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John Knox's 

History of the Reformation 

in Scotland 

Volume Two 


John Knox's 

History of the Reformation 

in Scotland 

Edited by 
William Croft Dickinson D.Lit. 

Volume Two 


15. 3 60 

Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd 

London Edinburgh Paris Melbourne Toronto and New York 


Parkside Works Edinburgh 9 
3 Henrietta Street London WC2 
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Thomas Nelson and Sons (Canada) Ltd 
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Thomas Nelson and Sons 
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25 rue Henri Barbusse Paris V* 

First published 1949 





THE FIFTH BOOK (by Knox's continuator) 135 





















In the former Books, gentle reader, thou may clearly see how potently 
God hath performed in these our last and wicked days, as well as 
in the ages that have passed before us, the promises that are made to 
the servants of God, by the prophet Isaiah, in these words : " They 
that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength ; they shall lift 
up the wings as the eagles ; they shall run, and not be weary ; they 
shall walk, and not faint." This promise, we say, such as Sathan hath 
not utterly blinded may see performed in us, the professors of Christ 
Jesus within this realm of Scotland, with no less evidence than it 
was in any age that ever hath passed before us. For what was our 
force ? What was our number ? Yea, what wisdom or worldly 
policy was into us, to have brought to a good end so great an enter- 
prise ? Our very enemies can bear witness. And yet in how great 
purity God did establish amongst us his true religion, as well in 
doctrine as in ceremonies ! To what confusion and fear were idolaters, 
adulterers, and all public transgressors of God's commandments 
within short time brought ? The public order of the Church, yet 
by the mercy of God preserved, and the punishments executed against 
malefactors, can testify unto the world. For, as touching the doctrine 
taught by our ministers, and as touching the administration of 
Sacraments used in our Churches, we are bold to affirm that there 
is no realm this day upon the face of the earth, that hath them in 
greater purity ; yea (we must speak the truth whomsoever we offend), 
there is none (no realm, we mean) that hath them in the like purity. 
For all others (how sincere that ever the doctrine be, that by some is 
taught), retain in their Churches, and the ministers thereof, some 
footsteps of Antichrist, and some dregs of papistry ; but we (all 
praise to God alone) have nothing within our Churches that ever 
flowed from that Man of Sin. ^ And this we acknowledge to be the 
strength given unto us by God, because we esteemed not ourselves 
wise in our own eyes, but understanding our whole wisdom to be but 
mere foolishness before our God, laid it aside, and followed only that 
which we found approved by himself 

In this point could never our enemies cause us to faint, for our 
first petition was, " That the reverent face of the primitive and 

' Cf. infra, 266-267, in The Confession of Faith, c. xviii. 


The first apostoHc Church should be reduced * again to the eyes and know- 
the ^Pnt- ledge of men." ^ And in that point, we say, our God hath strengthened 
estantsof ^g ^-jjj jj^g^f ^j^g work was finished, as the world may see. And as 

Scotland . . i r i i i- i 

concernmg the suppressmg oi vice, yea, and or the abolishmg of all 
such things as might nourish impiety within the realm, the acts and 
statutes of the principal towns reformed will yet testify. For what 
adulterer, what fornicator, what known mass-monger, or pestilent 
Papist, durst have been seen in public, within any reformed town 
within this realm, before that the Queen arrived ? And this victory 
to his word, and terror to all filthy livers, did our God work by such 
as yet live and remain witnesses (whether they will or not) of the 
foresaid works of our God. We say, our God suffered none of those, 
whom he first called to the battle, to perish or to fall till that he made 
them victors of their enemies. For even as God suffered none of those 
whom he called from Egypt to perish in the Red Sea, how fearful 
that ever the danger appeared, so suffered he none of us to be 
oppressed, nor yet to be taken from this life, till that more Pharaohs 
than one were drowned, and we set at freedom without ^ all danger 
of our enemies : to let both us and our posterity understand that such 
as follow the conducting of God cannot perish, albeit that they 
walked in the very shadow of death. 

But from whence (alas) cometh this miserable dispersion of God's 
people within this realm, this day, anno 1566, in May ? * And what 
The cause is the cause that now the just are compelled to keep silence ; good men 
troubles of are banished ; murderers, and such as are known unworthy of the 
the Kirk common society (if just laws were put in due execution) bear the 
Scotland wholc regiment and swing ^ within this realm ? We answer, 
j'rorn'^the Bccausc that Suddenly the most part of us declined from the purity 
courtiers of God's word, and began to follow the world ; and so again to shake 
seemed to hands with the Devil, and with idolatry, as in this Fourth Book we 

profess the ^[^ hg^r. 

For while that Papists were so confounded that none within the 

' brought back '' Cf supra, i, 151- 152 

' outside, that is, " beyond all danger from. . . " 

* That is, when, following the murder of Riccio (9 March 1566) and Mary's escape 
with Darnley to Dunbar, Mary had summoned her forces in arms, the murderers had 
been denounced as rebels, many of " the godly " had fled from Edinburgh, and Knox 
himself had taken refuge in Kyle. According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (94) the Lords 
" with dolorous hearts " left Edinburgh on 17 March at seven in the morning, and Knox 
left the same day at two in the afternoon " with a great mourning of the godly of religion." 
This date, coming in the body of the text, and in the text hand (folio 301 verso) shows 
that at least the Preface to Book IV was written during Knox's retirement in the south- 
west. ' sway 


realm durst more avow the hearing or saying of Mass than the 
thieves of Liddesdale durst avow their stowth ^ in presence of an 
upright judge, there were Protestants found that ashamed not at 
tables, and other open places, to ask, " Why may not the Queen 
have her own Mass, and the form of her religion ? What can that 
hurt us or our religion ? " And from these two, " Why " and 
' What," at length sprang out this affirmative, " The Queen's Mass 
and her priests will we maintain : this hand and this rapier shall 
fight in their defence, etc." 

The inconvenients were shown, both by tongue and pen ; but 
the advertisers were judged to be men of unquiet spirits. Their 
credit was defaced at the hands of such as before were not ashamed 
to have used their counsel in matters of greater importance than to 
have resisted the Mass. But then, my Lord, my Master, may not 
be thus used : he has that honour to be the Queen's brother ; and 
therefore we will that all men shall understand that he must tender 
her as his sister ; and whosoever will counsel him to displease her, 
or the least that appertains unto her, shall not find him their friend ; 
yea, they are worthy to be hanged that would so counsel him, etc.^ 

These and the like reasons took such deep root in flesh and blood 
that the truth of God was almost foryett ^ ; and from this fountain 
(to wit, that flesh and blood was, and yet, alas, is preferred to God, 
and to his messengers rebuking vice and vanity) hath all our misery 
proceeded. For as before, so even yet, although the ministers be set Thecor- 
to beg, the guard and the men-of-war must be served.^ Though ^^f"" 
the blood of the ministers be spilled, it is the Queen's servant that entered 
did it. Although Masses be multiplied in all quarters of the realm. Queen's 
who can stop the Queen's subjects to live of the Queen's religion ? ^^^' 
Although innocent men be imprisoned, it is the Queen's pleasure : theology of 
she is offended at such men. Although under pretence of justice ^^nd'ihlir 
innocents be cruelly murdered ; the lords shall weep, but the reasons 
Queen's mind must be satisfied. Nobles of the realm, barons and 
councillors are banished, their escheats disponed, and their lives 
most unjustly pursued ; the Queen has lost her trusty servant Davy ^ ; 
he was dear unto her ; and therefore, for her honour's sake, she 

' theft 

^ The chief " advertiser " and " unquiet spirit " was, of course, Knox. " My Lord, 
my Master " was the Lord James Stewart, Mary's half-brother. Knox had openly 
broken with him at the end of May, 1 563 (infra, 78) , and in June 1 564 they were still so 
estranged that " neither by word nor write was there any communication betwix 
them." {Infra, 134) 

" forgot * See the note mfra, 103, note 6 ' David Riccio 


must show rigour to revenge his death. And yet further, albeit 

that some know that she has plainly purposed to wreck the religion 

within this realm ; that to that Roman Antichrist she hath made her 

promise ; and that from him she hath taken money to uphold his 

pomp within this realm ; yet will they let the people understand 

that the Queen will establish religion, and provide all things orderly, 

if she were once delivered. 

This was If such dealings, which are common amongst our Protestants, 

when the be not to prefer flesh and blood to God, to his truth, to justice, to 

"'^k^f religion, and unto the liberty of this oppressed realm, let the world 

the Lords judge. The plagues have been, and in some part are present, that 

Vanished ^ were before threatened ; the rest approach. And yet who from 

the heart cries, " I have offended ; the Lord knows. In Thee only 

is the trust of the oppressed ; for vain is the help of man." But now 

return we to our History. 

* See supra, 4, note 4 

The nineteenth day of August, the year of God 1561, betwix 
seven and eight hours before noon, arrived Marie Queen of 
Scotland, then widow, with two galleys forth of France. In her 
company (besides her gentlewomen called the Maries ^), were 
her three uncles, the Duke d'Aumale,^ the Grand Prior,' and the 
Marquis d'Elboeuf ^ There accompanied her also, Damville,^ son 
to the Constable of France, with other gentlemen of inferior condi- 
tion, besides servants and officers. The very face of heaven, the 
time of her arrival, did manifestly speak what comfort was brought The 
unto this country with her, to wit, sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all /^jT"^ 
impiety. For, in the memory of man, that day of the year was never arrival m 
seen a more dolorous face of the heaven than was at her arrival, 
which two days after did so continue ; for besides the surface wet, and 
corruption of the air, the mist was so thick and so dark that scarce 
might any man espy another the length of two pair of boots. The 
sun was not seen to shine two days before, nor two days after. That 
fore-warning gave God unto us ; but alas, the most part were blind. 
At the sound of the cannons which the galleys shot, the multitude 
being advertised, happy was he and she that first might have the 
presence of the Queen. The Protestants were not the slowest, and 
thereinto they were not to be blamed. Because the Palace of Holy- 
roodhouse was not thoroughly put in order (for her coming was more 
sudden than many looked for^), she remained in Leith till towards 

' That is, Mary Fleming, Mary Seton, Mary Beaton, and Mary Livingstone. (See 
"The Queen's Maries" in Scot. Hist. Review, ii, 363-371) See also Lesley, Historie of 
Scotland (Bannatyne Club), 209. 

' Claude of Lorraine (1526-73), Marquis de Mayenne, Due d'Aumale. 

" Francis of Lorraine (1534-63), Due de Guise (1550-63), Grand Prior of the Order 
of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem (at Malta). , 

* Ren^ of Lorraine (1536-66), Marquis d'Elboeuf. 

* Henry de Montmorency, Count of Damville, son of Anne de Montmorency, Marshal 
and Constable of France. 

* The " others " included Pierre de Bourdeille, better known as the Sieur de Brant6me. 
' Mary's arrival had not been expected until the end of the month {Calendar of Scottish 

Papers, i. No. looi ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 253, note 4). In July, 1561, 
Elizabeth was of opinion that Mary's return would " alter many things for the worse," 
and the English Queen kept in touch with the Hamiltons {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, 
No. 992). Her refusal to grant a safe-conduct to Mary, and her patrolling fleet, may 
have been intended to drive Mary to take the western route to Dumbarton, that is, 
into Hamilton country. Knowledge of this might acoount for Mary's earlier return ; 
certainly it was to her interest to return to Scotland as soon as possible and, once there, 
to rely on her half-brother, the Lord James Stewart. 



The ^ the evening, and then repaired thither.^ In the way betwixt Leith 
fasT^Toce and the Abbey, met her the rebels of the crafts (of whom we spake 
in despite before ^), to wit, those that had violated the authority of the maejis- 

qf religion iiii- iin ni t rr- ^ 

trates, and had besieged the rrovost. But because she was surhcientiy 
instructed that all they did was done in despite of the religion, they 
were easily pardoned. Fires of joy were set forth all night, and a 
company of the most honest, with instruments of music and with 
musicians, gave their salutations at her chamber window. The 
melody (as she alleged) liked her well ; and she willed the same to 
be continued some nights after. 

With great diligence the lords repaired unto her from all quarters. 
And so was nothing understood but mirth and quietness till the next 
Sunday, which was the xxiv of August, when preparation began to 
be made for that idol the Mass to be said in the Chapel ; which 
pierced the hearts of all. The godly began to bolden ; and men began 
openly to speak, " Shall that idol be suffered again to take place 
within this realm ? It shall not." The Lord Lindsay (then but 
Master^), with the gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in 
"J^^ , the close, " The idolater priest should die the death," according to 
first Mass God's law. One that carried in the candle was evil effrayed ; but 
then began flesh and blood to show itself. There durst no Papist 
Lord ^ neither yet any that came out of France whisper. But the Lord 
fact James * (the man whom all the godly did most reverence) took upon 

him to keep the Chapel door. His best excuse was, that he would 
stop all Scottish men to enter in to the Mass. But it was, and is, 
sufficiently known that the door was kept that none should have 
entry to trouble the priest, who, after the Mass, was committed 
Conveyers x.o the protection of Lord John of Coldingham ^ and Lord Robert 
Priest of Holyroodhousc,^ who then were both Protestants, and had com- 
municated at the Table of the Lord. Betwix them two was the priest 
convoyed to his chamber.' 

And sd the godly departed with great grief of heart, and at after- 
noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies, and gave plain 
signification that they could not abide that the land which God 
by his power had purged from idolatry should in their eyes be 

' Hay Fleming, op. cit., 253, note 2 ' Supra, 1, 355-359 

' Patrick, eldest son of John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, became Patrick, sixth 
Lord Lindsay, after the death of his father in December 1563. 
* The Lord James Stewart, later Earl of Moray. 

' The Lord John Stewart, a natural son of James V, and Commendator of Coldingham. 
' The Lord Robert Stewart, a natural son of James V, and Commendator of Holyrood. 
' See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 46-47, 257, notes 14 and 15 


polluted again. Which understood, there began complaint upon 
complaint. The old dountybours,i and others that long had served 
in the Court and have no remission of sins but by virtue of the Mass, 
cried, " They would to France without delay : they could not hve 
without the Mass." The same affirmed the Queen's uncles. And 
would to God that that menzie,^ together with the Mass, had taken 
eood-niffht at this realm for ever ; for so had Scotland been rid of T^ nd 
an unprofitable burden of devourmg strangers, and ot the malediction yet seen 
of God that has stricken and yet will strike for idolatry. 

The Council assembled, disputation was had of the next remedy. 
Politic heads were sent unto the gendemen with these and the like 
persuasions, " Why, alas, will ye chase our Sovereign from us ? The per- 
She will incontinent return to her galleys ; and what then shall all of the 
realms say of us ? May we not suffer her a litde while ? We doubt ^omm 
not but she shall leave it. If we were not assured that she might be 
won, we should be as great enemies to her Mass as ye should be. 
Her uncles will depart, and then shall we rule all at our pleasure. 
Would not we be as sorry to hurt the Religion as any of you would 


With these and the like persuasions (we say) was the fervency 
of the Brethren quenched ; and an Act ^ was framed, the tenor 
whereof folio weth : 

Apud Edinburgh, xxv^o Augusti Anno &c. lxP 

Forsamekle as the Qjueen's Majesty has understood the great 
inconvenients that may come through the division presently standing 
in this Realm for the difference in matters of religion, that her 
Majesty is most desirous to see [it] pacified by a good order, to the 
honour of God, and tranquillity of her Realm, and means to take the 
same by advice of her Estates so soon as conveniently may be ; and 
that her Majesty's godly resolution therein may be greatly hindered, 
in case any tumult or sedition be raised amongst the lieges if any 
sudden alteration or novation be pressed [at] or attempted before 
that the order may be established : Therefore, for eschewing of the 

' Later {infra, 87) the word seems to be used in the sense oi courtesans. A possible deriva- 
tion would be from donte (the rounded belly of a musical instrument) and bourr^s (stuffed 
or filled). '^ company 

^ Laing thought that this Act had not survived in the extant Register of the Privy 
Council (Laing's Knox, ii, 272, note) ; but the Act is contained in the Register, though not 
in its proper place. (See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 266-67 ; and the important 
editorial comment, ibid., Intro., xxxvi-xl) 


said inconvenients, her Majesty ordains letters to be directed ^ to 
charge all and sundry her lieges, by open proclamation at the 
Market Cross of Edinburgh, and other places needful, that they and 
every one of them, contain themselves in quietness, [and] keep peace 
and civil society amongst themselves : And in the meantime, while ^ 
the Estates of this Realm may be assembled, and that her Majesty 
have taken a final order by their advice and public consent, which 
her Majesty hopes shall be to the contentment of the whole, that 
none of them take upon hand, privately or openly, to make alteration 
or innovation of the state of religion, or attempt anything against 
the form which her Majesty found publicly and universally 
standing at her Majesty's arrival in this her Realm, under the pain 
of death : With certification, that if any subject of the Realm shall 
come in the contrary hereof, he shall be esteemed and held a seditious 
person and raiser of tumult, and the said pain shall be executed upon 
him with all rigour, to the example of others. Attour,^ her Majesty 
by the advice of the Lords of her Secret Council, commands and 
charges all her lieges that none of them take upon hand to molest 
or trouble any of her domestical servants, or persons whatsomever, 
come forth of France in her Grace's company at this time, in word, 
deed, or countenance, for any cause whatsomever, either within her 
palace or without, or make any derision or invasion upon any of 
them, under whatsomever colour or pretence, under the said pain 
of death : Albeit her Majesty be sufficiently persuaded that her good 
and loving subjects would do the same, for the reverence they bear 
to her person and authority, notwithstanding that no such com- 
mandment were published. 

This Act and Proclamation, penned and put in form by such as 
before professed Christ Jesus (for in the Council then had Papists 
neither power nor vote), it was publicly proclaimed at the Market 
Cross of Edinburgh, upon Monday foresaid. No man reclaimed, 
nor made repugnance to it, except the Earl of'Arran only who, in 
open audience of the Heralds and people protested, " That he dis- 
sented that any protection or defence should be made to the Queen's 
domestics, or to any that came from France, to offend God's Majesty, 
and to violate the laws of the Realm, more than to any other subject. 
For God's law had pronounced death against the idolater, and the 
laws of the Realm had appointed punishment for sayers and hearers 
of Mass ; which (said he), I here protest, be universally observed, 

' For the issue of the Letters, see Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 63, 64. 
' until 


and that none be exempted, unto such time as a law, as pubHcly 
made, and as consonant to the law of God, have disannulled the 
former." And thereupon he took documents, as the tenor of this his 
Protestation doth witness : 

In so far as by this Proclamation it is understood to the Kirk of 
God, and members thereof, that the Queen's Grace is minded that 
the true religion and worshipping, else ^ established, proceed for- 
ward, that it may daily increase, unto the Parliament, that order 
then may be taken for extirpation of all idolatry within this Realm : 
We render most heartly thanks to the Lord our God for her Grace's 
good mind, earnestly praying that it may be increased in her High- 
ness to the honour and glory of his name, and weal of his Kirk 
within this Realm. And as touching the molestation of her Highness's 
servants, we suppose that none dare be so bold as once to move their 
finger at them, in doing of their lawful business ; and as for us, we have 
learned at our master Christ's school, " to keep peace with all men " ; 
and therefore, for our part, we will promise that obedience unto her 
Majesty (as is our duty), that none of her servants shall be molested, 
troubled, or once touched by the Kirk, or any member thereof, in 
doing their lawful affairs. But, since that God has said, " The 
idolater shall die the death," we Protest solemnly, in presence of 
God, and in the ears of the whole people that hear this Proclamation, 
and specially in presence of you, Lyon Herald, and of the rest of your 
colleagues, &c., makers of this Proclamation, that if any of her 
servants shall commit idolatry, specially say Mass, participate there- 
with, or take the defence thereof, (which we were loth should be 
in her Grace's company), in that case, that this Proclamation be not 
extended to them in that behalf, nor be not a safeguard or gyrth ^ 
to them in that behalf, no more nor if they commit slaughter or 
murder, seeing the one is mekle more abominable and odious in the 
sight of God than is the other : But that it may be lawful to inflict 
upon them the pains contained in God's word against idolaters, 
wherever they may be apprehended, but ' favour. And this our 
Protestation we desire you to notify unto her, and give her the copy 
hereof, lest her Highness should suspect an uproar, if we should all 
come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year fore- 

This boldness did somewhat exasperate the Queen, and such as 
favoured her in that point. As the Lords, called of the Congregation, 

' already ' sanctuary ^ without 

(653) VOL II 2 



to the 


at the 

ment of 
upon the 
of the 



repaired unto the town, at the first coming they showed themselves 
wondrously offended that the Mass was permitted ; so that every 
man as he came accused them that were before him : but after that 
they had remained a certain space, they were as quiet as were the 
former. Which thing perceived, a zealous and godly man, Robert 
Campbell of Kinzeancleuch, said unto the Lord Ochiltree, " My 
Lord, now ye are come, and almost the last of all the rest ; and I 
perceive, by your anger, that the fire-edge is not off you yet ; but I 
fear, that after that the holy water of the Court be sprinkled upon 
you, that ye shall become as temperate as the rest. For I have been 
here now five days, and at the first I heard every man say, ' Let us 
hang the priest ' ; but after that they had been twice or thrice in 
the Abbey, all that fervency was past. I think there be some en- 
chantment whereby men are bewitched." And in very deed so 
it came to pass. For the Queen's flattering words, upon the one 
part, ever still crying, " Conscience, conscience : it is a sore thing 
to constrain the conscience " ; and the subtle persuasions of her 
supposts ^ (we mean even of such as sometimes were judged most 
fervent with us ^) upon the other part, blinded all men, and put them 
in this opinion : she will be content to hear the preaching, and so no 
doubt but she may be won. And thus of all it was concluded to 
suffer her for a time. 

The next Sunday,^ John Knox, inveighing against idolatry, 
showed what terrible plagues God had taken upon realms and 
nations for the same ; and added, " That one Mass (there was no 
more suffered at the first) was more fearful to him than if ten thousand 
armed enemies were landed in any part of the realm, of purpose 
to suppress the whole religion. For (said he) in our God there is 
strength to resist and confound multitudes if we unfeignedly depend 
upon him ; whereof heretofore we have had experience ; but when 
we join hands with idolatry, it is no doubt but that both God's 
amicable presence and comfortable defence leaveth us, and what 
shall then become of us ? Alas, I fear that experience shall teach 
us, to the grief of many." At these words, the guiders of the Court 
mocked, and plainly spake, " That such fear was no point of their 
faith : it was beside his text, and was a very untimely admonition." 
But we heard this same John Knox,"* in the audience of the same 

' supporters 

'' A reference to the Lord James and Maitland of Lethington, in particular. 
' That is, Sunday 31 August 1561 ; though Knox had already " thundered " from 
the pulpit on Sunday 24 August {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. loio). 
' An attempt at impersonal narration. 


men, recite the same words again in the midst of troubles ; and, in the 
audience of many, ask [of] God mercy that he was not more vehement 
and upright in the suppressing of that idol in the beginning. ^ " For 
(said he), albeit that I spake that which offended some (which this 
day they see and feel to be true), yet did I not [that] which I might 
have done ; for God had not only given unto me knowledge and 
tongue to make the impiety of that idol known unto this realm, but 
he had given unto me credit with many, who would have put in 
execution God's judgments, if I would only have consented thereto. 
But so careful was I of that common tranquillity, and so loth was I J?/'", 

Til -I J linox s 

to have offended those of whom 1 had conceived a good opmion, confession 
that in secret conference with earnest and zealous men, I travailed 
rather to mitigate, yea, to slaken, that fervency that God had 
kindled in others, than to animate or encourage them to put their 
hands to the Lord's work. Whereintill I unfeignedly acknowledge 
myself to have done most wickedly ; and from the bottom of my 
heart, ask of my God grace and pardon, for that I did not what 
in me lay to have suppressed that idol in the beginning." These and 
other words did many hear him speak in public place, in the month 
of December, the year of God 1565, when such as at the Queen's 
arrival only maintained the Mass, were exiled the realm, summoned 
upon treason, and decreet of forfeiture intended against them.^ 
But to return from whence we have digressed. 

Whether it was by counsel of others, or of the Queen's own 
desire, we know not ; but the Queen spake with John Knox, and 
had long reasoning with him, none being present except the Lord 
James ^ (two gentlewomen stood in the other end of the house *). 
The sum of their reasoning was this. The Queen accused him that The first 

111-1 r ^ 1 1 1 1 reasoning 

he had raised a part of her subjects against her mother, and against betwix 
herself: That he had written a book against her just authority (she ^^^ 
meant the treatise against the Regiment of Women), which she had, John 
and should cause the most learned in Europe to write against it : ""'' 

* Writing to Cecil on 7 October 1561, Knox laments that he " did not more zealously 
gainstand that idol at the first erecting," though " men delighting to swim betwix two 
waters have often complained upon my severity." (Laing's Knox, vi, 131) 

^ That is, when, following the Roundabout or Chase-about Raid, Chatelherault, 
Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, Boyd, Ochiltree and others were summoned to compear 
before the next Parliament on a charge of treason. (Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 
ii3ff"; Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 355ff, 409 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, Soff, 85-86 ; 
infra, i6iflF) 

^ This " first reasoning betwix the Queen and John Knox " apparently took place 
on Thursday, 4 September 1561. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1017) 

* chamber 


That he was the cause of great sedition and great slaughter in 
England : and That it was said to her that all which he did was by 
necromancy, &c. 

To the which the said John answered, " Madam, it may please 
your Majesty patiently to hear my simple answers . And first (said he) 
if to teach the truth of God in sincerity, if to rebuke idolatry, and to 
will a people to worship God according to his word, be to raise 
subjects against their princes, then cannot I be excused ; for it has 
pleased God of his mercy to make me one (amongst many) to disclose 
unto this realm the vanity of the Papistical religion, and the deceit, 
pride and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist. But, Madam, if the 
true knowledge of God, and his right worshipping be the chief causes 
that must move men from their heart to obey their just princes (as 
it is most certain that they are) wherein can I be reprehended ? I 
think, and am surely persuaded, that your Grace has had, and 
presently has, a sunfeigned obedience of such as profess Jesus Christ 
within this realm as ever your father or other progenitors had of 
those that were called bishops. And touching that book which 
seemeth so highly to offend your Majesty, it is most certain that I 
wrote it, and am content that all the learned of the world judge of 
it. I hear that an Englishman hath written against it, ^ but I have 
not read him. If he have sufficiently improved my reasons, and 
established his contrary proposition, with as evident testimonies as 
I have done mine, I shall not be obstinate, but shall confess my error 
and ignorance. But to this hour I have thought, and yet thinks, 
myself alone to be more able to sustain the things affirmed in that 
my work than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it." 
" Ye think then (quod she), that I have no just authority ? " 
" Please your Majesty (said he) that learned men in all ages 
have had their judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing from 
the common judgment of the world ; such also have they published, 
both with pen and tongue, and yet notwithstanding they themselves 
have lived in the common society with others, and have borne 
patiently with the errors and imperfections which they could not 
amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Books of the Common- 
wealth, in the which he damneth many things that then were 
maintained in the world, and required many things to have been 
reformed ; and yet, notwithstanding, he hved even under such 
policies as then were universally received without further troubling 
of any estate. Even so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness 

' That is, John Aylmer. (See supra, i, 290, note 3 ; and Laing's Knox, iv, 354-355) 


of heart, and with a testimony of a good conscience. I have com- 
municated my judgment to the world. If the realm finds no incon- 
venience from the regiment of a woman, that which they approve 
shall I not further disallow than within my own breast, but shall be 
as well content to live under your Grace as Paul was to live under 
Nero ; and my hope is, that so long as that ye defile not your hands 
with the blood of the saints of God, that neither I nor that book shall 
either hurt you or your authority : for in very deed, Madam, that 
book was written most especially against that wicked Jezebel of 
England." ^ 

" But (said she), ye speak of women in general." 
" Most true it is. Madam (said the other), and yet it appeareth 
to me that wisdom should persuade your Grace never to raise trouble 
for that which to this day hath not troubled your Majesty, neither 
in person nor yet in authority. For of late years many things which 
before were held stable have been called in doubt ; yea they have 
been plainly impugned. But yet. Madam (said he), I am assured 
that neither Protestant nor Papist shall be able to prove that any 
such question was at any time moved in public or in secret. Now, 
Madam (said he), if I had intended to have troubled your estate, 
because ye are a woman, I might have chosen a time more convenient 
for that purpose than I can do now, when your own presence is 
within the realm. 

" But now. Madam, shortly to answer to the other two accusations. 
I heartly praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that Sathan, the 
enemy of mankind, and the wicked of the world, hath no other 
crimes to lay to my charge than such as the very world itself knoweth 
to be most false and vain. For in England I was resident only the 
space of five years. The places were Berwick, where I abode two 
years ; so long in the New Castle ; and a year in London. ^ Now, 
Madam, if in any of these places, during the time that I was there, 
any man shall be able to prove that there was either battle, sedition 
or mutiny I shall confess that I myself was the malefactor and the 
shedder of the blood. I ashame not. Madam, further to affirm that 
God so blessed my weak labours that in Berwick (where commonly 
before there used to be slaughter by reason of quarrels that used to 
arise amongst soldiers) there was as great quietness all the time that 
I remained there as there is this day in Edinburgh. And where they 
slander me of magic, necromancy, or of any other art forbidden of 
God, I have witnesses (besides my own conscience) all [the] congrega- 

> That is, Mary Tudor, Queen of England ^ See supra, i, 1 1 o 


tions that ever heard me, what I spake both against such arts, 
and against those that use such impiety. But, seeing the wicked of 
the world said. That my Master, the Lord Jesus, was possessed 
with Beelzebub, I must patiently bear, albeit that I, wretched 
sinner, be unjustly accused of those that never delighted in the 
The ^ " But yet (said she), ye have taught the people to receive another 

mond religion than their princes can allow. And how can that doctrine 
objection j^g ^f Qod, seeing that God commands subjects to obey their princes ? " 
[Answer] " Madam (said he), as right religion took neither original 

strength nor authority from worldly princes but from the Eternal 
God alone, so are not subjects bound to frame their religion according 
to the appetites of their princes. For oft it is that princes are the 
most ignorant of all others in God's true religion, as we may read 
in the histories as well before the death of Christ Jesus, as after. If 
all the seed of Abraham should have been of the religion of Pharaoh, 
whom to they were long subjects, I pray you. Madam, what religion 
should there have been in the world? Or, if all men in the days of 
the Apostles should have been of the religion of the Roman Emperors, 
what religion should there have been upon the face of the earth ? 
Daniel and his fellows were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar, and unto 
Darius, and yet, Madam, they would not be of their religion, neither 
of the one or of the other. For the three children said, ' We make 
it known unto thee, O King, that we will not worship thy gods ' ; 
and Daniel did pray publicly unto his God against the expressed 
commandment of the King. And so. Madam, ye may perceive that 
subjects are not bound to the religion of their princes, albeit they 
are commanded to give them obedience." 
The third " Yea (quod she), but none of those men raised the sword against 

objection , . ,, 

their prmces. 
[Answer] "Yet Madam (quod he), ye cannot deny but that they resisted : 

for those that obey not the commandments that are given, in some 

sort resist." 
Question '< But yet (said she), they resisted not by the sword ? " 

[Answer] " Qod (said he). Madam, had not given unto them the power and 

the means." 

" Think ye (quod she), that subjects having power may resist their 

princes ? " 

" If their princes exceed their bounds (quod he). Madam, and 

do against that wherefore they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but 

they may be resisted, even by power. For there is neither greater 


honour nor greater obedience to be given to kings or princes, than 
God has commanded to be given unto father and mother. But so Question 
it is, Madam, that the father may be stricken with a frenzy, in the the 
which he would slay his own children. Now, Madam, if the children Z*"^"'*' 
arise, join themselves together, apprehend the father, take the sword 
or other weapons from him, and finally bind his hands, and keep 
him in prison till that his frenzy be overpast ; think ye. Madam, 
that the children do any wrong ? Or, think ye, Madam, that God 
will be offended with them that have stayed their father to commit 
wickedness ? It is even so (said he). Madam, with princes that 
would murder the children of God that are subject unto them. 
Their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad frenzy ; and therefore, ^'^"^ 
to take the sword from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them- " 
selves in prison till that they be brought to a more sober mind, is no ^hen thu 
disobedience against princes, but just obedience, because that it written 
agreeth with the will of God." ^^''\'"'^ 

o , no appear- 

At these words, the Queen stood as it were amazed, more than anceof 
the quarter of an hour. Her countenance altered, so that Lord i^Zl^J^, 
James began to entreat her, and to demand, " What has offended ment ' 
you, Madam ? " 

At length, she said, " Well, then, I perceive that my subjects shall 
obey you, 2 and not me; and shall do what they list, and not what I P^ , 

, Queen s 

command : and so must I be subject to them, and not they to me." conclusion 

" God forbid (answered he), that ever I take upon me to command 
any to obey me, or yet to set subjects at liberty to do what pleaseth 
them. But my travail is that both princes and subjects obey God. 
And think not (said he). Madam, that wrong is done unto you when 
ye are willed to be subject unto God : for it is He that subjects people 
under princes, and causes obedience to be given unto them ; yea, 
God craves of kings That they be as it were foster-fathers to his 
Church, and commands queens to be nurses unto his people. And 
this subjection. Madam, unto God, and unto his troubled Church, 
is the greatest dignity that flesh can get upon the face of the earth, 
for it shall carry them to everlasting glory." 

"Yea (quod she), but ye are not the Kirk that I will nourish. P^ , 


I will defend the Kirk of Rome for I think it is the true Kirk of God." Kirk 

"Your will (quod he). Madam, is no reason ; neither doth your 
thought make that Roman harlot to be the true and immaculate 

' In the manuscript (folio 307 recto) , this marginal note is in the same hand as that of 
the text. The reference is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochleven 
Castle, June 1567, and thus this part of the History must have been transcribed between 
16 June 1567 and 2 May 1568 (see supra, i, ciii). * Namely, John Knox 


spouse of Jesus Christ. And wonder not, Madam, that I call Rome 
a harlot ; for that Church is altogether polluted with all kind of 
spiritual fornication, as well in doctrine as in manners. Yea, Madam, 
I offer myself further to prove that the Church of the Jews that 
crucified Christ Jesus was not so far degenerated from the ordinances 
and statutes which God gave by Moses and Aaron unto his people 
when that they manifestly denied the Son of God, as that the Church 
of Rome is declined, and more than five hundred years hath declined, 
from the purity of that religion which the Apostles taught and 

" My conscience (said she), is not so." 

" Conscience, Madam (said he), requires knowledge ; and I fear 
that right knowlege ye have none." 

" But (said she), I have both heard and read." 

"So (said he), Madam, did the Jews that crucified Christ Jesus 
read both the Law and the Prophets, and heard the same interpreted 
after their manner. Have ye heard (said he), any teach but such as 
the Pope and his Cardinals have allowed ? And ye may be assured 
that such will speak nothing to offend their own estate." 
Question "Ye interpret the Scriptures (said she), in one manner, and they 

interpret in another. Whom shall I believe ? And who shall be 
judge ? " 
Answer " Ye shall believe (said he), God that plainly speaketh in his word : 

and further than the word teaches you, ye neither shall believe the 
one or the other. The word of God is plain in the self ; and if there 
appear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, which is never 
contrarious to himself, explains the same more clearly in other places : 
so that there can remain no doubt but unto such as obstinately 
remain ignorant.^ And now (said he), Madam, to take one of the 
chief points which this day is in controversy betwix the Papists and 
us : for example, the Papists allege, and boldly have affirmed, That 
Mass the Mass is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus Christ, 
and a sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead. We deny both 
the one and the other, and affirm that the Mass as it is now used is 
nothing but the invention of man ; and, therefore, is an abomination 
before God, and no sacrifice that ever God commanded. Now, 
Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus contending ? It is no 
reason that either of the parties be further believed than they are 
able to prove by unsuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the book 
of God, and by the plain words thereof prove their affirmatives, and 

* Compare the Confession of Faith, c. xviii {infra, 267). 


we shall give unto them the plea granted. But so long as they are 
bold to affirm, and yet do prove nothing, we must say that, albeit 
all the world beheved them, yet believe they not God, but receive 
the Hes of men for the truth of God. What our Master Jesus Christ 
did, we know by his Evangehsts : what the priest doth at his Mass, 
the world seeth. Now, doth not the Word of God plainly assure us 
that Christ Jesus neither said, nor yet commanded Mass to be said 
at his Last Supper, seeing that no such thing as their Mass is made 
mention of within the whole Scriptures ? " 

" Ye are oure sair ^ for me (said the Queen), but and if they 
were here that I have heard, they would answer you." ^ 

"Madam (quod the other), would to God that the learnedest 
Papist in Europe, and he that ye would best believe, were present 
with your Grace to sustain the argument ; and that ye would 
patiently abide to hear the matter reasoned to the end. For then 
I doubt not. Madam, but that ye should hear the vanity of the 
Papistical religion and how small ground it hath within the word of 

" Well (said she), ye may perchance get that sooner than ye 

"Assuredly (said the other), if ever I get that in my life, I get it 
sooner than I beheve. For the ignorant Papists cannot patiently 
reason, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your 
audience. Madam, to have the ground of their religion searched out ; 
for they know that they are never able to sustain an argument, except 
fire and sword and their own laws be judges." 

" So say ye, " (quod the Queen). 

" But I can believe that it has been so to this day, (quod he). For 
how oft have the Papists in this and other realms been required to 
come to conference, and yet could it never be obtained, unless that 
themselves were admitted for judges. And therefore. Madam, 
I must yet say again that they dare never dispute but where them- 
selves are both judge and party. And whensoever that ye shall let 
me see the contrary, I shall grant mys6lf to have been deceived in 
that point." 

And with this the Queen was called upon to dinner, for it was 
after noon. ^ At departing, John Knox said unto her, " I pray God, 

' too hard 

" It is to be noted, however, that Mary's library included many books relating to the 
religious revolution of her time. (See Irwentaires de la Royne Descosse, Bannatyne Club, 
Preface, cxi-cxiii) 

The Queen apparently dined at noon {cf. Diurnal of Occurrents, 67). 




of the 
Queen at 
the first, 
and ever 

Madam, that ye may be as blessed within the Commonwealth of 
Scotland, if it be the pleasure of God, as ever Deborah was in the 
Commonwealth of Israel." 

Of this long Conference, whereof we only touch a part, were 
divers opinions. The Papists grudged, and feared that which they 
needed not. The godly, thinking at least that she would have 
heard the preaching, rejoiced ; but they were allutterly ^ deceived, 
for she continued in her Massing ; and despised and quietly mocked 
all exhortations. 

John Knox's own judgment being by some of his familiars 
demanded, What he thought of the Queen ? " If there be not in her 
(said he), a proud mind, a crafty wit, and an indurate heart against 
God and his truth, my judgment faileth me." ^ 

When the whole Nobility were convened, the Lords of Privy 
Council were chosen : who were appointed, the Duke's Grace, ^ 
the Earls of Huntly,* Argyll,^ Atholl, Morton,' Glencairn,^ 
Marischal, BothwelP" ; Lords Erskine,^^ &c., Lordjames,^^ &c.i=^ Of 
these were a certain [number] appointed to wait upon [the] Court by 
course ^* ; but that order continued not long. 

[The] Duke d'Aumale ^^ returned with the galleys to France. The 
Queen entered in her progresses, ^^ and in the month of September 
travelled from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, Stirling, Saint Johnston, 
Dundee, [and] Saint Andrews ; which all parts she polluted with her 
idolatry. Fire followed her very commonly in that journey.^' The 
towns propined ^^ her liberally, and thereof were the French enriched. 

' utterly 

^ Writing to Cecil on 7 October 1561, Knox says " In commuriication with her, 
I espied such craft as I have not found in such age." (Laing's Knox, vi, 132) 
' James, second Earl of Arran, Duke of Chatelherault 

* George, fourth Earl of Huntly ' Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll 

' John Stewart, fourth Earl of Atholl 

' James Douglas, fourth Earl of Morton -' 

' Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn " William, fourth Earl Marischal 

'" James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell 
' ' John, sixth Lord Erskine, later Earl of Mar 
'^ Lord James Stewart, later Earl of Moray 

" The sederunt and choice of the Privy Council was at Holyrood, 6 September 1561. 
{Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 157-158) '^ in turn 

'' See supra, 7, note 2. According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (67), he left on i September 
1 56 1 with the two galleys which had brought the Queen home. 

^* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 51-52 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 69 
" But apparently only at Stirling, where a candle set the curtains and tester of her bed 
on fire while she was asleep. (Randolph to Cecil, 24 September 1 56 1 , in Calendar of Scottish 
Papers, i. No. 1023) '* ^nade presents to 


In the beginning of October, ^ she returned to Edinburgh, and 
at the day appointed she was received in the Castle. Great pre- 
parations were made for her entry in the town. In farces, in masking, 
and in other prodigahties, fain would fools have counterfeited 
France."^ Whatsoever might set forth her glory, that she heard, and 
gladly beheld. The keys were delivered unto her by a pretty boy, 
descending as it were from a cloud. The verses of her own praise 
she heard, and smiled. But when the Bible was presented, ^ and the 
praise thereof declared, she began to frown : for shame she could not 
refuse it. But she did no better, for immediately she gave it to the 
most pestilent Papist within the realm, to wit, to Arthur Erskine.'* 
Edinburgh since that day has reaped as they sowed. They gave her 
some taste of their prodigahty ; and because the hquor was sweet, 
she has hcked of that buist ^ ofter than twice since. All men know Balfour's 

doctrine " 

what we mean : the Queen can not lack, and the subjects have. 

In Edinburgh it hath been an ancient and laudable custom that 
the Provost, Bailies, and Council after their election, which useth 
to be at Michaelmas, caused pubhcly proclaim the Statutes and 
Ordinances of the town.' And therefore Archibald Douglas, Provost, 
Edward Hope, Adam Fullarton [John Preston and David Somer],^ 
Bailies, caused proclaim, according to the former Statutes of the 
town, that no adulterer [no fornicator], no noted drunkard, no mass- 

' Knox has here confused the date and the order of events. Mary had returned to 
Edinburgh from her " progresses " by the end of September, but the " entry " and 
reception Knox now describes took place on Tuesday, 2 September. (See the detailed 
account in Diurnal of Occurrents, 67-69, and Robertson's note in Inventaires de la Royne 
Descosse, Preface, Ixxiv, note i) 

^ But in July 1572 Knox himself attended a mask or " play " at the marriage of Mr. 
John Davidson, one of the Regents at the University of St. Andrews, wherein " the Castle 
of Edinburgh was besieged, taken, and the Captain, with one or two with him, hanged 
in effigy." {Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill, Wodrow Society, 27) 

^ A Bible and a Psalm Book were presented to her. " If, as Lord Herries alleges 
[Historical Memoirs, 56], the Psalm Book was in ' Scots vers,' it may have been Wedder- 
burn's version ; but his statement that the Bible was in the ' Scots languadge ' is altogether 
incredible." (Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 255, note 10) 

* Arthur Erskine of Blackgrange, son of John, fifth Lord Erskine. He is said to have 
been Mary's favourite equerry and on his horse she is said to have escaped from Holyrood 
after the murder of Riccio. But see Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots, 
271, note 4. 

' chest or coffer ; here used in the sense of a container for food or drink 

That is, Sir James Balfour 

' This was the usual practice in the Scottish burghs. 

' In the manuscript (folio 308 verso), a blank space is left for these names. They 
have been supplied from the list given in Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 301. But these men 
were the officers for the year 1559-60, and the officers who were discharged by order 
of the Queen were Archibald Douglas, provost, and David Forster, Robert Ker, 
Alexander Home, and Allan Dickson, bailies. {Ibid., iii, 126) 


monger, no obstinate Papists that corrupted the people, such as 
priests, friars, and others of that sort, should be found within the 
town within forty-eight hours thereafter, under the pains contained 
in the statutes.^ Which blown in the Queen's ears, there began 
pride and maliciousness to show the self ; for without further 
cognition of the cause, were the Provost and Bailies charged to ward 
in the Castle ; and immediately was commandment given, that other 
Provost and Bailies should be elected. ^ 
TTi Some gainstood for a while the new election,^ alleging, that the 

OtlTl^ S 

first pride Provost and Bailies whom they had chosen, and to whom they had 
after her giyen their oath, had committed no offence wherefore that justly 
they ought to be deprived. But while charge was doubled upon 
charge, and no man was found to oppose themselves to iniquity, 
Jezebel's letter and wicked will is obeyed as a law. And so was Mr. 
Thomas McCalzean chosen for the other. * The man, no doubt, was 
both discreet and sufficient for that charge ; but the deposition of the 
other was against all law. God be merciful to some of our own ; 
for they were not all blameless that her wicked will was so far 

A contrary proclamation was publicly made that the town should 
Jh^ , be patent unto all the Queen's lieges ; and so murderers, adulterers, 
true lieges, thicvcs, whorcs, drunkards, idolaters, and all malefactors got protec- 
"''"' tion under the Queen's wings, under that colour, because they were 

* The proclamation was made on 2 October 1561 and was against " monks, friars, 
priests, nuns, adulterers, fornicators, and all such filthy persons " {Edinburgh Burgh Records, 
iii, 125). On 20 September 1560 the Council had proclaimed the Act of Parliament 
against hearing or saying Mass {ibid., iii, 82), and on 24 March 1561 a proclamation had 
been made against priests, monks, friars, canons, nuns, and others of the ungodly sects 
and opinions, and against sayers and maintainers of the Mass, whoremongers, adulterers 
and fornicators {ibid., iii, 101-102). The October 1561 proclamation, with its reference 
to the Roman Catholic priesthood as " filthy persons " was naturally resented by the 

- There is no reference in the Burgh Records that the provost and bailies were charged 
to enter themselves in ward in the Castle. In a letter to Cecil pf 7 October 1561 Knox 
writes : " At this very instant are the Provost of Edinburgh and Baillies thereof, com- 
manded to ward in their Tolbooth, by reason of their proclamation against Papists and 
whoremongers. The whole blame lieth upon the necks of the two forenamed," viz. Lord 
James Stewart and Lethington. (Laing's Knox, vi, 132) The Queen's letters charging 
the burgh to deprive the provost and bailies of their oflSces, and to choose others, were 
read in presence of the bailies and council on 5 October. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 125) 

' A protestation appears in the records on behalf of the Council and community. 
{Ibid., iii, 126) 

* On 8 October effect was given to the Queen's letters ; Mr Thomas McCalzean was 
elected provost, and James Thomson, John Adamson, Mr John Marjoriebanks, and 
Alexander Acheson, bailies. {Ibid., iii, 126) 

' A reference to Lord James Stewart and Maitland of Lethington. (See note 2 above) 


of her religion.^ And so got the Devil freedom again, where that 
before he durst not have been seen in the dayhght upon the common 
streets. " Lord dehver us from that bondage." 

The Devil finding his reins loose, ran forwards in his course ; The Devil 
and the Queen took upon her greater boldness than she and Baal's entry with 
bleating priests durst have attempted before. For upon All Hallows ^^/"ff; 
Day 2 they blended up their Mass with all mischievous solemnity. The forth his 
ministers thereat offended, in plain and public place declared the ^^ 
inconvenients that thereupon should ensue. The nobility were 
sufficiently admonished of their duties. But affection caused men to 
call that in doubt wherein shortly before they seemed to be most 
resolute, to wit, " Whether that subjects might put to their hand to 
suppress the idolatry of their Prince ? " And upon this question 
convened in the house of Mr. James M'Gill,^ the Lord James, 
the Earl of Morton, the Earl Marischal, Secretary Lethington, the 
Justice-Clerk,^ and Clerk of Register ^ ; who all reasoned for the 
part of the Queen, affirming, " That the subjects might not lawfully 
take her Mass from her," In the contrary judgment were the prin- 
cipal ministers, Mr. John Row, Master George Hay, Master Robert 
Hamilton, and John Knox. The reasons of both parties we will omit 
because they will be explained after, where the same question, and 
others concerning the obedience due unto Princes, were long reasoned 
in open assembly. The conclusion of that first reasoning was, " That 
the question should be formed, and letters directed to Geneva for the 
resolution of that Church," wherein John Knox offered his labours.^ 
But Secretary Lethington (alleging that there stood mekle in the 

' Here Knox is guilty of exaggeration, though possibly he would have argued that 
" murderers " and " thieves " were but synonyms for Papists. The Queen's contrary 
proclamation is not inserted in the MS. Burgh Records, but, writing to Cecil on 7 October, 
Knox says that Mary " set forth proclamations contrary." (Laing's Knox, vi, 131) 

'' All Hallows, or All Saints' Day, i November 

' Sir James M'Gill of Nether Rankeillor, the Clerk Register 

* Sir John Bellenden of Auchnoull 

^ Sir James M'Gill of Nether Rankeillor 

This meeting was apparently held after All Hallows (i November), and if that is , 
so, Knox deliberately conceals the fact that he had already written. His letter to Calvin, 
dated 24 October 1561, is printed with a facsimile and a translation in Laing's Knox, 

vi, 133-135, and with a facsimile in Teulet, Papiers d'Etat, ii, 12-14. Laing later noticed 
this point (Laing's Knox, vi, 687-688) and observes that Knox had nothing to gain by 
his concealment of what he may have considered to be a private letter as opposed to a 
formal letter to be sent in the name of those present at the meeting. But, three years 
later, when the question again arose, Knox does not openly admit his letter to Calvin 
but, refusing to write, contents himself with saying that he has already had letters of 
many on this same question, and has heard the opinions of the most godly and learned 
in Europe. {Infra, 134) 


first fray ' 
in Holy- 



information ^), said that he should write. But that was only to drive 
time, as the truth declared its self. The Queen's party urged, 
" That the Queen should have her religion free in her own chapel, 
to do, she and her household, what they list." The ministers both 
affirmed and voted the contrary, adding, " That her liberty should be 
their thraldom ere it was long." But neither could reason nor 
threatening move the affections of such as were creeping in credit. 
And so did the votes of the lords prevail against the ministers. 

For the punishment of theft and of reif, which had increased 
upon the Borders and in the South, from the Queen's arrival, was the 
Lord James made Lieutenant.^ Some suspected that such honour 
and charge proceeded from the same heart and counsel that Saul 
made David captain against the Philistines. But God assisted him, 
and bowed the hearts of men both to fear and obey him. Yea, the 
Lord Bothwell himself ^ at that time assisted him (but he had re- 
mission for Liddesdale). Sharp execution was made in Jedburgh, 
for twenty-eight of one clan and others were hanged at that Justice 
Court. ^ Bribes, budds,^ nor solicitation saved not the guilty, if he 
might be apprehended ; and therefore God prospered him in that 
his integrity. 

That same time the said Lord James spake the Lord Grey of 
England ^ at Kelso, for good rule to be kept upon both the Borders, 
and agreed in all things. 

Before his returning, the Queen upon a night took a fray ^ in 
her bed, as if horsemen had been in the close and the Palace had 
been enclosed about. Whether it proceeded of her own womanly 
fantasy, or if men put her in fear for displeasure of the Earl of Arran, 
and for other purposes, as for the erecting of the guard, we know not. 
But the fear was so great that the town was called to the watch. 
Lords Robert of Holyroodhouse, and John of Goldingham ^ kept the 
watch by course.^ Scouts were sent forth, and sentinels were com- 
manded under the pain of death to keep their stations. And yet 

' This might mean either that the question was of great importance, or, and more 
significantly, that much depended upon the way the question was put. (See infra, 133) 

' The arrangements for this Justice Court and the instructions given to the Lord 
James are printed in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 163-64, 184-87. 

' James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell 

Randolph, writing to Cecil, 7 December 1561, says the Lord James burned many 
houses, hanged twenty-two or twenty-three [men], and " brought in " forty or fifty. 
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1049) ^ gifts intended as bribes 

" William, Lord Grey de Wilton, then Warden of the East Marches of England. 
' fright 

The Lords Robert Stewart and John Stewart, natural brothers of the Queen. 

in turn 


they feared where there was no fear : neither yet could ever any 
appearance or suspicion of such things be tried. ^ 

Short after the returning of the Lord James, there came from the 
Queen of England, Sir Peter Mewtas,^ with commission to require 
the ratification of the Peace made at Leith. His answer was even 
such as we have heard before : that she behoved to advise, and then 
she should send answer.^ 

In presence of her Council she kept herself [very] grave, (for 
under the dule weed, * she could play the hypocrite in full perfection) ; 
but how soon that ever her French fillocks,^ fiddlers, and others of 
that band got the house alone there might be seen skipping not very 
comely for honest women, ^ Her common talk was, in secret, she 
saw nothing in Scotland but gravity, which repugned altogether to 
her nature, for she was brought up in joyousity ' ; so termed she her 
dancing and other things thereto belonging. 

The General Assembly of the Church approached, held in 
December after the Queen's anival ; in the which began the rulers 
of the Court to draw themselves apart from the society of their 
brethren, and began to stir and grudge that anything should be 
consulted upon without their advice. Master John Wood, who 
before had shown himself very fervent in the cause of God, and 
forward in giving of his counsel in all doubtful matters, plainly 
refused ever to assist the Assembly again, whereof many did wonder. 
The courtiers drew unto them some of the lords, who would not Division 
convene with their brethren, as before they were accustomed, but Lords 
kept them in the Abbey. The principal commissioners of the ^J}^-''^^ 
churches, the superintendents, and some ministers passed unto ters 

' Buchanan says that the whole affair was arranged by the Queen herself in order to 
secure a bodyguard without arousing the suspicions of the people (Aikman's Buchanan, 
ii, 450-51). Randolph says the "hurly-burly" took place about 9 p.m. on Sunday, 
16 November, and gives a full account of it, indicating that the Queen seized the oppor- 
tunity to put Arran in disgrace {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1049). Later, he inclines 
to the opinion that there were grounds for the " trouble," and that " unadvised " words 
had passed Arran {ibid., i. No. 1058). Certainly the affair led to the establishment of 
a small bodyguard for the Queen of which James Stewart [of Cardonald] was captain 
{ibid., \, No. 1058). See also Hay Fleming, Mary Qiteen of Scots, 271, note 66, and Pollen, 
Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots, 271, note 4. 

^ The commission to Sir Peter Mewtas is dated 1 7 September 1 56 1 . {Foreign Calendar, 
Elizabeth, iv, No. 506) 

' Mary apparently answered that as there were divers matters in the Treaty which 
touched her late husband, it would be better to have a new meeting for such matters as 
touched her only. Therein she was almost certainly thinking of her succession to the 
English throne. (See Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. No. 648) 

* mourning ' fillies ; wanton young women * See infra, 68 

' See infra, 36 


them, where they were convened in the Abbot's lodging within 
Holyroodhouse. Both the parties began to open their grief. The 
lords complained that the ministers drew the gentlemen into secret, 
and held councils without their knowledge. The ministers denied 
that they had done anything in secret, or otherwise than the common 
order commanded them ; and accused the lords (the flatterers of the 
Queen we mean) that they kept not the Convention with their 
brethren, considering that they knew the order, and that the same 
was appointed by their own advice, as the Book of Discipline, sub- 
scribed with the most part of their own hands, would witness. Some 
began to deny that ever they knew such a thing as the Book of 
Discipline ; and called also in doubt, whether it was expedient that 
such conventions should be or not ; for gladly would the Queen 
and her Secret Council have had all assemblies of the godly dis- 

The reasoning was sharp and quick on either part. The Queen's 
faction alleged that it was suspicious to princes that subjects should 
assemble themselves and keep conventions without their knowledge. 
It was answered. That without knowledge of the Prince, the Church 
did nothing. For the Prince perfectly understood that within this 
realm there was a Reformed Church, and that they had their orders 
and appointed times of convention ; and so without knowledge of the 
Prince they did nothing. " Yea," said Lethington, " the Queen 
knew and knowest it well enough ; but the question is. Whether 
that the Queen allows such conventions ? " It was answered, " If 
the liberty of the Church should stand upon the Queen's allowance 
or disallowance, we are assured not only to lack assemblies, but also 
to lack the pubHc preaching of the Evangel." That affirmative was 
mocked, and the contrary affirmed. " Well (said the other), ^ time 
will try the truth ; but to my former words this will I add, take from 
us the freedom of Assemblies, and take from us the Evangel "^ ; for 
without Assemblies, how shall good order and^ unity in doctrine be 
kept? It is not to be supposed that all ministers shall be so perfect 
but that they shall need admonition, as well concerning manners as 
doctrine, as it may be that some be so stiff-necked that they will not 
admit the admonition of the simple ; as also it may be that fault may 
be found with ministers without just offence committed : and yet if 
order be not taken both with the complainer and the persons com- 

' Certainly Knox 

^ Or, in the ultimate resort, the lieges must be able to convocate to protect the religion 
they have secured. 


plained upon, it cannot be avoided but that many grievous offences 
shall arise. For remedy whereof, of necessity it is that General 
Assemblies must be, in the which the judgment and the gravity 
of many may concur to correct or to repress the follies or errors of 
a few." Hereunto consented the most part, as well of the nobility 
as of the barons, and willed the reasoners for the part of the Queen 
to will her Grace, if that she stood in any suspicion of anything that 
was to be entreated in their Assemblies, that it would please her 
Grace to send such as she would appoint to hear whatsoever was 
proponed or reasoned. 

Hereafter was the Book of Discipline proponed, and desired to 
have been ratified by the Queen's Majesty. That was scripped at,^ Lethington 
and the question was demanded, " How many of those that had him to the 
subscribed that Book would be subject unto it ? " It was answered, ^9^? ."/ , 
*' All the godly." " Will the Duke ? " said Lethington. " If he ^ 
will not," answered the Lord Ochiltree,* " I would that he were 
scraped out, not only of that book, but also out of our number and 
company. For to what purpose shall labours be taken to put the 
Kirk in order, and to what end shall men subscribe, and then never 
mean to keep word of that which they promise ? " Lethington 
answered, " Many subscribed there in fide parentum, as the bairns 
are baptized." One, to wit John Knox,^ answered, " Albeit ye think 
that scoff proper, yet as it is most untrue so is it most improper. 
That Book was read in public audience, and by the space of divers 
days the heads thereof were reasoned, as all that here sit know well 
enough, and ye yourself cannot deny ; so that no man was required 
to subscribe that which he understood not." " Stand content (said 
one), that Book will not be obtained." " Let God (said the other), 
require the lack which this poor commonwealth shall have of the 
things therein contained, from the hands of such as stop the same." 

The barons perceiving that the Book of Discipline was refused, 
presented unto the Council certain articles requiring idolatry to be 
suppressed, their churches to be planted with true ministers, and 
some certain provision to be made for them, according to equity and 
conscience ; for unto that time the most part of the ministers had 

^ mocked 

' In the manuscript (folio 312 recto) this marginal note is not in the text hand. 

^ Chatelherault * Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree 

' In the manuscript (folio 312 recto) after " One " there is a caret and the words " to 
wit Jone Knox " are added above the line ; there is a second caret after " ansuered " 
and the words " to wit Jo" Knox " are added in the margin, in Knox's own hand. A 
facsimile of this page is given in National Manuscripts of Scotland, iii, No. 60. 

(653) VOL n 3 


lived upon the benevolence of men. For many held into their own 
hands the fruits that the Bishops and others of that sect had before 
abused ; and so some part was bestowed upon the ministers. But 
then the Bishops began to grip again to that which most unjustly 
they called their own ; for the Earl of Arran was discharged of 
Saint Andrews and Dunfermline, wherewith before, by virtue of a 
factory, he had intromitted ^ : and so were many others. And there- 
fore the barons required that order might be taken for their ministers, 
or else they would no more obey the Bishops, neither yet suffer any 
thing to be lifted up to their use after the Queen's arrival, than that 
they did before ; for they verily supposed that the Queen's Majesty 
would keep promise made unto them, which was, not to alter their 
religion, which could not remain without ministers, and ministers 
could not live without provision : and therefore they heartly desired 
the Council to provide some convenient order in that head. 

That somewhat moved the Queen's flatterers ; for the rod of 
impiety was not then strengthened in her and their hands. And so 
began they to practise how they should please the Queen and yet 
seem somewhat to satisfy the faithful ; and so devised they that the 
church men ^ should have intromission with the two parts of their 
benefices, and that the third part should be lifted up by such men 
as thereto should be appointed, for such uses, as in the Acts [of Secret 
Council] is more fully expressed.^ 

The names of the Nobility and Lords that were present at the 
making of the foresaid Acts * hereafter follow : 

James, Duke of Chatelherault James, Commendator of Saint Andrews 

George, Earl Huntly and Pittenweem 

Archibald, Earl Argyll John, Lord Erskine 

William, Earl Marischal John Bellenden of Auchnoull, knight, 

John, Earl AthoU Justice Clerk ^ 

* With which he had intermeddled by virtue of letters under authority of the Privy 
Council authorizing the appointment of a factor or chamberlain to ingather the revenues 
{infra, 330). ^ That is, the old hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church. 

^ In the manuscript, " as in these subsequent Acts are more fully expressed " ; and 
Knox then inserts the relevant Acts of the Privy Council, under which the old church was 
to be allowed to retain two-thirds of the rents of all benefices, and the remaining one- 
third of the rents was to be ingathered, by Collectors appointed by the Queen, to meet 
" the charges to be borne for the common weal of the realm," and also " the sustentation 
of the Preachers " of the Reformed Kirk. These are printed infra, Appendix IX 

* See infra, Appendix IX 


William, Earl Montrose The Treasurer 

James, Earl Morton The Clerk of Register, and 

Alex'., Earl of Glencairn The Secretary ^ 

After the first Act, the Earl of Huntly said, jestingly, " Good day, 
my Lords of the Two part." 

The whole Rentals being gathered, the sum of the Third, accord- 
ing to their own calculation, was found to extend to. . . .^ 

The Ministers, even in the beginning, in public sermons opposed 
themselves to such corruption, for they foresaw the purpose of the 
Devil, and clearly understood the butt whereat the Queen and her John 
flatterers shot ; and so m the stool of Edmburgh, John Knox said : judgment 
" Well, if the end of this order, pretended to be taken for sustentation ^^^'!jj^. 
of the ministers, be happy, my judgment faileth me ; for I am 
assured that the Spirit of God is not the author of it ; for, first, I 
see two parts freely given to the Devil, and the third must be 
divided betwix God and the Devil. Well, bear witness to me that 
this day I say it, ere it be long the Devil shall have three parts of the 
Third ; and judge you then what God's portion shall be." ^ This 

* These names are those of the sederunt of the Privy Council at its meeting on 22 
December 1561 {infra, 326) ; the sederunt differed at each of the subsequent meetings of 
the Council when the arrangement was under consideration. In the manuscript this 
sederunt is repeated on the immediately following page (folio 317 verso) with the addition 
of the Comptroller who, however, does not appear in the sederunt in the Register of the 
Privy Council. The officials whose names are not given were : Mr. Robert Richardson, 
Treasurer ; Mr. James McGill of Nether Rankeillor, Clerk of Register ; William Maitland 
of Lethington, Secretary ; and Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller. 

^ In the manuscript (folio 317 verso), a space of two lines has been left blank for the 
sum to be inserted. The Accounts of the Collectors of the Thirds of the Benefices are now 
being edited by Dr. Gordon Donaldson, for the Scottish History Society, from the records 
still extant in the General Register House, and I have had the advantage of reading 
the draft of Dr. Donaldson's introduction to the forthcoming volume. Exact figures are 
impossible, because of exceptions, deductions, remissions, and variations from year to year ; 
but it would appear that the amount of the " Thirds " in 1562 was well over ^^76,000, 
of which about ,T2,^oo came in and of which ;{^26,ooo went in stipends to the ministers. 
But in succeeding years, as the History shows, there were more and more remissions, the 
difficulties of collection increased, and more and more the ministers were " frustrated of 
their stipends." A number of the records were earlier examined by Bishop Keith in the 
first half of the eighteenth century, and his extracts and calculations will be found in 
History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland (Spottiswoode Society), iii, 370-387. 
According to Keith, the total sum of the " Thirds " came to ^^72,491, of which the 
Reformed Kirk received ^{^24,231. 

^ In a supplication to the Queen, of July 1562, the ministers state that they are all 
" so cruelly entreated by this last pretended Order taken for sustentation of ministers, that 
their latter misery far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the ground 
are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third, [in] that they for the most part 
advance upon the poor whatosever they pay to the Queen, or to any other." {Infra, 49 ; 
Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 22) 


was an unsavoury saying in the ears of many. Some ashamed not 
to affirm, " The ministers being sustained, the Queen will not get 
at the year's end to buy her a pair of new shoes." And this was 
Secretary Lethington. 

There were appointed to modify ^ the ministers' stipends, the 
Earls Argyll, Moray, and Morton, Lethington, the Justice Clerk, 
and Clerk of Register. The Laird of Pittarrow was appointed to pay 
the ministers' stipends according to their modification. ^ Who would 

Let this have thought that when Joseph ruled Egypt that his brethren should 
have travelled for victuals, and have returned with empty sacks unto 
their families ? Men would rather have thought that Pharaoh's pose,^ 
treasure, and garnalls * should have been diminished, ere that 
the household of Jacob should stand in danger to starve for 

But so busy and circumspect were the Modificators (because 
it was a new office, the term must also be new), that the ministers 
should not be over wanton,^ that a hundred marks ^ was sufficient 
to a single man, being a common minister. Three hundred marks 
was the highest that was appointed to any, except unto the Super- 
intendents, and unto a few others. Shortly, whether it was the 
niggardness of their own hearts, or the care that they had to enrich 
the Queen, we know not, but the poor Ministers, Readers, and 
Exhorters cried out to the heaven (as their complaints in all Assemblies 
do witness) that neither were they able to live upon the stipends 
appointed, neither could they get payment of that small thing that 
was appointed. So fain would the Comptroller ' have played the 
good valet, and have satisfied the Queen, or else his own profit in 

A proverb every point, that he got this dicton ^ and proverb, " The good Laird 
of Pittarrow was an earnest professor of Christ ; but the mekle Devil 
receive the Comptroller, for he and his Collectors are become greedy 
factors." "^ 

^ assess, or determine the amount of 

^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, who had been appointed as Comptroller on 16 
February 1562, was appointed as Collector General of the " Thirds " on i March 
1562. (MS. Register of the Privy Seal, xxxi, 3, 5) 

hoard ^ granaries ' extravagant 

The mark was not a coin ; it was a reckoning of two-thirds of a pound, that is, 
thirteen shillings and fourpence. One hundred marks was thus ;^66, 13s. 4d. It should 
be noted that these amounts were not greatly different from those recommended in the 
Book of Discipline {infra, 289) ; and it is therefore difficult to understand Knox's petulance 

' Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow 

' saying. (More usually ditton ; but from French dicton) 

But when Wishart relinquished office he was about ;^5,ooo out of pocket. 


To put an end to this unpleasing matter : when the Brethren 
complained of their poverty, it was disdainfully answered of some, 
" There are many Lords have not so much to spend." When men 
did reason that the vocation of Ministers craved of them books, 
quietness, study, and travel, to edify the Kirk of Jesus Christ, when 
that many Lairds were waiting upon their worldly business, and 
therefore, that the stipends of ministers, who had none other industry, 
but to live upon that which was appointed, ought not to be modified 
according to the livings of common men, who might, and did daily 
augment their rents by some other industry ; when such reasons 
were laid before them, they got none other answer, but " The Queen 
can spare no greater sums." Oft was it cried into their ears, " O 
happy servants of the Devil, and miserable servants of Jesus Christ, 
if that after this life there were not hell and heaven." For to the 
servants of the devil, to your dumb dogs and horned bishops, to one 
of those idle bellies (I say) ten thousand was not enough ; but to 
the servants of Christ that painfully preach his evangel, a thousand 
pounds ; how can that be sustained ? 

One day, in reasoning of this matter, the Secretary burst out in 
a piece of his choler, and said, " The ministers have this much paid 
unto them by year, and who yet ever bade the Queen ' grand- 
mercies ' for it ? Was there ever a minister that gave thanks to God 
for her Majesty's liberality towards them ? " One ^ smiled and 
answered, " Assuredly, I think, that such as receive anything gratis 
of the Queen, are unthankful if they acknowledge it not, both in 
heart and mouth. But whether that the ministers be of that rank or 
not, I greatly doubt. Gratis, I am assured, they receive nothing ; 
and whether they receive anything at all from the Queen, wise men 
may reason. ^ I am assured that neither third nor two part ever 
appertained to any of her predecessors within this realm these 
thousand years bypast, neither yet has the Queen better title to that 
which she usurps, by giving it to others, or in taking [it] to herself, 
than such as crucified Christ Jesus had to divide his garments amongst 
them. And if the truth may be spoken, she has not so good title 
as they had ; for such spoil used to be the reward of such men. 
And in that point those soldiers were more gentle than the Queen 
and her flatterers, for they parted not the garments of our Master 
till that he himself was hung upon the cross ; but she and her 
flatterers do part the spoil while as ^ poor Christ is yet preaching 

* Undoubtedly Knox ^ question 

' In the manuscript (folio 319 recto) " till that " has been corrected to " while as." 


amongst you. But the wisdom of our God takes trial of us by these 
means, knowing well enough what she and her faction have purposed 
to do. Let the Papists, who have the two parts, some that have 
their thirds free,^ and some that have got Abbacies and feu lands 
thank the Queen, and sing, Placebo Domince. The poor preachers 
will not yet flatter for feeding of their bellies." These words were 
judged proud and intolerable, and engendered no small displeasure 
to the speaker. 

This we put in memory, that the posterities to come may know 
that God once made his truth to triumph ; but because that some of 
ourselves delighted more in darkness than in light, God hath restrained 
our freedom, and put the whole body in bondage. Yea, the greatest 
flatterers have not escaped so free as they supposed ; yea, the latter 
plagues appear yet to be worse than the first. " Be merciful to us, 
O Lord, and entreat us not according to our deservings ; but look 
thou to the equity of the cause which thou hast put into our hands, 
and suffer not iniquity to oppress thy truth, for thy own name's sake, 
O Lord." 

In this meantime, to wit in February, the year of God 1561,^ was 

the Lord James first made Earl of Mar, ^ and then married upon Agnes 

Marriage Keith, daughter to the Earl Marischal. The marriage was public 

Earl of in the church of Edinburgh.^ In the marriage they both got an 

^"'^ admonition to behave themselves moderately in all things : " For, 

(said the preacher ^ to him), unto this day the Kirk of God hath 

received comfort by you, and by your labours ; in the which, if 

hereafter ye shall be found fainter than that ye were before, it will be 

said that your wife hath changed your nature." The greatness of 

the banquet, and the vanity used thereat, offended many godly. 

There began the masking which from year to year hath continued 

^ That is, those to whom remissions had been granted ^ 

^ That is, February 1562 

^ The Lord James Stewart was created Earl of Mar on 7 February 1562 {Antiquities 
of Aberdeen and Banff, Spalding Club, iv, 743) ; he resigned the earldom a few months later 
(Scots Peerage, vi, 314), and by February 1 563 he had assumed the title of Earl of Moray, 
that earldom having been granted to him by charter as early as January 1562. 

* According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (70), the marriage of the Lord James Stewart 
with Agnes Keith, eldest daughter of William, fourth Earl Marischal, was celebrated on 
8 February 1562, " with sik solemnitie as the lyk hes not bene sein befoir ; the haill 
nobilitie of this realrne being thair present, and convoyit ihame doun to the Abbay of 
Halyrudhous, quhair the banket wes maid, and the Quenis Grace thairat." Randolph, 
however, dates the banquet as 10 February [infra, 33, note 2). 8 February was a Sunday. 

* The preacher was John Knox. 


since, ^ Master Randolph, agent for the Queen of England, was 
then, and sometime after, in no small conceit with our Queen ; for 
his Mistress's sake, she drank to him [in] a cup of gold, which he 
possessed with greater joy, for the favour of the giver, than of the gift 
and value thereof ; and yet it was honourable. ^ 

The things that then were in handling betwix the two Queens, 
whereof Lethington, Secretary Cecil, and Master Randolph were 
ministers, were of great weight, as we will after hear. 

This winter, the Earl Both well, the Marquis d'Elboeuf, and 
Lord John of Coldingham, played the riot in Edinburgh, mJsordered 
the whole town, broke Cuthbert Ramsay's yetts^ and doors, [and] 
sought his house for his good-daughter * Alison Craik. And this was 
done in despite of the Earl of Arran, whose whore the said Alison was 
suspected to have been.^ The horror of this fact, and the rarity of it, 
highly commoved all godly hearts. The Assembly, and also the 
nobility, for the most part were in the town ; and so they concluded 
to crave justice, as that they did, as by this subsequent Supplication 
doth appear : 

To THE Queen's Majesty and her Secret and Great Council, 

Her Grace's faithful and obedient Subjects, the Professors 

OF Christ Jesus his holy Evangel, wish the spirit of 

righteous judgment.^ 

The fear of God conceived of his holy word, the natural and 

unfeigned love we bear unto your Grace, the duty which we owe to 

the quietness of our country, and the terrible threatenings which 

our God pronounces against every realm and city in the which 

horrible crimes are openly committed, and then by the committers 

obstinately defended, compel us, a great part of your subjects, humbly 

' Knox is here unjust to the Lord James Stewart with whom he had recently differed 
witli regard to the Queen's Mass {supra, 5, 8). Masking did not begin with this marriage ; 
there had been masking at Holyrood as early as October 1561. (Robertson, Inventaires 
de la Royne Descosse, Preface, Ixxv) 

^ This is reported by Randolph in a letter of 12 February to Cecil, where he says that 
Mary drank to Elizabeth and then sent him the cup of gold which weighed eighteen or 
twenty ounces. Randolph speaks of the banquet being held on " Shrove Tuesday at 
night," tliat is, on 10 February. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1077) 

' gates * daughter-in-law, but in the modern sense oi^ step-daughter 

' According to Randolph, writing to Cecil on 27 December 1561, Arran was " known 
to have had company of a good handsome wench, a merchant's daughter." (See his account 
of the " disorder " in Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1056) 

Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 11 -12. The Supplication is prefaced with a particular 
recitation of the " horrible fact and impiety committed . . . under silence of night by 
the Marquis d'Elboeuf and his colleagues in breaking up of Cuthbert Ramsay's yets and 
doors, and searching and seeking his daughter-in-law to oppress her." 


to crave of your Grace upright and true judgment against such persons 
as have done what in them hes to kindle God's wrath against this 
whole realm. The impiety by them committed is so heinous and 
so horrible, that as it is a fact most vile and rare to be heard of within 
this realm, and principally within the bowels of this city, so should 
we think ourselves guilty in the same, if negligently, or yet for worldly 
fear we pass it over with silence. And therefore your Grace may not 
think that we require anything (while that we crave open malefactors 
condignly to be punished) but that which God has commanded us to 
crave, and has also commanded your Grace to give to every one of 
your subjects ; for by this link has God knit together the prince and 
the people, that as he commands honour, fear, and obedience to be 
given to the powers established by him, so does he in expressed words 
command and declare what the prince oweth unto the subjects, to 
wit, that as he is the Minister of God, bearing his sword for vengeance 
to be taken on evil doers, and for the defence of peaceable and quiet 
men, so ought he to draw the same without all partiality so oft as in 
God's name he is required thereto. Seeing so it is (Madam), that 
this crime so recently committed, and that in the eyes of your whole 
realm now presently assembled, is so heinous, for who heretofore 
have heard within the bowels of Edinburgh, yetts and doors under 
silence of night burst up, houses ryped ^ (and that with hostility), 
seeking a woman as [it] appeared to oppress her ; seeing, we say, that 
this crime is so heinous, that all godly men fear not only God's sore 
displeasure to fall upon you and your whole realm, but also that 
such liberty breed contempt, and in the end sedition, if remedy 
in time be not provided, which in our judgment is impossible, 
if severe punishment be not executed for the crime committed ; 
Therefore, we most humbly beseech your Grace, that all affection 
set aside, ye declare yourself so upright in this case that ye may give 
evident demonstration to all your subjects that the fear of God, 
joined with the love of the common tranquillity, have principal seat 
and dominion in your Grace's heart. This further. Madam, of 
conscience we speak, that as your Grace in God's name does crave 
of us obedience (which to render in all things lawful we are most 
willing) so in the same name do we, the whole Professors of Christ's 
Evangel within this your Grace's Realm, crave of you and of your 
Council sharp punishment of this crime ; and for performance 
thereof, that without all delay the principal actors of this most heinous 
crime, and the pursuers of this pretended - villainy, may be called 

' searched " attempted 


before the Chief Justice of this Realm, to suffer an assize, and to be 
punished according to the laws of the same : And your Grace's 
answer most humbly we beseech. 

This Supplication was presented by divers gentlemen. The 
flatterers of the Court at the first stormed, and asked, " Who durst 
avow it ? " To whom the Master, now Lord Lindsay ^ answered, 
" A thousand gentlemen within Edinburgh." Others were ashamed 
to oppose themselves thereto in pubhc ; but they suborned the Queen 
to give a gentle answer unto such time as the Convention was dis- 
solved. And so she did ; for she lacks no craft, both to cloak and to 
maintain impiety (and whoredom in especial). She alleged, " That 
her Uncle ^ was a stranger, and he had a young company ; but she 
should put such order unto him, and unto all others, that hereafter 
they should have no occasion to complain," And so deluded she 
the just petition of her subjects ; and no wonder, for how shall she 
punish in others that vice which in France is free without punishment, 
and which Kings and Cardinals use most commonly, as the mask 
and dancing of Orleans can witness, wherein virgins and men's "^^^^ '"^^ 
wives were made as common to King Harry ^ and Charles, the 
Cardinal,* [and] unto their Court and pages, as common harlots of 
the bordel ^ are unto their companions. The manner was thus : 

At the entry of King Harry of France in the town of Orleans, 
the matrons, virgins, and men's wives, were commanded to present 
themselves in the King's palace at night, to dance : and they obeyed ; 
for commonly the French nation is not hard to be entreated to vanity. 
After fiddling and flinging, and when the Cardinal of Lorraine had 
espied his prey, he said to the King, " Sire, la primiere est vostre, etfaut 
que je suis le second." That is to say, " Sire, the first choice is yours, 
and I must be the second." And so the King got the pre-eminence, 
that he had his first election. But because Cardinals are companions 
to Kings, the Cardinal of Lorraine had the next : And thereafter 
the torches were put out, and every man commanded to provide for 
himself the best he might. What cry was there of husbands for their 
wives ; of wives, for their husbands ; of ancient matrons for their 
daughters ; and of virgins for their friends, or for some honest man 
to defend their pudicity, Orleans will remember more king's days 
than one. 

This horrible villainy, a fruit of the Cardinal of Lorraine's religion, 

' Patrick, later sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres 

^ That is, Ren^, Marquis d'Elboeuf = Henry II, King of France 

' Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, another of Mary's uncles ' brothel 



has now 
[d]orie it, 
1567 - 





and the 



we shortly touch to let all the world understand what subjects may 
look of such magistrates ; for such pastime to them is but joyousity, 
wherein our Queen was brought up.^ We call her not a whore 
(albeit her dame heard more than we will write), but she was brought 
up in the company of the wildest whoremongers (yea, of such as 
no more regarded incest than honest men regard the company of 
their lawful wives) ; in the company of such men (we say), was our | 
Queen brought up. What she was, and is, herself best knows, and 
God (we doubt not), will further declare. 

But punishment of that enormity and fearful attemptat ^ we 
could get none : but more and more they presumed to do violence, 
and frequented nightly masking. Some, as Robin Craig's house, 
because his daughter was fair, delighted therein : others lamented, 
and began to bear the matter very heavily. At length the Lord 
Duke's friends assembled upon a night upon the calsey.^ The Abbot 
of Kilwinning ^ (who then was joined to the Church, and so, as we 
understand, yet abideth) was the principal man at the beginning. 
To him repaired many faithful ; and amongst others came Andrew 
Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a man rather born to make peace than to 
brag upon the calsey, and demanded the quarrel ; and being 
informed of the former enormity said, " Nay, such impiety shall not 
be sufTered so long as God shall assist us. The victory that God in 
his mercy hath given us, we will by his grace maintain." And so 
he commanded his son, Andrew Stewart, then Master,^ and his 
servants to put themselves in order, and to bring forth their spears 
and long weapons ; and so did others. The word came to the Earl 
Bothwell and his, that the Hamiltons were upon the gait.' Vows 
were made, " That the Hamiltons should be doung,^ not only out 
of the town, but also out of the country." Lord John of Coldingham 
had married the said Earl Bothwell's sister (a sufficient woman for 
such a man ^) allia ^^ drew the Lord Robert ^^ ; and so they joined 

1 Cf. supra, i, 103 ; ii, 25 

^ This marginal note must have been added subsequently. It is not in the hand of 
the text (Hand A), and may be compared with the marginal note, supra, i, 103. 

' unlawfid enterprise 

* A brief account of this further " incident " is given in Diurnal of Occurrents (70) under 
the date 1 9 December 1 56 1 . 

' Gavin Hamilton, Commendator of Kilwinning 

Andrew Stewart, eldest son of Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree, predeceased 
his father. ' That is, were waiting to attack them in the street. * driven 

' The Lord John Stewart, Commendator of Coldingham, a natural son of James V, 
married Jean Hepburn, daughter of Patrick, third Earl of Bothwell, in January 1562. 
'" alliance 
" Lord Robert Stewart, Commendator of Holyrood, also a natural son of James V. 


both with the said Earl Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquis 
Le Boeuf (d'Elboeuf they call him) is most to be commended ; for in 
his chamber, within the Abbey, he started to a halberd, and ten men 
were scarce able to hold him ; but as hap was ^ the inner yett of the 
Abbey kept him that night ; and the danger was betwix the Cross 
and the Salt Trone ^ ; and so he was a large quarter of [a] mile from 
the shot and sklenting ^ of bolts. The Master of Maxwell - gave 
declaration to the Earl Bothwell, " That if he stirred forth of his 
lodging, he, and all that would assist him, should resist him in the 
face " ; whose words did somewhat beat down that blast. The 
Earls of Huntly and Moray, being in the Abbey where the Marquis 
was, came with their companies, sent from the Queen to stay that 
tumult, as that they did ; for Bothwell and his were commanded, 
under pain of treason, to keep their lodgings.^ 

It was whispered of many that the Earl of Moray's displeasure 
was as much sought as any haitterent that the Hamiltons bare 
against the Earl Bothwell, or yet he against them. And in very 
deed, either had the Duke very false servants, or else by Huntly and 
the Hamiltons the Earl of Moray's death was ofter conspired than 
once : the suspicion whereof burst forth so far that, upon a day, the 
said Earl, being upon horse to have come to the sermon, was charged 
by one of the Duke's own servants to return and abide with the 
Queen. The bruit thereof spread over all. What ground it had 
we cannot say ; but short thereafter the Duke and some of the Lords 
convened at Glasgow ; their conclusion was not known. The Earl 
of Arran came to Edinburgh, where the Earl Bothwell lay. The 
Queen and the Court were departed to Fife, and remained sometimes 
in Saint Andrews and sometimes in Falkland.^ 

The Earl Bothwell, by the means of James Barron, burgess, 
and then merchant of Edinburgh, desired to speak with John Knox 
secretly ; which the said John gladly granted, and spake him upon 
a night, first in the said James's lodging, and thereafter in his own 
study. The sum of all their communication and conference was : 

^ as it happened 

^ That would be in the present High Street, between the Market Cross and the 
Tron Church. ^ the crossfire 

* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later Lord Herries. 

' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 27 December 1561, says that to avoid trouble Bothwell 
was to leave the town until 8 January {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1056) ; the Diurnal 
of Occurrents (70) says that Bothwell " departed with his friends furth of Edinburgh at the 
Queen's command " on 21 December. 

Apparently from early in March until early in May, 1562. (See the Itinerary in 
Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 518) 


The Earl The said Earl lamented his former inordinate life, and especially that 

His Zm- he was provoked by the enticements of the Queen Regent to do that 

muning vvhich he sore repented, as well against the Laird of Ormiston,^ 

Knox whose blood was spilt, albeit not in his default. But his chief dolour 

was that he had misbehaved himself against the Earl of Arran,^ 

whose favours he was most willing to redeem, if possible it were that 

so he might ; and desired the said John to give him his best counsel, 

" For (said he), if I might have my Lord of Arran's favours, I would 

await upon the Court with a page and few servants, to spare my 

expenses, where now I am compelled to keep, for my own saftey, a 

number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter destruction 

of my living that is left." 

To the which the said John answered, " My Lord, would to 
God that in me were counsel or judgment that might comfort and 
relieve you. For albeit that to this hour it hath not chanced me to 
speak with your Lordship face to face, yet have I borne a good mind 
to your house ; and have been sorry at my heart of the troubles 
that I have heard you to be involved in. For, my Lord, my grand- 
father, goodsire, and father,^ have served your Lordship's prede- 
cessors, and some of them have died under their standards * ; and 
this is a part of the obligation of our Scottish kindness ^ : but this is 
not the chief. But as God has made me his public messenger of glad 
tidings, so is my will earnest that all men may embrace it, which 
perfectly they cannot, so long as that there remaineth in them 
rancour, malice, or envy. I am very sorry that ye have given 
occasion unto men to be offended with you ; but I am more sorry 
that ye have offended the Majesty of God, who by such means oft 
punishes the other sins of man. And therefore my counsel is, that 
ye begin at God, with whom if ye will enter in perfect reconciliation, 
I doubt not but he shall bow the hearts of men to forget all offences. 
And as for me, if ye will continue in godliness, your Lordship shall 
command me as boldly as any that serves your Lordship." 

^ See supra, i, 258-259. But as recently as March 1562, Bothwell and eight companions 
had " lain again in wait for the Laird of Ormiston." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, 
No. 1089) ^ See Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089 ; Laing's Knox, vi, 140 

' That is, Knox's great-grandfather, his grandfather, and his father. This terminology 
is even used in the Glasgow MS. (See Laing's Knox, vi, 688) 

* This statement is interesting and important. It is our only reliable information 
with regard to Knox's family. 

' Kindness is here used in the sense of kinship. Earlier Knox has referred to Hailes 
as being "the principal place that then [1546] the Earl Bothwell had in Lothian" 
{supra, i, 71). Hailes is in the parish of Prestonkirk, East Lothian. Did the Knox family 
hold lands in that neighbourhood ? 


The said Lord desired him that he would tempt ^ the Earl of 
Arran's mind, if he would be content to accept him in his favours, 
which he promised to do ; and so earnestly travailed in that matter, 
that it was once ^ brought to such an end as all the faithful praised 
God for that agreement. The greatest stay ^ stood upon the satisfaction 
of the Laird of Ormiston, who, beside his former hurt, as is before 
declared,* was even in that same time of the communing, pursued 
by the said Lord Both well, his son Master Alexander Cockburn 
taken by him, and carried with him to Borthwick ; but gently 
enough sent back again, ^ 

That new trouble so greatly displeased John Knox that he almost 
gave over further travailing for amity. But yet, upon the excuse of 
the said Earl, and upon the declaration of his mind, he re-entered 
in labours, and so brought it to pass that the Laird of Ormiston 
referred his satisfaction in all things to the judgment of the Earls of 
Arran and Moray, whom to the said Earl Bothwell submitted himself 
in that head, and thereupon delivered his hand write. And so was 
convoyed by certain of his friends to the lodging of the Kirk-of-Field, 
where the Earl of Arran was with his friends, and the said John Knox 
with him, to bear witness and testification of the end of the agreement.^ 
As the said Earl Bothwell entered at the chamber door, and would Recomili- 
have done those honours that friends had appointed (Master Gavin twix the 
Hamilton and the Laird of Riccarton,'' were the chief friends that ^"-^^ -^ , 

' _ Arran and 

communed), the said Earl of Arran gently passed unto him, embraced Earl 
him, and said, " If the hearts be upright, few ceremonies may serve ^^^ ^^ ' 
and content me." 

The said John Knox, in audience of them both, and of their 
friends, said, " Now, my Lords, God hath brought you together by 
the labours of simple men, in respect of such as would have travailed 
therein. I know my labours are already taken in an evil part ; but 
because I have the testimony of a good conscience before my God, 
that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in his fear, for the profit 
of you both, for the hurt of none and for the tranquillity of this 
Realm ; seeing (I say), that my conscience beareth witness to me 
what I have sought and continually seek, I the more patiently bear 
the misreports and wrangous judgments of men. And now I leave 

' test ^ at one time ^ obstacle * Supra, i, 258-259 

' See the account of this incident in Randolph's letter to Cecil of 31 March 1562. 

There Randolph says the son was " led away till near Crichton, where the neighbours 

of the country (the Laird's friends) rescued him, driving Bothwell into his own house." 

{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089) ' That is, the reaching of the agreement 

' Alexander Hepburn of Whitsome and Riccarton 


you in peace, and desire you that are the friends to study that amity 
may increase, all former offences being forgot." The friends on 
either party embraced other, and the two Earls departed to a 
window, and talked by themselves famiharly a reasonable space. 
And thereafter the Earl Bothwell departed for that night ; and 
upon the next day in the morning returned, with some of his honest 
friends, and came to the sermon with the Earl foresaid ; whereat 
many rejoiced. But God had another work to work than the eyes 
of men could espy. 

The Thursday next ^ they dined together ; and thereafter the 
said Earl Bothwell and Master Gavin Hamilton rode to my Lord 
Duke's Grace, who then was in Kinneil.'^ What communication 
was betwix them it is not certainly known, but by the report which 
the said Earl of Arran made to the Queen's Grace, and unto the Earl 
of Moray, by his writings.^ For upon Friday,^ the fourth day after 
their reconciliation, the sermon being ended, the said Earl of Arran 
came to the house of the said John Knox, and brought with him 
Master Richard Strang and Alexander Guthrie, to whom he opened 
the grief of his mind before that John Knox was called ; for he was 
occupied (as commonly he used to be after his sermons) in directing 
of writings. Which ended, the said Earl called the three together, 
and said, " I am treasonably betrayed " ; and with these words 
began to weep. John Knox demanded, " My Lord, who has betrayed 
you ? " "A Judas, or other (said he) ; but I know it is but my life 
that is sought : I regard it not." The other said, " My Lord, I 
understand not such dark manner of speaking : if I shall give you 
any answer, ye must speak more plain." " Well (said he), I take 
you three to witness that I open this unto you, and I will write it 
unto the Queen. An act of treason is laid to my charge ; the Earl 
Bothwell has shown to me in council, that he shall take the Queen, 
and put her in my hands in the Castle of Dumbarton ; and that he 
shall slay the Earl of Moray, Lethington, and^ others that now 
misguide her : and so shall I and he rule all. But I know that this is 
devised to accuse me of treason ; for I know that he will inform the 
Queen of it : But I take you to witness, that I open it here unto you ; 
and I will pass incontinent and write to the Queen's Majesty, and 
unto my brother the Earl of Moray." 

John Knox demanded, " Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part 

' 26 March 1562 ^ Kinneil House, West Lothian 

' For further accounts of the subsequent strange story see Randolph's letters {Calendar of 
Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1089, 1090, 1091, 1095) and Diurnal of Occurrents, 71. 
* Good Friday, 27 March 1562 


of that treason ? " He answered, " Nay." " Then (said he), in my 
judgment, his words, albeit they were spoken, can never be treason 
unto you ; for the performance of the fact depends upon your will, 
whereto ye say ye have dissented ; and so shall that purpose evanish 
and die by the self, unless that ye waken it ; for it is not to be 
supposed that he will accuse you of that which he himself [has] 
devised, and whereto ye would not consent." " O (said he), ye 
understand not what craft is used against me : It is treason to 
conceal treason." "My Lord (said he), Treason must import 
consent and determination, which I hear upon neither of your 
parts. And therefore, my Lord, in my judgment it shall be more 
sure and more honourable to you to depend upon your [own] inno- 
cence, and to abide the unjust accusation of another (if any follow 
thereof, as I think there shall not), than ye to accuse (especially 
after so late reconciliation) and have none other witnesses but your 
own affirmation." " I know (said he) that he will offer the combat 
unto me ; but that would not be suffered in France ; but I will do 
that which I have purposed." And so he departed, and took with 
him to his lodging the said Alexander Guthrie and Mr. Richard 
Strang ; from whence was dited and written a letter to the Queen's 
Majesty, according to the former purpose, which letter was directed 
with all diligence to the Queen's Majesty, who then was in Falkland. 

The Earl himself rode after to Kinneil, to his father, the Duke's 
Grace. How he was entreated, we have but the common bruit ; 
but from thence he wrote another letter with his own hand, in 
cipher, to the Earl of Moray, complaining upon his rigorous handling 
and entreatment by his own father, and by his friends ; and affirmed 
further, that he feared his life, in case that he got not sudden rescue. 
But thereupon he remained not, but broke the chamber wherein he 
was put, and with great pain passed to Stirling, and from thence 
he was convoyed to the Hallyards,^ where he was kept till that the 
Earl of Moray came unto him, and convoyed him to the Queen, 
then being in Falkland, who then was sufficiently instructed of the 
whole matter ; and upon suspicion conceived, had caused apprehend 
Master Gavin Hamilton and the Earl Bothwell foresaid ; who know- 
ing nothing of the former advertisements, came to Falkland, which 
augmented the former suspicion. 

But yet the letters of John Knox made all things to be used more 
circumspectly ; for he did plainly forewarn the Earl of Moray that 
he espied the Earl of Arran to be stricken with frenzy, and therefore 

^ Hallyards, Auchtertool, Fife. At that time a seat of Kirkcaldy of Grange. 


willed not over great credit to be given unto his words and inventions. 
And as he advertised, so it came to pass ; for within few days his 
sickness increased ; he devised of wondrous signs that he saw in the 
heavens ; he alleged that he was bewitched ; he would have been 
in the Queen's bed, and affirmed that he was her husband ; and 
finally, he behaved himself in all things so foolishly, that his frenzy 
could not be hid. And yet were the said Earl Bothwell and Abbot 
of Kilwinning ^ kept in the Castle of Saint Andrews, and convened 
before the Council, with the said Earl of Arran, who ever stood firm 
that the Earl Bothwell proponed to him such things as he advertised 
the Queen's Grace of; but stiffly denied that his father, the said 
Abbot, or friends, knew anything thereof, either yet that they 
intended any violence against him ; but alleged that he was en- 
chanted 2 so to think and write. Whereat the Queen, highly offended, 
committed him to prison, with the other two, first in the Castle of 
Saint Andrews, and thereafter caused them to be convoyed to the 
Castle of Edinburgh.^ James Stewart of Cardonald, called Captain 
James,* was evil bruited [of] for the rigorous entreatment that he 
showed to the said Earl in his sickness, being appointed keeper unto him. 

To consult upon these accusations, the whole Council was 
assembled at Saint Andrews, the i8 day of April, ^ in the year of 
God 1562 ; in which it was concluded that, in consideration of the 
former suspicion, the Duke's Grace should render to the Queen the 
Castle of Dumbarton, the custody whereof was granted unto him 
by appointment, till that lawful succession should be seen of the 
Queen's body. But will prevailed against reason and promises, 
and so was the said Castle delivered to Captain Anstruther, as 
having power from the Queen and Council to receive it.*' 

Things ordered in Fife, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and 
then began dancing to grow hot ; for her friends began to triumph 

* Gavin Hamilton * bewitched 

' On 4 May 1562, according to the Diurnal of Occurrenti (72). According to the 
Collector's Accounts of the Thirds of the Benefices (from which the Earl of Arran was 
allowed 2. a day for his upkeep in the castle of Edinburgh), Arran's second year of 
confinement began on 3 May 1563. He was released i May 1566. 

* He was Captain of the Queen's bodyguard. (See supra, 25, note 1) 

' On Monday 20 April 1562, according to Randolph. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, 
No. 1095) 

' Apparently Captain Robert Anstruther, and in April 1562. {Accounts Lord High 
Treasurer, xi, 161, 162, 198) See also Diurnal of Occurrents, 72. It should be noted that 
Buchanan gives a different version of this strange story. According to Buchanan Bothwell 
first endeavoured to embroil the Earl of Moray against the Hamiltons and, that 
failing, then endeavoured to embroil the Hamiltons in a plot to murder Moray. (See 
Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 453-456 ; Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, ii, 177-179) 


in France. ^ The certainty hereof came to the ears of John Knox, 
for there were some that showed to him, from time to time, the estate 
of things 2 ; and, amongst others, he was assured that the Queen had 
danced excessively ^ till after midnight, because that she had received 
letters that persecution was begun again in France, and that her 
uncles were beginning to stir their tails,* and to trouble the whole 
Realm of France. Upon occasion of this text, " And now under- ^^"1- 2 
stand, O ye Kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he began 
to tax the ignorance, the vanity, and the despite of Princes against 
all virtue, and against all those in whom haitterent of vice and love 
of virtue appeared. 

The report hereof made unto the Queen, the said John Knox 
was sent for.^ Mr. Alexander Cockburn, who before had been his 
scholar,^ and then was very familiar with him, was the messenger, 
who gave him some knowledge both of the report and of the reporters. 
The Queen was in her bedchamber, and with her, besides the ladies 
and the common servants, were the Lord James, the Earl of Morton, 
Secretary Lethington, and some of the guard that had made the 
report. He was called and accused, as one that had irreverently '^^^ , 

! 1 I 1 1 second 

spoken of the Queen, and that travailed to brmg her m haitterent commm- 
and contempt of the people, and that he had exceeded the bounds ^f^^^"^" 
of his text : And upon these three heads, made the Queen herself a with the 
long harangue or orison ^ ; whereto the said John answered as follows : '^" 

" Madam, this is oftentimes the just recompense which God 
giveth to the stubborn of the world, that because they will not hear 
God speaking to the comfort of the penitent, and for amendment of 
the wicked, they are oft compelled to hear the false report of others 
to their greater displeasure. I doubt not but that it came to the ears 

1 Queen Mary had returned to Edinburgh before 12 May 1562 (Hay Fleming, 
Mary Queen of Scots, 518) ; but the " massacre at Vassy " had already taken place on 
I March 1562, there had been a " massacre " at Sens, and Orleans had been seized 
by the Huguenots. Certainly war between the Huguenots and the Catholics had become 
inevitable, but there was as yet no " triumph " for Mary's " friends." According to 
Randolph, writing to Cecil on 29 May 1562, Mary regretted the " unadvised enterprise " 
of the Guises and feared their overthrow. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1107) 

'- Cf supra, i, 351 

^ According to Sir James Melville, Mary did not dance " so high and disposedly " 
as Elizabeth. {Memoirs, Bannatyne Club, 125) * bestir themselves 

' Knox has here confused the order of events. Mary was back in Edinburgh before 
12 May 1562, but Knox delivered his sermon in which " he inveighed sore against the 
Queen's dancing" on Sunday 13 December 1562, and the interview with Mary took 
place on Tuesday 15 December 1562 that is, after the Queen's " progress " in the North 
in the autumn of 1562, and not after her stay in Fife in the spring. (See Randolph's 
letter to Cecil of 16 December 1562, in Laing's Knox, vi, 147 and Calendar of Scottish Papers, 
i, No. 1 155) ' Supra, i, 82 ' oration 

(053) VOL II 4 


of proud Herod, that our Master Christ Jesus called him a fox ; but 
they told him not how odious a thing it was before God to murder 
an innocent, as he had lately done before, causing to behead John 
the Baptist, to reward the dancing of a harlot's daughter. Madam, 
if the reporters of my words had been honest men, they would have 
reported my words, and the circumstances of the same. But because 
they would have credit in Court, and lacking virtue worthy thereof, 
they must have somewhat to please your Majesty, if it were but 
flattery and lies. But such pleasure (if any your Grace take in such 
persons) will turn to your everlasting displeasure. For, Madam, 
if your own ears had heard the whole matter that I entreated ; if 
there be into you any sparkle of the Spirit of God, yea, of honesty 
or wisdom, ye could not justly have been offended with anything 
that I spake. And because that ye have heard their report, please 
your Grace to hear myself rehearse the same, so near as memory will 
serve." (It was even upon the next day after that the sermon was 
made).^ " My text (said he). Madam, was this, ' And now, O Kings, 
understand ; be learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam 
(said he), that I had declared the dignity of kings and rulers, the 
honour whereinto God has placed them, the obedience that is due 
unto them, being God's lieutenants, I demanded this question, But, 
O alas ! what compte ^ shall the most part of princes make before 
that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authority so manifestly and 
shamefully they abuse ? That the complaint of Solomon is this day 
most true, to wit, ' That violence and oppression do occupy the throne 
of God here in this earth ' : for while that murderers, bloodthirsty 
men, oppressors, and malefactors dare be bold to present themselves 
before kings and princes, and the poor saints of God are banished and 
exiled, what shall we say but that the devil hath taken possession 
in the throne of God, which ought to be fearful to all wicked doers, 
and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it otherwise 
be ? For princes will not understand ; they will not be learned as 
God commands them. But God's law they despise ; his statutes and 
holy ordinances they will not understand ; for in fiddling and flinging 
they are more exercised than in reading or hearing of God's most 
blessed word ; and fiddlers and flatterers (which commonly corrupt 
the youth) are more precious in their eyes than men of wisdom and 
gravity, who by wholesome admonition might beat down into them 
some part of that vanity and pride whereinto all are born, but in 

' According to Randolph the inter\'iew was on the Tuesday following the sermon 
on the Sunday. {Supra 43, note 5) ''^ account 


princes take deep root and strength by wicked education. And of 
dancing, Madam, I said, that albeit in Scriptures I found no praise 
of it, and in profane writers that it is termed the gesture rather of 
those that are mad and in frenzy than of sober men ; yet do I not 
utterly damn it, providing that two vices be avoided : the former, 
That the principal vocation of those that use that exercise be not 
neglected for the pleasure of dancing ; Secondly, That they dance 
not, as the Philistines their fathers, for the pleasure that they take in 
the displeasure of God's people. For if any of both they do, so they 
shall receive the reward of dancers, and that will be drink in hell, ^ 
unless they speedily repent, so shall God turn their mirth in sudden 
sorrow : for God will not always afflict his people, neither yet will 
he always wink at the tyranny of tyrants. If any man. Madam (said 
he), will say that I spake more, let him presently ^ accuse me ; for 
I think I have not only touched the sum, but the very words as I spake 
them." Many that stood by bare witness with him, that he had 
recited the very words that publicly he spake. 

The Queen looked about to some of the reporters, and said, 
" Your words are sharp enough as ye have spoken them ; but yet 
they were told to me in another manner. I know (said she) that my 
uncles and ye are not of one religion, and therefore I cannot blame 
you albeit you have no good opinion of them. But if ye hear any 
thing of myself that mislikes you, come to myself and tell me, and I 
shall hear you." 

" Madam," quod he, " I am assured that your uncles are 
enemies to God, and unto his Son Jesus Christ ; and that for main- 
tenance of their own pomp and worldly glory that they spare not 
to spill the blood of many innocents ; and therefore I am assured 
that their enterprises shall have no better success than others have 
had that before them have done that [which] they do now. But as 
to your own personage. Madam, I would be glad to do all that I 
could to your Grace's contentment, provided that I exceed not the 
bounds of my vocation. I am called. Madam, to a public function 
within the Kirk of God, and am appointed by God to rebuke the 
sins and vices of all. I am not appointed to come to every man in 
particular to show him his offence ; for that labour were infinite.^ 

' The meaning is obvious ; but there may also be reference to the custom of drinking 
at dances, referred to in an old musical MS. : ' The tune is to be played even through 
once over every time : so the first couple has time to take their drink.' (Dauney's 
Ancient Scottish Melodies, Bannatyne Club, 260, cited Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 275) 

^ now, at this present time 

^ It should be noted, however, that private admonition, in certain cases, had been 
prescribed by the Book of Discipline. {Infra, 306) 


If your Grace please to frequent the public sermons, then doubt I 
not but that ye shall fully understand both what I like and mislike, 
as well in your Majesty as in all others. Or if your Grace will assign 
unto me a certain day and hour when it will please you to hear the 
form and substance of doctrine which is proponed in public to the 
churches of this Realm, I will most gladly await upon your Grace's 
pleasure, time and place. But to wait upon your chamber-door, or 
elsewhere, and then to have no further liberty but to whisper my 
mind in your Grace's ear, or to tell to you what others think and 
speak of you, neither will my conscience nor the vocation whereto 
God hath called me suffer it. For albeit at your Grace's command- 
ment I am here now, yet cannot I tell what other men shall judge 
of me, that at this time of day am absent from my book and waiting 
upon the Court." 

" You will not always," said she, "be at your book," and so 
turned her back. And the said John Knox departed with a reason- 
able merry countenance ; whereat some Papists, offended, said, " He 
is not afraid." Which, heard of him, he answered, " Why should 
the pleasing face of a gentlewoman effray me ? I have looked in 
the faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid above 
measure." And so left he the Queen and the Court for that time. 

