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Accn. No Class No 

The book should be returned on or before the date 
last stamped below. 




January — June 1945 



Printed by D. N. Singha at the 
Singha Printing Works 
30, Badur Bagan Street 

published by N. N. Mitra, 

16/1, Komedan Bagan Lane, Calcutta, (India) 

from 1919. 


pSth. Year 

1 of Issue 


An Annual Digest of Public Affairs of India 

Recording the Nation’s Activities each year in matters Political, 
Economic, Industrial, Educational, Social Etc. 


Volume I ] Jan.-June 1945 [ Volume I 

Editor : — Nripendra Nath Mitra 









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Oar Address : — 







India Office 
Government of India 
Government of Bengal 
Government of Punjab 
Government of Sind 
Government of Orissa 
Government of Assam 
Government of Madras 
Government of Bombay 
Government of United Provinces 
Government of Bihar 
Government of Central Provinces 
Government of N* 'W. Frontier Province 
Federal Court of India 
Bengal Judicial Department 
Bombay Judicial Department 
Madras Judicial Department 
Behar & Orissa Judicial Department 
C. P. & Berar Judicial Department r 
Punjab Judicial Department 
United Provinces Judicial Department 
Chief Court of Oudh — Lucknow 
Chief Court of Sind 

INDIAN STATES ( with salutes ) 

„ { without salutes ) 

January 1945 
February 1945 
March 1945 
April 1945 
May 1945 
June 1945 

September 1939 — May 1945 

December 1941 — August 1945 

The Rigveda 
Unitary Indian Empire 
Chandragupta and Asoka 
Gupta Dynasty 
Mediaeval India 
The Mahammedan Rule 
The British Rule 

Defeat of Axis Powers 
Anglo-Saxon Powers United 



































( viii ) 

Material ties bind them 

Their dominance over world economy 

Soviet Union outside this charmed circle ... 

Soviet Union and her neighbours 
Agio- Soviet relations 
Germany & “Big Four” 

Demand for revision of Montreaux Convention 

Russia’s strength and expansion 

U. S. A.’s contribution to German defeat ... 

Treatment of Germany 

Hope & fear on the eve of San Francisco Conference 

United Nations Organization 

Failure of the League of Nations 

Revival in Arab Lands 

Dynastic ambitions in Arab lands 

Ocher forces at work 

Soviet Union’s interests 

Britain’s interests in Arab lands 

“Good Neighbour** policy 

Burma's experience during 1942-1945 

Cause of anti- Indian feelings 

As Burma emerges out of Japanese occupation 

Dutch, U. 8. and British Capitalism linked up in Indonesia 

World capitalism and its power 

American capital in east Asia 

Seat of U. S. A. policy 

Japan as a subordinate partner 

Japan’s expansive forces 

Resistance movement in Burma and Indonesia 

Soviet Union declares war against Japan 

Sino-Russian relations 

China’s destiny— indicated by Sun Yat-sen 

“The principles of the People” 

Kuomintang and Communists 

Russia & United States mnst unify their policy 

India fights for democracy without its privileges 

Policy of divide & rule 

Spoilt children of Indian politics 

Lord Linlithgow argues with Mr, Jinn ah ... 

Desai-Liaqat AH pact 

Simla Conference personnel 

Constitution and function of the Council ... 

Stereo-typing religious division 

Sinister move behind this “parity” arrangement 

Malice of British Imperialism 

Frustration & a miracle of recovery !.! 

Budget Session— New Delhi— 

8th FbbeUAEY to 12th Apeil 1945 
Economic sanctions against S. Africa 
Use of force in Savings Drive 
Bill legalising “Sagotra” marriages *7 

Railway Budget for 1945-46 
The Financial Statement for 1945-46 
National War front to go 
Safeguards for British Commerce 
Indictment of Govt, policy *7. 

Government’s control policy criticised 
Government’s attitude to Congress 
Safeguards for British Commerce 
Indictment of Congress Leaders .7 


Indian delegation to San Francisco 




















































Economic sanctions against S. Africa 

Budget Session— Oaloutta— 16th I'ebbuaby to 
29th ^ABGH} 1915 ••• 

Financial Statement for 1945—46 

Cloth Famine in Bengal 

Release of Political Prisoners 

Opposition Mombep’ walk-out 

Treatment of Politicals 

Government and Congress Organisation ... 

Defeat of the Ministry 
Sequel to Ministerial Developments 
The Governor’s Proclamation 

Budget Session— Lahoee— 19th. I’ebbuaby to 
19th. Maeoh, 1945 

Interned Assembly member attends 
Financial Statement for 1946-46 
Dismissal of Minister — Premier’s Statement 


Budget Session — Opening Day — Kabachi — 

21st. Ebb. 1945 
Financial Statement for 1945-46 
Defeat of the Ministry 
League’s Direction to Premier 
New Ministry formed 
Coalition Cabinet Minister’s Statement 
Differences among Party Leaders 
Mr. Syed’s Statement 
Triumph of the Hidayatulla Ministry 


Budget Session— Opening Day— Peshawab— 
9th. Maboh, 1945 
Financial Statement for 1946-46 
No ConOdence on the Ministry 
New Ministry formed 
Guardian’s Comment 


Budget Session— Opening Day — Shillong— 

Ist. Maboh, 1945 

Financial Statement for 1945-46 
Formation of New Ministry 

Budget fob 1945-46 

Budget fob 1945-46 

Budget fob 1945-46 
Budget foe 1945-46 
Budget foe 1946-46 

Budget fob 1945-46 

















































COMMITTBB— WAKDHA— JotT 6 to 14, 1942 
Fresh Elections 

Oompensation for lands etc. seized for military purposes 
National Demand 
Disciplinary action 

Working Committee Meeting— August 5 to 8, 1942... 

The a. I. 0. 0. Meeting— August 7 and 8, 1942 
Quit India 

Summary op Proceedings op the Working Committee 
Meeting— Bombay— June 21 and 22, 1945 
World Organization and Syria 

Summary op Proceedings op the Working Committee — 
Simla— July 3 to 15, 1945 
San Francisco 

Dr. Mahmud and his letter to the Viceroy .. 

Summary op Proceedings op the Working Committee— 
— Poona Sep. 12 to Sep. 18 and Bombay Sep. 21 to 
Sep. 24 

United India and Self-determination 
Demobilisation and use of camps etc. 

Defence Committee for I. N. A. 

Summary op Proceedings op the A. I. C. C.— 
Bombay— Sep. 21 to Sep. 23, 1945 
President’s Speech 

Temporary changes in the Constitution ... 

The struggle of 1943 and after 
Congress Policy 
Sterling balances 

Commitments of present Government not binding 
China and' South-East Asia 
Indian interests in Burma and Malaya 
Affiliation of the Anjuman-e-watan of Baluchistan 
The Indian National Army ... 

The new proposals of the British Govt* and the elections 
Constructive programme 
Indian States 

Assembly Elections Committee ... 

Election Manifesto 
Non-official resolutions 

The All India Congress Committee— Circular 

Question AIRE 


British Plan for India’s Political Freedom 

Viceroy’s Speech 

Failure of the Conference ... 

Viceroy’s Statement 

Congress President’s Statement ... ]]] 

Maulana Azad at Press Conference ... 

The Gandhi-Viceroy Correspondence 

GancHiiji’s Statement to the Press on the Viceregal Broadcast on 
June 14, 1945 

Broadcast speech by the Viceroy at Delhi on June 14, 1945*** 
Statement made m Parliament on June 14, 1945 by the Secretary of 
State for India * ... 





































September 1939— May 1945 
December 1941— August 1945 
In men, Money and Materials 

Indian divisions hastened African victories 
Indian Army helped to liberate Europe 
R* L N.’s part in the defeat of Germany 
India’s War Finance — A creditor nation 


Working Committee— New Delhi— 20th. & 21st 
January, 1945 

India's future constitution 

Dr. Miikherjee explains Mahasabba stand 

Working Committee— Calcutta— 12tifa. May, 1945 ... 

Sapru proposals criticised 

jALPAlGTJRi“24tb. and 25th. February 1945 


1st Session— Peshawar— 21st. to 23rd. April, 1945 
Dr. Syed Mahmud’s address 
Khan Ghafifar Khan’s speech 
Resolutions— Faith in Gandhiji reaffirmed 
Demand for national Government 
Mr. Bhulabhai Desai’s speech 

2nd Day— Resolutions— 23rd April, 1945 
San Francisco Conference 
Joint Electorates for Municipal Elections 


Sixth Session— Oawnporb— 29th. and 30th. April, 1945 
Peshawar— 5th. and 6th. May, 1945 
President’s Address 

*** *.» 



Hxdbbabad (Deooan)— 26th. & 27th. Maeoh, 1945 
Presidential Address 
Nawab of Chhatari's speech 
Resolutions ... 


Silver Jubilee Session— Lahore— 17th. and 18th. 
March, 1945 
Presidential Address 

Resolutions — Demand for National Government 
Government must end the deadlock ... 

Demand for release of leaders ... .1, 

Economic sanctions against S Africa 
Working of Defence of India Act criticised 
Food situation 

Defence services must be nationalised ... ]]] 


On India’s Future Constitution 
C onstitutional-making Body 
Division of India opposed 
Indian States 














































Non-Accession and Secession 
Provincial boundaries 
Head of the State 
Union Legislature 
Distribution of power 


16th. Session— Madras— 7fch. and 8th. May, 1945 
Sir Shanmukham Cbetty’s address 


Bombay 6th, & 7th. May, 1945 

presidential Address 

Resolutions — 7th, May, 1945 ... ^ 

21st. Session— Madras— 20fch. January, 1945 

presidential Address 

Delegates’ Session— Madras— 21sfe. January, 1945 ... 


Resolutions— 2nd Day— Madras— 22nd. January, 1945 


18fcb. Annual Session— New DELHi~“3rd, & 4bh. 

March, 1945 

PresidentifJ Address 

Resolutions-— 2nd, Day— New Delhi— 4th. March, 1945 
4th. Plenary Session— Calcutta— 27th, & 28th. 
January, 1945 
Presidential Address 
Resolutions of the Subjects Committee 
Resolutions— 2nd Day— Calcutta— 28th. January, 1945 

Enquiry Commission’s Findings— 8th May, 1945 

Basic causes of the famine 

Bengal Government’s failure 

India Government must share the blame ... 

Rehabilitation measures 



32nd. Session— Nagpur— 2nd. January, 1945 
0. P. Governor’s inaugural address 
Welcome Speech 
President’s Address 

Dr. John Sargent’s Convocation Address 


Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar’s Convocation Address 



































Administration of India 1945 

British India consists of the 11 Provinces of Assam, Bengal, Bihar, 
Bombay, Central Provinces, Madras, North West Frontier, Orissa, Punjab, 
Sind and the United Provinces, plus the Chief Oommissionerships of British 
Beluchistan, Delhi, Ajmer-Merwara, Goorg, the Andamans and Nicobar 
Islands, Panth Piploda, and does not include any Indian States. 

The name India describes the central paninsnla of Southern Asia, south of the 
Himalayas, reaching eastward to Siam, French Indo-Ohina and China. It is 
bounded on the north by Afghanistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Thibet ; on the south by the 
Bay of Bengal, the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea, on the west by the 
Indian Ocean, Arabian Sea, Persia and Afghanistan. Its territory is as large as that 
of Europe minus Russia. Burma was separated from India politically (April 1, 1937), 

The climate ranges from the extremely hot in the southeast to cooler 
elevations of the north-west mountains, the whole being tropical in general 
character. The highest point in the world is Mt. Everest, 29.141 ft, in the 
Himalayas, between India and China. 

Approximately 20% of the area is forested, among the timber products being 
sandalwood, teak, ironwood, deodar, satinwood, date palm, Oocoanut, sago, banyan 
and acacia. 

The country is essentially agricultural, 70% of the people living therefrom. 
The moat important crop is tea and engages the daily employment of nearly a 
million persons. Other principal agricultural products are : rice, coffee, wheat, sugar 
cane, cotton, jute, linseed, mustard, sessmum, castor seed, groundnut and rubber. 
Corn, barley, tobacco and indigo are also grown. 

India has an usually wide range of minerals and was famous for its riches from 
time immemorial. The country has yielded much gold, silver, diamonds and rubies to 
the western world. The most important minerals today are coal, petroleum, gold, 
lead, manganese, salt, silver, tin, mica, copper, tungsten, iron, and zinc. 

The chief industry, after agriculture, is the weaving of cotton clothes, followed 
by silk rearing and weaving, shawl and carpet weaving, wood-carving and metal- 

The cities of above 200,000 inhabitants with their population are : 

City Pop. City Pop. 

Calcutta (with suburbs) 2,109,000 Bangalore 306,470 

Calcutta proper 1,161,410 Lucknow 274,659 

Bombay 1,489,883 Amritsar 264,840 

Madras 7,77,481 Karachi 386,655 

Hyderabad 466,894 Gawnpore 243,755 

Delhi 447,442 Poona 233,885 

Lahore 671,659 Agra 229,764 

Ahmedabad 313,789 Nagpur 301,957 

Benares 205,315 

In British India there are 211,192 “recognised” educational Institutions with 
13,911,172 scholars ; and 19,354 “uniecognised” schools with 597,443 scholars. There 
are 20 universities. 

There are more than 45 races speaking 200 languages, 2,400 castes and tribes, 
and 700 Indian States. Each cult, caste and tribe adheres to its religious beliefs and 
social rules. The religious population follows— Hindus, 239,195,140 ; Muslims, 
77,677,545 ; Buddhists, 12.786.806 ; Tribal, 8.280,347 ; Christians, 6,296,763 ; Sikhs, 
4,335,771 ; Jains, 1,252,105 , Zoroastrians, 109.752 ; Jews, 24,141. 

Units of the British Regular Army, the Indian Army, Auxiliary and Territorial 
Forces, the Indian Army Reserve, the Royal Indian Navy, the Indian State Forces, 
the Royal Air Force and the Indian Air Force form the defense. Members of the 
British Regular Army in Indian service are paid by India. The Auxiliary Force is 
composed of persons of Biitish extraction and subject to call for local service. The 
Indian Territorial Fores comprises provincial and urban battalions and a University 
Training Corps, all subject to general servif^e. The Indian Aimy Reserve comprises 
reservists of all arms. The Indian States maintain the Indian State Forces and are 
trained by British officers. The strength of the Indian Army was estimated at 
1,000,000. The Royal Indian Navy consists of five escort vessels, a survey boat, 
patrol ship and trawler. 




In London the governmental affairs of India are handled by the Secretary of 
State for India. At New Delhi, the capital of India, there is a British governor- 
general and, under the Government of India Act (1935), two legislative chambers, 
the Council of State and the House of Assembly. ^ , t j- 

The Government of India Act establishes a federation embracing British India 
and the Indian States with a measure of autonomy for some of the provinces. 
These provinces are : Bengal, Bombay, Madras, Assam, Bihar, Orissa, Punjab, Sind, 
Central Provinces, United Provinces, and Northwest Province. Delhi has separate 
administration. Each Province has a Govirnor appointed by the King, a Cabinet 
and Legislature of two chambers except in Orissa, Punjab, Sind, Central 
Provinces* and N. W. Fr. Province there is only one chamber. 

Reigning Sovereign — His Majesty George the VI 

( Ascended the Throne : 

India Office 

Secretary of State for Iiidia—TlxQ 
Right Hon, Mr. L. S. Amery, (April, 

Permanent Under -Secretary af State — 
Sir Find-later Stewart, g.o.b., G.C.I.E., 

0.8,1., LL.1>. 

Parliamentary U nder- Secretary of 

State — I’he Earl of Listowel. 

Advisers to the Secretary of State — 
Sir H. Stakosh g,b.b , Sir H. Williamson 
c,i B., M B.E., Sir J. Clay, k.c i.b., o.s i.. 
O.B,B., Lt. Col. Sir H, Suhrawardy, O.b.b, 
Sir J. A. Woodhead, K.o s.i„ o.i.e., Dewan 
Bahadur 8, E. Ruganandan, Sir Courtnay 
Latimer, k.0.i,b„ 

High Commissioner of India — Sir 
Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Kt. 

Government of India 

{Area - 18,08,679 sq, miles with a 
population of 352,887,718 of people— nearly 
one-fifth of human race. British Provinces 
area— 1,318,346 sq, miles and population'. 

Viceroy & Governor General 

H. E. Field Marshal the Rt Hon. 
Viscount Wavell of Syren aica and 
Winchester, P.O., gc.b., g.m.s.l, g.mi.e, 


Members ol the Executive Council 

His Excellency General Sir Claude 
John Eyre Auchinleck, G c.i.B., o.B,, c.s.i , 
D 8 . 0 ., ob,b.,ad,o., Commander-in-Ohief 
in India {War). 

The Hon’ble Sir Reginald Maxwell, 
K.O.B.l, GCI.B,, 1,0,8. {Home). 

The Hon’ble Sir Jeremy Raisman, 
K C.S.I,, C.I.B , 1.0.8., {Finance). 

The Hon’ble Dewan Bahadur Sir A. 
Ramaswami Mudaliar, k.o S.i., {Supply). 

The Hon’ble Sir Syed Sultan Ahmed 
D.L., Bar-at-Law {Information 6b Broad- 

The Hon’ble Malik Sir Firoz Khan 
Noon, K.o 8 1 ., K.o LB, (Defence). 

Hon’ble Sir Edward Benthall 
{War Transport). 

ilth December 1930 ) 

The Hon’bla Khan B?hadnr Sir 
Mohammad Usman, k.o.i.b. {Post and 

The Hon’ble Dr. B. R. Ambedkar 

The Hon’ble Sir J. P. Srivatsava, 
K B.B (Food). 

The Hon’ble Sir Jogendra Singh 
(Education^ Health and Lands). 

The Hon’ble Sir Muhamraed Aztzul 
Haque, C.I.B., D LITT. {Commerce, Indu- 
stries and Civil Supplies), 

The Hon’ble Dr. N. B. Khare M.D. 
(Indians overseas) 

The Hon’ble Sir Asoka Kumar Roy, 
Bar-at'Law (Low) 

President i Legislative Assembly — The 
Hon’ble Sir Abdur Rahim, K.C.S L 

President, Council of State — The Hon. 
Sir Maneckji Byramji Dadabhoy, K.c.s.i, 
K.O I.B,, L L.D., Bar-at-Law. 

Numerical Strength of Parties 
(a) In Central Assembly 

Congress Party 


Muslim League Party 


Non party 

Independent Party 



Congress Nationalists 


European Group 




Total 140 

(b) In Council of State 
Independent Progressive Party 


Congress Party 


Muslim League 


Total 22 

Government of Bengal 

Area :—82 985 sq. miles ; Population — 
60,314 000 {Provisional to the nearest 


H. E. The Rt. Hon. Richard Gardinei: 
Casey, c.a., p.s.o, mo. J^n. 1944) 


Council of Ministers 

Coalition formed on 24th April 1943 

(1) The Hon’ble Kh^aja Sir 
Nazimuddin, k.cj i e., Chief Minister 
and minister for Home Department 
{Including Civil Dejence Co-oi dination) 
{Muslim Bengal Coalition) 

(2) The Hon’ble Mr, Huscyn Bhaheed 
Surhawardy, Civil Supplies, {Muslim- 
Bengal Coalition)* 

(3) The Hon’ble Mr. Tulsi Chandra 
Goswami, Finance {Caste Hindu Bengal 

(4) The Hon’ble Mr. Tamizuddin 
Khan, Education (Muslim- Bengal Coili- 

^5) The Hon’ble Mr. Barada Prosanna 
Pain, Communication & Works, (Caste 
Hindu — Bengal Coalition). 

(6) The Hon’ble Khan Bahadur 
Saiyed Muazzamuddin Hosain, Agricul- 
ture, (Muslim- Bengal Coalition). 

(7) The Hon’ble Mr. Tarak Nath 
Mukherjee, M B B , Revenue (Caste 
Hindu-Bengal Coalition), 

(8j The Honourable Musharruff Hossriin 
Khan Bahadur, Judicial and legislative 
(Muslim- Bengal Coalition) 

(9) The Hon’ble Mr. Khwaja 
Sahabuddin c.b.e., Commerce, Labour 
and Industries Including Post-Wa^ 
Reconstruction (Muslim- Bengal Coali- 

(10) The Hon’ble Mr. Premhari 
Barman, Forest and Excise, (Scheduled 
Caste- Bengal Coalition), 

(11) The Eon'bleKhan Bahadur Maulvi 
jHlaltfddin Ahmed, Public Health and 
Local Self-Goveinment, (Muslim- Bengal 

(12) The Hon’ble Mr. Pulin Behary 
Mullick, Publicity, (Scheduled Caste- 
Bengal Coalition), 

' (13) The Hon’ble Mr. Jogendra Nath 
Mondal, Co-operative Oudit and Rural 
Indebtedness. (Scheduled Caste Bengal 

Parliamentary Secretaries 

(1) Khan Bahadur Mohammad Ali 
(Muslim-Bengal Coalition), 

(2) Nawabzada K. Nasirullah, 
Muslim-Bengal Coalition), 

(3) Mr. Abdullah Al-Mshmood 
(Muslim-Bengal Coalition.) 

(4) Mr. Serajul Islam (Muslim-Bengal 
Coalition ) . 

(5) Mr. Biren Roy (Caste Hindu— 
Bengal Coalition). 

(6) Kban Sahib Mofizuddin Ahmed 
(Muslim-Bengal Coalition), 

(7) Mr. Atul Chandra Kumar (Caste 
Hindu-Bengal Coalition), 

(8) Mr. Rufiik Lai Bis^vas {Scheduled 
QasU-Bengal Coalition), 

(9) Mr. Jatindra Nath Chakravarty 
(Caste Hindu- Bengal Coalition), 

(10) Mr. Sayed Abdui Majid (Muslim- 
Bengal Coalition), 

(11) Kban Sahib Hamiduddin Ahmed 
(Muslim- Bengal Coalition). 

(n) Mr., Baiiku Behari Mondal, 
(Scheduled Caste- Bengal Coalition), 

(13) Khan Bahadur A. F. M. Abdur 
Rahman (Adushm Bengal Coalition). 

(14) Mr. FazUil Rahman (Muslim 
Bengal Coalition), 

U5) Mr. Mesb&huddin Ahmed {Muslim 
—Bengal Coalition). 

(16) Rai Sahib Anukul Chandra Das 
(Scheduled Caste- Bengal Coalition). 

(17) Mr. Yusuf Ali Choudhury 
(Muslim-Bengal Coalition), 

Party Analysis in the Bengal Legislative 
Assembly— (Total fceats — 250) 

Government Supporters 

1. Muslim League 79 

2 Bengal Swarajya Party 5 

3. Scheduled Caste party 20 

4. European^Group 25 

5 Labour Party 2 

6. Independent 4 

7. Indian Christian 1 

8. Anglo-Indians 4 



1. PiogresBive Pai’y 24 

2. Krisbak Proja Party 17 

3. Nationalists i3 

4. Congress (Official) 25 

5. Congress (Bose Group) 19 

6. Indian Obiisiiiin 1 

7. Independent 1 

8. Scheduled Casta 8 


(One seat is vacant. Ihe HoiPable 
Speaker is not included) 

Party Analysis in the Bengal 
Legislative Council 

(Total Seat 63) 

Government Supporters 

1. Muslim League 23 

2. Unattached 7 

3. Europeans 6 



1. Progressive Puity 7 

2. Congress (Bo^e Group) 5 

3. Congress (Official) 6 

4. Nationalists 6 

5. Unattached 2 



(The Hon’ble Preeident is not included)* 
Capital and its population— 

Calcutta— 21,09,000 (Provisional to the 
nearest thousand) 

Summer Capital and its population 

Darjeeling— 25,900 ( Provisional to 

the nearest thousand) 

Receipt and Expenditure- 

Receipts— Rs 21,97,44,000/- 

Expenditure— Rfi. 30,43,78,0001- 

Government of the Punjab 

(Area—1$S,BS0 Sq, mileSf Population — 


H. E. Sir Bertrand Glancy K. o. s* i., 
K. 0. 1. B., (Assumed charge April 7, 1941) 

Council of Ministers 

A Unionist Ministry with the late Sir 
Sikander Hyat Khan as Premier was 
formed on April 1, 1937. Sir Sikandei 
died on December 26,1942, and the other 
Ministers resigned. Lt. Col. Mahk 
Khizar Hyat Rhan Tiwana was then 
summoned to aisist tho Governor in the 
formation of a Ministry. All the former 
Ministers were included and a new Minis- 
ter added. The present Ministry was, 
therefore, technically formed on Dectm- 
ber 30, 1942, but virtually it is a con- 
tinuation of the former Unionist Minis- 
try with a new Premier. 

(a) The Hon. Lt. Col. Nawabzada 
Malik Khizar Hyat Khan Tiwana, {Mus- 
lim- U monist)t Premier^ 

(b) Chaudhri Tikka Ram, m. b. e. 
Minister of Revenue {Hindu-Uniomst). 

(c) Ths Hon, Sir Manohar Lai, 
Finance Minister (Hindu-National Pro- 

(d) The Hon. Mian Abdul Haye, 
Minister of Education, (Muslim' Unionist), 

(e) The Hon. Sardar Baldev Singh, 
Minister of Development, (Sikh-Punjab 
United Sikh Party), 

(f) K. B. Nawab Sir Muhd. Jamal 
Khan Leghri, Minister of Public Works, 
(Muslim'^Muslim League), 

(g) Major Nawab Ashiq Hussain, 
Minister of War Planning (Muslim 

Political designation of the Ministry— 

Date of formation of Ministry— 
December 30, 1942. 

Parliamentary Secretaries : 

(a) K. E. Sheikh Faiz Muhammad 
M. B. E, {Muslim Unionist), 

(b) !Rai Bahadur Uhakur Bipudaman 
Singh (Hindu- National Progressive), 

(c) Sardar Jag jit Sing Man, m, b. e. 
{Sikh-Punjab United Sikh Party), 

Four ]^ 0 BtB are Vacant* 

Parliamentary Private Secretaries 

(a) Syed Amjad Ali Shah, m. b. e. 
(Umonis t- Mush m ) . 

(b) Bhagat Hans Raj [Depressed 
Class- Unionist), 

(e) Sir William Roberts, Kt. c. i. E. 
(Christian- U?iionist), 

(d) Mian Sultan Mahmud Hotiana 
(Muslim- U monist ), 

(e) R. B. Oh. Suraj Mai (Hindu 

(f) Sardar Lai Singh, M. Sc , L. B. B. 
(Sikh-Bunjah United Sikh Party), 

(g) Sardar Gopal Singh (Ameiican), 
M. B. B., (Depressed Class -Unionist), 

Numerical Strength of Parties 
The total number of seats in the 
Legislative Assembly is 175 including 
the Hon’ble Speaker. They are divided 
into parties as follows : — 

Government Supporters Unionist 
Party 75 ; Punjab United Sikh Party 17 : 
National Progressive 4. 

Opposition .’—Congress Party 33 

Muslim League Party 23 

Unattached 22 

Capital and its population— -Jj&hoie-— 

Summer chpiial and its population — 
Simla— 18,349. 

Beceipts and Expenditure on Revenue 
Account for the current year ; — 
Revenue Estimate Rs, 1,24,56,51,000 
Expenditure Rs, 1,22,72,14,000. 

Government of Sind 

{Area — 46,S73 Sq. miles ; Population — 
4 535,008). 


Sir Hugh Dow, K.C.S.I., C.i.b., i.o.fl.. 
(April. 1, 1941). 

Council of Ministers 
Coalition— Formed on 10-10-1942 
The Hou'ble Sir Ghulam Hussain 
Hida>atullah K.c.S.l , (Premier in chari^e 
Finance Depaiiment) (Muslim League), 
The Hon’ble Pir Illahi Bakbsh Nawa- 
zali (Minister-in-charge, Education, Ex- 
cise, Forest, Agriculture, Rural Becons- 
tructioii and Labour Department) 
(Muslim League), 

The Hon’ble Haji Muhammad Hasbim 
Gazdar (Minister-in -charge, Home, Legal, 
Political and Miscellaneous Departments) 
(Muslim League), 

I^ao Baheb Gokaldas 
Mewaldas Rochlani (Minister-in-charge, 
Public Works Department and Local Self- 
Govt. Dept.) (Hindu Mahasaiha), 

The Hon’bieDr. Hemandas Bupchand 
Wadhwani (Minister-in-charge, MedicaL 
Public Health, Veterinary and Industries 
Departments (Hindu Mahasabha), 


!*ar)iamentary Secretaries 

(1) Kban Bahadur Allah Bakhsh K. 

Gftbole, (Baloch), 

(2) Syed Niir Muhammad Shah 

{Muslnn League), 

(3) Mrs. Jenubai Ghulamali Allan a 

[Muslim League), 

(4) Mr. Muhammad Ynsif Khan 

Ohandio {Muslim League), 

(5) Seth Lolumal Eewachaud 

Motwani {Hindu Mahasahlia), 

Numerical Strength of Parties 
Total Seats. 60 

Congress 10: Hindu Independent 
Party 9 ; Muslim League BO ; Azad Muslim 
3; Hindu MahasabhaB; Euiopeans B ; 
Independent 1 ; ] seat vacant 

Capital and its Population Karachi 
—386, 655. 

Budget for current year—Eevenue 
Eb. 797,27,000. 

Expenditure on Eevenue Account— 
Es. 7,97 04,0o0 

Government of Orissa 

(Area — 32,000, Sq, miles ; Population—- 
87, 28,6a. 


H. E. Sir William Hawthorne Lewis 
K.C.SJ.. K.o.l E.. J.P., (April 1, 1941). 

Council of Ministers 

Coalition, formed Nov. 24, 1941, Per- 

(1) Hon’ble Captain Maharaja Sri Sri 
Krishna Chandra Gajapati Narayan Deo 
of Parlakimedi (Prime Minister) — Home 
Affairs (excluding Publicity), Local Self- 
Government and Public Works. 

(2) Hon^ble Pandit Gcdsvaris Misra 
—Finance^ Rome Affairs (Publicity), 
Development and Education, 

(3) Hon’ble Maulavi Abdus Sobhan 
Khan — Law and Commerce, Revenue and 

Parliamentary Secretary :—Sii Pyari- 
shankar Eoy (Hindu-Rational Coalition), 

Numerical Strength of Parties 
Total Seats— 60 

Congress 31 : Nationalist Coalition 26, 
Independent 2. 

Capital and its population, Cuttack 
74,297. No Summer Capital. 

Eeceipts and Expenditure Receipts 
Eb. 256,96,000 ; Expenditure— Es. 

Advisers to the Governor after the 
dissolution of Ministry 

S. L. Marwood. c. i, e., i. P., i. c. s. 

G. K. Gokhale, o. i. e,, i. c, s. 

Government of Assam 

(Area— -87,83:1 Sq, miles ; Population — 

Governor— Sir Andrew Gourlay Clow, ' 
K.G.S.I. I cs„ (May 4, 1942) ; 

Council of Ministers 

Coalition formed August 25, 1942 ; 

(1) Maulavi Saiyid Sir Muhammad 
Saadullah. M.A., B.L., (Muslim League) 
Prime Minister. 

(2) Naba Kumar Dutta (Assam 
United Party) 

(3) Maulavi Muiiawwar All, b.a. l l.b. 
{Muslim League.) 

(4) Hirendia Chandra Chakrabarti, 

B A , (Assam United Party), 

(5) Khan Sahib Maulavi Mudabbir 
Hussain Chaudhiui, b.l. (Muslim League), 

(6) Dr. Mahendra Nath Saikia, l.m p. 
(Assam United Party), 

(7) Khan Bahadur Maulavi Sayidur 
Eahaman. m.a,, b.l., [Muslim League), 

(8) Maulavi Abdul Matin ChaudLuri, 
B.L*, (Muslim League). 

(9) Miss Mavis Dunn, b.A,, b.t., 
B.L, (Assam United Party). 

(10) Eupnath Brahma, b.l., (Jscam 
United PaiUj), Appointed Minister on 
August 28, 1942), 

No Parliamentary Secretaries. 

Numerical Strength of Parties 

Legislative Assembly : — Total seats— 108 
CongresB— 31 (including the Speaker). 
Assam United Party— -54 (32 belong to 
Muslim League party). People’s Party — 
10 ; Independent — 4. Total 108. 

Leqis, Council : — Muslim 7 — including 
the President, Mrs. Eahman, the lest 
belonging to the Assam United Party 
and also the League Party ; Europeans 
2 ; Plains Tribal 1 ; Scheduled Caste 1; 
Ahom Community 1 ; Caste Hindu 1 (the 
latter 4 members belong to the Assam 
Party); Independents 9 (Marwaries 3 and 
Caste Hindu 6). 

Capital and its Population— ?ih\\\oog 
— 38,192. No Summer Capital. 

Receipts and Expenditure for current 
year Eeceipts Re. 4,51,71,000 ; Expen- 
diture Es. 4,62,11,000. 

Government of Madras 

(Area 124,363 Sq, miles. Population — 

4 0840,564), 

Gevernor Capt. the Hon. Sir Arthur 
Oswald James Hope, g.o.i.e., m.c. , 
Assumed charge Maich 12, 1940. 

Advisory Council 

Advisory Council formed October 30, 
1939 ; Present Personnel : 

(1) Sir D. N. Stratbie C.I.E., i.C.s, 

(2) Sir Hugh Hood, k.c.i.e., i.cs* 

(3) T. Austin, C.I.E., I.O.S. 

(4) G. W. Priestley,, 


Numerical Strength of Patrties 
Legts* Assembly : Total Seats 215 
(vacant 87) Congress 138; Justice 12; 
Anglo-Indian 2 ; Muslim League 12 ; 
European 4; Independents 8 ; National 
Democrats 2 ; Total 178. 

Legis, Council Total Seats 55 (vacant 
15) Congress 22 ; Justice 4; Muslim League 
2 ; National Democrats 2 ; Independents 
7. Those who have not intimated their 
party affiliation 3 ; total 40. 

Capital and its population— Madras ; 

Summer Capital and its population— 
Ootacamund ; 29,850. 

Receipts : Rs. 30,23,73.000 
Expenditure : — Kb. 30.19,97,000, 

Government of Bombay 

{Area sq. mtles) Population — 


Governor— Sir John Colville, g.o.i,e.,t.d. 
(24 March 1943.) 

Advisory Council 

Council formed Nov. 4, 1939, Present 

Sir H. F. Knight, Eeq., K.c S.I., C.I.B. 
LO.s. Portfolio : Finance. 

Sir 0. H. Bristow, Eaq., o.i.b., i.c.s. 
I.C.S., Portfolio : Home 

G. F. S. Collins Esq., o. s. i., 0. i. e 
P ortfolio : Revenue. 

J. H. Taunton Esq., C. I. E., l. C. S. 
Portfolio j Education. 

Numerical Strength cf Parties 

(a) In, Assembly— {ToiaX Seats— 175) 
Congress 86 ; Muslim League 24 ; Inde- 
pendents 13 ; Independent Labour 13 ; 
Progressive 12; Peasants and Peoples 6; 
Peasants and Workers 4; Demociatic 
Swaraj 4 : vacant Seats 13 ; Total 162. 

(b) In Council— { Total ^Sfats 30 ) 
Congress lO ; Muslim League 3 ; Inde- 
pendents 8; Progressive 1; Democratic 
Swaraj 3 ; Liberal 1 ; Vacant seats 4 ; 
Total 26. 

Capital and its population— 'Botnb&y 
City— 1,489,883. ^ 

Summer Capital and its population — 

Receipts— Rs. 24,89.56,000 
Expenditure- Rs. 24,88,70,000 

Govt, of the United Provinces 

(Area— '1,12,191 sq, miles ; Population 

Governor— H. E. Sir Maurice Gamier 
Hallet,, C.I.E., i.o.s., (De- 

cember 6, 1939). 

Advisory Con ncil— formed on Novem- 
ber 4. 1939, Personnel : — 

(1) Dr. Panna Lai, M.A.,, llb. 
(Cantab), D, Litt. (Agra), Bar-at-Law, 

c S.I., G.i.E , I.o.s Education, Industries, 
Local-Self-Government and Public Health, 

(2) Sir Tennant Sloan, m.a, (Glas) 

K.C.I.B., C.S.I., I.o.s.— Home affairs 

Finance, Justice and Jaiis. 

(3) Mr. A. G. Shirref, B.A.. J.P., i C.8.— 
Revenue, Rural Development, Agriculture, 
Forests, Communications and Irrigation. 

(4) Sir A. W. ibbotson, M.A., c.i.e., 
M, B.E., M.O., LO S.— Supply 

Numerical Strength of Parties 

(a) In Assembly- (Total seats 228) 

Government supporters : Congress 147. 

Opposition : Muslim League 36, Indepen- 
dent 24, Unattached (generally vote with 
Opposition) 21 — 'I'otal 228. 

(b) In Council— (Total seats 60) 
Government supporters: Congress 14 ; 
Opposition : Nationalist 13. Independent 
8 ; Unattached (including 11 who have 
not intimated Party affiliations) 24 ; Total 
—59 (excluding Piesident). 

Capital and ita population — 

Allahabad ; 2,60,630. 

Summer Capital and its copulation — 
Naini Tal-21,313. 

Receipts and expenditure i— Receipts — 
Rs. 24,29,89,300, Expenditure— Re. 


Government of Bihar 

Area — 69,848 Sq, Miles ; Population — 

Governor — H. E, Sir Thomas George 
Rutheiford. k.C.S.l, c.i.e., i.o.s. (Assumed 
charge 24 April 1914.) 

Advisory Council 

Council formed Nov. 6, 1939. 


1. Y. A. Godbole, c.s.l, c.i.e., ic.s. 

2. K. E. Russell, C.S.L, c lb., i.o.s. 

3. E. 0. Ansoiage, csi., c.i.e., i.o.s. 

Numerical Strength of Parties 

In Assembly— Total number of 
members 147 (excluding 5 seats vacant 
due to death of members.) 

(b) Number of Muslim members (seats) 
38 (excluding 2 seats vacant due to death. 

(c) Number of members belonging 
to Congress party 96 (excluding 2 seats 
vacant due to death of members. 

(d) Number of Muslim League party 
in the Assembly. There is no such recog- 
nised party. But there are five 
members who own allegiance to Muslim 

In Council— {si) Total number of 
members 29. 

(b) Number of seats retained by the 
Muslim members 8. 

(c) Number of members belonging to 
the Congress Party 10. 


(d) Members belonging to the Muslim 
League Party 2. There is no such recog- 
nised party m the Council but two m#'m- 
bers have informed that they owe allegi- 
ance to the Muslim League. 

Capital and its population — Patna — 
196, 43>. 

Summer Capital and its population 
— Banchi— 62,562. 

Receipts and Expenditure r—Receipts 
— Ks. 9,77,85,000. Expenditure— Rs. 

Government of Central Prov. 

Area — 98,575 Sq, Miles ; Population — 
1,68,22,584 (excluding States.) 

Governor— H. E Sir Henry Twvnam 
K.O,iB., C.I.E., l.C.s. (October 2, 1940)*“ 

Advisory Cotjnciij 

Council formed Nov. 11, 1939. 

Personnel— (i) Sir Geoffrey Pownall 
Burton, K.o.i.E., I.cs. 

(ii) Henry Cballen Greenfield, c.s.T., 
C.LB., I.C.S. 

(iii) A. L. Binny, o I.E., l C.S. 

Numerical Strength of Parties 

Total Seats — Il2 

Congress Party 69 

Independent Party 16 

Muslim League Party 9 

United Party § 

Independent (Unattached) 9 


Seats vacant 4 


Capital and its population— Nagpur 

Summer capital and its population*— 
Panchmari, 6,696. 

Receipts and expenditure : — Receipts— 
Ra. 8,08,31,000 Expenditure — Rs. 

Govt, of N. F. W. Province 

Area — 80^8^067 Sq, Miles; Population — 

Governor — ^H. E. Sir George Cunning- 
ham K.o.s.!, K.O.I.E., O.B.E, I.C.S., (March 
2, 1937 ) 

Council of Minislera 

Muslim League Coalition ; formed 
May 26, 1943 ; Personnel : 

(1) Sardar Mohd. Aurangzeb Khan, 
Chief Minister. 

(2) Samin Jan Khan, Minister of 

(3) Raja Abdnr Rahman iKhao, 
Minister of Information. 

(4) S* Ajit Singh, Minister of Public 
Works Department. 

(6) Sardar Abdur Rab Khan, ‘Nish tar’ 
Finance Minister. 

Congress Ministry : — formed on March 
1945 after no-confidence motion was 
carried out against the Muslim League 
Coalition Ministry formed on May 25, 1943 
(li Dr, Khan Sahib, Premier (Congress) 

(2) Khan Mohd. Abbas Khan, Minister 
of indu,s tries (Congress). 

(3) Quazi Attaullah Khan, Minister of 
Education (Gongresa). 

(4) Dswan Bhanju Ram Gandhi, 
Minister of Finance (Congress). 

No Parliamentary Secretaries 

Numerical strength of Parties 
Total ssats — 50. Congress — 2B, Nationa- 
list — 3, Muslim League— 13, Liberals 
(Democratic)- 2, Independents — 3, No 

party 1, Died, convicted aud resigned 6. 

Population of the Capital— Peshawar 
City 173,430. Peshawar Cantonment— 
42,453. Summer Capital -Natbiagalli. 
Revenue receipts— Rs. 2,67,49,000 
Revenue expenditure — Rs* 2,79,73,CXX1 

Federal Court of India 

Chief Justice of India— The Hon 
Sir Patrick spens,, (Apptd. in 1943)* 


The Hon. Mr Justice Srinivasa 
Varadachariar, Kt., (Appt. in 1939). 

The Hon. Mr* Justice Sir Mohd. 
Zafarulla Khan, K.c s i , (Apptd, in 1941). 

Bengal Judicial Department 

High Court — Calcutta 
Chief Justice— The Hon, Sir Harold 
Derbyshire M.c , K.O., Barrister at Law. 

Puisne Judges— The Hon’ble Mr. 
Justice Torick Ameer Ali, Kt., Barrister- 
at Law (30-11-1931). 

The Hon. Mr. Justice George Douglas 
McNair, Kt., Barrister at-Law, (16-11-1933) 
The Hon. Mr Justice Syed Nasim Ali, 
M.A., B.L., (13-11-1933). 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Alan Gerald 
Russel Henderson, b.a. (Oxon), i.c.s., 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Rupendra 
Ooomar Mitter, m.l., (12-11-1934) 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Nural Azeem 
Khundkar, b. A,. Barrister-at-Law, 


The Hon. Mr. Justice Benegal Narsing 
Rail, Kt„ C.I.B., i.o.s. (i6-l-]939). 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Noeman 
George Armstrong Edgley m.a. (Oxon) 
I.cs., Barrister-at-Law, j.p, (8-ll-i937) 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Bijan Kumar 
Mukherjea, m.a., d.l., (9-11-19*16) 

The Hon. Mr, Justice Cham Chandra 
Biswas, 0.1 B, M,A, BL, (1-3-1937) 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Ronald Francis 
Lodge, B.A., (Cantab) l.c.S., j.p., (17-11- 



The Hon. Mr. Justice Frederick 
William Gentle, Barrister-at-Law, (10- 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Amarendra 
Nath Sen, Barrister-at-Law, (7-11-1938) 
The Hon. Mr. Justice Thomas James 
Young Roxburgh, C i. E. B. A. 
(Cantab) i. 0. S., Barrister-at-Law, J. P. 
(15-1 M939) 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Aba Saleh Md. 
Akrara, B. L. (26-9-1943) 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Sudhi Ranjan 
Das, B.A. (Calcutta) ll. b. (London) 
Barrister-at-Law, (Addl) (1-12-1942) 

The Hon. Mr, Justice Abraham Lewis 
Blank, M. A, (Oxon) I. 0. s., Barrister-at- 
Law, j. p. (Addl) (2-2-1942) 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Eadhabinod 
Pal, M. A , D. L., (Offg) 

Bombay Judicial Department 
High Court— ’Bombay 
Chief Justice— Jjeomrd. Stone, The 
Hon'ble Sir, Kt., o, B. B. (1-10-43) 

Puisne Judges— E&xi\a\ Jekisondas 
Kania, The HoiTble Sir, ll, b , Advocate 
(0. S.), Kt. (19-6-1933) 

Navroji Jahangir Wadia, The Hon’ble 
Sir, B. A. (Bom & Cantab) Bar-at-Law, 
I. c. s.. Kt. (6-12-1933) 

Harsidhbhai Vajubhai Divatia, The 
Hon’ble Mr. Justice, M. A., ll. b., 
(19 6 1933) 

Albert Sortain Eomer Macklin, 
The Hon^ble Mr, Justice, b. a, (Oxon), 
LOS. (18-6-1935) 

Kintish Ohandra Sen, The Hon^ble 
Mr. Justice, B. a. (Cal. & Cantab.), 

L C. s. (4 8-1941) 

Mahommedali Ourrim Ohagla, The 
Hon'ble Mr. Justice, B A. (Oxon,), Bar- 
at-law, (1-8-1941) 

Narayan Swamiray Lokur, The 
Hon’ble Mr. Justice, B. A. ll. b. 

Eric Weston, The Hon’ble Mr. Justice, 
'B. A. (Cantab.), I. 0. S. (14-1-1943) 

N. H. C. Ooyajee, The Hon’ble Mr. 
Justice, B. A. B. SO, (Econ), London, 
Bar-at-law, (1-3-1943) 

John Basil Blagden, The Hon’ble Mr 
Justice, (Cantab.), Bar-at-law, (14-11-1942) 
Gan put Sakharam Eaiadhyaksha, The 
Hon’ble Mr. Justice M. A. (Cantab.), 
Bar-at-law, I. 0, s, Addl. Judge* 

Madras Judical Department 
High Court— Madras 
Chef Justice— The Hon. Sir Lionel 
Leach (E). Bar-at law. lOth. Feb* 33. 

Puisne Judges 

The Hon. Mr. Justice V. Mockett, 
M.B.E. (E), Bar-at-law. 

^ The Hon, Mr* Justice A. J. King, 
(E) LC.S. 

The Hon, Mr. Justice S. Wadsworth, 
(E). 1.0 8. Bar-at-law. 

The Hon, Mr. Justice K.P. Lakshmaua 
Eao, Diwan Bahadur (B). Advocate, 

The Hon. Mr. Justice N. Ohaudra- 
sekhara Iyer. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice 0. N. Kuppu- 
swami Ayyar. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice M. Shahabuddiu 
The Hon, Mr. Justice K. S. Krishna- 
pwami Ayy anger. (B). Advocate. 

The Hon’ble Mr Justice B. Somayya. 
(B). Advocate. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice M. Patanjali 
Sastri. (B). Advocate. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice L. 0. HorwilL 
(E). i.c.s. Bar-at-law. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice A. 0. Happel. 
(E) LC.S. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice J. A. Bell. (E) 

The Hon, Mr. Justice K. Kunhi 
Earaan, Diwaii Bahadur. (N). B.A., b.l. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice J. A, Byers. 
(E). I.c.s. Bur-at-law. 

Behar & Orissa Judicial Dept. 

High Court— Patna 

Chief Justice— Hon. Sir Saiyid 
Fazl Ali Barrister-at-law. 19-1-1943 
Puisne Judges— Hon. Sir Clifford 
Monmohan Agarwala, Barrieter-at-Iaw 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Sukhdev 
Prasad Varma, Barrister-at law. 22-1- 

Ihe Hon. Mr. Justice Francis George 
Rowland, i.c.s., 21-8-1936. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Manohar Lai 
M.A. (Cantab). Barrister-at-law. 3-6-1939. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Subodh Ch, 
Chatterjee. 28-9-1939* 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Herbert Rib ton 
Meredith, i.o.s., MO-1940. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice James Creig 
Shearer, i c.s„ Barrister-at-law. 19-1-1943. 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Bhubaneshwar 
Prosad Singh (6-12-43) 

The Hon’ble Mr. Justice David Ezra 
Euben, i.c.s. Addl,, 14-8 43. 

The Hon’ble Mr. Justice Saiyed Jafar 
Imam, Barrister-at-law, Addl. 25-10-43. 

The Hon’ble Mr. Justice E. B. Bewor. 
I O.s, Addl- 8-11-43. 

C. P. & Berar Judicial Dept* 

High Court — ^Nagpur 

Chief The Honourable Sir 

Frederick Grille, Kt*, i.c.s. 



Puisne Judges— 1. The Honourable 
Mr. Justice M. A. Niyogi. O.I.E. On leave 
from 1-11-43 , . ^ , 

2. Tbe Honourable Mr. Justice R. E. 

Pollock, LG.s. . 

3. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Vivian Bose. ^ 

4. Tbe Honourable Mr, Justice W. 
R. Puranik. 

5. The Honourable Mr. Justice K. G. 

6. The Honourable Mr, Justice J. 

7. The Honourable Mr. Justice M. E. 
Bobde— Officiating vice no. 1 from i-11-43. 

Punjab Judicial Department 

High Court — Lahore 

Ghief Justice 

The Honourable Sir John Douglas 
Young. 7th May, 1934. 

The Honuurabie bir Arthur Trevor 
Harries. 19ih January, 1943. 

Puisne Judges 

1. The Honourable Mr. Justice Tek 
Ohand, Kt,, ji7th January. 1927. 

2. The Honourable Mr. Justice Dahp 
Singh, Et., 4th October, 1926. 

3. The Honourable Mr, Justice 

Monroe. 7th December, 1931. 

4. The Honourable Mr. Justice Bhide, 
2nd. October, 1933. 

5. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Abdul Hashed . 2ad October, 1933. 

6. The Honourable Mr. Justice Din 
Mubammad. 2nd May 1936. 

7. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Blacker. 23rd November, 1937. 

8. The Honourable Mr. Justice Ram 

Lall. 9th February. 1938. , 

9. The Honourable Mr. Justice Sale. 
I4th November, 1939. 

10. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Beckett. 23rd September, 1940. 

11. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Muhammad Abdur Raharaan, Kt. IJtb 
February, 1943. 

12. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Muhammad Mumr. 28th September, 1942. 

13. Ihe Honourable Mr. Justice 

Mehr Chaiid Mahajan. 27th Sept, 1943. 

14. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Marten, Additional Judge (except from 
16-7-1943 to 26-9-43. 

15. The Honourable Mr. Justice 

Dhawan. (Acting from 29-1 1943 to 

16. The Honourable Mr. Justice Teja 
Singh. (Acting 1-2-1943 to 15-7-1943 

Additional from 17th bept., 1943). 

United Provinces Judicial Dept. 

High Court — Allahabad 

Chief Justice — Hon’ble Sir Iqbal 

Ahmad Kt. b.a., ll.b. 

Puisne Judges— 13.00* Sir H. J. Collis- 
ter, Kt., J.P., I.C.8. 

Hon. Mr. Justice J. J. W. Allsop, 

J.P., I.C.S, 

Hon. Mr. Justice Mohammad Ismail 
Khan Bahadur, Bar-at-law. 

Hon. Mr. Justice K, K. Verma, b.A. 


Hon. Mr. Justice H.B.L. Brsund, 
Bar-at-law, (on deputation) 

Hon. Mr. Justice T. N. Mulla, Eai 
Bahadur, M.A., ll.b. 

Hon. Mr. Justice A. H. de B. Hamil- 
ton, J.P., I.O.S. 

Hon. Mr. Justice S, K. Dar, B.A., ll.b. 
Hon. Mr, Justice R. L. Yorke, J.3?., 

I. O.S. 

Hon. Mr. Justice G. P. Mathur, Eai 
Bahadur, B.A., ll.b. Additional Puisne 

Hon. Mr. Justice P. P. M. C. Plowden, 

J. P., I.C.S. Acting Puisne Judge. 

Chief Court of Oudh — Lucknow 

Chief Judge— Koo. Sir George Thomas 
Kt., Bar-at-law. (27-7-1938). 

Judges — Hon. Mr, Justice J. R. W. 
Bennet, i.c.s. (13-7-1940) 

Hon. Mr. Justice Ghulam Hasan, 

Hon. Mr. Justice Lakshmi Sbanker, 
Misra, Bar-at-law, (11-5-43). 

Hon. Mr. Justice W. Y. Madely, 
I.C.S, Addl. Judge, (11-5-41). 

Chief Court of Sind 

Chief Judge— Hon. Sir Godfrey 
Davis, Barrister-at-Iaw, (15-4-1940). 

Judge— Hon. Mr. Justice Charles 
M. Lobo, LL.B. (15-4-40). 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Hatim Bad- 
ruddin Tyabji, Barrister-at-law, (15-4- 
1940). ' 

The Hon. Mr. Justice Dennis Neil 
O’Sullivan, Barrister-at-law. (14-1-1943). 

Indian Stales (with Salutes) 

{Area — 71% JOS sq* miles ; Population 

Assam State 

Manipur — H. H* Maharaja Sir Ohura 
Ohand Singhs K.C.S.L, O.B.B. Maharaja 

Date of Birth— 15th April 1885 

Date of succession— 18th September, 1891 

Area in Sq. miles— 8638 (Approximately) 

Population of State— 4,45,606 

Revenue— Nearly Rs, 9,59,620 

Salute in guns— 11 

Baluchistan State 

KTzZui— His Highness Beglar Begi Mir 
Sir Mahmud Khan, Wali of — 

Date of Birth— 1864 
Date of succoBsion— 1893 



Area of State in square miles— 73,278 
Population of State— 328,281 
Revenue — Rs. 17,78 000 
Salute in Guns— 19 

Baroda State 

S<2rod?a— His Highness Farzandi-i- 

Khas-i-Daulat-i-Inglishia Maharaja Sir 
Pratapsingh Gaekwar, G O.I.E. Sena Khas 
Khel Shamsher Bahadur, Maharaja of— 
Date of Birth — 29th June, 1908 
Date of succession— 7th Feb. 1939 
Aiea of State in sq. miles — 8,l64 
Population of State — 28, .55 MO 
Revenue— Rs. 245*23 lacs 
Salute in guns— 21 

Bengal States 

Cooch Behar—B. H. Maharaja Jagad- 
dipendra Narayan Bhup Bahadur, Maha- 
raja of — 

Date of Birth— 15th December, 1916 
Date of succession— 20th Dec. 1922 
Area of State in sq. miles — 131,835 
Population of State— 6,39.898 
Revenue— About Rs. 38J lacs 
Salute in guns— 13 

Tnpwm— H. H. Maharaja Manikya 
Bir Bikram Kishore Deb Barman Baha- 
dur K.C S.l , Maharaja of— 

Date of Birth- 19th August, 1908 
Date of succession— 13th August, 1923 
Area of State in sq. miles— 4,116 
Population of State— 382,450 
Revenue— Rs. 33,42,104 (including 

the revenue of the zamiiidaries in British 

Salute in guns— 13 

Bihar & Orissa States 

Kalahandi— H. H. Maharaja Pratapkeshori 
Deo, Maharaja of — 

Date of Birth— 5th October ’19 
Date of succession— 19th September *39 
Area in sq, miles — 3,745 
Population 5,99,751 
Revenue— 6,43,000 
Salute in guns— 9 

MaynrbhanJ— Maharaja Sir Pratap Chandra 
Bhanj Deo, K.CI.E. Maharaja of— 

Date of Birth— 18th February, ’0i 
Date of succession 23rd April *28 
Area in eq. miles— 4,243 
Population— 9,89,887 
Revenue— Rs. 34 lacs 
Salute in guns— 9 

Patna — H. H. Maharaja Rajendra Nareyan 
Singh Deo, Maharaja ot — 

Date of birth— 3ist March ’l2 
Date of succession— 16th January ’24 
Area in sq. miles— 2,511 

Population— 16,32,220 
Revenue— RsMI, 02, 251 
Salute in guns— 9 

Sonpur — H. H. Maharaja Sing Deo, 
K.C.I.E. Maharaja of — 

Date of birth — 28th June 1874 
Date of succession — 8th August *02 
Area in equ re miles — 906 
Popul ation — 226,7 5l 
Revenue — ^Rs. 3,74,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 9 

Bombay Presy, States 

Balasinor— H. H. Babi Shri Jaraiat 
Khanji Munavvar Khanji Nawab 
Saheb Bahadur, Nawab of— 

Date ol birth — lOth Nov^^^mber 1894 
Date of succession— 3lflt December, *15 
Area in square miles— 189 
Popul ation — 52,525 
Revenue — Rs 3,60.000 
Indian State Forces Cavalry— 60 
Infantry— 177, Guns— 10 
Salute in guns— 9 

Baasda— H. H. Maharawal Shri Indra- 
sinbji Pratapsinhji, Raja of — 

Date of birth— 16th February 1888 
Date of succession — 2i8t Sept, *ii 
Area in square miles— 215 
Population— 40,125 
Revenue — Rs. 7,98,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 9 

Baria— Lt. Col. His Highness Mabaraol 
Shree Sir Ranjitsmhji, Ruler of — 
Date of birth — lOth July 1886 
Date of succession— 20th Feb. *08 
Area in sq. miles— 813 
Population— 1,89,206 

Indian States Forces— Cavalry (Irregular) 
Strength i7 ; i Company Ran jit Infantry, 
Strength 153 ; 1 Platoon Militia, 
Strength 60 
Salute in guns— 9 

Bhor— H. H. Meherban Srimant Raghu- 
nathrao Shankarrao, Pant Sachib of — 
Date of birth— 20th September 1878 
'JDate of succession— i7th July *22 
Area in square miles— 925 
Popul ation —1 30,420 
Revenue— Rs. 600,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 9 

Cambay— H. H. Nawab Mirza Hussain 
Yawar Khan Saheb Bdr. Nawab of — 
Date of birth— 16th May ’ll 
Date of succession — 2l8t January *15 
Area in sq, miles— 392 
Population— 87,761 
Revenue — Rs. 10,00,000 nearly 
Indian State Forces — 19 infantry ; 166 
Police Forces ; 15 Body guards. 

