliciter carere, et quod ea senserim, 
quae rectissima fuenmt, et quod, cum viderem praesidii 
non satis esse ad ea obtinenda, viribus certandum cum 
valentioribus non putarim Ergo in officio boni cids 
certe non sum reprehendendus. Reliquum est, ne quid 
stulte, ne quid temere dicam aut faciam contra potentc s : 
id quoque puto esse sapientis. Cetera vero, quid quisque 
me dixisse dicat aut quo modo ille accipiat aut qua fide 
mecum vivant ii, qui me adsidue colunt et observant, 
praestare non possum. 6. Ita fit ut et consiliorim 
superiorum conscientia et praesentis temporis moderatione 
me consoler et illam Accii similitudinem non iam id 
invidiam, sed ad fortunam transferam, quam existiiio 
levem et imbecillam ab animo firmo et gravi tamquam 
fluctum a saxo frangi oportere. Etenim cum plena si at 
monumenta Graecorum, quern ad modum sapientissimi 
viri regna tulerint vel Athenis vel Syracusis, cum servien- 
tibus suis civitatibus fuerint ipsi quodam modo liberi, e, *o 
me non putem tueri meum statum sic posse, ut neqie 
offendam animum cuiusquam nee frangam dignitatem 
meam? 7 Nunc venio ad iocationes tuas, quoniam :u 
secundum Oenomaum Accii, non, ut olim solebat, At<l- 
lanam, sed, ut nunc fit, mimum introduxisti. Quern ;u 
mihi ? pompilum, quern thunnarium narras? quamtyrotanc ii 
patinam ? Facilitate mea ista ferebantur antea : nui ic 



XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 87 

mutata res est. Hirtium ego et Dolabellam dicendi dis- 
cipulos habeo, cenandi magistros. Puto enim te audisse, 
si forte ad vos omnia perferuntur, illos apud me declami- 
tare, me apud illos cenitare. Tu autem quod mihi 
bonam copiam eiures nihil est : turn enim, cum rem habe- 
bas, quaesticulis te faciebat attentiorem : nunc, cum tarn 
aequo animo bona perdas, non est quod eo sis consilio, ut, 
cum me hospitio recipias, aestimationem te aliquam putes 
accipere : etiam haec levior est plaga ab amico quam a debi- 
tore. 8. Nee tamen eas cenas quaero, ut magnae reliquiae 
fiant : quod erit, magnificum sit et lautum. Memini te mihi 
Phameae cenam narrare : temperius fiat, cetera eodem 
modo. Quod si perseveras me ad matris tuae cenam 
revocare, feram id quoque. Volo enim videre animum, 
qui mihi audeat ista, quae scribis, apponere aut etiam 
polypum miniati lovis similem. Mihi crede, non aude- 
bis. Ante meum adventum fama ad te de mea nova 
lautitia veniet : earn extimesces. Neque est quod in 
promulside spei ponas aliquid, quam totam sustuli. 
Solebam enim antea debilitari oleis et lucanicis tuis. 9. 
Sed quid haec loquimuH liceat modo isto venire. Tu 
vero volo enim abstergere animi tui metum, ad tyro- 
tarichum antiquum redi. Ego tibi unum sumptum ad- 
feram, quod balneum calfacias oportebit : cetera more 
nostro : superiora ilia lusimus. 10. De villa Seliciana 
et curasti diligenter et scripsisti facetissime. Itaque puto 
me praetermissurum. Salis enim satis est, saniorum 
parum. 



88 L. (FAM. IX. 18) 

L. TO PAETUS (FAM. ix. 18) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60 

M. Cicero causas expouit L. Papirio cur alios declaman lo 
exercere coeperit. Turn iocatur de cenarurn apparatu. 

1. Cum essem otiosus in Tusculano, propterea quod 
discffAitos ob viam^miseram, ut eadem, me quam maxime 
conciliarent familiari suo, accepi tuas litteras plenissim;is 
suavitatis, ex quibus intellexi probari tibi meum consilium, 
quod, ut Dionysius tyrannus, cum Syracusis pulsus esse*, 
Corinthi dicitur ludum aperuisse, sic ego sublatis iudici s 
amisso regno forensi ludum quasi habere coeperim. 1 . 
Quicl quaeris ? me quoque delectat consilium: multi 
enim consequor : primum, id quod maxime nunc opus 
est, "munio me ad naec tempora. Id cuius modi sit 
nescio : tantum video, nullius adhuc consilium me hui 3 
anteponere, nisi forte mori melius fuit : in lectulo, fateor, 
sed non accidit : in acie non fui. Ceteri quidem, 
Pompeius. Lentulus tuus, Scipio, Afranius foede perieruut 

W >C^Oujrct;i. 

At Cato praeclare. lam istuc quidem, cum voleraus 
licebit : demus modo operam ne tarn necesse nobis sit 
quam illi fuit : id quod agimus. 3. Ergo hoc primum. 
Sequitur illud : ipse melior fio : primum valetudine, 
quam interniissis exercitationibus amiseram : deinde 
ipsa ilia, si qua fuit in me, faciiltas pratibnis, nisi 
me ad has exercitationes rettulissem, exaruiasek !Ex- 
tremum illud est, quod .tu nescio an primum putes : 
plures iam pavones 6onfecf quam tu pullos columbinos. 
Tu istic te Hateriano iure delectas, ego me hie Hirtiano/ ^ 



LI. (ATT. XII. 6) 89 



*v,.M, . , 

Vein igitur, si vir es, et disce a me TrpoAcyofj-evas, quas 

quaeris : etsi sus Minervam. 4. Sed quo modo, videro. 
Si aestimationes tuas vendere non potes neque ollam- 
denariorum implere, Romam tibi remigrandum est. 
Satius est hie cruditate quam istic fame. Video te bona 
perdidisse : spero item istic familiares tuos. Actum 
igitur de te est, nisi provides. Potes mulo isto, quern 
tibi reliquum dicis esse, quoniam cantherium comedisti, 
Romam pervehi. Sella tibi erit in ludo tamquam hypo- 
didascalo proxima : earn pulvinus sequetur. 



LI. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xn. G) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60 

De negotio Caeliano, de Tyrannionis quodam libro, de Oratore 
suo, de Caesare, de Atticae valetudine. 

1. De Caelio, vide, quaeso, ne quae lacuna sit in auro. 
Ego ista non novi. Sed certe in collubo est detriment! 
satis. Hue aurum si accedit . . . sed quid loquor? 
Tu videbis. Habes Hegesiae genus, quod Varro laudat. 
2. Venio ad Tyranniouem. Ain tu? verum hoc fuit? 
sine me 1 ? At ego quotiens, cum essem otiosus, sine te 
tamen nolui 1 Quo modo hoc ergo lues 1 Uno scilicet, 
si mihi librum miseris : quod ut facias, etiam atque etiam 
rogo. Etsi me non magis liber ipse delectabit quam tua 
admiratio delectavit. Amo enim Travra </>tAetSrj/xova, 
teque istam tarn tenuem Ocupiav tarn valde admiratum 
esse gaudeo. Etsi tua quidem sunt ems modi omnia 



90 LII. (FAM. IX. 19) 

Scire enim vis, quo uno animus alitur. Sed, quaeso, qi id 
ex ista acuta et gravi refertur ad reAos 1 * * * Sed Ion ga 
oratio est et tu occupatus es in meo fortasse aliqio 
uegotio. Et pro isto asso sole, quo tu abusus es in 
nostro pratulo, a te nitidtim solem unctumque repetemis. 
Sed ad prima redeo. Librum, si me amas, mitte. Tuns 
est euim profecto, quoniam quidem est missus ad te. 

3. Chremes, tantumne db re tua est oti tibi . . . , 

ut etiam oratorem legas? Macte virtute ! Milii 
quidem gratum est et erit gratius, si non modo in libr s 
tuis, sed etiam in aliorum per libraries tuos Arist< - 
phanem reposueris pro Eupoli. 4. Caesar autem mil i 
irridere visus est quaeso illud tuum, quod.erat eiVms 
et urbanum. Ita porro te sine cura esse iussit, ut mihi 
quidem dubitationem omnem tolleret. Atticam dole ) 
tarn diu, sed quoniam iam sine iibrrore est, spero esse ufc 
volumus. 

LII. TO PAETUS (FAM. ix. 19) 
ROME, A.U.C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60 

Quod scripserat L. Paetus teuui apparatu Balbum fuisse conten- 
turn, M. Cicero ita iocatur, quasi ille accusationem incontinentiae 
suae intenderit. 

1 . Tamen a malftia non discedis 1 Tenuiculo apparatu 
significas Balbum fuisse contentum. Hoc videris dicere, 
cum reges tarn sint continentes, multo magis consulares 
esse oportere. Nescis me ab illo omnia expiscatum ; recta 
enim a porta domum meam venisse : neque hoc admiror, 



LIII. (FAM. IX. 20) 91 

quod non suam potius, sed illud, quod non ad suam. 
Ego autem tribus primis verbis : * Quid noster Paetus 1 
At ille adiurans, nuequain se umquam libentius. 2. Hoc 
si verbis adsecutus es, aures ad te adferam non minus 
elegantes : sin autem opsonio, peto a te, ne pluris esse 
balbos quam disertos putes. Me cotidie aliud ex alio 
impedit. Sed si me expediero, ut in ista loca venire 
possim, non committam ut te sero a me certiorem factum 
putes. 

LIII. TO PAETUS (FAM. ix. 20) 
ROME, A.U.C. 708 ; B.C. 46 ; AET. CIC. 60 

locatur M. Cicero cum L. Paeto Epicureum se factum abiecta 
rei publicae cura lautiusque quam antea excipiendum esse. Dein 
vitae suae et studio-rum rationes perscribit. 

1 . Dupliciter delectatus sum tuis litteris, et quod ipse 
risi et quod te intellexi iam posse ridere. Me autem a 
te, ut scurram velitem, itialis oneratum esse non moleste 
tuli. Illud doleo, in ista loca venire me, ut constitueram, 
non potuisse . habuisses enim non hospitem, sed con- 
tubernalem. At^ quern virum ! non eum, quern tu es 
solitus promulside conficere. Integram famem ad ovum 
adfero : itaque usque ad assum vitulinum opera per- 
ducitur. Ilia mea, quae solebas antea laudare, 
hominem facilem ! o hospitem non gravem ! ; abieruut. 
Nos omneni nostram de re publica curam, cogitationem 
de dicenda in senatu sententia, cornmentationem causarum 
abiecimus : in Epicuri nos adversarii nostri castra conieci- 
mus, nee tamen ad hanc insolentiam, sed ad illam tuam 



92 LIV. (FAM. IX. 26) 

lautitiam, veterem dico, cum in sumptum habebas : eisi 
numquam plura praedia habuisti. 2. Proinde te pani : 
cum homine et edaci tibi res est et qui iam aliquid i i- 
tellegat : d^t^a^ets autem homines scis quam insolent" >s 
sint. Dediscendae tibi sunt sportellae et artolagani tui. 
Nos iam eo;c>?s tan turn habemus, ut Verrium tuum c.t 
Camillum qua munditia homines! qua elegantia!-- 
vocare saepius audeamus. Sed vide audaciam : ctiam 
Hirtio cenam dedi, sine pavone tamen : in ea cena coqur s 
meus praeter ius fervens nihil non potuit imitari. 3. Haec 
igitur est nunc vita nostra : mane salutamus domi et 
bonos viros multos, sed tristes, et hos laetos victores, qui 
me quidem perofficiose et peramanter observant. Uli 
salutatio defluxit, litteris me involvo, aut scribo aut lego. 
Veniunt etiam qui me audiunt quasi doctum hominem, 
quia paullo sum quam ipsi doctior. Inde corpori omno 
tempus datur. Patriam eluxi iam et gravius et diutiut; 
quam ulla mater unicum filium. Sed cura, si me amas 
ut valeas, ne ego te iacente bona tua comedim. Statu 
enim tibi ne aegroto quidem parcere. 

LIV. TO PAETUS (FAM. ix. 26) 
ROME, A.U.C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60 

M. Cicero describit et excusat ceuam Volumnii liberiorem 
habitam accumbente Cytlieride. 

1 . Acctibueram hora nona, cum ad te harum exemplum 
in codicillis exaravi. Dices, ubi? apud Volumuium 
Eutrapelum et quidem supra me Atticus, infra 



LIV. (FAM. IX. 26) 93 

Verrius, familiares tui. Miraris tarn exhilaratam esse 
servitutem nostram? Quid ergo faciam? te consulo, 
qui philosophum audis. Angar? excruciem me? quid 
adsequar 1 Deinde quern ad finem ? Vivas, inquis, in 
litteris. An quidquam me aliud agere censes? aut 
possem vivere, nisi in litteris viverem 1 Sed est earum 
etiara non satietas, sed quidam modus. A quibus cum 
discessi, etsi minimum mihi est in cena quod tu unum 
?JT?7/xa Dioni philosopho posuisti, tamen quid potius 
faciam, prius quam me dormitum conferam, non reperio. 
2. Audi reliqua. Infra Eutrapelum Cytheris accubuit. 
In eo igitur, inquis, convivio Cicero ille, 

quern aspectabant, cuius ob os Graii or a obvertebant sua ? 

Non, mehercule, suspicatus sum illam adfore : sed tamen 
ne Aristippus quidem ille Socraticus erubuit, cum esset 
obiectum habere eum Laida : Habeo, inquit, non 
habeor [a Laide]. Graece hoc melius : tu, si voles, inter- 
pretabere. Me vero nihil istorum ne iuvenem quidem 
movit umquam, ne nunc senem. Convivio delector : ibi 
loquor, quod in solum, ut dicitur, et gemitum in risus 
maximos transfero. 3. An tu id melius, qui etiam 
philosophum irriseris 1 qui cum ille, si quis quid quaereret, 
dixisset, cenam te quaerere a mane dixeris. Ille baro_ te^ 
putabat quaesiturum, unum caelum esset an innumerabilia. 
Quid id ad te ? At hercule quis cena num quid ad te? tibi 
praesertim 1 4. Sic igitur vivitur : cotidie aliquid legitur 
aut scribitur : dein, ne amicis nihil tribuamus, epulamur 
una non modo non contra legem, si ulla nunc lex est, sed 
etiam intra legem et quidem aliquanto. Qua re nihil est 



94 LV. (ATT. XII. ll) 

quod adventuin nostrum extiinescas. Non multi cibi 
hospitem accipies, sed multi ioci. 



LV. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xn. 11) 
ANTIUM, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

De morte Seii, de Postumia Sulpicii, de Pompeii filia, de alits 
condicionibus. 

Male de Seio. Sed omnia humana tolerabilia ducendu. 
Ipsi enim quid sumus aut quam diu haec curaturi sumus ? 
Ea videamus, quae ad nos magis pertinent, nee tamei 
multo : quid agamus de senatu. Et, ut ne quid praeter- 
mittam, Caesonius ad me litteras misit Postumiari 
Sulpicii domum ad se venisse. De Pompeii Magni filii 
tibi rescripsi nihil me hoc tempore cogitare. Alterari 
vero illam, quam tu scribis, puto, nosti. Nihil vidi 
foedius. Sed adsum. Coram igitur. 

Obsignata epistola accepi tuas. Atticae hilaritatem 
libeuter audio : commotiunculis 



LVI. TO CASSIUS (FAM. xv. 17) 

ROME, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

M. Cicero queritur de tabelluriis : narrat de P. Sullae morte 
de bello Hispaniensi, de Pansae profectione in provinciam : Cassi 
consilium probat Brundisinae mansionis : litteras mutuas poscit. 

1. Praeposteros habes tabellarios, etsi me quidem nor 
ofFendunt. Sed tamen, cum a me discedimt, flagitant 



LVI. (FAM. XV. 17) 95 

litteras : cum ad me veniunt, nullas adferunt. Atque id 
ipsum facerent commodius, si mihi aliquid spatii ad scrib- 
enduin darent, sed petasati veniunt, comites ad portam 
exspectare dicunt. Ergo ignosces : alteras habebis has 
breves, sed exspecta Trdvra Trepl Trdvrotv. Etsi quid ego 
me tibi purgo, cum tui ad me inanes veniant, ad te cum 
epistolis revertantur ? 2. Nos hie tamen ad te scribam 
aliquid Sullam patrem mortuum habebamus : alii a 
latronibus, alii cruditate dicebant : populus non cu^abat : 
combusturn enim esse constabat. Hoc tu pro tua sapientia 
feres aequo animo: quamquam Trpoo-wTrov TroAews amisi- 
mus. Caesarem putabant moleste laturum, verentem ne 
hasta refrixisset. Mindius Marcellus et Attius pigmen- 
tarius valde gaudebaut se adversarium perdidisse. 3. De 
Hispania novi nihil, sed exspectatio valde magna : rumores 
tristiores, sed a&o-Troroi. Fansa noster paludatus a. d. in. 
Kalend. [Ian.] profectus est, ut quivis intellegere posset 
id, quod tu nuper dubitare coepisti, TO KaXov SS avro 
aipcrov esse. Nam quod multos miseriis levavit et quod 
se in his malis hominem praebuit, mirabilis eum virorum 
bonorum benevolentia prosecuta est. 4. Tu quod adhuc 
Brimdisii moratus es, valde probo et gaudeo, et mehercule 
puto te sapienter facturum, si a/cevdo-TrovSos fueris. Nobis 
quidem, qui te amamus, erit gratum. Et, amabo te, cum 
dabis posthac aliquid domum litterarum, mei memineris. 
Ego numquam quemquam ad te, cum sciam, sine meis 
litteris ire patiar. Vale. 



96 LVII. (FAM. XV. 16) 

LVII. TO CASSIUS (FAM. xv. 16) 
ROME, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

M. Cicero riclet opiniones Epicureorum et ipsum Cassium di;;ci- 
pliuae Epicureae studiosum. 

1. Puto te iam suppudere, cum haec tertia iam epistola 
ante te oppresserit quam tu scidam aut litteram. Sed 
non urgeo : longiores enim exspectabo vel potius exiga n. 
Ego si semper haberem cui darem, vel ternas in hcra 
darem. Fit enim nescio qui ut quasi coram adesse videare, 
cum scribo aliquid ad te, neque id EOT* i8u>\<Dv (fxivrao-u s, 
ut dicunt tui amici novi, qui putant etiam Stavorp-tK is 
<avTao-ias spectris Catianis excitari. Nam, ne te fugij t, 
Catius Insuber, Epicureus, qui uuper est mortuus, quae i" le 
Gargettius et iam ante Democritus etSwAa, hie spect *a 
nominat. 2. His autem spectris etiam si oculi posse it 
feriri, quod quae velis ipsa incurrunt, animus qui possit e^o 
non video. Doceas tu me oportebit, cum salvus veneris, 
in meane potestate sit spectrum tuum, ut, simul ac mi li 
collibitum sit de te cogitare, illud incurrat, neque solu n 
de te, qui mihi haeres in medullis, sed, si insulam Brita i- 
niam coepero cogitare, eius e?3<oAov mihi advolabit td 
pectus? 3. Sed haec posterius. Tempto enim te qio 
animo accipias. Si enim stomachabere et moleste fere^, 
plura dicemus postulabimusque, ex qua atjoecrci vi HOMC- 
NIBUS ARMATIS deiectus sis, in earn restituare. In he c 
interdicto non solet addi IN HOC ANNO. Qua re si iam 
biennium aut triennium est, cum virtuti iiuntium remisis i 
delenitus illecebris voluptatis, in integro res nobis eri". 



LVIII. (ATT. XII. 12) 97 

Quamquam quicum loquor 1 cum uno fortissimo viro, qui, 
postea quam forum attigisti, nihil fecisti nisi plenissimum 
amplissimae dignitatis. In ista ipsa at/alcrei metuo ne plus 
nervorum sit quam ego putarim, si modo earn tu probas. 
Qui id tibi in mentem venit 1 inquies. Quia nihil liabc- 
bam aliud quod scriberem. De re publica enim nihil 
scribere possum : nee enini quod sentio libet scribere. 



LVIII. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xir. 12) 
ASTURA, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

De dote, de Balbi condicione, de loco fani Tulliae aedificandi 
et aliis rebus privatis. 

1. De dote, tanto magis per$urga. Balbi regia con- 
dicio est delegandi. Quoquo modo confice. Turpe est 
rem impeditain iacere. Insula Arpinas habere potest 
germanam a7ro$euxriv, sed vereor ue minorem Tt/xr)v 
habere videatur IKTOTTMT/AOS. Est igitur animus in 
hortis : quos tamen inspiciam, cum venero. 2. De 
Epicuro, ut voles, etsi /l&tap/joo-o/xat in posterum genus 
hoc personarum. Incredibile est quam ea quidam re- 
quirant. Ad antiques igitur : di/e/xeo-^rov yap. Nihil 
habeo ad te quod perscribam, sed tamen institui cotidie 
mittere, ut eliciam tuas litteras, non quo aliquid ex his 
exspectem, sed nescio quo modo tamen exspecto. Qua 
re sive habes quid sive nil habes, scribe tamen aliquid 
teque cura. 



98 LIX. (ATT. xn. 32) 

LIX. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xn. 32) 
ASTURA, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

De Publilia, quac cum matre sua ad se venire velit, retinenda, d3 
sumptibus Ciceronis sui moderaiidis. 

1. Publilia ad me scripsit, matrem suam, cum Publilio 
videretur, ad me cum illo venturam et se una, si ego 
paterer : orat multis et supplicibus verbis, ut liceat et u -, 
sibi rescribam. Res quam molesta sit vides. Rescrips ; 
mi etiam gravius esse quam turn, cum illi dixissen 
me solum esse velle, qua re nolle me hoc tempore ean 
ad me venire. Putabam, si nihil rescripsissem, illam cuir 
matre venturam : nunc non puto. Apparebat eiiim ilia* 
litteras non illius esse. Illud autem, quod fore video, 
ipsum volo vitare, ne illi ad me veniant. Et una esl 
vitatio ut ego avolem. Nollem, sed necesse est. Te hoc 
nunc rogo ut explores ad quam diem hie ita possim esse, 
ut ne opprimar. Ages, ut scribis, temperate. 2. Ciceroni 
velim hoc proponas, ita tamen, si tibi non iniquum vide- 
bitur, ut sumptus hums peregrinationis, quibus, si Romae 
esset domumque conduceret, quod facere cogitabat, facile 
contentus futurus erat, accommodet ad mercedes Argileti 
et Aventini, et cum ei proposueriB, ipse velim reliqua 
modcrere, quern ad modum ex iis mercedibus suppedite- 
mus ei, quod opus sit. Praestabo nee Bibulum nee 
Acidinuni nee Messallam, quos Athenis futures audio, 
maiores sumptus facturos quam quod ex eis mercedibus 
recipietur. Itaque velim videos, primum, conctucfores 
qui sint et quanti, deinde, ut sint qui ad diem solvant, et, 



LX. (FAM. IV. 5) 99 

quid viatici, quid instrument! satis sit. lumento certe 
Athenis nihil opus est. Quibus autem in via utatur, 
domi sunt plura quam opus erat, quod etiam tu animad- 
vertes. 



LX. SERVIUS SULPICIUS TO CICERO 

(FAM. IV. 5) 
ATHENS, A.U.C. 709 ; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

Ser. Sulpicius Achaiae praefectus consolatur M. Ciceronem ad- 
flictum obitu filiae ex partu mense Febr. mortuae. 

1. Postea quam mihi renuntiatum est de obitu Tulliac, 
filiae tuae, s&fie" qu ain pro eo ac debui graviter moles- 
teque tuli communemque earn calamitatem existimavi, 
qui, si istic adfuissem, neque tibi defuisseni coramque 
meum dolorem tibi declarassem. Etsi genus_hoc conso- 
lationis miserum atque ac erbum est, propterea quia, per 
quos ea confieri debet propinquos ac familiares, ii ipsi 
pari molestia adficiuntur neque sine lacrimis multis id 
conari possunt, uti magis ipsi videantur aliorum conso- 
latione indigere quam aliis posse suum officium praestare, 
tamen quae in praesentia in mentem mihi venerunt, 
decrevi brevi ad te perscribere, non quo ea te fugere 
existimem, sed quod forsitan dolore impeditus minus ea 
perspicias. 2. Quid est quod tanto opere te commoveat 
tuus dolor intestinus 1 Cogita quern ad modum adhuc 
fortuna nobiscum egerit : ea nobis erepta esse, quae 
hominibus non minus quam liberi cara esse debent, 
patriam, hdnestatem, dignitatem, honores omnes. Hoc 



100 LX. (FAM. IV. 5) 

uno incommode addito quid ad dolorem adiungi potuit? 
aut qui non in illis rebus exercitatus animus callere iam 
debet atque omnia minoris existimare? 3. An illius 
vicein, ccdo, doles? Quotiens in earn cogitations ui 
necesse est et tu veneris (et nos saepe incidimus), hisce 
temporibus non pessime cum iis esse actum, quibus si le 
dolore licitum est mortem cum vita commutare? Quid 
autem fuit quod illam hoc tempore ad vivendum mag]io 
opere invitare posset? quae res? quae spes? quod animi 
solaciuni ? Ut cum aliquo adolescente primario con- 
iuncta aetatem gereret? Licitum est tibi, credo, pro tua 
dignitate ex hac iuventute generum deligere cuius fidai 
liberos tuos te tuto committere putares ! An ut ea lib 3- 
ros ex sese pareret, quos cum florentes videret, laetaretiu ? 
qui rem a parente traditam per se tenere possent, honoros 
ordinatim petituri essent, in re publica, in amicoru:u 
negotiis libertate sua usuri? Quid horum fuit quod ncn 
prius, quam datum est, ademptum sit? At vero malum 
est liberos amittere. Malum : nisi hoc peius est, hac c 
sufferre et perpeti. 4. Quae res mihi non mediocrem 
consolationem attulit, volo tibi commemorare, si forie 
eadem res tibi dolorem minuere possit. Ex Asia rediers 
cum ab Aegina Megaram versus navigarem, coepi 
regiones circumcirca prospicere. Post me erat Aegim , 
ante me Megara, dextra Piraeeus, sinistra Corinthus : 
quae oppida quodam tempore florentissima fuerunt, nun 3 
prostrata et diruta ante oculos iacent. Coepi egomet 
mecum sic cogitare : * Hem ! nos homunculi indignamui , 
si quis nostrum interiit aut occisus est, quorum viti 
brevior esse debet, cum uno loco tot oppidum cadaver; i 



LX. (FAM. IV. 5) 101 

proiecta iacent 1 Visne tu te, Servi, cohibere et memi- 
nisse hominem te esse natum 1 Crede mihi, cogitatione 
ea non mediocriter sum confirmatus. Hoc idem, si tibi 
videtur, fac ante oculos tibi proponas. Modo uno 
tempore tot viri clarissimi interierunt : de imperio 
populi Romani tanta deminutio facta est : omnes pro- 
vinciae conquassatae sunt : in unius mulierculae animula 
si iactura facta est, tanto opere commoveris 1 quae si hoc 
tempore non diem suum obisset, paucis post annis tamen 
ei moriendum fuit, quoniam homo nata fuerat. 5. 
Etiain tu ab hisce rebus animum ac cogitationem tuam 
avoca atque ea potius reminiscere, quae digna tua per 
sona sunt : illam, quam diu ei opus fuerit, vixisse : una 
cum re publica fuisse : te, patrem suum, praetorem, 
consulem, augurem vidisse : adolescentibus primariis 
nuptam fuisse : omnibus bonis prope perfunctam esse : 
cum res publica occideret, vita excessisse. Quid est 
quod tu aut ilia cum fortuna hoc nomine queri possitis? 
Denique noli te oblivisci Ciceronem esse et eum, qui aliis 
consueris praecipere et dare consilium, neque imitari 
malos medicos, qui in alienis morbis profitentur tenere se 
medicinae scientiam, ipsi se curare non possunt, sed 
potius, quae aliis tute praecipere soles, ea tute tibi 
subiice atque apud animum propone. 6. Nullus dolor 
est quern non longinquitas temporis miuuat ac molliat. 
Hoc te exspectare tempus tibi turpe est ac non ei rei 
sapientia tua te occurrere. Quod si qui etiam inferis 
sensus est, qui illius in te amor fuit pietasque in omnes 
suos, hoc certe ilia te facere non vult. Da hoc illi 
mortuae : da ceteris ainicis ac familiaribus, qui tuo 



102 LXI. (FAM. IV. 6) 

dolore maerent : da patriae ut, si qua in re opus sit, 
opera et consilio tuo uti possit. Denique, quoniam in 
earn fortunam devenknus, ut etiam huic rei nobis sem- 
endum sit, noli committere ut quisquam te putet non 
tarn filiam quam rei publicae tempora et aliorum vie to- 
riain lugere. Plura me ad te de hac re scribere pudet, 
lie videar prudentiae tuae diffidere : qua re, : M hoc umim 
proposuero, finem faciam scribendi. Vidimus aliquoticns 
secundam pulcherrime te ferre fortunam magnamque ex 
ea re te laudein apisci : fac aliquando iutellegamus ud- 
versam quoque te aeque ferre posse neque id mains, 
quam debeat, tibi onus videri, ne ex omnibus virtutilus 
haec una tibi videatur deesse. Quod ad me attinot, 
cum te tranquilliore animo esse cognoro, de iis rebus, 
quae hie geruntur, quemadmodumque se provincia habe;i, 
certiorem faciam. Vale. 



LXI. CICERO TO SERVIUS SULPICIUS 
(FAM. iv. 6) 

ASTURA, A.U.C. 709 ; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

Ser. Sulpicii superioribus litteris respondet, quas ait sibi magno 
solacio fuisse : quam ob rem quamquam nemini quam sibi iustior 33 
dolendi causas fuisse dicit, maximam tamen sibi sperat levi- 
tionem reditu et Servii consuetudine fore. 

1. Ego vero, Send, vellem, ut scribis, in meo gravi;- 
simo casu adfuisses. Quantum enim praesens ire 
adiuvare potueris et consolando et prope aeque dolendo 
facile ex eo intellego, quod litteris lectis aliquantui i 



LXI. (FAM. IV. 6) 103 

*alTqtiievi. Nam et ea scripsisti, quae Icvare luctum 
possent, et in me consolando non mediocrem ipse auimi 
dolorem adhibuisti. Servius tamen tuus omnibus officiis, 
quae illi t^inpon tribui potuerunt, declaravit et quanti 
ipse me faceret et quam suum talem erga me animum 
tibi gratum putaret fore : cuius officia iucundiora scilicet 
saepe mihi fuerunt, numquam tamen gratiora. Me autem 
non oratio tua solum et societas paene aegritudinis, sed 
etiam auctoritas consolatur. Turpe enim esse existimo 
me non ita ferre casum meum, ut tu, tali sapientia prae- 
ditus, fereudum putas. Sed opprimor interdum et vix 
resisto dolori, quod ea me solacia deficiunt, quae ceteris, 
quorum mihi exempla propono, siinili in fortuna non 
defuerunt. Nam et Q. Maximus, qui filium consularem, 
clarum virum et magnis rebus gestis, amisit, et L. 
Paullus, qui duo septem diebus, et vester Gallus et M. 
Cato, qui summo ingenio, summa virtute filium perdidit, 
iis temporibus fuerunt, ut eorum luctum ipsorum dignitas 
consolaretur ea, quam ex re publica consequebantur. 
2. Mihi autem, amissis ornamentis iis, quae ipse com- 
memoras quaeque eram maximis laboribus adeptus, 
unum manebat illud solacium, quod ereptum est. Non 
amicorum negotiis, non rei publicae procuratione im- 
pediebantur cogitationes meae : nihil in foro agere libe- 
bat : aspicere curiam non poteram : existimabam, id quod 
erat, omnes me et industriae meae fructus et fortunae 
perdidisse. Sed cum cogitarem haec mihi tecum et cum 
quibusdam esse communia, et cum frangerem iam ipse 
me cogeremque ilia ferre toleranter, habebam quo con- 
fugefem, ubi conquiescereni, cuius in sermone et suavitate 



104 LXII. (ATT. xn. 45) 

omnes curas doloresque deponerem. Nunc autem toe 
tarn gravi vulnere etiam "ttla, quae consanuisse vide- 
bantur, recrudescunt. Non enim, ut turn me a re 
publica maestum domus excipiebat quae levaret, sic mine 
domo maerens ad rem publicam coufugere possum, ut in 
eius tJonis acquiescam. Itaque et domo absum et foro, 
quod nee eum dolorem, quern a re publica capio, domus 
iam consolari potest nee domesticum res publica. 3. Q - io 
magis te exspecto teque videre quam primum cupio. 
Maius solacium afferre ratio nulla potest quam coa- 
iunctio consuetudinis sermonumque nostrorum : quam- 
quam sperabam tuum adventum sic enim audiebam-- 
appropinquare. Ego autem cum multis de causis ;e 
exopto quam primum videre turn etiam, ut ante cbfi- 
mentemur inter nos qua ratione nobis traducendum sit 
hoc tempus, quod est totum ad unius voluntatem a 3- 
commodandum et prudentis et liberalis et, ut perspexis, e 
videor, nee a me alieni et tibi amicissimi. Quod cum 
ita sit, magjnae tamen est deliberationis quae ratio s t 
ineunda nobis, non agendi aliquid, sed illius concessu c-t 

beneficio quiesceudi. Vale. 





LXII. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xn. 45) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

De scriptis suis in Antiati confectis, de litterarum inter se com - 
mercio, de aK-rjdiq. Attici, de commoratioue in Tusculano, d3 
Caesare vicino, de Hirtii libro pervulgando. 

1. Ego hie duo magiia a-vvray para absolvi : nullc 



LXIII. (FAM. VII. 24) 105 

enim alio modo a miseria quasi aberrare possum. Tu 
mihi, etiam si nihil erit quod scribas, quod fore ita video, 
tamen id ipsum scribas velim, te nihil habuisse quod 
scriberes, dum modo ne his verbis. 2. De Attica, 
optime. AioySta tua me movet, etsi scribis nihil esse. 
In Tusculano eo commodius ero, quod et crebrius tuas 
litteras accipiam et te ipsum non numquam videbo. 
Nam ceteroqui dveKrorepa erant Asturae : mine haec, 
quae refricant, hie me magis angunt. Etsi tamen, ubi- 
cumque sum, ilia sunt mecum. 3. De Caesare vicino 
scripseram ad te, quia cognoram ex tuis litteris. Eum 
avvvaov Quirini malo quam Salutis. Tu vero pervulga 
Hirtium. Id enim ipsum putaram quod scribis, ut, cum 
ingenium amici nostri probaretur, t>7ro$eo-ts vituperandi 
Catonis irrideretur. 



LXIII. TO FADIUS GALLUS (FAM. vii. 24) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

Exponit M. Cicero M. Fadio Gallo, quam iniuste sibi Tigellius 
iratus sit. 

1. Amoris quidem tui, quoquo me verti, vestigia : vel 
proximo de Tigellio. Sensi enim ex litteris tuis valde te 
laborasse. Amo igitur voluntatcm. Sed pauca de re. 
Cipius, opinor, olim : Non omnibus dormio : sic ego 
non omnibus, mi Galle, servio. Etsi quae est haec servi- 
tus? Olim, cum regnare existimabamur, non tarn ab 
ullis quam hoc tempore observer a familiarissimis Caesaris 
omnibus praeter istum. Id ego in lucris pono, uon ferre 



106 LXIV. (FAM. VII. 25) 

hominem pestilentiorem patria sua, eumque addictum iam 
turn puto esse Calvi Licinii Hipponacteo praeconio. 2. 
At vide quid suscenseat. Phameae causara receperam 
ipsius quidem causa : erat enim mihi sane familiaris. Is 
ad me venit dixitque iudicem sibi operam dare constituisse 
eo ipso die, quo de P. Sestio in consilium iri necesse erat. 
Respondi nullo modo me facere posse : quern vellet aliu:n 
diem si sumpsisset, me ei non defuturum. Ille autem, 
qui sciret se nepotem bellum tibicinem habere et sj.t 
bonum unctorem, discessit a me, ut mihi videbatu*, 
iratior. Habes Sardos venales, alium alio nequioren . 
Cognosti meam causam et istius salaconis iniquitaten . 
Catonem tuum mihi mitte : cupio enim legere. Me adhue 
non legisse turpe utrique nostrum est. 



LXIV. TO FADIUS GALLUS (FAM. vn. 25) 
TUSCULANUM, A.U.C. 709 ; B.C. 45 ; AET. CIC. 61 

M. Cicero M. Fadio epistolam conscissam non esse nuntiat : mo 
iiitus, ne incautius de Caesare loquatur, gratias agit, hortaturque. 
ut stilum exercere pergat Fadius. 

1. Quod epistolam conscissam doles, noli laborare : 
salva est : domo petes, cum libebit. Quod autem me 
mones, valde gratum est, idque ut semper facias rogo. 
Videris enim mihi vereri ne, si istum * habuerimus, 
rideamus yeAwTo, <rap6viov. Sed heus tu, manum de 
tabula : magister adest citius quam putaramus. Vereor 
ne in catonium Catoninos. 2. Mi Galle, cave putes 
quidquam melius quam epistolae tuae partein ab eo loco : 



LXV. (FAM. VII. 29) 107 

cetera labuntur. Secreto hoc audi : tecum habeto, ne 
Apellae quidem, liberto tuo, dixeris. Praeter duo nos 
loquitur isto modo nemo : bene malene videro, sed quid- 
quid est, nostrum est. Urge igitur, nee transversum 
unguem, quod aiunt, a stilo : is enim est dicendi opifex. 
Atque equidem aliquantum iam etiam noctis adsumo. 



LXV. CURIUS TO CICERO (FAM. vn. 29) 
PATRAE, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 

M . Curius M. Ciceronem laudatis eius erga se beneficiis rogat, 
ut Ser. Sulpicii se successor! commendet. 

1. S. V. B. Sum enim xptf <TL ^ v tuus, KT>jcret Sc 
Attici nostri : ergo fructus est tuus, mancipium illius : 
quod quidem si inter senes coemptionales veuale pro- 
scripserit, egerit non rnultum. At ilia nostra praedicatio 
quanti est, nos, quod simus, quod habeamus, quod 
homines existimemur, id omne abs te habere ! Qua re, 
Cicero mi, persevera constanter nos conservare et Sulpicii 
successori nos de meliore nota commenda, quo facilius 
tuis praeceptis obtemperare possimus teque ad ver 
lubentes videre et nostra refigere deportareque tuto 
possimus. 2. Sed, amice magne, noli hanc epistolam 
Attico ostendere : sine eum errare et putare me virum 
bonum esse nee solere duo parietes de eadem fidelia 
dealbarc. Ergo, patrone mi, bene vale Tironemque meum 
saluta nostris verbis. Dat. a. d. mi. Kal. Novembr. 



108 LXVI. (ATT. XIII. 52) 

LXVI. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xm. 52) 
PUTEOLANUM, A.U.C. 709; B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61 
De Caesaris adveutu et quern ad modum se gesserit expouitur. 

1. hospitem mihiffravem, tamen d/xcra/xeA^roi/ : fuit 
cuim pcriucunde. Sea cum secundis Saturnalibus ad 
Philippum vesperi venisset, villa ita completa a militibiH 
est, ut vix triclinium ubi cenaturus ipse Caesar esse; 
vacaret : quippe hominum cio cio. Sane sum commotus 
quid futurum esset postridie, " ac mini Barba Cassiu, 
subvenit : ctistodes cledit. Castra in agro : villa defense 
est. Ille tertiis Saturnalibus apud Philippum ad horam 
vii. A riec quemquam admisit f rationes opinor 1 cum Balbo. 
Inde ambulavit in littore. Post horain vm. in bal 
neum : turn audivit de Mamurra : vultum non mutavit. 
Unctus est, accubuit, e/xertK^i/ agebat. Itaque et edit 
et bibit aSews et iucunde : opipare sane et apparate, nee 
id solum, sed 

bene cocto 
Condito, sermone bono, et, si quaeri , libenter.* 

2. Praeterea tribus tricliniis accepti ot Trc/at avrov valde 
copiose. Libertis minus lautis servisque nihil defuit. 
Nam lautiores eleganter accepti. Quidmulta? homines 
visi sumus. Hospes tamen non is, cui diccres : Amabo 
te, eodem ad me, cum revertere. Semel satis est. 
^Troi Saioi/ ovSev in sermone : ^tAoAoya multa. Quid 
quadis? Delectatus est et libenter fuit. Puteolis se 
aiebat unum diem fore, alterum ad Baias. Habes 



LXVII. (FAM. VII. 30) 109 



hospitium sive fTTLcrraO^iav odiosam mihi, dixi, non 
molestam. Ego paullisper hie, deinde in Tusculanum. 
Dolabellae villam cum praeteriret, omnis armatorum 
copia dextra sinistra ad ecum nee usquam alibi. Hoc 
ex Nicia. 

LXVII. TO CURIUS (FAM. vn. 30) 
ROME, A.U.C. 710 ; B.C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62 

Cicero Curio scribit quam misere se res publica habeat moleste- 
que fert, quod C. Caesar Caninium ad aliquot horas consulem 
creaverit : turn de litteris commendations ad Acilium missis 
significat. 

1. Ego vero iam te nee hortor nee rogo, ut domum 
redeas : quin hinc ipse evolare cupio et aliquo pervenire, 
ubi nee Pelopidarum nomen nee facia audiam. In- 
credibile est quam turpiter mihi facere videar, qui his 
rebus intersim. Ne tu videris multo ante providisse 
quid impenderet turn, cum hinc profugisti. Quamquam 
haec etiam auditu acerba sunt, tainen audire tolerabilius 
est quam videre. In campo certe non fuisti, cum H. 
n. comitiis quaestoriis institutis sella Q. Maximi, quern 
illi consulem esse dicebant, posita esset, quo mortuo 
nuntiato sella sublata est. Ille autem, qui comitiis 
tributis esset auspicatus, centuriata habuit : consulem 
H. vn. renuntiavit, qui usque ad Kalendas Ian. esset, 
quae erant futurae mane postridie. Ita Caninio consule 
scito neminem prandisse. Nihil tamen eo consule mali 
factum est : fuit enim mirifica vigilantia, qui suo toto 
consulatu somnum non viderit. 2. Haec tibi ridicula 



110 LXVIII. (FAM. XVI. 18) 

videntur non enim ades, quae si videres, lacriinas non 
teneres. Quid, si cetera scribam? Sunt enim innumer- 
abilia generis eiusdem, quae quidem ego non ferrem, nisi 
me in philosophiae portum contulissem et nisi habere n 
socium studiorum meorum Atticum nostrum : cuius 
quoniam proprium te esse scribis mancipio et nexo, meum 
autem usu et fructu, contentus isto sum. Id eiiim e*;t 
cuiusque proprium, quo quisque fruitur atque iititu:-. 
Sed haec alias pluribus. 3. Acilius, qui in Graeciam cuia 
legionibus missus est, maximo meo beneficio est : bis 
enim est a me iudicio capitis rebus salvis defensus et est 
homo non ingratus meque vehementer observat. Ad eun 
de te diligentissime scripsi eamque epistolam cum ha; 
epistola coniunxi, quam ille quo modo acceperit et quid 
tibi pollicitus sit velim ad me scribas. 

LXVIII. TO TIRO (FAM. xvi. 18) 
A.U.C. 710; B.C. 44; AET. CIC. 62 

M. Cicero de rebus domesticis scribit ad Tironem eumqiu 
maximo opere hortatur, ut valetudini operam det. 

TULLIUS TIRONI SAL. 

1. Quid igitur? non sic oportet? Equidem censeo 
sic : addendum etiam suo. Sed, si placet, invidia 
vitetur : quam quidem ego saepe contempsi. Tibi 
Sia<o/3?7o-iv gaudeo profuisse. Si vero etiam Tusculanum, 
dei boni ! quanto mihi illud crit amabilius ! Sed, si me 
amas, quod quidem aut facis aut perbelle simulas, o^uod 
tamen [n jiiodum procedit, sed utut est, indulge valetu- 



LXIX. (ATT. XIV. 5) 111 

dini tuae, cui quidem tu adhuc, dum mihi deservis, ser- 
visti non satis. Ea quid postulet non ignoras : Tre^ip, 

<XKO7riaj>, TTfOLTTarOV CTVfJLfJLtTpOV, Ttp\//iV, euAl CTtaV KOlAtaS. 

Fac bellus revertare : non modo te, sed etiam Tusculanum 
nostrum plus amem. 2. Parhedrum excita, ut hortum 
ipse conducat : sic holitorem ipsum commovebis. Helico 
nequissimus HS cio. dabat, nullo aprico horto, nullo 
emissario, nulla maceria, nulla casa. Iste nos tanta 
impensa derideat ? Calface hominem, ut ego Mothonem ; 
itaque ut ab utro coronas. 3. De Crabra quid agatur, etsi 
nunc quidem etiam nimium est aquae, tamen velim scire. 
Horologium mittam et libros, si erit sudum. Sed tu 
nullosne tecum libellos ? an pangis aliquid Sophocleum ? 
Fac opus appareat. A. Ligurius, Caesaris familiaris, 
mortuus est, bonus homo et nobis amicus. Te quaudo 
exspectemus fac ut sciaui. Cura te dilige liter. Vale. 



LXIX. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xiv. 5) 

ASTURA, A.U.C. 710; B.C. 44; AET. GIG. 62 

De valetudine Attici, de rebus publicis nou bonis. 

1. Spero tibi iam esse ut volumus, quoniam quidem 
^o-tr^cras, cum leviter commotus esses, sed tamen velim 
scire quid agas. Signa bella, quod Calvena moleste fert 
suspectum esse se Bruto. Ilia signa non bona, si cum 
signis legiones veniunt e Gallia. Quid tu illas putas, 
quae fuerunt in Hispania, nonne idem postulaturas ? 
quid, quas Annius transportavit ? C. Asinium volui, 
sed fiVTjfjaviKov d/za^TTy/xa. Ab aleatore </>iy>/xos 



112 LXX. (FAM. XVI. 23) 

Nam ista quidcm Caesaris libertorum coniuratio facile 
opprimeretur, si recte saperet Antonius. 2. En ! meam 
stultam verecundiam, qui legari noluerim, ante res pro- 
latas, ne deserere viderer hunc rerum tumorem, cui certe 
si possem mederi, deesse non deberem. Sed vides magis- 
tratus, si quidem illi niagistratus : vides tamen tyrau li 
satellites in imperils, vides eiusdem exercitus, vides in 
latere veteranos, quae sunt e^uViaTo, omnia : eos auteri, 
qui orbis terrae custodes non modo saepti, verum etiam 
o^tot_jesse debebant, tantum modo laudari atque amari, 
sed parietibus contineri. Atque illi quoquo modo beati, 
civitas misera. 3. Sed velim scire quid adventis 
Octavii, num qui concursus ad eum, num quae vewrepic-- 
fjiov suspicio. Non puto equidem, sed tamen quidquil 
est scire cupio. Haec scripsi ad te proficiscens Astura 
in. Idus. 

LXX. TO TIRO (FAM. xvi. 23) 

PUTEOLANUM, A.U.C. 710; B.C. 44; AET. CIC. 62 

M. Cicero quum de aliis quibusdam rebus turn de conservand \ 
Antonii amicitia agit cum Tirone. 

1. Tu vero confice jDrofessionem, si potes : etsi hae* , 
pecunia ex eo genere est, ut professioue non egeat. Verun L 
tamen . . . Balbus ad me scripsit tanta se v 7ri<oor 

^"*^^*W * 

oppressum, ut loqui non posset. Antonius de lege en ! quk. 
egerit. Liceat modo rusticari ! Ad Eithv.nicum scripsi 
2. De Servilio tu videris, qui senectutem non contemnk 
Etsi Atticus noster, quia quondam me commoveri zrai/iKot^ 



LXXI. (ATT. XIV. 10) 113 

intellexit, idem semper putat nee videt quibus praesidiis 
philosophiae saeptus sim, et hercle, quod timidus ipse est, 
Bopv/3o7roLL. Ego tameii Ante-nil inveteratam sine ulla 
offensione amicitiam retinere sane volo scribamque ad 
eum, sed non ante quam te videro. Nee tamen te avoco 
a syngrapha ; yovv whims. Cras exspecto Leptam, ad 



cuius rutam pulelo mihi tui sermonis utendum est. Vale. 

fiut- ni.vn*p! 

LXXI. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xiv. 10) 
PUTEOLANUM, A.U.C. 710; B.C. 44; AET. CIC. 62 

Queritur de rebus post Caesaris caedein factis et adseculis 
Caesaris dominantibus, de adventu Octavii Neapolim, de rebus 
privatis ac domesticis, de Q. patris litteris de filio. 

1. Itane vero? Hoc meus et tuus Brutus egit ut 
Lanuvii esset 1 ut Trebonius itineribus deviis proficis- 
ceretur in provincial^ ut omnia facta, scripta, dicta, 
promissa, cogitata Caesaris plus valerent quam si ipse 
viveret 1 Meministine me clamare illo ipso primo Capito- 
lino die senatum in Capitolium a praetoribus oportere 
vocari 1 Di immortales ! quae turn opera effici potuerunt 
laetantibus omnibus bonis, etiam sat bonis, fractis latroni- 
bus ! Libef alia tu accusas. Quid fieri turn potuit ? iam 
pridem perieramus. Meministine te clamare causam 
perisse, si funere elatus esset 1 At ille etiam in foro 
combustus laudatusque miserabiliter servique et egentes 
in tecta nostra cum facibus immissi. Quae deinde ? ut 
audeant dicere, tune contra Caesaris nutum 1 Haec et 
alia ferre non possum. Itaque yrjv irpo yfjs cogito. Tua 
t 



114 LXX1I. (ATT. XIV. 18) 



tamen wn^e/uos. 2. Nausea iamne plane abiit ? Mihi 
quidem ex tuis litteris coniectanti ita videbatur. Red(o 
ad Tebassos, Scaevas, Frangones. Hos tu existimas con- 
fidere se ilia habituros stantibus nobis? in quibus plus 
virtutis putarunt quam experti sunt. Pacis isti scilicet 
amatores et non latrocinii auctores? At ego cum tibi da 
Curtilio scripsi Sextilianoque fuiido, scripsi de Censorino, 
de Messalla, de Planco, de Postumo, de genere toto. 
Melius fuit perisse illo interfecto (quod numquam accidis- 
set) quam haec videre. 3. Octavius Neapolim venit xim 
Kal. Ibi eum Balbus mane postridie, eodemque die mecunc 
in Cumano, ilium hereditatem aditurum ; sed, ut scribis. 
f pi66fjiw t magnam cum Antonio. Buthrotia mihi tua 
res est, ut debet, eritque curae. Quod quaeris iamne ad 
centena Cluvianum : adventare videtur : scilicet priino 
anno LXXX. detersimus. 4. Q. pater ad me gravia de 
filio, maxime quod matri mine indulgeat, cui antea bene 
merenti fuerit inimicus. Ardentes in eum litteras ad me 
misit. Ille autem quid agat si scis nequedum Roma es 
profectus, scribas ad me velim, et hercule, si quid aliud. 
Vehementer delector tuis litteris. 

LXXII. TO ATTIOUS (ATT. xiv. 18) 

POMPEIANUM, A.U.C. 710; B.C. 44; AET. CIC. 62. 

De Dolabella, de nomiiiibus Albiano et Patulciano, de Moutano, 
de Servio, de Bruto causaque rei publicae. 

1. Saepius me iam agitas, quod rem gestam Dola- 
bellae nimis in caelum videar efferre. Ego autem, quam- 



LXXII. (ATT. XIV. 18) 115 

quain sane probo factum, tamen, ut tanto opere laudarem, 
adductus sum tuis et unis et alteris litteris. Sed totum 
se a te abalienavit Dolabella eadem causa, qua me quoque 
sibi inimicissimum reddidit. hominem pudentem ! 
Kal. Ian. debuit : adhuc non solvit, praesertim cum se 
maximo aere alieno Faberii manu liberarit et opem ab Ope 
petierit. Licet enirn iocari, ne me valde conturbatum 
putes. Atque ego ad eum nx. Idus litteras dederam 
bene mane, eodem autem die tuas litteras vesperi accep- 
eram in Pompeiano, sane celeriter, tertio abs te die. Sed, 
ut ad te eo ipso die scripseram, satis aculeatas ad Dola- 
bellam litteras dedi, quae si nihil profecerint, puto fore 
ut me praesentem non sustineat. 2. Albianum te con- 
fecisse arbiftor. De Patulciano nomine, quod mihi sup- 
petiatus es, gratissimum est et simile tuorum omnium. 
Sed ego Erotem ad ista expedienda factum mihi videbar 
reliquisse, cuius non sine magna culpa vacillarunt. Sed 
cum ipso videro. 3. De Montano, ut saepe ad te scripsi, 
erit tibi tota res curae. Servius proficiscens, quod despe- 
ranter tecum locutus est, minim e miror, neque ei quid- 
quam in desperatione concede. 4. Brutus noster, singu- 
laris vir, si in senatum non est Kal. luniis venturus, quid 
facturus sit in foro nescio. Sed hoc ipse melius. Ego 
ex iis, quae parari video, non multum Idibus Martiis 
profectum iudico. Itaque de Graecia cotidie magis et 
magis cogito. Nee enim Bruto meo exsilium, ut scribit 
ipse, meditanti video quid prodesse possim. Leonidae me 
litterae non satis delectarunt. De Herode tibi adsentior. 
Saufeii legisse vellem. Ego ex Pompeiano vi. Idus Mai. 
cogitabam. 



116 LXXIII. (FAM. XI. 28) 

LXXIII. MATIUS TO CICERO (FAM. XL 28) 

ROME, A.U.C. 710 ; B.C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62 

Matius respondet superior! Ciceronis epistolae et purgare se 
studct propter iniquorum iudiciuni. 

1. Magnam voluptatem ex tuis litteris cepi, quod 
quam speraram atque optaram habere te de me opiniom m 
cognovi. De qua etsi non dubitabam, tamen, qtia 
maximi aestimabam, ut incorrupta maneret laborabam. 
Conscius autem mihi eram nihil a me cominissum esse 
quod boni cuiusquam offenderet animum. Eo minus 
credebam plurimis atque optimis artibus ornato ti)i 
temere quidquam persuader! potuisse, praesertim in 
quern mea propensa et perpetua fuisset atque esset beno- 
volentia. Quod quoniam ut volui scio esse, respondebo 
criminibus, quibus tu pro me, ut par erat tua singular! 
bonitate et amicitia nostra, saepe restitisti. 2. Noti 
enim mihi sunt quae in me post Caesaris mortem contu- 
lerint. Vitio mihi dant, quod mortem hominis necessarii 
graviter fero atque eum, quern dilexi, perisse indignoi. 
Aiunt enim patriam amicitiae, non patriae amicitian 
praeponendam esse, proinde ac si iam vicerint obituir 
eius rei publicae fuisse utilem. Sed non agam astute. 
Fateor me ad istum gradum sapientiae non pervenisse. 
Neque enim Caesarem in dissensione civili sum secutus, 
sed amicum, quamquam re offendebar, tamen non 
deserui : neque bellurn umquam civile aut etiam causam 
dissensionis probavi, quam etiam nascentem exstingui 
suinme studui. Itaque in victoria hominis necessarii 



LXXIII. (FAM. XL 28) 117 

neque honoris neque pecuniae dulcedine sum captus : 
quibus praemiis reliqui, minus apud eum quain ego cum 
possent, immoderate sunt abusi. Atque etiam res 
familiaris mea lege Caesaris deminuta est, cuius beneficio 
plerique, qui Caesaris morte laetantur, remanserunt in 
civitate. Civibus victis ut parceretur aeque ac pro mea 
salute laboravi. 3. Possum igitur, qui omnes voluerim 
incolumes, eum, a quo id impetratum est, perisse non 
indignari 1 cum praesertim iidem homines illi et invidiae 
et exitio fuerinU Plecteris ergo, inqiu unt, quoniam 
factum nostrum improbare audes. superbiam inaudi- 
tam, alios^m facinore gloriari, aliis ne dolere quidem 
impunite licere ! At haec etiam servis semper libera 
fuerunt, ut timerent, gauderent, dolerent suo potius 
quam alterius arbitrio : quae nunc, ut quidem isti 
dictitant libertatis auctores, rnetu nobis extorquere con- 
antur. Sed nihil agunt. 4. Nullius umquam periculi 
terroribus ab officio aut ab humanitate desciscam ; num- 
quam enim honestam mortem fugiendam, saepe etiam 
oppetendam putavi. Sed quid mihi suscensent, si id 
opto, ut paeniteat eos sui facti ? Cupio enim Caesaris 
mortem omnibus esse acerbam. At debeo pro civili parte 
rem publicam velle salvam. Id quidem me cupere, nisi 
et ante acta vita et reliqua mea spes tacente me probat, 
dicendo vincere non postulo. 5. Qua re maiorem in 
modum te rogo, ut rem potiorem oratione ducas, mihique, 
si sentis expedire recta fieri, credas nullam communionem 
cum improbis esse posse. An, quod adolescens praestiti, 
cum etiam errare cum excusatione possem, id nunc aetate 
praecipitata commutern ac me ipse retexam 1 Non 



118 LXXIII. (FAM. XL 28) 

faciam, neque quod displiceat committam praeterquam 
quod hominis mihi coniunctissimi ac viri a mplissimi 
dolco gravem casum. Quod si aliter essem animatus, 
nuinquam quod facerem negarem, ne et in peccando im- 
probus et in dissimulando timidus ac vanus existimarBr. 
6. At ludos, quos Caesaris victoriae Caesar adolesce ns 
fecit, curavi. At id ad privatum officium, non ad statum 
rei publicae pertinet. Quod tamen munus et homiiis 
amicissimi memoriae atque honoribus praestare etiam 
mortui debui et optimae spei adolescenti ac dignissimo 
Caesare petenti negare non potui. 7. Veni etiam co:i- 
sulis Antonii domum saepe salutandi causa: ad quern 
qui me parum patriae amantem esse existiinant rogandi 
quidem aliquid aut auferendi causa frequentes ventitaie 
reperies. Sed quae haec est adrogantia, quod Caesar 
numquam interpellavit quin quibus vellem, atque etian 
quos ipse non diligebat, tamen iis uterer, eos, qui mihi 
amicum eripuerunt, carpendo me em" cere conari, ne quo,* 
velim diligam ? 8. Sed non vereor ne aut meae vitac 
modes tia parum valitura sit in posterum contra falso* 
rumores aut ne etiam ii, qui me non amant propter mean: 
in Caesarem c onstantiam, non malint mei quam sui 
similes amicos habere. Mihi quidem si optata con 
tingent, quod reliquum est vitae, in otio Rhodi degam : 
sin casus aliquis interpellarit, ita ero Romae, ut recte 
fieri semper cupiam. Trebatio nostro magnas ago 
gratias, quod tuum erga me animum simplicem atque 
amicum aperuit, et quod eum, quern semper lubenter 
dilexi, quo magis iure colere atque observare deberem, 
fecit. Bene vale et me dilige. 



LXXV. (ATT. xv. 15) 119 

LXXIV. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xv. 16) 
LUCRINUM, A.U.C. 710; B.C. 44; AET. CIC. 62 

De litteris a Cicerone suo eiusque magistris acceptis. Cicero 
Attico significat se in amoenitate villae suae ad lacum Lucrinum 
tamen Tusculanum suum desiderare. 

1. Tandem a Cicerone tabellarius, et^mehercule litterae 
va)$ scriptae, quod ipsum TrpoKoirrjv aliquam signi 



ficat, itemque ceteri praeclara scribunt. Leonides tamen 
retinet suum illud ADHUC. Summis vero laudibus 
Herodes. Quid quaeris 1 ? Vel verba mihi dari facile 
patior in hoc meque libenter praebeo credulum. Tu velim, 
si quid tibi est a Static scriptum quod pertineat ad me, 
certiorem me facias. 2. Narro tibi : haec loca venusta 
sunt, abdita certe et, si quid scribere velis, ab arbitris 
libera. Sed nescio quo modo ofcog <frt\os. Itaque me 
referunt pedes in Tusculanum. Et tamen haec /XOTTO- 
ypa<>ia ripulae videtur habitura celerem satietatem. 
Equidem etiam pluvias metuo, si prognostica nostra 
vera sunt. Ranae euim pyroptvova-w. Tu, quaeso, fac 
sciam ubi Brutum nostrum et quo die videre possim. 

LXXV. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xv. 15) 
LUCRINUM, A.U.C. 710 ; B.C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62 

De L. Antonio Buthrotiis molesto, de nummis L. Fadio 
curandis, de Cleopatra et Hammonio et Sara, de profectione sua 
per Erotis dispensationem impedita, de Ciceroni suo in annuum 
sumptum Athenas permutando. 

1. L. Antonio male sit ! BTquidem Buthrotiis molestus 



120 LXXV. (ATT. XV. 15) 

est. Ego testimonium composui, quod, cum voles, ob- 
signabitur. Nummos Arpinatium, si L. Fadius aedilis 
petet, vel omnes reddito. Ego ad te alia epistola scripsi 
de HS. ex., quae Static curarentur. Si ergo petet 
Fadius, ei volo reddi, praeter Fadium neinini. Apud 
me item puto depositum. Id scripsi ad Erotem ut 
redderet. 2. Regiuam odi. Id me iure facere siit 
sponsor promissorum ehis Hammonius, quae quid(m 
erant </>tAoAoya et dignitatis meae, ut vel in contioae 
dicere auderem. Saran autem, praeterquam quod 
nefarium hominem, cognovi praeterea in me contumacem. 
Semel eum omuino domi meae vidi. Cum <f>L\o<j>p6vi)<s 
ex eo quaererem quid opus esset, Atticum se dixit 
quaerere. Superbiam autem ipsius reginae cum essct 
trans Tiberim in hortis, commemorare sine magno dolore 
non possum. Nihil igitur cum istis, nee tarn animum 
me quam vix stomachum habere arbitrantur. ,3. Pro- 
fectionem nieam, ut video, Erotis 7 Wfsf)e i fisa ti6 impedil . 
Nam cum ex reliquis, quae Nonis Aprilibus fecit, abun- 
dare debeam, cogor mutuari, quodque ex istis fructuosh 
rebus receptum est, id ego ad illud fanum sepositum 
putabam. Sed haec Tironi mandavi, quern ob can 
causam Romam misi. Te nolui impeditum impedire. 
4. Cicero noster quo modestior est, eo me magis com- 
movet. Ad me enim de hac re nihil scripsit, ad quern 
nimirum potissimum debuit. Scripsit hoc autern ad 
Tironem, sibi post Kal. Apriles sic enim annuum 
tempus coufici nihil datum esse : tibi pro tua natura 
semper placuisse teque existimasse scio id etiam ad digni 
tatem lueam pertinere, eum non modo liberal iter a nobis, 



LXXVI. (ATT. XVI. 3) 121 

sed etiam ornate cumulateque tractari. Qua re velim cures 
nee tibi essem molestus, si per alium hoc agere possem 
ut permutetur Athenas quod sit in annuum sumptum ei. 
Eros numerabit. Eius rei causa Tironem misi. Curabis 
igitur et ad me, si quid tibi de eo videbitur, scribes. 



LXXVI. TO ATTICUS (ATT. xvi. 3) 
POMPEIANUM, A.U.C. 710; B.C. 44; AET. CIC. 62 

De Antonio ab Attico convento Tiburi, de libro de senectute 
suo et alio ffwrdy/JLari per Erotem misso, de Cicerone suo, de 
Xenone, de Herode, de Q. filio, turn de discessu suo, de rationibus 
suis et re familiar!, de Bruto, de Cassio, de Hiera et Blesamio, de 
Attica et Pilia. 

1. Tu vero sapienter nunc demum enim rescribo iis 
litteris, quas mihi misisti convento Antonio Tiburi 
sapienter igitur, quod manus dedisti quodque etiam ultro 
gratias egisti. Certe enim, ut scribis, deseremur ocius a | 
re publica quam a re familiari. Quod vero scribis te 
magis et magis delectare * Tite, si quid ego, auges mihi 
scribendi alacritatem. Quod Erotem non sine munusculo 
te exspectare dicis, gaudeo non fefellisse earn rem 
opinionem tuam, sed tamen idem jruvraypa. misi ad, te 
retractatius et quidem apyervirov ipsum crebris locis iii- 
culcatum et refectum. Hunc tu tralatum in macrocollum 
lege arcano convivis tuis, sed, si me amas, hilaris et bene 
acceptis, ne in me stomachum erumpant, cum sint tibi 
irati. 2. De Cicerone, velim ita sit, ut audimus. De 
Xenone coram cognoscam, quamquam nihil ab eo arbitror 



122 LXXYI. (ATT. XVI. 3) 

neque indiligenter neque illiberaliter. De Herode facium 
ut mandas, et ea, quae scribis, ex Saufeio et e Xencne 
cognoscam. 3. De Q. filio, gaudeo tibi meas litteias 
prius a tabellario meo quam ab ipso redditas, quamquam 
te niliil fefellisset. Vertim tamen. . . . Sed exspecto 
quid ille tecum, quid tu vicissim, nee dubito quin suo 
more uterque. Sed eas litteras Curium mini spero red- 
diturum, qui quidem, etsi per se est ainabilis a meque 
diligitur, tamen accedet magnus cumulus commendationis 
tuae. 4. Litteris tuis satis responsum est : nunc aud , 
quod, etsi intellego scribi necesse non esse, scribo tamen. 
Multa me movent in discessu, in primis mehercule, quod 
diiungor a te : movet etiam navigations labor alienu* 
non ab aetate solum nostra, verum etiam a dignitate 
tempusque discessus subabsurdum. Relinquimus enim 
pacem, ut ad bellum revertamur, quodque temporis in 
praediolis nostris et belle aedificatis et satis amoenis 
consumi potuit, in peregrinatione consumimus. Con- 
solantur haec : aut proderimus aliquid Ciceroni aut 
quantum profici possit iudicabimus. Deinde tu iam, ut 
spero et ut promittis, aderis. Quod quidem si acciderit, 
omnia nobis ertint meliora. 5. Maxime autem me angit 
ratio reliquorurii meorum : quae quamquam explicata 
sunt, tamen, quod et Dolabellae nomen in iis est et ex 
attributione mini nomina ignota, conturbor, nee me ulla 
res magis angit ex omnibus. Itaque non mihi videor 
errasse, quod ad Balbum scripsi apertius, ut, si quid tale 
accidisset, ut non cqncurrerent nomina, subveniret, meque 
tibi etiam mandasse, ut, si quid eius modi accidisset, 
cum eo communicares : quod facies, si tibi videbitur, 



LXXVII. (FAM. X. 32) 123 

coque magis, si proficisceris in Epirum. 6. Haec ego 
conscendens e Pompeiano tribus actuariolis deceniscalmis. 
Brutus erat in Neside etiam nunc, Neapoli Cassius. 
Ecquid amas Deiotarum et non amas Hieram ? Qui, ut 
Blesamius venit ad me, quum ei praescriptum esset, ne 
quid sine Sexti nostri sententia ageret, neque ad ilium 
neque ad queinquam nostrum rettulit. Atticam nostram 
cupio absentem suaviari : ita mihi dulcis salus visa est 
per te missa ab ilia. Referes igitur ei plurimam itemque 
Piliae dicas veltm. 



LXXVII. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO 
(FAM. x. 32) 

COKDUBA, A.U.C. 711 ; B.C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63 

C. Asinius Pollio de Balbi quaestoris sui flagitiis et de suo in 
rem publicam studio exponit. 

1. Balbus quaestor magna numerata pecunia, magno 
pondere auri, maiore argenti coacto de publicis exaction- 
ibus, ne stipeudio quidem militibus reddito duxit se a 
Gadibus et triduum tempestate retentus ad Calpen Kal. 
luniis traiecit sese in regnum Bogudis, plane bene pecu- 
liatus. His rumoribus utrum Gades referatur an Romam 
ad singulos enim nuntios turpissime consilia mutat 
nondum scio. 2. Sed praeter furta et rapinas et virgis 
caesos socios haec quoque fecit, ut ipse gloriari solet, 
eadem quae C. Caesar, ludis, quos Gadibus fecit, Heren- 
nium Gallum histrionem, summo ludorum die anulo 
aureo donatum, in xiv. sessum deduxit : tot enim fecerat 



124 LXXVII. (FAM. X. 32) 

ordines equestris loci : quattuorviratum sibi prorogavi: : 
comitia biennii biduo habuit, hoc est, renuntiavit quos ei 
visum est : exsules reduxit, non liorum temporum, s( d 
illorum, quibus a seditiosis senatus trucidatus aut ex- 
pulsus est, Sex. Yaro proconsule. 3. Ilia vero iam re 
Caesaris quidem exemplo, quod ludis praetextam de suo 
itinere ad L. Lentulum procos. sollicitandum posuit. Et 
quidem cum ageretur, flevit memoria rerum gestarun 
commotus. Gladiatoribus autem Faclium quemdam, mili- 
tem Pompeianum, quia, cum depressus in ludum bi* 
gratis depugnasset, auctorari sese nolebat et ad populun 
confugerat, primum Gallos equites immisit in populum 
coniecti enim lapides sunt in eum, cum abriperetur Fadius. 
deinde abstractum defodit in ludo et vivum combussit : 
cum quidem pransus, nudis pedibus, tunica soluta, 
manibus ad tergum reiectis, inambularet et illi misero 
quiritanti : c. r. natus sum, responderet : Abi mine, 
populi fidem implora. Bestiis vero cives Rornanos, in 
iis circulatorem quendam auctionum, notissimum homi- 
nem Hispali, quia deformis erat, obiecit. Cum huiusce 
modi portento res mihi fuit. Sed de illo plura coram. 
4. Nunc, quod praestat : quid me velitis facere constituite. 
Ties legiones firmas habeo, quarum unam, duodetricensi- 
mam, cum ad se initio belli arcessisset Antonius hac 
pollicitatione, quo die in castra venisset, denarios quin- 
genos singulis militibus daturum, in victoria vero eadem 
praemia, quae suis legionibus quorum quis ullam finem 
aut modum futurum putabit? incitatissimam retinui, 
aegre mehercules : nee retinuissem, si uno loco habuissem, 
utpote cum singulae quaedam cohortes seditionem fecerint. 