In this meantime, the negotiation and credit was great betwix 
the Queen of England and our Sovereign : letters, couriers, and 
posts ran very frequent. Great bruit there was of the interview and 
meeting of the two Queens at York, and some preparation was made 
therefor in both the Realms. But that failed upon the part of 
England, and that by occasion of the troubles moved in France (as 
was alleged), which caused the Queen and her Council attend upon 
the south parts of England, for avoiding of inconvenients. ^ 

That summer, there came an Ambassador from the King of 
Sweden, requiring marriage of our Sovereign to his Master the King.^ 
His entertainment was honourable ; but his petition liked our 
Queen nothing ; for such a man was too base' for her estate ; for 
had not she been great Queen of France ? Fye of Sweden ! What 

' For these negotiations and the proposed " interview and meeting of the two Queens " 
see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 70-73 and supporting notes. 

" According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (72, 73) the Swedish ambassador " Here 
Petir Groif " arrived on 24 April 1562 and departed with his [negative] answer on i June 
1562. Randolph speaks of the news of his arrival on 25 April, says he is called the Earl 
of Wismar, and reports his departure early in the morning of Tuesday 2 June, after leaving 
a picture of his king to be presented to the Queen. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1095, 
1097, nil) Erik XIV of Sweden married Catharine Jagello in the following October. 


is it ? But happy was the man that of such a one was forsaken. 
And yet she refused not one far inferior to a virtuous King. 

The Earl of Lennox and his wife were committed to the Tower 
of London for trafficking with Papists.^ The young Laird of Barr ^ 
was a travailer in that business, and was apprehended with some 
letters, which were the cause of his and their trouble. 

The Earl of Moray made a privy raid to Hawick upon the fair- ffawkk 
day thereof, and apprehended fifty thieves ; of which number were 
seventeen drowned ; others were executed in Jedburgh. The 
principals were brought to Edinburgh and there suffered, according 
to their merits upon the Burgh Muir. ^ The Queen was nothing con- 
tent of the prosperity and good success that God gave to the Earl 
of Moray in all his enterprises, for she hated his upright dealing, and 
the image of God which evidently did appear into him ; but at that 
time she could not well have been served without him. 

The Assembly of the Kirk at Midsummer, the [29] * of June, 
anno 1562, approached, in the which were many notable heads Sharp 
entreated concerning good order to be kept in the Church ; for the preaching 
Papists and the idolatry of the Qjaeen began to trouble the former ^ (^ 
good order. Some ministers, such as Master John Sharp, had left law 
their charges, and entered into other vocations more profitable for 
the belly ; against whom were acts made, although to this day they Anm 
have not been put in execution. ^j^ I" 

The tenor of the Supplication read in open audience, and 
approved by the whole Assembly to be presented to the Queen's 
Majesty, was this : 

To THE Queen's Majesty, and Her Most Honourable Privy 
Council, the Superintendents and Ministers of the Evangel 
OF Jesus Christ within this Realm, together with the 
Commissioners of the whole Churches, desire Grace and 
Peace from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
WITH the Spirit of Righteous Judgment.^ 

* Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and his wife, Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter 
of Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus. Their son was Henry Lord Darnley, who later married 
Mary Queen of Scots. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 31 March 1562, reports that " it is 
not lamented here [in Scotland] that Lennox is in the Tower." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, 
i, No. 1089) - John Lockhart, younger, of Barr 

' An account of this " raid " on the thieves of Teviotdale and Liddesdale is given by 
Randolph in a letter to Cecil of 8 July 1562. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 123) 

* In the manuscript (folio 329 recto) the date is given, erroneously, as " the 24 of June " ; 
but see Booke of the Universall Kirk (Bannatyne Club) i, 13-24. 

' This marginal note (folio 329 recto) is in the text hand. 
' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 20-24 


Having in mind that fearful sentence pronounced by the Eternal 
God against the watchmen that see the sword of God's punishment 
approach, and do not in plain words forewarn the people, yea, the 
princes and rulers, that they may repent, we cannot but signify 
unto your Highness, and unto your Council, that the estate of this 
Realm is such for this present, that unless redress and remedy be 
shortly provided, that God's hand can not long spare in his anger, 
to strike the head and the tail, the inobedient Prince and sinful 
people : For as God is unchangeable and true, so must he punish 
in these our days, the grievous sins that before we read he has 
punished in all ages, after that he has long called for repentance, and 
none is shown. 

And that your Grace and Council may understand what be the 

things we desire to be reformed, we will begin at that which we 

assuredly know to be the fountain and spring of all other evils that 

now abound in this Realm, to wit, that idol and bastard service of 

God, the Mass ; the fountain, we call it, of all impiety, not only 

because that many take boldness to sin by reason of the opinion which 

they have conceived of that idol, to wit, that by the virtue of it, 

they get remission of their sins ; but also because that under the 

colour of the Mass, are whores, adulterers, drunkards, blasphemers 

of God, of his holy Word and Sacraments, and such other manifest 

malefactors, maintained and defended : for let any Mass-sayer, or 

earnest maintainer thereof be deprehended ^ in any of the fore- 

This named crimes, no execution can be had, for all is done in haiterent 

Queeri's of his religion ; and so are wicked men permitted to live wickedly, 

religion to cloaked and defended by that odious idol. But supposing that the 

have many _ ^ _ _ .... 

favourers Mass wcrc occasion of no such evils, yet in the self it is so odious in 
God's presence, that we cannot cease with all instance to desire the 
removing of the same, as well from yourself as from all others within 
this Realm, taking heaven and earth, yea, and your own conscience 
to record, that the obstinate maintenance of that idol shall in the 
end be to you destruction of soul and body. 

If your Majesty demand, why that now we are more earnest 
than we have been heretofore ; we answer (our former silence nowise 
excused), because we find us frustrate of our hope and expectation ; 
which was, that in process of time, your Grace's heart should have 
been mollified, so far as that ye would have heard the public doctrine 
taught within this Realm ; by the which, our further hope was, that 
God's Holy Spirit should so have moved your heart, that ye should 

' apprehended 


have suffered your religion (which before God is nothing but abomi- 
nation and vanity) to have been tried by the true touchstone, the 
written word of God ^ ; and that your Grace finding it to have no 
ground nor foundation in the same, should have given that glory 
unto God, that ye would have preferred his truth unto your own 
preconceived vain opinion, of what antiquity that ever it has been. 
Whereof we in a part now discouraged can no longer keep silence, 
unless we would make ourselves criminal before God of your blood, 
perishing in your own iniquity ; for we plainly admonish you of the 
dangers to come. 

The second that we require, is punishment of horrible vices, such 
as are adultery, fornication, open whoredom, blasphemy, contempt 
of God, of his Word and Sacraments ; which in this Realm, for 
lack of punishment, do even now so abound that sin is reputed to be 
no sin. And therefore, as that we see the present signs of God's 
wrath now manifestly appear, so do we forewarn that he will strike, 
ere it be long, if his law without punishment be permitted thus mani- 
festly to be contemned. If any object that punishments cannot be 
commanded to be executed without a Parliament, we answer that 
the eternal God in his Parhament has pronounced death to be the 
punishment for adultery and for blasphemy ; whose acts if ye put 
not to execution (seeing that kings are but his heutenants, having 
no power to give hfe, where he commands death), as that he will 
repute you, and all others that foster vice, patrons of impiety, so 
will he not fail to punish you for neglecting of his judgments. 

Our third request concerneth the poor, who be of three sorts : 
the poor labourers of the ground ; the poor desolate beggars, orphans, 
widows, and strangers ; and the poor ministers of Christ Jesus his 
holy evangel, which are all so cruelly entreated by this last pretended 
Order taken for sustentation of Ministers, that their latter misery 
far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the 
ground are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third, 
[in] that they for the most part advance upon the poor whatsoever 
they pay to the Queen, or to any other. ^ As for the very indigent Grudging 
and poor, to whom God commands a sustentation to be provided nobility 
of the Teinds, they are so despised that it is a wonder that the sun "^^^^ 
giveth heat and light to the earth where God's name is so frequently the other 
called upon and no mercy (according to his commandment) shown 
to his creatures. And also for the Ministers, their livings are so 
appointed that the most part shall live but a beggar's life. And all 

* See supra, 12 * See also the Book of Diicipline, infra, 303 


Cometh of that impiety, that the idle bellies of Christ's enemies must 
be fed in their former delicacy. 

We dare not conceal from your Grace and Honours our con- 
science, which is this, that neither by the law of God, neither yet 
by any just law of man, is anything due unto them who now most 
cruelly do exact of the poor and rich the Two parts of their Benefices, 
as they call them : and therefore we most humbly require, that some 
other Order may be taken with them, nor that they be set up again 
to empire above the people of God, either yet above any subject 
within this Realm. For we fear that such usurpation to their former 
estate be neither in the end pleasing to themselves, nor profitable to 
them that would place them in that tyranny. If any think that a 
competent living is to be assigned to them, we repugn not, provided 
that the labourers of the ground be not oppressed, the poor be not 
utterly neglected, and the Ministers of the word so sharply entreated 
as now they are. And, finally, that those idle bellies, who by law can 
crave nothing, shall confess that they receive their sustentation, not 
of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble request is, therefore, 
that some sudden order may be taken, that the poor labourers may 
find some relief, and that in every parish some portion of the Teinds 
may be assigned to the sustentation of the poor within the same ; 
and likewise that some public relief may be provided for the poor 
within burghs ; that collectors may be appointed to gather, and 
that sharp compts ^ may be taken, as well of their receipt as of their 
deliverance. The further consideration to be had to our Ministers, 
we in some part remit to your Wisdoms, and unto their particular 

Our fourth petition is for the manses, yards, and glebes, justly 
appertaining to the Ministers, without the which it is impossible unto 
them quietly to serve their charges ; and therefore we desire order 
to be taken thereinto without delay. 

Our fifth concerneth the inobedience of certain wicked persons, 
who not only trouble, and have troubled Ministers in their function, 
but also disobey the Superintendents in their visitation ; whereof we 
humbly crave remedy ; which we do not so much for any fear that 
we and our Ministers have of the Papists, but for the love that we 
bear to the common tranquillity. For this we cannot hide from 
your Majesty and Council, that if the Papists think to triumph where 
they may, and to do what they list, where there is not a party able 
to resist them, that some will think that the godly must begin where 

* accounts 


they left, who heretofore have borne all things patiently, in hope that 
laws should have bridled the wicked ; whereof if they be frustrate 
(albeit that nothing be more odious to them than tumults and 
domestical discord), yet will men attempt the uttermost, before that 
in their own eyes they behold that House of God demolished, which 
with travail and danger God hath within this Realm erected by 

Last, we desire that such as have received remission of their 
Thirds be compelled to sustain the Ministry within their bounds,^ 
or else we forewarn your Grace and Council that we fear that the 
people shall retain the whole in their hands unto such time as their 
ministry be sufficiently provided. We further desire the kirks to be 
repaired according to an Act set forth by the Lords of Secret Council, 
before your Majesty's arrival in this country ; That Judges be 
appointed to hear the causes of divorcement, for the Kirk can no 
longer sustain that burden, especially because there is no punishment 
for the offenders ; That sayers and hearers of Mass, profaners of 
the Sacraments, such as have entered in[to] benefices by the Pope's 
Bulls, and such other transgressors of the law made at your Grace's 
arrival within this Realm, may be severely punished ; for else men 
will think that there is no truth meant in making of such laws. 

Further, We most humbly desire of your Grace and Honourable 
Council, a resolute answer to every one of the heads forewritten that, 
the same being known, we may somewhat satisfy such as be grievously 
offended at manifest iniquity now maintained, at oppression under 
pretext of law done against the poor, and at the rebellious dis- 
obedience of many wicked persons against God's jyord and holy 

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Clirist so rule your hearts 
and direct your Grace and Council's judgments by the ditement and 
illumination of his Holy Spirit that ye may answer so as that your 
consciences may be absolved in the presence of that righteous Judge, 
the Lord Jesus ; and then we doubt not but ye yourselves shall find 
felicity, and this poor Realm, that long has been oppressed by wicked 
men, shall enjoy tranquillity and rest, with the true knowledge of 

These things read in public Assembly, ^ as said is, were approved 
of all (and some wished that more sharpness had been used, because 

' That is, within their ecclesiastical boundaries. An account of the many remissions 
of " Ihirds " is given by Dr. G. Donaldson in his work on the Collectors' Accounts. 
" On 4 July 1562, at the sixth session. (Booke of Universall Kirk, i, 18-19) 


that the time so craved), but the monzeors ^ of the Court, and 
Secretary Lethington above others, could not abide such hard 
speaking : " For whoever saw it written (said he) to a Prince, that 
God would strike the head and the tail : that if Papists did what 
they list, men would begin where they left." But above all others, 
that was most offensive that the Queen was accused, as that she 
would raise up Papists and Papistry again. To put that in the 
people's head was no less than treason ; for oaths durst be made 
that she never meant such thing. To whom it was answered,^ 

Isaiah " That the Prophet Isaiah used such manner of speaking ; and it 
was no doubt but he was well acquainted in the Court, for it was 

Answer to supposed he was of the King's stock. But howsoever it was, his words 
make manifest that he spake to the Court and Courtiers, to Judges, 
Ladies, Princes, and Priests : And yet (says he), ' The Lord shall 
cut away the head and the tail,' &c." " And so," said the first 
writer, " I find that such [a] phrase was once used before us. And 
if this offend you, that we say, ' Men must begin where they left,' 
in case that Papists do as they do, we would desire you to teach us, 
not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we shall do, when 
our Ministers are stricken, our Superintendents disobeyed, and a 
plain rebellion decreed against all good order." " Complain," said 
Lethington. " Whom to ? " said the other. " To the Queen's 
Majesty," said he. " How long shall we do so ? " quod the whole. 
" Till that ye get remedy," said the Justice Clerk ^ : " give me their 
names, and I shall give you letters." * " If the sheep," said one, 
" shall complain to the wolf that the wolves and whelps have 
devoured their lambs, the complainer may stand in danger ; but 
the offender, we fear, shall have liberty to hunt after his prey." 
" Such comparisons," said Lethington, " are very unsavoury ; for 
I am assured that the Queen will neither erect nor yet maintain 
Papistry." " Let your assurance," said another, "serve yourself but 
it cannot assure us, for her manifest proceedings speak the contrary." 
After such taunting reasoning of both the sides, the multitude 
concluded that the Supplication, as it was conceived, should be 
presented, unless that the Secretary would form one more agreeable 
to the present necessity. He promised to keep the substance of ours, 
but he would use other terms, and ask things in a more gentle manner. 
The first writer answered, " That he served the Kirk at their com- 

' Possibly a derisive form of monsieurs, mounseers ; or possibly intended for monzeons, 
that is, minions. ^ Undoubtedly by Knox 

' Sir John Bellenden of Auchnoull * That is, letters of summonds 


mandment, and was content that in his ditement should men use the 
Uberty that best pleased them, provided that he was not compelled 
to subscribe to the flattery of such as more regarded the persons of 
men and women, than the simple truth of God." And so was this 
former Supplication given to be reformed as Lethington's wisdom 
thought best. And in very deed he framed it so, that when it was 
dehvered by the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife, and when that 
she had read somewhat of it, she said, " Here are many fair words : 
I cannot tell what the hearts are." And so for our painted oratory 
we were termed the next name to flatterers and dissemblers. But 
for that Session the Kirk received none other answer. 

Short after ^ the convention of the Kirk chanced that unhappy John 
pursuit which John Gordon, Laird of Findlater,^ made upon the and 
Lord Ogilvy,^ who was evil hurt and almost yet abides mutilated. Ogiby 
The occasion was for certain lands and rights which old Findlater 
had resigned to the said Lord, which he was pursuing, and was in 
appearance to obtain his purpose. Whereat the said John and his 
servants were oflfended, and therefore made the said pursuit upon 
a Saturday, at night, betwix nine and ten. The friends of the said 
Lord were either not with him, or else not well willing to fight that 
night ; for they took strokes, but gave few that left marks. The said 
John was taken, and put in the Tolbooth, where he remained certain 
days, and then broke his ward, some judged, at his father's command- 
ment ; for he was making preparation for the Queen's coming to the 
North, as we will after hear. 

The interview and meeting of the two Queens delayed till the 
next year, our Sovereign took purpose to visit the North, and de- 
parted from Stirling in the month of August. Whether there was 

' As already noted [supra, 47, note 4) Knox gave the 24 June as the date of the 
meeting of the General Assembly instead of the 2 9. June. Thus for " short after " we should 
here read " short before." The conflict between Sir John Gordon and James, fifth Lord 
Ogilvy of Airlie, in which the latter was hurt in " the three principal members " of his 
right arm so seriously " that if he bleeds again the same will be his death," took place in 
Edinburgh on Saturday night, 27 June. (See Edinburgh Burgh Records, Burgh Record 
Society, iii, 138-139) 

" Sir John Gordon was the third son of George, fourth Earl of Huntly. Alexander 
Ogilvy of Deskford and Findlater had disinherited his son, James Ogilvy of Cardell, in 
1545, and had settled his lands and baronies in Aberdeen and Banff, and the name and 
arms of Ogilvy on John Gordon, whom failing, on his brothers William, James, and Adam 
Gordon, in succession. (Registrum Magni Sigilli, iii. No. 3157) Randolph, reporting this 
fight in Edinburgh, speaks of John Gordon as " named the Laird of Findlater." {Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 121) The endeavour of the Ogilvies to regain these lands, and the 
unwillingness of the Gordons to relinquish them, lie in the background of Corrichie and 
the forfeiture of Huntly. (See Scots Peerage, iv, 21-25) 

* James, fifth Lord Ogilvy of Airlie 


any secret paction and confederacy betwix the Papists in the South, 
and the Earl of Huntly and his Papists in the North ; or, to speak 
more plainly, betwix the Queen herself and Huntly, we cannot 
certainly say. But the suspicions were wondrous vehement that 
there was no good will borne to the Earl of Moray, nor yet to such 
as depended upon him at that time. The history we shall faithfully 
declare, and so leave the judgment free to the readers. 

That John Gordon broke his ward, we have already heard, 
who immediately thereafter repaired to his father George, then Earl 
of Huntly ^ ; and understanding the Queen's coming, made great 
provision in Strathbogie, and in other parts, as it were to receive 
the Queen. At Aberdeen the Queen and Court remained certain 
days to deliberate upon the affairs of the country ; where some began 
to smell that the Earl of Huntly was under gathering, as hereafter 
shall be declared. 

While things were so working in the North, the Earl Bothwell 

Bothwell broke his ward, and came forth of the Castle of Edinburgh, ^ the 28th 

ivard of August. Somc Say that he broke the stancheour ^ of the window ; 

others whispered that he got easy passage by the yetts. One thing 

is certain, to wit, the Queen was little offended at his escaping. 

There passed with him a servant of the Captain's, named James 

Porterfield. The said Earl showed himself not very afraid, for his 

common residence was in Lothian. The Bishop of Saint Andrews * 

and Abbot of Crossraguel ^ kept secret convention that same time in 

Paisley, to whom resorted divers Papists ; yea, the said Bishop spake 

the Duke,^ unto whom also came the Lord Gordon ' from the Earl 

of Huntly, requiring him " to put to his hands in the South, as he 

The false should do in the North ; and so it should not be Knox's crying nor 

and his preaching that should stay that purpose." The Bishop, be he never so 

traffic close, could not altogether hide his mind, but at his own table said, 

" The Queen is gone into the North, belike to seek disobedience : 

she may perchance find the thing that she seeks."' It was constantly 

affirmed that the Earl Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spake 

together, but of their purpose we heard no mention.^ 

* George, fourth Earl of Huntly ^ See supra, 42 

' stanchion ^ John Hamilton ' Quintin Kennedy 

* The Duke of Chatelherault 

' George, Lord Gordon, second son of George, fourth Earl of Huntly ; later George, 
fifth Earl of Huntly. 

* Their " purpose " is revealed in the reduction of the sentence of forfeiture passed 
against George, Lord Gordon. {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 577a) Briefly, it was that Bothwell 
should raise men to serve Huntly. 



That same year, and at that instant time, were appointed Com- Commis- 
missioners by the General Assembly to Carrick and Cunningham 
Master George Hay who, the space of a month, preached with great 
fruit in all the churches of Carrick ; to Kyle, and to the parts of 
Galloway, was appointed John Knox who, beside the doctrine of the 
Evangel shown unto the common people, forewarned some of the 
Nobility and Barons of the dangers that he feared, and that were 
appearing shortly to follow, and exhorted them to put themselves 
in such order as that they might be able to serve the authority, and 
yet not to suffer the enemies of God's truth to have the upper hand. 
Whereupon a great part of the Barons and Gentlemen of Kyle and 
Cunningham and Carrick, professing the true doctrine of the Evangel, 
assembled at Ayr, and, after exhortations made and conference had, 
subscribed this Band, the tenor whereof follows : 

We, whose names are underwritten, do promise, in the presence 
of God, and in the presence of his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, that we, 
and everyone of us, shall and will maintain and assist the preaching 
of his holy Evangel, now of his mere mercy offered unto this Realm ; 
and also will maintain the ministers of the same against all persons, 
power, and authority, that will oppose themselves to the doctrine 
proponed, and by us received. And further, with the same solemnity, 
we protest and promise, that every one of us shall assist others ; yea, 
and the whole body of the Protestants within this Realm, in all 
lawful and just actions, against all persons ; so that whosoever shall 
hurt, molest, or trouble any of our body, shall be reputed enemy 
to the whole, except that the offender will be content to submit 
himself to the judgment of the Kirk now established amongst us. 
And this we do, as we desire to be accepted and favoured of the Lord 
Jesus, and reaccompted ^ worthy of credit and honesty in the pre- 
sence of the godly. At the Burgh of Ayr, the fourth day of September, 
the year of God 1562. 

Subscribed by all these with their hands, as follows : 

Mr. Michael Wallace, Glencairn ^ 

Provost of Ayr Ro. Boyd * 

James Lockhart ^ R. Failford ^ 

' accounted * Probably Sir James Lockhart of Lee 

* Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn * Robert, fifth Lord Boyd 

' Robert Cunningham, a younger son of William, third Earl of Glencairn. He was 

" minister " of Fail, or Failford, and Provincial of the Order of the Holy Trinity 

(Trinitarians) in Scotland. The head of a Trinitarian House was called the " minister " ; 

and we find the designation " minister of Fail " as early as 141 3. (Laing Charters, No. 93) 



William Montgomery 

John Cr,a.wford of Walston 

John Mure in Wole 

Hew Wallace of Cairnhill 

James Chalmers of Gadgirth 

Hew Montgomery of Hesilhead 

John Fullarton of Dreghorn 

1, William Cunningham, with my 

Skeldon 1 
Fergushill 2 
Mr. of Boyd ^ 
John Lockhart of Barr 
William Cunningham of Capring- 

ton younger 
Robert Ker of Kersland 
Robert Crawford 
David Crawford 
William Cunningham 
Charles Campbell, Burgess of 

James Dalrymple of Stair 
MuNGO Mure 
James Reid 

James Kennedy, Burgess of Ayr 
George Lockhart, Burgess there 
Robert Shaw, Burgess there 
John Dunbar of Blantyre 
Robert Chalmers of Martnaham 
Robert Hunter of Hunterston 
Robert Rankin 
Archibald Boyle 
Alexander Nisbet 
James Lockhart 
William Stewart of Hal rig 
Hector Dunbar of Clugstone 
James Campbell of Lochlee 
Adam Cathcart of Bardarroch 
George Reid of Chapelhouse 

Matthew Campbell of Loudoun, 

Knight * 
Alan Lord Cathcart * 
John Cunningham of Caprington 
Cunninghamhead * 
Ochiltree ' 

George Crawford of Leifinoris 
John Mure of Rowallan 
Hew Cunningham of Waterstoun 
Robert Cunningham [of] Auchen- 

Middleton ** 

John Wallace of Craigie 
John Boyd of Naristoun 
Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleuch 
Gilbert Eccles 

Thomas Cathcart, with my hand 
Alan Cathcart of Clavannis 
Adam Reid of Barskimming 
John Cathcart of Gibsyard 
John Reid, with my hand 
John ..." 

Robert Boyd of Piedmont 
William Campbell of Horsecleuch 
William Cathcart, brother to the 

Lord Cathcart " 
John Macquhidaill 
George Corry of Kelwood 
William Kennedy of Ternganoch 
John Kennedy of Kirkmichael 
Thomas MacAlexander of Crossclays 
Hew Wallace of the Meinford 
Robert Campbell of Craigdow 
Andrew Niven of Monkredding 
William Cathcart 
David Crawford of the Kerse 
John Kennedy of Ternganoch 
Patrick Kennedy of Daljarrock 
Alan Cathcart of Carl et on 

' William Campbell of Skeldon ^ John Fergushill of that Ilk 

' Thomas, Master of Boyd, son of Robert, fifth Lord Boyd 

* Sir Matthew Campbell of Loudoun, had succeeded his father Sir Hugh Campbell 
of Loudoun in February 1561. In the manuscript (folio 335 recto), " Crawfurd of" 
has been deleted and " Mathew Campbell of " added above the line. 

' Alan, fourth Lord Cathcart " William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead 

' Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree 

' The Laird of Middleton (unidentified) ' Blank in manuscript 

^^ Presumably a natural son of Alan, diird Lord Cathcart. If so, he has escaped tfie 
peerage writers. 


These things done at Ayr, the said John passed to Nithsdale and 
Galloway where, in conference with the Master of Maxwell,^ a man 
of great judgment and experience, he communicated with him such 
things as he feared ; who, by his motion, wrote to the Earl Bothwell 
to behave himself as it became a faithful subject, and to keep good 
quietness in the parts committed to his charge, and so would his 
crime of the breaking of the ward be the more easily pardoned. 
John Knox wrote unto the Duke's Grace, and earnestly exhorted 
him neither to give ear to the Bishop his bastard brother, ^ nor yet 
to the persuasions of the Earl of Huntly ; for if he did, he assured 
him that he and his House should come to a sudden ruin. 

By such means were the South parts kept in reasonable quietness 
during the time that the troubles were in brewing in the North. 
And yet the Bishop and the Abbot of Grossraguel,^ did what in 
them lay to have raised some trouble ; for besides the fearful bruits 
that they sparsed ^ abroad (sometimes that the Queen was taken ; 
sometimes that the Earl of Moray and all his band were slain ; and 
sometimes that the Queen had given herself unto the Earl of Huntly 
besides such bruits) the Bishop, to break the country of Kyle, 
where quietness was greatest, raised the Crawfords against the Reids 
for the payment of the Bishop's Pasche fines ^ ; but that was stayed 
by the labours of indifferent men ^ who favoured peace. 

The Abbot of Crossraguel required disputation of John Knox Disputa- 
for maintenance of the Mass, which was granted unto him, and 
which [was] held in Maybole three days. The Abbot had the 
advantage that he required, to wit, he took upon him to prove that 
Melchisedek offered bread and wine unto God, which was the 
ground that the Mass was built upon to be a Sacrifice, &c. But 
in the travail of three days there could no proof be produced for 
Melchisedek's oblation, as in the same disputation (which is to be 
had in print ^) clearly may appear. The Papists constantly looked 
for a wolter,^ and therefore they would make some brag of reasoning. Crossra- 
The Abbot further presented himself to the pulpit, but the voice of tffered 
Master George Hay so effrayed him that after once he wearied of ^"" ^^" 
that exercise.^ 

' Sir John Maxwell, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later fourth Lord 
Herries ^ That is, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews 

^ Quintin Kennedy, fourth son of Gilbert, second Earl of Cassillis 

* spread ' Easter offerings ' neutral men 

' Printed by Robert Lekprevik, Edinburgh, 1563 ; reprinted in Laing's Knox, vi, 169- 
220 ' Literally an overturning, that is, a counter-revolution 

' Mr. George Hay's controversy with Quintin Kennedy was also published by Robert 
Lekprevik under the title The Confutation of the Abbote ofCrosraguells Masse (Edinburgh, 1 563) . 


After ^ that the Queen was somewhat satisfied of hunting and 
other pastime, she came to Aberdeen, where the Earl of Huntly met 
her, and his Lady, with no small train, [and] remained in Court. 
[He] was supposed to have the greatest credit, departed with the 
Queen to Buchan, [and] met her again at Rothiemay, looking that 
she should have passed with him to Strathbogie. But in the journey 
certain word came to her that John Gordon had broken promise 
in not re-entering in ward ; for his father the Earl had promised 
that he should enter again within the Castle of Stirling, and there 
abide the Queen's pleasure. But whether with his father's knowledge 
and consent, or without the same we know not, but he refused to 
enter ; which so offended the Queen that she would not go to Strath- 
bogie, but passed through Strathisla to Inverness, where the Castle 
thereof was denied unto her. The Captain was commanded to keep 
it, and looked for relief, for so had John of Gordon promised ; but 
being thereof frustrated, the Castle was rendered, and the Captain 
named Gordon was executed ; the rest were damned,^ and the hands 
of some bound, but [they] escaped. 

This was the beginning of further trouble ; for the Earl of 
Huntly, thereat offended, began to assemble his folks, and spared 
not to speak that he would be revenged. But always his wife bore 
fair countenance to the Queen ; and it is verily supposed that no 
other harm than the Queen herself could easily have stood content 
with was meant unto her own person. But the whole malice lay 
upon the Earl of Moray, Secretary Lethington, and upon the Laird 
of Pittarrow. Yet the Queen began to be afraid, and by proclamation 
caused warn Stirling, Fife, Angus, Mearns and Strathearn charge 
all substantial men to be in Aberdeen the fifth day of October, there 
to remain the space of twenty days. In her returning from Inverness, 
she required the Castle of Findlater, which was likewise denied, and 
so was Auchindoune, which more inflamed ^ the Queen. The Earl 
of Huntly was charged to cause deliver the said liouses, under pain 
of treason. To show some obedience, he caused the keys of both to 
be presented by his servant, Mr. Thomas Keir. But before had the 
Queen sent young Captain Stewart,* (son to Captain James who, 

' For further details of Mary's northern progress, the Battle of Corrichie, and Huntly's 
overthrow, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, chapter vii and supporting notes. 

^ condemned 

^ In the manuscript (folio 337 recto) the scribe had written " in," and Knox has 
completed the word by crowding " flammed " into the space left before the word " the ". 

* Apparendy Captain Alexander Stewart, son of Captain James Stewart of Cardonald. 
(See supra, 25, note i) 


to this day, has neither been stout, happy, nor true), with six score 
of soldiers, to He about the said place of Findlater. They lodged in 
Gullen, not far distant from the said place. Upon a night, John 
Gordon came with a company of horsemen, took the Captain, slew 
certain of the soldiers, and disarmed the rest. This fact, done (as 
the Queen alleged) under trust, so inflamed her, that all hope of 
reconciliation was past ; and so the said Earl of Huntly was charged, 
under pain of putting of him to the horn, ^ to present himself and the 
said John before the Queen and Council within six days : which 
charge he disobeyed, and so was denounced rebel. Whether it was ^o "'^^ t^^^ 

^ , ,. 1 1 1 Duke, the 

law or not, we dispute little therein ; but it was a preparative to Earls 
others that after were served with that same measure. He was sought '^'p'^^' 


at his place of Strathbogie, but escaped. and Glen- 

The evil increased, for the Earl assembled his folk out of all parts '^^l^'all 
of the North. He marched forward towards Aberdeen, and upon their com- 
the twenty-two day of October, the year of God 1562, came to the ^^ler^ 
Loch of Skene. His army was judged to seven or eight hundred men. ^^''^^'^ " 
The Queen's army, both in number and manhood, far surmounted 
his, and yet he took no fear ; for he was assured of the most part of 
them that were with the Queen, as the issue did witness. Within 
the town they stood in great fear ; and therefore it was concluded 
that they would assail the uttermost upon the fields.^ The Forbeses, 
Hays, and Leslies took the vanguard, and promised to Ight the said 
Earl without any other help. They passed forth of th j town before 
ten hours. They put themselves in array, but they approached 
not to the enemy till that the Earl of Moray and his company were 
come to the fields ; and that was after two at afternoon ; for he was 
appointed with his company only to have beholden the battle. But 
all things turned otherwise than the most part of men supposed. 

The Earl of Huntly was the night before determined to have 
retired himself and his company ; but that morning he could not 
be wakened before it was ten hours, and when he was up on foot 
his spirits failed him (by reason of his corpulency), so that rightly 
a long time he could do nothing. Some of his friends, fearing the 
danger, left him. When that he looked upon both the companies, 
he said, " This great company that approacheth nighest to us will 
do us no harm, they are our friends. I only fear yonder small com- 

^ To be " put to the horn " was to be proclaimed an outlaw or rebel. The pro- 
clamation was accompanied by three blasts upon a horn, which gave rise to the term. 

' That is, they were denounced rebels and " at the horn " in August and September 
1565, after Mary's marriage with Darnley and preceding the " Chase-about Raid." 

That is, put up the strongest defence outside the town. 
(653) VOL u 6 


pany that stand upon the hill-side, yon are our enemies. But we 
are enough for them, if God be with us." And when he had thus 
spoken, he fell upon his knees, and made his prayer in this form : 
The " O Lord, I have been a bloodthirsty man, and by my means has 

HmHy's mekle innocent blood been spilt ; but wilt thou give me victory this 
prayer ^^y^ ^j-^fj J shall servc thee all the days of my life." Note and 
observe, good reader, he confessed that he had been a blood- 
thirsty man, and that he had been the cause of the shedding of much 
innocent blood : but yet would he have had victory ; and what was 
that else, but to have had power to have shed more, and then would 
he have satisfied God for all together. Wherein is expressed the 
nature of hypocrites, which neither further feareth nor loveth God 
than present danger or profit suadeth. But to our History. 

The Leslies, Hays, and Forbeses, espying the Earl of Moray and 
his to be lighted upon their foot, made forward against the Earl of 
Corrichie Huntly and his, who stood in Corrichie Burn (some call it Fare 
Pare' Bank) ^ ; but ere they approached, nigh by the space of the shot 
Bank Qf g^j-^ arrow, they cast from them their spears and long weapons, 
and fled directly in the face of the Earl of Moray and his company. 
The danger espied, the Laird of Pittarrow, a man both stout and of 
The a ready wit, ^ with the Master, now Lord Lindsay,^ and [the] Tutor 
able fact of Pitcur, * Said, " Let us cast down spears ^ to the foremost, and let 
of 'he them not come amongst us, for there is no doubt but that this flying 
is by treason." And so they did : so that they that fled kept them- 
selves apart from the few number that were marching upon foot in 
order. The Earl of Huntly, seeing the vanguard flee, said unto his 
company, " Our friends are honest men, they have kept promise : 
let us now rencounter ^ the rest." And so he and his, as sure of 
victory, marched forward. 

The Secretary, in few words, made a vehement orison,^ and willed 

every man to call upon his God, to remember his duty, and not to 

Secretary fear the multitude ; and, in the end, concluded' thus : " O Lord, 

His thou that rules the heaven and the earth, look upon us thy servants, 

oruonat whosc blood this day is most unjustly sought, and to man's judgment 

is sold and betrayed : Our refuge is now unto thee and our hope 

' Corrichie is a marshy hollow almost surrounded by the heights of the Hill of Fare 
in Banchory-Ternan parish, on the border of Kincardineshire and Aberdeenshire. The 
battle of Corrichie was fought on 28 October 1562. 

^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow 

^ Patrick, eldest son of John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres ; became sixth Lord 
Lindsay following the death of his father in December 1563. 

* James Haliburton, Tutor of Pitcur, and Provost of Dundee 

* That is, level our spears * rneet ' oration 


is in thee. Judge thou, O Lord, this day, betwix us and the Earl of 
Huntly, and the rest of our enemies. If ever we have unjustly sought 
his or their destruction and blood, let us fall in the edge of the sword. 
And, O Lord, if thou knowest our innocence, maintain thou and 
preserve us for thy great mercy's sake." 

Short after the speaking of these and the like words, the former 
ranks joined, for Huntly's company made great haste. They were 
repulsed by the Master of Lindsay and the companies of Fife and 
Angus. Some of them that fled returned, and followed the Earl of 
Moray, but gave no strokes till that Huntly's company gave back. 
In the front there were slain about eighteen or twenty-four men, 
and in the fleeing there fell nigh a hundred. There was taken a 
hundred, and the rest were spared. The Earl himself was taken 
alive ; his two sons, John foresaid, and Adam Gordon, were taken 
with him. The Earl, immediately after his taking, departed this 
life without any wound, or yet appearance of any stroke whereof 
death might have ensued ^ ; and so, because it was late, he was 
casten over-thorte ^ a pair of creels, and so was carried to Aberdeen, 
and was laid in the Tolbooth thereof, that the response which his There- 

St}OHS of 

wife's witches had given might be fulfilled, who all affirmed (as the the Earl 
most part say) that that same night should he be in the Tolbooth ^ . , 
of Aberdeen without any wound upon his body. When his Lady witches 
got knowledge thereof, she blamed her principal witch, called 
Janet ; but she stoutly defended herself (as the devil can ever do) , 
and affirmed that she gave a true answer, albeit she spake not all 
the truth ; for she knew that he should be there dead : but that 
could not profit my Lady.^ She was angry and sorry for a season, 
but the Devil, the Mass, and witches have as great credit of her this 
day as they had seven years ago. '"^1""* 

The Earl of Moray sent message unto the Queen of the marvellous 
victory, and humbly prayed her to show that obedience to God as 

1 Randolph, writing to Cecil from Aberdeen at 1 1 p.m. on the night of the battle, 
says that Huntly, after he was taken " without either blow or stroke, being set upon 
horseback before him that was his taker, suddenly falleth from his horse stark dead." 
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 148) The accounts in the Diurnal of Occurrents (74) and 
in Herries's Historical Memoirs (Abbotsford Club edition, 66) say that Huntly's " taker " 
was one Andrew Ridpath, one of the Queen's guard. Probably Huntly died of an 
apoplectic stroke (see Records of Aboyne, New Spalding Club, 467). For the numbers 
engaged in the battle, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 305, note 28. 

^ athwart 

' Elizabeth Keith, sister of William, fourth Earl Marischal, and daughter of Robert, 
eldest son of William, third Earl Marischal. 

* This marginal note is in the hand of the text ; a later caret has been added after the 
word " day " (folio 339 recto). 



publicly to convene with them to give thanks unto God for his 
notable deliverance. She glowmed both at the messenger and at 
the request, and scarcely would give a good word or blithe counte- 
nance to any that she knew earnest favourers of the Earl of Moray, 
whose prosperity was, and yet is, a very venom to her boldened heart 
against him for his godhness and upright plainness.^ Of many days 
she bare no better countenance ; whereby it might have been 
evidently espied that she rejoiced not greatly of the success of that 
matter ; and albeit she caused execute John Gordon and divers 
others, yet it was the destruction of others that she sought. 

Upon the morrow after the discomfiture, the Lady Forbes, ^ 

a woman both wise and fearing God, came amongst many others 

to visit the corpse of the said Earl ; and seeing him he upon the cold 

stones, having only upon him a doublet of cammoise,^ a pair of 

The Lady Scottish gray hose, and covered with an arras-work, she said, " What 

nlr^^' stability shall we judge to be into this world? There lieth he that 

words yesterday in the morning was holden the wisest, the richest, and a 

man of greatest power that was within Scotland." And in very 

deed she hed not ; for, in man's opinion, under a prince, there was 

not such a one these three hundred years in this realm produced. 

But fehcity and worldly wisdom so Winded him that in the end he 

perished in them, as shall all those that despise God and trust in 


John Gordon, at his death, confessed many horrible things, 
devised by his father, by his brother, and by himself* There were 
letters found in the Earl's pocket, that disclosed the treason of the 
Earl of Sutherland,^ and of divers others. Mr. Thomas Keir,* 
who before was the whole counsellor to the Earl foresaid, disclosed 
whatsoever he understood might hurt the Gordons and their friends : 

1 Buchanan simply says that " the Queen betrayed no symptom of joy, either in her 
countenance or speech " (Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 464), without directing Mary's hatred 
solely against Moray and his supporters. 

' Elizabeth Keith, daughter of Sir William Keith of Inverugie, and wife of William, 
seventh Lord Forbes. It should be noted, in view of the context, that at this time no love 
was lost between the Gordons and the Forbescs. 

' Usually a fine silken cloth {cammes), though Knox may have intended to convey 
the sense of a coarse cloth of rough weave {cammas) . 

" For John Gordon's confessions, see Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1 149, 1 152. 

" John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. He was later accused of treason and condemned and 
forfeited by Parliament in May 1563, but the forfeiture was reduced in 1567 [Acts Pari. 
Scot., ii, 579, c. 25). See also Fraser's Sutherland Book, i, 123-125 ; iii, 135-139, where it 
appears that he was rehabilitated in December 1565 and received a new charter of his 
Earldom in March 1566. 

In the manuscript (folio 339, verso) " keyth " has been scored through and " keir " 
added in the margin possibly in Knox's own hand. 


and so the treason [was] plainly disclosed, which was, that the Earl 
of Moray with certain others should have been murdered in Strath- 
bogie ; the Queen should have been taken, and kept at the devotion 
of the said Earl of Huntly. 

These things (we say) revealed, the Queen left the North, and 
came to Dundee, Saint Johnston, Stirhng, and then to Edinburgh. 
The Earl of Huntly's body was carried about in a boat, and laid 
without burial in the Abbey of Holyroodhouse,^ till the day of his 
forfaltour,2 as after shall be declared. ^^ The Duke apprehended 
the Lord Gordon, his son-in-law,* because that the Qjueen had straitly 
commanded him so to do, if he repaired within his bounds. Before 
he delivered him, the Earl of Moray laboured at the Queen's hand 
for the safety of his life, which hardly was granted ^ ; and so was he 
delivered within the Castle of Edinburgh, the twenty-eighth day of 
November, where he remained till the eighth of February, when he 1562 
was put to an assize, accused, and convicted of treason ; but was 
restored again, first to the Castle foresaid, and thereafter was trans- 
ported to Dunbar, where he remained prisoner till the month of 
August, the year of God 1565, as we will after hear.^ 

In this meantime the troubles were hot in France ; and the 
intelligence and outward familiarity betwix the two Queens ' was 
great. Lethington was directed with large commission both to the 
bueen of England and unto the Guisians. The marriage of our ^^^"'^ 

/-, 1 1 1 o judgments 

Queen was in all men's mouths. Some would have Spam ; some of the 
the Emperor's brother ; some Lord Robert Dudley ; some Duke de ^"^^^4? 
Nemours ; and some unhappily guessed at the Lord Darnley.^ 

' The Treasurer's Accounts give details of the expenses of bringing Huntly's body 
to Edinburgh and of the expenses of its rough embalment in order that it might be laid 
before parliament and arraigned for treason. (Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 205, 226) 
See also Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 80 and supporting notes ; Itwentaires de la 
Royne Descosse, Preface, xxii and notes. 

2 forfeiture ' Infra, 77 

* George, Lord Gordon (later fifth Earl of Hundy) had married Anne, youngest 
daughter of the Duke of Chatelherault. 

' According to Keith {History, ii, 1 80-1 81) Chatelherault had already interceded in 
vain. In contradistinction to Knox's statement, Moray is said to have surreptitiously 
obtained Mary's signature to a letter ordering Gordon's execution, but the story needs 
to be better authenticated (see Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 306, note 32). 

" But only from Knox's continuator {infra, 157) 

' That is, between Mary and Elizabeth 

* These " dukes, brethren to Emperors, and Kings," who were spoken of for Mary's 
hand were Don Carlos, son of Philip II of Spain ; the Archduke Charles of Austria, 
a younger son of the Emperor Ferdinand I, and brother of Maximilian II ; Robert, Lord 
Dudley, later Earl of Leicester ; James, Due de Nemours ; and Henry, Lord Darnley, 
whom Mary eventually married in 1565. See also infra, 81. 


upon of ^ 


tion after 
the death 
of the 


What Lethington's credit was, we know not ^ ; but short after there 
began much to be talked of the Earl of Lennox, and of his son, the 
Lord Darnley. It was said that Lethington spake the Lady Margaret 
Douglas, 2 and that Robert Melville ^ received a horse to the 
Secretary's use, from the Earl of Lennox, or from his wife. How- 
soever it was. Master Fowler, servant to the said Earl, came with 
letters to the Queen's Grace, by the which licence was permitted to 
the Earl of Lennox to come to Scotland, to travail in his lawful 
business.* That same day that the licence was granted, the said 
Secretary said, " This day have I taken the deadly haiterent of all 
the Hamiltons within Scotland, and have done unto them no less 
displeasure than that I had cut their throats." 

The Earl Bothwell who before had broken ward, fearing appre- 
hension, prepared to pass to France ; but by storm of weather was 
driven into England, where he was stayed, and was offered to have 
been rendered by the Queen of England. But our Queen's answer 
was that he was no rebel, and therefore she requested that he 
should have liberty to pass where it pleaseth him. And thereto 
Lethington helped not a little ; for he travailed to have friends in 
every faction of the Court. And so obtained the said Earl licence to 
pass to France. 

The winter after the death of the Earl of Huntly, the Court 
remained for the most part in Edinburgh. The Preachers were 
wondrous vehement in reprehension of all manner of vice, which 
then began to abound ; and especially avarice, oppression of the 
poor, excess, riotous cheer, banqueting, immoderate dancing, and 
whoredom, that thereof ensues. Whereat the Courtiers began to 
storm, and began to pick quarrels against the Preachers, alleging 
that all their preaching was turned to railing. Whereunto one of 
them * gave answer as followeth : " It comes to our ears that we are 
called railers, whereof albeit we wonder, yet we are not ashamed, 
seeing that the most worthy servants of God that before us have 
travailed in this vocation, have so been styled. But unto you do 
I say, that that same God, who from the beginning has punished the 
contempt of his word, and has poured forth his vengeance upon such 

^ Likewise the Diurnal of Occurrents (75) reports that on 13 February 1563 Lethington 
went on embassy to France, " to what effect non knowis." The instructions given to 
Lethington for his Enghsh embassy are printed in Keith, History, ii, 188-192. 

* Wife of Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and mother of Darnley. 

* Sir Robert Melville of Murdocairnie, later Lord Melville of Monimail. 

* But Lennox did not return to Scotland until the early autumn of 1564 {Calendar of 
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 97). ^ by Undoubtedly Knox 


proud mockers, shall not spare you ; yea, he shall not spare you 
before the eyes of this same wicked generation, for the pleasure 
whereof ye despise all wholesome admonitions. Have ye not seen 
one greater than any of you sitting where presently ye sit, pick his 
nails, and pull down his bonnet over his eyes, when idolatry, witch- ^^ntly 
craft, murder, oppression, and such vices were rebuked ? Was not 
his common talk. When those knaves have railed their fill, then will 
they hold their peace ? Have ye not heard it affirmed to his own 
face, that God should revenge that his blasphemy, even in the eyes 
of such as were witnesses to his iniquity ? Then was the Earl Huntly 
accused by you, as the maintainer of idolatry, and only hinderer of 
all good order. Him has God punished, even according to the 
threatenings that his and your ears heard ; and by your hands hath 
God executed his judgments. But what amendment in any case 
can be espied in you ? Idolatry was never in greater rest : virtue 
and virtuous men were never in more contempt : vice was never Let the 

A 1 It- t^orld 

more bold, nor less feared punishment. And yet who guides Xht judge now. 
Queen and Court ? Who but the Protestants ? O horrible slanderers '5^7i. 
of God, and of his holy Evangel. Better it were unto you plainly to Lething- 
renounce Christ Jesus, than thus to expose his blessed Evangel to ^^ ^^" 
mockage. If God punish not you, that this same age shall see and father of 
behold your punishment, the Spirit of righteous judgment guides chiefs 
me not." 

This vehemence provoked the hatterent, ^ not only of the Cour- 
tiers, but also of divers others against the speaker ; for such as be 
in credit never lack flatterers. " Their brethren of the Court were f'^^ 

(l^f Slice 

irreverently handled. What was that, but to raise the hearts of the qfthe 
people against them ? They did what they might ; such speaking <=^^tieTs 
would cause them do less." And this was the fruit the Preachers 
gathered of their just reprehensions. 

The General Assembly of the Church, held the twenty-fifth 
of December, the year of God 1562, approached, in the which, ^ great 
complaints were made, that churches lacked Ministers ; that 
Ministers lacked their stipends ; that wicked men were permitted 
to be Schoolmasters, and so to infect the youth ; amongst whom 

^ This marginal note (folio 341 recto) is not in the hand of the text and not in Knox's 
hand. The hand is that of a later commentator who also added the note on the preceding 
page"The preachers railed upon of the courtiers." The words" thenwas"refer, of course, 
to the period 1562-63. The comment " Let the world judge now, 1571 " refers to 
Lethington's adherence to the cause of the Queen and to his arrival in Edinburgh Castle 
in April of that year to join Kirkcaldy of Grange, who was then holding the Castle for 
Mary. * hatred ^ See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 25-30 


one, Master Robert Cumin, schoolmaster in Aberbrothok, ^ was 
complained upon by the Laird of Dun, ^ and sentence was pronounced 
against him. It was further complained, that idolatry was erected 
in divers parts of the Realm ; for redress whereof, some thought best 
that new supplication should be presented to the Queen's Grace. 
Others demanded, what answer was received of the former ? The 
Superintendent of Lothian ^ confessed the deliverance of it, " But," 
said he, " I received no answer." It was answered for the part of 
the Qjueen (for her supposts * were ever there), " That it was well 
known to the whole Realm what troubles had occurred since the last 
Assembly ; and therefore that they should not wonder albeit that 
the Queen had not answered : but betwix that and the Parliament 
which was appointed in May, they doubted not but that such order 
should be taken as all men should have occasion to stand content." 
This satisfied, for that time, the whole assembly : And this was the 
"^he practice of the Queen and of her Council, with fair words to drive 

Queen's . , ^ , . , 

practice time, as bciore we have said. 

The Assembly, notwithstanding, proceeded forward in establish- 
ing of such orders, as whereby vice might be punished, and virtue 
might be maintained. And because that there was a great slander 
risen upon Paul Methven, of whom mention is made in the Second 
Book of this History,^ commission and charge was given unto John 
Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and unto certain of the elders of the 
Kirk of Edinburgh, to pass to the town of Jedburgh, where the said 
slander was raised, and to be found there the third of January next, 
for the trial to be taken in the slander raised, and to hear the articles 
and complaint of the said Paul ; and after the trial to report the 
truth to the Session of the Church of Edinburgh ; to whom, with the 
assistance of the Superintendent of Lothian, commission was given 
to decern therein. The trial and examination of that crime was 
difficult. The slander was universal in that town and country. The 
servant woman of the said Paul had betwix terms- left his house ; she 
had borne a child ; no father to it could she find ; but alleged herself 
to have been oppressed late in one evening. The said Paul constantly 
affirmed himself innocent, and would have given his pubhc purga- 
tion ; but because that his accusators had taken upon them to prove 
their accusation, that was denied. Many witnesses were produced, 
of whom some deponed so clearly that the Commissioners suspected 

' Arbroath 

'' John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearns 

' John Spottiswoode * supporters ' Supra, i, 148 


that they had been suborned, and therefore they required to have 
inspection of the places, where some said they saw, and some said 
they heard them in the very act of iniquity. The sight and con- 
sideration of the places augmented greatly the suspicion. But one 
thing was most suspicious of all others ; for the wife of the said 
Paul, an ancient matron, was absent from him the space of eight or 
nine weeks in Dundee ; which time (or at least a great part thereof) 
they suspected, and he lay nightly in a house, without other company 
than a child of seven or eight years of age. 

The Judges, notwithstanding these suspicions, having a good 
opinion of the honesty and godhness of the man, travailed what they 
could (conscience not hurt) to purge him of the slander. But God, 
who would not that such villainy should be cloaked and concealed 
within his Church, otherwise had decreed ; for he brought the 
brother of the guilty woman to the town, having no mind of such 
matters, who, being produced by the accusators as one that was 
privy of the fact, and knew the verity with all circumstances : This 
witness (we say), which could not be suspected, being produced, Here the 
made the matter so plain and clear that all suspicion was removed ; Paul 
for he it was that convoyed the woman away ; he it was that caused ^^^^^^'^ 
the child to be baptised, alleging it to be his own : he it was that dearly 
carried frequent message betwix them, and from Paul carried money ^"^" 
and clothes divers times. How soon that ever the said Paul saw that 
man produced as witness, he withdrew himself, and left the town, by 
that means plainly taking upon him the crime ; and so the Com- 
missioners with full information returned to Edinburgh, and notified 
the fact unto the Church, who caused publicly summon the said 
Paul to hear the sentence pronounced ; who not compearing, in 
the end, for his odious crime and contumacy, was publicly ex- 
communicated, and deprived of all function within the Churches of 
Scotland ^ : and so left he the Realm. 

For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the order kept 
in punishment of the same. Former, to forewarn such as travail 
in that vocation that, according to the admonition of the Apostle, 
" Such as stand, take heed lest they fall." No man in the beginning 
of the Evangel was judged more fervent and more upright, and yet 
we have heard how far Sathan has prevailed against him. God 
grant that we may hear of his repentance. * Neither yet ought his 
fall anything to prejudge the authority of the doctrine which he 

' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 31 

* See ibid., 55-56, 79-81 ; and also Knox's continuator, infra, 187-188 


taught ; for the doctrine of God has authority of no creature, but 
has the assurance of God himself, how weak or imperfect that ever 
the instruments be by whom it pleases God to pubhsh the same.^ 
The treason of Judas, the adukery of David, and the abnegation of 
Peter, did derogate nothing to the glory of Christ's evangel, nor yet 
to the doctrine which before they had taught ; but declared the one 
to be a reprobate, and the other to be instruments in whom mercy 
must needs surmount judgment. The other cause is. That the world 
may see what difference there is betwix light and darkness, betwix 
the uprightness of the Church of God, and the corruption that 
ringes ^ in the synagogue of Sathan, the Papistical rabble ; for how 
many of that sort hath been, and still remain openly known whore- 
mongers, adulterers, violaters of virgins, yea, and committers of such 
abominations as we will not name ; and yet are they called and 
permitted to be Bishops, Archbishops, Cardinals, and Popes them- 
selves. For what sins can unable ^ the sworn servants of simony, 
and of his father the devil ? For brag what they list of Christ, of 
Peter, and of Paul, their lives and conversations bear witness whom 
to they belong. But we return to our History of things done in 

Amongst the monzeons * of the Court, there was one named 
Monsieur Chattelett,^ a Frenchman, that at that time passed all 
others in credit with the Queen. In dancing of the Purpose (so term 
they that dance, in the which man and woman talk secretly wise 
men would judge such fashions more like to the bordell ^ than to the 
comeliness of honest women),' in this dance the Queen chose Chatte- 

Chattelett lett, and Chattelett took the Queen. Chattelett had the best dress. 

'ojiten All this winter Chattelett was so familiar in the Queen's cabinet, 
ayre ^ and late that scarcely could any of the Nobility have access 
unto her. The Queen would lie upon Chattelett's shoulder, and 

' sometimes privily she would steal a kiss of his neck/ And all this was 

honest enough; for it was the gentle entreatment of a stranger. But 
the familiarity was so great that, upon a night, he privily did convoy 
himself under the Queen's bed ; but, being espied, he was com- 
manded away. But the bruit arising, the Queen called the Earl of 
Moray, and bursting forth in a womanly affection, charged him, 

1 Though this is a different attitude from that taken against the Roman clergy in 
Books I, II, and III. * reigns ' disqualify ^ minions 

' For a detailed analysis of the Chatelard incident see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of 
Scots, 312, note 5. See also Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, Ixxv, note. 

* brothel ' Cf. supra, 25, 44-45 * early 


" That as he loved her, he should slay Chattelett, and let him never The ^ 
speak word." The other, at the first, made promise so to do ; but desire 
after calhng to mind the judgments of God pronounced against the ^r^f"'"^ 
shedders of innocent blood, and also that none should die, without lett's 
the testimony of two or three witnesses, returned and fell upon his ^'^^ 
knees before the Queen, and said, " Madam, I beseech your Grace, 
cause not me take the blood of this man upon me. Your Grace has 
entreated him so familiarly before that ye have offended all your 
Nobility ; and now if he shall be secretly slain at your own com- 
mandment, what shall the world judge of it ? I shall bring him to the 
presence of Justice, and let him suffer by law according to his 
deserving." " Oh," said the Queen, " ye will never let him speak ? " 
" I shall do," said he, " Madam, what in me lieth to save your 
honour." * 

Poor Chattelett was brought back from Kinghorn to Saint 
Andrews, examined, put to an assize, and so beheaded, the twenty- 
two day of February, the year of God 1562.^ He begged Hcence to 
write to France the cause of his death, which, said he, in his tongue, 
was, " Pour estre trouve en lieu trop suspect " ; that is, " Because 
I was found in a place too much suspect." At the place of execution, 
when he saw that there was no remedy but death, he made a godly 
confession, and granted, that his declining from the truth of God, 
and following of vanity and impiety, was justly recompensed upon 
him. But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavens, with 
these words, " O cruel Dame," that is, " Cruel Mistress".^ What 
that complaint imported, lovers may divine. And so received 
Chattelett the reward of his dancing ; for he lacked his head, that 
his tongue should not utter the secrets of our Queen. " Deliver us, "^ 
O Lord, from the rage of such inordinate rulers." 

The year of God a thousand five hundred threescore three years, 
there was a universal dearth in Scotland. But in the northland, 

' The latter part of this conversation between Mary and the Earl of Moray, and 
particularly Mary's insistence that Chatelard should not be allowed to speak, is probably 
apocryphal. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 15 February 1563, says that Moray was 
sent for, and Mary " incontinent commanded " him " to put his dagger" in Chatelard ; 
which had been done " if God had not put into his mind " to reserve him to be justified 
according to law. So this day [15 February] the Lord Chancellor, the Justice-Clerk, and 
other Councillors are sent for over the water to meet the Queen at St. Andrews. {Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, i, No. 11 70) 

* That is, 22 February 1563 

' Despite the following sentence, Knox can here be using " mistress " only in the sense 
of a woman who is loved and courted by a man. According to Brantome, the words 
spoken by Chastelard were " Adieu, the most beautiful and the most cruel Princess of the 
world." (Laing's Knox, ii, 369, note) 

ment of 
God for 
ing and 
erecting of 
the Mass 


famine in 
the north 

Pasche or 


of the 
tants in 
the West 


where the harvest before the Queen had travelled, there was an 
extreme famine, in the which many died in that country. The dearth 
was great over all, but the famine was principally there. The boll ^ 
of wheat gave six pounds ; the boll of bear, ^ six marks ^ and a half ; 
the boll of meal, four marks ; the boll of oats, fifty shillings ; an 
ox to draw in the pleuch,^ xx marks ; a wether thirty shillings. 
And so all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple 
and more exceeded their accustomed prices.^ And so did God, 
according to the threatening of his law, punish the idolatry of our 
wicked Queen, and our ingratitude that suffered her to defile the 
land with that abomination again, that God so potently had purged 
by the power of his word. For the riotous feasting and excessive 
banqueting, used in Court and country, wheresoever that wicked 
woman repaired, provoked God to strike the staff of bread and to 
give his malediction upon the fruits of the earth. But, O alas, who 
looked, or yet looks to the very cause of all our calamities. 

Lethington was absent, as before we have heard,^ in the Queen's 
affairs. The Papists, at that Pasche, anno 1563,' in divers parts 
of the Realm, had erected up that idol, the Mass ; amongst whom 
the Bishop of Saint Andrews,^ the Prior of Whithorn,^ with divers 
others of their faction, would avow it. Besides the first proclamation, 
there had letters passed in the contrary, with certification of death 
to the contravener. 

The brethren universally offended, and espying that the Queen, 
by her proclamations, did but mock them, determined to put to 
their own hands, and to punish for example of others. And so some 
Priests in the westland were apprehended,^" intimation made unto 
others (as unto the Abbot of Crossraguel,^^ the Parson of Sanquhar, ^2 
and such), that they ^^ should neither complain to Queen nor Council, 
but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to 

' A measure for grain which, despite the Acts of 1426 {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 12a) varied 
in different parts of the country. ^ barleji (of an inferior quality) 

' A mark was not a coin ; it was the amount of thirteen shillings and fourpence (two- 
thirds of a pound). * plough 

' An Act of the Privy Council of 1 1 February 1563 refers to " the tempestuous storms 
of the winters past " whereby the animals were lost, suffocated, or died, so that the 
price of meat had risen " to such extreme dearth that the like has not been seen within 
this realm." [Register Privy Council of Scotland, i, 235) Supra, 63-64 

' Easter Sunday, 1 1 April * John Hamilton 

" Malcolm Fleming, second son of John, second Lord Fleming 

'" Randolph, writing to Cecil on i May 1563, says that at Easter five or six priests 
were apprehended in the West country for saying Mass and ministering to the people. 
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 6) " Quintin Kennedy 

1* Mr. Robert Crichton " That is, " the brethren " 


idolaters in his law, by such means as they might, wherever they 
should be apprehended. 

The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she could 
not amend it ; for the Spirit of God, of boldness and of wisdom had 
not then left the most part of such as God had used instruments in 
the beginning. They were of one mind to maintain the truth of God, 
and to suppress idolatry. Particularities had not divided them ; 
and therefore could not the devil, working in the Queen and Papists, 
do then what they would ; and, therefore, she began to invent a new 
craft. She sent for John Knox to come unto her, where she lay at John 
Lochleven.^ She travailed with him earnestly two hours before htr for by the 
supper, that he would be the instrument to persuade the people, and ^"^^" 
principally the gentlemen of the West, not to put hands to punish 
any man for the using of themselves in their religion as pleased them. 
The other, perceiving her craft, willed her Grace to punish male- 
factors according to the laws, and he durst promise quietness upon 
the part of all them that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland. 
But if her Majesty thought to delude the laws, he said, he feared 
that some would let the Papists understand that, without punishment, 
they should not be suffered so manifestly to offend God's Majesty. 

" Will ye," quod she, " allow that they shall take my sword in Reasoning 

, . , 1 T 55 betwix the 

their hand ? Queen 

" The Sword of Justice," quod he, " Madam, is God's, and is ^^J"^" 
given to princes and rulers for one end, which, if they transgress, 
sparing the wicked, and oppressing innocents, they that in the fear 
of God execute judgment where God has commanded, offend not 
God, although kings do it not ; neither yet sin they that bridle 
kings to strike innocent men in their rage. The examples are evident ; 
for Samuel feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate king of 
Amalek, whom king Saul had saved. Neither spared Elijah Jezebel's 
false prophets, and Baal's priests, albeit that king Ahab was present. 
Phinehas was no magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Cozbi 
and Zimri in the very act of filthy fornication. And so. Madam, 
your Grace may see that others than chief magistrates may lawfully 
punish, and have punished, the vice and crimes that God commands 
to be punished. And in this case I would earnestly pray your 
Majesty to take good advisement, and that your Grace should let the 
Papists understand that their attemptates will not be suffered un- 

' This interview probably took place in April 1563 (see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen 
of Scots, 523). According to Laing, Mary left Lochleven for Perth on 15 April. (Laing's 
Knox, ii, 371) 


punished. For power, by Act of Parliament, is given to all judges 
within their own bounds, to search [for] massmongers, or the hearers 
of the same, and to punish them according to the law. And therefore 
it shall be profitable to your Majesty to consider what is the thing 
your Grace's subjects look to receive of your Majesty, and what it 
is that ye ought to do unto them by mutual contract. They are 
bound to obey you, and that not but in God. Ye are bound to keep 
laws unto them. Ye crave of them service : they crave of you 
protection and defence against wicked doers. Now, Madam, if 
ye shall deny your duty unto them (which especially craves that ye 
punish malefactors) think ye to receive full obedience of them ? 
I fear, Madam, ye shall not." 

Herewith she, being somewhat offended, passed to her supper. 
The said John Knox left her, informed the Earl of Moray of the 
whole reasoning, and so departed of final purpose to have returned 
to Edinburgh, without any further communication with the Queen. 
But before the sun, upon the morn, were two directed (Watt Melville ' 
was the one) to him, commanding him not to depart while that he 
spake the Queen's Majesty ; which he did, and met her at the 
hawking be-west Kinross. Whether it was the night's sleep, or a deep 
dissimulation locked in her breast, that made her to forget her former 
anger, wise men may doubt ; but thereof she never moved word, but 
began divers other purposes : such as the offering of a ring to her by the 
Lord Ruthven,^ " Whom," said she, " I cannot love (for I know him 
to use enchantment), and yet is he made one of my Privy Council." 

" Who blames your Grace," said the other, " thereof? " 

" Lethington," said she, " was the whole cause." 

" That man is absent," said he, " for this present, Madam ; 
and therefore I will speak nothing in that behalf." 

" I understand," said the Queen, " that ye are appointed to go 
to Dumfries, for the election of a Superintendent to be established in 
those countries." / 

" Yes," said he, " those quarters have great need, and some of the 
gentlemen so require." 

" But I hear," said she, " that the Bishop of Athens ^ would be 

' Walter Melville, a younger son of Sir John Melville of Raith and brother of Sir 
James Melville of Hallhill. {Scots Peerage, vi, 93) 

" Patrick, third Lord Ruthven. For the giving of the ring to Mary a little ring with 
a pointed diamond in it, which had a " virtue " to keep the Queen from poisoning 
see Keith, History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland, Spottiswoode Soc, iii, 271. 

'^ Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, Bishop of Galloway 


" He is one," said the other, " Madam, that is put in election." ^ 

" If ye knew him," said she, " as well as I do, ye would never 
promote him to that office, nor yet to any other within your 
Kirk." 2 

" What he has been," said he, " Madam, I neither know nor 
yet will I enquire ; for, in time of darkness, what could we do but 
grope and go wrong even as darkness carried us ? But if he fear not 
God now, he deceives many more than me. And yet (said he), 
Madam, I am assured God will not suffer his Church to be so far 
deceived as that an unworthy man shall be elected, where free 
election is, and the Spirit of God is earnestly called upon to decide 
betwix the two." 

" Well," says she, "do as ye will, but that man is a dangerous The 

,, Queen's 

man. judgment 

And therein was not the Queen deceived : for he had corrupted ^}^^ . 

, . . ^ Bishop of 

most part of the gentlemen, not only to nominate him, but also to Athens 
elect him ; which perceived by the said John [Knox], Commissioner, 
[he] delayed the election and left [it] with the Master of Maxwell 
[and] Mr. Robert Pont (who was put in election with the foresaid 
Bishop), to the end that his doctrine and conversation might be the 
better tried of those that had not known him before. And so was the 
Bishop frustrated of his purpose for that present. And yet was he, 
at that time, the man that was most familiar with the said John, 
in his house, and at table. But now to the former conference. 

When the Queen had long talked with John Knox, and he being 
oft willing to take his leave, she said, " I have one of the greatest 
matters that have touched me since I came in this Realm to open 
unto you, and I must have your help into it." And she began to 
make a long discourse of her sister, the Lady Argyll,^ how that she 
was not so circumspect in all things as that she wished her to be. 
" And yet," said she, " my Lord, her husband, whom I love, entreats 
her not in many things so honestly and so godly as I think ye your- 
self would require." 

" Madam," said he, " I have been troubled with that matter 
before, and once I put such an end to it (and that was before your 

' See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 28 (29 December 1562) 

^ He was the son of a natural daughter of James IV, and was thus cousin to the Queen. 

^ Lady Jane Stewart, a natural daughter of James V, who had married Archibald, 
fifth Earl of Argyll " a wayward and unloving wife who had forsaken her husband's 
home for the court of Holyrood " (Robertson, Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, 
xxxviii and notes). For the history of her subsequent divorce from the Earl, see Riddell, 
Inquiry into the Law and Practice in Scottish Peerages, i, 547-552. 


Grace's arrival), that both she and her friends seemed fully to stand 
content. And she herself promised before her friends, that she should 
never complain to creature, till that I should first understand the 
controversy by her own mouth, or else [by an] assured messenger. 
I now have heard nothing of her part ; and therefore I think there 
is nothing but concord." 

" Well," said the Queen, " it is war ^ than ye believe. But do 
this mekle ^ for my sake, as once again to put them at unity ; and 
if she behave not herself so as she ought to do, she shall find no favours 
of me. But, in anywise (said she) let not my Lord know that I have 
requested you in this matter, for I would be very sorry to offend him 
in that or any other thing. And now (said she), as touching our 
reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as ye required ; I shall cause 
summon all offenders, and ye shall know that I shall minister 

" I am assured then," said he, " that ye shall please God, and 
enjoy rest and tranquillity within your Realm ; which to your 
Majesty is more profitable than all the Pope's power can be." And 
thus they departed. 

This conference we have inserted to let the world see how deeply 
Mary, Queen of Scotland, can dissemble ; and how that she 
could cause men to think that she bore no indignation for any 
controversy in religion, while that yet in her heart was nothing but 
venom and destruction, as short after did appear. 

John Knox departed, and prepared himself for his journey 
appointed to Dumfries ^ ; and from Glasgow, according to the 
Queen's commandment, he wrote this Letter to the Earl of Argyll, 
the tenor whereof follows : 

" The Lord cometh and shall not tarry ^ &c. 

" After commendation of my service unto your Lordship, if I 
had known of your Lordship's sudden departing, the last time it 
chanced me to see and speak you, I had opened unto you somewhat 
of my grief But supposing that your Lordship should have remained 
still with the Queen's Grace, I delayed at that time to utter any part 
of that which now my conscience compelleth me to do. Your 
behaviour toward your wife is very offensive unto many godly. Her 

* worse ^ much 

' As one of the commissioners for the election of the Superintendent of Galloway. 
{Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 28) 




complaint is grievous, that ye altogether withdraw the use of your 
body from her. If so be, ye have great need to look well to your 
own estate, for albeit that ye, within yourself, felt no more repug- 
nance than any flesh this day on earth, yet by promise made before 
God are ye debtor unto her, as reasonably ye shall be required of her. 
But if that ye burne ^ on the one side (albeit yc do no worse), and 
she in your default upon the other, ye are not only mensworn before 
God, but also doeth what in you lieth to kindle against yourself his 
wrath and heavy displeasure. These words are sharp, and God is 
witness that in dolour of heart I write them ; but because they are 
true, and pronounced by God himself, I dare not but admonish you, 
perceiving you, as it were, sleeping in sin. The proud stubbornness, 
whereof your Lordship hath oft complained, will not excuse you 
before God ; for if ye be not able to convict her of one crime, ye 
ought to bear with other imperfections, and that ye would that she 
should bear with you, in the like. In the bowels of Christ Jesus, 
I exhort you, my Lord, to have respect to your own salvation, and 
not to abuse the lenity and long suffering of God : for that is a fearful 
treasure ^ that ye heap upon your own head, while that He calleth 
you to repentance, and you obstinately continue in your own 
impiety ; for impiety it is, that ye abstract your comfort and com- 
pany from your lawful wife. I write nothing in defence of her 
misbehaviour towards your Lordship in any sort ; but I say, if ye 
be not able to convict her of adultery committed since your last 
reconciliation, which was in my presence, that ye can never be 
excused before God of this freammed ^ and strange intreatment of 
your wife. And if by you such impiety be committed as is bruited, 
then, before God, and unto your own conscience I say, that every 
moment of that filthy pleasure shall turn to you in a year's displeasure; 
yea, it shall be the occasion and cause of everlasting damnation, 
unless speedily ye repent : and repent ye cannot, except that ye 
desist from that impiety. Call to mind, my Lord, ' That the servant 
knowing the will of his Lord, and doing the contrary, shall be plagued 
with many plagues.' Sin, my Lord, is sweet in drinking, but in 
digesting more bitter than the gall. The Eternal move your heart 
earnestly to consider how fearful a thing it is ever to have God to be 
[an] enemy. 

"In the end, I most heartly pray your Lordship not to be absent 
from Edinburgh the nineteen of this instant for such causes as I will 

' deceive ; or play false " So in the manuscript. ? lege " measure " 

distant, foreign 
(653) VOL n 6 


not write. ^ This much only I forewarn your Lordship, that it will 

not be profitable for the common quietness of this Realm that the 

Papists brag and that justice be mocked that day. And thus I cease 

further to trouble your Lordship, whom God assist. In haste from 

Glasgow, the 7 of May 1563. Your Lordship's to command in 


{Sic subscribitur) 

"John Knox." 

This bill was not well accepted of the said Earl ; and yet did he 
utter no part of his displeasure in public, but contrarily showed 
himself most famihar with the said John. He kept the diet, and sat 
in judgment himself, where the Bishop and the rest of the Papists 
were accused, as after follows. 

The summonds were directed against the mass-mongers with 
expedition, and in the straitest form. The day was appointed the 
xix of May, a day only before the Parhament.^ Of the Pope's 
knights compeared ^ the Bishop of Saint Andrews,* the Prior of 
Whithorn,^ the Parson of Sanquhar,^ William Hamilton of Cambus- 
keith, John Gordon of Barskeoch, with others divers. The Protestants 
convened whole to crave for justice. The Queen asked counsel of 
the Bishop of Ross ' and of the old Laird of Lethington ^ (for the 
younger was absent, and so the Protestants had the fewer unfriends) 
who affirmed, " That she must see her laws kept, or else she would 
get no obedience." And so was preparation made for their accusa- 
tions. The Bishop, and his band of the exempted sort, made it nice * 
to enter before the Earl of Argyll who sat in judgment ^^ ; but at last 
he was compelled to enter within the bar. A merry man (who now 
Robert slccps in the Lord), Robert Norwell, instead of the Bishop's cross, 
^rwe//'j \^Q^Q before him a steel hammer ; whereat the Bishop and his band 
were not a little offended, because the Bishop's privileges were not 
then current in Scotland (which day God grant our posterity may 
see of longer continuance than we possessed it.) The Bishop and 
his fellows, after much ado and long drift of time, came in the 
Queen's will, and were committed to ward, some to one place, some 

* For the trial of the Papists, as in the immediately following paragraphs. 

^ A parliament had been summoned for 20 May 1563, but it did not meet until 
26 May. {Diurnal of Occurrents, 75, 76 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 9) 
' To compear is to appear before a court in response to a summons. 

* John Hamilton " Malcolm Fleming Mr. Robert Crichton 
' Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, and President of the Court of Session 

' Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington made some scruple 

" As hereditary Justice-General " deed 


to another.^ The Lady Erskine ^ (a sweet morsel for the Devil's 
mouth) got the Bishops for her part.^ All this was done of a most 
deep craft, to abuse the simphcity of the Protestants, that they should 
not press the Queen with any other thing concerning matters of 
religion at that Parliament, which began within two days thereafter.^ 
She obtained of the Protestants whatsoever she desired ; for this was 
the reason of many, " We see what the Queen has done ; the like 
of this was never heard of within the Realm : we will bear with the 
Queen ; we doubt not but all shall be well." Others were of a 7^* 
contrary judgment, and forespake things, as after they came to pass, ofsome 
to wit, that nothing was meant but deceit ; and that the Queen, 
how soon that ever Parliament was past, should set the Papists at 
freedom ^ : and therefore willed the nobility not [to] be abused. 
But because many had their private commodity to be handled at 
that Parliament, the common cause was the less regarded. 

The Earl of Huntly, whose corpse had lain unburied till that Huntly 
time, was brought to the Tolbooth : he was accused ; his arms rent 
off him ; the Earl of Sutherland, and eleven Barons and Lairds, 
bearing Gordon to surname, were that day forfalted.' The Lady 
Huntly craftily protested, and asked the support of a man of law. 
In that Parliament were restored the Laird of Grange in Fife, Master 
Henry Balnaves, John Leslie, and Alexander Whitelaw.^ 

Such stinking pride of women as was seen at that Parliament, The pride 
was never seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days the Queen at 7hat^" 
rode to the Tolbooth. The first day she made a painted orison ^ ; ^^''^i'^- 

' For details of the trial and of the subsequent wardings, see Pitcaim, Criminal Trials, 
i, *427-*430. For the general background, see Herkless and Hannay, Archbishops of 
St. Andrews, v, 152-57. 

^ Annabella Murray, daughter of Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, and wife of 
John, sixth Lord Erskine, later (1565) Earl of Mar and (1571) Regent of Scotland. 
Knox has already called her a " very Jezebel " {supra, i, 344 and note). 

' The Archbishop of St. Andrews was committed to ward in the Castle of Edinburgh, 
of which Lord Erskine was then keeper. * But see supra, 76, mte 2 

' See infra, 84 John, tenth Earl of Sutherland 

' forfeited. For fuller details, see Diurnal of Occurrents, 76 ; Records of Aboyne, New 
Spalding Club, 467-468. Mary herself was present at the grim ceremony {Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 9). 

' No record of the reduction of the forfeitures of Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange, 
Henry Balnaves of Halhill, John Leslie of Parkhill (younger son of William, third Earl 
of Rothes), and Alexander Whitelaw has been preserved in the official register. 

Lege " oration." In his Preface to the Registrum Honoris de Morton (Bannatyne Club, 
i, xxvi-xxvii), Cosmo Innes printed what appear to be the "heads" of Morton's reply 
to the Queen's speech. The " three sundry days " and the " stinking pride of women " 
of Knox's account are borne out by Randolph (see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 
490 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 9). Painted is used for artificial, that is insincere. 


Why re- 
ligion and 
the com- 
were both 

the Earl 
of Moray 
and John 


and there might have been heard among her flatterers, " Vox Diana ! 
The voice of a goddess (for it could not be Dei), and not of a woman ! 
God save that sweet face ! Was there ever orator spake so properly 
and so sweetly ! " 

All things misliking the Preachers, they spake boldly against the 
tarejatting of their taillies,^ and against the rest of their vanity, 
which they affirmed should provoke God's vengeance, not only 
against those foolish women, but against the whole Realm ; and 
especially against those that maintained them in that odious abusing 
of things that might have been better bestowed. Articles were 
presented for order to be taken for apparel, and for reformation 
of other enormities ; but all was scripped at.^ The Earldom of 
Moray needed confirmation, and many things were to be ratified 
that concerned the help of friends and servants ; and therefore they 
might not urge the Queen, for if they so did, she would hold no 
Parliament ; and what then should become of them that had 
melled ^ with the slaughter of the Earl of Huntly ? Let that ParUa- 
ment pass over, and when the Queen asked anything of the nobility, 
as she must do before her marriage, then should the Religion be the 
first thing that should be established.* It was answered, that the 
poets and painters erred not altogether, that feigned and painted 
Occasion with a bald hind-head : for the first, when it is offered, 
being lost, is hard to be recovered again. The matter fell so hot 
betwix the Earl of Moray and some others of the Court, and John 
Knox, that familiarly after that time they spake not together more 
than a year and half ^ ; for the said John, by his letter, gave a dis- 
charge to the said Earl of all further intromission or care with his 
affairs. He made unto him a discourse of their first acquaintance ; 
in what estate he was when that first they spake together in London * ; 
how God had promoted him, and that above man's judgment ; and 
in the end made this conclusion, " But seeing ihat I perceive myself 
frustrate of my expectation, which was, that ye should ever have 

* Decorating the ends of their dresses with tassels ^ mocked 
' meddled 

* Ahhough Knox here seems anxious that the reformed religion should be " estab- 
lished," almost immediately afterwards {infra, 81) he argues that it had been established. 
The root of the matter was that Mary consistently refused to ratify the Acts of the Refor- 
mation Parliament of 1560. 

' Knox's History, closing in June 1564, ends with a note that he was still at variance 
with the Earl of Moray {infra, 134 and notes 3 and 4). 

' It is difficult to say when this meeting took place. Possibly it was in July 1552, 
when the Lord James Stewart was on his way to France, or in December 1552 on his 
return. (But see M'Crie's Knox, 5th edition, ii, 85, note) 


preferred God to your own affection, and the advancement of his 
truth to your singular commodity, I commit you to your own wit, 
and to the conducting of those who better can please you, I praise 
my God, I this day leave you victor of your enemies, promoted to 
great honours, and in credit and authority with your Sovereign. 
If so ye long continue, none within the Realm shall be more glad 
than I shall be : but if that after this ye shall decay (as I fear that 
ye shall), then call to mind by what means God exalted you ; which 
was neither by bearing with impiety, neither yet by maintaining of 
pestilent Papists." 

This bill and discharge was so pleasing to the flatterers of the said >^", 
Earl, that they triumphed of it, and were glad to have got their discharge 
occasion ; for some envied that so great familiarity was betwix the ^^^j^f^f 
said Earl and John Knox. And therefore from the time that they Moray 
got once that occasion to separate them, they ceased not to cast 
oil in the burning flame, which ceased not to burn, till that God by 
water of affliction, began to slaken it, as we shall after hear. But 
lest that they ^ should altogether have been seen to have forsaken 
God (as in very deed both God and his Word was far from the hearts 
of the most part of the courtiers in that age, a few excepted '^) , they 
began a new shift, to wit, to speak ^ of the punishment of adultery, 
of witchcraft, and to seek the restitution of the glebes and manses * 
to the Ministers of the Kirk, and of the reparation of churches : 
and thereby they thought to have pleased the godly that were highly 
offended at their slackness. 

The Act of Obhvion passed, because some of the Lords had 
interest ^ ; but the acts against adultery, and for the manses and 
glebes, were so modified that no law and such law might stand in 
eodem predicamento : to speak plain, no law and such Acts were both 

' In the manuscript (folio 349 verso) there is a caret after " they " and the words 
" Lethingtoun and his companyons " have been added in the margin by a different 
hand and then scored through. 

- In the manuscript (foHo 349 verso) the words " of the courteouris in that aige a 
fewc excepted " have been added in the margin. 

' In the manuscript (folio 349 verso) the words " to speak " have been scored through, 
and the words " a newe schift, to wit, to speak " have been added in the margin. 

* In the manuscript (folio 349 verso) the words " of gleibis and manssis " have been 
scored through, and the words " and to seik the restitution of the gleibes and manses to 
the ministeris of the Kirk " have been added in the margin. 

' In accordance with the concessions of 1560 {supra, i, 327). For the Act of Oblivion 
sec Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 535-537. For the Acts against adultery and witchcraft see ibid., 
ii, 539. For Keith's and Spottiswoode's observations on the passing of the Act of Oblivion 
see Keith's History, ii, 200-201. 



alike. ^ The Acts are in print ^ : let wise men read, and then accuse 
us if without cause we complain. 

In the progress of this corruption, and before the Parliament 
John^ dissolved,^ John Knox, in his sermon before the most part of the 
Nobility began to enter in a deep discourse of God's mercies which 
that Realm had felt, and of that ingratitude which he espied almost 
in the whole multitude, which God had marvellously delivered from 
the bondage and tyranny both of body and soul. " And now, my 
Lords," said he, " I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that in 
your own presence I may pour forth the sorrows of my heart ; yea, 
yourselves shall be witness, if that I shall make any lie in things that 
are bypast. From the beginning of God's mighty working within 
this Realm, I have been with you in your most desperate tentations."* 
Ask your own consciences, and let them answer you before God, 
if that I (not I, but God's Spirit by me), in your greatest extremity 
willed you not ever to depend upon your God, and in his name 
promised unto you victory and preservation from your enemies, so 
that ^ ye would only depend upon his protection, and prefer his 
glory to your own lives and worldly commodity. In your most 
extreme dangers I have been with you : Saint Johnston, Cupar 
Muir, and the Craigs of Edinburgh are yet recent in my heart ; yea, 
that dark and dolorous night wherein all ye, my Lords, with shame 
and fear left this town, is yet in my mind ; and God forbid that ever 
I forget it. What was (I say) my exhortation unto you, and what is 
fallen in vain of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, 
ye yourselves yet live to testify. There is not one of you against whom 
was death and destruction threatened, perished in that danger. And 
how many of your enemies has God plagued before your eyes ! Shall 
this be the thankfulness that ye shall render unto your God, to betray 
his cause, when ye have it in your own hands to establish it as ye 
please ? The Qjueen, say ye, will not agree with us. Ask ye of her 
that which by God's word ye may justly require, and if she will not 
agree with you in God, ye are not bound to agree with her in the 
Devil. Let her plainly understand so far of your minds ; and steal 
not from your former stoutness in God, and he shall prosper you in 

^ But the Act against adultery (Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 539, c. 10) seems severe enough, 
and Randolph seems to have thought it severe enough to be " notable." (Calendar of 
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 13) 

* The Acts of this Parliament were printed by Robert Lekprevik, Edinburgh, 1565 ; 
and later, in the " Black Acts " of 1566. 

' Parliament opened on 26 May and closed on 6 June. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, 
Nos. 9, 13) * trials ' provided that Supra, i, 264-265 


your enterprises. But I can see nothing but such a recoiHng from 
Christ Jesus, as the man that first and most speedily flyeth from 
Christ's enseignzie,^ holdeth himself most happy. Yea, I hear that 
some say that we have nothing of our Religion established, neither T^e 
by Law or Parliament. Albeit that the malicious words of such can ujos the 
neither hurt the truth of God, nor yet us that thereupon depend, yet ^^"^'^^{ j 
the speaker for his treason against God committed, and against this 
poor Commonwealth, deserves the gallows. For our Religion being 
commanded, and so established by God, is accepted within this 
Realm in pubhc Parliament ^ ; and if they will say that was no 
Parhament, we must and will say, and also prove, that that Parlia- 
ment was as lawful as ever any that passed before it within this 
Realm. Yea, if the King then living * was King, and the Queen 
now in this Realm be lawful Qiaeen, that Parliament cannot be 

" And now, my Lords, to put end to all, I hear of the Queen's 
marriage : Dukes, brethren to Emperors, and Kings, strive all for 
the best game.^ But this, my Lords, will I say, (note the day, and 
bear witness after), whensoever the Nobility of Scotland professing JoA, 
the Lord Jesus,^ consents that an infidel (and all Papists are infidels) affirmation 
shall be head to your Sovereign, ye do so far as in ye lieth to banish 
Christ Jesus from this Realm ; ye bring God's vengeance upon the 
country, a plague upon yourself, and perchance ye shall do small 
comfort to your Sovereign." 

These words, and this manner of speaking were judged intolerable. 
Papists and Protestants were both offended ; yea, his most familiars 
disdained him for that speaking. Placeboes ' and flatterers posted 
to the Court to give advertisement that Knox had spoken against the 
Queen's marriage. The Provost of Lincluden,^ Douglas of Drum- 
lanrig,^ by surname, was the man that gave the charge that the said 
John should present himself before the Queen : which he did soon 

' ensign 

' Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, later (1565) Bishop of Brechin and President 
of the Court of Session. 

^ But see supra, 78 and note 4 

* Francis II, Mary's first husband. He died 5 December 1560. 
' See supra, 63, note 8, and infra, 98 

In the manuscript (folio 351 recto) the words " professing the Lord Jesus " are added 
in the margin in the hand of the text. ' " Yes-men " 

* In the manuscript (folio 351 recto) the words " persone " and " dundrannan " have 
been scored through, and the words " proveist " and " glyncluden " added in the margin. 

' Robert Douglas, Provost of the Collegiate Church of Lincluden, was a natural 
son of Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig. 


after dinner. ^ The Lord Ochiltree and divers of the faithful bore 
him company to the Abbey ; but none passed into the Queen 
with him in the cabinet but John Erskine of Dun, then Super- 
intendent of Angus and Mearns, 

The Queen, in a vehement fume, began to cry out that never 

Prince was handled as she was. " I have," said she, " borne with 

you in all your rigorous manner of speaking, both against myself and 

The ^ against my uncles ; yea, I have sought your favours by all possible 

fume means. I offered unto you presence and audience whensoever it 

against pleased you to admonish me ; and yet I cannot be quit of you. 

Knox I avow to God, I shall be once revenged." And with these words, 

scarcely could Marnock, her secret chamber-boy, ^ get napkins to 

hold her eyes dry for the tears ; and the howling, besides womanly 

weeping,^ stayed her speech. 

The said John did patiently abide all the first fume, and at 
Answer opportunity answered, " True it is. Madam, your Grace and I have 
been at divers controversies, into the which I never perceived your 
Grace to be offended at me. But when it shall please God to deliver 
you from that bondage of darkness and error in the which ye have 
been nourished, for the lack of true doctrine, your Majesty will find 
the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive. Without the preaching 
place. Madam, I think few have occasion to be offended at me ; 
and there. Madam, I am not master of myself, but must obey Him 
who commands me to speak plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the 
face of the earth." * 

" But what have ye to do," said she, " with my marriage ? " 
" If it please your Majesty," said he, " patiently to hear me, I 
shall show the truth in plain words. I grant your Grace offered unto 
me more than ever I required ; but my answer was then, as it is 
now, that God hath not sent me to await upon the courts of Princesses, 
nor upon the chambers of Ladies ; but I ara sent to preach the 
Evangel of Jesus Christ to such as please to hear it ; and it hath two 
parts, Repentance and Faith. And now. Madam, in preaching 
repentance, of necessity it is that the sins of men be so noted that 

^ Since Knox's sermon was preached " before the ParHament dissolved," this interview 
with Mary apparently took place between 26 May and 6 June 1563. (See supra, 80, 
note 3) 

^ Apparently the same as Merna, Mernan, Marnac who, in the Inventaires de la Rqyne 
Descosse (11, 82) receives gifts of pearls. ' See infra, 94, 98 

* In 1565 Knox wrote, " For in the publike place I consulte not with flesh and bloud 
what I shall propone to the people, but as the Spirit of my God who hath sent me, and 
unto whome I must answere, moveth me, so I speake." (Laing's Knox, vi, 230) 


they may know wherein they offend ; but so it is that the most part 
of your Nobihty are so addicted to your affections, that neither God's 
word, nor yet their Commonweahh, are rightly regarded. And 
therefore it becomes me so to speak, that they may know their 

" What have ye to do," said she, " with my marriage ? Or 
what are ye within this Commonwealth ? " 

" A subject born within the same," said he, " Madam. And 
albeit I neither be Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, yet has God made 
me (how abject that ever I be in your eyes), a profitable member 
within the same ^ : Yea, Madam, to me it appertains no less to fore- 
warn of such things as may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it does to 
any of the Nobihty ; for both my vocation and conscience crave 
plainness of me. And therefore. Madam, to yourself I say that which 
I speak in public place : Whensoever that the Nobility of this Realm 
shall consent that ye be subject to an unfaithful husband, ^ they do as Lef^ . 
much as in them lieth to renounce Christ, to banish his truth from judge this 
them, to betray the freedom of this Realm, and perchance shall in '^^y- , 
the end do small comfort to yourself." 

At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have been 
seen in greater abundance than the matter required. John Erskine 
of Dun, a man of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside and entreated 
what he could to mitigate her anger, and gave unto her many pleasing 
words of her beauty, of her excellence, and how that all the Princes 
of Europe would be glad to seek her favours.* But all that was to 
cast oil in the flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any 
alteration of countenance for a long season, while that the Queen 
gave place to her inordinate passion ; and in the end he said, 
" Madam, in God's presence I speak : I never delighted in the 
weeping of any of God's creatures ; yea, I can scarcely well abide 
the tears of my own boys whom my own hand corrects, ^ much less 
can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping. But seeing that I have 
offered unto you no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken 

^ " Modern democracy was born in that answer." [Glasgow Quatercentenary Studies 
of George Buchanan, 29) ^ That is, a husband not of the reformed faith 

^ This marginal note (foHo 352 recto) is in the hand of the text. 

* See infra, 98 

' One of the rare references by Knox, in all his works, to his own household. Nathaniel, 
Knox's elder son, was born at Geneva in May 1557, and Eleazer, the second son, was 
born at Geneva in (probably November) 1558. Both were children by his first wife, 
Marjory Bowes. Both were educated at the University of Cambridge. Nathaniel died 
young in 1580; Eleazer, who was collated to the Vicarage of Clacton Magna, in the 
Archdeaconry of Colchester, in 1587, died in 1591. (See Laing's Knox, vi, Ixiii-lxv) 


the truth, as my vocation craves of me, I must sustain (albeit un- 
willingly) your Majesty's tears rather than I dare hurt my conscience, 
or betray my Commonwealth through my silence." 

Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the 

said John to pass forth of the cabinet, and to abide further of her 

pleasure in the chamber. The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John 

of Coldingham came into the cabinet, and so they both remained 

with her near the space of an hour. The said John stood in the 

chamber, as one whom men had never seen (so were all afraid), 

except that the Lord Ochiltree bore him company : and therefore 

began he to forge talking of the ladies who were there sitting in all 

John their gorgeous apparel ; which espied, he merrily said, " O fair 

talk Ladies, how pleasing were this life of yours if it should ever abide, 

amongst ^j^^^ ^]^gj^ jj^ ^-j^g ^^^ ^Y^^it we might pass to heaven with all this gay 

Qtieen's gear. But fie upon that knave Death, that will come whether we 

ladies ^-jj ^^ ^^^ j ^^^ when he has laid on his arrest, the foul worms 

will be busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender ; and 

the silly ^ soul, I fear, shall be so feeble, that it can neither carry with 

it gold, garnishing, targetting,^ pearl, nor precious stones." And by 

such means procured he the company of women ; and so passed 

the time till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart to his house 

while new advertisement.^ The Queen would have had the cense- 

ment * of the Lords of [the] Articles, if that such manner of speaking 

deserved not punishment ; but she was counselled to desist : and 

so that storm quieted in appearance, but never in the heart. 

Short after the Parliament, Lethington returned from his nego- 
tiation in England and France.^ God, in the February before, had 
stricken that bloody tyrant the Duke of Guise,*' which somewhat 
broke the fard ' of our Queen for a season. But short after the 
returning of Lethington pride and malice began to show themselves 
The again. She set at liberty the Bishop of Saint Andrews, and the rest 
of St of the Papists that before were put in prison for violating of the laws.^ 
Andrews Lcthingtou, at his returning, showed himself not a little offended 
liberty that any bruit should have risen of the Queen's marriage with the 
King of Spain ; for he took upon him that such thing never entered 
in her heart : but how true that was we shall after hear. The end 
of all his acquittance and complaint was to discredit John Knox, 

* weak * tasselling ^ until new notification was made to him 

* judgment 

' Lethington reached Edinburgh on Ci4 June 1 563. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 1 7) 
' Francis, second Duke of Guise, was shot by Jean Poltrot de Mdr6 on 18 February 
1563. ' ardour ; violence ' Supra, 76-77 


who had afFirmed that such a marriage was both proposed and, 
upon the part of our Queen, by the Cardinal ^ accepted.^ Lethington 
in his absence, had run into a very evil bruit among the nobility 
for too much serving the Queen's affections against the Common- 
wealth ; and therefore had he, as one that lacketh no worldly 
wisdom, made provision both in England and in Scotland. For in 
England he travailed for the freedom of the Earl Bothwell, and by Lething- 
that means obtained promise of his favour. He had there also taken practices 
order for the home-coming of the Earl of Lennox, as we shall after 
hear. In Scotland he joined with the Earl of AthoU ^ : him he 
promoted, and set forward in Court ; and so began the Earl of 
Moray to be defaced.* And yet to the said Earl, Lethington at all 
times showed a fair countenance. 

The rest of that summer the Queen spent in her progress through 
the West country, where in all towns and gentlemen's places she had 
her Mass. Which, coming to the ears of John Knox, he began that 
form of prayer which ordinarily he sayeth after thanksgiving at his 
table : " i. Dehver us, O Lord, from the bondage of idolatry. 
2. Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers. 3. Continue 
us in quietness and concord amongst ourselves, if thy good pleasure 
be, O Lord, for a season," &c. While that divers of the familiars of 
the said John asked of him why he prayed for quietness to continue 
for a season, and not rather absolutely that we should continue in 
quietness, his answer was, " That he durst not pray but in faith ; John^ 
and faith in God's word assured him that constant quietness could answer 
not continue in that Realm where idolatry had been suppressed '}^'"'^^ 

^ ^ his prayei 

and then was permitted to be erected again." ^ 

From the West country, the Queen passed in Argyll to the hunt- 
ing,^ and after returned to Stirling. The Earl of Moray, the Lord 
Robert of Holyroodhouse, and Lord John of Coldingham passed 
to the Northland. Justice Courts were held ; thieves and murderers 
were punished ; two witches were burned : the eldest was so blinded 

' Charles de Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine 

* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 84-92 and supporting notes. 

* John, fourth Earl of Atholl * defamed ; literally, to lose face 

' In a letter to Cecil, of 6 October 1563, Knox laments that " the conveying of the 
Mass through those quarters which longest have been best reformed hath so dejected the 
hearts of many that men appear not to have that courage they had before." (Laing's 
Knox, vi, 528-529 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 34) 

' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 13 June 1563, refers to the " Hyeland apparell " 
prepared for the visit to Argyll, and his own attempt to be " in outer shape " as " like 
unto the rest." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 1 3) For Mary's hunting, see Robertson's 
Inventaires de la Rqyne Descosse, Preface, Ixx, note. 


with the Devil that she affirmed, " That no Judge had power over 


That same time Lord John of Coldingham departed this hfe in 

Inverness.^ It was affirmed that he commanded such as were beside 
The last him to say unto the Queen, " That unless she left her idolatry that 
tiono/LordGod would not fail to plague her. He asked God mercy that he had 
John to the jq f^p borne with her in her impiety, and had maintained her in the 

Queen ^ ... 

same ^ : And that no one thing did him more regret than that he 
had flattered, fostered, and maintained her in her wickedness against 
God and his servants." And in very deed great cause had he to have 
lamented his wickedness ; for, besides all his other infirmities, in the 
end, he, for the Queen's pleasure, became enemy to virtue and all 
virtuous men, and a patron to impiety to the uttermost of his power : 
yea, his venom was so kindled against God and his word, that in his 
rage he bursted forth these words : " Or * I see the Queen's Majesty 
so troubled with the railing of these knaves, I shall have the best of 
them sticked in the pulpit." What further villainy came forth of 
both their stinking throats and mouths,^ modesty will not suiTer 
us to write ; whereof, if he had grace to unfeignedly repent, it is no 
small document to God's mercies. But howsoever God wrought 
with him, the Queen regarded his words as wind or else thought 
them to have been forged by others, and not to have proceeded from 
himself; and affirmed plainly that they were devised by the Laird 
of Pittarrow and Mr. John Wood, whom she both hated, because 
they flattered her not in her dancing and other doings. One thing 
in plain words she spake " That God took always from her those 
persons in whom she had greatest pleasure," and that she repented ; 
but of further wickedness no mention. 

' The exact date of his death is unknown ; it occurred probably in October or 
November 1563. 

^ In the manuscript (folio 353 verso) the words " quhairof more is spoken after " follow 
here and have been scored through. 

' In the manuscript (folio 355 recto) the following words " When suche thingis war 
schauin unto the quene, Thei war but mocked at sche affirrayng that thei war devisit 
by maister Johne Wode and by the Lard of pettarrow, as we sal! after more planelie 
heare " are scored through, and a marginal direction, in Knox's own hand, runs " tak 
in this that Is sewed in this place quhar it is scraped out," with the catchwords, " And 
that no one thing, etc." There is attached a separate slip of paper (folio 354), which 
contains, again in Knox's hand, the rest of this paragraph running from " And that no 
one thing " down to " Whill the Quene lay at Streveling with hir Idolatrie in hir 
chapell " these last words forming catchwords for the beginning of the paragraph 
of the main text (folio 355 recto). See supra, i, civ. * ere 

' The " both " seems to refer to the Queen and to her half-brother, the dead Lord John 
Stewart of Coldingham. 


While the Queen lay at StirHng, with her idolatry in her chapel, 
in the Palace of Holyroodhouse were left certain dontybours,^ and 
others of the French menzie,^ who raised up their Mass more pubhcly 
than they had done at any time before. For upon those same 
Sundays that the Church of Edinburgh had the ministration of the 
Lord's Table, the Papists in great number resorted to the Abbey, 
to their abomination. Which understood, divers of the brethren, 
being sore offended, consulted how to redress that enormity ; and 
so were appointed certain of the most zealous and most upright in 
the rehgion to await upon the Abbey, that they might note such 
persons as resorted to the Mass. And perceiving a great number to 
enter into the chapel, some of the brethren burst also in ; whereat 
the Priest and the French dames being afraid, made the shout to be 
sent to the town ; and Madame Rayhe,^ mistress to the Queen's 
dontibours * (for maids that Court could not then bear), posted on 
with all diligence to the Comptroller, the Laird of Pittarrow,^ who 
then was in Saint Giles Kirk at the sermon, and cried for his assistance 
to save her Ufe, and to save the Queen's Palace. Who, with greater 
haste than need required, obeyed her desire, and took with him the 
Provost, the Baihes, and a great part of the faithful. But when they 
came where the fear was bruited to have been, they found all things 
quiet, except the tumult they brought with themselves, and peaceable 
men looking to the Papists and forbidding them to transgress the 
laws. True it is, a zealous brother, named Patrick Cranstoun, 
passed into the chapel, and finding the altar covered, and the Priest 
ready to go to that abomination, said, " The Queen's Majesty is not 
here : how dare thou then be so malapert, as openly to do against 
the law ? " No further was done nor said, and yet the bruit hereof 
was posted to the Queen, with such information as the Papists could 
give : which found such credit as their hearts could have wished 
for. It was so heinous a crime in her eyes, that satisfaction for that 
sin was there none without blood. And therefore, without delay 
were summoned Andrew Armstrong and Patrick Cranstoun, to find 
surety to underhe the law, for forethought felony, hamesucken, 
violent invasion of the Queen's Palace, and for spohation of the same.^ 

These letters divulged, and the extremity feared, [the] Brethi^en 

' See the note supra, 9, noU i ^ retinue or following 

' The wife of Monsieur Raulet, or Roulet, Mary's private secretary. (See Calendar of 
Scottish Papers, ii, Index, s.v. Raulet) 

* Here the word seems to be used in the sense of courtesans. 

* Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow 

* See Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, i, *434-*435. Hamesucken is forcible entry and assault. 
(See Skene's De Verborum Significatione, s.v. Haimsuken) 



(the few that were within the town) consulted upon the next remedy ; 
and in the end concluded that John Knox (to whom the charge was 
given to make advertisements whensoever danger should appear) ^ 
should write to the Brethren in all quarters, giving information as 
the matter stood, and requiring their assistance : which he did in 
tenor ^ as here follows : 

The Superscription 
" Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in my name, there 
scription ^^ ^ ^^ ^he midst of them 

" It is not unknown unto you, dear Brethren, what comfort and 
tranquillity God gave unto us, in times most dangerous, by our 
Christian assemblies and godly conferences, as oft as any danger 
appeared to any member or members of our body ; and how that 
since we have neglected, or at the least not frequented, our conven- 
tions and assemblies, the adversaries of Christ Jesus his holy Evangel 
have enterprised, and boldened themselves publicly and secretly, 
to do many things odious in God's presence, and most hurtful to the 
liberty of true religion, now of God's great favour granted unto us. 
The holy Sacraments are abused by profane Papists. Masses have 
^^- been (and yet are) openly said and maintained. The blood of some 

Pont of our dearest ministers has been shed, without fear of punishment 
stTKken Qj, correction craved by us. And now last, are two of our dear 

tn the . ' ' 

head with bretliren, Patrick Cranstoun and Andrew Armstrong, summoned to 
tyCaptain Underlie the law, in the town of Edinburgh, the 24th of this instant 
Lauder * Octobcr, ' For forethought felony, pretended murder, and for 
invading the Queen's Majesty's Palace of Holyroodhouse, with 
unlawful convocation, &c.' This terrible summons is directed 
against our Brethren because that they, with two or three more, 
passed to the Abbey upon Sunday, the 15th of August, to behold and 
note what persons repaired to the Mass ; and that because that the 
Sunday before (the Queen's Grace being absent), there resorted 
to that idol a rascal multitude, having openly the least ^ devilish 
ceremony (yea even the conjuring of their accursed water) that ever 

' For this charge to Knox see Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 38-39, and infra, loi. 

* In the manuscript (foHo 356 recto) this phrase originally ran " in tennour as after 
we shall heare," and thereafter, for thirteen further lines, the scribe continues, " The 
brethren advertissed etc," as irfra, 90. The whole of these thirteen lines have been scored 
through ; the words " after we shall heare " have been scored through ; the words " heir 
followes " have been added in the text hand ; and Knox's letter begins on folio 356 verso. 

^ knife or a short sword ; really a hanger 

* In July 1565 Randolph refers to him as " Robert Lauder, of the Guard, that struck 
the minister." [Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 214) ' ? lege " most " 


they had in the time of greatest bhndness. Because (I say), our said 
Brethren passed, and that in most quiet manner, to note such 
abusers, these fearful summons are directed against them, to make 
(no doubt) preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to 
execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. And if so it come to pass, 
God, no doubt, has justly recompensed our former negligence and 
ingratitude towards him and his benefits received in our own bosoms. 
God gave to us a most notable victory of his and our enemies : he 
broke their strength, confounded their counsels : he set us at freedom, 
and purged this Realm (for the most part) of open idolatry ; to the 
end that we, ever mindful of so wondrous a deliverance, should have 
kept this Realm clean from such vile filthiness and damnable 
idolatry. But we, alas ! preferring the pleasure of flesh to the 
pleasure and commandment of our God, have suffered that idol, 
the Mass, to be erected again, and therefore justly suffers he us now 
to fall in that danger that to look to an idolator, going to his idolatry, 
shall be reputed a crime little inferior to treason. God grant that we 
fall not further. And now I, whom God has of his mercy made one 
amongst many to travail in setting forward of his true religion within 
this Realm, seeing the same in danger of ruin, cannot but of conscience 
crave of you, my Brethren, of all estates, that have professed the 
truth, your presence, comfort, and assistance, at the said day, in the 
Town of Edinburgh, even as that ye tender the advancement of 
God's glory, the safety of your brethren, and your own assurance, 
together with the preservation of the Kirk in these appearing dangers. 
It may be, perchance, that persuasions be made in the contrary, 
and that ye may be informed that either your assembly is not 
necessary, or else that it will offend the upper powers. But my good 
hope is that neither flattery nor fear shall make you so far to decline 
from Christ Jesus as that, against your pubhc promise and solemn 
band, ye will leave your brethren in so just a cause. And albeit there 
were no great danger, yet cannot our assembly be unprofitable ; 
for many things require consultation, which cannot be had unless 
the wisest and godliest convene. And thus, doubting nothing of the 
assistance of our God, if that we uniformly ^ seek his glory, I cease 
further to trouble you, committing you heartly to the protection of 
the Eternal. .. j^^^ j^^^^ 

" From Edinburgh, the 8th 2 of October 1563." 