Salute in guns — il 

Chhota ITdepar (Mohan)— H. H, 

Maharawal Shri Natwarsinhji Fateh'^ 
sinhji, Raja of— 

Date of birth— 16th NovemfeQi;: *Qa 


Date of succession — 29th August *23 
Area in sq. miles— 88,034 
Population — 1,62,145 
Revenue— Its. 13,08,248 
Salute in guns — 9 

Danta— H. H. Mali ar ana Shri Bhavani- 
singhi Hamirsinhji, Maharana of — 
Date of birth — 12th September 1899 
Date of succession— 20th November *25 
Area in eq, miles— 347 
Population — 19,541 
Revenue— Rs. 1,76,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 9 

Dharampiir'- H. H. Maharana Shri 

Vijoyadevji Mohandevji, Raja of— 
Date of birth — 3rd December 18S4 
Date of succession— 26 th March *21 
Area in sq. miles— 704 
Population— 1,12,031 
Revenue— Rs. 8,50,000 
Salute in guns— 9 

Idar— H. H. Maharajadhiraja Shri 

Himmat Singbji Sahib Bahadur 
Date of birth — 2nd September 1899 
Date of succession —14th April *31 
Area in sq. miles— 1.669 
Population — 3,07,798 
Revenue— Rs. 24,66,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 16 

Janjira— H. H. Nawab Sidi Muhammad 
Khan Sidi Ahmad Khan, Nawab of — 
Date of birth— 7 Lh March *14 
Date of Bucce'^sion— 2nd May *22 
Area in sq. miles— 379 
Population — 1,10.388 
Revenue — Rs, 11,00,000 
Salute in guns— 11 

Jawhar— Shrimant Yeshwantrao Maharaj, 
Raja of — 

Date of birth* llth December *17 

Date of succession — llth December *27 

Area in sq miles — 308 

Popul a tion —65,291 

Revenue— Rs. 6,20,000 

Salute in guns— 9 

Khairpnr— H. H. Mir Faiz Mahomed 
Khan Talpur, Mir of— 

Date of birth— 4th January *13 
Date of succession— December *35 
Area in sq. miles— 6,060 
Popul ation— 227, 168 
Revenue— Rs. 25 84 (lacs) 

Indian State Forces- Khairpur “Faiz” 
Light infantry, 216 ; Khairpur Camel 
Transport Corps, 72 
Salute in guns — 16 

Kolhapur — Ool. H, H. Shri Sir Rajaram 
Ohbatrapati Maharaj, G.G.S.Lf G.C.LE., 
Maharaja of— 

Date of birth— 30 July 1897 
Date of succession— 6th May '22 
Area in sq. miles— 3,2i7*l 

Population— 9,67,167 
Revenue— Rs. 126,86,627 
Salute in guns— 19 

Lunawada — Lieut. H. H. Maharaua Shri 
Virbhadrasinhji, Saheb of— 

Date of birth— Sth June *10 
Date of succession— 2nd October *30 
Area in sq. miles— 388 
Population— 95,1 63 
Revenue— About Rs. 5,60,000 
Dynastic Salute— 9 guns 

Mudhol— H. H Srimant Raja Bhairavsinh 
(minor), Raja of — 

Date of birth — 16 October *29 
Date of succession— 9th November *37 
Area in sq. miles— 369 
Population— 62,832 
Revenue— Rs, 4,85,000 nearly 
Indian State Forces— Mudhol Sajjau Sinh 
Infantry— 116 
Salute in guns— 9 

Rajpipla— Captain H. H. Maharana Shri 
Sir Vijaya Sinhji Ohhatrasinhji, K.o.S.1. 
Date of birth— 30 January 1890 
Date of succession— 26th September *16 
Area in sq, miles— 1,617’60 
Population — 2,48,068 
Revenue — Rs. 24,32,000 
Indian State Forces— Rajpipla Infantry 
152 ; Rajpipla Bodyguard 25 
Salute iu guns — 13 

Sachin— His Highness Nawab Sidi 
Muhammad Haider Muhammad Yakut 
Khan, Mubarizud Daula, Nusrat Jung 
Bahadur, Nawab ot — 

Date of birth — llth September *09 
Date of succession — l9th November *30 
Area in sq. miles — 57‘80 
Revenue— Rs. 4,00 00^ 

Indian State Forces— Sachin Infantry 80 
Salute in guns — ^9 

Sangli— Captain H. H. Baja Shrimant 
bir Chintamanrao Dhundirao alias 
Appasaheb Patwaidhan, K.0.LE., Raja of 
Date of birth— l4ih Feb, 1890 
Date of succession — I5tb June 1903 
Area in sq. miles — 1,136 
Population— 2,93,498 
Revenue — Rs. 16,80,244 
Salute in guns— 9 

Sant— Maharana Shri Jorawasinhji 
Partapsinhji, Raja of — 

Date of birth— 24th March 1881 
Date of succession — 3lst. August 1896 
Area in sq. miles— 394 
Population— 83,531 
Revenue— Rs. 486,826 
Salute in guns— 9 

Savantvadi— (Minor) H. H. Raja Bahadur 
Shrimant Shivram Savant Bhonsle 
Date of birth — I3th August *27 
Date of eaccession— 6th July *37 


Area in aq. milea— 930 
Population— 2,62 170 
Revenue— Rs. 6,13i4i78 
Salute in guns— 9 

Central India States 
Ajalgarh— H. H, Maharaja Sawai Bhupal 
Bingh Bahadur, Maharaja of — 

Date of succession — 7th June ^13 
Date of birth— l3th November 1866 
Area in eq. miles— 802 
Population — 84,790 
Revenue— Rs. 6u0,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 11 

Alirajpur— H. H. Maharaja Pratap Singh, 
K.C.I.E., Maharaja of— 

Date of birth— 12th Sept. iS8i 

Date of succession— 14th February 1891 

Area in sq, miles— 836 

Population — 112»754 

Revenue of the State— Rs. 5,35.000 

Salute in guns— il 

Baoni— H. H, Azam-ul-Umara Iftikhar- 
ud-Daulah Imad-ul-Mulk Sahib-i^Jah 
Mihin Sardar Nawab Mohammad 
Mushtaq-ul-Easan Khan Sardar Jung. 
Date of birth — 7th February 1896 
Date of succession— 28th October 11 
Area in sq. miles— l2l 
Population— 25,266 
Revenue— Rs. 2,26,000 
Salute in guns— li 

Baraundha (Pathar Kachar)— Raja Gaya 
Parshad Sing, Raja of— 

Date of birth— 1865 
Date of succession — 9th July *09 
Area in sq. miles— 218 
Popul a tion — 16,91 2 
Revenue— Rs. 45,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 9 

Barwanl— His Highness Ran a Devisinghji 

Date of birth— I9th July '22 

Date of succession— 2iBt April *30 

Area in sq, miles— i, 178 

Population— 1,76,632 

Revenue— Rs. 11,04,610 

Salute in guns— 11 

Bhopal— Lt. Ool. H. H. Iftikhar*ul-Mulk 
bikandar Saulat Nawab Haji Muham- 
mad Hamid a 11a Khan Bahadur, 

a.c.s.1., C.V.O., Nawab of— 
Date of birth— 9th September 1894 
Date of succession— 17 kh May *26 
Area in sq. miles— 7,000 
Population — 700,000 
Revenue— Rs. 62,00,000 nearly 
Indian State Forces— Bhopal (Victoria) 
Lancers— l4l : Bhopal Sultania 

Infantry— 772 ; Bhopal Gohar-i-Tal 

Own Company — 164 
Salute in guns— 19 

Bijawar — H. H, Maharaja Govind Singh 
Minor, Maharaja of — 

Pate ol birth— 17th June *34 

Date of succession — llth Nov. '41 
Area in sq. miles- 973 
Population —1,20,928 
Revenue— R b. 3,55 271 
Salute in guns — 11 
Charkhari— H. H. Maharajadhiraja 

Sipaiidar-ul-Mulk Armardan Sing Ju 
Deo Bahadur, Maharaja of — 

Date of birth — 29ih Deceniber *t-3 
Date of succession — 6th October ’20 
Area m sq. miles— 880 
Population— 123,406 
Revenue — Rs. 8,26,000 iieaily 
Salute in guns— 11 

Chhatarpur — H. H. Maharaja Bhawani 
Singh Bahadur. Maharaja of — 

Date of birth— 16th August, *04 

Date of succession— 5th April, *32 

Area in sq. miles — l,l3o 

Population — 1,61 267 

Gross Revenue Nearly— Rs. 12,0C,000 

Indian State Forces— 412 

Salute in guns- 11 

Datia— Major H. H. Maharaja Lokeudra 
Sir Govind Singh Bahadur, K.o.s.l. 
Date of birth — 2i8t June 1886 
Date of succession — 5ih August *o7 
Area in sq. miles— 911 
Population— 148,659 
Revenue— Rs. 19,00,000 nearly 
Indian State Forces -Datia ist Govind — 
Infantry — 200 

Datia Govmd Infantry (B Company)— 117 
Salute in guns — 15 

Oewas (Senior)— His Highness Maharaja 
Sir Vikramsinha Bao Puar, K.o.s.l., 
B.A. Mabataja of — 

Date of birth— 4th April *10 

Date of succession— 21 St December *37 

Area in sq. miles— 449,60 

Population— 89,479 

Revenue — Rs, 7,00,000 

Salute in guns— 1 5 

Dewas (Junior Branch)— H. H, Maharaja 
Sadasbivrao Khase Saheb Pawar, 
Maharaja of — 

Date of birth— 13th August 1887 

Date of fluccebsion— 4ih February *34 

Area in tq. miles— 419 

Population— 70,618 

Revenue— Rs. 6,83,000 

Salute in guns — 16 

Dhar— Lieut. H. H. Maharaja An and Rao 
Puar Saheb Bahadur, Maharaja of— 
Date of birth — 24th November, '20 
Date of succession— ist August *20 
Date of Investiture— 16th March, *40 
Area in sq. miles— 1,799,34 
Population — 2,53,210 
Revenue— Rs. 3,000,000 
Indian State Forces— Dhar Light Horse 
66 ; Dhar Infantry (Laxmi Guard) aBa 
Salute m guns— 15 ^ 



Indore— H. H. Maharejadhiraja Raj Bahadur, K*c.s.l. Maharaja of— 

Rajeahwar Sawai Shri Yeshwant Rao Date of birth— 14th April 1899 

Holkar Bahadur, G.CJ.E., Maharaja of Date of 8uccesBion~4th March ^30 

Date of birth— 6th September ’08 Area in sq. miles— 2.080 

Date of succession — 26th Februaiy '26 Population — 314.661 

Area in sq. miles— 9*902 Revenue— Rs. 13,00,000 (nearly) 

Population— over 15,00,000 ! Salute in guns— 16 

Revenue— Rs. 1,21.81,100 1 Panna— H. H. Maharaja Mahendra Sir 

Indian State Forces — Indore Holkar Yadvendra Singh Bahadur, E C.S.l., 

Escort — 14J, Jndore lat Battaiion, E.C.I.E., Maharaja of — 

Maharaja Holkar’s Infantry Companies, Date of birth — 31st January 1894 

“A” Si “B”— 380 * Date of succession— 20th June '02 

Indore Holkar Transport Corps— 266 
Salute in guns— 19 

Jaora— Lt, Col H. H. Fakhrud-Danlah 
Nawab Sir Mohammad Iftikhar Ali 
Khan Bahadur, Sauiat4-Jang, G.B.E., 
K.C.I.E. Nawab of— 

Date of birth— l7th January 1883 
Date of succession— 6th March 1895 
Area in sq, miles— 601 
Population — 1, 1 6 ,738 
Revenue— Rs. 16, 00,000 
Salute in guns — 13 

Jhabua— H. H. Raja Udai Sing, Fv,aja oi 

Date of birth— 6th May 1875 

Date of succession — 26th April 1895 

Area in sq miles— 1,336 

Population— 123,932 

Revenue— Rs. 3,5o,o00 nearly 

Salute in guns — 11 

Khilchipur— Raja Rao Bahadur Sii 

Durjansalsing, k.o 1E., Raja of— 

Date of birth— 26th August 1897 
Date of succession — l9th January ’08 
Area in sq. miles— 273 
Population— 45,625 
Revenue— Rs. 2,24,000 
Salute in guns — 9 

Maihar— H. H. Raja Sir Brijnath Singhi 
Deo Bahadur, K.o.i b. Raja of— 

Date of birth— 22nd February lb96 
Date of succession— 16th Dec. '11 
Area in sq. miles— 407 
Population— 68,991 
Revenue— Rs. 5,00,000 (nearly) 

Salute in guns- 9 

Nagod— (Unchebra)— H. H. Raja Mahendra 
Singhjee Deo Bahadur, Raja of— 

Date of birth— 6th February ’16 
Date of succession— 26th Feb. *26 
Area in sq. miles— 50r4 
Population— 87,911 
Revenue— Ra. 3,00.000 (nearly) 

Salute in guns— 9 

Narsinghgarh— H. H. Raja Sir Vikram 
Singhji Suhib Bdr. k.C.i.e. Raja of— 
Date of birth — 21 Sept. '09 
Date of succession— 23rd April '24 
Area in sq. miles— 734 
Population— 1,24,281 
Revenue— Rs. 7,09,291 (nearly). 

Salute in guns— 11 

Orchha — H. H. Saramad-i-Rajaha-Bundel- 
khaud Shri Sawai Sir Vir Singh Dev 

1 Area in sq. miles— 2,596 
Population— 2,12,130 
Revenue— Es. 9,50,000 (nearly) 

Salute in guns— il 

Rajgarh— H. H. Raja Rawat Bikramaditya 
bingh Bahadur (minor), Raja of— 

Date of birth— 18th December '36 
Date of succession — Do Do 
Area in sq. miles — 962 
Population— 1,48,609 
Revenue— Rs. 8,63,200 
Salute in guns— 11 

Ratlam— Major-General H. H. Maharaja 
Sir Sajjan Singh, G.O.i.E., E.C.B.l,, 


Date of birth— 13th January 1880 
Date of succession— 29th Jan. 1893 
Area in sq. miles — 693 
Population— 1,26,117 
Revenue — Rs. 10 lacs 
Indian State Forces— Shree Lokendra 
Rifles— Authorised Strength— 16I 
Salute in guns — 13 permanent, local 16 
Rewa— H. H. Maharaja Dhiraj Sir Gulab 
Singh Bahadur, G.O.I.B., k.c.s.l, 
Maharaja of — 

Date of birth— 12th March '03 
Date of succession — Slat October ’18 
Area in sq. miles — 13,000 
Population— 18.20,306 
Salute in guns — 17 
Revenue— Ra. 60 00,000 

Sailana— H. H. Raja Sahib Sir Dileep 
Singbji Bahadur, k.o.i.e., Raja of— 
Date 01 birth— 18th March 1891 
Date of succession— 14th July '19 
Area in eq. miles— 297 
Population— 40,228 
Revenue —Rs. 3,00,000 
Indian State Forces— 1, Cavalry 30 : 
2. Infantry 44 ; 3, Police ISO 
Salute in guns— 11 

Samthar — H. H. Maharaja Sir Bir Singh 
Deo Bahadur e.c.i.e.. Raja of— 

Date of birth— 26th August 1864 
Date of succession — 17 th June 1898 
Area in sq. miles— 18 O 
Population— 33,216 
Revenue— Es. 3,60,000 (nearly) 

Salute in guns — 11 

Sitaman— H. H. Baja Sir Earn Singh, 
Raja of— 


Date of birth—2nd January 1880 
Area in sq. miles— 201 
Population— 26,549 
Revenue— Rs. 2,55,076 
Salute in guns— ll 

Owaliar State 

Gwalior— H* H. Maharaja Mukhtar-ul- 
Mulk, Azim-uMqtidar, Rafi-ush-Shan, 
Wala Shikob, Motasham-i-Dauran, 
Umdat-ul-Umra, Maharajadhiraja 
Alijah, Hisamus-Salta-nat George 
Jayaji Rao Sciudia, Bahadur, Srinath, 
Mansur-i-Zam an, Fid wi-i- Hazrat-i 

Inglistan, Maharaja of — 

Date of birth— 26th June *16 
Date of succession— 5th June ’25 
Area in sq. miles— 26,367 
Popul ation — 3,623,070 
Revenue— Rs. 241*81 lacs nearly 
Indian State Forces— 

Gwalior Ist Yayaji Lancers— 526 

„ 2nd Alijah „ —626 

,. 3rd Maharaja Madho Rao 
Scindia’s Own Lancers — 626 
,, 1st Mahaiani Sakhya Ray’s 
Own Battalion — 763 
2ud Maharaja Jayaji Rao’s 
Own Battalion— 765 
3rd Maharaja Scindia’s Own 
Battalion— 772 

4th Maharaja Bahadur Battalion 

,9 7th Scindia’s Battalion (Train- 
ing)— 488 

„ Mountain Battery— 260 
Scindia’s House Artillery— 138 
„ Sappers Artillery — 178 
„ Pony Transport Corps— 479 
Salute in Guns— 2 1 

Hyderabad ' State 

Hyderabad— Lt -General H. E. H. Asaf 
Jah Muzaffar-ul-Mulk wai Mamalik, 
Nizam-ul-Mulk Nizam-ud-DauIa, 
Nawab Sir Mir Usman Aii Khan 
Bahadur, Fateh Jang, Faithful Ally 
of the British Government, G.c,s.i., 
q.b.Bm Nizam of — 

Date of birth— 6th April 1886 
Date of succession— 29th August ’ll 
Area in sq, miles— 100,465 
Population— 17,877.986 
Revenue— Es. 894*98 lacs 
Indian State Forces — ^Hyderabad ist 
Imperial Service Lancers. 544 
Hyderabad 2od Imperial Service 
Lancers, 544 
Salute in guns— 2l 

Jammu & Kashmir State 
Jammu & Kashmir— Lieut-General H. H. 
Raj Rajeshwar Maharajadhiraj Maha- 
raja Shri Harisinghji Bahadur* Indar 
Mahindar, Spar-i-Saltant-i-Englishia, 
G.0.s,i., G.OJ.B., K.O.V.O., UL.D., Maha- 
laja of— » 

Date of birth — September 1895 
Date of succession— September '26 
Area in sq. miles— 84,471 
Population— 40,21,616 
Revenue— Rs. 257*92 lacs 
Indian States Forces— 

1. ist Line Troops (Fighting Service) 
Jammu and Kashmir Body Guard 

Cavalry — 653 

2. 1st Jammu & Kashmir Mountain 

Battery 314 

3. 2nd Jammu & Kashmir Mountain 

Battery 262 

„ .. Infantry 679 

„ „ Rifles 690 







10. 7th 

11. 8th 

12. 9th 

let Line (Troops Administrative Service) 

T . ” 

Infantry 690 
Light „ 679 


13. J. & L. A. T. C. 

14. Jammu & Kashmir Infantry 
Training Battalion 

16. Jammu & Kashmir Army 
Training School 

16. Auxiliary Service 

17. Jammu & Kashmir Military 
q'ran sport 

18. Jammu & Kashmir State Band 

19. „ Fort Dept. 

20 Military Veterinary Corps 

21. Military Medical Corps 
Salute in guns— 21 








Banganapalle— H. H. Nawab Saiyid Fazle 
Ali Khan Bahadur, Nawab of — 

Date of Birth- 9th November ’01 
Date of succession— 22nd January ’22 
Area in sq. miles — ^275 
Population— 44,631 
Revenue — Rs. 3,53.768 
Salute in guns— 9 

Cochin— H. H. Sir Kerala Varma, Maha- 
raja of — 

Date of birth ~29th Vrischigon 1039 m. b. 
Date of succession— 13th April ’41 
Area in sq. miles— 1480 
Population — 1,422,876 
Revenue— Rs. 1,21,46.238 
Indian State Forces— 34 Officers and 
370 men 

Salute in guns— 17 

Pudukkottai— H. H* Sri Brihadamba Das 
Raja Rajagopal Tondaiman Bahadur, 
Date of birth— 28rd June '22 
Date of BuccessioD — 24th October ’28 
Area in sq. miles— 1,179 
Popul ation —4,38,348 
Revenue— Rft. 20,74,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— li 

ITravancore-H. H. Sir Padmanabha 
Dasa Yanchi Pala Rama Varma 


Itulasekhara Kirltapati Manney Saltan 
Maharaja Eaja Ramraja Bahadur 
Shamsher Jang, G.O l*B , Maharaja of — 
Date of birth— 7th November 12 
Date of succession — 1st September *24 
Area in sq. miles — 7, 66 1*75 
Population— 6,070/0 18 
Revenue— Es, 280*73 lakhs 
Salute in guns— 19 ; Local 21 
Mysore— H* H. Maharaja Sri Chamraja 
Wadiar Bahadur, Maharaja of — 

Date of birth— 18th July '19 
Date of succession — 8th September *40 
Area in sq, miles— 29,493 
Population — 73*29 lakhs including Civil 
& Mi.itary Station, Bangalore 
Revenue— Es. 4,65,66, UOO nearly 
Indian State Forces— Mvsore Lancers 
496; Horse 136; Bodyguard 125; 
ist Infantry 772; 2nd Infantry 1130; ^ 
Palace Guard 600 
Salute in guns— ’2l 

Funjah States 

Bahawalpur- Major His Highness Eukn- 
ud-Daula, Nusrat-i-Jang, Shaif-ud- 
Daula, Hafiz-ul-Mulk, Mukhlish-ud- 
Daula, Wa-Muinud-Daula Nawab Al- 
Haj Sir Sadiq Muhammad Khan V 
Abbassi, Bahadur, G C.I E., K.O.S.I., 
K.c.v.o. Nawab Euler of— 

Date of birth— 30th September ’04 
Date of succession— 4th March *07 
Area in sq. miles— 22 000 
Population — Over one million 
Eevenue — ^Es. 1,40,00,000 
Indian State Forces— Bahawalpur 1st 
Sadiq Infantry ; Bahawalpur 2nd 
Haroon Infantry ; H, H, the Nawab’s 
Own Body Guard Lancers 
Salute in guns— 17 

Bilaspur— (Kahlur)— H. H, Eaja Anand 
Chand, Eaja of— 

Date of birth— 26th. January *13 
Date of succession— 18th Nov. *27 
Area in sq. miles— 448 
Population — ^1,10 000 
Eevenue— Es. 3,00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 11 

Chamba— H. H. Eaja Lakshman Singh, 
the Euler of Chamba State (minor) 
Date of birth— 8th December *24 
Date of succession— 7th. Dec. '35 
Area in sq. miles— 3,127 
Population — 16,89,38 
Revenue— Es. 9,00.000 nearly 
Salute in guns — il 

Council of Aministration appointed by 
Government to carry on Minority 
Administration. President — Lt. Col. 

H. S. Strong, c.LB. Vice-President & 
Chief Secretary— Dewan Bahadur 
Lala Madho Earn. Member— Eai 
Bahadur Lala Ghanshyam Dass. 

Faridkot-*Lt. H. H. Farzand-i-Saadat 

Nishan-i-Hazrat-i-Kaisar-i-Hind Barar 
Bans Eaja Har Indar Singh Bahadur, 
Date of birth— 29th January *16 
Date of succession — 23rd December *18 
Area in sq. miles— 643 
Population — 164,346 
Eevenue— Es. 00 000 , 

Indian State Forces —Faridkot Sappers- 
Headquariers 8. (Field Company) 
Sappers & Miners 129. Bodyguard 
Lancers 27. Infantry 112. Band 35 
Salute in guns 11 

Jind— Colonel H. H. Farzand-i-Dilband 
Rasikh-uMtikad Daulat-i-Inglishia 
Raja Eajgan Maharaja Sir Ranbir 
Singh, Rajendra Bahadur, G.c.i.B. 
G.O.S I., Maharaja of — 

Date of birth — Hth October lb79 
Date of succession— 7th March 1887 
Area in sq. miles— 1,259 
Population— 308, 183 
Revenue Rs. 28,00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 13 
Kapnrthala— Colonel His Highness 

Farzand-l-Dilband Rashik-uI-Itkad 
Daulat-i- 1 n glishia Raja-i-Ea jgan 
Maharaja Sir Jagatjit Singh Bahadur, 
G.O.S I., G 0 1.E., Q.B.E., Maharaja of— 
Date of birth — 24th November 1872 
Date of succession— 5th September 1877 
Area in sq. miles— 652 
Population— 3,78,380 
Eevenue— Rs. 34,00,000 roughly 
Salute in guns- 13 

Loharn— Capt. H. H. Nawab Mirza Amin- 
ud-Din Ahmed, Fakhar-ud-Daula 
Khan Bahadur, Nawab of — 

Date of birth— 23rd March ’ll 
Date of succession — ^30th Oct. *22 
Area in sq. miles- 222 
Population— 27,892 
Eevenue— Es. 1,3^,000 nearly 
Salute in guns- 9 

Malerkotla — Lt.-Colonel H. H* Nawab 
Sir Ahmed Ali Khan, Bahadur,, 
K.O.I.B., Nawab of — 

Bate of birth— lOth September 1881 
Date of succession— 23rd August *08 
Area in sq. miles — 168 
Population — 80,322 
Eevenue— Es. 15,61,000 nearly 
Indian State Forces— Sappers— Head- 

uarters 16 s Lancers (Bodyguard) 40 ; 
nfantry 226 ; Field, Company Sappers 
& Miners 295 
Salute in guns 11 

Mandi— Major H. H. Raja Sir Joginder 
Sen Bahadur, K.C.S.I., Raja of— 

Date of birth— 20th August ’04 
Date of succession— 20th April *13 
Area in sq. miles— 1,200 
Population— 2,07,466 
Eevenue— Rs. 12,60,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— ll 


Nabha— H. H.Farzand-i-Arjman^, 

Aquidat-Paiwand i-Dairlat-i-Inglisbia, 
Barer Bans Sarmut Raja-i-Rajagan, 
Maharaja Pratap Singha Malvendra 
Bahadur, Maharaja of— 

Date of birth— 2 l 8 t September 19 
Date of succession — February ’28 
Area in sq. miles — ^928 
Population — 263, ‘d34 
Revenue— Rs. 24,05,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 13 

Patiala— Dr. H. H, Farzand-i-Khas 

Daulat-i-Englishia Mansur-ul-Zaraan 
Amir-ul-Umra Maharajadhiraj Raj 
Rajeswar Shri Maharaja-i-Raigan 
Shri Yadavindra Sinhji ll.d., 

Mahendra Bahadur, Maharaja of — 
Date of birth— 7 th January ’13 
Date of succession— 23rd March ’38 
Area in sq, miles— 5,932 
Population —1,625,520 
Revenue— Rs. 1,57,00,000 
Indian State Forces— 

Combatants; Non-combatants 

1 , 1st Rajindar Lancers 



2 . 2nd Patiala Lancers 



3. War Strength 2ad P. Lrs. 



4. P. H. A. 



5. 1 st. R S, Infantry 



6 . 2nd Yadavendra ,, 



7. 3rd P S. 



8 . 4 th Patiala „ 



9. Training Batalion 



10. Patiala Transports C)rp 8 



11. S M. Vety. Hospital 



12. Army Trg. School 



13. Patiala Wireless Section 



14, Deputy Company 



4609 633 

Salute in guns — 17 

Sirmur (Nahan)— H. H. Lt. Maharaja 
Rajendra Prakash Bdr. Maharaja of— 
Date of birth — 10th January ’13 
Date of succession— Nov. ’33 
Area in sq. miles— 1,141 
Population— 1,48,568 
Revpue— Rs. 10,00,000 nearly 
Indian State Forces — Sappers— Head- 
quarters 5 ; Band 23 ; No. 1 Company 
142, No 2 Company 155; State Body- 
guard Lancers 31 
Salute in guns — 11 

^ket— H.H. Raja Lakshman Sen, Raja of 

Date of birth— 1894 

Date of succession— 13th Oct. ’19 

Area in sq. miles— 420 

Population— 54,328 

Revenue— Rs. 2,67,000 nearly 

Salute in guns — 11 

Bashahr— H. H, Raja Padam Singh, 

Date of birth— 1873 

Date of succession — 5 th August ’14 

Area in sq. miles— 3,820 

Population— 86,077 

Revenue— Rs. 3,34,600 nearly 

Salute iu guns — 9 

Raj put ana States 

Alwar— H. H. Shri Sewai Maharaj Tej 
Siuhji Bahadur, Maharaja of — 

Date of birth— 19th March ’ll 

Date of succession— 22nd July ’37 

Area in sq. miles — 3217 

Population— 7,49.751 

Revenue— About Rs. 40,00,000 

Indian State Forces— 1 . Jey Paltan 

Infantry 865 ; 2 . Pratap Paltan Infantry 

331 , 3, Alwar Mangal Lancers 158 ; 4 . 

Garrison Force 28 

Salute in guns— 15 

Banswara— H. H. Rai-i-Rayan Maharawal 
Sahib Shri Sir Pirthi Singhji Bahadur, 
K.O.i.B. Maharawal of— 

Date of birth— 15th July 1888 
Date of succession— 8 th January ’14 
Area in sq. miles— 1,946 
Population— 2,99,913 
Revenue— Rs 8,17,726 
Salute ill guns— 15 

Bharatpur— Lt. Col. H. H. Maharaja Sri 
Brajindra Sawai Sir Krishna Singh 
Bahadur, Bahadur Jang, k.C.p.i,, 

Date of birth— 4th October 1899 
Date of succession— 27th August 1900 
Area in sq. miles— 1,982 
Popu 1 ation — 4,96, 437 
Revenue— Rs. 34.25,000 nearly 
Indian St^te Forces — Jeswant House- 
hold Infantry— 772 ; 2 nd Ram Singh’s 
Own Infantry— 353 ; 3rd Baretha 

Infantry— 353 
Salute in guns— 17 

Kajeswar Narendra Bhiromaiii Maha- 
rajah Bri Ganga Binghji Bahadur, 
6.O.S.I., G,C.V.O., K.C.B 

A.D.O., LL D., Maharajah of — 

Date of birth— -13th Get. 1880 
Date of BucceBBioD— 3lst Aug. 1887 
Area in sq. mileB— 2.3,317 
Population— 12 , 93 , OCX) 

EeTenue-Es. 1,58,11,000 
Indian State Forces 

Ganga Risala (Oamel Corps) 532 
Sadul Light Infantry 773 

Dungar Lancers 

(including H. H:.’b Body Guard 342 
Bijey Battery 24,5 
, „ Oamel Battery 20 

^d Battalion, Bikanei State Infantry 697 


3rd Battalion, Bikaner State Infantry 362 
Training? Battalion 413 

Motor Machine Gun Sections 100 

Salute in guns— Personal 19, Permanent 17 

Bandi— Hia Highness Hadendra Siromani 
Deo Sar Buland Raj Maharajadbiraj 
Saheb Bahadur, g*c.ib. 

Date of birth — 8th March 1893 
Date of succession — 8th August ’27 
Area in sq. miles— 2,220 
Population —2,49,374 
Revenue— Rs. 15,50.000 
Salute in guns — 17 

Dholpur — Lt. Col, H. H, Rais-ud-Daula 
Sipahdar-ul-Mulk Maharajadhiraja 
Sri Sawai Maharaja-Rana Sir Udaibhan 
Singh Lokindar Bahadur Diler Jang 
Jai Deo, KX.s,i., KC.v.O., Maharaj- 
Raja of— 

Date of birth— 25th February 1893 

Date of succession — 29th March 11 

Area in sq. miles — 1,200 

Population— 3,30,188 

Revenue — Rs. 17,60,000 nearly 

Indian State Forces— Dholpur Narsingh 

Infantry 164 : Dholpur Sappers and 

Miners 75 

Salute in guns— 15 

Dungarpur — H. H. Rai-i-Rayan Mohi- 
mahendra Maharajadhiraj Maharawal 
Sri Lakshman Singhi Bahadur, 

K.O.s.i , Maharawal of— 

Date of birth— 7th Mar. ’08 
Date of succession— 15th Nov. ’IS 
Area in sq. miles— 1,460 
Population— 2,74.282 
Revenue Nearly — ^Rs. 8,00,000 
Salute in guns— 15 


Jaipur — H. H. Saramad-i-Rajaha-i 

Hindustan Rai Rajindra Sri Maha- 
rajadhiraja Sir Sawai Man Singh 
Bahadur, g.O.i.b., Maharaja of— 

Date of birth— 2lst August ’ll 
Date of succession — ^7th September ’22 
Area in sq. miles— 16,682 
Population— 26,31,775 
Revenue— Rs. 1,35,00,000 nearly 
Indian State Forces— Jaipur Infantry— 772 
Jaipur Lancers— 526 ; Trpt. Corps— 570 
Salute in guns— 17 

Jaisalmer— H. H. Maharajadhiraj Raj 
Rajeshwar Param Bhattarak Sn 
Maharawalji Sir Jawahir Singhji Deb 
Bahadur ^adukul Chandrabhal 
Rukan-ud-Daula, Muzzaflfar Jang, 
Bijaiman K.C.S.I., Ruler of— 

Date of birth— 18th Nov. 1882 
Date of succession— 26th June ’14 
Area in sq. miles— 16,062 


Population— 93,246 
Salute in guns — 15 

Jhalawar— H. H. Dharmadivakar Praja- 
vatsal Patit-pawn Maharaj Rana Shri 
Sir Raiendra Singh Ji Dev Bahadur, 
KC.s.i., Maharaj Rana of — 

Date of birth— 1 5th July 1900 
Date of succession— 13th April '29 
Area in sq. miles— 813 
Population — 1,22,375 
Salute in guns — 13 

Jodhpur— Air Commodore His Highness 
Raj Rajeswar Saramad-i-Rajai-Hind 
Sahib Bahadur, G.c.s.i., g.O.i.b., k.c.v.o. 
A.DC., LLD. Maharaja of — 

Date of birth— Sth July ’03 
Ascended the throne— 3rd October, 'iS 
Area — 36,071 sq. miles 
Population — 21,34,848 
Revenue— Rs. 157,71,521 
Indian State Forces— 

Jodhpur Sardar Rissala— 508 ; Jodhpur 
Training Squadron — 147 ; Jodhpur Sar- 
dar infantry, including Training Coy, 
a63) and State Military Band (39) — 
864 ; 2nd Jodhpur Ipfantry— 669 : Jodh- 
pur Mule Troops— 80 ; Fort Guard- 94. 
Salute in guns— 17 

Karauli — H. H. Maharaja Sir Bhompal 
Deo Bahadur Yadukul Chandra Bhal, 
K.O.S.I., Maharaja of— 

Date of birth — X8th June 1866 
Date of succession — 2l8t August '27 
Area in sq. miles— 1,242 
Population— 1,52,41 3 
Estimated Gross Revenue — 6,28,000 
Salute in guns — 17 

Kishengarh — H. H. Umdae Rajhae 
Baland Makan Maharaj adhiraja Maha- 
raja Sumair Singhji Sahib Bahadur, 
(Minor) Maharaja of— 

Date of birth — 27th January ’29 
Date of succession — ^24th April ’39 
Area in sq. miles— 858 
Population — 1,04,165 
Revenue — Rs. 7,50.000 
Salute in guns— 15 

Kotah— Colonel H. H. Maharao Sir Umed 
Singh Bahadur, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.B., g.b.e., 
Maharao of— 

Date of birth— 15th September 1872 
Date of succession — llth June 1889 
Area in sq, miles — 5,684 
Population— 6,86,804 
Revenue — Rs. 53 68 lacs 
Salute in guns— 19 

Pratabgarh — H. H. Maharawat Sir Ram- 
Singhji Bahadur, K.C.I.B., Maharwat of 
Date of birth— '08 


Date of Buccesaion— ’29 
Area in sq. miles—SSO 
Population— 91,967 
Revenue — Bs* 5,82,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 15 

Shahpura— H* H. Baiadhiraj Umaid 
Smgbji, Raja of — 

Date of birth— 7th March 1876 
Date of succession — 24th June ’32 
Area in sq. miles— 405 
Population— 61,173 
Revenue — Rs. 3,36,762 
Salute in guns— 9 

SirdM— H. H. Maharajadhiraj Maharao 
Sir Sarup Ram Singh Bahadur 
Cf'.CJ.B, K.C.S.I., Maharao of— 

Date of birth— 27th Sept. 1888 
Date of succession— 29th April ’20 
Area in sq. miles— 1,994 
Population— 2,33,870 
Revenue — Bs, 11.48,771 
Salute in guns — 15 

Tonk -H. H. Said-ud*daula Wazir-ul- 
Mulk Nawab Hafiz Sir Mohammad 
Sadat Ali Khan Bahadur Sowalat-i- 
Jung, G.C.I.E., Nawab of — 

Date of birth— 13th February, 1879 
Date of succession— 23rd June ’30 
Area in sq. miles— 2,553 
Population— 3,53,687 
Revenue— Bs. 19,30,000 B. C. nearly 
Salute in guns— 17 

XJdaipur~-(Mewar)— Lt. Col H. H. Maha- 
rajadhiraja Maharana Shri Sir Bhopal 
Singhji Bahadur, G Maharana of— 
Date of birth— 22nd February 1884 
Date of succession— 24th May ’30 
Area in sq. miles— 12,753 
Population— 1,925.000 
Reyenue— Rs. 80,00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 19 

Sikkim State 

Sikkim— H: H. Maharaja Sir Tashi 
Namagyal, K.ojB., Maharaja of— 

Date of birth— 1893 ' 

Date of succession— 5th Dec. ’14 
Area in sq. miles— 2,818 
Population— 81,721 
Revenue— Bs. 4,33.000 
Salute in guns— 15 

United Provinces States 

Benares— H. H. Maharaja Vibhuti Narayan 
Singh Bahadur^ (minor) Maharaja of— 
Date of birth — 5th November ’27 
Date of succession— 5th April, 'B9 
Area in sq. miles— 875 
Population— 451,327 
Revenue— Bs. 30,42,921 nearly 
Salute in guns— 13 (Local 15) 

Rampur— Captain H. H. Alijah Farzand- 
i-Dailpazir-i-Daulat-i-IngUshia Mukhlia 

ud-Daula Nasir-ul-Miilk Amir-ul- 
Umara, Nawab Sir Saiyid Mohammad 
Raza Ali Khan Bahadur Mustaid 
Jung, K.c.s I., Nawab of— 

Date of birth — 17th Nov. ’06 
Date of succession — 20th June ’30 
Area in sq. miles— 892*54 
Population— 464,919 
Revenue— Rs. 51,00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns — 15 

Tehri (Garhwal)-Lt. Colonel H. H. 

Maharaja Narendra Shah, K.c.s.i., of— 
Date of birth— 3rd Aug. 1898 
Date of succession — 25th April ’13 
Area in sq. miles— 4,502 
Population— 3,18,482 
Revenue— Ks. 18,30,000 nearly 
Indian Slate Forces— Tehri H. Q,. 
Infantry and Band— 100 
Tehri Pioneers Narendra— 101 
„ Sappers and Miners — 129 
Salute in guns— 11 

Western India States 

Bhavnagar— Lt. H. H. Sir Krishna 
Kumersinghji Bhavsinghji, k.c.s.i., 
Maharaja of— 

Date of birth— 19th May ’12 
Date of succession— 18th July T9 
Area in sq. miles— 2,961 
Population— 5,00,274 
Revenue— Rs. 109,68,620 
Indian State Forces — Bhavnagar Lancers 
— 270; Bhavnagar Infanry — 219 . 
Salute in guns— 13 

Cutch— H. H. Maharajadhiraj Miiza 
Maharao Shri Sir Khengraji, Sawai 
Bahadur, G.o.s.i., g.o.i.e. Maharao of— 
Date of birth— 23rd Aug. 1866 
Date of succession— Ist Jan. 1876 
Area in sq. miles— 8,249,5 
Population — 5,00,800 
Revenue— Be. 31,00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 17 Perm. 19 Local 

Dhrangadhra-Major H. H. Maharaja 
Shri Ghanashyamsinhji AjiteinhiL 
G.o.LB., K.C.S.I., Maharaia of — 

Date of birth— 31st May 1889 
Date of succession — February, T1 
Area in sq. miles— 1,167 
Population —95,946 
Revenue— Rs. 25.00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 13 

Dhrol— H. H. Thakor Saheb Shri Chan- 
drasinhji Saheb, Thakor Saheb of— 
Date of birth— 28th Aug, ’12 
Date of Buccesaion— 20th Oct. ’39 
Area in sq. miles— 282-7 
Population— 27,639 
Revenue— Es. 289,281 
Salute in guns— 9 

Gondal-H. H. Maharaja Shri Bhaga- 


vatBinhii Sagramji G.c.s.i., G.o.i.E.; 
Maharaja of— • 

Date of birth — 24th Oct. 1865 
Date of succession — 14th Dec. 1869 
Area in sq. miles — 1,024 
Population — 2 05,846 
Revenue — ^Rs. 50,00,000 nearly 
Salute m guns— ll 

Junagadh — Captain H. H. Nawab Sir 
Mahabatkhanji, Rasulkhanji E.G.S.i., 
G.O.I.E. , Nawab of — 

Date of birth— 2nd Aug. 1900 
Date of succession — ^22nd Jan. ll 
Area in sq. miles — 3,SS6'9 
Population— 545,152 
Revenue— Rs. 1,00,000.000 
Indian State Forces— Junagadh Lancers 
— i 73 ; Junagadh Mahabatkhanji 

Infantry 20l 
Salute in guns — 15 

Limbdi— Thakor Saheb Shri L. Chbatra- 
Salji Digvijaysinhji, Thakor Saheb of — 
Date of birth — 19th Feb. ’04 
Date of succession— 6th Jan. ’41 
Area in sq. miles— 343*96 

(exclusive of about 207 sq. miles in 
the Collectorate of Ahmedabad). 
Population — 44,000 nearly 
Revenue— R8.7, 00, 000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 9 

Morvi— H. H. Maharaja Shri Lakhdhixji 
Wagbji, G.B.E., K.C.S.L, Maharaja of— 
Date of birth— 26th Dec. 1876 
Date of succession— ilth Jan. *22 
Area in square miles— 822 
Population —1 12 ,023 
Revenue — Rs. 50 lacs nearly 
Salute in guns— IX 

Nawanagar — ^Lt. Col. H. H. Maharaja Jam 
Shri Sir Digvijaysinhji RanajitBinhji 
Jadeja, C.O.I.E., K.c.s.i., ad.O., Maha- 
raja Jam Sahib of — 

Date of birth— Ist Sept. 1895 
Date of succession— 2nd April *33 
Area in eq. miles— 3,791 
Population— 5,04,006 
Revenue— Rs, 94,00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns— 15 

Palanpur — Lt. Colonel H* H. Nawab Shri 
Taley Muhammad Khan Bahadur, 
G.OJ.B., K.C.V.O., Nawab Sahib of— 
Date of birth— 7th July 1883 
Date of succession— 28th Sept. *18 
Area in square miles — 1,774,64 
Population — 8,15,855 
Revenue — Rs. 11,64,987 nearly 
Salute in guns— 13 

Palitaua— H. H. Thakor Sahib Shri Baha“ 
dursinhji Mansinhji K.c,l.E. K.o S.I.* 
Thakor Saheb of— 

Date of birth— 3rd April *00 
Date of Buccession— 29th Aug. *06 

Area in sq. miles— 288 
Population— 62,150 
Revenue— Rs. 9,00,000 nearly 
Salute in guns~-9 

Porbandar— Captain H. H. Maharaja Shri 
Sir Natawarsinhji, BhabBinhji K.c.S.i., 
Maharaja Rana Saheb of — 

Date of birth — 30th June ’0i 
Date of Buccession — lOth Dee. *08 
Area in sq miles— 642,25 
Population of State— 1,46,648 
Revenue— Rs. 26,00,000 nearly 
Salute in Guns— 13 

Radhanpur— H. H. Navvab Saheb Murta- 
zakhaii Jorawarkhan Babi Bahadur 
Nawab of— 

Date of Birth— lOth Oct, l899 
Date of succession— 7th April ’37 
Area of State in eq. miles — 1,150 
Population of State — 70,530 
Revenue— Rs, 8,000,00 to 10,00,000 
Salute in guns— 11 

Rajkot— H. H. Thkor Saheb Shri Pradu- 
mnasinji, Thakor Saheb of— 

Date of Birth— 34th Feb. ’13 
Date of succession— 17 th August *40 
Area in sq. miles— 3824 ^ 

Population of State — 1,03,033 
Revenue— Rs. 13,40,872 nearly 
Salute in guns — 9 

Wadhwan— H H. Thakore Saheb Shri 
Suren drasinhji, Thakor Saheb of — 

Date of Birth — 4th January, *22 
Date of succession— 27th July, ’34 
Area— 242*6 sq, miles excluding the area 
in the British India District of 

Population —50,934 
Revenue — Rs. 6 lacs 
Salute— Permanent 9 guns 

Wankaner — Captain H. H, Maharana 
Shri Sir Amarsinfaji, K.c.S.i., k.c.i.e., 
Maharana Saheb of — 

Date of Birth — 4th January 1879, 

Date of succession— 12th June 1881 
Area in sq. miles — 4l7 
Population— 55,024 
Revenue— 7,67,000 
Salute in guns— 11 

Indian States (without Salute) 

Baluchistan States 

Las Bela — Mir Ghulam Muhammed 

Khan, Jam Sahib of— 

Date of Birth— December 1895 
Date of succession March ’2l 
Area in sq miles— 7,132 
Popul ation —50,696 
Revenue— Rs. 3,78,000 nearly 

Bihar & Orissa States 
Athgarh— Raja Sreekaran Radhanatb 


Bebarta Patnaik, Eaja of— 

Date of birth— 2Sth Nov. ’09 
Date of succession— 22nd June ’18 
Area in sq. miles — 168 
Population— 55.508 
Bevenue— E-?. 1,76,000 
Athmalik— Raja Kishor Chandra Deo 
Date of birth— 10th November ’04 
Date of succession— 3rd November ’18 
Area in sq. miles— 730 
Population— 59,749 
Revenue- Es. 1,81,000 nearly 
Bamra— Eaja Bhanuganga Tribhuman 
Deb, Eaja of — 

Date of birth— 26th February, ’14 
Date of Buceession— 1st January ’20 
Area in sq. miles — 1988 
Population— 1,34,721 
Revenue — ^Es. 5,81,000 nearly 
Baramba— Eaja Sree Narayan Chandra 
Birbar Mangraj Mahapatra, Eaja of — 
Date of birth— 10th January ’14 
Date of succession— 20th August ’22 
Area in sq. miles— 142 
Population— 52,924 
Revenue- Es. 1,03,000 nearly 
Baud— Eaja Narayan Prasad Deo of — 

Date of birth— 14th March ’04 
Date of succession— lOth March '13 
Area in sq. miles— 1,264 
Population— 124,411 
Revenue— Es. 2,72,000 nearly 

Bonai— Raja Indra Deo, Eaja of— 

Date of birth— 6th January 1884 
Date of succession— I9th February ’02 
Area in sq. miles — 1,296 
Population— 68,178 
Revenue— 'Es. 2,36,000 nearly 

laspalla— Eaja Kishore Chandra Deo 
Date of birth— 16th April ’08 
Date of succession— iith December ’13 
Area in sq. miles- 568 
Population— 53,833 
Revenue- Es. 1,41,993 

Bhenkanal— Eaja Bankar Pratap 
Mahendra Bahadur, Eaja of — 

Data of birth— 5th November ’04 

Date of succession— 16th Oct. ’i8 

Area in sq. miles— 1,463 

Population— 2,33,691 

Revenue— Rs. 5,13,000 nearly 

Gangpur — Eaja Bhawani Shankar Sekhar 

Date of birth— 14th May 1898 

Date of succession — 10th June ’l7 

Area in sq. miles— 2f492 

Population— 3,09,271 

Revenue — ^Rs. 6,76.000 nearly 

Biudol— Raja Bahadur Naba Kishor 

Chandra Singh Mardraj Jagadeb, 
S., F.R.8.A., Eaja of— 

Date of birth— 14th June 1891 


Date of succession — 10th February ’06 
Area in sq. miles— 312 
Population — 48,896 
Revenue — Rs. 1,45,000 

Keonjhar— Raja Shri Balabhadra Narayan 
Bhanj Deo, Ruler of — 

Date of birth— 26th December ’05 
Date of succession— l2h August ’26 
Area in sq. miles — 3,217 
Population— 529,786 
Revenue — Rs. 15*56 lakhs nearly 

Khandpara— Raja Harihar Singh, Mardiaj 
Bhramarbar Ray, Eaja of — 

Date of birth— 26th August ’14 
Date of succession — 26th December ’22 
Area in sq. miles — 244 
Population— 64 289 

Kharsawan — Eaja Sriram Chandra Singh 
Date of birth- 4th July 1892 
Date of succession- 6th February ’02 
Area in sq. miles — 157 
Population— 44,805 
Revenue — Es. 1,18,000 nearly 

Narsingbpur — Eaja Ananta Narayan 

Mansingh Harichandan Mahapatra 
Date of birth— 9th September ’08 
Date of succession- 5th July ’21 
Area in sq. miles— 207 
Population— 48,448 
Revenue— 'Es. 129,000 
Nayagarh— Raja Krishna Chandra Singha 
Mandhata Eaja of— 

Date of birth— 16th August ’ll 
Date of succession— 7th Dec. ’18 
Area in sq. miles— 552 
Population— 1,6 1,409 
Revenue— Rs. 392,210 

Nilgiri— Raja Kishore Chandra Mardraj 
Harichandra, Raja of— 

Date of birth— 2nd Feb, ’04 
Date of succession— 6th July ’13 
Area in sq. miles- 284 
Population— 73, 1C9 
Revenue— Rs. 2,14.689 

Pal Lahara— Raja Muni Pal, Raja of— 
Date of birth— 26th November ’03 
Date of succession— 18th April 13 
Area in sq. miles— 452 
Population— 23,229 
Revenue— Rs. 75,000 nearly 

Rairakhol— Raja Bir Chandra Jadumani 
Date of birth— 1894 
Date of succession — 3rd July ’06 
Area in sq, miles— 838 
Population— 31,225 
Revenue— Rs. 76,000 nearly 

Ranpur— Raja Birbar Krishna Chandra 
Mahapatra, Eaja of — 

Date of birth— About i887 
Date of Buccessiou— 12th July 1899 


Area iii sq. miles— 203 
Population— 41,282 
Revenue— Rs. 65,000 

Seraikella— Raja Aditya Pratap Singh 
Deo. Ruler of — 

Date of birth— 30th July 1387 
Date of succession— 9th Dec. 

Area in sq. miles— 449 
Population— 156,374 
Revenue Rs. 418,000 nearly 

Talcher— Raja Kishore Chandra Birbar 
Harichandan, Raja of — 

Date of birth — 9th June 1880 

Date of succession— 18th December 1891 

Area in sq. miles— 399 

Population— 86,482 

Revenue— Rs. 8,97,668 gross 

Maratha States--{Bombay Fresy) 
Akalkot— Meherban Shrimant Vijayasingh 
Fatehsingh, Raja Bhonsle, Raja of — 
Date of birth— 13th Dec. 15 
Date of succession— 4th April ’23 
Area in sq. miles — 498 
Population— 92,605 
Revenue— Rs, 7,58,000 nearly 
Aundh — Meherban Bhavanrao alias Bala 
Sahib, Pant Pratinidhi of— 

Date of birth— 24th Oct, 1868 
Date of succession- 4th November ’09 
Area in sq. miles— 501 
Population— 88,762 
Revenue— Rs. 3,38,278-12-1 nearly 

Phaltan— Major Raja Shrimant Malojirao 
Mudhojirao alias Nana Saheb Naik 
Nimbalkar, Raja of — 

Date of birth— 11th September 1896 
Date of succession— l7th October 16 
Area in sq. miles— 397 
Population— 58,761 
Revenue— Rs. 8,56,000 nearly 

Jath— Lt. Raja Shrimant Yiiayasinghrao 
Ramrao Dafle Raja of— 

Date of birth— 21at July ’09 
Date of succession— i4th August ’28 
Area in sq. miles— 981 
Population— 91,099 
Revenue— Rs. 4,25,000 
Jamkhandi— Meherban Shankarrao 
Parashuramrao alias Appasaheb 
Patwardhan, Raja Saheb of— 

Date of birth— 5th Nov. '06 
Date of succession — 26th Feb. ’24 
Area in sq. miles— 524 
Population— 1,14,282 
Revenue— Rs. 10,06,715 

Kurundwad— (Senior)— Meherban Chinta- 
manrao Bhalchandrarao alias Balasaheb 
Patwardhan, Chief of — 

Date of birth— X3th Feb. ’21 

Date of succession— lOth September ’27 

Area in sq, miles— 182’6 

Population— 88,760 
Revenue— Rs. 3,76,000 nearly 

Kurund wad— ( J r.)— Meherban Madha vrao 
Ganpatrao alias Bhauaaheb Patwar- 
dhan, Chief of— 

Date of birth— 6th. Dec. 1875 
Date of succession— 29th July, 1899 
Area in sq, miles— 114 
Population— 34,288 
Revenue— Rs. 2,88,000 nearly 

MiraJ (Sr) — Narayanrao Gangadharrao 

alias Tatyasaheb Patwardhan^ 

Chief of — 

Date of birth — 6th September ’1898 
Date of succession — lith Dec. ’39 
Area in sq. miles— 342 
Population— 93,838 
Revenue — Rs. 4,41,000 nearly 

Miraj (Jr)— Meherban Sir Madhavrao 
Harihar alias Baba Saheb Patwardhan* 
K,o.LE., Raja of— 

Date of birth— 4th March 1889 
Date of succession — 16 th. Dec.. 1899 
Area in sq, miles— 1961 
population — 40,686 
Revenue— Rs. 3,68,516 nearly 

Ramdurg— Meherban Ramrao Venkatrao 
alias Rao Saheb Bfaave, Chief of — 

Date of birth— 16th Sept. 1896 
Date of succession— 30th April ’07 
Area in sq. miles— 369 
Popul atiOD— 33,997 
Revenue— Rs. 2,69.000 nearly 

Savanur— Captain Meherban Abdul 
Majid Khan, Diler Jang Bahadur, 
Nawab of — 

Date of birth— 7th Oct. 1890 
Date of succession— 30th January 1893 
Area in sq. miles— 70 
Population— 16,830 
Revenue— Rs. 1,69,000 nearly 
Mahi^Kantha States 

Ghodasar— Thakor Shri Fatehsinghji 
Ratansinji Dabhi, Thakor Saheb of— 
Date of birth— 7th Aug. ’o9 
Date of succession— 3lst May ’03 
Area in sq, miles — 16 
Population— 6,708 
Revenue— Rs. 51,000 

Ilol— Thakor Shivsinghji, Thakor of— 
Date of birth— 31st December ’01 
Date of succession— 18th. Oct. ’27 
Area in sq. miles— 19 
Population— 3,349 
Revenue— Rs. 41,000 nearly 

Katosan— Thakor Takhateinhji Karan- 

sinbji Thakor of— 

Date of birth— 9th Dec. 1870 
Date of succession— January ’01 
Area in sq. miles— 10 
Population— 4,818 


Revenue — Rs. 61,000 nearly 
Khadal— ‘Sardar Shri Fatehsinhji Eaj- 
sinhji, Thakor Shri of — 

Date of birth— 1899 
Date of succession— 7th February T2 
Area in sq. miles— 8 
Population— 2,852 
Revenue— Rs. 36,000 nearly 
Malpur— Raolji Shri Gambhirsinhji 

Date of birth— 27th Oct. ’14 
Date of succession— 23rd June ’23 
Area in sq. miles— 97 
Population— 16,582 
Revenue— Es. 1,10,000 approx. 