LXXVIII. (FAM. XII. 10) 125 

Reliquas quoque legiones non destitit litteris atque in- 
finitis pollicitationibus incitare. Nee vero minus Lepidus 
ursit me et suis et Antonii litteris, ut legionem tricensi- 
mam mitterem sibi. 5. Itaque quern exercitum neque 
vendere ullis praemiis volui nee eorum periculorum metu, 
quae victoribus illis portendebantur, deminuere, debetis 
existimare retentum et conservatum rei publicae esse, 
atque ita credere, quodcumque imperassetis, facturum 
fuisse, si quod iussistis feci. Nam et provinciam in otio 
et exercitum in mea potestate tenui : finibus meae pro- 
vinciae nusquam excessi : militem non modo legionarium, 
sed ne auxiliarium quidem ullum quoquam misi, et, si 
quos equites decedentes nactus sum, supplicio adfeci. 
Quarum rerum fructum satis magnum re publica salva 
tulisse me putabo. Sed res publica si me satis novisset 
et maior pars senatus, maiores ex me fructus tulisset. 
Epistolam, quam Balbo, cum etiam nunc in provincia 
esset, scripsi, legendam tibi misi : etiam praetextam, si 
voles legere, Gallum Cornelium, familiarern meum, pos- 
cito. vi. Idus lunias, Corduba. 



LXXVIII. TO CASSIUS, IN LAODICEA (FAM. xii. 10) 
ROME, A.U.C. 711 ; B.C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63 

M. Cicero Lepidum liostem iudicatum scribit et Cassium cum 
exercitu in Italia exspectari. 

1. Lepidus, tuus adfiuis, meus familiaris, pridie Kal. 
Quinctiles sententiis omnibus hostis a senatu iudicatus 
est ceterique, qui una cum illo a re publica defeceruut : 



126 LXXVIII. (FAM. XII. 10) 

quibus tamen ad sanitatem redeundi ante Kal. Septembr. 
potestas facta est. Fortis sane senatus, sed maxime , ;pe 
subsidii tui. Bellum quidem, cum haec scribebam, 
sane magnum erat scelere et levitate Lepidi. Nos de 
Dolabella cotidie quae volumus audimus, sed adhuc sine 
capite, sine auctore, rumore nimtio. 2. Quod cum ita 
esset, tamen litteris tuis, quas Nonis Maiis ex castiis 
datas acceperamus, ita persuasum erat civitati ut illivn 
iam oppressum omnes arbitrarentur, te autem in Italiain 
venire cum exercitu, ut, si haec ex sententia confecta 
essent, consilio atque auctoritate tua, sin quid forto 
titubatum, ut fit in bello, exercitu tuo niteremm. 
Quern quidem ego exercitum quibuscumque potuero rebu * 
ornabo : cuius rei turn tempus erit, cum quid opis re ; 
publicae laturus is exercitus sit aut quid iam tuleril 
notum esse coeperit. Nam adhuc tautum conatus 
audiuntur, optimi illi quidem et praeclarissimi, sed gesta 
res exspectatur : quam quidem aut iam esse aliquam aut 
appropinquare confido. 3. Tua virtute et magnitudine 
animi nihil est nobilius. Itaque optarnus, ut quam 
primum te in Italia videarnus. Rem publicam nos 
habere arbitrabimur, si vos habebimus. Praeclare vice- 
ramus, nisi spoliatum, inerinem, fugientem Lepidus 
recepisset Antonium. Itaque numquam tanto odio 
civitati Antonius fuit quanto est Lepidus. Ille eiiim ex 
turbulenta re publica, hie ex pace et victoria bellum 
excitavit. Huic oppositos consules designates liabemus : 
in quibus est magna ilia quidem spes, sed anceps cura 
propter incertos exitus proeliorum. 4. Persuade tibi 
igitur in te et in Bruto tuo esse omnia, vos exspectari, 



LXXX. (FAM. XVI. 26) 127 

Brutum quidem iam iamque. Quod si, ut spero, victis 
hostibus nostris veneritis, tamen auctoritate vestra res 
publica exsurget et in aliquo statu tolerabili consistet. 
Sunt enim permulta, quibus erit medendum, etiam si 
res publica satis esse videbitur sceleribus bostium liberata. 
Vale. 



LXXIX. TO TREBATIUS (FAM. vn. 22) 

Cicero cum Trebatio iocatur de controversia quae interciderat de 
actione furti. Annus quo epistola scripta sit incertus est. 

Illuseras heri inter scyphos quod dixeram controversiam 
esse, possetne heres, quod furtum antea factum esset, 
furti recte agere. Itaque, etsi domum bene potus seroque 
redieram, tamen id caput ubi haec controversia est notavi, 
et descriptum tibi misi, ut scires id, quod tu neminem 
sensisse dicebas, Sex. Aelium, M . Manilium, M. Brutum 
sensisse. Ego tamen Scaevolae et Testae adsentior. 



LXXX. TO TIRO (FAM. xvi. 26) 

Q. Cicero accusat familiariter Tironem de intermissione litter- 
arum, quas eum etiam sine argumeuto ad se dare iubet. Annus 
quo epistola scripta sit incertus est. 

1. Verberavi te cogitationis tacito dumtaxat con- 
vicio, quod fasciculus alter ad me iam sine tuis litteris 
perlatus est. Non potes effugere huius culpae poenam 
te patrono. Marcus est adhibendus : isque diu et multis 
lucubratiouibus commentata oratione vide ut probare 



128 LXXX. (FAM. XVI. 26) 

possit te non peccasse. 2. Plane te rogo, sicut ol m 
matrem nostram facere memini, quae lagonas etiam 
inanes obsignabat, ne dicerentur inanes aliquae fuis, ;e, 
quae furtim essent exsiccatae, sic tu, etiam si quod 
scribas non habebis, scribito tamen, ne furtum cessation is 
quaesivisse videaris. Valde enim mihi semper et vera 
et dulcia tuis epistolis nuntiantur. Ama nos et vale. 



NOTES 



LETTER I. (ATT. i. 5) 

Tliis is the first letter of Cicero s extant correspondence. 

1. fructu. Fructu is not enjoyment simply, but enjoyment 
with profit. The latter idea predominates here. What a loss 
I have sustained both in public and in private life. Lucius 
was the cousin of Cicero. In Fin. v. 1 he expresses the relation 
ship more accurately in calling him fratrem cognations 
patruelcm amore germanum. Lucius (2 Verr. iv. 2o) travelled 
in Sicily with Cicero, to aid him in collecting evidence against 
Verres. This explains forensi. 

Nam mihi omnia. All the charm that one man s kindly 
nature may have for another, I felt in him. lucunda is used 
predicatively : lit. all the things which can come pleasant (we 
should say pleasantly or with a cliarm] to a man from his 
friend s sweetness of nature. 

humanitate et moribus, his kindly disposition : a very 
mitigated specimen of the v 5m dvoii> so common in the poets 
and in Tacitus. Cf. Pro Cluent. Ill, mores ciu-s ct adrogantiam, 
and Att. i. 12, 3, servatum et eductum, brought out safely. 
[Rather kindliness and winning ways. For this emphatic 
sense of moribus cf. Prop. iv. (v.) 11, 86.] 

omni . . . ornatissimum, graced by every charm of 
character and principle. Cf. summo officio ac virtute virum 
praeditum, 2 Verr. i. 135, a most obliging and excellent 
fellow. 

tuique . . . amantem. Amans and other participles are 
often used nearly as subst. ; cf. homines amantes tui, Fam. ix. 
6, 1 ; observantem sui, Rab. Post. 43. If amantem were strictly 
subst. we should require tuum amantem. 



130 NOTES i. (ATT. i. 5) 

adfinem. Rather loosely used here : properly speaking, Q. 
Cicero only was the adfinis of Atticus, being the husband of 
Atticus s sister, Pomponia ; not even Marcus, the brother of 
Quintus, still less Lucius the cousin, was adfinis to Atticus in 
strictness of speech. [In other passages a liberal view of 
affinitas is taken, e.g. Post red. 11.] 

2. de sorore tua. For an admirable account of the petti!- h- 
ness of Pomponia, see Att. v. 1, 2 (Ep. xxvi.) Cicero appears 
afterwards to absolve his brother completely from blame in 1 is 
unhappy domestic relations. 

curae fuerit ut. She will tell you how concerned Iwis 
that Q. should have the proper feelings of a husband towards 
her. A subject clause introduced by ut is not common after 
curae cst ; after which the subject clause is usually in the in fir. 
or is introduced by de, as de avgcnda mea dignitate curae fort , 
Att. xi. 6, 3. Cf., however, curae fore ut omnia restituerentut , 
2 Verr. iv. 73. 

eas litteras quibus. * A letter of a kind to soothe one ^ 
brother, to admonish one s junior, and to reprove one who is in 
the wrong. The subjunctive is consecutive: if the verb,; 
placarem, etc., were in the indicative the meaning would be 
I wrote him that letter in which I soothed, etc. An admir 
able instance of this consecutive subjunctive is to be found in 
Att. vi. 1, 25 (Ep. xxxv.), where see note. 

minorem. Q. was probably about four years younger than 
M. Cicero about 34 years of age at the date of this letter. 

3. missione. Bembtis conjectures intcrmissione, and this 
is accepted by Baiter, who compares Fam. vii. 13, 1, where 
Cicero uses the phrase inter missionis epistularum, but that 
supplies no reason why we should impugn here missions of the 
mss. The phrase may be rendered exactly, You have no right 
to complain of me as a correspondent : quite similarly in Att. 
iv. 16, 1, Cicero says, De epistularum frequentia te nihil accuso, 
I bring no charge touching your regularity as a correspondent, 
which is quite as natural a way of speaking as if he had said 
infrcqucntia, irregularity. So here he might have said inter - 
missione, but did say (quite as correctly) missione. Cf. Att. 
v. 10, 3, ut mcum consilium saepe reprehendam quod non . . . 
cmcrscrim, where consilium really means my want of prudence. 
Cf. Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 85, haec . . . rcprchendi iustius illis, where 
haec and illis are both pregnant, their absence can be more 
justly found fault with than the absence of those things which, 
etc. This usa^e is common in Greek. 



NOTES i. (ATT. i. 5) 131 

4. De Acutiliano negotio. See Att. i. 4, 1, and Att. i. 
8, 1. As the latter letter was written in 687 (B.C. 67), the 
business must have been unfinished at the end of two years. 
Well might Cicero say accidit ut contentione nihil opus csset, it 
so happened that there was no need of any great haste. 

tuo digressu, after parting from you ; tuo is used 
instead of the objective gen. ; cf. odio tuo, desidcrio tuo, 
hatred of you, regret for you, Ter. Phorm. v. 8, 27 ; Heaut. 
ii. 3, 66. So Fam. x. 24, 1, tua observantia, attention to you. 1 
In Att. ii. 13, 1, tuam epistolam means a letter to you. 

confeceram. Perhaps this may be best taken here as the 
epistolary pluperfect. If not writing a letter he would have 
used the impcrf. conficiebam, I meant to finish the business, 
but, etc. In a letter conficiebam would mean, I am finishing, 
so he is forced to use the pluperf., just as in Att. v. 14, Nunc 
iter conficiebamus pulverulenta via. Dederam Ephtso pridie. 
Has dedi Trallibus. See Roby, 1468. [Cic. seems to me to 
convey that he actually did carry out the commission given, 
him by Att., which referred to some minor point of the 
Acutilianum negotium. The words sed accidit seem to be an 
apology for not having written earlier to Att.] 

duxi. One would at first sight expect duxissem, which 
Malaspina conjectured, and Bosius pretended to have found in 
one of his fabricated mss. But duxi is quite right. Cicero is 
defending himself from the charge that he neglected to write, 
so as to escape the trouble of it. Seeing that I endured to 
listen to Acutilius for several days, I did not think it a great 
task to write you an account of his complaints, when I made 
so light of listening to them, which was somewhat a bore. We 
should rather have expected a word enhancing the meaning of 
odiosum than a preposition which mitigates as sub. Cicero 
affects words compounded of sub in this sense. 

unas. Unas littcras, one letter, there being no ambiguity ; 
but duae littcrae would be two letters of the alphabet. Two, 
three letters (epistles), etc., must be expressed by the distributive 
numerals binae, trinae, etc. 

5. Quod scribis, etc. You write that even if somebody 
is a little offended with you, my part ought to be to bring about 
a better feeling : I see what you mean, and I did my best to 
that end ; but he feels the matter very deeply. I did not fail 
to say all that was needful about your case, but how far I 
should go in my efforts I thought I should regulate by your 
wishes, which when you have communicated to me, you will 



132 NOTES 1. (ATT. I. 5) 

see that I did not care to be more busy than you were yourself, 
and that on the other hand I shall not be more remiss tlan 
you would wish me to be. 

The reference is to Lucceius. He mentions the name plainly 
afterwards (i. 11, 1, etc. ; i. 14, 7). It is, however, possible 
that cuius animus might be explained as a reference to some 
general proposition in Att. s letter. I have a right to look to 
you to mitigate any offence that may be taken. Teneo vas 
inserted by Orelli. It might well have fallen out after -tere, the 
last syllable of oportcrc, and it is idle to suppose that the want 
of a verb here could be accounted for as a justifiable ellipse. 
The old commentators defended the ellipse as a toquendi gen is 
comicum, and this would have great weight if it could )e 
proved, for we shall find many coincidences between Cicerc s 
letters and the comic drama. It is natural that there shou d 
be close resemblances between the language of familiar letter- 
writing and the language of familiar dialogue. 

6. De Tadiana re. Tadius had somehow got into his ham s 
the property of an heiress who was still a ward. He had he! i 
her property for the two or more years which would give a rigl t 
to prescriptive ownership. When the property was claimed fc r 
the girl by her lawful guardians, Tadius, by the advice <f 
Atticus, pleaded his prescriptive right. Cicero expresses his 
surprise that Atticus should not know that no prescriptive righ t 
can be acquired to the property of a ward under the care of her 
statutory guardians. 

7. Epiroticam emptionem, your purchase of a place in 
Epirus (near Buthrotum). Eniptio ought properly to meaii 
the act of purchasing, but it is sometimes (e.g. Ep. xvi. 2> 
used for the thing purchased. The use of the adj. too 
is somewhat colloquial. In Att. v. 20, 9, Cicero speaks of i 
letter for Epirus as litterae Epiroticac. Cf. Achaico cursu, 
journey to A., Ep. ad Brut. i. 15, 5 ; Libyco cursu, journey 
from Libya, Virg. Aen. vi. 338. 

Tusculano. This Tusculan estate of Cicero had formerly 
belonged to Sulla, and had subsequently passed into the hands 
of Catulus. About eleven years after this time Cicero offered it 
for sale (Att. iv. 2, 7), but he seems to have changed his mind, 
for we find it in his hands at a subsequent period (Att. xii. 
41, 1). Mr. Watson in Appendix V to the first part of his 
Select Letters of Cicero gives a list of Cicero s other estates. 
They were (1) at Arpinum, which he inherited from his father, 
and near which his brother Quintus had two estates called 
Arcauum and Laterium ; (2) at Antium, which he subsequently 



NOTES II.. (ATT. I. 7) 133 

sold to M. Lepidus ; (3) at Formiae ; (4) at Pompeii ; (5) Cumae ; 
(6) Puteoli ; (7) Astura. He had also several deversoria, or 
places where he could put up for a night, e.g. at Tarracina, 
Sinuessa, Gales, Anagnia. Such lodges were indispensable 
for distinguished persons who would travel in a style befitting 
their rank at a time when there was hardly anything like hotel 
accommodation. He also had a house in Rome, on the Carinae, 
which he made over to his brother Quintus, when he himself 
after his consulate bought the magnificent house of M. Crassus, 
on the Palatine, for a sum of nearly 30,000. This was the 
house which was destroyed by dooms in the year 697 (57), 
and for the restoration of which a money grant was made by 
the senate after Cicero s return from exile, which he complained 
of as insufficient for the purpose. 

8. articulorum dolores, rheumatism. 



LETTER II. (ATT. i. 7) 

Apud matrem. Your mother and her household arc 
getting on very well. 

curaturum, will see to the payment of. 

HS xxcd. This very sum, 20,400 sesterces (173 : 8s.), is 
expressed by quite different symbols in Att. i. 8. It should not 
surprise us to find such latitude in letters. So the horizontal 
stroke indicating thousands of sesterces has often to be supplied 
or not, according to the context. Thus in an English letter if 
we met the expression I gave 100 for a horse, we should guess 
it meant 100, not 100 shillings ; but if we found I gave 
1000 for a horse, we might not feel quite sure whether the word 
written was house or horse. This being so, I follow the practice 
of those editors who do not supply in the text the horizontal 
stroke (which is not found in the mss.), but leave the symbol 
as it is found in the mss., adding an explanation, if requisite, 
in the footnotes. [Cf. the curious story about Tiberius in Suet. 
Galb. 5 : sestertium quingenties cum praecipuum inter legatarios 
habuisset, quid notata non perscripta erat summa, herecle 
Tiber io ad quingenta revocante, ne hacc quidem recepit.] 

conficere, secure. 



134 NOTES III. (ATT. I. 6) 



LETTER III. (ATT. I. 6) 

1. Domum Rab. Rabirius s house at Xeapolis which 3 on 
had already laid out and completed in your mind s eye, II . 
Fonteius has bought for 130,000 sesterces (1100). For the 
Roman system- of reckoning see Roby s Latin Grammar, v)l. 
i. Appendix D, i. ii. viii. pp. 440, 441, 447. Domi m 
Jlabirianam implies that it was the family mansion ; domi m 
Rabirii would merely express that it was his dwelling. 

2. Arpinatibus. The names of the estates of Quintus in 
Arpinum were Arcanum and Latcrium. 

XpT]<rro}ia0f], an adept in belles lettres, a man of excellent 
polite learning, a savant. 

Pater nobis d. This is a locus mxatissimus. Madvij;, 
Boot, and others read disccssit on the ground that Cicero won! I 
not have been so unfeeling as to announce his father s death i i 
such curt terms. Boot urges that he is deeply moved at tho 
death of his slave, Sositheus (Att. i. 12, 4): we may also notics 
Cicero s almost exaggerated expressions of grief for Leutulu^ 
(Att. iv. 6). But if we read discessit, we must also read pate 
noster disccssit, my father left, instead of pater nobis discessit 
the ethical dative implying serious loss to oneself; unless 
indeed, we make a further change, and read a nobis discessit 
and even then it is not probable that Cicero would write m) 
father has left without mentioning whither he went, or whj 
he thought the fact worth recording. But the chief argument 
against decessit is the alleged evidence of Asconius that Cicero s 
father did not die till the year 690 (B.C. 64). The passage oi 
Asc. is, however, highly suspicious. In enumerating the com 
petitors of Cicero for the consulship, Asc. in his commentary 
on the Oratio in Toga Candida writes : Duos patricios P. Snip. 
Galbam, L. Sergium Catilinam ; quattuor plebeios, ex quibus 
duos nobiles, C. Antonium, L. Cassium Longinum ; duo qui 
tantum non primi ex suis familiis magistratum adepti erant, 
Q. Cornificmm et C. Licinium Sacerdotem. Solus Cicero ex 
competitoribus equestri erat loco nattis, atque in pctitionc patrem 
amisit. Could anything be more abrupt or irrelevant than the 
words in italics? I believe the passage of Asc. is unsound. 
Very possibly Asc. wrote omisit, as Mr. Harrison, of St. John s 
College, Cambridge, has suggested to me. It may have been 
customary in the professio to give the father s name with one s 
own. Cicero may have excited comment by omitting this 



NOTES IV. (ATT. I. 2) 135 

customary formality. If then, as I think, we may dismiss the 
testimony of Asconius, there is no urgent reason for doubting 
that decessit is right, and means died. Yet we may acquit 
Cicero of want of feeling ; thus : let us suppose that he had 
already communicated the death of his father in a letter to 
Atticus, now lost ; that Atticus in a subsequent letter asked 
Cicero, What did you say was the precise date of your father s 
death ? and that Cicero here replies pater nobis decessit A.D. iv. 
Kal. Dec., the date of my poor (nobis) father s death was the 
fourth day before the kalends. Nobis is itself a tender expres 
sion. Cf. ure mihi, Prop. iv. 7, 78. Editors do not sufficiently 
keep before their minds the fact that much that is difficult in 
these letters arises from the loss of the replies of Atticus. This 
explanation has been accepted by I. C. G. Boot, the eminent 
Dutch scholar, in his last edition (1886) of the Letters to Atticus. 
The question between discesserat and decesserat rises again in 
Fam. v. 14, 1, but there discesserat has the mss. on its side. 

yufivao-ittSt], objets d art, articles of vertu. 1 yvfj.vd<riov was 
the name given by the Greeks to the places where philosophers 
gave lectures. Cicero loved to lay out in the neighbourhood of 
his villas such places for philosophic discussion or for general 
conversation. These gymnasia consisted of a hall with seats 
called cxedrae, and a colonnade (xystus) or a walk planted with 
trees for those who preferred to walk during the disquisition or 
conversation. 



LETTER IV. (ATT. i. 2) 

1. L. lulio Caesare. Julius Caesar and Marcius Figulus 
having been elected consuls, let me tell you that on the same 
day I was blessed with a son, and that Terentia is doing well. 
Cicero refers to the day on which the result of the election was 
declared ; these men were only consumes dcsignati until the next 
year. 

salva Terentia. In Ep. xlvii. he expresses this same 
sentiment by a Greek word, evTOKtjcrev. It is a curious coinci 
dence that while modern physicians write their prescriptions in 
Latin (or did so till very lately), and largely affect the use of 
Latin terms in hygienic matters, the Latins in the time of 
Cicero in the same way affected Greek. In the Letters of Cicero 
an attack of illness is XT^IS, paralysis is ira/><\wns, deple 
tion is d.(f)aipe<n ?, sweating is ta06/37?<ns, a defluxion of humours 
is 7rt0o/>a, to do Banting is do-ire?// or TreivrjTiKTjv facere, to 



136 NOTES iv. (ATT. i. 2) 

be under a regime of emetics is efj.eTiKT)t> agere, bile is x ^ 
&Kpa.Tov, a low diet is Xirdrrjj, to feed up a patient is 
irpcxraixiTptytiv. In Fain. xvi. 18, 1, Cicero recommends to 
Tiro to take care of his digestion, not to fatigue himself, but to 
take regular exercise, to keep his mind amused, and to avoid 
constipation ; as this is medical advice, Cicero clothes it in 
Greek in the form of a prescription, irtyiv, aKoiriav, irepLiraiov 
av/j./j.Tpoi>, r{p\f/iv, fv\v<rlav icoi\las. [The physicians and t ie 
writers on medicine were Greeks almost to a man. ] 

meis ad te rationibus. The order of the words is strange, 
but hyperbaton is a feature in the style of these letters : cf. At t. 
i. 14, 1, ut huic vix tantulae epistolae tempus habuerim ; Fain, 
iii. 9, 3, tuis incredibiliter studiis . . . dclcctor ; cf. also At . 
iv. 17, 3, 4 ; Fam. iii. 7, 4. [The cause here is the gret t 
tendency Cic. has to bring pronouns as near together as he 
can.] 

Catilinam . . . defendere. Catiline was now on his trial fo 
his malversation in Africa, and Cicero seems to have entertained 
the design of defending him. This is put forward by the tra 
ducers of Cicero as a proof that he was at this time making 
advances towards the popular party. But Catiline was not at 
this time regarded as the leader of the popular party, and ii 
Cicero had defended him he would have been doing nothing at 
all politically significant. See Or. pro Caelio, 14, in which 
Cicero says that at one time he did not suspect Catiline. It 
would have been quite natural that he should now defend 
Catiline as he afterwards defended Fonteius. His way to dis 
tinction depended on his achieving a great position at the 
Bar, and it would have been very adverse to his ultimate 
chance of the consulship if he had now refused to undertake 
important cases. The time came when Cicero could pick and 
choose his briefs, but it had not yet arrived. As a matter of 
fact, Cicero did not defend Catiline. This is rendered clear by 
the fact that in the Oratio in Toga Candida Cicero reproaches his 
other competitor Antonius with some slight services which he 
had done him in his candidature for the praetorship. Is it 
then credible that if Cicero had really defended Catiline he 
would have failed- to twit him with the fact ? And, if he had 
defended Catiline, could he have said in this speech, Miserable 
man, not to see that by that verdict you were not acquitted, 
but reserved for a more serious punishment ? But if Cicero had 
defended Catiline his act would have been neither immoral nor 
unprofessional. 



NOTES V. (ATT. I. 17) 137 

summa accusatoris voluntate. He hints that the accuser, 
P. Clodius, was in collusion with Catiline, and exercised his 
right of reiectio, challenging, against such jurors as were un 
favourably disposed to the accused ; such collusion with one s 
opponent was called praevaricatio. 

humaniter feremus, with resignation, i.e. as part of the 
changes and chances of this mortal life, avdpuirivus. Cf. 
Tusc. ii. 65, morbos tolerantcr atque humane fcrunt. The mean 
ing is not like a man (dvSpeiwj). Plautus affects adverbs in 
-ter, even from adj. in -us, a, urn, such as sacviter, blanditcr; 
the only adverbs in -ter in the Letters derived from adjectives 
of three terminations are humaniter, inhumaniter (Q. Fr. iii. 
1, 21, but inhumane, Off. iii. 30, and 2 Verr. i. 138), turbulenter, 
Fain. ii. 16, 7. Adverbs in -ter not from adjectives of three 
terminations, and peculiar to the Letters, are desperanter, fur- 
enter, immortalitcr. 

2. tuos familiares nobiles. Perhaps Hortensius, Crassus, 
and Lucullus, who do not seem to have been very friendly to 
Cicero. He constantly sneers at them in his subsequent letters. 
But perhaps he refers to the whole class of the nobiles who may 
have been prejudiced against a homonovus: cf. Salltist, Cat. 23, 
nobilitas quasi pollui cons, credcbat si cum quamvis cgrcgius homo 
novus adept us forct. The latter theory is confirmed by Q. Cic. 
Comm. pet. 4 ; and the former by Att. i. 19, 6. 



LETTER V. (ATT. i. 17) 

1. Magna, a great changeableness of feeling and complete 
revulsion of sentiment. Quintus had plainly given ear to some 
designing traducers of Atticus, as is clear from 2, quod erat 
illi non nullorum artificiis inculcatum. The quarrel did not 
arise from the fact that Atticus gave up his idea of going to 
Asia to meet Quintus ; the words antca saepe ct vchemcntius post 
sortitionem provinciac show that it was prior to Quintus s de 
parture for Asia. However, Cicero fears that this change of 
plan on the part of Atticus may inflame the quarrel (Att. i. 16, 
14), and professes himself ( 7 of this letter) ready to bear 
witness that Atticus had given in writing to him his reasons for 
declining to go to the province ; so that his refusal to accom 
pany Quintus was due to no rupture between them. From 3 
of this letter we gather that the misunderstanding was not due 
to any bad feeling between Quintus and his wife Pomponia, the 



138 NOTES v. (ATT. i. 17) 

sister of Atticus, though Cicero thinks the good offices of the 
latter might have been used to heal the wound. Cicero expressly 
says he will not entrust to a letter his theory of the cause of i he 
quarrel, facilius possum existimare quam scribere, and thinks it 
has more ramifications than appear, latius patet quam videtu ,: 

opinionis incommodae. Cf. in Att. i. 16, 14, ne quid in 
ista re minus commode fiat. 

saucium. This is a favourite expression with Cicero ; rf. 
sic nunc neque absolutus ncquc damnatus Scrvilius saucius Pit io 
traditur, Fam. viii. 8, 3 ; and saucius is a probable correctk n 
of atius of the mss. in Q. Fr. iii. 2, 2, where for undiqrc 
saucius cf. undique cxclusus, Cluent. 175. 

insedisse governs animum, understood. [Rather understan 1 
ei ; for Cic. would hardly use insedisse with an accusative.] 

2. mollis, susceptible, impressionable, sensitive. 

3. sic intellego ut, my view is that the breach, ever, 
supposing it was not caused by those of your household 
might at least have easily been healed by them if they hac 
chosen. 

domesticis. The plural is used to soften down the remark by 
making it more vague. He refers to Pomponia. So above, 
mcos refers to Quintus, tuis to Pomponia. Very like this is 
that use of the plural which Draeger calls the pluralis modestiae, 
of which a very good example is impcratores appellati sumus, 
Att. v. 20, 3. See note on Fam. v. 4, 2 (Ep. xi.) 

4. De iis litteris. As to his letters from Thessalonica, 
and his remarks to certain friends of yours at Rome and on 
his journey, I cannot see whether there is any real ground 
to justify such language on his part ; but my whole hope of 
mitigating this unpleasantness lies in your kindliness. Boot 
follows Orelli in his explanation of the words ccquid tantum 
causae sit I do not see what there is in his letters to justify 
such annoyance on your part ; but this is quite inconsistent 
with the next sentence, SED omnis . . . molcstiac, and Cicero 
has already owned in the first words of this letter that Quintus 
had shown a very unfriendly spirit in his correspondence with 
Atticus. 

esse hanc agilitatem, that this nimbleness and sensitive 
ness of disposition is generally the sign of a good heart. 

5. voluntatem institutae vitae, the paths we chose in 
life. 



NOTES V. (ATT. I. 17) 139 

probitatis. This and the following genitives are genitivi 
definitivi, in real glory (which consists in) honesty," etc.: 
cf. Pericles hac laude dicendi clarissimus fuit, Brut. 7 ; exactly 
similar is Pro Mur. 23, aliis virtutibus continentiae gravitatis 
institute fidei ; so merccdcm gloriae is the reward (which con 
sists) of glory : Tusc. i. 15 ; Madv. 286 ; Draeg. Hist. Syn. 
i. p. 466. Somewhat similar are wx voluptatis, that word 
pleasure, oppidum Antiochiae, the town Antioch. 

cum a fraterno . . . discessi, in affection towards me, 
after that of my brother and family, I place you first. Cf. 
Fam. i. 9, 18 ; vi. 12, 2. Nearly similar is Off. ii. 6, cum ab 
hoc disceiidi genere discesseris. Primas agrees with paries 
understood. 

7. Qua re et ilia. The rupture between you and Quintus 
will be healed, and the ties between us which have been so 
religiously guarded will remain as sacred as ever. The last 
words might be more accurately rendered will make good their 
former sanctity : that is, I shall be able, with your other 
friends, to assure Quintus that your declining a place in his 
retinue is not due to any ill feeling, but is in consequence of a 
resolution already formed by you and communicated to us. 
This will heal the quarrel, and will cement our good feeling for 
you. [Hardly so : Cic. is rather thinking how the matter will 
look to outsiders.] 

8. ob iudicandum. I have not ventured to read with Klotz 
ob rem iudicandam pecuniam accepissent. Cicero uses accipere 
absolutely in the sense of to take offerings or bribes. Cf. 
Att. v. 21, 5 ; Q. Fr. i. 1, 13. 

in causa non verecunda, considering my case was not a 
very respectable one. Non verecunda is selected as being an 
expression conveying somewhat less than impiidcns, which he 
afterwards applied to the same case (Att. ii. 1, 8). Cf. De Or. 
ii. 361, habctis sermonem . . . hominis utinam non impudentis 
illud quidem ccrte, non nimis verecundi. 

9. deliciae, piece of coolness (swagger, presumption) on 
the part of the knights. Cf. Att. ii. 1, 8, quid impudent ius? 
[Rather whim, caprice. Georges quotes from Sen. Rhet. (but 
without reference), delicias memoriae, caprices of memory. ] 

Asiam. Asiani of the Med. would mean Asiatics ; Asiatici 
is the word which would be applied to the Equites who farmed 
the taxes of Asia. But Asiani of the M. is probably a corruption 
of Asiam, as Malaspina suggested. 



140 NOTES V. (ATT. I. 17) 

ut induceretur, cancelled ; Greek diaypatpew, to draw a 
pen through a document. 

atque adeo. Mr. Pretor translates, I was their leading 
counsel, and, for the matter of that, their junior, too, explai i- 
ing senior , if you take into account the service I did then ; 
junior, if you regard the fact that I did not originate the plea. 
But surely this is extremely farfetched. The obvious meanir.g 
of the passage is (as Boot takes it) I was their leader, or rath* r 
the second ; for it was Crassus who urged them to demand the 
cancelling of the contract. Boot does not give instances <>f 
this usage of atque adco, which Mr. Pretor says it would bo 
extremely hard to justify. Surely he has overlooked Att. xv. 
13, 3, Quod ad tc antea atque adeo pr ins scripsi (sic enim mavis], 
where Mr. Pretor s rendering and what s more would b; 
nonsense. To this should be added a good example of this usu 
of atque adeo in Pis. 41, tune ctiam atque adeo vos ; and ai 
excellent example from Plautus, which I owe to Prof. A. 
Palmer 

Cl. Tibi daretur ilia? St. Mihi enim Ah non id volui dicere 

Bum mihi volui, huic dixi atque adeo dum mihi cupio perperam 
lamdudum hercle fabulor Gas. ii. 6, 14. 

Atque adco in the corrective sense is also frequently found in 
the Speeches, e.g. 2 Verr. ii. 35, 36, 60, 65 ; iii. 61, 62. 

11. cum eo, Lucceius. 

cum hoc, Lucceius again : cum hoc would seem to refer to 
Caesar, but this is impossible ; for the agency of Piso would not 
have been used by Bibulus to secure the co-operation of Caesar, 
who was on the worst possible terms with Piso at the time (Sal. 
Cat. 49). 

Si exspectare veils. M. omits si ; Klotz inserts it after 
exspcctarc, but it would more easily have fallen out after tcmpus. 
The meaning is, if you mean to remain absent from Rome till 
you hear from me again (to wait for this fuller letter), let me 
know. Exspedari si velis, which is sometimes read, would 
mean, if you wish me to stay in Rome till you return thither. 
Cicero, we find, visited the country in the beginning of the 
year. He was desirous of timing his return so as to be at Rome 
when Atticus arrived there. 

modeste of the mss. is absolutely required by the need of 
an antithesis to maxiine. Orelli, with Manutius and Lambinus, 
reads moleste rogo = I beseech you even to importunity. The 
question between modcstc and molcstc again arises in Att. ii. 1, 9. 



NOTES vi. (ATT. n. 2) HI 



LETTER VI. (ATT. n. 2) 

1. Ciceronem nostrum, the son of Quintus and Pomponia, 
who was now ill. 

2. IleXXTjvaCwv, sc. Tro\iTelai>, an account of the con 
stitution of Pellene, by Dicaearchus : so Kopivdiuv and AOrj- 
valwv below. 

magnum acervum. The Roman book consisted of strips 
of papyrus glued together, the last leaf (schcda, scida) being 
fastened to a stick, round which the whole was rolled, so 
that the more one had read of a book the more of the papyrus 
would be unrolled ; and so it would lie on the floor at the feet 
of the reader, rising into a large heap according as more and 
more was unrolled from the stick. 

It must be remembered that each book of a work formed a 
separate roll (wlumeri). If, then, Cic. had read several books 
of Die. there would be several wlumina together on the floor. 
Ovid speaks of his Metamorphoses as mutatac ter quinque volu- 
minaformac, Trist. i. 1, 117. The meaning of the word um 
bilicus, as applied to a volumen, is not quite ascertained. The 
expression itself would seem to point to the extremities of the 
cylinder round which the paper was rolled. According to Mar- 
quardt, Avhen the ancients speak of umbilicus they mean the 
cylinder itself, the central stick ; when they speak of umbilici 
they mean the projecting extremities of the central stick, also 
called cornua. Frontes were the flat surfaces of the rolled paper 
at top and bottom of the roll ; these were smoothed with pumice 
stone, and sometimes coloured to produce a pleasant effect. The 
expression ad umb. adduccre, meaning to finish the writing 
of a book, would seem to show that umbilicus was a knob 
put into a cavity at each end of the rolled paper for ornament ; 
which would be natural enough if the central stick was a little 
shorter than the roll of paper which enveloped it. 

Dicaearchi. Dicaearchus of Messene, a Peripatetic, was 
indeed a remarkable man. His theory of the soul is, to a 
great extent, in accordance with modern speculations. He 
held that the soul was a function of the organism, fj-ydtv elvcu 
ah-ty irapa TO TTWS %x ov <r&f*a- A consequence of this was that the 
/3/os irpctKTiKos was superior to the /3t os #eco/)T7Ti/<:6s (Att. ii. 16, 3). 
Accordingly his writings were naturally political, accounts of 
Hellenic constitutions, and such like works. In his Tpnro\iTiK6s 
he sought to show that a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy 



142 NOTES vi. (ATT. n. 2) 

and democracy, was the best constitution ; and he found it in 
Sparta. It was probably from this work that Polybius took 
(vi. 2-10) the theory that Rome owed her greatness to such an 
admixture in her constitution, than which there is, according 
to Mommsen (iii. 467), hardly a more foolish speculation. 
Die. was a great favourite of Cic., who calls him ddiciae wuae 
(Tusc. i. 77). 

Mihi crede. This is Boot s conjecture for mihi credos, 
leges ; hacc doceo, mirabilis vir cst, which is by no means c< r- 
tainly wrong ; credes and leges might be regarded as tie 
polite imperative, the future being thus used in Latin as the 
opt. with &v in Greek. For mihi crcde cf. Att ii. 13, 2, tnist 
me, take my advice. 

HpwSrjs was afterwards the instructor of Cicero s son, rs 
seems to be shown by Att. xv. 16 a. 

si homo esset, a colloquialism common to Terence an I 
Cicero. It here means if he had the ordinary sense of a man 
In other passages it sometimes has a moral sense if he had 
the feelings of a man. 

litteram, ypdfj./j.a, a single letter of the alphabet. Cf. in. 
me is orationibus omnibus litteris, in every letter of my speeches, 
Att. i. 14, 3. 

qui me epistula, who has discharged a letter at me (at 
a missile), while he has engaged you hand to hand (as with a 
sword). Herodes seems to have written a memoir of Cicero s con 
sulate, and concerning it to have made some request of Cicero by 
letter, and of Atticus personally. Probably he desired to read 
it to them, as Cicero says audiendum, I should rather have 
chosen to be one of the conspirators than the suppressor of the 
conspiracy, if I thought I should have to pay such a price for 
my distinction as to listen to that fellow. 

3. Lollio . . . vino. To explain this, or to choose between 
vino and Vinio, lolio and Lollio, we should have the letter of 
Attiuus to which this is a reply. 

Sed heus tu. But, I say, don t you observe that the 
Kalends of Jan. are approaching, and no Antonius ; that the 
jury to try him for extortion is being empanelled ? Such is the 
intelligence sent to me that Nigidius threatens that he will serve 
a summons on any juror who does not attend. This law seems 
to have been enacted by Cic. See the very difficult passage, pro 
Mur. 47, and Lange, iii. 245. Antonius was to be prosecuted 
by Caelius on his return from Macedonia. P. Nigidius Figulus 



NOTES vii. (ATT. n. 11) 143 

was one of the senators chosen by Cicero to take down the evi 
dence of the informers against Catiline, Or. pro Sulla, 42. 
Cicero gives a flattering description of him in the beginning of 
the Timacus. Cf. Mommsen, R. H. iv. 562. 

hue. To his Tusculamrai, whence this letter was probably 
written. 

apud nos, ( at my town house : cf. Att. iv. 5, 3. Tu de 
via recta in hortos ; vidctur commodius ad tc, you tell me 
"come straight to my suburban villa." I think it would be 
better to go to your town house. 



LETTER VII. (ATT. n. 11) 

1. Narro tibi. Narra is often used to introduce a 
rhetorical or ironical question, as in Att. ii. 7, 2, narra mihi : 
reges Armenii rcsalutare non solcnt? Narro introduces an 
emphatic statement: cf. Att. xiii. 51, 2, narro tibi: Quintus 
eras (veniet). 

die, repeated to show that quo does not go with inclius. 
exceptum, snapped up : cf. Att. ii. 5, 1. 

ponderosam. Cf. Att. i. 13, 1, qui epistolam paullo 
graviorem ferre possit nisi earn pellcctione relevant. There 
there is a play on the two meanings of gravis, heavy 
(physically) and weighty, important. It is to avoid 
any such ambiguity that Cicero here uses ponderosam (a word 
not found in his other writings) ; he wants a heavy, bulky 
packet, full of the details of affairs at Rome, with Atticus s 
comments on them. 

2. rptixei , etc. Horn. Od. ix. 27, the description of Ithaca. 
Arpinum is again connected with Ithaca, de Legg. ii. 3. 

Haec igitur. The Mod. has Jrncc igitur, ET euro, ut valcas, 
et being scored out. It seems to me that et is sound, and was 



crossed out by the copyist, who did not understand this 

dch means this is all I have to say except 
usual ending, take care of yourself. This not being obvious 



at first sight, the copyist would score out the et, but it is 
impossible to account for the presence of the ct except on the 
theory of its soundness, for it makes the sentence more 
difficult. [Possibly haec igitur ego ; tu cura. ] 



144 NOTES VIII. (FAM. XIV. 4) 



LETTER VIII. (FAM. xiv. 4) 

This and the next three letters are written during the period 
of Cicero s exile ; for the effect of his unhappy position on the 
style of his writing see Introduction. 

1. Ego. Vcs, I did send ; the ego points to the fact tl at 
the clause in which it stands is an answer to a question. 
Terentia must have asked him why he wrote so seldom, aid 
here we have the answer. Cf. Ego vcro, 8ervi, vellem ut 
scribis, Fam. iv. 6, 1 ; ego vero Quinto cpistolam ad soronm 
misi, Att. xiii. 41 ; de Q. fratre nihil ego te accusavi, Fam. xiv. 
1, 4 ; quod de domo scribis . . . ego vero, Fam. xiv. 2, 3 : so 
ibid., ego ad quos scribam ncscio is an answer to a suggestion 
of Terentia, that he should approacli his friends by letter. 

Quod utinam. And would that I had not clung so to lii 3. 
I should then have seen no sorrow, or at least but little in n y 
life. Cicero often regrets that he had not destroyed himsel f, 
e.g. in Att. iii. 3. This use of quod is the connexive use, as in 
quod si in the next sentence. 

si, if my present bitter fate is unalterably fixed. Son e 
edd. would read sin, but the opposition is not strong enough 
to require sucli a change. 

neque di . . . neque homines. Cicero often betrays 
how lightly he wears his religious beliefs ; here, for instanc< , 
he shows much of the spirit of the modern Parisian : his 
business was with men ; his wife s department was religion. 
Other features in the character of Cicero which remind us cf 
the modern Frenchman are his hatred of provincial life and 
his passion for the town (see Att. v. 11, 1; Fam. ii. 12, 2), a* 
well as his romantic love for his daughter and indifference to 
his wife. [Are not the di here the Lares, with whose worshi] 
the women of the household had specially to do ?] 

2. M. Laenium Flaccum. In Att. v. 21, 10, vi. 1, 6 ; 
etc., we meet a M. Laenius Flaccus, to whom Cicero, wher 
governor of Cilicia, refused an appointment as praefectus, or, 
the ground that he carried on a banking business in the pro 
vince. But this can hardly be the same man (though identified 
by Klotz in his Index, and Orelli in his Onomasticon Tullianum), 
for he is invariably mentioned as Laenius tuus, as the friend of 
Atticus, not of Cicero. Now, we must arraign Cicero of great 
forgetfulness of past favours, if we suppose the Laeuius of 



NOTES viii. (FAM. xiv. 4) 145 

whom he speaks so coldly afterwards to have been the man of 
whose kindness he here says he will ever have a grateful 
recollection. Cicero speaks again most warmly of this Laenius 
in Plane. 97, and Sest. 131. 

periculum fortunarum et capitis. Cf. Att. iii. 4, nc ct 
Sica perirct. 

prae, in comparison with. 

3. profecti sumus =proficiscor, I am setting out, and 
petcbamuspetiturus sum. Both are epistolary tenses, and 
look forward to the time when Terentia will read this letter ; 
so in Att. viii. 3, 7, reverti Formlas, though he had not yet 
left Gales, but would have returned to Formiae before Atticus 
received the letter. So misi, in Att. iv. 2, 5, means I send 
herewith ; in Att. v. 15, 3, facicl>am=fadurus sum ; in v. 17, 
1, habebam = habiturus sum, and in vii. 23, 2, remMcbam = 
remissurus sum. The form a. d. II. Kal. which, according to 
the Roman way of counting, indicates the same day as pridi-e 
Kal. is very unusual. The ms. reading v. Kal. must be wrong ; 
this might easily be a corruption of //. Kal., but hardly of 
pridie Kal. 

confirmes, promote. 

sin, the opposition here is considerably more pointed than 
above. 

quid Tulliola mea fiet, what will become of my dear 
Tullia : cf. Att. vi. 1, 14, quid illo fid, what will become 
of him ; Fam. xiv. 1, 5, quid pucro fiet. 

illius misellae, we must devote ourselves to the mainten 
ance of the poor girl s conjugal happiness and of her good name. 
For serviendum cf. Att. v. 11, 5. Tullia was married to 
Calpurnius Piso, of whom Cicero always speaks in the highest 
terms, especially in Brut. 272. Piso refused to go to Pontus 
and Bithynia as quaestor, so that he might attend to the affairs 
of his exiled father-in-law in Rome, and incurred on Cicero s 
behalf the enmity of his kinsman, the consul (Post Red. in 
Sen. 38). He died probably about the time of Cicero s restora 
tion. Cicero says (Sest. 68), Piso ille gencr meus cui fructum 
pietatis suae ncque ex me neque a pop. Eomaiio ferre licuit. 
Tullia s dowry seems not to have been yet paid, and from this 
Cicero apprehends danger to her married happiness and good 
name. 

complexu meo. Cf. in sinu est nequ-c ego discinaor, Q. Fr. 
ii. 11 (13), 1. 



146 NOTES IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 

teneas, whether you hold in your hands (still retain) any 
of my property : cf. Off. ii. 81, multa dotibus tenebantur. 

4. De familia liberata. Terentia had heard that all th iir 
slaves had been given their freedom by Cicero. He assures 
her that she need not be uneasy. To your slaves, he says, 
no promise was made at all, but that you would treat every 
one as he deserved. Now, Orpheus is so far very well behave* 1 ; 
besides him no one has shown himself particularly deserving. 
In the case of the others (my own), the arrangement made is 
this that if the property is sold by public auction, and gees 
out of my hands (a nobis abissct), they should have the position 
of freedmen of mine, if they could make good their title to 
that position (against those who might urge that the penalties 
of confiscation were being thus evaded) ; but if the proper ,y 
is left in my hands, i.e. if I am allowed to buy it in (si ad nos 
pertinerct\ they should be still my slaves, except a very few 
(whom I have promised to manumit). 

ea causa est is followed by past tenses, essent, servirent, 
etc., because in sense it refers to past time, in referring to tl.e 
result of an agreement already made. 

5. tempestatem, a favourable wind, usually with an adj. 
such as bona or idonea. 

ornamentis, my dignities. 

6. Clodium. He, as well as Pescennius and Sallustiu;;, 
was probably a freedman of Cicero. 

mecum fore, se. in Graecia. 

quod potes. Some edd. would here read quoad poles ; bn t 
quod potes is used in quite the same sense. In proof of thit , 
Hofm. quotes quod potcris, Att. x. 2, 2 ; quod eius facei v 
potueris, Fam. iii. 2, 2 ; quod eius facere poteris, Att. xi. 12, 
4. Add Att. ii. 7, 3 ; Fam. v. 8, fin. [Quod potest, Ov. Trist. 
iv. 3, 18 ; quod licet, v. 3, 58.] 



LETTER IX. (Q. FR. i. 3) 

1. Scilicet. Yes, of course, it was you who crushed me. I -. 
was your enemies and envy of you that ruined me and not 
who utterly ruined you ! Ironical, of course, as Ter. And. i 
2, 14, id populus curat scilicet. The sentence is redeemed fron 



NOTES IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 147 

a certain degree of bad taste by the tenderness of mi f rater, mi 
frater, mi fratcr. The invidia referred to is the envy of 
Hortensius. 

fortunas, sc. eripuit, taken out of eripuerit which follows. 

ceciderunt. I have met with nothing but what was good 
and kind from you. 

videre noluerim, I not want to see you ? For the subjunct. 
cf. ego tibi irascerer above, and Att. ii. 12, 1, ncgent illi, where 
the subj. is used in a reply, taking up indignantly a speaker s 
words. This usage is peculiar to Cicero s Letters and the comic 
drama, from which may be quoted as good examples of this 
idiom, audi, Ego audiam ? Ter. And. v. 3, 23 ; non taces, 
Taceam? Phorm. v. 8, 95. See also Att. v. 15, 1 (Ep. xxx.) 
[Not quite : see some exx. from other writings of Cic. in 
Draeger, II. 2 p. 662, and one or two from later writers. Tho 
subj. with ut or ut ne in a question is essentially the same, and 
occurs later. ] 

non earn quern, not the brother you mingled your tears 
with in parting, and who turned back to follow you as you 
sent him on his way. Prosequi is the regular~wora lor to see 

utinam te non solum vitae. Would that I had left you 
behind me to look back on my life^ not only finished^ buT 
finished with honour. The meaning is cTear, TyuFthe sentence 
is diiiirult to render precisely. Cicero recurs to liis oft-expressed 
wish that he had perished nobly before his humiliation, so that 
Quintus would have survived his brother, but would not have 
had his present indignities to look back on. See Att. iii. 7, 2. 
The thought is, If I had destroyed myself before I left Rome, 
you would have been able to look back on my life as a finished 
drama without a single dishonourable episode. Ernesti would 
transpose vitae and dignitatis. At first sight this seems 
plausible, Would that I had in you a survivor not only of my 
honour, but of my existence, but had Cicero died before he 
left Rome, his honour would have been (as he often says) intact ; 
so if Quintus had been vitae superstes he would not have been 
dignitatis superstes in the sense which Ernesti gives to the words. 
If Cicero had written utinam te non dignitatis scd vitae super- 
stitem reliquissem, then we should have the meaning which 
Ernesti looks for, Would that you had survived, not my honour 
(as is now the case), but my life (as you would have done if I 
had perished in Rome). [Prius must be before your departure 
to Asia. The words aut audisses are very feeble. Are they 



148 NOTES IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 

not the marginal comment of some scribe who was not sure 
whether to read vidisses or audisses ?] 

2. scelerate, with wretched, culpable imprudence. Seel is 
lias often in these letters this mitigated signification ; cf. Alt. 
iii. 15, 4, meo non tuo scelere praetermissum est. 

defenderet. This may mean (1) my very death itself 
would clearly prove and maintain my affection for you, as :n 
Fin. iii. 71 ; or (2) might allege in its defence, as in Fin. ii. 
117. 

mea vox, that my voice should fail to be uplifted when 
peril threatened my own family that voice which so often w* s 
the saving of the merest strangers. 

nam quod. The last six sentences from Non enim vidissts 
. . . praesid io fuissct must be looked on as parenthetical. Nail 
quod ad te pueri resumes the train of thought broken off at 
immo vcro me a te videri nolui, The reason I did not meet yo i 
was not that I did not care to see you ; no, but I did not wisJ i 
to be seen by you. The fact that my servants arrived without 
any letters for you is not to be taken to discredit what I hav 5 
said. No, it was my helpless, unstrung condition (I hav>, 
already shown that it was not any feeling of irritation) 
and the weight of woe that oppressed me. Pigritia is list- 
lessness" : cf. Tusc. iv. 18. 

3. scripsisse, am writing ; epistolary perf. = Englisl 
present. 

Cum enim te desidero, When I am parted from you dc 
I feel the loss only of a brother in you ? In losing you, I lose 
a brother indeed (and one of well-nigh my own years) in charm 
of manner a son in compliance with me a parent in judg 
ment. The reading of M. is suavitate prope fratrem propc 
aequalem, which Ernest! corrected as in the text. Orelli accepts 
the reading which Petrarch says he found in his text, suavitate 
prope aequalern ; and certainly the mention of fratrem (in the 
reply to fratrem solum desidero?} is to be accounted for only on 
the principle that the Letters from exile are badly written. The 
aequalis (6/j.r)\i, comrade) might well be placed above even a 
brother as regards suavitas, charm of manner, and the word 
fratrem might have been inserted by some copyist who knew 
that Quintus was prope aequalis with his brother, and mis 
understood aequalis. To read suavitate aequahm would give a 
still better sense, and prope might have been inserted by a 
copyist who thought that acqualem implied that Marcus and 



NOTES IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 149 

Quintus were of the same age, and did not perceive that acqualis 
here is simply 6^??Xi|, a comrade. I believe, therefore, that 
fratrem and prope are both corrupt, and that the sentence 
means, In you I lose one who is in charm of social intercourse 
as a comrade, in compliance with my wishes as a son, in the 
soimdness of his advice as a father. 

ferus et ferreus, with iron hardness of resolution. Cf. 
quamferus et vere ferreus illefuit, Tibull. i. 10, 2. 

reliquias communis calamitatis, all that is spared to 
us by the blow that has prostrated us both : so reliquias 
Danaum, Yirg. Aen. i. 30. Cicero uses reliquias in a slightly 
different sense in De Sen. 19, reliquias avi, the heirloom of a 
grandfather, i.e. the war with Carthage. [I think that in this 
passage the meaning of reliquias is the same as in Aen. i. 30, 
what your grandfather left unfinished. The sense heir-loom 
seems hardly possible.] 

4. praesidio, sc. tibi (Schiitz) ; but praesidio implies action 
on behalf of another. Cicero would wish Quintus to resist any 
further hostile acts against himself or his family on the part of 
those whose malice was not yet sated by his present abject state. 

5. si potes, sc. facer -e. The ellipse is common in the Letters, 
e.g. quod potcris, Att. x. 2, 2 ; quod potes, Att. ii. 7, Fam. xiv. 
4, 6. 

auctoritatis, basis, grounds, foundation. 

et aliquid etiam. The order is et ctiam misericordiam nostri 
aliquid pracsidii (tibi) laturam. 

periculo. The prosecution for malversation in his province 
with which he was threatened by Appius Claudius, son of 
Clodius. 

quam diu tibi opus erit. Cicero seems to have thought 
of writing a speech for his brother, in defence of his adminis 
tration. 

sustinere, to bear up against : cf. Q. Fr. i. 1, 19. 

6. genere ipso pecuniae, blest in brother, children, wife, 
fortune ay, even in the very nature of my wealth, which 
was won by honourable means, so that he had an unblemished 
character and unassailable position in society. His wealth 
seems to have been derived chiefly from the large legacies left 
by grateful clients, and he did not dissipate his property like 
many rich men of his day. Manutius ingeniously conjectured 
gcnero, supposing a reference to Piso, but the order of the words 



150 NOTES IX. (Q. FR. I. 3) 

should then be changed, and pecunia could hardly be retained. 
The whole sentence, ut qui modo . . . diutius possim, is 
very loosely constructed : It is impossible for me to linger 
longer than your needs or some trustworthy hope may 
warrant, in a life so miserable and ignominious, that I (who 
was once so blest in family, etc., and in rank, character, 
and reputation as high as ever was any one, be he nev;r 
so distinguished), even I, may not any longer have the power ;o 
lament in my crushed and ruined state the fall of myself ar.d 
my family. This, surely, is a sentence which Cicero would 
never have written in his happier days. 

7. de pennutatione. Quintus had offered to negotiate a bi l 
of exchange for Cicero in Rome. The money would be pai 1 
to Cicero at Thessalonica. See Ep. xxx. 2. 

quid sceleris. I see what a crime I committed when I 
squandered, to no purpose (probably on bribes to save himse f 
from exile), the money which I got from the treasury on your 
account, while you are coining your blood and your son s bloo< I 
to pay your creditors. This is the money before referred t> 
in Att. ii. 6 Jin., and ii. 16 Jin. There is a difficulty in thi- 
sentence which seems not to be noticed by the commentators 
After admiserim should stand some word to be the subject of 
(or to qualify) dissiparim. Qui would naturally be the word 
scntio quid sceleris admiserim, qui, cum satis facturus sisquibu. 
debes, dissiparim; but then ego should be omitted. To reac 
cum, cum satis facturus sis quibus dcbes, dissiparim woulc 
account for the disappearance of the first cum, but would b( 
very cacophonous ; quod, cum might be the true reading, but 1 
have followed Wesenberg, who to some extent removes the 
difficulty by suggesting an emphatic tu before de visceribus ; the 
same cum then governs both satis facturus sis and dissiparim ; 
but I do not believe that this is what Cicero wrote. For ex 
visceribus, cf. Pro Dom. 124, cur ille gurges, helluatus tccum 
simul reipublicae sanguinem, ad caelum tamen exstruit villam 
in Tuscfulano visceribus aerarii. [Wes. s cure seems to me veiy 
possibly right. Ego points to tu, which would easily fall out 
before cum.] 

M. Antonio. Antonius and Caepio were creditors of Quintus. 
Cicero had paid them some money before he left Rome. 

quantum tu scripseras, the amount you mentioned in 
your letter, probably ; but, possibly, the amount to which 
you drew on them : cf. PI. As. ii. 4, 34, scribit numos. 



NOTES X. (ATT. III. 20) 151 

desperamur, sc. ab amicis. Dcsperare aliquem, to despair 
of a person, is a very rare construction, but is found in Cic. 
Cat. ii. 10 ; Acad. ii. ; Caes. B. C. 7, 3 ; In Pis. 99. 

molestiae, a prosecution : cf. Q. Fr. i. 4, 2, si te satis 
innocentia tua ct misericordia hominum vindicat a molcstia. 
He advises Quintus to apply for aid to Crassus (the triumvir) 
and M. Calidius, if prosecuted. M. Calidius, as praetor, next 
year brought in the bill for Cicero s restoration. 

8. Pomponium. Hortensius was a friend of Atticus. 

ne ille versus, lest by some false testimony your author 
ship of that epigram^ be confirmed that epigram about the 
Aurelian law which was attributed to you when you were a 
candidate for the aedileship. Some epigram on the Aurelian Law, 
which gave the indicia to the senate, knights, and tribuni acrarii, 
was attributed to Quintus. We do not know what it was ; but 
we may infer that it was in some way offensive to Hortensius or 
some of the leading men of the time. Ernesti wrongly under 
stands collatus as applied to, but cf. Fam. v. 5, 2, quod abs 
te aiunt falso in me conferri ; and Fam. vii. 32, 1, omnia 
omnium dicta in me conferri. Hence Cicero was called scurra 
consularis. 

tuae preces et tua salus, your intercession on my behalf 
consequent on your acquittal," for if Quintus was himself under 
an adverse sentence, he could not, with any effect, plead his 
brother s cause. 

9. Messallam. Consul with M. Piso in 693 (B.C. 61). 
etiam, still, as before in my case. 

10. Reliqua. More I swear by my hopes of restoration 
and of a grave in my fatherland more my tears do not let me 
write ! Cf. Att. v. 15, 2, ita vivam, ut maximos sumptus facio, 
by my life I am drawing enormously on my own resources. 



LETTER X. (ATT. in. 20) 

1. Quod quidem ita esse. The words refer to the super 
scription of the letter, by the form of which Cicero conveys his 
knowledge of the fact that the uncle of Atticus had died, adopting 
Atticus in his will, and leaving him a large fortune (10,000,000 
sesterces, according to Nepos, Vit. Att. v. 2). T. Pomponius 
Atticus now became Q. Caecilius Pomponianus Atticus, his 



152 NOTES X. (ATT. III. 20) 

uncle s name having been Q. Caecilius. In Att. iv. 15, 1, Cicero, 
in thanking Atticus for manumitting a slave, Euty chides, 
at his request, observed that the new freedman s name will 
be T. Caecilius, by a combination of Atticus s old praenomcn, 
Titus, and his (Atticus s) new nomcn by adoption, Caecilius. 
In three other letters, Fain. i. 10, vii. 29, and xvi. 18, .he 
meaning of the first sentence of the letter depends on ihe 
superscribed address. 

animus, courage and judgment (on my part) ; honesty on 
the part of my friends. See Q. Fr. i. 4, 1. 

colligere, to review in the mind, think over : cf. <yim 
. . . maxima/rum civitatum vctcrcs animo calamitates colli^o, 
De Inv. i. 1. 

esset, what my life would now be, how charming and hew 
dignified (what a position). 

per fortunas, in the name of fortune. It is strange tin it 
this should be in the plural, in which number fortunae meai s 
circumstances, whether good or bad. So per fortunas shouH 
mean I adjure you in the name of our weal or woe. He us( s 
the same phrase afterwards (e.g. Att. v. 11, 1 ; v. 13, 3), whei 
not in atHiction, but merely as a strong adjuration. But see 
Fam. xiv. 1, where he says, per miseras fortunas. The oat i 
per fortunas Cacsaris gave the early Christians much trouble. 

diemque natalem, the day of my restoration, my second 
birthday. So he speaks of his restoration as iraXiyyeveala, o 
second birth (Att. vi. 6, 4). It was also his daughter s birth 
day, and the anniversary of the foundation of the colony o 
Brundisium, and of the building of the Temple of Salus. Sest. 
181. 

praestolari. Pracstolari is always followed by the dative 
in Cicero, though in the comic poets it takes the accusative. 

2. ea . . . restituetur, sc. domus. See Fam. xiv. 2, 3, 
quod de domo scribis, hoc est dc area, ego vero turn dcnique mihi 
vide bo r rcstitutus, si ilia nobis erit rcstituta. 

multas partes, have a large share in my restoration. 

0. accidisse ad arrimum, that it had ever entered your 
mind that I was guilty of any sin of commission or omission 
against you. Humanitas, generosity. 

Rogatio Sestii. The bill of Sestius (for my restoration) is 
not drawn up respectfully enough nor carefully enough. The 



NOTES XL (FAM. V. 4) 153 

bill brought in ought expressly to name mo, and there should 
be a carefully constructed clause about my effects. 



LETTER XL (FAM. v. 4) 

1. collega, Lentulus Spinther. 
immutatum, turned against me. 

obstrepere, obtrude my letters on you, din my letters 
into your ears. [Cf. Att. viii. 1, 4, ego si somnum capere possem 
tarn longis te epistolis non obtunderem ; Fam. v. 14, 3.] 

2. orationem, on the motion of Lentulus for Cicero s recall. 
quantum tua fert voluntas. This is to be taken, not 

with ut serves, but with peto ; it means, I beseech you as 
strenuously as I may without offending you. Otherwise, fcrt 
must be changed tofcrat, orferct, which Wes. reads. 

tuos mecum serves, by aiding me (I beg you) to do a 
service to your whole family, referring to his promise below, 
omnibus in rebus me fore in tua potestate. 

Clodins. whose sister was the widow of the 



consul s late brother, Metellus Celer. 

Tu tuas inimicitias, you have compelled yourself to resign 
a private (personal) grudge (see Fam. v. 1) for the sake of the 
State. Will you be persuaded to injure the State to make the 
spite of another (i.e. Clodius) more effective ? 

earn vim, referring especially to the violence with which 
Clodius foiled the attempt of Jan. 25 in favour of Cicero. 

vide ne, take care lest afterwards, when you would gladly 
recall the opportunity you now have for_res L toiiiij J all your 
fellow-citizens to safety and happiness, you may find yourself 
unable to do so (as there may not then be one whom you can 
even save from utter ruin). Such is the explanation of Orelli. 
The following are his words : sanissima est ista scntentia per- 
acula propter oppositioncm verborum reservandi ct servandi, scd 
varie corrupta a criticis. Hoc dicit : vide ne, cum frustra in 
eo labores, ut revoces nunc tempus illud, quo omnes in republica 
illacsi atquc incolumes reservari ctiam tune potcrant, id ipsuvi 
cfficere non possis, ciLm nemo iam omnino crit, qui queat vcl 
servari dumtaxat (id quod minus ctiam cst quam reservari). 
But this antithesis between servari and reservari seems to me 
to need defence ; and, feeling this, most edd. give servandorum 



154 NOTES XL (FAM. V. 4) 

for reservandorum. Martyni-Laguna even reads cum veils revo- 
care ipsum omnium conscrvatorem (Ciceronem). I cannot find a 
single passage in Cicero in which rcservare is used merely as an 
intensive of scrvare. I believe that reip. (reipublicae} dropped 
out before reservandorum, and that the sentence means, w len 
you wish to recall the opportunity you had of saving the Si ate 
from the loss of all her best interests. In this sense Ckero 
often uses reservare: cf. Pro Flac. 106, nomcn clarissimnm 
reipublicae reservate, save the State from the loss of one so dis 
tinguished ; Sest. 50, vitam suam ad reipublicae statum raer- 
vavit. But reservare absolutely can only mean in Cicero, to 
hold over, reserve. We have in Prov. Cons. 47, inimicit ,as 
in aliud tempus reservare ; but it would be too harsh to con 
strue here, when you may wish to recall your present oppor 
tunity of at least holding in abeyance all your feuds with m 3. 
The passage from the Or. pro Flac. just quoted suggests a con 
jecture which may appear to be rash, but seems to me to derive 
considerable confirmation from that passage. For omnium re 
servandorum read NOMINUM reip. reservaiidorum. Cicero says, 
when you may wish to recall the opportunity you now have )f 
saving the State from the loss of a distinguished citizen, lie 
refers to himself, and he uses the plural so as to take awey 
some of the arrogance from the words. The plural is often 
used by Cicero in his letters, though the reference be to a sing e 
person, when it is desirable to make the statement vague, eith( r 
to avoid arrogance, as in this case, or to avoid offence, as in thi s 
letter (above), where he says, proptcr adrogantem crudelitatei i 
tuorum, though referring to Clodius alone. On this theory, i;i 
the words cum qui servctur non erit, Cicero hints at his design 
to destroy himself if the attempts to restore him should fail 
Draoger calls this plural the pluralis modestiac (Historisch; 
Syntax, i. p. 25), and gives as exx., Moloni dedimus operam. 
Brut. 312 ; scripsimus . . . tenebamus, De Div. ii. 3 ; vida 
. . . nos multa conari, Orat. 105 ; adolescentuli diximus, ibid. 
107 ; imperatores appcllati sumus, Att. v. 20, 3. Cf. poscimur, 
Hor. Carm. i. 32, 1. The singular and plural are often found 
together, as, video . . . mea voce . . . nobis, Catil. i. 22 ; dis- 
suasimus nos. Scd nihil de me, de Am. 95 ; viribus nostris 
. . . ct possim et soleam. Fam. ii. 11, 1 ; ardeo . . . cupiditatc 
ut nomen nostrum, Fam. v. 12, 1. A good ex. in poetry is, Et 
flesti et nostros vidisti flcntis occllos, Ov. Her. v. 45. Madvig 
(Adn. Grit. iii. p. 157) proposes to write : vide ne turn velis 
rcvocare tempus omnium servandorum cum, quia qui scrvetur 
non erit, non possis. He says that si volucris, not cum velis, 
would have been used by Cicero to express the meaning usually 



NOTES XII. (FAM. VIT. 26) 155 

assigned to the passage. Mr. Everard of Eton suggests to me 
to read cum cui serventur (sc. reipublicac}. If reip. originally 
stood in the text the corruption of it would soon have been 
followed by the alteration of cui to qui. [I think the interpre 
tation of the passage depends on the idea that unless a recon 
ciliation is effected and Cic. allowed to return, Clodius on the 
one hand will lose his life in the violent struggles, and Cic. on 
the other will die in despair. By coming to the rescue 
Metellus will be doing a service not only to Cic. but to Clodius 
as well. This is the meaning of ut tuos mecum serves, to 
secure the safety of those of your own household along with my 
safety." The words cum qui servetur non crit refer to both Cic. 
and Clodius, and point to the coming extinction of both if 
reconciliation be delayed. Omnium means these two again, 
because Clodius has been hinted at by the plural tui ; so the 
vford = tuorum meique. The real and only difficulty of the 
passage lies in the re of rescrvandorum. It is an almost, but 
not quite, invariable practice with Cic. to express with reservare 
the purpose of the act (by ad and ace. or dat.) or the person for 
whose benefit the act is done (in the dat.) There are some 
passages which show that it is not absolutely necessary to 
express either purpose or person. But, on the whole, I think 
you are right in supposing a dat. to have fallen out. Other 
passages might be quoted in support of rcip. But I am 
inclined to suppose that tibi (often written in mss. f ) has 
fallen out after tempus. Supplying this, I would render vide 
ne . . . possis thus: " Take care lest, when you may wish to 
call back again the opportunity of saying yourself the loss of us 
all, yon may find it beyond your power, at a moment when 
there will be no one left for you to save. *] 



LETTER XII. (FAM. vn. 26) 

1. tuum. Gallus was an Epicurean, 
male accipiunt, handle roughly. 

alterum. The first alterum ( = the latter) refers to 

Trddr) (dysentery) ; the second alterum ( = the former) 
refers to ffrpayyovpiKa ira.d-rj (strangury), which was supposed 
to be the result of sexual incontinence. This passage is gener 
ally misunderstood, because it is taken for granted that the 
first alterum must mean the former ; but this is not so. See 
Fam. i. 7, 1, where the first alterum = the latter, the second 



156 NOTES - XII. (FAM. VII. 26) 

altcrum = the former, the meaning of that passage being: 
You say you are much obliged by my regularity as a coi res 
pondent and by my affection for you ; the latter, my affect on, 
is a bounden duty on my part ; the former, my regularity in 
correspondence, is a pleasure. [See letter of Epicurus preserved 
by Diog. Laert. x. 22. Cic. translates part of it in Fin. ii. :)6.] 

Sed visa . . . profuisse. c The change of scene has d< >ne 
me good, or perhaps it was the complete holiday I gave myself, 
or the fact that the distemper ran its full course and spout 
itself. 