' In the manuscript (folio 358 recto) unfaynedlie scored through and uniformlie added 
in the margin in the hand of the text. 

* The copy endorsed by Randolph is dated 9 October 1563. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
vi, No. 1279) 


The Brethren, advertised ^ by this bill, prepared themselves, 

so many as were thought expedient for every town and province, to 

keep the day appointed. But by the means of false brethren, the 

The letter came to the hands of the Queen, and the manner was this : 

of^Fail, It was read in the town of Ayr, where was present Robert Cunning- 

^"/ ^ ham, minister of Failford,^ who then was held an earnest professor 

Ross of the Evangel ; who (by what means we know not) got the said 

letter, and sent it with his token to Master Henry Sinclair, then 

President of the Seat and College of Justice, and styled Bishop of 

Ross, a perfect hypocrite, and a conjured enemy to Christ Jesus, 

whom God after struck according to his deservings.^ The said Mr. 

Henry being enemy to all that unfeignedly professed the Lord Jesus, 

but chiefly to John Knox, for the liberty of his tongue for he had 

affirmed, as ever still he doth affirm, that a Bishop that receives 

profit, and feeds not the flock, even by his own labours, is both a 

thief and a murderer the said Mr. Henry, we say, thinking himself 

happy that had found so good occasion to trouble him, whose Ufe 

he hated, posted the said letter with his counsel to the Queen, who 

then lay in Stirling. 

The letter being read, it was concluded by the Council of the 
Cabinet, that is, by the most Secret Council, that it imported 
treason : whereof the Queen was not a little rejoiced, for she thought 
once to be revenged of that her great enemy. It was concluded 
that the Nobility should be written for, that the condemnation 
should have the greater authority. The day was appointed about 
the midst of December ; which was kept of the whole Council, and 
of divers others, such as the Master of Maxwell, ^ the old Laird of 
Lethington,^ and the said President.^ 

In the meantime the Earl of Moray returned from the North, 
The to whom the Secretary Lethington opened the matter as best pleased 
"Maxwells him. The Master of Maxwell gave unto the said John, as it had been, 
discharge ^ discharge of the familiarity which before was great betwix them, 

to John , T 1 ij r 1 r^ 1 -1 

Knox unless that he would satisfy the Queen at her own sight. 

' In the manuscript (folio 358 recto) admonished scored through and advertissed written 
immediately following. 

* Failford, or Fail, was a House of the Trinitarians, or Red Friars, and the head of the 
House was styled Minister (see siipra, 55, ?iote 5). Robert Cunningham, Minister of 
Failford, was a younger son of William, third Earl of Glencairn. 

^ He died in Paris, after an operation for stone, in January 1565. {Diurnal of Occurrents, 

77 79) 

* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later, John, Lord Herries. 

Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, father of William Maitland of Lethington, the 
Secretary. ' Henry Sinclair 


^ The answer [of John Knox] was, " He knew no offence done ^^"^'^""g 
by him to the Queen's Majesty, and therefore he wist not what Master^ 
satisfaction to make." and John 

" No offence ! " said the other. " Have ye not written letters Knox 
desiring the Brethren from all parts to convene to Andrew Armstrong 
and Patrick Cranstoun's day? " 

" That I grant," said the other ; " but therein I acknowledge no 
offence done by me." 

" No offence," said he, " to convocate the Queen's heges ? " 

" Not for so just a cause," said the other ; " for greater things 
were reputed no offence within these two years." 

" The time," said he, " is now other ; for then our Sovereign was 
absent, and now she is present." 

" It is neither the absence nor the presence of the Queen," said 
he, " that rules my conscience, but God speaking plainly in his 
word ; what was lawful to me last year, is yet lawful, because my 
God is unchangeable." 

" Well," said the Master, " I have given you my counsel, do as 
ye list ; but I think ye shall repent it, if ye bow not unto the Queen." 

" I understand not," said he, " Master, what ye mean. I never 
made myself an adversary party unto the Queen's Majesty, except 
in to the head of religion, and therein I think ye will not desire me to 

" Well," said he, " ye are wise enough ; but ye will find that 
men will not bear with you in times to come, as they have done in 
times bypast." 

" If God stand my friend," said the other, " as I am assured he 
of his mercy will, so long as I depend upon his promise, and prefer 
his glory to my life and worldly profit, I little regard how men behave 
themselves towards me ; neither yet know I wherein any man has 
borne with me in times past, unless it be that of my mouth they 
have heard the word of God, which in times to come, if they refuse, 
my heart will be pierced, and for a season will lament ; but the 
incommodity will be their own." 

' That part of the manuscript which, from internal evidence, appears to have been 
transcribed in 1566, terminates at the beginning of this paragraph (foUo 359 recto). The 
remainder of the manuscript, extending to twenty-nine fohos, cannot have been tran- 
scribed earlier than December 1571 (though still in Knox's lifetime). This concluding 
portion is " hastily written, more like a scroll copy from dictation, than an accurate 
transcript." (See Laing's Knox, ii, 399, note 2). Many of the words are omitted or 
inaccurately written, and various minute corrections have been adopted from Laing's 
collation with the manuscript in the University Library, Glasgow. See the Bibliographical 

Note, supra, i, cv-cvi, cix. 

(653) VOL. II 7 


And after these words, whereinto the Laird of Lochinvar ^ was 
witness, they departed. But unto this day, the 17 of December 
1571,^ they met not in such famiharity as they had before. 

The bruit of the accusation of John Knox being divulged, Mr. 
John Spens of Condie, Advocate,^ a man of gentle nature and one 
that professed the doctrine of the Evangel, came, as it were in secret, 
to John Knox, to inquire the cause of that great bruit. To whom the 
said John was plain in all things, and showed unto him the double 
of the letter. Which heard and considered, he said, " I thank my 
God. I came to you with a fearful and sorrowful heart, fearing that 
ye had done such a crime as laws might have punished, which 
would have been no small trouble to the hearts of all such as have 
received the word of life which ye have preached ; but I depart 
greatly rejoiced, as well because I perceive your own comfort, even 
in the midst of your troubles, as that I clearly understand that ye 
have committed no such crime as ye are burdened with : Ye will be 
accused (said he), but God will assist you." And so he departed. 
Before The Earl of Moray and the Secretary sent for the said John to 

dained not the Clerk of Register's house, and began to lament that he had so 
to come to highly offended the Queen's Majesty, the which they feared should 

his own & ^ . ^ . , . ir .p , 

house come to a great inconvenience to himseli, 11 he were not wisely 
foreseen. They showed what pains and travail they had taken to 
The mitigate her anger, but they could find nothing but extremity, unless 
counsel to he himself would confess his offence, and put him in her Grace's will. 
John 'Pq which heads the said John answered as follows : 

" I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, I have learned not to 
|?^", cry conjuration and treason at every thing that the godless multitude 
answer does Condemn, neither yet to fear the things that they fear. I have 
the testimony of a good conscience that I have given no occasion 
to the Queen's Majesty to be offended with me ; for I have done 
nothing but my duty, and so, whatsoever shall thereof ensue, my 
good hope is that my God will give me patience to bear it. But to 
confess an offence where my conscience witnesseth there is none, far 
be it from me." 

" How can it be defended ? " said Lethington : " Have ye not 
made convocation of the Queen's lieges ? " 

" If I have not," said he, " a just defence for my fault, let me 
smart for it." 

' Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar 

* This date, which forms part of the text, proves that this concluding part of the History 
must have been written at that time. 

' Mr. John Spens of Condie was Queen's Advocate. 


" Let us hear," said they, " your defences ; for we would be glad 
that ye might be found innocent." 

" Nay," said the other, " for I am informed, and that by divers, 
and even by you, my Lord Secretary, that I am already condemned, 
and my cause prejudged : Therefore I might be reputed a fool, 
if I would make you privy to my defences." 

At those words they seemed both offended ; and so the Secretary This was 
departed. But the said Earl remained still, and would have entered time that 
in further discourse of the estate of the Court with the said John, ^j^^^''^-^ 
who answered, " My Lord, I understand more than I would of the spake to 
affairs of the Court ; and therefore it is not needful that your Lord- ^jl^n after 
ship trouble you with the recounting thereof. If ye stand in good the Par- 
case, I am content ; and if ye do not, as I fear you do not already, 
or else ye shall not do ere it be long, blame not me. Ye have the 
Councillors whom ye have chosen ; my weak judgment both ye and 
they despised : I can do nothing but behold the end, which, I pray 
God, be other than my troubled heart feareth," 

Within four days, the said John was called before the Queen JohnKnox 
and Council betwix six and seven hours at night ^ : the season of before the 
the year was the midst of December. The bruit rising in the town, ^"^,^^"-f'-,^ 
that John Knox was sent for by the Queen, the brethren of the Kirk anno 1563 
followed in such number that the inner close was full, and all the 
stairs, even to the chamber door where the Queen and Council sat ; 
who had been reasoning amongst themselves before, but had not 
fully satisfied the Secretary's mind. And so was the Queen retired 
to her cabinet, and the Lords were talking each one with other, as 
occasion served. But upon the entry of John Knox, they were 
commanded to take their places, and so they did, sitting as Coun- 
cillors one against another. 

The Duke,^ according to his dignity, began the one side. Upon 
the other side sat the Eari of Argyll, and consequently followed the 
Earl of Moray, the Earl of Glencairn, the Earl Marischal, the 
Lord Ruthven, the common officers, Pittarrow then Comptroller, 
the Justice- Clerk, Mr. John Spens of Condie, Advocate ; and divers 

' See supra, 78-79 

^ Randolph, in a letter to Cecil of 21 December 1563, states that the Lords had 
assembled for three causes of which the last was " that the Quene fyndethe her greeved 
with a letter that Mr. Knox wrote unto hys brethrene the prechers, to assyst two honest 
men of the congregation, whome the Quene wolde have had punished, for troblinge a 
prest that, her Grace beinge in Argile, saide masse unto the reste of her howseholde 
remayninge in the Abbaye of Hollie-roode howse." (Laing's Knox, vi, 527 ; Calendar of 
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 42) There is no record in the Register of the Privy Council of 
Scotland. ' Chatelherault 


Others stood by. Removed from the table sat old Lethington, father 
to the Secretary, Mr. Henry Sinclair, then Bishop of Ross, and Mr. 
James M'Gill, Clerk Register. 

Things thus put in order, the Queen came forth, and with no 
little worldly pomp was placed in the chair, having two faithful 
supports, the Master of Maxwell upon the one tor,^ and Secretary 
Lethington on the other tor of the chair ; whereupon they waited 
diligently all [the] time of that accusation, sometimes the one 
occupying her ear, sometimes the other. Her pomp lacked one 
principal point, to wit, womanly gravity. For when she saw John 
Knox standing at the other end of the table bare-headed, she first 
smiled, and after gave a gawf [of] laughter, ^ whereat when her place- 
boes ^ gave their plaudite, affirming with like countenance, " This is a 
good beginning," she said, " But wat ye * whereat I laugh ? Yon man 
gart me ^ greit, and grat never tear himself : I will see if I can 
gar him greit." At that word the Secretary whispered her in the 
ear, and she him again, and with that gave him a letter. After the 
inspection thereof, he directed his visage and speech to John Knox 
in this manner : 

" The Queen's Majesty is informed that ye have travailed to 
raise a tumult of her subjects against her, and for certification 
thereof, there is presented to her your own letter subscribed in your 
name.'' Yet because her Grace will do nothing without a good 
advisement, she has convened you before this part of the Nobility, 
that they may witness betwix you and her." 

" Let him acknowledge," said she, " his own hand write, and then 
shall we judge of the contents of the letter." 

And so was the letter presented from hand to hand to John 
Knox who, taking inspection of it, said, " I gladly acknowledge this 
to be my handwrite : and also I remember, I dited a letter in the 
month of October, giving signification to the brethren in sundry 
quarters, of such things as displeased me. And that good opinion 
have I of the fidelity of the scribes that willingly they would not 
adulterate my original, albeit I left divers blanks subscribed with 
them ; and so I acknowledge both the handwrite and the ditement." 

" Ye have done more," said Lethington, " than I would have done." 

" Charity," said the other, " is not suspicious." 

" Well, well," said the Queen, " read your own letter, and then 
answer to such things as shall be demanded of you." 

' arm ^ guffaw ' "yes-men " * know ye ' made me 

weep ' That is, the letter of 8 October 1 563 {supra, 88-89) 


" I shall do the best I can," said the other ; and so with loud 
voice he began to read as before expressed. 

After that the letter was read to the end, it was presented again 
to Mr. John Spens ; for the Queen commanded him to accuse, as 
he after did, but very gently. After, we say, that the letter was read, 
the Queen, beholding the whole table, said, " Heard ye ever, my 
Lords, a more despiteful and treasonable letter ? " 

While that no man gave answer, Lethington addressed him to 
John Knox, and said, " Master Knox, are ye not sorry from your 
heart, and do ye not repent that such a letter has passed your pen, 
and from you is come to the knowledge of others." 

John Knox answered, " My Lord Secretary, before I repent I 
must be taught of my offence." 

" Offence," said Lethington, " if there were no more but 
the convocation of the Queen's lieges, the offence cannot be 

" Remember yourself, my Lord," said the other, " there is a 
difference betwix a lawful convocation, and an unlawful. If I have 
been guilty in this, I have oft offended sen ^ I came [last] in Scotland : 
for what convocation of the brethren has ever been to this day into 
which my pen served not ? Before this no man led it to my charge 

as a crime." 

" Then was then," said Lethington, " and now is now : We have 
no need of such convocations as sometimes we have had." 

John Knox answered, " The time that has been is even now 
before my eyes ; for I see the poor flock in no less danger nor it has 
been at any time before, except that the Devil has got a vissorne '^ 
upon his face. Before, he came in with his own face discovered ^ by 
open tyranny, seeking the destruction of all that has refused idolatry ; 
and then I think ye will confess the brethren lawfully assembled 
themselves for defence of their lives. And now the Devil comes under 
the cloak of Justice, to do that which God would not suffer him to do 
by strength." 

" What is this ? " said the Queen. " Methink ye trifle with him. 
Who gave him authority to make convocation of my lieges ? Is not 
that treason ? " 

" No, Madam," said the Lord Ruthven, " for he makes con- 
vocation of the people to hear prayer and sermon almost daily, and 
whatever your Grace or others will think thereof, we think it no 

' since * a vizor, that is, a mask * exposed 


" Hold your peace," said the Queen, " and let him make answer 
for himself." 

" I began [Madam] " said John Knox, " to reason with the 
Secretary, whom I take to be a far better dialectician than your Grace 
is, that all convocations are not unlawful ; and now my Lord 
Ruthven has given the instance, which if your Grace will deny, I 
shall address me for the proof." 

" I will say nothing," said the Queen, " against your religion, 
nor against your convening to your sermons : But what authority 
have ye to convocate my subjects when ye will, without my command- 
ment ? " 

" I have no pleasure," said John Knox, " to decline from the 
former purpose. And yet. Madam, to satisfy your Grace's two 
questions, I answer, that at my will I never convened four persons in 
Scotland ; but at the order that the brethren has appointed, I have 
given divers advertisements, and great multitudes have assembled 
thereupon. And if your Grace complain that this was done without 
your Grace's commandment, I answer, so has all that God has 
blessed within this Realm from the beginning of this action. And 
therefore, Madam, I must be convicted by a just law, that I have 
done against the duty of God's messenger in writing of this letter, 
before that either I be sorry, or yet repent for the doing of it, as my 
Lord Secretary would persuade me. For what I have done, I have 
done [at] the commandment of the general Kirk of this Realm ; 
and therefore, I think, I have done no wrong." 

" Ye shall not escape so," said the Queen. " Is it not treason, 
my Lords, to accuse a Prince of cruelty ? I think there be Acts of 
Parliament against such whisperers." That was granted of many. 

" But wherein," said John Knox, " can I be accused ? " 

" Read this part of your own bill," said the Queen, which began, 
" These fearful summons are directed against them (to wit, the 
brethren foresaid), to make, no doubt, preparation upon a few, that 
a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multi- 
tude." 1 " Lo," said the Queen, " what say ye to that ? " 

While many doubted what the said John should answer, he said 
unto the Queen, " Is it lawful for me, Madam, to answer for myself? 
Or shall I be damned before I be heard? " 

" Say what ye can," said she ; " for I think ye have enough 

" I will first [then] desire this of your Grace, Madam, and of this 

* Supra, 89 


most honourable audience, whether if your Grace knows not, that 
the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all such as profess the 
Evangel of Jesus Christ, and that they most earnestly desire the 
extermination of them, and of the true doctrine that is taught within 
this Realm ? " 

The QjLieen held her peace : but all the Lords, with common 
voice said, " God forbid that either the Uves of the faithful, or yet 
the staying of the doctrine, stood in the power of the Papists : for 
just experience has told us what cruelty lies in their hearts." 

" I must proceed then," said John Knox, " seeing that I perceive 
that all will grant that it were a barbarous cruelty to destroy such 
a multitude as profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ within this Realm, 
which ofter than once or twice they have attempted to do by force, 
as things done of late days do testify, whereof they, by God and his 
providence, being disappointed, have invented more crafty and 
dangerous practices, to wit, to make the Prince party under colour 
of law : and so what they could not do [by] open force, they shall 
perform by crafty deceit. For who thinks, my Lords, that the in- 
satiable cruelty of the Papists, within this Realm, I mean, shall end 
in the murdering of these two brethren now unjustly summoned, and 
more unjustly to be accused. I think no man of judgment can so 
esteem, but rather the direct contrary, that is, that by this few 
number they intend to prepare a way to their bloody enterprises 
against the whole. And therefore. Madam, cast up when ye list 
the Acts of your Parliament. I have offended nothing against them ; 
I accuse not in my letter your Grace, nor yet your nature of cruelty. 
But I affirm yet again, that the pestilent Papists, who have inflamed 
your Grace without cause against those poor men at this present, 
are the sons of the devil ; and therefore must obey the desires of 
their father, who has been a liar and a murderer from the beginning." 

" Ye forget yourself," said one ; " ye are not now in the pulpit." 

" I am in the place," said the other, " where I am demanded of 
conscience to speak the truth ; and therefore I speak. The truth 
I speak, impugn it whoso list. And hereunto [I add]. Madam, 
that honest, gentle, and meek natures by appearance, by wicked and 
corrupt councillors may be converted and alter to the direct con- 
trary. Example we have of Nero who, in the beginning of his empire, 
we find having some natural shame ; but after that his flatterers had 
encouraged him in all impiety, alleging that nothing was either 
unhonest nor yet unlawful for his personage, who was Emperor above 
others : when he had drunk of this cup, I say, to what enormities 


Let the he fell, the histories bear witness. And now, Madam, to speak 
judge plainly, Papists and conjured enemies to Jesus Christ have your 
what after Grace's ear patent at all times. I assure your Grace they are danger- 
ensued ous Councillors, and that your mother found." 

As this was said, Lethington smiled, and spake secretly to the 
Queen in her ear. What it was, the table heard not, but immediately 
she addressed her visage, and spake to John Knox, and said, ' ' Well, 
ye speak fair enough here before my Lords ; but the last time I spake 
with you secretly, ye caused me weep many salt tears, and said to 
me stubbornly, ' Ye set not by my greiting.' " ^ 

" Madam," said the other, " because now the second time your 
Grace has burdened me with that crime, ^ I must answer, lest for 
my silence I be held guilty. [If your Grace] be ripely remembered, 
the Laird of Dun, yet living to testify the truth, was present at that 
time whereof your Grace complains. Your Grace accused me that 
I had irreverently handled you in the pulpit ; that I denied. Ye 
said, What ado had I to speak of your marriage? What was I, that 
I should mell ^ with such matters ? I answered, As touching nature, 
I was a worm of this earth, and yet a subject of this Commonwealth ; 
but as touching the office wherein it has pleased God to place me, 
I was a watchman, both over the Realm, and over the Kirk of God 
gathered within the same ; by reason whereof I was bound in con- 
science to blow the trumpet publicly, so oft as ever I saw any upfall,* 
any appearing danger, either of the one or of the other. But so it 
was, that a certain bruit affirmed that traffick of marriage was betwix 
your Grace and the Spanish allya ^ ; whereinto I said, that if your 
Nobility and Estates did agree, unless that both ye and your husband 
should be so straitly bound that neither of you might hurt this 
Commonwealth, nor yet the poor Kirk of God within the same, that 
in that case I would pronounce that the consenters were troublers 
of this Commonwealth, and enemies to God,' and to his promise 
planted within the same. At these words, I grant, your Grace 
stormed and burst forth into an unreasonable weeping. What 
mitigation the Laird of Dun would have made, I suppose your Grace 
has not forgot.^ But while that nothing was able to stay your 
weeping, I was compelled to say, I take God to record, that I never 
took pleasure to see any creature weep, [yea, not my children when 
my own hands had beaten them], meikle less can I rejoice to see your 
Grace make such regret. But seeing I have offered your Grace no 

* That is, ' Ye set naught by my weeping.' See supra, 83-84. " Supra, 94 

meddle * relapse ' alliance " Supra, 83 


such occasion, I must rather suffer your Grace to take your own 
pleasure, ere that I dare conceal the truth, and so betray both the 
Kirk of God and my Commonwealth. These were the most extreme 
words that I spake that day." 

After that the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, 
" Mr. Knox, ye may return to your house for this night." 

" I thank God and the Queen's Majesty," said the other. " And, 
Madam, I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry, and to 
preserve you from the counsel of flatterers ; for how pleasing that 
they appear to your ear and corrupt affection for the time, experience 
has told us in what perplexity they have brought famous princes." 

Lethington and the Master of Maxwell [were] that night the two 
stoups ^ of her chair. 

John Knox being departed, the Table of the Lords and others 
that were present were demanded, every man by his vote, if John 
Knox had not offended the Queen's Majesty. The Lords voted 
uniformly they could find no offence. The Queen was passed to her 
cabinet. The flatterers of the Court, and Lethington principally, 
raged. The Queen was brought again, and placed in her chair, and 
they commanded to vote over again : which thing highly offended 
the whole Nobihty, who began to speak in open audience, " What ! 
shall the Laird of Lethington have power to control us : or shall the 
presence of a woman cause us to offend God, and to damn an 
innocent against our conscience for pleasure of any creature ? " 
And so the whole Nobility absolved John Knox again, and praised 
God for his modesty, and for his plain and sensible answers. Yet 
before the end, one thing is to be noted, to wit, that amongst so many 
placeboes, we mean the flatterers of Court, there was not one that 
plainly durst condemn the poor man that was accused, this same 
God ruling their tongue that sometimes ruled the tongue of 
Balaam, when gladly he would have cursed God's people. 

This perceived, the Queen began to upbraid Mr. Henry Sinclair, The taunt 
then Bishop of Ross, and said, hearing his vote to agree with the Queen to 
rest, " Trouble not the bairn : I pray you trouble him not ; for he "^^^JJ"^ 
is newly wakened out of his sleep. Why should not the old fool 
follow the footsteps of them that have passed before him." The 
Bishop answered coldly, " Your Grace may consider, that it is neither 
affection to the man, nor yet love to his profession that moved me 
to absolve him ; but the simple truth, which plainly appears in his 
defence, draws me after it, albeit that others would have condemned 

^ props 


him." And this being said, the Lords and whole assisters arose and 
The craft departed. That night was neither dancing nor fiddhng in the Court ; 
^^'^^ for Madam was disappointed of her purpose, which was to have 
had John Knox in her will by vote of her Nobility. 

John Knox, absolved by the votes of the greatest part of the 
Nobility from the crime intended against him, even in the presence 
of the Queen, she raged, and the placeboes of the Court stormed. 
And so began new assaults to be made at the hands of the said John, 
to confess an offence, and to put him in the Queen's will, and they 
should promise that his greatest punishment should be to go within 
the Castle of Edinburgh, and immediately to return to his own house. 
He answered, " God forbid that my confession should damn ^ 
those noble men that of their conscience, and with displeasure of 
the Queen, have absolved me. And further, I am assured, ye will 
not in earnest desire me to confess an offence, unless that therewith 
ye would desire me to cease from preaching : for how can I exhort 
others to peace and Christian quietness, if I confess myself an author 
and mover of sedition ? " 
Which The General Assembly of the Kirk approached. But the just 

2/0/ petitions of the Ministers and Commissioners of Kirks were despised 
December, ^t the first, and that with these words, " As Ministers will not follow 
"^^^ S""!' ^^^ counsels, so will we suffer Ministers to labour for themselves, and 
Ministers See what speed they come." And when the whole Assembly said, 
" If the Queen will not [provide for our Ministers] we must ; 
[for] both Third and Two parts are rigorously taken from us, and from 
our tenants." " If others," said one, " will follow my counsel, the 
guard and the Papists shall complain as long as our Ministers have 
done." At these words the former sharpness was coloured, and the 
speaker alleged that he meant not of all Ministers, but of some to 
whom the Queen was no debtor ; for what Third received she of 
Burghs ? Cristopher Goodman answered, " My Lord Secretary, 
if ye can show me what [just] title either the Queen has to the Third 
or the Papists to the Two parts, then I think I should solve whether 
she were debtor to Ministers within Burghs or not." But thereto 
he received this check for answer, " Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena 
republica " ; that is, " Let not a stranger be curious in a strange 
commonwealth." ^ The man of God answered, " Albeit I be a 
stranger in your policy, yet so am I not in the Kirk of God ; and 

' condemn 

2 Christopher Goodman was an Englishman. A short account of him is given in 
M'Crie's John Knox, 5th edn., ii, 331-334. 


therefore the care thereof does no less appertain to me in Scotland 
than if I were in the midst of England." 

Many wondered at the silence of John Knox ; for in all those 
quick reasonings he opened not his mouth. The cause thereof he 
himself expressed in these words : "I have travailed, right honour- 
able and beloved Brethren, sen my last arrival within this Realm 
in an upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more, as 
he is [my] witness, than the advancement of his glory, and the 
stability of his Kirk within this Realm ; and yet of late days I have 5","*, 
been accused as a seditious man, and as one that usurps unto myselt reported of 
power that becomes me not. True it is, I have given advertisements 
into the brethren in divers quarters, of the extremity intended against 
certain faithful for looking to a priest going to Mass, and for observing 
of those that transgressed just laws ; but [that] therein I have 
usurped further power than is given unto me, till that by you I be 
damned, ^ I utterly deny ; for I say that by you, that is by the charge 
of the General Assembly, I have as just power to advertise the 
brethren from time to time of dangers appearing, as that I have 
to preach the word of God in the pulpit of Edinburgh ; for by you 
I was appointed to the one and to the other ; and therefore, in the 
name of God, I crave your judgments. The danger that appeared 
to me in my accusation was not so fearful as the words that came 
to my ears were dolorous to my heart ; for these words were 
plainly spoken, and that by some Protestants, ' What can the Pope 
do more than send forth his Letters, and require them to be 
obeyed ? ' Let me have your judgments thereof, whether that I 
have usurped any power to myself, or if I have but obeyed your 

The flatterers of the Court, amongst whom Sir John Ballantyne, 
Justice-Clerk, was then not the least, began to storm, and said, 
" Shall we be compelled to justify the rash doings of men ? " " My 
Lord," said John Knox, " ye shall speak your pleasure for the present : 
of you I crave nothing ; but if the Kirk that is here present do not 
either absolve me, or else condemn me, never shall I in public or in 
private as a public minister, open my mouth in doctrine or in 

After long contention, the said John being removed, the whole 
Kirk found that a charge was given unto him to advertise the 
Brethren in all quarters as oft as ever danger appeared ; and there- 
fore avowed that fact not to be his only, but to be the fact of all.^ 

' condemned * Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 38-39 ; supra, 88 


Thereat were the Queen's claw-backs ^ more enraged than ever 
they were, for some of them had promised to the Queen to get the 
said John convicted, both by the Council and by the Kirk ; and 
being frustrated of both, she and they thought themselves not [a little] 

In the very time of the General Assembly, there comes to public 

1563 knowledge a heinous murder committed in the Court, yea, not far 

from the Queen's own lap ; for a French woman, that served in the 

Queen's chamber had played the whore with the Queen's own 

apothecary. The woman conceived and bore a child, whom with 

Whore- common consent the father and the mother murdered. Yet were the 

murder in cries of a new born bairn heard ; search was made, the child and 

the court mother were both deprehended ^ ; and so were both the man and the 

woman damned ^ to be hanged upon the public street of Edinburgh. 

The punishment was notable, because the crime was heinous.* 

But yet was not the Court purged of whores and whoredom, which 

was the fountain of such enormities ; for it was well known that 

Sempill shame hastened marriage betwix John Sempill, called the Dancer, 

Livingstone and Marie Livingstone, surnamed the Lusty. ^ What bruit the Maries 

and the rest of the dancers of the Court had, the ballads of that age 

did witness, which we for modesty's sake omit.^ But this was the 

common complaint of all godly and wise men, that if they thought 

that such a Court should long continue, and if they looked for no 

other hfe to come, they would have wished their sons and daughters 

rather to have been brought up with fiddlers and dancers, and to 

have been exercised in flinging upon a floor, and in the rest that 

thereof follows, than to have been nourished in the company of the 

Marie's godly, and exercised in virtue, which in that Court was hated, and 

^^ filthiness not only maintained, but also rewarded. Witness the 

Lordship of Abercorn, the barony of Auchtermuchty, and divers 

others pertaining to the patrimony of the Crown, given in heritage 

to scoupars,' dancers, and dalliers with dames. ^ This was the 

^ back-scratchers, that is, flatterers ^ apprehended ' condemned 

* See Randolph's letters to Cecil in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 42, 45. 

' John Sempill was a natural son of Robert, third Lord Sempill. He married Marie, 

daughter of Alexander, fifth Lord Livingstone, and one of Queen Mary's " Maries." 

' But, as Robertson has shown {Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, xlvii, note), Knox's 

statement that " shame hastened marriage " is a libel. See also, Calendar of Scottish Papers, 

ii, Nos. 132, 147. 

* No copy of these ballads is known to be extant. ' skippers 

* Sir James Melville says that on his return to Scotland in May 1564 the Queen 
would have given him in heritage the lands of Auchtermuchty, beside Falkland, which 
he refused, for it was " the nerest part of hir propertie " ; but, he adds, " another, hearen 
that sche was sa weill harted, socht it and gat it." {Memoirs, Bannatyne Club, 1 1 1) 


beginning of the regiment of Mary Queen of Scots, and they were Prayed 
the fruits that she brought forth of France.^ " Lord, look upon owe u,ritten 
miseries, and dehver us from the tyranny of that whore, for thy own ^hen she 

' ^ ' was in 

mere mercy s sake. greatest 

God from heaven, and upon the face of the earth, gave declara- '^"''^''^^-> ' 
tion that he was offended at the iniquity that was committed even 
within this Realm ; for upon the 20th day of January there fell Great 
wet in great abundance, which in the falling freezed so vehemently frost in 
that the earth was but a sheet of ice. The fowls both great and small J^^^^'J 
freezed, and might not fly : many died, and some were taken and 
laid beside the fire, that their feathers might resolve. And in that 
same month the sea stood still, as was clearly observed, and neither 
ebbed nor flowed the space of 24 hours. In the month of February, bonders 

S66TI tTl 

the 15th and i8th day thereof, was seen in the firmament battles February 
arrayed, spears, and other weapons, and as it had been the joining 
of two armies.^ These things were not only observed, but also spoken 
and constantly affirmed by men of judgment and credit. But the 
Queen and our Court made merry. There was banqueting upon Banquet- 
banqueting. The Queen would banquet all the Lords ; and that court, but 
was done upon policy, to remove the suspicioun of her displeasure T^^^^' 
against them, because they would not at her devotion damn * John ministers 
Knox. To remove, we say, that jealousy, she made the banquet 
to the whole Lords, whereat she would have the Duke amongst the 
rest. It behoved them to banquet her again ; and so did banqueting 
continue till Fastron's-eve ^ and after. But the poor Ministers 
were mocked, and reputed as monsters ; the guard, and the affairs 
of the kitchen were so gripping, that the Ministers' stipends could 
not be payed * ; and yet at the Assembly preceding,' solemnly 
promise was made in the Queen's name, by the mouth of Secretary 

* See supra, i, 103 

Probably in the autumn of 1565 or the early months of 1566. (But sec supra, i, cix) 
Presumably the Northern Lights. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 5 February 1565, 
reports a foolish story then current that " these three nights past there have been about 
midnight many armed men walking about the streets, fighting one with the other. The 
strokes they say are heard, the clamours of men great, no bloodshed." {Calendar of 
Scottish Papers, ii. No. 143) Knox may be mistaking the year, for his chronology is here 
somewhat confused ; the marginal dates would, of course, be 1564 according to the 
modern calendar. * condemn 

' The eve of Lent, or Shrove Tuesday (14 February 1564) 

* In his work on the Collectors' Accounts Dr. Donaldson has analysed the amounts 
paid from the " Thirds " to the Queen's Household and to the " Guard " ; and his 
analysis shows how both these " needs " of the Crown increased. 

' If Knox is referring to Lent 1564, then he should have written " the Assembly 
following " {infra, 104, note 2). 


Jl^^ , Lethington, in the audience of many of the Nobility and of the whole 
promise Assembly, who affirmed, that he had commandment of her Highness 
to promise unto them full contentation ^ to all the Ministers within 
the Realm of things bygone ; and of such order to be kept in all 
times to come, that the whole body of the Protestants should have 
occasion to stand content. The Earl of Moray affirmed the same, 
with many other fair promises given by writ by Lethington himself ; 
as in the register of the Acts done in the General Assembly may be 
seen. 2 But how that, or yet any other thing promised by her, or in 
her name, unto the Kirk of God, was observed, the world can 

The Ministers perceiving all things tend to ruin, discharged their 
conscience in public and in private ; but they received for their 
labours hatred and indignation ; and amongst others, that worthy 
servant of God, Mr. John Craig, speaking against the manifest 
corruption that then without shame or fear declared itself, said, 
*' Sometimes were hypocrites known by their disguised habits, and 
we had men to be monks, and women to be nuns ; but now all 
things are so changed, that we cannot discern the Earl from the 
Abbot, nor the nun from such as would be held the noble women ; 
so that we have got a new order of monks and nuns. But (said he), 
seeing that ye ashame not of that unjust profit, would God that 
therewith ye had the cowl of the nun, the veil, yea, and the tail 
joined with all, that so ye might appear in your own colours." 
Lething- This liberty did so provoke the choler of Lethington, that in 

defied the open audieucc he gave him unto the Devil, if that ever after that 
servants of ^j^y ]-^g should regard what became of Ministers, [and] that he should 
do what he could that his companions should have a skair ^ with 
him ; " And let them bark and blow," said he, " as loud as they 
list." And so that was the second time that he had given [his] 
defiance to the servants of God. And hereupon 'rose whispering and 
complaints, all by the flatterers of the Court, complaining that men 
were not charitably handled : " Might not sins be reproved in 
general, albeit that men were not so specially taxed that all the world 
might know of whom the preacher spake ? " Whereunto was the 
answer made, " Let men ashame publicly to offend, and the Ministers 
shall abstain from specialities ; but so long as Protestants are not 
ashamed manifestly to do against the evangel of Jesus Christ, so long 
cannot the Ministers of God cease to cry that God will be revenged 
upon such abusers of his holy word." 

^ satisfaction " Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 47-48 (28 June 1564) ' part 


And thus had the servants of God a double battle, fighting upon 
the one side against the idolatry and the rest of the abominations 
maintained by the Qjaeen ; and upon the other part, against the 
unthankfulness of such as sometime would have been esteemed the 
chief pillars of the Kirk within the Realm. 

The threatenings of the preachers were fearful ; but the Court 
thought itself in [such] security that it could not miscarry. The 
Queen, after the banqueting, kept a diet [by direction of] Monsieur ^5^4 
Lusury,^ Frenchman, who had been acquainted with her malady 
before, being her physician. And thereafter she, for the second time, 
made her progresses in the North, ^ and commanded to ward in the 
Castle of Edinburgh the Earl of Caithness,^ for a murder committed 
by his servants upon the Earl of Marischal's ^ men. He obeyed, 
but he was suddenly relieved ; for such bloodthirsty men and 
Papists, such as he is, are best subjects to the Queen. " Thy kingdom 
come, O Lord ; for in this Realm is nothing (amongst such as 
should punish vice and maintain virtue) but abominations abounding 
without bridle." 

The flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor 
Preachers : happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts 
and disdainful mockings of the Ministers. And at length they began 
to jest at the term of Idolatry, affirming, " That men wist not what 
they spake, when they called the Mass Idolatry." Yea, some pro- 
ceeded further, and feared not at open tables to affirm, " That they 
would sustain the argument that the Mass was no Idolatry," These 
things coming to the ears of the preachers, were proclaimed in public 
pulpit of Edinburgh, with this complaint directed by the speaker ^ 
to his God. " O Lord, how long shall the wicked prevail against the 
just ? How long shalt thou suffer thyself and thy blessed Evangel 
to be despised of men ? Of men, we say, that make themselves 
defenders of the truth ! For of thy manifest and known enemies we 
complain not, but of such as unto whom thou hast revealed thy light : 
for now it comes into our ears, that men, not Papists, we say, but chief 

' Jacques Lusgerie, who had been Mary's physician in France. Again the chronology 
is somewhat confused. After the autumn of 1 563 it was noticed that Mary was occasionally 
greatly depressed and wept without apparent cause ; in December she took to her bed 
and complained of a pain in her right side. But Lusgerie does not seem to have left Paris 
until the end of April 1564, remaining in Scotland until March 1565. (Hay Fleming, 
Mary Queen of Scots, 93, 94, 321, note 40) 

'^ Mary left Edinburgh for her second northern progress on 22 July 1564, and was back 
in Edinburgh on 15 September. (Hay Fleming, op. cit., 96, 529) 

' George, fourth Earl of Caithness * William, fourth Earl Marischal 

' John Knox 


Protestants, will defend the Mass to be no Idolatry. If so were, O 

Lord, miserably have I been deceived, and miserably, alas, O Lord, 

have I deceived thy people ; which thou knowest, O Lord, I have 

ever more abhorred than a thousand deaths. But," said he, turning 

his face towards the rowme ^ where such men as so had affirmed, 

sat, " If I be not able to prove the Mass to be the most abominable 

Idolatry that ever was used since the beginning of the World, I offer 

myself to suffer the punishment appointed by God to a false teacher ; 

and it appears unto me," said the preacher, " that the affirmers 

should be subject to the same law : for it is the truth of God that 

ye persecute and blaspheme ; and it is the invention of the Devil, 

that obstinately against his Word, ye maintain. Whereat, albeit 

ye now flirt ^ and ye flyre,^ as [though] that all [that] were spoken 

were but wind, yet am I [as] assured, as I am assured that my God 

liveth, that some that hear this your defection and railing against 

the truth and servants of God, shall see a part of God's judgments 

Lething- poured forth upon this Realm (and principally upon you that fastest 

counte- cleaves to the favour of the Court), for the abominations that are 

nance at ^y y^^ maintained." Albeit that such vehemency provoked tears 

threaten- of somc, yet thosc men that knew themselves guilty, in a mocking 

trfachers^ manner said, " We must recant, and burn our bill ; for the Preachers 

Let the ^'^ ^"g^y-" 

world The General Assembly, held in June 1564, approached, unto the 

'whether which [a] great part of the Nobility, of those that are called Prot- 
this has estants, convened ; some for assistance of the ministers, and some to 
pass or accuse them, as we will after hear. 

not, and ^ little before the troubles which Sathan raised in the body 

fallen out of the Kirk, began Davie * to grow great in Court.^ The Queen 
used him for Secretary in things that appertained to her secret affairs, 
in France ^ or elsewhere. Great men made> court unto him, and 
This was their suits were the better heard. But of the beginning and progress, 
bv this ^c delay now further to speak, because his end will require the 
author ' description of the whole. 

' place * scoff ' ridicule * David Riccio 

' Cf. Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 476. See also infra, 141 (marginal note). A year later, 
Randolph, writing to Leicester on 3 June 1565, says that David " now works all ; chief 
secretary to the Queen, and only governor to her good man ... his pride is intolerable, 
his words not to be borne" {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 191). See also Laing's 
Knox, ii, 595-598 ; and Hay Fleming, Afarj Queen of Scots, 120-129 ^^^ supporting notes. 

Randolph, writing to Cecil early in March 1565, reports that Riccio has become 
Mary's Secretary for French affairs, having displaced Raulet (Calendar of Scottish Papers, 
ii. No. 153. See also ibid., No. 124). 

' This note is in the hand of the text. In later manuscripts there is the further note, 
' And refers it unto such as God shall raise up to do the same ". 

since that 


The first day of the General Assembly, the Courtiers nor the 
Lords that depended upon the Court presented not themselves in the 
session with their Brethren. Whereat many wondering, an ancient 
and honorable man, the Laird of Lundie,^ said, " Nay, I wonder 
not of their present absence ; but I wonder that at our last Assembly 
they drew themselves apart, and joined not with us, but drew from 
us some of our ministers, and willed them to conclude such things as 
were never proponed in the public Assembly [which appears to me to 
be a thing], very prejudicial to the liberty of the Kirk. And, therefore, 
my judgment is, that they shall be informed of this offence, which 
the whole Brethren have conceived of their former fault ; humbly 
requiring them, that if they be Brethren, they will assist their Brethren 
with their presence and counsel, for we had never greater need. 
And if they be minded to fall back from us, it were better we knew it 
now than afterwards." Thereto agreed the whole Assembly, and 
gave commission to certain Brethren to signify the minds of the 
Assembly to the Lords ; which was done that same day after noon.^ 

The Courtiers at first seemed not a little offended that they 
should be as it were suspected of defection : yet, nevertheless, upon 
the morrow, they joined with the Assembly, and came into it. But 
they drew themselves, like as they did before, apart, and entered the 
Inner Council-house. There was the Duke's Grace, the Earls Argyll, 
Moray, Morton, Glencairn, Marischal, Rothes ; the Master of 
Maxwell, Secretary Lethington, the Justice-Clerk, the Clerk of 
Register, and the Comptroller, the Laird of Pittarrow. 

After a little consultation they directed a messenger, Mr. George 
Hay, then called the Minister of the Court, ^ requiring the Super- 
intendents, and some of the learned ministers, to confer with them. 
The Assembly answered, " That they convened to deliberate upon 
the common affairs of the Kirk ; and, therefore, that they could not 
lack their Superintendents and chief ministers, whose judgments 
were so necessary that without them the rest should sit as it were 
idle ; and therefore willing them (as of before) that if they acknow- 

^ Walter Lundie of that Ilk. Randolph also speaks of him as " a grave, ancient man, 
white head and white beard." {Calendar qf Scottish Papers, ii, No. 159) 

^ According to Caldcrwood, " The Laird of Lundie and the Superintendent of Lothian 
were appointed to request the Lords of Secret Council to assist the Assembly with their 
presence and counsel " on 26 June 1564. {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 46) 

' He was minister of Eddleston ; Commissioner of the Diocese of Aberdeen and 
Banff; minister of Ruthven. In Calderwood's account of the proceedings of the General 
Assembly, 30 December 1563, he is called "minister to the privie counsell." {Booke of 
the Universall Kirk, i, 42) 

(653) VOL n 8 


ledge themselves members of the Kirk, that they would join with the 
Brethren, and propone in public such things as they pleased ; and 
so they should have the assistance of the whole in all things that 
might stand to God's commandment. But to send from themselves 
a portion of their company, they understood that thereof hurt and 
slander might arise, rather than any profit or comfort to the Kirk : 
for they feared that all men should not stand content with the con- 
clusion, where the conference and reasons were heard but of a few," 
This answer was not given without cause ; for no small travail 
was made to have drawn some ministers to the faction of the Cour- 
tiers, and to have sustained their arguments and opinions. But 
when it was perceived by the most politic amongst them, that they 
could not prevail by that means, they proponed the matter in other 
terms, purging themselves, first, that they never meant to divide 
themselves from the society of their brethren ; but, because they had 
certain heads to confer with certain ministers, therefore, for avoiding 
of confusion, they thought it more expedient to have the conference 
before a few, rather than in the public audience. But the Assembly 
did still reply, " That secret conference would they not admit in 
those heads that should be concluded by general vote." The Lords 
promised, " That no conclusion should be taken, neither yet vote 
required, till that both the propositions and the reasons should be 
heard and considered of the whole body." And upon that condition 
were directed unto them, with expressed charge to conclude nothing 
without the knowledge and advice of the Assembly, the Laird of 
Dun, Superintendent of Angus, ^ the Superintendents of Lothian ^ 
and Fife, 3 Mr. John Row, Mr. John Craig, WiUiam Christison, Mr. 
David Lindsay, ministers, with the Rector of Saint Andrews,^ and 
Mr. George Hay ; the Superintendent of Glasgow, Mr. John Willock, 
was Moderator, and John Knox waited upon the Scribe. And so 
they were appointed to sit with the Brethren. And that because 
the principal complaint touched John Knox, he was also called for. 
Lething- Secretary Lethington began the harangue, which contained these 

taran ue hcads : First, How much we were addebted unto God, by whose 
at the providence we had liberty of religion under the Queen's Majesty, 
in June'' albeit that she was not persuaded in the same : Secondly, How 
1564 necessary a thing it was that the Queen's Majesty, by all good ofhces 
(so spake he), of the Kirk, and of the ministers principally, should be 
retained in that constant opinion, that they unfeignedly favoured her 

* John Erskine of Dun " John Spottiswoode " John Winram 

* John Douglas, Rector of the University of St. Andrews 


advancement, and procured her subjects to have a good opinion of 
her : And, last. How dangerous a thing it was, that ministers should 
be noted one to disagree from another, in form of prayer for her 
Majesty, or in doctrine concerning obedience to her Majesty's 
authority : " And in these two last heads (said he), we desire you 
all to be circumspect ; but especially we must crave of you our 
brother, John Knox, to moderate yourself, as well in form of praying 
for the Queen's Majesty, as in doctrine that ye propone touching her 
estate and obedience. Neither shall ye take this (said he), as spoken 
to your reproach, quia mens interdum in corpore pulchro, but because that 
others, by your example, may imitate the like liberty, albeit not 
with the same modesty and foresight ; and what opinion may 
ingather in the people's heads, wise men do foresee." 

The said John prepared him for answer, as follows : " If such as 
fear God have occasion to praise him, that because that idolatry is 
maintained, the servants of God despised, wicked men placed again 
in honour and authority (Mr. Henry Sinclair was of short time before 
made President, who before durst not have sat in judgment ^) ; and, 
finally (said he), if we ought to praise God because that vice and 
impiety overfloweth this whole Realm without punishment, then 
have we occasion to rejoice and to praise God : But if those and the 
hke used to provoke God's vengeance against realms and nations, 
then, in my judgment, the godly within Scotland ought to lament 
and mourn, and so to prevent ^ God's judgments, lest that He, 
finding all in a like security, strike in his hot indignation, beginning 
[perchance] at such as think they ofTend not." 

" That is one head," said Lethington, " whereinto ye and I 
never agreed ; for how are ye able to prove that ever God stroke or 
plagued a nation or people for the iniquity of their Prince, if that 
[they] themselves lived godly ? " 

" I looked," said he, " my Lord, to have audience, till that I 
had absolved the other two parts ; but seeing it pleases your Lord- 
ship to cut me ofT before the midst, I will answer to your question. 
The Scripture of God teaches me that Jerusalem and Judah were 
punished for the sin of Manasseh ; and if ye will allege that they 
were punished because that they were wicked, and offended with 
their King, and not because their King was wicked, I answer, that 
albeit the Spirit of God makes for me, saying in expressed words, 

' Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, succeeded Robert Reid, Bishop of Orkney, as 
President of the Court of Session. The exact date of his appointment cannot be traced, 
but it was probably early in 1559. No love was lost between the President and John 
Knox. {Cf. supra, 90) ^ act in anticipation of 


* For the sin of Manasseh,' yet will I not be so obstinate as to lay the 
whole sin, and plagues that thereof followed, upon the King, and 
utterly absolve the people ; but I will grant with you, that the whole 
people offended with the King : but how, and in what fashion, I 
fear that ye and I shall not agree. I doubt not but the great multi- 
tude accompanied him in all abominations which he did ; for 
idolatry and a false religion hath ever been, is, and will be pleasing 
to the most part of men. But to affirm that all Judah committed 
really the acts of his impiety, is but to affirm that which neither has 
certainty, nor yet appearance of a truth : for who can think it to 
be possible that all those of Jerusalem should so shortly turn to 
external idolatry, considering the notable reformation lately before 
had in the days of Hezekiah ? But yet, says the text, ' Manasseh 
made Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem to err.' True it is ; 
for the one part, as I have said, willingly followed him in his idolatry, 
and the other, by reason of his authority, suffered him to defile 
Jerusalem, and the temple of God, with all abominations, and so 
were they all criminal for his sin ; the one by act and deed, the other 
by suffering and permission : even as all Scotland is guilty this day of 
the Queen's idolatry, and ye, my Lords, especially above all others." 

" Well," said Lethington, " that is the chief head wherein we 
never agreed ; but of that we shall speak hereafter. What will ye 
say as touching the moving of the people to have a good opinion of 
the Queen's Majesty, and as concerning obedience to be given to 
her authority, as also of the form of the prayer which commonly ye 
use, "&c. 

" My Lord," said he, " more earnestly to move the people, or 
yet otherwise to pray than heretofore I have done, a good conscience 
will not suffer me ; for He who knows the secret of hearts, knows 
that privily and publicly I have called to God for her conversion, 
and have willed the people to do the same, showing them the danger- 
ous estate wherein not only she herself stands, but also the whole 
Realm, by the reason of her indurate bhndness," &c. 

" That is it," said Lethington, " wherein we find greatest fault. 
Your extremity against her Mass, in particular, passes measure. 
Ye call her a slave to Sathan ; ye affirm that God's vengeance hangs 
over the Realm, by reason of her impiety ; and what is this else 
but to rouse up the hearts of the people against her Majesty, and 
against them that serve her." 

There was heard an exclamation of the rest of the flatterers, that 
such extremity could not profit. The Master of Maxwell said in 


plain words, " If I were in the Queen's Majesty's place, I would not ^^^^^^Z 
suffer such things as I hear." Maxwell's 

" If the words of preachers," said John Knox, " shall always be f^^f^g 
reft to the worst part,^ then will it be hard to speak anything so Assembly 
circumspectly, provided that the truth be spoken, which shall not 
escape the censure of the calumniator. The most vehement and, as 3j^", 

1 r IT i-T 1 c /^ Knox s 

ye speak, excessive manner of prayer that 1 use in public is this, CJ prayer for 
Lord, if thy pleasure be, purge the heart of the Queen's Majesty '^^^^^ 
from the venom of idolatry, and deliver her from the bondage and 
thraldom of Sathan, in the which she has been brought up, and yet 
remains, for the lack of true doctrine ; and let her see, by the illumi- 
nation of thy Holy Spirit, that there is no means to please Thee but 
by Jesus Christ thy only Son, and that Jesus Christ cannot be found 
but in thy holy word, nor yet received but as it prescribes ; which is, 
to renounce our own wits and preconceived opinion, and worship 
Thee as Thou commands ; that in so doing she may avoid that eternal 
damnation which abides all [them that are] obstinate and impenitent 
unto the end ; and that this poor Realm may also escape that plague 
and vengeance which inevitably follows idolatry, maintained against 
thy manifest word and the open light thereof This (said he), is the 
form of my common prayer, ^ as yourselves can witness. Now, what 
is worthy [of] reprehension in it I would hear ? " 

" There are three things," said Lethington, " that never liked 
unto me. And the first is, Ye pray for the Queen's Majesty with a 
condition saying, ' Illuminate her heart, if thy good pleasure be ' ; 
whereby it may appear that ye doubt of her conversion. Where 
have ye the example of such prayer ? " 

" Wheresoever the examples are," said the other, " I am assured 
of the rule, which is this, ' If we shall ask anything according to his 
will, he shall hear us ' ; and our Master, Christ Jesus, commanded 
us to pray unto our Father, ' Thy will be done.' " 

" But," said Lethington, " where ever find ye any of the Prophets 
so to have prayed ? " 

" It sufficeth me," said the other, " my Lord, that the Master 
and teacher of both Prophets and Apostles has taught me so to 

* That is, twisted to the worst interpretation 

' As early as 24 October 1561, Randolph, writing to Cecil, had reported Knox's 
daily prayer for the Queen " that God will turn her obstinate heart against God and his 
truth, or if his holy will be otherwise, to strengthen the heart and hand of his chosen 
and elect, stoutly to withstand the rage of all tyrants, etc., in words terrible enough." 
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1035) 


" But in so doing," said he, " ye put a doubt in the people's head 
of her conversion." 

" Not I, my Lord," said the other, " but her own obstinate 
rebelHon causes more than me to doubt of her conversion." 

" Whereinto," said he, " rebels she against God ? " 

"In all the actions of her life," said he, " but in these two heads 
especially ; former, That she will not hear the preaching of the 
blessed evangel of Jesus Christ ; and secondly, That she maintains 
that idol, the Mass." 

" She thinks not that rebellion," said Lethington, " but good 

" So thought they," said the other, " that sometimes offered their 
children unto Moloch, and yet the Spirit of God affirms that they 
offered them unto devils, and not unto God. And this day the 
Turks think to have a better religion than the Papists have ; and yet, 
I think, ye will excuse neither of them both from committing rebelhon 
against God : neither yet justly can ye do the Queen, unless that ye 
will make God to be partial." 

" But yet," said Lethington, " why pray ye not for her without 
moving any doubt ? " 

" Because," said the other, " I have learned to pray in faith. 
Now faith, ye know, depends upon the words of God, and so it is 
that the word teaches me that prayers profit the sons and daughters 
of God's election, of which number, whether she be one or not, I have 
just cause to doubt ; and, therefore, I pray God ' illuminate her 
heart, if his good pleasure be.' " 

" But yet," said Lethington, " ye can produce the example of 
none that so has prayed before you." 

" Thereto I have already answered," said John Knox ; " but 
yet for further declaration, I will demand a^question, which is this. 
Whether if ye think that the Apostles prayed themselves as they 
commanded others to pray." 

" Who doubts of that ? " said the whole company that were 

" Well then," said John Knox, " I am assured that Peter said 
these words to Simon Magus, ' Repent therefore of this thy wicked- 
ness, and pray to God, that if it be possible the thought of your heart 
may be forgiven thee.' Here we may clearly see that Peter joins 
a condition with his commandment. That Simon should repent and 
pray, to wit, if it were possible that his sin might be forgiven ; for 
he was not ignorant that some sins were unto the death, and so with- 


out all hope of repentance or remission. And think ye not, my Lord 
Secretaiy (said he), but the same doubt may touch my heart, as 
touching the Queen's conversion, that then touched the heart of the 
Apostle ? " 

" I would never," said Lethington, " hear you or any other call 
that in doubt." 

" But your will," said the other, " is no assurance to my con- 
science : And to speak freely, my Lord, I wonder if ye yourself 
doubt not of the Queen's conversion ; for more evident signs of 
induration have appeared, and still do appear in her, than Peter 
outwardly could have espied in Simon Magus. For albeit sometimes 
he was a sorcerer, yet joined he with the Apostles, believed, and was 
baptised ; and albeit that the venom of avarice reinained in his 
heart, and that he would have bought the Holy Ghost, yet when he 
heard the fearful threatenings of God pronounced against him, he 
trembled, desired the assistance of the prayers of the Apostles, and 
so humbled himself, so far as the judgment of man could perceive, 
like a true penitent, and yet we see that Peter doubts of his conversion. 
Why then may not all the godly justly doubt of the conversion of 
the Queen, who has used idolatry which is no less odious in the sight 
of God than is the other, and still continues in the same, yea, that 
despises all threatenings, and refuses all godly admonitions ? " 

" Why say ye that she refuses admonition ? " said Lethington. 
" She will gladly hear any man." 

" But what obedience," said the other, " to God or to his word, 
ensues of all that is spoken unto her ? Or when shall she be seen to 
give her presence to the public preaching ? " 

" I think never," said Lethington, " so long as she is thus 

" And so long," said the other, " ye and all others must be 
content that I pray so as I may be assured to be heard of my God, 
that his good will may be done, either in making her comfortable 
to his Kirk, or if that he has appointed her to be a scourge to the 
same, that we may have patience, and she may be bridled." 

" Well," said Lethington, " let us come to the Second Head. 
Where find ye that the Scripture calls any the bound slaves to Sathan, 
or that the Prophets of God speak so irreverently of kings and 
princes ? " 

" The Scripture," said John Knox, " says, that ' by nature we 
are all the sons of wrath.' Our Master, Christ Jesus, affirms, ' that 
such as do sin are servants to sin,' and that it is the only Son of God 


that sets men at freedom. Now what difference there is betwix the 
sons of wrath and the servants of sin, and the slaves to the devil, I 
understand not, except I be taught ; and if the sharpness of the term 
offended you, I have not invented that phrase of speech, but have 
learned it out of God's Scripture, for those words I find spoken unto 
Ads 26 Paul, ' Behold, I send thee to the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that 
they may turn from darkness to light, and from the power of Sathan 
unto God.' Mark these words, my Lord, and sture not at ^ the 
speaking of the Holy Ghost. And the same Apostle writing to his 
2 Tim 2 scholar Timothy, says, ' Instruct with meekness those that are 
contrary minded, if that God at any time will give them repentance, 
that they may know the truth, and that they may come to amend- 
ment, out of the snare of the Devil, which are taken of him at his 
will.' If your Lordship rightly consider these sentences, ye shall 
not only find my words to be the words of the Holy Ghost, but also 
the conditions which I [am in] use to add, to have the assurance of 
God's Scriptures." 

" But they spake nothing against kings in special," said Lething- 
ton, " and yet your continual crying is, ' The Queen's idolatry, the 
Queen's Mass, will provoke God's vengeance.' " 

" In the former sentences," said the other, " I hear not kings 
and queens excepted, but all unfaithful are pronounced to stand in 
one rank, and to be in bondage to one tyrant, the Devil. But belike, 
my Lord, ye little regard the estate wherein they stand, when ye 
would have them so flattered, that the danger therefor should neither 
be known, neither yet declared to the poor people." 

" Where will ye find," said Lethington, " that any of the Prophets 
did so entreat kings and queens, rulers or magistrates ? " 

" In more places than one," said the other. " Ahab was a King, 
and Jezebel was a Queen, and yet what the 'Prophet Elijah said to 
the one and to the other, I suppose ye be not ignorant ? " 

" That was not cried out before the people," said Lethington, 
" to make them odious unto their subjects." 

" That Elijah said, ' Dogs shall hck the blood of Ahab,' " said 
John Knox, " ' and eat the flesh of Jezebel,' the Scriptures assure 
me ; but that it was whispered in their own ear, or in a corner, 
I read not. But the plain contrary appears to me, which is, that both 
the people and the Court understood well enough what the Prophet 
had promised ; for so witnesseth Jehu, after that God's vengeance 
had stricken Jezebel." 

1 be not discontented with 


" They were singular motions of the Spirit of God," said Lething- 
ton, " and appertain nothing to this our age." 

" Then has the Scripture far deceived me," said the other ; 
*' for Saint Paul teaches me, that ' Whatsoever is written within 
the Holy Scriptures, the same is written for our instruction.' And 
my Master said, that ' Every learned and wise scribe brings forth 
his treasure, both things old and things new.' And the Prophet 
Jeremiah affirms, that ' Every realm and every city that likewise 
offends as then did Jerusalem, should likewise be punished.' Why 
then the facts of the ancient Prophets, and the fearful judgments of 
God executed before us upon the disobedient, appertain not unto this 
our age, I neither see nor yet can understand. But now, to put end 
to this head, my Lord (said he), the Prophets of God have not spared 
to rebuke wicked kings, as well in their face as before the people and 
subjects. Elisha feared not to say to Kingjehoram, 'What have I 
to do with thee ? Get thee to the Prophets of thy father, and to the 
Prophets of thy mother ; for as the Lord of Hosts lives, in whose 
sight I stand, if it were not that I regard the presence of Jehosaphat, 
the King of Judah, I would not have looked toward thee, nor seen 
thee.' Plain it is, that the Prophet was a subject in the kingdom of 
Israel, and yet how little reverence he gives to the King, we hear. 
Jeremiah the Prophet was commanded to cry to the King and to the 
Queen, and to say, ' Behave yourselves lowly ; execute justice and 
judgment ; or else your carcasses shall be cast to the heat of the day, 
and unto the frost of the night.' Unto Coniah, Shall um and 
Zedekiah, he speaks in special, and shows unto them in his public 
sermons their miserable ends ; and therefore ye ought not to think 
it strange, my Lord (said he), that the servants of God mark the vice 
of kings and queens, even as well as of other offenders, and that 
because their sins be more noisome to the Commonwealth than are 
the sins of inferior persons." 

The most part of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington leaned 
upon the Master of Maxwell's breast, who said, " I am almost 
weary : I would that some other would reason in the chief head, 
which is not touched." 

Then the Earl of Morton, Chancellor,^ commanded Mr. George 
Hay to reason against John Knox, in the head of Obedience due unto 
Magistrates ; who began so to do. Unto whom John Knox said, 
" Brother, that ye shall reason in my contrary I am well content, 

^ James, fourth Earl of Morton. He appears as Chancellor in January 1563. {Register 
Privy Council 0/ Scotland, i, 228) 


because I know you both a man of learning and of modesty : but 
that ye shall oppose yourself in the truth whereof, I suppose, your 
own conscience is no less persuaded than is mine, I cannot well 
approve ; for I would be sorry that I and ye should be reputed to 
reason as two scholars of Pythagoras, to show the quickness of our 
engine,^ as it were to reason on both the parts. I protest here before 
God, that whatsoever I sustain, I do the same of conscience ; yea, 
I dare no more sustain a proposition known unto myself untrue, than 
that I dare teach false doctrine in the public place. And therefore 
Brother, if conscience move you to oppose yourself to that doctrine, 
which ye have heard of my mouth in that matter, do it boldly : it 
shall never offend me. But that ye shall be found to oppose yourself 
unto me, ye being persuaded in the same truth, I say yet again, it 
pleases me not ; for therein may be greater inconvenience than 
either ye or I do consider for the present." 

The said Mr. George answered, " That I would oppose myself 
unto you as willing to impugn or confute that head of doctrine 
which not only ye, but many others, yea, and I myself have affirmed, 
far be it from me ; for so should I be found contrarious to myself. 
For my Lord Secretary knows my judgment in that head." 

" Marry ! " said the Secretary, " ye are well the worst of the two ; 
for I remember well your reasoning when the Queen was in Carrick." 

" Well," said John Knox, " seeing, Brother, that God has made 
you to occupy the chair of verity, wherein, I am sure, we will agree 
in all principal heads of doctrine, let it never be said that we dis- 
agree in disputation." John Knox was moved thus to speak, because 
he understood more of the craft than the other did. 

" Well," said Lethington, " I am somewhat better provided in 
this last head than I was in the other two. Mr. Knox (said he), 
yesterday ^ we heard your judgment upon the. 13th [chapter of the 
Epistle] to the Romans ; we heard the mind of the Apostle well 
opened ; we heard the causes why God has established Powers 
upon the earth ; we heard the necessity that mankind has of the same ; 
and we heard the duty of Magistrates sufficiently declared. But 
in two things I was offended, and I think some more of my Lords 
that then were present. The one was, ye made difference betwix 
the ordinance of God and the persons that were placed in authority ; 
and ye affirmed that men might refuse ^ the persons and yet not offend 


" Probably the "exhortation and prayer" of 25 June 1564. [Bookeofthe Uiiiversall Kirk, 
i, 46) " ? lege resist 


against God's ordinance. This is the one ; the other ye had no time 
to explain ; but this, methought, ye meant, that subjects were not 
bound to obey their princes if they commanded unlawful things ; 
but that they might resist their princes, and were not ever bound to 

" In very deed," said the other, " ye have rightly both marked 
my words, and understood my mind ; for of that same judgment 
I have long been, and so yet I remain." 

" How will ye prove your division and difference," said Lething- 
ton, " and that the person placed in authority may be resisted, and 
God's ordinance not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle says, ' He 
that resists [the power], resisteth the ordinance of God.' " 

" My Lord," said he, " the plain words of the Apostle make 
the difference ; and the facts ^ of many approved by God prove my 
affirmative. First, The Apostle affirms, that the powers are ordained 
of God, for the preservation of quiet and peaceable men, and for 
the punishment of malefactors ; whereof it is plain, That the ordi- 
nance of God, and the power given unto man, is one thing, and the 
person clad with the power or with the authority, is another ; for 
God's ordinance is the conservation of mankind, the punishment of 
vice, the maintaining of virtue, which is in itself holy, just, constant, 
stable, and perpetual. But men clad with the authority, are com- 
monly profane and unjust ; yea, they are mutable and transitory, and 
subject to corruption, as God threateneth them by his Prophet David, 
saying, ' I have said. Ye are gods, and every one of you the sons of 
the Most Highest ; but ye shall die as men, and the Princes shall fall 
like others.' Here I am assured, that persons, the soul and body of 
wicked princes, are threatened with death. I think that such ye will 
not affirm is the authority, the ordinance and the power, wherewith 
God has endued such persons ; for as I have said, as it is holy, so it is 
the permanent will of God. And now, my Lord, that the Prince may 
be resisted, and yet the ordinance of God not violated, it is evident ; 
for the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn by the living God 
that Jonathan should die. The people (I say), swore in the contrary, 
and delivered Jonathan, so that one hair of his head fell not. Now, 
Saul was the anointed King, and they were his subjects, and yet they 
so resisted him that they made him no better than mansworn." 

" I doubt," said Lethington, " if in so doing the people did 

" The Spirit of God," said the other, " accuses them not of any 

' deeds ; actions 


crime, but rather praises them, and damns the King, as well for his 
foolish vow and law made without God, as for his cruel mind that 
so severely would have punished an innocent man. But herein I 
shall not stand : this that follows shall confirm the former. This 
same Saul commanded Ahimelech and the Priests of the Lord to 
be slain, because they had committed treason, as he alleged, for inter- 
communing with David, His guard and principal servants would 
not obey his unjust commandment ; but Doeg the flatterer put the 
King's cruelty to execution. I will not ask your judgment, Whether 
that the servants of the King, in not obeying his commandment, re- 
sisted God or not ? Or whether Doeg, in murdering the Priests, gave 
obedience to a just authority ? For I have the Spirit of God, speaking 
by the mouth of David, to assure me of the one as well as of the other ; 
for he, in his 52nd Psalm, damns that fact as a most cruel murder, 
and affirms that God would punish, not only the commander, but 
the merciless executor. And therefore, I conclude, that they who 
gainstood his commandment, resisted not the ordinance of God, 

" And now, my Lord, to answer to the place of the Apostle who 
affirms, ' That such as resists the power, resists the ordinance of God ' ; 
I say, that the power in that place is not to be understood of the 
unjust commandment of men, but of the just power wherewith God 
has armed his Magistrates and Lieutenants to punish sin and main- 
tain virtue. As if any man should enterprise to take from the 
hands of a lawful judge a murderer, an adulterer, or any other male- 
factor that by God's law deserved death, this same man resisted 
God's ordinance, and procured to himself vengeance and damna- 
tion, because that he stayed God's sword to strike. But so it is not, 
if that men in the fear of God oppose themselves to the fury and 
blind rage of princes ; for so they resist not God, but the Devil, who 
abuses the sword and authority of God." ' 

" I understand sufficiently," said Lethington, " what ye mean ; 
and to the one part I will not oppose myself. But I doubt of the other. 
For if the Queen would command me [to] slay John Knox, because 
she is offended at him, I would not obey her. But, and she would 
command others to do it, or yet by a colour of justice take his life 
from him, I cannot tell if I [would] be found to defend him against 
the Queen and against her officers," 

" Under protestation," said the other, " that the auditure ^ 
think not that I seek favours to myself, I say, my Lord, that if ye be 
persuaded of my innocence, and if God has given unto you such a 

' audience 


power and credit as might deliver me, and yet suffered me to perish, 
that in so doing ye should be criminal and guilty of my blood." 

" Prove that, and win the play," said Lethington. 

" Well, my Lord," said the other, " remember your promise, 
and I shall be short of my probation. The Prophet Jeremiah was 
apprehended by Priests and Prophets (who were a part of the 
authority within Jerusalem), and by the multitude of the people, 
and this sentence was pronounced against him, ' Thou shalt die the 
death ; for thou hast said, This house shall be like Shiloh, and this 
city shall be desolate without an habitant,' The Princes hearing the 
uproar, came from the King's house and sat down in judgment in the 
entry of the new gate of the Lord's house, and there the Priests and 
the Prophets before the Princes, and before all the people, intended ^ 
their accusation in these words, ' This man is worthy to die, for he 
has prophesied against this city, as your ears have heard.' Jeremiah 
answered, ' That whatsoever he had spoken proceeded from God ; 
and therefore (said he), as for me, I am in your hands : do with me 
as ye think good and right : But know ye for certain, that if ye put 
me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your souls, 
and upon this city, and upon the habitations thereof ; for of truth, 
the Lord has sent me unto you, to speak all these words.' Now, my 
Lord, if the Princes and the whole people should have been guilty 
of the Prophet's blood, how shall ye or others be judged innocent 
before God, if ye shall suffer the blood of such as have not deserved 
death to be shed, when that ye may save it ? " 

" The cases are nothing like," said Lethington. 

" And I would learn," said the other, " wherein the dissimilitude 

" First," said Lethington, " the King had not condemned him 
to the death. And next, the false Prophets and the Priests and the 
people accused him without a cause, and therefore they could not 
but be guilty of his blood." 

" Neither of these," said John Knox, " fights against my argu- 
ment ; for albeit the King was neither present, nor yet had con- 
demned him, yet were the Princes and chief Councillors there sitting 
in judgment, who represented the King's person and authority, 
hearing the accusation laid unto the charge of the Prophet ; and 
therefore he forewarns them of the danger, as before I said, to wit, 
that in case he should be condemned, and so put to death, that the 
King, the Council, and the whole city of Jersualem, should be guilty 

* directed 


of his blood, because he had committed no crime worthy of death. 
And if ye think that they should have been all criminal only because 
that they all accused him, the plain text witnesses the contrary ; for 
the Princes defended him, and so no doubt did a great part of the 
people ; and yet he boldly affirms, that they should be all guilty 
of his blood if that he should be put to death. And the prophet 
Ezekiel gives the reason why all are guilty of a common corruption, 
' Because,' says he, ' I sought one man amongst them that should 
make up the hedge, and stand in the gap before me for the land, that 
I should not destroy it, but I found none ; therefore, have I poured 
my indignation upon them.' Hereof, my Lord (said he), it is plain, 
that God craves not only that a man do no iniquity in his own 
person, but also that he oppose himself to all iniquity, so far forth 
as into him lies." 

" Then will ye," said Lethington, " make subjects to control their 
princes and rulers ? " 

" And what harm," said the other, " should the common- 
wealth receive, if that the corrupt affections of ignorant rulers were 
moderated, and so bridled by the wisdom and discretion of godly 
subjects, that they should do wrong nor violence to no man ? " 

" All this reasoning," said Lethington, " is not of the purpose ; 
for we reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to our 
religion, that she should persecute it, and put innocent men to death ; 
which I am assured she never thought, nor never will do. For if 
I should see her begin at that end, yea, if I should suspect any such 
thing in her, I should be as far forward in that argument as ye or any 
other within this Realm. But there is not such a thing. Our 
question is. Whether that we may and ought to suppress the Qjueen's 
Mass ? Or whether her idolatry shall be laid to our charge ? " 

" What ye may [do]," said the other, " by force, I dispute not ; 
but what ye may and ought to do by God's express commandment, 
that I can tell. Idolatry ought not only to be suppressed, but the 
idolater ought to die the death, unless that we will accuse God." 

" I know," said Lethington, " the idolater is commanded to die 
the death ; but by whom ? " 

" By the people of God," said the other ; " for the commandment 
was given to Israel, as ye may read, ' Hear, Israel,' says the Lord, 
' the statutes and the ordinances of the Lord thy God,' &c. Yea, 
a commandment was given, That if it be heard that idolatry is 
committed in any one city, inquisition shall be taken ; and if it 
be found true, that then the whole body of the people shall 


arise and destroy that city, sparing in it neither man, woman, nor 

" But there is no commandment given to the people," said the 
Secretary, " to punish their King if he be an idolater." 

" I find no more privilege granted unto kings," said the other, 
" by God, more than unto the people, to offend God's majesty." 

" I grant," said Lethington ; " but yet the people may not be 
judges unto their King to punish him, albeit he be an idolater." 

" God," said the other, " is the Universal Judge, as well unto 
the King as to the people ; so that what his word commands to be 
punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the other." 

" We agree in that," said Lethington ; " but the people may not 
execute God's judgment, but must leave it unto Himself, who will 
either punish it by death, by war, by imprisonment, or by some other 

" I know the last part of your reason," said John Knox, " to be 
true ; but for the first, to wit, that the people, yea, or a part of the 
people may not execute God's judgments against their King, being 
an oflfender, I am assured ye have no other warrant except your own 
imagination, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend princes 
than God." 

" Why say ye so ? " said Lethington, " I have the judgments 
of the most famous men within Europe, and of such as ye yourself 
will confess both godly and learned." 

And with that he called for his papers, which produced by Mr. 
Robert Maitland, he began to read with great gravity the judgments 
of Luther, Melanchthon, [and] the minds of Bucer, Musculus,i 
and Calvin, how Christians should behave themselves in time of 
persecution ; yea, the Book of Baruch ^ was not omitted with this 
conclusion. " The gathering of these things," said he, " has cost 
more travail than I took these seven years in reading of any com- 

" The more pity," said the other, " and yet, what ye have profited 
your own cause, let others judge. But as for my argument, I am 
assured, ye have infirmed it nothing ; for your first two witnesses 
speak against the Anabaptists, who deny that Christians should be 
subject to magistrates, or yet that [it] is lawful for a Christian to be 
a magistrate ; which opinion I no less abhor than ye do, or any other 
that fives do. The others speak of Christians, subject unto tyrants 
and infidels, so dispersed that they have no other force but only to 

' Andreas Musculus, the German divine 2 in the Apocrypha 


sob to God for deliverance. That such indeed should hazard any 
further than these godly men will them, I cannot hastily be of 
counsel. But my argument has another ground ; for I speak of the 
people assembled together in one body of a Commonwealth, unto 
whom God has given sufficient force, not only to resist, but also to 
suppress all kind of open idolatry : and such a people yet again I 
affirm, are bound to keep their land clean and unpolluted. And that 
this my division shall not appear strange unto you, ye shall under- 
stand that God required one thing of Abraham and of his seed when 
he and they were strangers and pilgrims in Egypt and Canaan ; 
and another thing required he of them when they were delivered 
from the bondage of Egypt, and the possession of the land of Canaan 
[was] granted unto them. At the first, and during all the time of 
their bondage, God craved no more but that Abraham should not 
defile himself with idolatry. Neither was he, nor yet his posterity 
commanded to destroy the idols that were in Canaan or in Egypt. 
But when God gave unto them the possession of the land, he gave unto 
them this strait commandment, ' Beware that you make league or 
confederacy with the inhabitants of this land : give not thy sons 
unto their daughters, nor yet give thy daughters unto their sons. 
But this shall ye do unto them, cut down their groves, destroy their 
images, break down their altars, and leave tliou no kind of re- 
membrance of those abominations which the inhabitants of the land 
used before : for thou art an holy people unto the Lord thy God. 
Defile not thyself, therefore, with their gods.' 

" To this same commandment, I say, are ye, my Lords, and all 
such as have professed the Lord Jesus within this Realm bound. 
For God has wrought no less miracle upon you, both spiritual and 
corporal, than he did unto the carnal seed of Abraham. For in what 
estate your bodies and this poor Realm were, within these seven years, 
yourselves cannot be ignorant. You and it were both in bondage 
of a strange nation ; and what tyrants rang ^ over your conscience, 
God perchance may let you feel, because that ye do not rightly 
acknowledge the benefit received. When our poor Brethren before 
us gave their bodies to the flames of fire, for the testimony of the 
truth, and when scarcely could ten be found into a country, that 
rightly knew God, it had been foolishness to have craved either ol 
the Nobility, or of the mean subjects, the suppressing of idolatry ; 
for that had been nothing but to have exposed the simple sheep in 
a prey to the wolves. But since that God has multiplied knowledge, 

* reigned 


yea, and has given the victory to his truth, even in the hands of his 
servants, if ye suffer the land again to be defiled, ye and your Princess 
shall both drink the cup of God's indignation, she for her obstinate 
abiding in manifest idolatry in this great hght of the Evangel of Jesus 
Christ, and ye for your permission and maintaining her in the same." 

Lethington said, " In that point we will never agree ; and where 
find ye, I pray you, that ever any of the Prophets or of the Apostles 
taught such a doctrine that the people should be plagued for the 
idolatry of the Prince ; or yet, that the subjects might suppress the 
idolatry of their rulers, or punish them for the same ? " 

" What was the commission given to the Apostles," said he, 
" my Lord, we know : it was to preach and plant the Evangel of 
Jesus Christ, where darkness afore had dominion ; and therefore 
it behoved them, first to let them see the light before that they should 
will them to put to their hands to suppress idolatry. What precepts 
the Apostles gave unto the faithful in particular, other than that they 
commanded all to flee from idolatry, I will not affirm : But I find 
two things which the faithful did ; the one was, they assisted their 
preachers, even against the rulers and magistrates ; the other was, 
they suppressed idolatry wheresoever God gave unto them force, 
asking no leave at the Emperor, nor of his deputes. Read the ecclesi- 
astical history, and ye shall find example sufficient. And as to the 
doctrine of the Prophets, we know they were interpreters of the law 
of God ; and we know they spake as well to the kings as to the people. 
I read that neither of both would hear them ; and therefore came the 
plague of God upon both. But that they more flattered kings than 
that they did the people, I cannot be persuaded. Now, G<xi's laws 
pronounce death, as before I have said, to idolaters without exception 
of any person. Now, how the Prophets could rightly interpret the 
law, and show the causes of God's judgments, which ever they 
threatened should follow idolatry, and [the] rest of [the] abominations 
that accompany it (for it is never alone ; but still corrupt religion 
brings with it a filthy and corrupt life), how, I say, the Prophets 
could reprove the vices, and not show the people their duty, I under- 
stand not. And therefore I constantly beheve that the doctrine of 
the Prophets was so sensible,^ that the kings understood their own 
abominations, and the people understood what they ought to have 
done, in punishing and repressing them. But because that the most 
part of the people were no less rebellious unto God than were their 
princes, therefore the one and the other convened against God and 

evident ; easy to be perceived 
((553) VOL II 9 


against his servants. And yet, my Lord, the facts of some Prophets 
are so evident, that thereof we may collect what doctrine they taught ; 
for it were no small absurdity to affirm that their facts should repugn 
to their doctrine." 

" I think," said Lethington, "ye mean of the history of Jehu. 
What will ye prove thereby ? " 

" The chief head," said John Knox, " that ye deny, to wit, That 
the Prophets never taught that it appertained to the people to punish 
the idolatry of their kings ; the contrary whereof I affirm : And 
for the probation, I am ready to produce the fact of one Prophet ; 
for ye know, my Lord, said he, that Elisha sent one of the children 
of the Prophets to anoint Jehu, who gave him in commandment to 
destroy the house of his master Ahab for the idolatry committed by 
him, and for the innocent blood that Jezebel his wicked wife had 
shed. Which he obeyed, and put in full execution ; for the which 
God promised unto him the stability of the kingdom to the fourth 
generation. Now," said he, "here is the fact of one Prophet, that 
proves that subjects were commanded to execute judgments upon 
their King and Prince." 

" There is enough," said Lethington, " to be answered thereto ; 
for Jehu was a King before he put anything in execution ; and 
besides this, the fact is extraordinary, and ought not to be imitated." 

" My Lord," said the other, " he was a mere subject, and no 
King when the Prophet's servant came unto him ; yea, and albeit 
that his fellow captains, hearing of the message, blew the trumpet, 
and said, ' Jehu is King ' ; yet I doubt not, but Jezebel both thought 
and said, ' He was a traitor ' ; and so did many others that were in 
Israel and in Samaria. And as touching that ye allege, that the 
fact was extraordinary, and is not to be imitated, I say, that it had 
ground of God's ordinary judgment, which eommands the idolater 
to die the death ; and, therefore, I yet again affirm, that it is to be 
imitated of all those that prefer the true honour, the true worship 
and glory of God, to the affections of flesh, and of wicked princes." 

" We are not bound to imitate extraordinary examples," said 
Lethington, " unless we have the like commandment and assurance." 

" I grant," said the other, " if the example repugn to the law ; 
as if avaricious and deceitful men would borrow gold, silver, raiment, 
or any other necessaries from their neighbour, and withhold the same, 
alleging that so they might do, and not offend God, because that the 
Israelites did so to the Egyptians at their departure forth of Egypt. 
[There] the example served to no purpose unless that they could 


produce the like cause, and the hke commandment that the IsraeHtes 
had ; and that because their fact repugned to this commandment of 
God, ' Thou shak not steal.' But where the example agrees with 
the law, and is, as it were, the execution of God's judgments expressed 
in the same, I say that the example approved of God stands to us 
in place of a commandment. For, as God of his nature is constant, 
immutable, so can he not damn in the ages subsequent that which 
he has approved in his servants before us. But in his servants before 
us, He by his own commandment has approved that subjects have 
not only destroyed their kings for idolatry, but also have rooted out 
their whole posterity, so that none of that race was left after to 
empire above the people of God." 

" Whatsoever they did," said Lethington, " was done at God's 

" That fortifies my argument," said the other ; " for by God's 
commandment He approved that subjects punish their princes for 
idolatry and wickedness by them committed." 

" We have not the like commandment," said Lethington. 

" That I deny," said the other ; " for the commandment, ' The 
idolater shall die the death,' is perpetual, as [ye] yourself have granted. 
You doubted only who should be executors against the King ; and 
I said the people of God, and have sufficiently proved, as I think, that 
God has raised up the people, and by his Prophet has anointed a 
King to take vengeance upon the King, and upon his posterity. 
Which fact, God since that time has never retreated ^ ; and, therefore, 
to me it remains for a constant and clean commandment to all the 
people professing God, and having the power to punish vice, what 
they ought to do in the like case. If the people had enterprised any- 
thing without God's commandment, we might have doubted whether 
they had done well or evil ; but seeing that God did bring the 
execution of his law again in practice, after that it was come in 
oblivion and contempt, what reasonable man can doubt now of 
God's will, unless we will doubt of all things which God renews not 
unto us by miracles, as it were from age to age ? But I am assured, 
that the answer of Abraham unto the rich man who, being into hell, 
desired that Lazarus, or some of the dead, should be sent unto his 
brethren and friends, to forewarn them of his incredible pain and 
torments, and that they should behave themselves so that they 
should not come in that place of torment : the answer, I say, given 
unto him, shall confound such as crave further approbation of God's 

* withdrawn 



will than is already expressed within his holy Scriptures ; for 
Abraham said, ' They have Moses and the Prophets, whom if they 
will not believe, neither will they believe albeit that one of the dead 
should rise.' Even so, I say, my Lord, that such as will not be taught 
what they ought to do, by commandment of God once given, and 
once put in practice, will not believe nor obey, albeit that God 
should send angels from heaven to instruct that doctrine." 

" Ye have but produced one example," said Lethington. 

" One sufficeth," said the other ; " but yet, God be praised, 
2 Chron. we lack not others ; for the whole people conspired against Amaziah, 
King of Judah, after that he had turned away from the Lord, followed 
him to Lachish and slew him, and took Uzziah and anointed him 
King instead of his father. The people had not altogether forgotten 
the league and covenant which was made betwix their King and 
them, at the inauguration of Joash, his father, to wit, ' That the 
King and the people should be the people of the Lord,' and then 
should they be his faithful subjects. From the which covenant, 
when that first the father, and after the son declined, they were 
both punished to the death, Joash by his own servants, and Amaziah 
by the whole people." 

" I doubt," said Lethington, " whether they did well or not," 

" It shall be free for you," said the other, " to doubt as ye please, 
but where I find execution according to God's laws, and God himself 
not to accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of their cause. 
And further, it appears unto me that God gave sufficient approba- 
tion and allowance to their fact ; for he blessed them with victory, 
peace, and prosperity, the space of fifty-two years thereafter." 

" But prosperity," said Lethington, " does not always prove that 
God approves the facts of men." 

" Yes," said the other ; " when the facts of men agree with the 
law of God, and are rewarded according to God's own promise, 
expressed in his law, I say, that the prosperity succeeding the fact 
is most infallible assurance that God has approved that fact. Now 
so it is, that God has promised in his law, that when his people shall 
exterminate and destroy such as decline from Him, that He will bless 
them, and multiply them, as He has promised unto their fathers. 
But so it is, that Amaziah turned from God ; for so the texts do wit- 
ness ; and plain it is the people slew their King ; and like plain it is, 
that God blessed them : Therefore, yet again conclude I, that God 
approved their fact, in so far as it was done according to his com- 
mandment, [and] was blessed according to his promise." 


" Well," said Lethington, " I think not the ground so sure as I 
durst build my conscience thereupon." 

" I pray God," said the other, " that your conscience have no 
worse ground than is this, whensoever ye shall begin that like work 
which God in your own eyes has already blessed. And now, my 
Lord (said he), I have but one example to produce, and then I will 
put an end to my reasoning, because I weary longer to stand." 
(Commandment was given that he should sit down ; but he refused 
it, and said, " Melancholious reasons would have some mirth inter- 
mixed.") " My last example (said he), my Lord, is this : Uzziah 
the King, not content of his royal estate, malapertly took upon him 
to enter within the temple of the Lord, to burn incense upon the altar 
of incense ; ' And Azariah the priest went in after him, and with him 
fourscore priests of the Lord, valiant men, and they withstood Uzziah 
the King, and said unto him. It pertaineth [to] thee not, Uzziah, to 
burn incense unto the Lord, but to the priests, the sons of Aaron, 
that are consecrated to offer incense : Go forth of the sanctuary, 
for thou hast transgressed, and you shall have no honour of the Lord 
God.' Hereof, my Lord, I conclude, that subjects not only may, 
but also ought to withstand and resist their princes, whensoever 
they do anything that expressly repugns to God, his law, or holy 

" They that withstood the King," said Lethington, " were not 
simple subjects, but were the priests of the Lord, and figures of 
Christ, and such priests have we none this day, to withstand kings 
if they do wrong." 

" That the High Priest was the figure of Christ," said the other, 
" I grant : but that he was not a subject, that I deny. For I am 
assured, that he in his priesthood had no prerogative above those that 
had passed before him. Now, so it is, that Aaron was subject unto 
Moses, and called him his Lord. Samuel, being both prophet and 
priest, subjected himself to Saul, after he was inaugurated of the 
people. Zadok bowed before David ; and Abiathar was deposed 
fi'om the priesthood by Solomon : which all confessed themselves 
subjects to the kings, albeit that therewith they ceased not to be the 
figures of Christ. And whereas ye say, that we have no such priests this 
day, I might answer, that neither have we such kings this day as 
then were anointed at God's commandment, and sat upon the seat 
of David, and were no less the figure of Christ Jesus in their just 
administration, than were the priests in their appointed office : and 
such kings, I am assured, we have not now more than that we have 


such priests : for Christ Jesus being anointed in our nature, of 
God his Father, both King, Priest, and Prophet, has put an end to 
all external unction.^ And yet, I think, ye will not say that God has 
now diminished his graces for those whom He appoints ambassadors 
betwix Him and his people, more than that He does from kings and 
princes ; and therefore, why that the servants of Jesus Christ may 
not as justly withstand kings and princes, that this day no less offends 
God's majesty than Uzziah did, I see not, unless that ye will say 
that we, in the brightness of the Evangel, are not so straitly bound 
to regard God's glory, nor yet his commandments, as were the fathers 
that lived under the dark shadows of the Law." 

" Well," said Lethington, " I will dip no further in that head. 
But how resisted the Priests the King ? They only spake unto him 
without further violence intended." 

" That they withstood him," said the other, " the text assures 
me ; but that they did nothing but speak, I cannot understand ; 
for the plain text affirms the contrary, to wit, that they caused him 
hastily to depart from the sanctuary, yea, and that he was compelled 
to depart : which manner of speaking, I am assured in the Hebrew 
tongue imports other thing than exhorting, or commanding by 

" They did that," said Lethington, " after that he was espied 

" They withstood him before," said the other ; " but yet their 
last fact confirms my proposition so evidently, that such as will 
oppose them unto it, must needs oppose them unto God ; for my 
assertion is, that kings have no privilege more than has the people 
to offend God's majesty ; and if that so they do, they are no more 
exempted from the punishment of the law than is any other subject ; 
yea, and that subjects may not only lawfully oppose themselves to 
their kings, whensoever they do anything that expressedly repugns 
to God's commandment, but also that they may execute judgment 
upon them according to God's law ; so that if the king be a murderer, 
adulterer, or idolater, he should suffer according to God's law, not 
as a king, but as an offender ; and that the people may put God's 
laws in execution, this histoiy clearly proves. For how soon that the 
leprosy appeared in his forehead, he was not only compelled to depart 
out of the sanctuary, but also he was removed from all public society 

1 Calderwood tells us that at the coronation of James VI, " Mr. Knox and other 
preachers repyned at the ceremonie of anointing, yitt was he anointed." {History of tlie 
Kirk of Scotland, ii, 384) 


and administration of the kingdom, and was compelled to dwell in 
a house apart, even as the law commanded, and got no greater 
privilege in that case than any other of the people should have done ; 
and this was executed by the people ; for it is no doubt more were 
witnesses of his leprosy than the priests alone. But we find none 
oppose themselves to the sentence of God pronounced in his law 
against the leprous ; and therefore, yet again say I, that the people 
ought to execute God's law even against their princes, when that 
their open crimes by God's law deserve death, but especially when 
they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude. And now, 
my Lords (said he), I will reason no longer, for I have spoken more 
than I intended." 

" And yet," said Lethington, " I cannot tell what can be 

" Albeit ye cannot," said the other, " yet I am assured what I 
have proven, to wit : 

" I. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands of 
their king, and therein offended not God. 

"2. That subjects have refused to strike innocents when a king 
commanded, and in so doing denied no just obedience. 

" 3. That such as struck at the commandment of the king, before 
God were reputed murderers. 

" 4. That God has not only of a subject made a king, but also 
has armed subjects against their natural kings, and commanded 
them to take vengeance upon them according to his law. 

" And, last. That God's people have executed God's law against 
their king, having no further regard to him in that behalf than if he 
had been the most simple subject within this Realm. 

" And therefore, albeit ye will not understand what should be 
concluded, yet I am assured that not only God's people may, 
but also that they are bound to do the same where the like 
crimes are committed, and when he gives unto them the hke 

" Well," said Lethington, " I think ye shall not have many 
learned men of your opinion." 

" My lord," said the other, " the truth ceases not to be the truth, 
howsoever it be that men either misknow it, or yet gainstand it. 
And yet (said he), I praise my God, I lack not the consent of God's 
servants in that head." And with that he presented unto the Secretary 
the Apology of Magdeburg ; and willed him to read the names of the 
ministers who had subscribed the defence of the town to be a most 


just defence ; and therewith added, " That to resist a tyrant, is not 
to resist God, nor yet his ordinance." ^ 

Which when he had read, he scripped ^ and said, " Homines 
obscuri" ^ The other answered, " Dei tamen servi." * 

And so Lethington arose and said, " My Lords, ye have heard the 
reasons upon both parts : it becomes you now to decide, and to put 
an order unto preachers, that they may be uniform in doctrine. 
May we, think ye, take the Queen's Mass from her ? " 

While that some began to give their votes, for some were 
appointed, as it were, leaders to the rest, John Knox said, " My 
Lords, I suppose that ye will not do contrary to your Lordships' 
promise made to the whole Assembly, which was. That nothing 
should be voted in secret, till that the first all matters should be 
debated in public, and that then the votes of the whole Assembly 
should put an end to the controversy.^ Now have I only sustained 
the argument, and have rather shown my conscience in most simple 
manner, than that I have insisted upon the force and vehemence of 
any one argument : And therefore I, for my part, utterly disassent 
from all voting, till that the whole Assembly have heard the pro- 
positions and the reasons of both parties. For I unfeignedly acknow- 
ledge that many in this company are more able to sustain the 
argument than I am." 

" Think ye it reasonable," said Lethington, " that such a multi- 
tude as are now convened, should reason and vote in these heads and 
matters that concern the Queen's Majesty's own person and affairs ? " 

" I think," said the other, " that whatsoever should bind, the 
multitude should hear, unless that they have resigned their power 
unto their Commissioners, which they have not done, so far as I 
understand ; for my Lord Justice-Clerk ^ heard diem with one voice 
say. That in no way would they consent that -anything should either 
here be voted or concluded." 

" I cannot tell," said Lethington, " if that my Lords that be 
here present, and that bear the burden of such matters, should be 

' The city of Magdeburg had joined the Schmalkaldic League of Mutual Defence 
against attacks made on any member on account of the Protestant religion. It held out 
against the Emperor Charles V, and for long successfully withstood a siege by Maurice 
of Saxony. Its resistance to Charles V and his religious measures, and its " Apology " 
for its resistance, roused a fever of enthusiasm in Lutheran Germany. Although it capitu- 
lated in November 1551 (after being under the ban of the Empire for more than a year) 
the terms of the capitulation guaranteed to the citizens the religion they desired. 

^ mocked, derided ' That is, " Men of no note " 

* That is, " Yet servants of God " ' Cf. supra, 1 08 

Sir John Bellenden 


bound to their will. What say ye (said he), my Lords ? Will ye vote 
in this matter, or will ye not vote ? " 

After long reasoning, some that were made for the purpose said, 
" Why may not the Lords vote, and then show unto the Kirk what- 
soever is done ? " 

" That appears to me," said John Knox, " not only a backward 
order, but also a tyranny usurped upon the Kirk. But for me, do 
as ye Hst (said he), for as I reason, so I vote, yet protesting as before, 
that I dissent from all voting till that the whole Assembly understand 
as well the questions as the reasonings." 

" Well," said Lethington, " that cannot be done now, for the time is 
spent ; and therefore, my Lord Chancellor (said he), ask ye the votes, 
and take, by course, ^ every one of the Ministers, and [every] one of us," 

And so was the Rector of Saint Andrews ^ commanded first to Mr. John 
speak his conscience ; who said, " I refer to the Superintendent of^ rectof^' 
Fife,^ for I think we are both in one judgment ; and yet (said he), 
if ye will that I speak first, my conscience is this, That if the Queen 
oppose herself to our religion, which is the only true religion, that 
in that case the Nobihty and Estates of this Realm, professors of the 
true doctrine, may justly oppose themselves unto her. But as con- 
cerning her own Mass, I know it is idolatry, but yet I am not yet 
resolved whether that by violence we may take it from her or not." 
The Superintendent of Fife said, " That same is my conscience." 
And so affirmed some of the Nobihty. But others voted frankly, and 
said, " That as the Mass was abomination, so was it just and right 
that it should be suppressed ; and that in so doing, men did no more 
wrong to the Queen's Majesty than they that should by force take 
from her a poison cup when she was going to drink it." 

At last, Mr. John Craig, fellow-minister with John Knox in the ^'. John 
Kirk of Edinburgh, was required to give his judgment and vote, 
who said, " I will gladly show unto your Honours what I understand ; 
but I greatly doubt whether my knowledge and conscience shall 
satisfy you, seeing that ye have heard so many reasons and are so 
little moved by them. But yet I shall not conceal from you my 
judgment, adhering first to the protestation of my Brother, to wit, 
That our voting prejudge not the fiber ty of the General Assembly, 
I was (said he), in the University of Bononia,* in the year of God 
1554, where, in the place of the Black-Friars of the same town, I saw 
in the time of their General Assembly this Conclusion set forth : This 
same I heard reasoned, determined, and concluded : 

* in turn ' Mr. John Douglas ^ Mr. John Winram * Bologna 




" Principes omnes, tarn supremi, quam inferiores, possunt et 
debent reformari, vel deponi per eos, per quos eliguntur, con- 
firmantur, vel admittuntur ad officium, quoties a fide praestita 
subditis per juramentum deficiunt : Quoniam relatio jura- 
menti subditorum et principum mutua est, et utriusque aequo 
jure servanda et reformanda, juxta legem et conditionem 
juramenti ab utraque parte facti." 

" That is, All Rulers, be they supreme or be they inferior, may 
and ought to be reformed or deposed by them by whom they are 
chosen, confirmed, or admitted to their office, as oft as they break 
that promise made by the oath to their subjects : Because that their 
Prince is no less bound by oath to the subjects, than are the subjects 
to their Prince, and therefore ought to be kept and reformed equally, 
according to the law and condition of the oath that is made of either 

" This Conclusion, my Lords, I heard sustained and concluded, 
as I have said, in a most notable auditure. The sustainer was a 
learned man, Magister Thomas de Finola, the Rector of the Univer- 
sity, a man famous in that country. Magister Vincentius de Placentia 
affirmed the Conclusion to be most true and certain, agreeable both 
with the law of God and man. The occasion of this disputation 
and conclusion, was a certain disorder and tyranny that was attempted 
by the Pope's governors, who began to make innovations in the 
country against the laws that were before established, alleging them- 
selves not to be subject to such laws, by reason that they were not 
instituted by the people, but by the Pope, who was King of that 
country ; and therefore they, having full commission and authority 
of the Pope, might alter and change statutes and ordinances of the 
country, without all consent of the people. Against this dieir 
usurped tyranny, the learned and the people opposed themselves 
openly : and when that all reasons which the Pope's governors could 
allege were heard and confuted, the Pope himself was feign to take 
up the matter, and to promise to keep not only the liberty of the 
people, but also that he should neither abrogate any law or statute, 
neither yet make any new law without their own consent. And, 
therefore, my Lord (said he), my vote and conscience is, that princes 
are not only bound to keep laws and promises to their subjects, 
but also, that in case they fail, they justly may be deposed ; for the 
band betwix the Prince and the people is reciprocal." 


Then started up a claw-back ^ of that corrupt Court, and said, 
" Ye wat not what ye say ; for ye tell us what was done in Bononia ; 
we are a kingdom, and they are but a commonwealth." 

" My Lord," said he, " my judgment is, that every kingdom is, 
or at least, should be a commonwealth, albeit that every common- 
wealth be not a kingdom ; and, therefore, I think, that in a kingdom 
no less diligence ought to be taken, that laws be not violated, than is 
in a commonwealth ; because that the tyranny of princes who 
continually ring ^ in a kingdom, is more hurtful to the subjects, than 
is the misgovernment of those that from year to year are changed 
in free commonwealths. But yet, my Lords, to assure you and all 
others further, that head was disputed to the uttermost ; and then, 
in the end, it was concluded that they spake not of such things as 
were done in divers kingdoms and nations by tyranny and negligence 
of people. ' But we conclude,' said they, ' what ought to be done in 
all kingdoms and commonwealths, according to the law of God, and 
unto the just laws of man. And if by the negligence of the people, 
or by tyranny of princes, contrary laws have been made, yet may 
that same people, or their posterity, justly crave all things to be 
reformed, according to the original institution of kings and com- 
monwealths : and such as will not do so, deserve to eat the fruit of 
their own foolishness.' " 

Master James M'Gill, then Clerk of Register, perceiving the 
votes to be different, and hearing the bold plainness of the foresaid 
servant of God, said, " I remember that this same question was long 
debated once before this in my house, and there, by reason that we 
were not all of one mind, it was concluded that Mr. Knox should 
in all our names have written to Mr. Calvin for his judgment in the 
controversy." ^ 

" Nay," said Mr. Knox, " my Lord Secretary would not consent 
that I should write, alleging that the greatest weight of the answer 
stood in the narrative,* and therefore promised that he would write, 
and I should see it. But when (said he), that divers times I required 
him to remember his promise, I found nothing but delay." 

Whereto the Secretary did answer, " True it is I promised to 
write, and true it is that divers times Mr. Knox required me so to do. 
But when I had more deeply considered the weight of the matter, 
I began to find more doubts than that I did before, and this one 

' sycophant ; flatterer ; toady ^ reign ' See supra, 23 

That is, that the answer largely depended upon the way in which the question was 
put. (See supra, 24, note i ) 


amongst others, How I durst, I being a subject, and the Queen's 
Majesty's Secretary, take upon me to seek resolution of controversies 
depending betwix her Highness and her subjects, without her own 
knowledge and consent." Then was there an acclamation of the 
claw-backs of the Court, as if Apollo had given his response : " It 
was wisely and faithfully done." 

" Well," said John Knox, " let worldly men praise worldly 
wisdom so highly as they please, I am assured that by such shifts 
idolatry is maintained, and the truth of Jesus Christ is betrayed, 
whereof God one day will be revenged." ^ At this, and the Hke 
sharpness, many offended, the voting ceased, and every faction began 
plainly to speak as affection moved them. 

John Knox in the end was commanded yet to write to Mr. Calvin, 
and to the learned in other Kirks, to know their judgments in that 
question ; which he refused, ^ showing his reason, " I myself am not 
only fully resolved in conscience, but also I have heard the judgments 
in this, and all other things that I have affirmed within this Realm, 
of the most godly and most learned that be known in Europe. I 
came not to this Realm without their resolution ; and for my 
assurance I have the handwritings of many ; and, therefore, if I 
should now move the same question again, what should I do other, 
but either show my own ignorance and forgetfulness, or else in- 
constancy : And, therefore, it may please you to pardon me, albeit 
I write not. But I will teach you the surer way, which is this, that 
ye write and complain upon me, that I teach publicly and affirm 
constantly such doctrine as offends you, and so shall ye know their 
plain minds, and whether that I and they agree in judgment or not." 
The end Divers Said the offer was good ; but no man was found that 

reasoning would be the secretary. And so did that Assembly in long reasoning 
betwix break up. After the which time, the ministers that were called 
Knox and precise were held of all the courtiers as monsters. 
farytr ^ ^" ^^^ ^^^^ t^ ^^6 Earl of Moray was so formed " to John Knox, 

June that neither by word nor write was there any communication betwix 



' For Knox's previous prophecies against Lethington, see supra, i, 335 ; ii, 65, 106 ; for 
their supposed fulfilment, see the note in Robertson's Inventaires de la Rqyne Descosse (Banna- 
tync Club), Preface, 1. 

^ Again Knox conceals the fact that he had already written to Calvin (see supra, 23, note 6). 

' In the manuscript (folio 387 recto) this final short paragraph has been added in a 
hand that looks like that of Knox. 

* This word is clearly w/ntten formed, but is equally intended to hefremmed, that is, 
strange, foreign, or alien. For the beginning of this coolness between Knox and Moray, see 
supra, 78-79. 




(by knox's continuator) 




In the next month, which was July, the Queen went into Atholl 
to the hunting ; and from thence she made her progress into Moray, 
and returned to Fife in September. ^ All this while there was appear- There be 
ance of love and tender friendship betwix the two Queens ; for Epigrams 
there were many letters full of civihty and compliments sent from ^'^'^"'' , 

' ^ \ written by 

either of them to the other in sign of amity ; besides costly presents George 
for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lennox ^ laboured ofaHch' 
to come home forth of England ; and in the month of October he diamond 
arrived at Holyrood-House,^ where he was graciously received by the ^qleen 
Queen's Majesty ; namely, when he had presented the Queen of ^^^y ^ 
England's letters, written in his favour. And because he could Elizabeth* 
not be restored to his lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there 
was a Parhament procured to be held at Edinburgh, the 13 day of 
December.^ But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a Parlia- 
ment, she desired the Earl of Moray, by whose means chiefly the said 
Earl of Lennox came into Scotland, that there should no word be 
spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the Parlia- 
ment. But he answered, that he could not promise it. In the 
meantime, the Hamiltons and the Earl of Lennox were agreed.*' 

At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, 
where the said Earl of Lennox was restored, after two and twenty 
years exile : he was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when 
they had the rule.'' There were some Articles given in by the Church, 

' For the Queen's itinerary in July, August, and September 1 564, see Hay Fleming, 
Mary Qiieen of Scots, 529. The Queen returned to Edinburgh on 15 September. {Foreign 
Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, Nos. 681, 682) 

'^ Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of Lennox 

" Lennox apparently arrived on 23 September 1564. (Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. 
No. 97) 

* The marginal notes in this book were probably added by David Buchanan by whom 
it was printed. 