Fethapur — Thakor Fatehsiahji Gambhir- 
sinhji, Thakor of — 

Date of birth— 3rd Oct. 1896 
Date of succession— 1896 
Area in sq. miles— li 
Population — 3,938 
Revenue— Rb. 34,000 (nearly) 

Varsoda — Thakor Joravarsinhji of— 

Date of birth— l7th April ’14 
Date of succession — 18 th July ’19 
Area in sq. miles— 11 
Population— 3,424 
Revenue— Rs. 33,000 nearly 

Vijayanagar— Rao Shri Hamir-sinhiji 
Date of &rth— 3rd January ’04 
Date of succession— 27th June ’16 
Area in sq. miles — 135 
Population — 12,000 (approx) 

Revenue— Rs. l,00,o00 nearly 

Eewa Kantha States 

Bhadarwa— Shrimant Thakur Saheb 
Sfaree Natvaisinghi Ranjitsinhji, 
Thakor of— 

Date of birth— l9th November *03 
Date of succesH ion— 26th April ’35 
Area in sq. miles— 27 (excluding several 
Wanta villages under Baroda States) 
Population — 13,620 
Revenue— Rs. 1,14,000 nearly 
Jamhugodha— Meherban Ran a Skii 
Ranjitsinhji Gambhirsinhji, Thakore 
Saheb of — Parmar Rajput. He enjoys 
full Civil and Criminal powers 
Date of birth— 4th January x892 
Date of succession— 27th September ’17 
Area in sq. miles— 143 
Population— 11 ,385 
Revenue— Rs. 142.000 

Kadana— Rana Shri Ohatrasalji, Thakor of 
Date of birth— 28th January 1879 
Date of succession — I2th April 1889 
Area in sq. miles — ^330 
Population— 15,370 
Revenue— Rs. 1,32,000 nearly 

Nasvadl— Thakor Ranjitsinhji, Thakor of— 
Pate of birth— 24th March ’06 

Date of succession — 13th Sept. *27 
Area in sq. miles— 1950 
Population— 4,197 
Revenue — Rs. 33,000 nearly 

Palasni— Thakor Indarsinhji Thakor of— 
Date of birth— 16th Aug. 1885 
Date of succession— 30th May ’07 
Area in sq. miles — 12 
Population— 1,766 
Revenue — Rs. 22,000 nearly 

Sihora— Thakor Mansinhjee Karansinhjee 
Date of birth — I4th November ’07 
Date of succession — i3th June ’28 
Area in sq. miles — 19 (approx) 

Population — 5300 
Revenue— Rs. 36,000 nearly 

Uchad— Thakor Mohomadmia Jitawaba 
Date of birth — 15th October 1895 
Date of succession — 24th June ’15 
Area in sq. miles— 8*50 
Population— 2,330 
Revenue— Rs. 41,000 nearly 
Umelha— Thakor Ramsiabji Raisinhji 
Date of birth— 19th August 1894 
Date of suceessiou— ist July ’22 
Area in sq. miles— 24 
Population- 5,855 
Revenue— Rs. 73,000 nearly 

Central India States 

Alipura— Rao Harpal Singh, Rao of — 
Date of birth— 12th Aug. 1882 
Date of succession— 26th March ’22 
Area in eq. miles — 73 
Population — 14,680 
Revenue — Rs. 70,000 nearly 

Bakhtgarh— Thakur Rai Singh, Thakur of 
Date ol birth— 3rd October 1889 
Date of succession— 30th May ’12 
Area in sq. miles— 66 
Population— 10,414 
Revenue— Rs. 74,000 nearly 

Garauli— Diwan Bahadur Ohaudrabhau 

Singh, Chief of— 

Date ot birth— 2nd April 1883 
Date of succession— 20th Dec. 1883 
Area In sq. miles— 21 
Population— 4,965 
Revenue— Rs. 36,000 nearly 

Jobat— Rana Bhimsing, Rana of— 

Date of birth— lOth November ’i5 
Date of succession— 20th May ’i7 
Date of getting Ruling Power — I4th 
March ’36 

Area in sq, miles— l3l,20 
Population— 20,945 
Revenue— Es. 81,650 

Eachhi-Baroda— Maharaj Benimadho Singh 
Date of birth— 3rd October ’04 
Date of succession — I3th June ’06 
Area in sq. miles— 34*63 


Population— 5000 
Revenue— Rs. *71000/- 

Kathiwara— Rana Thakur Sahib 

Onkarsinhji, Rana of — 

Date of Birth— 5tb December l89i 
Date of succession — 8th JunCt *03 
Area in Sq. miles— 70 
Population of State — 6096 
Revenue— Rs. 44,880 

Kothi— Raja Bahadur Sitaraman Pratap 
Bahadur Singh, Raja of— ® 

Date of birth— 26th July 1892 
Date of succession— 8th August ’14 
Area in sq, miles — 169 
Population —20,087 
Revenue— Rs. 70,000 nearly 

Kurwai— Nawab Sarwar Ali Khan of — 
Date of birth— 1st December ’0i 
Date of succession— 2nd October ’06 
Area in sq. miles— 142 
Population— 19,861 
Revenue— Rs. 2,64,000 nearly 

Mota Barkhera — Bhumia Nain Singh of — 
Date of birth — 7th November ’07 
Date of succession — 4th June ’12 
Area in sq. miles— 39 
Population— 4,782 
Revenue — Rs. 53,000 nearly 

Multhan — Dharmalankar, Dharm -bhushan 
Dharm-Divaker, Shreeraan Maharaj 
Bharat Sinhji Sahib, Chief of— 

Date of birth— 1893 

Date of succession— 26th August ’01 

Area in sq. miles— 100 

Population— 11,804 

Revenue— Over Rs. 1,00,000 

Nimkhera — Bhumia Ganga Singh, Bhumia 

Date of birth — ’ll 

Date of succession— 27th March ’22 

Area in sq. miles— 90 

Popul ation— 5, 358 

Revenue— Rs. 62,000 nearly 

Paldeo— Chaubey Shiva Prasad, Jagirdar of 
Date of birth— let March *08 
Date of succession— 3rd Oct, ’23 
Area in sq. miles— 53*14 
Population— 9,038 

Revenue— Rs. 50,000 nearly 

Piploda— Rawat Mangal Singh, Rawat of 
Date of birth— 7th September 1893 
Date of succession— 5th Nov. *19 
Area in sq. miles — 35 
Population— 9,766 
Revenue— Rs. 1,14,000 

Sarila— Raja Mahipal Singh, Raja of— 
Date of succession— 11th Sep. 1898 
Area in sq. miles— 35*28 
Population— 6,081 
Revenue— Rs. 1,00,000 

Sarwan— Thakur Mahendra Singh 
Date of birth— 6th November ’09 

Date of succession— 23rd April ’21 
Area in sq. miles— 7i 
Population— 7,199 
Revenue— Rs. 6n,000 nearly 
Sohawal— Raja Bhagwat Raj Bahadur 

Siugh. c.LE.. Raja of— 

Date of birth— 7th August 1878 
Date of succession— 23rd Nov. 1899 
Area in sq. miles— 213 
Population— 38.078 
Revenue— Rs. 1,04,000 nearly 

Tori Fatehpur— Dewan Raghuraj Singh, 
Jagirdar of— 

Date of birth— 2Sth Jan. 1895 
Date of succession— 7th April ’4l 
Area in eq. miles— 36 
Population— 6,269 
Revenue— Rs. 31.000 nearly 

Central Provinces States 

Bastar — Maharaja Pravir Chandra Deo 
Date of birth— 25th June ’29 
Date of succession— 2Sth Feb. ’36 
Area in sq. miles— 13,725 
Population— 6,34,915 
Revenue— Rs, 13,20.699 

Chhuikhadan — Mahan t Bhudhar Kishore 
Das of — 

Date of birth— April ”*891 
Date of succession— 30th Sept. ’O 3 
Area in sq. miles— 154 
Population— 26,141 
Revenue— Rs. 1,22,000 

Jashpur— Raja Bijay Bhushan Singh Deo 
Date of birth— iith Jan. *26 
Date of succession— sth Feb. ’26 
Area in sq. miles— 923 
Population— 2 ,23,632 
Revenue— Rs. 3,62,342 

Ranker— Maharajadhiraj Bhanupratap 
Deo Chief of— 

Date of birth— l7th September ’22 
Date of succession — 8th Jan. ’25 
Area in sq. miles — 1,429 
Population— 122,928 
Revenue— Rs. 3,88,000 

Eawardha— Thakur Dharamraj Singh 
Chief of— 

Date of birth — 18th August ’10 
Date of succession — 4th Feb. '20 
Area in fcq. miles— 805 
Population — 72,820 
Revenue— Rs. 2,93,175 

Khairagarh— Raja Birendra Bahadur 
Singh, Raja of— 

Date of birth— 9th November ’14 
Date of succession— 22 nd October ’18 
Area in sq. miles— 931 
Population— 157,400 
Revenue— Rs. 5,80,000 nearly 

Korea— Raja Ramanuj Pratap Singh Deo 
Raja of— 


Date of birth— 8th December ’31 
Date of BuccesBion— November ’09 
Area in sq* miles— 1,647 
Population — 90,600 
Eevenue— B b. 7,00,199 
Makrai— Raja Drigpal Shah Hathiya Rai of 
Date of birth— 24th September ’18 
Date of succession — 30th October '18 
Area in eq. miles— 155 
Population — 12*803 
Revenue— Rs. 2*01,000 nearly 
Nandgaon— Mahan t Sarveshwar Das, of— 
Date of birth— 30th March '06 
Date of succession— 24th June ’l3 
Area in eq. miles— 871 
Population — 1,47 .919 
Revenue — Rs. 7,91*000 
Raigarh- Raja Chakradhar Singh. Raja of 
Date of birth— 19th August '05 
Date of BuccesBion -23rd August '24 
Area in sq. miles — 1.486 
Population — 2,41,634 
Revenue— Rs. 6.46*000 nearly 
Saktl— Raja Liladhar Singh, Raja of— 

Date of birth — 3rd Feb. 1892 
Date of succession— 4th July ’14 
Area in sq. miles — 13S 
Population— 41,595 
Revenue — Rs. 1,20,000 nearly 

Sarangarh— Raja Bahadur Jawahir Singh, 
Date of birth — 3rd Dec. 1888 
Date of succession— 5th Aug, 1890 
Area in sq. miles — 540 
Population— 1,17,781 
Revenue— Rs. 3*14,000 nearly 
Surguja— Maharaja Ramanuj Saran Singh 
Deo Maharaja of— 

Date of birth— 4th Nov. 1895 
Date of succession— 3 ist Dec, ’17 
Area in eq. miles — 6,055 
Popul ation — 5,51 ,307 
Revenue — Rs, 7,58,600 nearly 

Udaipur— Raja Chandra Chur Prasad 
Singh Deo, Raja of— 

Date of birth— 5th June '23 
Date of succession— 8th Dec. *27 
Area in sq. miles— 1,052 
Population —7 1,124 
Revenue — Rs. 3,22,000 

Mdras States * 

Saudui-— Raja Srimant Yeshwantha Rao 
Anna Saheb, Rao Sahib, Hindu Rao 
Ghorapade* Mamlukatmadar Senapati 
Raja of— 

Date of birth— 15th November ’08 
Date of succession— 5th May ’28 
Area in sq. Miles— 167 
Population— 11684 
Revenue — Rs. 2,03,000 

Punjab States 

Duiana— Jalal-ud-Daul Nawab Mohammad 

Iqtidar Ali Khan Bahadur, Mustaqil- 
i-Jan, Nawab of— 

Date of birth — 20th Nov. ’12 
Date of succession — 2l8t July ’25 
Area in sq. miles — 100 
Popul ation— 25,833 
Revenue— Rs. 3,650,000 nearly 

Kalsia— Raja Ravi Sher Singh Sahib 
Bahadur, Raja Sahib of — 

Date of birth— 30th October ’02 
Date of succession — 25th July ’OS 
Date of Investiture with ) , 

full ruling power : j 

Area in sq. miles— 192 
Population— 59,848 
Revenue— Rs. nearly 3,60,000 

Pataudi — Nawab Muhammad Iftikar Ali 
Khan Bahadur, Nawab of — 

Date of birth— i7th March ’10 
Date of succession — 30th Nov. ’i7 
Date of Investiture— lOth Dec. ’31 
Area in sq, miles— 160 
Population— 24,500 
Revenue— Rs. 3,10,000 

Simla Hill States 

Baghal— Raja Surendra Singh, Raja of— 
Date of birth— 14th March ’09 
Date of succession — l4th Oct. ’22 
Area in sq. miles — 124 
Revenue— Rs. 1,00,000 nearly 
Baghat— Raja Durga Sing, Raja of — 

Date of birth— 16th Sept ’10 
Date of succession — 30th Dec. 1941 
Area in sq. miles— 36 
Population— 93,595 
Revenue— Rs, 1,10,000 

Bhajjl— Rana Birpal, Ran a of— 

Date of birth— l9th April ’06 
Date of succession— 9th May ’13 
Area in sq. miles— 96 
Population— 14,263 
Revenue— Rs. 99,000 ^ 

Jubbal— Rana Sir Bhagat Chandra Bahadur 
K.O.S.I., Ruler of— 

Date of birth— 12th Oct. 1888 
Date of succession — 29th Apri ’10 
Area in sq. miles— 288 
Population— 28,500 
Revenue— Rs.S, 50, 000 nearly 

Keonthal— Raja Hemendar Sen, Baja of— 
Date of birth— 2lBt January ’06 
Date of succession —2nd Feb. *16 
Area in sq. miles— 116 
Population— 26,599 
Revenue Rs.- 1,30,000 nearly 

Kumharsain— Rana Vidyadhar Singh, 

Date of birth— 1895 

Date of succession — 24th August *14 

Area in sq. miles — 97 

Population— 12,227 

Revenue- Rs. 76,000 



Nalagarh— Raja Jogiodra'Singh, Raja of— 

Date of birth— 1870 

Date of succession — 18th Sept. ^11 

Area in sq. miles — 256 

Population — 52,7B7 

Eevenue— Es. 2,71,000 nearly 

Tiroch-Thakur Surat Singh, of— 

Date of birth— 4 tb July 1887 
Date of succession— 14th July *02 
Area in eq. miles— 75 
Population — 4,219 
Revenue — Es. 1,30,000 nearly 
Western India States 
Bajana— Malek Shri Kamalkhan Jivankhan, 
Chief of— 

Date of birth— 6th December '07 
Date of succession— 2nd Feb. '20 
Area in sq. miles— 183,12 
Population— 14,017 
Eevenue— Es. 1,82,424 average 
Bantwa Manavadar— Babi Ghulam 

!Vl05uddinkhanii Fatebdinkhanji, 

Ohfef of — 

Date of birth— 22nd December 11 
Date of succession— October 18 
Area in sq miles— 221*8 
Population— 14,984 
Eevenue — Es. 8,46,000 nearly 
Chnda— Thakore Shri Bahadursinghji, 
Jarovarsinhji, Thakur of — 

Date of birth— 23rd April ’09 
Date of succession — ^20th January 21 
Area in sq. miles — 782 
Population — 11,338 
Eevenue— Es. 2,11.000 nearly 
Jasdan— Darbar Shree Ala Khachar, 

Da^^of birth— 4th November '05 
Date of succession — 11th J une '19 
Area in sq. miles — 296 
Population — 36 632 
Eevenue- Es. 6,00,000 nearly 
Kotda-Sangani— Thakore Shri Pradyumna- 

Date of birth-5th December 20 
Date of succession— 23-2-’30 
Date of Installation— 10-12-'40 
Area in sq. miles— 90 
Population— 12,165 
Eevenue — Es. 1,50,000 nearly 

Lakhtar— Thakore Saheb Shri In^dra- 
Binhji Balavarsinhji. Thakore Saheb Oi— 
Date of birth-15 April '07 
Date of succession— 2nd July 40 
Area in sq. miles— 247,438 
Population— 21,123 
Eevenue — Es, 4,49,000 
Lathi -Thakore Saheb Shri Pr alhadshiahji, 
Thakore of — 

Date of birth— Slst March '12 

Date of succession— 14th October '18 

Area in sq. miles — 41*8 

Population — li 812 

Revenue-*-Es. 2,60,000 

Malia— Thakor Shri Eaisinhji Modji, of— 

Date of birth- l4th February 1898 

Date of succession— 20th Oct. '07 

Area in sq. miles — 103 

Population — 12 060 

Eevenue— Es. 3,02,000 

Muli— Thakor Shri Harichandrasinbii, of— 

Date of birth— lOth July 1899 

Date of succession— 3rd December '05 

Area in sq. miles — 133*2 

Population — 16.390 

Revenue— Es. 1,57,000 nearly 

Patdi— Desai Shri Eaghuvirsinhji, of— 

Date of birth— 8th Jan. *26 

Date of succession— 25th Oct. '28 

Aiea in sq. miles — 39*4 

Population — 2,508 

Eevenue — Es. 1,14,000 

Sayla— Thakor Saheb Shri Madarsinhji, 
Vakbatsmhji, Thakor Saheb of — 

Date of birth— 28th May 1868 
Date of succession— 25th Jan, '24 
Area in sq. miles — 222*1 
Population — 13 351 
Eevenue — Es. 2,54,000 

Thana Devli — Darbar Shri Vala Amra 
Lasman, Chief of— 

Date of birth— 28fch Nov. 1895 
Date of succession— 12th Oct. ’22 
Area in sq, miles — 94*2 
Population — 11,348 
Revenue— Es. 3,00,000 nearly 

Tharad — Waghela Bhumsinhji DolatBinhji 
Thakor of— 

Date of birth — ^28th Jan. '00 
Date of succession — i9th Feb. '21 
Area in sq. miles — 1,260J 
Popul ation — 52 ,839 
Revenue— Es. 99,000 nearly 

Vadia— Darbar Shree Suragwala Saheb 
Chief of — 

Date of birth— 15th March '05 
Date of succession — 7th Sept. '30 
Area in sq. miles— 90 
Population — 13.749 
Revenue— Es, about 2 lacs 

Zainabad— Malek Shri Aziz .Mahomed 
Khanji Zainkhanji, Talnkdar of— 
Date of birth— 21st June '17 
Date of successiou— 26th January *23 
Area in sq. miles — 30 
Population — ^3,456 
Eevenue — Es. 1,200,000 negily 



Chronicle of Events 

January 1945 

His Majesty the King, in reply to the respectful and loyal 
greetings tendered by His Excellency the Governor of Bengal on behalf 
of the Government and the people of Bengal, requested His Excellency to 
convey to the Government and the people of Bengal the sincere thanks for 
Her Majesty the Queen and himself. 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu presided over a meeting in Calcutta to 
consider the various provisions of the Draft Hindu Code' 

The Hon. Sir Ardeshir Dalai, in his inaugural address at the 
27th session of the Indian Economic Conference, dwelt on the Govern- 
ment of India's plans for post-war development. 

Mr. M. N. Gazdar, Finance Minister, Sind, was asked by the Premier 
Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah to resign from the Sind Cabinet. 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu clarified her views regarding the question of 
Congress running elections for local bodies. 

An order was served on Sardar Trilochan, Singh a prominent 
Congress worker of the Punjab, directing him to leave the province 
within 24 hours. 

The Bt. Hon. Srinivas Sastri, addressing a public meeting in Madras, 
outlined the part India should play in the Peace Conference, 

Mr. G. B Mehta, replying to an address of welcome by the Gujrat- 
Sammilani in Calcutta, said that India's future trade relationship and 
economic position would mainly depend on the political status of the 

The first annual conference of the Madras Muslim Students' 
Federation was held in Madras, 

Lord Zetland, speaking in London, said that Great Britain was 
reaping her reward by the loyalty of the Indian Army in the war. 

Sir Jogendra Singh said at Karachi that if India stood united 
no power on earth could hold her back from her cherished goal of self- 

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee said at Jamshedpur that Hindus 
under no circumstances would submit to the vivisection India. 

Mr. L. 8. Amery stated in the House of Commons that persons detained 
as a result of the Congress disturbances in 1942 were being gradually 

The Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha 
decided to send a delegation to China, Eussia, U. S. A, and Britain. 

The “Independence Day” (January 26th) was celebrated all 
throughout the country and by the India League in London 
and Cambridge, in collaboration with the Cambridge Majlis. 

Sir Shaafat Ahmed Khan, in a farewell message said : ‘^Be loyal 

to South Africa .Your spiritual and economic ties with India are 

strong as links of steel." 

The South Arcot Kisan Congress was held under the presidency 
of Mr. N. G. Eanga, M.L A. (Central). 

Mahatma Gandhi's secretary stated in reply to a letter by Mr. 
M. 0. Daver, re : “Quit India Besolution” ; ^'The resolution does not ask 


English people to quit India. It only says that they connot stay in 
India as our rulers'*. 

The 1st conference of the Trichy District Manuscript Magazine 
writers was held at Trichinopoly. 

Mr. M. N. Roy inaugurated a campaign in Bombay for the populari- 
sation of the Draft Constitution for Free India”. 

1st. H. E. the Governor of Bengal sent the following telegram to H. M. the 
King Emperor 

“On behalf of Government and people of Bengal I tender to Your Majesty and 
Her Majesty the Queen respectful and loyal greetings for Christmas and the 
New Year which they believe will be especially happy for your Majesties by 
reason of the confident belief of all your Majesties* subjects in the complete 
victory of the Allied Cause in Europe within the coming year.*' 

His Majesty replied as follows -Please convey to the Government and people 
of Bengal the sincere thanks of the Queen and myself for their loyal greetings 
and good wishes which I heartily reciprocate.*' 

Dr. M. N. Sircar of Calcutta, in his presidential address at the All-India 
Backward Classes’ Conference held at Oawnpore, observed : “I take objection to 
calling yourselves depressed, You are suppressed not depressed. But for this 
suppression, none is more responsible than ourselves for we ourselves get into 
the hands'. of others and be their instruments.** 

Mr. Mohammad Yakub, President, City Muslim League (Oawnpore). in the 
course of a statement to the Press, made an appeal to Mr. Jinnah to intervene 
and save the U. P. Provincial Muslim League form disruption. 

The eighth session of the All-India Students’ Conference meeting under the 
presidentship of Prof. Humayun Kabir of Calcutta passed a resolution in 
Bombay, moved by Mr. Probhakar Kunte, expressing confidence injthe leadership 
of Mahatma Gandhi and calling upon the students in the country to carry out 
the programme of constructive work among the masses as detaihd by Mahatma 
Gandhi. The resolution reaffirmed the OongresB resolution of August 1942. 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu presided over a meeting of women in Calcutta to consider 
the various provisions of the Draft Hindu Code. 

2nd. Sir Shanti Swarup Bhatnagar, presiding at the Indian Science Congress at 
Nagpur, elaborately dealt with the question of the development of industry in 
India in the post-war period. 

Mr. W. G. Grigson, Revenue Member, Nizam’s Executive Council, inaugurating 
the 25th Annual General Meeting of the Institution of Engineers (India) 
expressed the hope that coming years would at least see the inauguration and 
rapid completion of the Tungavadra Project—a joint undertaking of the 
Governments of Hyderabad and Madras. 

Saidar Baldev Singh, Development Minister, Punjab, said in Calcutta that 
the Punjab was determined to help Bengal, which passed through a great 
disaster, and other deficit areas in respect of their food requirements. — 
The Minister was replying to a reception given in his honour by the Sikh 
community in Calcutta. 

H. E. Sir Henry Twynam, Governor of 0. P., inaugurating the 32nd. annual 
conference of the Indian Science Congress Association at Nagpur, observed : 
“We cannot perhaps attempt to make man happy, but we can attempt to make 
him comfortable. It is in this sphere that you (scientists) can add something 
to the store of human knowledge.** 

3rd. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Labour Member, Government of India, presiding at a 
conference of representatives of the Central, Bengal and Behar Governments 
held at the Secietariat, Calcutta, to consider means to give effict to the 
proposals of the Damodar Flood Inquiry Committee, appointed by the Bengal 
Government in 1944, made the statement : “The Damodar project must be a 
multipurpose one. We intend that it should not only deal with the problem 
caused by flood but also provide for irrigation, electricity and navigation.” 

Mr. G. L, Mehta, Deputy Leader of the Indian Delegation to the International 
Business Conference held at Atlantic City in November, returned to Calcutta. 

The Conference called by the Bengal Government to consider bustee improve- 
ment in Calcutta, held its first meeting at Writers* Building, Calcutta, 


His Excellency the Governor presided. Representative of Calcutta Corporation, 
Calcutta Improvement Trust and Government attended. 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, presiding over a general meeting of the Calcutta Branch 
of the All-India Women’s Organization, advised the conference to make every 
effort to bring vomm of all classes, including Harijans, within its fold. 

Sir John Colville, Governor of Bombay, opening the Art-in-Industry 
Exhibition in Bombay, said : “India is justified in working forward to a 
prosperous future as an industrial country.” 

Mr. G. L. Mehta, Deputy Leader of the Indian Delegation to the International 
Business Conference in the U. S. A., in an interview in Calcutta, 
disclosed that Mrs. Roosevelt, wife of American President, expressed their 
inability to receive Mrs. Vijay Lakahmi Pandit at the White House. 

Mahatma Gandhi, in reply to a letter from Dr. Ambedkar. wrote: The 

Hindu-Muslim question is for me a life-long question. There was a time when 
I used to think that,, when the problem was solved, India's political troubles 
would be over. Experience has taught me that it was only partially true. 
IJntouchability I began to abhor while I was in my teem.” 

Sir Mirza Ismail, Prime Minister, Jaipur, participating in the discussion on 
constitutional schemes for India at the Seventh Indian Political Science 
Congress, at Jaipur, said : 'Tndia must be one united country. I believe as 
firmly as ever in an All-India Federation with full autonomous Provinces. As a 
Muslim I would not be a party to the vivisection of India.” 

Sir Ghunilal B. Mehta, leader of the Indian delegation to the International 
Business Conference at Eye, New York, who returned to Bombay, told pressmen 
that he took up tha subject of a treaty of commerce and navigation between 
India and the United States at the Conference as well as outetde it. 

Mrs. Vijay Lakshmi Pandit told an Indian meeeing in New York : “Whatever 
difference may exist between the various races of India, they cannot be ironed 
out so long as the British dominate the country.” 

4th. “An intelligent American’s guide to peace,” edited by Mr. Sumner Wells, 
former under Secretary of State, asserted : “Too much of India’s improvement 
has been dictated either by the need for profitable investment or by magnificent 
projects dear to the various Viceroys. But these impulses, though beneficial in 
modernizing the country, have not touched the heart of India’s economic problem 
—the dire poverty of her people”. 

Mr. M. S. Aney, India Government's Representative in Ceylon, commenting 
on the Sapru Committee questionnaire in a Press interview, said : “It is a good 
move because it destroys something of the frustration that everybody in India 
ie suffering from.” ^ 

The Hon. Sir Ardeshir Dalai, Member for Planning and Development, 
Government of India, in his inaugural address at the 27th session of the Indian 
Economic Conference held in Delhi, dwelt on the Government of India’s plans 
for post-war economic development and appealed for non-official co-operation. 

A concerted drive for the formation of Labour Unions in the City of Bombay 
on the lines indicated by Mahatma Gandhi in his instructions to Congressmen 
was undertaken in Bombay by Congress workers. 

Mrs. Ssrojini Naidu, referring to the happenings in the country in August 
1942, in the course of her address to a meeting of Congress- workers in Oalcutts, 
observed : ”The Congress did not start any movement. The movement was 
started because people were angry. The Congress did not condone any act done 
by anybody which violated the Congress pledge of non-violence. 

The fifteenth Mysore State Medical Conference was held in the Medical 
School, Bangalore City, under the auspices of the Mysore Medics! Association, 
Bangalore. Dr. D. V, Monteiro, Senior Surgeon with the Government of 
Mysore, presided. 

5th, Sir Ardeshir Dalai, Planning and Development Member, Government of India 
answering questions at a Rotary meeting in New Delhi, said : “No one who is 
willing to work should starve for lack of work in agriculture or industry.’’ 
He agreed that this should be the ideal of planning, but thought that in present 
Indian conditions this ideal would take a long time to achieve. 

A 23-year housing plan to accommodate the increasing urban population in the 
Punjab was formulated in a compreheneive memorandum submitted by Mr. U. A. 
Coates, Provincial Town Planner, Punjab Government. 

Sir Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, presiding over the 2nd session of the All-India 


Music Congress, in Calcutta, said that the tradition of India has been a 
tradition common to all races and communities — a tradition to which everyone had 
made effective contribution. 

6th Mr. M. H, Gazdar, Finance Minister, was asked by the Premier, Sir Ghulam 
Hussain HidayatulU to resign from the Sind Cabinet. 

7th. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, clarifying her views regarding the question of Congress 
running elections for local bodies, in a Press interview in Calcutta, said : “It is 
my considered opinion that it is not* advisable, or indeed in the existing 
circumstances proper, that while there is a general ban on Provincial and District 
Congress Committees, any functioning Congress Committees that have so far been 
excluded irom the ban set up candidates for election to local bodies in the 
name of the Congress. Any Congressman, who chooses to do so, may, of course, 
contest these elections purely in his individual capacity without using the name 
and authority of the Congress”. 

The hist draft of the first five-year plan of reconstruction and development 
in Orissa, entailing an expenditure of about Rs. 33 crores was outlined by Mr. 
B. K. Gokhale, Adviser to the Government at a Press Conference at Cuttack. 

8th. Mr. M. H. Gazdar resigned his oMce of Ministership in Sind. It was 
officially announced that M. E. the Governor of Sind accepted Mr. Gazdar’s 

The Government of Bombay passed orders enforcing a revised grain levy 
scheme in all the dry crop areas of the province. 

The Conference between Mr. B. K. Gokhale, Adviser to the Governor of Orissa 
and Sir T, Austin, Adviser to the Governor of Madras on the Doduma Hydro- 
electric scheme commenced in Cuttack. 

Srimati Kamala Devi Chattopadhya, speaking on ‘fOur Post-War Problems”, 
said in Bombay that they had to be viewed in terms of the i^ational Eeconstruc- 
tion “that was to be done in India”. She also remarked : “The contribution that 
Mahatma Gandhi is making is of great value in such planning. 

The seventeenth session of the National Defence Council opened at the 
Viceroy’s House, New Delhi. His Excellency the Viceroy presided. 

Pandit Neki Bam Sharma; a Congress leader of the Punjab and a member of 
the A.i.c.o. said at Lucknow: “There can be no pact between the Congress and the 
Muslim League in the Punjab politics. The demand of the Punjab Muslim League 
for the release of Congress prisoners is a political stunt and if the League has any 
sympathies for political prisoners there should have been no detenus in the 
Province where the League Ministries are functioning.” 

Nawab Mirza Yar Jung Bahadur, Agent to His Exalted Highness the Nizam, 
while speaking at the social gathering of the National College at Nagpur, pointed 
out “the absurdities” of the Pakistan ttieory. 

The Secretary of State for India, Mr. L. S. Amery, opening an exhibition of 
Indian Commercial art & industrial design in London said that there was every 
prospect of a great future in India for closer association between artists and 

9th. An order was served directing Sardar Tarilochan Singh, a prominent worker 
of the Punjab Nationalist Students' Union, to leave the Punjab within 24 hours. 

The National Defence Council met again at the Viceroy’s House with H. K* 
the Viceroy in the Chair. 

The Bengal Government proposed to spend Be. 150 crores on a five year 

E ost-war reconstruction plan, of this Bs. 50 crores had been assured 
y the Central Government and Bs. 25 crores by the Finance Department, 
Bengal Government from the provincial exchequer. The balance was to be met 
by raising loans from the public. 

The fifth Rohilkhand and Kumaoun Divisional Students’ Conference concluded 
its twoday session at Bareilly under the presidentship of Maulaua Hafizur 
Bahman, General Secretary, Jamaitul Ulema. The Conference adopted resolution 
recording its full faith in the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, expressing its 
strong opposition to the Pakistan Scheme, demanding the release of Congress 
leaders and urging the formation of a National Government at the Centre. 

Mr. B. K. Gokhale, Adviser to the Governor of Orissa, speaking at a public 
meeting at Cuttack, foreshadowed a great future for the town with its undis- 
puted advantages. 

A Press Note from New Delhi stated: ‘iThe Government of India under- 

30 the INDIAN ANNUAL EEGISTER [ 9 January *45— 

stand that H. M. G have, after consultation with the Governments of the 
Dominions and India invited Lord Keith to visit the Dominions and India to 
discuss with the Governments concerned the future organization of the tele- 
communication services of theSOommonwealth/’ , , 

Mrs. Vijayslakshmi Pandit at a Press Conference at Hot Springa (Virginia) 
declared : “India welcomes participation in any international security organiza- 
tion and would be happy to share responsibility on equal terms. But we realize 
that if there ifl to be a new world order, all countries must be on the same 

10th. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu issued a statement to the Press elucidating the constitu- 
tional position of primary members of the Congress. 

Sir (^hulam Hussain flidayatullah, Premier of Sind, in a statement said that 
while he was trying to keep the League forces intact in the provinces, Mr. G. 
M. Syed, president of the Sind Provincial Muslim League, after arriving at au 
honourable settlement with him at New Delhi, as the result of Mr. Jinnah’s 
mediation, continued negotiations with the Opposition in the Assembly to 
formulate plans against the League Ministry. 

The National Defence Council met at the Viceroy’s House, New Delhi. H. E. 
the Viceroy presided. 

Sir 0. P, Ramaswami Iyer, the Dewan, addressing the first general meeting of 
the Economic Development Board at Trivandrum, said that the work on which 
the Economic Development Board and the X^ost-War Reconstruction Committee 
were collaborating should concentrate on acquiring results of lasting benefit to 
the State. 

The Et Hon. V. S. Srinivasa Sastri, addressing a public meeting in Madras, 
outlined the part India should play in the Peace Conference and the principles 
she should press for in reshaping the world order. 

The Committee pf Action of the Aii-India Muslim League met in New Delhi, 
Nawab Mohd. Ismail Khan presided. Nawabzada Liaqat All Khan, Haji Abdul 
Battar Bait and Qazi Mohd. Isa attended. 

The Hiudustharii Talimi Sangh All-India Education Board at its meeting at 
Sewagram altered its constitution to include pre-basic, post-basic, and adult 
education in its programme. Dr Hussein pre^^ided. 

11th. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, addressing students and professors of the Calcutta 
University at the Benate Hall, asked : “What part are we to play in building 
the new world after the war ? Are we simply going to listen to the terms 
dictated by others or shall we say that we must have a voice in framing the 
new charter of liberty— either signed or unsigned.?” 

Mr. G. L. Mehta, who returned from the U. S. A., after attending the Inter- 
national Business Conference at Atlantic City as Deputy Leader of the Indian 
Delegation, replying to an address of welcome by the Gujrat Sammilani in 
Calcutta, said that India’s future trade relationship and economic position would 
mainly depend on the political status of the country. He referred to the exclusion 
of India from a permanent seat on the International Monetary Organization, 

Mr. N. V. Gadgil, President of the Maharastra Provincial Congress Committee, 
in a statement, said : ’*! have teen Mrs, Naidu's statement regarding the position 
of the Congress Committees with respect to enrolment of members and authority 
to take disciplinary action. Her interpretation is correct.” 

The progress made during the past six years in the experiment of Basic 
Education in various Provinces and States was reviewed at a four-day Conference 
of educationists, professors and teachers which commenced at the Khadi 
Vidyalaya Hall at Sewagram. Dr. Zakir Hussain presided over the Conference. 

At the discussion of the economic problems of the Far East by the Pacific 
Relations Conference at Hot Springs, (Virginia) a United Kingdom official 
declared: “If Indians are basing their plans for the industrialisation of their 
country on their ability to get within an early period the repayment of their 
balances in London and the rest of the Empire they will be disappointed,” 

12th. The Transport Advisory Committee opened in New Delhi. Addressing the 
Council, His Excellency the Viceroy said it seemed to him that the first step in 
all schemes of social progress of which India was in such desperate need must 
be the improvement of the means of communication. Therefore, he regarded the 
Conference as in many ways the whole foundation for India’s social and 
economic progress. 

The Nawab of Bhopal, replying to an address at Bhopal, referred to postwar 


reconstruction plans* He said that the aim of his Government was improvement 
of the general standard and conditions of life of his people. 

Oommenting on the second report of the Reconstruction Committee of the 
Viceroy’s Executive Council, ‘‘The Times” snid;* ‘The primary aim of the Central 
Government is the uplift of the masses, entailing enhanced productivity, 
increased purchasing power and improved scandard of Iiviiig* To this end rapid 
industrialization is essential* It is to be accomplished by a measure of State 
Control determined by the circumstances of each industry.” 

The Bengal Government approached the Central Government for the promul- 
gation of an ordinance validating the Moneyfenders’ Act, certain provisions of 
which were declared ultra vires by the Federal Court. 

Sir Shafaat Ahmad Khan, the retiring Indian High Oommigsioner at a farewell 
banquet at Johannesburg said: ^‘India is not bothering about the South African 
question — it is only a small speck on the horizon.” 

13th. Following upon the visit of Prof. A. Y. Hill, Secretary, Royal Society, 
England, to India, the Central Government invited two other eminent British 
educationists, Sir Walter Moberly, Chaiiman, University^ Grants Committee of 
Britain, and former Vice-chancellor of Manchester University and Sir Cyril 
Norwood, President of St. John’s Colieget Oxford, for a lecture tour of Indian 

Mr. Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi’s Secretary, issued the following extract from 
a letter which Mahatma Gandhi wrote to a correspondent in connection with 
the Independence Day: “I have no partiality for any militant programme for 
Jan. 26. According to my idea the constructive programme is the programme. 
Therefore it should be prosecuted with redoubled zeal.” 

Mr, M. A. Jinnab, addressing a Muslim gathering at Ahmedabad, said: 
“Pakistan is a certainty if we unite. We assure Hindus and Christians and 
other communities that in fighting for Pakistan we are fighting for the freedom 
of the whole country.” 

Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit in an interview at Hot Springs (Virginia) said: 
“Britain recently missed two opportunities to show the genuineness of her 
promise to give India her independence and thus proved that she at 
present has no intention to do so,” 

Attempts to bring about reconciliation between the Muslim League and the 
Unionist Muslims were being made in certain quarters in Lahore. 

14th. A resolution expressing its complete faith in the Muslim League’s demand 
for a free Muslim India was passed at the first conference of the Madras Muslim 
Students’ Federation, Nawab tSiddique Ali Khan presided. The conference also 
voiced its concurrence with the League’s attitude towards the Sapru Committee 
which, it considered, was an attempt detrimental to the Muslim demand for 

The results of the Incernational Civil Aviation Conference at Chicago with 
reference to the objects which the Government of India desired to see achieved 
were examined in a communique from Now Delhi. 

Mr. M. A. Jinnah, who inaugurated the Fourth Gujrat Muslim Educational 
Conference at Ahmedabad, emphasising the importance of education urged on 
Muslims that till a better system of education was evolved and introduced they 
should take the fullest possible advantage of the present system of education, 

15th. Sir Edward Benthall, opening the meeting of the Post-war Transport Com- 
mittee, defined the object of the Committee and said it was, on the basis of the 
existing state of affairs, to raise the productivity of transport and to develop a 
transport system in India which, at the cheapest possible cost in capital and 
running expenses, would provide for India’s developing needs. 

Mr. M. A. Jinnah, addressing a meeting at Ahmedabad, asserted that Pakistan 
was the only way “and the only way of cornering John Buil”. He desired that 
the policy and programme of the Muslim League was inimical to Hindu 

Sardar Mangal Singh gave notice of an adjournment motion for the Central 
Assembly to discuss “the appointment of an Army Reorganization Committee 
to make detailed recommendations regarding the size, composition and organiza- 
tion of the future army in India.” 

16tli. Mr. M. A. Jinnah declared at a public meeting at Ahmedabad that the 
acceptance of the fundamentals of the Muslim League’s Lahore resolution by 


the Congress, a modification of the '‘Quit India” resolution, which the A. I. 0. C. 
adopted in May l942, would lead to the creation of a united front and hasten 
the achievement of the country’s freedom. 

The 11th meetio^ of the Central Advisory Board of Education in India, was 
inaugurated by Hugh Dow, the Governor of Sind at the Sind Secretariat. 

Lord Zetland, speaking at the Walton Pioneer Club on “India”, in London, 
said that Great Britain with all her faults had done luarvelloiis work and was 
reaping her reward by the loyalty of the Indian army in the War. Britain had 
given India peace, security law and justice, and had made vast irrigation 
works besides introducing the medical science and education. 

Sir Jogendra Singh, Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, addressing the 
Eotary Club at Karachi, said that if India stood united no power on earth 
could hold her back from her cherished goal of Self-Government. 

Sir Jogendra Singh, in an interview at Karachi, said that the chance of a 
possible settlement depended on tbe willingness of all parties to reach a settle- 
ment and the Sapru Committee might be able to bring about conditions which 
might be conducive to resolving some of the difficulties. 

17tli. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu emphasized the need for evolving a system of education 
which would make every Indian “re-learn the art of being Indian”, in an 
address she delivered inaugurating the Andhra Provincial Women’s National 
Education Conference at Mylapore. 

The Natal Indian Congress, in a letter to Field Marshal Smuts, requested that 
the Premier should delete all the legislative acts flowing from the Pretoria 
Agreement and passed in interim, so that negotiations towards a settlement of 
the Asiatic questions might be started again from the beginning — 
The legislation referred to included the Residential Property Regulation 
Ordinance, the Natal Housing Ordinance and tbe Expropriation Ordinance. 

Sir Azizul Haque. addressing the annual general meeting of the Punjab 
Muslim Chamber of Commerce, emphasized the paramount need of rational 
distribution of food in the country. He suggested that there should be harmonic 
ous economic relationship in the matter of food distribution between one region 
and another. 

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, President of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha, 
addiessing a meeting at Jamshedpur, reiterated that the Hindus under no 
circumstances would agree to the vivisection of India, and it was, therefore, high 
time that the Congress gave up its policy of appeasement. 

The question of religious instruction in educational institutions came up for 
consideration at the resumed session of the Central Advisory Board of Education 

18th. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, presiding over the third anniversary celebrations of the 
Andhra Mahila Sabha in Madras, spoke of the great part women had played in 
history and exhorted them to solve or help to solve the communal trouble in the 
land. She said that the time has come when India should be internationally 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, speaking at a Press Conference in Madras, elucidated the 
constitutional position regarding admission to membership of the official Congress 
Organisations and the ad hoe Congress Sanghams that were coming into existence 
all over the country. 

Sir Akbar Hydari and the members^ of the Government of India Mission, 
which was to leave for Britain to discuss with His Majesty’s Government relief 
from the strain of war demands on Indian production, talked to Pressmen in New 
Delhi.— Sir Akbar Hydari said that the object of the Mission was to place India 
in a better condition than she would otherwise be to sustain her war efforts, 

Mr. L. S. Amery stated in the House of Commons that persons detained as a 
result of the Congress disturbances in 1942 are being gradually released so far as 
is compatible with essential security considerations. Individual cases are, there- 
fore, necessarily considered on their merits from that standpoint. 

The Indian community in Great Britain decided to celebrate the Independence 
Day - January 26, in London, 

Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, in the course of a talk with journalists at Lahore, 
said: “It is the blackest lie to suggest that the idea of a Conciliation Committee 
was inspired by Gandhiji, and if any one still persists in saying that, I would 
let him have the joy of the lie. I can unhesitatingly say, I never got the idea 
of a Conciliation Committee either from Gandhiji or from the Viceroy’s 


Mr. V. y. Giri, in a etatement in_ Madras, expressed grave doubts as to the 
benefit India might derive by the visit of a Farliamentaiy delegation to India. 

Mr. 1 j. B. Bhopatkar, Vice-President of the Hindu Mahasabha, expressed the 
view ^at Poona) that the political and economic programme adopted by the 
Hindu Mahasabha vpas superior to any other existing one, 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, speaking at a Press Conference in Madras, appealed to 
the Press to begin a campaign to create the necessary atmosphere for a common, 
equitable and just agreement being arrived at between the Congress and the 
Muslim League. Such an understanding would bring in its train peace and 

I9th. Mrs, Sarojini Naidn, unveiling a portrait of the last Deshodharaka K. 
Nageswara Rao, in the premises of the M. 0. Rajah Memorial Hostel Madras, 
said that the Harijans like other communities, had equal responsibilities in 
regard to the shaping of the future of the country. She said that the sooner the 
word “Harijan” went out or forgotten, the sooner would India achieve freedom. 
She appealed to the Harijans to produce their own leaders. 

Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, chairman of the Conciliation Committee, in a Pi ess 
inteiview at Lahore, said that the Committee’s report would be ready by March. 

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee with Mr. N. 0. Chatterjee arrived in New 
Delhi for the meeting of the Hindu Mahasabha Working Committee. 

Mr. Bhulabhai Desai, Leader of the Congress Parly in the Assembly, had an 
interview with the Viceroy in New Delhi. 

The Central Advisory Board of Education in India appointed a Committee to 
consider the various matters affecting the conditions of service of teachers at all 
stages of education. 

The Maharastra Provincial Harijan Sevak Sangha decided to launch a move- 
ment for the entry of Harijans in the historic temple of Vithoba at 

20th. The Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha began its 
sessions in New Delhi, with a six-hour sitting. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee 

The Conciliation Committee met Hindu, Sikh and Scheduled Castes’ leaders 
of the Punjab at Lahore. 

Mr. R. Hume, Commissioner of Police, Madras, issued an order under Rule 
56 of the Defence of India Rules, prohibiting “the taking part in or holding 
of public processions, meetings or assemblies in connection with the Independence 
Day Celebrations in the City.'’ 

Malik Kbizar Hyat Khan Tiwana, the Punjab Premier, had an interview with 
His Excellency the Viceroy. 

2lBt. The Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha which concluded 
its session in New Delhi, decided to stud a delegation to Britain, U. S. A., 
Russia and China to “counteract the anti-Hindu and anti-India propaganda which 
is being carried on in England, America and other countries and to educate 
opinion in those countries on right lines with special reference to the ideology 
of the Hindu Mahasabha.” 

The 2nd. U. P. Press Conference commenced its sitting at Allahabad. Mr. K. 
P. Viswanatha Aiyar presided. 

The Ist. session of the Andhra Students’ Congress commenced at Masulipatam. 
Prof. Ranga presided. 

22nd. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu made a fervent appeal to be united and to prepare the ground 
for Indian freedom, when she addressed a mass rally of workers, numbering 
about 50,000 at Perambur (Madras). 

Mr. Jinnah at a Press interview in Bombay, declared : “My attention has been 
drawn to reports in' a section of the Press that an agreement has been arrived 
at between Nawabzada Liaquat AU Khan on behalf of the Muslim League and 
Mr. Bhulabhai Desai on behalf of the Congress with the consent of Mr. Gandhi 
and myself. 1 know nothing about this. There is absolutely no foundation for 
connecting my name with the talks which may have taken place between 
Nawabzada Liaquat AU Khan and Mr, Bhnlabhai Dfsai.” 

Sir Ardeshir Dalai, Member for Planning & Development, G^ernment of 
India, speaking at the annual dinner of the Deccan Chamber of Oonomerce & 
Industry said that in order to carry out post-war development plans they must 
be ready to make sacrifices. The self-interest of the few must give way to the 
interests of the many. 



It was announced that the Government of India examined the report of the 
Technical Mission appointed to advise on the production of artificial fertilizers 
in India and decided to establish initially a factory at Sindri, near Dhanbad, in 
Bihar to manufacture 850,000 tons of sulphate of ammonia per year. 

A Press Note stated that the Bengal Government decided to remit all fines 
imposed under the provisions of the Collective Fines Ordinance in the Midnapore 

district in 1942. <. •. x % a 4.u v • 

The Bengal Government enforced temporary regulations under the Epidemic 
Diseases Act 1897 in Calcutta for the prevention and control of small-pox* 

The delegates’ session of the All-India Trade Union Congress passed a resolution 
strongly protesting against the continued detention of Maulana Abul Kalam 
Azad, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and other members of the Congress Working 
Committee and of thousands of Congress members and trade unionists and 
demanding their immediate and unconditional release. 

23rd, Mr* Jamnadas Mehta, Indian Representative with the Government of Burma, 
speaking to Burma-India evacuees in Madras, suggested to the Indian evacuees 
from Burma to prepare and present to the Government a “Blue Print” giving an 
authentic and exhaustive statement of their case. 

Sir Shaflat Ahmad Khan, retiring High Commissioner, replying to a farewell 
address under the auspices of the Natal Indian Congress, at Durban, said : *T do 
not think Indians in Natal ever asked for a privilege or creation of vested 
interests* Ultimately they will get the same rights as other elements now enjoy. 
But for that conviction I could never have borne the tremendous strain of the 
crisis I passed through in the past thiee years.” 

The Vice-chancellor of the Calcutta University in reply to a communication 
from the Commander-in-chief seeking the former’s assistance in recruiting pilots 
to the Indian Air Force, said that “the University has struggled hard to esta- 
blish the 1* A* T. 0. on a permanent footing, but m view of the lack of interest 
on the part of the Government of Bengal and in view of the lack of financial 
assistance, the I. A* T* 0. could not be organized as the University wanted 
to do.” 

Mr. S. K* Patil, General Secretary of the Bombay Provincial Congress 
Committee made a statement on the subject of disciplinary action against the 
members of the Communist Party. 

The text of the Government of India Resolution on the proposals for enlarge- 
ment of the jurisdiction of the Federal Court was published. 

24th. Mahatma Gandhi, in a letter to a local Congress worker wrote ; “I do not 
favour any extremist programme for 26th January.” 

Sir Ardeshir Dalai, Member for Planning Development, Government of 
India, addressed a meeting of the Post War Reconstruction General Committee 
at the Assembly Chamber in Madras* 

At the meeting of the Cochin Legislative Council, the House passed by a 
majority, the Government remaining neutral, the first reading of the prevention 
of the Dowry Payment Bill moved by Mr. K. Joshua* The Bill gave rise to 
much discussion* Sir George Boag, De wan -President presided. 

25th* Sir Ardeshir Dalai, addressing a meeting of the Post-War Reconstruction 
General Committee, in Madras, expressed his views on the reconstruction plans 
which were evolved in the’ province. After surveying the proposals relating to 
the development of road and education he- referred to the provincial plana for 
agricultural development. 

Sir Ardeshir Dalai, in reply to a question at a Press Conference in Madras, 
made a categorical assurance that there was no suggestion of interference from 
Whitehall in the matter of the plans of the Government of India for post-war 

The Government of Madras, in a Press Note, stated that the general food 
situation in the Province continued to be on the whole satisfactory ; supplies 
of rice in parts of a few districts were short of requirements, paddy was 
becoming available and the position was expected to ease within a short time. 

In accordance with the action taken by H. M. G., the Government of India 
cancelled their notifications declaring Yugoslavia and the mainland of Greece 
as enemy territories. 

A claims Oommission was constituted under the War Department, Govern- 
ment of India* 

Mahatma Gandhi sent the following cable to Mr. Krishna Menon of the ladia 


League (in London) ; “Independence for India is essential for world peace as 
also peace for India. It must come but it will come earlier if England and 
other Powers see the obvious.” 

The Maharaja of Patiala made an appeal to the various Sikh organisations to 
bring about unity in the ranks of the Panth, replying to addresses of welcome 
presented by various Sikh organisations in the district of Amritsar.— 

The Maharaja referred to the close connexion of the founder of the Patiala 
State with the history of the Sikhs, and exhorted them to pull their weight 
together in the service of the Panth. 

A session of the Indian and Eastern Newspaper Society, consisting of the 
sixth annual meeting, a general meeting and a committee meeting of the 
Society was held in Calcutta with Mr. Devadas Gandhi in the chair 

26th. “Independence Day” was celebrated in Bombay, Madras Calcutta and in the 
other parts of the country. 

The Swaraj House held the Indian Independence Day Celebration in London. 

Sir A. Ramaswami Mudaliar, Supply Member, Government of India, addressing 
the Convocation of ihe Osmania University, pleaded strongly for freedom of 
thought and courageous expression of such thought. 

His Excellency the Governor of Madras gave his assent to an Act amending 
the Madras City Civil Court Act 1892 and the Presidency Small Cause Oouits Act 
1882 in its application to the Province. 

Sir Ardeshir Dalai, Planning Member of the Government of India, answering 
questions at a Press Conference in Madras, emphasised that it was very 
necessary for bringing post-war plans to full fruition, that a National 
Government should come into existence. 

Dr. John Sargent, Educational Adviser with the Government of India, 
speaking on post-war educational reconstruction of India, in New Delhi, outlined 
the aims and objects of the educational plan of the Central Advisory Board of 

Mrs, Vijaylakshmi Pandit, speaking at the India Independence Day dinner 
given in her honour by the Indian League of America declared that Indians 
struggle was an experiment in history, for nowhere in the woild had the people 
sought to achieve freedom by non-violent means. 

Ten Congress workers including one woman, were arrested at Connaught 
Place. New Delhi, while attempting to hold a meeting in connection with the 
Independence Day, 

Sir Shafaat Ahmed Khan, in a farewell message to South Africa, said : “On my 
departure from South Africa I wish to take this opportunity of thanking my 
numerous European and Indian friends for their unfailing sympathy and 

kindness during my stay for three years Be loyal to South Africa, To it 

alone you owe your allegiance. Your spiritual and economic ties with India 
are strong as links of steel and will endure, but South Africa is your mother 
land of which you should be legitimately proud.” 

27th. Sir U. N. Brahmacharl, opening an exhibition of medical and pharma- 
ceutical products in Calcutta urged a planned programme for further medical 
research in India. 

The All-India Newspaper Editors’ Conference passed a resolution in Calcutta, 
calling upon Government to summon a conference. 

28th. The Government of Bihar, under the Restriction and Detention Ordinance, 
1944, issued orders asking the following persons to remain within the limits of 
their home villages : Mr. Srikrishna Sinha, ex-Premier Bihar, Mr. Anugraha- 
narayana Singh, ex-Finance Minister, Mr. Murali Manohar Prasad, Editor, 
“Searchlight” and Mr. Prajapati Misra, 

The Afghan Military Mission, on the conclusion of a two-month tour in India, 
arrived at Peshawar from Lahore en route to Kabul, 

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, General Secretary, All- India Muslim League, 
presiding over the Tinnevelly Muslim League conference expressed the view that 
the Muslims in India were talking of Pakistan without any mental reservation. 

Sir Rahimtoola M. Ohinoy, presiding over the 12th annual session of the 
All-India organization of Industrial Employers in Bombay, said that post-war 
planning as it was envisaged in India would requiie a degree of Government 
regulation and control. , . . , . . , 

Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit on her arrival in Washington, vigorously cntised 
the failure of the U. S. A, to clarify its attitude towards India. 


A Press comnauniciue frora New Delhi esplained the Bcheme under which it 
WAS hoped to send abroad in the autumn of the current year about 500 students 
for courses in technical subjects directly related to the vaiious plans for 
post-war development. 

It was learnt in New Delhi that Mr. S C. Joshi, President of the All-Tndia 
Eailwaymen’s Federation was to join the Central Government as Labour 
Commissioner for undertakings in the “Central sphere’* on Feb. 1. 

29tli. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, at a Press conference in Madras, explained 
the programme and immediate work of the Hii.du Mahasabha and deciartd that 
the specious doctrines of self-determination which depended on religious, provincial 
or caste considerations would ruin the cause of Indian liberty. 

Addressiiig a public meeting in Madras, Dr. Sbyama Piasad Mookeijee 
criticised the attitude of the Congress towards Muslims and its policy of 
appeasement and explained the view point of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha. 

8ir Jwala Prasad Srivastava, Food Member, Government of India opened the 
Fifth All-India Food Conference in New Delhi. 

The 8outh Arcot District Kisan Congiese Conference was held at Tindivanara. 
Mr. N. G. Ranga, m. l. a. (Centra^) presided. A large number of delegates 
and other kisans from the district attended. 

The Government of Mysore nominated Sir V. N. Ohandavarkar as a member 
of the Committee constituted by the Government to review Labour Laws in 
the State. 

Mr. A. M. Allapichai, President, Madras Provincial Nationalist Muslim Majlis, 
in a statement from Madras opposed the two- nation theory of the Muslim League. 

Mahatma Gandhi^s secretary stated id reply to a letter written by Dr. M. 0. 
Davar, Secretary of the United Party of India urging the withdrawal of the 
“Quit India” Resolution: ‘ The resolution does not ask English people to quit 
India. It only says that they cannot stay in India as rulers. English people or 
for the matter of that, any other people can surely stay m India as our 
brothers and friends,” 

The fiist conference of the Trichy District Manuscript Magazine writers was 
held at the Srirangam High School, Trichinopoly. Mr. K. Aiunachalam 

Mr. 0. Rajagopalachari presided over a meeting in Madras to felicitate the 
Chennai Tamil Sangham on its work in coaching up students for the various 
University degrees in Tamil. 

30th. Sir Akbar Hydari, Secretary, Industries and Civil Supplies Department, 
Government of India left for England to hold discussions with the Ministry 
of Production. 

- The Indian National Flag was hoisted in the ancient British University town of 
Cambridge, to inaugurate an Indian independence demonstration organised by the 
Cambridge University Majlis in collaboration with the India Society, London 
School of Economics and Cambridge University Labour and Liberal Clubs. 

Dr. B, S. Moonje, addressing a public meeting at Bangalore, stated that the 
Mahasab^ was ready to join the National Government formed by a reorganisation 
of the Viceroy*s Executive Council. 

The Working Committee of the Noakhali District Muslim League, decided to 
^pel Mr, Syed Abdul Majid, Parliamentry Secretaiy to the Government of 
Hengal, from the District League and primary bodies for ten years. 

Mr. 0. Rajagopalachari, addressing the members of the Teachers* College 
Teachers’ Association, exhorted the teachers to adopt the mother tongue as the 
medium of instruction of all subjectB-incmding English, 

In the Food Conference, in New Delhi, centred round the progress of the 

pow more food** campaign, the position in respect of oil-cakes and the fixation 
m targets for acreage and means of production. Recommendations to Provincial 
^®^®^^^6nts and States on the subjects were under consideration. 

Addressing the conference, Sir Jogendra Singh, Member for Education, Health 
ana Lands, stated that the food problem needed and would continue to need 
anxious care for many years to come. 

3!Bt. Sir A. Ramaswami Mudaliar, speaking of post-war reconstruction at a 
mee^ting of students in Madras, indicated a number of factors which would have 
to D6 taken into consideration in connection with the transition from war-time 
to peace-time economy and sounded a note of warning against facile assumptions. 

Mr, M, N. Roy, who inaugurated a campaign in Bombay for the popularisa 


tion of the “Draft Oonstitution for Free India” adopted by the Radical 
Democratic Party conference, declared; “Freedom must be interpreted to the 
common man in terms of his daily economic life” 

Problems relating to the control and distabution of fresh foods and fuel 
formed the subject of discussions at the Food Conference in New Delhi, 
Ignorance of India in Britain was referred to in the House of Lords when 
the need for the continuation, after the war, of the Empire Information Service 
of the Ministry of Information was stressed* 

February 1945 

The India (Estate Duty) Bill passed the committee stage in the Rouse 
of Lords and the 2nd reading in the House of Commons. 

Representatives of the Sikh Community met in Lahore to discuss the 
Conciliation Committee’s questionnaire. 

Dr. John Sargent, in his Convocation Address at Lucknow, said that 
the report of the Central Advisory Board of Education would place India on 
an approximate educational level with other countries. 

Sardar Ajit Singh, in his speech at a reception accorded to him by the 
Sikh Community, said: “The Sikhs do not want to encroach on the 
rights of others, nor would they allow their rights to be encroached 
upon by others.’ ’ 

The Central Legislative Assembly resumed the debate on Mr. 
Chettiar’s motion re: Public Accounts Committee. 1942-43. 

Sir J. P. Srivastava made a statement in the Central Assembly on 
the food situation in Bengal, Malabar, Cochin, Travancore and Vizagapatam. 

The Nawab of Mamdot referring to the Sikhs said that the Muslim 
League could not deny them the status of a nationality. 

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee made an appeal at Suri for help 
in political, economic and social reconstruction of the Hindus. 

H. E. Gen. Sir Claude Auchinleek, C-in-C in India, in a review of the 

war situation, said: “ The Indian fighting man deserves well of his 

country and this should not be forgotten when peace returns to the world.” 

In answer to a question in the House of Commons, Mr. L. S. 
Amery said that the number of persons detained on Dee. 1, the latest 
date reported to him, was 1,841* 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the Budget Estimates of the 
Bengal Government for 1945-46 revealed a revenue deficit of Rs. 8 crores, 

H. P. Liu, Secretary, Chinese Association of Labour and a delegate 
at the World Trade Union Conference, expressed the view in London 
that India should be free at once. 

Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya in a statement said that the 
proposals before the Central Assembly to change the Hindu Law were 

The Government sustained two defeats in the Central Assembly 
when the House passed two cut motions on the Railway Budget. 

In the Central Assembly, it was stated that the total amount 
charged to the Defence Budget on account of stores and supplies 
purchased in India in the financial year 1943-44 was Rs. 312 erores. 

The Central Assembly passed the Railway Budget totalling over 
Rs. 220 erores. 

The Finance Member presenting the 6th War Budget in the 
Central Assembly, re; 1945-46 anticipated a revenue deficit of Rs, 

38 THE INDIAN ANNUAL EEGISTER I 1 fbbebaet ’45- 

15577 orores and Es. 163‘89 erores in the Budget Estimates for the 
next year. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, the seriousness of the cloth 
situation was discussed. 

let. Sir T. Vijayaraghavachariar, Dewan of Udaipur, addressing the members o! 
the Christian College Union Society observed: “It is easy to attain political 
leadership if you follow a minority path. But that is a dangerous path. Follow 
the larger path of national unity.” 