2. commiserim. And strange to say, in case you shoi Id 
wonder how this came about, and howl incurred this ailment, 
it was the Aemilian law, which you would think was for ph in 
living, that played me false. For those gourmets you wot >f, 
wishing to popularise the fruits of the earth which are not 
under the ban of the sumptuary law, cook mushrooms, p< t- 
herbs, and every kind of vegetable, in the most charming w;,y 
in the world. For the Lex Aemilia here referred to, see Ge 1. 
N. A. ii. 24, 12. This passage clearly shows that it is the L x 
Aemilia (B.C. 115) which is here referred to, not the L<x 
Licinia mentioned ibid. 7. 



, a plain diet ; the Greek word is appropriate 1 o 
hygienic matters, see note on Ep. iv. ; \tr6s is precisely the ap 
propriate word for a plain, simple diet. It was a knowledge < f 
this fact which led Bentley to what may be held to be the be& t 
conjecture ever made. An epigram of Calliinachus begins thus : 



XH/UMVOC.; fj.fyot.huv i%i<fvyev Soma/v. 



The old editors changed davtwit to Aavawv, and took tho 
epigram to mean, Eudemus dedicates this ship on which, hav 
ing crossed a smooth sea, he escaped from great storms of th< 
Danai. But a\lr) is not a ship. What are storms of th( 
Danai 1 and if there were storms how came it that the see 
was smooth 1 Bentley saw the right answer to these ques 
tions : a\itj is a saltcellar, 8avtuv is sound and means money 
borrowed from usurers ; the corrupt word is eireXduv, which 
should be corrected to tTrtvduv. Eudemus saved himself from 
debt by a life of frugality, and at his death dedicates the salt 
cellar which held the frugal grain of salt, which was the only 
relish to his bread, and which saved him from the storms of a 
sea of debts. 



NOTES XIII. (ATT. IV. 46) 157 

Lentulum. P. Cornelius Lentulus Spintlier was the son of 
the consul for this year (57) of the same name, who was active 
in the restoration of Cicero, and was afterwards proconsul of 
Cilicia 698. Lentulus, the son, was made augur this year, 
whence the date of this letter is inferred. He was adopted by 
Manlius Torquatus into the Manlian gens, so that he might 
become eligible for the augurate. Man. says that it was for 
bidden by law that there should be two augurs of the same gens. 
Now one of the existing augurs was Faustus Cornelius, son of 
the dictator Sulla. Hence by his adoption he eluded this 
statute. The Latin phrase for to elude a law is fraudem 
facere legi. Hence in the words fraudem fecit above there is, 
perhaps, a satirical allusion to the host at whose table Cicero 
incurred his ailment. The Aemilian law played him false, as 
his host had played false with another statute. [All the details 
are in Dio Cassius, xxxix. c. 17, who makes the law apply to 
every ieparda, not the otWiorcu only.] 

consistere, to stop ; the word is used in a slightly dif 
ferent sense, though applied to a disease, in Cels. iii. 2, vidcn- 
dum an morbus increscat an consistat an minuatur, where 
consistat means remains unchanged, neither better nor worse. 

[a beta et a malva. The prep, shows there is a humorous 
personification, entrapped by Mr. Beet and Mr. Mallow. ] 

audisses, sc. me aegrotum esse. Cp. cum ita me adfiictum 
videas ut neminem umquam nee vidcris nee audieris, Att. iii. 
13, 2. 

ilia, sc. corpus et vires. I shall soon regain my flesh and 
strength." 



LETTER XIII. (ATT. iv. 46) 

1. ad nos, to me here in Antium. Ad nos sometimes 
means to my town house, as distinguished from residences in 
the country and at the seaside. See Att. iv. 5 fin. 

design. Tyrannionis . . . librorum. For the double 
gen. see Att. iv. 1, 2, fructus tuae suavitatis praetcriti tempor-is ; 
Fam. ix. 8, 2, superiarum temporum fortuna reipublicae. 
There is a triple gen. in Caes. B. G. ii. 17, eorum dierum con- 
suetudine itineris nostri eocercitus. This refers to his library at 
Antium, as we learn from Att. iv. 8 a. 

duos aliquos, a couple ; aliquos makes the number 



158 NOTES XIII. (ATT. IV. 4&) 

vague : cf. PI. Men. v. 5, 47, hos aliquos viyinti dies, the 
next three weeks or so ; unos sex dies is just one week, Tiin. 
i. 2, 129 ; a fortnight is quindecim dies, Trin. ii. 4, 1 : cf. 
quinze jours, in French. 

glutinatoribus, for glueing together loose leaves (and) for 
other purposes. Asyndeton, where there are only two members, 
is rare ; we have amici, propinqui, 2 Verr. i. 125 ; opilus, 
viribus, Tusc. iii. 6 ; so in contracted adjectives used for classi 
fication, publica privata, fanda nefanda, prima postrema, ( tc. 
This asyndeton is the rule in referring to colleagues in office 
e.g. Marcio Philippo, P. Lentulo Marcellino consul ibus ; so 
in judicial language, darefacere, aequum bonum. 

The duty of the glutinatores would be to glue together the 
separate leaves of parchment of which the newly-written bo >k 
consisted, so that they might be rolled round the central reed 
or stick which formed the axis of the cylinder ; they would 
also have to glue together leaves of old books which h.id 
become detached. 

indices, strips of papyrus or parchment, on which the tit le 
of the book was written in deep red, coccum or minium; tin y 
were probably attached to the upper one of the two comma nr 
knobs, which projected on both ends below and above tie 
cylindrical roll which formed the book. 

Hesych. has ffirrvftai, dep/jidnvai. ffroXal ; hence siUybis hf s 
been conjectured here. But the <riTTi /3cu were quite differer.t 
from the indices; they were leathern (sometimes canvas) 
wrappers, into which the rolls were placed for preservation, and 
are again to be distinguished from the capsae, scrinia, which 
were wooden cases, into which were put the rolls whethe- 
covered by the sittybae (diphtherae, mciribranac] or not. 

2. adhaerescere, if you can stick in such places as this ; 
the word implies that to stay in a suburban retreat required t 
voluntary effort of the will. In Att. iv. 8 a, Cicero praises 
Antium, but an expression dropped by him in that letter ( 2] 
shows that he was at first bored by the country : since Tyran- 
nio has arranged my library, the house seems to have got a 
soul. Filia was the newly-married wife of Att. 

Medius fldius ne. Ne is found with many asseverative 
particles mediusfidius, edepol, mecastor, especially in Cicero and 
the comic poets. It must always be in connexion with a 
personal pronoun, or the demonstrative ille, iste, hie, and their 
adverbs ; rarely with a jwssessive pron., as edepol ne meam, 
Ter. Hec. v. 3, 1. 



NOTES XIII. (ATT. IV. 46) 159 

\6\ov. Certes, you have truly bought a fine troop. It was 
the habit of wealthy Romans to speculate in troops of gladia 
tors, whom they let out or sold to the aediles for the public games, 
and to private individuals for other purposes : for instance, we 
find, Q. Fr. ii. 4, 5, that Att. had sold a gang of roughs to 
Cato. The reading of the inss. here is locum, which is quite 
unintelligible. Att. had not bought any property near 
Antium, so far as we know, and the reference here is plainly to 
the troop of gladiators, of whom Cicero goes on to speak. 
Locum could not mean the place where the gladiators were to 
fight, for that was always the public amphitheatre, and could 
not be bought by Att. The usual reading is Ernesti s conj. 
ludum ; but I cannot find that this word ever signifies a troop 
of gladiators ; it invariably denotes the school in which they 
were trained. Now, it would be absurd that Cicero should con 
gratulate Att. on having secured a good school, or training- 
place wherein they could train for the forthcoming spectacles. 
If this is the meaning of the passage, we might as well retain 
locum of the mss. I have accepted the conj. of Bosius : 
\6xos would be a very natural term for a troop, familia, of 
gladiators, and would appear in the mss. as locum, if written 
in Latin characters, as Greek words very often are in the 
letters. For instance, in this letter enXXtf/Sovs appears as 
sillabos and syllabos, and is in some edd. corrupted to syllabas. 

pugnare miriflce. I hear they are fighting splendidly 
(i.e. in practising for the games). 

si ... esses. If you had chosen to hire tnem out 
(already), you would have cleared your expenses by the two 
aedilician spectacles given this year. Att. could not have 
wanted the gladiators, except to hire them out or to sell them. 
We may suppose he did not think they were as yet sufficiently 
trained. Corradus, who would read pugnasse, suggests that Att. 
had given a munus in honour of his uncle, who died the year 
before. Boot suspects, from the last words of Att. iv. 8 a, 
that the gladiators had not acquitted themselves well, and that 
the words here should be taken ironically ; but the words of 
that letter do not justify his view. 

liber. Cf. io, liber ad te venio, Plin. Ep. iii. 9, 13. 
Te liberasses is the ms. reading. Boot, retaining liberasscs, 
would (in pursuance of his theory about the ironical character 
of the sentence) explain the word as meaning you would have 
given them all their freedom ; that is, they would have 
fought so badly that they would all now be free among the 
dead. 



160 NOTES XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 



LETTER XIV. (FAM. v. 12) 

1. Coram is generally as here an adverb throughout republi ;an 
and Augustan Latin, and is used freely as a prep, only by 
Tacitus. There are only two passages in Cic. where coram (a cc. 
to the mss.) is a prep. One is Pis. 12, mihi vero ipsi conim 
gcnero mco, which is simply emended by Dr. Reid, who inserts 
ct before geiicro, thus making coram an adverb as usual. The 
other is Fam. xiii. 6 a, 1, me ct coram P. Cuspio tecum locutum 
esse, where we should probably read me et coram cum P. Cuspio 
ct tccum locutum esse. [There are exx. of the prep, usage in 
Livy, as in xxxv. 49, 1. Plautus and Terence seem to be the 
only writers who use the word before Cic. Ennius has not the 
word, nor Lucilius, nor Catullus, nor (I think) Lucretius. "\Ve 
find an ex. of the prep, use in Hor. A. P. 185, coram popi lo 
Medea trucidet ; also in Sat. i. 4, 74 and 95 ; Ep. i. 17, 4 5 ; 
I have not noted a certain ex. in Ovid.] 

pudor quidam subrusticus, a sort of mauvaise honte. 

ignoscas, pardon my impatience. Cf. Att. xii. 26, I, 
tuis occupationibus ignosco. 

genus, the character of your writings, i.e. your success :n 
this branch of literature. Cf. generi litterarum mearum, Fax i. 
xiii. 6 a, 3. Cicero had seen a specimen of Lucceius s work, 
which greatly increased his admiration, and his desire to secui o 
for himself a place in his history. 

res nostras, the history of my consulship. Cf. Att. iv. 
6,4. 

commemoratio posteritatis. Cf. mca commemoratiom , 
Plane. 95. The genitive in connexion with commemoratio H 
usually an objective genitive ; here posteritatis is a subjectiv j 
genitive, the praises of future ages. 

vel auct. perfruamur. The meaning of the sentence i; 
that Cicero wishes to enjoy, in his lifetime, that account of hi,; 
exploits which, if he did not urge Lucceius to haste, might no 
be published till after his death. Cicero seems to feel sure thai 
the account will be favourable ; but he is not sure whether the 
commendation which he expects from Lucceius will be the 
authoritative expression of the historian s real judgment, or a 
token of friendly feeling on the part of a friend, or, finally, an 
instance of the sweetness which characterises the whole disposi- 



NOTES XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 161 

tion of Lucceius. The passage affords an excellent example of 
the use of vel as distinguished from aid and sen or sive. 

2. coniunctene, to work into the context of your history. 
What Cicero preferred was that Lucceius should publish a 
history of his consulate separately. 

ad locum, to the proper place. Cf. epistolae qffcndunt 
non loco rcdditae, the irregularity of the delivery, Fam. xi. 
16, 1. 

qui . . . imponam, in imposing. 

3. leges historiae. Cicero gives as leges historiae De Or. ii. 
62, nihil falsi dicere, nihil veri omittcre, nihil gratiae, nihil 
simultati dare. 

Herculem. Xen. Mem. ii. 1, 21, where the celebrated story 
of the choice of Hercules is told. 

earn. For this epanalepsis cf. illud quod . . . id tc nunc 
etiam atque ctiam rogo, Fam. xiii. 57, 2 ; lex sumptuaria, quac 
videtur Xtr6r7/ra attuUsse, ea mihi fraudi fuit, Ep. xii. 2. 

4. corpus, a period of history having an intrinsic unity, a 
volume. 

habet . . . delectationem. Cf. mavis laborum est praetcri- 
torum memoria, Fin. ii. 105 ; Cicero s translation of d\\ ijdij TOL 
(rojOtvra /j.fj.v7jcrdai irbvwv, Eur. Frag. 131. 

5. cum quadam miseratione, the pathetic charm of the 
scene. Cf. De Sen. 52, ut quemvis cum admiratione delectent. 

fuga redituque. But Themistocles did not return. Yet 
this cannot be a /j.vr)(j,oviK6i> afj.dprr)fj.a of Cicero, though such are 
not rare. (In Div. ii. 63 there is a remarkable lapsus memoriae, 
even Agamcmno for Ulixes. ) For Cicero, in other places (e.g. Brut. 
43 ; Att. ix. 10, 3 ; Lael. 42), dwells on the fact that Themis 
tocles did not return after his exile. It is quite impossible that 
in the word reditu Cicero refers to the fact that Themistocles 
was brought back to Athens after his death, and secretly buried 
there, though this is referred to in the passage above quoted 
from the Brutus. It has therefore been proposed to read 
Alcibiadi for Themistocli. Perhaps what Cicero really wrote 
was, Themistocli fuga, Coriolanifuga redituque. But he seems to 
be referring here only to Greek notables. In two, however, of the 
places quoted above (Att. ix. 10, 3, and Lael. 42) he couples 
Themistocles and Coriolanus. If the copyist, having written 
Themistocli fuga, happened to raise his eyes from his task, he 
would mentally note that he was to resume it after the word 



162 NOTES XIV. (FAM. V. 12) 

fuga ; but if the word fuga occurred twice in the passage ( the 
two being separated by only one word), the copyist would very 
probably go on writing after the second fuga, not the fi. st. 
This is such a prolific source of error in copyists that it wo ild 
be desirable to have a term to denote it. Perhaps pardble^sy 
would be a more convenient term than corruptio ex homoe^te- 
Icuto. [Aristidi would be preferable and nearer to the letters 
of Themistodi.] 

6. sententia ... ut ... secernas, if you come to the 
resolution of separating. 

quasi fabulam, a kind of drama. 

quid sis. Of. si umquam in diccndo fuimus aliquid, Att. : v. 
2, 2 ; quid cnim sum, Att. iii. 15, 2 ; ita nihil est, Att. i. 19, 
4. The meaning of the whole passage is : you know your ovn 
worth ; you are more likely to suspect envy in those who do not 
admire yon, than sycophancy in those who do ; and I am n?t 
so stupid as to risk my future fame in the hands of one n )t 
fitted for the task of one not capable of showing his own geni is 
while praising me. 

7. gratiae causa, as a mark of favour to Apelles aid 
Lysippus. 

ignotis, to strangers. Ignotus, like notus, is sometimi s 
active in meaning (e.g. 2 Verr. i. 19) ; while igiiarus is some 
times passive, inare tnagnum et ignara lingua commercia pn - 
hibcbant, Sail. Jug. 18, 6. 

perhibendus, deserves (honourable) mention. Cf. Att. :. 
1, 4 (Ep. x.) forpcrhibcre as a legal term. 

in eo gen ere lab., who have taken much pains in (securing 
commemoration of) that kind, whose energies took tha; 
direction. 

libellus, the Agesilaus of Xenophon. 

praeconium. Cf. bucinatorem, trumpeter, Fam. xvi. 21, 2. 

Sigeum. See Pro Arch. 24. 

Hector ille Naevianus. Cf. Fam. xvi. 6, 1. The whole 
verse is a troch. tetram. cat. 

Laetus sum laudari me abs te, pater, a laudato viro. 

8. scribam ipse de me. Cicero had written a memoir of 
his consulship in Greek, and had published it. In Att. i. 1 9, 
10 he also speaks of a poem, and of a Latin memoir of his 



NOTES XV. (ATT. IV. 9) 163 

consulship. He also wrote a long letter concerning his exploits 
to Pompeius when in the East. Possibly, however, it was a 
short history of the consulship, and not merely a letter. If 
so, it may well be referred to here. Cicero may have kept it 
by him ; and it may have occurred to him that, if he failed 
with Lucceius, he would now finish and publish it. 

praedicent, declare. 

9. ilia nos cupiditas. This is the answer of Cicero : If 
you wonder why I now so earnestly urge my request, after 
repeated assurances on your part that you were going to write 
a minute history of the crisis in my career, (I answer) I am con 
sumed by the feeling of impatience of which I spoke in the 
beginning of my letter, by an eager desire, etc. The words 
ilia nos cupiditas give the answer of Cicero ; we should have 
expected sdto illam nos cupiditatem incendere ; but this ellipse 
is common in Cicero. For the meaning of tempora, see Fam. i. 
9, 23. Gloriola is found only here and Fam. vii. 5, 3. 

10. commentaries, notes which would give Lucceius the 
data for his memoir. 

cessabis. The future is a polite imper. , You will kindly 
use all diligence, and polish what you have, and believe me yours 
very sincerely ; nos diliges is one of the conventional formulae 
for winding up a letter. 



LETTER XV. (Air. iv. 9) 

1. censum, the taking of the census by the newly-elected 
censors. 

vitiandis, i.e. obnuntiatiane eximendis rendering them dis 
qualified for the transaction of public business by observing the 
heavens and announcing unfavourable omens. [But obn. had 
been abolished three years before by the law of Clodius. There 
fore I rather think the word vitiandis is used in a non-technical 
sense. The tribunes stopped the census by continually sum 
moning the people for other purposes. If the censors had 
gone on the tribunes would have complained (as they do in 
Livy) contionem a se avocari and se in ordinem coyi.] 

totaque de censura. The lex Clodia which was afterwards 
repealed by Q. Scipio Metellus, consul 52, seriously impaired 
the censorial power of notatio. It enacted that the refusal to 
allow an ex -magistrate to be adopted into the senate could only 



164 NOTES XVI. (FAM. VII. 23) 

have force if the magistrate was formally accused before tl em 
and condemned. For the political significance of this law, see 
Lange, iii. 298. Cicero thought the tribunes might be disposed 
to follow up the attack of Clodius on the censorship. 

S. spernens, expressing his contempt of Syria (the provi ice 
of Crassus), and extolling Spain (his own province). Thus is 
the passage explained by Boot and all the edd. save Man., 
iactans being read for the obviously corrupt laetans of M. Hut 
Man. gives a quite different meaning to iactans, which he 
translates ita exagitans quasi fast id iret. This, I think, gives a 
far better sense to the passage. Pompeius wished to display an 
ostentatious indifference to provincial governorships, which 
others coveted so much. If iactans here means extolling, the 
passage lacks all point. Now, undoubtedly, iactare can mean 
to run down, depreciate, as Prof. Palmer has shown on Hr. 
Sat. ii. 2, 47, where he rightly translates the Lucilian line 

O lapathe tit iactare nee cs satis cognitus qui sis, 

sorrel, how thou art scorned, and aptly compares Plant. Ru 1. 
ii. 3, 43 

Novi. Neptunus ita solet. Quamvis fastidiosus 
Aeclilis est ; si quae improbae sunt merces, iacUtt omnes. 

This meaning of iacto is not recognised in L. and S. But it is 
found even in Cic. in Fam. i. 5, 1 ; Div. in Caec. 45. [lacta.is 
in the Lucilian line had been rightly explained by Madv. :n 
Cic. Fin. ii. 24 ; also by Munro, Journ. of Phil. vii. 299. ] 

Kal roSc. Just as Phocylides was] in the habit of prefixirg 
to his gnomic verses this too is a gnome of Phocylides, to 
when one speaks of Pompeius one must always add a sort of 
refrain, as he said, for Cicero thinks that Pompeius often use 1 
his words only to conceal his thoughts. 

componenda, the arrangement of the statues in the theati e 
of Pompeius, which was dedicated this year. 

2. coxnmendaturum, as a subject for eulogy. 
Ciceronem, the son of Q. Cicero. 



LETTER XVI. (FAM. vn. 23) 

1. Tantum quod . . . veneram, sc. tantum factum es 
quod vcncram, I had only just arrived. This phrase is com 



NOTES XVI. (FAM. VII. 23) 165 

mon in Cic. Epp. So with negatives, tantum quod non homincm 
nominal, he only omits the name, 2 Verr. i. 116. 

nomina se facturum, that he will not debit my account 
till I wish. Gallus had bought certain statues from Avianius 
for Cicero. Avianius generously proposed to wait for payment 
till it should suit Cicero s convenience. Literally, that he will 
enter the debt on whatever day I please. Interest would begin 
to run from the day on which the debt was entered : cf. 
Off. iii. 59. [Because till this was done the contract was 
formally incomplete.] 

Fac, Put yourself in my place. 

rogare de die, so. solutionis, to ask for credit. 

plus annua, to ask for more than a year s credit. 

rata . . . grata, not only do I ratify your purchase, but 
I am gratified so to do. This, or accepted . . . acceptable, 
will reproduce the play on the words. 

2. Damasippus. This is the Damasippus mentioned in 
Hor. Sat. ii. 3. Damasippus had said that he was willing to 
take the statues off Cicero s hands. Cicero says, I hope ho 
will adhere to his offer. Other characters mentioned by 
Horace, in common with Cicero, are Tigellius, Craterus, Arrius, 
Trebatius, the son of Aesopus, Arbuscula, Tarpa. . 

quanti . . . tanti. In your ignorance of my ways you 
have bought those four or five statues at a price which I would 
not give for all the statues in the world. 

genus . . . omnium, statues of all kinds. For the gen. 
signorum (which is the gen. epexegeticus of Draeger, Hist. Synt. 
i. 466), cf. unum genus est eorum, Cat. ii. 8 ; propter earn 
causam sceleris (viz. crime ), 2 Verr. iv. 51 ; insidias caedis 
atque incendiorum, Cat. ii. 3. Add proclii dimicationem, Q. Fr. 
i. 1, 5 ; optio cligendi, Att. iv. 18, 3. For some other curious 
exx. see Reid on Acad. i. 6. 

erat, (such a purchase) would have been suitable. Cf. et 
nisi longe alium late iactaret odorem laurus erat, Virg. Georg. 
ii. 132 ; pcream male si non optimum erat, Hor. Sat. ii. 1, 6 ; 
et iustum poteras et scribcre fortem, ibid. 16 ; in j)atrias artcs 
erudiendus erat, Ov. Her. i. 112. Prof. Palmer, on Hor. Sat. 
ii. 1, calls this the imperfect of neglected duty. 

pacis auctori, the author of peace, alluding most probably 
to his feat in crushing Catiline without unsheathing the sword : 
hence cedant arma togae and other such boasts. Others, sup- 



166 NOTES XVI. (FAM. VII. 23) 

posing the reference to be to his attitude as peace-maker betw3en 
Pompeius and Caesar, place this letter very much later. 

duo signa, of two such inauspicious gods as Mars and Saturn. 
Mercury, on the other hand, was the god of treasure -trove and 
good luck. 

3. trapezophorum. Starting from the passage in 1he 
Digest, 33, 10, 3, pr. (suppellectUi legato, haec continents r : 
mcnsac, trapezophora, dclficac, subscllia, etc.), where the fur ri- 
ture of a house is in a way inventoried, we find mention of three 
kinds of tables iwnsae, trapezophora, and delphicae. Now 
mensac are large (lining-tables, and delphicae are round tables >n 
three legs : for one example, among many, to prove this, ta ce 
Procopius de bellis Vandalorum, i. 21, quoted by Marquar It 
(iv. 311) : tv TraXariif yap T e?ri Pw//?;s, Zvda awt/Saive ort/SaSz? 
ras /3a<rtX^ws efrat, rp/Troi/s e/c TraXcuoD eiar^K, ^</> 06 STJ ras /ctfXt/c is 
ol /3a<nX^a;s oiVox^oi tridevro, A^X0t/ca 5e rbv rpiiroSa KO\OVTL 
Pw/xcuot, cTrei irpwrov tv AeX0o?s ytyove. 

Turning to trapezophora, its derivation is table-bearer ; bi .t 
that it can be also used for a table is plain from Pollu: :, 
Onomastic. x. 69, eoTi 5 TT?J> rpaTrefav t<f> rj TO. ^KTrw/jicn a 
/card/ceirai, reTpdirovv re rpaircfav direiv Kal /J.ov67rovi> Kal e? T s 
/3oi XotTo 0iXoTt/i6tcr^at Trpbs r^v KCUJ^TT/TCI TT)S x/)?)<7ea;j ( to be an - 
bitious of the elegance of the new style ) Tpair^o(p6poi>, and ii - 
deed also from the Digest (l.c.\ since it is quite impossible that 
Paulus should have omitted such a common article of furnitur 3 
as the abacus, which he has plainly comprehended here under 
the term trapezophora , for in strictness irapczophoron is thi 
support of the abacus. Now abacus, in all its meanings (table: 
of a pillar, baker s tray, draught-board, calculating-board, wall- 
panel, or tile in tesselated pavement), signifies a rectangula 
Hat surface, with perhaps a rim round it : cf. coronae mensarun 
in Dig. 34, 2, 19, 14, where the Greek translation gives TO 
KVK\OV rrjs Tpairtfrs. In its sense of table abacus was sup 
ported sometimes by four legs, sometimes by one (see Pollux. 
I.e.) ; the legs were usually of marble or ivory (Juv. 11, 122), 
but sometimes of bronze (Marquardt, I.e.) The fashioning ol 
these legs was a distinct branch of sculpture : cf. Juvenal, 
3, 203 

Urceoli sex 

Ornamentum abaci : noc non et parvulus infra 
Cantharus et recubans sub eodem marmore Chiron. 

The Chiron was the rpa7refo06pos. Examples are also found in 
museums of sphinxes and griffins. The 5eX0im Tpdrrefa of 
Lucian, Lexiph. 7, probably had a dolphin for the Tpairco<p6pov. 



NOTES XVI. (FAM. VII. 23) 167 

The object of the abacus was to expose plate and ornaments 
(2 Verr. iv. 35, and indeed passim : cf. Mayor on Juv. I.e., 
but he does not distinguish sufficiently sharply between the 
abacus and the delphica, which, though used for the same 
purpose, were quite different in shape), and therefore varied 
according to the size of the room, just like the cabinets for the 
same purpose nowadays in drawing-rooms. Sidonius, 17, 7, 
says of them 

Non tibi gemmatis ponentur prandia mensis, 

Assyrius murex nee tibi sigma dabit, 
Nee per multiplices abaco splendente cavernas 

Argenti nigri pondera defodiam. 

What these cavernae were is disputed. E. Guillaume, in 
Daremberg and Saglio s Dictionnaire des Antiquites, art. 
Abacus, gives a picture (fig. 7) of one with shelves, which he 
thinks the cavernae to have been. Des vases sont ranges sur 
deux tablettes ; d autres sont places au-dessous. Les cavites 
formees par 1 intervalle des tablettes sont peut-t-tre ce qu un 
poete ... a appelle cavernae ; but he goes on : a moins que 
1 on ne doive entendre par ce mot des casiers formes, de veri- 
tables armoires comme celles qu on voit sur le devant du meuble 
represente plus liaut (fig. 5). This last is the view of Mar- 
quardt, iv. 310, note 6, who refers to a picture of such a one, 
given by Stackelberg, Grliber der Hellenen (ii. 42), which is, no 
doubt, a regular cupboard with opaque doors. The difficulty I 
feel about such a view is that, while no doubt the words of 
Sidonius, defodiam, point to cabinets, not mere tables with 
shelves, like our afternoon tea-tables ; yet such cabinets would 
require glass doors, to let the ornaments be seen, and, as far as 
I can find, there is no proof at all that they had such. That 
transparent window-glass did exist is no doubt certain (cf. Lac- 
tan tins de Officio Dei, 8, 11 : Et manifestius est mcntem csse 
quae per oculos ea, quae sunt opposita, transpiciat quasi per 
fencstras perluccnte vitro aut speculari lapide obductas) ; but 
most Roman window-glass admitted light, though not trans 
parent. Transparent glass was very expensive. On the whole, 
however, I am inclined to think that the abaci of the wealthy 
may have been cabinets, while in poorer establishments they 
were open tables, with shelves. 

The use of abaci came into vogue at Rome after the conquest 
of Asia by Manlius Vulso, in 187 B.c. (Liv. 39, 6, 7). But 
before this the Romans must have seen them among the Etrus 
cans of whose abaci, of the fourth century B.C., we have some 
remains (Guillaume, I.e.} and the Sicilian Greeks. 



168 NOTES XVI. (FAM. VII. 23) 

Exhedra, -ae. Such is the usual form of the word ; the 
diminutive, exhedrium (or cxcdrium), is found here and in C. I. <>. 
2554, 123, rb c^dpiov rb Ka.ra.von.aiov. The earliest place I 
know where the word occurs is Eur. Orest. 1449 ; but the more 
usual classical Greek term for the building was Tracrrdj : t f. 
Pollux, vii. 27, iracrrddas 5 6 Eevcxfruv e/cd\e<re> As ol vvv (180 A.r.) 
c&dpas. 

As its derivation seems to show, it was a sitting-place v e 
generally find the .occupants sitting (Cic. N. D. 1, 15), seldom 
reclining (De Orat. iii. 17, lectulo posito, points to the pro 
ceeding being unusual) built out from some main building 
(Varro, R. R. 3, iii. 8, uses the word for an aviary), generally 
from a portico. They were generally open buildings, perflatila , 
as a Low Latin writer would say : cf. Vitruv. 7, 9, Apcrtis veto 
pcristyliis aut exhedris aut ccteris eiusmodi locis quo Sol it 
Luna possit splendorcs suos immittere. They were ofte:i 
attached to baths, and their semicircular nature may be seen in 
any ground-plan of Caracalla s baths ; see, e.g., Diet. Antiq. p. 
194 ; also to theatres (corresponding to, only perhaps large 
than, the splendid foyers in the Parisian and modern Londoi 
theatres). There was one in the theatre of Pompeius, when 
Caesar was murdered, rfjs d /3oiA?7j as TT\V ttopa,v TrpoeiaeXOoiJcrijs. 
etc., Plutarch, Brut. 17. 

Their main use was for conversation, disputation, and the 
delivery of lectures. They corresponded entirely to our lecture- 
rooms in Universities and in large cities, e.g. Strabo, xvii. 8, r&v 
8 fiaviXduv (sc. of Alexandria) l<rri /ecu rb M.ovae iov -% ov 
ireplirarov KO! &8pav Kai O!KOV ptyav kv $ rb <rv(r<ririov rv 
fj.fr exbvr<j)v rov Movaelov (f>i\o\6ya)v avdpuv ; also Cod. Theod. 
15, 1, 53, Exhedras quae septentrioiiali vidcntur adhaerere 
Porticui (sc. at Constantinople) in quibus tantum amplitudinis 
ct decoris csse monstratur ut publicis commodis possint capacitatis 
ct pulcritudinis suae admiratiom sufficerc, supradidorum (sc. 
Professorum seu magistrorum] conscssibusdeputabit(sc. Sublimitas 
Tua). Each professor had a separate cxhedra, or lecture- 
room : see Cod. Theod. 14, 9, 3, ita ut unicuique loca specialitcr 
dcputata adsignari faciat Tua Sublimitas: ne discipuli sibi 
invicem possint obstrcpcre, vel magistri : neve linguarum confusio 
permixta vcl vocum aures quorundam aut wienies a studio litter- 
arum avcrtat. They were often, too, used for disputations : cf. 
Vitruv. 5, 2, Constituuntur in tribus portitibus cxhedrae spatiosac, 
habentes scdcs in quibus philosophi llcdores (qu. rhetores) rcliqui 
qui studiis delectantur sedcntcs disputarc possint. St. Augustine 
delivers a lecture in one (Civ. Dei, 22, 8) ; and he also mentions 
one adjoining a church (De Gcstis cum Emcrito Donatistarum 



NOTES xvi. (FAM. vn. 23) IGO 

Episcopo, sub init.), similar to the capitularia in the Monasteries 
(see Gothofred on Cod. Theod. 15, 1, 53). 

Exhcdrae, or public lecture-rooms, were a very common form 
of public building, e.g. Herod (in Josephus, B. J. 1, 16) Bi//3\y 
dt TC?XOS Kal i&dpas re Kal <TTOO.S avtd-rjKe ; and often in Inscrip 
tions (Gruter, Ixv. 3 ; clxxii. = Orelli, 3283, where, again, they are 
joined with porticus) we find their builders notifying the erection. 

They appear then to have been essentially public ; but 
examples can be found where the word may mean nothing more 
than our sitting-room, as opposed to bed-room (cubiculum). 
For example, in a somewhat long title of the Digest (9, 3), 
where there are copious enactments as regards the liability of 
people who throw things out of the windows (De his qui 
e/uderint vel deiecerint), Ulpian (Law 5) gives us some know 
ledge of how people lived in lodgings. The passage is interest 
ing, so it may be quoted : Si vero plures diviso inter se ccnaculo 
[i.e. flat or story ; cf. Plaut. Amph. iii. 1, 3, where Jupiter 
says he is the fellow in superiore qui Jiabito ccnaculo, who 
lives in the top story. Cenaculum later came to mean of itself 
an upper story, and quite early had lost its sense of dining- 
room, as much as our drawing-room has lost its signification] 
habitent, actio in eum solum datur, qui inhabitabat cam partem, 
unde effusum est. Si quis gratuitas habitationcs dcdcrit libertis 
et clientibus vel suis vel uxoris, ipsum eorum nomine teneri 
Trebatius ait ; quod verum cst. Idem erit diccndum et si quis 
amicis suis modica hospitiola distribuerit. Nam ct si quis 
cenaculariam cxercens [ letting out houses in tenements or 
flats ] ipse maximam partem ccnaculi [here= upper stories, rov 
OIKOV, in the Gk. translation] habcat solus tcncbitur : scd si 
[quis cenaculariam exercens del. Mommsen] modicum sibi 
hospitium rctinuerit, residuum locaverit pluribus, omnes tene- 
buntur quasi in hoc ccnaculo hdbitantcs unde deiectum cfl usumve 
cst. Intcrdum tamcn, quod sine captione actoris fiat [ if not 
prejudicial to the plaintiff ] oportcbit praclorcm acquitate 
motum in eum potius dare actioncm, ex cuius cubiculo vel 
exhedra deiectum est licet plures in eodem ccnaculo habitent, 
quod si ex mediano [so F. ; medio cenaculo other mss. ; airb rov 
nt<rov, Gk. trans. ; maeniano, Anonym, ap. Dirk sen ; Qu. 
medio maeniano, the copyist went on at the wrong i] cocnaculi 
quid deiectum sit, verius cst omnes teneri. Here exhedra may 
mean sitting-room ; but Marquardt is wrong in saying that in 
Vitruv. 6, 3, 8, and 6, 7, 8, exhcdrae must mean sitting-rooms. 
Still, in Cicero s time, these cxhedrae in large houses were 
special rooms for learned discussion. Only the eminent had 
them, as only the eminent have at the present time private 



170 NOTES XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 

chapels and private theatres. As is natural to expect, si ch 
rooms were adorned with statues (Plut. I.e.) and pictures (Cic. 
Fain. vii. 23, 3). In our passage, then, I should translate the 
diminutive exhedria, private lecture -room. [The exedra, in 
the Academy at Athens was not a covered building ; cf. F; n. 
v. 2 with Diog. Laert. iv. 19, where novaelov is the covered 
lecture-room, ttdpa the open-air recess, for conversation witl a 
few pupils. ] 

Pseudodamasippum. I must look out for some woul 1- 
be Damasippus to sell them to, even at a loss. Prof. Palmer, 
on Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 16, remarks that Damasippus must have 
been quite at the head of his trade, as he had imitators in it. 
Cf. Cornuto vcro pscudo-Catone, a would-be Cato, Att. i. 14, >. 

4. Crasso. This must be the reading, not Cassio, as we read 
that he had a sister called Licinia. Gallus seems to haA e 
bought or rented a house from Crassus, which was at presei t 
occupied by Crassipes and Tullia. Gallus wanted to occupy 
the house, but did not wish to cause inconvenience to Tullij , 
who did not desire to move in the absence of her husband wh 5 
was in Spain. Dexius must be corrupt. I have not venture 1 
to print in the text Mr. Purser s ingenious emendation, o i 
account of its apparent boldness ; but I believe it has hig i 
probability. He would read in Hispaniam iam diem undecu - 
mum. The contraction d. for dies is common, and d. xi-mut, >, 
would have easily been corrupted into Dexius. 

uti non ita multum, is not on very good terms with. 

ne vivam, si tibi concede, upon my life, I won t admit. 
Cf. ita vivam, tit maximos sumptus facio, Att. v. 15, 2, upoi 
my life, I am living very extravagantly. 



LETTER XVII. (FAM. vii. 1) 

1. ludos. This very interesting and beautiful letter was 
written on the occasion of the dedication of Pompeius s theatre 
and the temple of Venus Victrix, when Pompeius delighted the 
people with spectacles of. unusual magnificence, including not 
only dramatic and athletic performances in the theatre, but 
races and combats with wild beasts (venationes) in the circus. 
In these were killed five hundred lions and twenty elephants, 
according to Pliny. The letter is remarkable, as showing a 
refinement very rare in the age of Cicero. It seems to me how- 



NOTES XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 171 

ever, that the value of the letter from this point of view is 
somewhat over-estimated. It seems clear from 6, haec ad tc 
. . . pacniteret, that the letter must be regarded rather as a 
rhetorical exercise on a theme suggested by his friend, than as 
the expression of the writer s own opinion of the question of the 
morality of such spectacles as he describes. Strangely enough, 
this particular show seems to have supplied incidents so affecting 
as to move even the callous mob of Rome. Pliny (viii. 7) tells 
us that the cries and piteous bearing of the elephants, when 
they found escape impossible, touched the people so much that 
they rose in a mass and cursed Pompeius, tanto populi dolore, 
ut, oblitus imperatoris ac munificentiae honori suo exquisitae, 
flens universus consurgeret dirasque Pompcio imprccaretur. 

modo ut constiterit, always provided you made a good 
use of your leisure. Constiterit may come from consto, in the 
sense of to be, exist, virap^eLv, as in si ipsa mens constarc 
potest vacans corpore, N. D. i. 25 ; or from consisto, in the 
same sense, irix binos oratores laudabiles constitisse, Brat. 333. 
[Rather the use of constare here is that common in connexion 
with mercantile affairs, e.g. Flac. 69, auri ratio constat. So 
here provided that you get a clear profit out of your leisure. ] 

ex quo tibi t Stabianum t perforasti. I think Stabianum 
is certainly corrupt. Perforasti Stabianum is usually explained, 
You have opened a window giving on the Stabian waters of 
the Bay. But is this a possible meaning of the verb ? Perforate 
means (1) to bore through, a meaning which is clearly im 
possible here ; (2) to make by boring, and this last significa 
tion is common in Cicero : e.g. duo lumina ab animo ad oculos 
perforata, N. D. iii. 9 ; viac . . . a scdc animi perforatae, Tusc. 
i. 46. But pcrforare Stabianum =perf or ando patcfaeere Stabia 
num is impossible, as was seen by Boot (Obss. Grit. p. 12). 
Under Stabianum lurks some direct object of perforasti. Boot 
conjectures tablinum, a balcony. I would suggest, to account 
for Stabianum of the mss., istud maenianum. For maeniana, 
timber balconies thrown out for the purpose of affording 
a view, and taking their name from Maenius (cons. B.C. 
338), see Reid on Acad. ii. 70. Either conjecture involves a 
violent departure from the mss. ; but a puzzled copyist would 
be very likely to suppose a reference to Stabiac south of Pompeii, 
where the villa of Marius was situated. Boot would read 
sinum for Misenum, but on insufficient grounds. The whole 
sentence, ex quo maenianum perforasti et patefccisti for ex quo 
macniano perforate patefccisti, supplies an example of parataxis 
for hypotaxis, not rare in the Letters. [Most certainly there is 



172 NOTES XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 

corruption ; but I am not sure that it lies in Stabianum. May 
we not have an ex. of a very common kind of error in mss. when 
the first part of one word is attached to the last part of the 
following word ? Cic. may have written perforando patefevisii. 
Cf. Plaut. Mil. 1022, where Bitschl gave pr opera expectando for 
properando. In Acad. ii. 70, all mss. have facerent for face c 
dicer ent ; in Pro Sull. 1, all but three give suspicarcntur for 
suspicari viderentur ; in Phil. vii. 24, all but one 1m e 
conlaudaremus for conlaudare debemus. In Att. x. 4, 1], 
Orelli with probability conjectures faccre solet forfaceret. Hah i 
and Christ give in Div. i. 56, petcre dubitanti for pctenti. 1 1 
Balb. 1, C. F. W. Mueller writes valere debent for valcni. 
Many other illustrations of the principle are to be found in th 3 
texts of almost all authors. ] 

lectiunculis, little dips into books. This is, I think 
what Cicero wrote. He had said above (or implied) that th< 
leisure of Marius was not properly employed unless he die 
something useful. Now, to take little dips into books woulc 
be very useful as compared with dozing over bad farces. Kl. 
conjectured spectiuncuiis for lectiunculis; but would taking little- 
peeps at the beauties of the Bay of Naples satisfy the condition 
expressed above, modout tibi constitcritfructus otii tui ? Moreover, 
spcctarent is just the word that would not be used after spectiun 
cuiis. But the editors have treated this passage very badly : 
in the words neque dubito quin tu ex illo cubiculo ex quo tibi 
Stabianum pcrforasti . . . per cos dies matutina tempora 
lectiunculis consumpscris, it seems at first sight that for ex illo 
cubiculo we should certainly read in illo cubiculo, and this has 
been the course adopted by every editor from Lallemand to 
Baiter. But this is unscientific. If Cicero wrote the easy in 
illo cubiculo, why do all the mss. give us the difficult ex 
illo cubiculo ? The fact is, that in ex illo cubiculo ex quo we 
have an example of that inverse attraction, which is quite in 
the manner of Plautus, with whose diction I have already 
pointed out so many marked parallelisms in the Letters of 
Cicero : cf., for instance, PI. Cist. i. 1, 63, indidem unde oritur 
facito ut facias stultitiam scpelibilcm ; again, ego te hodic reddani 
madidum si vivo probe tibi quoi decretum est bibcre aquam, Aul. 
iii. 6, 39 ; quid ilium facerc vis qui, tibi quoi divitiae domi 
maxumae sunt . . . numum nullum habes, Epid. iii. 1, 8. 
Hence I would by no means change ex illo to in illo, with 
Lallemand. Such a course would be truly from the purpose of 
criticism. Either Cicero wrote ex illo . . . lectiunculis, or ex 
illo . . . spectiuncuiis ; certainly not in illo . . . lectiunculis. 



NOTES XVII. (FAM. VIT. l) 173 

I believe he wrote ex illo . . . lectiunculis, and that this 
passage supplies another striking instance of the close parallelism 
between the diction of the letters of Cicero and of the comic 
drama. For a good example of inverse attraction in Greek cf. 
PTJIHU KeWcv 80jfirep TJKCI, Soph. 0. C. 1226. [Lectiunculis I look 
on as certainly right, but before it probably in dropped out ; 
the simple abl. with consumere in Cic. is rare and very doubtful.] 

comminus. While Marius has a distant view of Misenum, 
those who left him to come to Rome have a close (too close) view 
of the farces which Cicero found so tiresome. Comminus for 
communes is the admirable conjecture of Madv. (Adv. Grit. iii. 
158). Communes is usually explained hackneyed, gewohn- 
liche, alltagliche (Supfle). But this is not a meaning which 
communis ever bears (communes loci, common places, in no 
way defends it) ; nor, if it did, would it be suitable here, as 
Madv. justly observes. [I am inclined to think communes 
right ai ter all. Marius has the sole enjoyment of his estate 
and his privacy, while those who remained in town looked at 
the mimes, the spectacle of which was common property. The 
contrast is between that which belongs to one and that which 
belongs to the public generally. I must confess that the 
contrast between the distant view of Misenum and the close 
view of the mimi seems to me forced, frigid, and trivial.] 

Sp. Maecius. Tarpa (mentioned by Horace). He was 
appointed by Pompeius to be public licenser of plays, like the 
Lord Chamberlain amongst ourselves. According to the Schol. 
(Comm. Cruq.) on Horace, Tarpa was again appointed to dis 
charge the same functions, as president of a court of five members, 
by Octavius. 

probavisset, if only Tarpa gave his sanction we had to sit 
out the play. The subjunctive is used because ea expresses 
the kind of plays which they had to witness. The point of 
the antithesis is that Marius could choose his own amusements, 
while Cicero and the other spectators of the games were de 
pending on the taste of Tarpa. See Madv. 379. 

2. non tui stonaachi, not such as you would have 
stomached. This is the genitive which Draeger, Hist. Synt. 
i. 461, calls dcr Genitiv der Eigenschaft : cf. plurimarum 
palmarum gladiator, Rose. Am. 6 ; non multi cibi hospitem 
accipics, multi ioci, Fam. ix. 26, 4 ; it is combined with the 
qualitative ablative in multis luminibus ingenii, multae tamen 
artis, Q. Fr. ii. 9, 4. 

honoris causa. This phrase is used in two senses : they 



174 NOTES XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 

had retired from the stage to preserve their own reputation 
(which they were no longer able to maintain) ; they now came 
back to the stage to do honour to the occasion (by restoring to 
the stage its past ornaments). One might render out of respt ct 
for Pompeius they came back to the stage which they had 1< ft 
out of respect for themselves. 

Aesopus, a celebrated actor of the period. 

Si sciens fallo. This was the form of oath per love n 
Lapidcm. Sell, remarks that we may hence infer that nut 
only palliatae fabnlae but togatac were represented on this 
occasion ; for in the former there would not have been th s 
purely Roman formu la. But may not the players have had lo 
take some formal oath ? Cicero seems to speak of the words s s 
if it were well known that all players must use them. Mon - 
over, the Clyt. (of Attius) and Equus Troianus (of Livius) wera 
tragedies, crepidatae, not palliatae ; and in translating a formal 
oath from the Greek the regular forms of the Latin oath woul< I 
doubtless be used. On the tragedy of the Roman stage cf 
Friedlander, ii. 426. [The phrase si sciens fallo can hardly 
have been restricted to this particular oath ; and it is hardly 
likely they would have had to take it in presence of th( 
spectators.] 

creterrarum, another form of cratcrarum, according tc 
Non. and Paul, ex Fest. Bowls might have formed part 
of the spoils in the triumphal procession on the sack oi 
Troy. Graev. injudiciously conjectured cctrarum, bucklers, 
targeteers. 

3. Protogeni. Marius s anagnostcs, or slave, whose duty it 
was to read aloud. 

quidvis, anything, except my speeches (as Cicero modestly 
adds). 

senatu vestro, the municipal senate of whatever town 
Harms belonged to. Probably, like our town councils and 
vestries, these bodies furnished much innocent amusement to 
the judicious. Oscos ludos =fabulas Atellanas. Cicero says the 
town council of Pompeii will supply Harms with plenty of 
broad farces like the fabulac Atcllanae. The allusion seems 
rather far-fetched, but the whole letter, it must be remembered, 
is a rhetorical exercise. 

via Graeca. The via Graeca was in very bad repair. Cicero 
jestingly says that such is Harius s aversion for the Greeks that 
he will not even take the Grecian road to his own villa. About 
the via Graeca we have no information. A scala Graeca was a 



NOTES XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 175 

ladder with screened sides, but we do not elsewhere read of a 
via, Graeca. 

glad, contempseris. Graevius conjectures with much prob 
ability that this is an allusion to some service which Marius 
had done to Cicero in defending him against the bravoes of 
Clodius. 

operam et oleum, a proverbial expression for wasted labour. 
The allusion is to midnight oil, not to the oil used in the 
training schools : Att. ii. 17, 1 ; xiii. 38, 1 ; Plant. Poen. i. 2, 
119. 

venationes, fights between men and beasts, wild beast 
baiting. 

elephantorum dies, the elephants day, that is, the day 
for the elephant baiting. 

misericordia. See Plin. N. H. viii. 21, who tells us that 
Pompeius in the dedication of his theatre and the temple of 
Venus Victrix" delighted the people with spectacles on a scale of 
more than ordinary magnificence. The most interesting feature 
was, as usual, the venatio, or man-and-beast-fight. On that 
occasion five hundred lions and twenty elephants were killed. 
It seems that the piteous bearing and terrified trumpeting of 
the elephants, when they found escape impossible, touched even 
the callous mob of the circus so much that forgetful of the 
Imperator and of the great munificence of the show they rose 
up in a body and with streaming eyes cursed Pompeius. 
Writing of the same scene Dio Cassius (xxxix. 38) says : In 
five days five hundred lions were used up (du>a\u0-r)(Ta,i>), and 
eighteen elephants were set to fight with armed soldiers. Some 
of the elephants were butchered on the spot, but some were 
left to die of their wounds. Much to the surprise of Pompeius 
some of them touched the feelings of the spectators. When 
wounded so badly that they had to give up the fight, they went 
round the arena, raising their trunks to heaven, and uttering 
cries so piteous that one fancied they were rational appeals to 
the gods for vengeance on the treachery by which they were 
induced to leave their country. The story was that they would 
not embark to leave Libya until they received a pledge on oatli 
from their drivers that they should not be ill- treated. We 
could hardly believe any mob could be so silly, if we did not 
remember the ridiculous sentiment evoked not long ago by the 
elephant Jumbo among the lower classes in London. 

4. facilem, ready (to let me retire). 

artem desinerem. Dcsinerc artem is found in Suet. Tib. 6, 



176 NOTES XVII. (FAM. VII. l) 

36 ; dcsincre scditioncm in Gell. ii. 12, 3 ; and this construdion 
is not rare in the poets. Cf. orationcs a plerisque legi sunt 
desitae, Cic. Brut. 123. [Not a parallel. This passage seems 
quite as isolated in Cic. as Aead. ii. 80, where desinen is 
constructed with abl. Looking to the number of times Cic. uses 
dcsincre, it seems strongly improbable that either passage 
should be sound. I would read artc desisterem here and des ste 
in the other place. Desistc is now generally read for desine in 
Ter. Haut. v. 1, 6. Neither Hor. nor Verg. has the ace. (for 
in Eel. v. 19 and ix. 66, desine plura, there is an obvious ellipse 
of the inf. of a verb of speaking, and similarly in Eel. viii. 61). 
So far as I can make out, there is only one ex. of dcsinere with 
ace. in Latin before Cic., i.e. Ter. Haut. ii. 3, 64, mulier tele m 
desinit. Ter. uses the verb in about sixteen other places, 
either abs. or with inf. I cannot believe the pass, in the Hai t. 
to be sound. Probably Ter. wrote nere (cf. 1. 52) and a copy st 
added the object telam, which then drove out the inf. T ic 
ex. of desincre with accus. given in a fragm. of Sail, by t ic 
Lexx. cannot carry much weight. Nor can much stress be laid 
on the exx. from Ovid, for Met. vi. 215 quoted by Lexx. is new 
altered ; and the interchange of desine and desere in a go< d 
many other passages must render Ars A. ii. 725 more tlu n 
doubtful, to say nothing of the fact that desere suits tlie 
context far better. I have not noted any other ex. of desit o 
with ace. either in authors of the age of Ovid or later down 1 o 
Sueton. (the passage you quote), where it seems to me thi t 
destituturos is the right reading. There is, I think, strong 
reason for doubting whether the constr. desinere with ace. 
occurs in Latin at all, at least before Fronto. "We cannot, ( f 
course, argue that orationes desitae sunt legi justifies desinme 
orationcs, any more than or. cocptae sunt legi would justify 
cocpissc orationcs. Nor even if we found orationcs desitae sw<t 
(without the infinitive) could we say that it made desincr? 
orationcs possible. E.g., Cic. says ilia coepta sunt, but neve; 
cocpi aliquid.] 

5. relaxaro . . . exsolvam, remission . . . release. 

6. relinques, You will not leave at the mercy of a lette: 
from me any hope you may have of getting enjoyment out o 
the games. Slipfle understands these words to mean, Yoi 
will come and see me, and so you will not have to depend 01 
my letters for your entertainment when you will have myself. 
But this is a pointless remark, and does not harmonise witl. 
the foregoing sentence. Moreover, such a rendering hardly 
takes aliquam into account. 



NOTES XVIII. (Q. FR. II. 9 [11]) 177 



LETTER XVIII. (Q. Fa. n. 9 [11]) 

1. codicilli. These were tablets made of thin pieces of wood 
(codices, caudices) and covered with wax. Sen., Ep. Iv. 11, 
contrasts epistulae (written on paper) with codicilli. They 
were used for any sudden exigency requiring haste, or when 
calamus and chartae were not accessible. Sometimes the 
words of a letter were hastily jotted down with a stilus on 
these codicilli, and then given to the librarius to copy on 
charta with a calamus. It was by codicilli that Acidinus 
(Fam. iv. 12, 2) informed Servius at Athens that Marcellus 
had died of the wounds inflicted on him by the dagger of 
Magius Chilo. Codicilli were especially useful when an im 
mediate reply was required. They corresponded to our reply- 
postcards. Cicero sent his codicilli to Balbus (Fam. vi. 18, 
1) when he wanted immediate information about a law. In 
this case Quintus sent his codicilli to his brother, demanding 
in strong language a reply. Codicilli were especially used 
for writing to those who were near at hand, Sen. loc. cit. 

alucinari, to ramble on without any consistent train of 
thought, just as Cicero and his brother chatted to each other 
when they met. 

2. Tenediorum. The people of Tenedos petitioned the 
Senate for Home Rule, but were refused. Cicero spoke in their 
behalf. 

securi Tenedia. Tenes, the fabled eponym of Tenedos, was 
the author of a very severe code for the island. Adultery was 
to be punished by the immediate execution of the adulterer, 
and this sentence was carried out by order of Tenes in the case 
of his own son. Sccuris Tenedia is a proverbial expression for 
any short, sharp, and decisive act or decision. 

3. L. Sestii Pansae. Probably a publican, Who had made 
some excessive demands of the Magnetes. The Magnetes of 
Lydia are called Magnetes ab Sipylo, to distinguish them from 
the Magnetes in Thessaly and in Caria. 

neque tibi neque Pomponio. This must refer to some 
transaction in which Atticus and Quintus were jointly con 
cerned, probably, therefore, affecting in some way the marriage 
portion of Pomponia. 

4. Lucretii . . . artis. This is the celebrated criticism of 
Cicero on the poem of Lucretius, which had just been published, 

N 



178 NOTES XVIII. (Q. FR. II. 9 [11]) 

about four months after the death of the poet. It is the 01 ly 
place where Cicero mentions Lucretius, and he never quotes 
from the poet, though his philosophical works undoubtedly 
show acquaintance with the sex libri de rerum natura. It 1. as 
been observed that it is not the practice of Cicero to quote frc m 
his contemporaries. He never mentions Catullus, who so 
prettily eulogised him in the poem (xlix.) beginning disert s- 
sime Romuli nepotum. Cicero twice imitates an expression of 
Catullus. He writes : oricula infima mollwrem, Q. Fr. ii. 13, t ; 
cf. Cat. xxv. 2, mollior . . . imula oricilla ; and again, Alt. 
xvi. 6, 2, he speaks of occllos Italiae wllulas meas, which 
seems to be a reminiscence of Peninsularum, Sirmio, insular- 
umquc Occlle, Cat. xxxi. But he never mentions the poet, wilh 
whom he was linked as well by political sympathies as by their 
common acquaintanceship with Clodia. Hence it is possib e 
that the tradition mentioned by St. Jerome that Cicero edited 
the poem of Lucretius may be true, in spite of the silence < >f 
Cicero concerning Lucretius. Cicero had probably some tin: e 
during the last four months read (or heard read to him) the ce 
rerum natura, and had sent it to his brother on finishing ii . 
From a passage in the Pro Sestio, 1 23, neque poetae quorum ec, o 
semper ingenia dilexi tempori meo defuerunt, we may infer tha t 
Cicero made it a practice to read and appreciate the w orks 
of rising poets. It is very unlikely that Q. Cicero should 
have been the editor. St. Jerome would not have referred t ) 
him as Cicero, but as Q. Cicero, nor would the friends of Lucre 
tius have been at all likely to submit the poem to Quintus. 
The criticism of Quintus, with which Cicero expresses hi* 
accord, was that Lucretius had not only much of the genius of 
Ennius and Attius, but also much of the art of the poets of tho 
new school, among them even Catullus, who are fashioning 
themselves on the model of the Alexandrine poets, especially o 
Callimachus and of Euphorion of Chalcis. This new schoo 
Cicero refers to as the veurepoi (Att. vii. 2, 1), and as hi cantore, 
Euphoriants (Tusc. iii. 45). Their ars seemed to Cicero almosi 
incompatible with the ingenium of the old school. This criti 
cism on Lucretius is not only quite just from Cicero s point o] 
view, but it is most apt. Yet the editors from Victoriiu 
to Klotz will not let Cicero say what he thought. They insert 
a non either before multis or before multac, and thus deny him 
either ingenium or ars. The point of the judgment is that 
Lucretius shows the genius of the old school, and (what might 
seem to be incompatible with it) the art of the new. For a full 
discussion of this point see Munro s Lucretius, Introd. to 
Notes, ii. The views above given are mainly his. Dr. Maguire 



NOTES XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 179 

(Herm. iv. 419) compares for tamen Ter. Ad. i. 2, 30, alieniore 
aetate post facer -et tamen. 

artis. For this gen. see on Fam. vii. 1, 2 (Ep. xvii.) 

Sed cum veneris. . . . Some such words as plum de his 
poematis disseremus are understood. 

Virum . . . hominem. If you get through Sallust s 
Empedodea I shall look on you as a being possessed of the 
resolution of a man, and none of the weaknesses of humanity. 
This antithesis between vir and homo is found elsewhere in 
Cicero, and must be read in the light shed on the words by the 
other passages. In Fam. v. 17, 3 Cicero writes to Sestius : I 
feel it my duty to exhort you ut et hominem te et virum esse 
meminisses : and he goes on to explain that by this he means 
that (1) Sestius should remember that as a homo he is subject 
to the changes and chances of this mortal life, that he is not 
exempt from the lot of humanity, and (2) that as a vir he is 
bound to oppose a bold front to fortune. Again, he says of 
Marius, tulit dolorem ut vir, et, ut homo, maiorem ferre sine 
causa necessaria noluit, Tusc. ii. 53, he bore the pain like a 
man, but, as not being above the weaknesses of humanity, he did 
not wish to suffer greater pain without any imperative reason 
for it. In antithesis with vir esse the meaning of homo esse 
always is to be subject to the ordinary weaknesses of humanity ; 
by itself homo esse means (a) to have the feelings or the 
sense of a man ; cf. Att. ii. 2, 2 ; (&) to have the weaknesses 
of a mortal, as ei moriendum fuit, quoniam homo natafmrat, 
Fam. iv. 5, 4. Heroic and human are the antithetic ex 
pressions used by Reid (Arch. 16). Munro would read lum. 
ingenii : multae tamen artis esse cum inveneris virum te putabo. 
Prof. Nettlcship suggests lum. ingenii : multae tamen (or etiam) 
artis ipse dicam, veneris, virium. Virum te putabo, comparing 
fa b ula nullius veneris sine pondere et arte, Hor. A. P. 320. [I 
am convinced that the mss. are right.] 

Sallustii. Of this author of a poem on the philosophy of 
Empedocles nothing is known. [Naturally mentioned along 
with Lucretius as a philosophic poem, and relating to a poet 
and philosopher whom Lucretius loved and imitated.] 



LETTER XIX. (Q. FK. n. 10 [12]) 

1. Nam. Cicero has no news to tell Quintus, because the 
meeting of the senate ended abruptly. 



180 NOTES XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 

pipulo, convicio, noisy clamour, i.e. of the senators. 
The ms. reading is populi convicio. Boot (Obss. Critt. ad AI. 
T. Ciceronis Epistolas : Amstelodami, 1880) justly observes tl at 
he does not understand how the consul was forced by the 
clamour of the people outside to dismiss the senate. He would 
read communi convicio; but my conjecture is far less rasa: 
pipulo is a Plautine word, and therefore very likely to be us id 
by Cicero ; it would almost certainly be mistaken by the scri je 
for populo, which he would naturally change to populi, to 
obtain a construction. Asyndeton is quite a characterisl ic 
feature in the letters of Cicero, even asyndeton between 
two words. For two words with asyndeton cf. patrimonio 
fortuna, Att. xi. 9, 3 ; causae mcae voluntati meorum, Att. i: i. 
13, 1 ; querentibus postulant ibus, Att. v. 21, 12 ; adsu it 
queruntur, Div. in Caec. 11 ; expulerit relegarit, Sest. 21 ; 
officiis liberalitate, Fam. xiii. 24, 3 ; vultu taciturnitate, Fam. 
iii. 8, 2; gratissimo iucundissimo, Fam. xiii. 28, 3; studi : s 
beneficiis, Fam. vii. 5, 1. We read in Q. Fr. ii. 1 that tl e 
hired roughs of Clodius, a graecostasi et gradibus clamorem sat s 
magnum sustulerunt, and that the consequence was the breaking 
up of the meeting of the senate. But in that case they were 
hired by Clodius to do what they did. How could the coldne: s 
of the weather bring the people outside to break up the meetin g 
of the senate with abuse, convicio ? But it is quite credib e 
that the senators themselves should have shouted down every 
attempt to put a question to the house with abusive clamor r 
calling on the consul to dismiss the house. Each senator wishe 1 
to go away on account of the cold, but did not wish to leave 
behind him a house to pass measures unacceptable to hinr. 
With this passage must be discussed the words at the end ( f 
the letter, ut summum periculum esset ne Appio suae aedi? 
urerentur. Here, again, Boot asks what is the meaning? It 
is true that in seasons of great cold there is a greater danger cf 
conflagrations, because larger fires are kept. But why shoult I 
the consul s house be more in peril than houses of other people : 
Man. explains by observing that in the house of the consul, 
which was frequented by crowds of visitors, and by those win > 
would escort him home from the senate, a very large fire woulr 
naturally be kept. But such an explanation is manifest!} 
puerile. This being so, I am disposed to explain the two 
passages the one in the beginning of the letter and the on( 
at the end as jocular, or at least covert, allusions to the lad 
of interest in public affairs, the inactivity and apathy of th( 
senate, and the dulness of the business before them. The first 
passage would then mean, Appius could only get together a 



NOTES XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 181 

small meeting of the senate, and when it did meet, such was 
the utter dearth of interest that it ended in noisy clamour for 
a dismissal of the house. The sentence at the end would mean, 
The thermometer of public feeling is so near freezing-point 
that Appius s house runs a great risk of being frost-bitten, that 
is, utterly deserted by salutatores and dedudorcs. For examples 
of frigus in the metaphorical sense of dulness, apathy, 
stagnation, cf. si Parthi vos nihil calfaciunt nos hie frigore 
rigescimus, Fam. viii. 6, 4 ; Curioni tribunatus conglaciat, ibid. 
3 ; and the synonymous phrase, ibid. 4, veternus civitatcm occu- 
passet ; so also mctuo ne frigeas in hibcrnis ( have nothing to 
do ) . . . quamquam vos istic satis calere ( are kept pretty 
busy ) audio, Fam. vii. 10, 2. Cf. also Ov. Fast. ii. 856, 
virque tuo Tereus frigore lactus erit. Uri to be frost-bitten 
is common enough ; Cicero uses it in this sense in one passage, 
where it is as susceptible of misapprehension as it is here, 
pernoctant venatores in nive ; in montibus uri se patiuntur, 
Tusc. ii. 40. This explanation, moreover, gives a far more 
appropriate meaning to quamquam in the sentence at the end 
of the letter. I shall give you the news of every day. Yet 
[there is really nothing to tell, for] the thermometer of public 
interest is so near freezing-point that Appius s house seems 
likely to be frost-bitten. It is to be observed that both at the 
beginning and the end of the letter the mention of frigus is 
introduced to account for the dearth of news. Frigus might 
also be used in the metaphorical sense of disfavour (towards 
Appius) : cf. maiorum ne quis amicus Frigore te feriat, Hor. 
Sat. ii. 1, 62 ; limina frigescant, Pers. i. 108 ; to which the 
Dictt. add several examples in Quintilian and Pliny. But this 
use of frigus would not account for quamquam, and is not so 
characteristic of the tone of Cicero s letters. Infrequentem is 
sometimes explained as extraordinary. (See L. S.) [This is 
certainly right. The first words of the letter lead up to this 
sense of frigus. But I should phrase it a little differently. 
The senate was called to pass certain measures which no one 
would have. I still do not feel sure that populi is wrong. 
There are a number of passages (most of them are quoted in 
the footnotes to Willems s Senat, ii. pp. 163 sq.) which seem 
to show that the public thronged the doors of the meeting-place 
(which were left open) and either heard or managed to get to 
know about what was going on inside. They may have as 
sembled on this occasion to show their disapproval of the 
measure which the senate had been summoned to consider. 
Appius was hand in glove with Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. 
The contemplated business probably was in the interest of the 



182 NOTES XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 

triumvirate. If frigus means the chilling frost of popular 
opposition to the designs of Appius, the word urerentur miy 
well have its natural meaning. So unpopular are Appius s 
plans that he may well have his house burnt about his eari. 
This contrast ketweenfrigus in its non-literal sense and urerent.ir 
in its literal sense is quite in Cicero s style. The quamquam 
does not seem to me to be out of place. I will write to yo i, 
if anything is done ; but nothing is likely to be done, unless 
maybe A. s house is burned. ] 

2. Coxnmageno. Antiochus, King of Commagene, who^e 
capital was Samosata, now Samsoun, the birthplace of Lucia] i. 
When Syria was made a province, at the end of the Mithri- 
datic war, Antiochus received from Pompeius this little divisic n 
of the kingdom of Syria. 

discusseram, pulled to pieces, that is, frustrated, 
brought to nought. 

blanditur. Appius fawns on Cic. to induce him to 
abandon that strenuous attitude towards the foreign petitionei s 
which he feared would spoil his market. 

sterilem, productive of no profit to him. If Cicer) 
opposed and defeated all the petitions of foreign nations, for th 3 
hearing of which Feb. was reserved, there would be no douceut s 
for Appius from successful applicants. 

oppidulum. "We may infer that Antiochus had two re 
quests to make that he might be allowed to include or retain 
in his dominion a certain town on the Euphrates, and that tho 
honour, granted to him in the consulship of Caesar, of wear 
ing a toga practexta, should be confirmed by a decree of thr, 
senate. 

t quod . . Zeugmate t. I have obelised these words. 
One might read Zeugma (inserting at before praeterea), anc 
render, a little village called Zeugma, which had been his. 
built on the Euphrates ; or else, reading positum in Euphratit 
Zety/jiaTi, we could understand Zeiry/ict to mean a pier 01 
landing-place on which some little hamlet was built. One 
might even retain Euphrctti, and regard it as the genitive ; om 
would expect to find Euphrati beside Euphrates, as Ulixi and 
Ulixei beside Ulixis. Billerbeck would take Zfuy/man in the 
sense of bridge. He says that at the site of Bir, or Birtha, 
there was a bridge over the Euphrates in the time of Alexander, 
Thapsacus having been before this the customary place of cross 
ing. The town was called Zeugma, from the bridge. It would 



NOTES XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 183 

be natural that the senate should refuse to detach from the 
province of Syria a town so situated. [There is good reason to 
believe that Euphrati is the only form of the gen. which Cic. 
would have used. Cf. Madv. on Fin. i. 14 and on v. 12. 
The evidence is of course much more extensive than what is 
given in those notes.] 

3. Quod vult. As to his petition for a renewal of the 
honours he got in the consulship of Caesar, to save himself the 
expense of dyeing his praetexta anew every year, I am against 
a decree to that effect. Will you, who would not have the 
tetrarch of Bostra clothed with the praetexta, endure the Com- 
magene in that robe of state ? Such is the explanation of Sch. 
and Billerb. There does not appear to be much play of fancy 
in the passage. Unless the joke lies in some allusion to the 
unknown tetrarch or princeling of Bozra, whom (Cicero says) 
the Roman nobles would not endure to see clad in the Roman 
robe of state, I see no joke in the passage, except that Cicero 
affects to condemn a decree of the senate to refurbish his 
robe, to save the King the expense of redyeing it every 
year. There would be more humour in the words of Cicero if 
renovari could mean, to be put on a new footing. Thus 
Cicero would say, as regards his petition to have his distinc 
tion^^ o?i anew footing (i.e. given to him absolutely without 
the necessity of yearly renewal), to save himself the expense of 
a yearly redyeing (i.e. a yearly embassy to Rome to solicit re 
newal), I am against such a decree. The same sense would be 
got by reading with Lamb, and Ern. : quod non vult renovari 
honores eosdem, as to his request not to have a renewal of his 
distinction on the same terms, that is, not to have it renewed 
for a year, but in perpetuity. This is the reading which 
Wieland translates, and is perhaps the most probable solution 
of the difficulty, though it is very daring to insert non. We 
can hardly hope to get any nearer to the meaning without 
knowing something of the Bozran. Bostra, the Bozra of 
Isaiah, was a considerable town in Arabia Petraea. [It may be 
that when Caes. in his consulship gave this man the right of 
wearing the toga praetexta, he merely gave him the honorary 
rank of a Roman magistrate for the year, and his right of 
wearing the toga would expire with the year, as in the case of 
the Roman magistrates. He now begged to have the grant 
renewed. The clause quo minus, etc., must surely be de 
pendent on decernendum censeo, not on quod vult, etc., unless 
non vult is written. The text may construe thus : I make no 
proposal such as would prevent him from furbishing his toga 



184 NOTES XIX. (Q. FR. II. 10 [12]) 

up afresh every year, i.e. I am ready to grant him the right of 
perpetually wearing the toga, which lie will naturally furb sli 
up afresh and make brilliant with new dye every new year s 
day, when the magistrates at Rome assume their toga praet. 
But will you senators, who could not stand the prince of 
Bozra in the toga praetexta, allow the prince of Commagene to 
wear it ?] 

totus est explosus, completely, utterly laughed out of 
court. 

quo genere = cuius generis dictis. 



lovis Hospitalis, Zei)s S&ios. We must infer that certa n 
Greeks had been instrumental in bringing about a reconcili i- 
tion between Cicero and Appius. If he broke with Appius he 
would otfend these Greeks, and so the god who protec ;s 
them. Moreover, lupiter Hospitalis would be the protector of 
these strangers in Rome. 