^ The restitution of Lennox was " proclaimed " at the Market Cross of Edinburgh 
on 16 October 1564 (Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 108), and the Earl was restored 
by a Parliament which was called mainly for that purpose and which, summoned for 
4 December, apparently sat from 11 to 16 December 1564. (Ibid., Nos. 108, 124 ; Acts 
Pari. Scot., ii, 545) reconciled 

' Lennox had been pronounced guilty of treason in 1545, during the regency of Arran 
(a Hamilton) ; and it must not be forgotten that then, and until the birth of James [VI] 
in 1 566, Lennox was next in succession to the Crown if the divorce of the first Earl of 
Arran was invalid. (See Scots Peerage, iv, 358-360 ; Two Missions of Jacques de la Brosse, 
Scot. Hist. Soc, 18-19, 26-29 ; and the genealogical table given irfra, 351) 



especially for the abolishing of the Mass universally, and for punish- 
ment of vice ; but there was little thing granted, save that it was 
statute that scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, 
and then publicly shown unto the people with ignominy ^ ; but the 
same was not put in execution. 

In the end of this month of December, the General Assembly of 
the Church was held at Edinburgh : many things were ordained 
for settling of the affairs of the Church. ^ 

In the end of January the Queen passed to Fife,^ and visiting 
the gentlemen's houses, was magnificently banqueted everywhere, 
so that such superfluity was never seen before within this Realm ; 
which caused the wild fowl to be so dear, that partridges were sold 
for a crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parlia- 
ment, the confirmation of the feus of Church Lands,* at the desire 
of divers Lords, whereof the Earl of Moray was chief. During the 
Queen's absence the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chapel ^ 
to hear Mass ; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed 
more bold, some of them thinking thereby to please the Queen. 
Upon a certain Sunday in February, they made an Even-song of 
their own, setting two Priests on the one side of the choir, and one 
or two on the other side, with Sandy Steven, minstrel (baptizing 
their children, and making marriages), who, within eight days after, 
[was] convicted of blasphemy, [for] alleging that he would give 
no more credit to the New Testament than to a tale of Robin Hood, 
except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church. The said 
superstitious Even-song was the occasion of a great slander, for many 
were offended with it ; which being by the Brethren declared to the 
Lords of the Privy Council, especially to the Earl of Moray, he 
lamented the cause to the Queen's Majesty, showing her what 
inconvenience should come if such things were suffered unpunished. 
And, after sharp reasoning, it was promised that the like should 
not be done hereafter. The Queen also alleged that they were a 
great number ; and that she could not trouble their conscience. 

About the 20 of this month, arrived at Edinburgh, Henry 
Stewart, Lord Darnley. From thence he passed to Fife : and in 

' The records of this ParHament are sadly incomplete, but Randolph gives an account 
of the statutes passed against aduUerers and fornicators. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, u. 
No. 124) 

* The records of the General Assembly of 25-27 December 1564 will be found in the 
Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 52-56. 

^ Details of the Queen's movements are given in Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 
53 1 and note. * See Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 545, c. 2 'Of Holyrood 


the place of Wemyss he was admitted to kiss the Queen's hand ^ ; 
whom she Hked so well that she preferred him before all others, as 
shall hereafter, God willing, be declared. Soon after, in the month 
of March, the Earl Bothwell arrived out of France ; whereat the 
Earl of Moray was highly offended, because of the evil report made 
to him of the Lord Bothwell - ; and passing immediately to the 
Queen's Majesty, demanded of her if it was her will, or by her 
advice, that he was come home ; and seeing he was his deadly enemy, 
either he or the other should leave the country, and therefore desired 
that he might have justice. Her answer was that seeing the Earl 
Bothwell was a nobleman, and had done her service, she could not 
hate him. Nevertheless she would do nothing that might be pre- 
judicial to the Earl of Moray, but desired that the matter might be 
taken away. Within few days she caused summon the Earl Bothwell 
to answer to the course of law the 2nd of May, for the conspiracy 
which the Earl of Arran had alleged two years before, and for the 
breaking of the ward of the Castle. ^ In the meanwhile there was 
nothing in the Court but banqueting, balling, and dancing, and other 
such pleasures as were meet to provoke the disordered appetite ; 
and all for the entertainment of the Queen's cousin from England, 
the Lord Darnley, to whom she did show all the expressions imaginable 
of love and kindness. 

Within few days, the Queen being at Stirling, order was given 
to Secretary Lethington to pass to the Queen of England. The 
chief point of his message was, to declare to the Queen of England 
that the Queen was minded to marry her cousin the Lord Darnley ^ 
and the rather, because he was so near of blood to both Queens, for 
by his mother he was cousin-german to the Queen of Scotland, also 
of near kindred, and of the same name by his father ; his mother was 
cousin-german to the Queen of England. Here mark God's provi- 
dence : King James the Fifth having lost his two sons, did declare 
his resolution to make the Earl of Lennox his heir of the Crown ; but 

* Darnley reached Edinburgh on Tuesday 13 February 1565, tarried there three 
nights, and on Friday 16 February passed over to Fife to Wemyss where he was " admitted" 
to the Queen on Saturday 17 February. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 147, 148) 

^ Randolph, writing to Cecil on 15 March 1565, refers to Bothwell's arrival and adds 
that Bothwell has been accused by Moray of speaking dishonourable words against the 
Queen and of threatening Moray and Lethington that he would be the death of both 
of them. {Ibid., ii, No. 157) 

^ See supra, 42, 54, 64. Randolph reports a " day of law " against Bothwell on 
2 May 1565 when judgment was given against him in his absence. {Calendar of Scottish 
Papers, ii, Nos. 171, 174) 

* For Lethington's embassy, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 335, note 88. 
(653) VOL n 10 


he [being] prevented by sudden death, that design ceased. Then 
came the Earl of Lennox from France, with intention to marry 
King James's widow ; but that failed also. He marries Margaret 
Douglas, and his son marrieth Mary, King James the Fifth's 
daughter. 1 And so the King's desire is fulfilled, to wit, the Grown 
continueth in the name and in the family. The Queen of England, 
nevertheless, shewed herself nothing pleased therewith, but rather 
declared. That she would in nowise suffer her subjects to make such 
contracts or alliance that might be prejudicial to her ; and for the 
same purpose sent a post to the Qjaeen with letters, wherein she 
complained greatly of the mind of our Mistress, seeing the great 
affection she bore to her, intending to declare her heritrix of her 
Realm of England, providing only that she would use her counsel in 
marriage ; but she could not approve her marriage with the Lord 
Darnley, although he was their near cousin by birth, since he was 
below the rank of the Queen by condition, being but a private 
subject.^ At the same time she wrote to the Earl of Lennox, and to 
his son, commanding them to repair both into England.^ Some 
write that all this was but counterfeit by the Queen of England, 
and from her heart she was glad of the marriage, for by that means 
the succession of the Crown of England was secured, the Lord 
Darnley being the right heir after the Queen of Scotland : and 
Queen Elizabeth was not angry to see her married to one of inferior 
rank, for by that means she thought the Scots Queen would be less 
proud. * 

During this time there were certain letters directed to the 
Brethren of Edinburgh, to Dundee, Fife, Angus, and Mearns, and 
other places, from the Brethren of Kyle and other places in the 
West Country, desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places to 
remember what the Eternal God had wrought, and how potently 
he had abohshed all kind of idolatry and superstition, and placed 
his word in this Realm so that no man could say otherwise but it 
was the work of God, who also had delivered this country from the 
bondage and tyranny of strangers. Nevertheless by our slothfulness, 
we have suffered that idol the Mass not only to be planted again, 

* See the genealogical table infra, 351 

* See the instructions given to Throckmorton {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, Nos. 
1 1 18, 1 135) and his report to Elizabeth of his interview with Mary on 15 May {Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 183). Knox's continuator gives fuller details, infra, 145-146 

^ See Randolph's account in his letter of 2 July 1565. (Keith, History of Affairs of 
Church and State in Scotland, ii, 296-309) 

* This reasoning is repeated infra, 146 


but to increase, so that the maintainers thereof are Hke, by all appear- 
ance, to get the upper hand, which would be the occasion of our 
destruction. And for that the Papists purposed to set up their idol 
at Easter following, in all places, which was to be imputed to the 
slothfulness and want of godly zeal of the professors ; therefore they 
admonished the Brethren to strive to avert the evil in time, and not 
to suffer such wickedness to continue and increase, lest God's heavy 
wrath come upon us unawares like a consuming fire. By these letters 
many Brethren were animated, and their spirits wakened, minding 4' '^" 
to provide as God should give them grace. And first of all, by the Italian, 
advice of the most learned in Edinburgh, there was a Supplication "^^ 
made, and given to the Queen's Majesty by the Superintendent oi entered in 
Lothian, containing, in effect, that the Church in general of the famiu. 
Realm had divers times most humbly craved of her Majesty that '?(>' 
committers of adultery should be punished according to the law of Queen, 
God and the Acts of Parliament ; nevertheless thev continued in their f, ^^'^^ 

' , . ' . there was 

wickedness ; and the Papists, of obstinate malice, pretended nothing nothing 
else but to erect and set up their idolatry and superstition ; and Jj"^o; 
especially at Easter day following they intended to put the same in ^^i"^ ' 
practice, which the Brethren and Professors of the Evangel could not 
suffer ; therefore wished her Majesty to take heed of the matter. 

This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the 
Superintendents of Lothian and Glasgow, and told them, in the 
Queen's name, that there should be such provision made as should 
serve to their contentment. And for the same purpose, the Queen's 
Majesty wrote to all such places as were suspected, especially to the 
Bishops of Saint Andrews ^ and Aberdeen ^ (as was said) not to 
use any Mass, and that they should not do any such thing as was 
feared by the Protestants, or convene any Council ; and thereto 
commanded them. Now the Communion was administered in 
Edinburgh, the ist day of April 1565. At which time, because it 
was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at their Mass ; and as 
some of the Brethren were diligent to search such things, they having 
with them one of the Bailies, took one sir James Carvet, riding 
hard, as he had now ended the saying of the Mass, and conveyed 
him, together with the master of the house, and one or two more 
of the assistants, to the Tolbooth, and immediately revested * him 
with all his garments upon him, and so carried him to the Market- 
Cross, where they set him on high, -binding the chalice in his hand, 

^ Cf. supra, 106. See also Caldervvood's History, ii, 285-286. 

'' John Hamilton ' William. Gordon * re-attired 


and himself fast tied to the said Gross, where he tarried the space 
of one hour ; during which time the boys served him with his Easter 
eggs. The next day following, the said Carvet, with his assistants, 
were accused and convicted by an assize, according to the Act of 
Parliament. And albeit for the same offence he deserved death, yet 
for all punishment he was set upon the Market-Cross for the space 
of three or four hours, the hangman standing by, and keeping him, 
the boys and others were busy with eggs casting ; and some Papists 
there were that stopped [it] as far as they could : and as the press 
of people increased about the Cross, there appeared to have been 
some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Douglas,^ came with some 
halberdiers, and carried the priest safe again to the Tolbooth. The 
Queen being advertised, and having received sinister information 
that the priest was dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted 
some extreme punishment ; for she thought that all this was done 
in contempt of her, and of her religion. And it was affirmed that 
the Town should have been sacked, and a great number executed 
to death. She sent to such as she pleased, commanding them to come 
to her at Edinburgh suddenly with their whole forces ; and in the 
meantime she sent her Advocate, Master Spens of Condie, to 
Edinburgh, to take a sure trial of the matter. The Provost and 
Council wrote to the Queen the truth of the matter as it was, desiring 
her Majesty to take the same in good part, and not to give credit 
to false reports, and therewith sent to her Majesty the process and 
enrolment of the Court of the priest convicted. ^ Thus the Queen's 
Majesty being informed of the truth by her said Advocate, sent 
again, and stayed the said meeting of men, and sent to the Town 
a grave Letter, whereof the copy followeth : 

The Queen's Letter to the Provosty Bailies, and Council of Edinburgh. 

" Provost, Bailies, and Council of our City of Edinburgh, We 
received your letter from our Advocate, and understand by this report 
what diligence you took to stay the tumult in the late disorder 
attempted at Edinburgh ; wherein, as you did your duty in suppress- 

' Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie 

* In the burgh records this priest is called " sir James Tarbot," and he is so called, 
infra, 143. The Provost, with two of the Bailies, and other neighbours to the number of 
forty persons, are to ride to the Queen at Stirling " for mitigating of her Majesty " who 
had been " highly moved . . . upon the unjust report made to her Highness of the 
striking and casting of eggs " at him {Edinburgh Burgh Recs., Burgh Rec. Soc, iii, 195-196). 
Further details may be read in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 169, 171 (enclosure), where 
" 10,000 eggs " is either an exaggeration or an illuminating commentary upon the ample 
supplies then available. 


ing the tumult, so can We not take in good part, nor think our self 
satisfied of so notorious a thing, without certain seditious persons, 
who were pleased to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates' 
authority, be condignly and really punished for their rashness and 
misbehaviour. For if all private persons should usurp to take ven- 
geance at their own hands, what lies in ours ? And to what purpose 
hath good laws and statutes been established ? Since, therefore. 
We have never been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders, 
prescribed by the laws, but have always maintained justice in that 
case without respect of persons, it is our will, and We command 
you, as you will answer to us upon your obedience and allegiance, 
that you will take before you certain of the most responsible persons 
which are declared authors of the said sedition, and usurpers of our 
authority, and to administer justice upon them, in such sort as We 
may know a sincerity on your part, and our authority no ways 
slighted. But if you fail, persuade yourselves (and that shortly). 
We will not oversee it, but will account this contempt not only to 
be in the committers thereof, but in yourselves, who ought to punish 
it, and relieve us on our part, remitting the rest to your diligence 
and execution, which We look for so soon as reason will permit. 

" Subscribed with our hand at Stirling, this 24 of April, 
Anno 1565." 

By this manner of writing and high threatening, may be per- 
ceived how grievously the Queen's Majesty would have been offended 
if the said Tarbot and mass-monger had been handled according 
to his demerit, being not only a Papist idolater, but a manifest 
whoremaster, and a common fighter and blasphemer ; nevertheless, 
within few days the Queen charged the Provost and Bailies to 
set him at liberty, commanding them further, that no man should 
trouble nor molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause ; and soon 
after rewarded him with a benefice, and likewise his assisters, John 
Low ^ and John Kennedy, set at liberty in the same manner. At 
this Easter-tide, in Stirling, the Queen made her domestic servants 
use Papistical rites and ceremonies, and more, she persuaded others 
by fair means to do the same, and threatened those that were most 
constant at the Earl of Cassillis' house. ^ 

Upon the second day of May 1565, convened at Edinburgh the 
Earl of Moray with his friends in great numbers, to keep the day 

1 He is called John Loich in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 171 (enclosure). 
' Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassillis 



of law against the Earl of Bothwell ' ; who, being called, appeared 
not, only the Laird of Riccarton ^ protested that the personal 
absence of the Earl Bothwell should not be prejudicial to him by 
reason that, for just fear, which might happen in the heart of any 
man, since he had so potent an enemy as the Lord of Moray who, 
next the Queen's Majesty, was of greatest estimation and authority 
of any man within this Realm, to whom assisted at this present 
day of law, seven or eight hundred men,^ which force he could not 
resist, therefore had absented himself ; which protestation being 
made, those that had been sureties for his appearance were out- 
lawed. The said Earl Bothwell, a few days after, passed into France, 
after he had been in Liddesdale, where, suspecting almost every 
man, he was not in great assurance of his life, notwithstanding he 
was not put to the horn ; for the Qjueen continually bore a great 
favour towards him,* and kept him to be a soldier, as appeared 
within less than half a year ; for she would not suffer the Lord 
Morton,^ nor my Lord Erskine," my Lord of Moray's great friends, 
to keep the day. There assisted my Lord of Moray, the Earls of 
Argyll, '^ Glencairn,** and Crawford,^ with great numbers, and many 
Lords and Barons, who for the most part convened the same after- 
noon to treat and consult for the maintaining of Religion ; where 
some articles were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Moray to 
be presented to the Queen's Majesty and Privy Council ; which 
articles were enlarged at the General Assembly following, as shall 
be declared. ^"^ 

In the meantime, as they were informed in Court of this great 
Assembly of people in Edinburgh, they were afraid, for naturally 
the Queen hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not 
in her own presence and devised by herself. The chief Councillors 
in the Court were the Earls of Lennox ^^ and ^thoU.^- The Queen 
wrote incontinent for all the Lords to come to Stirling, so soon as 
she was advertised that they had treated in Edinburgh of Religion. 

* See supra, 139 and note 3 ; Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i, 46i*-464* 
" Alexander Hepburn of Whitsome and Riccarton 

^ Randolph, writing to Cecil, says that " the company that came in favour of Moray 
are estimated at 5,000 or 6,000." [Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 174) 

* See Randolph's account, ibid. 

* James, fourth Earl of Morton ; then Chancellor 

John, sixth Lord Erskine, becoming, in the following month. Earl of Mar 

' Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll ' Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn 

' David, tenth Earl of Crawford '" Infra, 148-150 

*' Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and father of Henry, Lord Darnley 

* John, fourth Earl of AthoU 


She wrote likewise for the Superintendents and other learned men ; 
who went thither, and, being there, they caused to keep the ports 
or gates, and make good watch about the town. The special cause 
of this Convention was to give to the Lord Darnley title of honour, 
openly and solemnly, with consent of the Nobles, before the 

The fourth day of May the Earl of Moray came to Stirling, 
where he was well received by the Queen's Majesty, as appeared. 
And immediately, as he passed with her to my Lord Darnley's 
chamber, they presented to him a contract, containing in effect. 
That forasmuch as, or since, the Queen had contracted marriage 
with the Lord Darnley, that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobility 
had under-written, ratified, and approved the same, and obliged 
themselves to grant unto him in full Parliament the Crown Matri- 
monial (by a new Court solecism in policy, the Crown for the second 
time is surnamed Matrimonial ; before, when the Queen was first 
married, it was so called also ^), to serve and obey him and her as 
their lawful Sovereigns. The Queen desired my Lord Moray to 
subscribe, as many others had done before ; which he refused to 
do, "Because (said he), it is required necessarily that the whole 
Nobility be present, at least the principal, and such as he himself 
was posterior unto, before that so grave a matter should be advised 
and concluded," ^ 

The Queen's Majesty no ways content with this answer, insisted 
still upon him, saying the greatest part of the Nobility were there 
present and content with the matter, wished him to be so much a 
Stewart as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the family, 
and the surname, according to their father's will and desire, as 
was said of him a little before his death. ^ But he still refused for the 
causes above written. 

Now as the Lords were assembled, an Ambassador from Eng- 
land, named Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, arrived at Stirling, and in 
his company the Laird of Lethington. The Ambassador was at the 
Castle gate before they were aware ; and as he stood there in the 
entry, he was desired to pass to his lodgings. The next day he had 
audience of the Queen, and was graciously received according to the 
dignity of his message. The whole sum of this his message was, to 
show and declare to the Queen, how highly the Queen his mistress 

' Supra, i, 1 40-1 41 

^ Randolph gives a slightly different account in his letter to Cecil of 8 May 1565. 
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 175) ' Cf. supra, 139-140 


was offended with this precipitated marriage, and wondered what 
had moved her to take a man of inferior rank and condition to her- 
self : and therefore dissuaded her therefrom. And specially desiring 
her most earnestly to send home her subjects, the Earl of Lennox 
and the Lord Darnley : but all in vain ; for the matter was well 
far proceeded.^ In her heart Queen Elizabeth was not angry at 
this marriage ^ ; first, because if Queen Mary had married a foreign 
Prince, it had been an access to her greatness, and consequently she 
had been more redoubted by the other ; next, both Harry ^ and 
Mary were alike and in equal degree of consanguinity unto her, 
the father of Mary and the mother of Harry being children to her 
father's sister.* 

With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassador depart, 
promising to do all she could to satisfy the Queen of England ; and 
for the same purpose she would send an Ambassador to her. 

In the meantime the Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley 
was prepared and propounded in Council ; and the chief of the 
The Earl Nobihty, such as the Duke,^ the Earls of Argyll, Moray, [and] 
seeing the Glcncairn, with the rest, granted freely to the same providing that 
/f'^''. they might have the Religion established in Parliament, by the Queen, 
consent and the idolatrous Mass and superstition abolished.^ Shortly it was 
which "' concluded, that they should convene again to Saint Johnston, where 
before he the Queen promised to take a final order for Religion. The day was 
appointed, to wit, the last of May, at Perth : My Lord of Argyll 
came too late. The Queen's Majesty communed with the Lords, 
who were very plain with her, saying, except the Mass were abolished, 
there should be no quietness in the country. The twelfth day of May 
the Lord Darnley was belted (that is, created) Earl of Ross, with 
great solemnity, a belt or girdle being tied about his waist or middle ; 
and albeit all kind of provision was made to make him Duke of 
Rothesay, yet at that time it came not to effect, albeit the crown and 
robe-royal were prepared to him for the same. For the entertain- 
ment of this triumph there were many Knights made, to the number 

1 See Throckmorton's own account in his letter to EUzabeth of 2 1 May 1 565. {Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 183) ^ Cf. supra, 140 

' Henry, Lord Darnley 

' Mary's father was James V, son of James IV and Margaret Tudor, daughter of 
Henry VII and sister to Henry VIII, the father of Elizabeth ; Darnley's mother was 
Margaret Douglas, daughter of Margaret Tudor by her second marriage to Archibald, 
sixth Earl of Angus. See genealogical tables infra, 351, 352. 

' The Duke of Chatelherault 

See Throckmorton's letters in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 178, 180 ; and the 
account in Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 469. 


of fourteen, 1 The next day, which was the thirteenth of May, the 
Queen called for the Superintendents, by name John Willock, John 
Winram, and John Spottiswoode, whom she cherished with fair words, 
assuring them that she desired nothing more earnestly than the glory 
of God and satisfying of men's consciences, and the good of the 
commonwealth ; and albeit she was not persuaded in any Religion 
but in that wherein she was brought up, yet she promised to them that 
she would hear conference and disputation in the Scriptures : And 
likewise she would be content to hear public preaching, but always 
out of the mouth of such as pleased her Majesty ; and above all 
others, she said, she would gladly hear the Superintendent of Angus 
(for he was a mild and sweet-natured man), with true honesty and 
uprightness, John Erskine of Dun. 

Soon after the Queen passed to Saint Johnston, after that she had 
directed Master John Hay, Prior of Monymusk, to pass to England, 
who sped at the Queen of England's hand, even as Sir Nicholas 
Throckmorton did in Scotland. ^ 

Before the day which was appointed for the meeting at Saint 
Johnston,^ my Lord of Moray, most careful of the maintenance of 
Religion, sent to all the principal Churches, advertising them of the 
matter, and desiring them to advise, and send the most able men in 
learning and reputation, to keep the day ; but their craft and dis- 
simulation appeared, for the Dean of Restalrig, who lately arrived 
out of France,^ with others, such as Mr John Lesley, Parson of Oyne, 
afterward Bishop of Ross, caused the Queen to understand that thing 
whereof she was easily persuaded, to wit, that there ought to be 
given to all men liberty of conscience,^ and for this purpose to shun 
or put off the first day appointed. The Queen wrote to the Nobility, 
that because she was informed that there were great meetings out 
of every shire and town in great number ; and then the other party 
(so termed she the Papists) were minded to gather to the said 

' Darnley was created Earl of Ross on 15 May 1565. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. 
No. 183) The names and designations of the fourteen knights are given in a memorial of 
the same date {ibid., ii, No. 181). 

^ See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 183 {in fin.), 198, 200, 202. In Mary's letter 
he is called " Commendator of Balmerino " {ibid., ii, No. 198). 

^ The Lords of Secret Council were to convene at Perth on 10 June 1565 {Reg. Privy 
Council of Scotland, i, 335-336 ; see also Randolph's account in his letter of 3 June 1565 
to Cecil, Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 192) ; but the convention " held not " {ibid., ii, 
No. 193). Neither was the later convention of 22 June held. (See Keith, History, ii, 300) 

* John Sinclair. On 18 September 1564 Mary had applied to Elizabeth for a safe 
conduct for Master John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, with eight companions, to return 
from France to Scotland through her realm. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 91) 

' An argument that had been advanced as early as 1561 {supra, 12) 


Convention, which should apparently make trouble or sedition, 
rather than any other thing ; therefore she thought it expedient, 
and willed them to stay the said meetings, and to defer the same till 
such a day that she should appoint with advice of her Council. At 
this time there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh 
the twentieth day of July. ^ By this Letter some of the Protestants, 
having best judgment, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the 
inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Council at this time 
was only the Earls of Lennox and Atholl, [and] the Lord Ruthven ; 
but chiefly David Riccio the Italian ruled all ^ ; yet the Earl of 
Ross ^ was already in greatest credit and famiharity. 

These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and 
twentieth day of May ; and within twelve days thereafter, she 
directed new missives to the chief of the Nobility, desiring or com- 
manding them to come to Saint Johnston the three and twentieth 
day of June following, to consult upon such things as concerned 
Religion, and other things, as her Majesty should propose. Which 
day was even the day before that the General Assembly should have 
been held in Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the 
former ; so that the Protestants thought themselves sufficiently 
warned. Always as the Earl of Moray was passing to Saint Johnston 
to have kept the said day, he chanced to fall sick of the fluxes in 
Lochleven,* where he remained till the Queen came forth of Saint 
Johnston to Edinburgh, where the General Assembly of the whole 
Church of Scotland was held the four and twentieth day of June. ^ 
The Earls of Argyll and Glencairn assisted the Church, with a great 
company of Lords, Barons, and others. It was there ordered and 
concluded, That certain Gentlemen, as Commissioners from the 
Church National, should pass to the Queen's Majesty with certain 
Articles, to the number of six, desiring her rnost humbly to ratify 
and approve the same in Parliament. 

And because the said Articles are of great weight, and worthy 
of memory, I thought good to insert the same word by word.^ 

Imprimis, That the Papistical and blasphemous Mass, with all 
Papistical idolatry, and Papal jurisdiction, be universally suppressed 

' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 335 

* See Randolph's graphic account in his letter to Leicester of 3 June 1565. {Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 191) ' Darnley 

* For differing versions of Moray's " illness " see Calderwood, History, ii, 286 ; Keith, 
History, ii, 31 1-314 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 468-469. See also Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of 
Scots, 354, note 16. ' The General Assembly met in Edinburgh on 25 June 1565 

See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 59-60 


and abolished throughout this Realm, not only in the subjects, but 
also in the Queen's own person, with punishment against all persons 
that should be deprehended to transgress and offend in the same : 
And that the sincere word of God and Christ's true Religion, now 
at this present received, be established, approved, and ratified,^ 
throughout the whole Realm, as well in the Queen's own person as 
in the subjects. And that the people be astricted to resort upon the 
Sundays at the least to the prayers and preaching of God's word, 
even as they were before to the idolatrous Mass : And these Heads 
to be provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queen's 

Secondly, That sure provision be made for sustentation of the 
Ministry, as well for the time present, as the time to come : And 
that such persons as are presently admitted to the Ministry, may have 
their livings assigned unto them in places where they travail in their 
calling, or at least next adjacent thereto : And that the Benefices 
now vacant, or hath been vacant since the month of March 1558,^ 
or that hereafter shall happen to be vacant, be disponed to qualified 
and learned persons, able to preach God's Word and discharge the 
vocation concerning the Ministry, by trial and admission of the 
Superintendents and Overseers : And that no Benefice or Living, 
having many churches annexed thereunto, be disponed altogether 
in any time to come, to any one man, but at the least the churches 
thereof be severally disponed, and that to several persons ; so that 
every man having charge may serve at his own church according to 
his vocation : And to that effect, likewise the glebes and the manses 
be given to the Ministers, that they may make residence at their 
churches, whereby they may discharge their consciences according 
to their vocation ; and also, that the kirks may be repaired accord- 
ingly ; and that a law be made and established hereupon by Act of 
Parliament, as said is. 

Thirdly, That none be permitted to have charge of Schools, 
Colleges, or Universities, neither privately nor publicly to teach and 
instruct the youth, but such as shall be tried by the Superintendents 
or Visitors of churches, and found sound and able in doctrine, and 
admitted by them to their charges. 

Fourthly, For the Sustentation of the Poor, That all lands founded 
for hospitahty of old, be restored again to the same use ; and that 

1 The Acts of the Reformation Parliament of 1560 had never been ratified by the 
Queen, and were never to be ratified by her. See also on this point, supra, 78, note 4. 
* That is, 1559 


all lands, annual rents, or any other emoluments, pertaining any 
ways sometime to the Friars, of whatsoever Order they had been 
of, as likewise the annuities, altarages, obits, and other duties 
pertaining to priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the poor, 
and uphold of the town schools in towns, and other places where 
they lie. 

Fifthly, That such horrible crimes as now abound within this 
Realm, without any correction, to the great contempt of God and 
his Word ; such as idolatry, blasphemy of God's name, manifest 
breaking of the Sabbath-day, witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment, 
adultery, manifest whoredom, maintenance of brothels, murder, 
slaughter, oppression, with many other detestable crimes, may be 
severely punished ; and Judges appointed in every province and 
diocese, for execution thereof, with power to do the same, and that 
by Act of Parliament. 

Lastly, That some order be devised and established for ease of the 
poor labourers of the ground, concerning the unreasonable payment 
of the tithes, who are oppressed by the leasers of the tithes set over 
their heads, without their own consent and advice. 

The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these 
Articles, and present them to the Queen's Majesty, were the Lairds 
of Cunninghamhead, Lundie, Spott, and Grange in Angus, and 
James Barron for the Burghs.^ These five passed from Edinburgh 
to Saint Johnston, where they presented the said Articles to the 
Queen's Majesty, desiring and requiring her Highness most humbly 
to advise therewith, and to give them answer. The next day, ere 
they were aware, the Queen departed to Dunkeld, ^ and immediately 
they followed ; and after they had got audience, they desired the 
Queen's Majesty most humbly to give their dispatch. She answered 
that her Council was not there present, but she intended to be in 
Edinburgh within eight days, and there they should receive their 

At the same time as the General Assembly was held in 
Edinburgh, the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and 
trouble like to be, they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard's 

' That is, William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead ; Walter Lundie of that Ilk ; 
George Hume of Spott ; William Durham of Grange ; and James Barron, burgess of 

* According to Randolph, Mary was " now in suspicion of all men " and at night, 
after supper, on 26 June, rode from Ruthven to Dunkeld with only a small retinue. 
(Keith, History f ii, 301-304) 


Craig, ^ where they concluded they would defend themselves ; and for 
the same purpose, elected eight persons of the most able, two of 
every quarter, to see that [the] Brethren should be ready armed. 

And when the five Commissioners above named had waited 
upon the Court four or five days after her Majesty's coming to 
Edinburgh,^ there the matter was proponed in Council. And after 
long and earnest reasoning upon these Articles, at length it was 
answered to the Commissioners by the Secretary, that the Queen's 
Majesty's command was, that the matter should be reasoned in her 
presence ; which, for the gravity of the same, there could nothing 
be concluded at that time, albeit the Queen's Majesty had heard 
more in that matter than ever she did before : But within eight days 
thereafter, she understood that a great part of the Nobility should be 
present in Edinburgh, where they should have a final answer.^ 

At length, the one and twentieth of August,* they received the 
answer in writing in her presence, according to the tenor hereof, as 
followeth : 

The Queen's Majesty's Answer to the Articles presented 
TO Her Highness, by certain Gentlemen, in the Name of 
THE whole Assembly of the Church.^ 

To the first. Desiring the Mass to be suppressed and abolished, 
as well in the head as in the members, with punishment against the 
contraveners ; as also, the Religion professed to be established by 
Act of Parliament ^ : It was answered first, for her Majesty's part, 
That her Highness is no way yet persuaded in the said Religion, nor 

' The Crags in the lands of St. Leonard's. The lands of St. Leonard's were added 
to the King's Park by James V in 1540. ' Saint Leonard's Craig ' for the Salisbury Crags 
would be unusual ; it may be that the reference is to the rising ground in St. Leonard's 
opposite the Salisbury Crags. 

^ The Queen returned to Edinburgh on 4 July 1565. (Keith, History, ii, 321) 
' On 12 July, " eight days " after Mary's return to Edinburgh, and following a meeting 
of the Privy Council, an " assurance touart the state of religion " was issued, certifying 
the Queen's good subjects that they would not be " molestit " in the " quiet using 
of thair religioun and conscience " {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 338) ; but, three days 
later, since a great number of her lieges had taken to arms owing to " untrew report " 
of her intentions, it was thought necessary to renew the assurance and also to charge all her 
subjects to come to her, in Edinburgh, all well armed, and to remain with her for fifteen 
days. {Ibid., i, 339) See also infra, 155-156, and Keith, History, ii, 326-328. 
* On 29 July, according to the copy in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 217 
' These answers were presented by the Commissioners at the meeting of the General 
Assembly on 25 December 1565. They were declared to be unsatisfactory, and Mr. John 
Row was directed to draw up in writing the Assembly's " Answers to the Answers." For 
the Queen's Answers, the Assembly's Answers, and the Assembly's Supplication, see Booke 
of the Universall Kirk, i, 67-7 1 . * See supra, 1 49, note i 


yet that any impiety is in the Mass ; and therefore beHeveth that her 
loving subjects will not press her to receive any Religion against her 
conscience, which should be unto her a continual trouble by remorse 
of conscience, and therewith a perpetual unquietness. And to deal 
plainly with her subjects, her Majesty neither will nor may leave the 
Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up, and 
believeth the same to be well-grounded ; knowing, besides the grudge 
of conscience that she should receive upon the change of her own 
Religion, that she should lose the friendship of the King of France, 
the married allia ^ of this Realm, and of other great Princes her 
friends and confederates, who would take the same in evil part, and 
of whom she may look for their great support in all her necessities. 
And having no assured consideration that may countervail ^ the 
same, she will be loth to put in hazard [the loss of] all her friends 
at an instant ; praying all her loving subjects, seeing they have had 
experience of her goodness, that she hath neither in times past, nor 
yet intends hereafter, to press the conscience of any man, but that 
they may worship God in such sort as they are persuaded in their 
conscience to be best,^ that they will also not press her conscience. 

As to the establishing of Religion in the body of the Realm, 
they themselves know, as appears by their Articles, that the same 
cannot be done only by consent of her Majesty, but requires neces- 
sarily the consent of the three States in Parliament * ; and therefore 
so soon as the Parliament holds, those things which the three States 
agree upon amongst themselves, her Majesty shall consent unto the 
same ; and in the meantime shall make sure, that no men be 
troubled for using themselves in religion according to conscience ; 
so that no man shall have cause to doubt, that for religion's sake men's 
lives and heritage shall be in any hazard. 

To the second Article, it is answered that her Majesty thinks 
it no ways reasonable that she should defraud herself of so great a 
part of the patrimony of the Crown, as to put the Patronage of 
Benefices forth of her own hands ; for her own necessity in bearing 
of her port ^ and common charges will require the retention thereof, 
and that in a good part, in her own hands. Nevertheless her Majesty 

' ally by marriage. In the Booke of the Universall Kirk the words are " ancient allya." 

' counterbalance 

^ But it now appears that in seeking a dispensation Mary and Darnley had promised 
to " defend the Cathohc rehgion to the utmost of their power " (Robertson, Statiita Ecclesia 
Scoticana, i, Preface, clxviii-clxix ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 122-124 ^""^ support- 
ing notes). * See supra, 149, note i 

* That is, her royal living and retinue 


is well pleased that, consideration being had of her own necessity, 
and what may be sufficient for her, and for the reasonable sustenta- 
tion of the Ministers, a special assignation be made to them in places 
most commodious and meet : with which her Majesty shall not 
meddle, but suffer the same to come to them. 

To the third Article, it is answered tliat her Majesty shall do 
therein as shall be agreed by the States in Parliament. 

To the fourth Article, Her Majesty's liberality towards the poor 
shall always be so far extended as can be reasonably required at her 

To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the taking 
order therein unto the States assembled in Parliament. 

As the Qjaeen's Majesty came from Saint Johnston, over Forth 
to the Callendar,^ she was conveyed to the waterside of Forth with 
two hundred spears. For at that time it was bruited, that there were 
some lying in wait at the Path of Dron.^ In the meantime the Earl 
of Moray was in Lochleven, and the Earl of Argyll with him. Now 
in the Callendar the Lord Livingston ^ had desired the Queen's 
Majesty to be witness to the christening of a child ; for his Lady was 
lately delivered and brought to bed : And when the Minister made 
the sermon and exhortation concerning baptism, the Queen's 
Majesty came in the end, and said to the Lord Livingston, " That 
she would shew him that favour that she had not done to any other 
before " ; that is, that she would give her presence to the Protestant 
sermon, which was reckoned a great matter. 

The Queen being in the Callendar, was informed both by word 
and letters by false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of 
Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonard's Craigs, and 
there made a conspiration against her ; and had chosen for the same 
purpose certain Captains to govern the rest. And without any trial, 
or perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provost and Bailies 
of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander 
Guthrie, Alexander Clerk, Gilbert Lauder, and Andrew Slater, and 
put them in prison in the Castle.* 

This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be 
very strange : And because the said four persons were not appre- 
hended, she sent the next day a charge to the Provost and Bailies, 

' Callendar House, near Falkirk 

" About six miles south-east of Perth. For an analysis of this incident, see Hay 
Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 354, note 16. ^ William, sixth Lord Livingston 

* See Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 376, 380 


and to her own great Treasurer, to pass to the houses of the said 
four men, and Hkewise to their booths or shops, and there to take 
inventory of all their goods and chattels ; and commanded the said 
Treasurer to take the keys of the said houses and booths, together 
with the said inventory ; which was executed in effect, especially 
upon the said Alexander Guthrie's wife, he being then common 
clerk, ^ and one of the greatest in estimation within the town : his 
wife and children were shut out of their house, and compelled to 
seek some other lodging in the town. 

By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and 
judgment were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and per- 
ceiving these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong 
information, men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any 
trial taken therein. Immediately thereafter, as she came to Edin- 
burgh, she called to council such as pleased her Majesty, and there 
complained of the said matter, alleging it to be a conspiracy and 
manifest treason. And another matter likewise was complained 
upon, that the Earl of Argyll (as the Queen was surely informed) 
was riding with a great army to invade the Earl of Atholl and his 
lands. 2 For the first matter it was concluded by the Council that 
diligent inquisition should be made in the matter, and to that pur- 
pose appointed the Queen's Advocates, Master John Spens of 
Condie and Master Robert Grichton, to examine such as they would ; 
and when the said Advocates had called before them and examined 
a sufficient number, and their depositions subscribed and delivered 
to the Queen, there was nothing found worthy of death nor treason : 
At length the said four persons were summoned to answer at law.^ 
For the other matter, that the Queen's Majesty should send to the 
Earls of Argyll and Atholl some of her Gouncil or familiar servants 
to take order touching it. And when the 3ecretary, the Justice- 
Glerk, and Lord of Saint Golm ^had passed to the said Earl of Argyll, 
they found no such thing ^ ; but in Atholl there was great fear come 
of a sudden fray ; for after many proclamations, the fire-cross (which 
they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Atholl. 

Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretend- 

' Town Clerk of Edinburgh 

* This is also reported by Randolph in a letter to Cecil of 6 July 1565. {Calendar of 
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 204) 

^ To the 26 July, according to a letter from Randolph to Cecil, printed in Keith, 
History, ii, 330-331. * Sir James Stewart, Commendator of Inchcolm 

' See also Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 204, 205 ; Accounts Lord High Treasurer, 
xi, 375 


ing to consult before what should be done, as well in Religion, as 
for the Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July ^ there convened 
at Stirling the Duke, the Earls of Argyll and Moray, Rothes, and 
other Lords and Barons ; and as they were devising and consulting, 
the Queen's Majesty taking their meeting in evil part, sent her 
Advocates, Master John Spens and Master [Robert] Crichton, to 
them at Stirling, requiring the cause of their meeting. They answered. 
That the special occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion 
and the assurance thereof, according as they had lately written to 
the Queen's Majesty in Seaton from the town of Edinburgh, they 
desiring then to prorogate the day. 

Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means persuade 
them to come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh, 
and declared to the Queen's Majesty according as they had found. 

In the meantime the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen's 
Majesty's command to the first of September next after following ^ ; 
for it was thought that, the best part and principal of the chief 
Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be held : at the 
same time the Queen's Majestyperceiving that the matter was already 
come to a maturity and ripeness, so that the minds and secrecy 
of men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number 
of Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife, 
Angus, Lothian, Merse, Teviotdale, Perth, Linlithgow, Clydesdale, 
and others to resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following 


The Queen's Letter 

" Trusty friend. We greet you well : We are grieved indeed by 
the evil bruit spread amongst our lieges, as that we should have 
molested any man in the using of his Religion and conscience freely, 
a thing which never entered into our mind * ; yet since we perceive 
the too easy believing such reports hath made them careless, and so 
we think it becomes us to be careful for the safety and preservation 
of our State ; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, that with 
all possible haste (after the receipt of this our letter) you with your 
kindred, friends, and whole force, well furnished with arms for war, 
provided for fifteen days after your coming, address you to come to 
us, to wait and attend upon us, according to our expectation and 

' On 1 8 July 1565, according to Dniry [Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No. 1305). 

See also Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 210, 211. 

' Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 335, 338 1 

' Cf. Keith, History, ii, 326-328 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 209. See also ' 

supra, 151, note 3. * But see supra, 152, note 3. 

(653) VOL n 11 


trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection you bear 
to the maintenance of our authority, and will do us therein accept- 
able service. 

Subscribed with our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth day 
of July, 1565." 

There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, that the 
Queen minded not to trouble nor alter the Religion ; and also 
Proclamations made in the shires above mentioned, for the same 
purpose,^ that all freeholders and other gentlemen should resort (in 
the aforesaid manner) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Ross was 
made Duke of Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July.^ 
The same afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl 
of Moray, in open audience of all the Lords and Barons ; and the 
same day the banns of the Earl of Ross and Duke of Rothesay and 
the Queen's marriage were proclaimed.^ About this time the Lord 
Erskine was made Earl of Mar. ^ In the meantime there were divers 
messages sent from the Queen's Majesty to the Lord of Moray, first, 
Master Robert Crichton, to persuade him by all means possible to 
come and resort to the Queen's Majesty. His answer was, that 
he would be glad to come to herself, according to his bounden duty ; 
yet for as much as such persons as were most privy in her company 
were his capital enemies, who also had conspired his death, he could 
no ways come so long as they were in Court. 

Soon after, my Lord Erskine ^ and the Master [of] Maxwell " 
passed to him to St. Andrews, rather suffered and permitted by the 
Queen, than sent by her Highness ; after them the Laird of Dun, 
who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar ; but all this did not 
prevail with him ; and when all hope of his coming was past, an 
herald was sent to him, charging him to come to the Queen's Majesty, 
and answer to such things as should be laid to his charge, within 
eight and forty hours next after the charge, under pain of rebellion ; 
and because he appeared not the next day after the eight and forty 

' See Reg. Privy Cowicil of Scotland, i, 338-339 

^ On Sunday 22 July Darnley, who had previously been made Earl of Ross 
{supra, 146) was raised to the Dukedom of Albany. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No. 
131 2 ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 105) See also infra, 157, note 9. 

' The banns were proclaimed on Sunday 22 July. 

* The grant of the Earldom of Mar to John, sixth Lord Erskine, was made on 23 June 
1 565 and infeftment was given on 24 July. {Scots Peerage, v, 613) 

' The Earl of Mar 

* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later Lord Herries. (See Scots 
Peerage, vi, 481 ; iv, 409-41 1) 


hours, he was denounced rebel, and put to the horn.^ The same 
order they used against the Earl of Argyll ; for the Queen said she 
would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had meted 
to others, meaning the said Argyll. ^ 

In the meanwhile, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed, 
all means and ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief 
Protestants that had been lately at Stirling ; for the Earl of Atholl ^ 
was ready bent against the Earl of Argyll : the Lord Lindsay * 
against the Earl Rothes in Fife, they both being Protestants ; for 
they had contended now a long time for the sheriffship ^ of Fife. 77;? Dis- 
And that no such thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon, being come 
who now had remained near three years in prison in Dunbar, was, ^1^^^^^^ 
after some little travail of his friends, received by the Queen ; and marriage.'' 
being thus received into favour, was restored first to the Lordship Jl!/^^ 
of Gordon, and soon after to the Earldom of Huntly, and to all his according 
lands, honours, and dignities, that he might be a bar and a party Romish 
in the North to the Earl of Moray. ^'''"' 

The 28th of July, late in the evenmg, near an hour after the unlawful 
sun's going down, there was a proclamation made at the Market- %^^^^-^' 
Cross of Edinburgh, containing in effect : cousins- 


" That forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, brother 
the Queen had taken to her husband a right excellent and illustrious sister's 
Prince, Harry Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Ross, Lord Darnley, '^^^j^''^''' 
Therefore it was her will, that he should be held and obeyed, and degree of 
reverenced as King : Commanding all letters and proclamations to ^"j^^)^^' 
be made in the names of Henry and Mary in times coming." * forbidden 

' Moray was denounced as an outlaw on 6 August {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 
349-350). See also Hay Fleming, op. cit., 1 1 1 and supporting notes. 

- Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll. (See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 358, note 24) 

^ John, fourth Earl of Atholl '' Patrick, sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres 

' Andrew, fifth Earl of Rothes 

" In Laing's reprint {Knox, ii, 495), the erroneous word " heir-ship " has been retained. 
For this dispute, see Leslie, Historical Records of the Family of Leslie, ii, 76-77 and Hist. MSS. 
Commission, 4th Report, 500-502. 

' Robertson {Statuta Ecclesie Scoticana, i, clxix, note) states that the Papal dispensation 
arrived in Edinburgh on 22 July, the day on which the banns were proclaimed ; but 
Pollen has shown that the dispensation did not reach Scotland until some time after the 
marriage had taken place, and that it was ante-dated to 25 May. {Scottish Historical 
Review, iv 241-248) For the dispensation, see Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen 
of Scots, Scot. Hist. Soc, 218-220. 

' George, Lord Gordon, fifth Earl of Huntly. Lord Gordon was apparently received 
by the Queen on 3 August 1565 {Diurnal of Occurrents, 80). See infra, 171, note 6. 

* See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 345-346 ; National MSS. of Scotland, iii, No. 48, 
(where the transcript gives the month, erroneously, as January), For " Rothesay " in 
the text here (and elsewhere) read " Albany." 


The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were 
married in the Chapel Royal of Holyrood-House, by the Dean of 
Restalrig,^ the Queen being all clothed in mourning. But imme- 
diately, as the Queen went to Mass, the King went not with her, 
but to his pastime. ^ During the space of three or four days, there 
was nothing but balling, and dancing, and banqueting. 

In the meantime, the Earl Rothes, the Laird of Grange,^ the 
Tutor of Pitcur, * with some gentlemen of Fife, were put to the horn 
for non-appearance ; and immediately the swash,^ tabor, and drums 
were stricken or beaten for men of war to serve the King and Queen's 
Majesty, and to take their pay.*^ This sudden alteration and hasty 
creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number. 

Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits : for some 
alleged that the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but 
rather for hatred, envy of sudden promotion or dignity, or such 
worldly causes ; but they that considered the progress of the matter, 
according as is heretofore declared, thought the principal cause to ^j 
be only for Religion. f I 

In this meantime, the Lords passed to Argyll, taking, apparently, 
little care of the trouble that was to come. Howbeit they sent into 
England Master Nicolas Elphinstone ' for support, who brought some 
moneys in this country, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling. 
There came one forth of England to the Queen, who got presence 
the seventh of August in Holyrood-House. He was not well [re- 
ceived] &c.^ 

About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Ayr, to wit, the 
Duke of Hamilton,^ the Earls Argyll, Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, the 


1 John Sinclair, Bishop of Brechin * 

^ 29 July 1565. See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 347-348, notes 113, 114 

' Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange 

* James Haliburton, Tutor of Pitcur, and Provost of Dundee. This was on 7 August 
1565. {Diurnal of Occurrents, 81) On 2 August they had been charged to enter themselves 
in ward in the Castles of Dumbarton and Dunbar within five days. {Reg. Privy Council 
of Scotland, i, 348) * drum ; later mistakenly used for trumpet 

" See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 348-349 (4 August 1565), and Diurnal of Occurrents, 
80 (6 August 1565) 

' Moray writes to Bedford, on 2 August 1565, requesting him to assist his servant 
" Maistre Nychol Elphistoun " on his way from Berwick to Newcastle (Calendar of Scottish 
Papers, ii. No. 223) ; on 13 August the Privy Council issue letters for Nichol Elphingstoun 
to be sought and charged to surrender himself under pain of rebellion. {Reg. Privy Council 
of Scotland, i, 352) 

' This was John Thomworth, sent by Elizabeth at the end of July, but who, received 
by Mary on 7 August, found the Scottish Queen " marvellously stout." (See Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 220, 225, 226-229 ; Hay Fleming, Adary Queen of Scots, 110-112 
and supporting notes) ' That is, Chatelherault 




Lords Boyd and Ochiltree, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of 
Fife and Kyle, where they concluded to be in readiness with their 
whole forces the four and twentieth day of August.^ But the King 
and Queen with great celerity prevented them ; for their Majesties 
sent through Lothian, Fife, Angus, Strathearn, Teviotdale, and 
Clydesdale, and other shires, making their proclamations in this 
manner, " That forasmuch as certain Rebels, who (under colour of J^ote this 
Religion) intended nothing but the trouble and subversion of the {^Z"*^ 
Commonwealth, were to convene with such as they might persuade 
to assist them ; therefore they charged all manner of men, under 
pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and meet their Majesties at 
Linlithgow, the 24 day of August." ^ 

This Proclamation was made in Lothian the third day of the 
said month. Upon Sunday the nineteenth of August the King 
came to the High Kirk of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the 
sermon : his text was taken out of the six and twentieth chapter 
of Isaiah his Prophecy, about the thirteenth verse, where, in the "^^^ 
words of the Prophet, he said, " O Lord our God, other lords than make him- 
thou have ruled over us." Whereupon he took occasion to speak ^#7<"' 

r 1 1 popular, 

ot the government of wicked prmces who, for the sins of the people, and to take 
are sent as tyrants and scourges to plague them. And amongst other -^ZTJ^ 
things, he said, " That God sets in that room (for the offences and ''^^ Con- 
ingratitude of the people) boys and women." And some other fhf pretext 
words which appeared bitter in the King's ears as, " That God justly f ^^' 
punished Ahab and his posterity, because he would not take order went to 
with that harlot Jezebel." And because he had tarried an hour and ^||jf ^^^^ 
more longer than the time appointed, the King (sitting in a throne Knox 
made for that purpose), was so moved at this sermon that he would ^'^^^'^ 
not dine ; and being troubled, with great fury he passed in the after- 
noon to the hawking. * 

Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Council, 
where, in the Secretary's chamber, were convened the Earl of Atholl, 

^ Moray was on his way to Ayr on 18 August, and on 27 August Randolph reported 
that the Protestant Lords were " now at Ayr ". {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 232, 237) 

* Cf. Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 355 (22 August 1565) 

' This marginal rubric seems to have been taken from Spottiswoode. (See History 
of the Church of Scotland, Spottiswoode Society, ii, 31) 

* This is reported in the Diurnal of Occurrents (81), the writer adding that the King 
" was crabbit, and causit discharge the said Johne of his preitching." The sermon was 
subsequently published by Knox, written out " indigestly, but yet truly so far as memory 
would serve " on 31 August 1565 amid " the terrible roaring of guns and the noise of 
armour " {cf infra, 161). The date added to the Preface is 19 September 1565. (Laing's 
Knox, vi, 223-273) 


the Lord Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice-Clerk,^ with the Advo- 
cate.2 There passed along with the Minister a great number of the 
most apparent men of the Town. When he was called, the Secretary 
declared, " That the King's Majesty was offended with some words 
spoken in the sermon (especially such as are above rehearsed), 
desiring him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days, 
and let Master Craig ^ supply the place." * 

He answered, " That he had spoken nothing but according to his 
text ; and if the Church would command him either to speak or 
abstain, he would obey, so far as the Word of God would permit 
him." ' 

Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Council 
of Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas, 
and to receive the Laird [of] Craigmillar ^ for their Provost, which 
was presently obeyed.' 

The five and twentieth of August,^ the King's and Queen's 
Majesties passed from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence 
to Stirling, and from Stirling to Glasgow. At their [first] arrival, 
their whole people were not come. The next day after their arrival 
to Glasgow, the Lords came to Paisley, where they remained that 
night, being in company about one thousand horse. On the morrow 
they came to Hamilton, keeping the high passage from Paisley hard 
by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily might behold them. 
The night following, which was the penult of August, they remained 
in Hamilton with their company ; but for divers respects moving 
them, they thought it not expedient to tarry ; especially because 
the Earl of Argyll was not come : for his diet was not afore the second 
of September following, to have been at Hamilton. 

Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoul ^ John Spgns of Condie 
" Mr. John Craig, Knox's fellow-preacher in Edinburgh 

Cf. Laing's Knox, vi, 230-31 

' And the Council, Bailies, and Deacons of Crafts of the Burgh, on the afternoon of 
23 August, unanimously concluded and delivered " that thai will na maner of way 
consent or grant that his mouth be closit or he dischargeit in preiching the trew word." 
{Edinburgh Burgh Records, Burgh Rec. Soc, iii, 200) The editor of the Fifth Book again 
adds a long marginal rubric " In answering he said more than he had preached, for he 
added. That as the King had (to pleasure the Queen) gone to Mass, and dishonoured the 
Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an instrument of his ruin ; and so it 
fell out in a very short time ; but the Queen being incensed with these words, fell out in 
tears, and to please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time " which again 
seems to be derived from Spottiswoode {op. cit., ii, 31). 

Sir Simon Preston ' See Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 199, 200, 201. 

On Sunday 26 August, according to Randolph {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 237) 
and the Diurnal of Occurrents (82) 



Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which 
they did the next day.^ And albeit Alexander Erskine, Captain 
under the Lord his brother, ^ caused to shoot forth of the Castle two 
shot of cannon, they being near the town ; and likewise that the 
Laird [of] Craigmillar, Provost, did his endeavour to hold the Lords 
forth of the town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the 
convening of the town to the effect aforesaid ; yet they entered easily 
at the West Port or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, 
being in number, as they esteemed themselves, one thousand three 
hundred horse. Immediately they dispatched messengers southward 
and northward to assist them ; but all in vain. And immediately 
after they were in their lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the 
drum, desiring all such men as would receive wages for the defence 
of the glory of God, that they should resort the day following to the 
Church, where they should receive good pay. But they profited little 
that way ; neither could they in Edinburgh get any comfort or 
support, for none or few resorted unto them ^ ; yet they got more 
rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh than they had done in 
five or six nights before. 

The Noblemen of this company were the Duke, the Earls Moray, 
Glencairn, and Rothes ; the Lords Boyd and Ochiltree ; the Lairds 
of Grange, Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers "* ; the Tutor 
of Pitcur ^ ; the Lairds of Barr, Carnell, and Dreghorn ^ ; and the 
Laird of Pittarrow, Comptroller,' went with them. Some said 
merrily that they were come to keep the Parliament ; for the 
Parliament was continued till the first day of September. Upon the 
which day they wrote to the King's and Queen's Majesties a letter, 
containing in effect that, albeit they were persecuted most unjustly, 
which they understood proceeded not of the King's and Queen's 
Majesties own nature, but only by evil counsel, yet notwithstanding, 
they were willing and content to suffer according to the laws of the 
Realm, providing that the true Religion of God might be established, 
and the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed : beseeching 

' Friday 31 August. (See Diurnal of Occurrents, 82 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 

239, 241) 

^ Sir Alexander Erskine of Gogar, second surviving son of John, fifth Lord Erskine, 
and brother to John, sixth Lord Erskine, now Earl of Mar 

' See also Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 245 ; Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 203-205 

* These lairds were : Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange ; William Cunningham of 
Cunninghamhead ; George Learmonth of Balcomie, and John Campbell of Lawers. 

' James Haliburton, Provost of Dundee 

' These lairds were : John Lockhart of Barr, Hugh Wallace of Carnell, and John 
Fullerton of Dreghorn. ' Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow 


their Majesties most humbly to grant these things ; but otherwise, 
if their enemies would seek their blood, they should understand it 
should be dear bought. They had written twice, almost to the same 
effect, to the King's and Queen's Majesties, after their passing from 
Edinburgh ; for the Laird of Preston ^ presented a letter to the King's 
and Queen's Majesties, and was therefor imprisoned, but soon after 
released ; nevertheless they got no answer. 

The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King's 
and Queen's Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes, 
and passing towards Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near 
the Bridge of Gadder. ^ As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell 
sat down upon his knees, and made a long oration to the Queen, 
declaring what pleasure she had done to them, and ever laid the 
whole burden upon the Earl of Moray. Soon after, they marched 
forward in battle array. The Earl of Lennox took the vanguard, 
the Earl of Morton the middle battle, and the King and Queen the 
rear. The whole number were about five thousand men, whereof 
the greatest part were in the vanguard. 

As the King's and Queen's Majesties were within three miles 
of Hamilton, they were advertised that the Lords were departed 
in the morning ; but where they pretended to be that night, it was 
uncertain. Always, soon after their return to Glasgow, the King and 
Queen were certainly advertised that they were passed to Edinburgh ; 
and therefore caused immediately to warn the whole army to pass 
with them to Edinburgh the next day, who, early in the morning, 
long before the sun was risen, began to march. But there arose such 
a vehement tempest of wind and rain from the west, as the like had 
not been seen before in a long time ; so that a little brook turned 
incontinent into a great river ; and the raging storm being in their 
faces, with great difficulty went they forward.' And albeit the most 
part waxed weary, yet the Queen's courage increased man-like, so 
much that she was ever with the foremost. ^ There were divers persons 
drowned that day in the water of Carron ; and amongst others, the 
King's master, a notable Papist, who, for the zeal he bore to the Mass, 
carried about his neck a round god of bread, well closed in a case, 
which always could not save him. 

Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen's 

* Sir David Hamilton of Singleton. (See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 363) 

^ About two miles south-west of Kirkintilloch 

' These details are confirmed in a letter from Randolph to Cecil, of 4 September 1565. 
(Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 246) The storm of wind and rain was on Saturday, 
I September. 


Majesty, sent by Alexander Erskine, who declared that the Lords 
were in the town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of 
innocent persons, and therefore desired to know if he should shoot. 
She commanded incontinent that he should return again to the said 
Alexander, and command him, in her name, that he should shoot 
so long as he had either powder or bullet, and not spare for anybody. 

At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callendar,^ 
where they remained that night. And about eight hours at night, 
the first of September, the post came again to the Castle, and reported 
the Queen's command to Alexander Erskine, who incontinently 
caused to shoot six or seven shot of cannon, whereof the marks 
appeared, having respect to no reason, but only to the Queen's 

The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edin- 
burgh, nor soldiers for money, albeit they had travailed all that they 
could ; and being advertised of the Queen's returning with her 
whole company, they took purpose to depart. And so the next day 
betimes, long before day, they departed with their whole company, 
and came to Lanark ^ and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master 
of Maxwell came to them, with his uncle, the Laird of Drumlanrig.^ 
And after consultation, the said Master wrote to the Queen's Majesty, 
that being required by the Lords as he was passing homeward, he 
could not refuse to come to them ; and after that he had given them 
counsel to disperse their army, they thought it expedient to pass 
to Dumfries^ to repose them, where they would consult and make 
their offers, and send to their Majesties ; and thus beseeching their 
Majesties to take this in good part. The town of Edinburgh sent two 
of the Council of the town to make their excuse. 

The next day the King and Queen passed to Stirling, and sent to 
Edinburgh, and caused a proclamation to be made, commanding 
all men to return to Glasgow ^ where, having remained three or four 
days, and understanding that the Lords were passed to Dumfries, 
they returned to Stirling, and from thence to Fife ^ ; and in their 

' That is, Callendar House, near Falkirk 

'' Randolph reports them as retiring at 3 a.m. on the morning of Sunday 2 Sep- 
tember. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 245) The Diurnal of Occurrents (82) says they 
departed "at 12 houris at evin or thairby " of i September, " and raid to Lanerk." 

^ Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig. His sister, Janet, had married Robert, fifth 
Lord Maxwell, 

* They arrived at Dumfries on 5 September. (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. No. 1464) 

* Kilsyth, in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 361 

The Queen left Stirling for St. Andrews on 9 September. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, 
ii. No. 251) 


passage, caused to take in Castle Campbell, which was delivered 
without impediment to the Lord of Sanquhar,^ 

Before the King and Queen went out of Stirling, there came from 
Edinburgh two ensigns of footmen, to convey them into Fife. In 
the meantime, the Burghs were taxed in great sums unaccustomed, 
for the payment of the soldiers. ^ Further, there were raised divers 
troops of horsemen, to the number of five or six hundred horse. The 
soldiers had taken two poor men that had received the Lords' 
wages ; which two men being accused and convicted, at the Queen's 
command, were hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords 
departing.^ At this time. Master James Balfour, Parson of Flisk,* 
had got all the guiding in the court. 

The third day after the Queen's coming to Fife, the whole Barons 
and Lairds of Fife convoyed her Majesty till she came to Saint 
Andrews, where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, 
were commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, that 
they obliged themselves to defend the King's and Queen's persons 
against Englishmen and rebels : and in case they should come to 
Fife, they should resist them to their utmost power ; which charge 
every man obeyed.^ 

The second night after the Queen's coming to Saint Andrews, 
she sent a band, or troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie, 
and at midnight took out the Laird, being a man of eighty years old,^ 
then they passed to Falside, and took likewise Thomas Scott,' and 
brought him to Saint Andrews ; where they, with the Laird of 
Balvaird,^ and some others, were commanded to prison.^ This 
manner of handling and usage, being unkend ^ and strange, was 
heavily spoken of, and a great terror to others, who thought themselves 
warned of greater severity to come. 

In the meantime the houses of the Earls of 'Moray [and] Rothes, 
and the houses of divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as 

* Edward, seventh Lord Crichton of Sanquhar 

^ Randolph speaks of the Queen having taken a " benevolence " from the burghs 
of St. Andrews, Dundee, and Perth, which was given with as evil a will as ever money 
was paid. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 261) 

' See Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 206 

* Later, Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich. On 1 9 September Bedford, writing to Cecil, 
says that Riccio, Fowler, " and one Balfour " rule all. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, 
No. 1510) 

' See the " Band in Fyffe " in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 367. (12 September 
1565) ' Walter Lundie of that Ilk 

' Thomas Scott of Pitgorno and Abbotshall 

* Andrew Murray of Balvaird * See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 369 
'" unknown 


the Queen pleased, after that their children and servants had been 
cast out. 

At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyll, 
the Lords Boyd and Ochiltree, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead, 
and the rest, were charged to come and present themselves in Saint 
Andrews, before the King's and Queen's Majesties, to answer to such 
things as should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the 
pain of rebellion.^ And the day being expired, and they not 
appearing, were denounced rebels, and put to the horn. 

As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of 
Dundee were sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them 
to the Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen in seeking men-of- 
war and suffering some to be raised in their town for the Lords ; 
for there was nothing done in Dundee, but it was revealed to the 
Queen ; especially that the Minister ^ had received a letter from the 
Lords, and delivered the same to the Brethren, persuading them to 
assist the Lords ; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen 
remitted it for trial. After great travail and supplication made by 
some Noblemen, at length, the King and Queen being in the town, 
they agreed for two thousand marks, five or six of the principal left 
out, with some others, that were put to their shift. ^ After the King 
and Queen had remained two nights in the town of Dundee, they 
came to Saint Andrews * ; and soon after they came over Forth, 
and so to Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote 
to the King and Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the 

The next day after the King's and Queen's coming to Edinburgh, 
there was a Proclamation made at the Market Cross : And because 
the same is very notable, I thought good to insert it here word by 
word, albeit it be somewhat long.^ 

" Henry and Mary, by the Grace of God, King and Queen 
of Scots ; To all and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom 
it may concern, and to whose knowledge these letters shall 
come, greeting. 

" Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 365 ^ William Christison 

' That is, the town " compounded " for a remission, certain persons being excepted 
and left " to make what shift they could." Bedford reports that Mary thought to have 
sacked Dundee, but the town bought its " quietness " for two thousand pounds Scots. 
{Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No. 1510) 

* Mary apparently spent three nights in Dundee and returned to Edinburgh (on 
1 7 September), not by way of St. Andrews, but by Perth and Dunfermline. (Hay Fleming, 
Mary Queen of Scots, 534) ' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 369-371 


" Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by 
certain rebels and their assistants, the authors thereof (to blind the 
eyes of the simple people) have given them to understand that the 
quarrel they have in hand is only Religion, thinking with that 
cloak to cover their ungodly designs, and so, under that plausible 
argument, to draw after them a large train of ignorant persons, 
easy to be seduced : Now, for the preservation of our good subjects, 
whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer themselves 
to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare, it hath pleased 
the goodness of God, by the utterance of their own mouths and 
writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their 
hearts, albeit to all persons of clear judgment the same was evident 
Note how enough before : For what other thing might move the principal 
with our ^ raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us so un- 
times naturally, upon whom We had bestowed so many benefits, but that 
the great honour We did them, they being thereof unworthy, made 
them misknow themselves ; and their ambition could not be satisfied 
with heaping riches upon riches, and honour upon honour, unless 
they retain in their hands us and our whole Realm, to be led, used, 
and disposed at their pleasure. But this could not the multitude 
have perceived, if God (for disclosing their hypocrisy) had not 
compelled them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern ; for 
now by letters, sent from themselves to us, they make plain pro- 
fession that the establishing of Religion will not content them, but 
We must be forced to govern by such Council as it shall please them 
Let this be to appoint US ; a thing so far beyond all measure, that We think 
with OUT the only mention of so unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make 
times their nearest kinsfolk their most mortal enemies, and all men to run 
on them ^ without further scruple, that are zealous to have their 
native country to remain still in the state of a' kingdom. For what 
other thing is this, but to dissolve the whole policy ; and (in a manner), 
to invert the very order of nature, to make the Prince obey, and sub- 
jects command. The like was never demanded of any of our most 
noble progenitors heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents ; 
but the Princes, and such as have filled their places, chose their 
Council of such as they thought most fit for the purpose. When 
We ourselves were of less age, and at our first returning into this 
our Realm, We had free choice of our Council at our pleasure, and 
now when We are at our full maturity, shall We be brought back 
to the state of pupils, and be put under tutory ? So long as some 

* to oppose them 


of them bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called 
in question ; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do 
and undo all at their pleasure, they will put a bridle into our mouths, 
and give us a Council chosen after their fantasy. This is the quarrel 
of Religion they made you believe they had in hand. This is the 
quarrel for which they would have you hazard your lands, lives, NotedUi- 
and goods, in the company of a certain number of rebels against 
your natural Princes. To speak in good language, they would be 
Kings themselves, or at least the leaving to us the bare name and 
title, and take to themselves the credit and whole administration 
of the kingdom. 

" We have thought good to make publication hereof to show 
that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived, under pretence of 
Religion, to follow them who, preferring their particular advance- 
ment to the public tranquillity, and having no care of you, in respect 
of themselves would (if you would hearken to their voice) draw you 
after them, to your utter destruction. Assuring you, that [as] you 
have heretofore good experience of our clemency, and under our 
wings enjoyed in peace the possession of your goods, and lived at 
liberty of your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the 
like hereafter, and have us always your good and loving Princes, to 
so many as shall continue yourselves in due obedience, and do the 
office of faithful and natural subjects. 

" Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth ^ of 

September, and of our Reigns the first and twentie three 

years, 1565." 

Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that 
the Queen's Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realm and Common- 
wealth, should use the council and advice of the Nobility, and ancient 
blood of the same ; whereas in the meantime the council of David, 
and Francisco, the Italians,^ with Fowler the Englishman,^ and Master 
James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was preferred before all others, * save 
only the Earl of Atholl, who was thought to be a man of gross judg- 
ment, but nevertheless in all things given to please the Queen. It 

* In the Register the date is given as the " third day of September," presumably 
the clerk's error for " thirteenth ". 

^ That is, David Riccio, and Francis de Busso, who was Mary's Master of Works 
' Fowler, the Englishman, was Lennox's servant. 

* This charge is included in the " information" sent to Elizabeth. {Calendar of Scottish 
Papers, ii, No. 264) See also supra, 164, note 4. 


was now finally come to this point that, instead of law, justice, and 
equity, only will ruled in all things. 

There was throughout all the country set out a proclamation in 
the King's and Queen's names, commanding all persons to come 
and meet them at Stirling, the first day of October following, with 
twenty days provision, under pain of life, lands, and goods. ^ It 
was uncertain whether their Majesties intended to pass from Stirling 
or not, and I believe the principal men knew not well at that time ; 
for a report was, that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen 
were kept fortified and victualled at the Duke's command, that they 
would pass to siege the said houses, and give them some shot of a 
cannon - : others said they would pass towards my Lord of Argyll, 
who had his people always armed, whereof his neighbours were 
afraid, especially the inhabitants of AthoU and Lennox ; but at 
length it was concluded that they should pass to Dumfries, as shall 
be declared. 

During this time there were propositions made continually to the 
King and Queen by the Lords, desiring always their Majesties most 
humbly to receive them into their hands. Their Articles tended 
continually to these two heads, viz., To abolish the Mass, root out 
idolatry, and establish the true Religion : And that they and the 
affairs of the Realm should be governed by the advice and council 
of the true Nobility of the same ; offering themselves, and their 
cause, to be tried by the laws of the country. Yet nothing could be 
accepted nor taken in good part, albeit the Master of Maxwell 
laboured by all means to redress the matter, who also entertained 
the Lords most honourably in Dumfries, for he had the government 
of all that country. But he himself incurred the Queen's wrath,^ 
so that he was summoned to present himself, and appear before the 
King's and Queen's Majesties, after the same/orm that the rest of 
the Lords were charged with ; and also commanded to give over 
the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which he had in keeping 
for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he not put to the 
horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that doubted of 
his good will and partaking with the Lords,^ who in the meantime 

' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 258 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 83 

'' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 259 

" Ibid., ii, No. 236 

* Later Randolph spoke of him as one who laboured " tooth and nail " for recon- 
ciliation. {Ibid., ii, No. 293) For a subsequent vindication of his actions, registered 
in " the Books of Council," see Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 414-415. 


sent Robert Melville to the Queen of England, and declared their 
state to her Majesty, desiring support.^ 

Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court was 
by what means they might come to have money ; for notwithstand- 
ing this great preparation for war, and eminent appearance of 
trouble, yet were they destitute of the sinews of war.^ Albeit the 
Treasurer,^ and the Comptroller, to wit, the Laird of Tulhbardine,* 
had disbursed many thousands ; yet there was no appearance of 
payment of soldiers, nor scarcely how the King's and Queen's houses 
and pompous trains should be upheld : there were about 600 horse- 
men, besides the guard and three ensigns of footmen. The charge 
of the whole would amount to j^iooo sterling every month, a thing 
surpassing the usual manner of Scotland. 

At this time arrived the Earl of Both well, ^ who was welcome, 
and graciously received by the Queen, and immediately placed in 
Council, and made Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches,* 
Now as every one of the burghs compounded to be exempted from 
this meeting, the Earl of Atholl demanded of Edinburgh ;^200 
sterling ; but they refused to pay it : notwithstanding, 27 September, 
there was a certain number of the principal and rich persons 
of the town warned by a macer to pass to the Palace of Holyrood- 
house to the King and Queen, who declared to them by their own 
mouths' speaking that they had use for money, and therefore know- 
ing them to be honest men, and the inhabitants of the best city in 
their country, they must needs charge them ; and for security they 
should have other men bound for pledges, or any hand therefor. 
The sum that they desired was 1000 sterhng and no less. They 
being astonished, made no answer ; but Parson Flisk,^ standing by, 
said, that seeing the King's and Queen's Majesties desired them so 
civilly, in a thing most lawful in their necessity, they did show them- 
selves not honest to keep silence and give no answer to their Majesties, 
for that must needs be had of them which was required ; and if they 

' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 255-257 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No, 
1493. See also Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 116 and supporting notes. 

" See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 11 5-1 16 and supporting notes. 

^ Robert Richardson * William Murray of Tullibardine 

' Randolph, on 19 September, says he has been told of Bothwell's return ; and he 
adds a brief and devastating character sketch. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 261) The 
Diurnal of Occurrents (83) says he arrived in Scotland, out of France, on 1 7 September. 
He had apparently landed at Eyemouth on 1 7 September. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, 
No. 1509) 

* See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 378, 383. His name occurs in a sederunt of the 
Privy Council on 10 October {ibid., i, 379), ' James Balfour 

So was the 
City of 
for war 
vexed for 
money '' 


would not, they should be constrained by the laws, which they 
would not abide ; for some of them had deserved hanging (said he), 
because they had lent large sums of money to the King's and Queen's 
enemies and rebels ; and therefore they must shortly suffer great 

Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how 
much they would lend. Some made this excuse, and some that ; 
by reason there were [those] that offered to lend money. Amongst 
whom there was one offered to lend ^{^20 ; to him the Earl of Atholl ^ 
said, thou art worthy to be hanged that speakest of ;{^20, seeing the 
Princes charge thee so easily. Finally, they were all imprisoned, 
and soldiers set over them, having their muskets ready charged, and 
their match lighted, even in the house with them, where they re- 
mained all that night, and the next day till night ; and then being 
changed from one prison to another, there were six chosen out and 
sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh, convoyed with musketeers 
round about them, as if they had been murderers or most vile persons.^ 
At length (the third day), by means of the Laird of Craigmillar, 
Provost, and some others, the sum was made more easy, to wit, 
1000 marks sterling, to be paid immediately, and to have the 
superiority of Leith in pledge (to wit), upon condition of redemption.* 
And besides the said sum of 1000 marks sterling, they paid 1000 
sterling for the meeting at Dumfries.^ At the day appointed for 
electing the officers, the Queen sent, in a ticket, such as she would 
have them choose for Provost, Bailies, and Council, whereof there 

' John, fourth Earl of Atholl 

' This must be David Buchanan's own marginal note for his edition of 1644. The 
reference is to the forced loan of 1640 levied on the City of London for Charles I's war 
against the Scots (the Second Bishops' War). 

^ According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (83, 84) the priijcipal burgesses of Edinburgh 
were summoned to Holyroodhouse on 27 September, when they refused to lend money 
to the Queen and were commanded to enter themselves in ward ; on 29 September, six 
of them were transferred to the Castle, there " to thole the lawis for certane crymes ; 
and becaus thaj appoyntit with our soueranis, thaj wer put to libertie." 

* But, according to the Burgh Records, Edinburgh was asked to lend the King and 
Queen ;{^5,ooo ; after " lang avisement " the sum was increased to 10,000 marks (^{^6,666, 
13s. 4d.), the security for repayment of the loan being the grant to Edinburgh of the 
superiority of Leith. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, Burgh Rec. Soc, iii, 207-208, 213, 224-225, 
227, 228-229) The sum was advanced by way of loan by 381 persons, whose names, and 
the amount of their contributions, appear in the Records some of the larger sums being 
furnished by twenty-five persons, " men of law " ; and the Town of Edinburgh received 
a charter of the Superiority of Leith, dated 4 October 1565 and presented to the Council 
on 14 November. 

' The burgh paid /^looo to " rem.ane and abide at hame " from the hosting at 
Dumfries, on 1 7 September, 1 565. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 206-207) 


was a number of Papists, the rest not worthy,^ Of the number 
given in by the Queen, they named such as should rule for that year ; 
notwithstanding, without free election, the Laird of Craigmillar 
remained Provost, ^ who showed himself most willing to set forward 
Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain the Commonwealth. All 
this time the Ministers cried out against the Mass, and such idolatry ; 
for it was more advanced by the Queen than before. 

The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendent 
of Lothian,^ with all the Ministers under his charge, according to 
their ordinary custom for every Superintendent used to convene 
the whole Ministry and there it was complained on, that they could 
get no payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but through- 
out the whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation 
taken, they framed a supplication, directed to the King and Queen, 
and immediately presented the same to their Majesties, by Master 
John Spottiswoode, Superintendent of Lothian, and Master David 
Lindsay, Minister of Leith. It contained in effect, that forasmuch 
as it had pleased the King's and Queen's Majesties (with advice 
of the Privy Council) to grant unto the Ministers of the Word their 
stipends, to be taken of the Thirds of the Benefices,* which stipends 
are now detained from the said Ministers by reason of the troubles, 
and changing of the Comptroller, ^ whereby they are not able to live ; 
and therefore most humbly craved the King's and Queen's Majesty 
to cause them to be paid. Their answer was that they would cause 
order to be taken therein to their contentment. 

Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the 
most part of his people at Stirling with his carriage ; the King and 
Queen, for hope of his good service to be done, restored him to his 
father's place, to the Earldom of Huntly, the lands and heritage 

October 8 the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh 

* Ibid., iii, 207 (26 September 1565) 

^ Sir Simon Preston of Craigmillar. He had superseded Archibald Douglas of 
Kilspindie {supra 160; Diurnal of Occurrents, 81). Preston of Craigmillar remained in 
office as Provost until 1568. ^ Mr. John Spottiswoode 

* See infra, Appendix IX 

^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow had been replaced by Sir William Murray of 

' Supra, 157. By proclamation on 25 August 1565 he was restored " to his fame, 
honour, and dignitie, and to the lordschipe of Gordoun " {Diurnal of Occurrents, 81 ; 
Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 237). On 6 October he was restored to the Earldom of 
Huntly {Diurnal, 84 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 278) and on 10 October he appears 
in the sederunt of the Privy Council as Earl of Pluntly. {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 379) 

(653) VOL II 12 


towards Dumfries,^ and as they passed from the Palace of Holyrood- 
house, all men were warned with jack and spear. The first night they 
came to Stirling, and the next to Crawford. The day after, the 
Lairds of Drumlanrig and Lochinvar ^ met the Queen, albeit they 
had been with the Lords familiar enough. 

The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past, 
they rode to Annan, where they remained till the Queen came to 
Dumfries, and then they passed to Carlisle. Now the Master of 
Maxwell had entertained the Lords familiarly, and subscribed with 
them, and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of 
themselves, and had received large money by that means, to wit, 
1000, to raise a band or troop of horsemen ; and that the same 
day the King and Queen came to Dumfries ; [yet] the third day after 
their coming, he came to them, conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, 
with divers other Noblemen. At length the Earls of Atholl and 
Huntly were sureties for him, and all things past remitted, upon 
condition that he should be a faithful and obedient subject here- 
after.^ The same day they made musters ; the next day the army 
was dispersed, being about 18,000 men : the King and Queen passed 
to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell gave a banquet, and 
then forthwith marched to Tweeddale, so to Peebles, and then to 

The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also 
were the principal instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and 
therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation, in manner 
above rehearsed, were banished and chased into England : they 
Note dili- were courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford, 
Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after, the Earl of 
Moray took post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at 
Newcastle ; every man supposed that the Earl of Moray should 
have been graciously received of the Queen of England, and that 
he should have got support according to his heart's desire. But far 
beyond his expectation, he could get no audience of the Queen 
of England ; but by means of the French Ambassador, called 
Monsieur de Four,^ his true friend, he obtained audience. The 
Queen, with a fair countenance, demanded, " How he, being a rebel 

' Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 278 
^ Sir James Douglas and Sir John Gordon 

* These comments upon the part played by the Master of Maxwell are also to be 
found in Buchanan {ed. Aikman, ii, 473-474) 

* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 1 1 7 and supporting notes 
' Paul de Foix 



to her Sister of Scotland, durst take the boldness upon him to come 
within her Realm ? " These, and the like words got he, instead 
of the good and courteous entertainment expected. Finally, after 
private discourse, the Ambassador being absent, she refused to give 
the Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she had promised 
any such thing as to support them, saying, " She never meant any NotediK- 
such thing in that way" ; albeit her greatest familiars knew the Q^ee' 
contrary. In the end, the Earl of Moray said to her, " Madam, Elizabeth 
whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof 
ignorant ; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately 
faithful promises of aid and support by your Ambassador, and 
familiar servants, in your name : and further, we have your own 
handwriting, confirming the said promises." And afterward he took 
his leave, and came northward from London, towards Newcastle. 
After the Earl of Moray's departure from the Court, the Queen Here mark 
sent them some aid, and wrote unto the Queen of Scotland in their dissimula- 
favour : Whether [it was] she had promised it in private to the ^^''"'O.''" 
Earl of Moray, or whether she repented her of the harsh reception constancy 
of the Earl of Moray, [we know not] . ^ 

At this time David Riccio, Itahan, began to be higher exalted, 
insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done with- 
out his advice.^ And during this time the faithful within this Realm 
were in great fear, looking for nothing but great trouble and per- 
secution to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions were 
made throughout all the congregations, especially for such as were 
afflicted and banished, that it would please God to give them patience, 
comfort, and constancy ; and this especially was done at Edinburgh, 
where John Knox used to call them that were banished, the best 
part of the Nobility, chief members of the Congregation. Whereof 
the Courtiers being advertised, they took occasion to revile and 
bewray ^ his sayings, alleging he prayed for the rebels, and desired 
the people to pray for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington, 
chief Secretary, in presence of the King's and Queen's Majesties 
and Council, confessed that he heard the sermons, and said there 
was nothing at that time spoken by the Minister whereat any man 
need be offended : and further, declared plainly that by the Scrip- 
ture it was lawful to pray for all men. 

In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were 

' For the flight of the Protestant Lords to England and Moray's chilly reception from 
Elizabeth, see the analysis in Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 117-118 and supporting 
notes. ^ Supra, 106, 148, 167 and supporting notes * distort 


summoned to appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and 
Lase-majestie} But in the meantime, such of the Nobility as had 
professed the Evangel of Christ, and had communicated with the 
Brethren at the Lord's Table, were ever longer the more suspected 
by the Queen, who began to declare herself, in the months of Novem- 
ber and December, to be [a] maintainer of the Papists ^ ; for at her 
pleasure the Earls of Lennox, Atholl, and Gassillis,^ with divers 
others, without any dissimulation known, went to the Mass openly 
in her chapel. Yet, nevertheless, the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell 
went not to Mass, albeit they were in great favour with the Queen. 
As for the King, he passed his time in hunting and hawking, 
and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his appetite, 
having in his company gentlemen willing to satisfy his will and 

About this time, in the beginning of [the year 1566] as the 
Court remained at Edinburgh, the banished Lords, by all means 
possible, by writings and their friends, made suit and means to the 
King's and Queen's Majesties, to be received into favour. 

At this time the Abbot of Kilwinning ^ came from Newcastle 
to Edinburgh, and after he had got audience of the King and 
Queen, with great difficulty he got pardon for the Duke ^ and his 
friends and servants, upon this condition, that he should pass into 
France ; which he did soon after. 

The five and twentieth of December [1565] convened in Edin- 
burgh the Commissioners of the churches within this Realm, for the 
General Assembly. There assisted to them the Earls of Morton and 
Mar, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with some Barons 
and gentlemen. The principal things that were agreed and con- 
cluded, were that forasmuch as the Mass, with such idolatry and 
Papistical ceremonies, were still maintained expressly against the 
Act of Parliament, and the proclamations made at the Queen's 
arrival ; and that the Queen had promised that she would hear 
conference and disputation ; that the Church therefore offered to 
prove, by the Word of God, that the doctrine preached within this 
Realm was according to the Scriptures ; and that the Mass, with 

1 Reg. of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 409 ( i December 1 565) ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 
85-86. (Proclamations at the Market Cross of Edinburgh on 18 and 19 December) 
' See Randolph's reports in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 313, 319 
' Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassiliis * Gavin Hamilton 

' Chatelherault 
Diurnal of Occurrents, 86 ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 369, note 85 


all the Papistical doctrine, was but the invention of men, and mere 
idolatry. Secondly, that by reason of the change of the Comptroller,^ 
who had put in new collectors, forbidding them to deliver anything 
to the Ministry, by these means the Ministry was like to decay 
and fail, contrary to the ordinance made in the year of God 1562,^ 
in favour and support of the Ministry. ^ 

During this time, as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making 
court, some of them that had been Friars, as Black [Friars] Aber- 
cromby and Roger, presented supplication to the Queen's Majesty, 
desiring in effect, that they might be permitted to preach ; which 
was easily granted. The noise was further, that they offered dis- 
putation. For as the Court stood, they thought they had a great 
advantage already, by reason they knew the King to be of their 
Religion, as well as the Queen, with some part of the Nobility who, 
with the King, after declared themselves openly. And especially 
the Queen was governed by the Earls of Lennox and Atholl ; but 
in matters most weighty and of greatest importance, by David Riccio, 
the Italian afore-mentioned, who went under the name of the French 
Secretary ; by whose means, all grave matters, of what weight 
soever, must pass ; providing always, that his hands were anointed. 
In the meantime he was a manifest enemy to the Evangel, and there- 
fore a greater enemy to the banished Lords. ^ And at this time, the 
principal Lords that waited at Court were divided in opinions ; for 
the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, with the Earl of Mar, and Secretary 
Lethington, were on the one part ; and the Earls of Huntly and 
Bothwell on the other part, so that a certain dryness was amongst 
them ; nevertheless, by means of the Earl of Atholl, they were 
reconciled. Now, as there was preparation made by the Papists for 
Christmas, the Queen being then at Mass, the King came publicly, 
and bore company ; and the Friars preached the days following, 
always using another style than they had done seven years before, 
during which time they had not preached publicly. They were so 
little esteemed, that they continued not long in preaching. 

At the same time, convened in Edinburgh the General Assembly 
of the Ministers, and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed 

Sir John Wishart of Pittarrovv, a Reformer, had been succeeded as Comptroller in 
1565 by Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, and by an Act of Privy Council of 22 
December 1 565 the Queen had ordered certain Thirds to be set apart entirely for the royal 
expenses. {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 412-413) * Infra, Appendix IX 

^ See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 65-76 ; Calderwood, History, ii, 294-310; irfra, 
176-177 * See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 373, note 15 


within this Realm ^ : There assisted them of the Nobility, the Earls 
of Morton and Mar, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, 
with others. The chief things that were concluded in this Assembly, 
were, that for the avoiding of the plagues and scourges of God, 
which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and in- 
gratitude, there should be proclaimed by the Ministers a Public 
Fast, to be universally observed throughout all the Reformed 
Churches ; which manner of Fasting was soon after devised by John 
At the end Knox, at the command of the Church, and put in print, wherefore 
Book you needs not here to be recited in this place. ^ What followed upon the 
^hall^find saj(j^ Fast, shall be plainly, God willing, declared. The second thing 
that was ordained in this Assembly, was, concerning the Ministers, 
who, for want of payment of their stipends, were like to perish, or 
else to leave their Ministry ; wherefore it was found necessary that 
supplication should be made to the King's and Queen's Majesties : 
And for the same purpose, a certain number of the most able men 
were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid, to lament and bemoan 
their case ; which persons had commission to propone some other 
things, as shall be declared. 

The names of them that passed from the Church to the King's and 
Queen's Majesties, were. Master John Spottiswoode, Superintendent 
of Lothian ; John Winram, Superintendent of Fife ; Master John 
Row, Minister of Perth ; Master David Lindsay, Minister of Leith. 
Who easily obtained audience of the King's and Queen's Majesties ; 
and after their reverence done. Master John Row, in name of the 
rest, opened the matter, lamenting and bewailing the miserable state 
of the poor Ministers, who by public command had been reasonably 
satisfied three years or more, by virtue of the Act made with advice 
of the Honourable Privy Council, for the taking up of the Thirds 
of the Benefices, which was especially made ia their favours. Never- 
theless the Laird of Tullibardine, new Comptroller, would answer 
them nothing ; wherefore, they besought their Majesties for relief. 

Secondly, Seeing that in all supplications made to the King's and 
Queen's Majesties by the Church at all times, they desired most 
earnestly that all idolatry and superstition, and especially the Mass, 

' Part of what follows is a repetition of the account given supra, 174-175. The repeti- 
tions in, and the loose arrangement of Book V suggest that it is an unrevised draft written 
from notes. 

" On 28 December 1565 the Assembly " ordained Mr. Knox and Mr. Craig ministers 
at Edinburgh, to set out the form " of a Public Fast, " with the exercise to be used in the 
same, and to cause Robert Likprevick print it." {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 76 ; 
Calderwood's History, ii, 303-306) The Ordour and Doctrine of the General! Paste has been 
reprinted by Laing. (Laing's Knox, vi, 391 ff) " This promise is unfulfilled. 


should be rooted out and abolished quite out of this Realm ; and 
that in the last General Assembly of the Church, by their Com- 
missioners, they had most earnestly desired the same ; and that their 
answer was then, that they knew no impediment in the Mass ; 
therefore, the Assembly desired that it might please their High- 
nesses to hear disputation, to the end that such as now pretend to 
preach in the Chapel Royal, and maintain such errors, the truth 
being tried by disputation, that they might be known to be abusers ; 
submitting themselves always to the word of God written in the 

To this it was answered by the Queen that she was always 
minded that the Ministers should be paid their stipends ; and if 
there was any fault therein, the same came by some of their own sort, 
meaning the Comptroller Pittarrow,^ who had the handling of the 
Thirds. Always by the advice of her Council she should cause such 
order to be taken therein, that none should have occasion to complain. 
As to the second, She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as 
were there present ; for she knew well enough that the Protestants 
were more learned. 

The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing 
but delay, and driving of time in the old manner, went home every 
one to their own churches, waiting upon the good providence of God, 
continually making supplication unto Almighty God that it would 
please Him of his mercy to remove the apparent plague. And in 
the meantime the Queen was busied with banqueting about with 
some of the Lords of the Session of Edinburgh, and after with all 
men of law, having continually in her company David Riccio, who 
sat at table near to herself, sometimes more privately than became 
a man of his condition, for his over-great familiarity was already 
suspected ; and it was thought that by his advice alone the Queen's 
sharpness and extremity towards the [Protestant] Lords was main- 

In the end of January, arrived an Ambassador from France, 
named M. Rambouillet,"^ having with him about forty horse in train, 
who came through England. He brought with him the Order of 
the Cockle from the King of France, to the King, who received the 
same at the Mass, in the Chapel of the Palace of Holyroodhouse. 

^ Cf. supra, 175, note i 

^ Jacques d'Angennes, Sieur de Rambouillet. He arrived in Edinburgh on Monday 
4 February 1566, and on 10 February invested Darnley with the Order of St. Michael, 
commonly called the " Order of the Cockle " {Diurnal of Occurrents, 87 ; Calendar of Scottish 
Papers, ii, No. 335. And see supra, i, 102, note 13). 


There assisted the Earls of Lennox, Atholl, and EgHnton,^ with 
divers such other Papists as would please the Queen ; who, three 
days after, caused the herald to convene in Council, and reasoned 
what Arms should be given to the King. Some thought he should 
have the Arms of Scotland ; some others said, Seeing it was not 
concluded in Parliament that he should have the Crown Matrimonial, 
he could have arms but only as Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Ross, &c. 
The Queen bade give him only his due ; whereby it was perceived 
her love waxed cold towards him. Finally, his Arms were left blank ; 
and the Queen caused put her own name before her husband's in 
all writs ; and thereafter she caused to leave out his name wholly. 
And because formerly he had signed everything of any moment, she 
caused to make a seal like the King's, and gave it to David Riccio, 
who made use of it by the Queen's command, alleging that the King 
being at his pastime, could not always be present. ^ 

About the same time, the Earl of Glencairn came from Berwick 
to his own country. Soon after the Earl of Bothwell was married 
unto the Earl of Huntly's sister.^ The Queen desired that the 
marriage might be made in the Chapel at the Mass ; which the Earl 
Bothwell would in no wise grant. ^ Upon Sunday, the third day of 
March, began the fasting at Edinburgh.^ The seventh day of March, 
the Queen came from the Palace of Holyroodhouse to the Town, in 
wondrous gorgeous apparel, albeit the number of Lords and train 
was not very great.^ In the meantime the King, accompanied with 
seven or eight horse, went to Leith to pass his time there, for he 
was not like to get the Crown Matrimonial. 

In the Tolbooth were devised and named the heads of the Articles 
that were drawn against the banished Lords. Upon the morrow, 

* Hugh, third Earl of Eglinton 

* See Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 475. Already on 25 December 1565, Randolph had 
written, " A while there was nothing but ' King and Queen, his Majesty and hers ' ; now, 
the ' Queen's husband ' is most common. He was wont to be first named in all writings, 
but now is placed second. Certain pieces of money lately coined ' with both their faces 
Hen. et Maria ' are called in, and others ' framed '." [Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 319) 

^ James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell, married Lady Jane Gordon, daughter 
of (the then deceased) George, fourth Earl of Huntly, on 24 February 1566. [Scots Peerage, 
ii, 165 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 346) 

* See the many details in Robertson's Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, 
xcii-xciv and supporting notes. 

' The fast was appointed for eight days from the eve of the last Sunday in February 1 566 
(24 February) to the first Sunday in March (3 March). [Supra 1 76 ; Laing's Knox, vi, 393, 
416, 417 ; and see the extracts from the Register of the Canongate Kirk Session printed in 
Hay Fleming, op. cit., 495) But the Diurnal of Occurrents (88) supports Knox's continuator 
in putting the fast a week later. Even Calderwood later confused the dates. (Laing's 
Knox, vi, 389) See Diurnal of Occurrents, 89 


and Saturday following, there was great reasoning concerning the 
Attainder. Some alleged that the summons was not well libelled 
or dressed ; others thought the matter of treason was not sufficiently 
proved ; and indeed they were still seeking proof, for there was no 
other way but the Queen would have them all attainted, albeit the 
time was very short ; the twelfth day of March should have been 
the day, which was the Tuesday following.^ 

Now, the matter was stayed by a marvellous tragedy, for by 
the Lords (upon the Saturday before, which was the ninth of March, 
about supper- time), David Riccio, the Italian, named the French 
Secretary, was slain in the gallery, below stairs (the King, staying 
in the room with the Queen, told her that the design was only to 
take order with that villain), after that he had been taken violently 
from the Queen's presence, who requested most earnestly for the 
saving of his life : which act was done by the Earl of Morton, the 
Lord Ruthven, the Lord Lindsay, the Master of Ruthven, with 
divers other Gentlemen. They first purposed to have hanged him, 
and had provided cords for the same purpose ; but the great haste 
which they had, moved them to dispatch him with whingers or 
daggers, wherewith they gave him three and fifty strokes. They sent 
away and put forth all such persons as they suspected. 

The Earls Bothwell and Huntly hearing the noise and clamour, 
came suddenly to the Close, intending to have made work, if they 
had had a party strong enough ; but the Earl Morton commanded 
them to pass to their chamber, or else they should do worse. At 
the which words they retired immediately, and so passed forth at a 
back window, they two alone, and with great fear came forth of the 
town to Edmondstone ^ on foot, and from thence to Crichton.^ 

This David Riccio * was so foolish, that not only he had drawn 
unto him the managing of all affairs, the King set aside, but also 
his equipage and train did surpass the King's ; and at the Parliament 
that was to be, he was ordained to be Chancellor ^ ; which made 
the Lords conspire against him. They made a bond to stand to the 
religion and liberties of the country, and to free themselves of the 
slavery of the villain David Riccio. The King and his father sub- 

1 Ibid., 85-86 * Then about four miles south-east of Edinburgh 

' About five miles south-east of Dalkeith 

* For an analysis of the various accounts of the murder of Riccio, see Hay Fleming, 
Mary Queen of Scots, 387-390, notes 49, 50. 

' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 6 March 1566, reports that the Seal is to be taken 
from Morton ' and as some say, shall be given to keep to David ' {Calendar 0/ Scottish Papers, 
ii, No. 352 in Jin.). See also Spottiswoode's History, ii, 35-36. 


scribed to the bond, for they durst not trust the King's word without 
his signet.^ 

There was a French priest (called John Daniot) who advised 
David Riccio to make his fortune, and be gone,^ for the Scots would 
not suffer him long. His answer was that the Scots would brag 
but not fight. Then he advised him to beware of the bastard. To 
this he answered that the bastard should never live in Scotland in 
his time (he meant the Earl Moray) ; but it happened that one George 
Douglas, bastard son to the Earl of Angus, gave him the first stroke. 
The Queen, when she heard he was dead, left weeping, and declared 
she would study revenge, which she did.^ 

Immediately it was noised in the town of Edinburgh that there 
was murder committed within the King's Palace ; wherefore the 
Provost * caused to ring the common bell, or, Sonner le toksain (as the 
French speaks), and straightway passed to the Palace, having about 
four or five hundred men in warlike manner ; and as they stood in 
the outer court, the King called to the Provost, commanding him to 
pass home with his company, saying the Queen and he were merry. 
But the Provost desired to hear the Queen speak herself ; whereunto 
it was answered by the King, " Provost, know you not that I am 
King ? I command you to pass home to your houses " ; and imme- 
diately they retired.^ | 

The next day (which was the second Sunday of our Fast in 
Edinburgh) ^ there was a proclamation made in the King's name, 
subscribed with his hand, that all Bishops, Abbots, and other Papists 
should avoid and depart the town ; which proclamation was indeed 
observed, for they had " a flea in their hose." ^ There were letters 
sent forth in the King's name, and subscribed with his hand, to the 
Provost and Bailies of Edinburgh, the Bailies of Leith and Canon- 
gate, commanding them to be ready in armour to assist the King 

* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 384, note 44 ; 387, notes 48, 49. 
' See Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 481 
' See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 127 and note 51 

* Sir Simon Preston of Craigmillar 

' See Diurnal of Occurrents, 90-91. Later the Town Council paid f,/^, js. 6d. for thirty- 
five torches furnished to pass to the Abbey to vise the Queen's Grace immediately after the 
slaughter of umquhile Seigneur David Riccio. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 214) The 
number of torches would be about the number of the members of the Council. 

" But see supra, 1 78, note 5 

' But the Diurnal of Occurrents (91) says that the Proclamation charged all tlie earls, 
lords, barons, and bishops that had come to Edinburgh for the Parliament to depart 
within three hours under pain of treason. A second Proclamation forbade the wearing 
of weapons on the street. It is significant that these proclamations ran in the King's name. 
(See supra, 1 78 and note 2 ) 


and his company, and likewise other private writings directed to 
divers Lords and gentlemen, to come with all expedition. In the 
meantime, the Queen, being above measure enraged, offended, and 
troubled, as the issue of the matter declared, sometime railing upon the 
King, and sometime crying out at the windows, desired her servants 
to set her at liberty ; for she was highly offended and troubled. 

This same tenth of March, the Earl of Moray, with the rest of 
the Lords and Noblemen that were with him, having received the 
King's letter (for after the bond, above named, was subscribed, the 
King wrote unto the banished Lords to return into their country, 
being one of the articles of the said bond),^ came at night to the 
Abbey, being also convoyed by the Lord Home, and a great company 
of the Borderers, to the number of i,ooo horses. And first, after 
he had presented himself to the King, the Queen was informed of 
his sudden coming, and therefore sent unto him, commanding him 
to come to her ; and he obeying, went to her who, with a singular 
gravity received him, after that he had made his purgation, and 
declared the over-great affection which he bore continually to her 
Majesty. The Earls of Atholl, Caithness, ^ and Sutherland,^ departed 
out of the town, with the Bishops, upon the Monday, the third day 
after the slaughter of David Riccio. The Earls of Lennox, Moray, 
Morton, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven, Lindsay, Boyd, and Ochiltree, 
sitting in Council, desired the Queen, that forasmuch as the thing 
which was done could not be undone, that she would (for avoiding 
of greater inconveniences) forget the same, and take it as good service, 
seeing there were so many Noblemen restored. The Queen dis- 
sembling her displeasure and indignation, gave good words ; never- 
theless she desired that all persons armed or otherwise (being 
within the Palace at that time), should remove, leaving the Palace 
void of all, saving only her domestic servants. The Lords being 
persuaded by the uxorious King, and the facile Earl of Moray, 
condescended to her desire, who finally, the next morning, two hours 
before day, passed to Seton, and then to Dunbar, having in her com- 
pany the simple King, who was allured by her sugared words. From 
Dunbar immediately were sent pursuivants with letters throughout 
the country ; and especially letters to the Noblemen and Barons, 
commanding them to come to Dunbar, to assist the King and Queen 

' See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 387, note 48 ; and, for an analysis of the subsequent events 
to the "dolorous" departure of the Protestant Lords from Edinburgh on Sunday 17 
March, and Mary's triumphant return the day following, see ibid., 1 27-1 28, and supporting 

2 George, fourth Earl of Caithness ' John, tenth Earl of Sutherland 


within five days.^ In the meantime the Lords being informed of the 
[Queen's] sudden departure, they were astonished, and knew not 
what were best for them to do. But because it was the self-same day 
(to wit, the twelfth day of March) that they were summoned unto ; 
therefore, having good opportunity, they passed to the Tolbooth, which 
was richly hung with tapestry, and adorned (but not for them), and 
set themselves making protestations, ^ the Earl of Glencairn, and 
some others being present. The Earl of Argyll, who was written for 
by the King, came to Linlithgow ; and being informed of the matter, 
he remained there. 

After this manner above specified, to wit, by the death of David 
Riccio, the Noblemen were relieved of their trouble, and restored 
to their places and rooms. And likewise the Church Reformed, 
and all that professed the Evangel within this Realm, after fasting 
and prayer, were delivered and freed from the apparent dangers 
which were like to have fallen upon them ; for if the Parliament 
had taken effect, and proceeded, it was thought by all men of the 
best judgment that the true Protestant Religion should have been 
wrecked, and Popery erected ; and for the same purpose, there were 
certain wooden altars made, to the number of twelve, found ready 
in the Chapel of the Palace of Holyrood-house, which should have 
been erected in Saint Giles's Church. 

The Earls Bothwell and Huntly, being informed of the King and 
Queen's sudden departure forth of Edinburgh, came to Dunbar, 
where they were most graciously received by the Queen's Majesty ; 
who consulting with them and the Master of Maxwell, together 
with Parson Oyne ^ and Parson Flisk,* chief Councillors, what was 
best to be done, and how she should be revenged upon the murderers, 
at first they did intend to go forward, leaving no manner of cruelty 
unpractised, and putting to death all such as -were suspected. This 
was the opinion of such as would obey their Queen's rage and fury 
for their own advantage ; but in the end they concluded that she 
should come to Edinburgh with all the force and power she could 
make, and there proceed to justice. And for the same purpose, she 
caused to summon, by open proclamation, all persons of defence, 

^ The summons was at first to Haddington and Musselburgh for 17 to 19 March. 
{Diurnal of Occurrents, 93-94 ; Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 436) 

* See Diurnal of Occurrents, 93 

' John Lesley, Parson of Oyne, later Bishop of Ross 

* James Balfour, Parson of Flisk, shortly to be appointed Clerk Register in place 
of Mr. James M'Gill, one of the conspirators in the murder of Riccio ; later to be Lord 
President as Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich 


and all Noblemen and Gendemen, to come to her in Dunbar in- 
continent. In the meantime, the Captains laboured by all means 
to take up and enrol men and women. The Earls of Morton, Moray, 
Glencairn, [and] Rothes, with the rest that were in Edinburgh, 
being informed of the Queen's fury and anger towards the committers 
of the slaughter, and perceiving they were not able to make any 
party, thought it best to give place to her fury for a time ; for they 
were divided in opinions, and finally departed out of Edinburgh, 
upon Sunday the seventeenth of March, every one a several way ; 
for the Queen's Majesty was now bent only against the slayers of 
David Riccio ; and to the purpose she might be the better revenged 
upon them, she intended to give pardon to all such as before had 
been attainted for whatsoever crime. 

The eighteenth day of March, the King and Queen came to 
Edinburgh, having in their company horse and foot to the number 
of 8000 men ; whereof there were four companies of foot-men of 
war. The Town of Edinburgh went out to meet them, for fear of 
war. And finally, coming within the town, in most awful manner 
they caused to place their men of war within the town, and likewise 
certain field-pieces against their lodging, which was in the middle 
of the town, over against the Salt Tron.^ Now, a little before the 
Queen's entrance into the town, all that knew of her cruel pretence 
and hatred towards them, fled here and there, and amongst others, 
Master James M'Gill, the Clerk Register, the Justice-Clerk, and 
the common clerk of the town.^ The chief Secretary Lethington 
was gone before ; likewise John Knox passed west to Kyle. ^ The 
men of war likewise kept the ports or gates. Within five days after 
their entry, there was a proclamation made at the Market-Cross, 
for the purgation of the King from the aforesaid slaughter ^ ; which 

^ See Randolph's account in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 363. According to 
the Diurnal of Occurrents (93-94), Mary had 2,000 horsemen "and lugeit not in thair 
palice of Halyrudhous, hot lugeit in my lord Homes lugeing, callit the auld bischope 
of Dunkell his lugeing, [for]anent the salt trone in Edinburgh." The ' Bishop of Dunkeld's 
lodging ' lay on the north side of the High Street, on the opposite side to the Tron, a little 
to the west of Halkerston's Wynd now lost through the cutting of Cockburn Street. 