The India (Estate Duty) Bill passed the Committee stage in the House of 
Lords without comment. 

The All-India Food Conference made a series of recommendations, inter alia 
to encourage the production of protective foods, to secure fair prices for the 
cultivator and laid down certain standards for rationing. 

The All-India Eabindranath Memorial Committee was reconstituted and a 
new executive council and oflSce-bearers elected at a meeting of the Committee 
in Calcutta. Mr. Justice S. R. Das was in the chair. 

Mr. L. S. Amery, in reply to Mr. Sorensen, in the House of Commons said 
that the question of education was only part of a very wide programme of 
reconstruction covering many years, which the Government of India "had under 
consideration in consultation with various Provincial Governments. 

2nd. The Hindu Law Committee concluded its sitting in Bombay and left for Poona 

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, presiding over an educational conference in Bombay said* 
"Children must be educated and must not be instructed.” * 

Mr. G. M. Syed, President of the Sind Provincial Muslim League, in a state- 
ment from Karachi said that he was ordered to confine himself within the 
village of Sonu for a period of three months. 

Representatives of the Sikh community met in Lahore at the residence of 
Sardar Bahadur Ujjal Singh, M. L. A,, former Parliamentry Secretary to the 
Punjab Government, to discuss the Conciliation Committee’s questionnaire. 

At the session of the Food Conference in New Delhi, Sir Edward Benthall 
Member for War Transport, and officeis of War Transport Department conferred 
with delegates over problems of movement and explained the comprehensive 
steps which had been taken to increase haulage and wagon capacity. 

Sardar Bahadur Mir Hussain Bux Khan Talpur was elected to the Sind 

Sir C, Ramalinga Reddi, inaugurating the Madras Branch of the Indian 
Council of World Affairs in Madras, made a brief ^survey of the current world 
history, and said that in the future he envisaged a new global order in which 
new forces would operate for bringing about an enduring peace. 

3td. The first meeting of the Advisory Board of Archaeology was held in New 

The Standing Finance Committee approved proposals inter alia to collect data 
for a social security scheme for Indian labour, to continue grants-in-aid to 
cottage industries and further capital expenditure on the tele-communications 

Dr. John Sargent, Educational Adviser, Government of India, addressing the 
annual convocation of the Lucknow University, emphasised that the aim of the 
report of the Central Advisory Board of Education was not to prescribe an ideal 
system of public instruction, but to outline the minimum programme of develop- 
ment which would place India on an approximate educational level with other 

The Hindu Law Committee arrived at Poona and recorded evidence of iome 
of the witnesses. 

4th. Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, Deputy Leader of the Muslim Leaeue Assemblv 
Party, in an interview at Wardbaganj, said: “There is no truth m the reoort 
appearing m a certain section of die Press that an agreement or a eettlement 
has been reached between me and Mr. Bhulabhai Desai.” 

Mr. C. Rajagopalachari, addressing a meeting at the first Circle Congress 
Workers! Conference in Madras, made an appeal to the Congress to accept office 
with a view to rendering service to. the people who were facing distressing 
conditions. He warned that the conditions were bound to worsen in the future 
aud they must take up power and prepare for the difficult times ahead. 


5th* At a meeting of the Bengal Women’s Education League held in Calcutta a 
resolution was passed rcc^uesting the Government to make a statutory grant for 
the education of girls and women equal to that for bojs and girls. 

The Natal Indian Congress Executive expressed the opinion that Mr. R M 
Deshmukh, High Commissioner-designate for India m South Africa should* not 
proceed to ^uth Afnca until the Pegging Act was repealed and unless the 
Residential Property Regulation Ordinance and Local Authorities Expropriation 
Ordinances were vetoed, ^ 

Mr. Abdus Salam Siddiqui, Director of Education, Bhopal, addressing the 
Bhopal Rotary Club on post-war expansion of education in Bhopal State declared 
that thirty percent of illiteracy was liquidated in Bhopal City as a’ result of 
enforcement of compulsory education. 

The anniversary of the Institute of Rural Reconstruction was celebrated at 
Sriniketan under the presidentship of Mr. L, K. Elenhirst. 

His Excellency Mr. R. G. Casey, Governor of Bengal, addressing the annual 
meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, expressed the hope that the 
Society would lend the great weight of its prestige to the sponsoring and 
encouragement of the application of modern scientific research to the old arts of 
agriculture and of industry. 

6th The 9th session of the Indian Roads Congress commenced its sittings in 
Madras. Delegates from all parts of India attended the conference. His 
Excellency Sir Arthur Hope opened the session. 

Sir A. Ramaswami Mudaliar, addressing a meeting of students in Madras 
stressed the importance of cultivating the habit of independent thinking. 

Mr. S. A. Jawad, Director of Public Relations of the Chamber of Princes, 
addressing a Press Conference in Bombay, made an appeal to journalists to *‘play 
the game” and desist from the tempting pastime of speculation and imaginative 
presentation of news concerning the Indian States. 

Dr. Syed Abdul Latif, in the course of his reply to the Sapru Conciliation 
Committee’s questionaire, stated that many of the items embodied in the 
questionaire were of a manner which should have been addressed by a constitu- 
tion-making body and not by a Conciliation Committee 

Mr. K. M. Munshi, giving evidence before the Rau Committee on Hindu Law 
reforms, expressed a fear that the present time was not suited for replacing the 
Smriti Law by a comprehensive Hindu Code. 

About one lakh of primary Congress members were enrolled in Maharastra. 

7th. The Special Committee of Rulers reached unanimous conclusions on the 
question of bringing about a solution of the deadlock caused by the resignation 
of the Standing Committee of the Chamber of Princes. 

Sardar Ajit Singh, Minister to the Frontier Government, in the course of bis 
speech at a reception accorded to him on behalf of the Sikh community of the 
Frontier Province, said: “The Sikhs do not want to encroach on other's rights, 
nor would they like to allow their rights to be encroached upon by others. 
I would be the first person to support the Hindus if they want to have a Bill 
of this kind passed for the control of their temples.” 

A meeting of the Kisan Sub-committee of the Provincial Constructive Com- 
mittee was held at Poona, under the presidentship of Mr, Keshavrao Jadhe. 
Various activities connected with the Kisan activities in Maharashtra were 

8th. The Central Legislative Assembly began its budget session with Sir Abdur 
Rahim, President, in the chair. 

The Government of India’s withdrawal of the assurance given in 1944 to feed 
Calcutta was the subject of an adjournment motion sought in the Central 

The Central Assembly resumed the debate on Mr. T. S. Chettiar’s amendment 
to the report of the Public Accounts Committee for 1942-43, declaring that as 
grave irregularities bad been observed in the expenditure of large amounts in 
war publicity and other matters, steps should be taken immediately to put down 
these irregularities. The amendment was passed. 

Mr. L. S. Amery stated in the House of Commons that the question of 
continued employment of women underground in Indian coal mines was being 
considered by the Government of India, and he expected to be informed shortly 
of their conclusions. 

Mr. Amery said in reply to Mr. Sorensen, that the desired information was 

40 THE INDIAN ANNUAL EEGISTER [ 8 fbbeuary ’45- 

not available as to how many members of the Legislative Assemblies were 
subject to village or house restriction and, therefore, were not able to attend 
their respective Assemblies* ^ ^ ^ 

The Madras Hindu Mahasabha, criticising the Dxafl Hindu Code, m the course 
of a memorandum to the Hindu Law Committee, pointed out that the legislature 
had no moral right to alter Hindu Law still less to make such revolutionary 
changes as were proposed. 

9th. The Central Legislative Assembly passed without division Mr* Lalchand 
Navalrai’s adjournment motion to censure the Government on their failure to 
adopt economic and other sanctions against South Africa, 

The European South African Citizens’ Association held its first meeting in 
Durban and passed a resolution calling on the Government to hold a referendum 
on the Indian question. 

The Et. Hon. Mr. V. S. Srinivasa Sastri, addressing a students’ gathering in 
Madras, pleaded in very strong language for the establishment of a single 
organisation in which all the nations of the world, great and small, were brought 
together for mutual understanding and mutual help. 

Sir Jwala Piasad Srivastava, Food Member, in reply to Mr. Abdul Quayum, 
made a statement in the Central Assembly on the food situation in Bengal, 
Malabar, Cochin, Travancore and Vizagapatam. 

lOtb In the Central Legislative Assembly, initiating the debate on the adjourn- 
ment motion to censure Government for not having applied economic sanctions 
against the Union Government, Mr. Navalrai said that when the question was 
debated in the house* Dr, Khare, Commonwealth Eeiations Member, made many 
assertions and gave hopes of the many things that Government would do but 
nothing had been done. 

In a written answer to Prof. Eanga, the Home Member, Sir Francis Mudie, 
stated in the Central Assembly that Mr. Eajendra Prasad, member of the 
Congress Working Committee, was reported to be maintaining fairly good 
health considering the fact that he suffered from chronic asthma. All members 
of the Committee were well except Pandit Goviiida Ballav Pant, who bad a pain 
in the back, which was improving, and who might have to be operated on 
for hernia. 

The Government suffered their second defeat in the Legislative Assembly 
when the Opposition carried”an adjournment motion moved by Mr. Abdul Ghani, 
Muslim League Member, censuring the Government for condoning and encourag- 
ing unfair and illegal means of securing contributions to the Government War 
Loans and National Savings Certificates. 

The Nawab of Mamdot, President of the Punjab Muslim League, addressing 
the Lyallpur District Muslim League Conference, said that through the fulfilment 
of the Pakistan demand alone both Hindus and Muslims could win real 
political freedom. — Eeferring to the Sikhs, the Nawab of Mamdot said that 
the Muslim League could not deny them the status of a Nationality, 
even though they were numerically a small nationality. 

11th. The Punjab Nationalist Students’ Conference made a declaration of complete 
faith in Mahatma Gandhi’s constructive programme and full confidence in his 

12th. The Central Legislative Assembly held a short sitting to pass two minor 
official bills and to refer a third to a Select Committee. 

A party of Indian Editors arrived at Bagdad on their way to visit Indian 
Troops in the Middle East and Italy. 

13th. The ninth session of the Indian Eoad Congress concluded with a meeting in 
Madras, at which papers were read and discussed. Mr. L. A. Freak, Chief Engineer, 
Eoads and Buildings, the Punjab, presided. 

Dr. Syed Mahmud, replying to a Press correspondent’s question from Wardha, 
said ; “Mr. Gandhi has not been sitting idle. He has applied himself strenuously 
to the fundamentals. I do not think any one else could have done anything 
more, situated as we are. If by any chance an honourable settlement becomes 
possible in the near future, it can only be as the result of all that Mr. Gandhi 
has 80 far done since his release.” 

At the 27th session of the Madras Local and Municipal Engineers’ Conference, 
Mr. Geo. Priestly, Adviser to H. E. the Governor remarked : ‘'My personal view 
is that you have little cause to be uneasy about your future”. 


The Indian Industrial Mission to Australia started a tour of the Common- 
wealth. They^ were met at Perth by Mr. Holland, Australian Trade Commi- 
ssioner to India, who was in Australia and arranged a 49-day tour. 

Sir Evelyn Wrench, sometime American Relations Officer to the Government 
of India, addressing a meeting of the East India Association in London, 
expressed the belief that India and Britain could achieve much for the advance- 
ment of civilisation as partners in the British Oommon wealth. 

The Government of Bihar decided to withdraw for 10 days the home inter- 
ment orders served on three of the five prominent Congressmen of Bihar who 
were interned Jan. 28, namely, Mr. M. Prashad, Editor of Searchlight, Mr. A. 
Bari, Deputy Speaker, Bihar Assembly, and P. Misra. 

A Press Note stated that the general food situation in Madras continued to be 
oil the whole satisfactory. 

14th. The Central Legislative Assembly resumed debate on Mr. Govind V. 
Deshmukh’s motion for reference to the Select Committee of his Bill to remove 
legal disabilities under Hindu Law in respect of marriages between Hindus 
particularly to legalise “Sagotra” marriages. 

Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru invited Sir Tekchand to be a member of the Concilia- 
tion Committee. 

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookherjee made an appeal at Suri (Birbhum) for help 
in political, economic, social and cultural regeneration of the Hindus. 

15th. Sir Edward Benthall, the War Transport Member, presenting what he said 
as an orthodox bugdet in the Cehtral Legislative Assembly, stated that it was 
not proposed to make any general increase in rates and fares, apart from the 
decision announced already that from Feb. 1, the port to port rates on certain 
goods be increased in order to bring them into line with the cost of shipment 
by sea. 

Khan Bahadur Shaikh Mohammad Jan, m, l. o., General Secretary, All-India 
Muslim Majlis, in a statement to the Press said : “Whenever the slightest 
sympathy for political aspirations of this down-trodden country is shown by the 
progressive sections of the people of England or America, Mr. Jinnah does not 
fail to raise his head from his cool Malabar Hill retreat in order to indulge 
in mean tirades against the Congress and empty threats to the British Govern- 
ment of dire consequence for them if they ever have any truck with the Congress 
without his previous sanefcions*” 

H. E. Gen. Sir Claude Auchinleck, 0-in-C. India, in a review of the war 
situation in the Council of State, declared : “I have no hesitation in saying 
that we can be proud indeed of the part which India is playing in this 
tremendous struggle and of the contribution which she is making towards final 
victory over our enemies, and I know this House will join me in saying that 
the Indian fighting man deserves well of his country and that this should not 
be forgotten when peace returns to the world.” 

In the House of Commons, a question about the number of political detenues 
was asked by Mr. Sorensen (Lab). After referring to the statement by the 
Home Member in the Indian Legislative Assembly that under the D. I. Rules 
5,708 were imprisoned and 7,574 detained on Jan. 1, Mr. Sorensen inquired how 
Mr. Amery reconciled these figures with those given by him of the number 
detained. — Mr. Amery replied : “I have so far received no confirmation of the report 
referred to. I don't know what was the question to which the former reply 

was addressed The number of persons detained on Dec. 1, the latest 

date reported to me, was 1,841.” 

Mr. Amery told the House of Commons that benefits for British personpnel 
in the Indian Forces would be on the general lines of those granted to British 

Mr. William Dobie, M. P., as the chairman of the India League and on behalf 
of a number of Members of Parliament interested in India, addressed a letter 
to Sir Walter Citrine to ask that “the Biitish Delegation at the World Trade 
Union Congress express desire and hope that in the planning of peace and in 
post-war world India will tal:e her place as a gieat and free country.” 

16th. In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, an estimated revenue deficit of Rs. 8 
crores was revealed in the Budget Estimates of the Bengal Government lor 
1945-46, presented by Mr. T. 0. Goswami, Finance Minister. 

In the Council of State, oopuplaints agaipst “reckless driving of military 


42 the INDIAN ANNUAL REGISTEE [ 16 fbbrdaey ’45- 

Tehioles ware made in a debate on Haji Syed Mohammed Huesain’s reBolution 
recommending, that in view of frequent and serious accidents caused by these 
vehicles they should not be allowed to be driven within the limits of any 
municipality, town area and any cantonment at a speed exceeding 15 miles an 
hour and no training of motor drivers be permitted within the above limits. 

The Muslim League Party in the Central Assembly decided to move three cut 

motions on the Railway Budget ^ x. . , T^ . t,-,, . j 

In the House of Commons the India Estate Duty Rill was given a second 
reading. Moving the second reading of the Bill which had already passed 
through the House of Lords, Mr. Amery said that it was a small measure whose 
only purpose was to remedy an oversight in the drafting of the Government 
of India Act of 1935 more particularly with reference to partition of taxation as 
between the Central Government and the Provinces. 

17th. Sir Sbafaat Ahmed Khan, High Commissioner for India in the Union of 
South Africa, returned to India on the relinquishment of his olli -e. 

Sir Mahomed Zafarulla Khan, leader of the Indian delegation to the Common- 
wealth Eelations Conference which opened in London, made a spirited speech 
in which he pleaded for full Dominion Status for India, and told Common- 
wealth statesmen that they could no longer stop India from achieving her desire. 

Mr. W. A. M. Walker, in his presidential Address at the annual meeting of 
the Indian Jute Mills Association, discussed the condition of the Jute industry 

Gandhi issued the following statement : “I have delayed giving my 
opinion on the Bihar JjrOvernmenPs challei^e to Congress workers in the hope 
that the storm was anisolated mistake and that it will correct itself. I find 
I was mistaken. On the top of the happenings in Bihar comes news that 8ri 
Purushofctamdas Tandon has been re-arrested. The workers in Bihar are well- 
known, and of them one is an ex-Prime Minister and another is ex-Finance 
Minister. Tandonji is the Speaker of the U. P, Assembly. Now comes news 
that Sri Gopabandhu Ohaudhury of Orissa, equally well-known too, has been 

re-arrested This is one picture. The other is, the Viceroy holds talks with 

Sj. Bhulabhai Desai. The air is thick with rumours of big changes. The 
rumour hardly squares with the news I have summarised and which 
the publie knows already.” 

H. P* Liu, Secretary, Chinese Association of Labour and a leading delegate 
at the World Trade Union Conference, said in London,, in a statement 
on India : "Firstly, India should be free at once. Secondly, our sympathy Is always 
with the Indian freedom movement. We have unbounded admiration for such 
great world leaders like Gandhiji and Pandit Nehru. Mr, Nehru^s release would 
be a great moral triumph for our war of freedom for peoples. Thirdly, labour 
movements in India and China must strengthen collaboration in order to secure 
a higher standard of living for Asiatic peoples. 

18th. Sir Sultan Ahmed and Sir Jogeudra Singh, Members of the Executive 
Council, speaking at a public meeting in New Delhi, dwelt upon the importance 
of cultural and social contacts as a means of achieving unity. 

Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, in a statement from Benares, said : *T have 
already expressed my opinion that the proposals before the Central Legislative 
Assembly to change the present Hindu Law are quite harmful to the Hindu 
Society. Au institution, the members of which belong to all religions and 
communities, specially the present Legislative Assembly, has no right to bring 
about revolutionary changes in the personal laws of Hindus.” 

The birthday of Sri Ramkrishna Paramhansa was celebrated with great 
solemnity at the Bamkrishna Maths all over India. 

19th. In the Central Legislative Assembly, the President admitted a motion for 
adjournment by Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari to discuss the refusal of the Government 
to give any information Tn the Assembly before a decision on the proposal of giving 
war allowances to senior members of the I. 0. S. drawing salaries between 
Bs. 1,000 and Rs. 2,000 was taken. ^ 

In the Central Assembly, Mr. T. S. A, Ohettiar asked : "Were the cases of 
the membeis of the Congress Working Committee reviewed in January and fresh 
orders of detention passed on them ?” The Home Member : “Yes, the orders 
were extended.” 

\ At the annual meeting of the Freedom of Trades Association of India in 
Calcutta, various problems affecting trade and commerce were discussed/ * ‘ 


20th. The Federation of the Trades Associations of India, at their annual meeting 
in Calcutta, adopted a resolution in suggesting amendment of the Cotton Cloth 
Prohibition Order to enable retail dealers to post parcels of cotton materials in 
execution of bonafide mofussil orders. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, Ben gal's total indebtedness and the loss 
suffered by the Government on account of the trade operations of the Civil 
Supplies Department figured prominently during the general discussion of the 
Provincial Budget estimate for 1945-46. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, Mr. K bahabuddin. Labour and Industry 
Minister, ^ reiterated that Government stood by its policy of nationalisation of 
the electric supply industry in the province, while speaking on an adjournment 
motion censuring Government for its failure to take over the Calcutta Electric 
Supply undertaking. It was a policy of nationalisation and not municipalisation, 
the Minister added. 

Nawab Muhammad Ismail, Chaudhuri Khaliquzzaman and Mr. Kazl 
Muhammad Isa, members of the Muslim League Committee of Action, who 
were deputed by the League High Command to bring about League solidarity 
in Sind, had talks with the leaders of various groups in the Sind Assembly. 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, Government was defeated when the 
House passed by 58 votes to 46 the Muslim League Party cut motion to express 
disapproval of the plan by which the Railways pioposed to take part financially 
in the running of road services. 

The Council of State opened the general discussion of the Railway Budget. 

Mr. Bhim Sen Sachar, leader of the Opposition m the Punjab Assembly, 
in defiance of the restriction imposed on him by the Punjab Government, 
attended the Punjab Assembly. 

The negotiations to resolve the differences between the Sind Muslim League 
and the Sind Premier finally broke down. 

The Punjab Legislative Assembly discussed two Bills affecting Muslims only. 
Muslim members belonging to the Unionist and the League parties took an 
interest in the debate. 

21st. The Central Legislative Assembly resumed the voting on demands in the 
Railway Budget. The first motion was moved by Mr. Ramnarayan Singh to 
raise the question of inconvenience to third class passengerB. 

Government sustained two defeats, when the House passed two cut motions on 
the Railway Budget, sponsored by the Congress Party— one to discuss the incon- 
venience ol third class passengers (carried without division) and the other urging 
Indianisation of higher grades of the Railway service (earned by 51 to 40). 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, the Legislative Chambers (Members’ Emolu- 
ments) Amendment Bill was passed without any amendment. The Bill sought 
to increase the salary of members of Legislature from Rs. 150 to Rs. 200 per month 
and also their daily allowances from Rs. 10 to Es, 15. 

In the Sind Legislative Assembly, an echo of the restraint orders on Congress 
M. L. A.’s was heard on the opening day of the Budget session, when Khan 
Bahadur Mir Ghulam Ali Khan Talpur, Home Minister, in reply to opposition 
question, stated that it was not the intention of the Government to disallow 
Congress members from attending the session. The Congress members could 
attend the session with the permission of the District Magistrate. 

Five members of the Indian Scientific Mission, who returned to India after 
5 months’ stay in the United Kingdom, the United States of America and 
Canada, in a statement in New Delhi, said that in the course of their lectures 
and conversations in the U. K. they advocated the view that for developing 
India, her natural lesources must be used to the fullest extent, and for this 
purpose there should be a National Government at the Centre as well as in 
the Provinces. 

22iid. In the Central Legislative Assembly, Mr. O. M. Trivedi, War Secretary, 
replying to a question from Mr. Mannu Subedar, stated that the total amount 
charged to the Defence Budget on account of stores and supplies purchased in 
India in the financial year 1948-44 was Rs. 312 crores. . ^ . 

The first supplementary estimate of the expenditure of the Madras Government 
for 1944-45 was authorised by Bis Excellency the Governor under Section 93 of 
India Act 1935. 

The reiteration of the Government’s attitude to the State Congress was made 


in the Sri Mulam Assembly by the Dewan President, Sir 0 P. Ramaswami 
Aiyar, during question hour. . - i i 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, general discussion on the Budget proposals 
began, Mr. Dhirendra Lai Barua initiating the debate. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, an adjournment motion designed to 
condemn the Government for their alleged failuie *‘to prevent the present cloth 
famine” was defeated by 104 to 65 votes. 

The Civil Supplies Minister, Mr. H. S. Suhrawardy, while admitting the 
existence of a cloth famine, said that he was trying his best to improve the 
supply position. 

In the House of Commons, Mr. L. S. Amery described as ‘obviously fantastic” 
the statement by Mrs. Vijaylakshmi Pandit in the U. S. A. that India was a 
vast concentration camp and without religious diflbrenees. 

The Central Assembly passed by 51 votes to b2, Mr. Jamnadas Mehta’s cut 
motion asking for more dearness allowance for railway employees. 

At the Council of State, Mr. G, S. Motilal (Congress) moved a reso^tion to 
raise the number of elected members of the House and to broaden the franchise 
in case general elections were held. 

Mr. Amery, replying to a question about the rate of exchange for British 
troops m India, told the House of Commons that British troops were paid in 
rupees under the Indian Pay Code and were liable to tax under the Indian 
Income-tax Act. The troops were paid by the Government of India and not by 
the British Government. 

23rd. In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, Khan Sahib Hamiduddin, Parliamentary 
Secretary, Public Health Department, in reply to Rai Hareudranath Chaudhud, 
gave the information that malaria took a total of 292,819 lives in municipal and 
rural areas of Bengal during the six months, May to Oct. 1944 The number of 
such deaths during the same period in 1943 was 275,599, in 1942, 188,391 and in 
1941, 158,906. 

The Punjab Legislative Assembly discussed non-official Bills and resolutions. 

The Central Legislative Assembly passed two cut motions and faced a tie of 
votes on a demand on which the Nationalist Party called a division to mark its 
resentment against the Government’s obstructive attitude. 

The Central Assembly passed the Railway Budget totalling over Rs. 220 

24th. Dr. B. S. Moonje, presiding over the Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha 
Conference at Jalpaiguri, said that the Raj they wished to establish in India 
would be a democratic Raj on the basis of one man one vote. 

In the Sind Legislative Assembly, the question whether the hoisting of a 
National Plag on private houses was an offence was raised by Mr. Nichaldas 

The Hidayatullah Ministry was defeated in Sind by 25 votes to 19. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the Supplementary Estimate of expendi- 
ture for 1944-45 amounting to Rs. 65,73,34,400 was presented by Mr. T\ C. 
Goswami, Finance Minister. Of this, Rs. 33,10,200 is charged and the balance 

His Excellency Sir Arthur Hope, Governor of Madras, declared open the 
“Arthur Hope Polytechnic” at Coimbatore. 

In the Punjab Legislative Assembly, Sir Manoharlal, Finance Minister, 
announced that a post-war Reconstruction Fund with an initial contribution of 
Rs. 2 crores from the year’s surplus was created by the Punjab Government to 
finance post-war development under the consideration of Government. 

Sardar Sir Buta Singh, who was m London as one of the delegates to the 
Commonwealth Relations Conference, stressed the Sikh opposition to the scheme 
for the division of India. 

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, inaugurating the Bengal Provincial Hindu 
Sabha Conference at Jalpaiguri, called upon all parties and peoples who believed 
in the goal of a free and united India, in which all would enjoy equal rights of 
citizenship, to come forward at the supreme crisis in the history of the country 
and create a public opinion which bureaucrats or empire-builders would not 
dare resist, 

25th. The fifth annual conference of the All-India Manufacturers^ Organisation 
which met under the presidentship of Sir M. Visveswaraya, concluded in 
New Delhi* 


Mr. B. G. Kfaer, es-Premier of Bombay, speaking at a crowded gathering at 
Surat, visualised a double revolution in the country— educational and economic, 
on the occasion of the 2l9t anniversary of “Gurukal Supa”. 

26th. Khan Bahadur Haji Mania Bus was sworn in as the sixth Minister in the 
Hidayatiillah Ministry. 

The Hindu Law Committee took evidence in Calcutta on the draft Hindu 
Code prepared by them at the instance of the Government of India, at the 
residence of Mr. N K. Sarkar. 

The President and members of the Woiking Committee and other leaders of 
the Mysore State Congress met at Bangalore, and reviewed the political situation 
in the State and took stock of the Party’s strength in the Legislatures in the 
light of the general elections. 

Mr. Amery turned down the proposal for a parliamentary delegation to India 
on grounds of passage and other difficulties. He held out conditional hope for 
the future, 

Mahatma Gandhi, in the course of his message at Wardhaganj, to the All- 
India Hindusthani Prachar Conference, said : ‘T see no reason why what was at 
one time a common language of both Hindus and Muslims should not again 
become the lingua franca.” 

27th. The Sind Premier Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, stated in an interview 
at Karachi that^ by including Khan Bahadur Mania Baksh in the Ministry, he 
had obviated the possibility of see. 93 rule in the province, which would have 
been inevitable after the failuie of the efforts of Mr. G. M. Syed and Mr. M. H. 
Gazdar to form a coalition with Opposition Hindu and Independent Muslim 

Sir Chintaman D. Deshmukh, Governor of the Reserve Bank of India, speaking 
before the Rotary Club of Poona, discussed the fundamental issues involved in 
the successful planning for wealth and welfare of India in the post-war period. 

28th. Mr. M.A. Jinnah, President of the AlMndia Muslim League, sent a strongly 
worded telegram to Mr, G. M. Syed, President of the Sind Muslim League, 
denouncing his actions in '‘letting down his leader and party”. 

Sir Jeremy Raisman, presenting the sixth war budget relating to 1945-46, 
anticipated a revenue deficit of Rs. 155*77 croies in the Revised Estimates of 
the current financial year and of Rs. 163*89 crores in the Budget Estimates for 
the next year. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, the seriousness of the cloth situation iu 
Bengal was emphasised during the resumed discussion of the Budget. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the consideration of the Embankment 
(Amendment) Bill (as passed by the Council) was moved by Mr, B. P, Pain, 
Minister for Communication & Works. 

Before the Hindu Law Committee in Calcutta, members of a joint committee 
of several women’s organisations spoke in favour of the Draft Hindu Code. _ 

In reply to a question sent in writing by Dr. Suresh Chandra Banerjee, a 
Congress member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly (in detention), it was 
admitted by Khan Bahadur Mohammad Ali, Parliamentary Secretary, that a letter 
written by Dr. Banerjee to Mahatma Gandhi was withheld. 

March 1945 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, the Finance Minister announced 
that the Government of India proposed to send a delegation to Britain, 
re. liquidation of sterling balances. 

The Nationalist Christian Party of Bombay opposed the Pakistan 

Mr. Bhim Sen Sachar was arrested for attending the Punjab 

In the Punjab Legislative Assembly, a current revised surplus of 
Es. 139 lakhs for the year was forecast by Sir Manohar Lai. 

Swami Sahajananda resigned from the Presidentship of the All-India 
Kishan Sabha. 


Sir M. Zafrulla Khan, leader of fehe Indian delegation to the London 
Conference, condemned racial discrimination. 

The Royal Commission in the House of Lords, signified Royal 
assent to the passing of India (Estates Duty) Act. 

Sir Ghulam H. Hidyatullah, Sind Premier, submitted the resignation 

of his Cabinet. 

In the N, W. P. P. Assembly, Sir Aurangzeb Khan, Premier, sub- 
mitted the resignation of his Ministry. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, the release of all security prisoners 
was the subject for consideration. 

His Highness the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir amended the 
Jammu and Kasmir Constitution Act. 

Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan was released. 

In the Sind Legislative Assembly, the Sind University Bill was 
referred to a Special Committee. 

His Ma3esty’s Government invited His Excellency the Viceroy to 
come to London. 

The Government of U. S. S. R. proposed to invite scholars from 
Indian Universities to deliver a series of lectures at the Russian Universities 
on ancient Indian history and civilization. 

Ist. In the Central Legislative Assembly, the Finance Member informed the 
House that the Government of India pioposed to send a delegation to Britain 
to discuss the question of the liquidation of sterling balances. 

The Executive Oommittee of the Nationalist Ohiistian Party of Bombay, in a 
memorandum submitted to the Sapru Conciliation Committee, expressed opposition 
to Pakistan and support for an all-India Federation with elections to Legisla- 
tures, Central and Provincial, based on joint electorates and adult franchise, with 
reservations of seats for minorities. 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, the question of privilege attaching to the 
publication of speeches made in an Indian Legislature was discussed. 

Viscount Cranbourne, Dominions Secietary and Leader of the House of Lords, 
when replying on the debate in the House of Loids on the Crimea Conference 
announced that India has been invited to take part in Empire discuBsions 
preliminary to the San Francisco Conference. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, Mr. T. 0. Goawami, Finance Minister, 
gave details about the losses on trading operations of the Civil Supplies 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, supplementry demands of the Bengal 
Government for 1944-45 were discussed. The total covered by the estimates was 
Rb. 65,73,34,000, out of which Rs. 33,lO,2Cp was charged and the balance was 

Mr. Bhim Sen Sachar was arrested for defying the ban on attendance at 
meeting and for attending the Punjab Assembly. 

Mr. L. S. Amery, answering questions in the House of Commons about the 
Chamber of Princes, replied ‘‘yes” when asked by Oapt. Gammans, firstly, 
whether normal functioning of the Chamber of Princes which was inaugurated 
by royal proclamation had been interrupted since ihe resignation of the Chan- 
cellor, the Prochaneellor and 19 members of the Standing Committee. 

- The Central Legislative Assembly by 22 votes to 21 passed Mr. Govind V. 
Deshmukh’s motion for reference to a Select Committee of his Bill to remove 
legal disabilities under Hindu Law in respect of marriage between Hindus. 

In the Punjab Legislative Assembly, a current revised surplus of Rs. 139 
lakhs for the next year were forecast by Sir Manohar Lai, Finance Minister. 

2nd. Enquiries in authoritative quarters on the question of reported shortage of 
cloth in several Provinces, with particular reference to Bengal, showed that the 
Central Government textile authorities had been despatching enough cloth to the 
various deficit Provinces, ' and it was not understood as to why some of the 
Provinces, inspite of their receiving the quotas of cloth allotted to them, found 
it difidcult to meet the demands of the consumers. 


The Central Legislative Assembly, by 55 votes to 43 passed Sir Mahomed 
Yamin Khan's resolution asking Government to take immediate steps to abolish 
the National War Front branch of the Department of Information and Broad- 
casting and to liquidate forthwith the National War Front Organisation in the 
Centre and in the Provinces. 

In the Bengal Ijegislative Assembly, the Bengal Government’s policy of gradual 
release of political prisoners consistent with public safety was restated by Khwaja 
Sir Nazirauddin, Chief Minister. This was in reply to a non -official resolution 
urging immediate release of these prisoners which was defeated by 73 votes to 50. 

In the Assam Legislative Assembly, Mr. Abdul Matin Chaudhuri. Finance 
Minister, in his speech in introducing the Budget, said that the year (1943-44) 
closed with a revenue surplus amounting to Es. 69,95.000. The chief contributory 
causes for this surplus were increased revenue from Assam’s share of the Central 
Income Tax, better collection of Agricultural Income Tax and a considerable 
increase under the heads “Land Eevenue”, “Provincial Excise” and ‘‘Other Taxes 
and Duties.” 

In the Puniab Legislative Assembly, an attempt to raise the question of the 
arrest of the leader of the Opposition, Mr. Bhim ^en yachar through a privilege 
motion failed, as the Speaker, Sir Shahabuddin, ruled that, it being the last day 
for voting on supplemantary grants, the motion could not be taken up. — 
The motion was brought forward by a Congress member. Pandit Bhagat Ram 
Sharma. Raja Gazanafar Ali, Muslim League member, backing it, said there 
was nothing in the rules to prevent a discussion 
In the Sind Legislative Assembly, a Bill to regulate the powers and privileges 
of the members of the Assembly was published. The Bill which was the first 
of its kind in any provincial legislature in British India, followed the British 
parliamentary system, subject to the restrictions laid down in the Government 
of India Act. 

3rd. The Hindu Law Committee after taking more evidence on the Draft Hindu 
Code concluded their work in Calcutta. 

The Commonwealth Relations Conference which began its session on February 
17, 1945, concluded. 

Swami Sahajananda resigned from the Presidentship of the All. India Kishan 

The Annual Session of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and 
Industry began in New Delhi. It was attended by representatives of the various 
chambers of commerce. 

Mr. Mohammed Usman Soomo was appointed as Parliamentary Secretary to 
the Sind Ministry. 

4th, Sir B. P. Singh Roy, President of the Bengal Council and delegate to the 
British Commonwealth Relations Conference in London, at a meeting of the 
Students' Union, said that the Indian political deadlock proved the bankruptcy 
of Britain’s statesmanship. 

With reference to reports of a cloth famine in Bengal, inquiries made in New 
Delhi showed that during the five months ended November 30,1944 Bengal 
received for civil consumption 0*4 yds of mill cloth per head, more than any 
other part of India. 

Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit declared in a nationwide broadcast from New 
York: ‘^Asia will be the testing ground of all the theories advanced by the 
United Nations but the continuation of colonial empires will be a constant 
danger to world peace and the progress of humanity.” 

The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (in New Delhi) 
passed a resolution urging the necessity of an early declaration by the Govern- 
ment of India of its industrial policy. 

Mahatma Gandhi, in an interview to the Orient Press at Nagpur, said : 
“Congressmen who have associated themselves for the fulfilment of our construc- 
tive programme need not be agitated over what local Governments say or do. 
Whether their policy is merely local or represents that of the Centre, they should 
learn to shed fear.” 

5th. The Central Legislative Assembly began the general debate on the budget — 
Mr. Mannu Subedar, opening the debate, said that inspite of his protestations 
Bir Jeremy Raisman was a true representative of John Bull and Co. in this 
pountry, U be, he added, that Mr. Churchill was not liquidating the 


Empire but Sir Jeremy Raisman was very effectively liquidating the economic 
life of the country. . ^ 

Mr. K. S Gupta, Congress member, representing Ganjam and Vijagapatam, 
suddenly took ill and became unconscious m the Cential Assembly in the aftei- 
noon while he was speaking on the budget He died shortly afterwards. 

The Raja of Padukottah in the State Council ordered that the Devadasi services 
in ail Sircar temples in the State should be abolished with immediate effect. The 
action was consequent on the non-official resolution passed at the previous 
session of the Padukottah Legislative Council urging the abolition of the Deva- 
dasi services in all State temples. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the immediate necessity for legislative 
measures to improve the condition of Calcutta’s bustee dwellers, was urged by 
the Revenue Minister, Mr. Tarak Nath Mukherjee. 

In the Bengal Assembly, Khan Bahadur Mohammad Ali, Parliamentary 
Secretary, replying to a question stated that the cases ot security prisoners in 
Bengal were reviewed every six months, and as a result of such reviews, 102 
security prisoners had so far been released and others, though not released, after 
review of their cases, had been served with fresh orders of detention. 

6th. Sir M. Zafrulla Khan, leader of the Indian delegation to the London Conference 
on Commonwealth Relations, condemned racial discrimination at a Press conference 
in London. 

The Hindu Law Committee held its first sitting in Madras. The Rt. Hon. 
Srinivasa Sastri, Rao Bahadur K. V* Aiyar and Dewan Bahadur R, V. Krishna 
Aiyar gave evidence. 

Khan Bahadur Haji Maula Bux, the Sind Minister, had discussion with the 
Premier Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah at Karachi. 

The hope that the Sapru Committee would succeed in evolving a formula 
acceptable to the principal elements in the public life of India was expressed by 
Sardar Harnam Singh, member of the Committee on his returff from Delhi to 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, a warm tribute was paid to the memory 
of the Late Mr. K C. Gupta, who died in the Assembly Chamber on the 5th 

Mr, Bertrand Russel advocated independence for India opposing the offer of 
Dominion Status while discussing the question of the future of India at a 
meeting in the Cambridge University. 

In the Central Assembly, the Home Member, in reply to a question put by 
Mr, Sri Prakasha, said : “Arrangements are being made for the transfer of the 
members of Congress Working Committee from Ahmednagar to their respective 
provinces, but I have so far received no information that any of the transfers 
has actually taken place.” 

7th. The Royal Commission in the House of Lords signified Royal assent to the 
passing of the Indian (Estate Duty) Act. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, the working of the Civil Supplies Depart- 
ment with particular reference to distribution of cloth came in for a good deal of 
criticism during the general discussion in the Supplementary Budget Estimates 
for the current year. 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, resuming the general debate on the 
Budget, Mr. Azhar Ali characterised the Budget as one of “extortion in 
different ways”. He felt that the Hydari Mission would fail with the result that 
India’s sterling balances would be wiped out. The “grow more food” campaign, 
he added, was a hoax. 

In the Council of State, Sir Shantidas Askuran, opening the general discussion 
on the Budget, recalled that when Lend-Lease arrangements were made by the 
U. S, A. for helping the common War effort, President Roosevelt gave the 
assurance that the contributions which different nations would make towards the 
Defence Bill would be measured in terms of the capacity of each country to bear 
it. Yet nearly Rs, 124 crores had been debited to India as her part of the 
reverse Lend-Lease aid to the U* S. A., in the War up to the end of 1944-45. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, Khan Bahadur Muhammad Ali, Parlia- 
mentary Secretary to the Chief Minister, stated that some persons arrested under 
Rule 129 of the Defence of India Rules were detained in the Intelligence Branch 
and Special Branch for periods varying up to a maximum of two months. 

Mr. N. G. Ranga, m. h, a. (Central) said in a statement to the Press in New 


Delhi : ‘*After consulting the Kisan Congresses of the U. P., Bihar, Bengal, 
Punjab, C. P* and of So^Uhern India, we have come to the conclusion that the 
All-India Kisan Congiess should be an advisory body and not a mandatory 

A new constitution for the Natal Congress on broad democratic lines was 
envisaged by an impoitant resolution passed by 89 to 14 votes at a Representative 
Committee meeting m Durban* 

8th In the Central Legislative Assembly, Sir Azizul Haque, the Commerce Member 
in reply to Mr. T, S. A. Chettier, said that the brass utensiis manufacturing 
industry had been supplied brass sheets since ju'ie 1914 at the rate of approximately 
400 tons a month. 

Mr, Bertrand Russel agieed to take active pare in establishing the Tagore 
Institute at Cambridge. At the inaugural meeting of the Institute "the organisers 
decided to propose the name of Lord Russel for the presidentship of the 

The Central Legislative xAssembly agreed to lefer to a select committee the 
Finance Member’s Bill further to amend the Income Tax Act 1922 and the Excess 
Profits Tax 1940, 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, the hardship caused by scarcity of cloth 
was referred to by several members speaking on the suppiemeataiy Budget 

Sir Cyril Norwood, in an interview in Bombay said : ‘“The Sargent Scheme was 
the beat that could be desired m the present circumstances for the development of 
education in India.” 

In the House of Commons, Mr Amery declined to make a fresh statement on 
the British Government’s policy towards India. 

The Hindu Law Committee resumed its sittings in Bladraa. More witnesses 
were examined. 

9th. In the Central Legislative Assembly, Mr. Abdul Quayum initiated the debate 
on the Congress Party’s censure motion against the Government of India, “that 
the demand under Executive Council be reduced to Re. 1.” — The Congress Party’s 
cut motion was passed by the House by 61 votes to 56. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, with the granting of demands in respect 
of general administration, civil works, education, police, administration of Justice 
and under several other hands, the discussion on the Supplementary Budget 

In the Punjab Legislative Assembly, Raja Gazuafar Ali, continuing his speech 
in reply to the Premier’s statement on the dismissal of Sardar Hhaukat Hyat 
Khan, urged His Majesty’s Government to recall the Governor, Sir Bertrand 
Glancy as, he said, he had by his unconstitutional act in dismissing Sardar 
Shaukat Hyat violated the Government of India Act. 

10th* The Central Legislative Assembly passed by 59 votes to 48 the Muslim League 
party’s cut motion to refuse supplies to the Planning and Development 

The Hindu Law Committee concluded its sittings in Madras after recording 
further evidence. Several witnesses were examined. 

11th. Thr Central Parliamentary Board of the All-India Muslim League called upon 
the Sind Premier to tender the resignation of the whole cabinet and to reconstitute 
a Coalition Ministry in which there should not be any Muslim who was not a 
Muslim Leaguer. 

A press Communique from New Delhi said : “The Government of India having 
been invited to take part in the Conference to be held shortly in London and 
San Francisco on the World Security Organisation selected Sir Ramaswami 
Mudaliar and Sir Firoz Khan Noon as two of India’s representatives. At the 
invitation of His Excellency the Crown Representative Sir V. T* Krishnamachari 
agreed to serve as the third ” 

Cables urging the Government of India to recall the High Commissioner, Mr, 
R. M. Deshmukh and to impose economic sanctions were sent by the And- 
segregation Council to Lord Wavell, Mr. Khare, Sir Raza Ali, Mahatma Gandhi, 
Mr Jin nah and other prominent Indians. 

Mr. John Sargent, Education OommiBsioner, in a broadcast from New Delhi, 
said : “1 cannot forget that every year more than 7,000,000 children in British 
India alone reach the age ^}ien they ought to go to Bchool* but only a small 


50 the INDIAN ANNUAL KEGISTER [ 11 march '45- 

TjroDorfcion get there. The rest pass inevitably on to join the great mass of 
initiates. But at the same time there is no branch of human activity in which 
it is more dangerous to substitute quantity for quality thau education. Without 
good teachers we shall never succeed.” 

12th. The general discussion in the Supplementary Budget for 1944-45 concluded 
in the Bengal Legislative Council. . t c j ^ j 

The Bengal Legislative Assembly took up consideration of budget grants under 

The Central Legislative Assembly passed by 58 votes to 43, the Nationalist Party’s 
cut motion to discuss the cloth and yarn position* 

Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatulla, Sind_ Premier, met His bxcellency the 
Governor and submitted the resignation of his Cabinet. 

Mahatma Gandhi observed in a Press statement at Sewagiam : Congressmen, 
whose only calling is service of the people, will serve mutely and without caring 
for the consequences that may befall them by reason of their services. That is 
the true meaning of do or die**' 

I3th The Central Legislative Assembly passed by 57 votes to 37 the European 
Group’s cut motion to urge '‘the need for economy generally for more stringent 
control of expenditure on civil departments in particular.” 

The Sind Premier, Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatulla issued the following 
statement : “1 am the leader of the laigest individual party, and I have an absolute 
majority in the House with the coalition of the Hindu independent Party. No 
other individual can face the House tomorrow and get the Budget through 
except myself.” . , 

The Bengal Legislative Council, by 18 votes to 17, rejected an opposition 
adjournment motion criticising the Government for their alleged failure to pay 
Calcutta Corporation Es* 9,00,000 as taxes of the Council House, thus causing 
considerable hardship to ratepayers. 

In N. W, Frontier Province Assembly, following the passing of the no- 
confidence motion in the Assembly, fcSardar Aurangzeb Khan, the Premier 
submitted the resignation of his Ministry to His Excellency the Governor, but 
was asked to continue until His Excellency had time to make alternative 


Mr. Clarkson, Minister of the Interior, speaking in the South Africa Senate, said 
that during the recess steps had been taken in the Transvaal to promote co-operation 
between the local authorities and their Indian population with the object of 
improving the living conditions of the Indians. 

14th. In the Council of State, the President announced that Government had decided 
to set apart an official day for the discussion of Mr. Thirumala Eao’s resolution 
urging adequate representation of nou-offieial opinion in India at the San Francisco 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, the Home Member, Sir Francis Mudie 
informed Mr. T. M. A. Ohettiar, that the Government of India had seen 
Mahatma Gandhi’s statement regarding the constructive programme and were in 
full sympathy with it. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, redress of political prisoners’ grievances was 
urged by the Opposition when the House considered the budget demands for 
Rg*. 1,10,70,000 under the head “Jails and Convicts Settlements/’ 

The Bengal Legislative Council passed the Finance Bill, 1944, The measure 
extended the operation of enhanced rates, introduced by the Bengal Finance Act, 
1943, in respect of Entertainments Tax, Totalisator Tax, Betting Tax, and 
Electricity Duty upto March 31, 1948. 

Sir Ghulam Hussain reconstituted his Ministry in Sind. 

Dr. Khan Sahib, who was received by the Governor of the North- West-Frontier, 
Sir George Cunningham, formally accepted the invitation to form a Ministry. 

15th. In the Central Legislative Assembly, during discussion of the Finance Bill, 
Mr, C* P. Lawson (European Group) dealt with the black-out regulations in 
Calcutta and commented on the difference in their application to military as 
against civilian vehicles. 

The Council of State rejected by 25 votes to 17, Haji Syed Mohamed Husainis 
^solution asking the Government to set up a committee of both houses of the 
Central Legislature, under a High Court Judge, to review the various yples pnde? 


Ordinances issued under the D. I. Act and suggest alternatives when 

The text of President Roosevelt's letter sent to Mr. SarQuel Dickstein, Chair- 
man of the House of' Representatives Immigration Committee which 
was studying the legislation on Indian Immigration, was released to the Press. 

Mr. L. S. Amery, replying to a question in the House of Commons, said : 
“It 18 not intended to detain Congress leaders indefinitely. The Government of 
India will consider their release when they are satisfied they will not prejudice 
the maintenance of law and order and the safety of India as a war base.” 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, a non-official resolution urging the immediate' 
release of all security prisoners was considered. 

His Highness the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir amended the Jammu and 
Kashmir Constitution Act. By virtue of this amendment, both the popular 
Ministers, Mr, M. Beg and Wazir Ganga Ram, appointed from amongst the 
members of the Proja Sabha, would retain their seats in the State Assembly. 

16th Orders for the release of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and eight others, inclu- 
ding four Congress members of the N. W. F. P. Assembly, were issued by 
Dr. Khan Sahib on assuming the office of Premier. 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, Sir Federick James, during the debate 
on the Finance BiH, urged that retail shops for Government employees should 
be closed down. 

Sir J. F. Srivastava, Food Member, said in the Central Assembly, that 
attempts were being made by the Provincial Governments to increase milk 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, lack of medical supplies and hospital 
arrangements as also deaith of doctors and trained nurses with reference to the 
epidemic situation in the province were stressed by different members during the 
discussion on the medical and public health budget. 

A resolution condemning Dr. Ambedkar's move “to vivisect India by forming 
a separate nation of the Scheduled Castes outside the fold of Hinduism” was 
adopted at a public meeting held at Gopalgunj (Faridpur). 

The Assam Legislative Assembly passed demands for grants — Rs. 29,35,000 and 
Rs 22,25,100 in respect of General Administration and Land Revenue respec- 
tively. The Government was criticised for “all-round corruption in the admini- 

The First Legislative Council and Representative Assembly constituted under 
the Government of Mysore Act, 1940 was dissolved. 

Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Willcox, Chairman, Army Reorganisation Committee, 
addressing members of the Central Legislature, discussed the three roles of 
Army — local defence, defence against aggression, and duties in aid of the civic 
power. He emphasised at the outset that modern army was very much 
dependent on industry for its need and, therefore, the industrial development 
of India was of great importance to the fighting services. 

I7th. In the Assam Legislative Assembly, by the casting vote of the Speaker, the 
Saadulla Ministry was saved from censure. There was a tie (39-39) over a cut 
motion criticising the motor transport organisation, particularly for the failure 
of Government to arrange passenger services to ease the transport difficulties. 

Dr. Khan Sahib and his two colleagues, Dewan B. Gandhi and Khan M. A. 
Khan wexe sworn in by the Governor of the N, W. F. P. at Peshawar. 

Khan Abdul GafFar Khan, (along with ten other security prisoners) was 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the administration of the Co-operative 
Department was criticised by several members. All opposition cut motions were 
lost without a division. 

The Sind Legislative Assembly restored the Supplementary grant of Rs. 4.08,000 
under “General Administration” which had been refused on February 24. 

The Governor-General appointed Mr. K. Sanjiva Row, Member of the 

Federal Public Service Commission, to act as Chairman during the absence on 
leave of Mr. F. W. Robertson, o.S i., C.I.E., with effect from March 20, 1945, or 
from the date thereafter on which the latter might avail himself of the leave, 

A Press Note from New Delhi said : “The Government of India have found 
it necessary to control the entry into, and exit from, India of foreign civilians by 
military aircraft under military charter, and have made some amendments in the 
Foreigners’ Order to achieve this object,” 

52 tSE INDIAN ANNtJAL REGISTER [ 1? march ’45^ 

18th. To register their protest against the Hindu Code Bill, about ten thousand 
women, including two hundred from Amritsar, gathered in the lawns of the 
Lahore Museum where the Hindu Liw Committee was recording evidence. 

At the second open sitting of the National Liberal Federation of India at 
Lahore, resolutions urging the British Government to form a National Govern- 
ment at the Centre and deploring the continuance of the political deadlock in 
India and asking the Government of India to release the members of the 
Congress Working Committee and the other Congress leade.s were adopted. 

19th. In the Central Legislative Assembly, in reply to a question' put by Mr. T. S, 

A. Ohettiar, Sir Francis Mudie Home Member, said that the members of the 
Congress Working Committee did not ask to be transferred and the decision to 
transfer them was taken by the Government of India. 

An account of the activities ol the Conciliation (Sapru) Committee was given 
by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru at a party given by the Calcutta Conciliation Group 
in Calcutta. 

The report of the Select Committee on the Income Tax Bill including one 
which provided that the relief to be given in respect of buildings and machinery 
built or installed after March 31, 1945, be fixed at one-tenth of the cost to the 
assessee of the machinery or plant. 

20tli. The Government of Madras expected a net surplus of Rs. 80,15,000 in 1945- 
46 according to the budget estimates ; Revenue was estimated at Hs. 41,25,29,000 
and Expenditure at Bs. 40,45,14,000. 

In the Sind Legislative Assembly, the Sind University Bill was referred by 
the Ministerial Party to a special committee consisting of Fir lilahi Bux, 
Education Minister, Mr. Nichaldas Vazirani, Revenue Minister, and Mr. Dialmal 

An appeal to the Viceroy to intervene and stop the cloth famine in Bengal 
was made in a joint statement by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru and Sir Jagadish 
Prasad, who visited Calcutta in connexion with the work of the Conciliation 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, questions about the attendance in the 
legislature of Congress members in detention, withdrawal of the ban on Congress 
organisations and the utility of the Publicity Department of the Government, 
were raised, when the Chief Minister moved the demand for Re. 1,80,28,000 for 
expenditure under the head “General Administration”. 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, the general debate on the Finance Bill 
was resumed. 

Mahatma Gandhi said in a special interview in Bombay: “All talk of the 
resolution of the present deadlock is useless so long as members of the Congress 
Working Committee and other Oongiess members are in detention.” 

21st. In the Central Legislative Assembly, Mr.. C, M. Trivedi, War Secretary, 
referred to Mr. 0. P. Lawson’s plea for a review of the military necessity for the 
black-out in Calcutta. 

In the Council of State, the House rejected by 24 votes to 15, Mr. Thirumal 
Rail’s resolution relating to India and the San -Francisco Conference. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, an Opposition adjournment motion criticis- 
ing the Ministry for the appointment of Mr. Syed Abdul Salim, m. n, a., as 
sole handling agent for yarn and cloth of finer counts for Dacca, was talked out. 

Mr. H. S. Suhrawardy, Civil Supplies Minister, Bengal, at a Press Conference 
in Calcutta, explained the reasons for the cloth crisis in the Province. He 
said: “It is not possible to solve the cloth problem unless supplies are adequate.” 

The Cochin Legislative Council, passed the second reading of the Cochin 
Vagrancy Bill and accepted the Select Committee report on the Preservation ol 
Eris Bill and also passed the second reading of the Cochin Arbitration Bill. ' 
Sir George Boag, Dewan President, presided. 

Dr. John Sargent, Educational Adviser, Government of India, presiding over a 
meeting in New Delhi, expressed the need for a teachers’ organisation on the 
lines of the National Council of Teachers in England to make their voice felt 
in the country. 

Mr. L. S* Amery told a Press conference in London that during Lord Wavell’s 
visit, the question of India’s constitutional and political future naturally would 
be discussed. 

It was announced that His Majesty’s Government invited His Excellency 

^26 MARCH ^45 ] CHEOIsndLE OF EVENTS 53 

Field-Marshal Viscoimt Wavell, Viceroy and Governor Geoeral of India, to 
come to London. 

22nd* In the Central Legislative Assembly, Sir Francis Mudie, Home Member, 
emphasised the point that what the Government of India and Provincial 
Governments were hoping for was some clear indication that the Congress Party 
had abandoned the method of coercing those who did not agree with them and 
paralyse the administration of the country. 

In the Council of State, Mr. H. M. Patel, Industries and Civil Supplies 
Secretary, replying to Mr. Thirumal Kau, said that there was no absolute shortage 
of cloth in Bengal. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, criticism of the organisation and working 
of the Civil Supplies Department by the Opposition, suggestions by Mr. D. 
Glading for dealing with corruption in the services and a plan for relaxation of 
lighting restrictions by Mr. E. H. Stevenson, which was endorsed by all sections 
of the House, were the features of the day’s discussion. 

Malik Barkat Ali, M. L. A., commenting on Lord Wavell’s visit to England, 
raised the plea at Lahore that India’s representatives at the San Francisco 
Conference should be leaders of the people and not merely nominees of the 

The food position in India was raised in the House of Commons by Mr. 
Sorensen. Mr. Amery replied: “The yields for 1945 cannot effectively be 
eetimated now,” 

Mr. M. A. Jinn ah, in course of a Pakistan Day message, in New Delhi, made 
an appeal to Muslims to take a solemn oath that they would not fail to make all 
sacrifices for the establishment of Pakistan. 

23rd. In the Central Legislative Assembly, Sir Azizul Haque, Commerce Member, 
dealt with the cloth situation in the country, the question of consumer goods 
import and India’s export trade. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the Bengal Government’s cloth distribu- 
tion arrangements came in for trenchant criticism. 

In the Bengal Legislative Council, a non-official motion urging strong repre- 
sentation to the Central Government to allot 18 yards of cloth per head of the 
population of the province, as bad been allotted to the Punjab, Bombay and Delhi, 
was carried. 

Sir Muhammad Saadulla proposed to form a new Cabinet in Assam. 

In the N. W. F. P. Legislative Assembly. Dr* Khan Sahib, Premier, participa- 
ting in the discussion, declared : “So long as 1 run this Government no one would 
be unfairly detained in jail.” 

The Cochin Legislative Council considered official and non-official bills and 
passed a number of supplementary grants concerning additional allotments of 
expenditure in the various departments. 

24th. In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, problem of development of handloom 
industry, rehabilitation and organisation of fishermen, improvement in the supply 
and marketing of fish in Calcutta and urban areas and strengthening ot the 
department of the Labour Commissioner, were discussed. 

Dr. Khan Saheb, the Premier, speaking in the N* W. F. P. Assembly, said : “I 
will not sit quiet until and unless by my deeds I prove to the outside world that 
corruption has been totally eradicated from this province.” 

The report of the Provincial Industries Committee presided over by Mr. P. S. 
Eau, I. C. S., Commissioner, Nagpur Division, was submitted to the Government 
of Nagpur. 

The Provincial Conference of the Bengal Jamait-ul-Ulema, adopted a number 
of resolutions on various subjects including the political situation in India. 

25th. A resolution demanding the immediate release of all political prisoners in 
India was passed unanimously at the annual conference of the National Council 
for Civil Liberties (London). 

26th. The Central Legislative Assembly resumed the general discussion on the 
Finance Bill. Sir Henry Eiehardson dwelt upon the demands which the post-war 
period would make on India’s leaders. 