4. fugerat me, I forgot* ; so fug it me ratio, I was mis 
taken, in Catull. x. 29. This meaning of fug ere is very con - 
mon in Cicero, and very rare in other writers. 

magis optandurn. Caesar writes to Balbus that he coul 1 
see that Balbus had said something about Quintus Cicero i i 
his letter ; that he could not make out the meaning ; that, i f 
his guess at the meaning was right, it announced a fact whic", i 
he (Caesar) might wish, but hardly hope, to be true. Th ) 
announcement was probably that Quintus had determined to 
transfer his services from Pompeius to Caesar. Nothing could 
be more courteous than Caesar s way of receiving this news. 

5. Locum. I cannot understand why the editors shouk 
agree in changing the ms. locum to iocum. There is not i 
particle of evidence that Caesar s letter was playful : the little 
extract we have from it here is full of dignified courtesy. The 
passage about his poverty, locum illius de sua cgestate, was 
no doubt in the same strain. He said with regret that he 
could not promise Quintus an El Dorado in his camp. Cicero 
advises his brother not to look with disfavour on that passage 
not to let it deter him from joining Caesar and tells him 
that in reply he has let Caesar know how poor they were how 
he (Caesar) must not get himself into difficulties through any 
reliance on his (Cicero s) resources. 

Quamquam. Yet, though I promise you a regular diary. 
See note on pipulo, convicio, 1. 



NOTES XX. (Q. FR. II. 13 [15a]) 185 



LETTER XX. (Q. FR. n. 13 [15a]) 

1. Blandenone. Blandeno is a town near Placentia, not 
elsewhere mentioned. 

refertis, overflowing with (lit. crammed with) politeness, 
affection, and courtesy. 

ista. Those tokens of good will on Caesar s part. 

2. currentem, nothing loth. See Q. Fr. i. 1, 45 ; Att. 
v. 9, 1 ; vi. 7, 1 ; cf. the Greek airevdovr dTptveiv. 

ego vero, sc. conferam. Yes ; I will do all I can. For 
the emphatic use of ego in answer to a question, cf. Fam. xiv. 
4, 1. 

poema. Probably the poem de temporibus suis, often re 
ferred to above. 

tuus amor, ( my affection for you ; so amori nostro, your 
love for me : Fam. v. 12, 3. 

3. isse ad Caesarem. The point of the joke of Domitius 
was that the consuls were without power ; Caesar was the 
source of patronage ; so he says that when his colleague Appius 
went to Luca two years before to meet Caesar, it was no doubt 
to get from him some petty office, such as the commission of a 
tribunus militum. [Caesar was in N. Italy as usual in the 
winter of 55-54, or rather in the early part of 54, the year of 
Appius s consulship. The visit alluded to was probably paid 
by Appius then.] 

4. oricula inflma molliorem. This seems to be a reminis 
cence of an expression of Catullus, xxv. 2, mollior . . . imula 
oridlla. We have another such echo in ocellos Italian villulas, 
Att. xvi. 6, 2 ; and Catullus xxxi., Pcninsularum, Sirmio, insu- 
larumque Ocelle. But Cicero never mentions Catullus. See on 
Q. Fr. ii. 9, 4 (Ep. xviii. ) * As soft as the tip of the ear is 
here proverbial for extreme gentleness and avoidance of irrita 
bility. Oricula seems to have more authority than auricula. 

5. dictaturae, of Pompeius : cf. est, nonnullus odor dicta- 
turae, Att. iv. 16, 11. 

senescentis . . . acquiescentis, the calm of decrepit 
ude, not of repose. This seems to me to be in favour of my 
interpretation offrigus in Ep. xix. 

Eur. Suppl. 119. 



186 NOTES XXI. (Q. FR. III. 7) 



LETTER XXI. (Q. FR. in. 7) 

1. et Appia. Something is no doubt lost here. Most ec d. 
disregard the d before Appia, and print Romae ct maxime App a, 
1 in Rome, and especially on the Appian Way. But Cic( ro 
would hardly have spoken of the Via Appia as a part of Ron e, 
and the ct before Appia points to an omission. [I venture to 
suggest that the only change required is that of et to ex a 
very common corruption. There was a bit of the Appian Way 
which really was in Rome ; along the first mile of it, between 
the porta Capena and the old temple of Mars, close to the first 
milestone, there was a large suburb which seems to have gone 
by the name of ad Martis. See Richter s Topography of Ron e 
in I wan Mueller, pp. 883 sq., or Jordan s Topogr. ii. pp. 110 s< . 
In Rome, and especially in the direction of the Appian Roac , 
in the suburb by the temple of Mars. This use of ex hardly 
needs illustration, but cf. such things as e contraria parti . 
Even omitting the et before Appia the passage makes goo 1 
sense.] 

ad Martis, near the temple of Mars. 

viget, the Homeric theory is still true. Zeus sends violen , 
rain to punish men for their unjust dealings. This plague o 
rain is his protest against the acquittal of Gabinius. 

cadit ... in. This may mean (1) is applicable to, 01 
(2) synchronises with ; rather (1), for the most natural subject 
for cadit is illud Homcri, not alluvics. But cadit has both 
meanings. The passage is II. xvi. 385. [Alluvics is an im 
probable word for Cic., nor is the conjecture proluvies any 
more likely. Cic. wrote, I believe, eluvioncs, which he has 
several times elsewhere.] 

2. lychnuchum. Saglio, in his fine article on candelabrum, 
says that wooden lychnuchi were the commonest. Cf. Petronius, 
95, and Martial, xiv. 44. Others were made of gold, silver, 
bronze, marble, glass, and clay. Ligncolus probably means of 
very thin wood, which would, of course, enhance the beauty of 
the candelabrum. 

Sami. This island belonged to Asia, the province of 
Quintus, and was no doubt visited by Quintus during his 
propraetorship. 



NOTES XXII. (FAM. VII. 16) 187 



LETTER XXII. (FAM. vii. 16) 

1. Equo Troiano. A play of this name is ascribed both to 
Livius and to Naevius. The proverb is usually supposed to be 
sero sapiunt because Festus says, sero sapiunt Phryges pro- 
vcrbium est natum a Troianis qui decimo denique anno velle 
cocpcrunt Helenam quaequc cum ea erant rapta reddcre. But 
according to Festus sero sapiunt Phryges is the proverb, and he 
says nothing about its being a quotation from a play. Here 
we have expressly a quotation from a play. I believe the words 
quoted from this play to be in extrcmo sero sapiunt, referring 
possibly to the Phrygians, but possibly having a general 
application. 

in extreme. The words mean when a man comes to 
extremities it is too late to show the discretion which might 
have saved him. The passage is usually printed, in Equo 
Troiano scis csse in extremo : Sero sapiunt. But why should 
Cicero mention the part of the play at which the words occur ? 
Besides, sero sapiunt can hardly be called a sentiment at all, 
while in extremo sero sapiunt is a good proverb. For the words 
require some further qualification ; they should give some class 
of men who are wise too late, or some circumstances under 
which it is too late to be sensible. The proverb, as I under 
stand it, fulfils the last condition, and says that when things 
have come to an extremity it is too late to be wise. I need not 
point out that the words as I have given them, 

in extrimo s&ro sapiunt, 

form the beginning of a good iambic verse according to old 
Latin prosody and scansion. [The question may be put the 
other way. Why should Cic. not do here what he does in 
other places in making quotations, i.e. indicate the part of the 
work where the words come ? The most serious difficulty in 
the way of your view is, I think, that there is no parallel to 
this use of in extremo, for Sail. Jug. xxiii. 2, suasfortunas in 
extremo sitas will hardly justify this.] 

mi vetule. This address is merely playful. He calls 
Trebatius my old fellow, because he is cautious has an old 
head on young shoulders. He congratulates Trebatius on being 
wise in time, and seeing the folly of the spirit reflected in his 
earlier letters a spirit of impatience and discontent, and foolish 
yearning for Rome. 



188 NOTES XXII. (FAM. VII. 16) 

primas. Your earlier letters were couched in a mad- log 
strain that was silly enough but then you know the rest 
you know how you changed your tone. 

rabiosulas sat fatuas. No doubt a quotation from seme 
lost play. [Satfatuas has all the appearance of being a gloss 
on the rare word rabiosulas.] 

in Britannia, in the matter of going to Britain. 
non nimis <j>t\o0topov, not too great a sight-seer. 

intectus. It appears from the next letter that there vas 
an insufficient supply of the sagum or military cloak, which 
was also used as a blanket. Cicero alludes to this fact, a id 
says, therefore, naturally you don t care to stir abroad. Tli3n 
he quotes a verse from some poet which seems to have lit le 
point, except in so far as there is a kind of play on saperc, to 
be a man of sense, which meaning it seems to bear in tie 
quotation, and sapere as applied especially to jurisconsults, 
sapiens having been the sobriquet of Curius, Fabricius, Coru i- 
canius, etc. (Lael. 18). So in another letter he congratulat -s 
Trebatius on being in a country where he might seem aliqu d 
sapere, that is, where (in the absence of rivalry) he would be ;,t 
the very top of his profession. But all this is very far-fetche( I. 
And it must be remembered that iniectus, not intectus, is tl e 
ms. reading. This would not be of very great importance, 
were it not that inicere, as well as inicctio, has a juridical scnst , 
to seize on as one s property without a judicial decision, as i i 
the case of a runaway slave. If iniectus could possibly mea i 
subjected to this process we should have a characteristically 
playful use of a juridical term, under arrest ; iniccre manual 
takes an accusative of the person arrested, but I will not go s< > 
far as to say that this would justify iniectus arrested : iniectu.* 
certainly does not bear its ordinary meaning here ; it is eithe/ 
a juridical term, or it is unsound, and must give place to som< 
conjecture such as intectus. [May not intectus come iron 
intcgo? This word is very common (cf. intcgumcntum] and 
Lucr. i. 404 has the participle (which no doubt occurs elsewhere). 
The jest lies partly in telum: wisdom is the best offensive 
weapon ; that s why you shirk hard knocks. ] 

2. Ego. The answer to a question. Trebatius had asked 
Cicero why he would not accept the invitation of Octavius to 
dine. 

Oro te, quis tu es ? Probably a quotation from some poet. 

extra iocum. This phrase would seem very doubtful Latin 



NOTES XXII. (FAM. VII. 16) 189 

if we had not Cicero s authority for it ; still more apparently 
canine are remoto ioco, jesting apart, in the next letter, and 
magnet in spe sum, I am in great hopes, Att. vi. 2, 6. [Still 
more in eadem es navi, you are in the same boat, Fam. ii. 5, 1. 
And Plant. Men. perge in virum, walk into your husband. 
Cf. in aere meo est= is in my debt, Fam. xv. 14, 1.] 

vellem eum, a capital fellow surely. "Would you had 
taken him away with you. Cf. Taming of the Shrew, i. 1, 
253 

First Serv. My lord, you nod : you do not mind the play. 
Sly. Yes, by Saint Anne, do I. A good matter surely. Comes there any 

more of it ? 

Page. My lord, tis but begun. 
Sly. "Tis a very excellent piece of work, madam lady : would twere done. 

[I have often thought that Cic. wrote bellicosus : a fighting 
man who would do well in Gaul ; he had attacked Cic. so per 
sistently.] 

3. ecquid, at all. 

in Italiam, into winter quarters to Ravenna, which was the 
nearest point to Rome in the province of Caesar. 

more Romano, literally. Sometimes the phrase means 
simply, plainly, with out circumlocution, like more inaiorum, 
Att. i. 1, 1. Cf. Fam. vii. 5, 3. 

quod negent, because, as they say, you do not. This is 
the virtual oblique ; for which see Roby, 1722, 1744, 1746. 

respondere is a technical word for giving counsel s opinion. 
Hence the rcsponsa prudentium, or opinions of counsel, were 
an authoritative source of Roman Law. Of course Trebatius 
does not give counsel s opinions in the camp of Caesar ; but 
respondere percontantibus also means to reply to one who asks 
you a question ; to fail to do this would show much arrogant 
reserve. Hence the joke, which, though certainly not of much 
merit, is repeated afterwards, Fam. i. 10, in waiting to L. 
Valerius, another jurisconsult. [To realise the full force of the 
jest one must remember that to refuse to give a civil answer to 
a civil question was regarded by the Romans as a typical act of 
rudeness. See Acad. ii. 94, and the passages to which I have 
referred in my note there. There is really the same jest (an 
oxymoron) in Att. iv. 18, 3, multi urbani ne respondent 
quidem. No doubt the impression of Tiberius s arrogance was 
greatly due to his taciturnity when addressed (cf. Suet. Tib 68, 
pleriimque tacitus, etc. )] 

Samarobrivae. Amiens, the chief town in Gallia Belgica. 



190 NOTES XXIII. (FAM. VII. ll) 



LETTER XXIII. (FAM. vn. 11) 

1. tot interregnis. The whole of this frigid jesting tums 
on the nature of the office of the interrex, for which see Cla *s. 
Diet, and Merivale, ii. 27. The business of the law courts \\ as 
intermitted during the interregnum ; each interrex was chos 311 
only for five days ; on the expiration of five days a new inter 1 ) ex 
was appointed. The jocular counsel which Cicero gives to iJl 
defendants in civil actions (omnibus unde petitur) is to ask from 
each interrex two of the periods allowed for seeking legal assi* t- 
ance (binas advocat tones). The defendant could thus postpone 
his day of trial for an indefinite term. Cicero asks, Does n )t 
this counsel of mine show that I have profited by my friendsh p 
with you in civil procedure ? [It is hardly to be supposed that 
the interregna stopped the courts entirely ; indeed, the fa< -t 
that an interrex is supposed to listen to an application fir 
binas advocationes shows that it was not so. Of course tl e 
continuance for six or seven months of interregna in this ye* r 
53 must have disorganised legal business a good deal.] 

2. signa. Cicero welcomes in his friend s letters a tendenc / 
to be jocular. He says : These signs (signa} of reviving spirits 
in you are better than the statues (signa} in my Tusculanum. 
The play is on the two meanings of signa, signs and statues. 
I do not see how the play could be reproduced in English. W : 
learn from Fam. vii. 23 that Fadius Gallus had bought fo 
Cicero some statues (signa}, for which Cicero did not at all care. 
He probably refers here to this unlucky purchase. He says : 
I like the look of your last letter, with its bantering tone, fav 
better than I like the look of those statues which Fadius Gallu; 
bought for me. He had perhaps already told Trebatius ho\\ 
he was disappointed with the purchases of Fadius Gallus. 

consul!. Cicero welcomes the sportive tone of his friend s 
letter, but he wants to know what is the source of his pleasant 
state of mind. You tell me, he writes, that Caesar has 
consulted your judgment : I had far rather he had consulted 
your interests. If you think the latter is so (or that there is 
any chance of it), don t shirk the campaigning : stay on. I can 
console myself for my separation from you by the prospect of 
your advancement. But if it (your advancement) is all in the 
clouds, come back to me. Something must turn up here some 
time ; or, if not, I declare I think one hour s talk between us 
will be worth all the Samarobrivas in the world. We have 
frequently met the plural thus used in the case of persons, as, 



NOTES xxiv. (FAM. vn. 12) 191 

for instance, mnnes Catilinas Addinos postea reddidit, Att. iv. 3, 
He made every ruffian like Catiline seem thenceforth as re 
spectable as an Acidinns. Exaetly parallel to omnes Samaro- 
brivae, every town such as Samarobriva, is Luccrias horrent, 
they are terribly afraid of another Luceria (where it was 
reported that plans for proscription were being hatched). 
Att. viii. 11, 4 ; 16, 2. [Prob. an error for Luceriadas, like 
IXids KOLK&V in Att. viii. 11, 3.] 

si cito te rettuleris. His final advice is : If you come 
back soon there will be no comment ; but if you are long away, 
and to no purpose, I fear Laberius will introduce you into a 
farce. He will get his points from our friend Valerius, the 
jurisconsult, and he will have in you a splendid character the 
lawyer in Britain. Valerius is the jurisconsult to whom Cicero 
has already written, and who is mentioned again, Fain. iii. 1, 3. 
Laberius, the celebrated writer of mimi, is another of those 
persons who are mentioned alike in Horace s Satires and Cicero s 
Letters. 



LETTER XXIV. (FAM. vii. 12) 

1. O castra praeclara! What a wonderful military camp 
that must be of yours ; for the hardships of a military camp 
were not likely to engender Epicurean principles. In considera 
tion of the next clause, this seems a better sense than to in 
terpret : That is a fine camp to take your stand in, i.e. a fine 
philosophical system to range yourself as a supporter of. 

Tarentum. For the charms of this the chief of winter 
resorts compare the well-known passage in Horace, Odes, ii. G, 
Ille terrarum, etc. ; also Seneca, Tranquil. Animi, 2, 13 ; add 
Friedlandcr, ii. 96. 

lam turn, Even then, when you were holding the same 
tenets as my friend Selius, I did not approve of you. Klotz 
reads Selius for Zeius, Scius, etc. of the mss., without giving 
reasons. Perhaps the reasons are as follows : This is plainly 
a reference to some philosophical views which were more akin 
to Cicero s own tenets than the Epicurean, but yet did not 
wholly please him. In point of ethics, it may have been the 
New Academy ; their doctrine, that probability, not certainty, 
is all that mankind can arrive at, deprives morals of that firm 
foundation and immutability which Cicero desired. Let me 
quote at length a passage from the De Legibus : Sibi autem 



192 NOTES XXIV. (FAM. VII. 12) 

indulgcntcs ct corpori deservientes atque omnia quae sequan ur 
in vita, quaeque fugiant voluptatibus ct doloribus ponderan.es, 
ctiam si vera dicunt (nihil enim opus est hoc loco litibus) in 
hortulis suis iubeamus dicere, atque etiam ab omni societtte 
rcipublicae cuius partem nee norunt ullam nee umquam ncsse 
voluerunt, paullispcrfaccssant, rogemus. Perturbatricem autwn 
harum omnium rerum Academiam, hanc ab Arcesila et Carnecde 
recentem, exoremus ut sileat. Nam si invaserit in haec, qi ae 
satis scitc nobis instructa et composita videtur, nimias &let 
ruinas. Quam quidem ego placare cupio, submovcre non aud >o, 
De Legg. i. 39. Here Epicurean ethics are wholly condemne 1 ; 
Academic ethics condemned indeed, but in a less degree. Novv, 
if we compare Acad. 2, 11, nam aderant familiares 11 ei 
(Lucullus is speaking) docti homines P. et C. Selii et Tetrilius 
Jioyus gui sc ilia audivisse Romae de Philone et ab ipso duos libros 
dicerent dcscripsissc, we see that two members of the Sell in 
family were followers of Fhilo ; and however reactionary the se 
two books may have been, there is little doubt that in 
the public lectures which Cicero heard Philo gave expression 
to that brilliant and negative criticism that he had inherit d 
from Carneades, leaving reactionary doctrines for private conv( r- 
sation and his written books (Reid, Acad. Introd. p. 60). 

2. Sed quonam modo. Cicero goes on to rally Trebatius is 
to how his occupation will be gone if he becomes an Epicurea: i. 
The Epicureans held that in the sphere of morals individu il 
feeling must be made the standard, and individual well-beii g 
the object of all human activity (Zeller, Stoics, Epicureans, 
and Sceptics, Eng. Trans, p. 445, and the references), and thnt 
pleasure is the only unconditional good (ibid. p. 446). Ho .v 
then will Trebatius be able to use the legal formula in actioi s 
against trustees about honest dealing amongst honest men ? f<>r 
the honest man (bonus} is he who regards the fair claims of 
others beside himself. And similarly, how will Trebatius see to 
the fair division of a joint property ? Further, if Trebatius :s 
a Fetialis, how will he be able to swear by Jupiter, the stone , 
and ask this fine old god to cast him forth from his fatherlan I 
if he perjures himself, seeing that the Epicureans know a 1 
about the gods how that they were perfectly free from car 3 
and trouble, and absolutely regardless of the world (Zellei , 
p. 441), in fact, a society of Epicurean philosophers (ibia. 
p. 442), to whom caring for others outside their own circle, am I 
mixing in civil society or in political life w r as regarded as a neces - 
sary evil, and only to be practised as far as it is necessary fo 
the philosopher s own safety (Zeller, p. 463 ; cf. the sixth KvpU. 



NOTES xxiv. (FAM. vn. 12) 193 

86a in Diog. Laert. x. 142). What, then, will become of the 
poor inhabitants of Ulubrae, if Trcbatius ceases to be their 
patronus, and to lend them his disinterested aid ? 

formula flduciae. If a man transferred his property to 
another, on condition that it should be restored to him, this 
contract was called Fiducia. If the trustee refused to surrender 
it, he was liable to an actio ficluciae, which was an actio bonae 
fidei. In the actiones stricti iuris the praetor expressed in pre 
cise, curt, and strict terms (directum asperum simplex, Rose. 
Com. 11) the matter submitted to the judge, whose authority 
was thus circumscribed. In the actiones bonae fidci (Top. 66, an 
important passage) more indulgence and latitude (mite moder- 
atum] was given by the formula of the praetor, and the whole 
circumstances of the case were taken into consideration, in 
order to come to an equitable decision. The terms in the 
formula were Quantum acquius melius, id dari, oi ut inter bonos 
bene agier oportet, or ex fide bona : Gaius, iv. 47, 50, 62, and 
Poste on 45. 

Quis enim bonus est, qui. Bonus is wanting in MH. 
Manutius had already added bonus, but after cst. Orelli wished 
to omit est, which might readily have got inserted after enim 
by dittographia, and to understand bonus out of bonos. This is 
no doubt hard ; so we had better acquiesce in Wesenberg s 
reading, which inserts bonus before est. Words often are 
dropped out, owing to the proximity of a similar word. 

communi dividundo. This was an action for dividing the 
property of partners. It was one of the three actions -familiae 
erciscundae, for dividing a family inheritance, and finium 
rcgundorum being the other two which the judge adjudi 
cated. See Justinian, Instit. iv. 17, 5, and Sandars ad loc. 
and Introd. 103 ; also a clear article by Mr. Moyle in Diet. 
Antiqq. p. 513. Cicero seems to imply (of course with but a 
bare semblance of accuracy) that the individualistic hedonism, 
as it is called, of the Epicureans cannot coexist with any sort of 
partnership. 

lovem lapidem iurare. For iurare with the simple ace. 
see Virg. Aen. 12, 197, Jfaec eadem, Aenea, terram mare sidera 
iuro ; also Juv. 3, 144, iures licet et Samothracum et nostrorum 
aras. This oath was in accordance with a very old Roman 
rite (Apul. De deo Socrat. 5). The locus classicus is Poly bins, 
iii. 25, of the treaty with Carthage, 475 (=B.C. 279): rbv d 
8pKOV dfj.vveiv 5et TOIOVTOV, eirl fitv r&v Trpwrcov wvdriKCov Kap^T;- 
dovtovs fiev roi)s deous TOVS Trarpyovs Pu/matovs d Afa \idov Kara n 



194 NOTES XXIV. (FAM. VII. 12) 



Tra\ai6v ZOos, ewl d TOVTUV TOV "Aprjv Kal TOV Ep vd\iov. ZGTL 
rb A.ia \LOov TOIOUTOV. \a/3cbv e/s rrjv xetpa ^Qov 6 7rotoiVej>os TO, 
ftpKia Trepl rCjv ffw6r)KU>v t eireiddv 6fJ.6a"rj d^/JLOfflq. Trlarei X^yet rd5e. 
evopKovrn fj.v iroLe iv rdyadd et 8 <XXws diatto qOeiTji TL ?) Tr/jui;- 
ai/j.L TTCLVTUV TUV fiXXaw crif^o^vuv ev ra?s /Stats TrarpiVtv, tv TO?S 
ISiois v6/Aots cirl T>J> Idiuv fiiuv lepujv rd0wv, ^70? jjdvos e/CTT^cro /it 
oi rws cl)s 6 5e \l6os vvv. Kal raur eliruv ptirTei rbv \L6ov eK 
TT}S x e P^ J - The stone was a Hint, symbolical, no doulit, 
of the thunderbolt. We may compare the all-dread 3d 
thunder - stone in Cymbeline, and hear Chapman spe.ik 
out loud and bold, when he renders ttirep pot Kal fj.o ipa A 6s 
Tr\rjy^vTi Kepavvy Ketadai O/JLOV veKvevai. ped at/mari Kal Kovtyoiv 
(II. 15, 117) by though I sink beneath the fate of being 
shot to hell by Jove s fell tlmnder-sJone, a translation n>t 
altogether unworthy of Homer. This stone was one of the 
symbols used by the Fetiales, which, with the sccptrum, used o 
be kept in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius ; cf. Fest. p. 9S : 
Ferctrius lupiter . . . ex cuius templo sumebant sceptrum p<. r 
quod iurarent ct Jajndem silicon quo focdus fcrirent. The sccp 
trum was the peculiar mark of Jupiter ; and so the Fetial s 
became on the occasion of the solemnity symbolically a Jupiter ; 
cf. Servius on Aen. 12, 206 (Audiat haec genitor qui foederi 
fulmine sancit), where he says : Ut autem sceptrum adhibeatu r 
adfocdcra haec ratio cst quid maiorcs semper simulacrum lovis 
adhibebant : quod cum taediosum esset inventum est ut sceptnw.i 
tcnentes quasi imaginem simulacri redderent lovis. Sceptruni 
cnim ipsius est proprium. Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie, pp. 
163-4, ed. 1844) tells of the flint of the German god Donar, and th-5 
Miolnir, or hammer, of Thor. Hammer is connected philo 
logically with &K/ULWV (Curt. G. E. No. 3), which itself means * 
thunderbolt (^dX/ceos S-K^WV ovpavbOev KaTiav, Hesiod, Theog. 
722). Compare generally on Jupiter Lapis Preller, Rom. Myth. 
p. 220, and Marquardt, iii. 408-9, who agree more or less with 
the above. Another interpretation is, however, given by 
Rudorff (Rom. Feldmesser, ii. 242), viz., that Jupiter Lapis is 
the god who watches over boundary stones (termini silicci) ; 
and Jupiter (according to the Etruscan Vegoia Armns Veltym- 
nus) as this guardian pours down many and varied woes on 
those who remove their neighbour s landmarks (Grom. Vet. 
350, 18 sqq.) But this is not in accord with the definite and 
official explanation of Polybius. Mr. Strachan Davidson, 
Selections from Polybius, p. 73, makes a good case for the 
theory that lovem lapidcm means lovem ct lapidcm on the 
analogy of such expressions as Patres conscripti = Patrcs ct 
conscripti. [Juppiter was no doubt regarded as in some way 



NOTES XXV. (FAM. VII. 13) 195 

dwelling in the stone. Cf. Robertson Smith s Religion of the 
Semites and Frazer s Golden Bough for similar ideas.] 

scias, know all about how, not merely think a hit at the 
dogmatism of the Epicureans. 

Ulubrano. In GIL. x. 6489 ( = Or. 123) we find a duovir et 
quaestor reip. at Ulubrae, and in 6490 (= Or. 121, 4942) a 
praef. iuri dicundo. Ulubrae was accordingly a municipium. 
But it was proverbial for a poor and deserted town. Hor. Epp. 
1, 11, 29 : Quod pctis hie est est Ulubris animus si te non deficit 
aequus ; Juv. 10, 102: pannosus vacuis aedilis Ulubris. Tre- 
batius was patronus of the town. These patroni were influen 
tial Romans, selected by the decuriones, who used to lend assist 
ance and protection to the town at Rome. The townsmen then 
were their dientes. The patroni were put first in the list of 
the senate (see the album of Canusium, GIL. ix. 338). For 
full information on the patroni and their origin, see Marquardt, 
i. 188, and Mommsen s splendid note on the Lex Colon. Juliae 
Genetivae in Eph. Epig. ii. 146. 

iro\iTvi(r0(u. This word does not occur in the Kvpia doa on 
the subject. 

adsentari, c to humour. On no account must we translate 
it assent to, which is adsentiri. See a learned note by Mr. 
Reid on Academ. 2, 45. 



LETTER XXV. (FAM. vii. 13) 

1. arbitrare. The reading of M. , accepted by all the editors, 
is arbitrarere. But it seems to me that this is probably wrong. 
ArMtrarere was, by one of the commonest of errors, assimilated 
to the mood of mdcrere. Now the Codex Turonensis has arbi 
trare, which seems to me to be more probably right. It is true 
that the Codex Turonensis, in giving arbitrare, naturally makes 
the same kind of mistake as M. and gives videre for vidercrc, 
while Cicero, in my judgment, wrote viderere . . . arbitrare. 
For what satisfactory meaning could be got out of arbitrarere ? 
Did you think me so unreasonable as to be annoyed with you 
because you seemed to me wanting in firmness, and too im 
patient to leave Gaul, and because you supposed it was for that 
reason that I was so long without writing ? For what reason ? 
Because Trebatius seemed to Cicero wanting in firmness, and 
impatient ? But would Cicero be annoyed with Trebatius 



196 NOTES XXV. (FAM. VII. 13) 

because Trebatius mistook the reason why Cicero did not writs ? 
It seems to me far more natural that Cicero should say, Did 
you think me so unreasonable as to be annoyed with y m 
because I thought you weak and impatient, and do you suppi so 
that was the reason of my long silence? It will be observed 
that the present is found afterwards in insimulas, accipio, and 
that there is really .as good authority for arUtrare as br 
arbitrarere. [I have always thought that arbitrarere depended 
on ut, not on quod. Existimasti ut arbitrarere is no dou >t 
pleonastic, but very many close parallels might be quoted fro n 
Cicero. ] 

Neque alia ulla, There was no other reason for my silenc ), 
save my ignorance of your whereabouts. That is, the on.y 
reason for his silence was his ignorance of Trebatius s address ; 
the uneasiness which showed itself in the early letters of Tro- 
batius distressed Cicero, but did not prevent his writing. Ulci 
is omitted by two early editions : perhaps what Cicero wroi e 
was ulla, not alia ulla. But alia ulla is quite intelligible i i 
the sense in which I have explained it. [Alia is certainly 
sound. ] 

Hie . . . accipis ? An indignant question : for the use ( f 
hie in such cases cf. hie tu . . . miraris? Fam. v. 15, 4 ; 
hie . , . conimemorat? Phil.viii.il. "Wes. ingeniously prove 3 
that such passages should be treated as questions, by pointin 
to Sail. Cat. 52, 11, where, if there were no question, aliqun 
would have been used instead of quisquam. [Not all ; in man; 
a fact is strongly stated.] 

satisfactionem, the regular Latin word for an apology. 

Audi, Testa mi. For the use of nomen, pracnomen and cog 
twmen in familiar communications see note on Fam. vii. 32, .. 
(Ep. xxxiii.) 

gloria, desire of distinction, ambition, as often in Cicero 
and the comic drama. 

inaurari, gilded ; that is, enriched. Cf. Hor. Ep. i. 
12, 9, fortunae rivus inauret. 

utrumque est, that is, if you- are being gilded by Caesar, 
as well as consulted. 

2. illud, your former impatience ; hoc, your present con 
tentment. 

artiflcium, profession. Cicero says he fears Trebatius will 
not make much by his profession among the Gauls, 



NOTES XXV. (FAM. VII. 13) 197 



Because the good old rule 
Sufficeth them, the simple plan, 
That they should take who have the power, 
And they should keep who can. 

The quotation which Cicero uses to convey this sentiment is 
from Ennius, Annales, 275 (Vahlen). The whole _ fragment 
which describes the uselessness of the arts of peace in time of 
war runs thus 

Pellitur e medio sapientia, vi geritur res, 
Spernitur orator bonus, horridus miles amatur, 
Haud doctis dictis certantes sed maledictis 
Miscent inter sese inimicitiam agitantes. 
Non ex iure manum consertum sed magi ferro 
Hem repetunt regnumque petunt, vadunt solida vi. 

In this fragment sapientia seems to be used in the sense which 
it often bears in the letters to Trebatius, the art of the juris 
consult. Observe the unelided -am in inimicitiam. The con 
struction of manum consertum is strange. Consertum is the 
supine of conserere, depending on cunt or vacant, taken out of 
repetunt, and governing manum. Ex iure means in accord 
ance with legal rights of a citizen. Manum conscrcrc has a 
double sense (1) to make a legal claim to property," (2) to 
join battle. The fragment is again quoted (there more fully) 
in Pro Murena, 30. 

et tu soles. Wes. first saw that this must be taken in 
close connexion with what goes before. I have followed him in 
putting a comma, instead of a full stop, after repetunt, and in 
omitting the mark of interrogation inserted by all other edd. 
after adhiberi. The meaning is : There is no place for a juris 
consult in the camp of Caesar, where they may keep who can, 
and where you, a jurist, are actually employed (adhibere) to 
commit violence [in battle against the enemy, instead of being 
consulted (adhiberi} in cases of assault and battery]. There is a 
play on two senses of the word adhiberi. [There is a jest on 
vim facere, to do actual violence in battle, as compared with 
vimfacere, the legal phrase for asserting a right (quite peaceably) 
to a bit of land.] 

exceptionem in interdicto. The intcrdictum was a pro 
visional decree of the praetor, chiefly in the case of disputed 
possession. There were three kinds of interdict, adipisccndae, 
retinendae, and recuperandae possessions. This is probably an 
interdict retinendae poss. The formula in this case runs : " Uti 
eas aedes quibus de agitur, ncc vi, nee clam ncc precario alter ab 



198 NOTES XXV. (FAM. VII. 13) 

altcro possidctis, quominus ita possideatis vim fieri veto." The 
words in italics would constitute the cxccptio. There are, how 
ever, to me two difficulties, in reference to this interdict (1) I 
cannot find in the Digest at all the exact expression QUO "U 
PRIOR vi NON VENEUIS ; (2) nor any provision about armed 
violence (vi hominibus armatis), which was different from t ic 
ordinary vis. There is a strong objection to making this an 
interdict recuperandae poss., for in this case, when armed force 
had been used, we are distinctly told that no exceptiones are 
tolerated (Gains, iv. 155, and Poste). This point also clear y 
appears in the Caecina, 63. Cicero says: You have no 
reason to fear the exceptio ; I warrant you never made a forcible 
entry. Quo non veneris = in quam possessionem non veneris .- 
si in earn possessionem non veneris. The correlative to quo wou" d 
be found in many formulae in the words eo restituas, which a -c 
common in formulae. See, for a passage very similar to thi^, 
Fam. xv. 16, 3. It will be seen that the words of Cicero co 
not exactly fall in with any of the three common types >f 
interdict. Perhaps he tripped in his law here. He can hardly 
have deliberately jumbled together two kinds of interdict, ret - 
nendae and recuperandae possessions, as a joke, in the spirit in 
which he writes, satisne tibi vidcor abs te ius civile didiciss. , 
Fam. vii. 11, 1. I here add the view of Mr. Roby given i r i 
Classical Review, vol. i. p. 66. His authority will be generall y 
held to be decisive on the question ; but I thought it as well t ~> 
state the difficulties which had occurred to me. 

Trebatius, the lawyer, is attending Caesar in his camp ii 
Gaul, and Cicero chaffs him on his position. " I am onj^z 
afraid that your professional craft is of little good to you, foi , 
I am told, where you are (to quote Ennius) men don t joi:i 
issue in due course of law, but effect a recovery sword in hand, 
and actually you are now called in to use force ! Well, tlicr ; 
is no ground for much fear of your being troubled with the ple;i 
6F "having been the first to colne with a force of armecTmen, To 
Ilmow you are not forward in attack." 

f Trebatius, if dispossessed of some land by armed violence 
would apply to the praetor for an interdict which would statn 
the issue in some such words as these, addressed to his op 
ponent : Unde tu C. Trebatium ui hominibus armatis dciecisti 
eo C. Trebatium restituas. If, however, Trebatius had himsel 
previously turned out his opponent by the like means, the op 
ponent would urge the praetor to insert in the formula aftei 
" deiecisti" quo ille prior ui hominibus armatis non ucncrit , 
and the praetor would naturally consent. The matter would 
then be referred to a judge to decide with these instructions. 



NOTES xxv. (FAM. vii. is) 199 

If the judge found that Trebatius had been ejected by armed 
force and had not himself been the aggressor by the same 
means, the injunction would be made final, and the defendant 
probably be condemned in damages : if his prior aggression 
were proved or his dispossession not proved, the injunction 
would drop and in some cases the plaintiff would pay a forfeit 
(cf. Gai. iv. 141, 161-165). 

There is, I think, no doubt that the interdict referred to is 
de ui armata (which in the Digest is consolidated with that de 
ui, Dig. xliii. 16). Prof. Tyrrell erroneously takes it to be the 
interdict uti possidetis, and naturally finds difficulties. He has 
been misled by the language of Cic. Caecin. 22, 63, and Gai. 
iv. 155, whence he infers that no exceptiones were allowed when 
armed force had been used. It is not necessary to assume in 
either passage that such a plea as we have here was in question. 



supported by the language of the Digest. 

The use of armed violence in matters of ejectment was 
rightly held to be so contrary to the dignity of legal procedure 
as to require peremptory prohibition. Accordingly a person 
who had himself acquired possession from his opponent by force 
(ui, not ui armata) or by stealth or by sufferance was yet en 
titled to immediate restoration, if his opponent ejected him by 
armed force. Obviously the same principle applies against him, 
if he has himself used armed force. His own armed violence 
disentitles him from claiming the peremptory protection of the 
law, on the same principle on which armed violence disentitles 
his opponent from pleading the wrongful possession of the 
former. Indeed the two acts may well have been successive 
events in one day s struggle. If Trebatius (in the supposed 
case) had brought a body of armed men to dispossess his op 
ponent, he could not be aggrieved by his opponent s resorting 
to the same means to dispossess him in turn. Eum qui cum 
armis uenit, possumus armis repelkre, sed hoc confestim, non ex 
interuallo ; dummodo sciamus non soluin resistere permissum ne 
deiciatur, sed, et si deiectus quis fucrit, cundem deicere non ex 
interuallo sed ex continenti. (Ulpian in Dig. xliii. 16, 1. 3, 
9 ; and cf. 1. 1, 27, 28.) 

I add the comment of Dr. Reid. [The statements in Cic. Caec. 
are not to be relied on. He may not have said anything false, 
but he has certainly concealed matters which make his account 
of the law as it stood in his time utterly untrustworthy. And 
the law had changed so much between his time and that of the 



200 NOTES XXV. (FAM. VII. 13) 

writers quoted in Dig. that they do not help us to make goo 1 
Cicero s deficiencies so much as we could wish. The fact that 
there is no mention elsewhere of the cxccptio quo tu prior, etc., 
is not surprising. The rays of light we get on the exceptions 
are few and scattered. Many must have existed which ar> 
never quoted at all in extant literature. I think the pro 
cedure in Cic. s time as to vis armata was not always the same 
When a plaintiff asked redress of the praetor, the pr. migh ; 
issue an interdict without hearing the other side ; or he mighi; 
insist on hearing the other side. In the latter case then 
would be an opportunity for the defendant to bar the plaintiff 
by getting the judge to insert such an exccptio as quo tit prior, 
etc. If the plaintiff had been the first to use force, he would 
naturally lose when the facts came to be investigated as they 
had to be. If the defendant thought he had a good enough 
case to resist the plaintiff, he always pleaded that he had 
obeyed the interdict, meaning thereby that he had obeyed it 
so far as the law required him to obey it, i.e. not at all. The 
plaintiff joined issue on this statement, and the final verdict 
went by the law of the matter generally. The interdict prac 
tically was only a way of leading up to a trial on the merits. 
It would make little or no difference in the end whether ex- 
ccptiones were inserted in the interdict de vi annata or not. 
The defendant could ultimately get cognisance taken of any 
points he had to urge. Cic. in Caec. only says ut sold of the 
practice of issuing the interdict de vi annata without any 
cxceptiones. I think that if that had been the universal 
practice, he would have made a good deal more of it in the 
speech than he does.] 

de vestris cautionibus. There are two kinds of cautio 
the moral quality of caution, wariness, and the legal act of 
going security for another. Trebatius is very familiar with 
cautiones in the latter sense; but, says Cicero, there are 
other kinds of cautio, and I advise you to beware of the Treviri; 
I hear they are a parlous folk. Then, when he has called the 
Treviri parlous capitales, he plays on the name of the ires 
viri capitales, who had charge of prisons and executions in 
Rome I don t want you to have anything to do with the /// 
viri capitales ; I had rather they were the masters of the mint 
that you were associating with. The allusion is to the /// 
viri auro argento aeri Jlando feriundo, called in inscriptions 
III V. A. A. A. F. F., the three commissioners for the 
casting and stamping of gold, silver, and copper coinage. 
Broadly, he means : I wish you had less of the hardships of 



NOTES XXYI. (ATT. v. i) 201 

campaigning, and a better prospect of making your fortune, 
Avliich is, indeed, the burden of most of his letters to Trebatius. 
These commissioners were also called /// viri monetalcs. One 
might take off the play on words somehow thus : Avoid the 
Treviri. I hear they do great execution, like their namesakes 
in Rome : now I don t want to hear about executions in con 
nexion with you, unless it might be the execution of a deed of 
gift in your favour from Caesar. 



LETTER XXVI. (ATT. v. 1) 

Cicero was now on his way to his province, Cilicia. 

1. Ego vero, Yes, I did see : for the emphatic ego see on 
Ep. viii. 1. 

mei in eo. The usual reading is et meo sum ipse testis. 
But Cicero almost always has a genitive after testis, the other 
constructions used by him being de with abl., in with abl., and 
in with accus. The Codex Ravennas (R.) gives in eo, words 
which may have ousted mei, and given rise to mco. For the 
confusion between m and in, cf. t>scs sin for esses me, Att. i. 
10, 6 ; in Jierde for meherde, Att. i. 12, 3 ; in alam for malain, 
Att. i. 19, 2. 

ut ne. Ut ne in final sentences, as here, is common in 
Cicero and Latin comedy. It is also found in Varro, Phaedrus, 
Suetonius, and the writer of the Bellum Africanum, but not in 
Sallust, Livy (except in xxxiv. 17, 8), or Caesar (except in 
B. C. iii. 56, 1). Ut ne in sentences dependent on a foregoing 
verb or noun is often found in the comic drama and in Cicero, 
both in positive sentences, as Fam. ii. 7, 4, peto . . . ut ne, 
and in negative, as caveamus . . . ut ne quod in nobis 
insigne vitium fuisse dicatur, Q. Fr. i. 1, 38, but is very 
rare elsewhere. Draeger, Hist. Syn. 411, 542, 2. The 
meaning is that no new (further) term of provincial govern 
ment be assigned to me by the senate. 

plus sit annuum. In descriptions of size, age, etc. , plus 
amplius minus are used without change of case (as adverbs), 
and the noun of size, etc., if not put in the ablative, is subjoined 
in the proper case with or without quam : Roby, 1273. Of 
the omission of quam, as here, good examples are : me non 
amplius novem annos nato, Nep. 23, 2 ; boves minorcs trimos, 
Varr. R. R. 1, 20; nix minus quattuor wedcs aUa, Liv. xxi. 
61, 10. 



202 NOTES XXVI. (ATT. V. l) 

2. Annio Saturnino. Probably a freedman of T. Annius 
Milo. 

satis des, guarantee the purchaser against loss by flaws in 
his title to some property which Cicero was selling ; or, if 
Cicero was now buying some property, satis des must mean 
give security for the payment of the sum agreed on as the 
price. The former meaning seems better suited to the sul- 
sequent phrase satisdatio secundum mancipium. He recom 
mends Atticus to use the satisdatio employed in the case cf 
the sale of the Mennian estate, adding, or perhaps I should 
rather call it the Atilian property. Cicero probably refers 
to a former sale by him of some farms which he had bough ; 
belonging to the estate of Mennius, who, he afterwards re 
members, had previously disposed of the lands to Atilius, s<> 
that Atilius was really the seller of the farms to Cicero. 
[Rather vcluti . . . vd= foT example . . . or, i.e. first one 
example is given and then another.] 

Oppio. The agent of Caesar, to whom Cicero owed 800,000 
sesterces. 

aperuisti. This verb is explained in the Dictt. as meaning 
to declare one s willingness to pay. But this sense is not 
even alleged to be found elsewhere, and it is very hard to see 
how apcrire DCCG. could mean to declare one s willingness to 
pay that sum of money. The same is said to be the meaning 
of cxposuisti, you said the money was at his disposal, Att. v. 
4, 3. But there M. reads de DCOC., which makes the meaning 
easy. Hence here, too, I have added de : for apcrire de, to 
explain, cf. Herenn. ii. 50 ; and apcrire de DCCO. is a very 
natural expression for to explain the details of a transaction 
about 800,000 sesterces. De would have easily fallen out. 
Cicero goes on to say, 1^ would willingly borrow to pay this 
debt (vcrsura facta sulvi vplb] rather than keep Caesar waiting 
until the last penny due to me is gottenj.ii. 

3. transversum versiculum, the crossing of your letter, 
written along the margin of the page. 

admones de sorore. We may gather from the words at 
the end of 4, hacc . . . monendi, that Atticus had asked 
Cicero to give his brother Quintus some advice about his 
demeanour towards Pomponia. 

Arpinas, so. praedium. 

dies, sc. festiis. Arcanum was en fete, so Quintus thought it 
was incumbent on him to stay there and entertain his tenants. 



NOTES XXVI. (ATT. V. l) 203 

He suggested to Pomponia that she should invite the women, 
while he should summon the men. 

ascivero. In some few instances the meaning of the 
futurum cxadum approaches that of the futurum simplex in 
signifying what will happen while something else takes place, or 
what will soon be done : Cic. Att. v. 1, 3 ; Madv. 340, Obs. 4. 
The ms. here gives ego vero ascivero pueros. Probably vero 
is a mistake for viros. But what lurks under pueros ? Possibly 
we should read ego viros ascivero porro, I shall ask the men in 
due course (when you have given your invitation to the 
women). This would illustrate a slightly different employment 
of the future perfect, which is sometimes used when a thing is 
postponed to another time, as queue causa fuerit mox vidcro, 
Fin. i. 35. For the position of porro cf. Hand. Turs. ii. p. 
266, who remarks that the placing of adverbs at the end of the 
sentence is characteristic of the sermo popularis, and quotes quo 
evasurust denique, Plant. Trin. 938 (iv. 2, 93), and in nervom 
erumpat denique, Ter. Phorm. 325 (ii. 2, 11). We find tamen 
last word of a sentence in Att. i. 17, 10, and nunc in Fam. 
xiii. 1,1. [It may be doubted whether asciscere aliquem is 
possible for inviting a person to an entertainment. Accivero 
is possible (Wes. after Lamb.) But Gronovius s accepero is, I 
believe, right, and pueros has arisen from a dittogr. of -pero. ] 

animo ac voltu, the feeling which prompted the words 
and the expression of countenance which accompanied them. 

Ego . . . hospita, I am treated as a stranger in this 
house ; cf. percgrinum atque hospitem, Att. vi. 3, 4. [Is not 
the sense I am mistress of this house, i.e. I don t mean to 
have you interfering with the invitation arrangements ? The 
fault about Statius seems to be that he had received his orders 
from his master, not from his mistress.] 

ex eo, all because Statius had gone on before us to see to 
dinner. Videre in the sense of to see to, provide, look after, 
is common enough in Cicero and the comic drama, e.g. Ter. 
Heaut. iii. 1, 50 (459), aliud lenius sodcs vide. Perhaps this, 
too, is the right explanation of the verb in Juv. xiii. 57, licet 
ipse videret plura domi fraga. Munro conjectured tu vides for 
tu bibes in Hor. Carm. i. 20, 10, where vides, thou providest, 
certainly supplies the required sense, opav has the same mean 
ing in 6prj 5i(ppov, Evvda, avrq,, Theocr. xv. 2. 

4. sic absurde et aspere, with such uncalled-for acri 
mony. This use of sic to express intensity with verbs and 
adjectives is found chiefly in Cicero and the comic writers ; 



204 NOTES XXVII. (FAM. VIII. l) 

ita, tarn, adco, are far more usual in this sense. This is another 
objection to the otherwise suspicious reading, sic raro scrib s, 
in Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 1. For absurde, cf. epistolarum absurde et 
militate scriptarum, letters written in uncalled-for ai.d 
eccentric fashion, Q. Fr. i. 2, 9. 

Dissimulavi dolens, Though I felt her conduct deeply, I 
did not let my feelings he seen. Dissimulavi is used abs )- 
lutely. Dissimulavi dolens would not be a correct alternative 
form of expression for dissimulavi dolorem. 

de mensa misit. When Pom ponia refused to take her sert 
at table (discumbere), Quintus sent her some food from the tab!e 
(de mcjisa misit), which she refused. 

5. extrudas, make my lieutenant Pomptinus leave Rome 
and come to me. Cicero s other legati were his brother Quintu* , 
M. Anneius, L. Tullius, and Q. Volusius. We know nothing c f 
Anneius and Tullius. Pomptinus was an old friend of Cicero ; 
he had been a praetor during Cicero s consulate, and Cicero hail 
proved his vigour and energy in the repressing of the Catili- 
narian conspiracy. We read of his being balked of his triumph 
(Q. Fr. iii. 4, 6 ; Att. iv. 18, 4). Sallust calls him homo mill 
taris (Cat. 45), and Cicero no doubt trusted to him and to hit; 
brother Quintus to compensate for his own want of experienc< 
in military affairs. 

me ad te scripsisse, I wish you would tell him I wrote 
to you about him. Cicero wishes Atticus to repeat to Tor- 
quatus the warm expressions he has just used about him. 



LETTER XXVII. (FAM. vm. 1) 

1. decedent!, leaving town : cf. Fam. vm. 10, 5. Except 
in these passages of Caelius I do not know of any place where 
dcccderc is used absolutely in this sense. It is therefore un 
certain whether we should consider this a peculiar usage of 
Caelius or alter to disccdenti. [However, as decedere is used abs. 
of leaving a province, there seems to be nothing unnatural in 
the use here.] 

data opera. A somewhat rare (and apparently later) form 
of the more usual dcdita opera = intentionally. I deliberately 
procured a man to describe everything so very fully, that I fear 
his efforts in this direction may seem to you rather long- 
winded. The expression is careless. Fully expressed it should 



NOTES XXYII. (FAM. vm. i) 205 

be : I got a man to describe everything, and he did so in such 
great detail that, etc. For data opera, Becher compares Dig. 
29, 5, 1, 37, diccndum estparei eis debere nisi si ipsi sibi vulnera 
ista fcccrunt data opera ne punirentur ; also 4, 7, 1 pr. ; 9, 2, 
9, 4 ; Plin. Epp. vii. 12, 6. For argutus in the sense of very 
detailed, almost garrulous, see Att. vi. 5, 1, velim obvias 
mihi litteras quam argutissimas de omnibus rebus crcbro mittas. 
[There is no other ex. of data opera in Cic., and I do not know 
of any ex. before Cic.] 

meum hoc officium, not to stigmatise as supercilious the 
way I have fulfilled this duty in that I have deputed, etc. 

ad litteras scribendas . . . pigerrimo, a wretchedly 
bad correspondent. 

tuae memoriae, to memories of you. 

volumen, packet ; misi, herewith send, epistolary 
perfect. 

quoins. For this archaic form we have the evidence of M. 
which reads quo ius, and H. which reads quid ius, errors which 
would easily arise from the rare archaism quoins, but not from 
the common form cuius. Caelius affects archaism. Cf. Fam. 
viii. 2, 1 ; 2, 8 ; 12, 2. 

non modo . . . sed. Without etiam or modo cf. Fam. v. 
16, 1 ; Q. Fr. ii. 3, 2 ; Mil. 66 ; Off. i. 99. It is not true, as 
it is sometimes stated, that when etiam is omitted there is a 
descent from a more extensive to a less extensive idea : cf. 
(besides the passages quoted above) Fam. i. 6, 1, non solum 
interfuit sed pracfuit ; Draeger, ii. 103. 

animadvertere, to look over them. 

fabulae, gossip. 

ne molestiam, lest I should spend money in boring you. 

2. operarii, clerks. 

spes sit. All mss. read cst, which must be altered to sit. 
Note spes used in the neutral sense of expectation entertained 
about it. 

nulla magno opere exspectatio est, interest is not very 
keen on any topic. For magno opere in negative sentences cf. 
Liv. i. 17, 1 ; iii. 26, 3 ; Att. iv. 16, 6. 

comitiis Transpadanorum. See Att. v. 2 fin. , * there is a 
rumour that the Transpadane Gauls have been directed to create 



206 NOTES XXVII. (FAM. VIII. l) 

quattuorviri. These were municipal officers; so the meanii g 
is that these Gauls were being encouraged to seek the civitai. 
They now had the ius Latii. This was a favourite project of 
Caesar s. [Att. iv. 17, 2. The rumour rather was that ^e. wt s 
going to treat them as Roman citizens. He had already- 
enrolled many in his legions.] 

Cumarum terms camerunt, kept up their heat only as 
far as Cuinae. [Tcnus with gen. is poetical, and post-Augustar. , 
outside Gael. ; Cic. Arat. ; Yirg. Lucr. Plin. N. H. ; Quint. Apul. ; 
cf. prepositional use of fine.] 

ne tenuissimam quidem auditionem, not even tli ) 
slightest whisper. This is the regular word for hearsay (cf 
Niigelsbach, p. 181, for such words in -io). 

de successione Galliarum, that Gaesar should give up hi;; 
provinces on March 1, 49. This was the persistent demanc 
of the republican party in their proceedings to bring matters tc 
a crisis with Caesar. 

expressit, wrung from people those criticisms about him 
self which had been made when we were in Rome, viz. that he 
had no energy : cf. Fam. viii. 10, 3, Nosti Marccllum quam 
tardus ct parum efficax sit (Hofm.) The subjunctive is often 
used with cum after turn, nunc, etc., where we should rather 
have expected the indicative : cf. Att. v. 11, 7, turn videlicet 
datas cum ego me non belle habcrem; Fam. xiii. 16, 1, Apollonium 
iam turn equidem cum ille vivcret et mcigis faciebam ct probabam ; 
and Draeger, ii. 576. Expressit could hardly mean reproduced 
in the sense of justified. [But cxprimere often means to 
give vivid expression to, to embody in a conspicuous shape, 
and this sense seems well in place here and more likely than 
the other. Cf. e.g. Tusc. iv. $ 62.] 

3. Pompeium, who was at Tarentum. 

solet . . . cupiat, for his wont is to think one thing 
and say another, and not to have sufficient adroitness to conceal 
his aims. It is rare to find aliud . . . et ; yet cf. Caecin. 57, 
Oil*, ii. 61, and Draeger, ii. 29. On the insincerity of Pompeius 
see Att. iv. 9 (Ep. xv); Q. Fr. iii. 8, 4, velit nolit scire difficile est. 

4. Quod ad Caesarem, sc. attinet. For this omission 
Hotmann refers to 2 Verr. i. 116, quod id ad practorem utcr 
possessor sit, De Orat. ii. 139, and Att. i. 13, 6 ; Dig. 41, 1, 
3,1. 

belli, pleasant, nice. There is always a slight touch of 
colloquialism about this word. 



NOTES XXVII. (FAM. VIII. l) 207 

susurratores, croakers, or whispering messengers. 

equitem. The collective use of eques for the cavalry is 
not Ciceronian. Hofmann thinks that Caelius here intends a 
joke, taking equitem in the sense of a single horseman. [Not 
in Caesar either, though I think one or two exx. occur in Bell. 
Af. and Hisp.] 

vapulasse. This word is never used by Cicero of troops 
being beaten, but is sometimes so used in Livy. It, too, is 
somewhat colloquial, were thrashed. [A very rare word in 
Cic. Does it occur except in Att. ii. 14, 1 ?] 

Bellovaci. They lived about the modern Beauvais. The 
modern names of French towns are derived partly from names 
of clans (especially in the north), partly from the names of 
cities ; in Spain and Britain wholly from the names of cities : 
cf. Merivale, iv. 132. 

neque iactantur, nor are these, uncertain as they are, 
yet generally talked about. This use of iactari without any 
sense of boasting attached is common in Livy, i. 50, 2 ; x. 
46, 16 : cf. Caes. B. G. i. 18, 1. For another much less com 
mon use of iactari see note on Ep. xv. 

palam secreto, as an open secret. Compare perhaps 
aperte tecte, with obvious guardedness, Att. i. 14, 4: if we 
are not to take that openly or covertly, as Hofmann does, 
comparing for the asyndeton serins ocius. There is no 
certain intelligence of the disaster, and no prevalent talk about 
the mere reports which have arrived : amongst some few they 
are talked about as an open secret, but Domitius makes a 
wonderful mystery about them. [I agree with Hofni.] 

cum manus ad os apposuit, the gesture of one telling a 
secret. Understand some such words as turn demum narrat. 
[This has generally been taken to refer to L. Dom. Ahenobarbus, 
consul in 54 B.C. But he and his nephew Cn. were Pompeians, 
and one does not see why they should have gone about speaking 
of the disaster with bated breath. If manus ad os app. means 
this, the passage must rather refer to the Caesarian Cn. Dom. 
Calvinus, consul in 53. But would not manum be expected ? 
And may not manus convey just the opposite, i.e. he makes a 
speaking trumpet of his hands and roars out the news ? At 
Domitius seems to introduce a contrast to secreto. ] 

5. subrostrani, idlers about the rostra : cf. subbasilicani, 
Plaut. Capt. iv. 2, 35 ; columnarii, Fam. viii. 9, 5. 

illoruxn. So the mss. Wesenberg reads (Em. Alt. p. 18) 



208 NOTES - XXVII. (FAM. VIII. l) 

ipsornm, in opposition to te. More probably we should re id 
illorum ipsorum. 

Q. Pompeio, sc. Rufo. lie was a violent opponent of Milo s, 
and accordingly an enemy of Cicero s also, against whom ae 
excited great odium on the occasion of the trial of Milo. He 
was accused dc, vi, on account of his harangues to the people < n 
the occasion when they burned Clodius s body in the SenatB- 
house, and in so doing burned down the Basilica Porcii. 
Pompeius did not support him on the trial as he ought to have 
done (Momms. R. H. iv. 326). 



iam imvirriK^v facere, sc. T{-XVT)V. This is perhaps tl e 
most reasonable emendation of the corrupt reading of the ms::. 
embeneticam. It may mean is doing Banting. It is true thet 
Caelius does not much affect Greek words, but Greek was the 
regular language for the prescriptions of physicians. See not 3 
on Ep. iv. However, there may be an allusion to the saying c f 
Pompeius to Marcellinus, when the latter attacked the former. 
that it was owing to him that Marcellinus had become tperiKbi 
(K TreiVTfjTiKov (Plutarch, Pomp. 51 fin.} No reader of Plutarch 
needs to be reminded how often he relates sayings, stating 
in addition that they were uttered in Greek, even aveppltyd^ 
Kvfios (Pint. Pomp. 60). The retort on Marcellinus was doubt 
less on the lips of every one, and in allusion to it perhaps Caeliu; 
says of Rufus ireLv^TLK^v faccre, that he is now in the mosi 
abject state of poverty and starving. An annotator, thinking 
of csurire and the Roman practice of vomiting (cf. Att. xiii. 52, 
1, t/jTiKT]i agcbat), put e//,e above Trewrf, and the two ran together. 

esiirire. So the mss. There is no necessity to read esurici. 

et hoc . . . optavi, and I prayed that at the cost of this 
lie we might get rid of whatever danger hung over you. For 
abl. instrum. after dcfungi see Livy, ii. 35, 3, adco infcnsa erat 
coorta plcbs> ut unius poena dcfunycndum csset patribus. 

Plancus tuus, your friend, Plancus : irony, for T. 
Munatius Plancus was an associate of Q. Pompeius, and a bitter 
enemy of Cicero. At the trial of this Plancus, Pompeius, in 
violation of his own laws, appeared as a laudator, or witness to 
the character of Plancus ; yet Plancus was condemned. His 
brother, L. Plancus, was a lieutenant of Caesar s in Gaul. 

nee beatus, neither rich nor even well-to-do. 

iroXiTiKoC. Politici is not a Latin word. Niigelsbach (p. 22) 
shows that wherever the idea political occurs in Latin it is 
expressed by a periphrasis, cimlis et popularis, some combination 



NOTES XXVIII. (ATT. V. 9) 209 

with respublica or the like. In De Orat. iii. 109 it is expressly 
used as a Greek term. I have accordingly printed it in Greek 
characters. The books referred to are the six books De Republica, 
begun in 54 ; also, probably, the De Legibus, written in 52. 

omnibus vigent, are popular with all parties : cf. grcgal- 
ibus illis, quibus te plaudente vigcbamus, amissis, Fam. vii. 33, 1. 



LETTER XXVIII. (Air. v. 9) 

1. Sybota, a group of small islands between Corcyra and 
the mainland. 

muneribus. Gifts of food and wine which Areus and 
Eutychides, freedmen of Atticus at Corcyra, heaped on Cicero 
by direction of Atticus. 

Saliarem in modum, like Aldermen. 

pedibus, by land. 

qui . . . navigassemus, as we had had a wretched 
passage. 

decorum, an amusing instance of Roman gramtas. 

currentem, nothing loth. See note on Ep. xx. 2, and 
cf. ffTre^dovr 6rp6veiv in Greek. 

extraordinarium. So called because Cicero held his present 
office long after his consulship, not immediately after, as was 
usual. 

praestabimus, guarantee (answer for) my own behaviour. 

2. suo statu. In is not used in this phrase ; so the coiri- 
mon expression in statu quo is wrong. 

ne quid novi, new term of provincial government. 

intercaletur, not have any intercalary days added, which 
was at the discretion of the Pontifices. 

Annum . . . teneto, be firm on the subject of my year, 
i.e. stick to (insist on) only a single year of provincial govern 
ment for me ; do not allow any renewal of my tenure. 

3. cotidie. This seems irregular for in dies pluris facio, but 
there is a slight difference in meaning between (a) cotidie pluris 
facio, there is not a day but I feel an increased sense of his 
worth, that is, a stronger sense than I once had, and (b) in 
dies pluris facio, I value him more and more every day, my 
sense of his worth increases each day. In Att. v. 7, 1, Cic. 



210 NOTES XXIX. (ATT. V. 12) 

contrasts these two expressions, cotidie, vel potius in dies singutos 
breviores litteras ad te mitto, I find myself day after day sen 1- 
ing you shorter letters (than I used), or rather, my letters are 
becoming shorter every day ; he goes on cotidie enim magis sii s- 
picor, for there is not a day but I feel an increased suspicior , 
etc. Cf. cotidie magis in his studiis conquicsco, Att. i. 20, \ ; 
cotidie demitigamur, Att. i. 13, 3. 



LETTER XXIX. (Air. v. 12) 

1. Negotium, A piece of business, like Greek tpyov : 
sometimes it is used like Greek XP^^, as Teucris is called 
lentum ncgotium, a slow coach, Att. i. 12, 1 : cf. also Att. v. 
18, 4 ; Q. Fr. ii. 11, 4. 

Zostera. Zoster was a promontory of Attica, with a tow i 
and harbour, now C. Lombarda. 

Ceo = K&o, the accus. of K^ws, according to the so-calle 1 
Attic declension. 

lam nosti, you know by this time (m?n)what the ope i 
(unscreened) Rhodian boats are like. There is no need t) 
change iam to nam, for the sentence does not explain why 
they went quicker than they wished ; the effect of the Rhodiai i 
vessels is the opposite, to make them go slower, not quicker, a i 
we see in next letter. 



&Kpa rvjx wv pura. The absurd reading accepted here by 
all the edd., without even an obelus, is a.K.pwT-riplwv ofipia, whicl 
is supposed to mean such signs of fair weather as may be givei 
by pennants on flagstaffs and at mastheads, signa secunda* 
tempestatis ex vexillis in fastigiis domorum etc navium. Tin 
reading in the text, which has never before appeared in an) 
ed. of the letters, was admirably restored by L. Dindorf froir 
a fragment of Archilochus (54 Bergk) 



f, a.fjL^-1 j" QC.X. p at, Y v p . uv cpQcv itrretreu vi 



The fragment is quoted by Plut. de Superstit. c. 8, and by 
Theophr. de Siguis Tempest. 3, 8. So the heights on the pro 
montory of Gyrae afforded a recognised, almost proverbial, 
weather-gauge, and nothing is more natural than that Cicero, 
who knew the works of Archilochus well, and who was now 
close to Paros, the birthplace of the poet, should refer to this 



NOTES XXIX. (ATT. V. 12) 211 

passage, finding himself in the neighbourhood of the very place. 
Dio Chrysost., Or. vii. p. 222 R., mentions a similar weather- 
presage drawn from the clouds round the peaks of Euboea, 
f3ov\oifj.ir)v 5 at> eyw~ye KO! /xer<i Trtvre 7?/i^pas X?}cu rbv &i>fjt.ov 
dXXa ov pq.5iov, elirfv, 8rav ovrw meady ra fi/cpa T??S E^ot as \nrb 
r&v ve<f)G)v &s ye vvv /caTetX^/x^va 6pq.s. So Cicero says here, _!__ 
don t mean to stir from Delos until I see all the peaks of 
Gfyrae clearJ~^The promontory of Gyrae is the south point of 
Teuos, due north of Paros, with a large expanse of open sea to 
the north ; heavy clouds round the peaks of Gyrae would threaten 
bad weather from the north, the most dangerous point. The 
reading in the text is far nearer to thems. reading, aKparripeuv 
iura, than the vulgar reading, dKpwTtjpiuv otfpia, which is mere 
nonsense, and which would never have established itself at all 
but for the general belief in the fictitious codices of Bosius, in 
which he declared it was to be found. 

2. a te. I have thus corrected ad te, which makes the 
passage quite unintelligible, as was seen by Madvig, who 
reads Ad Messallam (Adv. Grit. iii. 175), and omits ad te. 
He justly points out that Cicero would not inform Atticus that 
he had written to him about Messalla. The state of the case 
was : Atticus had informed Cicero that Messalla had been 
acquitted on the charge of ambitus brought against him, and 
he had advised Cicero to write to Messalla. Cicero answers 
that he did so at once, l and, moreover this was my own idea 
I wrote also to Hortensius, Messalla s uncle, who had de 
fended him. A te ut audivi de Messalla is good epistolary- 
Latin for the more formal phrase ut litteris a te acceptis audivi. 
A much greater laxity will be noticed in the note in the next 
section on cui rei fugerat me rcscribere. The insertion of ad 
eum after dedi littcras would make the sentence clearer, but 
the Avords are not indispensable. Atticus would understand 
whom he referred to. We read in Fam. viii. 4, 1, a letter 
written shortly after this, that immediately after his acquittal 
Messalla was tried again (under the lex Licinia de sodalitiis) 
and found guilty. If the present letter contained the latter 
announcement as well as the former, vwyyuviuv refers to 
the condemnation. But even if only the acquittal was an 
nounced he might say, I sympathised greatly with Hortensius 
for the anxiety which the defence of his nephew must have 
cost him, and the marks of disapprobation with which Horten 
sius was received in the theatre. 

7roXiTiKTpov, more on public topics. [Rather more 
worthy of a man with an insight into politics, which Cic. 



212 NOTES XXIX. (ATT. V. 12) 

jestingly says lie must have got from reading the De Republica 
and De Legibus.j 

gravissimus. This word seems here to mean very tire 
some, with a play on the ordinary meaning of the adjective. 
[Possibly with an allusion to his obesity; cf. Caec. (of P. 
Caesenius), auctoritate non tarn gram quam corpore. No doubt 
the man was a quidnunc also.] 

habemus, the consuls will have been made : Lehmann, 
p. 89, defends Jiabemus, the reading of M., by saying that the 
present is sometimes used for the future to indicate the cer 
tainty of the occurrence of a thing ; so we might say, I am 
there, in the sense of I will certainly go there. So here, by 
the time you read this the consuls are made. He compares 
Att. i. 20, 6, simul atquc hoc nostrum legcrunt . . . retard- 
antur, which I do not think is at all parallel. In Att. v. 17, 1, 
Jiabebam, which, according to epistolary usage, takes the place 
of habeo, assumes also the faculty of the present to stand for 
the future when certainty is to be expressed : paucis diebus 
habebam certos homines = paucis diebus habiturus sum. So in 
Att. v. 7, profaisccbar^profeclurus sum; Att. v. 20, 5, recipie- 
bam=recepturus sum ; Att. vii. 23, 2, remUtebam=rcmissurus 
sum ; faciebam faciurus sum, next letter. 

3. Cui rei fugerat me rescribere. I forgot to answer 
one thing in your letter about the brickwork. I beg you, 
without any qualification (plane}, to show your usual attentive- 
ness to my affairs, and about the aqueduct to show the same, 
if anything can be done about it. Fugerat is I forgot : cf. 
fug it me ratio, Catull. 10, 29. Rei rescribere, to answer a 
point in a letter, would seem to be bad Latin if we had not 
Cicero as authority for it : it arose out of the other not quite 
accurate usage, I answered your letter, instead of I answered 
you, or I answered what you asked me in your letter, ante- 
meridianis tuis litteris heri statim rescripsi, nunc respondeo 
vespertinis, Att. xiii. 23, 1. [Is it not possible that rescribere 
may have its mercantile sense here ? As to a matter in 
respect to which I forgot to make payment, I certainly beg you 
to see to it, i.e. to provide the money.] The aqua seems to 
have been the Aqua Crabra, which perhaps he thought of 
bringing into Tusculanum (cf. Fam. xvi. 18, 3). Philippus 
was the contractor, as we learn from the end of the next letter. 
[Cf. de aqua nostra Tusculana, Balb. 45. In Att. xv. 26, 4, I 
believe Tusculano capite should be read for Tulliano. The 
mention of Cascellius (compared with Balb. 45) shows that the 



NOTES XXX. (ATT. V. 15) 213 

reference is to water. Capite could not be used of a sum of 
money without reference to interest.] 