^ That is, Mr. James M'Gill, Sir John Bellenden, and Alexander Guthrie. David 
Chalmers of Ormond received the gift from the Queen of the common clerkship of 
Edinburgh. [Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 212-213) For Mr. James M'Gill, see also 
Pollen, Papal Negotiatioru with Mary Queen of Scots, Scot. Hist. Soc, 273, note. 

' According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (94), at two o'clock on the afternoon of Sunday 
17 March, " with ane greit murnyng of the godlie of religioun." Although Knox 
thoroughly approved of the murder of Riccio [supra, \, 44, 112), it cannot be shown that 
he knew of the murder beforehand (see the analysis of the evidence in Hay Fleming, 
Mary Queen of Scots, 395, note 58). * See also Diurnal of Occurrents, 96 


made all understanding men laugh at the passage of things, since 
the King not only had given his consent, but also had subscribed 
the bond afore-named ^ ; and the business was done in his name, 
and for his honour, if he had had wisdom to know it. 

After this proclamation, the King lost his credit among all men, 
and also his friends, by this his inconstancy and weakness. And in 
the meantime, the men of war committed great outrages in breaking 
up doors, thrusting themselves into every house ; and albeit the 
number of them was not great, yet the whole town was too little 
for them. Soon after, the King and Queen passed to the Castle, and 
caused to warn all such as had absented themselves, by open pro- 
clamation, to appear before their Majesties and the Privy Council 
within six days, under pain of rebellion - ; which practice was devised 
in the Earl of Huntly's case, before the battle of Corrichie. And 
because they appeared not, they were denounced rebels, and put to 
the horn, and immediately thereafter, their escheats given or taken 
up by the Treasurer. There was a certain number of the townsmen 
charged to enter themselves prisoners in the Tolbooth,^ and with 
them were put in certain gentlemen : where, after they had remained 
eight days, they were convoyed down to the Palace by the men of 
war, and then kept by them eight days more. And of that number 
was Thomas Scott, sheriff-depute of Saint Johnston, who was con- 
demned to death, and executed cruelly, to wit, hanged and quartered, 
for keeping the Queen in prison, as was alleged, although it was by 
the King's command. And two men likewise were condemned to 
death, and carried likewise to the ladder foot ; but the Earl Both- 
well presented the Queen's ring to the Provost, who then was justice, "^ 
for safety of their life. The names of those two were John Mowbray, 
merchant, and William Harlaw, saddler.^ About the same time, 
notwithstanding all this hurlyburly, the Minisjiers of the Church and 
professors of Religion ceased not ; as for the people, they convened 
to pubhc prayers and preaching with boldness ; yea, a great number 
of Noblemen assisted likewise. The Earl Bothwell had now, of all 
men, greatest access and familiarity with the Queen, so that nothing 
of any great importance was done without him ; for he showed 
favour to such as liked him ; and amongst others, to the Lairds of 

' Supra, 179-180 

'^ Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 436-437 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 95 
" Diurnal of Occurrents, 96-97 ; Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 442 
* That is, holding a commission of justiciary 

^ Further details will be found in Pitcairu's Criminal Trials, i, 480*, and Diurnal of 
Occurrents, 97-98. 


Ormiston, Halton, and Calder,^ who were so reconciled unto him 
that by his favour they were reheved of great trouble. 

The Earls of Arg^^ll and Moray, at the Queen's command, passed 
to Argyll, where, after they had remained about a month, they were 
sent for by the Queen ; and, coming to Edinburgh, they were 
received by the Queen into the Castle, and banqueted, the Earls 
of Huntly and Bothwell being present. At this time the King grew 
to be contemned and disesteemed, so that scarcely any honour was 
done to him, and his father likewise. 

About Easter the King passed to Stirling, where he was shriven 
after the Papist manner : and in the meantime, at the Palace of 
Holyrood-house, in the Chapel, there resorted a great number to 
the Mass, albeit the Queen remained still in the Castle, with her 
priests of the Chapel Royal, where they used ceremonies after the 
Popish manner. 

At the same time departed this life Master John Sinclair, Bishop 
of Brechin and Dean of Restalrig, of whom hath been oft mention, 
President of the College of Justice, called the Session ^ ; who succeeded 
in the said office and dignity after the decease of his brother, Master 
Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, Dean of Glasgow, who departed this 
life at Paris, about a year before.^ They were both learned in the 
laws, and given to maintain the Popish religion, and therefore great 
enemies to the Protestants. A little before died Master Abraham 
Crichton, who had been President likewise.* Now, in their rooms, 
the Queen placed such as she pleased, and had done her service 
(always very unfit). The patrimony of the Kirk, Bishoprics, Abbeys, 
and such other Benefices, was disponed by the Queen to courtiers, 
dancers, and flatterers. The Earl Bothwell, whom the Queen 
preferred above all others, after the decease of David Riccio, had 
for his part Melrose, Haddington, and Newbattle ; likewise the 
Castle of Dunbar was given to him, with the principal lands of the 
Earldom of March, which were of the patrimony of the Crown.^ 

' That is, John Cockburn of Ormiston, William Lauder of HaUon, and James Sandi- 

lands of Calder 

^ He died in April 15G6. [Diurnal of Occurrents, 98 ; Dovvden's Bishops, 191-192) 

' He had died in January 1565. [Diurnal of Occurrents, "j^; Dowden's ^tf/iopj, 228-229) 

* Abraham Crichton, Provost of Dunglass, Official of Lothian, an ordinary Senator, 

was never President of the College of Justice. He had died before 15 November 1565. 

(Brunton and Haig, Senators of the College of Justice, 1836, 92-93) 

' Apart from Dunbar there appears to be no official record of these grants, and, again 

apart from Dunbar, they are not mentioned in the ratification of 1 9 April 1 567. [Acts Pari. 

Scot., ii, 550, c. 6) Randolph reports on 7 June 1566 that "Bothwell has the whole 

inheritance of Dunbar given him, the castle reserved to the Queen." [Calendar of Scottish 

Papers, ii. No. 393) 


At the same time, the Superintendents, with the other ministers of 
the Churches, perceiving the Ministry hke to decay for lack of payment 
of stipends to Ministers, they gave this suppHcation at Edinburgh : 

The Supplication of the Ministers to the Queen 

" Unto your Majesty, and your most honourable Council, most 
humbly and lamentably complain your Highness's poor Orators, 
the Superintendents, and other Ministers of the Reformed Church 
of God, travailing throughout all your Highness's Realm in teaching 
and instructing your lieges in all quarters in the knowledge of God, 
and Christ Jesus his Son : That where your Majesty, with the advice 
of the Council and Nobility aforesaid, moved by godly zeal, concluded 
and determined that the travailing ministry through this Realm, 
should be maintained upon the rents of the Benefices of this Realm 
of Scotland ; and for that cause your Majesty, with the advice of 
the Council and Nobility aforesaid, upon the 15 day of December 
1562, in like manner concluded and determined that if the said 
part of the rents of the whole Benefices Ecclesiastical within this 
Realm would be sufficient to maintain the Ministers throughout 
the whole Realm, and to support your Majesty in the setting forward 
of your common aflfairs, [it] should be employed accordingly : Fail- 
ing thereof, the Third part of the said fruits, or more, to be taken 
up yearly in time coming, until a general order be taken therein ; 
as the act made thereupon at more length bears. Which being 
afterward considered by your Majesty, the whole Thirds of the 
fi"uits aforesaid were propounded to the uses aforesaid, by Act of 
Council.^ And we your Majesty's poor Orators [were] put in 
peaceable possession of the part assigned by your Majesty to us, 
by the space of three years or thereabouts, which we did enjoy 
without interruption. Notwithstanding all 'this, now of late we, 
your Majesty's poor Orators aforesaid, are put wrongfully and un- 
justly from our aforesaid part of the above specified Thirds, by 
your Majesty's officers, and thereby brought to such extreme penury 
and extreme distress as we are not able any longer to maintain 
ourselves. And albeit we have given in divers and sundry complaints 
to your Majesty herein, and have received divers promises of redress, 
yet have we found no relief Therefore, we most humbly beseech 
your Majesty to consider our most grievous complaint, together with 
the right above specified, whereon the same is grounded. And if 

' See infra, Appendix IX. The date, 15 December 1562, given in the text above, is 



your Majesty, with the advice of your Council aforesaid, finds our 
right sufficient to continue us in possession of our part assigned to 
us, while and until a general order be taken (which possession was 
ratified by the yearly allowance of your Majesty's Exchequer's 
account), that your Majesty would grant us letters upon the afore- 
said Act, and Ordinance passed thereupon, against all intromettors 
and meddlers with the aforesaid Thirds, to answer and obey, accord- 
ing to the aforesaid Act and Ordinance of our possession proceeding 
thereupon. And likewise, that we may have letters, if need be, to 
arrest and stay the aforesaid Thirds in the possessor's hands, while 
and until sufficient caution be found to us for our part aforesaid. 
And your Answer most humbly we beseech." 

This Supplication being presented by the Superintendent of 
Lothian, ^ and Master John Craig, in the Castle of Edinburgh, was 
graciously received by the Queen, who promised that she would 
take sufficient order therein, so soon as the Nobility and Council 
might convene. 

The 19 of June, the Queen was delivered of a man-child, the 
Prince (in the aforesaid Castle), and immediately sent into France 
and England her posts, to advertise the neighbour Princes, and to 
desire them to send gossips ^ or witnesses to the Prince's baptism. 
In the meantime, there was joy and triumph made in Edinburgh,^ 
and such other places where it was known, after thanks and praises 
given unto God, with supplications for the godly education of the 
Prince ; and principally, wishing that he should be baptized accord- 
ing to the manner and form observed in the Reformed Churches 
within this Realm. 

About the same time, to wit, the 25 of June, the General Assembly 
of the whole Church convened at Edinburgh.^ The Earls of Argyll 
and Moray assisted at the Assembly. Paul Methven, who before. The order 
as we heard, was excommunicated,^ gave in his Supplication, and Methven's 
desired to be heard, as he had done divers times ; for the said Paul ^^P^f^^^^^ 
had written oft times out of England to the Laird of Dun, and to 
divers others, most earnestly desiring to be received again into the 
fellowship of the Church. After reasoning of the matter, it was 
finally granted that he should be heard. And so, being before the 
Assembly, and falling upon his knees, burst out with tears, and said, 
he was not worthy to appear in their presence ; always he desired 

^ Mr. John Spottiswoode ^ god-parents or sponsors 

* See. Diurnal of Occurrents, loo 

* See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 77-81 * Supra, 66-67 

(es3) VoLH 13 


them, for the love of God, to receive him to the open expression of his 
repentance. Shortly after, they appointed certain of the ministers 
to prescribe to him the form of his declaration of repentance, which 
was thus in effect : First, that he should present himself bare-foot 
and bare-head, arrayed in sack-cloth, at the principal entry of Saint 
Giles's Kirk in Edinburgh, at seven hours in the morning, upon the 
next Wednesday, and there to remain the space of an hour, the whole 
people beholding him, till the prayer was made, psalms sung, and 
[the] text of Scripture was read, and then to come into the place 
appointed for expression of repentance, and tarry the time of sermon ; 
and to do so likewise the next Friday following, and also upon the 
Sunday ; and then, in the face of the whole church, to declare his 
repentance with his own mouth. The same form and manner he 
should use in Jedburgh and Dundee ; and that being done, to 
present himself again at the next General Assembly following in 
winter, where he should be received to the communion of the Church. 
When the said Paul had received the said Ordinance, he took it very 
grievously, alleging they had used over-great severity. Nevertheless, 
being counselled and persuaded by divers notable personages, he 
began well in Edinburgh to proceed, whereby a great number were 
moved with compassion of his state ; and likewise in Jedburgh ; 
but he left his duty in Dundee, and passing again into England, the 
matter, not without offence to many, ceased. 

The Ministers complaining that they could not be paid their 
stipends, were licensed by the Assembly to pass to other churches to 
preach, but in no wise to leave the ministry. And because that the 
Queen's Majesty had promised often before to provide remedy, it 
was thought expedient that supplication should be yet made, as 
before, that the Queen's Majesty should cause such order to be 
taken that the poor ministers might be paid^their stipends. The 
Bishop of Galloway, who was brother to the Earl of Huntly, ^ and now 
a great man in the court, travailed much with the Queen's Majesty 
in that matter, and got of her a good answer, and fair promises. A 
few years before, the said Bishop of Galloway desired of the General 
Assembly to be made Superintendent of Galloway ^ ; but now being 

^ Alexander Gordon, Bishop of the Isles {c. 1553), of Galloway (1559), and titular 
Archbishop of Athens, was the brother of George, fourth Earl of Huntly. 

^ Alexander Gordon had early joined the Reformers {supra, i, 310, 315, 335), but in 
certain quarters was not over- trusted {cf. supra, 73, and Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 
1 5, 39-40) . For an analysis of his work in the Reformed Church, however, see Gordon 
Donaldson, 'Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, 1559-1575 ', in Trans. Dumfries- 
shire and Galloway Nat. Hist, and Antiquarian Soc, vol. xxiv. 


promoted to great dignity, as to be of the number of the Lords of the 
Privy Council, and hkewise one of the Session,^ he would no more be 
called Over-looker, or Over-seer of Galloway, but Bishop. Always -^^^ ' 
truth it is, that he laboured much for his nephew the Earl of Huntly, sense 
that he might be restored to his lands and honours ; for the said ^''''"^. 

o _ ... ambitious 

Earl was now Chancellor, since the slaughter of David Riccio,^ and men take 
had for his clawback ^ the Bishop of Ross, Master John Lesley, one ofBidiop 
of the chief Councillors to the Queen. But of all men the Earl 
Both well was most in the Queen's favour, so far that all things passed 
by him ; yea, by his means the most part of all those that were par- 
takers in the slaughter of David Riccio, got remission and relief But ^^ i^ ^aid 
from that day he was not present at any sermon, albeit before he 
professed the Evangel by outward speaking, yet he never joined to 
the Congregation. About this time the Earl of Cassillis was contracted 
with the Lord of Glamis's sister,* by whose persuasion he became 
a Protestant, and caused in the month of August to reform his 
churches in Carrick, and promised to maintain the doctrine of the 

The Queen, not yet satisfied with the death of her man David, 
caused in August to be apprehended a man called Harry, 
who sometime had been of her Chapel-Royal, but afterward 
became an Exhorter in a Reformed Church ; and for want of 
stipend, or other necessaries, passed in service to my Lord 
Ruthven, and chanced that night to be present when the said 
David was slain ; and so, finally, he was condemned, and hanged, 
and quartered.^ 

The King being now contemned of all men, because the Queen This in- 
cared not for him, he went sometime to the Lennox to his father, you^g man 
and sometime to Stirling, whither the Prince was carried a little ^'""/'^'^^ 
before. Always he was destitute of such things as were necessary for himself for 
him, having scarcely six horses in train. And being thus desolate, l/f^Jf.' 
and half desperate, he sought means to go out of the country : and, witness 

1 He was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session on 26 November 1 565. (Brunton 
and Haig, Senators of the College of Justice, 129) 

* George, fifth Earl of Huntly, was appointed Chancellor in March 1 566 in place of 
the Earl of Morton, who had fled after Riccio's murder. {Diurnal of Occurrents, 95-96) 

' a. flattering supporter ; toady 

* Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassillis, married (contract 30 September 1566) Margaret 
Lyon, daughter of John, seventh Lord Glamis, and sister of John, eighth Lord Glamis. 

' This was Henry Yair, sometime a priest, and afterwards a retainer of Lord Ruthven. 
He was " delattit of treason " on i April 1566, for accession to Riccio's murder, and was 
sentenced to be hanged and quartered, and his goods forfeited. (Pitcairn's Criminal 
Trials, i, 481* -482*) 


his last about the same time, by the advice of fooHsh cagots, ^ he wrote to 

now/or L the Pope, to the King of Spain, and to the King of France, com- 

^%"^^' h pl^^ining of the state of the country, which was all out of order, all 

left God, because that Mass and Popery were not again erected, giving the 

feftl^Him wholc blame thereof to the Queen, as not managing the Catholic 

cause aright. By some knave, this poor Prince was betrayed, and 

the Qjueen got a copy of these letters into her hands, and therefore 

threatened him sore ; and there was never after that any appearance 

of love betwixt them.^ 

The Churches of Geneva, Berne, and Basle, with other Reformed 
Churches of Germany and France, sent to the whole Church of 
Scotland the sum of the Confession of their Faith, desiring to know 
if they agreed in uniformity of doctrine, alleging that the Church of 
Scotland was dissonant in some Articles from them. Wherefore the 
Superintendents, with a great part of the other most qualified 
Ministers, convened in September in Saint Andrews, and reading 
the said letters, made answer, and sent word again, that they agreed 
in all points with those Churches, and differed in nothing from them ; 
albeit in the keeping of some Festival days our Church assented not, 
for only the Sabbath-day was kept in Scotland. ^ 

In the end of this month, the Earl Bothwell, riding in pursuit of 
the thieves in Liddesdale, was ill hurt, and worse terrified by a thief; 
for he believed surely to have departed forth of this life, and sent 
word thereof to the Queen's Majesty, who soon after passed forth of 
Jedburgh to the Hermitage to visit him, and give him comfort.^ 
And within a few days after, she took sickness in a most extreme 
manner, for she lay two hours long cold dead, as it were without 
breath, or any sign of life : at length she revived, by reason they had 

^ hypocrites. The entry in the Oxford English Dictionary is hopelessly incorrect. See 
Littr6, Dictionnaire de la Langue Frangdise s.v. cagot, and the quotation there given from 
Pasquier's Recherches. The meaning given in Craigie's Dictionary of the Older Scottish 
Tongue, s.v. cagot, " an affectedly pious person," is equivalent to Moliere's use of the word 
in Tartuffe to mean " an excessive outward show of religion ". 

2 For an analysis of these statements see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 415, note 63. 

' The Helvetian Confession was drawn up by the Pastors of Zurich in 1566. It was 
approved by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, and the translation made 
by Mr. Robert Pont was ordered to be printed ; but no copy of this translation is known 
to be extant. In the " epistle " to be sent to Zurich a marginal note was to be added 
regarding " the remembrance of some holy days." [Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 90 ; 
Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland, ii, 331-332) The letter, addressed to Beza, 
dated from St. Andrews, 4 September 1 566, and signed by forty-one Ministers, is printed 
in ^iirich Letters, Second Series (Parker Society), 362-365. 

* For an analysis of this well-known incident see Hay Fleming, op. cit., 415, notes 
64, 65. 


bound small cords about her shackle bones/ her knees, and great toes, 
and speaking very softly, she desired the Lords to pray for her to God. 
She said the creed in English, and desired my Lord of Moray, if she 
should chance to depart, that he would not be over extreme to such 
as were of her Religion ; the Duke ^ and he should have been Regents. 
The bruit went from Jedburgh in the month of October 1566, that 
the Queen was departed this life, or, at least, she could not live any 
time,^ wherefore there were continually prayers publicly made at 
the Church of Edinburgh, and divers other places, for her conversion 
towards God and amendment.* Many were of opinion that she 
should come to the preaching and renounce Popery ; but all in vain, 
for God had some other thing to do by her. The King being 
advertised, rode post from Stirling to Jedburgh,^ where he found 
the Queen somewhat convalesced, but she would scarce speak to 
him, and hardly give him presence or a good word ; wherefore he 
returned immediately to Stirling, where the Prince was, and after to 
Glasgow to his father.^ 

There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm, and 
especially in the countries near the Borders, if the Queen had 
departed at that time. As she began to recover, the Earl Bothwell 
was brought in a chariot ' from the Hermitage to Jedburgh, 
where he was cured of his wounds ; in whose presence the Queen 
took more pleasure than in all the rest of the world. Always, by 
his means, most part of all that were outlawed for the slaughter of 
David Riccio got rehef; for there was no other means, but all 
things must needs pass by him. Wherefore every man sought to 
him, where immediately favour was to be had, as before to 
David Riccio. 

Soon after, the Queen passing along the Borders, she came 
within the bounds of Berwick, where she viewed the town at her 
pleasure afar off, being within half a mile and less. All the ordnance 
within Berwick were discharged ; the Captain came forth, with 
fourscore horses bravely arrayed, to do her honour, and offer her 

* zvrists. For fuller details of Mary's illness see the letter written to James Beaton, 
Archbishop of Glasgow, by John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, from Jedburgh, 26, 27 October 
1566, and printed in Keith's History, iii, 286-289. " Chatelherault 

^ Lethington, writing to Cecil on 26 October 1566, says " for the space 
off half an hour, we wer all desperate off her lyfe." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, 
No. 435) 

See Birrel's Diary (in Dalyell, Fragments of Scotish History, 6) ; Diurnal of Occurrents, loi 

" But see Hay Fleming, op. cit., 418, note 73 

Ste Diurnal of Occurrents, 101-102 ; Historie of King James the Sext {^a.nnz.\.yntC\\i\i), ^ 
' a horse-litter 


lawful service.^ Then she came to Craigmillar, where she remained 
in November, till she was advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors 
to the baptism of the Prince. And for that purpose there was great 
preparation made, not without the trouble of such as were supposed 
to have money in store, especially of Edinburgh ; for there was 
borrowed a good round sum of money for the same business. ^ All her 
care and solicitude was for that triumph. At the same time arrived 
the Count de Briance,^ Ambassador of the King of France, who had 
a great train. Soon after the Earl of Bedford * went forth of England, 
with a very gorgeous company, to the number of fourscore horses, 
and passing to Stirling, he was humanely received of the Queen's 
Majesty, and every day banqueted. The excessive expenses, and 
superfluous apparel, which was prepared at that time, exceeded far 
all the preparation that ever had been devised or set forth afore that 
time in this country. 

The 17 of December 1566, in the great hall ^ of the Castle of 
Stirling, was the Prince baptized by the Bishop of Saint Andrews,** 
at five a clock at even, with great pomp, albeit with great pain could 
they find men to bear the torches, wherefore they took boys. The 
Queen laboured much with the Noblemen to bear the salt, grease, 
and candle, and such other things, but all refused ; she found at 
last the Earls of Eglinton, Atholl, and the Lord Seton,'' who assisted 
at the baptism, and brought in the said trash. ^ The Count de 
Briance (being the French Ambassador), assisted likewise. The 
Earl of Bedford brought for a present from the Queen of England 
a font of gold, valued to be worth three thousand crowns.^ Soon 
after the said baptism, as the Earl was in communing with the Queen, 
who entertained him most reverently, he began to say merrily to her, 
amongst other talking, " Madam, I rejoice very greatly at this time, 
seeing your Majesty hath here to serve you 'SO many Noblemen, 
especially twelve Earls, whereof two only assist at this baptism to 

' See the account by Lethington, printed in Keith's History, ii, 469-471 

" See the arrangements for the taxation of /^i 2,000 for the expenses of the baptism 
of the Prince (Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 485-487) 

' Jean de Luxembourg, Comte de Brienne et de Ligny, a favourite of Henry III of 
France. Melville's comment is that he was " na courteour, bot a semple man." {Memoirs, 
Bannatyne Club, 171) * Francis Russell, Earl of Bedford 

' In the chapel. The subsequent banquet was held in the great hall. 

' John Hamilton 

' George, fifth Lord Seton ; but possibly a mistake for Robert, third Lord Sempill 

* See the details given in Diurnal of Occurrents, 103-104 

' It is said to have weighed three hundred and thirty-three ounces. (Hay Fleming, 
op. cit., 426, note 99) 


the superstition of Popery." * At the which saying the Queen kept 
good countenance. Soon after they banqueted in the said great hall, 
where they wanted no prodigahty. During the time of the Earl of 
Bedford's remaining at Stirling, the Lords, for the most part, waited 
upon him, and conveyed him every day to the sermon, and after to 

The King, who remained at Stirling all that time (never being 
present), kept his chamber. His father hearing how he was used, 
wrote to him to repair unto him ; who soon after went (without 
good-night) toward Glasgow, to his father. He was hardly a mile 
out of Stirling, when the poison (which had been given him) wrought 
so upon him, that he had very great pain and dolour in every part 
of his body. At length, being arrived at Glasgow, the blisters broke 
out, of a bluish colour ; so the physicians presently knew the disease 
to come by poison. He was brought so low, that nothing but death 
was expected ; yet the strength of his youth at last did surmount the 
poison. 2 

During the time of this triumph, the Queen was most liberal 
in all things that were demanded of her. Amongst other things, she 
subscribed a writing for the maintenance of the Ministers in a reason- 
able proportion,^ which was to be taken up of the Thirds of Benefices ; 
which writing, being purchased by the Bishop of Galloway, was 
presented at the General Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh, 
the five and twentieth day of December 1566, where were convened 
the Superintendents and other Ministers in reasonable number, but 
very few Commissioners.* The first matter that was there proponed, 
was concerning the said writing lately obtained ; and the most part 
of the Ministers being demanded their opinions in the matter, after 
advice, and passing a little aside, they answered very gravely that 
it was their duty to preach to the people the word of God truly and 
sincerely, and to crave of the auditors the things that were necessary 
for their sustentation, as of duty the Pastors might justly crave of 
their flocks ; and, further, it became them not to have any care. 
Nevertheless, the Assembly taking into consideration that the said 
gift granted by the Queen's Majesty was not to be refused, they 

' Huntly, Moray, and Bothwell as well as the Earl of Bedford had stood outside 
the chapel, because the baptism had been according to the rites of the Roman Church. 
{Ibid., 144; Diurnal of Occurrents, 104) 

* But the disease may have been small-pox, or perhaps syphilis. (See the analysis of 
the evidence in Hay Fleming, Alary Queen of Scots, 430, notes 114, 115; and the article by 
Karl Pearson in Biometrika, 1928, xx^, 1-104) 

' Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 494-495 

* See Booke of the Uniuersall Kirk, i, 83 


ordained that certain faithful men of every shire should meet, and 
do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said corn 
and money ; and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lothian/ 
and Master John Row, to wait upon the Bishop of Galloway, and 
concur and assist him for further expedition in the Court, that the 
said gift might be despatched through the Seals. 

In the same Assembly there was presented a remonstrance by 
writ, by some gentlemen of Kyle, containing in effect that inasmuch 
as the tithes ought to be given only to the Ministers of the Word, 
and Schools, and for maintenance of the poor, that therefore the 
Assembly would statute and ordain that all the Professors of the 
Evangel should keep the same in their own hands, to the effects 
aforesaid, and no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith. This 
writing took no effect at that time, for there was none else but the 
gentlemen of Kyle of that opinion.'^ It was statute in the said 
Assembly that such public fornicators and scandalous livers as 
would not confess their offences, nor come to declare their repentance, 
should be declared by the Minister to be out of the Church, and 
not of the body thereof, and their names to be declared publicly upon 
the Sunday. ^ 

The After this Assembly, the Bishop of Galloway (with the Super- 

munding intendent of Lothian and Master John Row) passing to Stirling, 
vengeance obtained their demands in an ample manner at the Queen's 

upon the , . , . i i-i i 

poor King, Majesty's hand, accordmg to their desire ; and likewise, they 
Z'^lovT^ obtained for every burgh, a gift or donation of the altarages, annuals, 
with the and obits, which before were given to the Papists, now to be disponed 
sZhwell, for the maintenance of the Ministers and Schools within the burghs, 
grants to g^^d the rcst to the poor or hospitals.^ 

the PfOtBS- 

tants their * It was Ordained that humble supplication should be made to 
'X' ^^^ Lords of Secret Council concerning the Commission of Jurisdic- 
may be tiou supposcd to be granted to the Bishop of Saint Andrews,^ to the 
ZurouL effect their honours might stay the same, in respect that the causes 
her plots for the most part judged by his usurped authority pertain to the 
true Kirk ; and also, because in respect of that coloured Commis- 

1 Mr. John Spottiswoode ^ But see Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 83-84 

' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 497-498 

* This paragraph, together with the SuppUcation of the Assembly and Knox's Letter 
to the Professors, appear in the Edinburgh (1644) edition of the History, but not in the 
London edition of that same year. It may be surmised with some probability that the 
additions were supplied by Calderwood. (Cf Calderwood's History, ii, 335-340) 

' By a grant under the Privy Seal, of 23 December 1566, proceeding upon the Queen's 
signature, Mary had restored Archbishop Hamilton to all his former consistorial juris- 
diction. (See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 145-146 and supporting notes) 


sion, he might assume again his old usurped authority, and the same 
might be a means to oppress the whole Kirk. The tenor of the 
Supplication followeth ^ : 

" The General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland convened 
AT Edinburgh the 25 of December 1566, to the Nobility 
OF THIS Realm that profess the Lord Jesus with them, 


" Seeing that Satan, by all our negligences (Right Honourable), 
hath so far prevailed within this Realm of late days that we do 
stand in extreme danger, not only to lose our temporal possessions, John^ 
but also to be deprived of the glorious Evangel of Jesus Christ, and suppUca- 
so we and our posterity to be left in damnable darkness ; We could ^l^"- ^.j^^ 
no longer contain ourselves, nor keep silence, lest by so doing we recall the 
might be accused as guilty of the blood of such as shall perish for '^^q^^^' 
lack of admonition, as the Prophet threateneth. We, therefore, in granted to 
the fear of our God, and with grief and anguish of our heart, com- hi^hop 
plain unto your Honours (yea, we must complain unto God, and f^^- 
to all his obedient creatures), that that conjured enemy of Jesus 
Christ, and cruel murderer of our dear brethren, most falsely styled 
Archbishop of Saint Andrews, is reponed and restored, by signature 
passed, to his former tyranny: For not only are his ancient jurisdictions 
(as they are termed) of the whole Bishopric of Saint Andrews granted 
unto him, but also the execution of judgment, confirmation of testa- 
ments, and donation of benefices, as more amply in his signature is 
expressed. If this be not to cure ^ the head of that venomous beast, 
which once within this Realm by the potent hand of God was so 
broken down and banished, that by tyranny it could not have hurt 
the faithful, judge ye. His ancient jurisdiction was, that he with 
certain colleagues collaterals, might have damned of heresy upon 
probation as pleased him, and then to take all that were suspected 
of heresy. What they have judged to be heresy heretofore, ye can- 
not be ignorant of ; and whether they remain in their former malice 
or not, their fruits and travails openly declare. The danger may be 
feared, say ye. But what remedy ? It is easy, and at hand (Right 
Honourable), if ye will not betray the cause of God, and leave your 
brethren, who will never more be subject to that usurped tyranny 
than they will be to the Devil himself. Our Queen belike is not 
well informed. She ought not, nor justly may not break the laws 

' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 88-90 " restore 


of this Realm ; and so consequently she may not set up against 
us, without our consent, that Roman Antichrist again. For in a 
lawful and the most free Parliament that ever was in this Realm 
before, was that odious beast deprived of all jurisdiction, office and 
authority within the Realm. ^ Her Majesty at her first arrival, and 
by divers proclamations since, hath expressly forbidden any other 
form and face of Religion, than that which she found publicly 
established at her arrival. Therefore she may not bring us (the 
greatest part of the subjects of this Realm) back again to bondage, 
till that as lawful and as free a Parhament as justly damned that 
Antichrist and his usurped tyranny, hath given decision betwixt us 
and him. If hereof, and of other things which no less concern your- 
selves than us, ye plainly and boldly admonish our Sovereign, and 
without tumult only crave justice, the tyrants dare no more be seen 
in lawful judgment, than dare the owls in daylight. Weigh this 
matter as it is, and ye will find it more weighty than it appeareth 
to many. Further at this present we complain not, but humbly 
crave of your Honours a reasonable answer what ye will do, in case 
such tyrants and devouring wolves begin to invade the flock of Jesus 
Christ within this Realm, under v/hat title soever it be. For this we 
boldly profess, that we will never acknowledge such either pastors 
to our souls, or yet judges to our causes. And if, for denial thereof, 
we suflfer either in body or in goods, we doubt not but we have not 
only a judge to punish them that unjustiy trouble us, but also an 
advocate and strong champion in Heaven to recompense them who, 
for his name's sake, suffer persecution : Whose Holy Spirit rule your 
hearts in his true fear to the end. 

" Given in the General Assembly and third Session thereof, at 
Edinburgh, the 27 of December, 1566." 

Besides this Supplication of the Assembly to the Nobility penned 
(as appeareth by the style) by John Knox, a letter was written 
by John Knox in particular to the Professors, to advertise them of 
the danger of this commission or power granted to the said bastard, 
Bishop of Saint Andrews, the tenor whereof doth follow ^ : 

" The Lord cometh, and shall not tarry. Blessed shall he be 
whom He shall find fighting against impiety. 

*' To deplore the miseries of these our most wicked days (Beloved 
Brethren) can neither greatly profit us, neither yet relieve us of our 

* Supra, i, 340-341 * Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland, ii, 337-340 


present calamities ; and yet utterly to keep silence, cannot lack the >^, 
suspicion of apostasy, and plain defection from God, and from his Letter 
truth, once by us publicly professed. For now are matters (that in ^ '^* 
years bypast have been denied) so far discovered, that he who seeth 
not the plain subversion of all true Religion within this Realm to 
be concluded, and decreed in the hearts of some, must either con- 
fess himself bhnd, or else an enemy to the Religion which we profess. 
For besides the open erecting of idolatry in divers parts of this Realm, 
and besides the extreme poverty wherein our Ministers are brought 
(by reason that idle bellies are fed upon that which justly appertaineth 
to such as truly preach Jesus Christ, and rightly and by order minister 
his blessed Sacraments), that cruel murderer of our brethren, falsely 
called Archbishop of Saint Andrews, most unjustly, and against all 
law, hath presumed to his former tyranny, as a signature passed for 
his restitution to his ancient jurisdiction (as it is termed) more fully 
doth proport. What end may be looked for of such beginnings, the 
half-blind may see, as we suppose. And yet we have heard that 
a certain sum of money and victuals should be assigned by the 
Queen's Majesty for sustentation of our Ministry. But how that 
any such assignation, or any promise made thereof, can stand in 
any stable assurance, when that Roman Antichrist (by just laws 
once banished from this Realm) shall be intruded above us, we can 
no wise understand. Yea, farther, we cannot see what assurance any 
within this Realm that have professed the Lord Jesus can have of 
life or inheritance, if the head of that odious beast be cured ^ amongst 
us. And therefore we yet again, in the bowels of Christ Jesus, crave 
of you to look into this matter, and to advertise us again, with 
reasonable expedition of your judgments, that in the fear of God, 
and with unity of minds, we may proceed to crave justice, and 
oppose ourselves to such tyranny, as most unjustly is intended 
against us. For, if we think not that this last erecting of that wicked 
man is the very setting up again of that Roman Antichrist within 
this Realm, we are deprived of all right judgment. And what is 
that else, but to separate us and our posterity from God ; yea, and 
to cut ourselves from the freedom of this Realm. We desire there- 
fore that the wisest amongst you may consider the weight of this 
cause, which long hath been neglected, partly by our sloth, and 
pardy by believing fair promises, by which to this hour we have 
been deceived. And therefore we ought to be the more vigilant and 
circumspect, especially seeing a Parliament is proclaimed. 

* restored 



" We have sent to you the form of a Supphcation and Articles, 
which we would have presented to the Queen's Majesty. If it please 
you, we would ye should approve it by your subscriptions ; or if 
you would alter it, we desire you so to do, and we shall allow what- 
soever you shall propound, not repugnant to God. If it shall be 
thought expedient that Commissioners of Counties shall convene, 
to reason upon the most weighty matters that now occur, the time 
and place being appointed by you, and due advertisement being 
given to us, by God's grace, there shall no fault be found in us ; 
but as from the beginning we have neither spared substance nor 
life, so mind we not to faint unto the end, to maintain the same, 
so long as we can find the concurrence of brethren ; of whom (as 
God forbid) if we be destitute, yet are we determined never to be 
subject to that Roman Antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyranny. 
But when we can do no further to suppress that odious beast, we 
mind to seal with our blood, to our posterity, that the bright know- 
ledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that man of sin, and his venomous 
doctrine, from our hearts and consciences. Let this our letter and 
request bear witness before God, before his angels, before the world, 
and before our own consciences, that we require you that have pro- 
fessed the Lord Jesus within this Realm, as well Nobility, as Gentle- 
men, Burgesses, and Commons, to deliberate upon the estate of things 
present ; and specially whether that this usurped tyranny of that 
Roman Antichrist shall be any longer suffered within this Realm, 
seeing that by just law it is already abolished. Secondly, Whether 
that we shall be bound to feed idle bellies upon the patrimony of the 
Kirk, which justly appertaineth unto Ministers, Thirdly, Whether 
that idolatry, and other abominations, which now are more than 
evident, shall any longer by us be maintained and defended. Answer 
us as ye will answer to God, in whose fear we send these letters unto 
you, lest that our silence should be counted for consent unto such 
impiety. God take from our hearts the blind love of ourselves, and 
all ungodly fear. Amen. Let us know your minds with expedition." 

Notwithstanding the domestic troubles that the Church of God 
had in Scotland in this turbulent time within the kingdom, yet they 
were not unmindful of the affliction of Jacob everywhere upon the 
face of the earth ; namely, they had before their eyes the state and 
condition of the Church of God in England : Witness this Letter 
from the General Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of God in 
England ; [wherein they entreat them to deal gently with the 


preachers their brethren about the surphce and other apparel. 
John Knox formed the Letter in name of the Assembly, as follows] ^ : 

" The Superintendents, with other Ministers and Commis- 
sioners OF the Church of God in the Kingdom of Scot- 
land, TO their Brethren, the Bishops and Pastors of 
God's Church in England, who profess with us in Scot- 
land the truth of Jesus Christ. 

*' By word and letters it is come to our knowledge (Reverend 
Brethren, Pastors of God's word in the Church of England), that 
divers of our Brethren (of whom some be of the most learned in 
England) are deprived from all ecclesiastical function, namely, are 
forbidden to preach, and so by you are stopped to promote the 
Kingdom of God, because they have a scruple of conscience to use 
at the command of Authority such garments as idolaters in time 
of greatest darkness did use in their superstitious and idolatrous 
service ; which report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts, 
considering the sentence of the Apostle, ' If ye bite and devour one 
another, take heed ye be not consumed one of another.' We intend 
not at this present to enter into the question, which we hear is agitated 
and handled with greater vehemency by either party than well 
liketh us, to wit, Whether such apparel be accounted amongst things 
indifferent or not ; wherefore (through the bowels of Jesus Christ) 
we crave that Christian charity may so far prevail with you, who 
are the pastors and guides of Christ's flock in England, that ye do 
one to another as ye desire others to do to you. You cannot be 
ignorant what tenderness is in a scrupulous conscience, and all that 
have knowledge are not alike persuaded. The consciences of some 
of you stir not with the wearing of such things ; on the other side, 
many thousands (both godly and learned) are otherways persuaded, 
whose consciences are continually stricken with these sentences, 
' What hath Christ to do with Belial ? ' ' What fellowship is there 
betwixt light and darkness ? ' If surplice, corner-cap and tippet 
have been the badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry, 
what hath the preachers of Christian liberty, and the rebukers of 
superstition to do with the dregs of that Romish Beast ? Yea, what 
is he that ought not to fear, either to take in his hand, or on his 
forehead, the prints and mark of that odious Beast ? The brethren 

* See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 85-88 ; Calderwood's History, ii, 332-335. Again, 
the words in square brackets, which are added to the Edinburgh edition of 1644, appear 
to have been supphed by Calderwood. {Cf. Calderwood's History, ii, 332) 


that refuse such unprofitable apparel, do neither condemn nor molest 
you who use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these things 
will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but therein you 
shall please God, and comfort the hearts of many, which are wounded 
to see extremity used against these godly brethren. Humane argu- 
ments or coloured rhetoric we use none to persuade you, only in 
charity we desire you to mind the sentence of Peter, ' Feed the flock 
of Christ which is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by 
constraint, but willingly ; not being as lords of God's heritages, but 
being examples to the flock.' We further desire you to meditate 
upon that sentence of Paul, ' Give no offence, neither to Jews, nor 
Gentiles, nor to the church of God.' In what condition of time 
you and we both travail for the promoting of Christ's kingdom, 
you are not ignorant ; therefore we are the more bold to exhort 
you to deal more wisely than to trouble the godly for such vanities ; 
for all things which seem lawful, edify not. If Authority urge you 
further than your consciences can bear, we pray you remember, 
that the Ministers of the Church are called the ' Light of the world,' 
and ' Salt of the earth ' ; all civil authority hath not always the 
light of God shining before their eyes, in statutes and commands, 
for their aflfections savour too much of the earth and worldly wisdom. 
Therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose yourselves boldly, 
not only to all power that dare extol itself against God, but also 
against all such as dare burden the consciences of the faithful further 
than God chargeth them in his own word. But we hope you will 
excuse our freedom in that we have entered in reasoning further 
than we intended in the beginning. Now, again we return to our 
former request, which is. That the brethren among you, who refuse 
the Romish rags, may find of you, who use and urge them, such 
favour as our Head and Master commandeth eajch one of his members 
to show to another, which we look to receive of your courtesy, not 
only because you will not offend God in troubling your brethren 
for such vain trifles, but also because you will not refuse the earnest 
request of us your Brethren, and fellow Ministers ; in whom, although 
there appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem 
us as God's servants, travailing to set forth his glory against the 
Roman Antichrist. The days are evil, iniquity aboundeth, and 
charity (alas) waxeth cold ; wherefore we ought to walk diligently, 
for the hour is uncertain when the Lord shall come, before whom 
we must all give an account of our administration. In conclusion, 
yet once more we desire you to be favourable one to another. The 


Lord Jesus rule your hearts in his fear unto the end, and give to 
you and us victory over that conjured enemy of true Religion (the 
Pope), whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to cure 
again ; but to destruction shall he go, and all his maintainers, by 
the power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty protection we commit 

" From our General Assembly, December 27, 1566." 

^ At the same time the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of 
the Earl Both well, procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty, 
to be obeyed within the diocese of his jurisdiction, in all such causes 
as before in time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and there- 
fore to discharge the new Commissioners ^ ; and for the same pur- 
pose came to Edinburgh in January, having a company of one 
hundred horses, or more, intending to take possession, according to 
his gift lately obtained. The Provost being advertised thereof by 
the Earl of Moray, they sent to the Bishop three or four of the Council, 
desiring him to desist from the said matter, for fear of trouble and 
sedition that might rise thereupon ; whereby he was persuaded to 
desist at that time. 

Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained 
a few days. In the month of January she was informed that the 
King was recovered of the poison given him at Stirling, and there- 
fore she passed to Glasgow to visit him, and there tarried with him 
six days, using him wonderfully kindly, with many gracious and 
good words ; and likewise his father, the Earl of Lennox, insomuch 
that all men marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great 
contempt and dryness that had been before so long together. The 
Queen, notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him, with 
a known design to take away his life, yet by her sweet words gains 
so far upon the uxorious husband, and his facile father, that he went 
in company with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge 
him at the Kirk of Field, in a lodging, lately bought by Master 
James Balfour, Clerk Register, truly very unmeet for a King. The 

* An interpolated paragraph is here omitted, and at the head of the present paragraph 
appears the following long marginal note : As she had lately gratified the Protestants 
by granting their Petition, so at this time she yields unto the Papists their demands also, 
that she might be stopped by neither of them in her design of vengeance and new love. 

2 By a writ of 8 February 1 564, the Queen had appointed four Commissaries, sitting 
at Edinburgh, to exercise the jurisdiction formerly exercised by the Officials of the Roman 
Church ; but with Mary's restoration of consistorial jurisdiction to the Archbishop of 
St. Andrews, the newly appointed Commissaries were discharged of all office within the 
diocese of St. Andrews. (Robertson, Concilia Scotia, i, Preface, clxxv-clxxviii) 


Queen resorted often to visit him, and lay in the house two nights 
by him (although her lodging was in the Palace of Holyrood- 
house). Every man marvelled at this reconciliation and sudden 
change. The ninth of February, the King was murdered, and the 
house where he lay burned with powder, about twelve of the clock 
in the night ^ : his body was cast forth in a yard, without the town 
wall, adjoining close by. There was a servant likewise murdered 
beside him, who had been also in the chamber with him. The 
people ran to behold this spectacle ; and wondering thereat some 
judged one thing, some another. 

Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a com- 
pany of men of war, and caused the body of the King to be carried 
to the next house. Where, after a little, the surgeons being convened 
at the Queen's command to view and consider the manner of his 
death, most part gave out, to please the Queen, that he was blown 
in the air, albeit he had no mark of fire ; and truly he was strangled. 
Soon after, he was carried to the Abbey, and there buried. ^ 

[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the 
King's corpse, the Queen caused it to be brought down to the Palace 
by some pioneers. She beheld the corpse without any outward show 
or sign of joy or sorrow. When the Lords had concluded amongst 
themselves that he should be honourably buried, the Qjueen caused 
his corpse to be carried by some pioneers in the night without 
solemnity, and to be laid beside the sepulchre of David Riccio.^ 
If there had been any solemn burial, Buchanan had wanted wit to 
relate otherwise, seeing there would have been so many witnesses 
to testify the contrary. Therefore the contriver of the late History 
of Queen Mary * wanted policy here to convey a lie. 

The Queen, according to the ancient custom, should have kept 
herself forty days within, and the doors and windows should have been 
closed in token of mourning ; but the windows were opened, to let 

^ About two o'clock in the morning of lo February 

* In place of these words " Soon after, he was carried to the Abbey, and there buried," 
the Edinburgh (1644) edition contains the two following paragraphs, enclosed within 
square brackets. Both appear to come direct from Calderwood's History (ii, 346, 347). 

^ See Hay Fleming, Alary Queen of Scots, 441, note 34. For a critical examination 
of the tragedy of Kirk o' Field, see ibid., 148-152 and supporting notes. 

* Laing suggests that this is probably a reference to [W. Udall], The Historie of the 
Life and Death of Mary Stuart, Qiieene of Scotland, published in London in 1636. (Laing's 
Knox, ii, 550, note) In the Detectio Buchanan stated that Darnley's corpse was carried 
and buried hard by Riccio, " without any funeral honour, upon a vile bier, and in the 
night time by the common carriers of dead bodies " ; and certainly the author of the 
Historie refers to the Detectio as " of small credit," Buchanan being an adversary of the 
Queen who had been " wonne by money to write." {Historie, etc., 1 15) 


in light, the fourth day. Before the twelfth day, she went out to 
Seton, Bothwell never parting from her side. There she went out 
to the fields to behold games and pastimes.^ The King's armour, 
horse, and household stuff were bestowed upon the murderers. A 
certain tailor, when he was to reform the King's apparel to Both- 
well, said jestingly, He acknowledged here the custom of the country, 
by which the clothes of the dead fall to the hangman. ^] 

This tragical end had Henry Stewart, after he had been King 
eighteen months. A Prince of great lineage, both by mother and 
father. He was of a comely stature, and none was like unto him 
within this island. He died under the age of one and twenty years ^ ; 
prompt and ready for all games and sports ; much given to hawk- 
ing and hunting, and running of horses, and likewise to playing on 
the lute, and also to Venus chamber. He was liberal enough. He 
could write and dictate well ; but he was somewhat given to wine, 
and much feeding, and likewise to inconstancy ; and proud beyond 
measure, and therefore contemned all others. He had learned to 
dissemble well enough, being from his youth misled up in Popery. 
Thus, within two years after his arriving in this Realm, he was highly 
by the Queen alone extolled ; and, finally, had this unfortunate 
end by her procurement and consent. To lay all other proofs aside, 
her marriage with Bothwell, who was the main executioner of the 
King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsels that the King 
of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully 
give her, as other friends did likewise,* witness anent their guilt. 
Those that laid hands on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's direction, 
were Sir James Balfour, Gilbert Balfour, David Chalmers, black 
John Spens, Francis, Sebastien, John de Bordeaux, and Joseph, the 
brother of David Riccio.^ These last four were the Queen's domestics, 
and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so hastened, 
was because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could not 
bear so long a delay as the procurement of a bill of divorce required, 
although the Romish clergy offered their service willingly to the 
business, namely. Bishop Hamilton, and so he became great again at 
court. And he for the advancement of the business, did good offices 
to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen ; yea, some that 
had been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and 

^ See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 152, 442, notes 35, 36 

* See Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 499 ^ See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 437, note 20 

* See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 456, note 1 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 477 

* These were the " suspected murderers " named by the Earl of Lennox, Darnley's 

father. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 488 ; Keith's History, ii, 529-531) 

(668) VOL n 14 


Queen, offered their service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's 
incHnation lay. So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own 
ends, further them in all their inclinations and undertakings, be 
they never so bad or destructive to themselves. 

The Earl of Lennox, in the meantime, wrote to the Queen, to 
cause punish Bothwell, with his other complices, for murdering the 
King.^ The Queen, not daring openly to reject the Earl of Lennox's 
solicitation, did appoint a day for the trial of Bothwell, by an 
assize ^ ; the members whereof were the Earl of Caithness, Pre- 
sident, ^ the Earl of Gassillis * (who at the first refused, but thereafter, 
being threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason, 
was present by the Queen's command), John Hamilton, Com- 
mendator of Arbroath,^ Lord Ross,^ Lord Sempill,'' Lord Boyd,^ 
Lord Herries,^ Lord Oliphant ^^ ; the Master of Forbes, ^^ the Lairds of 
Lochinvar,^^ Langton,^^ Cambusnethan,^* Barnbougle,^^ and Boyne.^^ 
They, to please the Queen, and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell 
not guilty, notwithstanding the manifest evidences of the cruel fact 
committed by Bothwell who, before the trial, did make himself 
strong by divers means ; namely, by the possession of the Castle 
of Edinburgh,^^ so that the accusers durst not appear, not being 
strong enough. The Earl of Mar did retire to Stirling, and had 
committed to his charge the young Prince. All this was done in 

* Keith's History, ii, 529-530 

* A copy of the proceedings of 12 April 1567, before the Court of Justiciary in the 
Tolbooth of Edinburgh, attested by Sir John Bellenden, the Justice-Clerk, is printed in 
J. Anderson, Collections relating to the History of Mary Queen of Scotland, ii, 97-114. See also 
Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 488 (abridging a " Copy of the processe . . . subscrivit 
be the Justice-Clerk"), and Keith's History, ii, 539-548. Knox's continuator has omitted 
Andrew, fifth Earl of Rothes, from the assize. 

' George, fourth Earl of Caithness, was chancellor or foreman of the jury. 

* Gilbert, fourth Earl of Gassillis ' 

' John Hamilton, third son of the Duke of Chatelherault ; later (1599) Marquess of 
Hamilton James, fourth Lord Ross ' Robert, third Lord Sempill 

Robert, fifth Lord Boyd 

* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell, usually called " The Master of 
Maxwell." He assumed the title of Lord Herries as the husband of Agnes, eldest daughter 
of William, third Lord Herries, and, sua jure, Lady Herries. 

^^ Laurence, fourth Lord Oliphant 

*' John, son of William, seventh Lord Forbes ; later eighth Lord Forbes 

*' Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar 

*' James Cockburn of Langton (Berwickshire) 

'* James Somerville of Cambusnethan (Lanarkshire) 

*^ Sir John Mowbray of Barnbougle (West Lothian) 

* Alexander Ogilvy of Boyne (Banffshire) 

*' See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 443, note 45 


In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had 
come to Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there ; and having 
gained some before, made them all, what by fear, what by fair 
promises, first of their private state, and then of advancing the 
Papist's Religion, to consent by their subscriptions to the marriage 
with the Queen. ^ Then the Queen goes to Stirling, to see her son. 
Bothwell makes a show as if he were going to the Borders to suppress 
robbers, and so he raiseth some men of war ; which, when he had 
done, he turneth towards the way to Stirling, where he meets the 
Queen, according to appointment betwixt them, and carrieth her 
to Dunbar, as it had been by force, although every one knew it was 
with the Queen's liking.^ The prime Nobility convened at Stirling, 
and from thence sent to her, to know whether or not she was taken 
against her will. She answered that it was true she was taken 
against her will but, since her taking, she had no occasion to com- 
plain ; yea, the courteous entertainment she had, made her forget 
and forgive all former offences. These expressions were used by 
way of preface to the pardon which was granted immediately there- 
after to Bothwell ; for, by Letters Patent, he was pardoned by the 
Queen for laying violently hands upon her Majesty, and for all 
other crimes. So by these [means] the murder of the King was 
pardoned. During the Queen's abode in Dunbar, there were letters 
of divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady 
(who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland ^), she was 
sister to the Earl of Huntly. The ground of divorce was, the parties, 
being within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joined ; 
next, because Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was void. 
The bill of divorce was granted by the Papistical Court of the Arch- 
bishop of Saint Andrews.* And here mark how they juggle in sacred 
things ; for when it pleaseth them, they untie the bond of marriage, as 
now, and as we have seen in the First Book of this History. When the 
Queen fell in distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed 

1 See ibid., 446, note 60. The bond, commonly known as that of" AinsHe's Supper," 
is printed in Keith's History, ii, 562-569. 

* See Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 156 and supporting notes 

' Alexander, eleventh Earl of Sutherland. After his death (1594), Lady Jean Gordon 
married, thirdly (1599), Alexander Ogilvy of Boyne. 

* There was a double process for divorce. Lady Bothwell received a divorce from the 
Commissary Court of Edinburgh ; Bothwell received a decision from the newly re- 
instituted Consistorial Court of St. Andrews {supra, 1 94, note 5) that his marriage had been 
null for lack of a dispensation. (But a dispensation had been granted. See Hay Fleming, 
op. cit., 1 57 ; 453, note 76.) The sederunt in each of the two courts is given in Spottiswoode's 
History, ii, 52. 


unto her to have divorce upon the same ground from the King. 
To which, at first ear was given, but after second thoughts, a bill 
of divorce was too tedious (as we have now said) and could not be 
stayed for ^ ; therefore the King must be despatched. 

The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop 
a letter of divorce from his lawful wife, sent a letter signed with her 
own hand to Master John Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding 
him to publish the band of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell. 
Master John Craig, the next sermon day thereafter, declared in full 
congregation, that he had received such a command, but in conscience 
he could not obey it ; the marriage was altogether unlawful ; and 
of that he would declare the reasons to the parties, if he had audience 
of them, otherwise he would make known his just reasons in the 
hearing of the people. Immediately thereafter, Bothwell sends for 
Master Craig to the Council, where Master Craig told, first, that 
by an Act of the Assembly, it was forbidden to allow the marriage 
of any divorced for adultery ; the divorce of Bothwell from his 
lawful wife was by collusion, witness the quick dispatch thereof, ^ 
for it was sought and had within ten days, and his contracting with 
the Queen instantly thereafter ; then his rape of the Queen, and the 
guilt of the King's death, which was confirmed by this marriage. 
Withal, he desired the Lords to stop the Queen from that infamous 
marriage. The Sunday after, he told publicly to the people what 
he had said to the Council ; and he took heaven and earth to witness 
that he detested that scandalous and infamous marriage ; and that 
he discharged his conscience unto the Lords, who seemed unto him 
as so many slaves, what by flattery, what by silence, to give way to 
that abomination. Upon this, he was called to the Council again, 
and was reproved, as if he had exceeded the bounds of his calling. 
Whereunto he answered. That the bounds of his commission were 
the word of God, right reason, and good laws', against which he had 
said nothing ; and by all these, offered to prove this marriage to be 
scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by Bothwell, and 
sent from the Council.^ Notwithstanding all this done and said by 
Master Craig, and the opposition of many that wished well to the 
Queen, and were jealous of her honour, the marriage went on, and 

* But there was also the important consideration that a divorce would affect the 
legitimacy of the infant Prince James, for, in the Roman Church, a divorce could proceed 
only upon the ground that the marriage had been, from the first, null and void. 

* See Spottiswoode's History, ii, 52 

' See Mr. John Craig's " purgation " registered in the Records of the General 
Assembly {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 11 5-1 16) 


they were married the 15 of May. This makes good the Latin 
proverb, Mala nubunt mense Maio.^ And a Bishop must bless the 
marriage. The good Prelate was Bishop of Orkney. ^ If there -^o'* 
be a good work to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the 
difference betwixt this worthy minister, Master Craig, and this base 

The Earl of Atholl, immediately after the murder of the King, 
had retired home, waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's 
death. But, seeing this abominable marriage, he went to Stirling, 
where other honest Lords with him had a meeting, and made a 
bond, to defend the young Prince from the murderers of his father ^ ; 
as already they had had one plot to cut him off, which God in his 
mercy did prevent. The Nobles that entered in this bond, were the 
Earls of Argyll,* Atholl,^ Morton,** Mar,^ and Glencairn * ; the Lords 
Lindsay'' and Boyd.^" Argyll thereafter, seduced by some fair words, 
fell off ; and Boyd became a great factionary for Bothwell in all 
things. The Queen, soon after the marriage, was advised to send 
abroad an Ambassador to acquaint her foreign friends and kindred ; 
and this must be a Bishop. It is pity that any good work should be 
done without a Bishop : was not this a worthy employment for a 
pastor in God's Church ? ^^ 

Bothwell, seeing the bond made at Stirling, caused the Queen 
to write to sundry of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where 
they found a bond tendered unto them, by which they were to bind 
themselves to defend the Queen and Bothwell. Some that were 

The correct form is, Metise malas Maio nubere vulgus ait. Keith {History, ii, 586), 
says this Latin phrase was found affixed to the gate of the Palace of Holyrood on the 
night of the marriage. And on Sunday, 15 June 1567, exactly a month after the fateful 
wedding, Mary was to persuade Bothwell " to loup on horsebak and ryd away," never 
again to see one another. 

^ Adam Bothwell, successor to Bishop Reid. He had joined the Reformers, and the 
marriage of Mary and Bothwell was solemnized " not with the Mass, but with preaching." 
Later, December 1567, he was delated before the General Assembly for various offences 
including " Because he solemnized the marriage of the Queen and the Earl of Bothwell, 
which was altogether wicked, and contrary to God's law and statutes of the Kirk." {Booke 
of the Universall Kirk, i, 112, 131) 

' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 501 ; Hay Fleming, op. cit., 463, note 25 

' Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll ' John, fourth Earl of Atholl 

' James, fourth Earl of Morton 

' John, sixth Lord Erskine, Earl of Mar 

* Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn 

Patrick, sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres >" Robert, fifth Lord Boyd 

'^ This was William Chisholm [II], Bishop of Dunblane. His instructions for his embassy 
to France, and also the instructions for Sir Robert Melville for England, are printed in 
Keith's History, ii, 592-606. 


corrupt, did willingly subscribe ; others for fear did the same. And 
there was not one that went to Court that did refuse but the Earl ot 
Moray, who, refusing absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell, 
said it was not the part of a good subject ; yet since he had been 
made friends with him some time before, he would keep his promise 
unto the Queen ; and to enter into a bond with the Queen, it was 
needless and unfit, since he was to obey her in all lawful and just 
things. Upon this, he got leave, although with great difficulty, to 
go into France. 

The Queen receives now Hamilton, Archbishop of Saint Andrews, 
into favour since these changes ; who was no less a faithful councillor 
to her, than he was a good pastor of Christ's flock ; that is, he 
betrayed her, and disobeyed God. With this a proclamation comes 
out in favour of the poor Protestants, whereby the Queen declares 
that she will keep and confirm all that she had promised at her 
arrival into Scotland. ^ This was done to stop the people's mouths ; 
but all in vain, for the people were universally against the abomination 
of the court. 

Within few days, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men, 
under pretext to go to the Borders to repress the robbers there ^ ; 
but in effect to go to Stirling, to have the Prince in their custody, 
that they might dispose of him according to their mind. Then a 
new proclamation came out that the Queen hereafter would rule 
only by the advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors 
had done. The Lords at Stirling, hearing of this plot, strive to prevent 
it, and to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Home ^ to 
besiege the Castle of Borthwick, where the Queen and Bothwell 
were. But because the Earl of Atholl did not come at the hour 
appointed, they had not men enough to environ and compass the 
Castle ; so that Bothwell, having notice given him of the business, 
escaped to Dunbar, and the Queen after him, in man's clothes.* 
The Lords, failing of their design at Borthwick Castle, went to 
Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves masters easily, having 
the affections of the people, notwithstanding the Earl Huntly's and 
the Archbishop of Saint Andrews' persuasion to the contrary. These 
two, with their associates, were constrained to retire to the Castle, 

* See the Queen's declaration of 23 May 1567 {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 513-514) 

* See the proclamations of 28 May 1567. {Ibid., i, 516-517) 

* Alexander, fifth Lord Home 

* Bothwell slipped out of Borthwick Castle probably on the night of 10 June, and 
Mary, in male attire, on the night of 1 1 June. (Birrel, Diary, in Dalyell, Fragments ofScotish 
History, 9 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 11 2- 113) 


where they were received by Sir James Balfour, left there by 

The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords 
at Edinburgh caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they 
declared that the Earl Bothwell, who had been the principal author, 
deviser, and actor of the cruel murder of the late King, had since 
laid hand upon the Queen's person, and had her for the present in 
Dunbar in his power ; and, finding her utterly destitute of all good 
counsel, had seduced her to a dishonest and unlawful marriage with 
himself ; yea, that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself 
to get the young Prince in his hands, that he might murder the child 
as he had murdered the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the 
land resolved to withstand, and deliver the Queen out of his bondage ; 
wherefore they did charge all lieges within the kingdom that could 
come to them, to be in readiness at three hours' warning to assist 
them (the Nobles) for the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and 
bringing the said Earl Bothwell to a legal trial and condign punish- 
ment for the aforesaid murder and other crimes. All such that would 
not side with the Lords were by this proclamation commanded to 
depart from Edinburgh within four hours, under the pain of being 
accounted enemies, &c.^ 

Notwithstanding this proclamation, the people did not join unto 
these Lords as was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adver- 
saries to the business, others stood as neutrals ; and withal, those that 
were convened together were not well provided of arms and munition 
for exploits of war ; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and 
leave off their enterprise till another time, and had absolutely done 
so, but God had ordained other ways, as the event did show (if the 
Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dunbar for 
three or four days without any stir).^ But the Queen and Bothwell, 
having gathered together about four or five thousand men, trusting 
in their force (the Queen being puffed up by flatterers), set forth and 
marched towards Leith. Being come forward as far as Gladsmuir, 
she caused public proclamation against the aforesaid Lords, calling 
them a number of conspirators, and that she now discerned their 
inward malice against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney 
(for so now they called Bothwell).* They had endeavoured to appre- 

* Diurnal of Occurrents, 113. Sir James Balfour of Pittendriech, the Clerk-Register, 
had been made Captain of Edinburgh Castle on 8 May. {Ibid., iii) 

^ See the proclamation in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 520-521 

* See the comment by Lord Herries, Memoirs (Abbotsford Club), 93 

Mary had created Bothwell Duke of Orkney on 1 2 May. {Diurnal of Occurrents, in) 


hend her and her husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious 
proclamation, under pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her 
late husband, and to free her from captivity ; giving out, that the 
Duke her husband had a mind to invade the Prince her son ; all 
which was false, for the Duke her husband had used all means to 
clear himself, both by a legal way and by the offer of a combat to 
any that did accuse him, as they knew well enough. As touching her 
captivity, she was in none, but was in company with her husband, 
unto whom she was publicly married in the view of the world, and 
many of the Nobles had given their consent unto this her marriage. 
As for the Prince her son, it was but a specious pretence to the treason 
and rebellion against her their natural Sovereign and her posterity, 
which they intended to overthrow ; wherefore she declared herself 
necessitated to take arms, hoping that all her faithful subjects would 
adhere unto her, and that those who were already assembled with 
her, would with good hearts and hands stand to her defence ; and 
for the recompense of their valour they should have the lands and 
goods of these unnatural rebels.^ After this proclamation, the army 
went on, and the Queen that night came to Seton, where she lay. 

About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the 
Queen's approach ; presently they took arms, and at the sun-rising 
they were at Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with 
meat and rest. The Queen's camp was not yet stirring. About mid- 
day the scouts that the Lords had sent out brought word that the 
enemy was marching towards them ; presently they put themselves 
in two battles ; the first was conducted by the Earl Morton and the 
Lord Home ; the second by the Earls Atholl, Glencairn, the Lords 
Lindsay, Ruthven, Sempill, and Sanquhar,^ with the Lairds Drum- 
lanrig,3 Tullibardine,* Cessford,^ and Grange, with divers others. 
Their number was almost as great as the Quepn's, their men better, 
being many of them expert men I say nothing of the cause. The 
Queen had gained a hill called Carberry, which the Lords (by reason 
of the steepness of the ascent) could not well come at ; wherefore 
they wheeled about to get a more convenient place to go to the hill, 
where the enemy was, and to have the sun behind them in the 
time of the fight. At first the Queen, seeing their thus going about, 

1 So also in Spottiswoode's History, ii, 59. Specific rewards for the slaying of those who 
opposed her are stated in Diurnal of Occurrents, 115; Historie of King James the Sext 
(Bannatyne Club), 12 ; and Calderwood, History, ii, 362. 

^ Edward, seventh Lord Crichton of Sanquhar 

^ Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig * Sir William Murray of Tullibardine 

' Sir Walter Ker of Cessford * Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange 


did imagine they were fleeing away to Dalkeith, but when she saw 
them come directly towards her, she found herself deceived. 

The French Ambassador,^ seeing them ready to fight, strove to 
take up the business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to 
the Lords, telling them, that the Queen was disposed to peace, and 
to forgive and pardon this insurrection : wherefore it was very fit 
to spare blood and to agree in a peaceable way. The Earl of Morton (in 
the name of all the rest) answered that they had taken up arms, 
not against the Queen, but against the murderer of the King whom, 
if she would deliver to be punished, or at least put from her company, 
she should find a continuation of dutiful obedience by them, and all 
other good subjects ; otherwise no peace : besides, we are not to ask 
pardon for any offence done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their 
resolution to stand to the right of their cause, withdrew, and went to 

While the French Ambassador was thus labouring for accommoda- 
tion, Bothwell came out of the camp (which was in the trench that 
the Englishmen had left at their last being in these places, as we have 
said in the former Books ^), well mounted, with a defiance to any 
that would fight with him. James Murray, brother to the Laird 
of Tullibardine, who before had accepted of Bothwell's challenge, 
when he made the rhodomontade at Edinburgh, immediately after the 
King's death (but then James Murray did not make known his 
name), [accepted the challenge]. Bothwell refused to fight with 
James Murray, alleging he was not his equal. Upon this the elder 
brother, William Murray, Laird of Tullibardine, answered that he 
would fight with him, as being his better in estate, and in antiquity 
of house many degrees above him. Yet Bothwell refused him, saying 
that he was not a Peer of the Kingdom, as he was. Then sundry 
Lords would have gone to fight with Bothwell ; but the Lord 
Lindsay said to the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen that he would 
take it as a singular favour of them, and as a recompense of his service 
done to the State, if they would suffer him to fight with the bragga- 
docio.^ Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor 
excuse, under-hand made the Queen to forbid him. After this 

' Philibert du Croe, Sieur du Croc, ambassador 1565-67. Sir James Melville speaks 
of him as " a graif agit and discret gentilman, advancit be the house of Guise." {Memoirs, 
Bannatyne Club, 181) 

* The site was that of the Battle of Pinkie {supra, i, 9&-101). 

' There are various accounts of this challenge to single combat. (See Sir James 
Melville's Memoirs, Bannatyne Club, 183; Calderwood's //utor)', ii, 363-364 ; George 
Neilson, Trial by Combat, 299-301) 


challenge and answers, Bothwell's accomplices and followers were 
very earnest to fight, but others that had come only for the Queen's 
sake, became [a] little cold, saying that Bothwell would do well to 
fight himself, and spare the blood of divers gentlemen that were there. 
Some counselled to delay the battle till the Hamiltons came, whom 
they did expect. All this the Queen heard with anger ; and riding 
up and down, burst out in tears, and said they were all cowards 
and traitors that would not fight. Immediately after thus vapouring, 
the Queen, perceiving sundry to leave her, she advised Bothwell to 
look unto himself, for she said to him, she would render herself unto 
the Noblemen. Upon this she sent for James Kirkcaldy of Grange, 
with whom she kept discourse for a while, till that she was assured 
Note how that Bothwell was out of danger. Then she went to the Lords, 
whom she did entertain with many fair words, telling them that it 
was neither fear, nor want of hope of victory, that made her come unto 
them, but a mere desire to spare shedding of innocent blood : 
withal she promised to be ruled and advised by them. With this 
she was received with all respect. But shortly after, declaring that 
she would go to the Hamiltons, with promise to return, they restrained 
her liberty, and brought her along with them to Edinburgh at night. 
She was very slow in marching, looking to be rescued by the 
Hamiltons ; but in vain. She lay that night in the Provost's house. 
The next day, the Lords sent the Queen to the Castle that is within 
an isle of Lochleven. ^ Sir James Balfour, seeing the Queen com- 
mitted, and Bothwell consequently defeated, he capitulated with 
the Lords for the delivery of the Castle. Bothwell, finding himself 
thus in disorder, sent a servant to Sir James Balfour, to save a little 
silver cabinet which the Queen had given him. Sir James Balfour 
delivers the cabinet to the messenger, and under-hand giveth advice 
of it to the Lords. In this cabinet had Bothwell kept the letters of 
privacy he had from the Queen. Thus he kept her letters, to be an 
awe-bond upon her, in case her affection should change. By the 
taking of this cabinet, many particulars betwixt the Queen and 
Bothwell were clearly discovered. Tliese letters were after printed. 
They were in French, with some sonnets of her own making. ^ 

* Mary surrendered to the Confederate Lords on Sunday 1 5 June, and was imprisoned 
in Lochleven on Tuesday 17 June. (See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 164-165 and supporting 

* For an examination of the whole of the difficult problem of the " Casket Letters," 
see T. F. Henderson, Mary Queen of Scots, and The Casket Letters and Mary Queen of Scots ; 
Andrew Lang, The Mystery of Mary Stuart ; and the discussion between those two writers in 
Scottish Historical Review, v, 1-12 ; 160-174 


[About this time the Earl Bothwell was declared by open pro- 
clamation not only the murderer of the King, but also the committer 
of it with his own hand ; and a thousand crowns were offered to any 
man that would bring him in.^] 

Few days after the commitment of the Queen, the Earl of Glen- 
cairn with his domestics went to the Chapel of Holyroodhouse, 
where he broke down the altars and the images : which fact, as it 
did content the zealous Protestants, so it did highly offend the 
Popishly affected. 2 The Nobles, who had so proceeded against 
Bothwell, and dealt so with the Queen, hearing that the Hamiltons 
had a great number of men, and had drawn the Earls of Argyll and 
Huntly to their side, sent to Hamilton, desiring those that were there 
to join with them, for the redress of the disorders of the Kirk and 
State. But the Hamiltons, thinking now they had a fair occasion 
fallen unto them to have all again in their hands, and to dispose of 
all according to their own mind, did refuse audience to the message 
sent by the Lords. ^ 

Upon this, the Lords moved the General Assembly, then met in 
Edinburgh, in the month of June, to write to the Lords that either 
were actually declared for the Hamiltons or were neutrals : and so 
several letters were directed to the Earls of Argyll, Huntly, Caithness, 
Rothes, Crawford, and Menteith ; to the Lords Boyd, Drummond, 
Graham, Cathcart, Yester, Fleming, Livingston, Seton, Glamis, 
Ochiltree, Gray, Oliphant, Methven, Innermeath, and Somerville, 
as also to divers other men of note. Besides the letters of the Assembly, 
commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the Lords above- 
named, to wit, John Knox, John Douglas, John Row, and John 
Craig, who had instructions conform to the tenor of the letters, to 
desire these Lords and others, to come to Edinburgh, and join with 
the Lords there, for the settling of God's true worship in the Church, 
and Policy reformed according to God's Word, a maintenance for the 

* Diurnal of Occunents, 116. This paragraph appears in the Edinburgh (1644) edition 
of the History, but not in the London edition of that same year. It may well have been 
supplied by Calderwood. [Cf. Calderwood's History, ii, 367) 

^ So also in Spottisvvoode's History, ii, 62-63. And see Hay Fleming, The Reformation 
tn Scotland, 446, note 

' For the Hamiltons were still next in succession to the Crown. On 18 July 1567 
Throckmorton wrote to Elizabeth that the Hamiltons would concur with the Confederate 
Lords " in anye extremytie agaynst the Quene " on the understanding that Darnley's 
brother would not inherit the Crown should the infant Prince die without issue. [Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 563) And on 20 August, in a letter to Cecil, Throck- 
morton does not spare his words in his opinion of the Hamiltons. {Ibid., ii, No. 


Ministers, and support for the poor.^ But neither the commissioners 
nor the letters did prevail with these men ; they excused [themselves], 
that they could not repair to Edinburgh with freedom, where there 
were so many armed men, and a garrison so strong. ^ But for the Church 
affairs they would not be any ways wanting, to do what lay in them. 
The Lords at Edinburgh, seeing this, joined absolutely with 
the Assembly (which had been prorogated to the 20 of July, upon 
the occasion of these letters and commissioners aforesaid), and 
promised to make good all the Articles they thought fit to resolve 
upon in the Assembly. But how they performed their promises, 
God knows. Always the Articles they agreed upon were these ^ : 

1. That the Acts of [the] Parliament held at Edinburgh the 
24 of August 1560, touching Religion, and abolishing the Pope's 
authority, should have the force of a public law ; and consequently 
this Parliament defended as a lawful Parliament, and confirmed by 
the first Parliament that should be kept next.* 

2. That the Thirds of the Tithes, or any more reasonable pro- 
portion of Benefices, should be allowed towards the maintenance 
of the Ministry ; and that there should be a charitable course taken 
concerning the exacting of the tithes of the poor labourers. 

3. That none should be received in the Universities, Colleges, 
or Schools, for instruction of the youth, but after due trial both of 
capacity and probity. 

4. That all crimes and offences against God should be punished 
according to God's word ; and that there should be a law made 
thereanent, at the first Parliament to be held. 

5. As for the horrible murder of the late King, husband to the 
Queen, which was so heinous before God and man, all true professors, 
in whatsoever rank or condition, did promise to strive that all persons 
should be brought to condign punishment who are found guilty 
of the same crime. 

6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all 

* The General Assembly had met on 25 June 1567, and on 26 June it was " thought 
good by all the brethren " that a further Assembly should convene on 20 July " for the 
setting forward of such things as shall at that time be proponed." The Letters sent out 
to the Earls, Lords, and Barons, and the names of those to whom they were addressed are 
printed in Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 94-96. 

^ See the " Letters of Excusation " of the Earl of Argyll, of the Commendators of 
Arbroath and Kilwinning (Lord John Hamilton and Gavin Hamilton), and of Lord Boyd, 
in Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, loi, 102. 

' The Articles are here given in an abridged form. They are printed in full, together 
with the names of those who subscribed to them, in Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 106-1 10. 

' See supra, i, 340 343 


violence, lest he should be murdered as his father was ; and that 
the Prince should be committed to the care of four wise and godly 
men, that by a good education he might be fitted for that high calhng 
he was to execute one day. 

7. The Nobles, Barons, and others, doth promise to beat down and 
abolish Popery, idolatry, and superstition, with anything that may con- 
tribute unto it ; as also to set up and further the true worship of God, 
his government, the Church, and all that may concern the purity of 
Religion and life ; and for this to convene and take arms, if need require. 

8. That all princes and kings hereafter in this Realm, before 
their coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now 
professed in the Church of Scotland, and suppress all things contrary 
to it, and that are not agreeing with it. 

To these Articles subscribed the Earls of Morton, Glencairn, 
and Mar, the Lords Home, Ruthven, Sanquhar, Lindsay, Graham, 
Innermeath, and Ochiltree, with many other Barons, besides the 
Commissioners of the Burghs.^ 

This being agreed upon, the Assembly dissolved. Thereafter the 
Lords Lindsay and Ruthven were sent to Lochleven to the Queen, 
to present unto her two writs. The one contained a renunciation 
of the Crown and royal dignity in favour of the Prince her son ; 
with a Commission to invest him into the Kingdom, according to 
the manner accustomed. Which, after some reluctance, with tears, 
she subscribed by the advice of the Earl of Atholl, who had sent to 
her, and of Secretary Lethington, who had sent to her Robert Melville 
for that purpose. So there was a procuration given to the Lords 
Lindsay and Ruthven by the Queen, to give up and resign the rule 
of the Realm, in presence of the States. 

The second writ was, to ordain the Earl of Moray Regent during 
the Prince's minority, if he would accept the charge. And in case 
he refused, the Duke [of] Chatelherault, the Earls of Lennox, Argyll, 
Atholl, Morton, Glencairn, and Mar should govern conjunctly.- 

' See the names of the subscribers, numbering in all seventy-seven, printed in Booke 
of the Universall Kirk, i, no. 

2 Actually there were three writs. The second writ appointed Moray to act as Regent 
until the Prince was seventeen ; and the third writ appointed Chatelherault, Lennox, 
Argyll, Atholl, Morton, Glencairn, and Mar to act as Regents until Moray's return, or 
to act in case of his death, or to act with him if he refused to accept the office of Regent 
singly. All three documents are dated 24 July 1567, the date of Mary's signature at Loch- 
leven, under her Privy Seal. All three are printed in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 531- 
533' 539-541- For an analysis of the evidence relating to the pressure brought to bear 
upon the Queen and of the conditions under which she signed, see Hay Fleming, Mary 
Queen of Scots, 474, note 68. 


These writs were published the 29 of July 1567, at the Market 
Cross of Edinburgh. Then at Stirling was the Prince crowned King, 
where John Knox made the sermon. The Earl Morton and the Lord 
Home took the oath for the King, that he should constantly live in 
the profession of the true Religion, and maintain it ; and that he 
should govern the Kingdom according to [the] law thereof, and do 
justice equally to all.^ 

In the beginning of August the Earl Moray, being sent for, 
cometh home. In all haste he visits the Queen at Lochleven, and 
strives to draw the Lords that had taken part with the Hamiltons, 
or were neutrals, to join with those that had bound themselves to 
stand for the King's authority. He was very earnest with divers, 
by reason of their old friendship, but to little purpose. The twentieth 
of August, he received his Regency, after mature and ripe delibera- 
tion, at the desire of the Queen, and Lords that were for the King, 
and so was publicly proclaimed Regent, and obedience showed 
unto him by all that stood for the young King. ^ 

' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 537-542, where only the Earl of Morton takes the 
oath in name and upon the behalf of the infant King. 

^ Moray, after an absence of four months, reached Edinburgh 1 1 August 1 567 ; 
on 15 and 16 August he had long interviews with Mary at Lochleven ; and on 22 August 
he was proclaimed Regent. In the Parliament which met in December 1567, Mary's 
demission of the Government was declared " lawful and perfect " ; the Prince's corona- 
tion and investiture were held to be as valid as those of any of his predecessors ; Moray's 
appointment as Regent was confirmed ; and the Acts of the " Reformation Parliament " 
of 1560 were ratified and approved together with the " Confession of the Faith and 
Doctrine believed and professed by the Protestants of the Realm of Scotland ". 




I "Patrick's Places" 219 

II Alexander Seton's Letter to King James V , . . . 230 

III The Condemnation and Martyrdom of George Wishart . 233 

IV The Letter of John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, to 

Archibald, Earl of Argyll ; and Argyll's Answers thereto 246 

V " The Beggars' Summonds " 255 

VI The Confession of Faith 257 

VII The Form and Order of the Election of Superintendents, 

Elders and Deacons 273 

VIII The Book of Discipline 280 

IX Acts of the Privy Council relating to the " Thirds of the 

Benefices " 326 

X " Ane Epistle direct fra the Holye Armite of Allarit, to his 

Bretheren the Gray Freires " 333 




Kow that all men may understand what was the singular erudition and godly 
knowledge of the said Mr. Patrick, we have inserted this little pithy work containing 
his Assertions and Determviations concerning the Law, and the Office of the same ; 
concerning Faith, and the fruits thereof first by the foresaid Master Patrick 
collected in Latin, and after translated in English. 


Places, translated into English by John Frith ; with the Epistle 
OF the said Frith prefixed before the same, as followeth : ^ 

John Frith unto the Christian Reader ^ 

Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in these 
last and perilous times, hath stirred up, in all countries, witnesses unto 
his Son, to testify the truth unto the unfaithful, to save at the least some 
from the snares of Antichrist, which lead unto perdition, as ye may 
here perceive by that excellent and well-learned young man, Patrick 
[Hamilton], born in Scotland of a noble progeny ; who, to testify the 
truth, sought all means, and took upon him priesthood (even as Paul 
circumcised Timothy to win the weak Jews), that he might be admitted 
to preach the pure word of God. Notwithstanding, as soon as the Cham- 
berlain [Chancellor *], and other Bishops of Scotland, had perceived 
that the light began to spring which disclosed their falsehood that they 
convey in darkness, they laid hands on him, and because he would not 
deny his Saviour Christ, at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Never- 
theless, God of his bounteous mercy (to publish unto the whole world 
what a man the monsters have murdered), hath reserved a little Treatise, 
made by this Patrick, which, if ye list, ye may call Patrick's Places 
(for it entreateth exactly of certain common places) ; which known, ye 
have the pith of all Divinity. This Treatise have I turned into the 
English tongue, to the profit of my nation ; to whom I beseech God 
give light, that they may espy the deceitful paths of perdition, and return 
to the right way which leadeth unto life everlasting. Amen, 

* In the manuscript this treatise follows immediately upon the description of the 
martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton {supra, i, 14). 

^ This title, and Frith's Preface, are not given by Knox, but are here given for clarity. 
The title has been taken from Foxe's Acts and Monuments (London, 1631), ii, 229a. 

^ Frith's Preface has been taken from the original work in Dyvers Frutful Gatheringes of 
Scrypture concernyng Fayth and Workes (London, ? 1532) 

* Evidently James Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrews 

(653) 219 VOL n 15 



[The Doctrine] ^ of the Law 

The Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evil, as the 
Commandments here contained do specify : 

The Ten Commandments 

I Thou shalt worship but one God. 2 Thou shalt make thee none 
image to worship it. 3 Thou shalt not swear by his name in vain. 4 Hold 
the Sabbath day holy. 5 Honour thy father and mother. 6 Thou shalt 
not kill. 7 Thou shalt not commit adultery. 8 Thou shalt not steal. 
9 Thou shalt bear no false witness. 10 Thou shalt not desire aught that 
belongeth unto thy neighbour. 

[All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here- 
under ensuing] : " Love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, with 
all thy soul, and with all thy mind" (Deut 6.). " This is the first and 
great commandment. The second is like unto this, Love thy neighbour 
as thy self. On these two commandments hang all the Law and the 
Prophets" (Matt. 12.). 

[Certain General Propositions proved by the Scripture] 

I He that loveth God, loveth his neighbour. " If any man say, 
I love God, and yet hateth his neighbour, he is a liar : He that loveth 
not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath 
not seen ? " (i John 4). 

II He that loveth his neighbour as himself, keepeth the whole com- 
mandments of God. " Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto 
you, even so do unto them : for this is the law and the prophets " (Matt. 7). 
He that loveth his neighbour fulfiUeth the law. " Thou shalt not 
commit adultery : Thou shalt not kill : Thou shalt not steal : Thou 
shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour : Thou shalt not 
desire ; and so forth. And if there be any other commandment, all 
are comprehended under this saying. Love thy neighbour as thyself" 
[All the Law is fulfilled in one word ; that is, love thy neighbour as 
thyself] (Rom. 13 ; Gal. 5). 

" He that loveth his neighbour, keepeth all the commandments of 
God." "He that loveth God, loveth his neighbour" (Rom. 13; i John 4). 
Ergo, he that loveth God, keepeth all his commandments. 

* In all cases the words included within brackets have been supplied from Foxe's 
Acts and Monuments (London, 1631), ii, 229-233. Minor variations in phraseology have 
not been indicated. 

"Patrick's places" 221 

III He that hath the faith, loveth God. " My father loveth you, 
because ye love me, and believe that I came of God" (John 19). He 
that hath the faith keepeth all the commandments of God. He that hath 
the faith, loveth God ; and he that loveth God, keepeth all the command- 
ments of God. Ergo, he that hath faith, keepeth all the commandments 
of God. 

IV He that keepeth one commandment, keepeth them all. " For 
without faith it is impossible to keep any of the commandments of God." 
And he that hath the faith, keepeth all the commandments of God. 
Ergo, he that keepeth one commandment of God, keepeth them all. 

V He that keepeth not all the commandments of God, he keepeth 
none of them. He that keepeth one of the commandments, he keepeth 
all. Ergo, he that keepeth not all the commandments, he keepeth none 
of them. 

VI It is not in our power, without grace, to keep any of God's com- 
mandments. Without grace it is impossible to keep one of God's com- 
mandments ; and grace is not in our power. Ergo, it is not in our power 
to keep any of the commandments of God. 

Even so may ye reason concerning the Holy Ghost, and faith : [For- 
somuch as neither without them we are able to keep any of the command- 
ments of God, neither yet be they in our power to have.] 

VII The law was given to show us our sin. " By the law cometh 
the knowledge of the sin. I knew not what sin meant, but through the 
law. I knew not what lust had meant, except the law had said. Thou shalt 
not lust. Without the law, sin was dead " : that is. It moved me not, 
neither wist I that it was sin, which notwithstanding was sin, and for- 
bidden by the law. 

VIII The law biddeth us do that which is impossible for us. For 
it biddeth us keep all the commandments of God : yet it is not in our 
power to keep any of them. Ergo, it biddeth us do that which is impossible 
for us. 

Thou wilt say, " Wherefore doth God command us that which is 
impossible for us." I answer, " To make thee know that thou art but evil, 
and that there is no remedy to save thee in thine own hand, and that 
thou mayest seek remedy at some other ; for the law doeth nothing but 
command thee." 

[The Doctrine] of the Gospel 

The Gospel is as much to say, in our tongue, as Good Tidings : like 
as every one of these sentences be 
Christ is the Saviour of the world, 
Christ is our Saviour. 
Christ died for us. 
Christ died for our sins. 
Christ offered himself for us. 
Christ bore our sins upon his back. 
Christ bought us with his blood. 
Christ washed us with his blood. 


Christ came In the world to save sinners. i 

Christ came in the world to take away our sins. 

Christ was the price that was given for us and for our sins. 
Christ was made debtor for our sins. 
Christ hath paid our debt, for He died for us. 
Christ hath made satisfaction for us and for our sin. 

Christ is our righteousness. j 

Christ is our wisdom. j 

Christ is our sanctification. 
Christ is our redemption. 
Christ is our satisfaction. 
[Christ is our peace.] 
Christ is our goodness. 
Christ hath pacified the Father of Heaven. 
Christ is ours, and all his. 

Christ hath delivered us from the law, from the devil, and hell. 
The Father of Heaven hath forgiven us for Christ's sake. Or any 
such other, as declare unto us the mercies of God. 

The Nature [and Office] of the Law, and of the Gospel 

The Law showeth us. 
Our sin. 

Our condemnation : 
Is the word of ire. 
Is the word of despair. 
Is the word of displeasure. 

The Gospel showeth us, 
A remedy for it. 
Our redemption : 
Is the word of grace. 
Is the word of comfort. 
Is the word of peace. 

A Disputation betwixt the Law and the Gospel ; [Where is 
SHOWED the Difference or Contrariety between them Both] 

The Law sayeth, 
Pay thy debt. 

Thou art a sinner desperate. 
And thou shalt die. 

The Gospel sayeth, 
Christ hath paid it, 
Thy sins are forgiven thee. 
Be of good comfort, thou shalt be saved. 

ii .,x^^^^,'o ^T . /-.T^r, '> 


The Law sayeth, 

Make amends for thy sin. 

The Father of Heaven is wrath with thee. 

Where is thy righteousness, goodness, and satisfaction ? 

Thou art bound and obhgate unto me, [to] the devil, and [to] hell. 

The Gospel sayeth, 

Christ hath made it for thee. 

Christ hath pacified Him with his blood. 

Christ is thy righteousness, thy goodness, and satisfaction. 

Christ hath delivered thee from them all. 

[The Doctrine] of Faith 

Faith is to believe God ; " Like as Abraham believed God, and it was 
accounted unto him for righteousness" (Gen. 15). "He that believed 
God, believed his word " (John 5). To believe in Him, is to believe his 
word, and account it true that He speaketh. He that believeth not God's 
word, believeth not Himself He that beUeveth not God's word, he 
accounteth Him false, and a liar, and believeth not that He may and will 
fulfil his word ; and so he denieth both the might of God and [God] 

IX Faith is the gift of God. " Every good thing is the gift of God " 
(James i). Faith is good. Ergo, faith is the gift of God. 

X [Faith is not in our power.] The gift of God is not in our power. 
" Faith is the gift of God." Ergo, faith is not in our power. 

XI [He that lacketh faith cannot please God.] " Without faith it is 
impossible to please God" (Heb. 11). All that cometh not of faith, is 
sin ; for without faith can no man please God. Besides that, he that 
lacketh faith, he trusteth not God. He that trusteth not God, trusteth not 
in his word. He that trusteth not in his word, holdeth Him false, 
and a Har. He that holdeth Him false and a liar, he believeth not that 
He may do that He promiseth, and so denieth he that He is God. And how 
can a man, being of this fashion, please Him ? No manner of way. Yea, 
suppose he did all the works of man and angel. 

XII All that is done in faith, pleaseth God. " Right is the word of 
God, and all his works in faith." " Lord, thine eyes look to faith." That 
is as much to say as, Lord, Thou delightest in faith. God loveth him that 
believeth in Him. How can they then displease Him ? 

XIII He that hath the faith, is just and good. And a good tree 
bringeth forth good fruit. Ergo, all that is in faith done pleaseth God.^ 

XIV [He that hath faith, and beheveth God, cannot displease him.] 
Moreover, he that hath the faith believeth God. He that believeth 
God, believeth his word. He that believeth his word, woteth ^ well that 
He is true and faithful, and may not lie : But knoweth well that He may 

^ In Foxe, this argument runs : He that is a good tree bringing forth good fruit, 
is just and good. -He that hath faith is a good tree bringing forth good fruit. Ergo, 
he that hath faith is just and good. ^ knoweth 


and will both fulfil his word. How can he then displease Him ? For thou 
canst not do a greater honour unto God, than to count Him true. Thou 
wilt then say, that theft, murder, adultery, and all vices, please God ? 
None, verily ; for they cannot be done in faith ; " For a good tree beareth 
good fruit." He that hath the faith, woteth ^ well that he pleaseth God ; 
for all that is done in faith pleaseth God (Heb. 1 1). 

XV Faith is a sureness. " Faith is a sure confidence of things which 
are hoped for, and a certainty of things which are not seen" (Heb. ii). 
*' The same spirit certifieth our spirit that we are the children of God " 
(Rom. 8). Moreover, he that hath the faith, woteth well that God will 
fulfil his word. Ergo, faith is a sureness. 

A Man is Justified by Faith 

" Abraham believeth God, and it was imputed unto him for righteous- 
ness." " We suppose therefore that a man is justified (saith the Apostle) 
without the works of law " (Rom. 4). "He that worketh not, but 
believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is accounted unto him 
for righteousness." "The just man liveth by faith " (Habak. 2 ; Rom. i). 
" We wote, that a man that is justified, is not justified by the works of 
the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ [and we believe in Jesus Christ 
that we may be justified by the faith of Christ], and not by the deeds of 
the law." 

Of the Faith of Christ 

The faith of Christ is, to believe in Him ; that is, to believe his word, 
and to believe that He will help thee in all thy need, and deliver thee from 
evil. Thou wilt ask me, What word ? I answer, The Gospel. " He that 
believeth on Christ shall be saved." " He that believeth the Son hath 
eternal life." " Verily, verily, I say unto you, he that believeth on me 
hath everlasting life " (John 6). " This I write unto you, that believing 
in the name of the Son of God, ye may know that ye have eternal life " 
(i John 5). " Thomas, because thou hast seen me thou believest ; but 
happy are they that have not seen, and yet believe in me." " All the 
Prophets to him bare witness that whosoever believeth in Him shall have 
remission of their sins " (Acts 10). " What must I do that I may be 
saved ? " The Apostle answered, " Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and 
thou shalt be saved." " If thou acknowledge with the mouth, that Jesus 
is the Lord, and believe in thine heart that God raised Him up from the 
death, thou shalt be saved " (Rom. 10). " He that believeth not in 
Christ shall be condemned." " He that believeth not the Son shall never 
see life ; but the ire of God abideth upon him " (John 3). " The Holy 
Ghost shall reprove the world of sin, because they believe not in me." 
" They that believe in Jesus Christ are the sons of God." Ye are all the 
sons of God, because ye believe in Jesus Christ. 

He that believeth in Christ the Son of God is saved (Gal. 3). " Peter 
said. Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God. Jesus answered and said 

* knoweth 

" Patrick's places " 225 

unto him, Happy art thou, Simon, the son of Jonas ; for flesh and blood 
hath not opened unto thee that, but my Father which is in heaven " 
(Matt. 16). " We have beheved and know that thou art Christ the Son 
of the living God." " I believe that thou art Christ the Son of the living 
God, which should come into the world." " These things are written 
that ye might believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, and that in 
believing ye might have life. I believe that Jesus is the Son of the living 
God" (John 9). 

XVI He that believeth God, believeth the Gospel. ^ He that believeth 
God, believeth his Word : And the Gospel is his Word. Therefore he 
that beheveth God, believeth his Gospel. As Christ is the Saviour of the 
world, Christ is our Saviour. Christ bought us with his blood. Christ 
washed us with his blood. Christ offered himself for us. Christ bore our 
sins upon his back. 

XVn He that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God. He that 
believeth not God's Word believeth not [God] himself: And the Gospel is 
God's Word. Ergo, he that believeth not the Gospel believeth not God 
himself ; and consequently they that believe not as is above written, and 
such other, believe not God. 

XVni He that believeth the Gospel, shall be saved. " Go ye into 
all the world and preach the Gospel unto every creature : He that 
believeth and is baptised shall be saved ; but he that believeth not shall 
be condemned." 

A Comparison Betwix Faith and Incredulity 

Faith is the root of all good : 
Maketh God and man friends. 
Bringeth God and man together. 

Incredulity is the root of all evil : 
Maketh them deadly foes. 
Bringeth them sunder. 

All that proceeds from Faith pleaseth God. 

All that proceedeth from Incredulity displeaseth God. 

Faith only maketh a man good and righteous. 
Incredulity maketh him unjust and evil. 

Faith only maketh a man, 

The member of Christ ; 

The inheritor of heaven ; 

The servant of God. 
Faith showeth God to be a sweet Father. 

Faith holdeth stiff by the Word of God : Counteth God to be true. 
Faith knoweth God : Loveth God and his neighbour. 
Faith only saveth : Extolleth God and his works. 

In Foxe, this proposition is inverted : He that believeth the Gospel, believeth God. 


Incredulity maketh him, 

The member of the devil ; 
The inheritor of hell ; 
The servant of the devil. 
Incredulity maketh God a terrible Judge : It causeth man wander 
here and there : Maketh him false and a liar. 
Incredulity knoweth Him not. 

Incredulity loveth neither God nor neighbour : Only condemneth : 
Extolleth flesh and her own deeds. 

Of Hope 

Hope is a trusty looking for of things that are promised to come unto 
us : as we hope the everlasting joy which Christ hath promised unto all 
that believe on Him. We should put our hope and trust in God only, 
and no other thing. " It is good to trust in God, and not in man." " He 
that trusteth in his own heart, he is a fool." " It is good to trust in God, 
and not in princes" (Ps. 117). "They shall be like unto images that 
make them, and all that trust in them." He that trusteth in his own 
thoughts doeth ungodly. " Cursed be he that trusteth in man." " Bid 
the rich men of this world, that they trust not in their unstable riches, but 
that they trust in the living God." " It is hard for them that trust in 
money to enter in the kingdom of God." Moreover, we should trust in 
him only, that may help us : [God only may help us.] Ergo, we should 
trust in Him only. Well is them that trust in God : and woe to them that 
trust Him not. " Well is the man that trusts in God ; for God shall be 
his trust." He that trusteth in Him shall understand the truth. " They 
shall all rejoice that trust in Thee : they shall all ever be glad ; and Thou 
wilt defend them." 

Of Charity 

Charity is the love of thy neighbour. The rule of charity is to do as thou 
wouldst were done unto thee : for charity ^ esteemeth all alike ; the rich 
and the poor ; the friend and the foe ; the thankful and the unthankful ; 
the kinsman and stranger. ' 

A Comparison Betwix Faith, Hope, and Charity 

Faith Cometh of the word of God : Hope cometh of faith ; and 
Charity springs of them both. 

Faith beheves the word : Hope trusteth after that which is promised 
by the word : and Charity doeth good unto her neighbour, through the 
love that she hath to God, and gladness that is within herself 

Faith looketh to God and his word : Hope looketh unto his gift and 
reward : Charity looketh unto her neighbours' profit. 

Faith receiveth God : Hope receiveth his reward : Charity looketh 

In Foxe, /or Christ 

'< -r^ r^T^-rx-,T-^' ^.- . y-,T,^ " 


to her neighbour with a glad heart, and that without any respect of 

Faith pertaineth to God only : Hope to his reward, and Charity to 
her neighbour. 

[The Doctrine] of Good Works 

No manner of works make us righteous. " We believe that a man 
shall be justified without works " (Gal. 3). " No man is justified by the 
deeds of the law ; but by the faith of Jesus Christ. And we believe in 
Jesus Christ, that we may be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by 
the deeds of the law. If righteousness came by the law, then Christ died 
in vain." That no man is justified by the law, it is manifest : for a 
righteous man llveth by his faith ; but the law is not of faith. Moreover, 
since Christ, the maker of heaven and earth, and all that therein is, 
behoved to die for us, we are compelled to grant, that we were so far 
drowned in sin, that neither our deeds, nor all the treasures that ever God 
made, or might make, might have helped us out of it : Ergo, no deeds 
nor works may make us righteous. 

No works make us unrighteous. For if any [evil] works made us 
unrighteous, then the contrary works would make us righteous. But it 
is proven, that no works can make us righteous : Ergo, no works make 
us unrighteous. 

Works Make Us neither Good nor Evil 

It is proven, that works neither make us righteous nor unrighteous : 
Ergo, no works neither make us good nor evil. For righteous and good 
are one thing, and unrighteous and evil, one. Good works make not a 
good man, nor evil works an evil man : But a good man maketh good 
works, and an evil man evil works. Good fruit maketh not the tree good, 
nor evil fruit the tree evil : But a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil 
tree evil fruit. A good man cannot do evil works, nor an evil man good 
works ; for an evil tree cannot bear good fi:'uit, nor a good tree evil fruit. 
A man is good before he do good works, and an evil man is evil before he 
do evil works ; for the tree is good before it bear good fi:-uit, and evil 
before it bear evil fruit. Every man is either good or evil. [Every tree, 
and the fruits thereof, are either good or evil.] Either make the tree 
good, and the fruit good also, or else make the tree evil, and the fruit 
likewise evil. Every man's works are either good or evil : for all fruits 
are either good or evil. " Either make the tree good and the fruit also, 
or else make the tree evil and the fruit of it likewise evil " (Matt. 13). 
A good man is known by his works ; for a good man doeth good works, 
and an evil, evil works. " Ye shall know them by their fruit ; for a good 
tree bringeth forth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit" (Matt. 7"). A 
man is likened to the tree, and his works to the fruit of the tree. " Beware 
of the false prophets, which come unto you in sheep's clothing ; but 
inwardly they are ravening wolves. Ye shall know them by their 


None of Our Works neither Save Us, nor Condemn Us 

It is proven, that no works make us either righteous or unrighteous, 
good nor evil : but first we are good before that we do good works, and 
evil before we do evil works : Ergo, no works neither save us nor condemn 
us. Thou wilt say then, Maketh it no matter what we do ? I answer thee, 
Yes ; for if thou doest evil, it is a sure argument that thou art evil, and 
wantest faith. If thou do good, it is an argument that thou art good and 
hast faith ; for a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit. 
Yet good fruit maketh not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree evil. So 
that man is good before he do good works, and evil before he do evil 

The man is the tree : the works are the fruit. Faith maketh the good 
tree : Incredulity the evil tree. Such a tree, such a fruit : such man, 
such works. For all that is done in faith pleaseth God, and are good 
works ; and all that is done without faith displeaseth God, and are evil 
works. Whosoever thinketh to be saved by his works, denieth Christ 
is our Saviour, that Christ died for him, and, finally, all things that 
belongeth to Christ. For how is He thy Saviour, if thou mightest save thy 
self by thy works ? Or to what end should He have died for thee, if any 
works of thine might have saved thee ? What is this to say, Christ died for 
thee ? It is that thou shouldest have died perpetually, and that Christ, 
to deliver thee from death, died for thee, and changed thy perpetual 
death in his own death. For thou made the fault, and He suffered the 
pain, and that for the love He had to thee, before ever thou wert born, 
when thou hadst done neither good nor evil. Now, since He hath paid 
thy debt, thou diest not : no, thou canst not, but shouldst have been 
damned, if his death were not.^ But since He was punished for thee, thou 
shalt not be punished. Finally, He hath delivered thee from thy con- 
demnation, and desireth nought of thee, but that thou shouldst acknow- 
ledge what He hath done for thee, and bear it in mind ; and that thou 
wouldst help others for his sake, both in word and deed, even as He hath 
helped thee for nought, and without reward. O how ready would we 
be to help others, if we knew his goodness and gentleness towards us ! 
He is a good and a gentle Lord, and He doeth all things for nought. Let 
us, I beseech you, follow his footsteps, whom all the world ought to praise 
and worship. Amen. 

He that Thinketh to be Saved by His Works, Calleth Himself 


For he calleth himself a Saviour, which appertaineth to Christ only. 
What is a Saviour, but he that saveth ? And thou sayest, I save myself ; 
which is as much to say as, I am Christ ; for Christ is only the Saviour of 
the world. 

We should do no good works for that intent to get the inheritance of 

* Foxe gives this sentence : " Now, seeing He hath paid thy debt, thou needest not, 
neither canst thou pay it, but shouldst be damned, if his blood were not." 

" Patrick's plages " 229 

heaven, or remission of sins through them. For whosoever believeth to 
get the inheritance of heaven or remission of sins, through works, he 
beheveth not to get that for Christ's sake. And they that beheve not, that 
their sins are forgiven them, and that they shall be saved for Christ's sake, 
they believe not the Gospel ; for the Gospel sayeth, You shall be saved for 
Christ's sake : sins are forgiven you, for Christ's sake. 

He that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God. And conse- 
quently, they which believe to be saved by their works, or to get remission 
of sins by their own deeds, believe not God, but account Him a liar, and 
so utterly deny Him to be God. Thou wilt say. Shall we then do no good 
works ? I say not so, but I say. We should do no good works for that 
intent to get the kingdom of heaven, or remission of sins. For if we believe 
to get the inheritance of heaven through good works, then we believe not 
to get it through the promise of God. Or, if we think to get remission 
of our sins, as said is, we believe not that they are forgiven us by Christ, 
and so we account God a liar. For God sayeth, Thou shalt have the in- 
heritance of heaven for my Son's sake. You say, It is not so ; but I will 
win it through my own works. So, I condem.n not good works ; but I 
condemn the false trust in any works ; for all the works that a man putteth 
confidence in, are therewith intoxicate or empoisoned, and become evil. 
Wherefore, do good works ; but beware thou do them to get any good 
through them ; for if thou do, thou receivest the good, not as the gift of 
God, but as debt unto thee, and makest thyself fellow with God, because 
thou wilt take nothing from Him for nought. What needeth He anything 
of thine, who giveth all things, and is not the poorer ? Therefore do nothing 
to Him but take of Him ; for He is a gentle Lord, and with a gladder heart 
will give us all things that we need, than we take it of Him. So that if 
we want anything, let us wit ^ ourselves. Press not then to the inheritance 
of heaven, through presumption of thy good works ; for if thou do, thou 
accountest thyself holy and equal unto Him, because thou wilt take nothing 
of Him for nought ; and so shalt thou fall as Lucifer fell from heaven for 
his pride. 