Sir N. N. Sircar, former Law Member, Government of India, in a statement, 
said : “Muslims inspite of Mr. Jinnah’s assertions may not be too confident of 
getting Pakistan but they are playing their cards well. They may get the two- 

54 THE Indian annual EEGISTER [ 26 maech '45-^ 

nation theory verbally denounced but accepted in reality by securing for the 
Muslims 25 per cent, 75 per cent for non-Muslims”* 

Members of the Congress Assembly Party of Sind, in a statement, defined their 
attitude to the Hidayatiillah Ministry. 

The Rt* Hon. Sir Shadi Lai died in New Delhi at the age of 73. 

27th. In the Central Legislative Assembly, the President read a message from the 
Governor-General, recommending that the Assembly do pass the Finance Bill in 
the form in which it was originally introduced. By 57 votes to 50 the House 
refused leave to the Finance Member to re-introduce the Finance Bill. 

The Council of State passed without division Mr, Hussain Imam’s resolution 
recommending that steps be taken to help the dyeing and printing (cotton cloth) 
cottage industry and save it from unfair competition. 

A mass meeting of Indians at Maritzburg passed a vote of no-confidence on the 
Natal Indian Congress leaders. The resolution said that the leadership had had 
results disastrous to the best interests of the country. 

In the Sind Legislative Assembly, the Hidayatullah Ministry came out successful 
when the House passed the entire budget. The Congress having decided not to be 
a party to the making and unmaking of ministries, the opposition withdrew their 
one-rupee cut motion on the demand under “General Administration.” 

28th. The Bengal Legislative Assembly threw out the Agricultural Budget by 106 
votes to 97. This was the first defeat sufiered by the Nazimuddin Ministry. 

In the Council of State, the President ruled out of order an adjournment motion 
to discuss ‘‘the refusal of the Governor General to permit discussion in the 
Legislative Assembly of a resolution regarding the delegation to Ban Francisco 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, an adjournment motion as in the Council 
of State was attempted by Mr. Yusuf Abdulla Haroon, who in reply to the Chair’s 
question, stated that in refusing permission to the Assembly to discuss a resolu- 
tion regarding the San Francisco Conference, the Governor General must have acted 
with the advice of the Governor-General-in-Council. 

The Sind Legislative Assembly passed a Bill increasing the salaries of Ministers, 
the Speaker, the Deputy Speaker and Members of the Assembly. The Congress 
Party opposed the Bill. 

29th. In the House of Commons, the cloth shortage in Bengal was referred to by Mr. 
Sorensen. Mr. Amery replied : “War conditions have led to a reduction throughout 
India of the supply of cotton cloth available for civilian consumption.” 

The Council of State passed by 27 votes to 11 the motion for the consideration 
of the recommended Finance Bill and later passed the Bill without a division. 

The Bombay Budget anticipated a revenue of Rs. 2,909*19 lakhs on the basis 
that the existing taxes and levies were to be continued and provided for an ex- 
penditure of lis. 2,908*95 lakhs, leaving a revenue surplus of 0*24 lakhs. 

The 2nd supplementary budget of the Madras Government for 1944-45, included 
a number of new items of expenditure, authorised by the Governor, totalling 
approximately Rs. lOJ crores. 

In the Bengal Legislative Assembly, the Speaker (Mr. Syed Nausher Ali), hold- 
ing the view that refusal by the House of supplies demanded by the Ministry for 
a major department was unmistakable censure of the Government, declared that 
he could not allow the Ministry to function as such in the Legislature. The 
Speaker adjourned the House Bine die. 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, Dr. Ambedkar’s Bill providing for a 
ten week holiday to women miners before confinement was sent to a Select 

Mr, V. D. Savarkar cabled to Mr. L. S. Amery, expressing his opinion that no 
pact or constitution framed without consulting the Hindu Mahasabha, which 
alone represented the Hindus, could be binding on them. 

In the Sind Assembly, Mr. R. K. Sidhwa, leader of the Congress Party, made 
it clear that his party had not bargained its neutrality towards the Hidayatullah 
Ministry in return for the release of the Congressmen still in jail and the with- 
drawal of the restraint orders on those already free. 

30th. Out of 29 panels proposed to be set up to make recommendations to Govern- 
ment on the development of industries both existing and new, 25 were constituted. 
On receipt of the reports of the various panels and in consultation with Provincial 
industrial committees, the overall plan of industrial development for the country 
fox the first five years period after the war wonld be decided upon, 

-31 march »45 ] CHRONICLE OF EVENTS 55 

The Government of U, S, S. R. proposed to invite scholars from Indian Uni- 
versites to deliver a series of lectures at the leading Russian Universities on 
ancient Indian history and culture for the benefit of Soviet citizens. 

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant and Acharya Narendra 
Deo were brought to the Naini Central Jail, 

31st Mr. Jinraja Hedge tabled an adjournment motion for the Central Assembly to 
discuss Government’s failure to prevent indiscriminate and excessive lequisitioning 
of foodgrains under threat of prosecution, resulting in scarcity of food and 
enforced starvation for two days in a week in South Kanara distiict ” 

A proclamation under section 9d of the Government of India Act, 1935, was 
issued by Mr. R. G. Casey, Governor of Bengal, in a Calcutta Gazette Extra- 
ordinary, assuming the administration of the Province. 

Tne Governor of Bengal authorised the annual estimates of expenditure for 
1945-46 and also prorogued both Houses of the Legislature. 

In the Orissa Budget estimates for 1945-46, a deficit of Rs, 8,68,000 was 
revealed. The total revenue was estimated at Rs. 2,94,33,000 and expenditure at 
Rs. 3,03,01,000,— The year 1945-46 which was expected to open with an overall 
deficit of Rs. 28.000 was likely to close with an overall surplus of Rs. 75,000. 

A Be gal Press Note said : “The Government of Bengal have decided to exer- 
cise complete control over the distribution of cloth from Calcutta to the districts 
in the Province.” 

Mahatma Gandhi in a statement on the National Week observed : ‘T feel tliat 
India was never nearer the goal of the triple expectation of achieving communal 
unity, full establishment of khaddar and swaraj than now in spite of many 

5 membeis and 5 advisers of the Government of India Mission, beaded by Sir 
Akbar Hydari, Secretary of the Industries and Civil Supplies Department 
returned to Karachi after an eight week stay in the United Kingdom, where they 
discussed with His Majesty’s Government the extent to which war demands on 
India could be reduced or offset by help in other directions. 

April 1945 

The South African Indian Congress decided to send a delegation to San 

Proposals for the formation of a National Government at the Centre 
and restoration of autonomy in all the provinces were made in a resolution 
of the Conciliation Committee. 

The Government of Bengal promulgated the Bengal Mustard Oil 
Control Order, 1945. 

The Central Legislative Assembly passed Mr. Mannu Subedar’s resolu- 
tion asking for the early removal of Secs. Ill to 121 of the Government of 
India Act, 1935. 

The result of the Hydari Mission was that the relief obtained under 
the heads of steel, leather, timber, woollens, cement and cotton textiles in 
1945 was about Es. 4 crores and in 1946 about 70 crores. 

The Council of State passed 6 official Bills which had been passed 
previously by the Assembly. The Bills were to amend the Factories Act, 
1913, the Indian Merchandise Marks Act, 1941, the Indian Army Act, 
1911, the Indian Air Force Act, 1932. 

The Committee of Action of the All-India Muslim League considered 
numerous matters relating to the working of the League in the various 

The Kashmir Assembly passed the Jammu and Kashmir Children 


Mr. L. S. Amery moved in the House of Commons that the House 


should approve the India Orders (Failure of constitutional machinery) 
relating to Madras, Bombay, the U. P., 0. P. and Berar and Bihar. 

The Government of Madras decided to enhance the existing scale of 
dearness allowance to Government servants. 

Master Tara Singh, in the course of the Presidential address of the 
6th U. P. Sikh Conference, dealt with the position of the Sikh community 
in the future constitution of India, especially with reference to the Sapru 
Committee Proposals and the duty of Sikhs to the country. 

Isl. The South African Indian Congress decided to send a delegation to San 
Francisco to advise the Indian delegation on the colour question m South 
Africa, particularly the Indian question. 

Mr* V. S. Srinivasa Sasferi in a Press statement in Madras said: ‘ I consider 
it my duty to warn the public against the move of Government— to associate 
some non-official legislators as advisers at the San Fiancisco Conterenoe. 

Proposals for the formation of a National Government at the Centre and the 
restoration of autonomy in all the provinces were made in a resolution of the 
Conciliation Committee, which Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru cabled to Lord Wavell 
in London. 

The Standing Committee of the All-India Newspaper Editors* Conference 
resumed its sitting in Bombay* Mr. Kasturi Srinivasaii presided* 

The immediate release of all Indian political prisoners— leaders as well as rank 
and file of the Congress— and the withdrawal of “lawless Ordinances” were 
demanded in a lesolution passed at a meeting of a large number of Indian and 
English students of the Oxford University* 

2nd. The Bengal Administration Inquiry Committee, under the chairmanship of 
Sir Archibald Rowlands, signed its report. 

Mr, M. A. Jinnah issued a statement in New Delhi, in which he observed that 
the yapru Conciliation Committee ‘^were nothing but the hand maids of Congress 
and have played and are playing to the tune of Mr. Gandhi.” 

The Central Legislative Assembly paosed Dr. Ambedkar*s Bill to provide for 
holidays with pay for factory workers. 

The talks between representatives of the South African Indian Congress and 
the Acting Prime Minister, Mi% Hofmeyr and the Ministers of Interior and 
Welfare ended at Capetown* 

3rd. Bengal Government promulgated the Bengal Mustaid Oil Control Order, 1945. 

The 9th annual session of the All-India Kishan Sabha opened with the meeting 
of the Central Kisan Council. 

Mr, K, M. Munshi in a statement from Madras, observed ‘inter alia’: ‘‘Indian 
political progress cannot wait on Mr, Jinnah’s goodwill. Mr. Jinnah has a right 
to his own views. So have the overwhelming majority in the country, both 
Hindus and Muslims, who do not want the country to be divided* Apart from 
the political and religious creed of Akhand Hindusthan, for which I stand, 
there is no alternative to a united India either nationally or internationally,” 

4th, The Government of India’s short term wartime road transport policy as 
well as its larger post-war transport policy were explained in a statement made 
in the Assembly by the War Transport Member, Sir Edward Benthall. He was 
resubmitting before the House the demand of Ks. 32 lakhs which had been 
rejected on a cut motion during the debate on the Railway Budget grants 
eailier m the session. 

The Assembly passed without a division, Mr. Mannii Subedar’s resolution asking 
for the early removal of secs. Ill to I2l of the Government of India Act, 1935, 
These sections rela^ to commercial safeguards. 

In consequence oT the operation of sec, 65 of the Government of India Act, in 
Bengal, by the proclamation made by H. E. Mr. R. G. Casey under sec. 93 of 
the same Act, taking over the administration in his own hands, the Speaker and 
the Deputy Speaker of the Bengal Assembly and the President and the Deputy 
President of the Bengal Council, would not be entitled to draw their salaries 
from March 31, 1945. 

An appeal signed by 99 well-known British women and sent to the Prime 
Minister, Mr* Churchill, Mr. Amery and Lord Wavell, said : “The political 
deadlock in India and the continued imprisonment of many of its national 
leaders assume added significence in the light of the development in the Far 
East and the coming conference of Ban Francisco. 


5th. In the Central Legislative Assembly, Sir Jeremy Raisman, Finance Member, 
informed the House that there was no reduction or suspension of salt concessions 
granted under the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, The question of the revision of the war 
allowance granted to Government servants was under the consideration of the 

An interim scheme for the distribution of mill-made cloth in Bengal on a 
ration basis was outlined by Mr. W. S. C. Tully, Director General of Consumer 
Goods, Civil Supplies Department. 

The Central Assembly resumed the debate on Mr. M. A* Kazimi’s motion for 
reference to a select committee of his Bill seeking to insert a new clause after 
section 93 of the Indian Penal Code. 

Sir Firoze Khan Noon, Defence Member of the Governor-GeoeraPs Council, 
speaking at the Empire Conference in London, said : “We are here to represent 
India and not His Majesty’s Government and we are going to San Francisco 
also to represent India and not His Majesty’s Government.” 

Allama Mashriqi, the Khaksar leader, sent a cable “as a spokesman, speaking 
on behalf of 297 million Indians of all denominations” to Mr. Churchill, Mr* 
Amery and Lord Waveil in London, stating that he was drafting a constitution 
acceptable to all parties in India* 

6th* The Sapru Committee cabled a resolution to Lord Waveil and Mr* Amery 
recommending that no recruitment of non-Indian personnel to the I. O, S., the 
I. P., or similar services be made by the Secretary of State, “because recruits of 
the required competence are available in this country and the recruitment of 
non-Indians would prejudicially affect the working of India’s future 

In the Central Legislative Assembly, the President ruled out of order an 
adjournment motion attempted by Maulvi Abdul Ghani to discuss the “wrong 
intormation” given to the House by the Food Member on April 4, 1945 and the 
Food Member’s refusal to verify his statement when its correctness was' 

In the Council of State, the President ruled out of order two adjournment 
motions tabled by Mr. P. N. Sapru. 

Mahatma Gandhi, addressing the prayer meeting in Bombay, said that the 
only way to achieve freedom was through the Constructive Programme. Some 
people, he added, talked of the pailiamentary methods. He did not want to 
mention that name. He wanted to forget the parliamentary method. 

The result of the Hydari Mission, summarised m an official statement, was 
that the relief obtained under the heads steel, leather, timber, woollen, cement 
and cotton textiles in 1945 was about Es, 4 crores and in 1946 about 70 crores* 

In the Central Assembly, Sir Jeremy Raisman, Finance Member, moved that 
the Bill to consolidate and amend the law relating to banking companies be 
referred to a Select Committee 

Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit declared in an address at Baltimore, that World 
War III might be brewing in the Pacific, unless a solution was found for the 
colonial question. 

7th. At a Press conference in Hyderabad (Dn), Mr. C. A. Rebello, Textile 
Commissioner, Nizam’s Government and British administered areas, said that 
though a certain degree of cloth and yarn shortage did exist it was not so bad 
in Hyderabad as in other parts of the country because of the arrangements 
made by the State control authorities to distribute whatever was available as 
evenly as possible through the Dominions in accordance with the normal 
requirements in former times. 

8th. Mr. S. S. Mirjakar, Vice-President of the All-India Trade Union Congress 
and a member of the Textile Control Board at an informal meeting of Pressmen 
in Madras, urged the need of reconstituting the Textile Control Board providing 
for a larger share of representation to consumers and workers. 

Dr. Prafulla Chandra Ghosh, Member ot the Congress Working Committee 
in a statement to the Press in Bombay said that the acceptance of Ministry in the 
Frontier Province did not mean any reversal of the Congress policy. 

The Conciliation Committee which met m New Delhi, under the presidency of Sir 
Tej Bahadur Sapru, concluded their final session and passed unanimously fifteen 
resolutions which together gave a picture of what they thought should form 
the broad basis of the future constitution of India, 



The Delhi Political Prisoners’ Eelief Conference was held on Gandhi grounds 
(New Delhi), Mr. Sri Prakasa presided. 

The Et. Hon. V. S. Srinivas Sastri in a statement in Madras, said ; “India’s 
dignity, her war services and her future position in the East— all require that 
her people should choose their own Government at once and that that Government 
should choose its delegation whether at San Francisco or at future conferences.” 

9th. In the Central Legislative Assembly, the Chair stated that the Governor General 
has disallowed Nawab Siddique Ali Khan’s adjournment motion to discuss 
“the gross and deliberate misrepresentation at the Empire Conference of India’s 
present constitutional position by Sir Firoz Khan Noon, one of the representatives 
of the Government of India to the San Francisco Conference, in stating that, 
he and his colleague represented India, whereas the fact is that the people of 
India had no say whatsoever in their selection as delegate to the Ban Francisco 
Conference.” The Governor General declared that this motion c mid not be 
moved without detriment to public interest. 

Mr. K. M. Munshi in a statement in Madras, said : “The Sapru Committee’s 
recommendations present a highly workable solution of the Indian deadlock.’' 

Protesting against the Sapru Committee’s proposals, Bir N. N. Sarcar, ex- Law 
Member, Government of India, Mr. N. C. Ohatterjee, Vice-President, All-India 
Hindu Mahasabha, and 13 other Hindu leaders of Bengal in a joint statement 
said that they were opposed to the recommendation of the Committee for parity 
of representation as between Hindus and Muslims in the Central Executive, 
the Central Legislature and the constitution-making body. To reduce a majority 
to a minority was so preposterous, unjust and undemocratic that time need not 
be wasted over demonstrating its inequity. 

The Central Assembly resumed the debate on Sir Jeremy Eaisman’s motion 
for reference to a Select Committee of the Banking Bill. 

A joint meeting of the Sind League leaders and the Ministers held at 
Hyderabad (Sind) discussed the future policy and programme of the 
Hidayatullah Ministry. 

10th. Dr. M. E. Jayakar and Sir Jagadish Prasad, members of the Sapru 
Committee, when they met Mahatma Gandhi in Bombay, communicated to him 
what were considered in political circles to be the reactions of Whitehall to the 
Sapru Committee’s recommendations. 

Eleven members of the Central Assembly and the Council of State issued a 
statement urging the need for scrutiny of India’s defence expenditure by leaders 
of the Opposition parties. 

The Central Legislative Assembly resumed the debate on Sir Jeremy 
Eaisman’s motion for reference to the Select Committee of the Banking Bill. 

11th. In the Central Legislative Assembly. Mr. Kailash Beharilal attempted to 
move an adjournment motion to discuss the “conduct of Mr. Le Bailly Deputv 
Commissioner, Delhi, as President of the Delhi Municipal Committee in indulg- 
ing in utterly uncalled for and provocative action in tearing into pieces a copy 
of the resolution on Chimur and Ashti riot case convicts which was handed 
to him personally by the retiring Vice-President at the last meeting of the 

In the Council of State, the President ruled out of order two adjournment 
motions to discuss the statement made by Sir Firoz Khan Noon in London 
that in practice India was a Dominion and would be represented at San Francisco 
as a Sovereign State* 

The Oentral Assembly agreed to refer to a Select.Gommittee the Finance 
Member’s Bill to consolidate and amend the law relating to banking comnanies 
It also passed Dr Ambedkar’s Bill to amend the Mines Maternity Benefit Act’ 
as reported by a Select Committee. ’ 

T^e Council of Sj^e passed six official Bills which had previously been passed 
by the Assembly, ^e Bille were to amend the Factories Act, 1934 ; the Indian 
Companies Act, 1913 ; the Indian Merchandise Marks (Amendment) Act mi • 
the Indian Army Act, 1911 ; the Indian Air Force Act, 1932 ; and the Bill to 
repeal certain enactments and to amend certain other enactments. 

The Central Legielative Assembly resumed discussion on the War Transnort 
Member’s Supplementary demand for Rs. 82 lakhs to meet miscellaneoue 

In the Council of State, the War Transport Secretary stated in reply to Mr 
Narayandae Qirdhardas, that increase m the price of black market j^trol iA 


Delhi suggested that illicit petrol was more difficult to obtain and that Govern- 
ment’s attempts to prevent leakages into the black market were producing some 

Ailama Mashriqui, the Khaksar leader, commenting on the Sapru report, 
said : “The question of Pakistan has been very badly handled and not even 
Mr. Gandhi will agree with the Committee on that question. Pakistan is now 
too far advanced to be ignored or bypassed, and whatever its merits or demerits, 
it has got to be dealt with in accordance with current sentiments.” 

The Central Assembly agreed by 49 votes to 10 to Sir Edward BenthalPs 
Supplementary demands for Es. 82 lakhs for running motor services to relieve 
congestion on railways* 

Mr* Amery, when asked by Mr* Sorensen, in the House of Commons, if the 
proposals made by representative Indians to Lord Wavell and the British 
Government were being sympathetically Jconsidered, replied that they were. — 

Mr. Amery added that no decision had been reached on the question of the 
release of Congress leaders, which, Mr. Sorensen said, the concensus of Indian 
opinion favoured* 

13th, “Jalianwallah Bagh Day” was observed in Delhi by holding a mass meeting 
under the auspices of the Delhi Congress Organising Committee* 

9 members of the Central Legislature issued a statement on the Sapru 
Committee Eeport. 

14th. In the Council of State, Mr. Hossain Imam, leader of the Muslim League 
Party, sought to move an adjournment motion to discuss the question of “the 
instructions issued by the Government of India to the Bengal Government for 
the purchase of cloth in Calcutta for export to China”. Mr. Hossain Imam 
withdrew his motion after hearing Sir Akbar Hydari’s statement* 

15th. Mr. 0. E. Srinivasan, presiding over the Tanjore District Delta Mirasdars’ 
Conference, held at Mayavaram, expressed opposition to the Agricultural 
Income-tax Bill. 

Mr. Yusuff Sait, presenting the annual report of the working of the Southern 
India Chamber of Commerce, at its annual meeting in Madias, made a strong 
plea for the removal of control on the economic life of the people by increasing 
the local supply of goods and services. 

16th. Inaugurating the Madras District Fourth Circle Third Political Conference, 
Mr. Nagindas Master, ex-Mayor of Bombay, said that there was no justification 
whatever for the existence of a spirit of defeatism in the country and for the 
belief that the country had lost ground. 

Mr. K, M. Munshi, inaugurating a branch of the Arya Sainaj|ia Chintadripet, 
paid a tribute to its founder Dayananda Saraswati, and urged the need for 
revitalising Hinduism as a modern force so that they could take their legitimate 
place in the forefront of modern nations. 

The Committee of Action of the All-India Muslim ^League concluded a three 
day session during which they considered numerous matters relating to the day- 
to-day working of the League Organisation in the various Provinces* 

The State (Kashmir) Assembly passed the Jammu and Kashmir children 
(Pledging of Labour) Bill* 

Mahatma Gandhi’s views on the caste system as expressed in his earlier 
writings were re-stated by him in the course of a reply to a series of questions 
sent to him by' a friend together with extracts taken out from the Mahatma’s 
own writings. 

17th. Bengal’s cloth supply position with particular reference to the per capita 
allotment for the province was discussed by Mr. Vellodi, Textile Commissioner, 
Government of India, with representatives of the various Chambers of Commerce 
and associations connected with the cloth and yarn trade in Calcutta. 

A large number of Indian sweetmeat shops closed as a protest against the 
reduction in the sugar quota allotted to the manufacturing industry. 

Viscount Cranbourne, the Dominions Secretary disclosed in the House of 
Lords that at the talks between the Empire delegates principles such as that of 
no imprisonment without trial, were discassed. 

Khan Abdul GhafiTar Khan, addressing a meeting in New Delhi, said that he 
was entirely for acceptance of office. He said: “I want Government with power 
and not a Government without any real power’'. 

IStb, The House of Lords formally approved the continuance in force of the 


Proclamations made in 1939 under the Government of India Act, 1935, the 
Governors of the provinces of Madras, Bombay, United Provinces, Central 
Provinces, and Bihar for continuance of their legal authority* 

19th. Mr. Greenwood, Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, asked Mr. Churchill in 
the Commons whether it would be possible to have a discussion on India at 
some proper time. He did not want it on the motions which were to be taken 
to approve the continuance in force of the Proclamations made under the 
Government of India Act, 1935, and suggested that they should be taken formally. 

Mr. Churchill replied that if Mr. Greenwood was in a position to guarantee 
that the Indian proclamation order would be taken formally, Government would 
appreciate it. 

20th. Mr. Amery, moving that the House of Commons should approve the India 
{Failure of Constitutional Machinery) Orders relating to Madras, Bombay, the 
U. P., 0. P., & Berar, and Bihar said that their purpose was to extend 
the authority of the Commons for another year in regard to the system of 
direct rule in these provinces — a rule which came about in circumstances with 
which the House was familiar. 

Eepresentations were made by the Natal Indian Congress for employment of 
Indian clerks in post offices in predominantly Indian areas and Indian artisans 
in (Government works and housing schemes, particularly those intended for 

21st. Increased dearness allowance to Central Government servants, other than 
railway emplo^^ees, was announced in New Dtlhi. 

New distinctions for the 11th Sikh Regiment fighting in Italy were announced 
in a Press Note. 

Two meetings were held in Bombay to celebrate the seventh death anniversary 
of the poet and thinker, Dr. Iqbal. 

Dr Syed Mahmud, presiding at the All-Frontier Political Conference at 
Peshawar, said the British statesmen would make a great blunder if they did not 
settle the Indian problem to the satisfaction of Indians* 

22nd. A transition from the pre-war policy of laissez faire industrialisation of 
India was announced in a statement issued by the Government of India on their 
future industrial policy. 

The Government: of Madras decided to enhance the existing scale of dearness 
allowance to Government servants. 

At a Press conference in Calcutta, , Mr. M. K. Vellodi, Textile Commissioner 
with the Government of India, said: '‘To describe the existing state of supply 
of cloth or yarn in Bengal as a famine is unwarranted by facts and is indeed a 
gross exaggeration.” 

23rd. The Government of Indians statement of policy; on industrialisation promoted 
widespread interest in British political and industrial circles* 

24th, Mr, Mohamed Rafique, presiding at the annual meeting of the Calcutta 
Muslim Chamber of Commerce, urged comprehensive industrialisation as a prime 
national necessity for India. 

His Highness bir Ishwari Singhji Bahadur, Maharao Raja of Bundi State, 
passed away after a long illness. ' 

25th, Sir Ardeshir Dalai, Member for Planning, Government of India, in an inter- 
view in Bombay, cleared some misunderstandings caused by the publication, in a 
summary form, of the Government of India’s Communique on industrial policy. 
This ought to be cleared, said Sir Ardeshir, by a perusal of the full text. 

Mr. R. A. Khedgiker, member of the All-India Trade Union Congress delega- 
tion to the World Trade Uuion Congress held in London, in an interview in 
Bombay, expressed the view that the British Press, with one or two exceptions, 
completely ignored all news coming from India, but that the vast majority of 
the people in Great Britain were in favour of granting complete independence 
to India at the earliest opportunity. 

Dr. JIfaan Saheb, Premier of N, w. f. p., in an interview at Peshawar said 
that he had given no assurance to the Governor to support the war effort nor 
was any such assurance asked for. 

26th. The Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha decided to observe 
May, 10 as “Independence Day*’. 

JProblems relating to Government’s post'-war industrial policy in the light of 


the principles enunciated in the communique on the subject were discussed by 
the Committee of the Indian Merchants Chamber with Sir Ardeshir Dalai, 
Member for Planning <& Development. 

Mr. Amery, replying to a question in the Gommons, said that the status of 
India at the San Francisco Conference was the same as that of the other 
United Nations taking part. 

27th. Mr. B. Mukherjee, Deputy Secretary, Supply and Transport Department, 
Government of Orissa, at a press conference at Cuttack, said that rationing of 
dhoties, saries and some finer qualities of cloth would be introduced in Orissa 
on the completion of preliminary arrangements. 

28th. The Government of Bladras reviewed the scheme of dearness allowance to 
their servants and came to the conclusiou that the rates sanctioned in April 1944 
needed enhancement. 

Sir Ardeshir Dalai, speaking at a tea party given in his honour by the All- 
India Muslim Chamber of Commerce in Bombay, said that Government proposed 
to establish shortly a machinery for the protection of industries started during 

Mr. Eavi Narayan Reddi, in the course of bis presidential address at the 12th 
session of the Hyderabad State Andhra Conference, observed: “It is a pity that the 
political situation in our State is far from satisfactory. Corruption has become 
rampant, richmen and landlords are evading their duty of contributing to the 
revenue of the State and this heavy task has fallen on the shoulders of the 

poor ryot. Cloth shortage is on the increase, Yarn is not available, Famine 

has begun its death dance in many parts of the State,’* 

Sir Jogendra Singh, Member, Viceroy’s Executive Council, addressing the 
annual meeting of the Indian Chamber of Commerce at Lahore, said: **It is 
under the sheltering wings of a United India that the communities can prosper 
and move forward to mould the future and secure the Foui Fieedoms which is 
the goal of all nations.” 

29th. Talk of Lord Wavell threatening to resign over the failure of the British 
Government to revise their Indian policy was reported by the political correspon- 
dent of ReynoWs News, 

Dr. Syed Mahmud, in an interview at Peshawar, said: *T am impressed by 
seeing the Frontier Mussalmans so much wedded to our freedom movement.” 

Master Tara Singh, in the course of his presidential address of the sixth U. P. 
Conference at Cawnpore, dealt with the position of the Sikh community in the 
future constitution of India, especially with reference to the Sapru Committee 
proposals and the duty of the Sikhs to the country. 

30th. Na^ab Mohammad Ismail Khan, Chairman of the Committee of Action, 
All-India Muslim League, said at Lucknow: “The political deadlock which 
unfortunately exists today can only be overcome and resolved if the two most 
important political organisations in the country, namely, the Congress and the 
Muslim League, agree on the essentials of the future constitution and the 
interim arrangements.” 

Sir Badridas Goeiika, President, Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce 
and Industry, in the course of a statement on the Government of India’s future 
industrial policy, pointed out certain essential pre-requisites for the achievement 
of the objectives which were set forth, 

May 1945 

The war ended in Europe, with the unconditional surrender of 

Mr. N. M. Joshi, labour leader, made an appeal to the workers of 
India to unite solidly under the banner of the All-India Trade Union 

Mr. Price suggested in the House of Commons, a bill for the reform 
of the land system in India, especially in Bengal along the lines of the 
recommendations of the Floud Commission. 

Mr. B. Sorensen raisedr the question of epidemics in Bengal, in the 


House of Commons. Mr. Amery replied : “The incidence of cholera in 
Bengal as a whole has during the past year been below normal.” 

The Governor General-in-Oounoil appointed Mr. P. 0. Mathew, I. 0. S., 
as Agent of the Government of India in Ceylon. 

Sardar Lakhbir Singh, at the Frontier Akali Conference at Peshawar, 
said : “The entire Sikh community is with the Congress as far as the 
<luestion of Independence of India and the welfare of the country is 

The Bengal Famine Enquiry Commission presided over by Sir John 
Woodhead observed inter alia : “A million and a half of the poor of Bengal 
fell victim to circumstances for which the^ themselves were not responsible 

It has been reckoned that the amount of unusual profits made on 

buying and selling of rice during 1943 was Bs. 150 crores. 

The Secretary of State for India sent a Victory Day message to 
the Viceroy- 

The Eeport on the Administration of the Mysore State for the year 
ending June 30, 1944 revealed an all-round progress- 

The Government of India prepared and forwarded to the Provincial 
Governments, a unified scheme of social security for industrial workers. 

Victory Day was celebrated in New Delhi, Bombay, Madras, Calcutta 
and in the other parts of India. 

The Earl of Scarborough was appointed Under Secretary of State for 
India in Mr. Churchills “caretaker” Government. He replaced the Earl 
of Listowel. 

iBt. Mr. N. M. Joshi, M. L. a. (Central) labour leader, addressing the May Day 
rally of workers held in Bombay, made an appeal to the workers of India to 
unite solidly under the banner of the All-India Trade Union Congress which 
alone could protect their rights and interests. 

The Government of India had under consideration the form that an Indian 
National War Memorial should take. 

Sir J. P. Srivastava, Food Member, Government of India, addressing the first 
meeting of the panel of scientists formed to advise the Food Department on 
food technology, stressed the need for a, full fledged food industry in India with 
its tropical and in some parts, humid climate* 

A survey of the advantages and shortcomings of the Indian Legislature in 
war time was given by Sir Frederick James, Member of the Legislative Assembly 
at a meeting of the East India Association in London. 

When Mr. Price suggested in the House of Commons, that Mr. Amery should 
consider introducing into the Central Legislature a bill for the reform of the 
landsystem in India, especially in Bengal, along the lines of the recommendations 
of the Floud Commission, Mr, Amery replied : “Legislation ajffecting the land 
tenure is, under the Government of India Act, 1935, a matter for the provincial 

2iid. Sir Feroz Khan Noon, Member of the Indian delegation to the San Francisco 
Conference, claiming that Mahatma Gandhi’s politics were 50 years out of date 
and that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru would be an excellent successor to him, 
asserted that Mahatma Gandhi would be doing a great service to the country if 
he retired in favour of a younger man. 

The Committee of the Indian Merchants’ Chamber, Bombay, in the course of a 
statement of the participation by foreign capital in Indian industrialisation, 
said: “India would prefer to go without industrial development rather than 
allow the creation of new East India Companies in this country, which would 
not only jeopardise her economic independence, but would also effectively 
prevent her from acquiring her political freedom.” 

3rd. In the House of Commons, Mr. B. Sorensen raised the question of epidemics 
in Bengal. He wanted to know its extent and nature with particular reference 
to cholera, how far Calcutta was affected and what measures were being taken to 
deal with it— Mr. Amery replied i “The incidence of cholera in Bengal ae « whole 


has during the past year been below normal, but I have seen recent reports of a 
cholera epidemic in Calcutta, and have asked the authorities for a report* 
Smali-pox has been not very greatly above normal and very much below the 
corresponding figure for last year. Malaria, which has been for some time 
above average, has recently been showing a downward trend.” 

Mr. Amery told Mr. Thomas Fraser that famine conditions did not obtain in 
Malabar and Northern Circars. 

Mr, Amery told Viscount Hinchingbrooke that none of the 200 members of 
the Central Legislature was serving terms of imprisonment. One member of 
the Council of State and three members of the Legislative Assembly were under 

A deputation to the Secretary of State for India, Mr. Amery, to convey to him 
the terms of the resolution approved at the annual conference of the British Party 
was officially announced by the Party. 

4th. Mrs. Pandit, on behalf of the India League of America and the National Com- 
mittee for India’s freedom, submitted to the San Francisco Conference a memo- 
randum calling for an immediate declaration of India’s independence. 

An oflTer to Sir Firoz Khan Noon that he would give his hearty co-operation if 
Sir Firoz would ask his Government, on pain of resignation, to release Pandit 
Nehru and his fellow prisoners, thus enabling Sir Firoz to fulfil his wish, was 
made by Mahatma Gandhi in a statement on the suggestion that he should retire 
in favour of Pandit Nehru. 

The Governor General in Council appointed Mr, P. C. Mathew, i, o. s., aa 
Agent of the Government of India in Ceylon, with eflect from Apiil 9, 1945. 

Viscount Cranbouxne, British Dominions Secretary, when out-lining to the 
Press the United Kingdom draft of the charter on territorial trusteeship for in- 
clusion in the United Nations* Charter, made it clear that it was not intended to 
place India under trusteeship. 

The Director General of U. N. E. E. A., Mr. Herbert Lehman, announced that 
the Government of India, with the approval of the Legislature, agreed to contri- 
bute more than Es. 8 crores to U. N. E. E. A. Notice of this was given to U, N. 
E. E. A. in Washington by Sir Girija Shankar Bajpai, Agent General for India. 

5th. Sir Ardeshir Dalai, Planning Member of the Government of India, explaining 
the object of his visit, in London, said : ‘T am here to consider various problems 
of future tiade and business relations between Ii»dia «nd Briiaiu. I shall in- 
vestigate the possibilities of securing capital goods from this country and examine 
the facilities here for training Indian students and technicians.'’ 

Sir Firoz Khan Noon, commenting on Mahatma Gandhi’s statement that he 
would co-operate with Sir Firoz Khan Noon’s wish that he should retire in favour 
of Pandit Nehru if Sir Firoz Khan asked the Government of India to release 
Pandit Nehru, said ; ‘Tf Mr. Gandhi thinks my suggestion for his retirement in 
favour of Pandit Nehru ia good on merits, I cannot understand a great man like 
Mr. Gandhi laying down conditions before he does a good deed.” 

Mr. N. M. Joshi, General Secretary of the All-India Trade Union Congress, in 
an interview in Bombay, expressed the view-point of labour on the Government of 
India’s declaration regarding post-war industrial policy. 

Sardar Lakhbir Singh, President of the Eeception Committee in his welcome 
address at the Frontier Akali Conference which opened at Peshawar, said : “The 
entire Sikh community is with the Congress as far as the question of independence 
of India and the welfare of the country is concerned.”. 

6tti. Indian seamen and workers were present at May Day celebration at the Indian 
Workers’ Centre in London, Mr. S, Quershi, Secretary of the Centre, said : “We 
rejoice at the victory of the Eed Army, the army of liberation. We hope one day 
this gallant army will crush Imperialism as it crushed Fascism on the continent." 

Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani, presiding over the open session of the Jamait 
ul-Ulema-i-Hind at Sabaranpur, put forth a strong demand for the formation of 
a National Government at the Centre” 

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, addressing the Scheduled Castes’ Federation in Bombay, 
suggested a new approach to the communal problem and put forward a new 
solution which, he claimed, was better than Pakistan. 

7tli. Germany surrendered unconditionally to the Allies. The war in Europe ended. 

The Bengal Famine Enquiry Commission, presided over by Sir John Wood- 
head, in their report released for publication from New Delhi, observed : “It has 
been for us a sad task to inquire into the course and causes of the Bengal famine. 


We have been haunted by a deep sense of trap;edy, A million and a half of the 
poor of Bengal fell victim to circumstances for which they themselves were not 
responsible. Society, together with its organs, failed to protect its weaker members. 
Indeed there was a moral and social breakdown, as well as an administrative 

“It has been reckoned that the amount of unusual profits made on the buying 
and selling of rice during 1943 was Bs. 150 crores. Thus every death in the famine 
was balanced by roughly Rs 1,000 excess profit.” 

Mahatma Gandhi said at Mahabaleswar : “My only advice to you is to go to 
your own neighbouring villages and serve the villagers there. ..Learn Hindusthani, 

either in the Devanagri or in Urdu Script and teach the same to them No 

speeches are required but there is the necessity for actual service through work.” 

8th. A Press Note from the Viceroy’s House, New Delhi stated ; “The Secretary of 
State for India, Mr. L. S. Amery sent the following V-Day message to the Vice- 
roy : ‘‘After 5i years bitter conflict, complete victory over our enemies in Europe 
has been achieved. At this great moment in history, I send to the princes and 
people of India, profound and grateful thanks of H. M. G. for all that India has 
done in this long struggle. The valour and deeds of the Indian Army have been 
beyond all praise. ‘The Royal Indian Navy has taken its parts in this victory. 
Nor must we ever forget the work of the Indian merchant seamen who, through 
dangers, have toiled to maintain the traffic of the sea.” 

9th. The statement by M. Molotov, at a press conference, that a special organisation 
of the United Nations should expedite the realisation of principles of equality and 
self determination of nations, raised interest among Congress Indians in San 

The Report on the Administration of the Mysore State for the year ending June 
30, 1944, revealed an all-round progress. The position of the State’s finances was 
very sound. 

Sir Sultan Ahmed, Information Member, in a radio talk from New Delhi, dwelt 
on India’s magnificent contributions in men and materials to the war effort of the 
United Nations and claimed that India deserved to be formally recognised as a 
free and equal partner in the British Commonwealth of Nations. 

Mr. Biswanath Das, former Congress Premier of Orissa, in an interview, said 
that there was no intention on the part of the Congress to form a Ministry so long 
as th Indian political deadlock lasted. The case of the N. W. F. P., he said, 
was different. 

10th. Mr. M. S. Aney, Agent of the Government of India in Ceylon, speaking at 
Poona, made an appeal to his countrymen to be alert to fight for the safeguards 
and interests of their brethren in Ceylon. 

11th. The Government in an Order, made a consolidated statement on the educa- 
tional concessions to the children and dependents of Defence Services personnel. 

Swami Sahajananda, President of the All-India Kishan Sabha, addressing the 
12th session of the Bihar Provincial Kishan Sabha at Patna, referred to what he 
described as the “Communist revolt” within the Kishan Sabha Organisation. 

It was announced from New Delhi : “The Government of India are setting up 
a co-ordinated organisation to deal with the resettlement and re-employment in 
civil life of demobilised members of the defence services and discharged war 

12th. The Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha» at its meeting in 
Calcutta, adopted a resolution expressing satisfaction at the termination of the 
War in Europe, but adding that until India was declared independent, she could 
not wholeheartedly participate in the Victory celebration. 

The 35th annual session of the Madras Provincial Educational Conference re- 
assembled at Calicut, Dr. B. V. N. Naidu presided. 

The Government of India prepared and forwarded to the Provincial 
Governments, a unified scheme of social security for industrial workers covering 
health, insurance, maternity benefit and employment injury. On receipt of replies 
from the Provincial Governments, the question of introducing a Bill in the Assem- 
bly to carry out the scheme would be considered. 

13th. “The last chapter in the war will be written in the East and the women in 
India have a great part to play,*’ observed Mrs. Casey in a Press statement in 
which she referred to the long and faithful service of Indian and British women 
workers in Bengal since the outbreak of war in Europe. 


The Working Committee of the All India Hindu Mahasabha demanded (in 
Calcutta) the immediate release of all political prisoners— detenus and others* 
Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee presided. 

Mahatma Gandhi, in a letter to Mian Ifdkbaruddin, President of the Punjab 
Provincial Committee, said that so long as the Congress was an unlawful organi* 
satioD, there could be no Congress candidate for any by-election. 

The close ties between India and Ceylon, cultural, industrial, economic and 
political, which subsisted in the past and which “cannot but become strengthened 
in the future” was emphasised by Indian Congressmen addressing the Ceylon 
Indian Congress on the concluding day of its annual session. The speakers also 
stressed that the salvation of both the countries lay in struggling together for 
freedom from foreign domination under which both were now suffering. 

After referring to Ceylon’s cultural and spiritual heritage from India, Dr. Syed 
Mahmud said that India was determined to get its freedom at all costs. 

14th, Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit declared at California that the new ties forged 
between America and India would help the solution not only of India’s problem, 
but the problem of colonial possessions everywhere. 

The Bengal Administrative Inquiry Committee, presided over by Sir Archibald 
Rowlands, remarked : No one, least of all, those who have to operate it, would 
claim that the administrative machine in Bengal is adequate for the tasks which 
confront it, still less for the greater tasks that lie ahead.”— The Committee, 
which reviewed the whole field of administrative machinery in Bengal, made a 
number of proposals for improving the existing system. 

Sir Ardesbir Dalai, in an interview in London, stated: “The possibility that 
British Capital will infiltrate into the floating and management of Indian 
industries cannot be ignored.” 

Victory Day was celebrated in New Delhi, Madras, Bombay, Calcutta and in 
the other parts of India. 

Mr. M. N. Roy, addressing the session of the Central Political Council of the 
Radical Democratic Party in Delhi, declared : “No other organised force, including 
the established Government of this country, is more entitled than the Radical 
Democratic Party to celebrate this victory.” ^ 

15th. An appeal for a broad and just consideration of the Indian problem in 
Natal was made by Administrator D, E. Mitchell to the Provincial Council at 
Maritzburg. He said nothing should be done to jeopardise the solution of the 
problem which had national and international considerations. 

A note of warning with regard to the probable repercussions which would be 
created in the employment market after the cessation of hostilities, was sounded 
in the reports of the Appointments and information Board of the Calcutta 
University for the years 1942-44. 

16th. In the House Commons, Mr, Amery received a deputation of some 
members of the Labour Party Executive Committee headed by Prof. Harold 
Laski, Vice-chairman of the National Executive Committee. — The deputation 
presented to Mr, Amery the resolution on India which were adopted by 
the annual conference of the Party in December 1944 

An India Book League on the lines of those existing in some other lands was 
formed for the first time in India with Lahore as headquarters. 

Sir A. Ramaswami Mudaliar, leader of the Indian delegation to the San 
Francisco Conference in a speech before the San Francisco International Centre, 
declared : “On an equal level of importance with the political functions of the 
world organisation will be its functions in the sphere of economic and social 
development throughout the world.” 

Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit criticised at San Francisco Sir Edward Stettinus, 
the United States Secretary of State for the statement on the future of dependent 
peoples, declaring that by it “the Secretary of State has given the imperialistic 
powers a convenient excuse to hold people in submission.” 

17th. Sir William Barton, former Resident in Baroda, Mysore and Hyderabad, 
speaking in London, declared : “Indian States would be reluctant to conclude 
with British India an agreement that might in any way impede British co- 
operation in their economic development.” 

Mahatma Gandhi, whose advice regarding the formation of a Congress 
Ministry in the Central Provinces was sought by Mrs. Anusuyabai Kale, Deputy 
Speaker of the Assembly, Mr, P. B. Gole and Mr. V. Kalappa in Mahabaleswar, 


6Q the INDIAN ANNUAL EEGISTEE [ 17 max ’ 45 — 

advised them not to take such a step so long as the members of the Congress 
Working Committee were in Jail. 

18th Mrs. Pandit sent the following cable to the British Labour Party conference in 
Lancashire : “The Indian people have lost confidence completely in the present 
British Government. If existing conditions continued they will also lose faith in 
British Nation. British Labour can help to save the situation if true to its 
own ideal of democracy, it takes steps to end the deadlock by release of untried 
political prisoners. Thus alone is any constructive amelioration of the 

situation possible.” ^ ^ ^ • u 

Strong Opposition to the proposed levy of a tax on agricultural incomes by the 

Government of Madras was voiced by several prominent publicists at a meeting 
held under the auspices of the National Liberal Federation at Mylapore. Sir 
N, Gopalaswami Iyengar presided. „ ^ ^ ^ 

In an open letter addressed to Dr. B. E. Ambedkar, Labour Member, Government 
of India, the members of the D. P. Sweepers’ Panchayat accused Dr. Ambedkar 
of carelessness and unsympathetic attitude towards the sweeper community.” 

In the fourth report of the Select Committee on British expenditure in India, 
issued as White Paper, the Committee stated that they were unable to examine 
British expenditure in India in any detail and had to content themselves with 
the broadest survey of facts that were ascertainable from responsible departments 
in Britain, 

19th. Mr. H. S. L. Polak, Secretary of the India Overseas Association referred to 
the problem of feeding India’s evergrowing population. 

A number of M. P.’s in an open letter on India written to the Prime 
Minister Mr. Ohuichill and the Secretary of State for India Mr. Amery, said : 
“Without a satisfactory solution of the Indian problem, British moral influence 
is unlikely to prove effective in the security organisation. 

20th. Dr. B. E. Ambedkar, Labour Member, Government of India, explaining his 
plan for the solution of the communal problem at a social gathering in Bombay, 
said that there was no dispute about the future constitution of India except for 
the communal questions. 

Pandit Kunziu, who arrived in British Guiana on May, 10, was welcomed 
by the Indian community at the Town Hall, George Town, and accorded a civic 
reception at New Amsterdam. 

Mr. M. A. Jinnah, at Matheran, called upon the Muslims of India to make 
redoubled efforts to remove the educational backwardness of the community 
80 as to keep it abreast of other nations in the matter of educational progress. 

21st. A Provisional Committee of Congress workers with Lala Onkar Nath as 
President and Mr. Ved Prakash Khanna as Secretary was formed in New Delhi, 
to carry on the constructive programme of the Congress. The decision was taken 
at a meeting attended by about 150 Congressmen. 

The Labour Member of Pailiament, Mi. Sorensen and other speakers challeng- 
ed the Labour Executive on the reason why the Labour deputation had to wait for 
five months before the Secretary for India, Mr, Amery, would receive them 

Professor Harold Laski made a fierce attack on Mr. Amery when he replied for 
the Executive. “My Amery”, he said, “put them off for five months on the 
ground that he was conducting negotiations which he wanted to conclude before 
receiving the deputation,” 

2’’iid. Great economic development in India, which would not only raise the 
economic welfare of India’s millions but also contribute substantially to world 
prosperity, was envisaged by Prof. P. J. Thomas, economic adviser to the Indian 
delegation to the Ban Francisco Conference. 

The Durban City Council, by 19 votes to 1, turned down the plans for an 
Indian School in Durban, for which the Minister of the Interior had already 
granted a building permit. 

Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, in the interview with the United Press of America,, 
assailed British, Dutch and French insistence that dependent peoples under the’ 
proposed world trusteeship system be given only a promise of self-government 
instead of true independence. She urged the United States not to permit 
America’s “traditional position and vast prestige to be tarnished” by conceding 
‘‘European imperialists’ demands.” 

Mahatma Gandhi, addressing the scouts at the Hindusthan Scouts 48SQciatioa 


training camp at Mahabaleswar, exhorted them to carry on the struggle for 
freedom without respite. 

The Andhra Chamber of Commerce, commuuieating their views to 
the Government of Madras on the Agricultural Income Tax Bill, observed 
that the reasons and objects put forth by the Government to justify the 
imposition of the new tax were quite unconvincing. 

23rd. The Indian industrialists in Britain were entertained by the Secretarjr of 
State for India, Mr. L. S Amery. Those present included Mr. G. D. Birla, 
Mr. J. B. D. Tata, Sir Sultan Ohinoy, Mr, A. 1). Shroff, Mir Laik Ali, Mr. N alini 
Eanjan Sarkar and Mr. Ajay Singh. 

The statement that Mr. Amery had declared that Pakistan as a solution to 
the Indian problem was wholly unacceptable to the British Government was 
made by Prof. Harold Laski addressing the conference of the Indian League at 

A message from the Secretary of State for India to Civil employees of the 
Government of India said: “I wish to express to all members of the civil 
administration in India the high appreciation of His Majesty *s Government of 
their devotion and continuous woik over the last five and a half years during 
which war in Europe as well as in the East has made its insistent call on every 
servant of the State in India. 

The Gwalior Bajya Hindu Sabha Conference opened at Gwalior. Delegates 
from all districts and neighbouring States attended. 

24th. The Under Secretary for India and Labour Peer, the Earl of Listowel, 
resigning from his post on the dissolution of the Coalition Government, expressed 
the conviction that the responsibility for India was the greatest of Britain's 
Imperial responsibilities and that what the Labour Party had set out to do was 
to hand over effective political power to India at the earliest possible moment. 

25th Mr. M. A. Jinnah, declaring that the Labour Party’s policy regarding 
Palestine as explained by Dr. Hugh Dalton would be a breach of faith with the 
Mussalmans of India, called upon the Labour Party leader, Mr. C. B. Attlee, to 
clarify without delay the official Labour Party policy on the question. 

26th. The Governjnent of Madras published a blue book embodying their five year 
plan of post-war reconstruction and development. The schemes were estimated 
to cost Bs. 136J crores on the aggregate of which Bs. 50 crores would be met 
by the Central Government. 

The Earl of Scarborough was appointed Under Secretary of State for India in 
Mr. Churchill’s new Government. He replaced the Earl of Listowel, former Labour 
Under-Secretary of State for India. 

27th. Mr. Shantikumar N. Morarjee, in a statement on the Industrial Mission to 
England, said : *‘We cannot ignore the significance of the sponsoring interest 
of His Majesty’s Government and the Government of India m the visit of this 
industrial delegation and its far reaching effects on the national policy of this 
country’s future development of industries.'* 

Khan Abdul Sara ad Khan, Baluchistan Congress leader, in a statement at 
Karachi, said : “The Mussalmans in this country loved freedom as much as any 
one and are quite prepared to pay the price for achieving it,” He added * “The 
Mussalmans in Sind should lead and support any Congress movement, but 
there is some flow in the Congress Organisation in Sind. The late Mr. Allah 
Bux, a confirmed Nationalist, had received opposition more from Congress than 
from the so-called Muslim communalists. It is up to the Congressmen in 
Sind to make their organisation broad-based so as to include Muslims.” 

Criticisms made by the Oxford statistician, Prof. E. F. Schumacher, that the 
Bombay Plan, if adhered to, would produce the wildest inflation, brought forth 
a rejoinder from one of the authors of the plan, Dr. John Matbai, who said 
that the planners fully realised the possibilities of inflation latent in 
the proposals and contended that India must be prepared to adopt 
within reason whatever measures might be necessary to speed up economic 

28th, A pledge of the Labour Party’s faith in self-government for India was given 
by Mr. Clement Attlee, Leader of the Labour Party. Mr. Attlee said : “We 
cannot give India a constitution, but we will assist India to work out her cons- 
titution. I think the Cripps offer remains the most practical methp^ fpjp 


Indians to decide their own destiny, but the Labour Party is open to consider 
any other proposals*” 

The Government of Cochin passed orders on the main recommendations of the 
Industrial Development Committee which was presided over by Mr* Mannu 
Subedar of Bombay. 

29th. Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, speaking at San Francisco, said that there was no 
hope that victory for the Labour Party in Kngland would have any great 
meaning for India. The Labour Party declarations, she said, were good, but 
offered only Dominion Status, which was valueless, with no integrity behind it. 

Mr. 0. Rajagopalachari, addressing a public meeting in Madras, put forth a 
call to the nation to consider afresh its political strategy in the light of the 
changed situation and not to miss the opportunity of seizing power when it 
presented itself. 

The Acting Premier of S. Africa, Mr. Hofmeyr, the Interior Minister, Mr. Clark- 
son, the Welfare Minister, Mr. Lawrence and the Watal Administrator. Mr. D. E. 
Mitchell, met the High Commissioner for India and discussed the Housing 
Emergency Powers Bill at Capetown. 

In the House of Oommoas, Mr. Price asked Mr. Amery, if any part of the 
draft constitution for India piepared by the Radical Democratic Party would 
be adapted to the constitution.— Mr. Amery replied ; *T have noted the 
proposals of the Radical Democratic Party. But it is for Indian opinion 
to pronounce whether they are acceptable as a solution of the political pronlem.” 

Sir Ardeshir Dalai told an East India Association meeting in London : 'Tndia 
cannot allow economic events to wait upon politics and the economic planning 
of India must go on whether the Government enjoys full confidence of the 
people or not.” 

30th. Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan, in an interview in Calcutta, said : “Mr. M. A. 
Jinnah rejected the proposal made by Gandhiji in September last, because they 
were a mockery of Pakistan and did not concede Pakistan as Mr. Rajagopala- 
chari seems to misrepresent.” 

31st The text of a Bill, designed to improve slums in Calcutta and the other 
urban areas in Bengal was published in an extraordinary issue of the Calcutta 
Gazette for general information. 

Mr. J« B. Priestly advocated an international guarantee of Indian sovereignty 
during a period in which Indians alone must frame their own constitution. 

June 1945 

In the House of Commons, Mr. L. S. Amery, Secretary of State for 
India, in a statement on India, stated inter alia : ‘*It is not the intention 
of H. M. G. to introduce any change contrary to the wishes of the major 
Indian communities. But they are willing to make possible some step 
forward during the interim period if the leaders of the principal Indian 
parties are prepared to agree to their suggestions/* 

H. E. the Viceroy in his broadcast speech said : “I have been 
authorised by H. M. G. to place before Indian political leaders proposals 
designed to ease the present political situation and to advance India 
towards her goal of full self-government.” 

The Council of the Sind Provincial Muslim League passed a resolution 
urging the All-India Muslim League to revise its policy. 

Mr. Churchill issued a “Declaration of Policy”, in which he observed : 
‘‘The prowess of the Indian Army must not he over-looked in framing plans 
for granting India a fuller opportunity to achieve Dominion Status/* 

At the 3rd session of the Bengal Provincial Trade Union Congress 
Conference, a resolution was passed protesting against the continued 
detention of the members of the Congress Working Committee and other 
political prisoners. 

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abdul Ealam Azad, Sardar 
Patel and Acharya Narendra Deo were released from Jail. 


Master Tara Singh, Akali leader, advised a Sikh Diwan at Lahore to 
accept the British Government’s offer through Lord Wavell. 

Mr. y. D. Savarkar, ex-President of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha, 
in an interview, re : the Viceroy’s proposals said; **The Congress clearly 
ceases to be the Indian National Congress if it accepts this Government 
offer and thus recognises itself as a representative body of a section of the 

Sardar Patel, speaking at Panchgani, remarked : ‘*The Congress is 
not a sectional organisation. It represents Indians belonging to all creeds 
and races.” 

Mahatma Gandhi released to the Press a letter which he wrote to 
Mr. Winston Churchill. 

The Congress Working Committee authorised the President and other 
Congressmen who were invited ^by the Viceroy, to attend the Leaders’ 
Conference at Simla. 

^ The Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha under the 
Presidency of Dr Shyama Prasad Mookerjee condemned the Wavell Plan. 

The Leaders’ Conference opened at the Viceregal Lodge, Simla. All 
the invitees were present with the exception of Mahatma Gandhi. 

The Leaders’ Conference at Simla discussed the scope, functions and 
responsibilities of the Viceroy's Executive Council. 

The Leaders’ Conference was adjourned till July, 14. 

1st. A Government of India, Home Department press communique from New 
Delhi said : “Recruitment of candidates with approved “war service” to fill 
“war-reserved” vacancies in the Indian Civil Service and the Indian Police will 
shortly begin and will be carried out on the basis of the pre-war ratios between 
British and Indian recruits.” 

Dr. Syed Mahmud, addressing a gathering in Madras, expressed his conviction 
that the time was fast approaching when Muslim India would rise as one man 
and compel its leader to come to terms with the Congress and to march together 
with the Congress to win freedom. 

The Budget session of the reconstituted Mysore Representative Assembly 
commenced at Bangalore. Pradhana-Shiromoni JN. Madbava Rau, Dewan 

2nd. The Government of Madras, on a careful consideration of the report of the 
Committee on the revision of the scales of pay of Government servants, decided 
that further consideration of the question should be deferred until after the war. 

The Sind Muslim League Assembly Party endorsed the resolution of the Sind 
League Working Committee seeking Congress co-operation in the sphere of the 
League’s parliamentary programme in Sind and urged the Hidayatullah Ministry 
to implement the programme to be jointly prepared by the leaders of both the 
organisations for the common good of the masses in Sind. 

3rd. Dr. Syed Mahmud, addressing a meeting in Madras, refered to the ‘‘disruptive 
tendenc>” amongst not only the younger but also the older generation of the 
people of India and appealed to them to root out the causes that kept such a 
tendency alive. 

Mr. M. A. Jinnah issued a statement to the Press on the situation in Syria 
and Lebanon. 

4th The Mysore Representative Assembly passed all the four Bills taken up 
during the day, including the Mysore Income Tax (Amendment) Bill. 

The fiist All-Kerala Women’s Conference sponsored by the Kerala Desiya 
Mahila Samaj T\as held at Tellicheriy, Mrs. S. Ammu Swaminathan presided. 
The conference was attended by about 150 delegates from all over Kerala and 
neatly 15,000 visitors. 

A statement issued on behalf of Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit on the report of 
the Bengal Famine Commission declared that Mr. L. 8. Amery should 
immediately resign office as Secretary of State for India “as did Sir Austin 


Chamberlain in 1917 when the Mesopotamia report disclosed the utter incompe- 
tence of the then Government of India” 

Mr. Mahomadbhoy I. M, Rowjee, former Sheriff of Bombay, in a statement, 
supported the plea of Mr, Hooseinbhoy A. Laljee on behalf of the Shias to 
avoid criticism of Shia Imams by Sunnis. 