LETTER XXX. (ATT. v. 15) 

1. Ex hoc die, Count the beginning of my^year from that 
date. Cicero finds that he has arrived "-vvitliiii tFel>orders of 
his province one day earlier than he had expected ; and ho 
wishes this to be carefully recorded, lest his hated government 
should be prolonged even by twenty-four hours. We might 
render put a nick in the post for the beginning of my year. 
The literal meaning is move on the peg ; Att. had to start 
with Aug. 1 and move on the peg each day one hole in some 
thing like a cribbage board. Commovere is more usual in the 
sense of to take in hand, put in motion ; but we have movere 
in the phrase quieta non movere, to leave well alone. The 
same idea is expressed by the words TrapdTr-r]yfj.a tviavaiov com- 
moveto in the letter preceding this in the complete collection. 
The phrase is said to take its rise from an old custom whereby 
the Pontifex Maximus on the Ides of Sept. struck a nail into the 
wall of the temple of Juppiter Opt. Max. to keep count of the 
years. Cf. meet si commovi sacra, Plaut. Pseud. 110 ; mimmus 
commovctur, put into circulation, Cic. Font. 11. Laodicea 
was in Cicero s province, which included not only Cilicia, but 
Pamphylia, Pisidia, Isauria, the island of Cyprus, and three 
5iot/c7?(ms, Cibyra, Apamea, and Synnada, which usually belonged 
to Asia, and were only under the governor of Cilicia for a short 
time. It was only between 56 and 50 that these assize-districts 
were added to Cilicia, and it is not known for what reason. After 
49 they were again under the proconsul of Asia, Fam. xiii. 67. 

habeat . . . cesset? You will ask, has that intellectual 
dash, which you know so well, no scope for its exercise, and 
has my mental energy ceased to be rich in produce ? Just so ! 
To think of my seat of justice being here, while Plotius has 
his in Rome ! Plotius was praetor urbanus this year. For 
this use of the subjunctive cf. negent illi, Att. ii. 12, 1, where 
the subj. is used as taking up indignantly another s words, and 
see note on Ep. ix. 1, videre noluerim : cf. also Att. vi. 3, 2. 
Slightly different is exercitum tu habeas, Att. vii. 9, 4, where 
the subj. is merely exclamatory, like the accus. and infin. here, 
ius L. me dicer -e I For quippe cf. Att. xv. 21,3, nullas a te xi. 
Kal. Quippe ( of course not ), quidenim iam novi? So Mil. 
47 and Att. vi. 3, 1. 



214 NOTES XXX. (ATT. V. 15) 

noster amicus. On the whole it seems most probable thai, 
he refers to Caesar. Boot thinks he refers to C. Cassius, who 
had gone with Crassus to Syria, and after the defeat and deatl 
of Crassus had gained successes against the Parthians before 
the arrival of Bibulus. But there is no reason to suppose that 
Cassius was at all well provided with troops. On the con 
trary, Fam. xv. 1, 5 would rather seem to show that he was 
weak. 

exilium, the nominal command of two skeleton legions. 
Exiles is opposed to pleiiac, the word applied to a legion or 
troop which is up to its full strength, tres cohortes . . . plenis- 
simae, Fam. iii. 6, 5. 

Denique, And, to crown all, it is not an army, or anything 
I have been complaining of, that I want. It is the world, the 
forum, the city, my home, all of you. Lucem is public life, 
the world, a conspicuous position. See Sen. 12, and Reid s 
note there. 

2. Ita vivam ut, Upon my life I am living very extrava 
gantly : cf. Fam. vii. 23, 4, ne vivam si tibi concedo, upon 
my life I won t admit. 

permutavl. Att. had given him a draft on some bank in 
Asia, probably a draft on Laodicea or Ephesus. Cic. says he 
fears he will have to borrow money to pay it. 

non refrico. I avoid opening the wounds which Appius 
has inflicted on the province, but then they are palpable, and 
they can t be concealed. Appius was his predecessor. 

3. faciebam =facturus sum: cf. note on habebam in last 
letter, 2. 

Moeragenes, a robber chief, with whom a runaway slave 
belonging to Att. had taken refuge. He says he is going to 
try conclusions with Moeragenes in a pitched battle for the 
fugitivus. 

clitellae, panniers on an ox, a proverb quoted in the 
words non nostrum, inqutt, onus; bos clitellas by Quintil. v. 
11, 21. Ammianus Marcellinus, xvi. 5, 10, quotes the proverb 
as here, vetus illud proverbium clitellae . . . onus Platoncm 
crebro nominans exclamabat. I have given the passage in the 
form in which it is cited by Ammianus. It forms a trochaic 
septenarius. It is usually printed as prose, the sunt being 
placed before impositae. 

sim animus. Cf. ut simus annui, Att. v. 13, 3 ; ut annui 



NOTES XXXI. (FAM. VIII. 5) 215 

cssemus, 17, 5. Annuus in these passages means lasting only 
for a year, and this seems to be the meaning of the word in 
Plant. Asm. v. 2, 36 (877), non edepol conduct possum vita 
uxoris annua, by the death of my wife within the year. So 
in Att. vi. 3, 2, sumptus annuus means supplies only for a 
year ; and in Att. vi. 2, 7, triduum quatriduumve means for 
only three or four days. 

Adsis. This use of the subj. for imper. is common in the 
letters, e.g. Att. i. 17, 11, cures; Fain. ix. 26, 1, vivas; xiv. 4, 
3, confirmes . . . adiuves. 

epistolam. I have accepted here the admirable emenda 
tion of Gronovius, epistolam scicbam for plura scribcbam. He 
points out that the customary abbreviation for epistolam was 
epld, which would easily be misunderstood and corrupted into 
plura. The fact that redditum iri is certainly the ms. read 
ing makes scicbam a necessary correction. The scd of the 
following clause is altogether in favour of the conjecture of 
Gron. : I know this letter will take a long time to reach you, 
but I know well the person to whom I am entrusting it, so 
you will ultimately receive it. He adds : Now you will have 
plenty of people to carry your letters to me. You can give 
your letters to the farmers of the pasture tax and port dues, 
who will give them to the publicans letter-carriers, who will 
deliver them to me. [Especially as plura would be written 
pl a in some mss.] 

portus is the gen. sing., portus being used for portoria 
here : cf. Att. xi. 10, 1, operas in portu et scriptura Asicie pro 
magistro dedit, ( he was deputy collector of the pasture tax and 
port dues of Asia. 



LETTER XXXI. (FAM. vm. 5) 

1. animi, locative case. This is a construction mostly found 
in the comic drama and in epistolary style : see examples in 
Roby, 1321. This usage of pendere animi occurs as late as 
Petron. 113 ; and Apuleius has recreari animi (Met. ii. 11), but 
he affects archaisms, especially those of the comic stage. 

hoc more moderari. It is best to adhere to the mss. 
with Lehmann. The custom alluded to is that of regarding 
the most trifling military successes as being sufficient to entitle 
commanders to obtain triumphs and suppllcationes. Becher 
(p. 19) reads hoc more REM moderari possemus ; but there is no 



216 NOTES XXXI. (FAM. VIII. 5) 

necessity to add rcm: cf. Att. vi. 3, 9, moderator ita ne qui r l 
eum offendam, I shall manage so that I do not offend him 
which shows that modcrari can be used absolutely. Klotz an 1 
Baitor, after Bengel, read hoc modo rem moderari. 

quantum gloriae triumphoque opus esset, as muc i 
as is required for a success and for a triumph. For this sens 3 
of gloria, used as we might speak of an artist having a success 
with his picture at an exhibition, cf. Juv. vii. 81, tenuiqui 
Saleio Gloria quantalibet quid erit si gloria tanlum? It would 
be more usual to write ad gloriam after opus essct. Boot (p. 17) 
omits que after triumpho, transposing it to periculosam, and 
takes gloriae as a. genitive. This certainly makes excellen , 
sense. 

illaxn, that dangerous and decisive engagement which yoi. 
allude to, or which we all fear ; some such reference must b( 
understood : cf. note to De Petit. Cons. 18, Corr. of Cic. 
Ep. xii. 

ducit rationem, takes into account this point. 

2. non video. Strictly the negative goes with futuram. 
The idiom is common to most languages : cf. ov (py/jd, nego. 
The meaning is, I don t imagine any successor will be appointed. 

xnoretur. Ernesti and most edd. alter to morcmur. But 
there is no real objection to the passive use of a deponent, 
especially in a writer like Caelius, who affects archaisms (Becher, 
pp. 7, 16) ; and it is only by degrees that the passive meaning 
entirely disappears from deponent verbs. Thus \ve find in 
Draeger s list ( 91, 8) abuti in Varro, dilargiri in Gracchus, 
morari in Ennius, Naevius, and Pacuvius, used passively. In 
Plautus we have adipisco, amplccto, contemplo, cuncto, friistro, 
intcrmino, potio. Sortita is pass, in a legal document in Att. iv. 
17, 3. This passive use of deponents is often found in the 
Digest ; but legal language is of an archaic nature. 

3. incili, stuck in the ditch. This is the brilliant emenda 
tion of Munutius for incilicia of the mss. The word means a 
drain, derived from incidilis, what is cut into. We apply 
the term cutting to rising ground cut through, not to level 
ground cut down into. According to Festus incilia are fossae 
quae in viis fiunt ad dcducendam aquam : cf. Cato, R. R. 155, 
1. Indie cst autem, says Ulpian (Dig. xliii. 21, 1, 5), locus 
depresses ad latus fluminis ex eo dictus quod incidatur : in- 
ciditur cnim vel lapis vel terra unde primum aqua ex flumine 
agi possit. The word cut is used exactly in Ulpian s sense. 
This emendation, which is accepted by all the editors, has 



NOTES XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 217 

quite superseded Turnebus s proposal, cilicio, which was used, 
he supposes by Caelius, because through such a cloth liquors 
were sometimes strained. 

Hoc si praeterito anno. In a learned note Lehmann 
(pp. 38, 39) defends this, the reading of the mss. He shows 
that as violent hyperbata as that of si here may be found even 
in Cicero, e.g. Att. iv. 17, 4, quo ego haec die scripsi; Att. i. 
14, 1, ut huic vix tantulae epistolae tempus habuerim. The 
present passage means when this year has passed, if Curio, as 
tribune j and the same old business about the provinces come 
ou the stage, you c;uiiiot t ;iil to see, etc. Tin- I take to !>< 
the metaphor rather than that of entering on a magistracy : 
cf. Att. i. 18, 2, introitus fuit in causam fabulae Clodianae. 
Wesenberg reads hoc sic praeterito anno Curio tribunus ERIT et 
cadem actio de provinciis introibit : quam, etc., on grounds 
which might perhaps be valid if the letter had been written 
by Cicero. Note praeterire used passively. It almost always, 
when used in the passive, is applied to a candidate s defeat at 
elections. 

in sua causa. I have added in, which might easily 
have fallen out after qui. The sense is, when their own 
interest is at stake they care no whit for the state. Now sua 
causa can only mean for their sake, a sense foreign to the 
passage. For this usage of in cf. Att. v. 12, fin., quod in tua 
refaceres. 

hoc, sc. omnia impedire, the possibility of obstruction. 

sperent. This emendation of Orelli s is adopted by most 
editors. The mss. superet is explained by Ernesti as an 
artificial expression for is easy for. He reads Caesari, qui 
. . . curet. Kahnt s certain conjecture, Caesar iiquc qui, has 
been adopted in the text. 



LETTER XXXII. (ATT. v. 20) 

1. Saturnalibus. The Saturnalia were at this time cele 
brated Dec. 17-19 : the first day of the Saturnalia is here 
indicated ; the siege therefore began on October 21. It must 
be remembered that before the Roman Calendar was reformed 
by Caesar in 45 the number of days in the month were : in 
March, May, July, October, 31 ; in Feb. 28 ; in all the rest 29. 
Remembering this, and allowing for inclusive reckoning, we find 
that the 57th day before Dec. 17 is Oct. 21. 



218 NOTES XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 

Qui, malum 1 Who the mischief ! a phrase redolent of 
the comic stage. 

Quid faciam ? What am I to do ? (is it my fault that yo i 
never heard of Pindenissus before ?) Could I have transformed 
Cilicia into an Aetolia or Macedonia ? (Could I have mad ) 
Cilicia as familiar to you as Aetolia and Macedonia ?) Cf. omnci 
Catilinas Acidinos postea reddidit, Att. iv. 3, 3, He made every 
Catiline seem henceforth an Acidinus, that is, as respectabL; 
as Acidinus, see Leg. Agr. ii. 64. 

hoc exercitu, with such an army : abl. of attendant 
circumstances like hac infirmitatc, Att. v. 18, 1. Hie = in ho> 1 
loco, in such a place as this. Such ablatives are modal, noi 
absolute, with ellipse of the deficient participle of csse. Gooc 
exx. are hac iuventute = cum talis sit iuventus, Att. x. 11, 3 
praesertim hoc gencro=cum talis sit gener meus, Att. xi. 14, 2 ; 
tirone ct collecticio cxercitu, with an army of raw recruits, 
Fam. vii. 3, 2 ; cuius dubia for tuna, considering the insecurity 
of his position, Fam. xiii. 19, 2 ; omni statu omnique populo, 
whatever may be my position or the popular feeling, Att. 
xi. 24, 1. 

fj, tout court. 



t que erant t No satisfactory emendation of these words 
has been proposed. 

revellimus, took the sting out of : the metaphor is from 
plucking out a thorn. He means that his unexpected affability 
made them forget their wrongs. The quadriennium refers to 
the rule of Appius and his predecessor. 

3. in aquarum divortio, by its watershed ; lit. at the 
point where its streams run different ways : see Fam. ii. 10, 
2, where he says that Mount Amanus belongs partly to the 
province of Bibulus and partly to his own, divisus aquarum 
diwrtiis, where perhaps we should read divisus in aquarum 
divortiis, or divisis aquarum divortiis. 

Scis . . . iroXep-ov, You know there are such words as 
panic and war s uncertainties. If this reading is right, and 
is to be punctuated as in the text, the only meaning is that 
Cicero accounts for his leaving Amanus by the fear that his 
men might take alarm, or that the tide of his success might 
turn. But it seems unnatural that he should assign such a 
reason, or indeed any reason, for leaving Mount Amanus, 
where he had no further business. Sch. would transpose the 
words to follow cum graves de Parthis nuntii venirent above, 



NOTES XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 219 

2. It would be a less bold step to transpose them to stand 
after the almost immediately subsequent words, animus accessit 
. . . iniectus est. Some edd., supposing some such word as 
Interim to have fallen out after discessimus, would read Interim 
scis cnim . . . TroX^tou rumore, etc. Then the words Scis 
. . . 7roX<^uou account for the confidence of Cassius and the 
discouragement of the Parthians. KOIVO. would seem a more 
natural word than icevd. The allusion would be to Homer s 
(II. xviii. 309) wds EvvdXios, Kal re KTavtovra Kar^Kra. [The 
fault seems to me to lie in the enim ; but for that the words 
might well be taken with what comes after. Enim may be an 
error for autem. The two words are very frequently confused. 
Cf. Att. viii. 3, 6, Boot, and the reference to Wunder. Keva 
carries on the idea of iraviKa better. If a Roman defeat had 
followed, KOIVO, would be more in place.] 

4. appell. hac inani, the title of Impcrator. 

loreolam in must. The mustaceum was the Roman 
wedding-cake. It was made on bay leaves. Hence to look 
for a bay leaf in a wedding-cake is to look for a thing where it 
is very easily found. When Appius had plucked his laurel 
from the Amanus it would be very little credit to him. But 
we find that he failed to pluck it. 

nobilem sui generis. This is always understood to mean, 
as Boot explains it, non illustri loco natum sed qui sua virtute 
inclaruit. But is nobilem sui generis possible Latin for not 
of noble birth, but ennobled by his own qualities ? The words 
might mean noble in his own class of centurions, that is, a 
noble fellow, one of nature s noblemen, though of course not 
noble in the technical sense, or a man of distinction in his 
own rank of life. But why should Cicero state this fact here 
amid his sneers at Bibulus ? On the other hand, there is no 
reason why an ancestor of Asinius Dento should not have held 
a curule office no reason, therefore, why Asinius should not be 
nobilis. The position of a centurio primi pili was a distinguished 
one. Is it not quite possible that Cicero here falls a victim to 
his besetting sin of punning on names ? Asinium lends itself 
to an obvious play on the word asinus. He lost, says Cicero, 
a noble of his own kidney, like himself if you can judge by his 
name, in Asinius Dento. It will be remembered that Cicero 
applies the word asinum to himself in Att. iv. 5, 3. My 
rendering involves the more normal use of sui, though of 
course sui might refer to Dento. It is hardly too much to 
say that Cicero cannot resist a pun on a name. [May not the 



220 NOTES XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 

words mean famous in his own rank, i.e. among the class of 
men who follow the military career ? For the gen. after nobiiis 
cf. Sull. 29, omnes boni omnium generum ; and for sui N. D. i. 
77, sui generis bclua.] 

plagam odiosam, a galling, mortifying reverse. 

5. Nos ad Pindenissum. Some such words as adduximvs 
exercitum must be understood ; they are supplied in Fam. x^. 
4, 10. 

omnium memoria. The phrase found in Cicero is either 
077i?ii mem. or hominum mem. But there seems no reason 
against omnium mem. found in Sull. 82. The whole sentence 
is a careless one, the town in Eleutherocilicia best fortifiel 
for war of which history bears record in these parts : cf. iisden 
in armis fui, Lig. 9 ; cst tua toga omnium armis felicior, Fair. 
xii. 13, 1 ; Fam. xv. 4, 10. [There is a difference betwee i 
omni mem. and omnium mem. ; the former is within memor; r 
however far back ; the latter within memory of all the peopl ) 
there. ] 

incolumi exercitu, without any disaster, though many 
were wounded. It is bad criticism to insert non here : cl . 
Fam. xv. 4, 10. 

Hilara . . . concessimus, We had a pleasant Saturnalia. 
which the troops enjoyed as well, for I gave them all the boot} 
except the prisoners. 

Sat. tertiis. The third day of the Sat., Dec. 19. 

res, the sum realised, viz. by the sale of the captives. 
[The stop, I think, should be placed at tribunali, not at scribcbam. 
The slaves were sold at the tribunal. Pint, describes Sulla as 
selling his booty tirl /3?7/uiTos Ko.de 6/j.evos (c. 33).] 

dabam, I am making over the army to Q. to take into 
winter quarters in the more disturbed part of the province, 
while I am returning myself to Laodicea. As in English, so in 
Lat., the present (which is here represented by the epistolary 
imperfect) has sometimes, as here, the force of a future : see on 
Att. v. 12, 2, Ep. xxix. 



6. Ligurino K-tVty my Ligurian moqueur. It is most 
probable that he thus describes P. Aelius Ligur, who took a 
bitter part against him at the time of his exile, and of whom 
he often speaks very severely, e.g. Ligur iste additamentum 
inimicorum mcorum, Sest. 68 ; illc novitius Ligur, Pro Dom. 
47 ; quisquilias scditionis Clodianac, Sest. 74. This Ligur had 



NOTES XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 221 

no doubt essayed sarcasm without much skill, hence Cicero, 
with a play on his name, calls him Ligurinus : he describes the 
Ligures as montani duri atque agrestcs, De Leg. Agr. ii. 95. 
He alludes slightingly to them in a similar passage, Cluent. 
72. Momus was not the god of laughter and fun, as with us, 
but presided over carping criticism and taunts (see Hes. Th. 
214 ; Plat. Rep. 487). So Cicero means, I will not leave room 
for objection even from the most carping critic. Hortensius 
has been supposed to be here alluded to, but without reason. 
There is, however, much to dispose one to believe the reference 
to be to Cato. We should then suppose that this Ligur called 
Cato MUJ/AOS, the god of carping criticism, and that Cato is 
here referred to as Ligur s Momus. It is to Cato that Cicero 
constantly refers as the universal moral referee, e.g. Att. vi. 1, 
7, 13 ; vi. 2, 8, etc. 

moriar, si ... elegantius, as I live the punctiliousness 
of my rectitude could not be surpassed. We have had ita 
vivam ut . . . facio, Att. v. 15, 2, Ep. xxx. ; lie vivam si con 
cede, Fam. vii. 23, 4, Ep. xvi. 

continentiam. Contincntia, ^y/cpdreia, implies a conquest 
achieved over a desire, and is therefore OVK &vev Xtirrjs ; but 
Cicero feels the greatest pleasure in his self-restraint, so he 
finds the word inapplicable. Aristotle (Nic. Eth. ii. 3, 1) 
makes this very pleasure in the act the test of the existence of 
the moral quality. Abstinentia would not necessarily imply a 
desire overcome. The opp. to continentia is libido. The word 
he prefers to apply to his own case instead of continentia is 
integritas, which of course implies no struggle with a counter- 
desire. Elegantia and integritas are coupled together in Att. vi. 
2,8. 

Puit tanti, For this feeling of satisfaction it was worth 
while (to undergo the tedium of provincial life). 

noram . . . sciebam. A good example of the different use 
of these two verbs. 



e^ete with myself. 7re0Dcruo/u is fr. <f>v<riovadat, 
to be pulled up. The word is found in 1 Cor. iv. 6. 

haec XafjLirpd, this is a score for me, or meantime I have 
made a coup in this. Greek terms may often (but by no means 
always) be rendered by analogous French expressions or by slang 
phrases. [Haec Xa/jLirpa refers to what comes after. These 
are my successes. ] 

Ev irapo&p, In my progress through my province. So 



222 NOTES XXXII. (ATT. V. 20) 

again in Att. v. 21, 2, I believe that iv 7rap65y should stand f )r 
transitam, which arose from in transitu, a gloss on iv 



quod . . . praebui, by refusing to receive not only the ir 
bribes but their visits. 

pflum, the value of a hair : cf. ne pilo quidem minus vie 
amabo, Q. Fr. ii. 15 (16), 5 ; ne ullum pilum viri boni habe- e 
d-icatur, Rose. Com. 20. Supply some such word as dbstuli or 
sustuli. 

abiectum . . . excitavi. Cicero encouraged Brutin, 
\vho was cast down at the prospect of losing the money 1 e 
had lent to Ariobarzanes. 

quam tu, sc. amas ; quam te, sc. amo, whom I love t s 
much as you do, I had almost said, as much as I do you. 

7. Nunc . . . parabam. For the conjunction of the 
epistolary imperfect with an adverb denoting present, time, c; . 
cogitabat . . . nunc, Att. v. 16, 4 ; erat . . . etiam nunc, Att. 
xvi. 3, 6 ; nunc Romae crat, Q. Fr. iii. 1, 4. 

Uberiores erunt, richer in detail. 

est totum, the result of the first of March is everything. 
On that day the new consuls were to bring before the senat 3 
the subject of the provinces. If Caesar refused to give up hi j 
province, Cicero feared that the senate would not let Pompeiu * 
leave Rome. Cicero hoped that Pompeius would be sent out to 
finish the Parthian war when his own year of office should 
expire. 

8. a.d. xv. Kal. Ian. denique, only on the 17th of Dec. 
Denique goes with the date as with adverbs of time, nunc, tun , 
denique. 

Nam, Unsafe, for I did not receive the letters sent by thr 
same route by the hands of Laenius s messengers. 

decrevit. To consider the question of sending a successoi 
to Caesar. 

salvi sumus, my case is won, that is, I shall be safe from 
a prorogation of my term of provincial government. For this 
use of the present to indicate the certain future see on Jiabemus 
consules, Att. v. 12, 2, Ep. xxix. 

Incendio, metaphorically used ; Plaetorius was condemned 
for extortion ; Seius, who shared the plunder, was tried on the 
charge quo ea pecunia pervencrit, and was compelled to pay part 



NOTES XXXIII. (FAM. VII. 32) 223 

of the fine. [Does not ambustus generally imply that a man 
has escaped on trial by the skin of his teeth ?] 

Q. Cassio, brother of C. Cassius, and a friend of Atticus. 

9. non modo negotii. See Plane. 66, where this sentiment 
is quoted from the Origines of Cato. 

in offlcio eat, N". is working well for me. 

meus Alexis, Tiro, who is my Alexis, who stands to me 
as A. to you : cf. Alixen imaginem Tironis, Att. xii. 10 ; ef. 
also Att. iv. 8a, 1, where a topographical relation is strangely 
expressed. Cicero asks why does not Alexis write to him as 
Tiro does to Atticus. 

Phemio. A musical slave of Atticus, named from Horn. 
Od. i. 154. That Atticus was in the habit of purchasing 
musical slaves is clear from Att. iv. 16, 7 (13). /cfyas is a horn 
for blowing. 



LETTER XXXIII. (FAM. vii. 32) 

Volumnius was a wealthy Roman knight, best known by his 
agnomen Eutrapelus, and as patron and lover of his freed- 
woman, the actress Cytheris. Cicero in Ep. liv. gives an 
account of a dinner-party where he met Volumnius and 
Cytheris. Volumnius was influential with Antonius, whose 
praefedus fabrum he was (Nep. Att. 12). Accordingly we find 
Cicero sometimes on friendly terms with him, as here, and 
asking his good offices (Att. xv. 8, 1), sometimes speaking of 
him with contempt (Phil. xiii. 3). Volumnius was saved by 
Atticus when the partisans of Antonius were in danger (Nep. 
I.e.), and in turn was able to do the like service for Atticus 
(ibid. 10). 

1. sine praenomine familiariter. There being no postal 
arrangements whatever in the time of Cicero, it was necessary 
either to employ private messengers, or to avail oneself of the 
services of the tabellarii of the publicani, who were constantly 
travelling between Rome and the provinces. 

The outside address was brief. In Att. viii. 5, 2, Cicero 
speaks of a packet with the superscription M\ Curio, and in a 
fresco at Pompeii there is a letter directed M. Lucretio. 

The letter began with simple greeting, M. Cicero s. d. (salutem 
dicit} M. Caelio, or s. p. d. = salutem phirimam dicit, and it 
seems that in a very frequent or familiar correspondence even 



224 NOTES XXXIII. (FAM. VII. 32) 

this form was dispensed with. Cicero Attico Sal., as a heading 
to each letter to Atticus, is probably not genuine, for Ckero 
never uses the name Attice in the body of a letter until we 
come to the year B.C. 50 (Att. vi. 1, 20). Mi Pomponi is ;he 
nearly invariable form of address, even after the year i.e. 
65, before which he must have received his surname Atticus ; 
therefore it is not probable that this surname was used all ale ng 
by Cicero in the headings of his letters and nowhere else. 

It has been observed that Cicero very rarely introduces ihe 
names of his correspondents into his letters. In the wh )le 
of the sixteen books to Atticus, containing 397 letters, he apo 
strophises his friend by name only twenty-two times. Such 
apostrophes are very much more frequent in the Brutine c< >r- 
respondence ; there are twenty-three in the first book of eighte 3n 
letters. This is one of the arguments against the authenticity 
of the Brutine correspondence. 

Cicero occasionally calls Atticus mi Attice (vi. 1, 20 ; xiv. 
12, 1) ; sometimes, but very rarely, mi Tite (ix. 6, 5) and i li 
T. Pomponi (iv. 2, 5). In dedicating the De Senectute to hi n 
he writes TITE ; but in this passage he is quoting fro n 
Ennius. Cicero addresses Trebatius as mi Trebati, mi Test-t, 
Testa, mi, and in one place as mi vetule (Fam. vii. 16, 1). 1 e 
calls him C. Trebati in Top. i. 1, as he is dedicating his woik 
to Trebatius ; but to address his friend thus in a letter won] 1 
be stiff and formal. The omission of the praenomen was a mark 
of close intimacy in the time of Cicero, as is distinctly proved i i 
this letter by the words quod sine praenomine familiar Her, i 1 
debcbas, ad me epistolam misisti, primum addubitavi num T, 
Volumnio senatore esset, quocum mihi est magnus usus. Com 
pare also Fam. xvi. 18, 1, where Cicero addresses a letter t) 
Tiro with the greeting Tullius Tironi Sal., and Tiro seems t) 
have taken exception to the form as unsuited to their respectiv ; 
positions. Words which indicated close familiarity were scarcely 
suitable between Cicero and a manumitted slave. Cicero iu 
reply suggests even a more familiar form of address Quit 
etiam ? non sic oportet ? equidem ceiiseo sic : addendum etia/n 
Suo ? But he adds, sed si placet invidia vitctur. The omissioi 
of the praenomen would have provoked unfavourable comment. 
This is probably the real interpretation of Hor. Sat. ii. 5, 32 : 
Quintc, puta, aut Publi, gaudent praenomine molles Auriculae. 
Punctilious Romans wished to be addressed with distant and 
formal respect. The places which Orelli cites in support of his 
view, which is the contradictory of mine (as he holds, without 
evidence, that the use of the praenomen was a mark of intimacy), 
are not relevant. The passage from the De Pet. Cons, has no 



NOTES XXXIII. (FAM. VII. 32) 225 

reference to the praenomen as distinguished from the nomen or 
cognomen; and that quoted from Fam. i. 9, 19 is utterly 
irrelevant, for Cicero does not even hint that it was by calling 
Clodius Publius that the senators sought to flatter him ; the 
point of the passage is wholly and solely that Clodius and 
Vatinius both had the praenomen Publius. Again, it seems to 
be very far-fetched to explain the Horatian passage by sup 
posing that the poet is thinking especially of the freedman 
Dama, who would be proud of the praenomen which he received 
on his manumission. The context appears hardly to warrant this 
supposition. Now my explanation is very simple, and is quite 
in keeping with the passages in Cicero. [It seems probable 
that the address by one name only was the familiar style. In 
choosing one of these for the outside of a letter it was, of course, 
necessary to choose the nomen.] 



graceful raillery. Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 12, 16, 
defines it as 7re7rcu5ei^j>?7 tf/Spis, esprit railleur ct malin. St. 
Paul warns the Ephesians against it (v. 14), where the E. V. 
translates the word jesting. 

salinarum, my Attic salt mines, jestingly for my stores of 
sales, Attic salt, witticisms, bons mots. 

Sestiana. P. Sestius, whom Cicero defended, though a 
man of eminent respectability and varied virtues (Sest. 6), did 
not possess much grace of style or liveliness of wit. The severe 
cold which Catullus caught from the speech read by Sestius at 
a dinner-party, in consequence of which Catullus had to go to 
the country for change of air, forms a melancholy page of 
history (Catull. 44). Pompeius on another occasion (Att. vii. 
17, 2) had to address a public letter to L. Caesar, and got 
Sestius to write it a proceeding on which Cicero is very severe, 
for whereas Pompeius had an admirable style, Sestius on this 
occasion out-Sestiused himself (nihil unquam legi scriptum 



2. faex, c scum. 

o.Kv0T]poVj lit. without charm (like dra</)65iTos), fade, 
banale. 

venustum, charming. 

pug-na . . . mea non esse, insist, an you love me, unless 
a smart double entendre, a tasteful hyperbole, a good pun, a 
jocular irapa TrpoffdoKlav, unless everything else is sccundum 
artem, and pointed according to the rules discussed by me in 
the second book De Oratore, under the character of Antonius 



226 NOTES XXXIII. (FAM. VII. 32) 

on the subject of jokes, maintain, even unto the laying of monoy 
thereon, that they are not mine. irapdypawa, usually called 
paronomasia, is exemplified in Ter. Andr. i. 3, 13, inceptio tst 
amentium hand amantium. The section on jokes in De Orato -e 
ii. is really handled by Caesar (C. Julius Caesar Strabo Vopiscus). 
It is a mere /j.vrjfJioviK6v d/udpr^a on Cicero s part to ascribe t 
to Antonius. 

ut sacramento contendas. The translation given above 
perhaps goes near hitting the spirit of the passage, lit. insist 
so that you are willing to go to law. The actio sacramenti was 
the most ancient of the actions at law. After some formalities, 
each party challenged his adversary to deposit a certain sum , 
which the loser of the cause was to forfeit to the Treasury of 
the people, to be applied to the expenses of the sacrifices 
(Sandars s Justinian, p. Ixiv.) This stake w r as called sacra 
mention. [Still in use in Cic. s time in the centumviral court. 
An owner of an estate might proceed as owner dominus, or af 
possessor ; in the former case he would go to the centumvirs, in 
the latter to the praetor, for an interdict. Cic. alludes here to 
both courses.] 

Trahantur per me pedibus omnes rei. Cf. Att. iv. 18, 
2, for all I care litigants may go to perdition (as they will do 
in consequence of the dreadful decadence of legal oratory you 
tell me of). I care not a jot about that. It is in brilliancy 
in conversation that I am really interested to maintain our 
supremacy. Do get an interdict. You are the only rival I fear ; 
the rest I despise. Think you I am laughing at you ? Well 
now I fancy you are not far wrong. The whole passage applies 
graceful raillery to the graceful railler, for what he seems 
to think the be-all and the end-all for which a man should 
strive is to be urbanus. For urbanitas, a witty and cultivated 
style of conversation, see Quintilian, vi. 3, 102-112. The 
definition of the urbanus given there is ( 105) cunts multa benc- 
dicta rcsponsaque erunt, et qui in sermonibus circulis conviviis, 
item in concionibus, omni dcnique loco ridicule commodeque dicet. 

amabo, I pry thee, a word belonging to the language of 
conversation. 

interdictis, an order of the praetor having reference to a 
special case, though there was always an under-idea of public 
interest in the grant, of protecting the public peace, or tho like. 
Interdicts were chiefly used in cases of possession or quasi- 
possession, and mostly were prohibitory (Justinian, Instit. iv. 
15). 



NOTES XXXIV. (FAM. IX. 25) 227 

3. Ilia. There must be some word or words lost here. possibly 
referring to indiscreet actions or expressions on Curio s part ; or 
the lost word may apply to the position in the epistle of the 
expression in question, e.g. ilia extrema, or the like. 

ei cupio. Cf. Plancus in Fam. x. 4, 4. [A variation on eius 
causa cupio. ] 

non videor minium laborare, I do not think I am too 
anxious. 



LETTER XXXIV. (FAM. ix. 25) 

1. Cineae. Both Pyrrhus and his minister Cineas wrote 
treatises on military service (Aelian Tact. 1). 

hoc amplius, more than this, I am thinking of having 
some ships. 

ullam armaturam. This is a joke. Running away by sea 
is the best means of fighting the Parthian horsemen. 

IlcuSttav Kvpov. Of the Cyropaedia Cicero says, Q. Fr. i. 1, 
23, Cyrus ille a Xcnophonte non ad historiae fidcm scriptus scd 
ad effigiem iusti imperil. This ideal government Cicero, who 
had read and re-read it, has now exemplified in practice (cxpli- 
cavi). For cxplicare in this sense cf. Do Orat. iii. 103, nam ipsa 
ad ornandum praecepta quae dantur ciusmodi sunt ut ca quamvis 
vitiosissimus orator cxplicare possit. 

contriveram, had well thumbed. 

2. ades ad imperandum, attend to orders : cf. Sail. 
Jug. 62, 8, cum, ipse ad imperandum Tisidium vocarelur, 
attend to orders, i.e. to your commander giving you orders 
an old military expression. It is best not to take imperandum 
passively : see Kritz on Sail. I.e., and Roby, ii. prcf. Ixiii.-lxvii. 

3. percussus est, he got a severe blow by a shocking 
letter. 

proscriptum ease, was advertised for sale : cf. Off. iii. 66. 
eo progressum esse, has taken this hasty step. 

Auctoritate . . . gratia, "We want you to command, to 
advise, to even ask it as a favour. 

iudiciis turpibus conflictari, to be brought to ruin by a 
disgraceful lawsuit ; disgraceful, as between brothers. 



228 NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 

Pollionem, probably Asinius Pollio. 

tarn perscribere. Tarn . . . quam are correlative: literally 
the words mean, I cannot write with an emphasis as strong as 
will be my obligation. 



LETTER XXXV. (Air. vi. 1, 17-26) 

17. J&jrrpa/YH L< * TWV > what a tangle of topics ! 

nihil habuit aliud. I have given this passage as it stands 
in M., only transposing GENS, and Cos. The words per te can 
hardly be right, as it does not seem probable that Atticus would 
have set up a statue of a person in no way connected with him. 
It is possible, as Boot urges, that Atticus, who took on him the 
arranging of the statues in Pompey s theatre, might have erected 
a statue of Scipio Nasica on the Capitol ; but it is far more 
likely that this should have been the work of a descendant of 
Scipio. I have therefore accepted the conjecture of Jordan 
(Eph. Epigr. iii. 65), who proposes to read here ad Opis Opiferae 
(sc. acdem] at the temple of Dps Opifera. The more important 
point involved in the transposition of CENS. and Cos. must be 
defended at some length. 

We have it on the authority of Macrobius, Saturn. 2, 4, that 
in the De Rep. Cicero makes Laelius regret that there was no 
public statue of Scipio Nasica Serapion, the slayer of Tib. 
Gracchus. Now Q. Caecilius Metellus Scipio, the great-grandson 
of Serapion, had placed in the Capitol, near the Temple of 
Ops, a statue of his great-grandfather, as he supposed ; and 
accordingly he drew Atticus s attention to what he regarded as 
an error made by Cicero. But, argues Cicero, it was Metellus 
Scipio himself who made the mistake, for the statue which he 
had placed in the Capitol, supposing it to be a statue of his 
great-grandfather Serapion, was really a statue of another 
person, which he might have known, had he remembered that 
Serapion had never been a Censor. 

So far all is plain ; but it is evident that for the argument it 
is essential that Cicero should go on to prove that the statue 
erroneously supposed by Scipio Metellus to be the statue of his 
ancestor was really the statue of a man who had been a Censor. 
Now, according to M. , which gives CENS. first and Cos. after, 
Cicero does indeed go on to state that the statue placed in the 
Capitol by Scipio Metellus was the statue of one who had been 
a Censor, for it bore the inscription CENS. ; but why does he 



NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 229 

say this statue had no other inscription but CENS., and why 
does he introduce at all the mention of the other statue near 
the Hercules of Polycles ? The solution of the difficulty is, in 
my mind, this CENS. and Cos. should change places. This 
transposition I have accordingly made in the text. The 
copyist of M. saw that the argument required that the statue 
supposed by Scipio Metellus to be that of his ancestor should 
be shown to be that of one who had been a Censor, and so was 
in a hurry to introduce CENS., not much troubling himself 
about the logical analysis of the whole sentence. Copyists do 
not, as a rule, go beyond the first step in any process of thought. 
Now if Cos. be put in the first place, and CENS. after, the whole 
argument may be thus paraphrased : Is it possible that Scipio 
Metellus is not aware that his great-grandfather was never 
Censor ? It is true, indeed, that the statue placed by him near 
the temple of Ops, and supposed by him to be the statue of his 
ancestor, had no inscription on it but Cos., showing that it was 
the statue of a person who had been Consul. [This indeed 
would not have shown the statue not to have been the statue 
of Serapion, who was Consul.] But another statue standing 
near the Hercules of Polycles had the inscription CENS. ; and it 
can be proved that it commemorates the same person as the 
statue placed by Metellus near the temple of Ops. That the 
two statues are statues of the same man is proved by the pose, 
the dress, the ring, in fine, the whole work. 

Both are statues of the same man ; therefore, as the statue 
near Polycles s Hercules had the inscription CENS., the man 
commemorated by the two statues must have been a Censor ; 
but Scipio Nasica Serapion had never been a Censor ; 
therefore Scipio Metellus has made a mistake about his own 
great-grandfather, and the remark put by Cicero into the mouth 
of Laelius has not been shown to be incorrect. 

Both are, in Cicero s opinion, statues of Scipio Africanus 
Minor, who was not only consul, but censor with Mummius in 
142 (see Att. xvi. 13c, 2, videor mihi audisse P. Africano L. 
Mummio censoribus). 

Cicero then goes on to say that when he saw the statue of 
Africanus with the name of Serapion written under it, he 
thought it was a mist ike on the part of the sculptor, but he 
now sees it was Metell ,;s Scipio who made the error. 

Orelli was not aware that X and Y are figments of Bosius. 
He is not therefore conscious that in introducing the readings 
of X and Y Cos. in both places, and item for autem he has 
foisted on Cicero the (in this case, stupid) conjecture of the 
generally clever but never very scrupulous Frenchman. 



230 NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 

Boot, in his first edition, read GENS, in both places, and 
gave item for autcm. This is (1) a greater change than that 
which I propose ; (2) it renders otiose the statement that the 
first-mentioned statue had inscribed on it nothing else but CENS. ; 
(3) the establishing of the identity of the person commemorate 1 
by the two statues, a point much dwelt on by Cicero, is in this 
case superfluous ; for if the statue placed in the Capitol by 
Metellus Scipio had the inscription CENS., the proof was already 
complete that it could not be a statue of Serapion, who neve: 
was Censor. Boot now (ed. 2) reads Cos. in both places. Bu : 
if we read Cos. in both places, it is evident that the whole, 
logical nexus of the passage disappears. [Are not three statues 
mentioned ? (a) one Ad Opis with an old inscription, of whicr 
only CENS. was legible ; (b) one Ad HO\VK\. Herculem, whict 
was undoubtedly a statue of Africanus, and is mentioned in ordei 
to identify the person for whom (a) was intended ; this statue 
probably had a long inscription on it, and Cic. only mentions 
Cos. because it was set up when Africanus was consul ; then 
(c) an equestrian statue, copied from (a), but with a fresh in 
scription setting forth that it was Serapio. The turma eques- 
trium statuarum must have been copies and adaptations. The 
practice of setting up new statues to heroes of bygone times, 
and especially equestrian statues, is often mentioned. 

It is curious that the anulus should be used as a mark of 
identification. I suppose it was not the common gold ring, but 
a signet ring. For turma equestrium statuarum cf. the interest 
ing passage in Velleius, i. c. 11 ; and the jest of the elder Scipio 
in De Orat. ii. 262. The phrase statuae equestres inauratae 
occurs elsewhere in Cic. 

This supposition makes per te easier.] 

in Serapionis subscriptione, with the name of Serapion 
under it. 

18. illud de Flavio. In 8 of this letter Cicero refers to a 
mistaken criticism of Att., who supposed that Cicero in his 
De Rep. implies that Cn. Flavius, who first published the 
fasti, lived before the decemvirs. 

belle T|iropT](ras, that was a nice point you raised against 



TOV TTJS dpx&fas, sc. 

iacet, is Theophra 
a forensic term, as in 

19. HS XXDC. We gather from various covert allusions 



iacet, is Theophrastus therefore put out of court ? Iacet 
is a forensic term, as in iacent suis testibus, Mil. 47. 



NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 231 

to this transaction in Att. vi. 4, 3 ; 5, 2 ; 7, 1 that 
Philotimus, the steward of Terentia, had dealt in a question 
able way with a sum of money arising out of the sale of the 
goods of Milo. 

20. mi Attice. This is the first time that Cicero addresses 
his friend as Attice; therefore the heading Cicero Attico Sal., 
usually prefixed to the letters to Atticus throughout, is cer 
tainly not genuine. 

rt Xoiirdv ; what have I still to tell you ? This phrase 
would imply that what followed was not veiy important ; yet 
Atticus beseeches him to look after his staff, and watch what 
goes on. Hence Cicero asks, Have you heard a whisper about 
any of them? adding, Yet it cannot be so ; pas de tout; it 
could not have escaped my notice, and will not. But your 
earnest admonition perplexed me somewhat. For quid de 
quo compare quid ne quo, my conjecture, in Att. iv. 17, 1, Corr. 
of Cic. cxlix. Inaudirc is properly to overhear, and so often 
indicates eavesdropping : see on Plant. Mil. Glor. ii. 2, 57 (212). 
Etsi is often used like dXXd yap, and refers to a sentence 
understood. 

21. De M. Octavio. See Att. v. 21, 5. Caelius had re 
quested Cic. to try to get some panthers for him from Cibyra 
for the purposes of the aedilic show to which Caelius was about 
to treat the populace of Rome. Octavius, his colleague, had 
asked Atticus whether he thought Cic. could procure some 
panthers for him too. Att. had answered that he thought not, 
and Cic. thanks him (Att. v. 21, 5) for giving this reply. 
Caelius seems to have been somewhat offended because Cic. did 
not like to order a general panther hunt in his province, so that 
Caelius might put himself in the running for the consulship, on 
gaining which he would again look to the provinces to reim 
burse himself for the expenses of his candidature. Cic. (Fam. 
ii. 11, 2) writes to Caelius : I am doing my best through the 
public shikarees, but tigers are very scarce. Indeed, he adds 
jestingly, those that are to the fore think it very hard that 
they should be the only creatures oppressed under my rule, and 
have resolved to leave my province and emigrate to Caria. 

et a civitatibus. The reading in the text may possibly be 
right, though the correction of a to de before civitatibus would 
make the passage easier. But it would be hard to account for 
the corruption. If a civitatibus is what Cicero wrote, the 
meaning is, I received a carefully written letter from Caelius, 
asking to be supplied with panthers for his show, and enclosing 



232 NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 

copies of letters from the different civitates in Cilicia offering 
contributions. The first alterum refers to the latter point ( is 
often : see Fam. vii. 26, 1 ; i. 7, 1), with which Cicero deals, 
by expressing his regret that the fame of the purity )f 
his administration had not found its way to Rome ; warnir g 
Caelius that he could not allow, nor Caelius accept, any sub 
scription of money from the province ; and impressing on 
Caelius the greater necessity for circumspection in his case, i s 
he (Caelius) had signalised himself by the severity with whic i 
he had prosecuted provincial malfeasance. Then he turns 1 3 
the first point, and says it would not be respectable to have i 
public panther-hunt in his province. Boot has clearly shown 
that the reference cannot be to Fam. viii. 9, as Man. supposed. 
The offer made by the province to Caelius was a money vot; 
for his games, such as we read of in Q. Fr. i. 1, 26. [? Ad civi 
tates ; ad and a are often confused. The abl. would follow the 
change to a. Caelius sends Cicero a letter about the panthers, 
and encloses letters for him to send on to the civitatcs.~\ 

22. Lepta. Cicero spraefectusfabrum: see Att. v. 17, 2. 

iam pridem. I agree with Boot, who brackets these 
words. Cicero distinctly says above, Att. v. 19, 2, that he 
had never seen her : he now writes, Your daughter s polite 
ness in sending her love to me was the greater because she was 
sending it to one whom she had never seen. 

Litt. datarum dies, The date of your letter pleasantly 
reminded me of the celebrated oath I took (for which see 
Fam. v. 2, 7). Pridie Kal. lanuar. is in apposition with dies ; 
it would have been more normal if he had written qui fuit, as 
in Att. iv. 1, 5, postridie in senatu qui fuit dies Nonarum 
Septembrium. We have a parallel to the construction used in 
this passage in Fam. xvi. 3, 1, is dies fuit Nonae. The Latin 
reads, however, as if something more than a mere date was re 
ferred to ; perhaps Att. had used some half-humorous historical 
era, as Cic. did when he dated his letter (Att. v. 13) c on the 
560th day after the battle of Bovillae, that being the name 
which he gives to the fray in which Clodius lost his life. 

Magnus praetextatus. A Pompeius in a toga practexta. 
Pompeius would be Magnus paludatus. My friend and col 
league, Rev. T. T. Gray, acutely suggests that in the well- 
known passage stat magni nominis umbra we should write 
Magni. Pompeius is called Magnus in the letters, very fre 
quently, and elsewhere, e.g. in Catull. Iv. 6, in Magni simul 
ambulatione ; Mart. xi. 5, 11, cum Ccwsare Magnus amabit ; so 
all through Lucan. 



NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 233 

23. dvavTi<J>wv7iTov, unanswered. 

Bene mehercule potuit. It is quite useless to put for 
ward any of the theories formed as to the meaning of this 
passage. We may, however, arrive at a negative result, that it 
is idle to supply vendere after potuit, or se ibi obledare after 
solet enim cum suo tibicine. 

at8<r0v. These are the words applied to the chieftains of 
the Greeks on hearing the challenge of Hector to single combat, 
II. vii. 93. The words do not seem very applicable to the pre 
sent context as it is usually understood, which seems to imply 
that these embarrassed Roman nobles were ashamed (why ?) to 
refuse the aid of Caesar, and were afraid to accept it, lest it 
should compromise them in the approaching struggle. Perhaps 
they were ashamed to display that distrust of Caesar s offer 
which might be inferred from a refusal. Cicero s quotations 
from the poets often have only a very slight relevancy to the 
topic illustrated. In fact it is quite a modern law that a quota 
tion should exactly suit the thing to which it is applied should 
go on all fours, as the saying is. The loose applicability of 
the quotations of Greek writers, especially Aristotle, from 
Homer has often been noticed. Perhaps, however, the commen 
tators have been hasty in postulating an allusion to Caesar in 
this passage. The verse might have been quoted by Cicero with 
the meaning, They are ashamed to repudiate (their debts), and 
are afraid to face them (take them on their shoulders). 

restituendo. Memmius was still at Athens, whither lie 
had retired on being exiled in 52. 

24. sunt collata, have been assigned in a body to the 
month of March to be then definitely arranged. 

25. suos nummos. Pompeius must have lent Caesar a 
large sum of money, so that he might look on Caesar s money 
as his own. The following words present some difficulty. As 
they stand, we must suppose that Pompeius was opposed to the 
great expenditure which Caesar was making on the building of 
a house near the sacred grove of Diana, called Nemus, in the 
neighbourhood of Alicia. Suet., Jul. 46, tells us that when 
this villa had been completed at great expense, Caesar had it 
pulled down because it did not altogether suit his taste (quia 
non tota ad animum ei respondcrat). The sentence would then 
mean, Pompeius thinks you money-lenders (in " wringing the 
50 talents out of Caesar ") have got into your clutches 
(gobbled up, comedisse] a large sum of money which was in 
effect his, and that it will not have the good effect of cooling 



234 NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 

Caesar s mania for building in fact he will be all the more 
eager to carry his projects out. A good sense would thus 
emerge, but the expression is not satisfactory ; we shoi Id 
rather have expected some such words as Caesarem tamen in 
Nemore aedificando nihilo indiligentiorem fore. So unsatis 
factory is the expression that I am strongly disposed to accept 
Boot s suggestion, and read nee Caesarem . . . diligentiortm 
fore. The word diligens would then bear the meaning econo 
mical, not uncommon in Cicero, and the train of thoug~.it 
would run thus : If the parting with this large sum made 
Caesar more economical in his building projects, then Pompeins 
would be satisfied ; but he feared that it would not have that 
effect. The theory adopted by Boot, and most commentators, 
that Pompeius, as son-in-law, looked on Caesar s money as bein g 
virtually his own, seems improbable, especially as Julia ha I 
been some years dead. 

Curio legem. The lex viaria of Curio, referred to Fair . 
viii. 6, 5, is supposed from this passage to have imposed i 
heavy tax for keeping the roads in repair on such as kept 
equipages larger than ordinary. But, as Boot remarks, Cicer > 
would then have written pro quibus instead of pro qua (sc. 
familia). It is safer to suppose that Cicero refers to a sumptu 
ary law of Curio, which levied a tax on the rich, proportione< I 
to the extent of their establishment (familia}. [Lange assumes 
a proposed lex Scribonia de itineribus, setting limits to the para 
phernalia to be taken on a journey distinct from the lex viaria. 

ad Magnum. I think Pompeium is a gloss. There is & 
similar gloss in Att. viii. 6, 3, Hoc tamen spero Magnum [nomen 
imperatoris] fore tnagnum in adventu terrorem. [The insertion 
of Pompeium seems not unnatural after the mention of the 
other Pompeius just before.] 

C. Vennonius. It was supposed that the property of 
Vindullus, who died intestate and childless, would go to his 
patron Pompeius. C. Vennonius came to take an inventory of 
the goods of the deceased, and among the rest he found some 
property of Vedius, which he had left at the house of Vindullus 
on setting out to visit Cicero. Among the belongings of Vedius, 
deposited for safe keeping with his friend the deceased Vin 
dullus, were found portrait models of some Roman ladios. 
This compromised these ladies, for Vedius was a notorious 
roue". Among the models was one of Junia, half-sister of Brutus 
and wife of Lepidus (her sister was the wife of Cassius). 
Neither Brutus nor Lepidus took any notice of the matter, 
and Brutus still kept up his intimacy with Vedius. Cicero, by 



NOTES XXXV. (ATT. VI. 1, 17-26) 235 

a most delicate use of language, in telling the tale, introduces 
a play on each name merely by using the subjunctive instead 
of the indicative : among which was a portrait of the sister 
of your friend Brutus a brute part indeed to keep up the man s 
acquaintance and wife of Lepidus gay fellow indeed to take 
the matter so coolly. I have followed Wesenberg in inserting 
uxoris, because though lunia Lepidi might well mean Junia 
the wife of Lepidus, yet it is clear that the ellipse of uxoris 
would be impossible in the present passage. Perhaps, however, 
we should rather supply a Greek term, which would account 
better for the dropping out of the word ; perhaps d\6xov illius 
lepidi. The Greek words used for wife in Att. vi. 4 are 5d/j.ap 
and wdopos ; but in the latter passage, while C. and M. give 
ffvva6pov, other mss. have d\6xov ; so that it seems far from 
improbable that Cicero here wrote d\6xov. 

Hamlet makes a play on Brutus similar to that of Cic. here : 
Polonius. I did enact Julius Caesar. I was killed in the 
Capitol ; Brutus killed me. Hamlet. It was a brute part of 
him to kill so capital a calf there (iii. 2). If the subjunctive 
were replaced by the indicative the whole play on words would 
disappear, and the meaning would be sister of Brutus who is his 
acquaintance, and wife of Lepidus, who takes the matter coolly. 

-irapi<TTOp7]<rai, to ask en passant. 

belle curiosi, we both are nice gossips. 

26. irprfirvXov. An inscription discovered in 1860 (Corp. 
Inscr. Lat. I. p. 181) no doubt refers to this very porch. It 
is thus quoted by Boot : Ap. Claudius Ap. F. Pulcher propylum 
Cereri et Proserpine cos. vovit imperator. coepit Pulcher. 
Claudww et Rex Martina fecerwnt. 

ipsas Athenas. The material city : see Att. v. 10, 5. 

falsas inscriptiones. We learn from Plut. Ant. 60 that 
there were statues of Eumenes and Attalus at Athens which 
bore the inscription of Antonius. 

mysteria, the festival of theBona Dea, as in Att. v. 21, 14 ; 
Cic. wishes to be informed on what day that festival falls. 
This reminds him of Clodius, and hence he dates his letter by 
the number of days since the fray in which he lost his life, 
which he sportively calls the battle of Leuctra, as he had already 
called it the battle of Bovillac (Att. v. 13, 1). Clodius was slain 
on Jan. 18, 52 ; the date of this letter therefore is Feb. 23, 
50, reckoning of course according to the pre-Julian calendar, 
and inclusively after the Roman fashion. 

quo modo hiemaris, how you have passed the winter. 



NOTES XXXVI. (ATT. VI. 4) 



LETTER XXXVI. (An. vi. 4) 

1. Mescinius. See Att. vi. 3, 1, where he speaks of this 
quaestor Mescinius as a dissolute fribble light-fingered t(o. 

Gaelic. C. Caelius Caldus, mentioned again in the n^xt 
letter, 3, is not to be confounded with the celebrated M. 
Caelius Rufus, whose correspondence with Cic. is so interesting. 
Cic. left C. Caelius Caldus in command of his province. To h .m 
is addressed Fam. ii. 19. In Att. vi. 6, 3 he writes of him as 
: a mere lad, rather a noodle, and without any weight or firm 
ness of will. But in Fam. ii. 15 he defends his choice by re 
minding the other Caelius that he was leaving behind him o le 
who, though a mere lad, was yet a quaestor and a nobilis. Cic. 
did not hesitate to commit a province larger than Ireland to a 
young noodle, if a noble. Yet his provincial career has alwa; "s 
been considered most praiseworthy, so favourably did it compa -e 
with the conduct of his predecessors. 

discessus, separation, as in Tusc. i. 71 ; departure s 
the far more usual meaning. 

2. condicione. Tullia s proposed marriage with Dolabella. 

honore. The supplicatio which he expected to be voted i i 
his honour. 



3. TT?S ddpaprds . . . ea<r0d\t(rcu. My wife s freedmau 
(Philotimus) seemed to me the other day, from some remark 
which he casually dropped, to have cooked his accounts in th>! 
matter of the sale of the goods of the Crotoniate tyrannicide 
I am afraid you may not have observed what has been going on ; 
take the matter into your own hands only and secure the resi 
due. The Crotoniate tyrannicide is Milo, who slew Clodius. 
and bore the same name as the celebrated athlete of Crotona. 
For els drjirov has been suggested Olditrov ; but see Att. vi. 9, 2, 
where exactly the same meaning is conveyed by the curious 
adverbial superlative avrbraTa.. Terentia seems to have availed 
herself of the relation in which she stood to Philotimus to 
appropriate some of the money raised from the sale of Milo s 
effects. I have inserted ov, which is necessary for the sense 
after ^77 rt. It would have easily fallen out after the foregoing 
fj.rj. The copyist of these letters hardly knew any Greek, as 
may be perceived by any one who consults the critical notes of 
any edition. 

volent obviae, fly to meet me : cf. turn vcro omnis acias 



NOTES XXXVII. (ATT. VI. 5) 237 

currere obvii, Liv. xxvii. 51, 1 ; the nom. as secondary predi 
cate is rare ; we have accus. in Att. v. 20, 1, numpotui Ciliciam 
Aetoliam reddere ; abl. in Att. i. 14, 6, utimur . . . Cornuto 
. . . pseudocatone ; the dat. is common after licet, necesse 
eat, etc. 



LETTER XXXVII. (ATT. vi. 5) 

1. donai, at Rome. This is an excellent example of the 
fact first pointed out by Lehmann, pp. 73, 74, that in the 
letters domus often means Rome : of. ego me . . . cxiturum 
puto aut in Tusculanum aut domum, Att. xii. 42, 3 ; domum 
et ad me in Formianum, the packet was brought first to Rome, 
then forwarded to me at Formiae, Att. ii. 13, 1 ; Dolabcllam 
spcro domi esse, at Rome, Att. xv. i. a , 2 ; and see Corr. of Cic. 
vol. ii. p. 20. In this sense I supply domi in Att. vi. 8, 5, Ep. 
xxxviii. Cicero here means that though Atticus would actually 
be nearer to him if he were in Greece than in Rome, yet his 
friend seems further parted from him when absent from the 
Urbs. 

quam argutissimas, long long letters. 

ri]s vvaopov, my spouse s freedman seemed to me, by ever 
and anon stammering and showing confusion in his interviews 
and talks, to have done a bit of cooking of the accounts in re 
the sale of the Crotoniate s assets. 

2. cfj &<TTo>s, on leaving the city of the seven hills he 
delivered an account of two debts to Camillus, amounting to 24 
and 48 minae, and he set himself down as accountable for 24 
minae from the sale of the Crotoniate s estate, and 48 from the 
property in the Chersonese ; [he further set down] that he had 
come in for 640 + 640 minae in legacies, and that not a penny 
had been paid up, all being due on the 1st of the 2nd month ; 
that Milo s freedman, the namesake of Conon s father (Timo- 
theus), had been utterly negligent. Now (addressing Atticus) 
I want you, best of all, to see that the whole sum is secured ; 
next, not even to overlook the interest calculated from the 
aforesaid date. During the days I had to put up with his 
presence I was greatly alarmed ; for he came to me to recon 
noitre, and with some little hope ; when he saw it was all up 
he went away without any explanation, adding, "I yield : 

twere shame to tarry long," 



238 NOTES XXXVII. (ATT. VI. 5) 

and he reproached me with the hackneyed saw " needs 
must." 

I have printed airb r??s TrpoeKKei/j-fvys. ri/j.epas & <rcts for d?r6 
rfjs TrpoeKKeifj.ei>-r]s i)fj.epas. & <ras. We must either do this or 
repeat r^pas, for the ellipse of ij^pas with tiaas would be in 
tolerable, while the ellipse of rj/j-epas with Trpoe/cfc. is quite 
normal, as in -rj TrpoOea/j-ia and many such expressions. Tie 
Homeric verse (II. ii. 298) is of course the familiar alaxpbv TOI 
Sripbv re peveiv Kevebv re vtevOai. The proverb ra [LEV didder a 
is found in Plat. Gorg. 499 C (thus embedded in the text), *ai 
u>s eoiKff avdyKr) /JLOL Kara rbv TraXaiov \6yov rb irapbv e$ iroieiv Kxl 
rovro Sexeo-Qcu rb 8i56/j.ei>ot> irapa <rov. Olympiodorus gives the 
proverb as ra etc rrjs ri^x^s 5i56^ie^a /c6<r/xet ( make the best of ), 
and tells us it is said ruv Kvfievbvruv. The proverb would the n 
mean make the best of a bad business. We have Kovnelv 1 o 
make the best of in the proverb already more than on<e 
quoted by Cicero, Zirdprav e\axes ratrav /c6(r/xei. [ra fj.e v 5i56/ . 
take what you can get. The expression occurs again in At . 
xv. 17, 2 ; cf. the similar quod das accepero, Acad. ii. 68 ; 
accipio quod dant, Fin. ii. 82.] 

3. emeritum. See Att. vi. 2, 6, annuae mihi opcrae a.o. 
in. Kal. Sextil. cmcrentur, on July 30 I have served my time. 
See on Ep. xxxii. 1, for the method of computing dates befor 3 
the reformation of the calendar by Caesar. 

maerore suo. Two of his sons were slain in a mutiny of 
the soldiers of Gabinius in Egypt: cf. Caes. B. C. iii. 10, 6 
Bibulus, with rare magnanimity, refused to take any vengeance 
for their deaths. 

nostra robora. The main strength of Cicero s army ii 
Cilicia was its non-Roman element ; but in the main the prac 
tice of using provincial troops almost to the exclusion of Italian 
did not establish itself before the Empire : Arnold, Rom. 
Prov. Admin, p. 27. 

Caldus. C. Caclius Caldus : see last letter, 1. 

4. iocari. See Att. v. 5, 1, where Cicero intimates what he 
thinks ought to be the main ingredients of a letter commis 
sions, news, bantering. The fact that he looks on a letter as a 
natural vehicle for bantering causes most of the difficulties in 
the correspondence. It is hard to interpret jokes without full 
data, especially when a writer jokes wi" deeficulty, as a candid 
Scot is reported to have said of himself a remark, it must be 
allowed, fairly applicable to Cicero, as he appears in his letters. 



NOTES XXXVIII. (ATT. VI. 8) 239 



LETTER XXXVIII. (Air. vi. 8) 

1. opportunitate Piliae, the opportuneness of Filia/ a 
careless way of writing the opportuneness of Pilia s meeting 
with you. Atticus had mentioned to Cicero some circumstance 
which made his meeting with his wife especially opportune. 
[Opportunitate: rather Pilia, going to meet Atticus on his 
arrival and naturally not knowing exactly when to expect him, 
just came in the nick of time. Tranquillitates : cf. vyvefjitai, 
Plat. Theaet.] 

2. meros terrores. Cf. mcramonstra, Att. iv. 7, 1 ; merum 
Icllum, ix. 13, 8 ; tncnis est <J)vpa.Tys, vii. 1, 9. 

cum illo . . . facere, are on his (Caesar s) side. 

designates. This word qualifies not only pradorcs but 
tribunumpl. and consulem. 

3. patruo sororis tuae filii. Cicero thus jocularly describes 
himself ; his brother Quintus being the husband of Pomponia, 
the sister of Atticus, Cicero was uncle to the son of Pomponia. 
In the same vein, writing to Atticus, he refers to the son of 
Quintus as avi tui pronepos (Att. xvi. 14, 4), and to his own son 
as patris mei nepotcm. In Att. v. 19, 3, using the same phrase 
as here, he alludes to one who had unsuccessfully competed for 
office with the uncle of your sister s son, that is himself. 
There the allusion is supposed to be to C. Hirrus, who was an 
unsuccessful competitor against Cicero for the augurate (as after 
wards against Caelius for the curule aedileship). In this letter 
the allusion is generally supposed to be to Cato. But it has 
been shown to be highly probable in a learned tract by Dr. 
L. Moll, Berlin 1883, that the allusion in both letters is to 
M. Calidius, an orator who failed in his candidature for the 
consulship of 50, and again of 49, and who had expressed an 
unfavourable opinion about Cicero s forensic style; of whom, 
therefore, Cicero might naturally say that he was in the habit 
of vaunting himself over him, or that he had pitted himself 
against him. 

a quibus. C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Lentulus Cms. 
Cicero did not think highly of these successful rivals of Calidius, 
of whom he writes slightingly in Att. vii. 20, 1. 

4. ipsos, precisely, opp. to aliquos. The open Rhodian 
vessel which he used caused a loss of exactly 20 days ctiam (in 
addition to the delay caused by the violence of the trade winds). 



240 NOTES XXXVIII. (ATT. VI. 8) 

This great loss of time can hardly have been due altogether to 
the slow sailing of the Rhodian vessels. From what follows it 
appears that Cicero would not put to sea in these unscreer ed 
vessels unless the weather was very favourable. Yet, he adds, 
we are making all the way we can. 

tranquillitates, we have to look out for fine days on 
account of the nature of our vessels. This word ought in 
plur. to mean calms : cf. me mirificae tranquillitates adh uc 
tcnuerunt, Att. x. 18, 1 ; fair weather is better expressed >y 
some such term as felicitas navigandi above, but sing, tran- 
quillitas is not rare in this sense. Hence, perhaps, we should 
here read tranquillitatem ; however, the plur. might perhaps )e 
used to indicate that Cicero lay in wait for fair weather at ea Ji 
successive place where he put in. 

5. De raudusculo Puteolano. This probably refers to the 
repayment of a debt to Vestorius of Puteoli. 

domi, at Rome. See on Att. vi. 5, 1, Ep. xxxvii. The/e 
is clearly an allusion to the consulship of Bibulus and Caesa-, 
when Bibulus did not leave his house for eight months. It hi s 
been proposed to insert olim or consul, but domi, which I 
suggest, is far more probable, both as being a frequent wor 1 
for Romae in the letters, and as being a word which would ver/ 
easily fall out before domo. [I should prefer modo domo ; moa o 
is often used to cover considerable spaces of time. Porta, th 3 
gate of the camp. ] 

atffxpbv (TMTrai>, fiapftdpovs 8 tav \tyeiv, Eur. Philoct. Frag. 
8. Cicero says he would not be eager for a triumph were it no; 
that Bibulus, whose exploits were very trifling, was straining 
every nerve to secure a triumph for himself. 

qui properarem, for one who is in a hurry, as I am. 

verbis, in my name, from me. A good example of tht 
meaning of meis verbis is in Att. xvi. 11, 8, meis verbis suavium 
des volo. In Att. v. 11, 7 Piliam meis verbis consolere should 
be explained in the same way, not in words such as I would 
use, which would not be expressed by meis verbis. Cicero there 
asks Atticus to assure Pilia (wife of Atticus) in his name that 
things are not so bad as she thinks. He only requests Atticus 
to conceal from Pilia that he had opened her letter to Quintus 
condoling with him on the ill-humour of Pomponia, and had 
thus discovered how much Pilia was distressed by the estrange 
ment between Quintus and her sister-in-law. 



NOTES XXXIX. (ATT. VI. 9) 241 



LETTER XXXIX. (Air. vi. 9) 

1. in Piraeea. See Att. vii. 3, 10, where he discusses the 
Latinity of this expression. 

< YX vcriv litterularum, again, when I opened the letter, I 
was startled at the illegibility of the handwriting, for your 
writing is generally most excellent and legible. 

quod ita scripseras. Here is a somewhat carelessly ex 
pressed sentence. The meaning is that he had at first reason 
to infer that Atticus was in bad health from the shortness of 
the letter and the badness of the writing, and that on reading 
the letter he had Atticus s own word for it. This, it will be 
seen, is not very clearly expressed : On my first sight of the 
letter, before I broke the seal, I was surprised at its shortness, 
then, on opening it, at the badness of the writing, and, finally, 
I discovered from your own statement therein that you were 
suffering from fever when you arrived at Rome. 

Ille . . . incommode, He said that such was your impres 
sion of the case and his own, and such were the accounts he 
received at home from your people, that nothing serious could 
be the matter ; ita . . . id must often be carefully rendered. 
See Correspondence of Cicero, P, p. 65. For esse with adv. see 
ibid. P, 70, 71. 

Id videbatur, What seemed to confirm this view was the 
expression you used in the end of the letter that you had a 
slight attack of fever when you wrote. 

te amavi, I was greatly pleased with you. I have inserted 
te, which has been corrupted into cl in M. a very common mis 
take. M. gives clamavi, which Victorius corrected to amavi, 
Orelli to exclamavi, and Klotz to adamavi. Cicero would not 
use amavi or adamavi absolutely, nor would he make them take 
as object the clause quod scripsisses : cf. amavi amorem tuu?n, 
Fam. ix. 16, 1 ; in Atilii negotio te amavi, Fam. xiii. 62 ; volo 
amcs meam constantiam, Att. ii. 10 ; Alexidis manum amabam, 
Att. vii. 2, 3. [Is it so certain that clamavi is wrong ? Cf. 
Div. ii. 50, clamoremque maiorem cum admiratione ; De Or. 
i. 152, clamorcs et admirationes ; Parad. 37, admirantem, 
clamores tollentem ; Orat. 135, exclamatio . . . admirationes.] 