Thus ends the said Master Patrick's Articles. And so we return to our History.'^ 
' wite, that is, blaine * That is, supra, i, 15 



Most Gracious and Sovereign Lord under the Lord and King of 
all ; of whom only thy Highness and Majesty has power and authority 
to exercise justice within this thy Realm, under God, who is King and 
Lord of all thy realms, and thy Grace and all mortal kings are but only 
servants unto that only immortal Prince Christ Jesus, etc. It is not (I 
wate ^) unknown to thy gracious Highness, how that thy Grace's umquhile 
servant and orator^ (and ever shall be to my life's end), is departed out 
of thy Realm unto the next adjacent of England. None the less I believe 
the cause of my departing is unknown to thy gracious Majesty : which 
only is, because the Bishops and Kirkmen of thy Realm has had heretofore 
such authority upon thy subjects, that apparently they were rather King, 
and thou the subject (which unjust regiment is of the self false, and 
contrary to holy Scripture and law of God), than thou their King and 
master, and they thy subjects (which is very true, and testified expressly 
by the Word of God) , And also, because they will give no man of any 
degree or state (whom they oft falsely call Heretics) audience, time, nor 
place to speak and have defence ; which is against all law, both the Old 
law, called the Law of Moses, and the New law of the Evangel. So that, 
if I might have had audience and place to speak, and have shown my just 
defence, conform to the law of God, I should never have fled to any other 
realm, suppose it should have cost me my life. But because I beheved 
that I should have had no audience nor place to answer (they are so great 
with thy Grace), I departed, not doubting, but moved of God, unto a 
better time that God illuminate thy Grace's eyn * to give every man 
audience (as thou should and may, and is bound of the law of God), who 
are accused to the death. And to certify thy Highness that these are no 
vain words, but of deed and effect, here I offer mc to thy Grace to come 
in thy realm again, so that thy Grace will give me audience, and hear what 
I have for me of the law of God : and cause any Bishop or Abbot, Friar 
or Secular, which is most cunning ^ (some of them can not read their 
matins who are made judges in heresy !) to impugn me by the law of God ; 
and if my part be found wrong, thy Grace being present and judge, I 
refuse no pain worthy or condign for my fault. And if that I convict 
them by the law of God, and that they have nothing to lay to my charge, 
but the law of man, and their own inventions to uphold their vain glory 
and prideful life, and daily scourging of thy poor lieges ; I report me to thy 
Grace, as judge, Whether he has the victory that holds him at the law of 

* From supra, i, 2 1 '^ know 

^ Probably here used in the sense oi petitioner * eyes 

' knowledgeable 



God, which cannot fail nor be false, or they that holds them at the law 
of man, which is right oft plain contrary and against the law of God, and 
therefore of necessity false, and full of lesings ^ ? For all thing that is 
contrary to the verity (which is Christ and his law), is of necessity lesing. 

And to witness that this comes of all my heart, I shall remain in 
Berwick while I get thy Grace's answer, and shall without fail return, 
having thy hand writ that I may have audience, and place to speak. No 
more I desire of thee ; whereof if I had been sure, I should never have 
departed. And that thou may know the truth thereof : if fear of the 
justness of my cause, or dredour of persecution for the same, had moved 
me to depart, I would not so pleasingly revert ^ ; only distrust therefore 
was the cause of my departing. Pardon me to say that which lies to thy 
Grace's charge. Thou art bound by the law of God (suppose they falsely 
lie, saying it pertains not to thy Grace to intromett ^ with such matters), 
to cause every man, in any case, accused of his life, to have his just defence, 
and his accusers produced conform to their own law. They blind thy 
Grace's eyn, that knows nothing of their law : but if I prove not this out 
of their own law, I offer me to the death. Thy Grace, therefore, by 
experience may daily learn (seeing they neither fear the King of Heaven, 
as their lives testify, neither thee their natural Prince, as their usurped 
power in thy actions shows), why thy Highness should lie no longer 
blinded. Thou may consider, that they pretend nothing else but only the 
maintenance and upholding of their barded mulls,* augmenting of their 
insatiable avarice, and continual down-thringing ^ and swallowing up 
thy poor lieges ; neither preaching nor teaching out of the law of God, 
(as they should), to the rude, ignorant people, but aye contending who 
may be most high, most rich, and nearest thy Grace, to put the temporal 
Lords and lieges out of thy council and favour, who should be, and are, 
most tender servants to thy Grace in all time of need, to the defence of 
thee and thy crown. 

And where they desire thy Grace to put at ^ thy temporal Lords and 
lieges, because they despise their vicious lives, what else intend they but 
only thy death and destruction ? As thou may easily perceive, suppose 
they colour "^ their false intent and mind with the pursuit of heresy. 
For when thy barons are put down, what art thou but the King of Bean ^ ? 
And then of necessity must [thou] be guided by them : and there (no 
doubt), where a blind man is guide, must [there] be a fall in the mire. 
Therefore let thy Grace take hardiment ^ and authority, which thou has 
of God, and suffer not their cruel persecution to proceed, without audience 
giving to him that is accused, and just place of defence. And then (no 
doubt), thou shalt have thy lieges' hearts, and all that they can or may do 
in time of need ; tranquillity, justice, and policy in thy realm, and finally, 

* lies ; falsehoods ' willingly return * to intermeddle 

' Probably richly caparisoned mules. The bardit horse was armoured see the interesting 
letter in letters and Papers, Henry VIII, xix, i, No. 713. destruction ; downcasting 

to exert his power against ' camouflage 

* King of the Bean : a mock-king, chosen on the Vigil of the Epiphany (which is some- 
times called the King's Even, as supra, i, no) ; similar to the Lord of Misrule, etc. 
(See the explanation in Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary, s.v. Bane) boldness 


the kingdom of the heavens. Please to gar ^ have this, or the copy, to 
the clergy and kirkmen, and keep the principal, and thy Grace shall have 
experience if I go against one word that I have hecht.^ I shall daily 
make my heartly devotion for thy Grace, and for the prosperity and 
welfare of thy body and soul. I doubt not but thy gracious Highness will 
give answer to these presents unto the presenter of this to thy Highness. 
Of Berwick, by thy Highness's servant and orator, 

{Sic subscribitur) 

Alexander Seton. 

This letter was delivered to the King's own hands, and of many read. But what 
could greatly ^ admonitions avail, where the pride and corruption of prelates com- 
manded what they pleased, and the flattery of courtiers fostered the insolent Prince 
in all impiety. 

' cause * promised ' weighty 





Upon the last of February, was sent to the prison, where the servant 
of God lay, the Dean of the town, by the commandment of the Cardinal 
and his wicked council, and they summoned the said Master George 
that he should, upon the morn following, appear before the Judge then and 
there to give account of his seditious and heretical doctrine. To whom 
the said Master George answered, " What needeth (said he), my Lord 
Cardinal to summon me to answer for my doctrine openly before him, 
under whose power and dominion I am thus straitly bound in irons? 
May not my Lord compel me to answer to his extorte ^ power ? Or 
believeth he that I am unprovided to render account of my doctrine ? 
To manifest yourselves what men ye are, it is well done that ye keep your 
old ceremonies and constitutions made by men." 

Upon the next morn, my Lord Cardinal caused his servants to dress 
themselves in their most warlike array, with jack, knapscall,^ splint,* 
spear, and axe, more seeming for the war than for the preaching of the 
true word of God. And when these armed champions, marching in 
warlike order, had conveyed the Bishops unto the Abbey Church, incon- 
tinently they sent for Master George, who was conveyed unto the said 
Church by the Captain of the Castle, and the number of an hundred men, 
dressed in manner foresaid, like a lamb led they him to sacrifice. As he 
entered in at the Abbey Church door, there was a poor man lying vexed 
with great infirmities, asking of his almous,^ to whom he flung his purse. 
And when he came before the Cardinal, by and by the Subprior of the 
Abbey, called Dean John Winram, stood up in the pulpit, and made a 
sermon to all the congregation there then assembled, taking his matter 
out of the xiii chapter of Matthew ; whose sermon was divided into four 
principal parts. The First, was a short and brief declaration of the 
Evangelist. The Second, of the interpretation of the good seed ; and 
because he called the Word of God the good seed, and Heresy the evil 
seed, he declared what Heresy was, and how it should be known. He Bona 
defined it on this manner : " Heresy is a false opinion, defended with ^'^'^^P" 
pertinacity, clearly repugning to the word of God." The Third part of 
his sermon was, the cause of Heresy within that realm, and all other realms. 
" The cause of Heresy (quod he), is the ignorance of them which have 
the cure of men's souls, to whom it necessarily belongeth to have the true 
understanding of the word of God, that they may be able to win against 
the false doctors of heresies, with the sword of the Spirit, which is the word 

' See supra, i, 74, note 6 * extortionate ' headpiece 

' leg-armour ' alms 



of God ; and not only to win against, but also to overcome : as saith 
Paul, ' A bishop must be faultless, as becometh the minister of God, not 
stubborn, not angry, no drunkard, no fighter, not given to filthy lucre ; 
but harberous,^ one that loveth goodness, sober minded, righteous, holy, 
temperate, and such as cleaveth unto the true word of the doctrine, that 
he may be able to exhort with wholesome learning, and to improve that 
which they say against him.' " The Fourth part of his sermon was, how 
Heresies should be known. " Heresies (quod he) be known on this 
manner : As the goldsmith knoweth the fine gold from the imperfect, by 
the touchstone, so likewise may we know heresy by the undoubted 
touchstone, that is, the true, sincere, and undefiled word of God." At 
the last, he added, " That heretics should be put down in this present 
life : To the which proposition the Gospel appeared to repugn which he 
entreated of, ' Let them both grow unto the harvest ' : The harvest is 
the end of the world ; nevertheless, he affirmed that they should be put 
down by the Civil Magistrate and law." 

And when he ended his Sermon, incontinent they caused Master 
George to ascend into the pulpit, there to hear his Accusation and Articles. 
For right against him stood up one of the fed flock, ^ a monster, John 
Lauder,^ laden full of cursings, written in paper, of the which he took out 
a roll both long and also full of cursings, threatenings, maledictions, and 
words of devilish spite and malice, saying to the innocent Master George 
so many cruel and abominable words, and hit him so spitefully with the 
Pope's thunder, that the ignorant people dreaded lest the earth then 
would have swallowed him up quick. Notwithstanding, he stood still 
with great patience hearing their sayings, not once moving or changing his 
countenance. When that this fed sow had read throughout all his lying 
menacings, his face running down with sweat, and frothing at the mouth 
like a bear, he spat at Master George's face, saying, " What answerest 
thou to these sayings, thou runagate, traitor, thief, which we have duly 
proved by sufficient witness against thee ? " Master George hearing this, 
sat down upon his knees in the pulpit, making his prayer to God. When 
he had ended his prayer, sweetly and Christianly he answered to them 
all in this manner : 

Master George's Oration' 

" Many and horrible sayings unto me, a Christian man, many words 
abominable for to hear, ye have spoken here this day, which not only to 
teach, but also to think, I thought it ever great abomination. Wherefore, 
I pray your discretions quietly to hear me, that ye may know what were 
my sayings, and the manner of my doctrine. This my petition, my Lords, 

' providing shelter or protection ; ' given to hospitality ' 

^ It has been observed that Foxe drew his account of the martyrdom of Wishart from 
an earher black-letter tract, printed by Day and Seres (M'Crie, Life of John Knox, 5th. edn., 
i, 382-383), and Andrew Lang regarded that tract as Knox's first printed work {John Knox 
and the Reformation, 20-21). Certainly, phrases such as " the fed flock," " the fed sow," 
and " two false fiends (I should say, Friars)" ring remarkably like Knox. 

' For details of Lauder's career, see St. Andrews Formulare (Stair Soc), i, vii-ix ; ii, 


I desire to be heard for three causes : The First is, Because through 
preaching of the word of God his glory is made manifest : it is reasonable 
therefore, for the advancing of the glory of God, that ye hear me teaching 
truly the pure and sincere word of God, without any dissimulation. The 
Second reason is. Because that your health springeth of the word of God, 
for he worketh all things by his word : it were therefore an unrighteous 
thing if ye should stop your ears from me teaching truly the word of God. 
The Third reason is. Because your doctrine speaketh forth many pesti- 
lentious, blasphemous, and abominable words, not coming by the in- 
spiration of God, but of the devil, on no less peril than my life. It is just 
therefore, and reasonable, [for] your discretions to know what my words 
and doctrine are, and what I have ever taught in my time in this realm, 
that I perish not unjustly, to the great peril of your souls. Wherefore, 
both for the glory and honour of God, your own health, and safeguard of 
my life, I beseech your discretions to hear me, and in the meantime I 
shall recite my doctrine without any colour. 

First and chiefly, since the time I came into this realm, I taught 
nothing but the Ten Commandments of God, the Twelve Articles of the 
Faith, and the Prayer of the Lord, in the mother tongue. Moreover, in 
Dundee, I taught the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans ; and I shall 
show your discretions faithfully what fashion and manner I used when I 
taught, without any human dread, so that your discretions give me your 
ears benevolent and attent." 

Suddenly then, with an high voice, cried the Accuser, the fed sow, 
" Thou heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, it was not lawful for thee 
to preach. Thou hast taken the power at thine own hand, without any 
authority of the Church. We fore think that thou hast been a preacher so 
long." Then said all the whole congregation of the Prelates, with their 
complices, these words, " If we give him licence to preach, he is so crafty, 
and in Holy Scriptures so exercised, that he will persuade the people to 
his opinion, and raise them against us." 

Master George, seeing their malicious and wicked intent, appealed 
[from the Lord Cardinal to the Lord Governor, as ^] to an indifferent ^ 
and equal judge. To whom the Accuser, John Lauder foresaid, with 
hoggish voice answered, " Is not my Lord Cardinal the second person 
within this realm, Chancellor of Scotland, Archbishop of Saint Andrews, 
Bishop of Mirepoix, Commendator of Arbroath, Legatus Matus, Legatus a 
Latere ? " ^ And so reciting as many titles of his unworthy honours 
as would have laden a ship, much sooner an ass. " Is not he (quod John 
Lauder) an equal judge apparently to thee ? Whom other desirest thou 
to be thy judge ? " 

To whom this humble man answered, saying, " I refuse not my Lord 
Cardinal, but I desire the word of God to be my judge, and the Temporal 
Estate, with some of your Lordships, mine auditors ; because I am here 

* The words within brackets are supplied from Foxe. ' impartial 

' Beaton was Chancellor, Cardinal Priest of St. Stephen-on-the-Caelian, Archbishop 

of St. Andrews, Primate of Scotland, Legatus Natus, Legate a latere, Bishop (administrator) 

of Mirepoix, and Abbot (Commendator) of Arbroatli. 

(b53) Vol u 16 


my Lord Governor's prisoner." Whereupon the prideful and scornful 
people that stood by, mocked him, saying, " Such man, such judge," 
speaking seditious and reproachful words against the Governor, and other 
the Nobles, meaning them also to be Heretics. And incontinent, without 
all delay, they would have given sentence upon Master George, and that 
without further process, had not certain men there counselled my Lord 
Cardinal to read again the Articles, and to hear his answers thereupon, 
that the people might not complain of his wrongful condemnation. 

And shortly for to declare, these were the Articles following, with his 
Answers, as far as they would give him leave to speak ; for when he 
intended to mitigate their lesings,^ and show the manner of his doctrine, 
by and by they stopped his mouth with another Article. 

The First Article 

Thou false Heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, deceiver of the people, 
despisest the Holy Church, and in like case contemnest my Lord Governor's 
authority. And this we know for surety, that when thou preached in 
Dundee, and was charged by my Lord Governor's authority to desist, 
nevertheless thou wouldst not obey, but persevered in the same.^ And 
therefore the Bishop of Brechin ^ cursed thee, and delivered thee into the 
Devil's hands, and gave thee in commandment that thou shouldst preach 
no more. Yet notwithstanding, thou didst continue obstinately. 

The Answer 

My Lords, I have read in the Acts of the Apostles that it is not lawful 
for the threats and menacings of men to desist from the preaching of the 
Evangel. Therefore it is written, " We shall rather obey God than men." 
I have also read [in] the Prophet Malachi, " I shall curse your blessings, 
and bless your cursings, says the Lord " : believing firmly, that he would 
turn your cursings into blessings. 

The Second Article | 


Thou false Heretic did say that a priest standing at the altar saying M 

Mass was like a fox wagging his tail in July. 

The Answer 

My Lords, I said not so. These were my sayings : The moving of the 
body outward, without the inward moving of the heart, is nothing else but 
the playing of an ape, and not the true serving of God ; for God is a secret 
searcher of men's hearts : Therefore, who will truly adorn and honour 
God, he must in spirit and verity honour him. 

Then the Accusator stopped his mouth with another Article. 

lies * But see supra, i, 60-61 

John Hepburn. But apparently this was in 1538. (See Laing's Knox, i, 535) 


The Third Article 

Thou false Heretic preachest against the Sacraments, saying, That 
there are not seven Sacraments. 

The Answer 

My Lords, if it be your pleasure, I taught never of the number of the 
Sacraments, whether they were seven, or an eleven. So many as are 
instituted by Christ, and are shown to us by the Evangel, I profess openly. 
Except it be the word of God, I dare afBrm nothing. 

The Fourth Article 

Thou false Heretic hast openly taught that Auricular Confession is 
not a blessed Sacrament ; and thou sayest that we should only confess 
us to God, and to no priest. 

The Answer 

My Lords, I say that Auricular Confession, seeing that it hath no 
promise of the Evangel, therefore it can not be a Sacrament. Of the 
Confession to be made to God, there are many testimonies in Scripture ; 
as when David sayeth, " I thought that I would acknowledge my iniquity 
against myself unto the Lord ; and he forgave the trespasses of my sins." 
Here, Confession signifieth the secret knowledge of our sins before God : 
when I exhorted the people on this manner, I reproved no manner of 
Confession. And further. Saint James sayeth, " Acknowledge your sins 
one to another, and so let you to have peace among yourselves." Here 
the Apostle meaneth nothing of Auricular Confession, but that we should 
acknowledge and confess ourselves to be sinners before our bretliren, and 
before the world, and not to esteem ourselves as the Grey Friars do, 
thinking themselves already purged. 

When that he had said these words, the horned Bishops and their 
complices cried, and girned ^ with their teeth, saying, " See ye not what 
colours he hath in his speech, that he may beguile us, and seduce us to his 

The Fifth Article 

Thou Heretic didst say openly that it was necessary to every man to 
know and understand his Baptism, and that it ^ was contrary to General 
Councils, and the Estates of Holy Church. 

The Answer 

My Lords, I believe there be none so unwise here, that will make 
merchandise with a Frenchman, or any other unknown stranger, except 

' To girn is to distort the countenance. Thus, girned may mean grinned ; but also it 
may mean, as here, snarled and showed their teeth. 

^ That is, infant baptism, where tlie infant could not know the promise made unto 


he know and understand first the condition or promise made by the 
Frenchman or stranger. So hkewise I would that we understood what 
thing we promise in the name of the infant unto God in Baptism. For 
this cause, I beheve, ye have Confirmation. 

Then said Master Bleiter/ chaplain, that he had the Devil within him, 
and the spirit of error. Then answered him a child, saying, " The Devil 
can not speak such words as yonder man doth speak." 

The Sixth Article 

Thou false Heretic, traitor, and thief, thou saidst that the Sacrament 
of the Altar was but a piece of bread, baked upon the ashes, and 
no other thing else ; and all that is there done is but a superstitious 
rite against the commandment of God. 

The Answer 

Oh Lord God ! so manifest lies and blasphemies the Scripture doth 
not so teach you. As concerning the Sacrament of the Altar (my Lords), 
I never taught any thing against the Scripture, the which I shall (by 
God's grace) make manifest this day, I being ready therefor to suffer 

The lawful use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God : but 
the great abuse of it is very detestable unto Him. But what occasion they 
have to say such words of me, I shall shortly show your Lordships. I once 
chanced to meet with a Jew, when I was sailing upon the water of Rhine.^ 
I did inquire of him, what was the cause of his pertinacity, that he did not 
believe that the true Messiah was come, considering that they had seen 
all the prophecies, which were spoken of Him, to be fulfilled : moreover, 
the prophecies taken away, and the Sceptre of Judah. By many other 
testimonies of the Scripture, I vanquished him, and proved that Messiah 
was come, the which they called Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew answered 
again unto me, " When Messiah cometh. He shall restore all things, and 
He shall not abrogate the Law, which was given to our fathers, as ye do. 
For why ? We see the poor almost perish through hunger among you, 
yet you are not moved with pity towards them ; but'among us Jews, though 
we be poor, there are no beggars found. Secondly, It is forbidden by the 
Law to feign any kind of imagery of things in heaven above, or in the 
earth beneath, or in the sea under the earth ; but one God only to honour ; 
but your sanctuaries and churches are full of idols. Thirdly, A piece of 
bread baked upon the ashes, ye adore and worship, and say that it is your 
God." I have rehearsed here but the sayings of the Jew, which I never 
affirmed to be true. 

Then the Bishops shook their heads and spat into the earth. And 
what he meant in this matter, further they would not hear. 

* Perhaps Mr. Nonsense, for the word may be taken from " blether " or from " bleat." 
" Leslie says Wishart " had remaned long in Germanic." [History, Bannatyne Club, 



The Seventh Article 
Thou false Heretic did say that Extreme Unction was not a Sacrament. 

The Answer 

My Lord, forsooth, I never taught any thing of Extreme Unction in 
my doctrine, whether it were a Sacrament or not. 

The Eighth Article 

Thou false Heretic saidst that the Holy Water is not so good as wash, 
and such like. Thou contemnest conjuring,^ and sayest that Holy Church's 
cursing availed not. 

The Answer 

My Lords, as for Holy Water, what strength it is of, I taught never 
in my doctrine. Gonjurings and exorcisms, if they were conformable to 
the word of God, I would commend them. But in so far as they are not 
conformable to the commandment and word of God, I reprove them. 

The Ninth Article 

Thou false Heretic and runagate hast said that every layman is a 
Priest ; and such like thou sayest, that the Pope hath no more power than 
any other man. 

The Answer 

My Lords, I taught nothing but the word of God. I remember that 
I have read in some places in Saint John and Saint Peter, of the which 
one sayeth, " He hath made us kings and priests " ; the other sayeth, " He 
hath made us the kingly priesthood " : Wherefore, I have affirmed any 
man being cunning ^ and perfect in the word of God, and the true faith of 
Jesus Christ, to have his power given him from God, and not by the 
power or violence of men, but by the virtue of the word of God, the which 
word is called the power of God, as witnesseth Saint Paul evidently enough. 
And again, I say, any unlearned man, and not exercised in the word of 
God, nor yet constant in his faith, whatsoever estate or order he be of, 
I say, he hath no power to bind or loose, seeing he wanteth the instrument 
by the which he bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the word of God. 

After that he had said these words, all the Bishops laughed, and 
mocked him. When that he beheld their laughing, " Laugh ye (sayeth 
he) , my Lords ? Though that these my sayings appear scornful and worthy 
of derision to your Lordships, nevertheless they are very weighty to me, 
and of a great value ; because that they stand not only upon my life, but 
also the honour and glory of God." In the meantime many godly men, 
beholding the wodness ^ and great cruelty of the Bishops, and the in- 

* The invocation of relics or saints " wise ' rage 


vincible patience of the said Master George, did greatly mourn and 

The Tenth Article 

Thou false Heretic saidst that a man hath no Free Will ; but is like 
to the Stoics, which say, That it is not in man's will to do any thing, but 
that all concupiscence and desire cometh of God, of whatsoever kind it 
be of. 

The Answer 

My Lords, I said not so, truly. I say, that as many as believe in Christ 
firmly, unto them is given liberty, conformable to the saying of Saint John, 
" If the Son make you free, then shall ye verily be free." Of the contrary, 
as many as believe not in Christ Jesus, they are bound servants of sin : 
" He that sinneth is bound to sin." 

The Eleventh Article 

Thou false Heretic sayest. It is as lawful to eat flesh upon Friday, as on 

The Answer 

Pleaseth it your Lordships, I have read in the Epistles of Saint Paul, 
" They who are clean, unto them all things are clean." Of the contrary, 
" To the filthy man, all things are unclean." A faithful man, clean and 
holy, sanctifieth by the word the creature of God ; but the creatiire 
maketh no man acceptable unto God : so that a creature may not sanctify 
any impure and unfaithful man. But to the faithful man, all things are 
sanctified, by the prayer of the word of God. 

After these sayings of Master George, then said all the Bishops, with 
their complices, " What needeth us any witness against him : hath he not 
openly here spoken blasphemy ? " 

The Twelfth Article 

Thou false Heretic dost say, That we should not pray to Saints, but 
to God only : Say whether thou hast said this or not, say shortly. 

The Answer 

For the weakness and the infirmity of the hearers he said, without 
doubt plainly, that Saints should not be honoured nor called upon. My 
Lords (said he), there are two things worthy of note : the one is certain, 
and the other ur>certain. It is found plainly and certain in Scriptures 
that we should worship and honour one God, according to the saying of 
the first Commandment, " Thou shalt only worship and honour thy Lord 
God with all thy heart." But as for praying to and honouring of Saints, 
there is great doubt among many, whether they hear or not invocation 


made unto them. Therefore, I exhorted all men equally in my doctrine, 
that they should leave the unsure way, and follow the way which was 
taught us by our Master Christ : 

He is our only Mediator, and maketh intercession for us to God his 
Father : 

He is the door, by which we must enter in : 

He that entereth not in by this door, but climbeth another way, is a 
thief and a murderer : 

He is the Verity and Life : 

He that goeth out of this way, there is no doubt but he shall fall into 
the mire ; yea, verily, he is fallen into it already. This is the fashion 
of my doctrine, the which I have ever followed. Verily that which I have 
heard and read in the word of God, I taught openly and in no corners, 
and now ye shall witness the same, if your Lordships will hear me : Except 
it stand by the word of God, I dare not be so bold to affirm anything. 
These sayings he rehearsed divers times. 

The Thirteenth Article 

Thou false Heretic hast preached plainly, saying, That there is no 
Purgatory ; and that it is a feigned thing, any man, after this life, to be 
punished in Purgatory. 

The Answ^er 

My Lords, as I have oftentimes said heretofore, without express 
witness and testimony of Scripture I dare affirm nothing. I have oft and 
divers times read over the Bible, and yet such a term found I never, nor 
yet any place of Scripture applicable thereunto. Therefore, I was 
ashamed ever to teach of that thing, which I could not find in Scripture. 

Then said he to Master John Lauder, his accuser, " If you have any 
testimony of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such place, 
show it now before this auditure ^." But that dolt had not a word to say 
for himself, but was as dumb as a beetle ^ in that matter. 

The Fourteenth Article 

Thou false Heretic hast taught plainly against the vows of Monks, 
Friars, Nuns, and Priests, saying. That whosoever was bound to such like 
vows, they vowed themselves to the estate of damnation : Moreover, 
that it was lawful for Priests to marry wives, and not to live sole. 

The Answer 

Of sooth, my Lords, I have read in the Evangel that there are three 
kinds of chaste men : some are gelded from their mother's womb ; some 
are gelded by men ; and some have gelded themselves for the kingdom of 
heaven's sake. Verily, I say, these men are blessed by the Scriptxue of 

* audience " a heav7 wooden mallet used for beating {e.g. clothes) 


God. But as many as have not the gift of Chastity, nor yet for the Evangel 
have not overcome the concupiscence of the flesh, and [yet] have vowed 
chastity, ye have experience ; ahhough I should hold my tongue, to what 
inconvenience they have vowed themselves. 

When he had said these words, they were all dumb, thinking better 
to have ten concubines, than one married wife. 

The Fifteenth Article 

Thou false Heretic and runagate sayest. That thou wilt not obey our 
General nor Provincial Councils. 

The Answer 

My Lords, what your General Councils are, I know not. I was never 
exercised in them ; but to the pure word of God I gave my labours. 
Read here your General Councils, or else give me a book, wherein they 
are contained, that I may read them : If that they agree with the word of 
God, I will not disagree. 

Then the ravening wolves turned into madness, and said, " Whereunto 
let we him speak any fmther ? Read forth the rest of the Articles, and 
stay not upon them." Amongst these cruel tigers, there was one false 
hypocrite, a seducer of the people, called John ^ Scott, standing behind 
John Lauder's back, hastening him to read the rest of the Articles, and 
Friar"^^ not to tarry upon his witty ^ and godly answers ; " For we may not abide 
Scott them (quod he) , no more than the Devil may abide the sign of the cross, 

when it is named." 

The Sixteenth Article 

Thou Heretic sayest. That it is vain to build to the honour of God 
cosdy churches, seeing that God remaineth not in churches made by 
men's hands, nor yet can God be in so little space, as betwix the Priest's 

The Answer 

My Lords, Solomon sayeth, " If that the heaven of heavens cannot 
comprehend thee, how much less this house that I have built." And Job 
consenteth to the same sentence, saying, " Seeing that he is higher than 
the heavens, therefore what can thou build unto him ? He is deeper than 
the hell, then how shalt thou know him ? He is longer than the earth, 
and broader than the sea." So that God cannot be comprehended into 
one space, because that He is infinite. These sayings notwithstanding, 
I said never that churches should be destroyed ; but of the contrary, I 
affirmed ever that churches should be sustained and upheld, that the 
people should be congregate in them to hear the word of God preached. 
Moreover, wheresoever is the true preaching of the word of God, and the 

' In the manuscript (folio 55 recto) there is a space between Johnne and Scot. Perhaps 
the copyist could not read the missing word Gray-finde {Grey-fiend, that is. Grey Friar) 
which occurs in Foxe. " wise 



lawful use of the Sacraments, undoubtedly there is God Himself. So that 
both these sayings are true together : God cannot be comprehended into 
any one place : And, " Wheresoever there are two or three gathered in 
his name, there is He present in the midst of them." Then said he to his 
Accuser, " If thou thinkest any otherwise than I say, show forth thy reasons 
before this auditory." Then, he, without all reason, was dumb^, and 
could not answer a word. 

The Seventeenth Article 

Thou false Heretic contemnest Fasting, and sayest, Thou shouldst 
not fast. 

The Answer 

My Lords, I find that Fasting is commended in the Scripture ; there- 
fore I were a slanderer of the Gospel, if I contemned fasting. And not so 
only, but I have learned by experience that fasting is good for the health 
and conservation of the body. But God knoweth only who fasteth the 
true fast. 

The Eighteenth Article 

Thou false Heretic hast preached openly, saying, That the souls of 
men shall sleep to the latter day of judgment, and shall not obtain life 
immortal until that day. 

The Answer 

God, full of mercy and goodness, forgive them that sayeth such things 
of me. I know surely by the word of God, that he which hath begun to 
have the faith of Jesus Christ, and believeth firmly in Him, I know surely 
that the soul of that man shall never sleep, but ever shall live an immortal 
life ; the which life, from day to day, is renewed in grace and augmented ; 
nor yet shall ever perish, or have an end, but shall ever live immortal with 
Christ their head : To the which life all that believe in Him shall come, 
and rest in eternal glory. Amen. 

When that the Bishops, with their complices, had accused this innocent 
man, in manner and form aforesaid, incontinently they condemned him 
to be burnt as an Heretic, not having respect to his godly answers and 
true reasons which he alleged, nor yet to their own consciences, thinking 
verily that they should do to God good sacrifice, conformable to the 
sayings of Jesus Christ in the Gospel of Saint John,- chapter 16 : " They 
shall excommunicate you ; yea, and the time shall come, that he which 
killeth you shall think that he hath done to God good service." 

The Prayer of Master George 

" O IMMORTAL God ! how long shalt Thou suffer the woodness ^ and 
great cruelty of the ungodly to exercise their fury upon thy servants, 

* having no reason to offer, was dumb rage 


which do further thy word in this world, seeing they desire to do the 
contrary, that is, to choke and destroy thy true doctrine and verity, by 
the which Thou hast showed Thee unto the world, which was all drowned in 
blindness and misknowledge of thy name. O Lord, we know surely, that 
thy true servants must needs suffer, for thy name's sake, persecution, 
affliction, and troubles in this present life, \vhich is but a shadow, as Thou 
has showed to us, by thy Prophets and Apostles. But yet we desire Thee 
(Merciful Father), that Thou conserve, defend, and help thy Congregation, 
which Thou hast chosen before the beginning of the world, and give them 
thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy true servants in this present 

Then, by and by, they caused the common people to remove,^ whose 
desire was always to hear that innocent speak. And the sons of darkness 
pronounced their sentence definitive, not having respect to the judgment 
of God. When all this was done and said, my Lord Cardinal caused his 
tormentors to pass again with the meek lamb unto the Castle, until such 
time [as] the fire was made ready. When he was come into the Castle, 
then there came two Grey fiends. Friar Scott and his mate, saying, " Sir, 
ye must make your confession unto us." He answered, and said, " I will 
make no confession unto you. Go fetch me yonder man that preached 
this day, and I will make my confession unto him." Then they sent for 
the Subprior of the Abbey, ^ who came to him with all diligence ; but 
what he said in this confession, I cannot show. 

When the fire was made ready, and the gallows, at the West ^ part 
of the Castle, near to the Priory, my Lord Cardinal, dreading that Master 
George should have been taken away by his friends, therefore he com- 
manded to bend all the ordnance of the Castle right against the place of 
execution, and commanded all his gunners to be ready, and stand beside 
their guns, unto such time as he were burned.* All this being done, they 
bound Master George's hands behind his back and led him forth with 
their soldiers, from the Castle, to the place of their cruel and wicked 
execution. As he came forth of the Castle gate, there met him certain 
beggars, asking of his alms, for God's sake. To whom he answered, " I 
want ^ my hands, wherewith I [was] wont to give ^ you alms. But the 
merciful Lord, of his benignity and abundant grace, that feedeth all men, 
vouchsafe to give you necessaries, both unto your bodies and souls" 
Then afterward met him two false fiends (I should say, Friars), saying, 
" Master George, pray to our Lady, that she may be a mediatrix for you 
to her Son." To whom he answered meekly, " Cease : tempt me not, my 
brethren." After this, he was led to the fire, with a rope about his neck, 
and a chain of iron about his middle. 

When that he came to the fire, he sat down upon his knees, and rose 

' remove themselves ^ John Winram (see supra, 233) 

' This is clearly a mistake for East 
Cf. supra, i, 74 ' lack 

' In the manuscript (folio 56 verso), originally " I should yovv almes " ; should has been 
scored through, and wont to geve added above the line. 


again ; and thrice he said these words, " O Thou Saviour of the world, 
have mercy upon me : Father of Heaven, I commend my spirit into thy 
holy hands." When he had made this prayer, he turned him to the people, 
and said these words : " I beseech you, Christian brethren and sisters, 
that ye be not offended at the word of God for the affliction and torments 
which ye see already prepared for me. But I exhort you, that ye love the 
word of God, your salvation, and suffer patiently, and with a comfortable 
heart, for the word's sake, which is your undoubted salvation and ever- 
lasting comfort. Moreover, I pray you, show my brethren and sisters, 
which have heard me oft before, that they cease not nor leave off to 
learn the word of God, which I taught unto them, after the grace given 
unto me, for no persecutions nor troubles in this world, which lasteth not. 
And show unto them that my doctrine was no wives' fables, after the 
constitutions made by men ; and if I had taught men's doctrine, I had 
got greater thanks by men. But for the word's sake, and true Evangel, 
which was given to me by the grace of God, I suffer this day by men, not 
sorrowfully, but with a glad heart and mind. For this cause I was sent, 
that I should suffer this fire for Christ's sake. Consider and behold my 
visage, ye shall not see me change my colour. This grim fire I fear not ; 
and so I pray you for to do, if that any persecution come unto you for the 
word's sake ; and not to fear them that slay the body, and afterward 
have no power to slay the soul. Some have said of me, that I taught that 
the soul of man should sleep until the last day ; but I know surely, and 
my faith is such, that my soul shall sup with my Saviour this night, or it 
be sLx hours, for whom I suffer this." Then he prayed for them which 
accused him, saying, " I beseech the Father of Heaven to forgive them 
that have of any ignorance, or else of any evil mind, forged lies upon me ; 
I forgive them with all mine heart : I beseech Christ to forgive them that 
have condemned me to death this day ignorantly." And last of all, he 
said to the people on this manner, " I beseech you, brethren and sisters, to 
exhort your Prelates to the learning of the word of God, that they at the 
last may be ashamed to do evil, and learn to do good ; and if they will 
not convert themselves from their wicked error, there shall hastily come 
upon them the wrath of God, which they shall not eschew." 

Many faithful words said he in the meantime, taking no heed or care 
of the cruel torments which were then prepared for him. Then, last of 
all, the hangman, that was his tormentor, sat down upon his knees and 
said, " Sir, I pray you, forgive me, for I am not guilty of your death." 
To whom he answered, " Come hither to me." When he was come to him 
he kissed his cheek and said, " Lo ! Here is a token that I forgive thee. 
My heart, do thine office." And then, by and by, he was put upon the 
gibbet, and hanged, and there burnt to powder. When that the people 
beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, they might not withhold 
firom piteous mourning and complaining of the innocent lamb's slaughter.^ 

' A fuller account of Wishart's martyrdom is given by Pitscottie {Chronicles, Scot. Text 
Soc, ii, 76-82). Pitscottie, living near to St. Andrews in the next generation, probably 
wrote part of his narrative from the accounts of eye-witnesses. 





The Bishop's Letter to the old Earl of Argyll 

My Lord, After most heartly commendation : This is to advertise 
your Lordship, we have directed this bearer, our cousin, toward your 
Lordship, in such business and affairs as concerns your Lordship's honour, 
profit, and great weal ; like as the said bearer will declare [to] your 
Lordship at more length. Praying your Lordship effectuously ^ to advert 
thereto, and give attendance to us, your Lordship's friends, that aye has 
willed the honour, profit, and utter wealth of your Lordship's house, as 
of our own ; and credit to the bearer. And Jesu have your Lordship in 
everlasting keeping. 

Of Edinburgh, the xxv day of March, Anno 1558. 

{Sic subscribitur) 

Your Lordship's at all power, 

J. Saint Andrews ^ 

Follows the Credit Memorandum to Sir David Hamilton, to 
MY Lord Earl of Argyll, in my behalf, and let him see and hear 

every Article. 

In primis, To repeat the ancient blood of his house, how long it has 
stood, how notable it has been, and so many noble men have been earls, 
lords, and knights thereof ; how long they have reigned in those parts, 
ever true and obedient both to God and the Prince without any smote ^ 
to these days in any manner of sort : and to remernber how many notable 
men are come of his house. 

Secondly, To show him the great affection I bear towards him, his 
blood, house, and friends, and of the ardent desire I have of the perpetual 
standing of it in honour and fame, with all them that are come of it : 
which is my part for many and divers causes, as ye shall show. 

Thirdly, To show my Lord, how heavy and displeasing it is to me now 
to hear that he, who is and has been so noble a man, should be seduced 
and abused by the flattery of such an infamed person of the law ^ and 
mensworn apostate that, under the pretence that he gives himself forth 


See supra, i, 138 ^ affectionately ; though the word may also mean efficaciously 

* John HamiUon, Archbishop of St. Andrews * stain 

' That is, a person whom the law had made infamous. The reference is to John 
Douglas (see supra, i, 138; infra, 247, 251-252). 



as a preacher of the Evangel and verity, under that colour sets forth 
schisms and divisions in the Holy Kirk of God, with heretical propositions, 
thinking under his maintenance and defence to infect this country with 
heresy, persuading my said Lord and others his bairns and friends that all 
that he speaks is Scripture, and conform thereto, albeit that many of his 
propositions are many years past condemned by General Councils and 
the whole estate of Christian people. 

4 To show to my Lord how perilous this is to his Lordship and his 
house, and decay thereof, in case the Authority would be sharp, and 
would use [itself] conform both to civil and canon [law], and also your 
own municipal law of this Realm. 

5 To show his Lordship, how wa ^ I would be either to hear, see, or 
know any displeasure that might come to him, his son, or any of his house, 
or friends, and especially in his own time and days ; and also how great 
displeasure I have else to hear great and evil bruit of him, that should 
now, in his age, in a manner vary in his faith ; and to be altered therein, 
when the time is that he should be most sure and firm therein. 

6 To show his Lordship, that there is delation ^ of that man, called 
Douglas or Grant, of sundry Articles of heresy, which lies to my charge 
and conscience to put remedy to, or else all the pestilentious doctrine he 
sows, and suchlike all that are corrupted by his doctrine, and all that he 
draws from our faith and Christian religion, will lie to my charge before 
God, and I to be accused before God for over seeing ^ of him, if I put not 
remedy thereto, and correct him for such things he is delated of. And 
therefore that my Lord consider, and weigh it well, how highly it lies 
both to my honour and conscience : for if I thole * him, I will be accused 
for all them that he infects and corrupts in heresy. 

[7] Herefore, I pray My Lord, in my most heartly manner, to take 
this matter in the best part, for his own conscience, honour, weal of 
himself, house, friends, and servants. And suchlike for my part, and for 
my conscience and honour, that considering that there are divers Articles 
of heresy to be laid to him that he is delated of, and that he is presently 
in my Lord's company, that my Lord would, by some honest way, depart 
with this man, and put him from him and from his son's company ; for 
I would be right sorry that any being in any of their companies should 
be called for such causes, or that any of them should be bruited to hold 
any such men. And this I would advertise my Lord, and have his Lord- 
ship's answer and resolution, ere any summons passed upon him, together 
with my Lord's answer. 

Item [8] If my Lord would have a man to instruct him truly in the 
faith, and preach to him, I would provide a cunning man to him, where- 
fore I shall answer for his true doctrine, and shall put my soul therefor, 
that he shall teach nothing but truly according to our Catholic faith. 

Of Edinburgh, this last of March, 1558. 

(Sic subscribitur) , 

J. Saint Andrews 

' unhappy * formal accusation 

* overlooking, in the sense of not seeing * suffer 


Item [g] Attour, your Lordship shall draw to good remembrance, and 
weigh the great and heavy murmur against me, both by the Queen's 
Grace, the Kirkmen, Spiritual and Temporal Estates, and well given ^ 
people, meaning ^, crying, and murmuring me greatly, that I do not my 
office to thole such infamous persons with such perverse doctrine within 
my Diocese and this Realm, by reason of my Legacy and Primacy.^ Which 
'^lesh and \ have rather sustained and long suffered, for the great love that I had 
rreferrld '*^ JOMY Lordship and posterity, and your friends, and your house ; also 
believing surely your Lordship's wisdom should not have maintained and 
melled * with such things that might do me dishonour or displeasure, 
considering I being ready to have put good order thereto always ; but 
has allanerly ^ abstained, for the love of your Lordship and house foresaid, 
that I bear truly, knowing and seeing the great scathe and dishonour 
and lack apparently that might come therethrough, in case your Lordship 
remedy not the same hastily, whereby we might both be quiet of all 
danger, which doubtless will come upon us both, if I use not my office,^ 
ere that he ^ be called, the time that he is now with your Lordship, and 
under your Lordship's protection. 

{Subscribed again) 

J. Saint Andrews 

By these former Instructions, thou may perceive, Gentle Reader, what 
was the care that this pastor, with his complices, took to feed the flock 
committed to their charge (as they allege), and to gainstand ^ false teachers. 
Here is oft mention of conscience, of heresy, and such other terms that 
may fray ^ the ignorant, and deceive the simple. But we hear no crime in 
particular laid to the charge of the accused ; and yet is he damned as 
a mensworn apostate. This was my Lord's conscience, which he learned 
of his fathers, the Pharisees, old enemies to Christ Jesus, who damned 
Him before they heard Him. But who ruled my Lord's conscience when 
he took his eme's ^" wife. Lady Gil ton ? ^^ Consider thou the rest of his 
persuasion, and thou shalt clearly see that honour, estimation, love to 
house and friends, is the best ground that my Lord Bishop has, why he 
should persecute Jesus Christ in his members. 

We thought good to insert the Answers of the said Earl, which follow : 

Memorandum This Present Writing is to make Answer particularly 


WITH Sir David Hamilton ; which Articles are in number nine, 
and here repeated and answered as I trust to his Lordship's con- 

* well-affected ^ complaining 
^ By Bull of Pope Innocent VIII (of 27 March 1487) St. Andrews was erected into 

a Primatial Church, and the Archbishop of St. Andrews was made Primate of all Scotland 
and Legatus Natus of the Apostolic See. (Robertson, Concilia Scotice, i, cxviii) 

meddled ' only 
" In the manuscript (folio 96 verso) the words {of cruel butcher) originally followed the 

word office, and were then scored through. ' That is, John Douglas 

' oppose frighten *" kinsman's " Cf. supra, i, 59 '^ each and every 


I The First Article puts me in remembrance of the ancianity of the 

blood of my house, how many earls, lords, and knights have been thereof ; 

. how many Noble men descended of the same house, how long it continued 

true to God and the Prince, without smot ^ in their days, in any manner 

of sort. 


True it Is, my Lord, that there is well long continuance of my house, 
by God's providence and benevolence of our Princes, whom we have 
served, and shall serve truly next to God : And the like obedience towards 
God and our Princes remains with us yet, or rather better (praised be 
the Lord's name), neither know we any spot towards our Princess and 
her due obedience. And if there be offence towards God, He is merciful 
to remit our offences ; for " He will not the death of a sinner ". Like as, 
it stands in his Omnipotent power to make up houses, to continue the 
same, to alter them, to make them small or great, or to extinguish them, 
according to his own inscrutable wisdom ; for in exalting, depressing, 
and changing of houses, the laud and praise must be given to that one 
eternal God, in whose hand the same stands. 

2 The Second Article bears the great affection and love your Lordship 
bears towards me and my house ; and of the ardent desire ye have of 
the perpetual standing thereof in honour and fame, with all them that 
come of it. 


Forsooth it is your duty to wish good unto my house, and unto them 
that come of the same, not allanerly for the faithfulness, amity, and 
society, that has been betwix our forebears, but also for the late conjunc- 
tion of blood that is betwix our said houses,- if it be God's pleasure that 
it have success ; which should give sufficient occasion to your Lordship 
to wish good to my house, and perpetuity with God's glory, without which 
nothing is perpetual, unto whom be praise and worship for ever and ever. 

3 Thirdly, your Lordship declares how displeasing it is to you, that 
I should be seduced by an infamed person of the law, ^ and by the flattery 
of a mensworn apostate that, under pretence of his forth giving, makes us 
to understand that he is a preacher of the Evangel, and therewith raises 
schisms and divisions in the whole Kirk of God ; and by our maintenance 
and defence, would infect this country with heresy ; alleging that to be 
Scripture which, these many years bygone, has been condemned as heresy 
by the General Councils and whole estate of Christian people. 

* stain 

^ Archibald, fourth Earl of" Argyll, had married as his first wife Helen, eldest daughter 
of James Hamilton, first Earl of Arran ; and the Archbishop of St. Andrews, John Hamilton, 
was her half-brother. 

" John Douglas {supra, 246 and note 5) 



The God that created heaven and earth, and all that therein is, pre- 
serve me from seducing ; and I dread many others under the colour of 
godliness are seduced, and think that they do God a pleasure, when they 
persecute one of them that professes his name. What that man is of the 
law we know not : we hear none of his flattery : his mensworn oath of 
apostasy is ignorant to us. But if he had made an unlawful oath, contrary 
to God's command, it were better to violate it than to observe it. He 
preaches nothing to us but the Evangel. If he would otherwise do, v/e 
would not believe him, nor yet an angel of heaven. We hear him sow no 
schisms nor divisions, but such as may stand with God's word, which we 
shall cause him confess in presence of your Lordship and the Clergy, when 
ye require us thereto. And as to it that has been condemned by the 
General Councils, we trust ye know well that all the General Councils 
have been at diversity amongst themselves, and never two of them univer- 
sally agreeing in all points, in samekle as ^ they are of men. But the Spirit 
of verity that bears testimony of our Lord Jesus has not, neither cannot, 
err ; " for heaven and earth shall perish or a jot of it perish ". By ^ this, 
my Lord, neither teaches he, neither will we accept of him, but that 
which agrees with God's sincere word, set forth by Patriarchs, Prophets, 
Apostles, and Evangelists, left to our salvation in his express word. And 
so, my Lord, to condemn the doctrine not examined is not required ; 
for when your Lordship pleases to hear the confession of that man's faith, 
[and] the manner of his doctrine, which agrees with the Evangel of Jesus 
Christ, I will cause him to assist to ^ judgment, and shall be present 
thereat with God's pleasure, that he may render reckoning of his belief 
and our doctrine, to the superior powers, according to the prescription 
of that blood of the eternal Testament, sealed by the immaculate Lamb, 
to whom, with the Father, and the Holy Spirit, be all honour and glory, 
for ever and ever. Amen. 

4 The Fourth Article puts me in remembrance how dangerous it is 
if the authority would put at * me and my house, according to civil and 
canon laws, and our own municipal laws of this Realm, and how it 
appeareth to the decay of our house. 


All laws are (or at the least should be) subject to God's law, which 
law should be first placed and planted in every man's heart ; it should 
have no impediment : men should not abrogate it for the defence and 
upsetting ^ of their own advantage. If it would please Authorities to put 
at our house, for confessing of God's word, or for maintenance of his law, 
God is mighty enough in his own cause. He should be rather obeyed 
nor man. I will serve my Princess with body, heart, goods, strength, and 

* iiuomuch as ^ Apart from ' to stand to 

* exert itself against * setting up 


all that is in my power, except that which is God's duty, which I will 
reserve to himself alone : That is, to worship him in truth and verity and, 
as near as I can, conform to his prescribed word, to his own honour and 
obedience of my Princess. 

5 The Fifth Article puts me in remembrance how wa ^ your Lordship 
would be to hear, see, or know any displeasure that might come to me, 
my son, or any of my house, and specially in my time and days, and also 
to hear the great and evil bruit of me that should now in my age in a 
manner begin to vary from my faith, and to be altered therein, when 
the time is that I should be most sure and firm therein. 


Your Lordship's goodwill is ever made manifest to me in all your 
Articles, that would not hear, see, or know my displeasure, for the which 
I am bound to render your Lordship thanks, and shall do the same 
assuredly. But as for wavering in my faith, God forbid that I should so 
do ; for I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earthy 
and in Jesus Christ his only Son our Saviour. My Lord, I vary not in 
my faith ; but I praise God that of his goodness now in my latter days 
[He] has of his infinite mercy opened his bosom of grace to me, to acknow- 
ledge him the Eternal Wisdom, his Son Jesus Christ, my omnisufficient 
satisfaction, to refuse all manner of idolatry, superstition, and ignorance, 
wherewith I have been blinded in times bygone, and now believe that God 
will be merciful to me, for now he has declared his blessed will clearly to 
me, before my departing of this transitory life. 

6 The Sixth Article declared that there are delations ^ of sundry 
points of heresy upon that man, called Douglas or Grant, which lies to 
your charge and conscience to put remedy to, or else that all the pesti- 
lentious doctrine he sows, and all whom he corrupts with his seed, will be 
required at your hands, and all whom he draws from your Christian faith. 
And if ye should thole him, that ye will be accused for all them whom he 
infects with heresy ; and therefore to regard your Lordship's honour and 
conscience hereinto. 


What is his surname I know not, but he calls himself Douglas ; for 
I know neither his father nor his mother. I have heard him teach no 
Articles of heresy ; but that which agrees with God's word ; for I would 
maintain no man in heresy or error. Your Lordship regards your con- 
science in the punishment thereof I pray God that ye so do, and examine 
well your conscience. He preaches against idolatry : I remit to your 
Lordship's conscience if it be heresy or not. He preaches against adultery 
and fornication : I refer that to your Lordship's conscience. He preaches 
against hypocrisy : I refer that to your Lordship's conscience. He 

' unhappy '^ formal accusations 

(tJ63) VOL II 17 


preaches against all manner of abuses and corruption of Christ's sincere 
religion : I refer that to your Lordship's conscience. My Lord, I exhort 
you, in Christ's name, to weigh all these affairs in your conscience, and 
consider if it be your duty also, not only to thole this, but in like manner 
to do the same. This is all, my Lord, that I vary in my age, and no other 
thing, but that I knew not before these offences to be abominable to God, 
and now knowing his will by manifestation of his word, abhors them. 

7 The Seventh Article desires me to weigh these matters in most 
heartly manner, and to take them in best part, for the weal of both our 
consciences, my house, friends, and servants, and to put such a man out 
of my company, for fear of the cummer ^ and bruit that should follow 
thereupon, by reason he is delated of sundry heresies : and that your 
Lordship would be sorry to hear any of our servants delated or bruited 
for such causes, or for holding of any such men ; and that your Lordship 
would understand my answer hereinto, ere any summons passed thereupon. 


I thank your Lordship greatly that ye are so solist ^ for the weal of 
me and my house, and are so humane as to make me the advertisement 
before ye have summoned, of your own good will and benevolence ; and 
have weighed these matters, as highly as my judgment can serve me, both 
for your Lordship's honour and mine. And when I have reasoned all 
that I can do with myself in it, I think it aye best to serve God, and obey 
his manifest word, and not be obstinate in his contrary : syne ^ to give 
their due obedience to our Princes, rulers, and magistrates, and to hear the 
voice of God's prophets, declaring his good promises to them that repent, 
and threatening to obstinate wicked doers, everlasting destruction. Your 
Lordship knows well the man : he has spoken with your Lordship : I 
thought you content with him. I heard no occasion of offence in him. 
I cannot well want * him, or some preacher. I cannot put away such a 
man, without I knew him an offender, as I know not ; for I hear nothing 
of him, but such as your Lordship's self heard of him, and such as he yet 
will profess in your presence, whenever your Lordship requires. Such a 
man that is ready to assist himself to judgment, should not be expelled 
without cognition of the cause. For like as I answered before in another 
Article, when your Lordship pleases that all the spiritual and temporal 
men of estate in Scotland be convened, I shall cause him render an account 
of his belief and doctrine in your presences. Then if he deserves punish- 
ment and correction, let him so suffer ; if he be found faithful, let him live 
in his faith. 

8 The Eighth Article propones to me that your Lordship would take 
the labour to get me a man to instruct me in your Catholic faith, and to 
be my preacher, for whose doctrine ye would lay your soul that he would 
teach nothing but truly conform to your faith. 

* trouble " solicitous * afterwards * do without 



God Almighty send us many of that sort, that will preach truly, and 
nothing but one Catholic universal Christian faith ; and we Highland 
rude people has mister ^ of them. And if your Lordship would get and 
provide me such a man, I should provide him a corporal living, as to my- 
self, with great thanks to your Lordship ; for truly, I and many more 
has great mister of such men. And because I am able to sustain more 
than one of them, I will request your Lordship earnestly to provide me 
such a man as ye wrote ; " for the harvest is great, and there are few 

9 The Last and Ninth Article puts me in remembrance to consider 
what murmur your Lordship tholes, and great bruit, at many men's 
hands, both Spiritual and Temporal, and at the Queen's Grace's hand, 
and other well given people, for not putting of order to these affairs ; 
and that your Lordship has abstained from execution hereof, for love of 
my house and posterity, to the effect that myself should remedy it, for 
fear of the dishonour might come upon us both for the same ; which being 
remedied, might bring us out of all danger. 


My Lord, I know well what murmur and indignation your Lordship 
tholes at [your] enemies' hands of all estates, for non-pursuing of poor 
simple Christians ; and I know, that if your Lordship would use their 
counsel, that would be blood-shedding and burning of poor men, to make 
your Lordship serve their wicked appetites. Yet your Lordship knows 
your own duty, and should not fear the danger of men, as of Him whom 
ye profess. And verily, my Lord, there is nothing that may be to your 
Lordship's relief in this behalf, but I will use your Lordship's counsel 
therein, and further the same, God's honour being first provided, and the 
truth of his eternal word having liberty. And to abstain, for my love, from 
pursuit, as your Lordship has signified, I am indebted to your Lordship, 
as I have written divers times before. But there is one above, for whose 
fear ye must abstain fi^om blood-shedding, or else, my Lord, knock on 
your conscience. Last of all, your Lordship, please to consider, how 
desirous some are to have sedition amongst friends ; how mighty the Devil 
is to sow discord ; how that many would desire no better game but to 
hunt us at other. ^ I pray your Lordship beguile them : we will agree 
upon all purposes, with God's pleasure, standing to his honour. There 
are divers houses in Scotland by us,^ that profess the same God secretly. 
They desire but that ye begin the bargain at * us ; and when it begins at 
us, God knows the end thereof, and who shall bide the next put. My 
Lord, consider this : make no preparative of us. Let not the vain ex- 
hortation of them that regard little of the weal and strength of both our 

* need ^ to put us in opposite camps ' apart from us 

* open the question with 


houses, stir up your Lordship, as they would to do against God, your own 
conscience, and the weal of your posterity for ever. And therefore now, 
in the end, I pray your Lordship weigh these things wisely ; and if ye 
do otherwise, God is God, was, and shall be God, when ail is wrought that 
man can work. 



*' The Blynd, Cruked, Beddrelles,^ Wedowis, Orphelingis,^ and 
ALL uther Pure, sa viseit be the hand of God, as may not 


Restitutioun of Wranges bypast, and Reformatioun in tyme 


" Ye your selfes ar not ignorant (and thocht ye wald be) it is now 
(thankes to God) knawen to the haill warlde, be his maist infallible 
worde, that the benignitie or almes of all Christian people perteynis to us 
allanerly * ; quhilk ye, being hale of bodye, stark, sturdye, and abill to 
wyrk, quhat under pretence of poverty (and neverles possessing maist 
easelie all abundance), quhat throw cloiket and huded ^ simplicitie 
(thoght your proudnes is knawen) and quhat be feynzeit ^ halynes, quhilk 
now is declared superstitioun and idolatrie, hes thire ' many yeiris, exprese 
aganis Godis word, and the practeis ^ of his holie Apostles, to our great 
torment (allace !) maist falslie stowin * fra ws. And als ye have, be your 
fals doctryne and wresting of Godis worde (lerned of your father Sathan), 
induced the hale people, hie and law,^** in seure hoip and beleif, that to 
cleith, feid [ ] ^^ and nurreis ^^ yow, is the onlie maist acceptable 

almouss allowit before God ; and to gif ane penny, or ane peice of breade 
anis in the oulk ^^ is aneuch ^* for ws. Even swa ye have perswaded thame 
to bigge ^^yow great Hospitalis, and manteyne yow thairin [ ] ^^ force, 

quhilk onlye pertenis now tows be all law, as biggit and dotat^^ to the pure^' 
of whois number ye are not, nor can be repute, nether be the law of God, 
nor yit be na uther law proceding of nature, reasoun, or civile policie. 
Quhairfore seing our number is sa greate, sa indigent, and sa heavelie 
oppressed be your false meanes, that nane takes cair of owre miserie ; and 
that it is better for ws to provyde thire our impotent members, quhilkis God 
hes geven ws, to oppone to yow in plaine controversie, than to see yow 
heirefter (as ye have done afore) steill fra ws our lodgeings, and our selfis, 
in the meanetyme, to perreis and die for want of the same. We have thocht 
gude therfore, or we enter with yow in conflict, to warne yow, in the name 

^ See supra, i, 139, note 2; and the description of folio 112 verso of the manuscript, 
given supra, i, xcviii ^ Bed-ridden ^ Orphans * only 

* cloaked and hooded * feigned ' these * practice 

stolen *' high and low 

" This page at the end of the manuscript is badly torn down the right-hand side. 
'2 nourish ^^ once a week '* enough " build 

* endowed ; mortified ^' poor 



of the grit God, be this publick wryting, afhxt on your yettis quhair ye now 
dwell, that ye remove fourth of oure saidis Hospitales, betuix this and the 
Feist of Witsunday next,^ sua^ that we the onlie lauchfull proprietares 
thairof may enter thairto, and efterward injoye thai ^ commodities of the 
Kyrk, quhilkis ye haif heirunto wranguslie halden fra us. Certefying yow, 
gif ye failye, we will at the said terme, in hale nummer (with the help of 
God, and assistance of his Sanctis in erthe, of quhais reddie support we 
dout not), enter and tak posessioun of our saide patrimony, and eject yow 
utterlie fourth of the same. 

" Lot hym therfore that before hes stollin, steill na mare ; but rather lat him 
wyrk wyth his handes, that he may be helpejull to the pure. 

" Fra the hale Citeis, Townes, and Villages of Scotland, 
THE Fyrst Day of Januare 1558." * 

' Whitsunday was the term of entry and removing of tenants, the Act of 1 555 having 
laid down that no removing could be made unless forty days of warning had been given 
before the term of Whitsunday. {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 494, c. 12) 

So ^ those 

' That is, 1st January, 1559. The " Historic of the Estate of Scotland " says that 
" in the end of October preceeding [i.e. 1558], there wes ticketts of warning, at the instance 
of the whole poore people of this realme, affixt upon the doores of everie place of Friers 
within this countrey." {Wodrow Miscellany, i, 57-58 ; and see Extracts from the Council 
Register of Aberdeen, Spalding Club, i, 315-316) As part of the background to this 
summonds,' it should be noted that, in the first half of the sixteenth century, many 
endowments of hospitals and almshouses had been transferred to the Friars. 



Matthew 24 

And these glad tidings of the Kingdom shall be preached through the 
whole world, for a ] fitness unto all Nations, a?id then shall the end come 


The Estates of Scotland, with the inhabitants of the same, pro- 
fessing Christ Jesus his Holy Evangel, To their natural country- 
men, and to all other Realms and Nations, professing the same 
Lord Jesus with them, wish grace, peace, and mercy from God 
the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the spirit of righteous 
judgment, for Salutation. 

Long have we thirsted, dear Brethren, to have notified unto the world 
the sum of that doctrine which we profess, and for the which we have 
sustained infamy and danger. But such has been the rage of Sathan 
against us, and against Christ Jesus his eternal verity, lately born amongst 
us, that to this day no time has been granted unto us to clear our consciences, 
as most gladly we would hav'e done ; for how we have been tossed a whole 
year past, the most part of Europe (as we suppose) does understand. But 
seeing that of the infinite goodness of our God (who never suflfers his 
afflicted to be utterly confounded) above expectation we have obtained 
some rest and liberty, we could not but set forth this brief and plain 
Confession of such doctrine as is proponed unto us, and as we believe and 
profess, partly for satisfaction of our Brethren, whose hearts we doubt not 
have been and yet are wounded by the despiteful railing of such as yet 
have not learned to speak well ; and partly for stopping of the mouths 
of impudent blasphemers, who boldly condemn that which they have 
neither heard nor yet understand. Not that we judge that the cankered 
malice of such is able to be cured by this simple Confession : No, we know 
that the sweet savour of the Evangel is, and shall be, death to the sons of 
perdition. But we have chief respect to our weak and infirm brethren, 
to whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts, lest that they 

' Sec supra, i, 338, note 2 



be troubled or carried away by the diversities of rumours, which Sathan 
sparsis ^ contrary us, to the defecting of this our most godly enterprise ; 
Protesting, that if any man will note in this our Confession any article or 
sentence repugning to God's holy word,^ that it would please him of his 
gentleness, and for Christian charity's sake, to admonish us of the same in 
writ ; and We of our honour and fidelity do promise unto him satisfaction 
from the mouth of God (that is, from his holy Scriptures), or else reforma- 
tion of that which he shall prove to be amiss. For God we take to record 
in our consciences, that from our hearts we abhor all sects of heresy, and 
all teachers of erroneous doctrine ; and that with all humility we embrace 
the purity of Christ's Evangel, which is the only food of our souls ; and 
therefore so precious unto us, that we are determined to suffer the ex- 
tremity of worldly danger, rather than that we will suffer ourselves to 
be defrauded of the same. For hereof we are most certainly persuaded, 
" That whosoever denies Christ Jesus, or is ashamed of him, in presence 
of men, shall be denied before the Father, and before his holy angels." 
And therefore by the assistance of the mighty Spirit of the same, our Lord 
Jesus, we firmly purpose to abide to the end in the Confession of this our 
Faith [as by the articles followeth]. 

Cap. 1.3 Of God 

We confess and acknowledge one only God, to whom only we must 
cleave [whom only we must serve ^], whom only we must worship, and 
in whom only we must put our trust ; who is eternal, infinite, unmeasur- 
able, incomprehensible, omnipotent, invisible : one in substance, and 
yet distinct in three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost : 
By whom we confess and believe all things in heaven and in earth, as well 
visible as invisible, to have been created, to be retained in their being, 
and to be ruled and guided by his inscrutable Providence, to such end as 
his eternal wisdom, goodness, and justice has appointed them, to the 
manifestation of his own glory. 

Cap. II. Of the Creation of Man 

We confess and acknowledge this our God to have created Man (to 
wit, our first father Adam), of whom also God formed the Woman to his 
own image and similitude ; to whom he gave wisdom, lordship, justice, 
free-will, and clear knowledge of himself ; so that in the whole nature of 
man there could be noted no imperfection : From which honour and 

' spreads 

2 A like reliance upon the word of God is claimed for the provisions of the Book of 
Discipline. {Infra, 280-281) 

' The numbers of the Chapters are not given in the manuscript. They are here 
supplied from the first edition of the Confession, printed by Lekprevik in 1561, compared 
with the Acts of the Parliament of 1567, printed in 1568. (Laing's Knox, ii, 97, note) 

* In all cases the words supplied in square brackets are so supplied from the 1561 
printed editions and from the version of the Confession printed in the Acts of the Parlia- 
ment of 1567, printed in 1568. (Laing's Knox, ii, 97, noU) 


perfection man and woman did both fall ; the woman being deceived 
by the Serpent, and man obeying to the voice of the woman, both con- 
spiring against the Sovereign Majesty of God, who in expressed words 
of before had threatened death, if they presumed to eat of the forbidden 

Cap. hi. Of Original Sin 

By which transgression, commonly called Original Sin, was the image 
of God utterly defaced in man ; and he and his posterity of nature became 
enemies to God, slaves to Sathan, and servants to sin ; in samekill that 
death everlasting has had, and shall have power and dominion over all 
that has not been, are not, or shall not be regenerate from above : which 
regeneration is ^vrought by the power of the Holy Ghost, working in the 
hearts of the elect of God an assured faith in the promise of God, revealed 
to us in his word ; by which faith they apprehend Christ Jesus, with the 
graces and benefits promised in him. 

Cap. IV. Of the Revelation of the Promise 

For this we constantly believe, that God, after the fearful and horrible 
defection of man from his obedience, did seek Adam again, call upon him, 
rebuke his sin, convict him of the same, and in the end made unto him 
a most joyful promise, to wit, " That the seed of the woman should break 
down the serpent's head " ; that is, he should destroy the works of the 
Devil. Which promise, as it was repeated and made more clear from 
time to time, so was it embraced with joy, and most constantly retained 
of all the faithful, from Adam to Noah, from Noah to Abraham, from 
Abraham to David, and so forth to the incarnation of Christ Jesus : who 
all (we mean the faithful Fathers under the law), did see the joyful days 
of Christ Jesus, and did rejoice. 

Cap. v. The Continuance, Increase, and Preservation of the 


We most constantly believe that God preserved, instructed, multiplied, 
honoured, decoired,^ and from death called to life his Kirk in all ages, 
from Adam, till the coming of Christ Jesus in the flesh : for Abraham he 
called from his father's country, him he instructed, his seed he multiplied, 
the same he marvellously preserved, and more marvellously delivered 
from the bondage [and tyranny] of Pharaoh ; to them he gave his laws, 
constitutions, and ceremonies ; them he possessed in the land of Canaan ; 
to them, after Judges and after Saul, he gave David to be king, to whom 
he made promise, " That of the fruit of his loins should one sit for ever 
upon his regal seat." To this same people from time to time he sent 
prophets to reduce ^ them to the right way of their God, from the which 
often times they declined by idolatry. And albeit for their stubborn 
contempt of justice, he was compelled to give them in the hands of their 

* decorated, that is, adorned ' lead back 


enemies, as before was threatened by the mouth of Moses, in samekill that 
the holy city was destroyed, the temple burnt with fire, and the whole 
land left desolate the space of seventy years ; yet of mercy did he reduce 
them again to Jerusalem, where the city and temple were re-edified, and 
they, against all temptations and assaults of Sathan, did abide till the 
Messiah came, according to the promise. 

Cap. VI. Of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus 

When the fullness of time came, God sent his Son, his Eternal Wisdom, 
the substance of his own glory, in this world, who took the nature of man- 
hood of the substance of a woman, to wit, of a Virgin, and that by the 
operation of the Holy Ghost. And so was born the just seed of David, the 
angel of the great council of God ; the very Messiah promised, whom we 
acknowledge and confess Emanuel ; very God and very man, two perfect 
natures united and joined in one person. By which our confession we 
damn ^ the damnable and pestilent heresies of Arius, Marcion, Eutyches, 
Nestorius,^ and such others, as either deny the eternity of his Godhead, 
or the verity of his human nature, either confound them, or yet divide them. 

Cap. vii. Why it behoved the Mediator to be very God 


We acknowledge and confess that this most wondrous conjunction 
betwix the Godhead and the Manhead in Christ Jesus did proceed from 
the eternal and immutable decree of God, whence also our salvation 
springs and depends. 

Cap. vm. Election 

For that same Eternal God and Father, who of mere mercy elected 
us in Christ Jesus his Son, before the foundation of the world was laid, 
appointed him to be our Head, our Brother, our Pastor, and great Bishop 
of our Souls. But because that the enmity betwix the justice of God and 
our sins was such, that no flesh by itself could or might have attained unto 
God, it behoved that the Son of God should descend unto us, and take 
himself a body of our body, flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bones, and 
so become the perfect Mediator betwix God and man ; giving power to 
so many as believe in Him to be the sons of God, as Himself does witness 
*' I pass up to my Father and unto your Father, to my God and unto your 
God." By which most holy fraternity, whatsoever we have lost in Adam 
is restored to us again. And for this cause are we not effi'ayed to call God 
our Father, not so much in that He has created us (which we have common 
with the reprobate), as for that He has given to us his only Son to be our 
brother, and given unto us grace to [acknowledge and] embrace Him for 
our only Mediator, as before is said. It behoved further the Messiah and 

' condemn 

^ Accounts of these heresies will be found in Adolph Harnack, History of Dogina (Eng. 
trans., London, 1894-99), h 266-286 ; iv, 7-20, 180-190, i9off. 


Redeemer to [be] very God and very Man, because He was to underlie 
the punishment due for our transgressions, and to present Himself in the 
presence of his Father's judgment, as in our person, to suffer for our 
transgression and inobedience, by death to overcome him that was author 
of death. But because the only Godhead could not suffer death, neither 
could the only Manhead overcome the same. He joined both together 
in one person, that the imbecility of the one should suffer, and be subject 
to death (which we had deserved), and the infinite and invincible power 
of the other, to wit, of the Godhead, should triumph and purchase to us 
life, Hberty, and perpetual victory. And so we confess, and most un- 
doubtedly believe. 

Cap. IX. Christ's Death, Passion, Burial, &g. 

That our Lord Jesus Christ offered Himself a voluntary sacrifice unto 
his Father for us ; that He suffered contradiction of sinners ; that He was 
wounded and plagued for our transgressions ; that He being the clean 
and innocent Lamb of God, was damned in the presence of an earthly 
judge, that we might be absolved before the tribunal seat of our God ; 
that He suffered not only the cruel death of the cross (which was accursed 
by the sentence of God), but also that He suffered for a season the wrath 
of his Father, which sinners had deserved. But yet we avow, that He 
remained the only and well-beloved and blessed Son of his Father, even 
in the midst of his anguish and torment, which He suffered in body and 
soul, to make the full satisfaction for the sins of his people. After the 
which, we .confess and avow, that there remains no other sacrifice for sins ; 
which if any affirm, we nothing doubt to avow that they are blasphemers 
against Christ's death, and the everlasting purgation and satisfaction 
purchased to us by the same. 

Cap. X. Resurrection 

We undoubtedly believe that insamekill as it was impossible that the 
dolours of death should retain in bondage the Author of life, that our 
Lord Jesus Christ crucified, died, and buried, who descended into hell, 
did rise again for our justification, and destroying [of] him who was [the] 
author of death, brought life again to us that were subject to death and 
to the bondage of the same. We know that his resurrection was confirmed 
by the testimony of his very enemies ; by the resurrection of the dead, 
whose sepultures did open, and they did arise and appeared to many 
within the City of Jerusalem. It was also confirmed by the testimony of 
[his] Angels, and by the senses and judgments of his Apostles, and [of] 
others, who had conversation, and did eat and drink with Him after his 

Cap. XI. Ascension 

We nothing doubt but that the self-same body, which was born of the 
Virgin, was crucified, died, and buried, and which did rise again, did 
ascend into the heavens for the accomplishment of all things ; where, 


in our names, and for our comfort He has received all power in heaven 
and in earth, where He sits at the right hand of the Father inaugurate in 
his kingdom, advocate and only Mediator for us ; which glory, honour, 
and prerogative He alone amongst the brethren shall possess, till that all his 
enemies be made his footstool, as that we undoubtedly believe they shall 
be in the final judgment ; to the execution whereof we certainly believe 
that the same our Lord Jesus shall visibly return, as that He was seen to 
ascend. And then we firmly believe, that the time of refreshing and 
restitution of all things shall come, in samekill that they that from the 
beginning have suffered violence, injury, and wrong for righteousness* 
sake, shall inherit that blessed immortality promised from the beginning ; 
but contrariwise, the stubborn, inobedient, cruel oppressors, filthy 
persons, adulterers, and all sorts of unfaithful [men] shall be cast in the 
dungeon of utter darkness, where their worm shall not die, neither yet 
their fire [shall] be extinguished. The remembrance of the which day, 
and of the judgment to be executed in the same, is not only to us a bridle 
whereby our carnal lusts are refrained ; but also such inestimable comfort, 
that neither may the threatening of worldly princes, neither yet the fear 
of temporal death and present danger move us to renounce and forsake 
that blessed society, which we the members have with our Head and only 
Mediator Christ Jesus, whom we confess and avow to be the Messiah 
promised, the only Head of his Kirk, our just Lawgiver, our only High 
Priest, Advocate, and Mediator. In which honours and offices, if man 
or angel presume to intrude themselves, we utterly detest and abhor 
them, as blasphemous to our Sovereign and Supreme Governor, Christ 

Cap. XII. Faith in the Holy Ghost 

This our Faith, and the assurance of the same, proceeds not from 
flesh and blood, that is to say, from no natural powers within us, but is 
the inspiration of the Holy Ghost : Whom we confess God, equal with the 
Father and with the Son ; who sanctifieth us, and bringeth us in all verity 
by his own operation ; without whom we should remain for ever enemies 
to God, and ignorant of his Son, Christ Jesus. For of nature we are so 
dead, so blind and so perverse, that neither can we feel when we are 
pricked, see the light when it shines, nor assent to tke will of God when it 
is revealed ; only the Spirit of the Lord Jesus quickeneth that which is 
dead, removeth the darkness from our minds, and boweth our stubborn 
hearts to the obedience of his blessed will. And so as we confess that God 
the Father created us when we were not ; as his Son, our Lord Jesus 
redeemed us when we were enemies to Him : so also do we confess that the 
Holy Ghost does sanctify and regenerate us, without all respect of any 
merit proceeding from us, be it before or be it after our regeneration. To 
speak this one thing yet in more plain words, as we willingly spoil our- 
selves of all honour and glory of our own creation and redemption, so do 
we also of our regeneration and sanctification : For of ourselves we are 
not sufficient to think one good thought ; but He who has begun the good 
work in us, is only He that continueth us in the same, to the praise and 
glory of his undeseived grace. 


Cap. XIII, The Cause of Good Works 

So that the cause of Good works we confess to be, not our free will, 
but the Spirit of the Lord Jesus who, dwelling in our hearts by true faith, 
brings forth such good works as God hath prepared for us to walk into : 
for this we most boldly affirm, that blasphemy it is to say that Christ 
Jesus abides in the hearts of such as in whom there is no spirit of Sancti- 
fication. And therefore we fear not to affirm that murderers, oppressors, 
cruel persecuters, adulterers, whoremongers, filthy persons, idolaters, 
drunkards, thieves, and all workers of iniquity, have neither true faith, 
neither any portion of the spirit of Sanctification, which proceedeth from 
the Lord Jesus, so long as they obstinately continue in their wickedness. 
For how soon that ever the spirit of the Lord Jesus (which God's elect 
children receive by true faith), takes possession in the heart of any man, 
so soon does He regenerate and renew the same man ; so that he begins to 
hate that which before he loved, and begins to love that which before he 
hated ; and from thence comes that continual battle which is betwix the 
flesh and the spirit in God's children ; while the flesh and natural man 
(according to its own corruption) lusts for things pleasing and delectable 
unto the self, grudges ^ in adversity, is lifted up in prosperity, and at every 
moment is prone and ready to offend the Majesty of God. But the Spirit 
of God, which giveth witnessing to our spirit, that we are the sons of God, 
makes us to resist the devil, to abhor filthy pleasures, to groan in God's 
presence for deliverance from this bondage of corruption ; and finally, 
so [to] triumph over sin that it reign not in our mortal bodies. This battle 
has not the carnal men, being destitute of God's Spirit ; but do follow and 
obey sin with greediness, and without repentance, even as the devil and 
their corrupt lusts do prick them. But the sons of God (as before is said) 
do fight against sin, do sob and mourn, when they perceive themselves 
tempted to iniquity ; and if they fall, they rise again with earnest and 
unfeigned repentance. And these things they do not by their own power, 
but the power of the Lord Jesus (without whom they were able to do 
nothing) worketh in them all that is good. 

Cap. XIV. What Works are reputed Good before God 

We confess and acknowledge that God has given to man his holy 
law, in which not only are forbidden all such works which displease and 
offend his Godly Majesty ; but also are commanded all such as please 
Him, and as He hath promised to reward. And these works be of two 
sorts ; the one are done to the honour of God, the other to the profit of 
our neighbours ; and both have the revealed will of God for their assur- 
ance. To have one God, to worship and honour Him ; to call upon Him 
in all our troubles ; to reverence his holy name ; to hear his word ; to 
believe the same ; to communicate with his holy sacraments ; are the 
works of the First Table. To honour father, mother, princes, rulers, and 
superior powers ; to love them ; to support them, yea, to obey their 

^ murmurs ; complains 


charges (not repugning to the commandment of God) ; to save the Hves 
of innocents ; to repress tyranny ; to defend the oppressed ; to keep 
our bodies clean and holy ; to live in sobriety and temperance ; to deal 
justly with all men, both in word and in deed ; and, finally, to repress 
all appetite of our neighbour's hurt ; are the good works of the Second 
Table, which are most pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those works 
that are commanded by Himself. The contrary whereof is sin most odious, 
which always displeases Him, and provokes Him to anger, as, not to call 
upon Him alone when we have need ; not to hear his word with reverence ; 
to contemn and despise it ; to have or to worship idols ; to maintain and 
defend idolatry ; lightly to esteem the reverent name of God ; to profane, 
abuse, or contemn the sacraments of Christ Jesus ; to disobey or resist 
any that God has placed in authority (while they pass not over ^ the 
bounds of their office) ; to murder, or to consent thereto, to bear hattrent,^ 
or to suffer innocent blood to be shed if we may gainstand it ; and, finally, 
the transgressing of any other commandment in the First or Second Table, 
we confess and affirm to be sin, by the which God's hot displeasure is 
kindled against the proud and unthankful world. So that good works 
we affirm to be these only that are done in faith, [and] at God's command- 
ment, who in his law has expressed what be the things that please Him : 
And evil works, we affirm, not only those that are expressedly done against 
God's commandment, but those also that, in matters of religion and wor- 
shipping of God, have no [other] assurance but the invention and opinion 
of man, which God from the beginning has ever rejected ; as by the 
prophet Isaiah, and by our master Christ Jesus, we are taught in these 
words " In vain do they worship me, teaching the doctrine being precepts 
of men." 

Cap, XV. The Perfection of the Law and Imperfection of 


The Law of God we confess and acknowledge most just, most equal, 
most holy, and most perfect ; commanding those things which, being 
wrought in perfection, were able to give life, and [able] to bring man to 
eternal felicity. But our nature is so corrupt, so weak, and imperfect, that 
we are never able to fulfil the works of the Law in perfection ; yea, " If 
we say we have no sin (even after we are regenerate) , We deceive ourselves, 
and the verity of God is not into us." And therefore it behoved us to 
apprehend Christ Jesus, with his justice and satisfaction, who is the end 
and accomplishment of the Law, to all that believe, by whom we are set 
at this liberty, that the curse and malediction of God fall not upon us, 
albeit that we fulfil not the same in all points. For God the Father 
beholding us in the body of his Son Christ Jesus, accepteth our imperfect 
obedience as it were perfect, and covereth our works, which are defiled with 
many spots, with the justice of his Son. We do not mean that we are so set 
at liberty, that we owe no obedience to the Law (for that before we have 
plainly confessed) ; but this we affirm, that no man in earth (Christ Jesus 
only excepted) hath given, giveth, or shall give in work, that obedience 

* do not exceed * hatred 





to the Law which the Law requireth. But when we have done all things, 
we must fall down and unfeignedly confess, " That we are unprofitable 
servants." And therefore whosoever boast themselves of the merits of 
their own -works, or put their trust in the works of supererogation, they 
boast themselves of that which is not, and put their trust in damnable 

Cap. XVI. Of the Kirk 

As we believe in one God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, so do we most 
earnestly believe that from the beginning there has been, now is, and to 
the end of the world shall be a Church ; that is to say, a company and 
multitude of men chosen of God, who rightly worship and embrace Him, 
by true faith in Christ Jesus, who is the only Head of the same Kirk, which 
also is the body and spouse of Christ Jesus ; which Kirk is Catholic, that 
is, universal, because it contains the Elect of all ages, [of] all realms, 
nations, and tongues, be they of the Jews, or be they of the Gentiles, who 
have communion and society with God the Father, and with his Son 
Christ Jesus, through the sanctification of his Holy Spirit ; and therefore 
it is called [the] communion, not of profane persons but of saints, who, 
as citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem, have the fruition of the most inestim- 
able benefits, to wit, of one God, one Lord Jesus, one faith, and of one 
baptism ; out of the which Kirk there is neither life, nor eternal felicity. 
And therefore we utterly abhor the blasphemy of those that affirm that 
men which live according to equity and justice shall be saved, what 
religion soever they have professed. For as without Christ Jesus there is 
neither life nor salvation, so shall there none be participant thereof but 
such as the Father has given unto his Son Christ Jesus, and those [that] 
in time come to Him, avow his doctrine, and believe into Him (we compre- 
hend the children with the faithful parents) . This Kirk is invisible, known 
only to God, who alone knoweth whom He has chosen, and comprehends 
as well (as said is) the Elect that be departed (commonly called the Kirk 
Triumphant), as those that yet live and fight against sin and Sathan as 
shall live hereafter. 

Cap. XVII. The Immortality of the Souls 

The Elect departed are in peace and rest from their labours ; not that 
they sleep and come to a certain oblivion (as some fantastic heads do affirm), 
but that they are delivered from all fear, all torment, and all temptation, 
to which we and all God's elect are subject in this life ; and therefore do 
bear the name of the Kirk Militant. As contrariwise, the reprobate and 
unfaithful departed, have anguish, torment, and pain, that cannot be 
expressed ; so that neither are the one nor the other in such sleep that 
they feel not joy or torment, as the Parable of Christ Jesus in the sixteenth 
of Luke, his words to the thief, and these words of the souls crying under 
the altar, " O Lord, thou that art righteous and just, how long shalt thou 
not revenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the earth ! " doth 

|! plainly testify. 


Cap. XVIII. Of the Notes by which the True Kirk is discerned from 


Because that Sathan from the beginning has laboured to deck his 
pestilent Synagogue with the title of the Kirk of God, and has inflamed 
the hearts of cruel murderers to persecute, trouble, and molest the true 
Kirk and members thereof, as Cain did Abel ; Ishmael, Isaac ; Esau, 
Jacob ; and the whole priesthood of the Jews, Jesus Christ Himself, and 
his apostles after him ; it is a thing most requisite that the true Kirk be 
discerned from the filthy synagogue, by clear and perfect notes, lest we, 
being deceived, receive and embrace to our own condemnation the one 
for the other. The notes, signs, and assured tokens whereby the immacu- 
late spouse of Christ Jesus is known from that horrible harlot the Kirk 
malignant, we affirm are neither antiquity, title usurped, lineal descent, 
place appointed, nor multitude of men approving an error ; for Cain 
in age and title was preferred to Abel and Seth ; Jerusalem had prerogative 
above all places of the earth, where also were the priests lineally descended 
from Aaron ; and greater multitude followed the Scribes, Pharisees, and 
Priests, than unfeignedly believed and approved Christ Jesus and his 
doctrine ; and yet (as we suppose) no man of sound judgment will grant 
that any of the forenamed were the Kirk of God. The Notes, therefore, 
of the true Kirk of God we believe, confess, and avow to be, first. The true 
preaching of the word of God ; into the which God has revealed himself 
to us, as the writings of the Prophets and Apostles do declare. Secondly, 
The right administration of the sacraments of Christ Jesus, which must be 
annexed to the word and promise of God, to seal and confirm the same in 
our hearts. Last[ly], Ecclesiastical discipline uprightly ministered, as 
God's word prescribes, whereby vice is repressed, and virtue nourished.^ 
Wheresoever then these former notes are seen, and of any time continue (be 
the number never so few above two or three) there, but all doubt, is the 
true Kirk of Christ, who according to his promise is in the midst of them : 
not that universal (of which we have before spoken) but particular ; such 
as was in Corinth, Galatia, Ephesus, and other places in which the ministry 
was planted by Paul, and were of himself named the Kirks of God. 
And such Kirks we, the inhabitants of the Realm of Scotland, professors of 
Christ Jesus, confess us to have in our cities, towns, ^and places reformed ; 
for the doctrine taught in our kirks is contained in the written word of 
God, to wit, in the Books of the Old and New Testaments. In those books, 
we mean, which of the ancient have been reputed canonical, in the which 
we affirm that all things necessary to be believed for the salvation of 
mankind, is sufficiently expressed '^ ; the interpretation whereof, we 
confess, neither appertaineth to private nor public person, neither yet to 
any kirk for any pre-eminence or prerogative, personal or local, which 
one has above another ; but appertaineth to the Spirit of God, by the 
which also the Scripture was written. When controversy then happeneth 
for the right understanding of any place or sentence of Scripture, or for 

' These " Notes of the True Kirk " had already been defined in the Confession of the 
EngHsh Congregation at Geneva. (Laing's Knox, iv, 1 72-73) 

* See the Uke affirmation in the opening of the Book of DiscipUne {infra, 281) 



the reformation of any abuse within the Kirk of God, we ought not so 
much to look what men before us have said or done, as unto that which 
the Holy Ghost uniformly speaks within the body of the Scriptures, and 
unto that which Christ Jesus Himself did, and commanded to be done. 
For this is a thing universally granted, that the Spirit of God, which is 
the Spirit of unity, is in nothing contrarious unto Himself. If then the 
interpretation, determination, or sentence of any doctor, kirk, or council, 
repugn to the plain word of God written in any other place of [the] 
Scripture, it is a thing most certain, that theirs is not the true understand- 
ing and meaning of the Holy Ghost, supposing that Councils, Realms, 
and Nations have approved and received the same : For we dare not 
receive and admit any interpretation which directly repugneth to any 
principal point of our faith, [or] to any other plain text of Scripture, or 
yet unto the rule of charity. 

Cap. XIX. The Authority of the Scriptures 

As we believe and confess the Scriptures of God sufficient to instruct 
and make the man of God perfect, so do we affirm and avow the authority 
of the same to be of God, and neither to depend on men nor angels. 
We affirm therefore that such as allege the Scripture to have no [other] 
authority, but that which is received from the Kirk, to be blasphemous 
against God, and injurious to the true Kirk, which always heareth and 
obeyeth the voice of her own Spouse and Pastor, but taketh not upon her 
to be mistress over the same. 

Cap. XX. Of General Councils, of their Pow^er, Authority, 
AND Causes of their Convention 

As we do not rashly damn that which godly men, assembled together 
in General Councils, lawfully gathered, have approved unto us ; so 
without just examination dare we not receive whatsoever is obtruded unto 
men, under the name of General Councils : for plain it is, that as they 
were men, so have some of them manifestly erred, and that in matters 
of great weight and importance. So far then as the Council proveth the 
determination and commandment that it giveth by the plain word of 
God, so far do we reverence and embrace the same. But if men, under 
the name of a Council, pretend to forge unto us new articles of our faith, 
or to make constitutions repugning to the word of God, then utterly we 
must refuse the same as the doctrine of devils, which draws our souls from 
the voice of our only God to follow the doctrines and constitutions of men. 
The cause, then, why [that] General Councils convened, was neither to 
make any perpetual law (which God before had not made), neither yet to 
forge new articles of our belief, neither to give the word of God authority, 
mekle less to make that to be his word, or yet the true interpretation of the 
same, which was not before by his holy will expressed in his word. But 
the cause of Councils (we mean of such as merit the name of Councils), 
was partly for confutation of heresies, and for giving public confession of 

(65J) VOL n 18 


their faith to the posterity following ; which both they did by the authority 
of God's written word, and not by any opinion or prerogative that they 
could not err, by reason of their General assembly. And this we judge to 
have been the chief cause of General Councils. The other was for good 
policy and order to be constituted and observed in the Kirk, in which 
(as in the house of God) it becomes all things to be done decently and into 
order. ^ Not that we think that one policy and one order in ceremonies 
can be appointed for all ages, times, and places ; for as ceremonies (such 
as men has devised) are but temporal, so may and ought they to be 
changed, when they rather foster superstition than that they edify the 
Kirk using the same. 

Cap. XXI. Of the Sacraments 

As the Fathers under the Law, besides the verity of the sacrifices, 
had two chief Sacraments, to wit, Circumcision and the Passover, the 
despisers and contemners whereof were not reputed for God's people ; 
so [do] we acknowledge and confess that we now, in the time of the 
Evangel, have two ^ Sacraments only, instituted by the Lord Jesus, and 
commanded to be used of all those that will be reputed members of his 
body, to wit. Baptism and the Supper, or Table of the Lord Jesus, called 
The Communion of his body and blood. And these sacraments (as well 
of the Old as of the New Testament) were instituted of God, not only 
to make a visible difference betwix his people, and those that were without 
his league ; but also to exercise the faith of his children ; and by partici- 
pation of the same sacraments, to seal in their hearts the assurance of his 
promise, and of that most blessed conjunction, union, and society, which 
the Elect have with their head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterly damn 
the vanity of those that affirm Sacraments to be nothing else but naked 
and bare signs. No, we assuredly believe that by Baptism we are ingrafted 
in Christ Jesus to be made partakers of his justice, by the which our sins 
are covered and remitted ^ ; and also, that in the Supper, rightly used, 
Christ Jesus is so joined with us, that he becomes the very nourishment 
and food of our souls. Not that we imagine any transubstantiation of 
bread into Christ's natural body, and of wine in his natural blood (as the 
Papists have perniciously taught and damnably believed) ; but this union 
and communion which we have with the body and blood of Christ Jesus 
in the right use of the sacraments, is wrought by operation of the Holy 
Ghost, who by true faith carries us above all things that are visible, 
carnal, and earthly, and makes us to feed upon the body and blood of 
Christ Jesus, which was once broken and shed for us, which now is in the 

^ Cf. The Ninth Head of the Book of Disciphne " Concerning the Policy of the 
Church " {infra, 312). 

^ The ratifications by ParHament in 1560 and 1567 say " two chief." {Acts Pari. Scot., 
ii, 532 ; iii, 20) 

' So also the English Congregation at Geneva had declared that Baptism was ordained 
" to teach us that . . . the virtue of Christ's blood [doth] purge our souls from that 
corruption and deadly poison wherewith by nature we were infected." (Laing's hiiox, 
iv, 188) 



heaven, and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us. And yet, 
notwithstanding the far distance of place, which is betwix his body now 
glorified in the heaven, and us now mortal in this earth, yet we most 
assuredly believe, that the bread which we break is the communion of 
Christ's body, and the cup which we bless is the communion of his blood. 
So that we confess, and undoubtedly believe, that the faithful, in the 
right use of the Lord's Table, so do eat the body, and drink the blood of 
the Lord Jesus, that He remaineth in them and they in Him : yea, that 
they are so made flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bones, that as the 
Eternal Godhead hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus (which of its own 
condition and nature was mortal and corruptible) life and immortality, 
so doth Christ Jesus his flesh and blood eaten and drunken by us, give to 
us the same prerogatives. Which, albeit we confess are neither given 
unto us at that only time, neither yet by the proper power and virtue of 
the Sacraments only ; yet we affirm that the faithful in the right use of 
the Lord's Table have such conjunction with Christ Jesus, as the natural 
man cannot comprehend : yea, and further we affirm, that albeit the 
faithfiil oppressed by negligence, and manly infirmity, do not profit 
so much as they would at the very instant action of the Supper, yet shall 
it after bring forth fruit, as lively seed sown in good ground ; for the Holy 
Spirit, which can never be divided from the right institution of the Lord 
Jesus, will not frustrate the faithful of the fruit of that mystical action. 
But all this, we say, comes by true faith, which apprehendeth Christ Jesus, 
who only makes his Sacraments effectual unto us ; and, therefore, whoso- 
ever slandereth us, as that we affii-med or believed Sacraments to be 
only naked and bare signs, do injury unto us, and speak against a manifest 
truth. But this liberally and frankly we must confess, that we make a 
distinction betwix Christ Jesus, in his natural substance, and betwix the 
elements in the Sacramental signs ; so that we will neither worship the 
signs in place of that which is signified by them ; neither yet do we despise 
and interpret them as unprofitable and vain ; but do use them with all 
reverence, examining ourselves diligently before that so we do, because 
we are assured by the mouth of the Apostle, " That such as eat of that 
bread, and drink of that cup, unworthily, are guilty of the body and blood 
of the Lord Jesus." 

Cap. xxii. Of the Right Administration of the Sacraments 

That Sacraments be rightly ministered, we judge two things requisite : 
the one. That they be ministered by lawful ministers, whom we affirm 
to be only they that are appointed to the preaching of the word, or into 
whose mouths God has put some sermon of exhortation, they being men 
lawfully chosen thereto by some Kirk. The other, That they be ministered 
in such elements, and in such sort as God hath appointed. Else we affirm, 
that they cease to be right Sacraments of Christ Jesus. And, therefore, 
it is, that we flee the society with the Papistical Kirk in participation of 
their Sacraments ; first, because their ministers are no ministers of Christ 
Jesus ; yea (which is more horrible) they suflfer women, whom the Holy 
Ghost will not suffer to teach in the congregation, to baptise. And, 


secondly, Because they have so aduherated, both the one sacrament and 
the other, with their own inventions, that no part of Christ's action abideth 
in the original purity ; for oil, salt, spittle, and suchlike in baptism, are 
but men's inventions ; adoration, veneration, bearing through streets 
and towns, and keeping of bread in boxes or buists,* are profanation 
of Christ's Sacraments, and no use of the same : For Christ Jesus said, 
" Take, eat, &c. ; Do ye this in remembrance of me." By which words 
and charge he sanctified bread and wine to be the sacrament of his body 
and blood ; to the end, that the one should be eaten, and that all should 
drink of the other ; and not that they should be kept to be worshipped and 
honoured as God, as the blind Papists have done heretofore, who also 
have committed sacrilege, stealing from the people the one part of the 
Sacrament, to wit, the blessed cup.^ Moreover, that the Sacraments be 
rightly used, it is required that the end and cause why the Sacraments 
were instituted be understood and observed, as well of the minister as of 
the receivers ; for if the opinion be changed in the receiver, the right use 
ceaseth ; which is most evident by the rejection of the sacrifices (as also 
if the teacher teach false doctrine) which were odious and abominable 
unto God (albeit they were his own ordinances), because that wicked men 
use them to another end than God hath ordained. The same affirm we 
of the sacraments in the Papistical Kirk, in which we affirm the whole 
action of the Lord Jesus to be adulterated, as well in the external form, 
as in the end and opinion. What Christ Jesus did, and commanded to be 
done, is evident by the three Evangelists and by Saint Paul. What the 
priest does at his altar we need not to rehearse. The end and cause of 
Christ's institution, and why the self-same should be used, is expressed in 
these words, " Do this in remembrance of me. As oft as ye shall eat 
of this bread and drink of this cup, ye shall show forth (that is, extol, 
preach, and magnify), the Lord's death till he come." But to what end, 
and in what opinion, the priests say their masses, let the words of the same, 
their own doctors and writings witness, to wit, that they, as mediators 
betwix Christ and his Kirk, do offer unto God the Father a sacrifice 
propitiatory for the sins of the quick and the dead. Which doctrine, as 
blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and making derogation to the sufficiency 
of his only sacrifice, once offered for purgation of all those that shall be 
sanctified, we utterly abhor, detest, and renounce. ^ 

Cap. XXIII. To whom Sacraments appertain 

We Confess and acknowledge that Baptism appertaineth as well to 
the infants of the faithful, as to those that be of age and discretion. And 
so we damn the error of [the] Anabaptists, who deny baptism to appertain 
to children, before that they have faith and understanding. But the 
Supper of the Lord, we confess to appertain only to such as have been of 
the household of faith, [and] can try and examine themselves, as well in 
their faith, as in their duty towards their neighbours. Such as eat [and 
drink] at that holy table without faith, or being at dissension and division 

' chests ^ See supra, i, 151 and note 2 


with their brethren, do eat unworthily : and therefore it is, that in our 
Kirks our Ministers take public and particular examination of the know- 
ledge and conversation of such as are to be admitted to the table of the 
Lord Jesus, 

Gap. XXIV. Of the Civil Magistrate ^ 

We Confess and acknowledge empires, kingdoms, dominions, and cities 
to be distincted and ordained by God : ihe powers and authorities in the 
same (be it of Emperors in their empires, of Kings in their realms, Dukes 
and Princes in their dominions, or of other Magistrates in free cities), 
to be God's holy ordinance, ordained for manifestation of his own glory, 
and for the singular profit and commodity of mankind. So that whoso- 
ever goes about to take away or to confound the whole state of civil 
policies, now long established, we affirm the same men not only to be 
enemies to mankind, but also wickedly to fight against God's expressed 
will. We further Confess and acknowledge, that such persons as are 
placed in authority are to be loved, honoured, feared, and held in most 
reverent estimation ; because [that] they are the lieutenants of God, in 
whose session God himself doth sit and judge (yea even the Judges and 
Princes themselves), to whom by God is given the sword, to the praise 
and defence of good men, and to revenge and punish all open malefactors. 
Moreover, to Kings, Princes, Rulers, and Magistrates, we affirm that 
chiefly and most principally the conservation ^ and purgation of the 
Religion appertains ; so that not only they are appointed for civil policy, 
but also for maintenance of the true Religion,^ and for suppressing of 
idolatry and superstition whatsomever, as in David, Jehoshaphat, Heze- 
kiah, Josiah, and others, highly commended for their zeal in that case, 
may be espied. And therefore we confess and avow, that such as resist 
the supreme power (doing that thing which appertains to his charge), 
do resist God's ordinance, and therefore cannot be guiltless. And further, 
we affirm, that whosoever deny unto them their aid, counsel, and comfort, 
while the Princes and Rulers vigilantly travail in the executing of their 
office, that the same men deny their help, support, and counsel to God, 
who by the presence of his lieutenant craveth it of them. 

Cap. XXV. The Gifts freely given to the Kirk 

Albeit that the word of God truly preached, [and] the Sacraments 
rightly ministered, and discipline executed according to the word of God, 
be the certain and infallible signs of the true Kirk * ; yet do we not so 
mean, that every particular person joined with such a company, be an 

' See Randolph's comments in his letter to Cecil of 7 September 1560 (Calendar 
of Scottish Papers, i, No. 902) 

* In the manuscript (folio 237 verso) originally conversatioun, which has been scored 
through and reformatione added in the margin. The ratifications by Parliament in 1560 
and 1567 say conservation. 

This was again stressed, in like words, by the General .Assembly in 1572. {Booke of 
the Universall Kirk, i, 212) 

' Supra, 266 


elect member of Christ Jesus. For we acknowledge and confess, that 
darnel, cockle, and chaff may be sown, grow, and in great abundance 
lie in the midst of the wheat ; that is, the reprobate may be joined in the 
society of the elect, and may externally use with them the benefits of the 
word and sacraments ; but such being but temporal professors in mouth, 
but not in heart, do fall back and continue not to the end : and therefore 
have they no fruit of Christ's death, resurrection, nor ascension. But such 
as with heart unfeignedly believe, and with mouth boldly confess the 
Lord Jesus (as before we have said), shall most assuredly receive these 
gifts First, In this life, remission of sins, and that by faith only in Christ's 
blood, insamekle, that albeit sin remain and continually abide in these 
our mortal bodies, yet it is not imputed unto us, but is remitted and 
covered with Christ's justice. Secondly, In the general judgment there 
shall be given to every man and woman resurrection of the flesh ; for the 
sea shall give her dead, the earth those that therein be inclosed ; yea, the 
Eternal, our God, shall stretch out his hand upon the dust, and the dead 
shall arise incorruptible, and that in the substance of the [self] same 
flesh that every man now bears, to receive according to their works, glory 
or punishment : for such as now dehght in vanity, cruelty, filthiness, 
superstition, or idolatry, shall be adjudged to the fire inextinguishable, 
in the which they shall be tormented for ever, as well in their own bodies, 
as in their souls, which now they give to serve the devil in all abomination. 
But such as continue in well doing to the end, boldly professing the Lord 
Jesus [we constantly believe, that they shall receive glory, honour, and 
immortality, to reign for ever in life everlasting with Christ Jesus], to 
whose glorified body all his Elect shall be [made] like, when He shall 
appear again to judgment, and shall render up the kingdom to God his 
Father, who then shall be, and ever shall remain all in all things, God 
blessed for ever : To whom, with the Son, and with the Holy Ghost, be 
all honour and glory, now and ever. Amen. 

Arise, Lord, and let thy enemies be confounded : Let them flee from thy 
presence that hate thy godly name : Give thy Servants strength to speak thy word 
in boldness ; and let all Nations attain to thy true knowledge. 

These Acts and Articles were read in facExOF Parliament, and 


* Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 526, 534. In the manuscript (folio 239 recto) the month is given, 
erroneously, as July. 



The Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendents, 


At Edinburgh the qth of March 1560,^ John Knox being 

First was made a Sermon, in the which these Heads were entreated. 
First, The necessity of Ministers and Superintendents. 2 The crimes and 
vices that might unable them [of the ministry]. 3 The virtues required 
in them. And last, whether such as by public consent of the Kirk were 
called to such Office, might refuse the same. 

The Sermon finished, it was declared by the same Minister (maker 
thereof) that the Lords of Secret Council had given charge and power to 
the Kirks of Lothian to choose Mr. John Spottiswoode Superintendent ; 
and that sufficient warning was made by public edict to the Kirks of 
Edinburgh, Linlithgow, Stirling, Tranent, Haddington, and Dunbar ; 
as also to Earls, Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others, having, or who 
might claim to have, vote in Election, to be present that day, at that same 
hour : And, therefore, inquisition was made. Who were present, and 
who were absent. 

After was called the said Mr. John, who answering, the Minister 
demanded if any man knew any crime or offence to the said Mr. John 
that might unable him to be called to that office ? And this he demanded 
thrice. Secondly, Question was moved to the whole multitude, If there 
was any other whom they would put in Election with the said Mr. John. 
The people were asked, If they would have the said Mr. John Super- 
intendent ? If they would honour and obey him as Christ's Minister, 
and comfort and assist him in everything pertaining to his Charge ? 
They Answered. We will ; and we do promise unto him such obedience 
as becometh the sheep to give unto their Pastor, so long as he remains 
faithful in his office. 

' See the note supra, i, 355. See also " Of the Election of Superintendents " in the 
Book of Discipline {infra, 293) ; the election of John Winram to be Superintendent of the 
Diocese of St. Andrews {Reg. Kirk Session of St. Andrews, Scot. Hist. Soc, i, 72-75) ; 
and the Manner of Electing Ministers, Elders, and Deacons in the Order of Geneva. 
(Laing's Knox, iv, 175-177) 

^ 9 March 1561 

' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 5 March 1561, and referring to the election of the 
Superintendents, says, " Mr. Knox thinks his state honourable enough, if God give him 
strength to persist in that vocation that he hath placed him in [i.e. Minister in Edinburgh], 
and will receive no other." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 967) 



The Answers of the People, and their consents received, these Ques- 
tions were proponed unto him that was to be elected : 

Question. Seeing that ye hear the thirst and desire of this people, 
do ye not think yourself bound in conscience before God to support them 
that so earnestly call for your comfort, and for the fruit of your labours ? 

Answer. If anything were in me able to satisfy their desire, I acknow- 
ledge myself bound to obey God calling by them. 

Question. Do ye seek to be promoted to this Office and charge for 
any respect of worldly commodity, riches or glory ? 

Answer. God knows the contrary. 

Question. Believe ye not that the doctrine of the Prophets and 
Apostles, contained in the books of the Old and New Testaments, is the 
only true and most absolute foundation of the universal Kirk of Christ 
Jesus, insamekill ^ that in the same Scriptures are contained all things 
necessary to be believed for the salvation of mankind ? 

Answer. I verily believe the same, and do abhor and utterly refuse 
all Doctrine alleged necessary to Salvation that is not expressly contained 
in the same. 

Question. Is not Christ Jesus Man of Man, according to the flesh, 
to wit, the Son of David, the Seed of Abraham, conceived by the Holy 
Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary his mother, the only Head and Mediator 
of his Kirk ? 