5th. Mrs, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, speaking under the auspices of the Civil Liberties 
Committee at Chicago, said that the new world order would collapse like a 
house of cards without a “foundation of justice and equality for all peoples of 
the world, whatever their creed, colour or religion.” Mrs, Pandit pointed out 
that the Great Powers fought Fascism but “allowed Imperialism in the world”. 

In the Mysore Representative Assembly, the fuel situation in Bangalore City 
was discussed at great length in the course of an adjournment motion, which 
was carried unanimously. Pradhanasiromani N. Madhava Rau, Dewan of Mysore, 

The Council of the Sind Provincial Muslim League passed a resolution urging 
the All-Tndia Muslim League to revise its policy and transfer control of the 
Assembly Parties from the Central Parliamentary Board to the Provincial 

6th. Mr. G. M. Syed, President of the Sind Provincial Muslim League sent cables 
to Mr. Churchill and Mr. L S. Amery, communicating to them the resolution 
of the Sind Muslim League opposing granting of extension to Sir Hugh Dow, 
Governor of Sind. 

Mr. L. S. Amery, in a speech at the London Rotary Club, after referring to 
Indians war achievements, said: *Tt is in the setting ot these facts of Indians war 
achievements, of the stiides which she has made economically and of the far 
greater strides that she is planning, that Indians naturally envisage their 
countiy’s present political position,” 

7th. Mr. G. M. Syed made the demand for sovereign powers for the Provincial 
Muslim Leagues at Karachi. 

Mr. A. Joshi, presiding over the 7th session of the Jaipur Praja Mandal, 
said that all bodies and activities in the Indian States derived direct or indirect 
inspiration from the Indian National Congress, 

Mr. Amery told the House of Commons in reply to a question that there was 
no record of any Indian child having been born in mines in India. 

In the Mysore Representative Assembly, an adjournment motion to discuss 
the Government Order granting more powers to the village panchayats in the 
State was talked out. The House discussed the Budget. 

8th. The freedom of India was one of the main measures advocated in the British 
Communist Paity election programme. 

The ban on the Congress organisations in Assam was lifted by the Provincial 

9th. Mr. Churchill issued a “Declaration of Policy” to the electors, in which he 
stated inter alia: “The prowess of the Indian Army must not be overlooked in 
framing plans for granting India a fuller opportunity to achieve Dominion 
Status. We should remember those friends who stood by us in our hour of 
peril and should be over mindful of onr obligations towards the minorities and 
Indian States The arrangements made in the war for constant mutual consul- 

tation with the Dominions and India on all matters of joint interest must be 
perfected in peace”. 

In the Mysore Representative Assembly general discussions on the Budget for 
1945-46 were continued, which reassembled under the presidency of the Dewan. 

Khan Bahadur Mahmood Shariff, presiding over the 5th session of the All- 
Mysore State Muslim League, held at Bangalore, said that the State Muslim 
Leagud'had always held that it was not opposed to Responsible Government, 

10th. The Government of India and the Burma Government stationed in Delhi were 
taking vigorous steps to resume Indo-Burma tiade. In this connection, a Com- 
mittee consisting of 23 leading businessmen in India having lar^e interests in 
Burma was accoided permission to visit Rangoon to study the conditions prevail- 
ing there and report to the Custodian of Properties in Burma. 

The Government of Jodhpur started a vigorous policy of fostering and develop- 
ing municipalities for the town areas and panchayats for rural areas throughout 
the State. Considerable reform was undertaken in the sphere of local self-govern- 
ment during the past few years. 


Mahatma Gandhi said at Panchgani that though he could not enthuse over the 
Allied Victory in Europe as a victory of truth over falsehood, he wanted to make 
it clear that a victory for the Axis would have been far worse. He also said that 
it was his conviction that if India could win Swaraj through truth and non- 
violence, he would be able to bring deliver ance to all the other oppressed 

At the 3rd session of the Bengal Provincial Trade Union Congress Conference 
in Calcutta, a resolution was passed protesting against “the continued detention of 
the members of the Congress Working Committee, thousands of Congressmen, pre- 
reform days prisoners and trade unionists in Bengal as well as in other provinces’^ 
and demanding their immediate and unconditional release, — Mr. Mrinal Kanti 
Bose, President of the All-India Trade Union Congress presided over the 

Mr. N. R. Sarkar, former Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, who 
with other industrialists visited a number of British industries, said at Birming- 
ham; “The Government of India must press the British Government for priority 
to be given to India’s requirements of machinery and skilled technicians” 

llth. Mahatma Gandhi, in an article entitled “Two Powers” wrote : “Ram Rajya can 
be religiously translated as Kingdom of God on Earth ; politically translated, it is 
perfect democracy in which inequalities based on possession and non-possession, 
colour, race or creed vanish. In it, land and State belong to the people, justice is 
prompt, perfect and cheap and therefore, there is freedom of worship and speech 
and of the Press — all this because of the reigu of self-imposed law and moral 

The 1st Andhra Trade Union Congress met at Rajahmundry, under the 
presidency of Mr. C. V. K. Rao. In the course of his presidential address, Mr. 
Rao stated that all their demands could be fulfilled only when they obtained a 
National Government, to give food, cloth and shelter to their people. 

The second session of the Sri Mulam Assembly met at Trivandrum, Dewan Sir 
C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar presided. The president made a comprehensive state- 
ment, in the course of which he dealt with the food situation in the State, con- 
trol of consumers’ goods and the secretariat reform, among other matters. 

The Interim Report of the J udicial Commission of Inquiry into matter afifecfeing 
the Indian population in Natal, recommended that the Union Government should 
invite the Government of India to send to the Union a delegation composed sub- 
stantially of Indians to discuss with the Union Government and other bodies 
all matters affecting Indians in South Africa. 

A conference of the Southern Zone of the All-India States Muslim League was 
held at Bangalore under the presidentship of Maulvi Abdul Hassau Syed Ali of 

The 6th annual session of the All-Mysore State Muslim League was held at 
Bangalore under the presidentship of Khan Sahib Mahmood Shariff; a resolution 
stated “that the ultimate goal of the people of Mysore shall be the establishment 
of Responsible Government, under the aegis of H. H. the Maharaja.” 

12th. In the Travancore Assembly, Sir 0. P. Ramaswami Aiyar, the Dewan President 
reminded the House that all the detenus in the State bad been released and the 
Government had issued a press communique stating that they did not feel any 
more the need for the detaining of any one. 

The Government of Cochin decided upon reducing the number of official seats 
in the Legislature from 12 to 10, thus incieasing the uou-official nominated seats 
from 8 to 10. 

The Mysore Representative Assembly passed several resolutions on the budget 
for the year 1945-46. 

The Government of Mysore passed orders reorganising the existing Boards of the 
Mysore Economic Conference and its Standing Committee and granting the Re- 
presentative Assembly and the Legislative Council the privilege of electing 15 and 
8 members respectively, to serve the Committees. 

13th, The activities of the Calcutta Vigilance Association in fighting social evils were 
reviewed at its annual meeting in Calcutta, The Metropolitan presided. 

'Representative Emanuel Ccller of New York urged that the United States should 
do everything possible to unblock Indian Sterling balances, in a speech before 
the House of Representatives which was considering the Bretton Woods conference 


In the House of Commons, Mr. L. S. Amery, Secretary of State for India, 
made a statement on India. He stated inter alia : “During the recent visit of 
Lord Waved to this country, H. M. G. reviewed with him a number oflproblems 
and discussed particularly the present political situation in the country. — 
“While H* M. G. are at all times most anxious to do their utmost to assist 
Indians in the working out of a new constitutional settlement, it would be a 
contradiction in terms to speak of the imposition by this country of self-governing 
institutions upon an unwilling India. Such a thing is not possible, nor could we 
accept the responsibility for enforcing such institutions at the very time when we 
were, by its purpose, withdrawing from all control of British Indian affairs — 
“It is not the intention of H. M. G to introduce any change contrary to the 
wishes of the major Indian communities. But they are willing to make possible 
some steps forward during the interim period if the leaders of the principal Indian 
parties are prepared to agree to their suggestions and to co-operate in the success- 
ful conclusion of the war against Japan as well as in the reconstruction in India, 
which must follow the final victory.” 

H. E. the Viceroy in his broadcast said ; “I have been authorised by H. M. G. 
to place before Indian political leaders proposals designed to ease the present 
political situation and to advance India towards her goal of full self-government. 
These proposals are, at the present moment, being explained to Parliament by the 
Secretary of State for India. My intention in this broadcast is to explain to you 
the proposals, the ideas underlying them and the method by which I hope to put 
them into effect.” 

An invitation to Party Leaders to confer with him on proposals to ease the 
political situation in India and to help her to advance towards the goal of self- 
government was one of the principal features of H. E. the Viceroy’s broadcast. 

Mr, 0 R. Attlee, leader of the Opposition, speaking after Mr. Amery in the 
House of Commons debate on India, asked his friends in India to “seize this 

15th, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel. Acharya Narendra Deo and the Con- 
gress President, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad were released from jail* 

Master Tara Singh, Akali leader, when he addressed a Sikh Diwan at Lahore, 
made a plea to accept the British Government’s new offer through Lord 

His Majesty the King, in his speetjh proroguing Parliament, said : “My 
Government have authorised the Governor-General of India to invite participation 
of Indian political leaders in the Government of British India. I earnestly hope 
that this invitation will be accepted, so that the immediate tasks of waging war 
against Japan and post-war developments in India may be undertaken with the 
full co-operation of all sections of Indian public opinion.” 

Mahatma Gandhi, in a statement on the Viceroy’s plan to solve the Indian 
deadlock said that the Congress Working Committee alone was competent to 
declare the Congress attitude to the new proposals. 

In the debate in the House of Commons on the White Paper on India, Mr, 
William Cove said ; “We must meet a new Indian situation because Britain, 
facing as she does Russia and America, cannot live more and have her being un- 
less she maintains the goodwill, friendship and co-operation of all members of the 
British Commonwealth, and in that society India is a star.” 

Sir Stafford Cripps, Labour Party leader, speaking at Edinburgh, said that he 
welcomed whole heartedly the suggestions put forward in the White Paper. 

In the Travancore Assembly, Mr. A. M. Thambi, Director of Public Instruction, 
made a statement regarding the adjournment motion which sought to discuss the 
scarcity of text -books. 

Mr. V, D. Savarkar, ex-President of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha, in the 
course of an interview on the Viceroy’s proposals, said : “The Congress clearly 
ceases to be the Indian National Congress if it accepts this Government offer and 
thus recognises itself as a representative body of a section of the Hindus by 
letting the League, the Depressed Classes to be represented as different 

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, President, All-India Hindu Mahasabha, made a 
vehement attack on the Viceroy’s proposals and protested against the exclusion of 
the Mahasabha even from consultation and described Lord Wavell’a plan as a 
“Communal award more monstrous than the first.” 

The acting President of the European Association, Mr. Rowan Hodge, in a 


Btatement issued in Calcutta, said: “The European Association will fully support 
the Waveli Plan.*' 

Mr. M. A. Jinnah, President, All-India Muslim League, in a telegram to the 
Viceroy accepting his invitation to the Simla Conference, said : “1 reciprocate your 
appeal for co-operation and goodwill and hope that the Muslim League will make 
its contribution to any just and reasonable interim provincial settlement,” 

The Government of Madras, reviewing the food situation in the Province 
during the fortnight ending 31st Blay, 1945, stated that the situation continued 
to be satisfactory* 

An exchange of telegrams took place between His Excellency and Mahatma 
Gandhi on the former’s broadcast on the British oflEer to solve the Indian deadlock. 
On Blahatma Gandhi’s suggestion the telegrams were released to the Press by the 

Britain’s latest offer to India was welcomed by all sections of the British Press. 
There was unanimous hope that Indian leaders would respond to the gesture. 

17th. Mahatma Gandhi sent to the Viceroy a long letter seeking clarification of 
certain points and pressing definite views on the use of the expression “Caste 
Hindus” in the Viceregal broadcast. 

Sardar Patel, speaking at Panchgani, “not as a member of the Working Com- 
mittee but as a Congressman”, said : ‘‘The Congress is not a sectional organisation. 
It represents Indians belonging to all creeds and races. It can be and has been 
represented by Muslim, Hindu, Christian and Parsi Presidents. I hope that no 
nationalist will be a party to any arrangement which has as its basis a religious 

I8th. Blahatma Gandhi released to the press a letter which he wrote to the British 
Prime Minister, BIr. Winston Churchill, from Panchgani on 17th. July, 1944. He 
wrote : “You are reported to have a desire to crush the simple “Naked Fakir”, as you 
are said to have described me. I have been long trying to be a fakir and that 
naked a more difiScult task. I, therefore, regard the expression as a compliment, 
though unintended. 1 approach you then as such and ask you to trust and use 
me for the sake of your people and mine, and through them, those of the 

The Congress President, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, received a letter from the 
Bengal Governor conveying to him the Viceroy’s invitation to attend the Leaders’ 
Conference at Simla on June 25. 

A further exchange of views on Lord Wav ell’s proposals for an interim 
Government at the Centre and the proposed Leaders’ Conference at Simla on June 
25 took place between the Viceroy and Mahatma Gandhi. 

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru said at Naini Tal : “Unless the whole political, 
economic and administrative systems were overhauled, with honest good men 
at the top holding the reins of^ Government, the evils would not be remedied. 
The good men were either in jail or sitting at home because they could not 
*toe the line.’ 

At a meeting of the Hindu Mahasabha in Calcutta, a resolution characterising 
the plan as anti-national and anti-Hindu and demanding its immediate with- 
drawal was passed. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee presided. 

19th. Mrs, Vijayalakshmi Pandit declared at a Press Conference at San Francisco 
that the British Government’s proposals to end the political deadlock in India 
were very closely connected with the British election campaign.” 

Mr. Herbert Blorrison, chairman of the Labour Party Election Committee, at a 
conference with foreign jounialists, said that at the moment the British parties 
were in agreement on policy in regard to India. He said : “We agree on the 
Oripps plan and we agree on the Waveli plan. The next move is up to the 
Indians. I cannot answer for them.” 

The Government of Bengal decided to increase the rate of the tax on the 
sale of goods imposed under the Bengal Finance (Sales Tax) Act, 1941 from 
half anna in the rupee to three quarters of anna in the rupee. 

The Blysore Government announced the appointment of three non-ofiicial 
Ministers for the second term under the Mysore Government Act of 1940, 

The Viceroy released to the Press two further telegrams exchanged between 
himself and Mahatma Gandhi on the Leaders’ Conference at Simla. 

To implement the r^ppmipend^tip^s of the Rowlands Committee in regard to 



the establishment of a Development Board the Government of Bengal decided 
to set up a Post-War Reconstruction Board as an interim measure. 

Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, in an interview in New Delhi, said that the Simla 
conference must be called and given a chance to a settlement. 

20th. The Congress President Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, in an interview in 
Calcutta, said that in the Viceroy's proposals nothing had been said about the 
method of selecting the members of the Executive Council. If they were selected 
by those attending the Simla Conference jointly there should be no objection to 
the procedure. 

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru expressed confidence in Bombay, in the successful 
outcome of the Simla conference called by Lord Wavell to settle the political 

2l8t. The Congress Working Committee met in Bombay, after a lapse of nearly 
three years, to discuss and arrive at a decision on Lord WavelFs proposals for 
the solution of the Indian political deadlock. 

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru said in Bombay : “We are seeking an interim 
agreement and much can be agreed upon now that could be accepted 

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the Congress President, accepted the Viceroy’s 
invitation to him to attend the leaders' Conference at Simla and asked for an 
interview with the Viceroy prior to the Conference. 

Mr. Amery made a statement at Preston (Lacashire) in which he said : “The 
British proposals now before India have behind them the agreement of all 
parties in Great Britain, These proposals were framed in consultation between 
myself, Lord Wavell and members of the late Coalition Government.” 

22nd. The Congress Working Committee concluded its session at Bombay. The 
following statement was issued : 

“The Congress Working Committee, meeting after nearly three years, has had 
to consider many important problems both national and international. Members 
of the Working Committee, just released from prison, have not even had tlie 
opportunity of getting in touch with the people or to acquaint themselves with 
events which have taken place during the last fateful three years. However, in 
view of the existing circumstances, the Committee considered the Viceroy's 
proposals about the Simla conference, and it was decided that the President 
and other Congressmen invited be authorised to attend. Certain diiections have 
been given them, and they have been asked to seek elucidation in regard to 
many points which still require clarification.” 

The Shiromoni Akali Dal met at Amritsar to discuss the Viceroy's offer 
and authorised Master Tara Singh to attend the Simla Conference. 

At the Mysore Legislative Council, Mr, H. B. Gundappa Gowda took charge 
of his office and presided over the session. 

Dr, B. S. Moonje, in a statement to the Press at Nasik, asked : “Who 
represents the Hindus both politically and communally in the Simla Conference ? 
Are the Hindus, for the sin of being a majority community, to be completely 

Mr. L. S. Amery, speaking at Birmingham, replied to the Communist allega- 
gations of his responsibility for the Bengal famine. 

The Wavell plan was considered at a meeting of the Trichinopoly Branch of 
the Indian Christian Association, under the presidentship Mr. S. E. Pakkiam Raja, 
President of the Association. 

23pd. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, asked about the Wavell Plan, said that it was in 
the nature of an interim arrangement to organise a change. He added ; “It 
is obviously an interlude, and if I feel that a brief temporary arrangement 
helps me in any way to attain my goal, I accept it.” 

Mahatma Gandhi and the President of the Congress, Maulana Abul Kalam 
Azad were given full plenary powers by the Congress Working Committee to 
deal with all phases of negotiations arising out of the Simla Conference and 
Lord Wavell's proposals to the political deadlock in India. 

The Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha met at Poona 
and considered the Wavell Plan in all its aspects. The Working Committee 
appointed a sub-committee of six persons to draft a resolution on the Wavell 
PropossU ia the light of discussiooa, Dr, Shyama Prasad Mookerjee presided, ‘ 


24th. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad left for the Viceroy’s House for his interview 
with the Viceroy at Simla. 

Mahatma Gandhi arrived at the Viceregal Lodge for his interview with the 

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, addressing a Press conference* at Bombay, referred 
to Indian Communists, and said: *’I have every sympathy for Russia and the 
great advance Russia has made, but from many points of view, I do not think 
the nation^s policy can be bound up with Russian foreign policy. The general 
question is whether their policy has been injurious to the cause of India.” 

The Punjab Civil Liberties Union passed resolutions at Lahore demanding 
wholesale release of Congress leaders and workers and urging the legalisation of 
Congress organisations throughout the country. 

The Woiking Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha met at Poona, 
under the presidentship of Dr, Shyaraa Prasad Mookerjee to consider the Wavell 
Plan “as a deliberate device on the part of the British Government to perpetuate 
British rule over India, to camouflage the issue of Indians independence, to break 
the solidarity of the Indian Nation, to reduce the Hindus who constitute about 
75% of India’s population to a minority by the introduction of parity between 
Caste Hindus and Muslims, and disparity between Muslims and the Scheduled 
Castes and to divide the politically minded Hindu Community into separate 
entities as Caste Hindus and Scheduled Castes,” 

Lord Wavell’s preliminary discussions with leaders began at Simla, Maulana 
Abul Kalam Azad. Mr. Jinnah and Mahatma Gandhi separately saw His 

Sir R. M. Deshmukh, the Indian High Commissioner, in South Africa, making 
his first public speech at Durban, told the gathering at a reception in his 
honour given by the Natal Indian Congress that the interim report of the Natal 
Judicial Commission has shown how a re-definition of Indian status in South 
Africa could be achieved. 

25th. The Leaders’ Conference opened at the Viceregal Lodge at 11-30 a.m. at 
Simla. All the invitees were present except Mahatma Gandhi. 

Acharya J. B, Kripalani, General Secretary of the Congress, addressing a Press 
Conference on the Wavell proposals at Lucknow, said if the coalition at the 
Centre was to be based on Hindu Muslim parity then elements other than the 
Muslim League and the Congress should also have been invited. To say that 
the Congress only represented Caste Hindus would not be correct. It was the 
only national body representing all interests. 

The Government of India sanctioned a grant of Rs. 1,82,200 towards recurring 
and non-recurring expenditure involved in the fisheries development schemes in 
the Travancore State for the years 19i5-48. 

After a brief address from the Viceroy appealing to those assembled to rise 
above sectional interests, the leaders expressed their view points on certain 
general aspects of the Wavell Plan. 

26th. The Leaders’ Conference at Simla took up for discussion one of the items on 
the agenda, namely, the scope, functions and responsibilities of the Viceroy's 
Executive to be constituted on the basis of H. M. G.’s proposals. 

The Indian Delegation to the United Nations Conference (at San Francisco), 
after outlining the stand it had taken on all disputed points in drafting the 
World Charter, declared in a formal statement that although some of its views 
had been disregarded and while it was conscious that its view points had not 
been accepted on all matters and the charter was not as perfect as it would 
like it to be “the Indian Delegation is nevertheless convinced that the 
Charter proposed is a heroic attempt by the nations assembled to create an 
international organisation for the welfare of mankind.” 

27th. It was oflicially announced that after a one-hour session, the Leaders’ 
Conference, at Viceregal Lodge, Simla adjourned till 11 a.m. June 29th to enable 
the delegates to continue their private discussions, 

Mr. L. S. Amery, speaking at Birmingham said : “I hope it will now be 
possible with the help of the Indian Leaders, to set India well forward on the 
path of complete freedom.” 

Mr. A. D. Shroff, Director of Tatas, Bombay, declared that India did not need 
any immediate assistance in the way of foreign capital. 

In a message received by Mr. Fenner Brockway in London, Mahatmaji said : 
*'Thd campaign for Indian freedom and for the freedom of the Asiatic, the Negro 

fd Tflfi tNDI A^^ Al?NtAL fiEGJtSTER t 27 acsii *45-* 

and othet exploited races of the world is one, and the victory in the west and 
the impending victory in the East are empty without the central fact of India’s 
freedom. I can hope only for victory in the British general election for that 
party which works sincerely and wholly for that end.” 

A resolution urging the immediate release of Mr, Sarat Chandra Bose and 
opining that there was "no justification for his arrest” was adopted at a public 
meeting in Calcutta, held under the auspices of the Congress, Hindu Mahasabha 
and several other organisations of Bengal. 

28th. The deliberations of the Simla Conference reached a stage of impasse between 
the Congress and the Muslim League. 

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, addressing a meeting at Allahabad, observed ; 
"Individually, I do take responsibility for all that happened in the country 
during the August disturbances. I do not want to shake off this responsibility 
and stand aside. But to say that the Congress organised any movement is 
fantastic and absolutely wrong. Whatever happened after the arrest of the 
leaders was spontaneous." 

The Communist candidate at Sparkbrook, Mr. R. P. Dutt’s rejoinder to the 
Conservative leaflet dealing with the Communist allegations regarding Mr, L. S. 
Amery’s personal responsibility for the Bengal Famine brought forth a reply 
from Mr. Amery. 

29th. The Leaders’ Conference met at 11 a.m. and adjourned at 12-15 p.m., it was 
officially announced "to enable the delegates to carry on further consultations”. 
The conference was expected to re-assemble on July 14, in Simla. 

Mahatma Gandhi, in an interview at Simla, said that it was his "hope and 
prayer” that there would be a happy outcome of the Simla Conference in an 
effort to form an interim nationally based Government. 


Chronology of the European War 

September 1939 — May 1945 

September (1939) 

I— Germany invades Poland. 

3 — Britain and France declare -war against 
Germany. Athema sunk i orth-west 
of Ire-land. 

27 — Warsaw falls. 


II — Empire Air Training scheme 
announeed. Barter agieemenfc— timbei 
for tin and rubber— concluded with 

12— Chamberlain rejects Hitlei’s peace 


17 — Allied Supreme Council adopts plans 
for pooling economic resources. 


13— Battle of the Biver Plate. 

17 — Following the River Plate battle, 
German pocket battleship the Admi- 
ral Graf Spee scuttled. 

First contingent of Canadian troops 
lands in Britain. 

27 — Indian troops land in France. 



12— First contingent of Anzacs reaches 


18— Bitler-Mussolini meeting at the 
Brenner Pass. 

20— Daladier resigns. 

28 — Supreme War Council decision not 
to conclude peace or armistice except 
by mutual consent. 


9— Germans invade Denmark; Copen- 
hagen occupied. 

Germans invade Norway, 

10— First Battle of Narvik, German 
advance from Oslo. 

13— Second Battle of Narvik ; seven enemy 
destroyers sunk. 

15 — ^British landing near Narvik. 

16— British landing in Faroe Islands. 

16-18 — British troops land at Namsos. 

18-19 — British troops land at Andalsnes, 

20— Announcement of French landing in 


23-25— British fail to reach Trondheim. 


2— Allied forces embark at Namsos 
(announced on May 3) 

3 — Polish landing in Norway announced. 

10— Germany invades Holland, Belgium 
and Luxemburg ; Britinh and French 
troops enter Belgium ; Germans cross 
the Maas at Arnheim ; British tioops 
land in Iceland; Churchill becomes 
Prime Minister. 

U — Biitish VFar Cabinet formed. 

13^ — Dutch Government move “elsewhere’*. 

14 — Local Defence Volunteers in D. K. 
proposed ; bombing of Rotterdam (of 
the 50,000 civilian casualties, 30, ( 00 
weie killed) ; Holland capitulates ; 
Queen Wilhelmina arrives in London. 

15— Germans break across the Meuse. 
B.E.F. withdrawn west of Brussels 

24 — Germans advance to the Channel 

28 — Narvik falls. 

Belgian army capitulates. 

May 28-June 3 

— Dunkirk evacuation ; 244,585 British and 
112,546 French and Belgian troops 
evacuated 222 British naval vessels 
and 636 other British craft engaged in 
the operation. 

British material lost — 700 tanks, 2,400 
guns and 60,000 vehicles of all kinds. 
British casualties total 13,000 killed 
and 40,000 P.O.W, 


3— Paris bombed. 

5— Battle of France, Germans forced the 
Somme and Aisne-Oise crossings. 
Cripps appointed Ambassador to 

11— French retire across the Marne. 

Italy at war with Britain and France. 

13— Paris declared an open town. 

14— Germans enter Paris. 

16 — British offer of Anglo-French Union 
rejected by^ French Government, 
Reyn and resigns. 

Petain forms new government. 

17— Evacuation of B.E.F. from France 
completed ; de Gaulle's broadcast 
appeal to the French to continue the 

18— Hitler-Mussolini meeting at Munich. 

25— Hostilities in France end. 

German armistice accepted, 

26— Announcement of de Gaulle’s plans 
to continue fight. 

28— Viceroy promulgates new Ordinance 
to conscript skilled Indian labour. 


4 — Kassala and Galabat occupied by 
Italians. French warships in British 
ports taken over. 


6— Petain’s Government break off diplo- 
matic relations Tvith Britain. 

16--MoyaIe attacked by Italians ; with- 
drawal of British garrison. 


2— Beaverbrook joins War Cabinet. 

4— Somaliland invaded. 

August 8— October 31 

The Battle of Britain — 2,375 enemy 
aircraft were destroyed in daylight by 
fighters of the EA.F. and anti-air- 
craft fire. The R.A.F. lost 733 aiicraft, 
a ratio of 3-1 ; 975 pilots were killed. 
During the period August-September 
1940 there were five separate occasions 
when the Jt.A.F. shot down over a 
hundred enemy aircraft daily. Eiiemy 
aircraft shot down on August 3 6 
numbered 381 ; on September 15 the 
number was 185. 

16— British evacuate British Somaliland. 


3— Anglo-American agreement ; Sea and 
Air Bases iu Newfoundland and 
Bermuda to be leased free to America. 
Bases xn Jamaica, St. Lucia, Tiinidad 
Antigua and British Guiana leased in 
exchange for the transfer of 50 des- 
troyers to the United Kingdom. 

9-“First U.S. destroyers taken over. 

14— Indian troops arrive in Egyptian 


25— Eastern Group Conference inaugura- 
ted by the Viceroy in New Delhi. 

28— Italians invade Greece. 


11-12— Fleet Air Arm. attack Italian naval 
units in Taranto harbour. 

23— Bevin outlines new scheme for Indian 
workers and seamen. 


9— Wavell’s Cyrenaica offensive begins. 

11— 4th Indian Division smash Italian 
fortresses and capture Sidi Barrani* 


18— Oassala re-occupied. 

22— Tobruk captured. 


1— Agordat captured. 

2— El Agheila reached. 

6— Benghazi captured. 

1—27— Siege of Keren, Keren captured by 
Indian troops on February 27. 

15— Kismayo captured. 

26— Mogadishu captured. 


4— First Lofoten raid ; fish-oil factory 
and ships destroyed. 

11— Lease-Lend Bill signed by President 

28— Battle of Cape Matapan. 

30— H. M. the King sends message to the 
Viceroy, congratulating India on the 
part played by her armed forces in 
the capture of Keren. 


2 — British withdraw from Merza Brega. 

3 — Announcement of R.l.N.^s notable 
part in assisting land operations in 

Biitish evacuate Benghazi. 

Hostile coup etat engineered by 
Rashid Ali in Iraq. 

6— Addis Ababa occupied ; Germans 
invade Greece and Yugoslavia; Biitish 
and Impeiial Forces in Greece. 

13— Siege of Tobruk begins. Germans 
capture Bardia. 

17— An Indian brigade landed to protect 
the oil supply line in Iraq. 

19 — British, Indian and other Imperial 
forces arrive in Basrah. 

April 2 — June 15 

—German counter-offensive in Noith 

April 25— May 2 

—Evacuation of Imperial Forces from 

27 — Germans occupy Athens. 

28— Germans capture Solium. 


5— Haile Selassie enters Addis Ababa. 

10 — Rudolf Hess lands in Scotland, 

19— Duke of Aosta capitulates at Amba 

20— Germans invade Crete. 

27 — Bismarck sunk. 

31— British troops enter Bagdad; end of 
rebellion; reinstatement of Emir Abdul 


1— British forces withdrawn from Crete. 

* Evacuation of British and Imperial 
Expeditionary Forces (i7,000 troops 
reach Egypt). 

8 — Fifth Infantry Brigade of Fourth 
Indian Division strikes towards 

22— Germany invades Russia, 

30— Lwow captured. 


1 — Riga captured. 

14 — ^Allied forces occupy Syria, 


14— Atlantic Charter meeting between 
Churchill and Roosevelt. 

Russians announce evacuation of Smo- 


18— Germans capture Kingisepp. Lenin- 
grad threatened. 


9— Persian Government signs treaty of 
alliance with Britain and U.S.S.R. 

39— British forces reach Teheran. 

Germans occupy Kiev, 


October 5— December 6— Battle for Moscow. 

16— Odessa falls. 

20— Limit of the German advance was 
between 25 to 30 miles north, west 
and south of Moscow. 


1— Sevastopol threatened. 

7 — Decision to arm U.S merchantships 
and to permit them to enter combat 

13— U.S. Neutrality Act revised. 
16“*Germans capture Kerch. 

22— Germans enter Rostov. 

27— British relieve Tobruk. 

28— Russians recapture Rostov. 


7 — Japan launches air attacks on U.S. 
naval, military and air bases at Pearl 
Harbour. Other air attacks on Manila, 
Shanghai, Malaya, Thailand, and Hong 

8 — Britain and the Dominions declare 
war on Japan. 

U.S. A. declare war on Japan. 

China declares war on Italy, Germany 
and Japan. 

Japanese attack *on Hong Kong; 
Japanese troops land in Thailand, near 
Malayan frontier. 

10 — H.M.S. Prince of Wales and H.M-S. 

Repulse sunk by Japan. 
ll“Italy and Germany declare war on 
the United States. 

U.S. Congress declares war against 
Germany and Italy. 

17— British capture Benghazi. 

22— Japanese launch major attack on the 

23— First meeting of Anglo U.S. War 
Council in Washington. 

24f— More Japanese landings in Luzon ; 
Manila raided. 

Indian troops in Libya occupy Barce. 

25— Surrender of Hong Kong (forces 
engaged : 4,000 British, 2,000 Indian, 
2,000 Canadian and a local voluntary 
force of 6,000). 

26— Second Lofoten raid. Manila declared 
open city. Churchill in Washington, 
addresses Congress. 



g— Manila Cavit fall. 

3— Twenty-six nations, including Britain, 
U.S.A., Russia, China, the Netherlands 
and India sign joint declaration against 
Axis Powers. 

8— Rommel withdraws to El Agheila. 

23 — Jap air raid on Rangoon. 

27— Churchil announces (i) Combined 
Chiefs of Staff Committee to be set up 
in Washington (li) Pacific War Council 
to be set up in London; (lii) U.S. land 
and air forces to join British forces in 
United Kingdom. Dominions to be 
represented in War Cabin t. 

23— 27— Japanese landing in New Guinea 
at Lae; Japanese landing in Solomon 

28— Russian cross Upper Donetz into the 

30— British withdraw to the Island of 

3] — Japanese capture Moulmein. 


9— Marshal Chiang Kai-shek visits Delhi. 

12— According to New Delhi announce- 
ment India invited to be represented 
on War Cabinet and on Pacific War 

15— Singapore falls. 

17 — British and Indian airmen active over 
enemy positions in Burma. 


7-9 — Rangoon evacuated and extrication 
of British forces from Pegu. 

23 — Japanese occupy Andaman Islands. 

27-28— St. Nazair raided. Principal battle- 
ship dock destroyed. 


6— Japanese bomb India for the first 
time , attacks on Coconada and Viza- 
gapatam in Madias Presidency. 
Japanese landings on Bougainville. 

16 — H. M. the King awards George Cross 
to Malta. 

18— American Technical Mission arrives 
in Delhi. 

29— Lashio falls. Evacuation of Mandalay, 
British retreat to India. Four-fifths 
evacuated to India. 


4- 7— British landing in Madagascar. 
Diego Suarez captured. 

4 8— Coral Sea Battle. 

Japanese fleet withdraws after heavy 

6— Corregidor garrison surrenders. 

15— First British forces retreating from 
Burma reach Indian frontier. 

26— Twenty-year Anglo-Soviet Treaty 
signed in London, providing for full 
collaboration during and after the war. 

30— 31— R.A.F. raid Cologne with 1,130 


[ JUNE ’42— 



1-2— B.A.E. raid Essen with 1,036 

10 — German summer offensive opens in 

War Besources Committee of Viceroy’s 
Council announced. 

11 — Duke of Gloucester arrives in India 
on an inspection tour of the forces. 

21— Germans capture Tobruk. 


1 — Germans reach El Alamein. Germans 
recapture Sevastopol after a seven- 
month siege. 

2— Viceroy’s Council enlarged. First 
Indian Defence Member appointed. 
Indian representatives on War Cabinet 
and Pacific War Council announced. 


12— Churchill visits Moscow. 

19— Commando raid on Dieppe. 


3— Germans capture Novorossisk. 

12— Germans enter the streets of Stalin- 


23— Montgomery opens offensive at El 


2— Allies capture Cocoda. 

3— In Egypt Axis forces begin to retreat. 

8— Allied landing in North-West Africa. 

Casablanca, Oran and Algiers captured. 

11— Epic fight of H.M.LS. Bengal with 
two Jap destroyers while escorting 
Dutch oil tankers. 

13— British capture Tobruk. 

16— British First Army enters Tunisia. 

20— British capture Benghazi. 

25— Australians capture Gna. 


15 — British capture El Aghella. 

20— First Jap air raid on Calcutta. 



2— Allies occupy Bua. 

14— 24— Roosevelt and Churchill together 
with their Chief of Staff meet near 
Casablanca. Conference named *‘The 
unconditional Surrender meeting.’^ 

16— Iraq declares war on Germany, Italy 
and Japan. 

23— British capture Tripoli. 

30— Adana Conference. Churchill meets 


2— German resistance in Stalingrad 
ends. German Sixth Army consisting 
of 300,000 men completely destroyed. 

25— R.A.F. begin round- the -cloth bomb- 


2 — Battle of Bismarck Sea begins. 

20 — British capture Mareth. Fouth Indian 
Division plays prominent part. 

29— British capture Gabaz and El Hamma. 


6 — British capture Akarit position. 

7— Eighth Army makes contact with the 

7-10 — Hitler and Mussolini met at Fue- 
hrer's headquarters. 

10— British capture Sfax. 

12— British capture Sousse. 


11 — U.S. forces land on Attu Island, 
Churchill arrives in Washington. 

12 — All organised axis resistance ends in 
North Africa. 

20— Announced that a Commando force 
under Wingate has spent 3 months in 
Central Burma. 

30— All Japanese organised resistance 
ceases in Attu. 


7— Composition of French Committee of 
National Liberation announced. 

U — Allies occupy Panthellaria. 

12 — Lampedusa surrenders. H. M, the 
King arrives in North Africa. 

13— Linosa surrenders. 


9— 10— Invasion of Sicily. Indian troops 

on the southern shores of the island. 

15— Russians announce new offensive north 
and east of Orel. 

26— Mussolini resigns ; Badogolio becomes 
Italian Prime Minister. 


10— Churchill arrive in Quebec for con- 

l7— Messina captured. All enemy resist- 
ance in Sicily ends. 

25— Appointment of Lord Mountbatten as 
Supreme Allied Commander of 
South-East Asia announced. 


3 — Allied landings on the mainland of 
Italy* A detachment of Jodhpur in- 
fantry were the first Indians to set 
foot on the Italian mainland. 

8 — Eisenhower announces unconditional 
surrender of Italy. 

11— Surrender of Italian Navy. 

22— Midget Submarines attack German 
battleship Tirpitz^ 

27 — Foggia captured. 


1 — Fall of Naples. 

4— Corsica liberated. 

12 — First air raid on Madras, 




13—Italy declares war on Germany, 

18— Conference of Foreign Ministers in 


y — U.N.R.R A, agreement signed in 

22*— Cairo Coiifeience— Roosevelt, Oiiiang 
Kai-sliek and Chnichill meet. 

28— Teheran Confeience between Roose- 
velt, Stalifi and Churchill. 

29 — Swoid ot Stalingrad presented to 


24— Names of Oommanders of European 
Liberation Army announced. 

25— German battleship Scharnhoi'st sunk. 



23— Allied landing South of Rome. 


2 — Financial and Mutual Aid Agree- 
ment between U.K. and French 
Committee of National Liberation. 

26 — Red Aimy advance in the north 
towards Lake Peipus and Lake Pskov. 

28 — Jap withdrawal in Arakan. 


i— Allied landing on Admiralty Islands. 

17 — Airborne troops land in the rear of 
Japanese communications in Central 

21 — German occupation of Hungary 

22 — Japanese raiding columus enter Mani- 


3— Russian troops enter Rumania. - 

10 — Red Array liberates Odessa, 

1 ( 5 — Lord Mountbatten tiansfers head- 
quarters from Delhi to Kandy 

24— Allied landing on New Guinea Coast. 


12 — Offensive in Italy by the Eighth and 
Fifth Armies. 

17-18— Fall of Cassino, 

26 — Germans invade Bulgaria 


4 — Allies liberate Rome. 

6— Allied landing in Northern France, 
1,183 Indian sailors took part in the 
operations (announced later) 

7— Japanese withdrawal from Kohima 

8— Capture of Bayeux 

10— Indian troops occupy Pescara, 

] 5 — Super-P'ortresses bomb Japanese 


16— First flying bombs fall on bouthern 

20 — Allied occupation of Elba complete. 

23— Russian offensive on the Central Front. 

27— Cherbourg in Allied hands, 


28 — Capture of Mogaung. 


9 — Capture of Caen. 

20— Japanese retreat from Imphal. 

Attempt on Hitler. 


2"~^lhe8 capture Myitkyina, important 
Japanese base in North Burma: 
Rennes liberated. 

6— Tamil captured. 

12— German retreat begins from Nor- 

15-^arge Allied force lands in South 

17— Japs driven out of Manipur State. 
19— F'alaise liberated. German 7th Army 
trapped in the “Falaise pocket”. 

22— French enter Toulon (Finally cleared 
on August 27). 

23 French capture Marseilles. Americans 
reach Grenoble. 

24 Rumania accepts peace terms offered 
by United Nations. 

25 — Complete liberation of Paris after 
French Forces of the Interior had 
particularly liberated the town on 23rd. 
Rumania declares war on Germany. 

30 — Capture of Ploesti. 

31— British capture Amiens. 

American reach Sadan. 

Russian forces in Bucharest. 


1 — Dieppe, Arras and Verdun captured. 

S-Biussels liberated by the British, 
advance to Antwerp. 

Ocupation of Lyons announced. 

5— Allies cairy war into Germany : 
Aachen and Saarbrucken captured. 
Russia declares war on Bulgaria. 

6— Russian troops reach Yugoslav 


7 — “Flying-bombs offensive against Bri- 
tain viitually over” — Duncan bandys’ 

S— Super- Fortresses bomb Anshau in 

9 — Soviet troops cross into East Prussia. 
12 — Churchill -Roosevelt Conference begins 
at (Quebec. 

Le Havre garrison surrenders. 

14— MacArthur announces Allied landings 
in Halmahera and Palau Islands. 

15 — Allies capture Nancy. 

16 — Capture of Brest announced. 

Red Army enters Sofia. 

17 — Allied airborne invasion of Holland. 

18— Carrier-borne air attack against Su- 

19 — Russo-Fmnish Armistice signed 

22 — btalin announces capture of Tallinn, 
the Estonian capital. 

24— Swedish decision to close ports to 
German shipping. 


23 — Britain’s dS650.000,000 Social Security 
Scheme anuouiiced. 

26— Eighth Army cioss Rubicon. 

30— Shelling of Dover ends. 


1 — Canadian troops occupy Calais. 

5— Allied landing in Greece announced. 

9— Churchill in Moscow. 

New Allied landings south of Scheldt. 
U.S. Fleet strikes at Ryuku islands : 
26 Jap ships destroyed or damaged. 

10— British troops in Corinth, 

13— Russians capture Riga. 

14 — British troops occupy Atheus. 

19— Capture of Tiddim by Indian troops 
of 14th Army announced, 

20 — Aachen falls to troops of American 
First Army : 

McAithur back in Philippines — 

Roosevelt’s announcement. 

Capture of Belgiade announced. 

23 — “Big Three” recognise de Gaulle’s 
administration as the provisional 
Government of France. 

Big naval battle of Philippine begins 

24 — Viceroy presents 4 V. C.’s won by 
men of the Indian Army. 

26 — British troops land on Dutch island 
of S. Beveland. 


1— British CommadoB land on Walcheren 
Britain’s Home Guard “Stands down’'. 
5— Stalin invested with the insignia of 
the Order of Victory. 

7— Capture of Kennedy Peak by fifth 
Indian Division announced. 

8— Dawey concedes re-election of Roose- 

9— Fifth Indian Division captures Fort 

10— Churchill’s announcement in House of 
Commons that the Germans had been 
using long-range rockets against Bri- 
tain for the last few weeks. 

Churchill and Eden arrive at Paris on 
the Invitation of de Gaulle. 

13 — Sinking of Tirpitz announced : Patton 
captures fiist Metz Fort. 

14— Yugoslav National Liberation Army 
liberates Skoplje capital of Macedonia. 

l6 — East African toops occupy Kalemyo : 
MacArthur announces invasion of 
Mapia Island by American amphibious 

20— Chinese troops break into Bharao 
22— Metz and Sarrebourg fall to Ameiicans. 
Mulhouse captured by troops of Fre- 
nch First Army. 

28— White Paper on Britain’s war effort 
published : 

Eisenhower-Montgomery Con ference 
in Belgium. 


3 — Capture of Kalewa by E. African 
troops announced. 

6— Saarlautern in Allied hands, 

Ravena captured. 

8 — Afghan Military Mission arrives in 

10— De Gaulle in Moscow: Franco-Russian 
Mutual assistance Pact signed. 

15 — British troops in Arakan clear Buthi- 
daung : Chinese 38th Divisiqn occupies 

16 — Americans land on IMiudoro: 

Allied Forces link up E^bt ot Chindwin. 

17— Faenza captured by Eighth Aimy. 

18 — Battle of Ardennes— Big German 
attack north of Trier. 

21 — German diive 35 miles into Belgium. 

23— Civil war breaks out in Greece. 

24— Capture of Donbaik announced. 

25 — Churchill ariives in Athens : 
MacArthur announces completion of 
Leyte campaign. 



3— 14th Army troops enter Ye-U. 

5 — British and Indian troops of 15th 
Indian Corps land on Akyab Island. 

7 — Indian troops of 4th Corps enter 

9— Huge U.S. forces land on Luzon. 

11— Truce signed between British and 

12 — Troops of 5th Indian Corps land on 
Myebon Peninsula, 32 miles from 

J3 — Russian winter offensive launched on 
three fronts. 

15 —Chinese troops capture Namhkam : 

Kielce captured by Koniev's forces. 
17— Warsaw liberated by Red Army. 

19 — Stalin announces Capture of Cracow. 

21 — Allies land on Ramree Island. 

22 — Monywa captured ; 

First breach in land blockade of China 
—linking of Ledo and Burma Roads 

23— Russian break into Danzig. 

29— Capture of Memel announced — Lithu- 
ania completely cleared of Germans. 

30— Duke of Gloucester sworn in at 
Canberra as Governor-Geneial of 


4— Zhukov’s forces 46 miles from Berlin : 
Kunming greets first convoy over Ledo 

Americans enter Manila. 

6— World Trade Union Conference opens 
in London. 

8— Paraguay joins the Allies. 

10— CaptuM of Rimree town by 15 th 
Indian Corps announced. 

—MAY ’45 ] 

11— Russians cross the Oder north-west 
of Breslau. 

12— Churchill-Roosevelt-Stalin statement 
on Yalta Conference. 

Allies capture Cleve 

13— Red Army captures Budapest, 

15 — 1,500 planes attack Tokyo for nine 

18— American troops land on Corregidor. 

19— American landings on Iwojiraa ann- 
ounced. Canadians break into Goch. i 

20 — White House announcement that | 
Churchill and Roosevelt met in Alex- 
andria on their way back from Crimea i 
to discuss Pacific war. 

23 — Capture of Poznan announced — Red 
Army bags 23,000 prisoners. 

Turkey declares war on Germany and ! 

24 — American 9th Ariny troops capture 
fortress town of Julich. 

25— Egypt declares war against Axis, 
Duren captured by U.S. First Army. 

26 — Mac Arthur hands over civil Govern- 
ment of the Philippines to President 
Bergio Osmena. 


2— Allies capture Trier. 

3 — Viceroy presents five V C.’s at Delhi 

Arab League constitution signed. 

4— Allies reach the Rhine on 20-mile 

Red Army reaches Baltic Coast. 

5— 14th Army captures Meiktila. 

6— Cologne falls to Americans. 

7— U.S. First Army troops cross the 
Rhine, south of Cologne. 

8 — 19th Indian Division enters Mandalay. 

11 — Mac Arthur announces American land- 
ings on Mindanao. 

12 — Red Army captures Kuestrin. 

13 — 14th Army Task Forces take Maymyo. 

14— R.A.F. use 22,0u0-lb bombs for the 
first time. 

36 — ^Nimitz announces end of Iwojima 

17_Third Army troops enter Coblenz. 

20 — Mandalay falls to l4th Army, 

22 — Wavell leaves for London for personal 
consultations with H.M.G. 

24— Montgomery strikes across the Rhine. 

25 — Churchill crosses the Rhine. 

26— U.S. Third Army breaks into Frank- 

Lloyd George dead. 

28— Stalin announces capture of Gdynia. 

1— Americans land on Okinawa. 

2 — Eighth Army lands behind Germans 

3— Americans take Kassel. 


4— Capture of Bratislava, capital of 
Slovakia, announced. 

5 — Jap cabinet resigns. 

Moscow Radio announces end of 
Soviet-Japanese Neutiality Fact. 
Washington announcement that Mac- 
Arthur will command all Army forces 
in Pacific theatre and Nimitz all Naval 
forces theie. 

7— Japan’s biggest battleship, the 45,000 
ton Yamato sunk. 

10 — 8th Army Cross Senio river on wide 

U.B. Ninth Army captures Hanover, 

11 — Fall of Essen announced. 

Sinking of German pocket ‘battleship 
Admiral Scheer announced, 

Spain breaks off relations with Japan. 

12— Roosevelt dead. Harry Truman sworn 
in 33rd Presidentof the United States. 

13— Capture of Vienna by Red Army 

14— Capture of Von Papen in Ruhr pocket 

16— Canadian and Polish troops reach 
North Sea on wide front. 

S.E A.O. announces capture of Taungiip 
last Jap coastal supply base in Arakan 
by 15th Indian Corps. 

17 — Allies 50 miles from Berlin. 

19— Patton’s troops enter Czechoslovakia. 

21 — Allies capture Bologna. 

Sinking of Geiman pocket-battleship 
Lutzow by E..A.F. announced. 

22— U.B. Seventh Army reaches Danube 
at Dillingen. 

23 — Stalin announces Russian entry into 

24— s H.A.E.F. announces capture of 
1,000,000 piisoners since April 1, 194)5. 

25— San Francisco Conference opens, 

26 — German radio announces that Goering 
has relinquished command of the 

27 — Announcement of U S. and Russian 
link-up at Torgua. 

U.S. Third Army crosses into Austria 
Fifth Army troops enter Genoa. 

29— Mussolini executed by Partisans. 
Allied troops enter Milan. 

British cross Elbe south of Hamburg, 

30— U.S. Seventh Army capture Munich. 
Allied troops enter Venice. 


1— Hitler’s reported death : Deonitz be- 
comes new Fuehrer, 

List and Von Leeb captured. 

2 — Surrender of German armies in Italy 

Stalin announces capture of Berlin, 
Rundstedt captured, 

4— l4th Army take Rangoon, 
Berchtesgaden captured. 

7 — Unconditional German surrender. 


Chronology of War in Far East 

December 1941 — Au^rust 1945 

December, 1941 

7- -Japftn launches air attack on U. S. 
bases at Pearl Harbour. Other air at- 
tacks on Manila, Shanghai, Malaya, 
Thailand and Hongkong. 

8- “U.S. and Britain declare war on Japan 
Japanese land in North Malaya — 
Indian troops in action. 

9- .Japanese land in Philippines. 

10— The Frince of Wales and Repulse 

11— Italy and Germany declare war on 
U. 8* 

12— British begin withdrawal from advan- 
ced positions protecting Hongkong. 

15— Siege of Hongkong begins. 

17— Japanese land on Sarawak. 

18— Allies land on Poituguese Timor. 

19 Japanese land in Hongkong. 

22 — Wavell arrives in Chungking and 
discusses Far East strategy with Ohiang 

23— Announcement that Churchill is in 
Washington to discuss full Allied co- 
ordination. First meeting of Anglo- 
U. S. War Council 

25— Hongkong surrenders. 

26— Churchill, in an address to U. S, 
Congress, announces plans for Allied 
offensive in 1943. Manila proclaimed 
open city. 



1— United States, Britain, Russia, China 
and 22 other anti-Asis nations sign a 
joint declaration at Washington pledg- 
ing the use of their full resources 
against the Axis. 

2— Japanese enter Manila. Entry of 
Chinese troops into Burma announced. 
Big Chinese victory at Changsha, 

3— Roosevelt and Churchill announce 
appointment of Wavell as the Supreme 
Commander of the South-West Pacific 


12— Announcement that India is invited 
to be represented on Pacific War 
Council and War Cabinet. 

16 — Singapore falls. 

17— Landing of 30.000 Jap troops in Indo- 
Ohina for large-scale invasion of 
Burma reported. 

24— India Commander-in-Ohief takes up 
the control of Burma operations. 


2— Wavell reassumes the appointment 
of Commander-in-Chief, India. 

10— Japanese take Rangoon. 

12 — British gairison withdrawn from 
Andaman Islands. 

17— MacArthur arrives in Australia to 
take over Allied Command as well as 
direction of Philippines opeiations. 


5— A large force of Japanese aircraft 
attack Colombo : enemy lose 27 

0 — First air raids on Indian towns — 
Japanese naval planes bomb Vizaga- 
patam and Coeanada. 

18 — American Technical Mission arrives 
in Delhi. Doolittle raid on Tokyo. 

22— Col Louis Johnson, Roosevelt’s per- 
sonal envoy in India, reveals that 
American troops and airmen have 
arrived in India. 


1 — British evacuate Mandalay. 

4— 8— Coral Sea Battle. 

6— British forces land in Madagascar. 

8 — Japanese capture Akyab. 


3— 6— Battle of Midway. 

5— The arrival of a huge convoy in 
India, consisting of up-to-date equip- 
ment, troops and armaments, is 

10— A Committee of Viceroy^s Executive 
Council, known as War Hesources 
Committee, established to mobilize 
and direct the economic war effort of 

13— Japanese raid Port Darwin. 


21— Japanese troops land on the north 
coast of Papua. 

30 — Japanese decision to instal new puppet 
Government of Burma. 


7— American forces land in the Solomons 


12— Jap advance checked in Papua. 


4— Australian forces in New Guinea 
continue unopposed advanced into 
Owen Stauley range. 


2— Allies capture Kokoda. 

— JAK. ^44 ] 

11— Epic fight of H.M.T,S. Bengal with 
two Japanese destroyers while escorting 
Dutch tankers. 


1— Jap attempt to land troops on Buna 

20— Japanese planes raid Calcutta for the 
first time. 



4 — U. S. forces on Guadalcanal capture 
Japanese positions near Mount Austen. 

7— Roosevelt in his message to Congress 
warns Japan that Allies will take war 
to her own country. 

11— Treaty signed in Chungking between 
Britain, USA. and China for the 
abolition of extia-territorial rights in 

l4— Churchill and Roosevelt meet at 
Casablanca to discuss the “offensive 
campaigns of 1943.” 

35 — Allies launch fresh offensive in Kew 
Guinea. Three Japanese bombers shot 
down over Calcutta. 

16— Iraq joins United Nations. 

24 — End of Jap resistance in Papua 


9 — 'iokyo announces Japanese evacuation 
of Guadalcanal. Chiang Kai-shek 
arrives in Delhi. 

11^1 1 is revealed that Field-Marshal Sir 
John Dill and General Arnold had 
confeiences with Marshal Chiang Kai- 
sbek in Chungking and thereafter with 
Field-Marshal Wavell in India. 

13— Inaiiguiation of Indian Air 1 raining 
Corps Scheme at Aligarh University 

22— Sea-borne raid on My ebon, south of 
Ak>ab, by Allied fo.ces from India. 

26— Japanese aircraft suffer heavy losses 
in their attack on Allied bases in 


2— 4— Jap convoy in Bismarck Straits 
attacked by Allied bombers— 10 enemy 
warships and 12 transports sunk, 102 
planes put oat of action. 

4— In House of Lords, Lord Cranborne 
announces that large reserves of war 
supplies are being built up in India 
intended for China 

17— Arrival in New Delhi of Vice-Admiral 
J. H. Godfrey, Flag Officer Command- 
ing, Royal Indian Navy, announced. 


1— Japanese bombers attack Feni in S.E* 
Bengal : five Jap planes shot down. 


8— In the Arakan, Japanese forces reach 


the Maungdaw-Buthidaung Road, about 
four miles west of Buthidaung. 

}1 — Churchill, accompanied by Field Mar- 
shal Wavell and Air Chief Marshal Sir 
Richard Peirse, Air Force Commander- 
in-Cbief in India, arrives in Washing- 
ton. American forces land on Japan’s 
Aleutian island base of Attu. 


6— Chinese capture Kungan and attack 
the great Japanese base of Ichang. 

19— •Auchinleck assumed charge as Com- 
mander-in-Chief of India. 


6 — End of all organised Japanese resist- 
ance at Munda announced. 

21— Allied occupation of Kiska in the 

Aleutians announced. 

24 — An official statement issued by Chur- 
chill and Roosevelt at the conclusion 
of the Quebec Conference reveals that 
Allied plans for intensifying war 
against Japan and other Allied cam- 
paigns aie complete. 


7 — Mountbatten arrives in Delhi. 

12— Madras has its first air raid. 

13— It is announced that the entire New 
Georgia group in the Solomons is in 
Allied hands* 

16— Mountbatten arrives in Chungking for 

30— Forty-five Japanese aircraft destroyed 
in heavy Allied raid on Rabaul. 


1 — American forces invade Bougainville 

22— Cairo Conference— Roosevelt, Chiang 
and Churchill meet. 


5— Jap air raid on Calcutta. 

19— All combat units of R.A.F. and u.s.A. 
A,F. in s. E. Asia theatre combined into 
a single Allied Air Force under com- 
mand of Air Chief Marshal Sir Richard 

26— Allies make new landings in New 
Britain in face of heavy air attacks by 
the Japanese. 



10— Allies capture Manngdaw in Burma. 

12— Pacific War Council meets in 

24 — Lt-Gen. Slim appointed Commander 
of the 14th Army. 

27 — U. S. State Department sends protest 
to Japanese on treatment of war 

28 — Eden’s statement in House of Com- 
mons on Japanese ill-treatment of 
British war prisoners* 



31 — Allied forces carry out first land 
fighting with Japanese in Dutch New 
Uuinea. Americans land at several 
points on Marshall Islands and esta- 
blish beachheads in spite of heavy 
Japanese resistance. 


4— A Japanese aircraft bombs Grissa 
coast and Vizagapatam. 

5 — Allies capture Kwajalein Island in 
the Marshalls . 

16'17— U.S. Fleet attacks Jap base at 
Truk: 18 Japanese ships sunk and 201 
planes destroyed. 

28— Allied victory in Arakan reported — 
Jap plan to push into India foiled : 
14th Army routs strong enemy force. 

29 — Allied forces land on Admiralty 


6— First U.S. troops go into action in 
North Burma. 

11— Allied forces capture Buthidaung. 

17- Announcement that Allied glider- 
borne troops have been landed 200 
miles behind Jap lines, in North 

22 — Japanese raiding columns enter Mani- 
pur State. Japanese pushed back by 
Allies on Chin Hills. 


2— Japanese troops cross Imphal-Kohi- 
ma Road. 

13— Japanese attacks on Kohima repulsed. 

16 — S.E. Asia Command H.Q. shifted to 

19— Carrier-borne aircraft, escorted by 
powerful Allied fleet, attack Sabang. 