2. TOV <j>vparov, Keep, an you love me, keep your very ow.nest 
eye on i\\Q philotimousncss of the Unready Reckoner ; and as to 
this legacy from Precius which is indeed a great sorrow to me, 

R 



242 NOTES XXXIX. (ATT. VI. 9) 

for I loved Precius don t let him put so much as a finger on : t, 
small as it is. Avrdrara is an adv. formed from aur6ra7os 
ipsissimus [cf. Plant. Trin. iv. 2, 146 (888)], which is found ^n 
Aristoph. Plut. 83 ; ai)r6repo$ avru> is in Epicharm. Fr. 2, and it 
is probably from him, whom he often quotes, that Cicero he -e 
takes aurbraTa. Similarly we have Acu/awraros, Ar. Fr. 251 ; 
eraip6raros, Plat. Gorg. 487 D ; Phaed. 89 E. Philotimus is 
called (pvpaTris because he is said above (Ep. xxxvii.) ire^vpa- 
Ktvai. TOLJ i/^ovs. As Cicero seems to think he cooked his 
accounts, we might in the same vein call Philotimus tie 
professed cook, or the cJicf or cordon bleu. For the abstract 
subst. coined from a proper name cf. Lentulitas, Appietai, 
Fam. iii. 7, 5. Dices means kindly tell him : see note on Plaui . 
Mil. ii. 4, 42 (395). 

Kvov . . . &TV<J>OV, You will see that I shall not show i 
spirit of silly vanity in trying to get it, nor a spirit of insensi - 
bility in refusing it. The word &rv(j>os in classical Greek mean -> 
modest ; here it lias the meaning of di>al<r6r]Tos, phlegmatic, Ai. 
Eth. Nic. ii. 7, 3. Lentitudo is the nearest Latin to avaiadrjaia, 
Q. Fr. i. 38. [KCVOV . . . &TV<POV : he will be ofV tvrvx&v Kepi - 
Xaprjs, OVT O.TVX&V irepCKv-rros. The nc-c before Arvfov seems t<> 
me an error for et ; SLTV^OV will then bear its ordinary sense. ] 

3. Adeon, Did you think I so utterly failed to. read betweei 
the lines of your letter when you spoke of your philosophic 
doubts ; you could not have hesitated to approve of my choice 
of my brother [as my successor in the province] if there had 
been a single point in favour of his appointment, knowing as we 
do what a fine fellow he is. No ! I took your philosophic 
doubt for a dogmatic rejection (your scepticism for dogmatism] 
in the matter. For ^7r^x iV see Att. vi. 6, 3 ; and especially 
xiii. 21, 3, where he objects to inhibere as a rendering of 
f-jr^x fLV n the ground that inhibere is a term used in rowing, 
and means to back water and move in an opposite direction, 
whereas lir^x et - v is to hold oneself balance between two opinions, 
so we should need a word implying no motion at all in the 
boat, this way or that, if we were to borrow a term from 
rowing to translate tirtx fLV - 

TOVJIOV fiveipov, You re telling me what I know already. 
Perhaps there is an allusion to this proverb in Palaestrionis 
somnium narratur, PI. Mil. ii. 4, 33 (386). [CTTLXPOV. fir. I find 
these words hard. In what sense does Cic. call A. s downright 
statement about Q. the younger an tirLxpovla. e-jrox /i ? Should 
eirixpoviq, be read and taken with dubitatione, so that ^irox^ 
tua is a sarcastic reference to what is stated above, that Atticus s 



NOTES XL. (FAM. XVI. 9) 243 

is equivalent to adtrrjffis 1 Or should liberavi be read, 
and tua de duMtatione (see M. ) be taken as a gloss on eirixpoviq. 
eiroxii ? Something is wrong. ] 

5. id est, de Dolabella, or rather I should say ; see Reid 
Acad. i. 6, si Epieurum id est si Democritum. 

praevideo. This verb occurs here only in good mss. of Cic. 
[It is almost certainly an error for provideo. The contractions 
for prae and pro are very similar, and praevideo is elsewhere 
given wrongly by inferior mss. against provideo of the better 
class. Cic. probably wrote in summis fore periculis ; the omis 
sion of the infin. is hardly tolerable.] 

referaturne, Will the matter be brought before the 
Senate ? The censors Appius Claudius Pulcher and L. Cal- 
purnius Piso had affixed a limit in their edict to the amount to 
be spent by private persons on works of art. This required the 
confirmation of the Senate to become law. [I think the ex 
planation usually given is very unsatisfactory. Such a pro 
clamation of the censor could have no legal effect, whether 
with or without the sanction of the Senate. It could only 
stand as a moral exhortation. Only the comitia could make it 
practical. All sorts of things were indeed brought before the 
Senate, and the mere issue of such an edict might cause sufficient 
indignation to induce the consuls or tribunes to consult the 
Senate about it. But the words de modo agri in Fam. viii. 14, 
4, indicate contemplated legislation, which would be a serious 
matter for the wealthier classes. The word agcre there also points 
to this conclusion, and away from the supposition of an edict.] 

legiones quattuor, sc. ducturus erat. This rumour turned 
out to be false. See Introd. for ellipse. 

static, my quarters ; he used a military term because he 
is still cum imperio. Cicero s year of office expired on July 30, 
50 ; he did not actually enter Rome, though he was often near 
the city, until the end of the year 47, because he would then 
have been obliged to lay down his imperium, and thus resign 
his claim to a triumph. [Arce . . . statio : rather a jocular 
reference to the dangers at Rome as compared with his safety 
on the Acropolis.] 



LETTER XL. (FAM. xvi. 9) 

1. Cassiopen. A town in the north of Corcyra, with a 
temple to Jupiter Cassius (Plin. H. N. iv. 52). It was one of 



244 NOTES XL. (FAM. XVI. 9) 

the stations on the Greek coast, from which the crossing ,vas 
often made to BruncUsium : cf. Gell. xix. 1, 1 ; Suet. N< ro, 
22 ; Dig. xiv. 1, 1, 12, quaedam enim naves onerariae quaedim 
t/j-paTTryol suni : et plerosque mandare scio, ne vectores recipio nt, 
et sic, ut certa regione et certo mari negotietur, ut ecce sunt naves 
quae Brundislum a Cassiopa vcl a Dyrrhacio vectores traiici.mt 
ad onera inhabilea. 

cupide, eagerly. Cf. Att. ii. 1, 1. 

2. Hydruntem. Otranto ; also called Hydruntum, Liv. 
xxxvi. 21, 5. 

ludibundi, gaily ; sometimes used of what one expects to 
be irksome, but finds to be child s play : cf. 2 Verr. iii. 156, Si 
Volteium habebis omnia ludibundus confides. [Ludibundi re 
minds one of the undergraduate slang phrase to romp in/ i e. 
to do a thing with the greatest ease.] 

3 . Symphoniam, musical party. The Romans had amoi ig 
their various kinds of slaves symplioniaci pueri^ Mil. 55 ; Div\ 
in Caec. 55. They used to sing in concert during dinner : ( f. 
Becker-Gbll, Gallus, ii. 147, iii. 373. 

ne in quartam hebdomada incideres, lest on that ve:y 
day you should be attacked by (lit. synchronise with, cf. Att. 
ix. 4, 3) the fourth weekly attack (of fever). Every seventh 
day Tiro appears to have been liable to an attack ; the ofteni r 
he had an attack the more the fever would get into his systen i, 
and the harder it would be to throw it off; Tiro should then 
have been more careful to avoid getting a fourth attack. Bi t 
when Lyso, at whose house he was staying, gave a large music? 1 
party, Tiro did not like (that is the force of pudori) to fail to 
put in an appearance. The ancients considered every sevent i 
day a dies Kpl<ri/j.os in fever. [Pliny mentions fevers with period s 
of 1, 1, 3, 4 days, but not 7 ; he says, curiously (xxviii. 23], 
cur impares nuineros ad omnia vehementiores crcdimus, idqui 
in febribus dierum observatione intellegitur. Cf. Celsus, iii. 16, 
quartana nemincm iugulat he does not mention the seventh day 
fever. Lidd. and Sc. quote e^So^atos irvperbs from Hippocrates. | 

misi, am sending orders to : cf. scripsi, Fam. xvi. 4, 2 
I am writing, and reliqui, I am leaving, below. 

honos haberetur, that a complimentary present be made : 
cf. Dig. xxxvii. 5, 3, 2, nee cnim quacrimus cui adquiratur sea 
cui honos habitus sit. 

me cui iussisset curaturum, that I shall pay anyone 



NOTES XLI. (ATT. VII. 17) 245 

he orders/ i.e. that instead of Cicero s sending the money by 
bill of exchange to Patrae, Curius will delegate Cicero to some 
creditor whom Curius may have in Rome, or to some bank with 
which he may have an account, and Cicero will pay over the 
money to the creditor or bank specified. 

reliqui, am leaving. For ecum, horse, which M. gives, 
H. has metum, with medicum written above it. 

Kalend. Ian. When the new consuls, L. Lentulus Crus 
and C. Claudius Marcellus, both violently opposed to Caesar, 
would enter on their office. 

4. mare magnum, a stormy bit of sea : cf. Lucr. ii, 1 , 
and 553 ; or it may be simply a great tract of sea. 

navicularius, shipowner, who, intent on his gains, would 
press for no delay. 

stiteris. This use of sisto is very common in the comic 
drama : see Dictt. It also occurs Att. iii. 25 ; x. 16, 6. 

Vale et salve. Et has been added by Wesenberg (Em. 
Alt. 56), who compares Fam. xvi. 4, 4. 



LETTER XLI. (Air. vn. 17) 

Cicero was still uncertain whether he would join Pompeius, 
or remain longer in the neighbourhood of Rome. 

1. sunt. This must refer to the general effect of the letters 
of Att. on Cic. We should rather have expected fucrunt, and 
then the reference would be to certain letters recently received 
from Att. But he often expresses this sentiment generally. 
See Ep. Ixxi. 4. 

[peteremus, we should now be making for Spain. When 
it first occurred to people that Pompeius would leave Italy, 
they naturally inferred that he would go to Spain. Cic. assumes 
all through this letter that he will share P. s fortunes, whatever 
they may be. Cic. now expected a war in Italy. Cum fiuja 
quacri mdebatur means when P. thought of flying. Cic. now 
believes P. to have abandoned the design of leaving Italy. ] 

Sexto. Sextus Peducaeus was an intimate friend of Cicero s, 
as also was his father, who was governor of Sicily as propraetor 
B.C. 76-74. They are both mentioned frequently in Cicero s 
correspondence, especially the son, to whom the reference is in 
this passage. 



246 NOTES XLI. (ATT. VII. 17) 

de urbanis praediis detraxit, depreciated city property. 
Pompeius in abandoning the city and leaving it exposed to an 
attack by Caesar, who might follow the Sullan precedent of 
proscription and confiscation, took a step likely to depreciate 
property in the neighbourhood of Rome, and thus inflict in 
injury on Atticus and Peducaeus. The reading of M. , praesidi s, 
is certainly an error; these words are very frequently con 
founded by the copyists. Cic. is careful to point out that what 
he says is not serious. 

2. L. Caesar. L. Julius Caesar, son of the L. Julius Caesir 
who was consul in 64, and who is often mentioned in the cone- 
spondence, was at this time carrying communications between 
Pompeius and Caesar. 

proponereiitur, with a view to the widest circulation ; 
lit. with a view to being placarded on the public hoardings . 
The expression is a strong one, but signifies no more than tl e 
succeeding phrase, quae in omnium manus venturae essen*,. 
[Cf. Att. viii. 2, 1, in publico proponat velim.] 

<TT]<rTi8rTpov, more Sestian, that is, more characterist c 
of Sestius, whose style was proverbially frigid. Catullus (xliv ) 
tells us how he once endured the infliction of hearing Sestii s 
read a speech of his own composition, an experience which we s 
followed by such a severe cold (gravedo) and cough (tussis] tha t 
he was obliged to retire to his Tiburtine farm and lie up till ha 
recovered. This is the same Sestius who befriended Cic. in his 
exile, and whom Cic. defended in the celebrated extant speec .i 
B.C. 56. 

quis enim tu es. Cic. here apostrophises Caesar, who de 
manded as a condition of his laying down arms that Pompeiu i 
should retire to his province and disband his army. Render, 
who are you to say ? and for this use of the consecutive sub 
junctive see Roby, ii. 1678 sqq. This usage is common ii. 
Plautus ; a good example is Capt. 568 

Ty. Tu enim repertu s Philocratein qui superes veriverbio. 
Ar, Pol ego ut rem video tu inventu s vera vanitudine 
Qui convincas, 

impetrasset, had carried his point and stood for the consul 
ship in his absence. 

3. ab illo. Caesar is often referred to simply as ille. In 
the next line but one ei of course also refers to Caesar. 

ex dierum ratione. Cic. calculated that the day on which 



NOTES XLII. (ATT. VII. 20) 247 

Caesar asked Trebatius to write to him must have been the 
very day on which Caesar had first heard that Pompeius and 
the consuls had left the city. 

4. qui mihi nihil scripsisset, because he had not written 
to me himself. 

neque . . . suscepisse. Cic. does not appear to have ever 
made any attempt to raise troops for Pompeius, but neque 
negotium suscepisse is not strictly true. He expressly writes 
Capuam sumpsimus, Fam. xvi. 11, 4, and he often speaks of a 
commission he held to watch the coast, Capua being his head 
quarters (Att. vii. 11, 5). He appears, however, to have re 
signed it almost immediately (Att. viii. 11, D, 5). [Susccpisse 
may very well mean that Cic. had not taken up or actually 
: entered on the negotium, which is clearly the case, as he first 
went to Capua on Feb. 5.] 

virK0e jivos. He might just as well have written transport- 
ando, the word which he used at the beginning of the letter ; 
but Cic. frequently uses Greek words even when he has a Latin 
synonym ready to his hand. These Greek words are a fruit 
ful source of the corruption of the text in the correspondence 
of Cicero. The Greek word here of course means more than 
the Latin would have expressed, getting them out of 
harm s way. 

otium. The mss. have sin autem etiam indutiae, which 
has been corrected to sin pax aut etiam indutiae. But otium 
aut would easily have been corrupted into the autem of the 
mss. The word is used in Att. vii. 18, 2 : ! vix ullo otio 
compensandam turpitudinem. I have adopted Mr. Purser s 
suggestion in restoring otium here. [Sin autem etiam indutiae : 
I think these words are right ; on the other hand, if there is 
going to be even so much as a truce, I will seize the opportunity 
of seeing you. Etiam often has a sense like this, and can be 
rendered in this way or by merely, as in Prov. Cons. 38.] 

5. scripseram ut manerent, I had told them by letter 
to remain in Rome. 



LETTER XLII. (ATT. vn. 20) 

I. Pacem desperavi. Cf. remp. dcsperaverint, Fam. xii. 14, 
3. Cic. in his letters is prone to give a direct object to a verb 
which usually is followed by a preposition, e.g. pacem hortari, 



248 NOTES XLII. (ATT. VII. 20) 

Att. vii. 14, 3, on the analogy of idem te hortor, Q. Fr. i. 3, 4 ; 
so suadere takes a direct object of the thing in Fam. vii. 3, 2, 
despcrans victor iam prhnum coepi suadere pacem. Caelius 
writes gaudere gaudium, Fara. viii. 2, 1, and gaudere dolorc-.n, 
Fam. viii. 14, 1. 

bellum nullum, the military operations on our side are 
nil. This is a much stronger expression than non administra nt 
would have been, and may be compared with such colloquial 
expressions as nullus vcnit, not a bit of him came, Att. si. 
24, 4 ; nullus disccdcrc, not to move an inch, Att. xv. 22, ] ; 
nullus tu quidem domum, don t stir a foot to visit him, Att. 
xv. 29, 1. 

Cave . . . consulibus, Don t imagine that there is any 
thing which concerns our present consuls less than the war. 
This seems more probably right than the other possible rende - 
ing, according to which consulibus is not dative but ablath e 
after minoris: don t imagine that anything could be more wortl - 
loss than our present consuls. The consuls were C. Claudius 
Marcellus and L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus. 

quorum ergo, on account of whom, in the hope of hearing 
something I came to Capua in heavy rain. The mss. rea<l 
ego, not ergo, and that reading might well be retained, and 
explained on the analogy of Plautine usage which we have so 
often found a safe rule for the diction of the letters. We have 
a parallel to this use of two genitives (one being a gerund) de 
pendent on a noun, quorum spc audiendi instead of quorum 
audiendorum (or quos audiendi) spe, in Plaut. Capt. 846, 
nominandi istorum tibi crit magis quam edundi copia. More 
over in Cic. himself we have causa . . . corum quac secundum 
naturam sunt adipisccndi, Fin. v. 19 ; facultas dctur . . . 
agrorum suis latronibus condonandi, Phil. v. 6. Other 
passages, too, very probably afford instances of this usage, as, 
for instance, studium illius aetcrnitatis imitandi, Tusc. v. 70, 
where the reading has been impugned ; quarum poticndi spe, 
Fin. i. 60, where quarum may, of course, be governed by 
poticndi (where see Madv.) The fact, however, that audiendi 
has in this sentence an object aliquid, and that another gen. 
follows, makes it slightly different from the other examples 
cited above, and induces me to follow Bosius in changing ego 
to ergo. [It seems hardly possible that quorum ergo can be 
right. Ergo with gen. only occurs in Cic. in quotations from 
or imitations of the language of statutes : thus four times in 
De Leg. ; also Att. iii. 23, 2 ; and De Opt. gen. die. 19. 



NOTES XLII. (ATT. VII. 20) 249 

Nor is it easy to believe that Cic. wrote quorum ego spe 
audiendi aliquid for de quibus, etc. Most probably a sub 
stantive in the abl. has dropped out on which quorum depended, 
such as vocatu.] 

ad Nonas. C., the ms. which Cratander used, is said by him 
to have the reading illi autem adhuc, id est Nonis, nondum vene- 
rant ; which reading may be right, for this letter was written 
on the morning of the 5th, as is shown by the use of hodie in 
2, and we read at the end of the letter that the consuls are 
to arrive on their appointed 5th. Boot, seeing that some 
statement of the time at which the consuls were expected 
would naturally find a place in the sentence, proposed to read 
Nonis for inancs. It seems to me better to suppose that ad 
Nonas fell out before inanes, and that C. preserves a part of 
the right tradition by introducing the Nones, but in the wrong 
place. Cic. heard the report that they were expected by 
February 5th, and that they were without equipment or 
preparation of any kind, bare and bootless. 

Appianaruxn. This is a most probable correction of the 
ms. reading Attianarum, which cannot be right. P. Attius of 
whom we read (Att. vii. 13 b, 2) as being at Cingulum seems 
not to have been in command of any Icgioncs, and the cohortes 
with which he held Auximum had surrendered to Caesar 
(Caes. B. C. i. 13). The only other Attii who appear in the 
narrative of Caesar are Attius Varus (ibid. 31) and Attius 
Paelignus (ibid. 18, and Cic. Att. viii. 4, 3), who plainly can 
not be referred to in this passage. Lipsius with great prob 
ability emended the word to Appianarum. The reference 
would then be to the legions which were taken from Caesar 
under the pretence that they were to be employed against the 
Parthians, and were unfairly made over to Pompeius. The 
name of the lieutenant who marched them from Gaul was 
Appius. Plutarch (Pomp. 57) tells us that Appius commanded 
on the march from Gaul the force which Pompeius lent to 
Caesar, ty ^xP r J (re Ho/Mnjfios Ka/cra/n (rrpaTidv. 

ilium, sc. Caesarem. 

2. Ego . . . ago. Now, were the scene Italy, It is lut 
Death that comes at last on that point I am not asking your 
counsel but if the issue is to be decided out of Italy, what am 
I to do ? The whole verse, of which according to his habitual 
practice he quotes but a couple of words, is from a lost play of 
Diphilus, and runs 



250 NOTES XLIII. (ATT. VIII. 4) 

So we often quote but a few words of a proverbial expres 
sion, Needs must - or When thieves fall out . Cf. 

Hamlet, iii. 2, 358, While the grass grows, the proverl is 
something musty." Consulere, with a double accus. of the 
person and of the thing, is found only in the comic drama 
(PL Men. 687) ; that is no reason why we should suspect she 
usage here, but rather why we should expect it ; the accus. of 
the person is of course quite regular, and the accus. of the th ng 
is not very rare, e.g. considers quiddam, PL Most. 1083 ; rem 
delatam consulcre, Liv. ii. 28 ; consulcndis rebus, Cic. Divin. i. 
3. So that it is a mere chance that the double accus. is not 
more frequently forthcoming. [Te id consulo: the fact tl at 
the accus. rei is a neut. pron. makes the constr. much loss 
strange than it would otherwise be, and the passage is not vt ry 
unlike two others, viz. Div. ii. 10, and Mil. 16.] 

coniungendi. On the apparcntlyj9OS5tw use of the genrid 
see Roby, ii. pref. Ixiv.-lxvii. The exx. collected there uncer 
class c especially illustrate the present passage, because here 
the gerund may be regarded as rather reflexive than passiv , ; 
among the best of the exx. are signo recipiendi dato, Caes. B. 0. 
iii. 46 ; lusus cxcrccndique causa, Liv. v. 27 ; vix spatium 
instruendi fuit, Liv. xxxi. 21 ; potcstatem dcfendendi, Cn. 
Mil. 11. See Reid, Acad. ii. 101. 

Phalarimne an Pisistratum. Mialaris was typical of tl e 
worst kind of tyrant, Pisistratus of the best. In Att. vii. l:i, 
2, Cic. uses the word 0aXapt(r / u6v, which we might perhaps 
render Napoleonism, to indicate autocratic power misused. 
Caesarism is now beginning to be used very much in th s 
sense, though Caesar himself gave no justification for i:. 
It seems to be accepted as a more manageable word thai 
Czarism. 

calere. This is not nearly so strong an expression as t ) 
be in hot water. It means little more than to have one s 
hands full, to have plenty of business of one s own to occupy 
one. Hence Boot s carcre (sc. consilio} is not required. 



LETTER XLIII. (ATT. vnr. 4) 

1. Dionysius, a literary slave of Cicero s, whom he manu 
mitted, and to whom he entrusted the education of his son and 
nephew. Cic. had before this (Att. vii. 7, 1) expressed himsell 
as not quite satisfied with the manners of Dionysius, but sub- 



NOTES XLIII. (ATT. VIII. 4) 251 

sequently withdrew his condemnation. Cic. writes about him 
with much consideration in Att. vii. 18, 3, where lie says that 
he thinks Dionysius ought to accompany him in his flight if 
he should fly from Rome ; but, he adds, we must not expect 
too much from a Greek, and, if I am obliged to send for him 
(which I hope I may not be) you must see that we consult his 
convenience in every way. It appears from this letter and the 
next that Dion, flatly refused to remain an inmate of the house 
of Cic. during this unhappy crisis, but afterwards became 
alarmed and apologised. Cic. courteously dismissed him, as we 
learn from Att. viii. 10. His conduct seems to have been most 
ungrateful after this. In Att. ix. 12, 2, Cic. writes : I hate 
him, and always shall. I wish I could make him smart for his 
conduct. In Att. x. 16, 1, we read that Dion, apologised to 
Cicero, and the latter accorded him pardon grudgingly ; writing 
to Att., I hope you may preserve his friendship. When I 
utter this wish I am wishing for the permanence of your pro 
sperity. The two will coincide. Yet he writes (Att. xiii. 2, 3) : 
D. writes me a long letter telling how he feels his long separa 
tion from his pupils. I fancy it will be longer. Yet I am 
sorry for it. I miss him greatly. The Dionysius who, having 
for several years carried on peculations as librarian to Cic., 
finally absconded to escape punishment, was a slave, and is not 
to be confounded with the Dion, of this letter. 

tuus. Att. constantly undertook the defence of the un 
grateful Greek. [Does noster mean here our common friend, 
of is it the equivalent of meus? See my note on Acad. i. 1, 
and Fam. i. 9, 24, Lcntuli tui nostrique; but ibid. ii. 16, 5, 
Dolabellam meum vel potius nostrum.] 

veritus. This is the only place out of Latin comedy where 
vereri takes the genitive. The constr. is ascribed by Nonius to 
Accius and Pacuvius. Their precedent, however, would not 
justify us in ascribing the constr. to Cicero, the diction of 
whose letters conforms not to the extreme archaism of Accius 
and Pacuvius, but to the more modern colloquialism of Plautus 
and Terence. However, Ter. (Phorm. 971) has the gen. with 
vereri 

Neque huius sis veritus feminae primariae, 
quin novo modo ei faceres contumeliam. 

Boot denies the applicability of this passage by making feminae 
the dative after faceres contumeliam, and taking huius sis veritus 
to mean did not care that (a snap of your fingers) for. But 
the natural constr. is rightly recognised by grammarians, e.g. 



252 NOTES XLIII. (ATT. VIII. 4) 

Roby, 1328. [The probabilities seem to me to be heavily 
against the genuineness of testimonii tui veritus. Some w< rd 
on which testimonii depended has most likely dropped out. 
Possibly vcrba has been lost before veritus.] 

motum, the shock which his fortunes have suffered. The 
word gubernabimus is carelessly added as if he had written quas 
quamvis motas before. A man might write with a natuial 
metaphor I shall guide my shipwrecked fortunes into safety, 
but not I shall guide the shipwreck of my fortunes into 
port. [Motum: is not this rather the onward course ? Cic. 
seems to say that he will divert the attack of this fortut a 
by skilful piloting before it leads to shipwreck. Guberna*e 
fortunam occurs in Veil. ii. 127, 2 (or rather ad gubemanda n 
/.) It is not necessary to regard cuius fortunae as identic.il 
with the adverse fortune just mentioned ; rather here it is tl e 
personified fortune. Cf. Att. x. 4, 4, ne fortunam guide , i 
ipsam qua illi florcntissima nos duriore confiictati videmur. } 

ad ceteros. These words are usually taken with con,- 
mcndatio, but we should have rather expected ad olios or a I 
omnes. If taken with contempti they could only mean as 
compared with others introduced by me to my friends, an< I 
that sentiment would not have been so expressed, though thi 5 
use of ad is common enough in Plautus, e.g. ad summos bella- 
torcs, Trin. 753, and in Cic. with nikil, e.g. nihil ad Persium 
De Or. ii. 25 (where see Wilkins s note). If we accepted Boot s 
suggestion to read apud, that word would more naturally go 
with contempti, despicable in the minds of others, thougl 
commended by me. [Ad ceteros : it is hard to divorce ad fron 
commendatio. Ceteri is often used where omncs would at first 
sight be expected, because a limitation of the reference to a 
particular set of people is assumed though not stated explicitly. 
To take only one example, cf. Off. ii. 37, admiratione autem 
officiuntur ei qui anteire cetcris virtute putantur, i.e. the rest 
of those among whom they live. So here ceteros =t\\v rest of 
the people (besides myself) whom Dion, desired to approach. 
But contempti cuiusdam hominis has all the appearance of being 
one of those exclamations with which copyists sometimes relieved 
their feelings, writing them on the margin.] 

cuiusdam, a despicable kind of fellow. Quidam slightly 
mitigates the force of the adj. or part, with which it is joined, 
like rts with adjectives in Greek and TTWS with adverbs. 

subdoceri, secretly taught. Cic. says that he preferred to 
face the reproaches of his brother Quintus and all his friends 



NOTES XLIII. (ATT. VIII. 4) 253 

rather than give up eulogising Dion., and that rather than 
dismiss him for his incompetency as a teacher, he chose that 
his boys should be taught on the sly by himself. Possibly, 
however, the sub- indicates that Cic. was ready to take on 
himself the duties of an under master, virodiddaKaXos, to 
correct the deficiencies in the teaching of the boys ostensible 
instructor. 

Dicaearchum aut Aristoxenum. These philosophers are 
again mentioned together in Att. xiii. 32, 2. [Die. and Aristox. 
constantly go together because of the similarity of their views 
about the soul ; e.g. Tusc. i. 41. With this cf. Att. ix. 12, 2, 
where Cic. says he had treated Dion, with more distinction than 
Scipio showed to Panaetius.] 

2. memoria bona. But you, his constant defender, will 
urge he IMS a good memory. He will find that I have a better. 
The great merit of Dion, was the retentiveness of his memory. 
Cic. bitterly says he will find that his is better still, that is, he 
will never forget the ingratitude of Dionysius. 

ita . . . ut, in a tone which I never used to any one in 
declining to take up his case. 

numquam . . . praecidit, never was client so low, so 
mean, so plainly guilty, or so completely a stranger to myself, 
that I gave him as abrupt a refusal as his flat, unceremonious, 
unqualified No. The elliptic use of tarn, which I have en 
deavoured to express by a paraphrase, is here complicated by 
the fact, that it is followed by the regular and normal use of 
tarn before practise. After humili we must understand some 
such words as quam qui humillimus. The nearest literal 
translation, then, of tarn humili would be ever so humble, 
and this would be a suitable rendering as being itself a loose 
expression incapable of exact analysis, since the correct form 
seems to have been never so, as in and heareth not the voice 
of the charmer, charm he never so wisely. 

praecise, aTroro/tws. Praecidit = practise negavit, Att. x. 
16, 1. 

in quo vitio nihil mail non inest. Cf. ingratum si 
dixeris omnia dixti, a familiar quotation of which I am not 
able to find the source. 

3. navena. He had vessels in readiness at Caieta and 
Brundisium, Att. viii. 3, 6. 

Gnaeum . . . desertum. The mss. have Gnaeum ire Brun- 
disium desertum. Hence it is most probable that Cic. wrote 



254 NOTES XLIV. (ATT. VIII. 5) 

Gnacum ire Brundisium, iri Domitium dcsertum, and that t"ie 
general likeness between ire Brundisium and iri Domitium 
caused the latter words to drop out. Still more naturally, if the 
archetype had Brundisium ire the words Domitium iri wou d 
have dropped out, the copyist raising his eyes after writing ii e, 
and then, by an oversight, going on with the word after iri a, 
case of the common source of error in mss. called corruptio < x 
homoeotelcuto. This letter was written on Feb. 21 ; Domitius 
surrendered that very day. [Rather Domitium dcsertum, merely 
that he has turned his back on Dom. With Antonius *,t 
Sulmo and P. on the march to Bruud. Cic. would hardly say 
that Dom. was going to be deserted.] 



LETTER XLIV. (Air. vin. 5) 

1. Etsi. Yet (he might have come on his own mere motio: i 
and uninfluenced by you, for) he usually gets sorry after his 
tantrums. Lit. it is accustomed to repent him, poeniter j 
being of course impersonal. 

cerritior. This is the excellent conjecture of Bosius fo 
ccrtior of the mss. Certus usually means safe of a messenger ; 
it also means firm, determined, Att. x. 11, 3. But here r 
word suitable to furiose fecit is evidently required ; such 
word exactly is ccrritior, and it is rare enough to be easil} 
ousted by such a common word as ccrtior. 

a tertio miliario timuisse, after he had passed the third 
mile-stone/ that is, as soon as he had got well out of the city 
and its suburbs. He was apparently resolved to leave the city 
and betake himself to some place where Cic. could not even com 
municate with him. But when he had passed the third mile 
stone he became alarmed, took fright, and went back again 
to Rome. For turn eum isse, which really has no meaning, I 
read timuisse, which would closely resemble tm cu issc in the 
mss. For timuisse used absolutely to take alarm/ cf. Att. 
ix. 5, 3, at ipsi turn se timuisse dicunt (a passage which suggests 
that we ought perhaps here too to read turn timuisse} ; and 
ab altera te ipsum nunquam timuisse certo scio, Fam. vi. 1, 2. 
For a in the sense of after leaving cf. a Peducaeo, Att. xii. 
51, 1 ; so in Fam. x. 8, 2, ab ea vita is after such a life. 

iroXXd . . . Ovji^vavra. We do not know the source of 
this verse, but it doubtless conies from some Alexandrine poet. 
It probably suggested well-known passages to Virgil (A. xii. 



NOTES XLIV. (ATT. VIII. 5) 255 

104) and to Catullus (Ixiv. Ill), nequicquam vanis iactantem 
cornua ventis. It reminds us of the Euripidean & Ktpas OV/JLOV- 
/xem (Baccli. 743), and may be rendered 

When he had wreaked the fury of his horns 
On the void air in vain. 

Cic. then goes on to explain the sense in which he quotes the 
verse, which is, after he had uttered many idle curses, which, 
he adds, I hope will come home to roost, as the proverb has 
it." Cum dixisset, the reading of the mss., is quite right and 
quite indispensable. Edd. make a great mistake in changing 
it to eum dixisse. 

en. I have restored this word, which is demanded by the 
construction. Btr. inserts o, but en would have fallen out 
more easily before m. So in Att. xiv. 5, 2, I would restore 
en meam stultitiam. His placableness of disposition was 
shown by recalling the furious letter which lie had written 
to Dionysius. [It must be allowed, I think, that Cic. used 
the accus. of exclamation without either en or o. The exx. are 
too numerous to be all due to the chances of mss. I would 
therefore not alter either this passage or Att. xiv. 5, 2, or Att. 
xv. 3, 2, praedaros XIV. or dines /] 

a pedibus meis, from personal attendance on myself, 
which shows that Cic. had even to submit to personal incon 
venience in recalling his angry missive. Body - servants in 
close attendance on their masters were said a pedibus stare. 
We have a legato-rum pedibus abduxerit in Deiot. 2, and circum 
pedes in 2 Verr. i. 92. Victorius changed meis to meum, and 
supposed servum a pedibus to mean a valet, but this designa 
tion of the duties of slaves by the prep, a is post-Ciceronian. 
[Are there exx. of a pedibus stare ? Suet, has ad pedcs stare, 
ante pedes stare. I think the text corrupt, and that Cic. wrote 
ab aedibus, which being written abcdibus would almost inevit 
ably pass to a pedibus, the phrase servus a pedibus being such a 
familiar one later on.] 

2. de re Corflniensi. I have inserted de re on the suggestion 
of Mr. Purser, who points out that it probably got out of its 
place and gave rise to the corrupt reading des AT. Curio. The 
regular prep, after exspectatio is de; cf. cxspectatione de Pompeio, 
Att. iii. 14, 1. Exspectatio Corfiniensis for anticipations of 
what is going on in Corfmium seems strange Latin ; for some 
account of how things were going on at Corfmium see Att. viii. 
3, 7. [I suppose it is the fact that exspectatio is a word describ- 



256 NOTES XLV. (ATT. IX. 2) 

ing the feelings of the mind, which makes this expression look 
different from a hundred others, such as pulsatio Putcolana ; 
but I think it is hardly possible to set limits to the us?,ge 
whereby an adjective is substituted for a noun dependent or a 
preposition. The best collection of examples is in a pamphl it, 
"Ueber den Gebrauch des adjectivischen Attributs, etc.," by 
Wichert (Berlin, Weidmann, 1875).] 

velim. On this word depend cures, cwnmendes, roges, with 
the common ellipse of ut in each case. 



LETTER XLV. (Air. ix. 2) 

1. die tuo, the day of your attack, the day on which fie 
intermittent fever occurs : virb rty \T)if/u> is just as the attack 
was coming on. Cf. sub. 

earn ipsam brevem. We have large quotations from this 
short letter in Att. ix. 10, 8. 

ita si, only if. 

2. adesse, sc. in senatu. 

xxviratu. In the year 59 Cic. had offended both Caesar 
and Pompeius by refusing a place among the twenty commis 
sioners appointed under the Julian law for the division of tl e 
Campanian land. 

3. a-TrappTjo-fao-TOV, his expostulation is estopped because 
he is now of opinion that Cicero s forecast of the whole situatio i 
was more accurate than his own. Cic. had seen that the mun ; - 
cipal towns could not hold out against Caesar, that men woul I 
not answer the call of Pompeius to arms, that peace on an/ 
terms was preferable to war, that the public funds were not 
safe in the treasury, and that Picenum should be occupied by 
Pompeius. 

cum potuero. Caesar not now stopping the way to Brun- 
disium. 

iure, he will be justly hostile to me if I refuse to join hin 
when there is nothing to prevent me. Boot corrected turn o 
the mss. to iure. 

ri<s 8 ... <5Jv, quoted by Plut. as from Eur. 

dcr|ivtarTov, acceptable ; this is a verbal adj. in the positive 
degree from dcrfj-evifa, and should be accented as in text, not 



NOTES XLV. (ATT. IX. 2) 257 

which is usually, but wrongly, taken as a superla 
tive of &<r/j.evos ; for in the tirst place the word could then only 
mean very glad, not very welcome," which latter sense the 
passage demands ; and secondly, the superl. of &fffj.ei>os used by 
Cic. is o.fffj,va.lra.ros. See Att. xiii. 22, 1, where dcr/ierairara 
means, as it ought to mean, most gladly. 

temperatius. This, not tcmpcrantius, is the right read 
ing, for temperate is often used by Cic., tempcranter never. The 
difference between the two words would be infinitesimal in a 
ms., the n being indicated only by a horizontal stroke over the 
a, which was often omitted. 

hie, Caesar. 

Vetant. This is the certain correction by Boot of the ms. 
vita. The influences which forbid him to adopt any but a des 
perate course are his character, his previous history, the 
nature of the enterprise on which he has embarked, the material 
strength or even the moral firmness of the Pompeian party. 
Antefacta is probably an allusion to the complicity of Caesar 
in the Catilinarian conspiracy (see Correspondence of Cicero, 
vol. i. pp. 17-19), which is more clearly recognised in a 
subsequent letter (Att. x. 8, 8), non est committcndum ut Us 
pareamus quos contra me scnatus, ne quid resp. detrimcnti capcret, 
armavit. (Observe the strange ambiguity introduced into this 
sentence by the anastrophe of contra, a figure which Cic. affects ; 
cf. quern contra = against whom, Mur. 9; 2 Verr. v. 153.) 
Boot does not seem justified in giving to constantia the bad 
sense of obstinacy : I cannot find that Cic. ever uses the 
word except in a good sense. Indeed, it is contrasted with 
obstinacy in Mur. 31, quae enim pertinacia quibusdam, cadem 
aliis constantia videri potcst. In this passage, however, I 
believe that both vires and constantia, though bearing their 
natural meaning, are used ironically by Cicero, who does not 
in his letters seriously ascribe either material or moral strength 
to the partisans of Pompeius. Lehmann (Quaestiones Tullianae, 
p. Ill) suggests that we should read vetantvita mores, etc., and 
suppose vctant to have been lost from the text of the mss. 
through its similarity to vita, which followed it in the arche 
type. He compares quid acta tua vita . . . Jlagitet, Fam. iv. 
13, 4 ; et vita et fortuna tua . . . invitct, Phil. x. 3 ; mores 
ipsius et vita, Still, 71 ; usus vita mores civitas ipsa respuit, 
Mur. 74. 

4. currens ad ilium, hurrying to join Caesar. 
eripiebat . . . persequebatur, he talked of Caesar s 
3 



258 NOTES XLVI. (ATT. X. 17) 

wresting the Spains from Pompeius, occupying Asia, and 
pursuing Pompeius into Greece. This use of the verb is , r ery 
rare in Latin, but not so unusual in Greek, e.g. vb 5 -.lada 
Q-qfiuv . . . Aval;, Eur. Here. Fur. 462, means you (he use*! to 
say) are king of Thebes ; TrXourels ev ov TrAovroDcrt, you lalk 
of yourself as an heiress among beggars, Andr. 211. So Ar. 
Thesm. 616, rl /capSa/xifeis = cress me no cresses, i.e. d>n t 
talk to me about cresses ; Vesp. 652, /JLTJ Trartpifc, father me 
no fathers. Not unlike is voto . . . mittit in hortos, Pers. ii. 
36, for she prays that he may come to those pleasure-grounds. 

quicumque sunt, whatever they are. He will not allow 
that they deserve the name boni, which he generally applie,; to 
the Pompeian party. This shows that he is using language 
ironically above when he speaks of their vires and constantia. 



LETTER XLVI. (ATT. x. 17) 

At this time Cicero was desirous of leaving Italy, but vas 
not at all sure that his attempt to embark would not be 
resisted by Caesar. He reposed great hopes in the apparent 
cordiality of Hortensius, who held a command under Caes; or ; 
but we find from what he says in the next letter that lis 
hopes were ill founded. 

1. Pridie Idus. On the 14th of May Hortensius cal ed 
on me just as I had finished my letter to you. I only hcpe 
the rest of his conduct towards me will be of a piece with his 
present demeanour. You would hardly believe he could ha ve 
gushed so. I mean to take advantage of it. Vcllem cetera 
cius is highly elliptical, but not more so than is characteris ic 
of Cicero s epistolary style. The same sentiment is again 
expressed below. Cic. fears the amiability of Hortensius is t >o 
great to last. And so it proved. The Greek word correspon Is 
to a slang expression with us. In the same w r ay in the cone- 
spondence we find &fj.op(f>oi>, bad form ; tiriTrjKTa, veneering ; 
* I * 7 ?) a l ea( l > d&ireivos, peckish ; QaKavOifciv, to pic k 
holes. {VdUrn cetera = scripta essent : I would rather lie 
had confined himself entirely to writing. ] 

aperuissem. This is the reading of the mss. which 
many edd. retain; focdo tiiMido, says Wes., because Cic. nevi r 
uses the subjunctive when one thing is simply said to 1m e 
occurred before another. True ; but this passage does not sa/ 



NOTES XLVI. (ATT. X. 17) 259 

simply that Cic. before opening the letter told Serapion how 
kindly Att. had already written about him. ISTo ; prior to 
opening the letter, and deliberately so, was Cicero s statement 
about Att. If he had waited till he had opened the letter 
which Serapion brought, the latter would not have believed 
that Att. had already recommended him ; so as a preliminary 
to opening the letter of recommendation, Cic. told Ser. how 
kindly Att. had already written and spoken. The subj. is 
quite requisite to express that thought. Then after skim 
ming the letter, says Cic., I entered on the whole matter in 
the fullest detail, telling Serapion all that Att. had written in 
his praise. \Aperuissem. I entirely agree.] 

stricta. The reading of the mss. is scripta, which is 
clearly wrong. Most edd. read lecta, which of course gives a 
very good sense ; but why was it superseded by scripta ? The 
corrupt word must have been some rare one which the copyists 
did not understand, and some word far more like scripta than 
lecta is. Such a word we have in stricta, which nowhere else 
is used in the sense of to skim, or hastily read. But 
strictim attingere, legcre, scribere, etc., are common enough ex 
pressions, and stringere cautes is to graze the cliifs ; stringers 
is also to treat a subject concisely, and strictus is concise. 1 
These senses come so near to that ascribed to the word here 
that I think we are justified in supposing that Cic. in a familiar 
letter used the word in this sense, and that, being misunderstood 
by the copyists, it gave place to the very common word scripta 
of the mss. [Stricta, I think this passage is one of many where 
confusion has been caused by the contraction apta for aperta, 
which I think to be the original reading.] 

quin . . . puto, nay, even I think I will make use of 
his vessel and take him as my fellow-passenger. Cic. seems to 
have contemplated taking Serapion as a tutor for his boys, and 
as a successor to Dionysius. 

2. Crebro refricat, My sore eyes give me annoyance from 
time to time no very great annoyance indeed, but enough to 
make writing inconvenient. 

3. perturbatum, boisterous, tempestuous. 

Inde si dicpcUs erit, then if a brisk breeze for sailing springs 
up (and thus I am enabled to sail), I only pray that Hortensius 
may maintain his present amiability (and assist me) ; since so 
far nothing could be more courteous than his demeanour. It 
is possible, however, that there is a certain humorousness in 
the passage : if the wind proves fair, I only hope the temper 



260 NOTES XLVII. (ATT. X. 18) 

of Hortensius will be like it. The word aKpats is the conjecture 
of Bosius for eras of the mss. The very word for the \\ind 
that Cic. wanted is d/cpcnfc, which is always used in Homei for 
a brisk, steady breeze, enabling a man to start on a voyage. 
Hitherto the wind was boisterous and squally, chopping ind 
changing, all of which is implied in pcrturbatum. The \ery 
opposite kind of weather to that indicated by dKparjs is a calm ; 
and that was the weather which it was his lot to meet : see 
next letter where he complains of the mirificae tranquillita^es. 
He hoped to be enabled to sail by the connivance of Hortensius, 
who held a command under Caesar, and who might have m;ide 
himself very disagreeable to Cicero, but who so far was all that 
could be desired. It turned out, however, that his gush vas 
all humbug (mfantia), as we read in the next letter. I hi ve 
accepted inde, Dr. Reid s correction of the ms. reading d. 
One might say that the aequiiwctium was perturbatum, but cne 
could not call it d/cpa^s, which could only be used of a wind. 
Erit is impersonal. 

4. diplomate. This w r ord generally refers (1) to a state 
letter of recommendation given to a person travelling in tie 
provinces ; (2) to a document drawn up by a magistrate, 
securing to the holder some favour or privilege, especially :o 
soldiers. Here the reference seems to be to a pass or passpor ; 
which Caesar himself issued permitting persons to leave Ital} ; 
or to return to Rome from abroad (Fam. vi. 12, 3). Cic. seen s 
to have said something implying that Att. had procured such a 
passport, and Att. seems to have resented this, as if Cic. had 
thought him capable of a crime. It seems Att. had secured a 
passport for the young Ciceros, which led Cic. to suppose he 
would use one himself ; moreover, Cic. was under the impressio i 
that such a document was indispensable for those who wishe 1 
to leave Italy or to re-enter Rome. 



LETTER XLVII. (ATT. x. 18) 

1. xiiii. Kal. Inn., May 19. Before the reformation of the 
calendar by Caesar, B.C. 45, March, May, July, October hac 
each thirty-one days, Feb. twenty-eight, and the rest twenty- 
nine. Therefore May 19 is fourteen days before June 1, reckon 
ing inclusively after the Roman fashion. Att. xii. 21, written 
in the spring of 45, is the first letter written after the re 
formation of the calendar. In it and the subsequent letters 



NOTES XLVII. (ATT. X. 18) 261 

we must calculate our dates on the principle that the Roman 
months contain the same number of days as they do now. 

kirra.\ir]vv3Llov, a seven - months child. For this and 
cvr6KT]<re cf. note on Ep. iv. 1 concerning the use of Greek 
terms in medicine and hygiene. 

est quod, gaudeam, I have reason to be glad. 

Quod natum. It is the habit of Cic. to use the neuter 
gender with reference not only to the unborn, but to the newly 
born, infant. 

Nam ilia Hortensiana. Cic., in telling Att. that he is 
under surveillance, adds that all his hopes founded on the 
amiability of Hortensius have been dissipated, all the gush 
of Hortensius turns out to be mere moonshine. The word 
infantia is very probably corrupt ; whether we take it as the 
nom. sing, of the subst. or the nom. plur. of the adj. it is not 
a suitable word. It ought to indicate, as it does elsewhere in 
the writings of Cic., a want of eloquence/ incapability of ex 
pressing oneself, but here it must bear the much later meaning 
of folly, drivelling. The force of nam is this : the calms 
are a worse obstacle to me than the surveillance to which I am 
subjected, (I am under surveillance), for the gush of Hortensius 
turns out to be all nonsense. Att. might have judged from 
the previous letter of Cic. that the surveillance of Hortensius 
was a mere form, if Cic. had not here put him in possession of 
the real facts of the case. [For fuere infantia I would read 
fuerunt (the other form is highly improbable in Cic. ) fatua ; if 
fatua were accidentally written fantua, infantia would result, 
like temper antius above for temperatius. A subject for depra- 
vatus est seems to have dropped out ; probably the name of a 
letter-carrier who had allowed Salvius (freedman of Hort. ?) to 
open Cic. s letters and betray Cic. s designs to Hortensius. This 
supposition seems necessary to account for Cic. s resolve to say 
no more about his plans.] 

Ita flet, So it will be found to be ; cf. quiescet, Juv. i. 126, 
and Mayor s note there. The most common example of this use 
of the fut. is sic erit, you will find it to be so, which is frequent 
in the comic drama, so that we need not regard with suspicion 
a similar usage in the letters of Cicero. Cf. inerunt, there 
will be found to be in the purse, Plaut. As. 727 ; conveniet, 
you ll find it right, Ter. Phorm. 53. 

KwpvKcuoi, a general term for spies, eaves-droppers, bor 
rowed from the name of a seafaring folk who lived on the pro 
montory of Corycus in Pamphylia, and earned a livelihood by 



262 NOTES XLVIII. (ATT. XI. l) 

gathering information for the pirates who infested the coast s of 
Asia Minor. 

2. nee . . . cursu, do not count on any letters from me 
unless I reach my destination, or possibly get a chance of com 
municating with you from shipboard. 

tarda et spissa, everything so far goes so slowly nnd 
heavily. Spissa contains a metaphor drawn from a he; ivy 
muddy road. 

sequimur, Formiae is my present destination ; cf. Virg. 
Aen. iv. 361, Italiam non sponte seguor. 

non probamus de Melita, to judge from your talk w th 
Balbus, my project of going to Melita does not meet the views 
of Caesar ; lit. we do not approve, commend, to Caesar. 

Egi gratias. De altero, I thanked him (for his good 
will). As regards the other point (his suspicion that I "was 
seeking an opportunity to join Pompeius), I put myself right 
with him." Cic. may have possibly written de altero twite, 
which would be a little clearer, but the text as it stands in 1 10 
ms. is quite accurate enough for the demands of the epistola y 
style. 

3. infeliciorem, so. nost-i, vidisti. 

conflcior venisse, I am tortured (by the thought) that 
the time has come when I can no longer act with either bold 
ness or discretion. For the infinitive as oblique predicate with 
its subject in the accusative, the whole expression forming the 
object after a verb, see Roby, ii. 1351, 1352. A good parallel 
example is Att. xi. 17, 1, incredibtti sum dolor e affedus iaie 
ingenium in tarn misera fortuna vcrsari. 



LETTER XLVIII. (ATT. xi. 1) 

In the interval between the last letter and this Cicero lefi 
Italy (June 11) and crossed over to Dyrrachium, with his 
brother, his son, and his nephew, to join Pompeius. Caesai 
had now made himself master of Spain, become dictator, and 
defeated Pompeius at Pharsalia, during which engagement Cic. 
was at Dyrrachium. Cic. returned to Brundisiurn at the end 
of November, 48. The following letter was written from 
Epirus. 

1 . signatum, sealed, not signed. The practice of sealing 



NOTES XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 263 

among the Romans was merely for security. It was not, as 
with us, an element in the due execution of a document (Roby, 
Classical Review, vol. i. p. 69). 

qui eas dispensavit, Philotimus. 

existimationis, my credit. Cf. ut bonum nomen existimor, 
Fam. v. 6, 2. Credit is more usually fides, as below, 2. 

2. cistophoro, an Asiatic coin, so called from the device 
stamped on it, the sacred cista of Dionysus half open, with a 
snake creeping out of it. The value of the cistophorus was 
probably about three denarii. 

permutatione, by negotiating a bill of exchange to that 
amount." 

credens ei, sc. Philotimo. 



LETTER XLIX. (FAM. ix. 16) 

1. amavi amorem tuum, I was charmed with your affec 
tion for me. See on Ep. xxxix. 1. 

Silius, probably the propraetor of Bithynia in 50 (Fam. 
xlii. 61). He doubtless brought some message which made 
Cic. uneasy with regard to the feelings which Caesar enter 
tained towards him. 

bis quidem, twice indeed in exactly the same terms. 
Paetus sent two copies of the same letter by different messengers 
to make sure of his warning reaching Cic. 

2. sed tamen, but, however that may be, whatever can be 
wrought or effected to win and get a fund of good-will with 
those friends of yours (Cacsarianos), that I have sought to ac 
complish by most earnest efforts ; and successfully too, as I 
think : for I am so esteemed and respected by all those who 
are intimates of Caesar that I think I may say they actually 
love me. For scd to/men resumptive see Reid on Acad. ii. 17. 
Diligere is weaker than amare ; cf. ad Brut. i. 1, 1, Clodius valde 
me diligit, vcl, ut e/i^cm/cwrepoj dicam, valde me amat. 

Tametsi. This is Cratander s excellent correction of nam 
etsi of the mss. 

perspici. This passage, among others, shows fha,t jjerspicere 
is the regular word for the trying of friendship like gold : cf. 



264 NOTES XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 

Catull. c. 6, pcrspecta est igni turn unica amicitia, according to 
Prof. A. Palmer s certain restoration of the poet s text. 

3. praestari, to be guaranteed. 

nihil loqui. Supply from the preceding clause arbitror rune 
csse mcum. 

4. notandis . . . legendi, by marking the different styles 
of poetry and habitually studying them. For notare, to 
mark clearly, cf. Fam. vii. 2, 1, equidem sperabam ita no.ata 
me religuisse genera dictorum meorum ut cognosci sua sponte 
posscnt, I hoped that my Ions mots had such a character! ^tic 
genre of their own. Caesar was making a collection of Ions 
mots or witty apophthegms. Cic. had a great reputation for 
wit ; habitus est nimius risus adfectator, says Quintilian, vi. 3 3. 

actis, the news of the day. Cf. res urbanas actaquc omn ia, 
Fam. x. 28, 3. 

audiendum, here curiously used in a different sense from 
the immediately preceding aiidiat, if he hears anything el ;e, 
he does not give ear (pay attention) to it. 

Oenomao tuo nihil utor, I have no use for your quotati >n 
from the Ocnomaus of Accius, tho it came in so pat. Pact is 
had quoted some verseg from that play on the wisdom of avoi 1- 
ing the making of enemies. Loco is their proper place, a 
meaning which locus often has, and hence cipponcre loco is o 
quote appositely. 

5. posse, sc. invideri. Cf. Phil. ii. 5, cum tu occidcres. Ft c 
potuissc (sc. te eum occidcre}. 

praestare, to guarantee, as above; here it means t:> 
guarantee (the absence of) what is blameworthy, to b? 
answerable for one s own innocence. So consilium, Att. v. 10, 
3, really means my want of forethought ; Att. iv. 16, 1 
epistolarum frcquc ntia means * want of regularity as a corre 
spondent ; and in Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 85, hacc . . . reprehend 
iustius ill is, the meaning is the absence of these can be con 
demned more fairly than the absence of those. 

Beliquum est, ne quid. Wesenberg (Em. Alt. 29) would 
insert ut before ne ; but Reid (Lael. 42) has shown that nc and 
ut ne are used indiscriminately by Cic. in short final sentences. 

6. fluctum a saxo frangl. "Wesenberg marks this as a 
quotation ; it does not, however, seem to be a quotation, but 
rather an adaptation by Cic. of an image of Accius to express a 
thought of his own. Oenomaus, it appears, in the play of Accius 



NOTES XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 265 

so called, was alarmed at an oracle which told him to beware of 
Pelops. The latter tried to reassure him, that he was going to 
act fairly, that he wanted to marry Hippodameia, not to injure 
Oenomaus, but, says Oenomaus, 

Saxum id facit angustitatera, et sub eo saxo exuberans 
Scatebra fluviae radit rupem ; 

that is, as the waves by their perpetual action wear away a 
rock, so does this suspicion beset him and wear him away. 
Paetus must have used the image of Accius to indicate the 
ceaseless and silent working of envy which he feared might 
finally ruin Cic. Cic. explains at length how he cannot be 
exposed to jealous hatred, and finally accepts the simile but 
transfers it to the action of fortune, let the waves of chance 
beat as they will against the strong man, they beat as idly as 
the tide against a cliff. The term is Cicero s own, and is not 
at all likely to have ever stood in the play of Accius. 

Athenis vel Syracusis, e.g. Socrates at Athens under the 
Thirty, and Plato at Syracuse under Dionysius. 

7. secundum. You have brought on as an afterpiece to 
the Oenomaus of Accius, not an Atellane comedy, as the fashion 
used to be, but a farce, as is the mode now. Since the time of 
Sulla the mime had more and more superseded the Atellane 
comedy as an afterpiece. The mimus was much looser and 
coarser than the Atcllana. See Diet, of Ant. s.v. mimus, and 
forfabulae Atellanae Mommsen, bk. iii. ch. 14. 

Quern tu mihi pompilum, What is this pilot-fish you 
talk to me of, this thunny-dinner, this dish of stock-fish and 
cheese? Pompilum and thunnarium are the corrections sug 
gested by Rutilius for popilium and denarium of the mss. 
Dcnarium, indeed, might be retained. Paetus may have said 
that he would entertain Cic. at the cost of a denarius, and Cic. 
might write in joke, What is this penny - dinner you offer 
me? 

Hirtium et Dolabellam. These were well-known gourmets ; 
they were learning the art of speaking with Cic. , and were, he 
says, imparting to him the art of the bon vivant in return. 

* bonam copiam eiures, your pleading insolvency to me is 
no use. 

quaesticulis, it (your property) obliged you to be somewhat 
careful about small gains. Quaesticulis, the reading of the 
mss., is rightly retained by Hofm. [Quaesticulis. I cannot 
remember an ex. of attcntus with dat. in prose. Usually it is 



266 NOTES XLIX. (FAM. IX. 16) 

used by itself, without any further constr., but sometimes -with 
in and abl. or ad and ace. In Hor. there is of course a cat. 
(attentus quaesitis). ] 

non est quod, there is no reason why. It is quite neces 
sary to insert the words est quod with Wesenberg ; non ns 
would be a solecism for ne fueris ; even if with C. F. Miil cr 
we read non eo sis censeo ammo, the proper particle would be 
ne. Paetus had sustained some pecuniary loss, which t ie 
jocular tone of the allusions shows not to have been serious ; 
probably he had been obliged to accept an aestimatio instead of 
full payment from some debtors. [May not non eo sis consitio 
ut mean you would never think it necessary to ?] 

aestimationem, valuation, i.e. property made over to ore 
on a valuation, hence here much the same as composition. 
The abstract emptio, purchase, is used in the same way ftr 
the thing purchased. According to one of Caesar s laus 
about debt, creditors were obliged to take in payment the land s 
of their debtors, the value of the lands being estimated by th ) 
price which they would have fetched before the war. By thi i 
law all creditors lost about a fourth of the money claimed 
by them. Lands made over to their creditors by debtors at ; 
valuation were called aestimationes. 

levior ab amico, such a blow comes less heavily from i 
friend than a debtor. 

8. eas . . . ut, the sort of dinner where there would be 
quantities of things left untouched. 

temperius, earlier ; the more luxurious the Roman dinners 
were, the earlier they began ; hence tempestiva convivia means 
grand (smart) dinner-parties, Att. ix. 1, 3. 

matris tuae, a dinner like your mother s, that is, old- 
fashioned and frugal. 

polypum miniati lovis similem, a polypus cooked as red 
as the ruddled Jupiter. Pliny, H. N. xxxiii. 112, tells us 
that Verrius adduces unimpeachable authority for the fact that 
on festal days it was once the custom to paint the statue of 
Jupiter vermilion. The polypus was not naturally red, but 
assumed that coloiir when cooked with a coarse red sauce. 

mea nova lautitia, my late conversion to smartness. 

promulside, the first course, consisting of eggs, olives, 
salt-fish, sausages (lucanicis), and such like savoury hors d ceuvre 
taken to whet the appetite. The drink was generally mead 



NOTES L. (FAM. ix. is) 207 

(mulsum), whence the name. It was also called gustus and 
gustatio. Cic. says ho has abolished the antepast because he 
found it took the vigour out of his appetite. 

9. superiora ilia lusimus, what I said above was only 
in fun. 

10. villa Seliciana, a villa at Naples belonging to the 
banker Selicius which Paetus told Cic. not to buy. 

Salis . . . parum, We have had enough joking, too little sober 
sense. This is his excuse for putting in a remark about business 
at the end of a letter chiefly devoted to jokes. The mss. read 
sannonum, and many editors give sannionum. These words 
could only mean there is much material for jesting, but few 
jokers (or rather clowns ), i.e. few with the heart to joke. 
The words would with this reading better follow the verb 
lusimus. Hofm. suggested sanorum, showing that Cic. thus 
uses the neuter plural of adjectives by adducing Or. ii. Ill, 262. 
I prefer the comparative, both as suiting the sense better and 
as being nearer to the reading of the mss., which present 
sannonum or sanniorum. 



LETTER L. (FAM. ix. 18) 

1. ob viam, to meet Caesar. 

eadem, so. vid, or operd. Via might easily be taken out of 
ob viam, but cadem opera is very common in the comic drama, 
in the sense of as part of the same act (transaction), while I 
am about it. You might as well whistle jigs to a milestone 
would be expressed by una (sc. operd} in Plautus. 

plenissimas suavitatis, most charming. 

ludum aperuisse. Who would have said that ludum 
aperire was good Latin for opening a school, were it not that 
we have here Ciceronian warrant for it ? 

sublatis iudiciis, a Ciceronian exaggeration of the fact 
that trials were not as regularly conducted as they used to be. 
For the irregularity of legal procedure during the civil war 
see Mommsen, R. H. iv. 325, 485. 

regno forensi, my primacy at the bar. 

2. Id cuius modi sit, the value of this protection I do 
not know. 



268 NOTES L. (FAM. IX. 18) 

in lectulo. Cic. is perhaps alluding to the illness fiom 
which he was suffering while the battle of Pharsalia was being 
fought (Plut. Cic. 39). 

Lentulus tuus. It is uncertain whether this is the Lm- 
tulus who was consul in 49, and was put to death in prison by 
Ptolemy (Caes. B. C. iii. 104), or P. Lentulus Spinther, to whom 
Cic. addressed the letters in Fam. i. "We do not know wl at 
was the end of the latter, but he was dead in 43 when Cic. 
delivered Phil. xiii. 29. 

Scipio. Metellus Scipio, father-in-law of Pompeius, en 
deavoured to escape to Sicily after the battle of Thapsus, b it 
was overpowered by Sittius, and (probably) destroyed himse. f. 
Afranius met his death at the hands of the forces of Sittius 
(Bell. Afr. 95, 96). 

foede, miserably, not disgracefully. 

istuc quidem licebit, so. ire or me conferre. 

id quod agimus, and that is what I am now aiming at. 

3. Ergo hoc primum, This, then, is my first advantage. 
namely, that I am trying to act in a conciliatory manne 
towards the victors. There follows another, namely, that my 
health is improving. 

intermissis exercitationibus, so. declamandi. The Romans 
practised declamation to supply the place of that physical 
exercise for which w r e have recourse to field sports and out-of- 
door pursuits of various kinds. Cf. Phil. ii. 42. 

facultas . . . exaruisset, the founts of my inspiration 
would have run dry. 

Hateriano iure. Haterius seems to have been an advocate 
who was staying with Paetus at this time. Cic. cannot refrain 
from his well-worn play on the double meaning of ius, legal 
procedure and sauce. He had made the same joke twenty- 
four years before, 1 Yerr. i. 121. 

7rpoXfyo[i.vas, sc. dtaeLs, principles and axioms (of the 
art of cookery) ; the expression was also applied to the prin 
ciples of rhetoric and law. Perhaps institutes would be a fit 
rendering. 

sus Minervam, sc. doccbo ; tho it is a case of teaching 
one s grandmother. For the proverb see De Orat. ii. 233 ; 
Acad. i. 18 ; Cs TTOT AOifjvaLav Zpiv tfpiae, Theocr. v. 23 ; the 
shorter form rj us TT\V ^drjvav is found in Plut. Demosth. 11. 



NOTES LI. (ATT. XII. 6) 269 

4. Sed quo modo, videro, But as to the ways and means 
(of your getting the instruction), I shall see to that. [Quo modo 
videro: very unsatisfactory. Perhaps we should read quoquo 
modo, te videro. There is of course no need for you to take 
lessons from me in what you know very well already ; but 
whatever be the pretext, I shall have the advantage of seeing 
you. ] 

aestimationes. See on last letter, 7. 

item istic, at Naples. The meaning is, I hope your friends 
too at Naples are as hard up, so that they may not be able to 
entertain you well, and so keep you there. Wes. reads item 
istic. The reading of the mss. is idem istuc. 

cantherium comedisti, you have eaten your pack-horse, 
that is, you have thrown away on dinners the money which 
would have kept your pack-horse. 

hypodidascalo, privat-docent. 

proxima, next to mine. 

pulvinus sequetur, a cushion will come in due time. 



LETTER LI. (ATT. xn. 6) 

1. Gaelic. Caelius was a banker ; Cic. refers to him Att. 
xii. 5, 2. 

lacuna, flaw, defect in the gold ; the word is sometimes 
used by Cic. to indicate more generally loss, e.g. lacunam rei 
familiaris explere, 2 Verr. ii. 138. The Latin for a dimple 
is lacuna. 

ista non novi, I am not versed in such matters. 

collubo, exchange, agio. Cic. says the exchange will 
involve loss enough ; if to this is to be added loss arising from 

the inferior quality of the material of the coin and then 

breaks off with an aposiopesis, which he says is characteristic 
of the style of the rhetorician Hegesias, who introduced the 
Asiatic school of rhetoric, and who was commended by Varro. 
For Hegesias of Magnesia see Mommsen, iv. p. 567. Mommsen 
makes him responsible for the vulgarism of Asia Minor, 
which was a reaction from the classicism which had hitherto 
prevailed in the higher language of conversation, and conse 
quently also in literature. Hegesias and his school rebelled 
against the orthodox Atticism, and demanded full currency 



270 NOTES LI. (ATT. XII. 6) 

for the language of life without distinction, whether the word 
or phrase originated in Attica, or in Caria and Phrygiu. 
The prevailing characteristic of the style of Hegesias was its 
abruptness. 

2. Tyrannionem. Tyrannio had written a book on accents, 
irepl irpoaudiwv, which Cic. was annoyed to find that Atticus 
had read without waiting for him to read it with him. Cio. 
had more than once put off his perusal of the work until 
Atticus should be with him. He says Att. can only atone fc r 
his error now by sending him the book. 

iravTO. 4>i\i8T|[Aova. This is a very probable correction cf 
(pi\65rjfj.oi> of the mss. which used to be explained by supposing 
that Cic. writes to Att. I like every man to be patriotic, am I 
so I am glad to find that you, Atticus, admire the work of thi * 
Greek, Tyrannio. But this is very forced, and the corrected. 
reading gives a natural sentiment, and one often expressed or 
hinted at by Cic. I like every man to have a taste for know 
ll 



ledge (of all sorts). I should prefer to read TravTofaXeidrjfj.oi a, a 
word which would have been very likely to undergo corruption. 
He likes a man to desire knowledge of all sorts, even of such 
minute studies as the doctrine of accentuation. Reading TTO.VTO. 
<f)i\idr]/uiova we are obliged to supply in thought a word or words 
expressing of all sorts, which is conveyed by TravTo^iXeiS^/jLova. 
He often quotes the Greek sentiment, yXvKvrepov ovdtv ^ TTCLVT 
cltevai, 

tua sunt eius modi omnia, the whole bent of your mind 
is for subtle speculations. 

quo uno, you desire knowledge, which is the only pabulum 
of the mind. This is a good example of the difference between 
the indicative and subjunctive ; with alatur the meaning would 
be you want to know by what the mind is fed. 

quid ex ista acuta et gravi, what in that acute and grave 
treatise has any bearing on the ultimate principle of conduct ? 
The epithets chosen contain a play on the acute and grave 
accents, which were the subject of the treatise ; Cic. had pro 
jected at this time the De Finibus, a treatise on the re Xos, the 
summum bonum or ultimate principle of conduct ; no doubt 
he had unfolded his project to Atticus in a lost letter, and now 
observes that this particular study is not germane to its scope. 

Sed longa oratio. I cannot understand this passage at all, 
except on the hypothesis that a sentence has fallen out in 
which Cic. wrote to Att. about his projected De Finibus, and 



NOTES LI. (ATT. XII. 6) 271 

probably asked Att. to give his judgment on some scheme of 
the future work. The missing sentence may have ended with 
the word reXos, and so may have fallen a victim to that com 
mon source of omissions in mss. called corruptio ex homocotclcuto. 
He breaks off with the reflection, It would take a long time 
to develop to you my scheme, and you are busy, probably on 
my affairs. 

asso sole. In his Brutus Cic. introduced Atticus as one of 
the interlocutors in the discussion about distinguished orators 
held in pratulo propter Platonis statuam (Brut. 24). Att. had 
a far higher opinion of that treatise than Cic. himself enter 
tained. Now if we may assume that Cic. thought of giving 
Att. a place among the speakers in the De Finibus he might 
very well have written here words which would playfully 
express the sentiment that he would put into the mouth of 
Att. in the projected dialogue far more ornate and elegant 
language than that with which he had furnished him in the 
Brutus. He calls the whole dialogue a basking (sole) because 
it was held in pratulo, and he writes, Instead of that dry 
basking in the meadow we shall call on you for one full of 
un.inicnts and all sorts of brilliancy. Then he returns to the 
subject of Tyrannio s book on accents. He did introduce Att. 
into De Fin. v., but did not give him much to say. In Att. 
xiii. 12, 3, he calls the De Fin. Trepl Te\uv avvra^Lv, and writes, 
Bruto ut tibi placuit despondimus. Perhaps Att. requested 
Cic. not to give him an important place among the characters 
in the dialogue. [rAos. I feel sure there is no allusion to the 
De Finibus. The word rAos is to be explained by tua sunt 
eius modi omnia: scire enim vis. The rtXos of Atticus is to 
obtain knowledge. But is any real knowledge to be gained 
from a work on so trivial a subject as that of accentuation ? It 
would take long to discuss the point, as Att. is so delighted 
with Tyrannio s book. The sentence Etproisto . . . rcpctcmus 
is to be explained by the one preceding. Its general drift is, 
I shall be getting a much greater boon from you (in the great 
attention you are giving to my affairs ; cf. the last sentence of 
Att. xii. 5, 2, te quidem . . . ignotd) than the boon I conferred 
on you (in giving you a place in my Brutus). llcpetemus=I 
shall be claiming in return. ] 

abusus es. Abuti is much the same as uti in many pass 
ages of Cic. ; in others of course it means to use ill, to 
abuse. 

3. Chremes . . tibi. Ter. Heaut. i. 1. 23. 



272 NOTES LII. (FAM. IX. 19) 

Aristophanem . . . pro Eupoli. Sec Orator, 29, and 
Sandys s note there. The verses which Cic. wrongly ascril ed 
to Eupolis were verses in the Acharnians of Aristoph. 