Answer. He is, and without Him there is neither salvation to man, nor 
life to angel. 

Question. Is not the same Lord Jesus [the] only true God, the Eternal 
Son of the Eternal Father, in whom all that shall be saved were elected 
before the foundation of the world was laid ? 

Answer. I confess and acknowledge Him in the unity of his Godhead, 
to be God above all things, blessed for ever. 

Question. Shall not they whom God in his eternal council has elected, 
be called to the knowledge of his Son, our Lord Jesus ? And shall not they, 
who of purpose are elected in this life, be justified ? And is not justifica- 
tion and free remission of sins obtained in this life by free grace ? Shall not 
this glory of the sons of God follow in the general resurrection, when the 
Son of God shall appear in his glorious majesty ? 

Answer. I acknowledge this to be the doctrine' of the Apostles, and 
the most singular comfort of God's children. 

Question. Will ye not contain yourself in all doctrine within the 
bounds of this foundation ? Will ye not study to promote the same, as 
well by your life as by your doctrine ? Will ye not, according to the graces 
and utterance that God shall grant unto you, profess, instruct, and main- 
tain the purity of the doctrine, contained in the sacred Word of God ? 
And, to the uttermost of your power, will ye not gainstand and convince 
the gainsayers and teachers of men's inventions ? 

Answer. That I do promise in the presence of God, and of his 
congregation here assembled. 

Question. Know ye not that the excellency of this office, to the 

* insomuch 


which God has called you, requires that your conversation and behaviour 
be such as that ye may be irreprehensible ; yea, even in the eyes of the 
ungodly ? 

Answer. I unfeignedly acknowledge, and humbly desire the Kirk 
of God to pray with me, that my life be not scandalous to the glorious 
Evangel of Jesus Christ. 

Question. Because ye are a man compassed with infirmities, will ye 
not charitably, and with lowliness of spirit, receive admonition of your 
Brethren ? And if ye shall happen to slide, or offend in any point, will 
ye not be subject to the Discipline of the Kirk, as the rest of your Brethren ? 

The Answer of the Superintendent, or Minister to be elected. I 
acknowledge myself to be a man subject to infirmity, and one that has 
need of correction and admonition ; and therefore I most willingly submit 
and subject myself to the wholesome discipline of the Kirk ; yea, to the 
discipline of the same Kirk by the which I am now called to this office and 
charge ; and here in God's presence and yours do promise obedience to all 
admonitions, secretly or publicly given ; unto the which, if I be found 
inobedient, I confess myself most worthy to be ejected not only from this 
honour, but also from the society of the Faithful, in case of my stubborn- 
ness. For the vocation of God to bear charge within his Kirk, maketh 
not men tyrants, nor lords, but appointeth them Servants, Watchmen, and 
Pastors of the Flock. 

This ended. Question must be asked ^gain of the multitude. 

Question. Require ye any further of this your Superintendent ? 

If no man answer, let the Minister proceed. Will ye not acknowledge 
this your Brother for the Minister of Christ Jesus ? Will ye not reverence 
the word of God that proceeds from his mouth ? Will ye not receive of 
him the sermon of exhortation with patience, not refusing the wholesome 
medicine of your souls, although it be bitter and unpleasing to the flesh ? 
Will ye not finally maintain and comfort him in his ministry, against all 
such as wdckedly would rebel against God and his holy ordinance ? 

The people answereth. We will, as we will answer to the Lord Jesus, 
who has commanded his Ministers to be had in reverence, as his am- 
bassadors, and as men that carefully watch for the salvation of our souls. 

Let the Nobility also be urged with this. Ye have heard the duty and 
profession of this your Brother, by your consents appointed to this charge ; 
as also the duty and obedience which God requireth of us towards him 
here in his ministry : But because that neither of both are able to perform 
anything without the especial grace of our God in Christ Jesus, who 
has promised to be with us present, even to the consummation of the 
woi'ld ; with unfeigned hearts, let us crave of Him his benediction and 
assistance in this work begun to his glory, and for the comfort of his Kirk. 

The Prayer 

O Lord, to whom all power is given in heaven, and in earth. Thou that 
art the Eternal Son of the Eternal Father, who has not only so loved thy 
Kirk, that for the redemption and purgation of the same. Thou hast 
humbled Thyself to the death of the Cross ; and thereupon has shed thy 


most innocent blood, to prepare to Thyself a Spouse without spot ; but 
also, to retain this thy most excellent benefit in memory, has appointed 
in thy Kirk, Teachers, Pastors, and Apostles, to instruct, comfort, and 
admonish the same : Look upon us mercifully, O Lord, Thou that only 
art King, Teacher, and High Priest to thy own flock ; and send unto this 
our Brother, whom in Thy name we have charged with the chief care of 
thy Kirk, within the bounds of Lothian, such portion of thy Holy Spirit, 
as thereby he may rightly divide thy word to the instruction of thy flock, 
and to the confutation of pernicious errors, and damnable superstitions. 
Give unto him, good Lord, a mouth and wisdom, whereby the enemies 
of thy truth may be confounded, the wolves expelled, and driven from thy 
fold, thy sheep may be fed in the wholesome pastures of thy most holy 
word, the blind and ignorant may be illuminated with thy true knowledge : 
Finally, That the dregs of superstition and idolatry which yet rest within 
this Realm, being purged and removed, we may all not only have occasion 
to glorify Thee our only Lord and Saviour, but also daily to grow in 
godliness and obedience of thy most holy will, to the destruction of the 
body of sin, and to the restitution of that image to the which we were once 
created, and to the which, after our fall and defection, we are renewed 
by participation of thy Holy Spirit, which by true faith in Thee, we do 
profess as the blessed of thy Father, of whom the perpetual increase of thy 
graces we crave, as by Thee our Lord and King, and only Bishop, we are 
taught to pray, saying, " Our Father that art in heaven, &c." 

The prayer ended, the rest of the Ministers, if any be, and Elders of 
that Kirk present, in sign of their consents, shall take the elected by the 
hand, and then the chief Minister shall give the benediction, as follows : 

God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who has commanded his 
Evangel to be preached, to the comfort of his Elect, and has called thee 
to the office of a Watchman over his people, multiply his graces with thee, 
illuminate thee with his Holy Spirit, comfort and strengthen thee in all 
virtue, govern and guide thy ministry, to the praise of his holy Name, to 
the propagation of Christ's kingdom, to the comfort of his Kirk, and 
finally, to the plain discharge and assurance of thy own conscience in the 
day of the Lord Jesus ; to whom, with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, 
be all honour, praise, and glory, now and ever. So be it. 

The last Exhortation to the Elected 

Take heed to thy self, and unto the Flock committed to thy charge ; 
feed the same carefully, not as it were of compulsion, but of very love, 
which thou bearest to the Lord Jesus. Walk in simplicity and pureness 
of life, as it becometh the true servant and ambassador of the Lord Jesus. 
Usurp not dominion nor tyi'annical empire over thy brethren. Be not 
discouraged in adversity, but lay before thyself the example of Prophets, 
Apostles, and of the Lord Jesus, who in their ministry sustained contra- 
diction, contempt, persecution and death. Fear not to rebuke the world 
of sin, justice, and judgment. If anything succeed prosperously in thy 


vocation, be not puffed up with pride ; neither yet flatter thyself as that 
the good success proceeded from thy virtue, industry, or care : But let 
ever that sentence of the Apostle remain in thy heart ; " What has thou, 
which thou has not received ? If thou hast received, why gloriest thou ? " 
Comfort the afflicted, support the poor, and exhort others to support them. 
Be not solist ^ for things of this life, but be fervent in prayer to God for 
increase of his Holy Spirit. And finally, behave thyself in this holy voca- 
tion with such sobriety as God may be glorified in thy ministry : And so 
shall thou shortly obtain the victory, and shall receive the crown promised, 
when the Lord Jesus shall appear in his glory, whose Omnipotent Spirit 
assist thee and us unto the end. Amen. 
Then sing the 23rd Psalm. 

The Order of the Election of Elders and Deacons in the privy 
Kirk of Edinburgh, in the beginning, w^hen as yet there was 
no public face of a kirk, nor open assemblies, but secret and 
PRIVY Conventions in Houses, or in the Fields. 

Before that there was any public face of a true Religion within this 
Realm, it pleased God of his great mercy, to illuminate the hearts of many 
private persons, so that they did perceive and understand the abuses that 
were in the Papistical Kirk, and thereupon withdrew themselves from 
participation of their idolatry. And because the Spirit of God will never 
suffer his own to be idle and void of all religion, men began to exercise 
themselves in reading of the Scriptuies secretly within their own houses ; 
and variety of persons could not be kept in good obedience and honest 
fame, without Overseers, Elders, and Deacons : And so began that small 
flock to put themselves in such order, as if Christ Jesus had plainly 
triumphed in the midst of them by the power of his Evangel. And they 
did elect some to occupy the supreme place of exhortation and reading, 
some to be Elders and helpers unto them, for the oversight of the flock : 
And some to be Deacons for the collection of alms to be distributed to the 
poor of their own body. Of this small beginning is that Order, which 
now God of his great mercy has given unto us publicly within this Realm. 
Of the principals of them that were known to be men of good conversation 
and honest fame in the privy Kirk, were chosen Elders and Deacons to 
rule with the Minister in the public Kirk ; which burden they patiently 
sustained a year and more : And then, because they could not (without 
neglecting of their own private houses) longer wait upon the public charge, 
they desired that they might be relieved, and that others might be bur- 
dened in their room : Which was thought a petition reasonable of the 
whole Kirk. And therefore it was granted unto them that they should 
nominate and give up in election such personages as they in their con- 
sciences thought most apt and able to serve in that charge ; providing 
that they should nominate double more persons than were sufficient to 
serve in that charge, to the end that the whole Congregation might have 
their free vote in their Election. 

' MildtOUS 


And this Order has been ever observed since that time in the Kirk 
of Edinburgh ; that is, that the old Session before their departure nominate 
twenty-four in Election for Elders, of whom twelve are to be chosen, and 
thirty-two for Deacons, of whom sixteen are to be elected ; which persons 
are publicly proclaimed in the audience of the whole Kirk, upon a Sunday 
before noon, after sermon ; with admonition to the Kirk, that if any man 
knew any notorious crime or cause that might unable any of these persons 
to enter in such vocation, that they should notify the same unto the 
Session the next Thursday : Or if any knew any persons more able for 
that charge, they should notify the same unto the Session, to the end that 
no man either present or absent (being one of the Kirk) should complain 
that he was spoiled of his liberty in election. 

The Sunday following before noon, in the end of the Sermon, the whole 
Communicants are commanded to be present after noon, to give their 
votes, as they will answer before God, to such as they esteem most able 
to bear the charge of the Kirk with the Ministers. The votes of all being 
received, the scrolls of all are delivered to any of the Ministers, who keeps 
the same secret from the sight -of all men till the next Thursday ; and 
then in the Session he produces them, that the votes may be counted, 
where the moniest ^ votes, without respect of persons, have the first place 
in the Eldership, and so proceeding till the number of twelve be complete ; 
so that if a poor man exceed the rich man in votes, he precedes him in 
place ; and it is called the first, second, and third Elder, even as the votes 
answereth. And this same is observed in the election of Deacons. 

The Friday after the judgment is taken what persons are elected for 
Elders and Deacons to serve for that year, the Minister after his sermon 
reads the same names publicly, and gives commandment openly, that such 
persons be present the next Sunday at sermon before noon, in the place 
to be appointed for them, to accept of that charge that God by plurality 
of votes had laid upon them. Who being convened, the Minister after 
sermon reads the names publicly, the absents (if any be) are noted, and 
those who are present are admonished to consider the dignity of that 
vocation, whereunto God has called them ; the duty that they owe to 
the people ; the danger that lies upon them, if they be found negligent 
in their vocation : And finally, the duty of the people towards the persons 
elected. Which being done, this Prayer is read : ' 

The Prayer in the Election of the Elders 

O Eternal and everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who, 
of thy infinite goodness and mercy, has chosen to thyself a Kirk of the lost 
seed of Adam, which Thou hast ever ruled by the inspiration of Thy Holy 
Spirit ; and yet not the less, hast always used the ministry of men, as well 
in preaching of thy word, and administration of thy sacraments, as in 
guiding of thy flock, and providing for the poor within the same, as in 
the Law, Prophets, and in thy glorious Evangel we have witnesses : 
Which order, O Lord, Thou of thy mercy hast now restored unto us again 

' most 


after that the public face of the Kirk has been deformed by the tyranny 
of that Roman Antichrist. Grant unto us, O heavenly Father, hearts 
thankful for the benefits which we have received, and give unto these our 
brethren, elected unto these charges within thy Kirk, such abundance of 
thy Holy Spirit, that they may be found vigilant and faithful in that 
vocation whereunto Thou of thy mercy hast called them. And albeit, 
O Lord, these small beginnings are contemned of the proud world, yet, 
O Lord, do Thou for thy own mercy's sake, bless the same in such sort that 
thy godly name may be glorified, superstition and idolatry may be rooted 
out, and virtue may be planted, not only in this generation, but also in the 
posterity to come. Amen. Grant us this, merciful Father, for Christ Jesus 
thy Son's sake, in whose name we call unto Thee, as He has taught us, 
saying. Our Father, &c. 

And so after the rehearsal of the belief, ai ter the which shall be sung 
this portion of the 103 Psalm, verse 19. The heavens high are made the seat,^ 
and so forth to the end of that Psalm. After the which shall this short 
Admonition be given to the elected : 

Magnify God, who has of his mercy called you to rule within his Kirk : 
Be thankful in your vocation : Show yourselves zealous to promote 
verity : Fear not the faces of the wicked, but rebuke their wickedness : 
Be merciful to the poor, and support them to the uttermost of your power ; 
and so shall ye receive the benediction of God, present and everlasting. 
God save the King's Majesty,^ and give unto him the Spirit of sanctifica- 
tion in his young age : Bless his Regent, ^ and such as assist him in upright 
counsel, and either fruitfully convert, or suddenly confound the enemies 
of true relisrion, and of this afflicted Commonwealth. Amen. 


' That is, according to the old version of the Psalms, by Sternhold and others, which 
continued in general use until the authorization of the present version in May 1650. 
(See the note in Laing's edition of The Gude and Godlie Ballates (Edinburgh 1868), Preface, 

'' These words must have been introduced after Mary's surrender of the Crown, 24 
July 1567. 




[the] regiment,^ by THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, AND BY THE 

From your Honours we received a charge,* dated at Edinburgh, 
29 April, in the year of God 1560, requiring and commanding us, 
in the name of the Eternal God, as we will answer in his presence, to 
commit to writing, and in a Book to deliver unto your Wisdoms our judg- 
ments touching the Reformation of Religion, which heretofore in this 
Realm (as in others), has been utterly corrupted. Upon the receipt 
whereof, so many of us as were in this town ^ did convene, and in unity 
of mind do offer unto your Wisdoms these Heads subsequent for common 
order and uniformity to be observed in this Realm, concerning Doctrine, 
administration of Sacraments, [election of Ministers, provision for their 
sustentation],^ Ecclesiastical Discipline, and Policy of the Kirk. Most 
humbly requiring your Honours that, as ye look for participation with 
Christ Jesus, that neither ye admit anything which God's plain word 
shall not approve, neither yet that ye shall reject such ordinances as 

' See supra, i, 374 

^ No title is given in the manuscript. Knox " registered " The Book of Discipline 
in his History in order that " posterity to come may judge as jvell what the worldlings 
refused as what Policy the godly Ministers required " {supra, i, 374). Although Vautrollier's 
edition of the History contained part of the Book of Discipline (see infra, 288, note 3, and 
Laing's Knox, i, xxxii, xxxix-xlii) the whole Book was not published until 1621 when 
it was apparently printed in Holland and published anonymously by David Calderwood 
the historian. (Laing's Knox, ii, 183, note) 

* Writing to Railton on 23 October 1559, Knox informs him of the deposition of the 
Queen Regent {supra, i, 251-255) and adds " There shall be appointed to occupy the 
authority a great Council ; die president and chief head whereof shall be my Lord Duke 
[Chatelherault] ". (Laing's Knox, vi, 86-87) See also, supra, i, 256, note i. 

* Cf. supra, i, 343 and note 3 

' That is, Edinburgh. {Cf. infra, 323) On 8 May 1560, Knox is said to have 
returned to Edinburgh " by the space of xv days last bypast." {Edinburgh Burgh Records, 
iii, 64) 

These words are omitted in the manuscript, but are contained in Vautrollier'.*- 
edition and in the edition of 1621. 



equity, justice, and God's word do specify. For as we will not bind your 
Wisdoms to our judgments, further than we be able to prove the same by 
God's plain Scriptures,^ so must we most hiimbly crave of you, even as 
ye will answer in God's presence (before whom both ye and we must 
appear to render account of all our facts), that ye repudiate nothing, for 
pleasure nor affection of men, which ye be not able to improve ^ by God's 
written and revealed Word. 


The First Head, of Doctrine, 

Seeing that Christ Jesus is He whom God the Father has commanded 
only to be heard, and followed of his sheep, we urge it necessary that his 
Evangel be truly and openly preached in every Kirk and Assembly of this 
Realm ; and that all doctrine repugning to the same be utterly suppressed 
as damnable to man's salvation. 

77?^ Explication of the First Head 

Lest upon this our generality ungodly men take occasion to cavil, 
this we add for explication. By preaching of the Evangel, we understand 
not only the Scriptures of the New Testament, but also of the Old ; to 
wit, the Law, Prophets, and Histories, in which Christ Jesus is no less 
contained in figure, than we have Him now expressed in verity. And, 
therefore, with the Apostle, we afhrm that " All Scripture inspired of God 
is profitable to instruct, to reprove, and to exhort." In which Books of 
Old and New Testaments we affirm that all things necessary for the 
instruction of the Kirk, and to make the man of God perfect, are contained 
and sufficiently expressed.^ 

By the contrary' Doctrine, we understand whatsoever men, by Laws, 
Councils, or Constitutions have imposed upon the consciences of men, 
without the expressed commandment of God's word : such as be vows 
of chastity, foreswearing of marriage, binding of men and women to 
several and disguised apparels, to the superstitious observation of fasting 
days, difference of meat for conscience sake, prayer for the dead ; and 
keeping of holy days of certain Saints commanded by man, such as be all 
those that the Papists have invented, as the Feasts (as they term them) of 
Apostles, Martyrs, Virgins, of Christmas, Circumcision, Epiphany, 
Purification, and other fond feasts of our Lady. Which things, because 
in God's scriptures they neither have commandment nor assurance, we 
judge them utterly to be abolished from this Realm ; affirming further, 
that the obstinate maintainers and teachers of such abominations ought 
not to escape the punishment of the Civil Magistrate. 

* A similar reliance upon the Word of God is claimed for the Confession of Faith. 
(Supra, 258) ^ disprove 

' See the like affirmation in the Confession of Faith. {Supra, 266) 


The Second Head, of Sacraments. 

To Christ Jesus his holy Evangel truly preached, of necessity it is 
that his holy Sacraments be annexed, and truly ministered, as seals and 
visible confirmations of the spiritual promises contained in the word. And 
The they be two, to wit. Baptism, and the Holy Supper of the Lord Jesus : 

number of which are then rightly ministered when, by a lawful Minister, the people, 
JJ^gJ^^'^ before the administration of the same, are plainly instructed and put in 
mind of God's free grace and mercy offered unto the penitent in Christ 
Jesus ; when God's promises are rehearsed, the end and use of the Sacra- 
ments declared, and that in such a tongue as the people do understand ; 
when further to them is nothing added, from them nothing diminished, 
and in their practice nothing changed beside ^ the institution of the Lord 
Jesus, and practice of his holy Apostles. 

And albeit the Order of Geneva,^ which now is used in some of our 
kirks, is sufficient to instruct the diligent reader how that both these 
Sacraments may be rightly ministered, yet for an uniformity to be kept, 
we have thought good to add this as superabundant. 

In Baptism, we acknowledge nothing to be used except the element 
of water only (that the word and declaration of the promises ought to 
precede, we have said before). Wherefore, whosoever presumeth in 
baptism to use oil, salt, wax, spittle, conjuration, or crossing, accuseth 
the perfect institution of Christ Jesus of imperfection ; for it was void of all 
such inventions devised by men. And such as would presume to alter 
Christ's perfect ordinance you ought severely to punish. 

The Table of the Lord is then most rightly ministered when it ap- 
proacheth most nigh to Christ's own action. But plain it is, that at that 
Supper Christ Jesus sat with his disciples, and therefore do we judge that 
sitting at a table is most convenient to that holy action ^ : that bread 
and wine ought to be there ; that thanks ought to be given ; distribution 
of the same made ; and commandment given that the bread should be 
taken and eaten ; and that all should drink likewise of the cup of wine, 
with declaration what both the one and the other is, [which] we suppose 
no godly man will doubt. For as touching the damnable error of the 

' beyond ; that is, awayjrom ;^^ 

" That is, " The Form of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments, etc. used in 
the English Church at Geneva." It was approved and accepted by the Church of Scot- 
land ; and the Geneva edition of 1556 was reprinted at Edinburgh in 1562. (See Laing's 
Knox, iv, 141-214 ; vi, 275-333) Although, in a later passage, it is referred to as " the 
Book oi our Common Order, called the Order of Geneva " {infra, 296), and " our Book of 
Common Order ' ' {infra, 3 1 3) , its authority was not declared by the General Assembly until 
1562. {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 30) Later in 1564, enlarged and reprinted with 
the metrical Psalms, it was again prescribed by the General Assembly {ibid., i, 54). 
As the Book of Common Order, or " Knox's Liturgy " it was a guide to the Minister 
rather than a liturgy : and Calderwood states "None are tyed to the prayers of that book; 
but the prayers are set down as samplers." Laud's attempt to introduce a more set 
liturgical form in the Scottish Church and the method of the attempted introduction 
formed the background of the well-known events of 1637 and 1638. 

' In a later passage {infra, 321) " tables for the ministration of the Lord's Supper" 
are included in the necessary furnishings of a church. 


Papists, who can defraud the common people of the one part of that holy 
Sacrament, to wit, of the cup of the Lord's blood, we suppose their error 
to be so manifest that it needeth no confutation. Neither yet intend we 
to confute anything in this our simple confession, but to offer public dis- 
putation to all that list oppugn anything affirmed by us. 

That the Minister break the bread, and distribute the same to those 
that be next unto him, commanding the rest, every one with reverence 
and sobriety, to break with other, we think it nighest to Christ's action, 
and to the perfect practice of the Apostles, as we read it in Saint Paul. 
During the which action, we think it necessary that some comfortable 
places of the Scriptures be read, which may bring in mind the death of 
Christ Jesus, and the benefit of the same. For seeing that in that action 
we ought chiefly to remember the Lord's death, we judge the Scriptures 
making mention of the same most apt to stir up our dull minds then, and 
at all times. Let the discretion of the ministers appoint the places to be 
read as they think good. What times we think most convenient for the 
administration of the one and of the other of these Sacraments, shall be 
declared in the Policy of the Kirk. ^ 

The Third Head, touching the Abolishing of idolatry. 

As we require Christ Jesus to be truly preached, and his holy Sacra- 
ments to be rightly ministered ; so can we not cease to require idolatry, 
with all monuments and places of the same, as abbeys, monasteries, 
friaries, nunneries, chapels, chantries, cathedral kirks, canonries, colleges, 
other than presently ^ are parish Kirks or Schools, to be utterly suppressed 
in all bounds and places of this Realm (except only the palaces, mansions, 
and dwelling places adjacent thereto, with orchards and yards of the 
same) : as also that idolatry may be removed from the presence of all 
persons, of what estate or condition that ever they be, within this 

For let your Honours be assuredly persuaded, that where idolatry is 
maintained or permitted where it may be suppressed, that there shall 
God's wrath reign, not only upon the blind and obstinate idolater, but 
also upon the negligent sufferers of the same ; especially if God have 
armed their hands with power to suppress such abomination. 

By idolatry we understand, the Mass, invocation of saints, adoration 
of images, and the keeping and retaining of the same ; and, finally, all 
honouring of God not contained in his holy Word.^ 

The Fourth Head, concerning Ministers and their Lawful 


In a Kirk reformed or tending to reformation, none ought to presume 
either to preach, either yet to minister the Sacraments, till that orderly 
they be called to the same. Ordinary vocation consisteth in Election, 

See fn/ra, 313 '^ at present 

' Cf. the definition of" Evil Works " in the Confession of Faith {supra, 264). 
(653) VOL n 19 


Examination, and Admission. And because that Election of Ministers 
in this cursed Papistry has altogether been abused, we think expedient to 
entreat it more largely. 

It appertaineth to the people, and to every several congregation, to 
elect their Minister. And in case that they be found negligent therein 
the space of forty days, the best reformed kirk, to wit, the church of the 
Superintendent with his Council, may present unto them a man whom 
they judge apt to feed the flock of Christ Jesus, who must be examined 
as well in life and manners, as in doctrine and knowledge. 

And that this may be done with more exact diligence, the persons that 
are to be examined must be commanded to compear before men of soundest 
judgment, remaining in some principal town next adjacent unto them : 
as they that be in Fife, Angus, Mearns, or Strathearn, to present 
themselves in Saint Andrews ; those that be in Lothian, Merse, or 
Teviotdale, to Edinburgh ; and likewise those that be in other countries 
must resort to the best reformed cities or towns, that is, to the city of the 
Superintendent. Where first in the schools, or failing thereof in open 
assembly, and before the congregation, they must give declaration of their 
gifts, utterance, and knowledge, by interpreting some place of Scripture 
to be appointed by the ministry. Which, being ended, the person that is 
presented, or that offered himself to the administration of the kirk, must 
be examined by the ministers and elders of the kirk, and that openly, and 
before all that list to hear, in all the chief points that now lie in controversy 
betwix us and the Papists, Anabaptists, Arians, or other such enemies to 
the Christian religion. In which, if he be found sound, able to persuade 
by wholesome doctrine, and to convince the gainsayers, then must he be 
directed to the Kirk and Congregation where he should serve, that there, 
in open audience of his flock, in divers public sermons, he may give con- 
fession of his faith in the articles of Justification, of the oflflce of Christ Jesus, 
of the number, effect, and use of the Sacraments ; and, finally, of the whole 
religion which heretofore hath been corrupted by the Papists. 

If his doctrine be found wholesome, and able to instruct the simple, 
and if the Kirk justly can reprehend nothing in his life, doctrine, nor 
utterance, then we judge the kirk, which before was destitute, unreason- 
able if they refuse him whom the Kirk did offer ; and that they should be 
compelled, by the censure of the Council and Kirk, 'to receive the person 
appointed and approved by the judgment of the godly and learned ; unless 
that the same kirk have presented a man better or as well qualified to 
the examination, before that this foresaid trial was taken of the person 
presented by the council of the whole Kirk. As, for example, the Council 
of the Kirk presents to any kirk a man to be their minister, not knowing 
that they are otherwise provided : in the meantime, the kirk is provided 
of another, sufficient in their judgment for that charge, whom they present 
to the learned Ministers and next reformed kirk to be examined. In this 
case the presentation of the people, to whom he should be appointed 
pastor, must be preferred to the presentation of the Council or greater 
Kirk ; unless the person presented by the inferior kirk be judged unable 
for the regiment by the learned. For altogether this is to be avoided, that 
any man be violently intruded or thrust in upon any Congregation. But 


this liberty with all care must be reserved to every several kirk, to have 
their votes and suffrages in election of their Ministers. But violent in- 
trusion we call [it] not, when the Council of the Kirk, in the fear of God, 
and for the salvation of the people, offereth unto them a sufficient man to 
instruct them ; whom they shall not be forced to admit before just 
examination, as before is said. 

IV (2). What may unable any person that he may not be 


It is to be observed that no person, noted with public infamy, or being 
unable to edify the Kirk by wholesome doctrine, or being known [to be] 
of corrupt judgment, be either promoted to the regiment of the Kirk, 
or yet received in ecclesiastical administration. 


By public infamy we understand not the common sins and offences 
which any has committed in time of blindness,^ by fragility (if of the 
same, by a better and more sober conversation, he hath declared himself 
verily penitent) ; but such capital crimes as the civil sword ought and 
may punish with death by the word of God. For besides that the Apostle 
requireth the life of Ministers to be so irreprehensible that they have a 
good testimony from those that be without, we judge it a thing unseemly 
and dangerous that he shall have public authority to preach to others the 
life everlasting from whom the civil Magistrate may take the life temporal 
for a crime publicly committed. And if any object, that the Prince has 
pardoned his offence, and that he has publicly repented, and so is not only 
his life in assurance, but also that he may be received to the Ministry of the 
Kirk, we answer. That repentance does not take away the temporal 
punishment of the law, neither doth the pardon of the Prince remove his 
infamy before man. 

That the life and conversation of the person presented, or to be elected, 
may be the more clearly known, public edicts must be directed to all 
parts of this Realm, or at the least to those parts where the person hath 
been most conversant as where he was nourished in letters, or where he 
continued from the years of infancy, and childhood was passed. Strait 
commandment would be given, that if any capital crimes were committed 
by him, that they should be notified ; as, if he hath committed wilful 
murder, adultery, [were] a common fornicator, if he were a thief, a 
drunkard, a fighter, brawler, or contentious person. These edicts ought 
to be notified in the chief cities, with the like charge and commandment, 
with declaration that such as concealed his sins known did deceive and 
betray (so far as in them lay) the Kirk, which is the spouse of Jesus Christ, 
and did communicate with the sins of that wicked man. 

^ A similar exception of " sins committed in our former blindness " is given in the 
section devoted to Marriage. {Infra, 319) 


IV (3). Admission of Ministers ^ 

The admission of Ministers to their offices must consist in consent of 
the people and Kirk whereto they shall be appointed, and in approbation 
of the learned Ministers appointed for their examination. 

We judge it expedient that the admission of Ministers be in open 
audience ; that some especial Minister make a sermon touching the duty 
and office of Ministers, touching their manners, conversation, and life ; 
as also touching the obedience which the Kirk oweth to its Ministers. 
Commandment should be given as well to the Minister as unto the people, 
both being present, to wit, that he with all careful diligence attend upon 
the flock of Christ Jesus, over the which he is appointed preacher : that 
he will walk in the presence of God so sincerely that the graces of the Holy 
Spirit may be multiplied into him ; and in the presence of men so soberly 
and uprightly that his life may confirm, in the eyes of men, that which 
by tongue and word he persuadeth unto others. The people would be 
exhorted to reverence and honour their Ministers chosen, as the servants 
and ambassadors of the Lord Jesus, obeying the commandments which 
they pronounce from God's mouth and book, even as they would obey 
God himself ^ ; for whosoever heareth Christ's Ministers heareth himself, 
and whosoever rejecteth them, and despiseth their ministry and exhorta- 
tion, rejecteth and despiseth Chi-ist Jesus. 

Other ceremony than the public approbation of the people, and 
declaration of the chief minister, that the person there presented is 
appointed to serve that Kirk, we cannot approve ; for albeit the Apostles 
used the imposition of hands, yet seeing the miracle is ceased, the using 
of the ceremony we judge is not necessary. 

The Minister, elected or presented, examined, and, as said is, publicly 
admitted, must neither leave the flock at his pleasure, to the which he has 
promised his fidelity and labours, neither yet may the flock reject nor 
change him at their appetite, unless they be able to convict him of such 
crimes as deserve deposition ; whereof we shall after speak. We mean 
not but that the whole Kirk, or the most part thereof, for just considerations, 
may transfer a Minister from one kirk to another ; neither yet mean we 
that men who now do serve, as it were of benevolence, may not be appointed 
and elected to serve in other places ; but once being solemnly elected and 
admitted, we cannot approve that they should change at their own 

We are not ignorant that the rarity of godly and learned men shall 
seem to seme a just reason why that so strait and sharp examination 
should not be taken universally ; for so it shall appear that the most part 
of the kirks shall have no Minister at all. But let these men understand 
that the lack of able men shall not excuse us before God if, by our consent, 
unable men be placed over the flock of Christ Jesus ; as also that, amongst 

' Cf. the Geneva form in Laing's Knox, iv, 174-176. 

^ Unfortunately the pronouncements of the ministers, resting upon their individual 
interpretations of " God's mouth and book," later tended to be political in character, 
and so led to that struggle which has been aptly described as one between the " Divine 
Right of Kings " and the " Divine Right of Presbyteries." 



the Gentiles, godly, learned men were as rare as they be now amongst us, 
when the Apostle gave the same rule to try and examine Ministers which 
we now follow. And last, let them understand that it is alike to have 
no minister at all, and to have an idol in the place of a true minister, yea 
and in some cases, it is worse : for those that be utterly destitute of 
ministers will be diligent to search for them ; but those that have a vain 
shadow do commonly, without further care, content themselves with the 
same, and so remain they continually deceived, thinking that they have 
a Minister, when in very deed they have none. For we cannot judge him 
a dispensator of God's mysteries that in no wise can break the bread of 
life to the fainting and hungry souls ; neither judge we that the Sacra- 
ments can be rightly ministered by him, in whose mouth God has put no 
sermon of exhortation. 

The chiefest remedy left to your Honours and to us, in all this rarity 
of true ministers, is fervent prayer unto God that it will please his mercy 
to thrust out ^ faithful workmen into this his harvest ; and next, that 
your Honours, with consent of the Kirk, are bound by your authority to 
compel such men as have gifts and graces able to edify the Kirk of God 
that they bestow them where greatest necessity shall be known. For no 
man may be permitted to live idle, or as himself list, but must be appointed 
to travail where your Wisdoms and the Kirk shall think expedient. 

We cannot prescribe unto your Honours certain rule how that ye 
shall distribute the ministers and learned men whom God has already 
sent unto you. But hereof we are assured, that it greatly hindereth the 
progress of Christ's Evangel within this poor Realm that some altogether 
abstract their labours from the Kirk, and others remain together in one 
place, the most part of them being idle. And therefore of your Honours 
we require, in God's name, that by your authority which ye have of God, ye 
compel all men to whom God has given any talent to persuade, by whole- 
some doctrine, to bestow the same, if they be called by the Kirk to the 
advancement of Christ's glory, and to the comfort of his troubled flock ; 
and that ye, with the consent of the Kirk, assign unto your chiefest work- 
men, not only towns to remain into, but also provinces, that by their 
faithful labours kirks may be erected, and order established, where none 
is now. And if on this manner ye will use your power and authority, 
chiefly seeking God's glory, and the comfort of your brethren, we doubt 
not but God shall bless you and your enterprises. 

IV (4). For Readers 

To the kirks where no ministers can be had presently, must be 
appointed the most apt men that distinctly can read the Common Prayers 
and the Scriptures, to exercise both themselves and the kirk, till they 
grow to greater perfection ; and in process of time he that is but a Reader 
may attain to the further degree, and by consent of the kirk and discreet 
ministers, may be permitted to minister the sacraments ; but not before 
that he be able somewhat to persuade by wholesome doctrine, besides his 

' thrust forward 



reading, and be admitted to the ministry, as before is said. Some we know 
that of long time have professed Christ Jesus, whose honest conversation 
deserved praise of all godly men, and whose knowledge also might greatly 
help the simple, and yet they only content themselves with reading. These 
must be animated, and by gentle admonition encouraged, by some 
exhortation to comfort their brethren, and so they may be admitted to 
administration of the sacraments.^ But such Readers as neither have 
had exercise, nor continuance in Christ's true religion, must abstain from 
ministration of the sacraments till they give declaration and witnessing 
of their honesty and further knowledge. 

* For the Lords think that none be admitted to preach, but they 
that are qualified therefor, but rather be retained readers ; and such as 
are preachers already, not found qualified therefor by the Superintendent, 
be placed to be readers.^ 

The Fifth Head, concerning the Provision for the Ministers, 
AND for the Distribution of the Rents and Possessions justly 


Seeing that of our Master Christ Jesus and his Apostle Paul we have, 
" That the workman is worthy of his reward," and that, " The mouth 
of the labouring ox ought not to be muzzled," of necessity it is that honest 
provision be made for the Ministers, which we require to be such that 
they have neither occasion of solicitude, neither yet of insolence and 
wantonness. And this provision must be made not only for their own 
sustentation during their lives but also for their wives and children after 
them. For we judge it a thing most contrarious to reason, godliness, and 
equity, that the widow and children of him who, in ^ his life, did faithfully 
serve the Kirk of God, and for that cause did not carefully make provision 
for his family, should, after his death, be left comfortless of all provision. 

* Provision for the wives of Ministers after their decease, to be remitted 
to the discretion of the Kirk. 

Difficult it is to appoint a several stipend to every Minister, by reason 
that the charges and necessity of all will not be like ; for some will be 
continuers in one place, [and] some will be compelled to travel, and oft 
to change dwelling place (if they shall have charge of divers kirks). 
Amongst these, some will be burdened with wife and children, and one 
with more than another ; and some perchance will be single men. If 
equal stipends should be appointed to all those that in charge are so 
unequal, either should the one suffer penury, or else should the other have 
superfluity and too much. 

* We judge, therefore, that every Minister have sufficient whereupon 
to keep an house, and be sustained honestly in all things necessary, as well 

' This implies the intermediate office oi Exhorter. (See infra, 290) 

* This is the first of the "notes and additions" referred to in the "Act of Secret 
Council" of 27 January 1561. {Infra, 324) 

* Vautrollier's suppressed edition ends at this point with the words, " the widow and 
the children of him who in." 


for keeping of his house, as clothes, flesh, fish, books, fuel, and other things 
necessary, forth of the rents and treasury of the kirk, where he serveth, 
at the discretion of the congregation, conform to the quality of the person 
and necessity of the time. Wherein it is thought good that every Minister 
shall have at least forty bolls [of] meal, and twenty-six bolls [of] malt, 
to find his house bread and drink ^ ; and more, sa mekill as the discretion 
of the kirk finds necessary ; besides money for buying of other provision 
to his house, and other necessaries, the modification whereof is referred 
to the judgment of the kirk, to be made every year at the choosing of the 
elders and deacons of the kirk. Providing always, that there be advanced 
to every Minister sufficient provision for one quarter of a year beforehand 
of all things. 

To him that travelleth from place to place, whom we call Super- 
intendents, who remain, as it were, a month or less in one place, for the 
establishing of the kirk, and for the same purpose changing to another 
place, must further consideration be had. And, therefore, to such we think 
six chalders [of] bear,^ nine chalders [of] meal, three chalders [of] oats for 
his horse, 500 marks [of] money, to be eiked and pared ^ at the discretion 
of the Prince and Council of the Realm ; to be payed to him yearly, in 
manner foresaid."* 

The children of the Ministers must have the liberties of the cities next 
adjacent where their fathers labour, freely granted. They must have 
the privileges in schools, and bursaries in colleges. That is, that they shall 
be sustained at learning, if they be found apt thereto. And failing thereof, 
that they be put to some handicraft, or exercised in some virtuous industry, 
whereby they may be profitable members in a commonwealth. 

* And the same we require for their daughters ; to wit, that they be *Additio 
virtuously brought up, and honestly doted ^ when they come to maturity 

of years, at the discretion of the Kirk. 

And this in God's presence we witness, we require not so much for 
ourselves, or for any that to us appertaineth, as that we do for the increase 
of virtue and learning, and for the profit of the posterity to come. It is not 
to be supposed that all men will dedicate themselves and children so to God, 
and to sei've his kirk, that they look for no worldly commodity. But this 
cankered nature, which we bear, is provoked to follow virtue when it 
seeth honour and profit annexed to the same ; as, contrarily, then is 
virtue of many despised, when virtuous and godly men live without 
honour. And sorry would we be that poverty should discourage men from 
study, and from following the way of virtue, by the which they might 
edify the Kirk and flock of Christ Jesus. 

Nothing have we spoken of the stipend of Readers, because, if they 

' In 1 644 it was calculated that fifteen gallons of ale or twenty gallons of beer could 
be brewed from one boll of malt. {Acts Pari. Scot., vi, pt. i, 2436) 

^ barley (of an inferior quality) 

^ to be increased or decreased ; that is, with more or less 

* Dr. G. Donaldson's calculation is that this was equivalent in all to about ;{^7oo a 
year no mean stipend for the year 1560. Although it was never paid in full, it is no 
wonder that later there were those who said " many lords have not so much to spend " 
{supra, 31). 

* dowered 


can do nothing but read, they neither can be called nor judged true 
ministers. And yet regard must be had to their labours ; but so that they 
may be spurred forward to virtue, and not by a stipend appointed for their 
reading, to be retained still in that estate. To a Reader, therefore, that 
is lately entered we think forty marks, or more or less as the parishioners 
and Reader can agree, sufficient : providing that he teach the children 
of the parish, which he must do, besides the reading of the Common 
Prayers, and Books of the New and Old Testaments.^ If from Reading 
he begin to Exhort,^ and explain the Scriptures, then ought his stipend 
to be augmented ; till finally he come to the honour of a Minister. But 
and if he be found unable after two years, then must he be removed from 
that office, and discharged of all stipend, that another may be proven as 
long. For this always is to be avoided, that none who is judged unable 
to come at any time to some reasonable knowledge, whereby he may 
edify the Kirk, shall be perpetually nourished upon the charge of the Kirk. 
Farther, it must be avoided that no child or person within age, that is, 
within 21 years of age, be admitted to the office of a Reader ; but Readers 
ought to be endued with gravity, wit,^ and discretion, lest by their light- 
ness the Prayers or Scriptures read be of less price and estimation. It is 
to be noted that the Readers be put in by the kirk, and [the] admission 
of the Superintendent. 
Nota [For] the other sort of Readers, who have long continued in godliness, 

and have some gift of exhortation, who are in hope to attain to the degree 
of a minister, and teach the children, we think an hundred marks, or 
more, at the discretion of the kirk, may be appointed ; so that difference, 
as said is, be betwix them and the ministers that openly preach the Word, 
and minister the Sacraments. 

Rests yet other two sorts of people to be provided for, [out] of that 
which is called the patrimony of the Kirk * : to wit, the Poor, and Teachers 
of the youthhead. Every several kirk must provide for the poor within 
the self ; for fearful and horrible it is, that the poor, whom not only God 
the Father in his law, but Christ Jesus in his Evangel, and the Holy 
Spirit speaking by Saint Paul, hath so earnestly commended to our care, 
are universally so contemned and despised. We are not patrons for 
stubborn and idle beggars who, running from place to place, make a craft 
of their begging, whom the Civil Magistrate ought to punish ; but for the 
widow and fatherless, the aged, impotent, or lamed, who neither can 
nor may travail for their sustentation, we say that God commandeth his 
people to be careful. And therefore, for such, as also for persons of honesty 
fallen in [to] decay and penury, ought such provision be made that [of] 
our abundance should their indigence be relieved. How this most 
conveniently and most easily may be done in every city and other parts 
of this Realm, God shall show you wisdom and the means, so that your 

^ For a description of the work of a Reader, see Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James 

Melvill (Wodrow Soc), 22 

" For Exiiorters, see the succeeding paragraph * knowledge 

* See the Sixth Head of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk [infra, 302-306) ; see 

also the third head of the Supplication presented to the Reformation Parliament of 1 560 

{supra, i, 337) 


minds be godly thereto inclined. All must not be suffered to beg that 
gladly so would do ; neither yet must beggars remain where they choose ; 
but the stout and strong beggar must be compelled to work, and every 
person that may not work, must be compelled to repair to the place 
where he or she was born (unless of long continuance they have remained 
in one place), and there reasonable provision must be made for their 
sustentation, as the church shall appoint. The order nor sums, in our 
judgments, cannot be particularly appointed, unto such time as the poor 
of every city, town, or parish be compelled to repair to the places where 
they were born, or of their residences, where their names and number 
must be taken and put in [a] roll ; and then may the wisdom of the Kirk 
appoint stipends accordingly. 

V (i). Of the Superintendents 

Because we have appointed a larger stipend to those that shall be 
Superintendents than to the rest of the Ministers, we have thought good 
to signify unto your Honours such reasons as moved us to make difference 
betwix preachers at this time ^ ; as also how many Superintendents we 
think necessary, with their bounds, office, [the manner of their] election, 
and [the] causes that may deserve deposition from that charge. 

We consider that if the Ministers whom God hath endued with his 
[singular] graces amongst us should be appointed to several and certain 
places, there to make their continual residence, that then the greatest part 
of this Realm should be destitute of all doctrine ; which should not only 
be occasion of great murmur, but also should be dangerous to the salvation 
of many. And therefore we have thought it a thing most expedient for 
this time that, from the whole number of godly and learned [men], now 
presently in this Realm, be selected twelve or ten (for in so many Provinces 
have we divided the whole), to whom charge and commandment shall be 
given to plant and erect churches, to set order and appoint ministers (as 
the former Order prescribeth) to the countries that shall be appointed to 
their care where none are now. And by these means [your] love and 
common care over all the inhabitants of this Realm (to whom ye are 
equal debtors) shall evidently appear ; as also the simple and ignorant 
(who perchance have never heard Christ Jesus truly preached) shall come 
to some knowledge by the which many that now be dead in superstition 
and ignorance shall attain to some feeling of godliness, by the which they 
may be provoked to search and seek further knowledge of God, and his 
true religion and worshipping. Where, by the contrary, if they shall be 
neglected, they shall not only grudge,^ but also they shall seek the means 
whereby they may continue in their blindness, or return to their accus- 
tomed idolatry. And therefore nothing desire we more earnestly, than 
that Christ Jesus be universally once preached throughout this Realm ; 
which shall not suddenly be unless that, by you, men be appointed and 
compelled faithfully to travail in such Provinces as to them shall be 

* That is, when there were still too few preachers for the work of the Church. 

* complain 


V (2). The Names of the Places of Residence, and several 
Dioceses of the Superintendents 

Imprimis, the Superintendent of Orkney ; whose Diocese shall be 
to the Isles of Orkney, Shetland, Caithness, and Strathnaver,^ His resi- 
dence to be in the town of Kirkwall. 

2 The Superintendent of Ross ; whose Diocese shall comprehend 
Ross, Sutherland, Moray, with the North Isles of the Skye, and the Lewis, 
with their adjacents. His residence to be in [the] Canonry of Ross. ^ 

3 The Superintendent of Argyll ; whose Diocese shall comprehend 
Argyll, [Kintyre,] Lome, the South Isles, Arran [and] Bute, with their 
adjacents, with Lochaber. His residence to be in [Argyll]. 

4 The Superintendent of Aberdeen ; whose Diocese is betwix Dee 
and Spey, containing the sherifTdom of Aberdeen and Banff. His residence 
to be in Old Aberdeen. 

5 The Superintendent of Brechin ; whose Diocese shall be the whole 
sheriffdoms of Mearns and Angus, and the Brae of Mar to Dee. His 
residence to be in Brechin. 

6 The Superintendent of Saint Andrews ; whose Diocese shall com- 
prehend the whole sheriffdom of Fife and Fotheringham, ^ to Stirling ; 
and the whole sheriffdom of Perth.* His residence to be in Saint Andrews. 

7 The Superintendent of Edinburgh ; whose Diocese shall comprehend 
the whole sheriffdoms of Lothian, and Stirling on the south side of the 
Water of Forth ; and thereto is added, by consent of the whole Church, 
Merse, Lauderdale, and Wedale. His residence to be in [Edinburgh]. 

8 The Superintendent of Jedburgh ; whose Diocese shall comprehend 
Teviotdale, Tweeddale, Liddesdale, with the Forest of Ettrick. His 
residence to be [in Jedburgh] . 

9 The Superintendent of Glasgow ; whose Diocese shall comprehend 
Clydesdale, Renfrew, Menteith, Lennox, Kyle, and Cunningham, His 
residence to be in Glasgow. 

10 The Superintendent of Dumfries ; whose Diocese shall comprehend 
Galloway, Carrick, Nithsdale, Annandale, with the rest of the Dales in 
the West. His residence to be in Dumfries. 

These men must not be suffered to live as your idl Bishops have done 
heretofore ; neither must they remain where gladly they would. But 
they must be preachers themselves, and such as may make no long 
residence in any one place, till their churches be planted and provided of 
Ministers, or at the least of Readers. 

Charge must be given to them that they remain in no one place above 
twenty or thirty days in their visitation, till they have passed through their 
whole bounds. They must thrice every week, at the least, preach ; and 
when they return to their principal town and residence, they must be 

* Thus including part of Sutherland * Fortrose 

' The old archdeaconry of St. Andrews (in the diocese of St. .\ndrews) had contained 
the deaneries of Fife, Fothric, Gowrie, Angus, and Mearns. Fothric, here called Fother- 
ingham, embraced the parishes running along the northern shore of the Forth. 

* And also the sheriffdom of Kinross 


likewise exercised in preaching and in edification of the church there. 
And yet they must not be suffered to continue there so long, as they may 
seem to neglect their other churches : but after that they have remained 
in their chief town three or four months at most, they shall be compelled 
(unless by sickness only they be retained), to re-enter in visitation, in 
which they shall not only preach, but also examine the life, diligence, and 
behaviour of the Ministers ; as also the order of their churches, [and] 
the manners of the people. They must further consider how the poor 
be provided ; how the youth be instructed. They must admonish where 
admonition needeth ; dress such things as by good counsel they be able 
to appease ; and, finally, they must note such crimes as be heinous that, 
by the censure of the Church, the same may be corrected. 

If the Superintendent be found negligent in any of these chief points 
of his office, and especially if he be noted negligent in preaching of the 
word, and in visitation of his churches, or if he be convicted of any of 
those crimes which in the common Ministers are damned, he must be 
deposed, without respect of his person or office. ^ 

V (3). Of the Election of Superintendents ^ 

In this present necessity, the nomination, examination, and admission 
of Superintendents cannot be so strait as we require, and as afterwards 
it must be.^ 

For this present, therefore, we think [it] sufficient that either your 
Honours, by yourselves, nominate so many as may serve the fore- written 
provinces, or that ye give commission to such men as in whom ye suppose 
the fear of God [to be] to do the same ; and that the same men, being 
called in your presence, shall be by you, and by such as your Honours 
please [to] call unto you for consultation in that case, appointed to their 
provinces. We think it expedient and necessary, that as well the gentle- 
men, as burgesses of every diocese, be made privy at the same time to the 
election of the Superintendent, as well to bring the Church in some 
practice of her liberty, as to make the pastor better favoured of the flock 
whom themselves have chosen. If your Honours cannot find for this 
present so many able men as the necessity requireth, then, in our judg- 
ments, more profitable it is that those provinces vaik * till God provide 
better, than that men unable to edify and govern the Church be suddenly 
placed in that charge. For experience hath taught us what pestilence hath 
been engendered in the Church by men unable to discharge their offices. 

When, therefore, after three years any Superintendent shall depart, 
or chance to be deposed, the chief town within that province, to wit, the 
Ministers, Elders, and Deacons, with the Magistrate and Council of the 
same town, shall nominate and by public edicts proclaim, as well to 

' See also infra, 294 

^ See the Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendents, etc. [supra. 
Appendix VII) 

' " After that the Church be established, and three years be passed," two years' 
faithful labour in the ministry was to be a prerequisite {infra, 295). 

* remain vacant 


the Superintendent, as to two or three provinces next adjacent, two or 
three of the most learned and most godly Ministers within the whole realm, 
that from amongst them, one, with public consent, may be elected and 
appointed to the office then vaiking. And this the chief town shall be 
bound to do within the term of twenty days. Which being expired and 
no man presented, then shall three of the next adjacent provinces with 
consent of their Superintendents, Ministers, and Elders, enter in into the 
right and privileges of the chief town, and shall present every one of them 
one, or two if they list, to the chief town, to be examined as the Order 
requireth. As also, it shall be lawful for all the churches of the Diocese 
to nominate within the same time such persons as they think worthy to 
stand in election ; which must be put in edict. 

After the nominations be made, public edicts must be sent, first warn- 
ing all men that have any objection against the persons nominated, or 
against any one of them, to be present in the chief town at day and place 
aflfixed, to object what they can against the election of any one of them. 
Thirty days we think sufficient to be assigned thereto ; thirty days, we 
mean, after that the nomination be made. 

Which day of election being come, the whole Ministers of that Province, 
with three or more of the Superintendents next adjacent, or that shall 
thereto be named, shall examine not only the learning, but also the 
manners, prudence, and ability to govern the Church, of all those that 
are nominated ; that he who shall be found most worthy may be burdened 
with the charge. If the Ministers of the whole Province should bring with 
them the votes of those that were committed to their care, the election 
should be the more free ; but always, the votes of all those that convene 
must be required. The examinations must be publicly made ; those that 
stand in election must publicly preach ; and men must be charged in 
the name of God, to vote according to conscience, and not after aflfection. 
If anything be objected against any that stand in election, the Superin- 
tendents and Ministers must consider whether the objection be made of 
conscience or of malice, and they must answer accordingly. Other cere- 
monies than sharp examination, approbation of the Ministers and Super- 
intendents, with the public consent of the Elders and people then present, 
we cannot allow. 

The Superintendent being elected, and appoint6d to his charge, must 
be subjected to the censure and correction of the Ministers and Elders, 
not only of his chief town, but also of the whole Province over the which 
he is appointed overseer. 

If his offences be known, and the Ministers and Elders of his Province 
be negligent in correcting him, then the next one or two Superintendents, 
with their Ministers and Elders, may convene him, and the Ministers and 
Elders of his chief town (provided that it be within his own Province or 
chief town), and may accuse and correct as well the Superintendent in 
those things that are worthy of correction, as the Ministers and Elders 
for their negligence and ungodly tolerance of his offences. 

Whatsoever crime deserve correction or deposition of any other 
Minister, deserveth the same in the Superintendent, without exception of 


After that the Church be estabUshed, and three years be passed, we 
require that no man be called to the office of a Superintendent who hath 
not two years, at the least, given declaration of his faithful labours in the 
ministry of some church. 

No Superintendent may be transferred at the pleasure or request of 
any one Province ; no, not without the consent of the whole council of 
the Church,^ and that for grave causes and considerations. 

Of one thing, in the end, we must admonish your Honours, to wit, 
that, in appointing Superintendents for this present, ye disappoint not 
your chief towns, and where learning is exercised, of such Ministers as 
more may profit by residence in one place, than by continual travel from 
place to place. For if ye so do, the youth in those places shall lack the 
profound interpretation of the Scriptures ; and so shall it be long before 
that your gardens send forth many plants ; where, by the contrary, if one 
or two towns be continually exercised as they may, the Commonwealth 
shall shortly taste of their fruit, to the comfort of the godly. 

V (4). For the Schools 

Seeing that the office and duty of the godly Magistrate is not only 
to purge the Church of God from all superstition, and to set it at liberty 
from bondage of tyrants, but also to provide, to the uttermost of his power, 
how it may abide in the same purity to the posterities following, we can- 
not but freely communicate our judgments with your Honours in this 

V (5). The Necessity of Schools ^ 

Seeing that God hath determined that his Church here in earth shall 
be taught not by angels but by men ; and seeing that men are born 
ignorant of all godliness, and seeing also [that] God now ceaseth to 
illuminate men miraculously, suddenly changing them, as that he did his 
Apostles and others in the Primitive Church : of necessity it is that your 
Honours be most careful for the virtuous education and godly upbringing 
of the youth of this Realm, if either ye now thirst unfeignedly [for] the 
advancement of Christ's glory, or yet desire the continuance of his benefits 
to the generation following. For as the youth must succeed to us, so ought 
we to be careful that they have the knowledge and erudition to profit and 
comfort that which ought to be most dear to us, to wit, the Church and 
Spouse of the Lord Jesus. 

Of necessity therefore we judge it, that every several church have a 

' The " whole council " of the Church is also referred to in relation to Church funds 
{infra, 305), and, later still, it is called the " Assembly of the Universal Kirk gathered 
within the Realm " [infra, 320). It was, in effect, the General Assembly. 

' Earlier, in his Brief Exhortation to England, Knox had written that " for the preserva- 
tion of religion, it is most expedient. That Scholes be universally erected in all cities and 
chief townes, the oversight whereof to be committed to the magistrates and godly learned 
men of the said cities and townes ; that of the youth godly instructed amongst them, a 
seade may be reserved and continued, for the profet of Christes Church in all ages." 
(Laing's Knox, v, 520) 


Schoolmaster appointed, such a one as is able, at least, to teach Grammar 
and the Latin tongue, if the town be of any reputation. If it be upland, * 
where the people convene to doctrine but once in the week, then must 
either the Reader or the Minister there appointed, take care over the 
children and youth of the parish, to instruct them in their first rudiments, 
and especially in the Catechism,^ as we have it now translated in the Book 
of our Common Order, called the Order of Geneva. ^ And further, we 
think it expedient that in every notable town, and especially in the town 
of the Superintendent, [there] be erected a College, in which the Arts, 
at least Logic and Rhetoric, together with the Tongues, be read by 
sufficient Masters, for whom honest stipends must be appointed : as also 
provision for those that be poor, and be not able by themselves, nor by 
their friends, to be sustained at letters, especially such as come from 

The fruit and commodity hereof shall suddenly appear. For, first, 
the youth- head and tender children shall be nourished and brought up 
in virtue, in presence of their friends ; by whose good attendance many 
inconvenients may be avoided, in the which the youth commonly falls, 
either by too much liberty, which they have in strange and unknown 
places, while they cannot rule themselves, or else for lack of good atten- 
dance, and of such necessities as their tender age requireth. Secondly, 
the exercise of the children in every church shall be great instruction 
to the aged. 

Last, the great Schools, called Universities, shall be replenished with 
those that be apt to learning ; for this must be carefully provided, that 
no father, of what estate or condition that ever he be, use his children at 
his own fantasy, especially in their youth-head ; but all must be compelled 
to bring up their children in learning and virtue. 

The rich and potent may not be permitted to suffer their children 
to spend their youth in vain idleness, as heretofore they have done. But 
they must be exhorted, and by the censure of the Church compelled to 
dedicate their sons, by good exercise, to the profit of the Church and to 
the Commonwealth ; and that they must do of their own expenses, 
because they are able. The children of the poor must be supported and 
sustained on the charge of the Church, till trial be taken whether the 
spirit of docihty ^ be found in them or not. If they be found apt to letters 
and learning, then may they not (we mean, neither the sons of the rich, 
nor yet the sops of the poor), be permitted to reject learning ; but must 
be charged to continue their study, so that the Commonwealth may have 
some comfort by them. And for this purpose must discreet, learned, and 
grave men be appointed to visit all Schools for the trial of their exercise, 
profit, and continuance ; to wit, the Ministers and Elders, with the best 
learned in every town, shall every quarter take examination how the 
youth hath profited. 

' in the countryside, or to landward, as distinguished from the town 
2 That is, the translation of Calvin's Catechism. (See Laing's Knox, iv, I43-144, 
167-168 ; vi, 277-286, 341-345 ; and the note, supra, 282, note 2) 
^ See supra, 282, note 2 
* That is, from country districts ' aptitude for learning 


A certain time must be appointed to Reading, and to learning of the 
Catechism ; a certain time to the Grammar, and to the Latin tongue ; 
a certain time to the Arts, Philosophy, and to the Tongues ; and 
a certain [time] to that study in which they intend chiefly to travail for 
the profit of the Commonwealth. Which time being expired, we mean in 
every course, the children must either proceed to further knowledge, or 
else they must be sent to some handicraft, or to some other profitable 
exercise ; provided always, that first they have the form of knowledge 
of Christian religion, to wit, the knowledge of God's law and command- 
ments, the use and oflSce of the same, the chief articles of our belief, the 
right form to pray unto God, the number, use, and effect of the sacraments, 
the true knowledge of Christ Jesus, of his office and natures, and such 
other [points] as without the knowledge whereof, neither deserveth [any] 
man to be named a Christian, neither ought any to be admitted to the 
participation of the Lord's Table. And therefore, these principals ought 
and must be learned in the youth-head. 

V (6). The Times appointed to every Course 

Two years we think more than sufficient to learn to read perfectly, 
to answer to the Catechism, and to have some entry in the first rudiments 
of Grammar ^ ; to the full accomplishment whereof (we mean of the 
Grammar), we think other three or four years, at most, sufficient. To the 
Arts, to wit, Logic and Rhetoric, and to the Greek tongue, four years ; 
and the rest, till the age of twenty-four years, to be spent in that study 
wherein the learner would profit the Church or Commonwealth, be it 
in the Laws, or Physic or Divinity. Which time to twenty-four years 
being spent in the schools, the learner must be removed to serve the 
Church or Commonwealth, unless he be found a necessary Reader in the 
same College or University. If God shall move your hearts to establish 
and execute this Order, and put these things in practice, your whole 
Realm (we doubt not), within [a] few years, shall serve the self of true 
preachers, and of other officers necessary for your Commonwealth. 

V (7). The Erection of Universities 

The Grammar Schools and of the Tongues being erected as we have 
said, next we think it necessary there be three Universities in this whole 
Realm, established in the towns accustomed. The first in Saint Andrews, 
the second in Glasgow, and the third in Aberdeen. 

And in the first University and principal, which is Saint Andrews, 
there be three Colleges. And in the first College, which is the entry of the 
University, there be four classes or seiges ^ : the first, to the new Supposts,^ 
shall be only Dialectics ; the next, only Mathematics ; the third, of 

' *' Grammar " generally means Latin. 

* seats, or, in modern parlance, Chairs 

' The term " supposts " meant non-graduate scholars, but might be extended to 
include all members of the University (even its servants) and university " clients " (such 
as booksellers). 


Physics only ; the fourth of Medicine. And in the second College, two 
classes or seiges : the first, in Moral Philosophy ; the second in the Laws. 
And in the third College, two classes or seiges : the first, in the Tongues, 
to wit, Greek and Hebrew ^ ; the second, in Divinity. 





V (8). Of Readers, and of the Grees,^ of Time, and Study 

Item, In the first College, and in the first class, shall be a Reader of 
Dialectics, who shall accomplish his course thereof in one year. In the 
Mathematics, which is the second class, shall be a Reader who shall 
complete his course of Arithmetic, Geometry, Cosmography, and Astro- 
logy, in one year. In the third class, shall be a Reader of Natural Philo- 
sophy, who shall complete his course in a year. And who, after these 
three years, by trial and examination, shall be found sufficiently instructed 
in these aforesaid sciences, shall be Laureate and Graduate in Philosophy. 
In the fourth class, shall be a Reader of Medicine, who shall complete his 
course in five years : after the study of the which time, being by examina- 
tion found sufficient, they shall be graduate in Medicine. 

Item, In the second College, in the first class, one Reader only in 
the Ethics, Economics, and Politics, who shall complete his course in 
the space of one year. In the second class, shall be two Readers in the 
Municipal and Roman Laws, who shall complete their courses in four 
years ; after the which time, being by examination found sufficient, they 
shall be graduate in the Laws. 

Item, In the third College, in the first class, a Reader of the Hebrew, 
and another of the Greek tongue, who shall complete the grammars 
thereof in half a year, and the remanent of the year the Reader of the 
Hebrew shall interpret a book of Moses, [or of] the Prophets, or the 
Psalms ; so that his course and class shall continue one year. The Reader 
of the Greek shall interpret some book of Plato, together with some place 
of the New Testament. And in the second class, shall be two Readers 
in Divinity, that one in the New Testament, that other in the Old, who 
shall complete their course in five years. After which time, who shall be 
found by examination sufficient, shall be graduate in Divinity. 

Item, We think expedient that none be admitted unto the first College, 
and to be Supposts of the University unless he have from the Master of 
the School, and the Minister of the town where he was instructed in the 
tongues, a testimonial of his learning, docility, age, and parentage ; and 
likeways trial to be taken by certain Examinators, depute by the Rector 
and Principals of the same, and, if he be found sufficiently instructed in 
Dialectics, he shall incontinent, that same year, be promoted to the class 
of Mathematics. 

Item, That none be admitted to the class of the Medicine but he that 
shall have his testimonial of his time well spent in Dialectics, Mathe- 
matics, and Physics, and of his docility in the last. 

* Scholars coming up to the University were expected to be already well 
in Latin, learned in school. 
'' degrees 

founded " 



Item, That none be admitted unto the class of the Laws, but he that 
shall have sufficient testimonials of his time well spent in Dialectics, 
Mathematics, Physics, Ethics, Economics, and Politics, and of his docility ^ 
in the last. 

Item, That none be admitted unto the class and seige of Divines but 
he that shall have sufficient testimonials of his time well spent in Dialectics, 
Mathematics, Physics, Ethics, Economics, Moral Philosophy, and the 
Hebrew tongue, and of his docility in the Moral Philosophy and the 
Hebrew tongue. But neither shall such as will apply them to hear 
the Laws, be compelled to hear Medicine ; neither such as apply them to 
hear Divinity be compelled to hear either Medicine or yet the Laws. 

Item, In the Second University, which is Glasgow, shall be two Second 
Colleges alanerlie.2 In the first shall be a class of Dialectics, another in "^^^^^^y 
Mathematics, the third in Physics, ordered in all sorts as [in] Saint 

Item, In the Second College, four classes ; the first in Moral Philo- 
sophy, Ethics, Economics, and Politics ; the second of the Municipal and 
Roman Laws ; the third of the Hebrew tongue ; the fourth in Divinity. 
Which shall be ordered in all sorts, conform to it we have written in the 
order of the University of Saint Andrews. 

The Third University of Aberdeen shall be conform to this University Third 
r 01 11 ^ University 

01 Glasgow, m all sorts. -^ 

Item, We think needful, that there be chosen of the body of the Univer- 
sity to every College a man of learning, discretion, and diligence, who shall 
receive the whole rents of the College, and distribute the same according 
to the erection of the College ; and shall daily hearken the diet accounts, 
adjoining to him weekly one of the Readers or Regents. Above whom ^ 
he shall [take] attendance upon their diligence, as well in their reading 
as exercition of the youth in the matter taught ; upon the policy and 
upholding of the place ; and for punishment of crimes, [he] shall hold 
a weekly convention with the whole members of the College. He shall 
be comptable * yearly to the Superintendent, Rector, and rest of the 
Principals convened, about the first of November. His election shall be 
in this sort : There shall be three of the most sufficient men of the Univer- 
sity (not Principals already), nominated by the members of the College, 
whose Principal is departed, sworn to follow their conscience, and 
publicly proponed through the whole University. After the which time 
eight days,^ the Superintendent, by himself or his special Procurator, 
with the Rector and rest of the Principals, as a chapter convened, shall 
confirm one of the three they think most sufficient, being aforesworn to 
do the same with single eye, but respect to feud or favour. 

Item, In every College, we think needful at the least one Steward, a 
Cook, a Gardener, [and] a Porter, who shall be subject to [the] discipline 
of the Principal, as the rest. 

' aptitude to learning ^ only 

' That is, " the body of the University " 
^ accountable ^ That is, eight days later 

(053) VOL n 20 


Item, That every University have a Beadle subject to serve at all times 
throughout the whole University, as the Rector and Principals shall 

Item, That every University have a Rector chosen from year to year 
as shall follow. The Principals, being convened with the whole Regents 
chapterly, shall be sworn that every man in his roume ^ shall nominate 
such one as his conscience shall testify to be most sufficient to bear such 
charge and dignity ; and three of them that shall be oftest nominated 
shall be put in edict publicly, fifteen days afore Michaelmas. And then 
shall on Michaelmas Even convene the whole Principals, Regents, and 
Supposts that are graduate, or at the least studied their time in Ethics, 
Economics, and Politics, and no others younger ; and every nation,^ first 
protesting in God's presence to follow the sincere ditement ^ of their 
consciences, shall nominate one of the said three, and he that has monyest * 
votes shall be confirmed by the Superintendent and Principal, and his 
duty with an exhortation proponed unto him. And this to be the 28 day 
of September ; and thereafter oaths to be taken, hinc inde, of his just and 
godly government, and of the remanent lawful submission and obedience. 
He shall be propined ^ to the University, at his entry with a new garment, 
bearing Insignia Magistratus ; and be held monthly to visit every College, 
and with his presence decore and examine the lections and exercition 
thereof. His assessors shall be a lawyer and a theologue, with whose 
advice he shall decide all questions civil, betwix the members of the 
University. If any without ^ the University pursue a member thereof, or 
be pursued by a member of the same, he shall assist the Provost and 
Bailies in those cases, or other judges competent, to see justice be 
ministered. In likewise, if any of the University be criminally pursued, 
he shall assist the Judges competent, and see that justice be ministered. 
Summa of Item, We think it expedient that in every College in every University 
^the^hree" there be twenty-four bursars, divided equally in all the classes and seiges, 
Universi- as is above expressed : that is, in Saint Andrews, seventy-two bursars ; 
n in Glasgow, forty-eight bursars ; in Aberdeen, forty-eight ; to be sustained 

only in meat upon the charges of the College ; and [to] be admitted at 
the examination of the Ministry and chapter of Principals in the University, 
as well in docihty ^ of the persons offered, as of the ability of their parents 
to sustain them their selves, and not to burden the Commonwealth with 

V (9). Of Stipends and Expenses necessary 

Item, We think expedient that the Universities be doted * with temporal 
lands, with rents and revenues of the Bishoprics' temporality, and of the 
Kirks Collegiate, so far as their ordinary charges shall require ; and 

' ptace ; that is, in his turn or order 

^ For a brief note on " nations " in the Scottish universities, see Rashdall, Universities 
of Europe in the Middle Ages (new edn., 1936), ii, 307. 
" dictate * most 

' presented with in the sense of a formal gift upon acceptance of office 

* adorn, in the sense of honour ' outwith ; outside 

* aptitude to learning ' endowed 


therefore, that it would please your Honours, by advice of your Honours' 
Council and vote of Parliament, to do the same. And to the effect the 
same may be shortly expediate,^ we have recollected ^ the sums we think 
necessary for the same. 

Imprimis, For the ordinary Stipend of the Dialectician Reader, the 
Mathematician, Physician, and Moral Philosophy, we think sufficient 
one hundred pounds for every one of them. 

Item, For the Stipend of every Reader in Medicine and Laws, one 
hundred and thirty-three pounds, 6s. 8d. 

Item, To every Reader in Hebrew, Greek, and Divinity two hundred 

Item, To every Principal of a College, two hundred pounds. ^ 

Item, To every Steward, sixteen pounds of fee. 

Item, To every Gardener, to every Cook, and Porter, ilkane,* ten 

Item, To the Board of every Bursar, without the Classes of Theology 
and Medicine, twenty pounds. 

Item, [To every Bursar] in the Class of Theology, which will be only 
twelve persons in Saint Andrews, twenty- four pounds. 

Summa of yearly and ordinary expenses in the Univer- 
sity of Saint Andrews, extends to .... 3796 lib. 
Summa of yearly and ordinary expenses of Glasgow . 2922 lib. 
Aberdeen, asmekill 2922 lib. 

Summa of the Ordinary Charges of the whole . . 9640 lib. 

Item, the Beadle's Stipend shall be of every entrant and suppost of the 
University, two shillings ; of every one graduate in Philosophy, three 
shillings ; of every one graduate in Medicine or Laws, four shillings ; 
in Theology, five shillings ; all Bursars being excepted. 

Item, We have thought good for building and upholding of the places, 
[that] a general collection be made ; and that every Earl's son, at his 
entry to the University, shall give forty shillings, and siclike at every 
graduation, forty shillings. Item, Every Lord's son sicklike at ilk * time, 
thirty shillings ; ilk freeholding Baron's son, twenty shillings : every 
Feuar and substantious Gentleman's son, one mark. Item, Every sub- 
stantious Husband ^ and Burgess son, at ilk time, ten shillings : Item, 
Every one of the rest (excepting the Bursars), five shillings at ilk time. 

And that this be gathered in a common box, put in keeping to the 
Principal of the Theologians, every Principal having a key thereof, to be 
counted ilk year once, with the relicts ^ of the Principals to be laid into 
the same, about the fifteenth day of November, in presence of the Super- 

expedited ^ brought together 

' In the manuscript {folio 281 verso), "to everie Principall of a Colledge, ij c. lb" ; 
Laing's text reads, erroneously, " ij lb " * each 

' That is, the holder of a husbandland which was nominally, but not necessarily, 
twenty-six acres. 

* residue or balances 


intendent, Rector, and the whole Principals ; and, at their whole consent, 
or at the least the most part thereof, reserved and employed only upon 
the building and upholding of the places, and repairing of the same, as 
ever necessity shall require. And therefor the Rector, with his assistants, 
shall be held to visit the places ilk year once, incontinent after he be 
promoted, upon the last of October, or thereby. 

V (lo). Of the Privilege of the University 

Seeing we desire that Innocence shall defend us rather than Privilege, 
we think that ilk person of the University should answer before the 
Provost and Baihes of ilk town where the Universities are, of all crimes 
whereof they are accused, only that the Rector be Assessor to them in 
the said actions. In civil matters if the question be betwix members of the 
University on ilk side, making their residence and exercition therein for 
the time, in that case the party called shall not be held to answer but 
only before the Rector and his Assessors heretofore expressed. In all 
other cases of civil pursuit, the general rule of the Law to be observed. 
Actor sequatur forum rei, &c.'^ 

Item, That the Rector and all inferior members of the University be 
exempted from all taxations, imposts, charges of war, or any other charge 
that may onerate or abstract him or them from the care of their office : 
such as Tutory, Curatory, Deaconry, or any siclike, that are established, 
or hereafter shall be established in our Commonwealth. To the effect, 
that but 2 trouble, that the one may wait upon the upbringing of the 
youth in learning, that the other bestow his time only in that most necessary 

All other things touching the books to be read in each class, and all 
such particular affairs, we refer to the discretion of the Masters, Principals, 
and Regents, with their well-advised Councils : not doubting but if God 
shall grant quietness, and if your Wisdoms grace to set forward letters in 
the sort prescribed, ye shall leave wisdom and learning to your posterity, 
a treasure more to be esteemed nor any earthly treasure ye are able to 
provide for them ; which, without wisdom, are more able to be their 
ruin and confusion, than help or comfort. And as this is most true, so we 
leave it with the rest of the commodities to be weighed by your Honours' 
wisdom, and set forward by your authority to the most high advancement 
of this Commonwealth, committed to your charge. 


The Sixth Head, of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk. 

These two sorts of men, that is to say, the Ministers and the Poor, 
together with the Schools, when order shall be taken thereanent, must be 
sustained upon the charges of the Church.^ And therefore provision must 

' That is, " A pursuer shall follow the court of the defender " ; in other words, the 
pursuer must pursue in a court to the jurisdiction of which the defender is subject. (See 
Trayner's Latin Maxims) ^ without 

' Cf. tlie third head of the Supplication presented to the Reformation Parliament 
of 1560 {supra, i, 337). 


be made, how and of whom such sums must be hfted. But before we enter 
in this head, we must crave of your Honours, in the name of the Eternal 
God and of his Son Christ Jesus, that ye have respect to your poor brethren, 
the labourers and manurers of the ground ; who by these cruel beasts, 
the Papists, have been so oppressed that their life to them has been dolorous 
and bitter. If ye will have God author and approver of your reformation, 
ye must not follow their footsteps ; but ye must have compassion upon 
your brethren, appointing them to pay so reasonable teinds, that they 
may feel some benefit of Christ Jesus now preached unto them. 

With the grief of our hearts we hear that some Gentlemen are now 
as cruel over their tenants as ever were the Papists, requiring of them 
whatsoever before they paid to the Church ; so that the Papistical 
tyranny shall only be changed in the tyranny of the lord or of the laird. ^ 
We dare not flatter your Honours, neither yet is it profitable for you that 
so we do. If you permit such cruelty to be used, neither shall ye, who by 
your authority ought to gainstand such oppression, neither [shall] they 
that use the same, escape God's heavy and fearful judgments. The 
Gentlemen, Barons, Earls, Lords, and others, must be content to live 
upon their just rents, and suffer the Church to be restored to her liberty, 
that, in her restitution, the poor, who heretofore by the cruel Papists have 
been spoiled and oppressed, may now receive some comfort and relaxation, 

* Concluded by the Lords : That these teinds and other exactions, *Additio 
to be clean discharged, and never to be taken in time coming ; as, the 
uppermost Cloth, the Corpse-present, the Clerk-mail, the Pasche offerings, 
Teind Ale, and all handlings Upland,^ can neither be required nor 
received of godly conscience.^ 

Neither do we judge it to proceed from justice that one man shall 
possess the teinds of another ; but we think it a thing most reasonable, 
that every man have the use of his own teinds, provided that he answer 
to the Deacons and Treasurers of the Church of that which justly shall be 
appointed unto him. We require Deacons and Treasurers rather to Additio 
receive the rents, nor the Ministers themselves ; because that of the 
teinds must not only the Ministers be sustamed, but also the Poor and The lords 
Schools. And therefore we think it most expedient that common ^|^^^^^^j 
Treasurers, to wit, the Deacons, be appointed from year to year, to receive gfthe 
the whole rents appertaining to the Church ; and that commandment receiving 
be given, that no man be permitted either to receive either yet to intromet ^Jj^^ 
with anything appertaining to the sustentation of the persons foresaid, 
but such as by common consent of the Church are thereto appointed. 

If any think this prejudicial to the tacks and assedations * of those 
that now possess the teinds, let them understand that an unjust possession 
is no possession before God ; for those of whom they received their title 
and presupposed right, were and are thieves and murderers, and had no 
power so to alienate the patrimony and common-good of the Church. 

* That this continued is clear from the Supplication of 1562 {supra, 49-50). 
'' all takings from the countryside 

* For these exactions, see Statutes of the Scottish Church (Scot. Hist. Soc), 178, note 2; 
Robertson, Concilia Scotia, ii, 305-306. 

* holdings and leases 


And yet we are not so extreme, but that we wish just recompense to be made 
to such as have disbursed sums of money to those unjust possessors (so 
that it has not been of late days in prejudice of the Church) : but such as 
are found and known to be done of plain collusion in no wise ought to be 
maintained of you. And for that purpose, we think it most expedient that 
whosoever have assedation of teinds or churches be openly warned to 
produce their assedation and assurance, that cognition being taken, the 
just tacksman ^ may have a just and reasonable recompense for the years 
that are to run, the profit of the years passed being considered and de- 
ducted ; and the unjust and surmised ^ may be served accordingly. So 
that the Church, in the end, may recover her liberty and freedom, and 
that only for relief of the Poor. 

Your Honours may easily understand that we speak not now for 
ourselves, but in favour of the Poor and the labourers defrauded and 
oppressed by the priests, and by their confederate pensioners. For while 
that the priest's pensioner's idle belly is delicately fed, the Poor, to whom 
a portion of that appertains, were pined with hunger ; and moreover 
the true labourers were compelled to pay that which [they] ought not : 
for the labourer is neither debtor to the dumb dog called the Bishop, 
neither yet unto his hired pensioner ; but is debtor only unto the Church. 
And the Church is only bound to sustain and nourish her charges, the 
persons before mentioned, to wit, the Ministers of the word, the Poor, 
and the Teachers of the youth. 

But now to return to the former Head. The sums able to sustain these 
forenamed persons, and to furnish all things appertaining to the preserva- 
tion of good order and policy within the Church, must be lifted off the 
teinds, to wit, the teind sheaf, teind hay, teind hemp, teind lint, teind 
fish, feind calf, teind foal, teind lamb, teind wool, teind cheese, &c. 
And because that we know that the tithes reasonably taken, as is before 
expressed, will not suffice to discharge the former necessity, we think 
that all things doted ^ to hospitality,"^ all annual rents, both in burgh and 
[to] land, pertaining to Priests, Chantries, Colleges, Chaplainries, and to 
Friars of all Orders, to the Sisters of the Scans, ^ and to all others of that 
Order, and such others within this Realm, be received still to the use of the 
Church or Churches within the towns or parishes where they were doted. 
Furthermore to the upholding of the Universities and sustentation of the 
Superintendents,'' the whole revenue of the temporality of the Bishops', 
Deans', and Archdeans' lands, and all rents of lands pertaining to the 
Cathedral Churches whatsoever. And further, merchants and rich 
Agreed craftsmen in free Burghs, who have nothing to do with the manuring of 
a/fo o>' me ^j^^ ground, must make some provision in their cities, towns, or dwelling 
places, for to support the need of the Church. 

* leaseholder ' That is, without legal right 
^ gifted in endowment ; mortified 

* to hospitals, that is, almshouses. But only the old endowed hospitals of the Roman 
Church. (See infra, 305, note 3) 

* That is, the Sisters of the Convent of St. Katherine of Sienna. The district in Edin- 
burgh where the convent was located is still known as The Sciennes. 

' As given, supra, 289, 300-301 


To the Ministers, and failing thereof the Readers, must be restored 
their manses and their glebes ; for else they cannot serve their flock at 
all times as their duty is. If any glebe exceed six acres of land, the rest to 
remain in the possessor's hands, while order be taken therein. 

The Lords condescend that the Manses and Yards be restored to the [Additio] 
Ministers : and all the Lords consent that the Ministers have six acres 
of lands, except Marischal, Morton, Glencairn, and Cassillis, where 
Manses are of great quantity.^ 

The receivers and collectors of these rents and duties must be the 
Deacons or Treasurers appointed from year to year in every church,^ 
and that by common consent and free election of the church. The 
Deacons may distribute no part of that which is collected, but by com- 
mandment of the Ministers and Elders ; and they may command nothing 
to be delivered, but as the Church before hath determined. To wit, the 
Deacons shall, of the first, pay the sums, either quarterly, or from half 
year to half year, to the Ministers which the Kirk hath appointed. The 
same they shall do to the Schoolmasters, Readers, and Hospitals ^ (if 
any be), always receiving acquittances for their discharge. 

If any extraordinary sums lie to be delivered, then must the Ministers, 
Elders, and Deacons consult whether the deliverance of those sums doth 
stand with the common utility of the Church or not ; and if they do 
universally agree and condescend either upon the affirmative or the 
negative, then because they are in credit and office for the year, they may 
do as best seemeth unto them. But if there be controversy amongst them- 
selves, the whole Church must be made privy ; and after that the matter 
be exponed, and the reasons heard, the judgment of the Church with the 
Minister's consent shall prevail. 

The Deacons shall be bound and compelled to make accounts to the 
Ministers and Elders of that which they have received, as oft as the Policy 
shall appoint. And the Elders w^hen they are changed (which must be 
every year), must clear their accounts before such auditors as the Church 
shall appoint. And both the Deacons and Elders being changed, shall 
deliver to them that shall be now elected, all sums of money, corns, and 
other profits resting in their hands ; the tickets ^ whereof must be delivered 
to the Superintendents in their visitation, and by them to the great Council 
of the Church, that as well the abundance as the indigence of every church 
may be evidently kno\vn, that a reasonable equality may be had through- 
out the whole Realm. If this order be precisely kept, corruption cannot 
suddenly enter. For the free and yearly election of Deacons and Elders ^ 
shall suffer none to usurp a perpetual dominion over the Church ; the 
knowledge of the rental shall suffice them to receive no more than whereof 
they shall be bound to make accounts ; the deliverance of the money to 

* In the manuscript (folio 285 recto) this paragraph is a marginal addition. It is 
indicative of the discussions that took place in relation to the " policy " advocated by the 
" godly ministers." See also the Bibliographical Note, supra, i, cii-ciii. 

^ Supra, 303 

That is, to the new almshouses to be newly established or newly maintained by the 
Reformed Church. 

* vouchers * See infra, 309-310 


the new officers shall not suffer private men [to] use in their private 
business that which appertaineth to the public affairs of the Church. 

The Seventh Head, of Ecclesiastical Discipline. 

As that no Commonwealth can flourish or long endure without good 

laws, and sharp execution of the same, so neither can the Church of God 

be brought to purity, neither yet be retained in the same, without the order 

of Ecclesiastical Discipline, which stands in reproving and correcting of 

those faults which the civil sword doth either neglect, either may not 

punish. Blasphemy, adultery, murder, perjury, and other crimes capital, 

J worthy of death, ought not properly to fall under censure of the Church ; 

/ \ because all such open transgressors of God's laws ought to be taken away 

by the civil sword. But drunkenness, excess (be it in apparel, or be it in 

\ eating and drinking), fornication, oppression of the poor by exactions, 

deceiving of them in buying or selling by wrong mete or measure, wanton 

words and licencious living tending to slander, do properly appertain to 

the Church of God, to punish the same as God's word commandeth. 

But because this accursed Papistry hath brought in such confusion 
in the world, that neither was virtue rightly praised, neither vice severely 
punished, the Church of God is compelled to draw the sword, which of 
Consented God she hath received, against such open and manifest offenders, cursing 
on by the ^^d excommunicating all such, as well those whom the civil sword ought 
to punish as the others, from all participation with her in prayers and 
sacraments, till open repentance manifestly appear in them. As the order 
of Excommunication and proceeding to the same ought to be grave and 
slow, so, being once pronounced against any person, of what estate and 
condition that ever they be, it must be kept with all severity. For laws 
made and not kept engendereth contempt of virtue and brings in confusion 
and liberty to sin. And therefore this order we think expedient to be 
observed before and after excommunication. 

First, if the offence be secret and known to few, and rather stands in 
suspicion than in manifest probation, the offender ought to be privately 
admonished to abstain from all appearance of evil ; which, if he promises 
to do, and to declare himself sober, honest, and orje that feareth God, and 
feareth to offend his brethren, then may the secret admonition suffice for 
his correction. But if he either contemn the admonition, or, after promise 
made, do show himself no more circumspect than he was before, then must 
the Minister admonish him ; to whom if he be found inobedient, they 
must proceed according to the rule of Christ, as after shall be declared. 

If the crime be public, and such as is heinous, as fornication, drunken- 
ness, fighting, common swearing, or execration, then ought the offender 
to be called in the presence of the Minister, Elders, and Deacons, where 
his sin and offence ought to be declared and agredged,^ so that his con- 
science may feel how far he hath offended God, and what slander he hath 
raised in the Church. If signs of unfeigned repentance appear into him, 
and if he require to be admitted to public repentance, the Ministry may 

* shown to be grave 


appoint unto him a day when the whole Church conveneth together, that 
in presence of all he may testify the repentance \vhich before them he 
professed. Which, if he accept, and with reverence do, confessing his sin, 
and damning the same, and earnestly desiring the Congregation to pray 
to God with him for mercy, and to accept him in their society, notwith- 
standing his former offence, then the Church may, and ought [to] receive 
him as a penitent. For the Church ought to be no more severe than God 
declareth himself to be, who witnesseth, that " In whatsoever hour a 
sinner unfeignedly repenteth, and turns from his wicked way, that he will 
not remember one of his iniquities." And therefore the Church ought 
diligently to advert that it excommunicate not those whom God absolveth. 

If the offender called before the Ministry be found stubborn, hard- 
hearted, or one in whom no sign of repentance appeareth, then must he 
be dismissed with an exhortation to consider the dangerous estate in which 
he stands ; assuring him, if they find into him no other token of amendment 
of life, that they will be compelled to seek a further remedy. If he within 
a certain space show his repentance to the Ministry, they must present 
him to the Church as before is said. 

But if he continue in his impenitence, then must the Church be 
admonished that such crimes are committed amongst them, which by 
the Ministry hath been reprehended, and the persons provoked to repent ; 
whereof, because no signs appeareth unto them, they could not but 
signify unto the Church the crimes, but not the person, requiring them 
earnestly to call to God to move and touch the hearts of the offenders, so 
that suddenly and earnestly they may repent. 

If the person malign, ^ then, the next day of public assembly, the crime 
and the person must be both notified unto the Church, and their judgment 
must be required, if that such crimes ought to be suffered unpunished 
amongst them. Request also would be made to the most discreet and to 
the nearest friends of the offender to travail with him to bring him to 
knowledge of himself, and of his dangerous estate ; with a commandment 
given to all men to call to God for the conversion of the impenitent. If 
a solemn and a special prayer were made and drawn for that purpose, 
the thing should be the more gravely done. 

The third Sunday, the Minister ought to require if the impenitent 
have declared any signs of repentance to any of the Ministry ; and if he 
hath, then may the Minister appoint him to be examined by the whole 
Ministry, either then instantly, or at another day affixed to the consistory : 
and if repentance appear, as well of the crime, as of his long contempt, 
then may he be presented to the Church, and make his confession, and 
to be accepted as before is said. But if no man signify his repentance, then 
ought he to be excommunicate ; and by the mouth of the Minister, 
consent of the Ministry, and commandment of the Church, must such 
a contemner be pronounced excommunicate from God, and from the 
society of his Church. 

After which sentence may no person (his wife and family only excepted) 
have any kind of conversation with him, be it in eating and drinking, 

* That is, remains contumacious 


buying or selling, yea, in saluting or talking with him, except that it be 
at the commandment or licence of the Ministry for his conversion ; that 
he by such means confounded, seeing himself abhorred of the faithful 
and godly, may have occasion to repent and be so saved. The sentence 
of his Excommunication must be published universally throughout the 
Realm, lest that any man should pretend ignorance. 

His children begotten or born after that sentence and before his 
repentance, may not be admitted to baptism, till either they be of age to 
require the same, or else that the mother, or some of his especial friends, 
members of the Church, offer and present the child, abhorring and damn- 
ing the iniquity and obstinate contempt of the impenitent. If any think 
it severe that the child should be punished for the iniquity of the father, 
let them understand that the sacraments appertain only to the faithful 
and to their seed : But such as stubbornly contemn all godly admonition, 
and obstinately remain in their iniquity, cannot be accounted amongst 
the faithful. 

VII (2). The Order for Public Offenders 

We have spoken nothing of those that commit horrible crimes, as 
murderers, man-slayers, and adulterers ; for such (as we have said) the 
Civil sword ought to punish to death. But in case they be permitted to 
live, then must the Church, as before is said, draw the sword which of 
God she hath received, holding them as accursed even in their very fact ; 
the offender being first called, and order of the Church used against him, 
in the same manner as the persons that for obstinate impenitence are 
publicly excommunicated. So that the obstinate impenitent, after the 
sentence of excommunication, and the. murderer or adulterer, stand in 
one case as concerning the judgment of [the Church] ; that is, neither 
of both may be received in the fellowship of the Church to prayers or 
sacraments (but to hearing of the word they may), till first they offer 
themselves to the Ministry, humbly requiring the Ministers and Elders 
to pray to God for them, and also to be intercessors to the Church, that 
they may be admitted to public repentance, and so to the fruition of the 
benefits of Christ Jesus, distributed to the members of his body. 

If this request be humbly made, then may not the Ministers refuse to 
signify the same unto the Church, the next day of public preaching, the 
Minister giving exhortation to the Church to pray to God to perform the 
work which he appeared to have begun, working in the heart of the 
offender unfeigned repentance of his grievous crime, and the sense and 
feeling of his great mercy, by the operation of his Holy Spirit. Thereafter 
a day ought publicly to be assigned unto him to give open confession of his 
offence and contempt, and so to make a public satisfaction to the Church 
of God. Which day, the offender must appear in presence of the whole 
Church, and with his own mouth damn his own impiety, publicly con- 
fessing the same ; desiring God of his grace and mercy, and his congrega- 
tion, that it will please them to accept him in their society, as before is said. 
The Minister must examine him diligently whether he find a haitrent and 
displeasure of his sin, as well of his crime as of his contempt : which if 


he confess, he must travail with him, to see what hope he hath of God's 

And if he find him reasonably instructed in the knowledge of Christ 
Jesus [and] in the virtue of his death, then may the Minister comfort him 
by God's infallible promises, and demand of the Church if they be content 
to receive that creature of God (whom Sathan before had drawn in his 
nets), in the society of their body, seeing that he declares himself penitent. 
Which, if the Church grant, as they may not justly deny the same, then 
ought the Minister in public prayer to commend him to God, confess the 
sin of that offender, and of the whole Church desire mercy and grace for 
Christ Jesus' sake. Which prayer being ended, the Minister ought to exhort 
the Church to receive that penitent brother in their favour, as they require 
God to receive themselves when they have offended ; and in sign of their 
consent, the Elders and chief men of the Church shall take the penitent 
by the hand, and one or two in name of the whole shall kiss and embrace 
him with all reverence and gravity, as a member of Christ Jesus. 

Which being done, the Minister shall exhort the reconciled to take 
diligent heed in times coming that Sathan trap him not in such crimes, 
admonishing him that he will not cease to tempt and try [by] all means 
possible to bring him from that obedience which he hath given to God, 
and to the ordinance of his Son Christ Jesus. The exhortation being 
ended, the Minister ought to give public thanks unto God for the con- 
version of that their brother, and for the benefits which we receive by 
Jesus Christ, praying for the increase and continuance of the same. 

If the penitent, after that he have offered himself to the Ministry, or 
to the Church, be found ignorant in the principal points of our religion, 
and chiefly in the article of Justification, and of the office of Christ Jesus, 
then ought he to be exactly instructed before he be received. For a 
mocking of God it is to receive them in repentance who knoweth not 
wherein stands their remedy, when they repent their sin. 

VII (3). Persons subject to Discipline 

To Discipline must all Estates within this Realm be subject if they Consented 
offend, as well the rulers as they that are ruled ; yea and the Preachers ^r^^' 
themselves, as well as the poorest within the Church. And because the 
eye and mouth of the Church ought to be most single and irreprehensible, 
the life and conversation of the Ministers ought most diligently to be 
tried. Whereof we shall speak, after that we have spoken of the election of 
Elders and Deacons, who must assist the Ministers in all public affairs of 
the Church, &c. 

The Eighth Head, touching the Election of Elders and 

Deacons, &g.i 

Men of best knowledge in God's word, of cleanest life, men faithful, 
and of most honest conversation that can be found in the Church, must 

^ See also supra, Appendix VII 


be nominated to be in election ; and the names of the same must be 
publicly read to the whole Kirk by the Minister, giving them advertise- 
ment that from amongst these must be chosen Elders and Deacons. If 
any of the nominated be noted with public infamy, he ought to be repelled ; 
for it is not seemly that the servant of corruption shall have authority 
to judge in the Church of God. If any man knows others of better qualities 
within the Church than those that be nominated, let them be put in 
election, that the Church may have the choice. 
What If churches be of smaller number than that Seniors and Deacons can 

churches be chosen from amongst them, then may they well be joined to the next 
joined let ^dj^cent church. For the plurality of churches, without ministers and 
the policy Order, shall rather hurt than edify. 

judge "f he election of Elders and Deacons ought to be used every year once 

(which we judge to be most convenient the first day of August) ; lest 
that by long continuance of such officers, men presume upon the liberty 
of the Church.^ It hurts not that one man be retained in office more years 
than one, so that he be appointed yearly, by common and free election ; 
provided always, that the Deacons, treasurers, be not compelled to receive 
the office again for the space of three years. 

How the votes and suffrages may be best received, so that every man 
may give his vote freely, every several Church may take such order as 
best seemeth to them. 

The Elders being elected, must be admonished of their office, which 
is to assist the Minister in all public affairs of the Church ; to wit, in 
judging and decerning causes ; in giving of admonition to the licentious 
liver ; [and] in having respect to the manners and conversation of all men 
within their charge. For by the gravity of the Seniors ought the light and 
unbridled life of the licentious [to] be corrected and bridled. 

Yea, the Seniors ought to take heed to the life, manners, diligence, and 
study of their Ministers. If he be worthy of admonition, they must 
admonish him ; of correction, they must correct him. And if he be 
worthy of deposition, they with consent of the Church and Superintendent, 
may depose him, so that his crime so deserve. If a Minister be light in 
conversation, by his Elders and Seniors he ought to be admonished. If 
he be negligent in study, or one that vaketh ^ not upon his charge and 
flock, or one that proponeth not fruitful doctrine, he deserveth sharper 
admonition and correction. To the which if he be found stubborn and 
inobedient, then may the Seniors of one Church complain to the Ministry 
of the two next adjacent Churches, where men of greater gravity are ; 
to whose admonition if he be found inobedient, he ought to be discharged 
from his ministry till his repentance appear, and a place be vacant for 

If any Minister be deprehended ^ in any notable crime, as whoredom, 
adultery, murder, manslaughter, perjury, teaching of heresy, or any such 
as deserve death, or [that] may be a note of perpetual infamy, he ought 
to be deposed for ever. By heresy, we mean pernicious doctrine plainly 
taught, and obstinately defended, against the foundation and principles 

* Cf. supra, 305-306 ' attendeth apprehended ^y 


of our faith. And such a crime we judge to deserve perpetual deposition 
from the ministry ; for most dangerous we know it to be, to commit the 
flock to a man infected with the pestilence of heresy. 

Some crimes deserve deposition for a time, and while ^ the person give 
declaration of greater gravity and honesty. As if a minister be depre- 
hended drunk, in brawling or fighting, an open slanderer, an infamer of 
his neighbour, [or] factious and [a] sower of discord, he may be com- 
manded to cease from his ministry, till he declare the signs of repentance ; 
upon the which, the Church shall abide him the space of twenty days 
or further, as the Church shall think expedient, before that they proceed 
to a new election. 

Every inferior Church shall by one of their Seniors and one of their 
Deacons, once in the year, notify unto the ministry of the Superintendent's 
Church, the life, manners, study, and diligence of their Ministers, to the 
end that the discretion of some may correct the lenity of others. 

Not only may the life and manners of the Ministers come under 
censure and judgment of the Church, but also of their wives, children, and 
family. Judgment must be taken, that he neither live riotously, neither 
yet avariciously ; yea, respect must be had how they spend the stipend 
appointed to their living. If a reasonable stipend be appointed, and they 
live avariciously, they must be admonished to live so as they receive ; for 
as excess and superfluity is not tolerable in a minister, so is avarice and the 
careful solicitude of money and gear utterly to be damned in Christ's 
servants, and especially in those that are fed upon the charge of the 
Church. We judge it unseemly and not tolerable that ministers shall be 
boarded in common ale-houses or taverns. 

Neither yet must a Minister be permitted to frequent and commonly 
haunt the Court, unless it be for a time, when he is either sent by the 
Church, either yet called for by the Authority for his counsel and judg- 
ment. Neither yet must he be one of the council in Civil affairs, be he 
never judged so apt for that purpose ; but either must he cease from the 
ministry (which at his own pleasure he may not do), or else from bearing 
charge in Civil affairs, unless it be to assist the Parhament if he be called. 

The office of the Deacons, as is before declared, is to receive the rents 
and gather the alms of the Church, to keep and distribute the same, as 
by the ministry of the Kirk shall be appointed. They may also assist in 
judgment with the Ministers and Elders, and may be admitted to read in 
the assembly if they be required, and be found able thereto. 

The Elders and Deacons, with their wives and households must be 
under the same censure that is prescribed for the Ministers : for they 
must be careful over their office ; and seeing that they are judges to the 
manners of others, their own conversation ought to be irreprehensible. 
They must be sober, humble, lovers and entertainers of concord and 
peace ; and, finally, they ought to be the example of godliness to others. 
And if the contrary thereof appear, they must be admonished by the 
Minister, or by some of their brethren of the ministry, if the fault 
be secret ; and if it be open and known, it must be rebuked before the 

' mtU 


ministry, and the same order kept against the Senior or Deacon, that 
before is described against the Minister. 

We think it not necessary that any pubUc stipend shall be appointed 
either to the Elders or yet to the Deacons, because their travail continues 
but for one year ; and also because that they are not so occupied with the 
affairs of the Church, but that reasonably they may attend upon their 
domestical business. 

The Ninth Head, concerning the Policy of the Church. 

Policy we call an exercise of the Church in such things as may bring 
the rude and ignorant to knowledge, or else inflame the learned to greater 
fervency, or to retain the Church in good order. And thereof there be 
two sorts. The one [is] utterly necessary ; as that the word be truly 
preached, the sacraments rightly ministered, [and] common prayers 
publicly made ; that the children and rude persons be instructed in the 
chief points of religion, and that offences be corrected and punished. 
These things, we say, be so necessary, that without the same there is no 
face of a visible Kirk. The other is profitable, but not of mere necessity ; 
as, that Psalms should be sung ; that certain places of the Scriptures 
should be read when there is no sermon ; [and] that this day or that day, 
few or many in the week, the Church should assemble. Of these and such 
others we cannot see how a certain order can be established. For in some 
churches the Psalms may be conveniently sung ; in others, perchance, 
they cannot.^ Some churches may convene every day ; some thrice or 
twice in the week ; some perchance but once. In these, and such like, 
must every particular Church, by their own consent, appoint their own 

In great towns we think expedient that every day there be either 
Sermon, or else Common Prayers, with some exercise of reading the 
Scriptures. What day the public Sermon is, we can neither require or 
greatly approve that the Common Prayers be publicly used, lest that we 
shall either foster the people in superstition, who come to the Prayers as 
they come to the Mass ; or else give them occasion to think that those be 
no prayers which are made before and after Sermoru 

In every notable town, we require that one day, besides the Sunday, 
be appointed to the Sermon and Prayers ; which, during the time of 
Sermon, must be kept free from all exercise of labour, as well of the master 
as of the servants. In smaller towns, as we have said, the common consent 
of the Church must put order. But the Sunday must straitly be kept, 
both before and after noon, in all towns. Before noon, must the word 
be preached and sacraments ministered, as also marriage solemnised, if 
occasion offer. After noon, must the young children be publicly ex- 
amined in their Catechism in audience of the people, ^ in doing whereof the 

Though men and women were to be exhorted to exercise themselves in the Psalms 
that they might the more ably praise God with heart and voice {infra, 314). 

'^ See Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery and Synod of Aberdeen (Spalding 
Club), 23 {anno 1578). 


Minister must take great diligence, as well to cause the people to under- 
stand the questions proponed, as the answers, and the doctrine that may 
be collected thereof. The order and how much is appointed for every 
Sunday, is already distincted in our Book of Common Order ^ ; which 
Catechism is the most perfect that ever yet was used in the Church. 
At afternoon also may Baptism be ministered, when occasion is offered 
of great travail before noon. It is also to be observed, that prayers be 
used at afternoon upon the Sunday, where there is neither preaching nor 

It appertaineth to the Policy of the Church to appoint the times when 
the Sacraments shall be ministered. Baptism may be ministered when- 
soever the word is preached ; but we think it more expedient, that it be 
ministered upon the Sunday,^ or upon the day of prayers, only after the 
sermon ; partly to remove this gross error by the which many deceived 
think that children be damned if they die without Baptism ; and partly 
to make the people assist the administration of that sacrament with greater 
reverence than they do. For we do see the people begin already to wax 
weary by reason of the frequent repetition of those promises. 

Four times in the year we think sufficient to the administration of the 
Lord's Table,^ which we desire to be distincted, that the superstition of 
times may be avoided so far as may be. Your Honours are not ignorant 
how superstitiously the people run to that action at Pasche, even as [if] 
the time gave virtue to the Sacrament ; and how the rest of the whole 
year they are careless and negligent, as [if] that it appertaineth not unto 
them but at that time only. We think therefore most expedient, that the 
first Sunday of March be appointed for one [time] ; the first Sunday of 
June for another ; the first Sunday of September for the third ; and the 
first Sunday of December for the fourth. We do not deny but that any 
several church, for reasonable causes, may change the time, and may 
minister ofter ; but we study to suppress superstition. All Ministers must 
be admonished to be more careful to instruct the ignorant than ready to 
satisfy their appetites ; and more sharp in examination than indulgent 
in admitting to that great Mystery such as be ignorant of the use and virtue 
of the same. And therefore we think that the administration of the Table 
ought never to be without that examination pass before, especially of 
those whose knowledge is suspect. We think that none are apt to be 
admitted to that Mystery who cannot formally say the Lord's Prayer, the 
Articles of the Belief, and declare the sum of the Law. 

Further, we think it a thing .most expedient and necessary, that every 
Church have a Bible in English, and that the people be commanded to 

' See the note, supra, 282, note 2 

^ Baptism on Sundays was apparently being observed in September 1562. (See de 
Gouda's report in Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots, Scot. Hist. Soc, 
123, 135) 

' In the Geneva Order the rubric lays down " The day when the Lord's Supper is 
ministered, which commonly is used once a month, or so oft as the Congregation shall 
think expedient. . . ." (Laing's Knox, iv, 191) ; but, in December 1562, the General 
Assembly ordained that the Communion should be ministered " four times in the year 
within burghs, and twice in the year to landward." {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 30) 


convene to hear the plain reading or interpretation of the Scripture, as 
the Church shall appoint ; that by frequent reading this gross ignorance, 
which in the cursed Papistry hath overflowed all, may partly be removed. 
We think it most expedient that the Scriptures be read in order, that is, 
that some one Book of the Old and the New Testament be begun and 
orderly read to the end. And the same we judge of preaching, where the 
Minister for [the] most part remaineth in one place. For this skipping and 
divagation from place to place of the Scripture, be it in reading, or be it 
in preaching, we judge not so profitable to edify the Church, as the con- 
tinual following of one text. 