20— Link-up of Allied troops from Dima- 
pur with the defenders of Kohima an- 

22— Allied foices land at Hollandia in 
Dutch New Guinea and at Aitape. 


2— A Japanese submarine sunk in Indian 
Ocean by R. A. F. bombers. 

18— Allies capture Myitkyina airfield and 
besiege the town. 


16 — ^U.S. troops land on Saipan Island in 
the Marianas. 

18—353 Japanese carrier-borne aircraft 
shot down while attacking U.S. Fleet 
at Saipan. Japanese capture Changsha 
capital of Hunan province. 

22— Kohima-Iraphal Road completely 
cleared of Japs* 

26— Japanese capture U. S. air base at 
Hengyang in South-East China. 


4— Capture of Ukhrul by I4th Army 

18— Tokyo announcement that Tojo has 

relinquished post of Chief of Army 
General Staff. 

19— Battle of Imphal ends with victory for 
14th Army. 

20— Americans land on Guam. 

29 — ^U.S. Super-Fortresses bomb Anshan, 
Japanese steel centre in Manchuria. 

August ^ 

3— Allies capture Myitkyina. 

6— Allies capture Tamu. 

10— End of all organised Japanese resist- 
ance on Guam announced. 

17 — Manipur cleared of the Japanese. 

20 — It is announced that the last Japanese 
fighting force has been driven out of 


2 — 14th Army routs Japanese north of 

11 — Attack by U.S. aircraft on a Japanese 
convoy near ‘Philippines, resulting in 
the sinking of 62 enemy ships, an- 

12— Churchill-Roosevelt meeting at Que- 
bec. Allied Chiefs of staff confer to 
plan war against Japan. 

14 — Allied landings on Halmahere and 
Palau islands. 

18 — Carrier-borne attack on Sumatra. 


9— U S. Fleet strikes at Ryuku Islands — 
26 Japanese ships destroyed or 

19— Indian troops of the l4th Army cap- 
ture 'Tiddim. 

23— 25— Japs lose 68 ships in naval battle 
off Philippines. 

28— C.B.I. theatre split into two com- 
mands : Lt.-Gen. Daniel Saltan 
appointed Commander of American 
forces in India-Burma theatre and 
Maj.-Gen. A. C. Wedemeyer as Chief 
of Staff to Gen. Ohiang-Kai-shek. 


4— Lt.-Gen. Sir Oliver Leese appointed 
to command nth Army Group in S.E, 

7 — Fifth Indian Division capture Kennedy 

9— Indian troops capture Japanese 
stronghold of Fort White. 

10— Chinese troops cross the Irrawaddy. 

20— Chinese forces break into Bhamo. 


3— Allied troops capture Kalewa. 

16 — American troops land on Mindoro 
Island in the Philippines. In Burma 
Allied Forces link up east of Chindwin. 

24 — Allied capture of Donbaik announced. 

26-- MacArthur announces completion of 

Leyte campaign. 

28— Indian troops occupy Foul Point at 
the tip of Mayu Peninsula. 

-“AUG. ’45 ] 



1945 I 

January I 

1 — Indian troops occupy Kathedaung, j 

3— .14th Army troops occupy Yeu, 70 
miles from Mandalay. | 

5— Briiish and Indian troops recapture j 

Akyab Island and Akyab. | 

7— Indian troops entered ISchwebo. i 

9 — Allies invade Luzon. j 

13— Allied troops land on Myebon Peiun- 1 

22~Gen, Sultan announces that Ledo 
Road to China is clear of Japanese and 
open for convoys. Allies enter | 
Monywa. i 

23— 14th Army troops occupy Tizaung and 
Myirau. I 

26— In Burma a third landing is made i 
by Indian troops on Oheduba Island, | 
W. of Eamree I 

31— Singapore floating dock sunk by U.S. | 
air attack. 


7— MacArthur arrives in Manila, 

10 — Allied troops take Ramree Island. 

16 — 1,500 Allied planes attack Tokyo for 
nine hours. 

IS — American landing on Corregidor 

39— American land on Iwojima. 

20 — It is revealed that Roosevelt and 
Churchill met at Alexandria on way 
back from Yalta to discuss plans for 
carrying out the war against Japan. 

23— Turkey delares war on Japan and 

28 — Allies capture Meiktila. 


1 — Iran declares war on Japan* Saudi 
Arabia declares war on Germany and 

3— Last Japanese remnants in Manila 
wiped out by Allies. 

15- U.S. flag hoisted over Iwojima. 

20 — Allies capture Mandalay. 


1 — Americans land on Okinawa. 

3— Americans invade North Borneo. 

6— Koiso Cabinet resigns. Moscow Radio 

announces end of Soviet- Japanese 

Neutrality Pact. 

7— .Japan’s biggest battleship, the 45,000- 
ton Yamato, sunk. 

11 — Spain breaks off diplomatic relations 
with Japan. 

14— About 400 Super-Fortresses shower 
thousands of tons of incendiaries on 
Tokyo’s war industries. 

16— Capture of Taungup, last Jap coastal 
supply base in Arakan, by 15th Indian 
Corps announced. 


21 — 14th Army drive towards Rangoon. 

25— The United Nations Conference opens 
at San Francisco. 


1— Following earlier landing by para- 
troops, Allied troops land south of 

2— 8,000 Allied troops land on Tarakan 
Island, off Borneo. 

3 — Allied troops enter Rangoon. Capture 
of Pegu by l4th Army announced. 

4— 14th Army troops occupy Rangoon. 

11— Chinese forces break into Foochow. 


7 — Stilweli and MacArthur hold con- 
ference in S. W. Pacific. 

9 — Allied landing on Labuan Island an- 

11 — Australian landing on Japanese-occu- 
pied British Borneo announced. 

IS — Japanese resistance in Northern 
Okinawa ends. 

26— Fifty nations sign World Security 

28— Liberation of Luzon announced. 


2 — Australians land at Balik Papan in 
South-East Borneo. 

4— Koiea bombed for first time by Allies. 

0 — End of Philippine capaign announced. 

15 — Italy’s decision to declare war on 
Japan announced. 

17 — Big 'Jhree meeting opens in Potsdam. 

24— Jap defeat in Battle of Pegu Yomas. 

25— Allies warn Japan against coming 
10,000-plane raids. 

26 — Declaration from Potsdam calling 
upon Japan to “cease resistance or be 

28— 30,t)00-ton Japanese battleship Hyugo 
sunk by Allies, 


3 — Anglo-U.S. plans, formulated during 
the Potsdam Conference! to smash 
Japan revealed by British Foreign 

5 — B.E.A.O announcement that Battle of 
Pegu Yomas resulted in loss of 
10,000 Japs. Allies attack Japanese 
Army base of Hiroshima with atomic 

I 8 — Truman in a statement reveals des- 
tructive powers of atomic bomb. 

9— Russia at war with Japan. Russians 
crosB ino Manchuiia and capture two 
towns. Nagasaki hit by atomic bomb. 

10 — Japanese Government’s surrender 
offer. Russian troops invade Korea. 

16 — Japanese surrender. 

Notes on Indian History 

It has truly been said that a History of India that reveals the whole panorama 
of the vast millenia of her distinctive life and civilisatijn in its actual shape and 
colour and due proportion and perspective, still remains to be written* The materials 
for drawing such a vast outline and making such a comprehensive and connected 
sketch are not yet in hand. A fairly definite outline and connected sketch which 
gives the promise of being some day developed into what is called “scientific history” 
has, however, been steadily emerging out of the mist that veils the immensity of 
India’s past— a mist which (thanks to the labours of the investigators) has 
perceptibly thinned without being as yet actually lifted as far as one can now make 
one’s incursion into the age that saw the biith of Budhism and Jainism in India 
in the ISixth Century B, 0. Beyond that theie is still only “cosmic nebulae” relieved 
here and there by a few stray constellations of lucidly distinct historical facts. 
These ‘‘oebulie” have probably a depth and density to be measured only in terms 
of millenia. But fiom the position where we can now make our historical 
prospecting, these vast remote dark spaces of Indian history lecede and shrink and 
fold up and, at last, look like a far-away blank, black spheuile beyond the galaxy 
of human remembrance. 

Ancient Indian history is, apparently, “full” of such gaps and blanks. Beyond 
the time when Alexander the Great invaded the Punjab (3^6 B. 0.), the galactical 
system of detailed and authentic Indian history does not far extend. There are too 
many unexplored blank spaces and unformed, chaotic nebulse beyond that time still. 
Beginning approximately with that period we are furnished, sometimes in abundance 
with fairly trustworthy material in the shape of contemporary f^reek testimony bear- 
ing on Indian history, and also, as time rolls on, with insciiptional and other kinds 
of decipherable and dependable domestic evidence. Of course, an immense mass of 
“documentary” evidence and evidence in the more or less fiuid, volatile state of 
tradition, heresay and folk-lore (written or unwritten) have always lam by the side 
of the historian hitherto busy with his insciiptions, plates, coins, artefacts and any 
corroborative evidence that may bo forthcoming from outside. And that mass of 
ancient Indian documentary evidence and tradition has, generally, lain neglected by 
his side It has been, generally, of little help to him in reconstructing, “on 
scientific lines”, the missing skeleton of ancient Indian History. It has been, 
however, of great use to the comparative mythologist, philologist and anthropologist. 

But even the historian who seeks to leconstiuct on scientific line the missing 
skeleton of ancient history, whether of India or of any other country, should do 
well to remember that the dry bones of the skeleton he may have been able to put 
together will not be true, living history unless they can be made instinct with the 
touch of life which literature, art, tradition, ‘myths’, folk-lore, religious and social 
institutions in their earlier and later forms alone can give. From coins, plates etc., 
we can build a possible or even probable frame-work of chronology into which we 
t;an put our little bits of tested facts according to one possible plan or other. Such a 
mosaic of dates and facts (mainly relating to dynastic succession, war and conquest) 
is of course important as necessary ground-plan of history. But it is not the com- 
pleted structure of history. It is not history as organic process of evolution. So 
we have to distinguish between structural. or morphological history and organic 
“physiological” history* 

Now India has been so poor in comparison with some other ancient count- 
ries like Egypt. Babylonia and China in her “materials” for writing the first kind 
of history, and the available materials, as we saw, do not carry us much beyond 
the time of Budha and Mahavir in the Sixth Century B. C. Kecently, however, a 
very old and, apparently, a high order of civilisation has been unearthed in the 
Indus Valley in the Punjab and in Sind, which according to current official 
beliefs, is of Summerian pattern. The buried cities now discovered bring to light 
not only very interesting features of a civilisation thriving in the western part of 
India in so remote a past (when the Indo- Aryans had not, according to the common 
view, yet migrated into India), but they even put into our hands interesting clues 
that may eventually help us to unravel many of the riddles of our Vedic and post- 
Vedic history. The Tantrik cult, for instance, may have older and deeper roots in 
the soil of India than have so far been granted or suspected. Nothing contempora- 
neous with or earlier than the Indus Valley civilisation has yet been unearthed in 


other parts of the sub continent. So the present trend of speculation is to regard 
the Indus Valley civilisation as short wedge driven into Western India— the 
whole of which was still at the low level of aboriginal darkness (with the possible 
exception of some parts that might have risen to the Dravidian light* level) — 
probably by the races and civilisation of Sumer. 

We are still in the dusk-land of probabilities or even less than probabilities as 
to the date, origin, early habitats and earlier forms not only of the Indus Valley 
but also of the Dravidians and indo-Aryan people. We do not know for certainty 
when and from where the Indo-Aryans came into India. The fact of Aryan immi- 
gration into India itself, though generally accepted, is still disputed And if immi- 
gration be admitted, we have, probably, to admit not one but several successive 
streams of immigration Such theory apparently called for to account for some of 
the critical turnings and “sudden miuationb” in our ancient historical evolution, 
will lead to many unexplored avenues of enquiry as to ages and dates, origins and 

The Eigveda 

The Eigveda — the earliest and the most informing and instructive ^'documentary** 
evidence that we possebs — appears to set the stage amidst scenes which show the 
Aboriginal, Dravidian and ludo-Aryan factors fighting for supremacy first m the 
land of “five Eivers” and in the Ganges Valley, and then gradually, beyond the 
Vindhya Range which with the impenetrable fortst mantle, stood as bainer bet- 
ween Northern India (Aryyavatta) and Deccan. Gradually we find the aborigines 
cornered and driven to "the hills and forests where their descendants, more or less 
Aryanised, still continue to live. In corsiderable parts they were also absorbed into 
the fold of an Aryan society and culture. And in being absorbed they did not fail 
to impart some lutie part of their own character of the Aryan complex. There was 
not so much of racial or even linguistic fusion as of cultural assimilation. The 
process of Aryanisation in language, culture, etc., has been a process admitting, 
naturally, of different shapes and degrees, leaving at the one end aboriginal races 
that have almost kept aloof from Aryan influence and having at the other others 
that have become part and parcel of the Aryan system. The Aryanisation of the 
Dravidian peoples, specially in religion, culture and civilisation, has been a much 
more perfected process. But on the other hand the Dravidian impress on the Aryan 
system is also in many places, deep and unmistakable. The Dravidian is co-ordinated 
or even suboidinated to the Aryan but not lost in the latter. This power of assimi- 
lation of alien races and cultures without losing tbe individuality of its own essential 
Type or Pattern and without at the same time making the diverse elements assimi- 
lated lose whatever is essential in them — has been a special characteristic of the 
Indo- Aryan race and culture- complex. This has meant organic unity or unity in 
diversity of a more fundamental and abiding nature than can, perhaps, be claimed 
for the political or national unity with which histories are completely familiar. 
Historians, accordingly, commonly miss the unity which lies deep and sees only the 
diversity which lies on the surface. India to then is thus a veritable chaos of 
jarring elements of races, language, religions, castes, sects and cultures which have 
never known unity before the days of the unitary political rule of the British. Of 
coarse, the introduction, in later times, of the Semitic religions— Muhammedanism 
and Christianity— disturbed to some extent the ages-long unity and balance of the 
Aryo-Dravidian culture and social system in India. But even these elements were 
in the process of being slowly drawn into the sphere of influence of what we may 
call tbe genius of India. In other words, a slow but sure process of cultural 
assimilation even of these “militant” factors was going apace. Buddhism, which had 
risen as a “revolt** against orthodox Hinduism— but yet as a revolt from within — 
and which dominated the situation in India for several centuries, ended in the land 
of its birth by being eventually absorbed and assimilated into the parent religion. 
Jainism and many other old or later “revolts’* have thus “squared their accounts*' 
with the same parent religion, and have been for many centuries living peaceably 
side by side with one another and with the latter. 

This power of assimilation and co-ordination in which all the components 
make their own contributions and are permitted to live side by side as members of 
a commonwealth of cultures, has been the secret of the wonderful resisting and 
staying power of the Indian culture-complex against such disintegrating forces as 
have smashed up many an old and glorious civilisation of the world. And it can be 
easily shown from facts that this staying power has been in evidence not onlyr in 
the realm of cultural contacts and impacts but also in that of social and political 



ones. There have been many raids into India and invasions before and after Christ, 
but it is a travesty of facts to imagine that Indian resistance has always been weak 
and short-lived and that such invasions are typically like raids of Mahmud of 
Gazni which even swept away Indian armies and kingdoms like cobweb or a house 
of cards. Before her final subjugation by the Mahammadan Power — and the final 
subjugation of the whole of India was anything like an accomplished fact only for 
a time during the reign of great Mogul Emperors--India had been, it should be 
borne in mind, a mighty Power and a Model of civilisation and culture for at least 
three thousand years. And it should be remembered further that when the British 
in India turned from trade to conquest (always with native help and alliance) they 
had to settle their accounts not only with Haider Ali and Tipu Bultan in the South 
but mainly the Maharatta and Sikh Powers which had risen on the ruins of the 
Mahammadan Power in India* 

Unitaey Indian Empire 

But there were and still have been other factors which, to some extent, 
operate against India developing a compact and coherent political and military 
organisation except occasionally like, for instance, the Great Roman Empire of old 
or the British Empire in modern times. We possess, apparently, no connected retros- 
pect of the remote past of which the Vedas, Epics and Puranas speak. But as far 
as appearances go an unitary, centralised, Indian Empire was the exception and 
not the rule. In later times also, an Empire like that of Asoka was not a common 
achievement. As we said, India has possessed deep-laid cultural and institutional 
unity beneath all her diversities. India has fought, and fought bravely, for the 
integrity of her sacred Land, her sacred religion and tradition, and for their sacred 
visible Symbols and Embodiment. But one has rarely fought for the “State” as 
such or an Empire as such* The spirit of her culture did not favour the formation 
and consolidation of Nationalism in the sense it is commonly understood, and her 
basic institutions would hardly consist with any forms of centralised State control* 
The all-controlling and co-ordinating Principle was Dharma (the Principle of Human 
Values and Conduct) rather than any State agency. Each village, for example, was 
a self-contained commune and autonomous unit owing permanent allegiance to the 
reign of Dharma and only temporary allegiance to any kingship that might function 
for the time being. So the village communes continued to live though kingdoms 
after kingdoms rose and fell. They were but little affected by the accident and 
exigencies of politics. 

Again, the spirit of Dharma (which should not be translated as religion) has 
definitely and systematically favouied all human or even all-living values and ten- 
dencies and cosmopolitan outlook, and has opposed militant, aggressive, '‘predatory”, 
nationalism. The old Upanishads are clear and courageous in their conception of 
those higher values; and the Dharmashastras (Codes laying down social and 
individual conduct) were bold and consistent in their execution of those ideas. Later, 
Budhisra and Jainism and other “reforming” movements have tended only to stress 
snch values as non-violence and fellowship with all men ^nd all living beings. These 
forces operating through the ages tended to produce in the Indian classes and masses 
a common disposition not quite favourable to the formation and consideration of an 
unitary military state for purposes of offence and defence. 

Of the immense back-ground of Indian History which is represented by the Vedas 
(Samhitaa, Brahmans, Aranyakas and Upanishdas), the various Sutras (or Digests) 
Philosophies, Epics (the Ramayana and Mahavarata), Puranas and Tantras (our state- 
ment here is not anything like full), we possess (unless one is prepared to grant the 
claim of the Puranas recently put forth in their behalf that they do contain mate- 
rials for reconstructing a fairly connected chronological history beginning with the 
very earliest times) very little precise and connected information for the purpose of 
writing a political history both copious and correct as to facts and their chronological 
order. But^ of the ideals and ideas, practices and institutions of the times we do 
possess a very full, informing and instructive presentation. And after all, what is 
real history but this ? Scholars have been busy with their sketches and drawings of 
the ancient orders and specimens of ideas, beliefs, and practices that existed in India 
But oftener than not their reviews and retrospects have been made from modern 
standpoints, with modern notions, criteria and standards of testing facts and apprais- 
ing values. This has not enabled us in any just measure, to understand, much less 
appreciate, a civilisation (not confined to India but. possibly, reaching some of its 
greatest heights in this country) which was essentially of a different kind, and cannot 
therefore, be represented as only the first uncertain and timid step taken on t^q 



toad which has through a long long inarch, at last brought us to our present 
advanced stage. The ideology, plan and methods of that ancient civilisation we have 
yet not seriously studied and rightly understood. Much of that civilisation^ we still 
regard, without understanding, as consisting of '‘savage’' magic, meaningless ritualism, 
“theological twaddle” and crude superstition. Side by side with all this we find, 
however, the highest philosophy, deepest mysticism and pure ethics. There is also 
much that is of original and genuine value from the point of view of human 
material and mundane progress. This seems to us a curious medley of what is 
nearly the highest and what is about the lowest. But let us pass on. 

Coming to “historical” times we find that the invasion by Alexander the Great 
of India proved in the result to be little more than a brilliant raid. His victorious 
armies could only cut off a small slice of North-Western India and this little slice 
the Macedonian would ingest, but could not digest. His steam-roller of conquest 
speedily developed “war-weariness” on the plains of the Punjab, and he had to go 
bqck only adding a bit of India to his vast Empire. He had won some of his 
battles in India, but it had not been an “easy walk-over” with him. 

Chandragupta asd Asoka 

After his death shortly afterwards, the vast Macedonian Empire practically 
went to pieces. Chandragupta, who became the king of Magadha, proved himself 
too powerful for the Greafc invaders who bad violated the sanctity and integrity of 
the sacred Land of the Five Eivers, As the result of the formidable opposition by 
the armies of Chandragupta, a treaty was concluded between him and the Greek 
which made him the supreme, undisputed lord and sovereign of the Indian Empire. 
Megasihenes, who was sent by Seleiicus as an ambassador to the court of Chandra- 
gupta, left a very valuable record of the times of the customs and morals of the 
people, and of the administration, which though unfortunately frasrmentary, bears an 
eloquent, and admiring testimony to the high order of material and moral civilization 
attained by the Hindus centuries before the Christian era. And this high civilisa- 
tion was evolved in India not in isolation but in commerce with other civilisations 
that flourished iu ancient times such as the Babylonian, Greek, Persian and Chinese. 
Chandragupta’s son was Bindusara who was succeeded by Asoka (269-231 B. C.), 
who was undoubtedly, one of the greatest rulers of men bolding their sway for the 
material and spiritual good of mankind. Numerous edicts and inscriptions record 
the noble and glorious achievements of his reign which, in its later stages, left the 
bloody path of war and conquest and devoted itself to the much more noble and 
fruitful task and the moral and spiritual conquest and redemption of ourselves and 
our fellow beings. With commendable catholicity and tolerance, not seeking to 
impose it upon others by his great imperial authority and power, he exercised that 
authority and power for the purpose of transforming Budhisro, which had been 
more or less a local sect in the Ganges Valley, into one of the greatest and most 
potent living world religions, Asoka’s reign is therefore rightly held to be an epoch 
in the history of the world. Bis edicts also show the man, his ideals and his 
methods. But all this had not allowed or favoured the cement of the great Maurya 
Empire setting into the requisits hardness. Independent kingdoms like Bacteria 
and Parthia took their rise in the border land, and the Greeks renewed their 
incursions. New races (the Yuen-chi) came in a surge of migration which swept 
all before them, and in the first century A. D. a considerable portion of the North- 
west India came under their influence. 

Gupta Dynasty 

Kaniska, who made Peshawar his capital, proved great as a ruler and as a 
patron and missionary of the Budhistic religion. Under him the Kushan Branch of 
the Yuen-chi reached the zenith of his power. But this power fell as another power 
in middle India rose— the Andhra dynasty. A peak like Amaravati or Ujjain would, 
some time, rise and shine in the midst of moving vastness of Indian waters. 
In the beginning of the fourth century the centre of political influence in India was 
again shifted to Pataliputra in Magadha as the Gupta dynasty emerged into power. 
Samudragnpta, who ruled for fifty years, and his son Chandragupta, greatly distin- 
guished themselves not only in war but in the sphere of peaceful and fruitful 
administration, promoting general prosperity and giving liberal encouragement to art 
and literature, a glorious tribute to which was paid by the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hein. 
According to his testimony, their Empires were vast and their administration just, 
enlightened. Towards the end of the Fifth Century— when the White Huns from 
Central Asia began to pour themselves into India— the sun of the Gupta dynasty 
set (during whose regime, it should be noted, there had been a revival and 


reconstruction of ancient Brahmanism and Brahmanical culture as evidenced 
especially by the literature of the Purans : but this reviving process was very 
largely, a process of quiet adaptation and peaceful assimilation.) More than a 
century had elapsed after the fall of the Gupta dynasty before there rose another 
great and enlightened monarch who could emulate with no mean success the greatest 
of the Indian rulers in historical time— Asoka. Emperor Harsha, who consolidated 
his authority practically over the whole of Northein India in the beginning of the 
seventh century, was famous equally for his gieat prowess, his high intellectual 
attainments and for the bioad catholicity of his religious outlook. An account of 
his times has been left by a Chinese, Huen Tsiang by name. In that, India is 
still painted in generally bright and even glowing colours. 

Mediaeval India 

After the death of Harsha, and gradually with the emergence of India into 
what may be called the mediaeval period, the conditions which had made the 
political unification of India sometimes possible in the past, nearly disappeaied, and 
India was thrown into a state of political confusion and chaos in which petty 
kingdoms rose like muehiooms and constant internecine strife prevailed, ttome 
outstanding figures like Vikramaditya would occasionally appear on the stage ; but 
such events were few and far between. In the south ot India was being enacted a 
very interesting but involved drama in which the Andhras, Ballavas, Chalukyas and 
Oholas were the principal actors. Kashmere in the North, Kanauj in the Doab and 
Bengal in the east were also alive with many vivid and vital scenes and events of 
political, cultural and social interests. But we shall not try to make a review of 
them here. Gne outstanding event in the confusion and complexity of the general 
Indian situation which deserves notice even passing was the rise of the Rajput power 
upon which the mantle of the old caste Kshatrias (the warrior and ruling caste) 
fell and which was the chief opposition that the waves of Mahammedan invasion 
coming one after another ever since the second quarter of the 7th century, had to 
encounter and ultimately bear down, Guzrat, Malwa, Ajmer, Kanauj and Delhi 
were the principal scenes of the new drama of Rajput ascendancy — a drama so full 
of episodes of superhuman bravery, noble heroism and sacrifice for the sacred cause 
of religion and liberty that they have ever since lived m human memory as models 
which future generations of patriots in any country might well try to emulate. 
Though Rajput opposition was borne down in Northern India by the end of the 
twelfth century, Rajput bravery and the spirit that animated it survived the crash 
of the Hindu Empire of Delhi and Ajmere over which Piithvi Raj, the hero, the 
last of the Hindu emperors, though not the last of the Hindu rulers had held 
sway, Rajput bravery and Rajput love of independence were still factors to reckon 
with in the days of the great Moghuls— Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan and 
Aurangzab, Ool. Todd and some others have nariated the story^ and it constitutes 
one of his proudest annals in the vast archives of the Hindu glory in India. As 
to the conquest of Northern India by the Mahammedans; it should be noted, the great 
prize was not very easily or quickly won ; that the first Mahammedan impact was 
in the seventh century shortly after the passing away of the Prophet, and a Maham- 
medan kingdom in Northern India came into being towards the end of the 12th* 
century. Even this did not mean either a complete or final subjugation of India, 
and there is another thing to be noted. Hindu power fell not because its resistance 
was weak and its bravery and heroism in the field was not backed by adequate 
tact, strategy and discipline in diplomacy, planning and preparation. 

The centuries of the mediaeval age in India were marked by a conspicuous lack 
of political unity and soiidaiity. But they were by no means unimportant and barren* 
It was not a “dark” Age In the Gupta period and in the centuries before and after, 
a marvellous process of social, cultural and religious reconstruction was going apace. 
The old Vedic scheme of social economy (involving as it did the four Varnas of 
“caate*^ and the four Ashrams or “stages” of life) was being transformed through a 
process of adaptation, assimilation and multiplication which made society more 
comlprehensive and at the same time more complex. The influence ot Budhism, 
He lenism and that of Mongoloid races also led to adaptations and assimilations, 
in many important directions in the older order of Indian customs and institutions* 
The gradual assimilation of Budhism itself was a phenomenon of the greatest import- 
ance. The Vedic religion survived but it was transformed. The Puranas and Tantras 
renewed and gave a new expression to the Sanatana Dharma. lu the domain of 
literature, art (both useful and fine), science and mathematics, philosophy and 
paetaphysics these centuries were also productive of fruits that were and still are of 


the greatest interest and value. Great poets like Kalidas and Bhavabhuti, and great 
Philosophers like Shankaracharya and Ramanuja and also other pioneers and 
masters in other fields formed a galaxy of men of genius and talents which showed 
that an age of political dis-fqnilibrmm and confusion in India was yet not necess- 
arily an age of cultural depiession and darkness and social disruption. The soul 
of India could, apx^arently, * function to its best advantage inspite ot her troubled 

But whilst this was true for some time it could not be true for all time. Her 
politics at last began to tell on her constitution. We do not, however, propose to 
continue the story through the Mahammedan and British periods. The history of 
these periods is more settled and definite in features, and these are, generally, well- 
known. One special feature, which is not always clearly recognised and to which we 
should like to draw attention is this. From the twelfth century right up to the 
eighleenth, or even for some time later, the Hindu power of revival and regeneration, 
of initiation and execution was never like dead or even dying. Independent and 
often Dowerful kingdoms like Vijayanagar in the South, those of Pratap, Shivaji and 
the Peshwas in the west ( we do not mention some others e, g. those in Bengal) 
would now and then proudly lift their heads and challenge the authority of the 
great Moslem emperors. Under that authority, toor there flourisbeci many great Hindu 
administrators, ministers, governors, generals and financiers. In short, during the 
Mafaammedan era, the Hindu genius was not at its best but it was not quite decadent. 

The Mahammedan Rule 

The Mahammedan conquerors, again, from Mohamed Ghori who wrested the sceptre 
of the kingdom of Delhi from Prithviraj after a first unsuccessful attempt, came to 
India as foreigners but they did not lemain here as foreigners. India was the land 
of their adoption. Raids like those by Chengis Khan or Nadir Shah were rare and 
they did not represent the normal course of events. India suffered, and sometimes 
badly, no doubt, from the effects of the conquering ardour and proselytising zeal of 
some of the Mahammedan rulers. But the great Moghuls were as much “childien of 
the soil” as the humblest of the Hindu *^heathen”. And this sharing together by 
the Hindus and Mussalmans of a common “hearth and home” naturally tended 
to breed a consciousness of community of interests in both as India’s offspring. 
There was a steady assimilation of the Semitic and Indo- Aryan cultures also and 
even a growing understanding and appreciation of one religion by the other. The 
religions touched and even blended with each other at their highest points — e. g., in 
Sufism and Vedantic mysticism. They also met and evolved a broad common 
“shrine” to which folk beliefs, practices and institutions would bring their united 
homage. Even a common dialect (Urdu or Hindusthani) was evolved between the 
two in Northern India which gradually blossomed into a fine literature. The 
patronage extended by the Mohammedan emperors to Music, Architecture etc. was 
also fruitful of very fine result. India’s wealth attracted the trade and commerce 
of the whole civilised woild. In fact, America or the West Indies was discovered 
in an attempt to discover an western route to the Indian market. British, French, 
Dutch and Portuguese traders all came and scrambled for market, and eventually, 
for political power in India. It is also worthy of note that even under the sway 
of such masterful monarchs as Sher Shah, Akbar or Aurangzeb, the government of 
the country was in the main decentralised, allowing provincial and local autonomy 
— down to the autonomy of the village units— to adequately function. Even petty 
local chiefs— like the feudal lords of the mediaeval West— never unlearnt the art 
of fighting and governing. So it was always possible for a man of ambition and 
ability, like Shivaji for example, to evolve sanctions whereby he could implement 
his high political aspirations. It was the very large measure of local autonomy 
and local initiative that existed that rendered possible the rise of the Mahratta and 
Sikh Powers and also of the kingdoms of Hyder Ali and the Nizam in the south. 
And British Power in India in its rise to paramounty found its most formidable 
rivals or powerful allies in them. 

The British Rule 

In 1599, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, some merchants of London formed 
an association for the purpose of trade with India, and this association was granted 
a royal charter of incorporation. At first this Company was purely a trading concern 
establishing factories in the east and west coasts of India and in Bengal and adminis- 
tering its affairs in the three “presidencies” which were at first independent of one 
another but subordinate to the Board of Directors at home. In course of time. 


however, chiefly with a view to preserviDg and consolidating its growing and 
extensive trade in India, in the face of the French rivalry and intrigue and the 
prevailing political anarchy and unrest in the land, it established military garrisons 
of defence which soon became involved in hostilities that saddled it with territorial 
responsibilities. It fought some decisive battles in Madras and ^ in Bengal, which 
raised a trading company to the status of a political Power in India, French 
intrigue failed and French rivalry practically died down in India. One of the moat 
decisive battles fought was the battle of Plaasey in 1757. The battle was won with 
the aid of faithful native battalions, and with the active or passive support of the 
generals and noblemen of the unfortunate ' young Nawab of Bengal.^ It is worthy 
of note that the path of British supremacy in India, and often, its influence and 
prestige abroad has been paved, amongst other things, with the consent, alliance and 
willing co-operation of the Natives of India. It was so even during the critical 
period of the Sepoy Mutiny one hundred years after the battle of Plassey. It was 
again so during the '‘ordeal” of the last great war. The machinery of administration 
by the East India Company was form time to time modified by Acts of Parliament 
(1773, 1784 , and the Charter Acts of 1793 and 1833). By these a Governor-General- 
in-Council was made the supreme administrative authority in India subject to a Board 
of Control at home. By the last Act, the Company ceased to be a commercial con- 
cern and became a political and administrative body only. After the Sepoy Mutiny 
another Act was passed by which the Government of India was transferred from the 
Company to the Crown, and thenceforth the Govern oi- General was also the Viceroy 
of India. The functions of the Government of India are wide and its responsibilities 
heavy. But its responsibilities are to the Crown and the Parliament. It has not rested 
on an elective popular basis. There have been legislative bodies, but its motions, 
resolutions and votes have not, except as regards certain matteis ot secondary 
importance under the Act of 1919, a binding effect on the Government. 

India’s contributions and sacrifices in the Great War were great, but the “reward” 
that came in the shape of the Parliamentary Declaration promising her a “progressive 
realisation of responsible government,” the stages and times of which were to be 
determined by the Parliament alone was not comforting to her nationalist aspirations. 
And the Government of India Act of 1919, which is still in actual function though 
it has been, appaieutly, broadened and amplified in some directions by a recent 
Parliamentary Statute, did not meet the wishes or expectations of India. By that 
Act dyarchy or a kind of dual responsibility was established in the provinces, where 
the “nation-building” subjects were “transferred” to Ministers (not responsible how- 
ever to the legislature), whilst the more important subjects were “reserved.” In 
practice the transference of certain subjects to Ministers (who were appointed by, 
held office under the pleasure of, and were responsible to the Governor) meant little 
more than a complication of the administrative machinery which became m conse- 
quence, more cumbrous and expensive. The Central Government continued to remain 
unitary under tiie scheme. The legislative bodies, both provincial and central, were 
expanded with non -official majorities, but this placed little power, for construction 
or even for obstruction, in the hands of the popular parties. Whilst the liberals 
proceeded to work the scheme, the main body of nationalist forces, as repreflented by 
the Indian National Congress, would not first even look at it. But some time 
later, under the guidance of Mr. C. R. Das and Pandit Matilal Nehru, a Swaraj 
Party, analogous to the present Congress Parliamentary Party, was formed which 
entered the legislatures, both provincial and central, in telling numbers and by its 
obstructionist tactics caused not a little embarrassment to those entrusted with the 
work of day to day administration. In some provinces it was even able to “wreck” 
dyarchy for a time. Generally, however, the system has worked, though not satisfac- 
torily even according to official appreciation. We need not in particular refer to the 
unwelcome labours of the All-White Statutory Simon Commission, to which even 
the habitually co-operating liberals refused to lend their co-operation. Meanwhile 
the Congress ideology was becoming bolder day by day, and the Lahore session 
adopted a resolution setting as the goal of India complete Independence or Puma 
Swaraj. A campaign of civil disobedience followed to create “sanctions” under the 
leadership of Mahatma Gandhi who has been really at the helm of Congress affairs 
since the early twenties. The Round Table idea was btoached rather too late: but 
Mahatma Gandhi after concluding, what is known as the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, joined 
the Conference subsequently. The result of the deliberations of that body feil short 
of the Congress demand. And the Congress again withdrew its offer of co-operation. 
This was forced on the Congress by the way in which the British ruling 
duBses used, during the Round Table Conference discussions. India’s internal 



differeDces as an excuse for the frustration of her political ambitions* The 
“Communal Award” of the British Premier Ramsay MacDonald that imparted a 
“vote value” to religious differences and social inferiorities revealed the tactics of 
the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy* It was modified by the epic fast of Mahatma 
Gandhi so far as the Hindus were concerned But in its wider ramifications, it has 
stimulated separatist conceits and ambitions that in course of the last ten years have 
created a “civil war” mentality in the country where almost every creed and class 
has been organizing themselves to capture political power in the name of their 
particulaiistic interests. It is well-known that Mahatma Gandhi wanted to avoid 
a fight so soon after the Gandhi-lrwin Pact. This attitude was evidenced by the 
wording of his telegram to Lord Wiliiugdon sent on the S:!9th. December, 1931 — 
“whether you expect me to see you and receive guidance from you as to the course 
I am to pursue in advising the Congress.” Lord Willingdon rejected this opportunity 
of cementing co-operation between Indian XNationalism and the enlightened self- 
interest of British Imperialism. The second Civil Disobedience Movement was the 
natural result which continuing for about tyvo years— 19i2-’34 — prepared by 
repression the mind of India to receive the constitutional changes made by the Act 
of 1935. The genesis and the long drawn processes of shaping this machinery were 
informed by a spirit of arrogant imperialism, ignoring at every step Indian self- 
respect. Tlie imperial Government could not accept ai»y of the suggestions made in 
the Joint Memorandum of the Indian delegates nominated by itself. The arrival of 
“provincial autonomy” changed in no way “a relationsnip that rests on conquest,” 
whose “sanction” was the physical might of Britain, to quote the woids of the well- 
known British publicist, Mi . Brailsford. 

With the passage of t^us Act the ruling authorities hoped that they had 
been able to so provide things that the men and women of India would remain 
satisfied with their enlarged electorates, from 70 lakhs to about 4 crores, and with 
the Ministries charged with the solution of “things that matter”— the problems of 
health, education and economic well-being with which are intimately bound up the 
life of the majority of the people. These problems of dirt, disease and ignorance 
could not be neglected any more without doing permanent injury to the body 
politic. The increasing recognition of this sorry state of affairs joined to the 
increasing resentment with the pretensions of “external authority”, felt by increasing 
numbers of Indians, created a conflict in the mind of India that was reflected in the 
discussion of public affairs — a contradiction between the spoken word and the practice 
that sought to give it shape and form. The organization of the election campaign 
on behalf of the Congress was characterized by this contradiction. The purpose of 
sending Congress representatives to the Legislatures was declared to be to “combat” 
and to “end” the Act of which these were the pioducts, the incorporation of the 
“Fundamental Rights” resolution (passed at the Karachi Congress, 1931) and of the 
“Agrarian Programme” (accepted at the Lucknow Congress 1936) in the Congress 
Election Manifesto (22 August, 19 )6^ held the promise of relief through these 
Legislatures of the many ills ~ political and economic and social— from which the 
people suffered. Facing the Congress Party in this battle for votes, stood the up- 
holders of varied interests, communal and class, that under various disguises and 
with radical programmes on their lips tried to canalize the rising temper and the 
organized feeling of the country. In the election concest the Congress secured 
absolute majorities in five provinces— Madras, the United Provinces, the Central 
Provinces and Berar, Behar, and Orissa ; it was the single largcbt paity in four — 
Bombay, Bengal, Assam and the North West Frontier Province ; in the Punjab and 
Sind Congress members were in a minority — a negligible minority. 

When their leaders were called upon by the Governois in the provinces to 
help him in forming the Ministries, they demanded of the Governors* assurance 
that use would not be made of tbeir veto and emergency powers, and that 
the advice of the Ministries would not be “set side in regard to Iheir 
constitutional activities.** The Governois expressed inability to divest themselves 
of “certain obligations” which the PaiHament had imposed on them. Ensued a 
constitutional deadlock ; the Assemblies were not called in seven provinces ; 
“interim ministries” were apriointed to “conceal*’ this “breakdown” of the 
constitutional device, said Prof Berriedale Keith. For four months the controversy 
waxed and waned. As the statutory period for the convening of the Assemblies drew 
nearer, the Government, “ultra-sensitive over questions of prestige**, yielded. 
Congress Ministries were formed in seven provinces ; in Bengal and Assam, in 
the Punjab and Sind coalition ministries were functioning from April, 1937 ; the 
Congress Ministries from the last week of July, 1937. The refusal of the Congress 


to entertain the idea of allowing its members to enter into coalition even as the 
predominant partner, as it was possible in Bengal and Assam, enabled Muslim 
communalist Ministries to be set up in these two provinces whose activities helped 
to work havoc with the decencies of civilised life, to inflame the bitterness of com- 
munal feeling and waft its poison all over the country. The lowest depth of this 
degradation was reached when outbursts ot arson and loot in the city of Dacca and 
the conntry side within the district occurred during 1941. The device of the “Com- 
munal Award” has been working towards its logical end. 

The India Act of 1935 had a federal scheme to introduce. A sort of Diarchy 
was contemplated, and vast areas of power in the administration were withheld 
from the people’s representatives ; the nominees of the rulers of the Indian States 
were given a disproportionately big representation in both the upper and lower 
bouses of the Central Legislature. The Reserve Bank and the Federal Railway 
Authority were instances of the former ; and the so-called States’ representatives 
were so many “pocket-boroughs” under the command of the external authority 
represented by the Governor-General. These and the industrial and commercial 
and political “safeguards” with which the Federal Scheme bristled repelled public 
opinion in India. The majority of Muslim politicians were afraid of a central 
Government where their communalist politics will keep them in a perpetual minority 
and where they were not prepared to play their pait in politics free from nariow 
appeals to credal and class conceits and ambitions. The rulers of the Indian States 
were reported to be trying to press hard bargains in their negcJtiations over the 
“Instruments of Accession” both in their relation with the “Paramount Power” and 
in their apprehensions of the rising tide of democracy in their own States. For two 
years Lord Linlithgow was kept busy smoothing all this opposition with his utmost 
diplomacy when in September, 1939, the World War II of the 20th century burst 
upon the world. 

India was declared a belligerent by the Governor- General without even the 
pretence of consultation with the Central Legislature. This was regarded as an 
insult to Indian self-respect ; it exposed before all the world the unnatural 
relation that subsisted between India with her 40 crores of people and Britain 
with her 5 ; it exposed the hollowness of the slogan raised by Britain that she 
was being forced into the present war for the defence of democracy. The declaration 
was no panic measure ; the ground had been prepared for it six months earlier by a 
new Section — Section 126 A — in the Act of 1935 securing to the Central Government 
of India “essential powers of direction and control’* over the Provincial Govern- 
ments when an emergency due to war was proclaimed by the Governor-General 
under Section 102 of the Act, The emergency power granted by this latter Section 
had been given to the Central Legislature elected on a wide popular franchise, 
whereas the new Section empowered an irresponsible Executive with power to “give 
direction to a Province as to the manner in which the executive thereof is to be 
exercised.” The majority of the Provincial Ministiies raised objections to this 
“invasion by the Centre on the sphere of authority conferied by the Act on the 
Provinces.” Technically the British Government might have been right. But in rela- 
tions like those that subsist between India and Britain legal and constitutional 
correotitude does not play a helpful hand. 

The actual outbreak of the war did not ease the tension between Indian 
Nationalism and British Imperialism. The Indian National Congress voiced almost 
universal Indian feeling when in a statement issued on the 14 September, 1939 
it called upon the British Government to declare their “war aims in regard to 
Democracy and Imperialism and the New Order that it envisaged ; in particular, 
how these aims are going to apply to India and to be given eflect to in the 
present,” Such a declaration, said Pandit Jawharlal Nehru in a message to the 
London Daily Chroniclet will be able to “make the people of India enthusiastic 
for a war which was not theirs.” The Congress invitation to the British 
Government was international in its import. Dissatisfactipn with the vague 
generalities of British politicians that found expression even in the statements 
of British leaders of thought was a proof that these “war aims” needed clear 
Btaternent. Other organisations of vocal Indian opinion — the Muslim League, 
the Hindu Mahasabha, the Jamiat-uUUlema-i^Hind — the organisation of 
Muslim divines of India for instance— were in their statements as insistent on 
the clarification of Britain’s war aims and their application to the peculiar 
conditions of India. Up to now, (1942) the British Government has not been able 
to satisfy any party in India to set up a Central Government at Delhi-Simla that 
would enlist the self-respect and self-interest of the country on the side of this 


war of continents and oceans. This failure had lead to the resignation of eight 
of the eleven Provincial Ministers of the country — Bombay, Madras, Central 
Provinces Si Berar, Orissa, Bihar, Assam, the United Provinces, and the North-West 
Frontier Province. Two of these have since been revived — Orissa and Assam — 
carrying on a pale imitation of “Provincial autonomy^’ — under the rule of the 
military bureaucracy in India whom this “world war’^ has placed in this dominant 

Apart from this argument between Indian Nationalism and British Imperialism, 
the various elements in Indian composite life have not shown that unity for ends 
and means that would have wrested political power from unwilling hands. The 
“Pakistan” claim of the Muslim League demands that areas where the Muslims 
happen to be in a majority should be constituted into sovereign “Independent States.’’ 
This claim has been lecognised by opinion in India and in the wide world outside 
as a threat to the unity and integrity of India. Confronted by such a situation 
the British Government stands in anxious helplessness. Priding itself on its concern 
for minorities it finds itself coercing ^ the majority at every step. Since the 8th 
August (I9i0) proposals of Lord Linlithgow tor the enlargement of the Executive 
Council, there have been two enlargements thereof till to-day it consists of eleven 
Indians and four Europeans inclusive^ of His Excellency. This increasing 
‘Tndianization” and the “Draft Declaration” brought by Sir Stafford Oripps on 
behalf of the British Cabinet in March, 1942, have not for divergent reasons 
appealed to any responsible party in India. Japans's startling success in Burma, 
in Malaya, in the Phillippines, in the Dutch East Indies, the failure of 
Britain, the U. S. A. and Holland to stand up to the far-flung Japanese 
aggression have brought down their prestige in the market place of world affairs. 
And the people of these along with those of India have reasons to be 
apprehensive of their future. A sense of frustration appears to be 
oppressing the minds of the men and women of India. It is not fear of 
Japanese invasion alone that is responsible for this state of things. The 
evacuation orders on people living in the coastal areas of the country has disturbed 
and disrupted their habits of life ; practically no arrangements have been made on 
behalf of the State for life in newer places and surroundings for hundreds of 
thousands of men, women and children ; the orgy of profiteering in the necessaries 
of life ; the incompetence of officialdom in face of these anti-social activities— all 
these, the later two specially, have spread a feeling of helplessness in the country. 
This mentality has been affecting, however indirectly, the “war work” that was 
to repel the enemy and wrest victory from his grasp. Since the “Mutiny” days 
eighty-five years back the certainties of existence for the people of this continental 
country have not been so rudely shaken as during the first six months of 1942. 
The break-down of the machinery of civil administration in Malaya and Burma have 
sent more than five lakhs of refugees to India—men and women of India who had 
made their living in those countries. This has also added to the confusion of the 
times. These betokened changes for which the minds of the people had not been prepared. 
This un preparedness has created difficulties both for the rulers and the ruled. The 
Japanese occupation of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the heart of the Bay 
of Bengal, the advance of Japan's hosts towards India’s north-eastern borders, the 
hurried defence arrangements set up in the eastern districts of India— all these 
signs and portents confront us. 

But it is not all dark. In our neighbourhood China has been showing how 
disappointments are to be faced. She alone has been showing for five years an 
unbeaten front against Japan. And the visit to India of Generalissimo Chiang- 
Kai-Shek and Madam Ching Kai-Shek in February, 1942, has been interpreted by 
all as bringing a message of hope to an India divided against itself and preparing 
herself to fight against imperialism within and aggression from without. This visit 
will remain a land-mark in India’s recent history. The United States of America 
has sent to India her armed forces across ten thosand miles of the waters of 
three oceans to sustain the cause of United Nations. India, kept unorganised 
in the modern arts of war and peace, unequal to meeting the challenge of inter- 
national anarchy, is thankful for such friendliness. But she is not quite happy 
with this arrangement. For, she remains a debtor both materially and spiritually. 

As we send this volume to the Press, we have been passing through an 
experience of administrative incompetence and greedy exploitation by manufacturers 
and merchants creating conditions of famine in the country. Millions have died 
of hunger, of diseases that accompany and follow malnutrition. The year 1943 
will be remembered for Jong years fo r this ca tastrophe. 



India in Home Polity 

By the end of the first six months of 1945 which form the 
subject of stud;y in this volume of the Indian Annual Ri'.gister the 
second world war of the 20th century was rolling 
Defeat of Axis towards the defeat of the Axis Powers both in Europe 
Powers and east Asia. Germany encircled from the west and 

south by Anglo-American forces, from the north-east and 
east by the forces of the Soviet Union, was down and out. The 
Fuehrer, the supreme leader of the German people, was either dead 
under the debris of the Chancellory of Berlin or a fugitive. Mussolini 
died at the hands of an Italian mob who killed him as they do a mad 
dog. As we witness these two events, we may not realise their 
significance as part of a great historic tragedy, so near are we to it 
The majority of us have grown callous, deadened in body and mind 
by the overthrow of empires in Germany, in Austro- Hungary, in 
Turkey, in Eussia, in Japan happening in course of thirty years. The 
unconditional surrender of Japan did not take place before the first 
week of August, 1945, but the signs and portents were unmistakable 
that the end of the dreams and ambitions of ruling classes of Great 
Nippon (Japan) was not distant. American forces had broken through 
the island rings that Japan had established round her ; they had return- 
ed to the Phillipines and taken down the Bising Sun flag of the 

Mikado from its forts ; the siege of Okinawa was won. Japanese 
forces were pulling out of Malaya, Burma and Siam. Those strategists 
proved to be wrong who had talked that the Japanese would fight 

the battle of desperation on the soil of China where they had dug 

themselves in for eight years. But the atom bomb on Nagasaki and 
Hiroshima put her out of the war. Japan accepted the decree of 

The defeat of the high endeavour represented by Mussolini, Hitler 
and To]o is easy of comprehension by the Indian observer who can 




recall the stories described in the Ramayana and the 
Mahabharata^ in the Puranas of their historic past. 
And recalling these we can easily accept the present 

happenings as conditioned by a mysterious fate that 

eludes the scrutiny even of modern science. For ten years and more 
Italy, Germany and Japan had kept the world guessing with regard 
to what they wanted. Their opposite numbers in different parts of 
earth had tried to appease them, to satisfy them. Bub nothing 
appeared to restore sanity and peace to the world. The three of them 
appeared to be moved by the same impulse to carve out their spheres 
of influences, monopolized by Britain, the United States and the Soviet 
Union. Of^ these Britain appeared to have been the most prominent 
target, having been the pioneer of modern imperialism, the exploitation 
of subject countries for her own benefit. She had so spread herself 
over the far spaces of the earth that no new-comer could walk over 
them except by colliding with her; This sat a pattern of controversy 
between her and other aspirants to the position of great Powers en- 
titled to share in its glory and profit. This in the crudest sense is 
the core of the problem that since the beginning of the present 



*45 ] 

century had been attempted to be solved by the two wars of 
oceans and continents. The world is no longer in doubt that the 
problem has yet to find its solution, that Woodrow Wilson and Franklin 
Boose velt, Lloyd George and Winston Churchill have laboured and 
schemed, fought and won, without solving it. "Why their countries 
got entangled in these two wars are well known to-day. That know- 
ledge should have enabled them to find the way out of the present 
deadlock in international affairs. It is true that American and British 
propagandists have striven hard to put across the thesis that their 
involvement in the two wars was caused by their concern for demo- 
cratic freedom, that both Kaiser W'ilhelm and Adolf Hitler have by 
their ambitions threatened this freedom, and the Anglo-Saxon world 
had been forced into both these world wars much against their in- 
clinations and interests. 

The world has, however, refused to accept this interpretation of 
the causes, personal and impersonal, that have driven two generations 
into two wars in course of twenty-five years. It does 
Material ties not explain why the Kaiser Wilhelm and Adolf Hitler 
bind them should have disturbed the world peace, also why the 
ruling classes of the TJnii-ed States should have come 
to realize that Britain constituted their first line of defence, why they 
should have regarded the British Empire as supplying the markets 
and materials that could keep “the Western Hemishpere a going 
concern.** We know that there is racial and cultural kinship between 
Britain and the United States. We know that there is no competition 
between the industries and trade of the two countries. But the dilemma 
created by the economic and financial activities of Totalitarianism 
as conducted by Germany found a new link between the material 
interests of these two countries. In the first volume of the Annual 
Register (January- June) of 1941, we discussed this matter in soma 
detail. The question was thus presented to the leaders of American 
industry and trade^ — in a world dominated over by totalitarian economic 
theory and practice, the ‘‘free economy” of capitalist competition that 
guided British and United States life would have very little chance 
of survival if Germany came out of the war victorious. 

“The question was answered and the problem was solved for the average 
American citizen by what the U. S. A. Department of Commerce made public in 
the second week of May, 1941. It was a summary of a technical analysis of the German 
programme of post-war economy. The post-war life was indicated in words that 
could not but shock American leaders of industry and trade, American bankers 

who dominate world trade to-day The words of the report that made clear this 

position were the following : 

“Confronted by a political combination on the continent of Europe under the 
domination of Germany, the individual American entrepreneur would hardly be 
strong enough to find a market for his products or services except on terms laid 
down by the National Socialist State.” ' 

Herein is indicated the strongest link that binds Britain and the 
United States. Books are written by the keenest of American brain 

Their dominance 
over world 

trusters, ofiScial and non-officials, that Anglo-American 
collaboration was the only instrument left to maintain 
the standard of life in the great republic. Official 
publications that have a habit of under- statement of 

deeply-felt social needs are frank in the United States. One of the 



[ JANUARTe ’45— 

lafeesfi of these published by the U. S. A. Commerce Department 
spoke of a ^*key nations” theory, of the U. S. A* and the United 
Kingdom constituting the two most powerful ‘‘congregations of economic 
power in the world.” Mr. George Soule in his book America' & Stake 
in Britain's Future — gives exiDression to the dominant feeling in the 
two countries that 

“The United States and the United Kingdom me so far ahead of the others 
in exporting and importing capacity that wliat they will do will determine the comse 
of world econoipy for years to come.” 

It was against this predominance that Germany, Italy and 
Japan, specially the first and the third hurled themselves during the 
last two decades The root cause of World War II 
oulside ms century was to be found in this jealousy 

charmed circle resentment of these three “have-not” Powers 

against the two ‘‘have” Powers — Britain and the 
United States. Britain represented most blatantly this monopoly; 
she had been holding it for about two hundred years, becoming an 
eyesore to other aspiring nations , her possessions became objects of 
desire to them. Eor her own reasons the United States have been 
under-writing British undertakings, publicly or on the sly ; the great 
republic found it more profitable to support her than Germany and 
Japan. This was the reason why even after the bitter experience of the 
first World War, her ruling classes could not resist themselves when 
during 1939-’41 danger threatened their “old country”. Sentiment played 
but a small part in this alliance ; their common economic interests 
helped to forge it. Bather, this feeling and the recognition in America that 
Britain and her far-flung possessions could best serve America's 
material interests—these two influences ranged her by Britain's side 
in the greatest crisis in the latter’s life. The end of this war has 
re-emphasised this inter-dependence. And the student of affairs must 

not lose sight of thi^ fact if he desired to have a real grip on the 
movement of international forces in the near future. The end of the 
war in Europe, in east Asia, has not changed this alignment of 
forces with the Soviet Union standing outside of the charmed circle. 
During the time we have been discussing, this picture was not quite 
so clear as it since become. The spheres of occupation of Germany 
by^ certain of the victorious powers— -the Soviet Union, the United States, 
Britain and Prance — the evangelical zeal of almost all of them in 
trying to inject their ideologies into the different parts of the defeated 
nations under their control has a disturbing influence on their war- 
time collaboration. Writing in the early part of 1946, this unfor- 
tunate development has become so glaringly plain that a show-down 
between Democracy and Totalitarianism is within the bounds of 

Apart from this “Big Three conflict and competition, the Soviet 
Union by its handling of affairs in connection with her small 
neighbours in its immediate west — Estonia, Latvia, 
Soviet Union and Lithuania, Poland, Hungary, Eumania, Bulgaria— has 
her neighbours ^ot recommended its methods to the disinterested 
observer. It has been claimed on behalf of the Soviet 
Union that she was forced into this brusqueness by the needs of 


— JUNE ’45 ] 


her own safety which excuse analysed to its ultimate factor would 
mean that the freedom and integrity of the neighbours of the Soviet 
Union are always to remain dependent on the ideas of Eussia’s safety 
varying as these would from time to time, and differ as these may 
with individual changes in the leadership of the Soviet Union. To 
take but one instance, that of Poland, Eusso-Polish relations since 
1770 have been bitter what with Tsarist attempts to Eussianize 
the Polish people, themselves belonging to the Slav race. The revival 
of the Polish State after the first world war (1914-18) and the 
establishment of some sort of stable relations between it and the 
Soviet Union after the latter’s defeat in front of Warsaw in 1920-’21 
has proved to be an episode of little value. The Eusso-German 
Pact of August, 1939 that hastened the outbreak of the second world 
war wiped the Polish State off the map of Europe for about six 
years. Germany’s defeat in it has helped to make a new start in 
Polish life with a new State from which unmistakable Polish areas 
have been snatched away and included in the Soviet Union. This 
loss has been sought to be made up to the Polish State by attaching 

German areas in what was known as East Prussia, driving from it 

a few millions of Germans who had been there for more than two to three 
hundred years. In the second volume of the Annual RegisUr of 
1939 (July — December), we have traced the history of German-Polish 
relations, as bitter as Eusso-Polish. The revival of a new Polish State 
under the superintendence of the Soviet Union makes no difference 
to the Polish ‘^people dispersed into two States ; their memory of the 
bitterness of the many partitions in their country’s life will not make 
sweet and stable the relations between the racial groups German, Eussian, 
Polish — huddled in this part of the continent of Europe* Today the 
Soviet Union may flaunt its victory in the name of the exploited 
masses of this area. But racial memories of wrongs, racial conceits 

and ambitions, have a habit of lying low for decades and centuries 

and erupting either into revolt or their assertion for a place in 

the sun of international life. Polish and German resentment with 

the Soviet Union may sink into the unconscious today. But it 

will watch and wait for the day of vengeance, for the day of 

deliverance of their self-respect. 

Unless human nature changes and the United Nations Organiza- 
tion becomes a reality in the world’s life these danger spots in Eastern 
Europe will remain to be centres of outbreaks, big 
Anglo-Soviet or small. They are illustrative of conditions in Europe ; 
relations tiiey not exhaust the accumulated hatreds that 
late or soon will disturb the continent’s life and of the 
whole world just as Danzig set the train to an outburst of inter- 
national and global warfare. During the period we have been dealing 
with, events in Greece became the focus of a great controversy between 
Britain and the Soviet Union manouevring for position in the eastern 
Mediterranean, For about one hundred and fifty years the former 
had been dictator of policy in this area : she had taken advantage 
of the decay of the Turkish Empire, of the demoralization of the ruling 
classes of this Empire, to establish her control, direct or indirect, 
over the conduct of the different States that bordered on this central 
sea* The Napoleonic wars showed her hands plainly to the world. 