VffTpottTT tppotTec, 

The mistake of Cic. arose from the fact that Eupolis also oft m 
called Pericles the Olympian or Zeus (6 crx^o/c^aXos Zetf ). 
In Brut. 39 and 59 Cic. refers to two celebrated eulogies of 
Eupolis on Pericles, that he alone of all the speakers left h is 
sting in his hearers, and that persuasion sat upon his lips. 

4. quaeso. Att. must have used this word too often, ar.d 
thus incurred the bantering of Caesar. The word itself is often 
used by Cic. 

CVTTIV^S, quaint, almost as we would say a classicism. 

dubitationem. This refers to the case of the Buthrotians 
who were in danger of confiscation, but owed their preservatio i 
to the good offices of Att. with Caesar. Cic. says the tone c f 
Caesar to Att. was such as to leave no doubt in his mind thai 
everything would go as Att. wished. 

tain diu, sc. febri laborare. 
horrore, shivering. 



LETTER LII. (FAM. ix. 19) 

1. malitia, so you won t give up your tricks, no matter 
what I say (tamcri). For malitia in the sense of the esprit 
malm, and so generally shrewdness, cf. Att. xv. 26, 4. So 
also Plancus, Fam. x. 21, 3, non tnalus homo. The word 
malitia ought in this sense to be brought to the aid of a 
corrupt passage in Att. xiii. 22, 4, where for a quibus sine te 
opprimi militia cst. Alter is I would read a quibus sine tua 
opprimi malitia f Est altcris, etc., to think of my being pounced 
on by them without your shrewdness to help me ! There is in 
the other letter, etc. Nisi tua malitia adfuissct (Att. xv. 26, 
4) is exactly parallel to sine tua malitia. 

Tenuiculo apparatu, A very poor spread. 

reges, a sneer at the Caesarians, who have abolished the 
free state, 

Nescis . . . venisse, You don t know that I fished all the 



NOTES LIII. (FAM. IX. 20) 273 

news out of him, by reason of the fact that he had come straight 
from the gate to my door. I am not surprised at his not going 
to his own door, but at his not going to his own dear. The 
play of fancy which Cicero expresses by the omission of the 
prep, we must reproduce less neatly by a play on words. 
Venit domum suam is good Latin for he came home but he 
came to his own (girl) demands a prep. Cic. makes insinua 
tions against the sobriety of Balbus in another letter to Paetus 
(Fam. ix. 17, 1). Some edd. change siiam of the mss. to 
suum, by which they understand Caesarem, his patron. [Recta 
enim, etc. : enim is probably a corruption ofeum; the two words 
are frequently confused.] 

tribus primis verbis, the first three words I spoke to 
him. But tertio quoque verbo means at every second word. 

libentius, sc. fuisse. 

2. verbis . . . opsonio, conversation . . . catering. If it 
was your conversation which made Balbus enjoy himself so 
much, I must try not to be too hard to please ; if it was your 
catering, pray remember that I, the eloquent, have as good a 
right to be considered as a stammerer. Cic. puns on the 
meaning of Balbus, to which is opposed discrtus, the adj. 
which is applied to him by Catullus in the poem beginning 
Disertissime Romuli nepotum. 

non committam, I shall take good care that you shall 
not say I have given you insufficient notice. 



LETTER LIII. (FAM. ix. 20) 

1. scurram velitem, that I like a light-armed wit-slinger 
have received a fusillade of raillery from you. There is a perfect 
volley of jokes here. The scurra or parasite who was invited to 
dinner for his light and ready jests on everybody and everything 
(Plin. Ep. ix. 17, 2) is likened to a light-armed soldier who 
could move quickly about and direct his sling or bow at any 
point while lightly skirmishing with the enemy ; we should 
more naturally take the metaphor from a light-weight in the 
prize-ring. These parasites seem to have been made the butt 
of a good deal of horse-play, such as having pots and other 
utensils broken about their heads (Plaut. Capt. i. 1. 20, iii. 
1. 12). They were often, no doubt, pelted not only with raillery 
(malis) but with material missiles such as apples (imilis), which, 



274 NOTES LIII. (FAM. IX. 20) 

forming part of every cena, would furnish convenient projeciles 
to be used against the scurra. It may be, too, as some of the 
commentators have suggested, that Paetus had sent Cic. a 
present of apples, or promised him some particularly fine ones for 
second course. We may feel pretty sure that Cic. here intro 
duces a play on malis in its two senses. 

ista loca, Paetus s villa near Naples. 

non hospitem, sed contubernalem, not as a guest, bu ; as 
one of your family circle. 

promulside. See on Ep. xlix. 8 : what a gastronomic hero 
you will rind me now ! Not the poor creature whom you used 
to put Jwrs tie combat with a mere appetiser. 

ad ovum, I bring an unimpaired appetite to the egj^s. 
The ova were the beginning of the regular dinner. Cic. s;,ys 
he does not destroy his appetite by the promulsis. Ro ist 
veal seems here to have marked the end of the ccna pro] >er 
before the mensae sccundae or dessert. In the celebrated dim er 
on the inauguration of a Lentulus as Flamen of Mars, the ini lu 
of which is preserved by Macrobius (Sat. iii. 13, 11 ff.), the L st 
course before dessert was roast fowl (altilem assum). The we rd 
for courses isfcrcula. 

insolentiam, extravagance. In Rose. Am. 23 insolens is 
opp. to cgcntissimus, and in Phil. ix. 13 Cic. contrasts maiomm 
continentiam with hums sacculi insolentiam. With ad haw 
insolentiam we must understand some verb like vcnimus, nos 
contulimus, taken out of nos coniccimus. 

lautitiam, elegant, refined menage. 

in sumptum habebas, when you had money to spend. 

praedia. Paetus had been obliged to accept in lieu of mom y 
from his debtors lands valued at their price before the war ; s< e 
on aestimationcm, Ep. xlix. 7. 

2. 6v|/i.p.a0tis. Horace s scri studiorum, those who leara 
late in life what should be acquired earlier. Cic. was ai 
overgrown pupil in the art of dining. 

sportellae, fruit-baskets. 

artolagani, omelettes, cakes made of meal, wine, pepper, 
milk, and oil or lard. 



This is my conjecture for ex artis of the mss 
Wesenberg would read exquisitae artis. This is better thai 
Ernesti s iam etiam artis. But I feel sure that ex represent. 1 



NOTES LIV. (FAM. IX. 26) 275 

some Greek word which the copyist could not read, such as 
^ox???, a leading position/ a word which Cic. uses in Att. iv. 
15, 6. The copyist would have written down ex and then 
inserted the obvious conjecture artis, forgetting to erase his 
unsuccessful attempt at eox??s. The notion required is rather 
that of a leading position than of refined art. A man 
might require exquisita ars to order a good dinner, but he 
must have a leading (acknowledged) position as a bon vivant 
before he ventures to invite well-known gourmets to his table. 

munditia . . . elegantia, refinement . . . taste. 

ius. Here curiously we do not seem to have the usual play 
on ius. Hirtius was celebrated for his sauce. 

3. salutatio defluxit, when the stream of morning visitors 
has flowed by." 

audiunt, interview we would now say. Audire is the 
regular word for attending lectures, but this cannot be the 
meaning here. The victores or triumphant Caesarians would 
be glad to hear what Cic. had to say. 

eluxi, I have done my mourning for my country. Elugere 
is the proper word for to be in mourning for a dead friend or 
relative, and the perf. expresses that the term of mourning is 
completed. [Elugere naturally = to be mourning thoroughly 
for ; but the word is very rare.] 



LETTER LIV. (FAM. ix. 26) 

1. Accubueram . . . exaravi, I have just taken my 
place at table at three o clock, and I am dashing off a copy of 
this letter in my note-book. The tenses are epistolary. Cic. 
would afterwards copy the letter on to chartae. Cf. licux, cum 
essem in senatu exarari, Fam. xii. 20. It is not necessary to 
insert litterarum, as Klotz does ; iis stands for iis littcris in 
Fam. xi. 14, 3. For codicilli see on Ep. xviii. 1. 

supra . . . infra. Cic. occupied the middle seat on one 
of the dinner couches ; see Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 20, and Palmer s note 
and diagram there. 

exhilaratam, has become so gay. 

philosophum audis, you who are having lessons from a 
philosopher, Dion the Epicurean. 



276 NOTES LIV. (FAM. IX. 26) 

Angar ? Am I to distress, to torture myself ? M 2 . gives 
excruciemne, but the use of the interrogative particle with the 
second question and not the first would be very strange ; more 
over H. confirms the omission of the -Tie by M 1 . 

quern ad flnem ? how long ? 

minimum mini est in cena, I set very little store by my 
dinner, the one subject of inquiry you set before Philosopher 
Dion. This is explained below. 

2. Cytheris, an actress, mistress of Volumnius and afi er- 
wards of M. Antonius (Mayor on Phil. ii. 20 and 58). Some 
comm. see an allusion to her in the word aKvdrjpov (Ep. xxxiii. 
2), but this is not probable. 

accubuit, quia meretrix: honestae mulieres sedebant, Man. 

quern aspectabant. Ribbeck places this among the frag 
ments of doubtful authority ; others refer it to the Telamo of 
Ennius. The line before this is hicine est ille Telamo mi do 
quern gloria ad caelum extulit. 

Aristippus, the head of the Cyrenaic school. He held tl at 
the bodily pleasure of the moment (iJ.ov6xP ov s ^ov-ff) was the 
summum bonum, and that evScufj-ovia was the sum of pleasur 
able moments. 

Habeo non habeor, x w ^ K tx /* - 1 - Cic. says it is bet! er 
in Greek because habeor does not mean I cling to, as 
txofJ-a.1 does. The Greek expression is something like oir 
among them but not of them. The Latin is quite differer t, 
habeor being distinctly passive. An equivalent in English 
would take some such form as She is my mistress, but lam 
her master. All relations sat lightly on Aristippus (Her. 
Epp. i. 17, 23). 

a Laide. These words can hardly have proceeded fron 
Cic., who would certainly have written habeo Laida, non hab&>r 
ab ilia. Lais was a celebrated courtesan of Corinth. Diogenos 
Laertius (ii. 84) tells us that Aristippus dedicated to her two of 
his works. 

interpretabere, you will give a rendering of it. So Ci. 
recognises that his habeo non habeor is, as I have said, no trans 
lation of the Greek, but another (and an inferior) mot, into 
which the word habeo enters. 

in solum. On De Nat. Deor. i. 65 Prof. Mayor translate 3 
turns up, is brought on the tapis, adding that the origin c f 
the phrase is doubtful. Man. thinks it refers to chance-grown 



NOTES LIV. (FAM. IX. 26) 277 

weeds (solum = ground) ; but Prof. Mayor, suggesting that solum 
would refer rather to what comes from above than from below, 
would connect it with the legal res soli ; Dr. Reid thinks the 
phrase may mean what meets the foot (solum), comparing ret tv 
iroai and like expressions. 

3. baro. It appears that the pedant Dion (a term which 
seems to have been often applied to Epicureans) desired to 
know whether any one had a knotty point (f^r^a) to propose 
for solution, and put his general challenge of the company in 
the form of a question whether any one was looking for any 
thing (that is, any solution of a speculative difficulty). Paetus 
irreverently replied that he had been looking for his dinner 
since morning. The baro, pedant, thought that the question 
would be something deep, such as whether there is a plurality 
of worlds. But, says Cic., what is such a question to you? 
Now who would think of saying what is dinner to you ? espe 
cially to a well-known gourmand such as you are ? Thus Cic. 
shows that the thing which Paetus was looking for was really 
a more rational object of pursuit than the abstract problems 
which the pedant was prepared to solve. The reading of M. is 
at hercule cena non quid ad te tibi pracsertim. Wes. would read 
non est ncglegcnda or non parvi est, but my correction of the 
ms. seems to me more in the tone of the letter and more likely 
to have incurred corruption. Some such word as dicct must be 
understood before cena num quid ad te? and that understood 
verb is followed by tibi. [Baro : rather dull dog ; so in Fin. 
ii. 76, nos barones stupemus ; Div. ii. 144. Lucilius has barones 
et rustici. In Pers. v. 138 baro is stupid fellow. The 
barcalae of Petron. 67 is probably an error for barunculi. ] 

4. vivitur, this is the way my life goes. 

intra legem, within the law, and indeed well within it. 
This was the sumptuary law of Caesar passed in 46 which inter 
alia restricted the liberty of buying certain dainties. A strict 
watch was kept on the markets, and sometimes dishes which, 
had been already set on the table were removed by order of 
Caesar. The Lex Sumptuaria of Ep. xii. 2 was the Aemilian 
law of 115. 

cibi. . . ioci. Geniti ves of belonging ( Eigenscliaft) : cf.pluri- 
marum palmarum gladiator, Rose. Am. 6 ; ludi . . . non tui 
stomachi, Fam. vii. 1, 2 (Ep. xvii). Draeger, Hist. Synt. i. 
p. 461. 



278 NOTES LV. (ATT. XII. 11 ) 



LETTER LV. (Air. xn. 11) 

Male de Seio. This was the usual formula for express 
ing sorrow at the death of a friend. The word beatulus was 
applied by their friends to the recently dead ; we say poor so- 
and-so, but the Romans, who said beatulus, and the Greeks, 
who said 6 fj-aKapir^, were more euphemistical. Cf. Catulh s s 
o factum male on the death of Lesbia s sparrow. 

ad nos pertinent, which concerns me more nearly, as 
being a thing which I may avoid and is not a necessary eril 
like death : namely, the question what I am to do about the 
senate, am I to attend it or no ? 

multo, sc. mayis ad nos pertinent. 

Postumiam Sulpicii, sc. uxorem. She seems to have be >,n 
a highly energetic woman, and was now busying herself abo it 
some new marriage which she wished to recommend to Cicer< ; 
probably she desired that the daughter of Pompeius should 1 >e 
the successor to the divorced Terentia. We find that he is n< >t 
disposed to entertain that proposal. As to the other Candida e 
for Cicero s hand we are left without any knowledge, but it : s 
amusing to find the sexagenarian orator and philosopher writir g 
I never saw anything uglier than she is, yet expressing hin - 
self as prepared still to consider the question. He subsequentl y 
married Publilia for her dowry. He does not seem to have felt 
any affection for her, and he divorced her because he thought 
she lacked due sympathy with him for the loss of his beloved 
daughter Tullia. 

adsum, a nice use of the present for the future, 
hilaritatem, the excellence of her spirits. 

commotiunculis, slight indisposition ; we have leviter 
commotus in the same sense in Ep. Ixix. 1. 



LETTER LVI. (FAM. xv. 17) 

1. Praeposteros, unnatural, doing just the opposite to 
what they should do ; their duty being to bring letters, they 
bring none, but clamour for letters to take away with them. 
Praeposterus always contains the notion of inversion, and hence 
is by no means conterminous with our preposterous. Prae- 



NOTES LVI. (FAM. XV. 17) 270 

pcstera is applied by Cic. to a letter which came to him before 
another one which was written earlier and delivered earlier to 
the carrier. 

Sed tamen. This is the usual epanalcpsis which these con 
junctions convey. Having said they give me no concern, he 
adds, and yet (they do annoy me because) they clamour for 
letters on leaving me, but bring none on their arrival. 

id ipsum facerent, i.e. flagitaremb litteras. 

petasati, with their travelling caps on ; see Plant. Amph. 
prol. 143, and Palmer s note. We would rather say, they 
come booted and spurred. 

ignosces, you will kindly excuse, the fut. standing for a 
polite form of imperative. 

2. Sullam. He speaks in the same tone on the death of 
Sulla in Fain. ix. 10, 3. This is the man whom he defended in 
the Pro Sulla. He was a great buyer of the confiscated estates 
of Caesar s enemies ; hence verentem nc hasta rcfrixisset. [Com- 
bustum: there is probably a jest here. He was not merely 
ambustus, owing to his trial, but combustus. Pro tua sapientia, 
1 such is your philosophy. ] 

irpdo-wirov irdXews, a prominent personage, a well-known 
figure in Rome. [Cf. personam civitatis gcrere, Off. i. 124.] 

Mindius Marcellus. He and Attius the perfumer rejoiced 
at his death, as he used to bid against them (adversarium] at 
the auctions of the confiscated estates. 

3. paludatus, in military uniform. This must have been 
a preliminary journey, for he did not leave Rome to take up his 
province of Cisalpine Gaul from Brutus till March (Att. xii. 17; 
xii. 19, 3). 

nuper. This is an allusion to the fact that Cassius had 
recently become an Epicurean, and so was bound to oppose the 
Stoic doctrine that right was to be pursued for its own sake and 
apart from consequences a doctrine which the general admira 
tion of Pansa s conduct seemed to confirm. 

4. si d,Kvdo-7rov8os fueris, if you keep clear of idle 
pursuits. Cic. warns his friend as an Epicurean not to trouble 
himself about such vain pursuits as the restoration of the 
commonwealth. 



280 NOTES LVII. (FAM. XV. 16) 



LETTER LVII. (FAM. xv. 16) 

1. Puto te iam suppudere, I fancy that you must be a 
little ashamed of yourself by this time, now that this thi: d 
letter is upon you without a scrap, without a word, from you. 
Scida is properly a leaf, from scindo ; the Greek axtfy w is 



probably a late corruption of the Latin word, tiec summa poles - n 
scida (al. schcda) tcneri, Mart. iv. 91, 4. Littera is properly a 
letter of the alphabet. Notice the ellipse of misisti or scripsist i. 

ternas. The distributive numeral is used because the woid 
understood is litteras, which, being plural with singular meai - 
ing, takes the distributive not the ordinal numerals. Tns 
litteras would mean three letters of the alphabet. 

KttT* i5u>Xwv 4>avTtt(rCas, by the presentation of images t > 
the eyes. The Epicurean theory of vision was that minute bu ; 
material copies of the object of sight passed into the eyes ; tho 
rival Platonic view being that there was an emission of rays fron 
the eyes. Cic. discusses these theories in a jocular passage in Att. 
ii. 3, reminding one of the quasi-philosophic scene in the Vicai 
of Wakefield, where the Squire applies the maieutic method ol 
dialectic to Moses. The Epicurean theory is in that letter more 
accurately described as the theory /car eldu\uv ^uTrraxras. The 
word (f>a.vTa<rla. rather belongs to the Stoical vocabulary. For a 
full account of ancient theories of vision see Grote s Plato, vol. 
iii. p. 265, note. 

8tavoT]TiKois <J>avTa<ras, mental pictures. 

spectris Catianis. The translation of cfduXa by spectra, 
appears to have had a comical tinge (Fain. xv. 19, 1). Catius 
the Insubrian was an Epicurean writer who had recently died. 
He treated his subject superficially, but in a fairly readable 
manner (Quintil. x. 1, 124). That this is not the Catius of 
Hor. Sat. ii. 4 is wellnigh certain ; see Palmer s Introd. to that 
Satire. 

ille Gargettius. Epicurus, who belonged to the deme 
Gargettus, north-west of Athens. 

2. animus qui possit, hoAV the mind could be impinged 
upon by the idola, I cannot see. Cicero s objections to the 
Epicurean theory of mental images are these : granting that 
actual sensation is caused by idola impinging on the eye, how 
is it that the mind can be affected by just those images by 
which it wishes to be affected that just those idola come which 



NOTES LVIII. (ATT. XII. 12) 281 

we want. I read quae veils incurrunt, inasmuch as quac for cum 
seems demanded by the argument (neither word is found in the 
mss.), and incurrunt is the most proper word to convey the 
sense needed here, and has the authority of H. and its family, 
while M. gives occurrunt, which is usually changed to 
accurrunt. 

The impressions derived from the idola or spectra in a mental 
picture are too delicate to affect the senses but can act on the 
mind. Our power of calling up a mental image, the difficulty 
here suggested by Cic., is a real difficulty, and is by the 
Epicurean school either ignored or met by an unjustified as 
sumption of a power of initiation in the atoms such as Lucretius 
is obliged to assume. If Epicurus and Lucretius had hit on 
the theory of latent mental modifications they might at least 
have thrown on their opponents the burden of disproof. 

haeres in medullis. Cf. in mcdullis populi Romani ac 
visceribus haercbat, Phil. i. 36. 

pectus. This is where the intellect resides, according to the 
Epicureans. 

3. postulabimus . . . restituare, we shall make an 
application that you be restored to that system (Stoicism) from 
which you have been ousted by force of arms (the influence of 
Caesar). Cic. says he will get an interdict of the praetor to 
restore Cassius to Stoicism. The word cupetns, from which 
comes our heresy, was especially applied to sects and systems of 
philosophy, without conveying, as heresy does, a deviation from 
an established form of belief. 

nuntium remisisti, you have repudiated your true spouse, 
Virtue. The message was res tibi habeas (or habeto) tuas, or 
tuas res tibi agito. Cf. XII. Tables, Si vir ab uxore divertit res 
suas sibi habere iubeto eique clavcis adimito. 

in integro, the matter will be open to us still, we are not 
estopped by any Statute of Limitations. 



LETTER LVIII. (ATT. xn. 12) 

1. De dote. Cic. had divorced Terentia, and it is probable 
that he here speaks of the obligation under which he lay to 
restore to her the marriage portion which she had brought to 
him. The words turpe est rem impcditam iacere are in favour of 
this view. But we must infer from Att. xvi. 15, 5, a letter 



282 NOTES LVIII. (ATT. XII. 12) 

written a year after this one, that Terentia had not been paid 
even then, though Cicero s son had made the generous proposal 
that the sum due to her should be deducted from his own 
allowance while studying at Athens. It is possible also tl.at 
the words dc dote refer to Tullia s dower, which Dolabella was 
bound to refund to her. We read in Ep. xlvii. that on May 19 
in the year 49 Tullia had given birth to a seven-months chil 1. 
In a letter written in the following year (Att. xi. 6, 4) Cic. 
expresses alarm at her state of health. She subsequently had a 
quarrel with Dolabella, and Cic. recommended a divorce (Att. 
xi. 23, 3). This quarrel seems to have blown over, but subse 
quently Dolabella divorced her. She was then again with 
child (Fam. vi. 18, 5), and Cic. in that letter speaks about the 
difficulty of getting her marriage portion from Dolabella. Shs 
died early in 45, probably in February, and we read in this 
letter and many of those written about this time how deeply 
Cic. felt her loss, and how anxious he was to pay a token of 
respect to her memory by dedicating to her a sort of shrine 
This act he describes as an airoOtwcris of his daughter, and per 
haps nothing in the whole correspondence of Cicero presents i 
more marked contrast to the religious feelings of the present 
day. If the reference in de dote is to the dower which Dolabella 
was bound to refund, the words turpe est rem impeditam iacere 
do not seem quite so suitable, but are by no means out of place. 
It was a slur on him and Atticus as business men that the 
matter should not be settled. 

tanto magis perpurga, sc. quanta dijficilius cst. Att. 
had dwelt on the difficulty of coming to a settlement. Per- 
purga is a stronger expression than explica or expcdi for wind 
ing up a business transaction. 

delegandi. Ddcgare is to defray a debt by giving a draft 
on another, and thus to impose on one s creditor the difficulty 
of enforcing payment. Balbus seems to have proposed this 
method of payment, which Cic. calls high-handed (regia\ to 
Cicero if the dos in question was Terentia s, to Dolabella if it 
was Tullia s. 

Insula Arpinas, a portion of Arpinum, which was sur 
rounded by a loop of the river Fibrenus before it falls into the 
Liris (De Legg. ii. 6). Cic. says, It would be a perfect site for 
the deification, but I fear its out-of-the-way position would 
seem to diminish the token of respect paid to the memory of 
the dead. 

in hortis, some pleasure-ground in the neighbourhood of 
Rome. 



NOTES LIX. (ATT. XII. 32) 283 

tamen, in any case, as often. 

2. ne0app.d<ro|Aai, I shall remodel. Att. had asked Cic. to 
give the statement of the Epicurean view in the De Finibus to 
some friend of his, who had asked him to make interest with 
Cic. to procure him this honour. Cic. grants his request, but 
adds, In future I shall remodel my practice with regard to the 
persons in my dialogues. You would be surprised how some 
people covet a place among the interlocutors. I will have 
recourse only to the ancients. This causes no heart-burnings. 
Cf. Juv. i. 170 

Experiar, quid concedatur in illos, 
Quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque Latina. 

ut eliciam, to write with a view of drawing replies from 
you ; ut eliciam follows mitterc closely ; if it went with in- 
stitui it should of course in strict sequence be elicerem; but 
institui elicere practically is the same as missurus sum. 



LETTER LTX. (ATT. xn. 32) 

1. Publilia. Cic. was now married to Fublilia. He writes 
to his friend Plancius (Fam. iv. 14, 3) that he married her only 
to repair his shattered fortunes by means of her ample dower. 
He divorced her not long after this time, we are told, because 
she did not seem to feel the death of Tullia. He seems to have 
had some trouble about refunding her dower to her brother 
Publilius (Att. xiii. 34 and 47 b, 2). Even now he refuses to 
see her in his affliction. 

videretur. So Klotz and Wesenberg for loquerctur of the 
mss. 

mi etiam gravius esse. M. has me etiam gravius cssc, and 
many edd. preserve this reading, adding a/ectum. But Orelli s 
change of me to mi is far simpler. Qramter cst mihi is a very 
good phrase for it goes ill with me, that is, I am in great 
distress of mind ; cf. fuit periucunde, I enjoyed myself greatly, 
Ep. Ixvi. 1, and note there. The mss. often give mi for mihi 
in the letters. It seems to have been a habitual form in 
familiar communication. 

non illius esse. Publilia had written the letter at her 
mother s dictation. She would not come when Cic. forbade 
her, but she might have done so if Cic. had left the letter 
unanswered. But he says in the next sentence that he thinks 



284 NOTES LIX. (ATT. XII. 32) 

they will come ; who are they ? Plainly, I should say, the 
brother Publilius and the mother. Hence I have changed 
illae to illi, understanding that word to mean the other t\\ o, 
Publilius and the mother, the pronoun according to rule folio v- 
ing the masculine gender. If the subjects connected are of 
different gender, the adjective is regulated in gender by t,ie 
nearest substantive if the singular is used. If on the contrary 
the plural is employed, then the gender in the case of livir.g 
beings is masculine, as uxor mea et filius mortui sunt, Mad/. 
214, a, b. Uxor mea et filius would be referred to by a 
masculine pronoun, illi. So a brother and a sister are called 
fratres. 

una vitatio. See Reid on Acad. ii. 51. 

avolem. This word has been inserted by Madvig. It 
would have easily fallen out before nollem. 

ut scribis. Att. had probably recommended gentleness in. 
the treatment of Publilia in a former letter. We need no 
suppose that he had discussed this very incident with Cic. 
before, for in that case Cic. would not now have written it 
such detail. 

2. Ciceroni velim hoc proponas. I wish you would 
make this suggestion to my son that is, if you think it fair 
that in this sojourn of his at Athens he should keep his expenses 
within the sum which the rents of my property in the Argiletum 
and the Aventine will yield ; he would have been quite satisfied 
with that allowance if he had rented a house in Rome, as he 
had intended. And further, I should be obliged if you would so 
arrange that out of these rents I may be able to supply him 
with what is necessary. The Argiletum was the booksellers 
Btreet in Rome. Martial directs thither a friend who asked 
him for a copy of his book. No doubt, he writes, you often 
go down the Argiletum, Argi nempe soles subire letum, i. 118, 
9. The tmesis is nearly as bad as the Ennian cere comminuit 
brum for comminuit cerebrum, for the Argiletum no doubt 
meant Clay St. and was derived from argilla, and had no 
reference whatever to the death of Argus. 

Praestabo, I will guarantee that none of the other young 
Romans who are going to study at Athens will have a better 
allowance. 

quanti. This is the genitive of price. 

ut sint qui ad diem solvant, you must see that the 
tenants shall be persons who shall pay their rent punctually. 



NOTES LX. (FAM. iv. 5) 235 

instrument!, outfit. 
lumento, an equipage. 

animadvertes, you will see to be the case. The ms. 
gives animadvertis, but this must be corrected to animadvertes 
or animadvertisti. The former seems the easier remedy. 



LETTER LX. (FAM. iv. 5) 

1. sane quam. This coupling of quam with adverbs is 
very common in the letters. 

pro eo ac debui, I deplored it as bitterly as I was bound. 
istic. In Italy, where Cic. was. 

genus hoc consolationis, consolation of every kind, con 
solation in the abstract, consolation per se ; this is a common 
use of genus. In Fam. v. 12, 1 genus tuorum scriptorum means 
your work as a whole, and in Fam. vii. 23, 2 genus omnium 
signorum means all the statues in the world. 

confleri. Cic. uses confici. Another correspondent, Balbus 
(Att. viii. 15 a, 3), agrees with Sulpicius in writing confieri. 

brevl. Cf. Fam. i. 19, 13, tantum dicam brevi. Some such 
word as opera is understood, so that brcvi means briefly ; so 
Fam. vi. 6, 1, brevi gratulabimur. [Rather the neut. adj. is 
turned into a noun, without any idea of a special noun being 
left out ; so proclim, exfacili, etc.] 

quod perspicias. Quod, as stating the real reason, should 
be followed by the indicative, but forsitan justifies the sub 
junctive. 

2. intestinus, private, personal. 

callere, to be callous. In Cic. this word means to be 
thoroughly conversant with. Concallescere is to be callous. 
[I think callere means to be wise or to be sensible. ] 

3. cedo. I have corrected credo to cedo. The mss. give an 
illius vicem, credo, doles, where an and credo cannot stand to 
gether. Hofm. changes an to at. Mimro would correct credo to 
Cicero. Far better in my mind is the change of credo to cedo, 
which often means tell me in the comic drama and in Cic. , 
both in his letters and in his other works. Cedo is used exactly 
as here, pray, parenthetically, by Cato ap. Quintil. ix. 2, 21, 



286 NOTES LX. (FAM. IV. 5) 

cedo, si vos . . . quid aliud fecissetis. Cf. Ter. Andr. iv. 4, 

24. The copyist would have been much less likely to write 
an by error for at than to corrupt to credo a word like cerfo, 
1 pray, which might puzzle any one who was not a fairly go od 
scholar. 

illius vicem, for her sake. Cf. nostram vicem, for our 
sake, Fam. i. 9, 2 ; Liv. xxxiv. 32. 

et tu veneris. The et is probably corrupt, and shou d 
either be omitted or corrected to ut. If Sulpicius wro:e 
the sentence as it stands, he wrote a slipshod sentence, 
for while the et . . . et should connect both ve?ieris and incl- 
dimus with neccsse est, the difference in mood shows that this : s 
not so, but that et . . . incidimus is parenthetical. See, hov- 
ever, the masterly notes of Reid on Acad. ii. 69 and ii. 12, wheie 
he shows that et is often displaced from its logical position by i 
natural laxity. See also note on ne aut, Ep. Ixxiii. 8. 

res . . . spes, present enjoyment and hope of future. 
Watson well compares neque solum spe sed certaore, Fam. xii. 

25, 2. 

credo, of course, ironical; another reason for regarding 
credo above as corrupt, for there the irony would have beer 
simply brutal. Credo parenthetic is not, however, alwayt 
ironical. 

ordinatim, in their due course. He refers to the 
quaestorship, aedileship, and consulate, which were held in 
that order, magistral quorum certus ordo cst, Leg. Agr. ii. 24. 

nisi, only this is worse. This elliptico-adversative use of 
nisi is very common in the comic drama. See note on Plaut. 
Mil. Glor. 24. There is a good ex. of it in Att. xi. 23, 1, 
nisi illud quidem mutari . . . non video posse. 

4. regiones circumcirca = quae circumcirca sunt. Cf. dis- 
cessu turn meo, by my then departure," Pis. 21 ; deorum saepe 
pracsentiae, the frequent appearances of the gods, N. D. ii. 
166 ; so even when place or time is indicated by a periphrasis, et 
tot locis scssiones, De Or. ii. 20 ; Carbonis eodem illo die mors, 
Phil. viii. 13. It is sentences like these which show us the 
great loss which the Latin language sustained in having no 
article. This fine passage is alluded to by Byron in a familiar 
stanza of great beauty, Childe Harold, iv. 44. Mel moth, in 
his translation of the letters ad Fam. , compares the reflections 
of Addison in Westminster Abbey, Spectator, vol. i. No. 26 : 
When I see kings lying by those who deposed them ; when I 



NOTES LX. (FAM. IV. 5) 287 

consider rival wits placed side by side, or the holy men that 
divided the world with their contests and disputes, I reflect with 
sorrow and astonishment on the little competitions, factions, 
and debates of mankind. When I read the several dates of the 
tombs, of some that died yesterday, and some six hundred years 
ago, I consider that great day when we shall all of us be con 
temporaries, and make our appearance together. 

Megara. Megara was destroyed by Demetrius Poliorcetes 
in 307 B.C. ; Piraeus in the Mithridatic War, 86 ; Corinth by 
Mummius, 146. 

Hem I nos homunculi, Ah ! we poor mortals. Hmnullus 
and homuncio are other forms of the diminutive. 

oppidum cadavera, corpses of towns, a very strange 
expression, for which Mr. Watson compares the much less bold 
sepulta patria, Catil. iv. 11. Oppidum for vppidorum is also 
strange. [Corpus reipublicae is found Pis. 25 ; Phil. viii. 15.] 

Visne tu. We should rather have expected vis tu, which 
conveys an earnest exhortation, than visne tu or vin tu, which 
merely asks a question, as Bentley showed. Perhaps, however, 
the less strong form of adjuration is suitable to a man apostro 
phising himself. 

Hoc idem. The order of words seems to me decidedly in 
favour of regarding idem as the accus. neut. rather than the 
nom. masc. 

de imperio. This does not mean that the boundaries of the 
empire have been contracted, but that it has in the recent civil 
war lost prestige and moral influence. 

in animula, the loss of the poor little life of a poor weak 
woman. Where we say loss of the Latins said loss in; cf. 
Fam. x. 28, 3, magnum damnum fttctum est in Servio. 

homo, a mortal ; cf. ut earn nemo hominem appellare possit, 
Cluent. 199. 

5. tua persona, your position, the aspect which you 
present to the world. 

adolescentibus primariis. C. Calpurnius Piso, Furius 
Crassipes, and P. Cornelius Dolabella. Of these, Piso was 
by far the best. She was divorced by Dolabella and probably 
by Crassipes. She seems to have had most affection and 
admiration for Dolabella, who was quite the worst of her hus 
bands. It was probably her grief for her divorce from him 
which prevented her rallying from the childbirth which cost her 
her life. 



288 NOTES LX. (FAM. IV. 5) 

perfunctam, experienced, used both of good and md 
experiences. Cf. Ad Brut. i. 12, 2. 

quod . . . possitis, what quarrel on that score could you 
or she have with fortune ? 

imitari, depending on veils, taken out of noli. The ress. 
have neque imitare, but Latinity demands neve imitare or nec-ue 
imitatus sis. Hofm., who, however, reads neque imitare (I 
suppose because he thinks Sulpicius capable de tout}, gives an 
excellent parallel for the construction which I ascribe to imitari. 
It is Fain. xii. 30, 1, noli mihi impudens esse nee mihi moletf- 
iam exhibere. So, again, N. D. i. 17, noli existimes me adiuton m 
huic venisse sed auditor em. 



6. longinquitas temporis. Cf. Soph. Electr. 179, 
yap euyLtaprjs 0e6s, time is a comfortable god. Sulpicius urgjs 
Cic. not, like an ordinary person, to await the healing influenc >,s 
of time, but, as a philosopher, to go to meet that comfo t 
which it must at last bring. For occurrcre in this sense cf. 
Q. Fr. i. 1, 4, where Cic. tells his brother that he should nc t 
only not shirk business but even court it (occurras). 

inferis, if the dead have any consciousness a sad if. This 
passage has been referred to by the late Archbishop Whately t ) 
show that belief in a life to come, though nominally professed, 
cannot be regarded as practically forming any part of the cree< I 
of the Romans of Cicero s time. Cic. acknowledges that th<! 
letter of Sulpicius embraces every source of consolation 
which the case admitted ; yet there is in it no allusion what 
ever to the comfort which would have been afforded by a belie 
in the happiness of Tullia in another state. The expression IE 
the letter which even contemplates the possibility of the perma 
nence of consciousness after death is not used with the view ol 
ascribing happiness to Tullia, but only of estimating what 
might be her judgment about her father s obstinate perseverance 
in his grief ; and the words used do not seem to suggest that 
Sulpicius himself believed that consciousness would survive 
death. In a letter written to Torquatus within a few months 
of this Cic. speaks of death, if it should befall him in the 
troubles and tumults of the period, as sine ullo sensu (Fam. 
vi. 4, 4). It deserves, however, to be noticed that when Cic., to 
beguile his grief, devoted himself to philosophical studies, one 
of the first results (about a year later) was the first book of the 
Tusc. Disp. , in which he has collected whatever his learning or 
reflections could contribute to throw light on the condition of 
the soul after death. The received philosophical opinion on 



NOTES LXI. (FAM. IV. 6) 289 

the subject seems to have been expressed by Seneca, when he 
terms the belief in the immortality of the soul a beautiful 
dream (bellum somnium), and describes its adherents as assert 
ing rather than proving a most acceptable doctrine (Ep. 102). 
Friedlander (Sittengeschichte Horns, iii.) has treated with his 
wonted mastery the whole question of the relation of a belief in 
a future life to ancient Roman speculation and conduct. 

hoc facere, sc. dolere. 

huic rei serviendum, we must stoop even to such a con 
sideration as this (which follows). 

aliorum, sc. Caesarianorum ; possibly other supporters of 
the Republic. 

provincia. Macedonia with Achaia. 



LETTER LXI. (FAM. iv. 6) 

1. Ego vero, Yes, indeed, I wish you had been with me. 
Ego vero points as usual to a question which has been asked, 
and introduces the answer. 

aeque dolendo, by your perfect sympathy. 
aliquantum acquievi, I felt a little more calm. 

quam . . . fore, and the pleasure which he thought you 
would feel at such an evidence of sympathy with my grief. 

iucundiora . . . gratiora. Gratus may be applied to 
that which one welcomes and approves of, iucundus being re 
served for that which produces an actual emotion of delight, 
(amor tuus) grains et optatus, dicerem iucundus nisi id verbum in 
omne tempus pcrdidisscm, Fain. v. 15, 1 ; ista vcritas, etiam si 
iucunda non cst, mihi tamen grata est, Att. iii. 24, 2. Scilicet 
means of course, because Cicero s recent loss precluded 
emotions of actual delight. 

Q. Maximus . . . M. Cato. The persons referred to as 
having sustained a loss similar to his own, but at a time when 
their great position in the state afforded much to console them, 
are Q. Fabius Maximus, the cunctator in the second Punic 
war ; L. Aemilius Paullus, who defeated Perseus at Pydna in 
168 ; C. Sulpicius Gallus, consul 166 ; and M. Cato the censor. 
Gallus is called vester, as belonging to the gens Sulpicia. The 
story of the death of the two sons of Paullus just at the time of 
his triumph is pathetically told by Velleius, i. 10. 



290 NOTES LXII. (ATT. XII. 45) 

2. frangerem iam ipse me, when I crushed down my 
sorrow. Cf. ita flectcbar animo atque frangebar ut iani ex 
memoria insidias depomrem, Sull. 18. 

habebam quo confugerem, I had a refuge and a rest ng- 
place, one in whose sweet society I could lay aside all my c ires 
and griefs. 

consanuisse . . . recrudescunt, the old wounds, that 
seemed to have got well, broke out afresh. Consanesco is found 
only in the letters of Cic. 

Non enim . . . foro, All is changed : then, when I came 
back depressed from public affairs, a home welcomed me to give 
me comfort ; but now I cannot fly from my house of mourn ng 
for refuge to the state, and borrow comfort from its happiness. 
No : I shrink from private and public life alike. For maesh tm 
a, coming back sad from, Watson excellently compares re&iis 
a volnere Dido, Virg. Aen. vi. 450. 

domo absum. It is wellnigh certain that a must have 
fallen out before domo. See Reid on Acad. i. 2. 

3. Mains . . . ratio. H. and T. give this reading, which is c< r- 
tainly right, No philosophical system can bring me greater coi a- 
fort than your kindly intercourse and conversation. From t le 
corrupt reading of M., maior mihi vatio mihi adferre, has be n 
educed the vulgate reading, maior enim levatio mihi adferri, eta. 

quamquam, I have my hopes, however, because the 
earnestness of the appeal just uttered might seem to imply that 
his early meeting with Sulpicius was a matter of doubt. 

amicissimi. Sulpicius held his province by the gift of 
Caesar. 

magnae . . . quiescendi, it is a matter for careful cor - 
sideration what plan I shall pursue ; I do not mean what 
plan of action, but what mode of passing that retirement which 
Caesar kindly grants me. 



LETTER LXII. (Air. xn. 45) 

1. Ego . . . absolvi. We learn from other passages thai 
the two treatises here referred to, the Academica and the De 
Finibus, were written at Astura. Yet it is clear that the rest 
of the letter was not written at Astura, but probably at Tuscu- 
lanum. Hence edd. have proposed to regard the first section 



NOTES LXIII. (FAM. VII. 24) 291 

of this letter as the end of the one immediately preceding it. 
Reid, Acad. p. 30 (ed. 1885), argues that owTa/y^aro, here refers 
to the Acad. as he first wrote it in two books. 

2. AKi]8a, listlessness, what Cic. elsewhere calls pigritia. 

refricant, so. me ; the word is always transitive, a reflexive 
pronoun being easily supplied in the places where the verb is 
apparently intransitive, as here and in Att. x. 17, 2 (Ep. xlvi.), 
crcbro refricat lippitudo. 

3. Eum . . . Salutis. The temple of Quirinus on the 
Quirinal Hill, dedicated by L. Papirius Cursor on the defeat of 
the Samnites, was burned down in the year 49. Caesar restored 
it, and this year his statue was erected there with the inscrip 
tion, Deo Invicto. There was also a temple to Salus on the 
same hill. Cic. here bitterly says that he would rather see 
Caesar enshrined with (occupant of the same temple with) 
Quirinus than Salus. Romulus was torn to pieces just before 
he was acknowledged as a god. In Att. xiii. 28, 3, he calls 
Caesar Quirini contubernalem. 

Hirtium. The work is called by the name of the writer, 
just as we now speak of our Cicero or Horace, and as Juvenal 
wrote of Flaccus and Maro. This was a tirade against Cato 
(Att. xii. 40, 1), and as it was dedicated to Caesar it is spoken 
of as epistolam in Att. xii. 41, 4. He says the effect of the 
brochure will be to reflect credit on the literary ability of 
Hirtius, but discredit on the scheme of blackening the char 
acter of Cato. 



LETTER LXIII. (FAM. vn. 24) 

M. Fadius Gallus, who is not to be confounded with the T. 
Fadius Gallus to whom Fam. vii. 27 is addressed, is frequently 
recommended by Cic. to many of his friends, and is mentioned 
(Att. viii. 12, 1) as a close friend of Att. as well as of Cic. He 
appears to have been very anxious that Cic. should not lose the 
favour of the Sardinian musician Tigellius, who was very influ 
ential with Caesar. 

1. vestigia. Some verb like sunt or apparent or vidi or 
animadverti must be understood, but there is no reason why 
we should introduce it into the text, as many edd. do. 

vel, for instance, just now in the case of Tigellius. For 
Tigellius see Palmer on Hor. Sat. i. 2, 3. 



292 NOTES LXIII. (FAM. VII. 24) 

Cipius. The story about Cipiua was that he was in the 
habit of pretending to be asleep, lest he should find himself 
forced to condemn anything in the conduct of his wife, but 
that on one occasion, when a slave taking advantage of his 
apparent slumber was making away with a stolen cup, he sud 
denly started up with the words, I am not asleep to every 
one, and recovered his stolen property. So Cic. here says, As 
Cipius declared there are cases in which he would not play the 
sleeper, so there are cases in which I will not play the slave, 
and I will not endure the insolence of this Sardinian singer. 
Cf. doctus spcdare lacunar, said of a husband, Juv. i. 56, end 
Mayor s note on that passage. 

regrnare. Cic. often had to bear this reproach dnrng 
and after his consulship ; see for instance Att. i. 16, 10 ; Si 11. 
21, 48. [This is the very reproach Cic. brought against HH-- 
tensius in the Div. in Caecil.] 

non tarn ab ullis, sc. observabar. 

Id ego . . . praeconio, I regard it as a clear gain no longer 
to have to endure this fellow, who is more noisome than Ids 
noisome birthplace, one, moreover, who (as I take it) has been )y 
this time quite knocked down as a cheap lot by the scazon ic 
hammer of Calvus. Sardinia was proverbially unhealthy. 
Addicere is the technical term for knocking down a lot at ;tn 
auction to the highest bidder. The setting forth of the qua i- 
ties of the goods offered for auction was called praeconium, ai d 
the auctioneer was praeco. The allusion here is to the bitii ig 
scazons which Calvus wrote against Tigellius, of which the fir st 
line has been preserved 

Sardi Tigelli putidum caput venit, 
For sale Tigellius the Sardinian oaf. 

The meaning is : Any little vestige of character he ever had, 1 e 
has lost since he became the subject of the lampoon of Calvus. 
HippSnax was the Greek writer of scazons who lampooned tie 
brothers Bupalus and Athenis, two sculptors of Chios who ha 1 
caricatured his ugliness. 

2. quid suscenseat, what he is angry at. 
Phameae, grandfather of Tigellius. 

P. Sestio, accused under the Pompeian law of 53 for am 
bitus. This case, it appears, must have been tried before 49 
the year in which Phamea died. 

in consilium iri, the jury had to consider their verdict ii 



NOTES LXIV. (FAM. VII. 25) 293 

the case of P. Sestius ; the jury were said ire in consilium, and 
the president mittere indices in consilium. 

unctorem. The Greek form aliptcs or alipta is commoner 
than the Latin ; see Fam. i. 9, 15. 

Sardos venales. After the conquest of Sardinia by Ti. 
Sempronius Gracchus in 177, Sardinian slaves became a drug 
in the market. They were of a very poor physique, owing no 
doubt to the unhealthiness of their native climate. The form 
of the proverb was 

Sardi venales : aliiis alio nequior, 
A job-lot of Sardinians, one worse than the other." 

salaconis, snob, swaggerer. 
iniquitatem, unfairness, unreasonableness. 

Catonem tuum. Cf. Mommsen, R. II. iv. 449, on the litera 
ture of Catos by the republicans : The republican opposition 
borrowed from Cato its whole attitude, stately, transcendental 
in its doctrine, pretentiously rigid, hopeless, and faithful to 
death ; and accordingly it began even immediately after his 
death to revere as a saint the man who in his lifetime was often 
its laughing-stock and its scandal. We find Brutus, Cicero, 
and Gallus writing Catos, and Caesar and Hirtius countering 
with anti - Catos. The subject could be easily handled in 
rhetorical fashion from either point of view. 



LETTER LXIV. (FAM. vn. 25) 

1. conscissam. This probably refers to the last letter, in 
which Cic. had written severely about Tigellius. Fadius Gallus 
had torn it up, through fear lest it might compromise Cicero, 
for Tigellius enjoyed great influence with Caesar. Cic. assures 
him that he has a copy. From this we may infer that Cic. 
kept copies of some (perhaps most) of his letters, and this 
accounts for the very considerable correspondence which Tiro 
was able to collect. 

ne si istum. The reading of the mss. is vcreri nisi istum 
habuerimus ; now vcreri must be followed by ne, so it is pretty 
certain that for nisi should stand ne si. The sense then will 
demand after istum some word like iratum or infestum, or 
rather infcnsum (since infestum habere means in Cic. infestare, 
to keep in a state of turbulence ; see Att. ix. 19, 3 ; 16, 3). 



294 NOTES LXIV. (FAM. VII. 25) 

For the meaning is you seem to me to be afraid that il we 
oii cnd Tigcllius we may have to laugh on the wrong side of our 
mouths. More probably, however, some Greek word such as 
aKWfj,fjLa has here been lost. A very apt phrase would Lave 
been ne si istum dva arb^a. habucrimus, lest if we say our 
say about this fellow ; and if dvb. ffrdfut had been written in 
Roman characters, as Greek words often are in these letters, 
anastoma would have been likely enough to fall out before 
istum. Of course istum might also be taken as referring to 
Caesar, but in that case too we must assume that a word las 
fallen out, unless we read ne nisi istum habuei imus, and give 
to habuerimus the strange meaning of have on our side. ISut 
Cic. would not so have expressed that thought. Whether we 
refer istum to Caesar or Tigellius, the allusion in either case is 
to an enmity incurred by provoking the Sardinian, as is sho vn 
by y^Xurro <rap56viov. 

y^Xwra <rap8<$viov. So Ernesti for ffapSdviov of the mss., 
rightly as I think, for ytXara aapdaviov means the sneer of 
triumphant malice," which is plainly out of place here. N<w 
ffzpddviov, which alludes to the fabled Sardinian herb whi;h 
poisoned those who tasted it, twisting their features into a con 
vulsive grin, is quite appropriate in reference to the Sardinii M 
Tigellius. To laugh on the wrong side of the mouth is a 
phrase which (in Ireland at least) expresses a laugh which is 
the sign of pain, not pleasure. We might of course preserve 
aapddvLov of the mss., and give to it, not the Homeric mea i- 
ing, but a meaning derived from a Voiles- Etymologic connectii g 
the word with Sardus and forcing on it an allusion to the fabh d 
Sardinian herb. 

manum de tabula, so. tollc. But, I say, hands off tl e 
slate, sir ; the schoolmaster is here, sooner than we expectei 
him, i.e. Caesar is returning from Spain. Tabula, translate I 
a slate for convenience, was rather a tablet of wood or mete 1 
covered with wax, for doing writing lessons or arithmetic on ; 
see Palmer on Hor. Sat. i. 6, 74. Tabula (litteraria] was th 3 
regular word for the exercise-book of children, Varro, R. R. iii. 
5, 10. The evident allusion to a schoolmaster gives verisimili 
tude to the explanation of the early commentators (which, how 
ever, is only a guess) that Roman schoolboys used to scribbL- 
on their tablets during the absence of the schoolmaster, am 
that manum de tabula was the form of call to Attention ! 
which announced his presence. Pliny, H. N. xxxv. 80, uses tin 
phrase in a different sense when he tells us that Apelles used tc 
say that he manum de tabula scirct tollerc, that is, that he knew 



NOTES LXIV. (FAM. VII. 25) 295 

at what point to stop further elaborating his pictures. It is pos 
sible, therefore, that Cic. here means you must put no more 
touches to your Cato; now is the time to publish it, since 
Caesar has returned from S] iain. It does not seem that this 
kind of composition entailed any serious risk of offending 
Caesar ; but if the apprehension expressed in the next words is 
serious (which I do not believe it to be), we might suppose 
manum de tabula to mean you must stop writing Catos now. 

catonium. This is the conjecture of Salmasius (universally 
but erroneously ascribed to Ernesti) for catomum of the mss. 
The question is, is there a word catomum or catomium meaning 
a whip or a whipping-place ? Preller, R. M. 454, note 1, 
quotes catomum ergastulum as a gloss in Isidore, and there are 
similar glosses in Ducange. Then the analogy of catomidiare, 
1 to lay on the shoulders of another to be flogged, goes for some 
thing, but not much. Again Aulus Gellius, Noctes, xvi. 7, 4, 
quotes catomum as used by the mime writer Laberius. The 
verse quoted by him demands the form catomium, for catomum 
violates the metre. The verse is 

T611at bona fide vos Orcus nudas in catomium, 

a trochaic septenarius. Here a whipping-place seems suitable 
enough, and catomium might be a word formed comically from 
KO.T &IJ.WV ; but the mention of Orcus is decidedly in favour of 
the slight change which makes the word catonium. The chief 
objection to catonium is the want of analogy for such a forma 
tion from KO.TW ; it certainly suits the play on words in the 
Latin better, though catomium lends itself better to an English 
rendering. Reading catomium we might translate I am afraid 
he will give us Catonians the cat ; with catonium we might 
render I am afraid he will send us Catonians to join our hero 
below. 

2. transversum unguem, so. discesscris, a nail s breadth. 
This and digitum transversum are common enough in Cic. and 
the comic drama. 

a stilo, from the pen, that is, ( from the practice of 
writing. 

dicendi opifex, writing is the artificer of oratory. This 
is a favourite maxim of Cicero s ; see De Or. i. 150, 257 ; iii. 
190 ; Brut. 95. It is quite possible that Cic. here urges his 
friend to further work on his Cato, thus showing that the fears 
expressed in this letter are not serious. But as the expression 
which he admires is quoted as cpistolae tuae partem, it is pos- 



296 NOTES LXV. (FAM. VII. 29) 

sible that he is urging his friend to attention to style in all his 
writings, even in his letters; a precept which Cic. certainly 
carried out himself. It is to be remembered, however, that 
Oic. calls the Anti-Cato of Hirtius epistola (Att. xii. 41, 4). so 
he may here so describe the Cato of Gallus. If he is referring 
to letters, we have here an interesting expression of his own 
consciousness of his superiority to his correspondents as a letl er- 
writer. 

aliquantum noctis adsumo. The Romans seldom work ed 
at night. Cic. says that Sulpicius in his province may keep up 
his reading by devoting the night to it. The phrase is almost 
proverbial for intense industry : cf. noctem addens opcri, Vi: - g. 
Aeu. viii. 411 ; nox parandis operibus adsumpta, Tac. H. ii. 11. 



LETTER LXV. (FAM. vii. 29) 
1. S. V. B. = si vales bene (est). 

Xprjo-i. The opp. of xP^" ts an d KTTJVIS is very common in 
Greek, especially in the Politics and Ethics of Aristotle. 

fructus, put simply for usus fructus ; cf. Cicero s reply t:> 
this letter, Ep. Ixvii. The fructus includes the usus, but not 
the usus the fructus; cf. Munro on Lucr. iii. 971 
Vitaque manciple nulli datur, omnibus usu. 

mancipium = dominium here. 

senes coemptionales. At slave- sales old and worthies* 
slaves were often put up, not individually, but in a lot ; hence 
the word here means a cheap job lot ; so in Plaut. Bacch. iv. 
4, 52, where see Ussing. There is no reference to the scnes qui 
ad coemptiones facicndas interitncndorum sacrorum causa reperti 
sunt, Mur. 27, where see Mr. Heitland s note. 

proscripserit, advertise for sale. 

egerit non multum, he won t do much good, that is, he 
will not make much profit, almost a slang expression here. 

At . . . habere. But that constant asseveration on my part 
namely, that all I am, all I have, all my reputation as a 
member of society, is solely due to you how that enhances my 
value ! Curius is pointing out that though his real value is 
very small, and therefore KT-TJCTCL or as a mancipium he is almost 
worthless, yet the fact that he is able to boast the refining in 
fluences of Cicero s society and advice is of such importance that 



NOTES LXVI. (ATT. XIII. 52) 297 

ret or as a,fructus, as a useful instrument, he is of a high 
value. This effusiveness seems quite excessive to us, but Cie. 
says of him est quam facile diligas avrbx^^v in homine urbanitas, 
Att. vii. 2, 3. On homines see Ep. xviii. 4. [Cf. Liv. vi. 14, 
(se} vidcre lucem forum cimum ora AL Manli opera ; omnium 
parentium beneficia ab illo se habere ; . . . quodcunque sibi cum 
patria, penatibus publicis ac privalis, iuris fuerit, id cum uno 
homine esse. Possibly among the many services Cic. had done 
to Curius (Fam. xiii. 50, 1) had been a successful defence in a 
law court.] 

de meliore nota, give me an introductory letter of a 
superior brand, a metaphor drawn from wines ; cf. Hor. Carm. 
ii. 3, 8, interiore nota Falerni. 

reflgere, to break up my establishment. This too is a 
phrase partaking of the nature of slang ; we might render 
demenager. 

deportare, to fetch home. 

2. amice magne, powerful, influential, the sense which 
Verrall rightly ascribes to /x^yas 0Xos in the Medea. 

duo parietes. To whitewash two walls from the same 
pot stands between our proverbs to kill two birds with one 
stone and to blow hot and cold, or to run with the hare and 
hunt with the hounds. It is said of one who pretends to be 
altogether devoted to one person, while at the same time offer 
ing his services to another. 

nostris verbis, in my name. 



LETTER LXVI. (ATT. xm. 52) 

1. O . . . afiTap.6XT]Tov. I have introduced the slight 
change suggested by Boot into the reading of the mss. , which is 
hospitem mihi tarn gravem d^erayu.^X^Toi . This would naturally 
mean how little reason I have to regret the visit of my so 
formidable guest, and and tarn suit very ill together. Now 
Q-what a formidable guest, yet I have no reason to regret his 
visit gives an excellent sense, and tarn and tamcn are con 
stantly confounded. Boot, who in his text gives the reading 
of the mss., strangely proposes to get rid of the incompatibility 
of and tam by omitting and governing hospitem by d/xer., a 
construction which would be possible only if there were such a 
verb as d/ieTct/ueXeti . [J/i Ai tam gravcm may be parenthetic, 



298 NOTES LXVI. (ATT. XIII. 52) 

the words hospitcm d/j,. going closely together : to think t.iat 
I have nothing to be sorry for about a guest so burdensome 
to me ! ] 

fuit enim periucunde, for he enjoyed himself greatly ; cf. 
libenterfuit, 2 ; utfamiliariter cssem ct libenter, Att. xvi. 7,1; 
Antonio volo peius esse, Att. xv. 3, 2; mi gravius esse, Ep. 
lix. 1. 

Sed, however, announces the beginning of the detail ;d 
description of the incident first briefly characterised by un 
exclamation. 

secundis Sat., December 18. The Saturnalia, original y 
lasting one day, afterwards extended over three ; they begen 
fourteen days before the kalends of January, namely December 
17. After the reformation of the calendar by Julius Caesa 1 , 
December 17 w r as of course sixteen days before the kalends of 
January ; the day for the beginning of the Saturnalia remaine 1 
unchanged. Macrob. i. 10, 2. 

L. Philippus, consul 56, stepfather of Octavian. He ha I 
a villa near Puteoli, which must have been a large one to hoLl 
two thousand men. 

completa a militibus. This is a stronger expression than 
the more usual completa militibus. It indicates that all the. 
rooms were thronged by soldiers ; hence there was hardly i 
room to spare for Caesar to dine in. 

commotus quid, I was made anxious (by the doubt) whal 
would befall me the next day. Caesar had intimated his in 
tention of visiting Cic. the following day, and Cic. did not 
know what he would do with the two thousand armed men. 

Barba Cassius subvenit. Barba Cassius (a friend of Caesar 
and Antonius, Phil. xiii. 3) came to his assistance by com 
pelling the soldiers to encamp in the open country and setting 
a guard over Cicero s villa to prevent their entering it. For 
the comtructio praegnans in commotus quidfuturum esset, Hofm. 
compares earum cxemplum nobis legit si quid vidcretur, to see 
if anything should occur to me, Att. xvi. 4, 1. 

ad horam vii., till about twelve. See Diet. Ant. s.v. 
hora (art. by A. S. Wilkins). 

rationes . . . cum Balbo, sc. subducebat ; Balbus was his 
treasurer. 

audivit de Mamurra. Mamurra was Caesar s praefedus 
fabrum in Gaul, and was assailed in two bitter epigrams of 



NOTES LXVI. (ATT. xm. 52) 299 

Catullus (29 and 57). We do not know what news was con 
veyed concerning Mamurra, certainly not the news of Catullus s 
lampoons, which were written some years before this time. 

vultum non mutavit. Vultum is found only in Z., not in 
M. It seems required, and suggests that the intelligence may 
have been the death of Mamurra. Boot ingeniously suggests 
that the true reading might be non mutivit, he did not say a 
word. 

ejicTtK^v. This means he was undergoing a course of 
emetics, as is shown by the deviation from the tense of the 
two preceding verbs. See by all means Munro, Elucidations, 
pp. 92-95, on the question whether this practice ofvomitus implied 
a gluttonous disposition. 

dScws, because the emetics would relieve him from the con 
sequences of excess. 

bene cocto . . . libenter. This passage must be read by 
the light of De Fin. ii. 25, where Cic. distinguishes between 
bene cenare and libenter cenare. The former, a good dinner, 
implies the latter, a pleasant dinner, but a man may have a 
pleasant dinner even though he had not a good dinner. 
Here the dinner was not only expensive and elaborate, but was 
good and pleasant. Bene cocto condito (the et being omitted 
after the fashion of archaic Latin) indicates that the dinner was 
good ; then he adds that the talk was agreeable, and in a word 
(si quaeris = quid quaeris below) the dinner was pleasant. It 
is a mistake to make cocto condito agree with sermone; the parti 
ciples agree with some such word as cibo or apparatu under 
stood, or possibly supplied in an unquoted portion of the original 
verse of Lucilius. 

2. tribus tricliniis. Cic. divides Caesar and his retinue 
(oi ?rept a vrbv] into three classes, each class being entertained in 
a separate room. The three classes were (1) Caesar himself and 
the liberti lautiores ; (2) the liberti minus lauti ; (3) the servi. 
The first were received with elegance (eleganter), the second and 
third with abundance (nihil dcfuit). 

homines, a social figure ; see on Ep. xviii. 4. However, 
here the meaning would rather seem to be we were quite 
friendly together ; Caesar did not assume the god. 

Amabo . . . revertere. Peerlkamp says this is an iambic 
line taken from some comic poet ; and he would read chodum 
(comparing Ter. Andr. i. 2, 13) for eodem. If so, there must be 
hiatus after eodcm (which is quite possible), and revertere must 



300 NOTES LXVII. (FAM. VII. 30) 

be the present used for the future, when you are on your way 
back ; this too is possible, cf. Virg. G. i. 209, (Libra ubi) medii m 
luci atque umbris lain dividit orbem Exereete viri tauros, a id 
Madvig, 339, obs. 1. But chodum after amabo tc is surplusage, 
and the future rcvcrterc is more natural ; this form of the futu re 
second pers. sing, is often used by Cic., e.g. conscquere, Ep. 
xxiii. 3. It is more likely that the words are Cicero s, niy 
dear fellow, come back here and dine with me on your return . 
JZodcm = to this same place. 

ZirovScuov . . . multa, no serious (political), but much 
literary, talk. 

ad Baias, in the neighbourhood of Baiae. 

Habes . . . molestam, Now you have the whole story ( f 
his visit or perhaps I should call it his billeting on me whic i 
gave me disquietude, as I have told you, but really was not 
disagreeable. The Latin word for tiriaTad/j-eia is deductio. 

dextra sinistra ad ecum, sc. se praestabat ; the whoL; 
guard paraded under arms round Caesar, who was on horse 
back, and this they did nowhere else. This was a specia. 
token of honour to Dolabella. 

Hoc ex Nicia, sc. audivi. This Nicias, a grammarian ol 
Cos, was a friend both of Cicero and of Dolabella. 



LETTER LXVII. (FAM. vii. 30) 

1. Ego vero. These words, as usual, point to a question 
asked which is here answered. 

ubi . . . audiam, a favourite quotation of Cicero s from 
the Pelops of Accius. Sometimes it is represented only by the 
words ubi ncc Pelopidarnm. In Att. xv. 11, 3 it is ubi nee Pel. 
facta nequcfamam audiam. Hence Ribbeck gives the verse as 
ubi nee Pel. nomen nee facta aut famam audiam, a trochaic 
septenarius. 

Ne, a particle of asseveration, formerly written nae. 

comitiis quaestoriis institutes. Caesar at this time took 
care to superintend the elections, and, as he did not return from 
Spain till September or October, and then celebrated a triumph 
and gave shows to the people, the elections usually held in the 
summer were delayed till December. Though a chair was 
placed for the consul, it must be remembered that it was Caesar 



mane postridie. The civil day amongst 
from midnight to midnight, and all chiL 



NOTES LXVII. (FAM. VII. 30) 301 

and not the consul who presided (Momm. St. R. iii. 909, note 1). 
The quaestors as well as the tribunes and aediles were elected 
at the comitia tributa. 

Q. Maximus. In 45 Caesar was for nine months consul 
without a colleague. On his return from Spain he resigned, 
and had Q. Maximus elected. Hence the latter is called tri- 
mestris consul (Suet. Jul. 80). For quern illi dicebant cf. Att. 
xvi. 4, 1, ad consulcs sive quo alio nomine sunt. 

Ille . . . habuit. Caesar (ille) had taken the auspices for 
the comitia tributa, for the business of the day was the election 
of quaestors. Mommsen (St. R. i. 95, note 6) says that the 
signs required of the gods were not different for the different 
comitia, but that in asking for signs it was notified to the gods 
what the particular comitia were and the object for which they 
were summoned. 

consulem, C. Caninius Rebilus. 

st the Romans dated 
dldren born in that 

interval were said to be born on the same day ; the natural day 
was from sunrise to sunset. 

neminem prandisse. For other jokes made by Cic. on 
this incident see Macrobius, ii. 3, 6 ; vii. 3, 10. 

viderit. Cf. Ter. Heaut. iii. 1, 82, sommim hercle ego hac 
node ( last night ) oculis non vidi meis. 

2. manciple et nexo. This is an allusion to the begin 
ning of Curius s letter, Ep. Ixv., to which this is the answer. 
Wordsworth (Frag. pp. 522, 523) well explains the difference 
between these two terms as follows : mancipatio is the cere 
mony of the conveyance of what alone was considered pro 
perty, res mancipi, in early times, viz. land and fyn/ vxa 6pyava 
such as slaves and cattle. It was effected per aes ct libram 
in the presence of witnesses, all full-grown Roman citizens 
representing the five classes of the Servian constitution, and 
a libripcns whose function theoretically was to weigh the 
uncoined bars of copper (Gaius, i. 119). Now while mancipatio 
is a conveyance or transfer, nexum is a bond or contract. The 
two seem to have originated in the same process, since nexum 
is defined as omne quod geritur per aes ct libram. Gradually 
mancipium was restricted to actual transfer, while nexum was 
used to express an incomplete conveyance. Persons who had 
not carried out their share of the supposed conveyance (e.g. 
debtors) were called nexi. For further details see Gaius, 
iii. 174. 



302 NOTES LXVIII. (FAM. XVI. 18) 

3. maximo meo beneflcio est. This strange ablativo of 
quality is also found in Phil. viii. 18. In both places Wes en- 
berg would supply usus. In our passage Cratander has supplied 
affedus. It is certainly a much stranger abl. than mayna gloria 
csse, and the like, quoted by Madv. 272, obs. 2, or even tl an 
Q. Fr. iii. 3, 4, summo studio rhetoris, which is now correc ed 
to summe studiosus. [I would insert ibi after bcneficio, com 
paring Ad Quir. 17, in eo me loco, in quo vestris beneficiis 
fueram . . . reposuistis.] 

salvis rebus, -successfully, or without loss, lit. his for 
tunes being safe. This has been interpreted to mean wh ?n 
the republic still existed, but then an adjective signifying 
public would have been required with rebus. 



LETTER LXVIII. (FAM. xvi. 18) 

1. Quid . . . suo. See the long note on Ep. xxxiii. , 
where this and other passages bearing on the use of the pra 
nomen are treated. Cic. here omits his praenomen, which 
might be thought too familiar in addressing a freedman. Sue \\ 
preliminary greetings as Tullius Tironi Sal. are prefixed to th e 
letters in the mss., and this and a few other letters (see note 
on Ep. x. 1) show that certain words were sometimes at least 
superscribed, inasmuch as the first words of the letter refer t> 
them. Yet we find Cicero Attico Sal. prefixed in the mss. to all 
the letters to Att., though we know that Cic. for the first timo 
calls him Atticc in a letter (Att. vi. 1, 20) written in 50. This 
makes one look on all the superscriptions as of doubtful au 
thority, and I have not printed them except when they were 
necessary to elucidate an allusion in the letter, as here. 

8ux<j>dpT]<riv, perspiration, sweating. Diaphoretic is now 
a common medical term. 

Tusculanum, sc. profucrit, if the air of Tusculum has the 
same good effect, heavens ! how that will enhance my affection 
for the place. 

quod tamen in modum, though I know your health is 
improving to some extent, but improving or not, I beseech you 
to take care of it ; you have not been paying sufficient atten 
tion to it while devoting yourself to me. In modum is cer 
tainly a strange expression for to a certain degree, modice, 
but it does not appear to me to transcend the possibilities of 



NOTES LXVIII. (FAM. XVI. 18) 303 

the familiar style or volksprache which characterises these 
letters. The insertion of an adjective is not good criticism, 
and such an adjective as mirum (Lamb.) or incredibilem (Wes.) 
seems to me to injure the sense. These admonitions to Tiro to 
take care of his health seem to have been either uncalled for or 
very accurately attended to, for we are told that Tiro reached 
the age of 100 years. [In modum: with this passage should 
be compared Verr. ii. 4, 20, haec tibi laudatio procedat in 
numerum (Lucr. has in numerum procedure, iv. 788), where 
edd. rightly compare in numerum ludere, brachia tollere, 
exsultare, pulsare aera, etc. In modum procedit is a phrase of 
exactly the same type, and may be similarly illustrated. Cf. 
Catullus, Ixi. 38, agite, in modum \ . dicite, Hymenaee 
Hymen There is hardly an expression in which numerus 
occurs to which one cannot find a parallel with modus. Some 
what similar is tabulae in ordinem confectae, Qu. Rose. 7, i.e. 
1 so as to keep the right arrangement. 

But I would refer quod not to Tiro s health, but regard it as 
equivalent to simulare understood from simulas: If you care 
for me, as indeed you either do, or make a veiy nice pretence of 
it, which pretence, however, I must say answers your wishes 
(i.e. produces the same effect on me as the reality would do), 
well then (sed resumptive), however that is, take care of your 
health, etc. I don t see how the clause quod . . . procedit can 
be anticipative of indulge valetudini tuae. ] 

ir^l/iv . . . KoiXtas, a kind of prescription, and therefore 
written in Greek ; see on Ep. iv. 1. For Ttp\f/iv, which ap 
pears as Tp\l/w in the mss., some edd. read rptyiv, massage ; 
but who does not recognise the characteristic tendency of 
medical advisers to tell their patients to keep their mind 
amused, while at the same time prescribing a regime which 
renders all enjoyment or amusement a mere impossibility ? 