Every Master of household must be commanded either to instruct, 
or else cause [to] be instructed, his children, servants, and family, in the 
principles of the Christian religion ; without the knowledge whereof 
ought none to be admitted to the Table of the Lord Jesus. For such as 
be so dull and so ignorant, that they can neither try themselves, neither 
yet know the dignity and mystery of that action, cannot eat and drink 
of that Table worthily. And therefore of necessity we judge it, that every 
year at least, public examination be had by the Ministers and Elders of 
the knowledge of every person within the Church ; to wit, that every 
master and mistress of household come themselves and their family so 
many as be come to maturity, before the Ministers and Elders, to give 
confession of their faith, and to answer to such chief points of Religion as 
the Ministers shall demand. Such as be ignorant in the Articles of their 
Faith, understand not, nor cannot rehearse the Commandments of God, 
[and] know not how to pray, neither whereinto their righteousness 
consists, ought not to be admitted to the Lord's Table. And if they 
stubbornly continue, and suffer their children and servants to continue 
in wilful ignorance, the discipline of the Church must proceed against 
them unto excommunication ; and then must the matter be referred to 
the Civil Magistrate. For seeing that the just liveth by his own faith, and 
that Christ Jesus justifieth by knowledge of Himself, insufferable we judge 
it that men shall be permitted to live and continue in ignorance as members 
of the Church of God. 

Moreover, men, women, and children would be exhorted to exercise 
themselves in the Psalms, that when the Church conveneth, and does sing, 
they may be the more able together with common heart and voice to praise 

In private houses we think it expedient, that the most grave and 
discreet person use the Common Prayers at morn and at night, for the 
comfort and instruction of others.^ For seeing that we behold and see the 
hand of God now presently striking us with divers plagues, we think it 
a contempt of his judgments, or a provocation of his anger more to be 
kindled against us, if we be not moved to repentance of our former un- 
thankfulness, and to earnest invocation of his name, whose only power 

' See the young James Melville's appreciation of the Psalms and the tunes thereof, 
which ever thereafter he found " a great blessing and comfort." {Autobiography and Diary 
of Mr. James Mtlvill, Wodrow Soc, 22) 

^ Knox had earlier stressed this in his brief Letter of Wholesome Counsel addressed to the 
Protestants of Scotland on his departure from them in 1556. (Laing's Knox, iv, 137) 


may (and great mercy will), if we unfeignedly convert unto Him, remove 
from us these terrible plagues which now for our iniquities hang over our 
heads. " Convert us, O Lord, and we shall be converted." 

IX (2). For Preaching, and Interpreting of Scriptures, &c.i 

To the end that the Church of God may have a trial of men's know- 
ledge, judgments, graces, and utterances ; and also, that such as somewhat 
have profited in God's word may from time to time grow to more full 
perfection to serve the Church, as necessity shall require : it is most 
expedient that in every town, where schools and repair of learned men 
are, that there be one certain day every week appointed [to] that exercise, 
which Saint Paul calleth prophesying. The order whereof is expressed 
by him in these words : " Let two or three prophets speak ; and let the Coi'- 14. 
rest judge : But if anything be revealed to him that sitteth by, let the '^'^ 
former keep silence : [For] ye may, one by one, all prophesy, that all 
may learn, and all may receive consolation. And the spirits (that is, the 
judgments) of the prophets, are subject to the prophets." Of which words 
of the Apostle, it is evident that in Corinth, when the Church did assemble 
for that purpose, some place of Scripture was read ; upon the which, 
first one gave his judgment to the instruction and consolation of the 
auditors, after whom did one other either confirm what the former had 
said, or did add what he had omitted, or did gently correct or explain 
more properly where the whole verity was not revealed to the former. 
And in case some things were hid from the one and from the other, liberty 
was given to the third to speak his judgment for edification of the Church, 
Above the which number of three (as appeareth), they passed not, for 
avoiding of confusion. 

These exercises, we say, are things most necessary for the Church of 
God this day in Scotland. For thereby (as said is) shall the Church have 
judgment and knowledge of the graces, gifts, and utterances of every man 
within their own body ; the simple, and such as have somewhat profited, 
shall be encouraged daily to study and proceed in knowledge ; the Church 
shall be edified (for this exercise must be patent to such as list to hear and 
learn) ; and every man shall have liberty to utter and declare his mind 
and knowledge to the comfort and edification of the Church. 

But lest that of a profitable exercise might arise debate and strife, 
curious, peregrine and unprofitable questions are to be avoided. All 
interpretation disagreeing from the principles of our faith, repugning to 
charity, or that stands in plain contradiction to any other manifest place 
of Scripture, is to be rejected. The interpreter in that exercise may not 
take to himself the liberty of a public preacher, yea, although he be a 
Minister appointed ; but he must bind himself to his text, that he enter 
not by disgression in explaining common-places. He may use no invective 
in that exercise unless it be with sobriety in confuting heresies. In ex- 
hortations or admonitions he must be short, that the time may be spent 
in opening of the mind of the Holy Ghost in that place, in following the 

* See the Geneva Order, in Laing's Knox, iv, 178-179 
(653) VOL n 21 


file ^ and dependence of the text, and in observing such notes as may 
instruct and edify the auditure.^ For avoiding of contention, neither may 
the interpreter, neither yet any of the assembly, move any question in 
open audience, whereto himself is not content to give resolution without 
reasoning with any other ; but every man ought to speak his own judg- 
ment to the edification of the Church. 

If any be noted with curiosity, or bringing in any strange doctrine, 
he must be admonished by the moderators, the Ministers and Elders, 
immediately after that the interpretation is ended. The whole members 
and number of them that are of the Assembly ought to convene together, 
where examination should be had, how the persons that did interpret did 
handle and convey the matter ; they themselves being removed till every 
man have given his censure ; after the which, the persons being called, 
the faults (if any notable be found) are noted, and the person gently 
admonished. In that last Assembly all questions and doubts (if any arise) 
should be resolved without contention. 

The Ministers of the parish churches to landward, adjacent to every 
chief town, and the Readers, if they have any gift of interpretation, within 
six miles must assist and concur to those that prophesy within the towns ; 
to the end that they themselves may either learn, or else others may learn 
by them. And moreover, men in whom are supposed any gifts to be 
which might edify the Church if they were well applied, must be charged 
by the Ministers and Elders to join themselves with that session and com- 
pany of interpreters, to the end that the Church may judge whether 
they be able to serve to God's glory, and to the profit of the Church in 
the vocation of Ministers, or not. And if any be found disobedient, and 
not willing to communicate the gifts and spiritual graces of God v/ith 
their brethren, after sufficient admonition, discipline must proceed against 
them ; provided that the Civil Magistrate concur with the judgment 
and election of the Church. For no man may be permitted to live as 
best pleaseth him within the Church of God ; but every man must 
be constrained, by fraternal admonition and correction, to bestow his 
labours, when of the Church they are required, to the edification of 

What day in the week is most convenient for thgt exercise, and what 
books of the Scriptures shall be most profitable to be read, we refer to the 
judgment of every particular Church, we mean, to the wisdom of the 
Ministers and Elders. 

IX (3). Of Marriage 

Because that Marriage, the blessed ordinance of God, in this cursed 
Papistry hath partly been contemned, and partly hath been so infirmed, 
that the persons conjoined could never be assured of continuance, if the 
Bishops and Prelates list to dissolve the same, we have thought good to 
show our judgments how such confusion in times coming may be best 

And first, public inhibition must be made that no persons under the 

* thread " audience 


power and obedience of others, such as sons and daughters, [and] those 
that be under curators, neither men nor women, contract marriage 
privily and without knowledge [of their parents, tutors, or curators, under 
whose power they are for the time] : which if they do, the censure and 
discipline of the Church [ought] to proceed against them. If the son or 
daughter, or other, have their heart touched with desire of marriage, they 
are bound to give that honour to the parents that they open unto them 
their affection, asking of them counsel and assistance, how that motion, 
which they judge to be of God, may be performed. If the father, friend, 
or master, gainstand their request, and have no other cause than the 
common sort of men have (to wit, lack of goods, or because they are not 
so high-born as they require), yet must not the parties whose hearts are 
touched make any covenant till further declaration be made unto the 
Church of God. And, therefore, after they have opened their minds to 
their parents, or such others as have charge over them, they must declare 
it also to the Ministry, or to the Civil Magistrate, requiring them to travail 
with their parents for their consent, which to do they are bound. And 
if they, to wit, the Magistrate or Ministers, find no just cause why the 
marriage required may not be fulfilled, then, after sufficient admonition 
to the father, friend, master, or superior, that none of them resist the work 
of God, the Ministry or Magistrate may enter in the place of the parent, 
and by consenting to their just requests may admit them to marriage. 
For the work of God ought not to be hindered by the corrupt affections 
of worldly men. The work of God we call, when two hearts (without 
filthiness before committed) are so joined that both require and are 
content to live together in that holy bond of matrimony. 

If any man commit fornication with the woman whom he required 
in marriage, then do both lose this foresaid benefit, as well of the Church 
as of the Magistrate ; for neither of both ought to be intercessors or 
advocates for filthy fornicators. But the father, or nearest friend, 
whose daughter being a virgin is deflowered, hath power by the law of 
God to compel the man that did that injury to marry his daughter. Or 
if the father will not accept him by reason of his offence, then may 
he require the dot ^ of his daughter ; which if the oflTender be not able 
to pay, then ought the Civil Magistrate to punish his body by some other 

And because that fornication, whoredom, and adultery, are sins most 
common in this Realm, we require of your Honours, in the name of the 
Eternal God, that severe punishment, according as God hath commanded, 
be executed against such wicked offenders. For we doubt not but such 
enorme crimes openly committed, provoke the wrath of God, as the 
Apostle speaketh, not only upon the oflfenders, but also upon such places 
as where, without punishment, they are committed. 

But to return to our former purpose : Marriage ought not to be Agrees to 
contracted amongst persons that have no election for lack of understanding; f '''^^^ 
and therefore we affirm, that bairns and infants cannot lawfully be riage 
married in their minor age, to wit, the man within fourteen years of age, 

* dowry 


and the woman within twelve years, at the least. ^ Which if it chance any 
to have been, and have kept their bodies always separate, we cannot 
judge them bound to adhere as man and wife, by reason of that promise, 
which in God's presence was no promise at all. But if in the years of 
judgment they have embraced the one the other, then by reason of 
their last consent, they have ratified that which others did promise for 
them in their youth-head. 

In a Reformed Church, marriage ought not to be secretly used, but 
in open face and public audience of the Church. And for avoiding of 
dangers, expedient it is that the banns be publicly proclaimed three 
Sundays (unless the persons be [so] known, that no suspicion of danger 
may arise, and then may the banns be shortened at the discretion of the 
Ministry). But in no wise can we admit marriage to be used secretly, 
how honourable that ever the persons be. The Sunday before sermon 
we think most convenient for marriage, and it to be used no day else 
without the consent of the whole Ministry. 

Marriage once lawfully contracted, may not be dissolved at man's 
pleasure, as our master Christ Jesus doth witness, unless adultery be com- 
mitted ; which, being sufficiently proven in presence of the Civil Magis- 
trate, the innocent (if they so require) ought to be pronounced free, and 
the offender ought to suffer the death as God hath commanded. If the 
Civil sword foolishly spare the life of the offender, yet may not the Church 
be negligent in their office, which is to excommunicate the wicked, and 
to repute them as dead members, and to pronounce the innocent party 
to be at freedom, be they never so honourable before the world. If the 
life be spared (as it ought not to be) to the offenders, and if the fruits of 
repentance of long time appear in them, and if they earnestly desire to be 
reconciled with the Church, we judge that they may be received to partici- 
pation of the Sacraments, and of the other benefits of the Church, (for 
we would not that the Church should hold those excommunicate whom 
God absolved, that is, the penitent). 

If any demand, whether that the offender after reconciliation with the 
Church, may not marry again, we answer, That if they cannot live con- 
tinent, and if the necessity be such as that they fear further offence of God, 
we cannot forbid them to use the remedy ordained of God. ^ If the party 
offended may be reconciled to the offender, then we judge that in nowise 

* In 1568 we find the Superintendent of Fife forbidding the solemnization of a marriage 
until the man had completed fourteen years of age. {St. Andrews Kirk Session Register, 
Scot. Hist. Soc, i, 299-300). In 1600 the General Assembly lamented that there was 
" untimeous marriage of young and tender persons " and " no law nor statute of the 
Kirk, [made] as yet defining the age of persons to be married " ; and thereafter it ordained 
the ages for marriage to be those that are given above, and desired the Commissioners of 
the Assembly to have its decision ratified by the Convention of Estates. {Booke of the 
Universall Kirk, iii, 953) 

^ In 1600, however, the General Assembly had to note that the marriage of persons 
convicted of adultery was a great temptation to married persons to commit that crime, 
thinking thereby to be separated by divorce and thereafter to enjoy those with whom they 
had committed adultery. Accordingly the Assembly thought it expedient to crave an 
Act at the next Convention of Estates " discharging all marriages of such persons as are 
convicted of adultery." {Booke of the Universall Kirk, iii, 953) 


it shall be lawful to the offender to marry any other, except the party 
that before hath been offended ; and the solemnization of the latter 
marriage must be in the open face of the Church like as the former, but 
without proclamation of banns. 

This we do offer as the best counsel that God giveth unto us in so 
doubtsome a case. But the most perfect Reformation were, if your 
Honours would give to God his honour and glory, that ye would prefer 
his express commandment to your own corrupt judgments, especially in 
punishing of those crimes which he commandeth to be punished with 
death. For so should ye declare yourselves God's true and obedient 
officers, and your Commonwealth should be redd ^ of innumerable 

We mean not, that sins committed in our former blindness ^ (which 
be almost buried in oblivion) shall be called again to examination and 
judgment. But we require that the law may now and hereafter be so 
established and executed, that this ungodly impunity of sin have no place 
within this Realm. For in the fear of God we signify unto your Honours, 
that whosoever persuadeth unto you that ye may pardon where God 
commandeth death, deceiveth your souls, and provokes you to offend -^ota 
God's Majesty. 

IX (4). Of Burial 

Burial in all ages hath been held in estimation, to signify that the 
same body that was committed to the earth should not utterly perish, 
but should rise again. And the same we would have kept within this 
Realm, provided that superstition, idolatry, and whatsoever hath pro- 
ceeded of a false opinion, and for advantage sake, may be avoided ; as 
singing of Mass, Placebo, and Dirige, and all other prayers over or for 
the dead, are not only superfluous and vain, but also are idolatry, and do 
repugn to the plain Scriptures of God. For plain it is, that everyone that 
dieth departeth either in the faith of Christ Jesus, or else departeth in 
incredulity. Plain it is, that they that depart in the true faith of Christ 
Jesus, rest from their labours, and from death [do] go to life everlasting, 
as by our Master and by his Apostle we are taught. But whosoever departs 
in unbelief or in incredulity, shall never see life, but the wrath of God 
abideth upon him. And so, we say that prayers for the dead are not 
only superfluous and vain, but do expressly repugn to the manifest 
Scriptures and verity thereof 

For avoiding all inconvenients, we judge it best, that neither singing 
nor reading be at the burial. For albeit things sung and read may ad- 
monish some of the living to prepare themselves for death, yet shall some 
superstitious and ignorant persons ever think that the works, singing, or 
reading of the living do and may profit the dead. And therefore, we think f^^frs 
most expedient that the dead be conveyed to the place of burial with ^'^^^^ ^^ 
some honest company of the Church, without either singing or reading ; thejudg- 
yea, without all kind of ceremony heretofore used, other than that the dead '"^"^ V 
be committed to the grave, with such gravity and sobriety, as those that Church 

' cleared ^ So also supra, 285 


be present may seem to fear the judgments of God, and to hate sin, which 
is the cause of death. 
*[Additio\ * And yet, notwithstanding, we are not so precise, but that we are 
content that particular Kirks use them in that behalf, with the consent 
of the Ministry of the same, as they will answer to God, and [the] Assembly 
of the Universal Kirk gathered within the Realm. ^ 

We are not ignorant that some require a sermon at the burial, or else 
some places of Scriptures to be read, to put the living in mind that they 
are mortal, and that likewise they must die. But let those men understand 
that the sermons which be daily made, serve for that use ; which if men 
despise, the preaching of the funeral sermons shall rather nourish super- 
stition and a false opinion (as before is said), than that they shall bring 
such persons to any godly consideration of their own estate. Attour, 
either shall the Ministers for the most part be occupied in preaching 
funeral sermons, or else they shall have respect to persons, preaching 
at the burial of the rich and honourable, but keeping silence when the 
poor or despised departeth ; and this with safe conscience cannot the 
Ministers do. For, seeing that before God there is no respect of persons, 
and that their ministry appertaineth to all alike, whatsoever they do to 
the rich, in respect of their ministry, the same they are bound to do to the 
poorest under their charge. 

In respect of divers inconvenients, we think it neither seemly that the 
Church appointed to preaching and ministration of the Sacraments shall 
be made a place of burial ; but that some other secret and convenient 
place, lying in the most free air, be appointed for that use ; the which 
place ought to be well walled and fenced about, and kept for that use 

IX (5). For Reparation of Churches 

Lest that the word of God, and ministration of the Sacraments, by 
unseemliness of the place come in contempt, of necessity it is that the 
churches and places where the people ought publicly to convene be with 
expedition repaired in doors, windows, thatch, and with such preparations 
within, as appertaineth as well to the majesty of the word of God as unto 
Agreed on the ease and commodity of the people. And because we know the slothful- 
ness of men in this behalf, and in all other which may not redound to 
their private commodity, strait charge and commandment must be given 
that within a certain day the reparations must be begun, and within 
another day, to be affixed by your Honours, that they be finished. Penalties 
and sums of money must be enjoined, and without pardon taken from the 

' That particular Kirks availed themselves of this dispensation seems to be clear from 
*' The Forme and Maner of Buriall usit in the Kirk of Montrois " ( Wodrow Soc. Mis- 
cellany, i, 293-300). This service, which may be dated between 1560 and 1581. includes an 
address by the Minister or Reader, a Prayer, and a Funeral Hymn this last being one 
of the Gude and Godly Ballatis particularly appropriate to the occasion. 

^ In addition to this recommendation, far advanced for the time, we should note that 
in 1563 the General Assembly ordained that the dead were to be buried " six feet under 
the earth." {Booke of the Uuiversall Kirk, i, 43) 




The reparation would be according to the possibility and number of 
the Church. Every Church must have doors, close windows of glass, 
thatch or slate able to withhold rain, a bell to convocate the people 
together, a pulpit, a basin for baptism, and tables for the ministration of 
the Lord's Supper.^ In greater churches, and where the congregation is 
great in number, must reparation be made within the Church for the 
quiet and commodious receiving of the people. The expenses to be lifted 
partly of the people, and partly of the teinds, at the consideration of the 

IX (6). For Punishment of those that profane the Sacraments 


As Sathan hath never ceased from the beginning to draw mankind 
in one of two extremities, to wit, that men should either be so ravished 
with gazing upon the visible creatures that, forgetting the cause why 
they were ordained, they attributed unto them a virtue and power which 
God hath not granted unto them ; or else that men should so contemn 
and despise God's blessed ordinance and holy institutions, as [if] that 
neither in the right use of them were there any profit, neither yet in 
their profanation were there any danger. As this wise, we say, 
Sathan hath blinded the most part of mankind from the beginning ; so 
doubt we not, but that he will strive to continue in his malice even to 
the end. Our eyes have seen, and presently do see the experience of the 
one and of the other. What was the opinion of most part of men of the 
Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, during the darkness of superstition, 
is not unknown ; how it was gazed upon, kneeled unto, borne in procession, 
and finally worshipped and honoured as Christ Jesus Himself. And so 
long as Sathan might then retain man in that damnable idolatry, he was 
quiet, as one that possessed his kingdom of darkness peaceably. But since 
that it hath pleased the mercies of God to reveal unto the unthankful world 
the light of his word, the right use and administration of his sacraments, 
he assays ^ man upon the contrary part. For where (not long ago), men 
stood in such admiration of that idol in the Mass that none durst presume 
to have said the Mass but the foresworn shaven sort, the Beast's marked 
men, some dare now be so bold as, without all convocation,^ to minister 
(as they suppose), the true sacraments in open assemblies. And some 
idiots* (yet more wickedly and more impudently), dare counterfeit in their 
houses that which the true Ministers do in the open congregation ; they 
presimie, (we say), to do it in houses without reverence, without word 
preached, and without Minister, other than of companion to companion.* 
This contempt proceedeth, no doubt, from the malice and craft of that 

* For the Lord's Supper was to be taken "sitting at a table " {supra, 282), though no 
seats are specified in the furnishings. 

* tests ^ That is, without a proper calling 

* Here used in the sense oi private persons, laymen, rather than in the sense oi uneducated, 
igiiorant persons. 

^ But see Winzet's pertinent questions on this point in Certane Tractatis (Maitland 
Club), [i8], 89. 



Serpent who first deceived man, of purpose to deface the glory of Christ's 
Evangel, and to bring his blessed sacraments in a perpetual contempt. 
And further, your Honours may clearly see how proudly and stubbornly 
the most part despise the Evangel of Christ Jesus offered unto you ; whom 
unless that sharply and stoutly ye resist, we mean as well the manifest 
despiser as the profaner of the sacraments, ye shall find them pernicious 
enemies ere it be long. And therefore, in the name of the Eternal God, and 
of his Son Christ Jesus, we require of your Honours that, without delay, 
strait Laws be made against the one and the other. 

We dare not prescribe unto you what penalties shall be required of 
such : But this we fear not to affirm, that the one and the other deserve 
Optima death ; for if he who doth falsify the seal, subscription, or coin of a king 
ollatio is adjudged worthy of death ; what shall we think of him who plainly 
doth falsify the seals of Christ Jesus, Prince of the kings of the earth ? 
If Darius pronounced that a balk should be taken from the house of that 
man, and he himself hanged upon it, that durst attempt to hinder the 
re-edification of the material Temple,^ what shall we say of those that 
contemptuously blaspheme God, and manifestly hinder the [spiritual] 
Temple of God (which is the souls and bodies of the elect) to be purged, 
by the true preaching of Christ Jesus, from the superstition and damnable 
idolatry in which they have been of long plunged and held captive ? 
If ye (as God forbid) , declare yourselves careless over the true Religion, 
God will not suffer your negligence unpunished. And therefore, more 
earnestly require we, that strait laws may be made against the stubborn 
contemners of Christ Jesus, and against such as dare presume to minister 
his Sacraments, not orderly called to that office, lest that while there be 
none found to gainstand impiety, the wrath of God be kindled against 
the whole. 

The Papistical priests have neither power nor authority to minister 
the Sacraments of Christ Jesus ; because that in their mouth is not the 
sermon of exhortation.^ And therefore, to them must strait inhibition 
be made, notwithstanding any usurpation which they have had in that 
behalf in the time of blindness. It is neither the clipping of their crowns, 
the crossing of their fingers, nor the blowing of the dumb dogs called the 
Bishops, neither yet the laying on of their hands,^that maketh them true 
Ministers of Christ Jesus. But the Spirit of God inwardly first moving the 
hearts to seek Christ's glory and the profit of his Church, and thereafter 
the nomination of the people, the examination of the learned, and public 
admission (as before is said), makes men lawful Ministers of the woi'd and 
sacraments. We speak of an ordinary vocation, where churches are 
reformed, or at least tend to reformation, and not of that which is 
extraordinary, when God by Himself, and by his only power, raiseth up 
to the Ministry such as best pleaseth his wisdom. 

The Conclusion 

Thus have we, in these few Heads, offered unto your Honours our 
judgments, according as we were commanded, touching the Reformation 

Ezra, vi, u ^ Cf. supra, 287 


of things which heretofore have altogether been abused in this cursed 
Papistry. We doubt not but some of our petitions shall appear strange 
unto you at the first sight. But if your Wisdoms deeply consider that we 
must answer not only unto men, but also before the throne of the Eternal 
God, and of his Son Christ Jesus, for the counsel which we give in this so 
grave a matter, your Honours shall easily consider that more assured it 
is to us to fall in the displeasure of all men in earth, than to offend the 
Majesty of God, whose justice cannot suffer flatterers and deceitful coun- 
sellors unpunished. 

That we require the Church to be set at such liberty that she neither 
be compelled to feed idle bellies, neither yet to sustain the tyranny which 
heretofore by violence hath been maintained, we know will offend many. 
But if we should keep silence hereof, we are most assured to offend the 
just and righteous God, who by the mouth of his Apostle hath pronounced 
this sentence : " He that laboureth not, let him not eat." If we in this 
behalf, or in any other, require or ask any [other] thing than by God's 
expressed commandment, by equity, and good conscience ye are bound 
to grant, let it be noted, and after repudiated ^ ; but if we require nothing 
which God requireth not also, let your Honours take heed how ye gain- 
stand the charge of Him whose hand and punishment ye cannot escape. 

If blind affection rather lead you to have respect to the sustentation of 
those your carnal friends, who tyrannously have empired above the poor 
flock of Christ Jesus, than that the zeal of God's glory provoke and move 
you to set his oppressed Church at freedom and liberty, we fear your sharp 
and sudden punishments, and that the glory and honour of this enterprise 
be reserved unto others. 

And yet shaU this our judgment abide to the generations following for 
a monument and witness, how lovingly God called you and this Realm 
to repentance, what counsellors God sent unto you, and how ye [have] 
used the same. If obediently ye hear God now calling, we doubt not but 
He shall hear you in your greatest necessity. But if, following your own 
corrupt judgments, ye contemn his voice and vocation, we are assured 
that your former iniquity, and present ingratitude, shall together crave 
just punishment from God, who cannot long delay to execute his most just 
judgments, when, after many offences and long blindness, grace and 
mercy offered is contemptuously refused. 

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, by the power of his Holy 
Spirit, so illuminate your hearts that ye may clearly see what is pleasing 
and acceptable in his presence ; so bow the same to his obedience that ye 
may prefer his revealed will to your own affections ; and so strengthen 
you by the spirit of fortitude that boldly ye may punish vice and maintain 
virtue within this Realm, to the praise and glory of his Holy name, to 
the comfort and assurance of your own consciences, and to the consolation 
and good example of the posterities following. Amen. So be it. 

By your Honours' 

Most humble Servitors, etc. 
From Edinburgh, The 20 of May 1 560 

Cf. supra, 280-281 



Act of Secret Council, 27 January 1560^ 

We, who have subscribed these Presents, having advised with the 
Articles herein specified, as is above mentioned from the beginning of this 
Book, think the same good, and conform to God's Word in all points ; 
conform to the Notes and Additions thereto eikit ^ ; and promise to set 
the same forward at the uttermost of our powers : Providing that the 
Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other prelates and beneficed men, which else ^ 
have adjoined them to us, bruik * the revenues of their benefices during 
their lifetimes, they sustaining and upholding the Ministry and Ministers, 
as is herein specified, for preaching of the Word, and ministering of the 
Sacraments of God. 

[Sic Subscribitur) ^ 

James ^ 

James Hamilton ' 

Ar. Argyll ^ 

James Stewart ^ 

Rothes ^^ 

James Haliburton ^^ 

R. Boyd 12 

Alex". Campbell, Dean of 

Moray ^^ 
William of Culross ^^ 
Master Alex^. Gordon ^^ 
Bargany Younger ^'^ 
George Corrie of Kelwood i' 
John Shaw of Haily ^^ 

Andrew Hamilton of Letham ^^ 

Glencairn 2U 

Ochiltree ^^ 

Sanquhar ^^ 

Saint John ^3 

William Lord Hay ^^ 

Drumlanrig 25 

Cunninghamhead 26 

John Maxwell 2' 

Andro Ker of Fawdonside 28 

T. Scott of Haining 2^ 

John Lockhart of Barr ^^ 

George Fentoun of that Ilk ^^ 

lochinvar ^2 

* That is, 27 January 1561 ; the new year, at this time, did not begin until 25 March. 
See also supra, i, 345. 

^ added. The " notes and additions " are marked on pages 288, 289, 290, 303, 305, 
320 ; but attention should also be paid to such marginal comments as " Consented on 
by the Council " {supra, 306), or " Agreed on " {supra, 320) 

^ otherwise, in the sense of already * possess 

' In the manuscript ( folio 300 recto) a rough attempt has been made to write the first 
few signatures in facsimile. / 

James, Duke of Chatelherault 

' James, Lord Hamilton, eldest son of the Duke of Chatelherault 

* Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll 

* Lord James Stewart, Commendator of St. Andrews and Pittenweem ; afterwards 
Earl of Moray, and Regent of Scotland. 

'0 Andrew, fifth Earl of Rothes 

" James Haliburton, sometimes styled Tutor of Pitcur. He was Provost of Dundee. 
(See Laing's Knox, vi, 678-679) 

'' Robert, fifth Lord Boyd 

*^ Alexander Campbell, Dean of Moray, third son of Colin, third Earl of Argyll 

** William Colville, Commendator of Cuiross 

1' Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, second son of John, Lord Gordon 
(eldest son of Alexander, third Earl of Huntly). He had been Archbishop of Glasgow 
(1550-51) ; Bishop of the Isles, and Abbot of Inchaffray and Icolmkill ; and became 
Elect of Galloway, after the death of Andrew Durie, in 1558. 



'* Thomas Kennedy, of Bargany, Ayrshire 

" George Corrie of Kelwood (Ayrshire) '* John Shaw of Haily (Ayrshire) 

" Andrew Hamilton of Letham (Lanarkshire) 

"" Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn 

*' Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree 

^'' Robert, sixth Lord Crichton of Sanquhar 

'" James Sandilands, second son of Sir James Sandilands of Calder ; Lord St. John, 
and afterwards Lord Torphichen. 

" William, fifth Lord Hay of Yester '^ Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig 

" William Cunningham of Cunningham head (Ayrshire) 

" Sir John Maxwell of Terregles (became Lord Herries in 1566) 

* Andrew Ker of Fawdonside (Selkirkshire). He married for his second wife, Mar- 
garet Stewart, daughter of Lord Ochiltree, and widow of John Knox. 

^' Thomas Scott of Haining (Selkirkshire) 

^" John Lockhart of Barr (Ayrshire) 

'' George Fentoun of Fentoun. In the manuscript this name appears as " George 
Setoun of that ilk." There was no Seton of that Ilk ; and George, fifth Lord Seton, never 
joined the Reformers. Fentoun of that Ilk is the most likely alternative reading. 

'^ Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar (Kirkcudbrightshire) 

Knox informs us {supra, i, 345), that the Book of Discipline was also subscribed by, 
among others, 

William, Earl Marischal * 

John, Earl of Menteith 

James, Earl of Morton * 

John, Lord Lindsay of the Byres 

Patrick, Master of Lindsay 

Sir Alexander Stewart of Garlies 
* These Lords are referred to in the discussion anent glebes {supra, 305). 



Apud Edinburgh, xxii Decembris, Anno 1561 


Jacobus Dux de Chatelherault 
Georgius Comes de Huntlie 
Archibaldus Ergadie Comes 
Willelmus Marescalli Comes 
Johannes Atholie Comes 
Willelmus Comes de Montross 
Jacobus Comes de Morton 
Alexander Comes de Glencairn 
Jacobus Commendatarius St. 
Andree et Pittenweem 

Johannes Dominus Erskine 
Magister Robertus Richardson The- 

Magister Jacobus Makgill de Nether 

Rankeillour Clericus Registri 
Johannes Bellenden de Auchnoull 

miles Clericus Justiciarie 
Willelmus Maitland de Lethington 

junior Secretarius 

Presentibus etiam Dominis subscriptis ratione Conventionis, viz. 
Johanne Comite de Sutherland, Georgio Comite de Cathenes, Andrea 
Comite de Rothes, Johanne Domino de Menteith, Johanne Domino 
Glamis, Hugone Domino Somerville, Roberto Domino Boyd, Johanne 
Domino Fleming, Georgio Domino Seton, Johanne Domino Innermeath, 
Alexandro Domino Hume, Davide Domino Drummond, Andrea Domino 
Stewart de Ochiltree, Jacobo Domino Sancti Johannis, Johanne Magistro 
de Maxwell, et Jacobo Douglas de Drumlanrig, militibus] ^ 

The same day, forsamekle as the Queen's Majesty, by the advice of 
the Lords of her Secret Council, foreseeing the imminent trouble which 
apparently was to arise amongst the lieges of her realm for matters of 
Religion : to stay the same, and to evade all inconvenients that may follow 
thereupon, intercommuned with a part of the Clergy and Estate Ecclesi- 
astical, with whom then reasoning being had, it was thought good and 
expedient by her Highness, that a General Convention should be appointed 
the XV day of December instant, whereto the rest of the Estates might have 
repaired and, by the advice of the whole, a reasonable overture made and 
order taken for staying of the apparent trouble, and quieting of the whole 
country. Which Convention being by her Majesty appointed, and sundry 
days of Council kept, and the said Ecclesiastical Estate ofttimes required 
that the said order might be taken and overture made for staying of trouble 

' See supra, 28, note 3 

^ The sederunt has been suppUed from Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 192, where also 

the Act will be found. In the manuscript this first Act is incorrectly dated 20 December 

1 56 1. Knox's entries have been collated with the Register, but only one or two minor 

details have been corrected. 



and quieting of the country ; first ^ of all, in presence of the Queen's 
Majesty, and Lords of Council foresaid, and others of the Nobility of this 
Realm, compeared ^ John, Archbishop of Saint Andrews, Robert, Bishop 
of Dunkeld, Patrick, Bishop of Moray, and Henry, Bishop of Ross, and for 
themselves respective offered to the Queen's Grace to be content of three 
parts ^ of the rents of their benefices, and the fourth * part thereof to be 
employed as her Grace thought expedient. And because the certainty 
thereof was not known, nor yet what sums of money would sufficiently 
sustain the Ministry and Ministers of God's word within this Realm, nor 
yet how mekle was necessary to support the Qjueen's Majesty above her 
own rents for the common affairs of the country : Therefore, it is con- 
cluded, decerned, and determined by the Queen's Grace and Lords of 
Council foresaid, and others of the Nobility present, that if the fourth 
part ^ of the fruits of the whole benefices ecclesiastical within this Realm 
may be sufficient to sustain the Ministry through the whole Realm, and 
support the Queen's Majesty to entertain and set forward the common 
affairs of the country, failing thereof, the third part of he said fruits, 
or more, while ^ it be found sufficient to the effect foresaid, to be taken up 
yearly in time coming, while ^ a general order be taken therein ; samekle 
thereof to be employed to the Queen's Majesty for entertaining and 
setting forward of the common affairs of the country, and samekle thereof 
unto the Ministers and sustentation of the Ministry, as may reasonably 
sustain the same, at the sight and discretion of the Queen's Majesty and 
Council foresaid : and the excrescence and superplus to be assigned unto 
the old possessors. And to that effect that the rents and yearly avail of 
the whole benefices within this Realm may be clearly known to the 
Queen's Majesty and Council foresaid. It is statute and ordained, that the 
whole rentals of all benefices within this Realm be produced before her 
Grace and Lords foresaid, at the times underwritten ; That is to say, 
of the benefices on this side of the Mounth,' the xxiv day of January 
next to come, and beyond the Mounth, the tenth of February next 
thereafter. And ordains letters to be directed to officers of the Queen's 
sheriffs in that part, to pass, charge, and require all and sundry Arch- 
bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Commendators and Priors of this Realm on 
this side of the Mounth personally, if they can be apprehended, and failing 
thereof, at the said Archbishops', Bishops', Abbots', Commendators' and 
Priors' dwelling-places, cathedral kirks, or abbeys ; and all Deans, Sub- 

' The manuscript (folio 313 recto) has last of all. 

^ To compear is a legal term meaning to present oneself in court either in response to 
a summons or in fulfilment of an obligation to attend under the burden of rendering suit 
or presence. 

^ In the manuscript, " to be content of the two parte," thus anticipating the arrange- 
ment eventually reached. 

* In the manuscript, corrected hom. fourth to third, and then back again by a marginal 
correction to fourth. 

^ In the manuscript, again corrected ivom. fourth to third, and then back again, by 
a marginal correction io fourth. 


' The Mounth is the old name for the range of mountains extending across Scotland 
from Aberdeenshire on the east to northern Argyll on the West. 


deans, Archdeans, Chanters, Sub-chantors, Provosts, Parsons, Vicars, 
and other beneficed men [whatsomever],^ their Chamberlains and Factors, 
personally or at their dwelling-places, or at their parish kirks, where they 
should remain, to exhibit and produce before the Queen's Majesty and 
Lords foresaid, the said xxiv day of January next to come, the just and 
true rental of the avail and rents of their benefices to the effect foresaid ; 
and to charge the prelates and other beneficed men on the yond ^ side of 
the Mounth in manner respective foresaid, to [exhibit and] ^ produce the 
just and true rental of their benefices before the Queen's Majesty and 
Lords foresaid the said tenth day of February next to come, to the effect 
above rehearsed, With certification to them that fails, the Queen's Grace 
and Council will proceed against [them] as accords : And siclike to charge 
the whole Superintendents, Ministers, Elders, and Deacons of the principal 
towns and shires of this Realm, to give in before the Queen's Grace and 
Lords of Council foresaid, the said xxiv day of January next to come, 
a formal and sufficient roll and memorial, what may be sufficient and 
reasonable to sustain the Ministry and whole Ministers of this Realm, 
that her Majesty and Lords of Council foresaid may take order therein 
as accords : And further, that the Queen's Majesty and Lords of Council 
foresaid [may] ^ ryplie ^ and digestly weigh and consider what necessary 
support is required to be taken yearly of the fruits of the said benefices 
by * her Grace's own yearly rent, to entertain and set forward the common 
affairs of this Realm, against the said xxiv day of January next to come, 
that then it may be proceeded in the said matter, all parties be satisfied, 
and the whole country and lieges thereof set in quietness. 

[The same day, forsamekle as the weighty and debatable causes 
standing amongst the lieges of this Realm, which might give occasion of 
break and inquieting of the whole estate of the same for eschewing 
thereof the Queen's Majesty appointed a Convention of the Nobility 
and Clergy of her Grace's Realm foresaid, to compear the xv day of ^J 

December instant : which being held, and divers times continued, com- 
peared, John, Archbishop of Saint Andrews, Robert, Bishop of Dunkeld, 
Patrick, Bishop of Moray, and Henry, Bishop of Ross, and offered as after 
follows ; That is to say, that they being restored to their benefices and 
privileges and answered thereof, offers to the Queen's Majesty for the space 
of one year, the fourth part of the rents of their benefices, to be employed 
as her Grace thinks expedient : And this they offered, and no fui'ther.] ^ 

Apud Linlithgow, 24 Januarii, Anno &c. 1561 " 

Forsamekle as the Queen's Majesty, by the advice of the Lords of 
her Secret Council, directed her Letters commanding all and sundry 

' The words within square brackets do not appear in the entry in the Register of the 
Privy Council. ^ beyond, that is further 

' maturely, through heing fully informed * besides, apart from 

' This entry does not appear in the manuscript. It is taken from the Register of the 
Privy Council (i, 194) and serves to connect the preceding Act with those that follow. 

That is, 24 January 1562. No sederunt appears in the Register of the Privy Council 
(i, 196). 


Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, [Commendators] ,^ Priors, Deans, Arch- 
deans, [Subdeans, Chantors, Subchantors],^ Parsons, Vicars, and all other 
beneficed men, their factors, fermorars,^ and tacksmen,^ to compear 
before her Highness and Lords foresaid, at Edinburgh, or where it shall 
happen them to be for the time, so many as dwells upon this side of the 
Mounth, the xxiv day of January instant ; and them that dwells beyond 
the Mounth, the tenth day of February next to come ; that the just avail 
of their benefices may be known, so that thereafter her Grace might take 
order for the sustaining of the Ministry of the Kirk,'* and public business 
of the Realm : And because the Queen's Majesty is presently occupied 
in other affairs, and may not attend herself upon the receipt of the said 
rentals, Therefore her Highness has given and granted, and by these 
presents gives and grants, full power and commission to Master James 
McGill of Rankeillor Nether, Clerk of Register, Sir John Bellenden of 
Auchinoull, knight, Justice Clerk, Treasurer, Secretary, Advocate, and 
Laird of Pittarrow,^ To call before them, within the burgh of Edinburgh, 
ail and sundry prelates and beneficed men who are charged by virtue of 
the said letters, and now being in Edinburgh, or that hereafter shall 
happen to repair thereto, their factors and fermorars, and there inquire 
of them the rentals of their benefices, and receive the same from them, 
to the eflfect foresaid : And siclike that the said Commissioners cause 
warn all Superintendents, [Ministers] ^ Elders, and Deacons, to give unto 
them the names of the whole Ministers of this Realm, that the just calcula- 
tion being considered and made by the said Commissioners of the avail 
of the said benefices, they may report the same to the Queen's Majesty, 
that her Highness may take order therein ; according to the [just] ^ tenor 
of the first Ordinance made thereupon, 

Apud Edinburgh, xii Februarii, Anno &g. 1561 ^ 


Georgius Comes de Huntlie Alexander Comes de Glencairn 

Archibaldus Comes Ergadie Jacobus Comes de Morton 

Jacobus Comes de Mar Johannes Dominus Erskine 

Willelmus Marescalli Comes Johannes Bellenden de Auchnoull 
Johannes Atholie Comes miles Clericus Justiciarie.] ' 

The which day, forsamekle as by Statute and Ordinance made by the 
Queen's Majesty and Lords of Secret Council, and her Highness's letters 

' The words within square brackets do not appear in the entry in the Register of the 
Privy Council. * Tenants holding by a money-rent or ferme 

' Tenants holding on a tack or lease 

* In the Register of the Privy Council (i, 196) the wording runs " ministers of the poor 
and public business of the realm." 

' These officials were Mr. Robert Richardson, Treasurer ; William Maitland of 
Lethington, Secretary ; and Mr. John Spens of Condie, Advocate. Sir John Wishart 
of Pittarrow was appointed as Comptroller less than a month later, namely on 16 February 
1562. (MS. Reg. Secreti Sigilli, xxxi, 3) * That is, 12 February 1562 

' The sederunt is supplied from the Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 199. 


directed thereupon, All and sundry Archbishops, [Bishops] ^ Abbots, 
Commendators, Priors, Archdeans, Deans, Subdeans, Chantors, Sub- 
chantors. Provosts, Parsons, Vicars, and other beneficed men of this Realm, 
were charged to exhibit and produce the rentals of their benefices before 
her Majesty and Lords foresaid, in manner following : That is to say, 
the said beneficed men, [dwelling] ^ on this side of the Mounth, the xxiv 
day of January last bypast, and on the other side of the Mounth, the tenth 
of February instant, to that effect that order might be taken therein con- 
form to the said Ordinance ; with certification to them, and they failed, 
the Queen's Majesty and Council [foresaid] ^ would take order therein, 
as the same Ordinance bears : Notwithstanding the which, and that the 
Queen's Majesty and Council, and others appointed by her for receiving 
of the said rentals, has continually, since the said xxiv day of January, 
awaited upon the receiving thereof ; yet a very small number of them has 
produced the said rentals, contemning therethrough not only her Grace's 
Ordinance and Proclamation foresaid, but also herself and her authority, 
like as they were princes and not subjects, express against reason, equity, 
and justice : For remedy whereof, the Queen's Majesty ordains by advice 
of the Lords of her Secret Council that Factors and Chamberlains be 
appointed to intromet, gather, uplift and receive to our Sovereign Lady's 
use all and sundry mailles,^ fermes,^ teinds,* rents, provents,^ emoluments, 
cains,^ profits and duties of whatsomever benefices, whereof the rentals 
are not produced, conform to the said Ordinance : And if any rental 
else ' produced l^ears not the just avail, but is fraudfully made, to intromet 
and uptake samekle of the fruits and profits of the said benefices as are 
omitted forth of the said rental ; and the ingivers of the rentals, and 
possessors of the benefices thereof, shall never have action to crave, clame, 
or receive from the tenants and possessors, further nor is contained in the 
said rentals else ' produced by them : and the said tenants and possessors 
shall nowise be held to pay any more for their rowmes ^ to the possessors 
of the said benefices and ingivers of the said rentals, nor is contained in 
the same rentals else produced, as said is : And that the said Factors and 
Chamberlains to be appointed by the Queen's Majesty shall have sufficient 
power to intromet and uptake the fruits and profits foresaid, siclike as if 
special letters of Factory and Chamberlainry were granted to them there- 
upon. And ordains the Lords of Session to direct forth letters at the said 
Factors' and Chamberlains' instance, either horning or poinding,^ as shall 
be thought expedient, for causing of them to be answered of the fruits of 
the said benefices, to be forthcoming to the Queen's Majesty's behalf, 
while further order be taken therein. 

* The words in square brackets do not appear in the entry in the Register of the Privy 

^ farm-rents ^ rents * tithes ' profits, or issues 

* duties paid in kind ' already * holdings 

* That is, either letters declaring a person a rebel and at the horn, or letters ordering his 
moveable goods to be distrained or poinded. 



Apud Edinburgh, xv Februarii, Anno &c. 1561 ^ 


Georgius Comes de Huntlie 
Archibaldus Ergadie Comes 
Jacobus Comes de Mar 

Johannes Atholie Comes 
Jacobus Comes de Morton 
Willelmus Marescalli Comes] ^ 

The which day, forsamekle as the Queen's Majesty, by the advice of 
the Lords of her Secret Council and others divers of the Nobility, had of 
before, upon the xxii day of December last bypast, ordained that if the 
fourth part of the fruits and rents of all the benefices within this Realm 
were not sufficient for the support of her Majesty and other particular 
charges underwritten necessary to be borne for the tranquillity of the 
country ; then the third part of the said fruits, more or less, should be 
taken up to the effects foresaid. And attour ^ ordained letters to be directed 
charging all and sundry beneficed men, on this side of the Mounth, to 
produce their rentals upon the xxiv day of January last bypast ; and 
the tenth day of February instant was prefixed by the said letters for in- 
bringing of all rentals of the benefices beyond the Mounth ; with certifica- 
tion that who produced not the said rentals at the days foresaid respective, 
the Queen's Majesty and her Council would provide remedy. According 
to the which certification, her Highness, with advice of her Council fore- 
said, has ordained that those who have not produced their rentals, whole 
and full intromission shall be had of their fruits, by them whom her 
Majesty shall direct thereto ; and who have not given in their just rentals, 
whatsomever part omitted in their said rentals shall be intrometted with 
in like manner. And further, having consulted ryply,* and diligently 
advised upon the common affairs and necessities concerning the Queen's 
Majesty, and charges to be borne, for the common weal of the Realm, 
and sustentation of the Preachers and Readers, conform to the said 
Ordinance made thereupon of before, has found and declared the whole 
third parts of all benefices within this Realm, of which the rentals are 
produced, to be taken up by the person or persons to be nominated by 
her Majesty, and to begin upon this last crop of the year of God 1561, 
the same to be employed to the effect foresaid : together with the whole 
fruits of the benefices whereof the rentals are not produced ; and also 
of samekle as is omitted in the rentals produced : And that order be 
directed by the Queen's Majesty to the Lords of Session that the old 
possessors may be answered of the remaining fruits of the said benefices ; 
providing that the third part foresaid be fully and wholly taken up by 
the persons to be deputed to the uptaking thereof : And this order 
to continue and stand ay and whill ^ further order be taken by the 
Queen's Majesty with advice of her Estates. Moreover her Highness 
by the advice of her Council foresaid, has statute and ordained that all 

1 That is, 15 February 1562 

' The sederunt has been supplied from the Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 201. 

' moreover * maturely, through hcing fully informed 

' until 

(653) Vol u 22 


annuals,^ mailles,^ and duties within free burghs, or other towns of this 
Realm, as well pertaining to Chaplainries, Prebendaries, as to Friars, 
together with the rents of the Friars' lands, wherever they be, [and the] 
setting and disponing ^ thereupon, be intrometted with, and taken up 
by such as her Grace shall depute thereto ; for employing of the same 
by her Highness, to Hospitals, Schools, and other godly uses, as shall seem 
best to her Highness, by the advice of her Council : And knowing that 
nothing is more commodious for the said Hospitals, nor the places of 
Friars as [are] yet standing undemolished, as also to the entertaining 
of Schools, Colleges, and other uses foresaid : Ordains the Provost and 
Bailies of Aberdeen, Elgin in Moray, Inverness, Glasgow, and other 
burghs of this Realm, where the same are not demolished, to entertain 
and uphold the said Friars' places standing in the said towns, upon the 
common good * thereof, and to use the same to the common-weal and 
service of the said towns, ay and quhill ^ the Queen's Majesty be further 
advised and take final order in such things, notwithstanding any other 
gift, title, or interest given to whatsomever persons of the said places, with 
their yards, orchards, and pertinents, by our Sovereign Lady of before.^ 

* annual rents - here meaning burgage-rents ' leasing or conveying 

* The common good of a burgh was the property and income belonging in common to the 
whole community of the burgh. 

^ until 

For a final Act of the Privy Council in relation to the ingathering of the Thirds of 
the Benefices, passed to prevent a fraudulent prior-ingathering of fruits and rents, see 
Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 204-206. 



I, Thomas, Armite in Larite,^ 
Sainct Frances brether do hartlie greit, 
Beseiking yow with ferme intent, 

To be walkryfe * and diligent ; 
For thir Lutherians, rissen of n ew, 
O vtr Ordour daylie d ois persew : 
Thay smaikis ^ do sett their haill intent. 
To reid this EngUsh New Testament ; 
And sayes. We have thame clene disceavit. 
Therefore, in haist, they man be stoppit. 
Our stait ^ hypocrisie they prysse,^ 
And us blaspheamis on this wyse, 
Sayand, That we are heretikes, 
And fals, loud, liand, mastif tykes ; 
Cumerars ^ and quellars ^ of Christes kirk, 
Sueir swongeouris ^" that will not wirk, 
But_ydleJ[ie our^ living wynnes. 
Dev ouring woulv es into sheip skynnes , 
Hurkland with huides ^ ^ into our neck, 
Wyth Judas mynd to jouck and beck,^^ 
Seikand Christes peple to devoir, 
The down thringars '^ of God his glore, 
Professouris of hipocrisie, 
And doctouris in idolatrie, 
Stout fyschares with the Feihdis nett. 
The upclosars of Heavins yett,^* 
Cankcarit corruptars of the Creid, 
Homlok sawares ^^ amangest good seid, 
To trow ^^ in traytouris, that do men tyiste,^' 
The hie way kennand thame fra Ghryst, 

' Holy Hermit of Alareit, that is, of Loretto, near Musselburgh 

tl '' See supra, i, 30, note 5 

I * Thomas Douchtie, founder of the Chapel of Our Lady of Loretto (1533). (See 

Diurnal of Occurrents, 1 7) 

^ watchful ^ Those poltroons ^ estate ' account 

* troublers slayers " lazy sluggards 

" hulking beneath our hoods '^ bow and cringe *' overthrowers 

'* gate 1* hemlock sowers " believe *' entice 



Monstouris with the Beast his mark, 
Dogges that never stintes to bark, 
Kirk men that are with Christ unkend, 
A sect that Sathane self hes send, 
Lnrkand in holes, lyke tray tour toddes,^ 
Mantenaris of idoles and false goddes, 
Fantastik fooles and feynzeit fleachearis,^ 
To turne fra the treuth the verie teachearis. 
For to declair thair haill sentence, 
Wald mekle cummer ^ your conscience. 
They say your fayth it is sa stark, 
Your cord and lowsie coit * and sark, 
Ye lippin ^ it may bring yow to salvatioun, 
And quyte excludes Christ his passioun. 

I dreid this doctryne, yf it last, 
Sail other gar us either wirk or fast ; 
Therfor, with speid we mon provyde, 
And not our proffit to oureslyde. 
I schaip my selfe, within schort quhyle, 
To turse ^ our Ladie in Argyle ; 
And their, uncraftie wyse to wirk, 
Till that we bigged ' have ane kirk ; 
Syne ^ miracles mak be your avyse. 
Thay kettereles,^ though they had but lyse, 
The twa part to us they will bring : 
But ordourlie to dress this thing, 
A gaist ^" I pu[r]pose to gar gang. 
Be counsall of Freir Walter Lang,^^ 
Quhilk sail mak certane demonstrations, 
To help us in our procurations. 
Your haly Ordour to decoir : 
That practik he proved anes before, 
Betuix Kirkcaldie and Kingorne ^^ ; 
But lymmars ^^ made therat sic skorne, 
And to his fame maide sic degressioun, 
Sensyne he hard not the Kinges confessioun. 
Thoicht at that tyme he came na speid, 
I pray yow tak guid will as deid ; 

' foxes - dissembling flatterers ' much trouble * coat 

' trust " to carry off hastily ' built ' afterwards 

' those low follows ' ghost 

" Friar Walter [William] Laing was a chaplain attached to James V's court. Accord- 
ing to Foxe he betrayed Henry Forrest's confession to Cardinal Beaton. Friar Laing's 
" conjuring of a ghost " is referred to by Galderwood {History, i, 142), and by Buchanan 
(see infoa, note 13) 

'' Buchanan says at Dysart. 

' rogues. And among the " rogues " who made scorn of Friar Laing's " ghaist " was 
undoubtedly George Buchanan. (See the analysis of his Franciscanus, lines 823-911, in 
Glasgow Quatercenlenary Studies of George Buchanan, 312-321) 


And him amongest your selves receave, 

As ane worth mony of the leave. ^ 

Quhat I obteyne may, through his arte, 

Ressoun wald ye had your parte. 

Your Ordour handles na monye, 

But for uther casualitie, 

As beif, meill, butter, and cheiss, 

Or quhat that we have, that ye plese. 

Send your Bretheren et habete. 

As now nocht elles, but valete. 

Be Thomas your brother at command, 
A cullurune kythed ^ throw many a land. 

the rest, the others * a rascal known 


A reference within brackets indicates that an explanatory note has been 

suppUed on that page 

abuse deceive (by word or by writing) 
advise consider ; take under consideration 
aefald honest, sincere ; (literally, one- 
after according to 
aggreage, aggredge aggravate ; make graver ; 

lay stress upon 
allanerly only 
allutterly utterly, entirely 
allya alliance 
almous alms 
aneuch enough 
annual annual-rent 
aposthume aposteme (abscess) 
arguessin lieutenant of a galley (i, 1 08) 
armite eremite, hermit 
attour moreover 
aucht owed 

auditour, auditure auditory, audience 
ayre early 

backs, to give backs to turn one's back, to 

barratry the purchase or sale of an ecclesi- 
astical benefice or pension (i, 341) 

bawbie a small coin of base metal, worth at 
one time six pence (Scots), and hence 
worth about a halfpenny (English) ; 
vulgarly equated with a halfpenny 

bear barley (of an inferior quality) 

beck cringe ; bow down 

beddrelles bedridden 

beetle a heavy wooden mallet 

begould began 

bewray distort 

besides apart from 

big, bigg build 

bigane bygone ; in the past 

birse bristle ; used metaphorically for the 

boast, boist threaten 

bordel, bordell brothel 

boss disreputable fellow ; drunkard (i, 44) 

boiird jest 

Bowes [papal] Bulls 

box gift 

brag boast 

brod board ; a ' painted brod ' is thus a 

brook, bruik, bruke possess, hold ; enjoy 
bruit report, rumour 
bud increase 
budd bribe 

buist, bust chest, coffer (i, 130) 
bukkill buckle, hence engage, grapple 
bundin bound 
burne deceive ; play false 
but without 
butting plunder ; or, perhaps, household 

gear (i, 32) 
by without regard to ; despite ; apart 

from ; without 
bye-lyers ' sitters on the fence ' 

cagot hypocrite (ii, 190) 

caiche catch-ball 

cain duty paid in kind 

calsay causeway ; street 

cammoise coarse linen (ii, 62) 

cannabie canopy 

carters card-players 

censement judgment ; opinion 

charge maintain (a use derived from the 

meaning ' to cause to bear ') 
^eek-mate boon companion 
claw-backs ' back-scratchers ' ; flatterers ; 

cockle corn-cockle (the weed, Lychnis 

Githago or Agrostemma Githago) 
cqft bought 

coloured pretended ; disguised ; sham 
compear to present oneself in response to a 

formal summons (ii, 327) 
compte account 
conceit conception 
conferring comparing 




conjured sworn 

contentation satisfaction ; contentment 

course, by course in turn 

cowhuby cow-boy, cow-herd ; hence, a 

stupid fellow 
cowp up tip up 
craig rock ; neck 
cuide chrisom 
cullurune poltroon 
cummer trouble 
cummerer troubler 
cunning wise 
cunz'ie coinage 
cunzie-house mint 
cure a narrow passage 
cursing excommunication 

dadding dashing 
dagg pistol 

dagged shot thickly ; let fly 
danton daunt, intimidate, subdue 
deambulatour place for a stroll 
debtful due 

decern determine, judge 
decoir, decore adorn, in the sense of honour 
deface defame 
delation formal accusation 
deprave defame 
deprehend apprehend, take 
dictament phraseology 
die ton saying 

ding drive, smash, overcome, defeat 
discovering uncovering, disclosing, exposing 
dispone convey 
divagation wandering 
docility aptitude for learning 
document admonition ; intimation ; evidence 
dontybours, dountybours hangers-on ; courte- 
sans (ii, 9) 
dortour dormitory 
doted endowed ; dowered 
doung driven, struck, overcome 
dounthring overthrow 
dule weed mourning weeds 
dung driven, struck, overcome 

effeiring pertaining to, proportionate to 

effeirs concerns ; as effeirs as accords 

effray fright 

eik increase ; add 

eird earth 

eirdit buried 

else otherwise ; already 

e7ne kinsman 

emplesour pleasure 

ene eyes 

engine genius ; mother-wit 

enseignzie, ensenzie ensign, standard ; used 

also for the men under an ensign, that is, 

a company 
entracted detracted 
entres entry ; interest 
espials spies 

ethnick gentile, that is, heathen 
everilk each and every 
expone explain ; represent 
extrye axle-tree 

fact act, deed ; matter 

falcon a cannon, of about three inches 

falsett falseness, deceit 
fard fervour, vehemence 
fashery trouble, vexation 
fate act, deed ; matter 
feals faithful followers ; dependants ; 

fear slowly ; solemnly 
fenzeil, feynzeit feigned ; dissembled 
ferilie wonderfully ; marvellously 
ferme rent 

fermorar a tenant holding on a money-rent 
fertour reliquary (i, 127) 
fessned fixed, fastened 
file thread 
fleachearis flatterers 
fleiche flatter 
fleyed afraid 
fiingers dancers 
flirt scoff 
flyre ridicule 

foiranent, foranent directly opposite 
forfaltour forfeiture 
forsatnekle forasmuch 
forsars galley-slaves (i, 108) 
foryett forgot 
fow full 
frack resolute ; active ; to make frack to 

make ready 
fray frighten 
freammed, fremmed distant ; foreign ; 

furiors billeting officers (i, 183) 

gait road 
gaper aspirant 
garnish fortify ; garrison 
gart caused 



gawfe guffaw 

gawmound gambol 

gernal, girnal, girnel granary 

gett brat ; child 

girn snarl (ii, 237) 

glaise a short sharp burst of heat 

glondours ill-favour (i, 71) 

glowming scowling 

good-daughter step-daughter (ii, 33) 

goodsire grandfather 

gossips god-parents ; sponsors 

graitfi harness ; ware ; fittings, furnishings 

grandsire great-grandfather 

gree degree ; step 

greet, greit weep 

gretumly greatly 

grew shudder 

gyrth sanctuary 

hackbut of crock arquebus-i-croc (i, 320) 

haitrent hatred 

hamesucken violent breaking into a house 

and the assault of a man (or woman) 

within his (or her) house 
hant haunt ; frequent 
happ skip 
harberous providing shelter or protection ; 

hard-head a small coin of base metal (i, 222) 
hards coarse linen (i, 88) 
harle drag ; draw 
haterent, hatterent hatred 
hecht promise ; engagement 
helsum wholesome 
herschip ravaging 
hetterent hatred 
horn, to put to the horn to denounce as a rebel 

(ii> 59) 
host cough 
how deep 

hulie cautiously, carefully 
hurkland crouching 

idiot a private person ; hence, a layman 

ilk each 

ilkane each one 

incredulity unbelief 

indifferent impartial 

indurate hardened ; impenitent 

inlaik lack, want 

intend direct towards 

intromet intermeddle ; interfere 

jack a quilted coat for war 

jackmen armed followers ; liveried retainers 

jefwells knaves, rascals (i, 34) 

joise enjoy 

jouk bow ; stoop down ; duck 

jow move from side to side ; tojow the bell 

to ring the bell 
justified executed ; put to death 

ken know 
kepp intercept 
kettereles low-down fellows 
kist chest 
kithed practised 
knapped cracked, struck 
knapscall head-piece 
kythed known, shown 

lapped wrapped up 

lardon sarcasm ; double-entendre (i, 366) 

lared bogged 

lavachre purification ; baptism (i, 151) 

I aw tie loyalty 

layit money money of base 

layit alloyed ; 

leasings, lesings 
leave, lave rest, 
leif live 
lesum lawful 
limmer rogue 
lippen trust, expect : 

confidently expect 

lies, falsehoods 

lippen to rely upon. 

maill rent 

manck lack ; be deficient 

manrent, bond of a bond or engagement to 

support a superior in all his quarrels and 

marmouset a small grotesque image (i, 127) 
marrow one of a pair ; one's equal, or 

opponent (in a contest) 
mean, meane, mene complain 
mean design ; intent 
mekle much 
mell meddle 

menzie company ; retinue ; following 
mint threat 
mister need 
modify assess 
monzeons minions 

monzeors ? monsieurs, that is, messieurs 
morrion steel-cap ; helm 
mot may 
mowes jest 
mummers mutterers 


neff fist 

nejfeling fisticuffs 

non-sunt a small coin of base metal (i, 222) 

notour notorious ; well-known 

oblisse bind ; that is, be imder obligation 
oblist bound ; obliged ; under obligation 
ojferand offering ; receipts from offerings 
once at one time ; at once ; at one and the 

same time ; once and for all 
or ere 

orison oration 
orphelingis orphans 
oidk week 

over-thorte athwart ; across 
oxter arm-pit 

padgean pageant ; mummery 

pair, pare impair ; decrease 

palzean, palzeon pavilion ; tent 

panel the accused in court 

pasche Easter 

pasementit laced 

pasquil lampoon 

patrociny patronage 

paucks cunning ; slyness 

pined punished 

placebo 'yes-man' (i, 15) 

plack a small coin of base metal (i, 16) 

plain complain 

platt plan ; scheme 

pleuch plough 

pley debate 

pock bag 

poise, pose hoard ; hoard of money ; treasure 

pottingar apothecary 

presently now ; at present 

pretence intent 

pretend intend 

prevent come before ; forestall ; forgo 

prick point 

prickers light horsemen 

propine to offer a gift 

proport purport 

provents issues ; revenues 

purpose, to hold purpose with to enter into 

conversation with 
pynours pioneers ; labourers 

raik track (i, 320) 

rang reigned 

reacuntar rencontre 

reason question 

reclame call upon ; reclaim 


recollect bring together 

red rid, free 

reduce bring back 

regiment rule ; government 

reif theft 

remanent remainder, rest 

remit put back ; re-instate ; send back 

reparelling plenishing ; furnishing 

repone place back ; restore 

repugn impugn 

respect respite ; postpone 

retrahibition countermand 

ring reign 

ripely, reply, ryply maturely 

Toung, rung reigned 

rouped, rowped croaked 

rowme place ; turn ; holding (of land) 

hence, inheritance 
rownged filed ; worn away 
ruse boast 
ryped searched 

scabrously rudely 

scaill disperse 

scantly scarcely 

schone shoes 

scoupars skippers 

scripped mocked 

scruijf a thin covering ; thus used for thin 

or worn money, or money of a very base 

alloy (i, 221) 
seige seat 

seinze synod, session 
sen since ; thereafter 
sensyne since ; later 
shackle-bones wrists 
shavelings a contemptuous term for the 

Roman clergy with their shaven tonsures 
shopped struck 
siclyke suchlike ;' likewise 
silly weak 
sithence since 
skaill disperse 
skair part 

skeife section ; division (1, 94) 
skrimpled scorched 

skybalds worthless fellows ; ragamuffins 
sloghorne slogan ; war-cry 
smaiks poltroons 
smote strain 
snappers mishaps 
sned lop 
solist solicitous 
souter shoe-maker 





sparse spread 

speir inquire 

splint leg-armour 

spuilzie, spulzie spoil 

spurtill a large wooden stick used for 

stammered staggered 
stancheour stanchion 
steik shut 

stog stab ; stog-sword a thrusting-sword 
stop interfere with 
stopped holed 
stoup prop 
stowen stolen 
stowth theft 

stracked clasped (of hands) 
sture at to be discontented with 
sua so 

sueir loth ; lazy 
suppost supporter (i, 232) 
swash drum 
swing sway 

swongeours ' lead-swingers ' ; sluggards 
syne after ; afterwards ; moreover that 

is, after all that 

tack lease 

tacksman leaseholder 

tone taken 

targatting tasselling 

teinds tithes 

tender have regard to ; safeguard 

tentation trial 

thai, thay those 

thir these 

thochl though 

thoill, thole suffer, endure ; allow ; undergo 

thrist thirst 

tinsall, tynsall loss 

toddes foxes 

to-look prospect 

toome, tume empty 

tor arm (of a chair) 

tred path ; direction 
trowan trusted 
tyiste entice 
tynsall, tinsall loss 
tynt lost 
turse carry 

urnquhile late, deceased 

unable disqualify 

unhap misfortune, mischance 

unprovided unprepared ; unforeseen 

upfall relapse 

vaik become, or remain, vacant 
vake attend to 
vissorne vizor ; mask 

wa unhappy 

wadset, wodset mortgage 

wait know 

walking awake 

walkryfe watchful 

want do without ; lack 

wanton extravagant 

war worse 

waring expense 

worsting, warstling wrestling 

wat know 

while until 

whinger short sword, or dagger ; (literally, 

a hanger) 
wit know ; knowledge 
wite blame 
witty wise 

wodness, woodness rage ; anger 
wolter overturning ; revolution 
wote know 
wreck niggardly ; avaricious (i, 344) 

yead,yeid went 

yett gate 

yond beyond ; further 


The intention of this Note is to give the general reader some guidance with 
regard to the Hterature on Knox and the history of his time. The Note does 
not pretend to be exhaustive, and no attempt has been made to include all the 
works cited in the Introduction and in the footnotes to the Text. The works 
have been grouped as follows : 

(i) The Works of John Knox 

(2) Biographies of John Knox 

(3) Contemporary Documents and Records 

(4) Contemporary or near-contemporary Narrative Sources, Literary Works, 
and Polemical Writings 

(5) Modern Works 


The Works of John Knox ; Collected and edited by David Laing. 6 vols. Edin- 
burgh, 1 846- 1 864. 

Vols. I and H, which contain the ' History of the Reformation of Religion 
within the Realm of Scotland,' were published by the Bannatyne Club (and 
issued also to members of the Wodrow Society) ; vols. HI, IV, V, and VI were 
not published by the Bannatyne Club, but were printed on Club paper and 
provided for the members. A reprint of the six volumes, with new title-pages, 
was issued by James Thin in 1895. 

The general arrangement of the six volumes is : 

Vol. I The History of the Reformation, Books I and II. 

This volume contains a valuable note on the ' Manuscript Copies 
of the History.' 

Vol. II The History of the Reformation, Books HI, IV, and V. 

Vol. Ill Early Writings, from 1548 to 1554, including Letters to Mrs. 
Elizabeth Bowes and her daughter Marjory, 1553-1554- 

Vol. IV Writings from 1555 to 1558, including the First Blast of the Trumpet 
against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, the two versions of the 
Letter to the Queen Regent, and Familiar Epistles, 1555- 1558. 

Vol. V Further Writings, 1558- 1560. 

Vol. VI Letters written 1559-1572 ; the Reasoning With. Quintin Kennedy; 

the Sermon preached in St. Giles, 19 August 1565 ; the Book of 

Common Order ; and other documents and writings. 

This volume contains an Editorial Preface giving a brief outline 

of Knox's life and work. 

This monumental collection is unlikely ever to be superseded. Through- 
out, the notes and the editorial comments reflect the learning and scholarship 
of David Laing, then " easily the Prince of all living authorities in all matters 
of Scottish history and biography." 

The text of the History of the Reformation is based upon the so-called ' MS. 



of 1566 ' the earliest of the manuscripts and has been used for the present 
edition. (See supra, 1, xcv-cix) 

[Cited throughout as ' Laing's Knox '] 


The principal biographies are : 
P. Hume Brown. John Knox, A Biography. 2 vols. London, 1895 

A careful and well-documented biography including, for the period of 
Knox's exile abroad, the results of original research into Continental sources. 
Because of its scope, the work is also a study of the Reformation period in 
Scottish history. 

A. Taylor Innes. John Knox. Edinburgh, 1896. (Famous Scots Series) 

An admirable survey, within a limited compass, of the main aspects of 
Knox's life and work. Based largely on Knox's own writings, the book 
captures something of the essential spirit of the man. 

Andrew Lang. John Knox and the Reformation. London, 1 905 

Like all Andrew Lang's work, this ' biography ' is lively and provocative. 
In the Preface Lang states that he has tried " to get behind Tradition," while 
Knox's History of the Reformation is to be regarded " as the work of an old- 
fashioned advocate rather than as the summing up of a judge." The book 
is a useful corrective : it compels the reader to re-assess Knox's work and 
to determine for himself how much of the ' new criticism ' is accurate and 

Thomas M'Crie. Life of John Knox. 2 vols. Edinburgh, 5th ed., 183 1 

This was the first important biography of Knox, and it has enjoyed a 
deservedly high reputation. Even to-day it is still useful. Admittedly it 
represents the ' Tradition ' to which Andrew Lang took exception ; but it 
is a work of scholarship and, while the bias can be easily detected, there is 
no attempt to distort the evidence or to suppress important facts. 

Lord Eustace Percy. John Knox. London, 1937 

This is the most recent biography and in many ways it is the best ; cer- 
tainly it is the best for the general reader. It is honest and impartial ; it 
understands the ' spirit of the time ' ; and it provides the necessary European 
background. Although the Preface opens with the words, " This is not 
a work of original research," full advantage has been taken of the research 
of others, and an attempt has been made to evaluate the results. Finally, 
and not unimportant, the book is written in an attractive and easy style. The 
absence of any apparatus criticus is to be regretted. 


Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland. Vol. VII 1538-41 ; vol. VIII 1541- 
46; vol. IX 1546-51 ; vol. X 1551-59; vol. XI 1559-66. (H.M. Stationery 

Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland, from the year 1560. 
Edited by Thomas Thomson. 3 vols. (Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club, 

[Cited as Booke of the Universall Kirk] 

Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland. Vol.11 1424-1567J vol. Ill 1567-92. (Record 



Ancient Criminal Trials in Scotland ; compiled from the original Records and MSS. 
Edited by Robert Pitcairn. 3 vols. (Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club, 


[Cited as Pitcairn, Criminal Trials'] 

Booke of the Universall Kirk. See Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the 
Kirk of Scotland 

Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth. (H.M. Stationery 

[Cited as Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth. The relevant volumes are : 
Vol. I 1558-59 ; vol. II 1559-60 ; vol. Ill 1560-61 ; vol. IV 1561-62 ; 
vol. V 1562 ; vol. VI 1563 ; vol. VII 1564-65.] 

Calendar of State Papers relating to Scotland and Mary, Queen of Scots. Vol. I 1547-63 ; 
vol. II 1563-69. (H.M. Stationery Office) 
[Cited as Calendar of Scottish Papers] 

Concilia Scotia. See Statuta Ecclesits Scoticauis 

Criminal Trials. See Ancient Criminal Trials 

Edinburgh Records : The Burgh Accounts. Edited by Robert Adam. 2 vols. (Printed 
for the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and Council ; Edinburgh, 1899) 

Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen. Edited by John Stuart. 
2 vols. (Spalding Club, 1844, 1848) 

Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh. Edited by Sir James D. Marwick. 
4 vols. (Scottish Burgh Records Society, 1869- 1882). Vol. I 1403- 1528 
(see Scottish Historical Review, xxvi, 190) ; vol. II 1528-57 ; vol. Ill 1557-71 ; 
vol. IV 1573-89. A general index to the four volumes was published separ- 
ately in 1892. 

[Cited as Edinburgh Burgh Records'] 

Hamilton Papers. Vol. I 1532-43 ; vol. II 1543-90. (H.M. Stationery Office) 

Inventaire Chronologique des Documents relatifs d VHistoire d'Ecosse conserves aux Archives 
du Royaume a Paris. Edited by Alexandre Teulet. (Abbotsford Club, 1839) 

Inventaires de la Royne Descosse. Edited by Joseph Robertson. (Bannatyne Club, 
This work has a long, fully documented and exceedingly valuable Preface, 
which is, unfortunately, unindexed. 

Mission de Beccane de Pavie, Baron de Fourquevaux, en Ecosse, i4g : Documents 
originaux dufonds Fourquevaux. Edited by G. Dickinson. Oxford, 1948 

Papal Negotiations with Mary Qiieen of Scots during her Reign in Scotland, 1361-1567. 
Edited by John Hungerford Pollen. (Scottish History Society, 1901) 

Papiers d'Etat, Pieces et Documents inedits ou pen connus relatifs d. rHistoire de VEcosse 
au XV J^ Siecle. Edited by Alexandre Teulet. Vol. I 1513-60 ; vol. II 
1561-87; vol. Ill 1563-1603. (Bannatyne Club, 1852-1860) 
[Cited as Papiers d'Etat] 

Register of the Minister, Elders and Deacons of the Christian Congregation of St Andrews, 
1559-1600. Edited by David Hay Fleming. 2 vols. (Scottish History 
Society, 1889, 1890) 

[Cited as St Andrews Kirk Session Register] 


Register of the Privy Council of Scotland. Vol. I 1545-69 ; vol. II 1569-78. (H.M. 
Stationery Office) 

Relations Politiques de la France et de VEspagne avec VEcosse au XVI^ Siecle. Edited 
by Alexandre Teulet. 5 vols. Paris, 1862 
[Cited as Relations Politiques] 

Rentale Dunkeldense, 1505-1517. Edited by Robert Kerr Hannay. (Scottish History 
Society, 1915) 

Rentale Sancti Andree, 1538-1546. Edited by Robert Kerr Hannay. (Scottish History 
Society, 1913) 

Sadler's State Papers. See State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph Sadler 

St. Andrews Kirk Session Register. See Register of the Minister, Elders and Deacons 
of the Christian Congregation of St. Andrews 

State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph Sadler. Edited by A. Clifford. 2 vols. Edin- 
burgh, 1809 

Scottish Correspondence of Mary of Lorraine, 1543-1560. Edited by Annie I. Cameron. 
(Scottish History Society, 1927) 

Statuta Ecclesiee Scoticana {Concilia Scotiie). Edited by Joseph Robertson. 2 vols. 
(Bannatyne Club, 1866) 
Vol. I consists entirely of an exceedingly valuable and fully documented 

Statutes of the Scottish Church, 1225-1559. Translated and edited by David Patrick. 

(Scottish History Society, 1907) 

This is a translation of Joseph Robertson's collection, Statuta Ecclesite 

Scoticance, but the translator has provided his own Introduction, Notes and 

Appendices. ( 



The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill. Edited by Robert Pitcairn. 

(Wodrow Society, 1842) | 

James Melville (i 556-1 61 4), nephew of the more celebrated Andrew 
Melville, was a student at St. Andrews at the time of Knox's sojourn there. 

The Catechism set forth by Archbishop Hamilton [1552] ; together with the Two-Penny 
Faith [1559]. I 

A facsimile edition with a Preface by Alexander F. Mitchell. Edinburgh, 

A Compendious Book of Psalms and Spiritual Songs [? 1570] commonly known as " The 
Gude and Godlie Ballates." Edited by David Laing. Edinburgh, 1868 
See supra, i, xxi-xxii 
A Diurnal of Remarkable Occurrents that have passed within the Country of Scotland since 
the Death of King James the Fourth till the year 1575. Edited by Thomas Thomson. 
(Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club, 1833) 

An anonymous, independent and exceedingly valuable contemporary 
record of events, of which by far the greater part covers the important period 
1559-73. Unfortunately the Bannatyne and Maitland Club editions are 
unindexed, though a separate, but not wholly satisfactory, index was prepared 


by A. G. Scott and others, and published in 1938. A critical edition of the 
Diurnal has been long overdue. 
[Cited as Diurnal of Occurrents] 

Fragments 0/ Scotish History. [Edited by Sir John Graham Dalyell.] Edinburgh, 

The last three ' Fragments ' are the contemporary ' Diary of Robert 
Birrel, Burgess of Edinburgh, 1532-1605,' ' The Late Expedition in Scot- 
land under the Earl of Hertford, 1544,' and Patten's ' Account of the Expe- 
dition into Scotland under the Duke of Somerset, 1547.' 

The Gude and Godlie Ballates. See A Compendious Book of Psalms and Spiritual Songs 

Historie and Chronicles of Scotland, written and collected by Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie. 

Edited by iEneas J. G. Mackay. 3 vols. (Scottish Text Society, 1899, 191 1) 

Lindsay of Pitscottie (? 1500-? 1565) was sympathetic to the Reformers 

and to the English party. His narrative is lively and often amusing, and he 

is the source of many of the romantic stories of Scottish history. A work to 

be used with the greatest caution, but to be read with the greatest pleasure. 

[Cited as Pitscottie, Chronicles] 

A History of Greater Britain, by John Major. Translated and edited by Archibald 
Constable. (Scottish History Society, 1892) 

The Historia Majoris Britanniae of John Major (1469- 1550) was first pub- 
lished at Paris in 1521, and is in many ways a remarkable book for its time. 
It is particularly valuable for its observations on the corruption within the 
Church and on the urgent need for reform. 

The Historie of Scotland, wrytten first in Latin by the most reverend and worthy Jhone 
Leslie, Bishop of Rosse, and translated in Scottish by Father James Dalrymple. 
Edited by E. G. Cody and William Murison. 2 vols. (Scottish Text Society, 
1888, 1895), and 
Tht History of Scotland, from the Death of King James I to the year 1561, by John Lesley, 
Bishop of Ross. Edited by Thomas Thomson. (Bannatyne Club, 1830) 

The De Origine, moribus, et rebus gestis Scotorum of John Leslie, or Lesley 
(1527-96), was published at Rome in 1578, and contains ten Books, of which 
the concluding three Books bear the separate title De rebus gestis Scotorum poster- 
lores libri tres, recentiorum regum historiam, qucB hucusque desiderabatur, ab anno domini 
iiccccxxxt^i. usque ad annum udlxh. fusius continentes. These last three Books 
were originally written (1570) in the vernacular (Bannatyne Club edition, 
above) ; they were then rewritten by Lesley in Latin with the addition of the 
earlier Books, and from the Latin of the whole ten Books a very poor translation 
into the vernacular was made by Father James Dalrymple in 1596 (Scottish 
Text Society edition, above). 

Lesley was a loyal servant to Mary and to the Roman Church. His 
account of the history of his own time is useful and, upon occasion, well 
reasoned ; but he is never able to forget his allegiances. 

Tht History oj Scotland, by George Buchanan. Translated from the Latin, with 

Notes, by James Aikman. 4 vols. Glasgow, 1827 

A critical edition of that part of Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia 

(1582), which covers the history of his own time would be welcome. Although 

a ' party history ' (and, with Buchanan's Lennox connections, doubly hostile 

to Mary because of the murder of Darnley), Buchanan's account of the period 
(663j VOL n 23 


1559 to 1567 is still useful if only as the account of a contemporary revealing 
the passions and prejudices of that difficult time. 
[Cited as Aikman's Buchanan] 

History of the Church of Scotland, by John Spottiswoode. Edited by M. Russell (vol. I) 

and Mark Napier (vols. II-III). 3 vols. (Spottiswoode Society, 1851) 

John Spottiswoode (1565-1637) was Archbishop of Glasgow, and later 

Archbishop of St. Andrews, in the ' First Episcopacy.' His History, written 

at the command of James VI, is that of a moderate Episcopalian, and his 

comments are naturally influenced in the same direction. But he is more 

charitable than Calderwood {q.v.), and it is difficult to find, in his own words, 

anything written " out of humour." He undoubtedly had access to a copy 

of Knox's History, but he did not borrow heavily in the manner of Calderwood. 

[Cited as Spottiswoode, History] 

A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from the year i^g to the year 1566. See Miscellany 
of the Wodrow Society 

The History of the Kirk of Scotland, by Mr. David Calderwood. Edited by the Rev. 
Thomas Thomson (vols. I-VII) and David Laing (vol. VIII). 8 vols. 
(Wodrow Society, 1 842-1 849) 

David Calderwood (1575- 1650) wrote as a perfervid Presbyterian and an 
opponent of Episcopacy (see his Altare Damascenum, 162 1), and his History 
received the encouragement and support of the General Assembly. This 
bias being borne in mind, his History is particularly valuable in that he gives 
in extenso many documents of which the originals have since been lost. A 
shorter version, entitled The True History of the Church of Scotland, preceded 
publication of the full work ; the full work certainly gave him a right to be 
regarded, in the words of the contemporary Robert Baillie, as the " living 
magazine of our ecclesiastical history." For the period to 1564 he borrows 
heavily from Knox. 

[Cited as Calderwood, History] 

Memoirs of his own Life, by Sir James Melville ofHalhill. Edited by Thomas Thomson. 
(Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club, 1827, 1833) 

Sir James Melville (1535-1617) was frequently entrusted with diplomatic 
missions in the reign of Mary, and in the earlier part of the reign of James VI. 
His Memoirs cover the period 1549-93. Undoubtedly he had much ' inside 
knowledge ' ; he writes with zest ; and we are indebted to him for many 
interesting details. But he compiled his Memoirs late iri life, and, upon occasion, 
his memory may have played him false. 

Miscellany of the Wodrow Society. Vol. I (all published). Edited by David Laing. 

Among other material this volume contains : 

A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from the year ig to the year i66 

This is a late seventeenth-century transcript of part of an earlier manu- 
script by an unknown author. The part that has thus survived covers the 
period July 1558 to April 1560. It is of considerable value as relating " a 
number of minute circumstances at the period of the Reformation not else- 
where to be met with," and serving " to corroborate the statements of other 
writers." Laing was of opinion that the original manuscript was not written 
by " a person hving at the time and describing events as an eye-witness," but 
by a later writer deriving his information " from some contemporary authority." 


Ane Compendius Tractive, &c., set fur th be Maister Quintine Kennedy, i^8 

Quintin Kennedy (1520-64) was one of the few meritorious churchmen 
in the pre-Reformation Church, and it is significant that his Compendius Tractive 
stands alone as the one work written during the period 1558-60 in support 
of the cause of Rome. In it Kennedy strives to encourage each " Christian 
man " to a continuance of faith and belief in the old Church, basing his 
arguments on the Scriptures (to answer the Reformers' appeal to the Word 
of God) and on the decisions of the Councils of the Church. 

The Poetical Works of Sir David Lyndsay. Edited by David Laing. 3 vols. Edin- 
burgh, 1879 

Sir David Lindsay, or Lyndsay (? 1490- 1555) saw service at the court 
of James V, was Lyon King of Arms, and was regarded with affection by his 
contemporaries as a man of upright life " invariably opposed to falsehood." 
His poetical works are a valuable source for the social history of his time ; they 
illustrate the baronial disorders within Scotland, the party factions and the 
family feuds, the weakness of the central authority, and, above all, the licentious 
lives of the clergy and the corruption within the Church. Essentially Lindsay 
was the people's poet ; he wrote for the people and to the people ; and his 
sympathies are always with the people against Nobility and Church alike. 

Two Missions of Jacques de la Brosse. Edited by Gladys Dickinson. (Scottish 
History Society, 1942) 

This volume contains ( i ) Discours des affaires du Royaume descosse : a report 
by La Brosse and Menage of the state of Scotland, social, military, and political, 
in the autumn of 1543 ; and (2) Journal : a day-to-day account of the siege 
of Leith from 22 January to 15 June 1560. 

Both these documents are important. The first is a reasoned summary 
which throws new light on the part played by Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, 
in the political intrigue following the death of James V. The second is a 
graphic and detailed description of the closing episode in the ' uproar for 


Peter Hume Brown. History of Scotland to the Present Time. 3 vols. Cambridge, 

George Brunton and David Haig. An Historical Account of the Senators of the 
College of Justice. Edinburgh, 1836 

John Hill Burton. The History of Scotland. 8 vols, and Index. New (Second) 
edition, Edinburgh, 1873 

George Gordon Coulton. Scottish Abbeys and Social Life. Cambridge, 1933 

John DowDEN. The Bishops of Scotland. Glasgow, 19 12 

An invaluable work of reference. 

David Hay Fleming. Mary Queen of Scots : from her Birth to her Flight into England. 
Second edition, London, 1898 

An exceedingly careful and fully documented work. The text occupies 
pages 1-176 ; the " Notes and References " and the " Documents hitherto 
unpublished" occupy pages 177-514; and an Itinerary occupies pages 
515-543- It is much to be regretted that this wealth of evidence, analysed 
with critical scholarship, has no index. 

David Hay Fleming. The Reformation in Scotland. London, 19 10 

A standard work by a scholar who had an unrivalled knowledge of the 


history of the Scottish Church in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
Hay Fleming, like Knox, could find httle that was good in the Church of 
Rome, while on the other hand, " inspired by the vital principles of a pure 
Scottish Calvinism," he strove in all his writings " to vindicate the character 
of the Reformers and the Covenanters." 

Robert Kerr Hannay. The Scottish Crown and the Papacy, 1424-1560. Edinburgh, 
1 93 1. (Historical Association of Scotland, Pamphlets, New Series, No. 6) 
An admirable summary of the relations of Church and State. 

Thomas F. Henderson. Mary Queen of Scots. 2 vols. London, 1905 

John Herkless and Robert Kerr Hannay. The Archbishops of St. Andrews. 
5 vols. Edinburgh, 1907-1915 

Robert Keith. History of Affairs of Church and State in Scotland. Edited by John 
Parker Lawson (vols. I and H) and C.J. Lyon (vol. HI). 3 vols. (Spottis- 
woode Society, 1844- 1850) 

Robert Keith (1681-1757) was Bishop of Fife, 1733-43. In 1743 he was 
chosen as Primus of the Scottish Episcopal Church. His work betrays a strong 
episcopal bias " avoiding Rome on the one hand, and Geneva on the other " 
but he had a keen and critical mind, and he supported his History with 
a full apparatus of letters and documents. Although beginning at 1527, 
by far the greater part of the work is devoted to the period 1560-68. 
[Cited as Keith's History'] 
Andrew Lang. History of Scotland. 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1903-1907 
Andrew Lang. The Mystery of Mary Stewart. London, 1901 
Peter Lorimer. Knox and the Church of England, etc. London, 1875 
Peter Lorimer. Patrick Hamilton. Edinburgh, 1857 
Alexander R. MacEwen. A History of the Church in Scotland. 2 vols. London, 

I9i3> 1918 
A valuable and scholarly ecclesiastical history of Scotland covering the 
period from the earliest times to the success of the Reformation movement 
in 1560. 
Janet Girdwood Macgregor. The Scottish Presbyterian Polity. Edinburgh, 1926 

William Law Mathieson. Politics and Religion. 2 vols. Glasgow, 1902 

A history of Scotland from the eve of the Reformation to the Revolution 

Alexander Ferrier Mitchell. The Scottish Reformation. Edinburgh, 1900 

James Balfour Paul {ed.). The Scots Peerage. 9 vols. Edinburgh, 1904-1914 
An indispensable work of reference, though not all the contributions are 
of equal merit. The Addenda et Corrigenda in vol. IX should be consulted in 
conjunction with the main articles. 

Hew Scott. Fasti Ecclesitp. Scoticana. 7 vols. New and revised edition, Edin- 
burgh, 1915-1928 

An indispensable work of reference for the " succession of ministers in 
the Church of Scotland from the Reformation." Unfortunately the contribu- 
tions are of unequal merit ; the arrangement leaves much to be desired ; and 
a volume of Addenda et Corrigenda is sadly needed. 

Patrick Fraser Tytler. History of Scotland. 9 vols. Second edition, Edinburgh, 



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The form of the names chosen for the headings follows the usually accepted rules. References 
are given from alternative forms. 

Brief biographical details {in square brackets immediately after the heading) are given in 
certain cases, either because the persons played important parts in the history of Scotland or 
because such details are required for purposes of identification. They make no pretence to 
biographical research and are derived from easily accessible books, to which the reader is 
referred for further information. 

The items within each entry are arranged chronologically and, especially in the longer 
entries, dates have been inserted at frequent intervals to facilitate quick reference. 

Abbotshall, Lairds of. See Scott, Thomas, 

of Abbotshall ; Scott, Thomas, of 

Pitgorno and Abbotshall 
Abercorn. Lordship of, this and others given 

by the Queen " to scoupars, dancers, 

and dalliers with dames," ii. 102 
Abercromby, , a Black Friar, receives 

permission from Mary to preach 

(c. Dec. 1565), ii. 175 
Aberdeen, Diocese. For Bishops of, see 

Dunbar, Gavin, Bishop of Aberdeen ; 

Elphinstone, William ; Gordon, 


Town, two men found guilty of 
" hanging " an image of St. Francis 
at, i. xxiv ; Superintendent of Diocese 
of Aberdeen to reside in Old Aberdeen, 
laid down in the Book of Discipline, ii. 
292 ; Adam Heriot appointed minister 
at (19 July 1560), i. 334 ; magistrates 
of, to maintain undemolished friaries 
for public good (Act of Privy Council, 
15 Feb. 1562), ii. 332 ; Queen and 
her court transact business at (autumn 
1562), ii. 54 ; Mary comes to, ii. 58 ; 
Queen orders forces to assemble at 
(5 Oct. 1562), ii. 58 ; Huntly marches 
towards, ii. 59 ; dead body of Huntly 
conveyed to Tolbooth in, ii. 61 

For Provost of, see Menzies, Thomas 

University, courses of study at, pro- 
posed in the Book of Discipline, ii. 297, 
299 ; bursars, ii. 300 ; stipends, ii. 

Abergeldie, Laird of See Gordon, Alex- 
ander, of Abergeldie 

Acheson, Alexander, elected Bailie of Edin- 
burgh (8 Oct. 1561), ii. 22, note 4 

Act of Oblivion, promised in the " Con- 
cessions " (6 July 1560), i. 327 ; 
passed (3 June 1563), ii. 79 and note 5 

Adamson, Elizabeth [wife of James Barron], 
delights in the company of Knox be- 
cause he " opened more fully the 
fountain of God's mercies than did 
the common sort of teachers," i. 119; 
her testimony and death, i. 119-20 

Adamson, John, elected BaiUe of Edin- 
burgh (8 Oct. 1561), ii. 22, note 4 

Adamson, William, one of the few in 
Edinburgh who had the " bruit of 
knowledge " when the town was 
drowned in superstition, i. 43 

Addiston [seat in Midlothian of David 
Borthwick of Lochill], suffers at hands 
of Queen Regent and French, i. 302 

Adultery, punishments for, in " The Two- 
penny Faith," i. 139 ; Edinburgh Act 
against (10 June 1560), i. 355 ; pro- 
clamation of Edinburgh Acts against, 
ii. 21-2, 22, note 1 ; Mary " lacks no 
craft, both to cloak and to maintain " 
it, ii. 35 ; it is free without punish- 
ment in France, ii. 35-6 ; Protestants 
assert that God's punishment for, is 
death, ii. 49, 318 ; Act against, ii. 79 
and note 5, 80 and note 1 ; Supplica- 
tion to Queen that adulterers should 
be punished according to law (1565), 
ii. 141 

See also Fornication 

Advocate, Lords. See Borthwick, David, 
of Lochill ; Crichton, Robert, of 
Elliock ; Spens, John, of Condie 

Aikman, Francis, one of the few in Edin- 
burgh who had the " bruit of know- 
ledge " when the town was drowned 
in superstition, i. 43 

Ainslie's Supper (Apr. 1567), ii. 205 

Airlie, James Ogilvy, fifth Lord Ogilvy of. 
See Ogilvy 

Airthe, William. See Arth 

A Lasco, John [1499- 1560; of Polish 
origin ; reformer ; pastor of a con- 
gregation of reformers at Emden, 
1542-48 ; of influence at court of 
Edward VI Dictionary of National 
Biography], befriended by Edward VI, 
i. 1 17 

Albany, Henry Stewart, Duke of. See 
Darnley, Henry Stewart, Lord 

Alesius, or Alane, Alexander [ 1 500-65; born, 
Edinburgh ; educated, St. Andrews ; 
probably converted to new faith by 
Patrick Hamilton ; imprisoned ; 
escaped to Malmo ; friend of Melan- 
chthon ; visited England, 1535 ; 
welcomed by Cranmer and Latimer ; 




lectured at Queen's College, Cam- 
bridge ; fled to Wittenberg, 1540 ; 
removed to Leipzig, 1543 ; twice 
Rector of the University of Leipzig ; 
died there Mitchell, Scottish Reforma- 
tion, 239-83, 295-307 ; MacEwen, 
Hist, of the Church in Scotland, i. 463-4], 
takes refuge in Germany from perse- 
cution in Scotland, i. 23 ; appointed 
to University of Leipzig, i. 23 

Alnwick, Knox invited to confer with 
Sir Harry Percy (on 3 Aug. 1559) at, 
i. 294 

Amboise, Protestant plot (Feb.-Mar. 1560) 
to seize the Guises, barbarously sup- 
pressed at, i. 348 and note i 

Amiens, Bishop of. See Pellev6, Nicolas de 

Anabaptists, ii. 270 

Ancrum Moor, Battle of (27 Feb. 1545), 
i. 58 and note 5 

Andelot, Francois de Coligny, seigneur d' 
[son of Gaspard de Coligny ; was with 
French forces at sieges of Haddington 
and Boulogne ; died, 1569], one of the 
commanders of the French army in 
Scotland (1549), i. 102 

Anderson, Alexander [Rector of Methlick, 
appointed Principal of King's College, 
Aberdeen, 1550 ; refused to subscribe 
the Confession of Faith and, with the 
Sub-Principal and three of the regents, 
was deposed from all office in the 
University, 1569 ; died, 1578], de- 
fends the Mass, at the Convention of 
NobiHty, Edinburgh (15 Jan. 1561), 
i- 352-3> 352, note 2 

Anderson, William [maltman in Perth], 
put to death for heresy by Beaton at 
Perth (Jan. 1544), i. 55 

Angennes, Jacques d', sieur de Rambouillet. 
See Rambouillet 

Angus, contributes men to Scots army at 
Solway Moss (1542), i. 36 ; many in, 
comforted by preaching of John 
Roger, i. 56 ; contributes men to 
Scots army at Pinkie (1547), i. 99 ; 
most of the district laid waste by Eng- 
lish (1547), i. loi ; Reformed clergy 
preach in, i. 125 ; Paul Methven openly 
preaches in, i. 148 ; when Queen 
Regent summons preachers to Stirling 
(10 May 1559) men from Angus 
assemble at Perth to give them sup- 
port, i. i6o ; gentlemen from, come 
to aid of Perth, i. 172 ; explain their 
objective to the Queen Regent's agents, 
i. 172 ; Congregation of, joins in 
defensive confederacy at Perth (31 May 
1559)5 i- 178-9; "professors" in, 
summoned to St. Andrews (4 June 
1559) for reformation of religion there, 
i. 181 ; men from, assist Congregation 
at Cupar Muir, i. 184 ; brethren from, 
to convene at Perth (24 June 1559) for 

its deliverance, i. 187 ; unable to assist 
in any number the brethren in Edin- 
burgh ov/ing to shortness of notice 
(July 1559), i. 200 ; Protestant gentle- 
men of, meet English armv at Preston 
(4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ; John Erskine 
of Dun nominated Superintendent for 
Mearns and, i. 334 ; Queen raises 
forces in (1562), ii. 58 ; they repulse 
Huntly's company at Battle of Cor- 
richie (28 Oct. 1562), ii. 61 ; letters 
from Brethren of Kyle to those of, 
warning them of the increasing 
idolatry of the Mass (1565), ii. 140-1 ; 
Queen summons military aid from 
(17 July I565)> ii- 155-6 ; Mary and 
Darnley summon forces from, to meet 
at Linlithgow (24 Aug. 1565), ii. 


Angus, Archibald Douglas, sixth Earl of 
[? 1 489 -1 55 7 ; grandson of Archibald, 
fifth earl ; married, 1514, Margaret 
Tudor, widow of James IV ; drove 
Hamiltons from Edinburgh in ' Cleanse 
the Causeway,' 1520 ; held James V 
in his power and virtually ruled 
Scotland, 1526-28 ; forfeited and 
escaped to England, 1528 ; restored, 
1543 ; commanded van at Pinkie, 
1547 ; by his marriage with Margaret 
Tudor had one daughter, Margaret, 
who became wife of Matthew, fourth 
Earl of Lennox, and was mother of 
Henry, Lord Darnley, second husband 
of Mary Queen of Scots -Scots Peerage, 
i. 190-3], defeats Scott of Buccleuch 
at Melrose (25 July 1526), i. 22 and 
note 3 ; defeats third Earl of Lennox 
near LinUthgow (4 Sept. 1526), i. 22 
and note 3 ; forfeited by Parliament 
(Sept. 1528), i. 22 and note 5 ; sent by 
Heni-y VIII to Scottish frontier, i. 31 ; 
his bastard son captured at Hadden 
Rig (24 Aug. 1542), i. 31 ; narrowly 
escapes capture himself, i. 31 ; joins 
Lennox's faction at Ayr (Yule, 1543), 
i. 51 ; captured at siege of Glasgow 
(3 Apr. 1544), i. 51 ; freed from 
Blackness Casde (4 May 1544), i. 57 ; 
defeats Sir Ralph Eure at Battle oi 
Ancrum Moor (27 Feb. 1545), i. 58, 
note 5 ; his daughter Margaret, by 
Margaret Tudor, marries fourth Earl 
of Lennox in London, i. 59, note 3 ; 
rumour of unsuccessful plot by, against 
Beaton, i. 75 ; repairs again to the 
Court after death of Beaton, i. 79 ; to 
win favour of Chatelherault suggests 
that St. Andrews Castle should be 
besieged, i. 79 ; at Battle of Pinkie 
(Sept. 1547), i. 99, 100 ; bribed with 
Order of St. Michael, sells the Queen 
to France, i. 103 

Annan, Protestant Lords at, ii. 172 

Annand, John [Canon of St. Andrews; 
becanie Principal of St. Leonard's 
College, 1544 ; with David Beaton 
strove to tighten discipline in the 
college in matters of faith ; was 
succeeded in the office^ of Principal 
by John Law, 1550 Herkless and 
Hannay, College of St. Leonard, passim], 
" a rotten Papist," he " long troubled 
John Rough in his preaching," i. 83 ; 
Knox by pen supports Rough against 
him, i. 83 ; Knox publicly disputes 
with him in Parish Kirk of St. Andrews, 
i. 83-4 ; mentioned, i. Ixxvii 

Anne, Duchess of Friesland, sends John 
Willock to Scotland on a trade 
mission, i. 1 18 and note 5 

Anstruther, Knox preaches at (? 10 June 
1559), i. 181 and note 3 

Anstruther, Robert, Dumbarton Castle 
delivered to (Apr. 1562), ii. 42 and 
note 6 

Anthony [of Bourbon], King of Navarre 
[King of Navarre by his marriage 
with Jeanne d'Albret, 1547 ; died, 
1562], convenes at Orleans (Nov. 
1560), i. 348; is arrested (or rather 
left at liberty but under close surveill- 
ance), i. 348 and note 4 

Appointments, for surrender of Perth 

(29 May 1559), i. 177 and note 2 ; 

at Cupar (13 June 1559), i. 185-6 

See also Leith, Appointment at the 

Links of 

Arbroath, Robert Cumin, schoolmaster at, 
sentenced by General Assembly, ii. 66 
Abbey, George Douglas's name put 
forward for preferment to, i. 79 

For Abbots of, see Beaton, David, 
Cardinal, Archbishop of St. Andrews ; 
Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glas- 
gow ; Beaton, James, Archbishop 
of St. Andrews ; Hamilton, John 
Hamilton, first Marquess of 

Arbuckle, , a Grey Friar, his disputation 
with Knox, i. 90-2 

Argyll, John Carswell nominated Super- 
intendent of (1560), i. 334 ; Super- 
intendent of, to reside in, laid down in 
the Book of Discipline, ii. 292 ; Mary 
hunts in (1563), ii. 85 

Argyll, Archibald Campbell, fourth Earl of 
[eldest son of Colin, third Earl ; 
succeeded, 1529-30 ; opposed the 
marriage of Mary and Edward (VI) ; 
fought at Pinkie, 1547, and at siege 
of Haddington, 1548 ; embraced the 
Protestant religion ; died, 1558 Scots 
Peerage, i. 338-9], appointed one of 
four Regents in " will " of James V, 
i. 41 ; but he is rejected by the 
nobility, i. 41 ; joins Beaton's party 
in opposition to Chatelherault, i. 49 ; 
from Linlithgow they take Mary and 

INDEX 355 

her mother to Stirling, i. 49 ; at Battle 
of Pinkie (Sept. 1547), i. 99 ; 
bribed with Order of St. Michael, sells 
the Queen to France, i. 103 ; Knox 
stays with, at Castle Campbell, i. 123 ; 
maintains John Douglas, who preaches 
publicly in his house, i. 125, 138 ; 
signs invitation to Knox at Geneva to 
come to Scotland (10 Mar. 1557), 
i. 132; signs "Common Band" 
(3 Dec. 1557), i. xxix, 137 ; Arch- 
bishop Hamilton sends Sir David 
Hamilton to Argyll to warn him to 
withdraw his favour from Douglas, 
i. 138 ; texts of letter, memorandum 
and Argyll's reply, ii. 246-54 ; his 
death disappoints the Bishops, for he 
left his son " to suppress all super- 
stition and idolatry, to the uttermost 
of his power," i. 138 ; marries, as his 
first wife, Helen, daughter of first 
Earl of Arran, ii. 249, note 2 
Argyll, Archibald Campbell, fifth Earl of 
[born ? 1538 ; eldest son of Archibald, 
fourth earl ; Lord Lome until 1558, 
when he succeeded as fifth earl ; 
signed the first Band or Covenant of 
1557, but in 1559 strove, on the side 
of the Queen Regent, for a peaceful 
settlement ; immediately thereafter 
joined the Lords of the Congregation ; 
was much in favour with Mary after 
her return to Scotland in 1561 ; 
intrigued to deliver Mary from Loch- 
leven ; present, ineffectively, at Lang- 
side ; submitted to Regent Moray, 

1569 ; intrigued on Mary's behalf, 

1570 ; submitted to Regent Lennox, 

1 57 1 ; was a candidate for the 
regency when Mar was appointed ; 
died, I ^y^ Scots Peerage, i. 340-3], 
joins Knox at Calder House (1555), 
i. 121 ; signs " Common Band " 
(3 Dec. I557)^ > xxix, 137 ; his 
father's admonition to him to forward 
the Evangel and to suppress all super- 
stition and idolatry, i. 138 ; " In 
which point small fault can be found 
with him to this day. God be merciful 
to his other oflTences," i. 139 and 
note I ; Moray conveys to him Queen 
Regent's promises to Protestants i. 
they will support her in obtaining 
crown-matrimonial for Francis, i. 141 ; 
comes from Queen Regent to Perth to 
inquire into cause of convocation of 
lieges there (24 May 1559), i. 173 ; 
their reply to him, i. 173 ; Knox's 
message to Queen Regent sent 
through, i. 173-4 j persuaded by 
Queen Regent to desert Protestants 
if they rise in rebellion, i. 175-6 ; 
sent from Stirling to hasten conclusion 
of treaty with Protestants at Perth, i. 



176 ; earnestly persuades the Congre- 
gation to accept an Appointment, i. 

177 ; Willock and Knox accuse him 
of infidelity, but he replies that he was 
bound by promise to aid Queen 
Regent in effecting a settlement, but 
if she should break her promise he 
would assist the Brethren, i. 177 ; sub- 
scribes Band drawn up by Congrega- 
tions at Perth (31 May 1559), i. 179 ; 
perceiving Queen Regent's tyranny 
and falsehood and, mindful of his 
promise to the Brethren, he secretly 
leaves Perth, refuses (i June 1559) to 
return at Queen Regent's order and 
goes to St. Andrews, i. 180 ; calls 
meeting for ' reformation ' at St. 
Andrews (4 June 1559), i- 181 ; eight 
days' truce between Moray and, on 
one side, and Chatelherault and 
d'Oysel on other, concluded at Cupar 
(13 June 1559), i. 185^ ; goes from 
Cupar to St. Andrews, i. 186 ; writes 
jointly with Moray (? 15 June 1559) to 
Queen Regent complaining of breach 
of treaty and asking soldiers to be 
withdrawn from Perth and free election 
of magistrates there to be restored, i. 
187-8 ; appointed to reply to Huntly, 
Mar and Bellenden, who had ordered 
Reformers to desist from besieging 
Perth, i. 188-9 > tries to dissuade 
men from Dundee from purging Scone 
and saves the Palace and Abbey for 
one night, i. 190 ; leaves Perth 
secretly with Moray, i. 190, 191 ; 
they capture Stirling, i. 191 ; Queen 
Regent and her " crafty Council " 
persuade Chatelhe