2. Parhedrum . . . Mothonem. As far as we can under 
stand the circumstances alluded to in this section they are as 
follows : Cicero had let the flower and vegetable garden of his 
Tusculan villa to a market-gardener when in a very incomplete 
condition, without any spot for growing choice flowers, without 
drains or a wall for training fruit trees to, or a lodge for the 
gardener. Cic. had added all these improvements, and wished 
to raise the rent. The rulfian Helico (another market- 
gardener apparently) had offered nearly as much as the rent 
now demanded, and that before any of these improvements 
were made ; is he (the present tenant) to be allowed to scoff at 
a raised rent after all the expense I have gone to ? Cic. could 



304 NOTES LXVIII. (FAM. XVI. 18) 

of course have evicted his tenant, who seems to have adoj ted 
the modern view of his obligations, and while refusing his rent 
to have kept a grip of the land ; but he preferred not to do 
so until at least he had secured another. One Parhedrus sec ms 
to have been looking after the place, and Cic. tells Tiro to , i ;tir 
him up (cxcita, calf ace) to make an offer, thus, he writes, 
you will smarten up (commovebis) the gardener ; and th 3se 
were the tactics which Cic. pursued successfully with Motho in 
another similar transaction. [Jlelico. Possibly heluo or hcli uo 
is the right reading. Cf. Leg. Agr. i. 2, where Baiter s ms. 
denoted by F. has hellico for the word. I should then take 
dabat= l used to give, i.e. before I made all these improvemen ;s, 
for which I have charged him so little. ] 

aprico horto, a spot in the garden especially laid out so as 
to catch as much sun as possible. It would be used, as greei- 
houses with us, for growing choice flowers. Schiitz thinks the 
words must be corrupt, and conjectures nullo apiario nul a 
cohorts or nulla amum cohorte. 

itaque . . . coronas, and so arrange as to close with which 
ever of them will supply me with flowers. Thus I have en 
deavoured to correct the utterly unmeaning itaque abutor coronis 
The landlord seems sometimes to have let his market-garders 
on the terms that the gardener should supply him with nowR , 
which were mainly used for wreaths at entertainments, an* I 
were far more indispensable to an ancient Roman than they ar 3 
to us. Here Cic. writes in his usual elliptic fashion, and s > 
(itaque = et ita) let as to (give it) to whichever you can get th; 
flowers from, itaque (loces) ut (ei des) ab utro coronas (accepturus 
sis). One cannot, of course, feel any confidence that this is wha ; 
Cic. wrote, but he certainly did not write itaque abutor coronis 
therefore I am plentifully using (or "wasting") garlands, 
which gives no sense at all. [Itaque abutor coronis. Itaque seems 
to lead up to some result of having warmed up Motho. Abutot 
appears to me a corruption of abundo (abudo). It is just con 
ceivable that, with this way of understanding the run of the 
sentence, abutor may be right] 

3. Crabra, an aqueduct which extended from Tusculum to 
Rome, and for the use of which Cic. paid a tax to the town of 
Tusculum. 

Horologium, sc. solarium, a sun-dial. The first sun-dial 
which was used in Rome was that constructed for Catana in 
Sicily in B.C. 263. It was not till a hundred years later that 
Q. Maximus Philippus constructed one for Rome (Plin. H. N. 



NOTES LXIX. (ATT. XIV. 5) 305 

vii. 213). They were afterwards common in private houses 
(Marq. Privatl. 167). 

si erit sudum, weather permitting, for damp might injure 
the manuscripts. 

nullos tecum libellos. He must mean have you with you 
no works on which you are yourself engaged ? He could not 
ask Tiro had he any books to read, when he had access to 
Cicero s library at Tusculum (Fam. xvi. 20). [Libellos: here 
used as often (cf. Catullus, lepidum novum libellum ; Prop. Ov. 
Mart. etc. ) of the lighter poetry as opposed to the serious styles, 
the epic or, as here, the tragic ; for I think Cic. is alluding to 
a tragedy from Tiro s hand rather than a translation.] 

Sophocleum, are you engaged on any work on Sophocles ? 
Perhaps Tiro contemplated a translation of some of the works 
of Sophocles. Pangcre is most used of poetical composition. 

Fac opus appareat, Let us see some fruit of your labours. 
Cf. ut huius peregrinationis aliquod iibi opus eocstet, Att. ii. 4, 3. 

A. Ligurius. He is mentioned in Ep. xxi. 2. Ligurius 
appears in Att. xi. 9, 2 as the recipient of a letter from Quintus 
Cicero full of slanders against his brother Marcus. 



LETTER LXIX. (ATT. xiv. 5) 

1. leviter commotus, a little out of sorts ; cf. commo- 
tiunculis av/j.ird<rx^, Ep. Iv. [Cf. Fam. xv. 9 and Brut. 12, 
perturbatio valetudinis ; Marcell 23, incertos motus valetudinis.] 

Calvena. This is the nickname by which Cic. refers to C. 
Matius, who was bald (calvus). He also calls him Madams 
(/j.a8ap6s) and 0aAd/cpw/*a, or bald-head. This Matius is the 
writer of the excellent letter about Caesar which I give below 
(Ep. Ixxiii.) He was ever faithful to Caesar, and now was 
desirous that the assassins of Caesar, who was murdered on 
March 15 of this year, should be punished. Hence he had 
incurred the suspicions of Brutus. 

cum signis, introduced merely for the double meaning of 
signa, signs and ensigns. The reference is to Caesar s 
troops. Cf. a previous play on sigiia, signs and statues, 
Ep. xxiii. 2. 

idem postulaturas, will they not demand that the 
promises of Caesar shall be carried out ? 



306 NOTES LXIX. (ATT. XIV. 5) 

C. Asinium. C. Asinius Pollio had been in command of 
Hispania Ulterior (Dio Cass. xv. 10), and had transpo/ted 
thither certain troops at Caesar s command. These are here 
opposed to those legions who were in Spain before (quaefue 1 ) unt 
in Hispania). Cic. wrote Annius by an error for Asinius, but 
corrects himself immediately. (7. Asinium is Boot s corredion 
of Caninium of the mss. C. Caninius Rebilus had been 
Caesar s Icgatus in Gaul in 52, but he can hardly be referred to 
here. 

Ab aleatore, A nice kettle of fish this, to be laid to the 
account of the Plunger, that is Antonius, who is naturally enough 
called the Gambler by Cic. (see Phil. ii. 56). However, there 
is no reason why we should regard Antonius as a gloss, becaise 
Cic. may have wished to explain to Att. whom he meant by 
alcator. 

coniuratio, mentioned in Phil. i. 5 ; it was put down by 
Dolabella. 

recte saperet. I have introduced into the text Dr. Rei 1 s 
correction of recta of the mss. Cic. does not use accus. af ;er 
sapere except nihil, aliquid, or an accus. expressing the taste of 
a thing. Cf. sapere rectius, Ter. Ad. v. 3, 46. 

2. En ! meam. I have inserted en as very likely to fall c ut 
before m ; see on Ep. xliv. 1. 

legari, to be appointed to a libera legatio, which would 
excuse his absence from Rome as a senator. 

res prolatas, the vacation, called disccsms in Att. xii. 40, 3. 

vides tamen tyranni. Tamen must mean after all ; t] le 
ellipse is (though the tyrant is gone) after all we see his 
creatures in high place. Tamen sometimes in the letters 
depends on a sentence easily supplied from the context as her 3, 
but not expressed. A good ex. of this use of tamen is in Att. 
x. 4, 5, where for non tarn quia maiore pietatc cst Mr. Purser 
restores quia non tamen maiore pietate est, because he is not 
after all (in spite of my devotion to him) more filial than tr e 
other. Cf. qui te tamen ore referret, whose face in spite of a 1 
might remind me of you, Virg. Aen. iv. 329. So Eel. x. 33, 
tamen cantabitis, yet ye will sing for me after all. The differenc e 
between the tamen of the Virgilian passages and that of th.3 
Ciceronian is that the Virgilian introduce a consolatory reflectior , 
but not the Ciceronian. 

in latere, on our flank, in Campania, where Caesar ha< I 
given grants of land to his veterans. 



NOTES LXX. (FAM. XVI. 23) 307 

evpCirio-Ta, easily fanned to a flame, fr. pi7r/fw, to fan ; 
he detects in all these things tinder which would be easily 
blown into the conflagration of a revolution : ^ewrepto-yu^s, coup 
d ttat. 

fry 101 esse, sacrosanct. This is the conj. of Boot for 
magisse of Z ; M l gives magni sedebant, and M - magnis debe- 
bant. He now rejects it for the much inferior mctu vacui esse, 
which is both rash and weak. Other conjectures are vagi esse, 
which is not Latin for to be at large, opp. to in confinement 
or under surveillance, and magni esse, which is intolerably 
frigid. Dr. Reid suggests muniti esse, comparing Tusc. v. 41, 
2 Verr. v. 39, Sest. 95, Fin. i. 51. 



LETTER LXX. (FAM. xvi. 23) 

1. Tu vero. This is an answer to a question in Tiro s 
letter : Yes, finish this matter of the professio if you can ; tho 
I know this money is not of the kind that need be declared. 
Yet (do so) all the same. Antonius now required every Roman 
to make a specification before a magistrate of the sources of his 
income. Tiro consulted Cic. about some property of his which 
he thought would be exempt from registration. Cic. thinks it 
is exempt, but does not wish any question to be raised lest the 
completion of the transaction should be delayed. 

Verum tamen. For aposiopesis following this word cf. Att. 
xii. 17 ; xiii. 2, 1 ; xiv. 8, Jin. ; xvi. 3, 3. 

eiri<j>opa, defluxion. See on Ep. iv. 1. 

en! quid egerit, see what he has done. So Lehmann 
for de legcm quid egerit of the mss. ; cf. en cur mayistcr . . . 
foetus sit, Phil. iii. 22. Ant. must have introduced into the 
Act some provision which Cic. disliked ; however, says he, 
I am content if I am only allowed to stay in the country. 
He had left Rome shortly after the death of Caesar. 

2. tu videris. You must do what you think right, you 
may look to emulating Servilius, you who do not despise 
length of days. (I do), though Att., who once knew me 
to be subject to alarms about myself, thinks that I am so 
still, and does not see in what a stronghold of philosophy I 
have now entrenched myself; indeed, being nervous himself, 
he acts the alarmist in the case of others too. Servilius had 
recently died at a very advanced age, and no doubt Tiro had 



308 NOTES LXXI. (ATT. XIV. 10) 

suggested to Cic. that lie should set before him the attainment 
of a ripe old age. Tiro seems to have done so himself A\ ith 
success, for we are told he reached a hundred years of age. Vhe 
words TraviKols and 6opvfioTroi.ti illustrate the Roman habit of 
using Greek terms in reference to medical and hygienic 
matters. 

tamen, however (though not with a view of prolonging my 
life, or perhaps merely "to pass to another subject "), I shall 
endeavour to maintain my long-standing friendly relations wi th 
Antony. Ant. and Cic. were both anxious to avoid a ruptu -e. 
But the domestic relations of Ant. were such as to tend to bri ig 
it about. Ant. was married to Fulvia, the widow of Cicero s 
old enemy Clodius ; and his father had married the widow of 
Lentulus, whom Cicero had put to death in prison for complicity 
in the Catilinarian plot. 

a syngrapha. Tiro was engaged in trying to get in a de )t 
due to himself. Cic. tells him to attend to that first : chari y 
begins at home. 

yovv KVT|P.T]S, sc. tyyiov. Ar. Eth. N. ix. 8, 2. The mo -e 
usual form of the proverb is airuTtpu 1) y6i>v Kvfnj.it], Theocr. xvi. 
18, the Lat. form being tunica propior pallio est, nearly answe - 
ing to charity begins at home. 

rutam puleio. The puleium or pennyroyal, Gk. P\TIXM , 
was used by the Romans as a sweetener, and took the place ( f 
our sugar even in proverbs, as here. Ruta, rue, was the 
typical bitter : I shall need all the sweets of your converse - 
tion to counteract the bitters in his talk. Lepta is mentioned 
elsewhere in the letters as Cicero s praefcctus fabrum, as owin jj 
Cic. money, and as desirous of getting the post of manager of 
some of the festivities with which Caesar entertained the peopl .> 
on his return from Spain. 



LETTER LXXI. (Air. xiv. 10) 

1. Itane vero? Is this the end? Did our hero Brutus dc 
his deed only to have to stay at Lanuvium, only that Trebonius 
should have to slink through by-ways to his province (Asia), 
only that all the acts, etc., of Caesar should have more authority 
than if he were alive ? Cicero s first outburst of joy at the 
assassination of Caesar is conveyed in a letter to C. Minucius 
Basilus, which is the shortest in the whole correspondence. It 



NOTES LXXI. (ATT. XIV. 10) 309 

runs : Tibi gratulor : mihi gaudco : te amo : tua tueor : a te 
amari et quid agas quidque ayatur certior fieri volo. This tone 
soon gives way to one of depression, which is expressed in this 
and other letters, and of which the burden is vivit tyrannis, 
tyrannus occidit. 

primo Cap. die. After the assassination on March 15 
the conspirators occupied the Capitol, where they were joined 
by Cicero, Dolabella, and other nobilcs. They spent March 
16 in appeals to the people and attempts to sound Antonius 
and Lepidus. On the 17th, Liber alia, a meeting of the senate 
was held in the Temple of Tellus. Cic. took part in the 
debate, and advocated a general amnesty. The senate ac 
cepted his proposal, but added to it a ratification of Caesar s 
acts. Caesar s friends, headed by L. Piso, his father-in-law, 
procured the consent of the senate to the publication of Caesar s 
will and a public funeral for his body. Brutus subsequently 
addressed the people in defence of Caesar s murder, and on the 
following day Cic. again spoke in favour of amnesty. Caesar s 
will was then read, in which Octavius was named his heir. 
A painful feeling was excited when the name of D. Brutus was 
read among the second heirs, and was intensified by the public 
funeral which followed, and by Antony s address on that occa 
sion. "Watson (abridged). 

oportere vocari. Edd. unanimously add oportcre, which is 
not found in the mss. It is not by any means absolutely 
necessary. In animated or colloquial language the infinitive 
often stands where the gerundive would have been more normal ; 
cf. de bonis regiis quae reddi ante ccnsucrant, Liv. xi. 5, 1 ; 
censct praccidere, Hor. Ep. i. 2, 9. In Att. iv. 18, 4, Cato 
qffirmat se vivo ilium non triumphare is the reading of M a , and 
the triumphaturum esse of M a is very like an obvious con 
jecture. Wesenberg, however, p. 39, note, calls this use of the 
pres. infin. a solecism. But why should not a vivacious use 
of the pres. infin. exist, like that of the pres. indie, in imusne 
sessum = are we going to sit down ? [ Vocari : but there is 
no parallel in Cic. even with censere. I hardly can think the 
inf. defensible. I once thought that clamare was put for 
clamando suadcre. Possibly words like ac suadere have fallen 
out after damare.~\ 

Liberalia tu accusas, You condemn my conduct on the 
17th of March, in not either absenting myself from the meet 
ing of the senate on that day in the Temple of Tellus, or 
speaking freely when there. Cic. afterwards contends that 



310 NOTES LXXI. (ATT. XIV. 10) 

both of these courses were impossible to him (Att. xiv. 14, 2, 
where I read with Boot qui potui in senatum non venire ?) 

laudatusque miserabiliter. What a theme the orator 1 lere 
had may be judged from the marvellous speech which Sh;,ks- 
peare in Julius Caesar has put into the mouth of Antony on 
this occasion. 

tune . . . nutum ? sc. aliquid acturus es ? 

cogito, I intend to keep moving from land to land ; to 
be a wanderer on the face of the earth. 

tua, sc. 777 ; yours (Epirus) is too windy. 

2. Tebassos, Scaevas, Frangones. These were veterans of 
Caesar s who were now in possession of properties formerly h<jld 
by Pompeians. 

Ula, sc. praedia. 

stantibus nobis, if we were not crushed ; cf. stamus anin is, 
Att. v. 18, 2 ; stantc Pompeio vel etiam sedente, if P. remain 3d 
firm or even inactive, Att. vi. 3, 4. 

putamnt. Forpu-tarunt with a direct object Boot coinpai es 
falsum putarc, De Sen. 4. 

de Curtilio scrips!. Att. xiv. 6, 1 ; he was one of tie 
veterans enriched by Caesar with Pompeian property. 

quod numquam accidisset, which never would have con le 
about ; Cic. here records his conviction that if the Pompeians 
had taken a firm attitude after the murder of Caesar they wou! d 
have prevailed over the Caesarians. But this interesting re 
flection has been taken out of the mouth of Cic. by Gronoviu ;, 
who conjectured utinam for numquam, and w T ho has been fo - 
lowed by most edd. I have given what Cic. wrote, not what 
Gron. thought he ought to have written, as I have done in tho 
celebrated criticism of Cic. on Lucretius, where many edd. by 
inserting non have ascribed to Cic. the very opposite opinion t) 
that which he justly expressed. See on Ep. xviii. 4. 

3. Ibi . . . aditurum, Then Balbus met Octavius th) 
next day, and in a conversation with me at Cumae on the sam; 
day he said that Octavius was going to take formal possessioi 
of the inheritance left him by Caesar. 

t p|<50|xtv. It is hopeless to try to restore this word. MOST 



of the attempts proceed on the hypothesis that Qtfjus can mear 
a contest, which I doubt. If it could, I should conjecture 
rixam an dtfjuv, Balbus agrees with you in thinking that 



NOTES LXXII. (ATT. XIV. 18) 311 

before Octavius steps into the shoes of Caesar he must have it 
out with Antony, whether the question to be decided is to be 
one of might (rixam, row, brawl ) or one of right 1 (Otfuv, 
* trial, suit ). [? prj&v &6efjuv.] 

Buthrotia res. The exemption of the Buthrotians from 
confiscation referred to before. 

adventare, the legacy of Cluvius is coming up to (that 
is, proving nearly worth) 100,000 sesterces, about 850. 

detersimus, I have cleared about 80,000 sesterces in the first 
year ; scilicet may mean that is to say, or at all events. 

4. Q. pater. Quintus had divorced his wife Pomponia, of 
whose ill-temper we read in Ep. xxvi. She and her son Quintus 
had been on very bad terms, but now that she is divorced 
Quintus espouses her cause, and quarrels with his father about 
her. See Att. xiii. 38. 



LETTER LXXII. (ATT. xiv. 18) 

1. rem gestam Dol. Dolabella, who had acted as consul 
since Caesar s death, had overthrown an altar erected in honour 
of Caesar, and had punished very severely those who had 
assembled there to worship ; this act Cic. praises extravagantly. 
See Att xiv. 15, 1. 

unis et alteris, more than one ; cf. Hor. Sat. i. 6, 101. 

eadem causa, that is, because he would pay neither Cic. 
nor Att. See Att. xiv. 19, 1, cum ex Dolabellae aritia sic cnim 
tu ad me scripseras magna dcsperatione affectus essem, where I 
believe the ms. reading as I have given it to be quite sound ; 
Att. had intended to write avaritia, but by a clerical error 
wrote aritia ; Cic. , who understood what he meant to write, 
uses instead of it the vox nihili, which Att. actually did write. 
Avaritia is by no means synonymous with avarice/ it means 
rapacity, doscfistcdness, a grasping disposition ; this was shown 
in Dolabella s case by his refusal to part with his money in pay 
ment of his debts, though he was abundantly supplied with 
ready cash, as Cic. goes on to say. His debt to Cic. was prob 
ably Tullia s dowry. 

Faberii manu. Faberius had been secretary to Caesar. 
Antony used him to insert whatever he wished in Caesar s 
instructions ; he thus became virtually possessed of Caesar s 



312 NOTES LXXIII. (FAM. XL 28) 

fortune, and had already used some of it to buy the co-op -ra 
tion of Dolabella. 

opem ab Ope. This is Cobet s admirable correction of 
opcm ab co of the mss. Dolabella had drawn on the money 
which Caesar had deposited in the temple of Ops for ,he 
Parthian war. In opem ab eo there would be no joke, tiee 
Att. xiv. 14, 5, rapinas scribis ad Opis fieri, and Phil. ii. 93. 

aculeatas, stinging ; this word is wrongly marked 
aculcatus in L. and S. 

2. Albianum. Sabinus Albius wished to purchase some 
property which had been left to Cic. (Att. xiii. 14, 1). 

suppetiatus es, you have come to my aid. The word 
suppetiari does not occur elsewhere in Cic., nor does suppetiis 
ire, but suppetiatus is inferred here from suspendiatus M J , 
suppeditatus M 2 . 

factum ad, perfectly adapted for. Vadllarunt is the y 
went wrong in the accounts. 

3. De Montano. Montanus, a client of Cic. , had becon e 
security for Flaminius Flamma, who owed money to Plancus. 

4. singularis vir, one in a thousand. 

profectum, from prqficio ; I do not see that much good ha a 
been done by (the deed of) March 15. 

Leonidae . . . De Herode. Leonides and Herodes wer ) 
writing letters to Cicero, in which they did not give a gratify 
ing account of the conduct of young Marcus, who was at Athens 
pursuing his studies under them. 

Saufeii, sc. librum. Saufeius is an Epicurean often men 
tioned in the letters. We have seen above (Ep. Ixii. 3) that 
the name of the writer is also put for the book, e.g. there and 
Cottam, Att. xiii. 44, 3. 



LETTER LXXIII. (FAM. xi. 28) 

1. artibus, good qualities. 

propensa et perpetua, spontaneous and unbroken. 

ut volui scio esse. For the construction of cssc with an 
adverb cf. Lucretii poemata ut scribis ita sunt, Ep. xviii. 4 ; see 
Corr. of Cic I. 2 , p. 70. 



NOTES LXXIII. (FAM. XI. 28) 313 

ut par erat tua singular! bonitate. This is usually quoted 
as a rare instance of par with the abl., no other exx. being 
adduced except ut constantibus hominibus par erat, De Div. ii. 

114 ; scalas pares moenium altitudine, Frag. Sail. Hist. iv. 55 ; 
in qua par fades mobilitate sua, Ov. Fast. vi. 804. But the 
ablatives here may be regarded as ablativi modi, considering 
your great goodness and our friendship : cf. magnis occupa- 
tionibus eius, Fam. vi. 13, 3 ; in Marcum benevolentia pari, 
Fam. v. 8, 4 ; summo dolore mco ct desiderio, Q. Fr. iii. 1, 9 ; 
cuius dubia fortuna, as his position was insecure, Fam. xiii. 
19, 2 ; hoc iuventute = cum talis sit iuventus, Att. x. 11, 2 ; 
praesertim hoc genero = cum talis sit gener meus, Att. xi. 14, 2 ; 
omni statu omnique populo, whatever my state or the popular 
feeling may be, Att. xi. 24, 1. [Here te is easily understood 
from tu, and the sense is ut par erat te tua s. . . . resistcre. If 
it be thought that the te is necessary, it may be easily supposed 
to have fallen out before tua. Singulari bonitate and (singulari 
understood) amicitia nostra ( friendship for me ; like many 
things in Greek and Latin) are qualitative ablatives.] 

2. Nota mihi sunt quae . . . contulerint, I am well 
aware what charges people have brought against me. The 
verb should regularly be contulerunt, but the construction is a 
combination of nota sunt quae contulerunt and notum est quae 
contulerint ; cf. audita vobis esse arbitror quae sunt acta, Phil, 
vi. 1 ; constituendi sunt qui sint in amicitia fines, De Am. 56. 

Aiunt . . . praeponendam esse. The mss. give aiunt 
enim patriae amicitiam praeponendam esse. Nearly all the 
edd. give patriam amicitiae, thus restoring what is plainly 
the meaning ; but Klotz reaches the same sentiment by a much 
more scientific method, by supposing that patriam amicitiae nan 
fell out before the closely -resembling words patriae amicitiam. 

vicerint, proved, established their contention, a sense 
which vincere often bears in Cic., e.g. De Or. i. 43 ; 2 Verr. iii. 
40 ; Cluent. 124. So Plaut. Amph. i. 1, 277 ; Hor. Sat. i. 3, 

115 ; ii. 3, 225. 

non agam astute, I will not enter any subtle plea (Jeans). 

istum gradum sapientiae, such a height of philosophy as 
to prefer the claims of the state to those of friendship (Watson). 

Caesarem . . . amicum, I did not follow him as Caesar, 
but as my friend I refused to desert him. 

re offendebar, even though his action was distasteful to 



314 NOTES LXXIII. (FAM. XI. 28) 

me. He probably thought that Caesar should have giver up 
his province. 

in victoria = cum vicissct ; in Fam. iv. 9, 2, in victoria = si 
vicissct ; cf. in damno meae laudis, though I should suffei in 
reputation, Fam. x. 8, 7. 

minus . . . possent, though they had less influence \\ ith 
him than I. 

lege Caesaris. This is the law referred to in Ep. xlix. 7 ; 
see note on acstimationem there. 

remanserunt, were saved from going into exile/ \vh ch 
they would have been obliged to do if Caesar had not come to 
the help of the debtors by the law just referred to. 

3. iidem . . . fuerint. It was the same class of men who 
earned for him the unpopularity which followed his relief of 
the debtors at the expense (in many cases) of his own partisans, 
and who afterwards brought about his death. 

Plecteris. Plecti is specially used of vicarious suffering 
Quicquid delirant reges plectuntur Achivi, Hor. Ep. i. 2, 11. 
Hence here, if you will condemn our deed you must smart f >r 
it, indicates that though he has brought his punishment en 
himself by his views on this question, yet he might have kej >t 
those views to himself. 

gloriari . . . licere. Exclamatory infinitives are very con - 
mon in the letters. There is one which has not hitherto bee i 
recognised in Att. xiii. 22, 4. 

ut timerent = timcre ; so alterum ut te . . . diligam . . . 
aUerum ut . . . colloquar, Fam. i. 7, 1 ; id quod fads ut norit, 
De Pet. Cons. 42 ; esse extremum ut irascatur, ibid. 47 ; vetui 
est lex . . . ut idem amid semper vclint, Plane. 5. See also 
two passages in the same work where the two constructions aro 
found, first subj. with ut, and secondly accus. with infin. 
caput . . . esse oratoris ut videretur, De Or. i. 87 ; caput ess< 
nosse remp. ibid. ii. 337. 

4. terroribus. This is a somewhat loose use of the abl., as il 
he had written nullius pcriculi terroribus compulsus . . . de- 
sdscam, as he wrote ne periculis quidem compulsus ullis, Fam. 
i. 9, 11. This ablativus causae is very common in Cic. when the 
cause is an attribute or quality in the subject, as cum alii line 
suspicions sui periculi non defenderent, Sest. 20 ; videmus olios 
oratorcs inertia nihil scripsisse, Brut. 24. A good ex. of an 
ablative of the cause lying outside the subject, as in the text, is 



NOTES LXXIII. (FAM. XI. 28) 315 

to be found in significarunt se beneficio novo memoriam veteris 
doloris abiecisse, Phil. i. 30 ; the two causes, external and inter 
nal, are combined in eum non solum beneficio scd amorc etiam 
et . . . iudicio meo diliycbam, Fain. i. 9, 6. A good ex. in Caesar 
is in the B. G. iii. 29, 2, cum continuatione imbrium sub pcllibus 
contineri nonpossent. See Ep. Ixxvii. 1. 

pro civili parte, as heartily as a citizen can. 
velle salvam. This constr. with velle, cupere, malle, nolle, 
is rare with an adj., but frequent with a participle, as con- 
sultum esse volt, Div. in Caec. 6 ; conservatas velit, Rose. Am. 
9 ; Madv. 396, obs. 2. 

vincere, used like vicerint above, 2. 

5. rem . . . oratione, a frequent antithesis, I beg you to 
observe that facts are more cogent than arguments, and, if you 
believe that law and order are for my interest, not to believe 
that I can have anything in common with desperadoes. 

retexam, undo all my past ; cf. novi timores retexunt 
superiora, Phil. ii. 32. 

quod displiceat praeterquam quod doleo, anything to 
give offence, unless the lamenting the death of a great man who 
was my dear friend is an offence. 

6. ludos. Caesar vowed a temple to Venus Victrix on the 
day of Pharsalus, and instituted games in her honour. Matius 
and others contributed the funds which Octavius required for 
the games ; cf. vota Tictoriae suaefecerit, Fam. vi. 7, 2. 

dignissimo Caesare, quite worthy of Caesar ; cf. filios 
dignissimos illo patre, Fam. xiii. 79. 

7. auferendi, carrying off some favour; cf. ablaturum 
diploma, Fam. vi. 12, 3 ; aufcrret tribunatum, Q. Fr. ii. 13, 3 ; 
decretum abstulimus, Att. xvi. 16 a, 5. 

quae haec est adrogantia . . . conari, what presump 
tion it is that they should attempt ; cf. superbiam . . . 
gloriari, 3. 

quod C. numquam interpellavit, lit. which Caesar never 
prevented me from doing, namely, from having what friends I 
pleased. It will be convenient, the constr. being understood, 
to render quod by while or whereas. 

8. ne aut. Aid ne follows as if aut ne, not ne aut, stood 
here ; such little irregularities are common, e.g. ne et for et ne, 
Att. iii. 4 ; et ut for ut et, Att. iii. 6 ; si aut for aut si, De 
Fin. ii. 15 ; ut aut for aut ut, Orat. 149. 



316 NOTES LXXIV. (ATT. XV. 16) 

recte . . . cupiam, always on the side of law and order. 

aperuit, because Trebatius had induced Cic. to write to 
Matins, who was hurt by some criticisms of Cic. on his cond ict 
as regards the games, etc. Cic. attempts not very successfully 
to explain away his criticisms in the foregoing letter, to wh.ch 
this is an answer. 



LETTER LXXIV. (ATT. xv. 16) 

1. iririvi>|AVfa>s, in the true classic style. We have had 
above (Ep. li.4) tvirivts, meaning archaic, quaint, classic, and 
TT/J/OS means the robigo antiquitatis, the pretiosa vctustas which 
makes a work of art valuable. It is as if one should say new 
I have had from my son at school a letter which is quite Addi- 
sonian. Cic. does not cultivate that style himself in his 
letters to his intimate friends, but only in his correspondent e 
with important personages but slightly known to him. Th s 
sign of * progress (TrpoKOTr-rj) on the part of his son and tl e 
praises of Herodes (though Leonides still preserves his qualifier - 
tory so far ) encourage Cic. to be very hopeful. Indeed, he 
says, in this matter I like to be hoodwinked, and gladly 
banish suspicion. 

2. Narro tibi introduces a strong assertion ; see on Ep. vii. 
1. Hacc loca is probably Antium. 

arbitris, witnesses, people to overlook you. Hor. calls <. 
place which commands a view of the sea maris arbiter. 

otxos <f>Xos, ol/cos tfpicrros, be it never so homely there s n( 
place like home. 

me referunt pedes, my feet itch to return to T. we might 
say ; pes tamcn ipse redit is used in the same sense by Tibullus, 
ii. 6, 14. 

pwiro-ypa^Ca. This word most probably refers to certain 
garish effects in the neighbouring scenery a sort of wildness 
on a small scale ; pawned means clap-trap, tawdriness, in 
rhetoric, as opposed to legitimate appeals to the emotions. 

prognostica. Cf. the verses which Cic. quotes from his 
version of the Prognostica of Aratus in De Div. i. 15 

Vos quoque signa videtis, aquai dulcis alumnae, 
Cum clamore paratis inanes fundere voces, 
Abstirdoque sono fontes et stagna cietis. 



NOTES LXXV. (ATT. XV. 15) 317 

pT]TOpvov<riv, are holding forth. In the sequel of the 
passage quoted from the De Div. above he calls the frogs ranun- 
culos, the diminutive form of the word, like Twmunculus, vir- 
guncula, tirunculus. 



LETTER LXXV. (Air. xv. 15) 

1. L. Antonio. L. Antonius, the brother of Marcus, was 
scptcmvir agris dividundis, and was inclined to dispute the 
validity of the exemption procured for the Buthrotians by Cic. 
and Att. Cic. drew up a deposition setting forth what he 
knew about the transaction ; the matter is dealt with in detail 
in letters to Plancus, Att. xvi. 16 a and b. 

si quidem, since, as in si quidem ut adhuc erat liberalius 
esse nihil potest, Ep. xlvi. 3 ; si quidem Hoinerus fuit atite 
Romam conditam, Tusc. i. 3. 

aedilis. L. Fadius was aedile of Arpinum ; for these aediles 
in country towns see Mayor, Juv. x. 101. Cic. owed some 
money to Arpinum, perhaps water and other rates (see on Ep. 
Ixviii. 3). He is determined to discharge this debt in full (vel 
omiws reddito), and he countermands his orders to raise a sum of 
money for Statius, the steward of his brother Quintus. He wishes 
this sum now to be applied to the payment of Fadius, as well 
as another sum recently placed to his account. Boot proposes 
to read a Statio, in which case the reference would be to a sum 
due from Quintus and to be exacted from Statius ; but this 
change is not necessary. 

Apud me item puto depositum. This reading cannot be 
right, but it is impossible to say whether a sum mentioned after 
the word depositum has fallen out, or whether that sum should 
be inserted before puto in the place of item, or whether we 
should change this last word to id-em, and suppose Cicero to 
refer to a sum of money placed to his account equal to the HS. 
ex. which he has just mentioned. 

2. Reginam odi. The reference is to Cleopatra, who was 
now living at Rome. Hammonius and Sara were attached to 
her court. It appears that the Queen had promised certain 
presents to Cic. , desirous, no doubt, of the good offices of such a 
master of words. These gifts had not reached the hands of 
Cic., and this vexes him the more because they were gifts qui 
convenoient a un hommc de kttres, as Mongault phrases it, prob- 



318 NOTES LXXV. (ATT. XV. 15) 

ably valuable books or works of art, which, as he adds, vere 
quite suitable to my position and character, of which I might 
proclaim myself on the house-top to have been the recipient. 
The reading of the mss. is sit not scit ; hence Wesenl erg 
would read id me iure facere sit tcstis sponsor promissorum < ius 
ff. ; perhaps we might read id me iure facere sit sponsor spoi sor 
2)romissorum eius H. , let H. who was voucher to me for the 
promises of the Queen now be vouched (guarantee) for me thf 1 1 
am justified in doing what I do (in expressing my hatred for 
her). [Testis sit is strongly supported by Att. xv. 17, 2, De 
regina gaudco te non laborare, testem etiam tibi prolari. ] 

Saran autem, As to Sara, I not only know him to In a 
rascal, but I have found him impertinent to me personal y. 
Once and once only have I seen him at my house. On tl at 
occasion I asked him quite politely what he wanted ; he said he 
wanted Atticus. Some edd., not seeing in the conduct of 
Sara anything impolite according to their code of manneis, 
have supposed Sara to say that he was looking for an At1 ic 
orator, thus intimating that Cic. did not deserve a pla :e 
among them, and have resorted to other elaborate devices f >r 
importing into the sentence a breach of manners on the part >f 
Sara sufficiently marked to be appreciable by them. Surely it 
was an act of contumacia in Sara to pay his first visit to a ma n 
like Cic., and avow that he had not come to see Cic. but At:. 
[Saran. I strongly suspect that Scrapionem should be reac . 
He was one of Cleopatra s officers ; cf. Dio Cass. 1. 27, 1 ; Apj . 
B. 0. iv. 61 ; ibid. v. 8.] 

Nihil igitur cum istis, sc. ogam. 

me . . . arbitrantur, c so far from crediting me with any 
spirit, they scarcely think I have the feelings of a man ; 
animus is a high quality, stoinachus is what Hamlet calls thr 
gall to make oppression bitter. 

3. Profectionem meam, to Greece. 

Erotia dispensatio, the mismanagement of Eros ; dispen 
satio, management, is here virtually mismanagement ; see 
note on Ep. xlix. 5. 

fructuosis rebus. This refers to the rent of certain flats 
which were the property of Cic., merces insularum, Att. xv. 17, 
1. It is to be observed that he is still thinking of consecrating 
a fane to the memory of his dead daughter. 

impeditum impedire. Cf. pcrditum perdamus, Fam. xiv. 
1, 5; nota nosccre, Plaut. Mil. iii. 1, 42 ; inventum invcni, 



NOTES LXXVI. (ATT. XVI. 3) 319 

Capt. ii. 3, 81 ; actum agere, Ter. Phorm. 419. [Cf. Plaut. Men. 
ii. 1, 7, contio quae homines occupatos occupat. ] 

4. scio. This word is inserted by conjecture after existimasse, 
which plainly depends on some verb which has been lost. 
Lehmann (Quaestiones Tullianae, p. 115) would insert perspexi 
or perspicio after pertinere, comparing with nihil agere nisi quod 
ad me pertineat facile perspicio, Att. xii. 5, 2 ; quatcnus quid- 
que . . . ad sese pertineat perspicere coepit, Fin. v. 24. 

ut permutetur Athenas, to send him a bill of exchange on 
Athens to an amount which will suffice for his yearly expenses. 



LETTER LXXVI. (ATT. xvi. 3) 

1. Tu vero. Here Cic. himself points to the fact that vero 
introduces an answer to a question in the letter of one s corre 
spondent. 

igitur, resumes, as usual, after a parenthesis. 

manus dedisti, you acted wisely in giving in, and even 
thanking him. L. Antonius had met Att. at the Tiburtine 
villa of Metellus Scipio, and had assured him that should any 
confiscation of the country about Tusculum be made, the pro 
perty of Cic. would be safe. Cic. approves of the conduct of 
Att. in not attempting to dissuade him from the design of 
dividing these lands, but gratefully accepting his clemency 
towards Cic. See Att. xv. 12, 2. 

deseremur, we shall part company with our state before 
we are stripped of our fortunes. It is strange how often 
deseror goes with inanimate objects in Cic.: cf. dcseror a ceteris 
oblectationibus et voluptatibus, Att. iv. 10, 1 ; a mente, Att. 
iii. 15, 2 ; illi quorum eminet audacia a malitia deseruntur, 
Cluent. 183. 

delectare. I have unhesitatingly accepted Boot s and 
Wesenberg s correction of delectari of the mss. ; Tite, si quid 
ego, the first words of the De Senectute, by which he often 
refers to that treatise, may be used as the subject or as the 
object of the verb, but cannot stand in any other relation to it, 
cannot take the place of the ablative, for which it would have 
to stand if we read delectari. 

idem <rvvra.y\t.a., the same brochure, the De Gloria, as we 
learn from Att. xvi. 2, 6. 



320 NOTES LXXVI. (ATT. XVI. 3) 

inculcatum. On the obscure use of the word here s ?e a 
note of Dr. Reid s on Orat. 50 in Sandys. Prof. Palmer th nks 
the word means that faint letters in the archetype were black 
ened and deepened by a fresh application of the pen. [But see 
Att. iii. 23, 2.] 

tralatum in macrocollum, copied on large paper, so Tie- 
times called protocolla, whence our word protocol. The. II 
should be preserved in these words, which come from /c6X\a, 
glue, not K&\OI>, side. 

erumpant, vent. For another allusion to the parsimony 
of Att. see Att. vi. 1, 13, where Cic. takes him to task for 
serving up a cheap vegetable dinner on expensive plate, ask; ng 
what would be the fare provided if the dinner-service were of 
earthenware. Nepos (Vit. Att. 13) says that the amoint 
allowed by Att. for household expenses was, to his own cerfe in 
knowledge, only 3000 asses per month, or about six guineas of 
our money. 

2. De Xenone. We read (Att. xvi. 1, 5) that Xeno dobd 
out the allowance of young Cic. very sparingly. To Herodes. a 
teacher of young Cic. , and Saufeius, an Epicurean philosophc r, 
we have often had allusions in these letters. 

3. prius a tabellario. See Att. xvi. 1, 6 for an incident 
which certainly does not put in a pleasant light Cicero s sen ;e 
of honour ; it runs thus : Now I must tell you why I sent DC y 
own letter-carrier with a separate packet, though I had already 
sent you one by young Quintus. He promises that he will I e 
a perfect Cato, and he as well as his father begged me to mat e 
myself responsible for him, not, however, asking you to trust him 
till you had had plenty of time to make up your mind. No 7 
I mean to give him a letter just such as he wants. Don t yo i 
mind what I say in it. I am writing now lest you should thin!: 
I am really impressed by any change in the lad. Heaven grant 
that he may fulfil his promises ; it would be a blessing to m 
all ; but, for my own part well, I will say no more. 

accedet magrms cumulus, there will be added tlm 
great crowning merit of your recommendation ; com. tuae if 
the gen. epexegeticus, in the shape of (consisting of) youi 
recommendation, like mcrces gloriac, reward in the shape of 
glory ; vox wluptatis, that word pleasure ; numerics trecen- 
torum, the number 300, Mad v. 286. Cf. vera laude probitatis, 
real glory, which consists in uprightness, Att. i. 17, 5 ; aliis 
virtutibus contincntiae gravitatis iustitiacjidci, the other virtues, 



NOTES LXXVI. (ATT. xvi. 3) 321 

namely, Mur. 23 ; mercedem gloriae, the reward (which consists) 
of glory, Tusc. i. 15. Draeger, Hist. Syn. i. p. 466. 

5. quod et Dolabellae nornen et ex attributione, because 
in my balance is included Tullia s dower, which Dol. was 
obliged to refund on divorcing her, and which he has not yet 
paid ; and because certain other debts due to me are drafts on 
persons of whom I know nothing ; I cannot help feeling great 
anxiety. Ex is inserted by Boot, and either ex or in is quite 
requisite to make the passage intelligible at all. We have 
already met attributio ; the paying of a debt to one s creditor 
by making over to him a debt owed to oneself would be satis 
factory in proportion to the facility of collecting the debt. If 
one knew nothing about the person of whom one thus became 
the creditor, one could not feel very sure of being able to realise 
the money. 

non concurrerent nomina, if it should so happen that 
the payments should not come up to time, that the payments 
should not be made at the required time. 

decemscalmis, ten-thowled, that is, with ten oars. 

erat etiam nunc. Erat is an epistolary imperfect standing 
for a present, and so can take with it a word like nunc, signify 
ing present time. "We have already had many exx. of this 
usage ; in the next letter to Att. (xvi. 4, 1) he writes, ut heri tibi 
narravi vel forta-sse hodie Quintus enim altcro die se aiebat, in 
my letter of yesterday, or perhaps of to-day, for Q. said he 
would take two days, thus describing the date of the letter, not 
by the day on which it was written, but by the day on which it 
would be received. This is a good ex. of that strange usage which 
makes the reader of Cicero s letters always feel as if it was the 
day before yesterday, or the day after to-morrow. 

Ecquid . . . Hieram ? Can you love D. without also loving 
H. ? This is an ironical Avay of saying Hieras is as bad as 
Deiotarus. Hieras and Blesamius were agents of Deiotarus, who 
bought Armenia for their master from Antony through the 
intermediation of his wife Fulvia for a large sum of money. 
This Hieras had been ordered to do nothing without consulting 
Sextus Peducaeus (he is the Sextus here referred to, not 
Pompeius), but he never held any communication with Pedu 
caeus or any of Cicero s friends. 



NOTES LXXVII. (FAM, X. 32) 



LETTER LXXVII. (FAM. x. 32) 

1. Balbus, a native of Gades, nephew of the Balbus who 
was so intimate a friend of Cic. and for whom the speech Pro 
Balbo is extant. He is referred to as Balbus minor in Att. ^ iii. 
9, 4, and we read there how he was sent on a mission to L. Corn. 
Lentulus, who was consul in the year in which the civil ^var 
broke out. Cic. thought that Lentulus would come over to 
Caesar even before Balbus could reach him (Att. viii. 11, 5). 

numerata pecunia, ready money. 

magno pondere auri, a large quantity of bullion. 

exactionibus. The quaestor was receiver-general of 1he 
taxes in the provinces and paymaster of the forces. Ball us 
left the troops unpaid and absconded with the money, which he 
no doubt put at the service of Antony. 

regmim Bogudis, Mauretania, including the modern Fez 
and Morocco. Bogudes assisted Caesar, and subsequently 
Antony. 

plane bene peculiatus, with a pretty penny in his pocke:. 

His rumoribus, of the junction of Lepidus with Antony. 
The abl. is of the kind commented on in the note on terroribi, s, 
Ep. Ixxiii. 4 ; or possibly while the present rumours prevai , 
a kind of modal abl. of which exx. are given in the note on 
singulari bonitate, Ep. Ixxiii. 1. 

2. eadem quae C. Caesar, in imitation of Caesar. 

anulo . . . deduxit, he presented him with a golden rir g 
(the badge of knighthood) and conducted him to a seat in tl e 
first 14 rows, which in his province were reserved by Balbus for 
the Equites, as they were in Rome by the law of Roscius Otho. 
For the case of Laberius who acted his own mime and then took 
his place among the Equites, see Suet. Jul. 39. 

quattuorviratum. In the munidpia, of which Gades (Cadi/ ) 
was one, the quattuorvirate corresponded to the Roman con 
sulate, and the decuriones to the senate, which latter name was, 
however, used in the municipal towns and colonies as well a s 
in Rome. 

Sexto Varo proconsule, 57 B.C. 

3. praetextam . . . posuit, he put on the stage a fabuli 



NOTES LXXVII. (FAM. X. 32) 323 

praetextata dealing with liis own mission to secure the alle 
giance of Lentulus to Caesar. 

depressus in ludum, pressed into the calling of a gladia 
tor, and forced to fight as such. 

depugnasset, had fought and killed his man. 

auctorari sese nolebat, refused to fight as a gladiator. 
Auctorari is not found in Cic. ; it means to bind oneself or be 
bound to any service, especially that of fighting as a gladiator; 
hence auctorari is nearly to be a gladiator, to play the gladi 
ator ; then the word came to mean to be involved in peril ; 
and finally to be bound to anything. 

manibus ad tergurn reiectis, with his hands behind his 
back, the typical gesture of ease and unconcern. 

quiritanti, lit. to cry pro fidem Quirites ; hence the quan 
tity is quirltare. However, Vani^ek and Tick connect the word 
with queror. From quiritare comes the English word to cry. 

C. R. natus sum. Cf. Acts of Apostles, xxii. 28. 

Abi nunc. This is sometimes an expression of reproach in 
the comic drama, as Plaut. Mil. ii. 3, 20 (291); so ibid. 53 (324), 
abi ludis me, get out, you re playing with me ; but very often 
it is a word of commendation as abi; patrissas, you ll do ; you re 
a chip of the old block, Ter. Ad. 564. In subsequent Latin i 
or i . . et or i nunc are the phrases for invective. 

circulatorem, a peddler, or broker, one who buys at 
auctions and afterwards sells at a profit ; the word in later 
Latin means a cheat. Illicitator is a sham bidder at an 
auction, one who in collusion with the auctioneer bids to raise 
the prices (Fam. vii. 2, 1). 

portento, this was the kind of monster I had to deal with. 

4. Nunc, quod praestat, Now for the more important 
point. 

incitatissimam retinui, I kept from deserting though 
strongly tempted (by the promises of Antony). 

5. debetis existimare, you are bound to take this view 
that the army was kept and preserved by me for the state, and 
that as I have carried out the orders of the senate in that matter, 
so should I have done, whatever orders I had received. 

decedentes, attempting to desert. 

si me satis novisset. Pollio more than once complains 



324 NOTES LXXVIII. (FAM. XII. 10) 

of the way in which he was ignored. He had frequently 
declared his desire to perish with the republic, but afterwards 
joined Antony and Lepidus, and reached a good old age in h gh 
favour at the court of Augustus. 

praetextam, the play mentioned above. Poscito takes two 
accusatives, as often in Cic. and Livy as well as in Augusian 
poetry. Corn. Gallus was no doubt the poet so named. 



LETTER LXXVIII. (FAM. xn. 10) 

1. Lepidus, tuus adfinis, brother-in-law ; Lepidus a id 
Cassius were married to sisters, daughters of D. Silanus, coi s. 
62, and Servilia, and therefore half-sisters of Brutus ; see on Ep. 
xxxv. 25. 

quibus. This probably includes only ceteri, not Lepidus. 

ad sanitatem redeundi, of coming to their senses ; :o 
the Caesarians he ascribes furor and insania ; Lepidus is calLd 
fiLriosus, Fam. xi. 18, 2 ; furor is attributed to him, Fam. x:i. 
3, 1, and to Caesar, Att. vii. 14, 1 ; cf. insania and insanidg 
ascribed to Caesar and his party, Att. ix. 7, 3, 5. 

scelere et levitate, hare-brained treachery, a hendiadys. 

de Dolabella. He was now besieged in Laodicea in Syrit. 
He subsequently destroyed himself when the town was carried 
by the forces of Cassius. 

sine capite, not coming from any definite source ; cf. ii 
quid sine capite mandbit, Plane. 57 ; horum criminum vidio 
cerium nomen et caput, Gael. 31. 

rumore nuntio, abl. absolute. 

2. litteris tuis, Fam. xii. 12, 5. 

ita persuasum erat civitati ut . . . arbitrarentur . . . ut. 
So established were the public in the belief that Dolabella wa 3 
crushed, and you were marching to Italy at the head of an army 
that, in case the war with Antony (haec) should prove to b! 
now satisfactorily finished, we felt that we could rely on you 
judgment and influence ; but if on the other hand it shouk 
turn out that any check had occurred (et TI irralaavrf.^ Tvxoi/*ei>). 
as often happens in war, then we could still rely on the strengtl 
of the army under your command. Persuasum erat civitati ui 
arbitrarentur must be taken together ; it is the second ut (ui 



NOTES LXXVIII. (FAM. XII. 10) 325 

. . . nitercmur} which is correlative to ita. For persuasum est 
ut cf. his pcrsuaderi ut diutius morarentur . . . non poterat, 
Caes. B. G. ii. 10. The phrase persuasurn est ut arbitrarcntur 
is not unlike in earn opinionem Caesenniam adducebat utputaret, 
Caecin. 13 ; in earn opinionem Cassius venerat ut vidercntur, 
Fam. viii. 10, 2. Mr. Jeans seems to take the first ut (in ut 
arbitrarentur] as correlative to ita, and is accordingly forced to 
regard the second ut (ut . . . nitercmur ) as if it were equivalent to 
adeo ut. After tibubatum we must supply esset, taken out of 
essent in confecta essent. 

potuero. The fut. perf. is often used in the letters when 
the simple future would have been quite adequate. Perhaps 
the most common instance is vidcro. 

ornabo. Cassius had begged Cicero to take up the cause of 
his army, and make them feel that they had no reason to regret 
having preferred patriotism to plunder, Fam. xii. 12, 3. 

gesta res . . . confldo, some action is looked for ; and I 
feel sure that some action has been already set on foot, or is at 
hand. For appropinquare with an impersonal subject Hofm. 
compares appropinquare tuum adventum, Fam. ix. 1, 1. 

3. vos, you and Brutus. 

viceramus, we had won, a more vigorous expression than 
vicissemus, indicating that the victory was on the point of being 
achieved : the most familiar ex. of this is sustulerat nisi, Hor. 
Carm. ii. 17, 27 ; the only instance in prose given by Madvig 
(348 c) is perierat imperium . . . si Fabius tantum ausus csset 
quantum ira suadebat, Seneca, De Ira, i. 11. Roby (1574) adds 
Liv. iii. 19, xxxviii. 49 ; Sen. De Ira, ii. 33 ; Cic. Nat. Deor. 
i. 17. 

consules designates. Plancus and D. Brutus. 

naagna . . . proeliorum, in whom we have hopes, ay, 
and great hopes, but at the same time anxious concern by 
reason of the uncertainty o f the issues of war. "When ilia 
quidem is thus connected with an adj. and a noun, usually 
another adj. follows agreeing with the same noun, not a new 
noun and adj. as here. 

4. Brutum iam iamque, every moment ; but he never 
came. Instead he went oif to Asia. His province, Macedonia, 
was much nearer than that of Cassius. 

tamen. The meaning is : even though when you return 
you find the enemy utterly vanquished, yet the resurrection 



326 NOTES LXXIX. (FAM. VII. 22) 

and satisfactory establishment of the Republic will be duo to 
you, so many reforms are required even after the restoration of 
the Republic. This is the last letter in the extant correspond 
ence written by Cic. , so far as we know. It was written at ;he 
beginning of July. Some cannot be dated, for instance ,he 
next two in this selection. The last to Cic. is Fam. x. :24, 
from Plancus, written on July 28. 

quibus erit medendum. Almost certainly an allusion to 
the designs of Octavian. 



LETTER LXXIX. (FAM. vn. 22) 

This amusing little letter brings before us very graphically a 
scene in the life of Cic. He was dining with his friend Ti e- 
batius Testa, when the question arose whether a person ( n 
coming into a property could sue for an embezzlement con- 
mitted before the property came to him. Trebatius maintaim d 
that the heir would have an action in this case, and laughed j i 
Cic. for supposing that the contrary view was tenable at al ! . 
Cic. writes that when he went home, though it was late an d 
he was quite mellow, he looked up the authorities on the poir t 
and found that three eminent jurists had pronounced for the 
view which Trebatius thought was not tenable. However 
he adds, I agree with Trebatius and Scaevola, the latter 
authority taking the view of Trebatius that the action woul 1 
lie. 

misi, I send herewith the opinions copied out. 

sensisse. For sentire, meaning to give an opinion, u 
juridical technical term, see Lewis and Short, s.v. iii. B 
Brutus, Manilius, and Scaevola are mentioned together as jurists 
in Fin. i. 12, and M. Junius Brutus is quoted as a lega 
authority in De Orat. ii. 142, where see "VVilkins s note. Sex. 
Aelius is the jurist described by Ennius as egreyie cordatut 
homo catus AdiiC Sextus. 



LETTER LXXX. (FAM. xvi. 26) 

1. Verberavi . . . convicio, I castigated you, but only 
with the mute tongue of my mind, I lashed you with abuse- 
silent abuse, all to myself. [Cf. verberationem ccssationis, Fam. 
xvi. 27, 1.] 



NOTES LXXX. (FAM. XVI. 26) 327 

te patrono, if you have only yourself for your advocate. 
, Marcus, the young Cicero. 

vide ut, take care, will he be able to prove your innocence, 
put as vereor ut veniat is lit. I have my fears about his 
coming, hence I fear he will not come, so vide ut possit 
means take care about his being able, that is, take care 
that he does not prove unable. 

2. furtum cessationis, lest you be suspected of having 
attempted the thievery of indolence. Cessationis is that 
epexegetic or definitive genitive commented on above, Ep. Ixxvi. 
3, note on cumulus commendationis. Furtum cessationis is an 
act of larceny (in the shape) of indolence as a correspondent. 
As Cicero s mother used to seal even the empty wine-jars, lest 
the slaves should open full jars and, having drunk the con 
tents, put them among the empties, alleging that they had 
been used by the family ; so, says Cic. , even when you have 
nothing to say, still send me a letter, that I may feel sure 
that you had not some news of which you have robbed me 
through indolence prompting you not to write, that you 
may not be suspected of having stolen a holiday from your 
work as my correspondent. 

Valde . . . nuntiantur, I always find the contents of 
your letters thoroughly trustworthy and charming. Good-bye. 
Yours very sincerely. 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (I) 

The numbers refer to the pages of the notes. 
. )( = distinguished from. 



A personifying inanimate things 

157 

abi 323 
ablative with fieri 145 

,, of attendant circumstan 
ces 218 

,, of quality 302 

,, modi 313 

,, causae 314 
absurde 203 
abuti 271, 304 
accipere absol. 139 

,, male 155 
Accius 264 
acervum 141 
acta news 264 
aculeatus 312 
addicere 292 
adfinis 130, 324 
adhaerescere to stay in a 

place 158 

adsentari )( adsentiri 195 
Aemilia lex 156 
aequalem 148 
Aesopus 174 

agilitas sensitiveness 138 
aleator nickname of Antonius 

306 



Alexis 223 

aliquos vague 157 

alterum . . . alterum 155 

alucinari to ramble on 
177 

animula 287 

annuus lasting only a year 215 

aperire de 202 

Appianae 249 

apricus hortus 304 

apud indicating household 
133 
,, ,, town house 143 

Arcanum 134 

Aristippus 276 

Aristophanes 272 

articulorum dolores = rheuma 
tism 133 

artificium profession 196 

artolagani omelettes 274 

Asinius Dento 219 
Pollio 306, 322 

assus sol 271 

asyndeton 158, 180 

atque adeo 140 

attraction inverse 173 

auctorari 323 

avaritia 311 



330 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (l) 



BALBUS 322 
Barba Cassius 298 
baro 277 
beatulus 278 
beta personified 157 
Blandeno 185 
blandiri 182 
Blesamius 321 
Bogudes 322 
Bostrenus 183 

CADAVERA oppidum 287 

cadere 147, 186 

calfacere 304 

callere 285 

Calpurnius Piso 145 

Calvena 305 

capitalis punned on 200 

Catilina defence of 136 

Catius 280 

Cato M. 289 

Cato and anti-Cato 293 

catonium 295 

Catullus echoes of 185 

cautio punned on 200 

cedo not credo 285 

CENS. and Cos. 228 

censura 163 

Ceo accus. 210 

cerritior 254 

Cipius 292 

circulator 323 

cistophorus 263 

clavus anni 213 

clitellae 214 

codicilli 177 

coemptiouales senes 296 

collubus 269 

comedere to spend on eating 

269 

comic usages 172, 215, 267 
comitia 300 
Commagenus 182 
comminus 173 
commotiuncula 278 



commotus 305 

commovere 213, 304 

communi dividundo 193 

conferre to attribute to 151 

confieri for confici 285 

coniuncte 161 

consanescere 290 

consistere to stop 157 

constiterit 171 

consul ere with double ace. 25 ) 

conterere to thumb* 227 

continentia 221 

copiam bonam eiurare 265 

coram 160 

Corfiniensis 255 

Cornelius Lentulus Spinther 17 

cornua of books 141 

coronas 304 

corpus 161 

cotidie 209 

Crabra 304 

Crasso not Cassio 170 

crede mihi 142 

creterrae 174 

curreutem fain 185, 209 

Cytheris 276 

DAMASIPPUS 165 

dare mauus 319 

data opera 204 

dealbare 297 

decedere absol. 204 

decemscalmus 321 

decessit pater nobis 134 

deductio billeting 300 

defenders 148 

Deiotarus 321 

delectarenot delectari 319 

delegare 282 

deliciae coolness 139 

deportare to fetch home 297 

deseri with inanimate obj. 319 

desinere with accus. 176 

desperare with accus. 151, 247 

detergere to clear off a debt 311 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (l) 



331 



Dexius corrupt 170 
Di = Lares 144 
Dicaearchus 141, 253 
dies sc. festus 202 

,, of a recurring disease 256 

,, Capitolinus 309 
diligere )( amare 263 
Dionysius 250 
diploma 260 
discessus vacation 306 
discutere bring to nought 182 
dissimulare absol. 204 
Dolabella 265, 282, 287, 311, 

321, 324 

domi at Rome 237, 240 
dos 281 

EGO in answer 144, 185, 188, 

289, 307 
elephants 175 
ellipse 149, 206 
elugere 275 

emerere to serve one s time 238 
emptio Epirotica 132 
en restored 255, 306, 307 
epanalepsis 161, 279 
Epicureanism 191, 192 
epistolary tenses 131, 145, 148, 

205, 212, 220, 222, 275, 321 
equitem collective 207 
equus Troianus 187 
ergo 248 
Eros 318 

erumpere to vent 320 
estates of Cic. 132 
Eupolis 272 
exceptio 197 

exceptum snapped up 143 
exhedra 168 
exilis skeleton 214 
existimatio credit 263 

,, valuation 266 
explosus 184 
exponere 202 
exprimere 206 



FABERIUS 311 

Fabius Q. Maximus 289 

Fadius L. 317 

Fadius M. Gallus 291 

familia 146 

ferus et ferreus 149 

fidelia 297 

fiducia 193 

fortunas 152 

frangere 290 

frater cousin 129 

fraudem facere elude 157 

frigus metaph. 181 

frontes of a book 141 

fructus 129, 296 

fugerat me I had forgotten 

184, 212 

furtum cessationis 327 
future perf. for fut. simple 203, 

325 

,, for imperative 163, 279 

GARGETTIUS 280 
geuere not genero 149 
genitives double and triple 157 

definitive 139 

epexegetic 320 

der Eigenschaft 173, 277 
genus 160, 162, 165, 184, 285 
gerund used passively 250 
gloriola 163 
glutinatores 158 
gratus )( iucundus 289 
gravis punned on 212 
Greek letters 236, 237 
Greek terms in medicine 135 
Gyrae 210 

HEBDOMAS 244 

Hector 162 
hendiadys 129 
Herodes 142, 312 
Hieras 321 
Hippocrates 292 
Hirtius 291 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (l) 



homo 142, 179, 287, 299 
horologium 304 
horror shivering 272 
Hortensius 258, 261 
hospita 203 
humaniter 137 
Hydruntem 244 
hyperbatou 136, 217 

IACTAUE 164, 207 

idola 280 

iguarus passive 162 

iguotus active 162 

impeditura impedire 318 

imperative expressed by future 

simple 163, 279 

,, by subjunctive 215 
imperfect of neglected duty 165 
incendium metaph. 222 
incile 216 
inculcatum 320 
indices 158 
in dies 209 
inducere cancel 140 
inferis si qui sensus est 288 
infinitive exclamatory 314 

as oblique predicate 262 
in modum 302 
insedisse with accus. 138 
insoleutia extravagance 274 
instrumentum outfit 285 
insula a flat 282 
intectus 188 
interdicts 197, 226 
interregna 190 
iocum (extra) 188 
iumentum equipage 285 
luppiter Hospitalis 184 
lapis 193 
miniatus 266 
ius with play on word 268 

LABERIUS191, 295 

lacuna flaw, dimple 269 
Laenius Flaccus 144 



Lais 276 

Laterium 134 

lectiunculis little dips i:ito 

books 172 

letters in Greek 236, 237 
liber out of debt 159 
Liberalia 309 
Ligurinus 220 
Ligurius 305 
littera 142 
locative 215 

locus proper place 161 
loreola 219 
Lucceius 132 

Lucretius criticism on 177 
ludibundus gaily 244 
ludos 170, 315 
lychnuchus 186 

MACROCOLLUM 320 

Madarus 305 

maenianum a balcony 171 

Magnus 232, 234 

malitia shrewdness 272 

malva personified 157 

Mamurra 298 

mancipium 296, 301 

manum de tabula 294 

manus ad os 207 

Marcellus Mindius 279 

Martis aedes 186 

Maximus Q. trimestris consul 

301 

medical terms Greek 135 
Megara 287 
memoria time of 220 
Mescinius 236 
mimus 265 

missio not intermissio 130 
modeste not moleste 140 
Moeragenes 214 
molestia a prosecution 151 
mollis impressionable 138 
morari passive 216 
more Romano 189 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (l) 



333 



Motho 303 

mustaceum a wedding cake 

219 
my steria festival of Bona Dea 235 

NAEVIUS 162 

narro narra rhetorical 143, 316 
ne asseverative 158, 300 
negotium = Zpyov and xprj/j.a 

210 

nexum 301 

nisi elliptico-adversative 286 
non modo without etiam 205 
nos = town house 157 
nota metaph. 297 
nuntium remittere to divorce 

281 

OBSTREPERE 153 

Oenomaus 264 

opem ab Ope 312 

operarii clerks 205 

oratio antithetic with res 315 

oricula 185 

ovum 274 

PALAM SECRETO 207 

paludatus 279 

panthers 231 

Parhedrus 303 

pedibus by land 209 

Peducaeus Sextus 245 

perforare 171 

perfunctam 288 

perhibere 162 

permutatio permutare 150, 
214, 263, 319 

perpurgare = to settle a mat 
ter 282 

persona position before the 
world 287 

petasatus booted and spurred 
279 

Phalaris 250 

Phemius 223 



Philippus L. 298 

Phocylides 164 

pigritia listlessness 148 

Pilia 158, 239 

pipulo not populi 180 

Pisistratus 250 

Piso (Calpurnius) 145 

plecti vicarious suffering 314 

pluperf. indie, for pluperf. sub- 

junct. 325 

pluralis modestiae 138, 154 
plus without quam 201 
polypus 266 
pompilus 265 
Pomponia 137, 311 
ponderosa 143 
portus = portoria 215 
poscere with two accusatives 

324 

Postumia Sulpicii 278 
praecidit = praecise negavit 253 
praeconium of auctioneer 292 
praenomen in address of letters 

223 

praeposterus 278 
praestare 209, 264 
praestolari 152 
praetexta = fabula praetextata 

323 

praevaricatio 137 
Dedicate secondary 237 
prescription in Greek 303 
)rognostica 316 
jrolatae res vacation 306 
>romulsis 266 
irosequi see off 147 
Pseudodamasippus 170 
Publilia 283 
puleium 303 
putare with direct object 310 

QUATTUORVIRATUS 322 

quattuorviri 205 
Quintus Cicero 137 
quiritari 323 



334 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (l) 



quod connexive 144 
quod not quoad 146 
quoius for cuius 205 

RABIOSULAS 188 

Rabirius 134 
Rebilus C. Caninius 301 
refigere metaph. 297 
refricare 214, 259, 291 
regina = Cleopatra 317 
reiectio 137 
reliquias 149 
reservare 153 
respondere 189 
retexere undo 315 
ruta 308 

SACRAMENTUM 226 

salaco 293 

Saliarem in modum 209 

saliuae punned on 225 

Sallustius 179 

salus acquittal 151 

Salus 291 

salutatio concrete 275 

Samarobrivae 189, 191 

sanniones ? 267 

sapere 188 

sapientia 197 

sapiuut (sero) a proverb 187 

Sara 317 

Sardi venales 293 

satisdatio 202 

Saturnalia 217, 298 

saucius 138 

Saufeius 312 

scelus 148 

scida scheda 141, 280 

scilicet 146 

scribere to draw on a banker 

150 

scurra consularis 151 
scurram velitem 273 
sentire a juridical term 326 
Serapio 230 



Sestiana 225 

signa (with play of words) 100, 
305 

signatum sealed not signe 1 
262 

singularis one in a thousan I 
312 

sittybae 158 

slang conveyed by Greek terras 
258 

solum 276 

Sophocleum 305 

spectra 280 

spissa metaph. 262 

sportellae 274 

static 243 

stricta skimmed 259 

subjunctive in indignant repeti 
tion 147, 213 

subrostrani 207 

sudum fair weather 305 

Sulla 279 

superscription of letters 151 

superstes 147 

sus Miuervam 268 

susurrator 207 

Sybota 209 

symphonia a musical party 
244 

TABLINUM a balcony 171 
Tadius 132 
tantum quod 1 64 
Tarentum 191 
Tarpa 173 
tempestas 146 
Tenedii 177 
tenuiculus 272 
tenus 206 
Terentia 135 
Themistocles 161 
thunnarium 265 
Tigjellius 291 

train pedibus to go to perdi 
tion 226 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (l) 



335 



tranquillitas 240 


Vennonius 234 


Transpadani 205 


verbis meis 240, 297 


trapezophorus 166 


vereri with gen. 251 


Treviri punned on 200 


vetule 187 


triclinia 299 


via Appia 186 


Tullia, Tulliola 145 


Graeca 174 


tuus = obj. genitive 131, 185 


vide ut 327 


Tyrannic 157 


videre to provide 203 




vigere 186, 209 


ULUBRAE 192, 193, 195 


vigintiviratus 256 


umbilicus 141 


viucere to prove 313 


unas )( singulas 131 


Vindullus 234 


ut introducing subject clause 


virtual obliqiie 189 


130 


visne 287 


with subjunct. = infin. 314 


volumen 141 


ut ne 201 


Volumnius 223 


VAPULARE to be thrashed of 


XENO 320 


troops 207 




vel 161, 202, 291 


ZEUGMA 182 


venationes 175 


Zoster 210 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (II) 



017401 307 

KT\. 233 

240 
279 
291 

&Kpa Yvptuv 210 
dKpah 259 
dKvdrjpov 225 

297 
225 

256 



aairelv 135 

T6s 256 

242 
acfxtlpeais 135 

/St os 6ewpT)Tii<6s 141 
,, ?rpa/crt/c6s 141 

-yAcora <rapd6i ioi 294 
76^1* Kvrj[j.ris 308 
135 



336 



INDEX TO THE NOTES (ll) 



Fvpfav &Kpa 210 
135 



155 



299 
225 



tTTiT6/j(.r) h 218 
307 

ia. ioi 261 
272 

307 

137, 261 
a 225 

276 



/crX. 249 
roO iro\t[jiov 218 
242 

Kr??<m xp^crts 296 
261 



221 
135 
156 
f 231 

283 



242 



ofoos 0tXos 316 
foeipov rovfibv ^ 



rraideiav Kvpov 227 

]fjiova 270 
225 
135 
irapa TrpoffdoKlav 225 



235 
tv 221 
208 

UepiK\b]s Oi/Xi^iTrtos 272 
TreptTraros ff&WJWpot 303 

221 
303 

195 

208, 211 
TroXXd . dvfjir;va,VTa, 254 

jrp6irv\ov 235 

136 



pr)Topevov<nv 317 



225, 246 

300 

ffrpayyovpiKa ira-By 155 
<ru7x i (J " t / 241 
<r foray pa 319 



271 

tylV 303 

T/S 5 ^crrl SoGXos /crX. 256 

dXX dyadr) KT\. 143 



247 
225 



5tai o>?TtKds 280 
eld6\w 280 
270 

241 

u /ccd r65e 164 



fi/cparos 135 
296 
134 



THE END 



Printed by R. & R. CLARK, Edinburgh 



October 1891 



A Catalogue 

OF 

Educational Books 



PUBLISHED BY 



Macmillan & Co. 

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CONTENTS 



CLASSICS PAGE 
ELEMENTARY CLASSICS ... 2 
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CLASSICAL LIKRAKY; Texts, Com 
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GRAMMAR, COMPOSITION, AND PHI 
LOLOGY 9 

ANTIQUITIES, ANCIENT HISTORY, 

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30 
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