The opening of the Sue25 Canal had converted it into a British 
lake. The island of Cyprus and Egypt had to pass under the guidance 
of Britain so that the life line to Britain’s Empire in Asia and 
Oceania, to Australia and New Zealand and Tasmania, may be protected 
against the claims of new-comers to the field of imperialist competition. 
Tsarist Eussia had tried to break into Britain’s preserves by breaking up 
Turkey, But she failed because Britain stood behind Turkey. On the 
eve of the first world war Britain and Eussia came into an understanding 
about a partition of the “inheritance of the Turk” who was known to 
European diplomats as the “sick man of Europe” lying on his death bed. 
This accommodation between the two countries became necessary because 
Germany had started her Berlin-Bagdad railway scheme which carried to 
completion would have rendered ineffective all the defence measures 
organized by Britain in this part of the Mediterranean area by by-passing 
them. Eussia’s ambitions also were threatened by it. For, if Germany 
became strong in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia, Eussia would be 
encircled and her historic gravitation towards the Mediterranean and the 
Persian Gulf would be halted for many a day. Thus did German 
ambitions bring the two rival empires of Britain and Eussia on a common 
platform both during the first world war (1914-18) and during a part of 
the second (l941-'45). But with the defeat of Germany in 1945, with her 
elimination as a threat to their common interests, has been revived the old 
rivalry between them. And Greece became a not too willing pawn in their 
game. Though the names of ‘‘Ellas” and “Eoyalist” were used to feature 
the struggle in Greece as an internal conflict between democrats and 
conservatives of the country, the strings that moved their forces could be 
traced to Moscow and London with no great search. The use of Indian 
troops by Britain to keep the peace in Greece, to give Greek citizens 
opportunity to have free and fair elections was such a transparent pretence 
that not even the tyro could be misled by it. 

This was the pattern of the “Big Three’ collaboration that we 
witnessed in the middle of 1945- In Germany, many things have 
been happening that are dark for the prospects of 
Germany & international amity. Owing to rigid Press censorship 

“Big Four” the world is . being kept ignorant of the ways in which 

the “Big Four” — the United States, the Soviet Union 
Britain and France — had been competing with one another for snatching 
the souls and bodies of German men and women to one another’s 
parlour. The Germans were helpless, it is true But none need be 
surprised if the conflicting interests of the Anglo-Saxon Powers and 
of the Union of Soviet Eepublics are driven to take steps to en- 
courage one or the other of the German classes, democrats or socialists or 
communists, and thus enable them to stand on their legs to act as 
pawns for their patrons. This happened after first world war when 
Britain and France became entangled in a rivalry for political hege- 
mony over the continent of Europe, over the area between France and 
Eussia. The Germans exploited the difference to their own advantage, 
and it would not be far wrong to suggest that it was this rivalry that enabled 
the Nazi joarty under Adolf Hitler to wrest the power of the State from 
their rival politicians. On the , present occasion also, with the victorious 
Powers in possession of different areas of the Eeich, there is already a 
competition between them as to who will inject into the Germans more 


successfully and quickly their dififerenfe ideologies and practices, as also to 
buy their support through economic and financial help. This technique of 
persuasion, this re-education of the German people, have nothing secret 
about it : it is on the programme of the long range re-construction of the life 
of the European peoples. But its real difficulty -will come /when the 
democracy beloved of Angio-saxon countries will try to educate the Germans 
in one way : and the new evangel of communism of which the Soviet Union 
is the standard bearer and crusader will put in claims to train the Ger- 
man^ in their own ways- These two claims can be understood when they 
are placed in the wider background of the differences between capitalist 
democracy and totalitarian communism. 

This basic difference is so full of seeds of conflict that: 'from un- 
imagined quarters come reports of a line-up of Anglo-Saxon Powers against 
the Soviet Power- For an instance we may refer to the 
notice served by the Soviet Foreign Office on the Govern- 
ment of the Turkish Bepublic that they proposed to 
terminate the Pact of Friendship that had been existing 
between the two countries since 1920 and which was due for renewal in 
November, 1945. The notice was issued on March 19, 1945. Almost at 
the same time Bussia put in a plea for the revision of the Montreaux 
Convention that had been signed on July 20, 1936, after hard bargaining 
of about a month between Britain, France, the Soviet Union and Turkey. 
Kemal Ata Turk’s country gained the most from this intrument of revision 
of the Lausanne Treaty that had snatched from her hands control of the 
Bosphorus and the Dardanelles and put these water-ways into the Black 
Sea from the Mediterranean and from the Mediterranean to the Black 
Sea under the superintendence of an International Commission. The 
Montreaux Convention returned to her this control and authorized her to 
militarize the coastal defences that had been demolished after the first 
world war as a punishment for Turkey’s defeat in this war. The Soviet 
Union also gained all her points. Her interests in the Black Sea Straits 
defined in the Montreaux Convention as including the Dardanelles, the 
Sea of Marmora and the Bosphorous were both economic and strategic. 
The corn of the Black Earth region, the coal of the Donetz, the oil of 
Baku and the Bumanian oil fields, the agricultural produce of the lower 
Danube Vallc3i*, all have their natural outlet through the Straits. The 
question as to who was to control the Straits had, therefore, always been of 
vital concern to the riverain Powers of the Black Sea and the Danube, the 
more so since the invention of artillery and floating mines had rendered 
the Straits all but impassable for a hostile Power as the Gallipoli campaign 
of 1916 had demonstrated. The only Bussian ports that are free from ice 
throughout the year are those on the Black Sea. 

*Tt, therefore, became Bussia’s aim, first to build a Black Sea fleet which should 
have freedom of passafxe through the Straits ; and secondly, to obtain effective domi- 
nation over Constantinople itself, thus re-establishing under her own rule the unitary 

control of the hinterland and itb economic outlet 

{Survey oj International Affairs, 19S6, F, 

This background of the hopes and needs of the many peoples in 
European Bussia can explain why the Moscow rulers should require Turkey 
to make concession to them. During six years of the 
Russia s strength present war Turkey elected to remain neutral except 
and expansion during the last four or five monlihs when she declared 
war against Germany. It was a ‘token’ declaration of 

Demand for 
revision of 


war that had no / effect on its fortunes in Europe. Eor, by 
the time Turkey landed on the side of the Allied Powers, Germany had 
been as good as beaten down to her knees. We do not know how during 
the war years Turkey had guarded the Straits with impartiality, bow she 
had held the balance even between the Axis and the Allied nations. We 
have seen it suggested that by remaining neutral Turkey had served the 
Allies better, that if she had come down from her neutral position and 
joined the Allied Powers, she would have been over-run by Germany, and 
German hosts would have rode to the Eed Sea and the Persian Gulf. 
The British forces stationed in Iraq and Palestine being no match for 
them, the defeat of Turkey would have brought the Germans almost 
to the Caspian Sea, near the new industrial plants that the leaders of the 
Soviet Union had built east of the Volga. This line of reasoning on the 
possibilities of the various fronts in south-east Europe and north-west 
Asia takes us practically nowhere We know this for a fact that Germany 
did not choose to attack Turkey when she had over-run Greece, and Italy 
was yet a dependable _ ally. _ She must have had her own reasons to advise 
prudence. But this is a side issue, however The reason or reasons for 
the Soviet Union’s dissatisfation with Turkey axe not connected with 
Turkey’s leanings towards Germany. The notice for the termination of 
the Eusso-Turkish Treaty of Eriendship was inspired by the new 
feeling that Britain could not protect Turkey from falling into the 
sphere of influence of the Soviet Union which had emerged out of 
the war stronger, whose strength had been demonstrated in the 
crucible of the greatest war in recent history. The consciousness of 
such strength is a great temptation and a great urge to activities 
in the international field. As historians have said that by the 

Montreaux Convention the Soviet Union had gained all that she 
could desire except the expulsion of Turkish rule from Europe, except 
her exclusive ownership of these Straits that opened and closed the 
door to the eastern Mediterranean through which Eussia can come 
out to the outer seas of the world, to play her part in shaping the 
destiny of modern humanity. This is the only interpretation that 
satisfies the requirements of the situation created by Eussia’s victory 
in the war, by her feeling that she should have a say in matters 
that concerned the Black Sea and its outlet to the Mediterranean of 
which Turkey is the guardian now. Her notice claiming revision of 
the Montreaux Convention is, however, in the ultimate analysis a 
trial of strength between her and Britain who for about two 
hundred years has been ruling the waves of almost all the seas and 
oceans of the world. Her claim for a seat in the body that is in 
charge of the international regime in Tangier, almost opposite Gibraltar 
in Morocco— both these ports guarding the outlet to the Atlantic— was 
a reminder that a new power has arisen that must have its adequate seat in 
the chariot of international leadership. 

The episodes discussed above took us into the intricacies of the 
world situation as it has emerged out of World War II. of the 20th. 

U S A ’s contrl anything positive of what 

biadntoGeman' happening in Germany, the centre of the 

defeat storm ; we have attempted above a psychological 

reading of German reaction to her defeat and the 



—JUNE ’45 3 

devastation that has been wrought in their country. We have more 
than once in previous volumes of the Annual Register referred to 
the distinctive contribution that the industrial potential of the United 
States would be making to the defeat of Germany. A detailed 
description of it is not necessary to realize its significance. Two 
quotations from an article in the New York quarterly, the Foreign 
Affairs, would sufiSce to drive home the point. These are taken from 
the series of articles appearing under the title — America at War, 
naturally confined to explaining the part played by the United States in it. 

American air power alone could not defeat Germany, but without it victory 
either would have been impossible or far more costly. Air power crippled the 
strategic mobility of the German Army. In decisive stages of the ground cam- 
paign— notably the Rhine crossings— it tremendously hampered German tactical 
mobility, greatly curtailed the enemy's supply of oil, cut down the supply of ball 
bearings, reduced the supply of munitions, forced the shift of the bulk of the 
German Air Force from Russia to the West (thus relieving Russia, and later 
eliminated the German Air Force as a major factor in the war. Air-power 
prevented the German V- weapons from achieving definite success, wrecked 
German communications so that distribution of anything at all became a problem, 
forced the Germans to earmark perhaps 20, (K), 000 men for defence against air 
attack, and clamped an ‘internal blockade’ upon the Reich which added tremendously 
to man-power shortage and to the unbearable strain of “attrition war”. 

“ .The * comments of Field Marshal von Rundstedt and other captured 

German generals as to the primary importance of air power in the Allied victory 
testify to the skill of the brave men who won the European skies. The statistics of 
the war against Germany are staggering. For every ton of explosive hurled on 
Britain— by plane or V.-weapon — the German received 315 tons in return. From 
the beginning of the war to May 1, 1945, American and British planes combined 
dropped 24,53,595 tons of explosives on Germany and Germ an -occupied targets 
in other European countries. American planes operating from Britain, Mediterranean 
bases and the Continent dropped 14,53,595 tons. Some 8,001, about half the total 
Allied (British and American) bombers sent into action, were lost, as were 7,165 
U. S. fighters. The German Air Force lost an estimated 20,574 planes in the air 
and 12,337 more on the ground to the American Air Force. Nearly 5,000 of these 
were destroyed in the elean-up month of April.” 

What the Soviet Union had done and suffered to make the 
defeat of Germany inevitable is but insufficiently known to the world. 

It is natural for her to desire that never again 
Treatment of should Germany have a chance to renew her fight for 

Germany domination over European affairs. When the war 

officially ended in Europe on May 9, 1945, the four 
Powers most interested in the settlement of European unsettlement — 
Britain. France, the Soviet Union and the United States of America — 
were charged with a responsibility that could be adequately shouldered 
if there were complete accord with one another in what they desired 
to do and how they proposed to do it. ‘^The treatment of Germany” 
became to them and to all other European peoples a sign and 
symbol of what the future held for them. The Potsdam Conference of 
the heads of the Administration of the “Big Three” — the United States, 
the Soviet Union, and Britain — President Truman, Marshal Stalin and 
Mr. Churchill — made an attempt to iron out any differences and 
disagreements that were implicit in the differing ideologies and prac- 
tices of these three Powers. During the time with which we have 
been dealing with, the world came to know that the plan of dividing 
Germany into four “Zones” to be administered by the four Powers 
mentioned above held the field. The danger of this arrangement, a 
sort of con-dominia, has already been hinted above- That it has not 




proved worse than what has appeared on the surface, in the world's 
Press, is due to the fact that none of the Powers has been prepared 
to push matters to the extreme in the pursuit of their individual 
interests and ideas. The Soviet Union has been biding her time to 
persuade the Germans to understand and appreciate her values of life ; 
the United States appears to be holding the ring so that no one of 
the three European Powers broke the bounds of prudence ; Britain 
has been following suit in seeing that the provisional arrangements 
did not get prematurely disturbed ; Prance has not been able to bite 
away the Eurh region, the greatest industrialized area in the European 
continent- This is a picture of uncertain balance* Por, as Prof. 
Jacob Yiner of the Chicago University has suggested, this zonal 
division of Germany cannot endure, as it has “no relationship to any 
German regional pattern of political or economic interest.’* It may 
happen that the United States which is the least interested of the 
four Powers may retire from her policing duty in Europe, and leave 
Britain, Prance and the Soviet Union to face up to their responsibi- 
lity as keepers of the peace in that continent Or, it may happen 
that the United Nations Organization that was being given shape 
and form at the Pacific city of San Prancisco in the United States 
will be able to attain a position of strength and responsibility to 
take up the duty of ‘’treating” Germany. This latter is a hope that 
may prove to be a liar. But mankind is so constituted that in face 
of demonstrated failures and betrayals it continues to believe that 
peace and justice will bless this earth of ours. 

The end of the war in Europe has raised this hope again. We 
who have lived through two world wars do, however, notice a change. 

Hope & fear on The modern man and woman are not as enthusiastic 

the eve ol San in May, 1945, as their predecessors were in October, 

Francisco 1940 in giving expression to their feelings of joy in 

Con erence seeing the end of black-outs, in looking up at the 

spring sky from which the bomber and fighter appear to have faded. 
There was hope, no doubt, but there was more of fear that the 
leaders of the victorious Powers would make as bad a peace ins- 
trument as Woodrow Wilson, Lloyd George and Georges Olemaneeau 
had fashioned during 1918-’20. The reason for hope was that the 
San Francisco Conference would have no direct relation with the 

Peace Treaties between the victors and the vanquished. These peace treaties 
occasion the outburst of national resentments on the part of the 
defeated nations, and occasion the outburst of ambitions on the part of 
the victors each one of them trying to make a profit out of the 
war in the winning of which so much blood and tears have been 
shed, and so much human wealth has been burnt in powder and 
shot. The element of fear came from the conviction that leaders of 

the victorious Powers could not be free from the conceits and 

ambitions that had characterized their predecessors five and twenty 
years ago, that their economic and political imperialism would twist 
the purposes of the United Nations Organization out of recognition. 
The overwhelming power of military superiority that they possessed 
might enable them to keep the peace. But unless there be justice 

between man and man, between nation and nation, between race and 

race, the impulses in the heart of creation that rebel against arrogance 


will late or soon break this peace, Peelings like these assailed 
thoughtful people all the world over as they watched the proceedings of the 
San Prancisco Conference. 

The Conference met on April 25, 1945. It worked out a blue- 
print of the moral and idealistic, the realistic and practical functions 
of the United Nations Organization that had been 
United Nations indicated in many of the speeches of the late President 

Organization Eoosevelt and in the ‘"Atlantic Charter”. In a letter 

dated 20th. June, 1945 addressed to President Truman 
of the United States, his Secretary of State (for foreign affairs), Mr. 
Stettinus (Junior) sent a report of the Organization as it had been 
hammered out at the Conference. The letter described the ^‘Machinery” 
to be set up, the ^‘effectjive measures of the prevention and removal 
of threats to the peace” of the world. The Charter of the Organiza- 
tion established certain “Organs” — a General Assembly, a Security 
Council, an Economic and Social Council, a Trusteeship Council, an 
International Court of Justice, and a Secretariat. The first five 
constitute the “over-all instruments of international action” through 
which it is proposed to “translate the world's hope for peace and 
security into the beginning of a world practice of peace and security”. 
Under it we have thus a forum for discussion and debate ( the 
General Assembly), an enforcement agency (the Security Council), a 
Social and Economic Institute through which the learning and knowledge 
of the world may be brought to bear upon its common problems 
( the Economic and Social Council), an international Court in which 
justiciable cases may be heard (the International Court of Justice), 
and a body charged with the heavy responsibility of attaining in non- 
strategic areas the objectives of the Trusteeship System one of which 
is the promotion of the “political, economic, social and educational 
advancement of the inhabitants of the trust territories, and their 
progressive development towards self-government and independence as 
may be appropriate to the particular circumstance of each 
territory and its people and the freely-expressed wishes of the 
people concerned'*. Mr. Stettinus tries to relate four of these 
functions to the practices of the modern world — the four fundamental 
instruments to which “free men** are accustomed — the public meeting, 
the enforcement officer, the Court, and the centre of science and 
knowledge. He is not unaware of the limitations, but expresses a 
hope that has yet to be* realized. 

“To transplant social organisms for the world of individual and group relations 
to the world of international relations, is necessarily also to limit and cut them back. 
Nevertheless, instruments of proven social value taken over from the domestic to the 
international world carry with them qualities of vigour and of fruitfulness which 
the limitations placed upon them by their new conditions cannot kill. They have 
behind them an historical momentum and a demonstrated usefulness which means 
far more, in terms of ultimate usefulness, than the precise legal terms by which they 
are established in their new environment.” 

Those who have had some experience of the working of the League 
of Nations cannot hut recall that the “purposes and principles** of the new 
international Organization of 51 nations or States and the 
Failure of the “organs** and instruments of its usefulness do not 

League of Nations differ much from those of the League that had its head- 

quarters at Geneva. Mr. Stettinus did hardly refer by namq 


except once to the organization that owed its birth to the inspired leader- 
ship of one of the Presidents of his country. He only contented himself 
with the remark that the League did not '‘gain the wide support it needed 
to succeed.” The story of this un-success is one for which his own 
country was responsible more than any other by giving the 
lead to sabotaging the League. The refusal of the United States to share 
responsibility with the other Allied Powers for the up-keep of world peace 
at the end of the first world war was th^ most potent factor in weakening 
the League organization, and leaving its life hanging on the conflict and 
competition between Britain and France. We have been told that the U.S.A. 
Senate followed the directive of the first President of the United States, 
George Washington, warning his people against entangling alliances with 
European Powers, getting entangled in European power politics. But that 
was an advice when the world was bigger than what it is today and 
distances between countries were longer. Even during the period between the 
two world wars, the United States, its financiers and capitalists for instance, 
could not keep off from Europe, in financing the recovery of Germany 
even under Adolf Hitler, And when the second world war broke out 
Franklin Roosevelt transformed his country into the ‘‘arsenal of demo- 
cracy” against Totalitarianism which by accident, if there be any such 
element in historic developments, had its supreme protagonist in Adolf 
Hitler. And it is another example of the intractibility of human nature 
that the United States had to learn the lesson of world fellowship by send- 
ing her sons and daughters beyond seas and occeans to bleed and die so that a 
world organization may emerge to take charge of peace and order, of 
justice between race and race, between nation and nation. It is too early 
to say that the United Nations Organization will prove a better success 
than the League of Nations. We can only hope and pray. 

The United Nations Organization has not, thus, received the wishful 
welcome that greeted the League of Nations. Men and woman are more 
critical, more sceptical than those of the generation of 
Revival in Arab the twenties of the present century. Specially is this 
Lands true of our people whose political subjection appears to 

have given them a particularly sensitive apprehension 
of the play of power politics of which they have been victims along ^with 
other coloured peoples of the world. The politically- minded people of 
India, the classes which supply leadership to the modern movements in 
our country, have grown aware that the system of rule under which they 
suffer draw its strength not only from India but from countries in her 
neighbourhood, east and west. During the period under discussion, thirty- 
five millions in Arab lands have been demonstrating that the political, 
economic and social problems precipitated by the world war cannot be 
allowed to remain unsolved for the sake of Britain’s empire needs, and 
of their ruling classes. During this period the organization of the Arab 
League, representative of the Arab States, appeared to be building up a 
common front against the aggression, political and economic, of the 
Euro-^erican interests. To an Indian student of affairs, the pattern is 
so familiar. The history of Arab awakening has a history that is contem- 
porary with ours. As in our country, so in the Arab countries a socio- 
religious and literary revival had marked the reaction of Arab peoples to 
the methods of administration, exploitation and enlightenment introduced 
by the aggressive West into their life. The majority of the Arab countries 



—JUNE *45 ] 

were and are Muslims. But curiously for all concerned the morning 
star of this revival movement shone on and from Lebanon whose people 
were and are Christians by religious persuasion. Even in the political 
movements the Christian Arabs had been the pioneers ; they supplied 
the leaven of modernism that leaventh the whole mass in the Arab 
countries. The spiritual revolt of these countries has been nurtured 
by the literary revival that started in Lebanon in the middle of the 19th 
century. And the Arab youth of today is thrilled by the story of the 
glory and grandeur that Damascas, Baghdad and Cordova represented and 
from which emanated the culture without which Europe might have 
slumbered for a longer period in the Dark Ages of her history. 

The Arab League may be recognized as an instrument for giving 
shape to the dreams and aspirations of the Arab peoples, for regaining 
their political self-respect and rebuilding their material 
Dynastic ambitions life on modern foundations. In this process of renovation, 
in Arab lands the dynastic ambitions of the ruling houses of Egypt and 
Saudi Arabia constitute more a hindrance than a help 
to the evolution of democratic freedom in these countries. The ruling 
classes of these two countries appear to hold the keys of the whole situation, 
because they may think that they are less dependent on Britain for the 
defence of their external security. Iraq and Trans-Jordan are British 
protegees ; their administrations are under the direction of British advisers, 
civil and military. Their ruling families belong to the Sheriff family of 
Mecca, a rival to the Saudi family of Eiyadah whose head — King Abdul 
Aziz Ibn Saud — is the master of the two holy places of Islam, Mecca and 
Medina which confers on him some sort of a distinction as head of the 
Islamic fraternity of 27 crores of Muslims spread over Asia, Europe 
and Africa. For about seventy years British policy has been trying to 
utilize the rivalry between these two families as a prop to her imperial 
system in this region of the earth. Today the Saudi family may appear 
to have benefited the most from transactions with Britain. And though in 
Iraq a boy king is enthroned, a grandson of King Eaisal, the founder of 
the family, there is Emir Abdulla of Trans-Jordan who could not have 
forgotten the hopes and ambitions of his father, Sheriff Hossain of 
Mecca whom British promises during the first world war had drawn 
away from his allegiance to the Sultan of Turkey, the Khalifa of Islam. 
The old man had hoped that he would inherit this position. Instead he 
died an exile — another victim to the deserved fata of a dupe to alien 
promises. The same ambitions are said to be entertained by the ruling 
house of Egypt. But their realization appears to be distant, because the 
Muslim who aspires to be the Khalifa of Islam must be the master of 
Mecca and Medina ; he must be the ruler of an independent kingdom 
capable of holding his own against the confiicts and competitions of 
political life, internal and external. None of these two indispensable con- 
ditions are satisfied by any of the rulers in Muslim countries except of 
Turkey. And Turkey under the inspiration of Kemal Ata-Turk has fore- 
sworne such religious pretensions. And though King Farouq of Egypt has 
been trying to throw off the shackles of British dominance and protection, 
the trends and tendency of modern developments in Arab lands and in 
their neighbourhood do not sustain the hope that the Muslims of the 
world would agree to accept the revival of Khalifate as a step that is in 
consonance with their modern needs* The Arab League, though predomi* 


nantly Muslim, has members that are Christian States, Syria and Lebanon. 
The organization cannot be utilized for the purposes of dynastic 

There are other forces at work that would cry halt to the 
dreams of King Farouq and his supporters in the A1 Azhar University, 
the oldest of the existing institutions of Islamic culture 
Other forces and knowledge. These forces draw their inspiration and 
at work sustenance from the developments that have been released 

over the world by modern industrialism, by the philosophy 
and life of which the Soviet Union is the visible symbol and potent weapon. 
The ‘‘fellahinn” in Egypt, the Beduin in the deserts of Arabia and Africa, 
have seen their values of life sinking into insignificance before the 
triumphant advance of the West. This has hit them in their self- 
esteem. But in their material life also have they been hit by the 
same forces coming to them in the shape of manufactured goods of 
every day use, destroying the simple self-sufficient economy of their 
lives. A substantial portion of the good arable land of the Arab 
lands is owned by feudal lords ,* the majority of peasants are day- 
labourers and share-croppers who toil like serfs with no prospects 
better than eking out a bare existence. This is the pattern that still 
exists in north Africa and straight from there to the shores of the 
Pacific in China. This broad mass of humanity has seldom rebelled 
against this dispensation which they have been taught to accept as a 
decree of Providence, good for their souls if not for their bodies. 
Perhaps, this social philosophy that had inculcated resignation has 
had its value compared to the pushing, bustling life of today. But 
modern industrialism by breaking down all the norms and forms of 
antique life in Europe pioneered a development that with all its 
initial injustices and cruelties had something of a forward-looking 
destiny implicit in its destructiveness — the destiny that would flower 
into new and richer forms of individual and group life. The ^‘unchanging East*', 
the unchanging Arab lands, have been caught by the same cruel hands ; they 
are being broken and refashioned for newer forms of social well-being, 
endowed with newer instruments and institutions of social life. The 
two world, wars have helped to quicken this process of transformation, 
the second more effectively than the first. We in India have been 
witnesses to this process of destruction and construction — a world 
process against which there appears to be no appeal. A writer in 
the June, 194:5 issue of the New York monthly — Asia and the 
Americas — has traced it as it has evolved in Arab lands under the 
influence of the World War II of the 20th century. Beading it, an 
Indian would find a picture that is familiar to him, which he has 
seen taking shape before his eyes in cruel lines of a social disruption 
that appears to have had no hint of goodness and hope in it. The 
break- down had occurred almost three quarters of a century back in 
our own country. But its full effects were never so virulently 
visualized as during the recent war years. This we have discussed 
in the recent volumes of the Annual Register ( two volumes of 1943 
and the first volume of 1944). The same catastrophe overtook the Arab 
lands. We propose to quote here a description of it from the New 
York monthly referred to above. 


“Of the two and one-half billion dollars spent by the Allies in the Middle 
East since the beginning of the war, a good part went to the Arab countries. In 
certain regions where for strategic purposes great troop concentrations were stationed, 
locusts could not have devoured local food stuffs with the same rapidity. Locusts, 
however, devour without compensation, whereas the armies of the United Nations 
devoured and paid handsomely for the goods they consumed. Thousands upon 
thousands of local labourers engaged in behalf of the war effort received unprecedent- 
ed wages. Hundred of enterprising business men made colossal profits from war 

contracts. Overnight many a millionaire was born The purchanng power of the 

people increased tremendously, but there was a dire scarcity of civil supplies. The 
index of prices has risen from four to ten times their peace-time levels, and in some 
commodities much more. 

“ No wonder that influential business men, apart from the millions 

they made from war contracts, have turned to monopolising whatever consumer 
goods they can lay their hands on, and by disposing of these goods at exorbitant 
prices have multiplied their fortunes. The rift between the poor and the rich has 
been widening and the poor or those of modest means have begun to link the war 
profiteers with the Allies.” 

Hit by this economic hlitz^ the Arab peoples, the disinherited and dis- 
possessed amongst them, have been looking towards the example of the Soviet 
Union as the only way out of the malaise that have 
Soviet Union’s overtaken them. And there are signs that the mis- 
interests sionaries of the Soviet gospel are already abroad, 
bringing to all the glad tidings of “freedom from want** 
and “freedom from fear” that were blazoned forth on the flag of the 
United Nations under the inspiration of the late President Eoosevelt. 
To Americans and Britons these were hopes and id^^als. The Soviet 
Union is being represented to be the only country whose ruling classes 
have realized these in every day life or where bold attempts are 
being made to do so. Apart from this material appeal to the 

commonalty of the world, the victory of Soviet arms against the 
mightiest of military machines in the modern world has raised the 
organisers of this victory in the estimation of the world. It was 
apprehended in June, 1941, that the Soviet Union would not be able 
to stand up to Germany, that her constituent units would fall apart 
under the impact of the German attack ; that the men and women of 
many creeds and cultures, of many racial groups, that, have been 
united under the flag of the Hammer and the Sickle would seek every 
one its own safety and refuse to go through the process of blood 
and iron for upholding the unity imposed by a small but militant 
party sitting at Moscow. These fears have been belied, and the Soviet 
experiment of uniting so many diversities has stood a test of incon- 
ceivable ferocity and destructive power. This occular demonstration of 
Soviet success has been having its influence all over the world. And 
the Arab countries are not immune to its appeal. Therefore do we 
find in Syria and Lebanon educated Arabs forming societies under the 
name of the “Eriends of the Soviet Union**, and many sections even 
among the broad masses of the Arab peoples consciously and uncons- 
cionsly imbibing the lessons of the Soviet experiment in economic and 
political life. The representatives of the Soviet Union to these countries 
have not also been inactive. They have recommended their country to 
them by ostentatiously recording their disapproval of the Zionist Move- 
ment trying to build up a Jewish State in Palestine, a State to be carved out 
of this small country. It is not ideological considerations alone that 
have been inspiring the activities of the Soviet representatives. The 


article from which we have already quoted has indicated ‘Why they have 
been angling for the favour of the Arab world. 

“The Soviet Union does not relish the idea of any strong Power becoming 
militarily entrenched in the Arab East, because that area may yet become her front 
door to warm winter ports and a site of land and air communications essential to her 
future trade and security.** 

But Britain which has been in possession for more than sixty years 
of a dominant position in the eastern Mediterranean area cannot be 
persuaded to so easily yield place to the new-comer, 
Britain’s interest During the post-San Francisco days and months, the 
in Arab lauds world has been a witness to a controversy between the 
Soviet Union on the one side and Britain on the other, 
the United States trying to maintain an attitude of aloofness from the 
wranglings of two European Powers. The British arguments though not 
so explicitly told have been that as the Soviet Union has been allowed to 
establish some sort of an exclusive sphere of influence in territories to her 
immediate west extending from the Baltic to the Black Seas, as the United 
States has been accepted as the leader of the Pan-American union, so 
should Britain be left undisturbed in her position in the Arab countries ; 
as one of the “Big Three” she would be right in re-emphasising the needs 
of “similar primacy between the Euphrates and the Nile.” A recent 
article in the London Quarterly, the Round Table, which is the organ 
of the British Commonwealth movement, appeared to be giving expression 
to doubts about the competence of the new British Parliament wherein 
the majority belonged to the Labour Party recruited from the classes who 
have never had any opportunity to understand and realize the importance 
and value of the British empire as a going concern earning handsome 
dividends for the British people. From certain points of view the article 
may be interpreted as supplying kindergarten education in international 
affairs to the novices of the British Labour Party, of the Labour 
Ministry. The writer takes no pains to hide his attitude to the new rulers 
of Britain, Frankly he wrote : — 

“It is, however, doubtful whether our new Parliament realizes how vital to us 
is our standing in the Middle East in the strategy of peace no less than war. The 
method changes. Persuasion, diplomacy and character take the place of force. But 
the makers of policy must never forget that while we do not ourselves wish or 
need to dominate the Middle East, we cannot afford to let it be dominated by any 
other power, because its freedom and security are necessary to our freedom, security 
and peace.” 

The two quotations in the two paragraphs above indicate in 
language as clear as possible the causes of the conflict of policies and 
ambitions that divide the Soviet Union and Britain 
“Good Neighbour” with special reference to this area The only hope of 
policy avoiding it, a head-on collision between them, is for the 

Arab League to develop into a Federation of States with 
power to defend themselves from all intruders. This is the long-range 
ambition. But in the immediate future it is to the interest of the “Big Four * 

the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain and France — to so 

arrange matters that the United Nations Organization may be enabled to 
take charge of these “danger spots*’ in the world’s map and to nurse 
them into strength. The ineffectiveness of the Saadabad Pact (1937) 
between Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan has demonstrated that 
regional understandings between weak neighbours do not infuse strength 


into them, that bigger Powers have to impose on themselves special self- 
denial to enable their neighbours to grow into health. Britain has not 
shown by her conduct that she is prepared to do so, neither has the Soviet 
Union since the end of the present war. The United States is reported 
to have made experiments in this line through her “Good Neighbour” 
policy, allowing her neighbours in the Western Hemisphere to go their own 
way in every concern of her State life, extending to them advice and 
financial help when necessary. The only exception to this non-interven- 
tion and non-interferencG policy is with regard to any outbreak of serious 
disord^ir imperilling the life of the particular State or States and interfering 
with their economic activities. There have been instances when United 
States forces have been sent to countries in South America to restore law 
and order not alone in the selfish interests of American finance. This 
“Big Brother” attitude is the nearest thing we have had in the modern 
world to the self-restraint of Great Powers in their relation with their 
weaker neighbours. We in India from so great a distance, from almost 
the other side of the globe, cannot judge whether this method of inter- 
national collaboration does not rankle in the hearts of the States of the 
Americas. “Dollar imperialism” are words that betoken that the 
United States is not above suspicion, that human nature does not feel 
easy with the least interference with its individuality or conceit. This 
pattern of conduce is in contrast to what we have had under the British 
regime over the far spaces of the earth. The Soviet Union has evolved 
a new policy — neither the Colonialism of the British type or the Good 
Neighbour Policy of the United States. A British writer in his introduc- 
tion to Owen Lattimore's book — Solution in Asia — has described it and 
said that “in the sphere of psychology the Eussians have achieved a 
success” b'^yond the power of the British and U. S. A. practice. Mr. G. 
P. Fitzgerald is unable to pass a final judgment. But what he has said 
about the experiment is worth quotation. 

‘‘The Autonomous Soviet Republic is not a Russian colony with some sort of 
self-government; nor is it a weak independent State on its best behaviour to its 
powerful neighbour. In these teriitories of the U* 8, S. K, the people rule them- 
selves. They preserve their own culture, and their language is the official one ; 
they make their own laws; and to some extent control their own economy. Yet the 
power of the U. S. 8. K. protects them against foreign aggression. There is an 
implied limitation on their autonomy .. It is true that it can be aigued that these 
limitations on autonomy are in fact present under Dominion btatus and good 
Neighbour Policy 

The Autonomous Area— a unit less than a State — provides full cultural 
independence for primitive or fragmentary peoples, as well as for compact 
minorities. . 

This intracfeable problem has become all-imporfcanfe today when the 
second World War of the 20th century has been hastening to its end. 

It has stirred feelings all the world over in the hearts 
Burma’s experience of the dispossessed and disinherited peoples of the earth, 
during i942-’45 dispossessed of the greatest attribute of human dignity, 
that is, freedom and autonomy in their State life. The 
United Nations Organization has prepared a blue-print of the various 
schemes and methods through which men and women can realize this 
aspiration of their hearts in social, economic and political life. In our own 
country and in our neighbouring countries the end of the war in Europe 
have burst asunder the flood gates built by war-time repressive 
measures. Before we go intg the happenings in our own country, we 



propose fio deal with developments in our eastern neighbour of Burma that 
have made and marred the life of a million Indians and that in the 
immediate future will require of us a certain revision of our habitual 
attitudes. Burma may have one-thirtieth of the population of India. 
But under the stress of Japan*s conquest of their land, and Japan s 
declaration of her political independence integrated into her own scheme 
of "co-prosperity'* of easten Asia, Burma has attained a maturity in 
political experience that we will do well to study and understand. We 
in India are apt to interpret Burma in the terms of our own experience, the 
experience of Indians whom the pursuit of a livelihood took to the country 
east of the Bay of Bengal. The stay-at-home Indian has heard from 
friends and relatives of the wide opportunities for material gain that the 
country once offered ; that these were being restricted by the nation- 
alism of the Burman who did not like the idea that foreigners should thrive 
in his own country to his detriment ; that the Burman often used violence to 
wrest from them the advantages enjoyed under the protection 
of the British administrator and as the agent of British capitalist interests. 
The anti-Indian riots and emeutes that characterized the twenties and 
thirties of the present century have thus a place in the evolution of Burman 
nationalism. Eor, there can be no mistake about it that the Indian who 
had once beneficently influenced historic developments in Burma both during 
times beyond memory and during the period of Buddhist renaissance has had 
neither the time nor the opportunity to do so during the British period This 
failure was, perhaps, due to the fact that the Indian came to Burma during 
this period not in his independent capacity as an Indian but as an 
instrument of British policy, as a camp follower of the British conqueror. 
Thereby he became an object of hatred. If the Indian could have gone to 
Burma as the citizen of an independent country, he could not have gone 
there in such numbers. Whan the Japanese started war against Britain 
the number of Indians in Burma was well over a million persons. The way 
in which more than half of them evacuated from Burma proved that 
they had been rootless in the country ; that their primary loyalty was 
not to Burma. The demonstration of this attitude could not have recom- 
mended them to the Burmans. It was, therefore, almost inevitable that during 
the anarchy of British retirement from Burma and the establishment of 
some sort of order under Japanese control or under Dr. Ba Maw’s administra- 
tion of an "independent” Burma, the Indians were victims of Burmese 
gangs bent on plunder and loot. It was quite possible that the gangsters 
made no distinction between the defenceless Burman and the defenceless 
Indian. But if the Indian and the Chinese were specially discriminated 
against, there was nothing to be surprised at. They were aliens, and the 
laws of modern war did not make a special case of the civilian population. 
It was only when the Azad Hind Government had been established in 
October, 1943, and had secured recognition of the Axis Powers in Europe 
and Asia and of their allies that the Indians in East Asia could feel 
secure and the Burmans came to recognize and accept them as friends and 
allies whose honour and interests were entitled to protection. Indians 
who had lived in Burma throughout this period have begun to hope that this 
new appreciation of the position of Indians in the composite life of Burma 
will open out a new chapter in the history of Indo-Burman relations, that 
the Burmans having shed their inferiority complex through a taste of the 
short-lived independence of their country will learn to look upon the Indiansi 

^3t3m 45 ] INDIA IN HOME POLITY 115 

as fellow pilgrims vowed fco a common fight for the freedom of Asia. But 
it is a hope that will not be easj- of realization, if the Burman and the 
Indian cannot work out the many antagonism^ that have separated them 
since the British conquest of Burma. 

These antagonisms centre round the material interests that Indians have 
built up in Burma as a subordinate agency of the British administrator 
and exploiter. It is also true that certain social habits 
Canses of anti- and attitudes of Indians have stood in the way of their 
Indian feelings merging themselves into Burman society and being accepted 
into Burman society as citizens of the country. These 
have irritated relations, the Indian standing aloof with a hint of 
superiority in their pose, and the Burman resentful. What the latter had 
been forced to tolerate in the ruling race, they were not prepared to concede 
to the *Kala’, the foreigner from India. These were the basic elements of 
the conflicts and competitions that disfigured Indo-Burman relations during 
the last two decades The anti-Indian riots were symptoms of a disease 
that lay in the unnatural relation subsisting between the two peoples. 
A book written by a Burman L G. S,klr-U. Kyaw Min, entitled — The 
Burma We Love — indicated certain of the material causes of the Indo- 
Burman conflict. The book was published by a Calcutta Publishing 
House; the Foreward was written on May 1, 1945 at Simla* It was 
intended to remove the “confusion of thought’* that afflicted the Burman 
in his appreciation of the world situation in the heart of which he has 
been living. When the Indian first erupted into Burma in the wake of the 
British conqueror, (1824), the self-sufficient economy of the simple life of the 
country was all but intact. The industrial exploitation by Britain had 
not yet begun to touch and disrupt this economy. The Burman did not 
understand the evil propensity of this dual exploitation — political and 
economic. Neither did the Indian. Both were unconscious instruments of 
an aggressive civilization. Perhaps, even the Britisher was as unconscious and 
as ignorant. But by the end of the 19th century when Burma had been 
dyed completely ‘red*, the norms and forms of Burman life had been broken 
up, and increasing numbers of Burmans had been driven to seek employment 
in the avenues the new ruling race had built up. They found, however, 
that Indian labourers were already in possession of these avenues. The 
country had been opened up with their help ; the forests were cleared and 
the illimitable timber wealth of the country thrown on the market-places 
of the earth ; the ports of Burma were being worked ; her oil mines were 
attracting prospectors, mainly British. But in the hum of these activities 
the voice of the Burman could with difficulty be traced, and that of the 
Indian was significantly loud. Here was the seat of the conflict between 
the Indian and the Burman, between the Burman and the British, The 
Indian being the weaker of the two hated competitors, he became the first 
point of attack. This in a nut-shell was the history of the evolution of 
Burman nationalism. From Mr, Kyaw Min*s book we can piece out the 
factors of this transformation. Taking the agrarian problem for an 
illustration we can quote from the book words that evidenced the feelings 
of his people. Mr. Kyaw Mfn was not unaware of the invaluable services 
that the South Indian Chetty had rendered to Burma by financing her agri- 
cultural operations. Every year they advanced Es. 25 crores for the purpose. 
But the profit that they picked up was not inconsiderable. 

**By 1937 half the lands of Lower Burma had been transferred to the Chettiyars 


while a high percentage of the lands not :^et transferred was well within their 
clutches* And all this despite the fact that in the course of :^ears the sums 
originally lent by the Ohettiyars had been repaid many times over by the Burmese 
farmers*” % 

This predominance of what is regarded as alien elements in 
Burma's life, whether British or Indian, was the exciting cause of 
the nationalism of Burma. The separation from India 
out'oTjap^ese^^ regarded as the first mile-stone in the journey 

occupation Burma towards Swaraj. Japan's adventure in the 

country was just an episode that from certain points 
of view has strengthened the morale of the Burman people and enabled 
them to throw off the inferiority complex that characterizes every 
subject people. The experiences gathered during the peiiod — 1942 to 
May, 1945 — have made new men and women of them, and all 
the ingenuity of British imperialism cannot persuade them to retrace 
their steps and accept political tutelage again During the period of 
which we have been writing in this section of our study the 
organizations and personalities that had led the resistance movement 
in Burma both against British and Japanese imperialism had not 

come into the lime-light of extended knowledge The names of the 

Burma Independence Army and of Boh Aung San have become 

familiar. We do not know yet through what tortuous routes they 
bad to move during the anarchy of these years to preserve the 
strength of their people’s determination, to maintain the position that 
they had attained under Japanese auspices. In August (1st August) 
1943, Dr. Ba Maw as head of the free Burma Government declared 
war against the Anglo-American Powers. Prom that date to the 1st, 
February, 1945 he can he said to have exercised some sort of a 
modified sovereign power — the date on which Japan is said to 

have set up again a Military Government over Burma with a view 
to halt the advance of the Anglo-American forces which by that time 
had defeated the Japanese and Azad Hind Fauz in the Manipur and 
Arakan areas. But the exaltation of these years cannot hut leave a 
permanent impress on the character of the Burman people. And wa 
in India cannot have any other feeling than that of admiration of 
our neighbours to the immediate east who should regain their national 
self-respect and give concrete shape to it in the constitution of a free 
Burman State* 

The same sympathetic appreciation goes to the freedom struggle 
in Indonesia, the people whereof, about 6 crores of them, have been 
Dntcli, U. S. and waging a war against Dutch imperialism. Circumstanced 
Britisli Capitalism as India is we cannot extend to Burma and Indonesia 
linked up in any help hut sympathy. But our opposition to the 
ndones a Indian troops as instruments of British policy 

has had some effect. In directing our sympathy to the struggling 
nationalism of the Indonesian peoples we should do well to remember 
that Dutch opposition to the fulfilment of their national aspirations 
draws its strength from the imperialist power that holds us down. 
Eubher, sugar and oil make the wealth of these islands of the Dutch 
East, and for generations British capitalist interests have been linked 
up with their opposite numbers in Holland to jointly exploit the 
resources and labour power of this country* The result has been, 
Owen Lattimore has said in his book — Solution in Aoioir-^ 


“The Dutch Empire need not be treated separately because it is essentially a 
satellite empire. It could not exist without the British Empire, and developments within 
it after the will move parallel to the movements within the British Empire, 
whether the movement be toward emancipation or toward an attempted permanent 
stabilization of the institution of empire.” 

The months we have been dealing with threw into relief this link- 
up of the nationalist movement in India with that in Indonesia As 
in our country, the Indian National Congress 

World capitalism under the leadership of Gandhip have stood forth 
& its power as the instrument of Indian Nationalism, so in Indonesia 
we find Dr. Muhammed Soekarno becoming the centra 
of a revolt against Dutch imperialism. And the best help that we 
can render to Indonesian nationalism is to weaken the forces 

of British imperialism in our country. But the forces 

ranged against the consummation of the hopes of hundred of 

millions in this part of Asia are not limited to Britain and Holland alone. 
American observers have said that the Dutch have made a clever job 
of this affair. They have had not only British capital to support 

their regime, but powerful financial and industrial groups in America 

have been tempted to invest in these resources, and working through 
them the Dutch have been maintaining “a nominal Dutch colonial 
policy which is actually in large part the foreign policy of exported 
American and British capital’*. This disclosure throws new light on 
the happenings in Indonesia. British and Dutch military formations 
have been trying to beat down the nationalist forces in the islands ; 
the United States forces are absent from the scene ; the American 
Government appears to be studiously witbolding military help to the 
imperialist forces of Britain and Holland. But the whole picture of 

anarchy in East Asia is so blurred, the Japanese retiring and the 

victorious United Nations coming in and pursuing them, that it is 
not easy to say or deny that the British and the Dutch would have 
dared go forward in an imperialist rampage without the tacit 
connivance of the United States Administration. The war years have 
shown that though Britain and Holland have been dependent on the 

help of America for their very existence, threatened as they were by 

Nazi and Japanese power, the President of the United States could 
not or did not assert his will with sufficient force to compel his 
imperialist allies to let go their hold on their so-called colonial 
possessions. For, by no definition of the word could India or Indonesia, 
for example, be regarded as colonies of Britain and Holland. The popu- 
lation of these two countries were and are not descendants of British 
or Dutch ancestors. The small number of people of British or Dutch birth 
who are to be found in India and Indonesia are part of an occupying 
force whether they be engaged in administration, in trade or in the 
military forces. The purpose of modern imperialism, of conquest of 
foreign countries, is more economic than political, more for extracting 
profits from the conquered countries than for remaining satisfied with 
demonstrating the martial power and glory of the imperial race. 
Lord Ourzon let our people understand the significance of this change 
of ideas as between a conquering people and the conquered during 
modern times, when he told us that “administration and exploitation 
are parts of the same duty in the government of India”. This policy 
placed the trader and the banker, the planter and the mine-owner, 

118 THE INDIAN ANNHAL REGISTER [ jahtjary '45- 

the missionary and the educationist belonging to the 
ruling race, in the same category, all contributing in their different 
ways to the strength of the empire. This differentiation of functions 
did not weaken the central purpose of the whole arrangement. It 
rather helped the process of exploitation by keeping the attention of 
conquered peoples engaged in activities associated with the develop- 
ment of modern habits of life, with building up patterns of modern 
civilization and culture. The fascination and lure of these kept the 
subject peoples acquiescent in the superiority of the alien rulers, 
accepting their teachings as inspired by a civilising mission, and 
acknowledging the marks and notes of modern life, introduced by them, 
as superior to their own. This phase of conquest has nothing peculiar 
in it ; in every age and clime through the known history of the human 
race, the subject populations have been attempted to be transformed 
beyond recognition by the conquering peoples. Those amongst the 
former that had virility in their native values of life, and faith in 
these, could recapture the spirit of their free life and revolt against 
the alien values and standards. This has been the testimony of history. 
In India and Indonesia we are today witnesses to this phenomenon. But 
modern imperialism has some distinctive features that should be noted. 
Under the present dispensation it is the moneyed interests that dominate the 
scene, that dictate the policy of the ruling race. The late President 
Wilson of the United States who had led his country to the 
help of Britain and France in their war of survival against the Germany of 
Kaiser Wilhelm, indicated this distinctiveness in course of a speech* 
delivered very soon after the termination of World War I. of the 20th 

“The plans of the modern world are made in the c unting house. Men who 

do the business of the world now shape the destinies of the world The 

country is dominated by the capital invested in it It is a fundamental idea that 
in proportion as foreign capital comes in and takes hold, foreign influence comes in 
and takes hold. Therefore, processes of capital are in a sense processes of conquest.^’ 

This exposition of the moving force of modern life, of the power 
behind the throne, so to say, of the democratic world, in language so crystal 
clear, has a value of its own in interpreting and 
American capital understanding the forces against which nationalist 
in east Asia forces in Asia, east and west, have bad to contend. 

In India, in Burma and in Indonesia, the imperialistf 
forces are being directed by leaders of armies at the dictation of 
world capitalism. The soldiers, the marines, the air-men may belong 
to countries under the control of Britain and Holland. But they are 
mere instruments in the hands of capitalism that owes allegiance to 
no particular country, that is international in the true sense of the 
term. We have seen how American capital has been invited by their 
opposite numbers among the Dutch to have an interest in the 
industries of Indonesia with a view to secure its powerful help in 
defence of their own particular interests in this particular area of the 
earth. The world may not detect the hands, of American capital in 
the happenings in east Asia, in the opposition of Britain and Holland 
to the ambitions oi Indian, Burman and Indonesian nationalists ; 
the State Department at Washington may be observing an aloof 
attitude towards this contest between Nationalism and Imperialism ; 


American marines may not be found embarking on tbe shores of 
Java, as they did in South and Central America, to defend law and 
order. But it would be unrealistic to think that the American 
Government and the classes that uphold its authority and back up 
its adventures in world politics, are uninterested and disinterested observers 
of the fortunes of the epic fight that has been going on in India, 
in Burma, in Indonesia. In more than one volume of the Indian 
Annual Register of recent years we have made attempts to under- 
stand and explain the many influences, personal and impersonal, 

material and idealistic, that have been forcing the United States to 
place her resources at the service of British imperialism. Even in 
the present volume, in previous pages of this study, we have quoted 
keen students of affairs in support of our interpretation that there 
exists a link-up between British and American capitalist interests, 
forced thereto by what they feel to be a threat to their common 
interests. From a distant it may appear that American capital and 
British capital are competitive and antogonistic. Evidence of such 

competition is not difficult to find It is well-known that since 

American capitalism gained in strength after the Givil War in the 

sixties of the last century to have a surplus for export, it has been 

facing in ail parts of the world the unexpressed antagonism of the 
dominant capitalism of world which was Britib.h. This capitalism had 
monopolised almost all the avenues of profit in all parts of the world, 
specially in Asia and Africa, and even in the Americas. It stood as a 
dead wall in front of other capitalisms. It took more than 

a quarter of a century for American capitalism 
to make a dent in it. German capitalism after its phenomenal rise 

at the end of the 1870 war between France and Germany with the 

help of the five milliards of reparations and exactions from defeated 
France found the same opposition. The end of the 19th century 
witnessed the recognition on the part of British capitalist interests 
that the days of their monopoly were nearing their end, that if they 

hoped to save a part of their monopoly from the competition of these 

two aspiring capitalisms, they must be prepared to share out with 
one of them. But this recognition could not be spontaneous ; it was 

grudging It could not be expected that human nature would rise to 

such heights of disinterestedness. Even after vast blocks of Britain’s 
capitalist interests had been liquidated to finance the first World 
War, it was found that in China British capital assets, used in the 
industrial and transport activities of this vast country, had a value 
of over Es 400 crores, while the value of U. S A. assets rose hardly 
to Es. 100 crores. These figures gave an indication of the comparative 
position of the strength of British and American capitalism in China, 
one of the most undeveloped countries in the world in the field of 
modern industrialism. But it was unmistakable that British capi- 
talism was on the retreat, that U. 8. A. capitalism was on the 
march forward in the land of China. The signs and symbols of this 
.growing power could be seen in the number of young Chinese, men 
and women, who were crossing over to the United States for edu- 
cation in American Universities, preferring these new educational centres 
to the storied ones of Britain. It can be said with a certain 
assuraUQO that most of the leaders of new China, the builders of her 


new life and the fighters for her new freedom, have had their training 
in American institutions. We do not know how far this preference 
of America on the part of China’s rising generation was conditioned 
hy the ways of American democracy, how far it was the bitter 
fruit of a hundred years of Britisli exploitation of China's weakness. 
But there cannot be any manner of doubt that the leaders of new 
China have built a new bridge of spiritual kinship between their 
country and the United States, that this would have profound influence 
on forging new material relations between the two countries separated 
by about ten thousand miles of the Pacific waters, that they will be 
the natural agents of American capitalist interests in opening out the 
untapped resources of their country to exploitation by modern science 
and technology. The war years have forged more intimate links 
between China and the United States. And the material and idealistic 
needs of both the countries would seek and find new expressions of 
their collaboration. We have shown in a previous volume of the 
Annual Register how the forward-looking organizers of American life 
have been building up the hopes of a fuller and richer material life 
for their own people by relating these to creating as progressive instru- 
ments for better life on the soil of China. They have been emphasising 
that the high standards of their own native life cannot be maintained if 
the purchasing power of the millions in China be not increased ; 
that it is American finance, American science, American skill and technique 
that can help put up a bridge between better life in China with a far more 
better life in the United States. These hopes have a selfish as well an 
idealistic background to inspire conduct, to guide the leaders of the State 
in the U. S A. and of the leaders of the financial and industrial world in 
the great republic. The selfishness is all too apparent ; the idealism has to 
be proved by concrete conduct in the future For the ruling classes of 
America, and for the matter of that of every country, specially of the two 
countries that have emerged out of the recent war of continents and oceans as 
the most powerful of the States in the “atom bomb’’ age, the United States 
of America and the Union of the Socialist Soviet Republics, the leaders of 
these two countries have to prove that they can control and transform the 
intoxication of power into an instrument of good not only for their own 
peoples but for the peoples of the world. For, as destiny has been driving 
the United States into entanglements in the concerns of East Asia, her 
leadership both in State and commerce will be brought into closer relation 
with their opposite numbers in the Soviet Union. And it will require all ‘ 
their combined wisdom that they do not collide. There is an element of 
fear in this development. For human natu re has not shown itself capable 
of this self-restraint. Human nature in the United States and in the Soviet 
Union will have to pioneer a new path before humanity if it is not to 
crash again into a greater war of ideologies and practices, driven there into 
by racial, national and economic grievances of the silent peoples of the 
world who have been suffering mutely during the last two centuries, and 
whom the British predominance over world affairs during this period has 
not given any chance to assert their self-respect, to co-operate in the great 
work of human redemption from the squalor and indignity of a life which" 
modem science could have done if its votaries have had not to prostitute 
their knowledge for the service of arrogant racialism. 

The end of the war in Europe and the near end of it in East Asia 

—JUKE *45 ] 
have naturally 



generated these hopes and fears in Europe, in Asia, in 
Africa and the Americas. Because the development of 
Seat of U. S. A. political and economic equality has been unequal in most 
policy countries of the world. In Asia and Africa specially, 

European nations, big and small, have established a 
system of rule that has kept depressed their political and economic con- 
ditions, The United States has not joined in this game ; neither has it 
refused to have a share of its profits. Peace and order have been the 
obiectives of its policy in Asia and Africa as in South America — peace and 
order that will stabilize uhe iniquitous system of exploitation by native 
or foreign agencies of the weaker peoples of the world- The United States 
did not protest against it as she did against the policy that might threaten 
to exclude her from a share of the loot. Owen Lattimore in his book to 
which we have already referred has reminded his country that “the rise of 
Japan was on the whole favoured both by the American Government and 
by American public opinion.*' 

“In this Anglo-American doctrine of ‘ma too’ (implict in the Open Door policy) 
lay hidden the flaw that fatally weakened our opposition to Japan’s encroachments 
m China, hi the whole record of our pi otebU to Japan^ Britain and America never 
once contested Japmi^s right to make demands on China. We only protested that 
privileges acquired by Japan should not exclude us. {The italics are ours). 

This selfishness of Anglo-American policy enabled Japan to point the 
finger of scorn to the record of the Western Powers in their dealings with 
Asiatic peoples, to pose as the natural protector of Asia’s 
Japan as a snb- self-respect and Asia’s interests against the pretensions and 
ordinate partner encroachments of Western nations. Anglo-American 
policy since the victory of Japan over Bussia in the 
1904-’5 war appeared to have been moved by the idea that the former 
could now be trusted to act as the defender of all the politico-economic 
interests of Western peoples acquired at the cost of eastern Asiatic peoples 
at the point of the bayonet and the gun, Benjamin Kidd in his well-known 
I^ook — Principles of Western Civilization — has said : ’‘the competitive 
exploitation of Chinese resources proceeds in an environment of inter- 
national intrigue, of social squalor and moral outrage and degradation al- 
most without equal in history.” American entrepreneurs did have a share 
in this dirty business and were not averse froni sharing the profits thereof. 
By the time of this war the leading countries of the Western World came 
to accept Japan as “a good watch dog against Eussia”, and for this 
service were prepared to overlook her adventures directed against her neigh- 
bours, specially against China The Anglo- Japanese treaty (1902-03) 
renewed about ten years later is an illustration of western recognition of 
this new status of the Mikado’s Kingdom. A paragraph in the Lansing- 
Ishii exchange of notes (1917) read : 

*‘The Governments of the United States and Japan recognize that territorial 
propinquity creates special relations between countries, and consequently, the Govern- 
ment of the United States recognises that Japan has special interests in China, 
particularly in that part to which her possessions are contiguous.” 

Heartened by this recognition Japan had gone ahead with advanc- 
ing her “special interests in China”, and the United States and Britain 
had to look on in helplessness as Japan started building 
Japan’s expansive up her “co-prosperity sphere” in eastern Asia. We do 
forces not know when and why the former (the United States) 

began to get troubled about the tendency of Japanese 



ambitions, as also why and when Japan decided to remain no longer 
satisfied with the subordinate position that the Anglo-American ruling classes 
had decreed for her. We are sure that it was the expansive forces deve- 
loping inside Japan, her expansive trade and extending mercantile navy, 
her increasing population, for instance — it was these forces of social 
dynamics that forced her to seek and fiind outlets for these. And as these 
collided with the same forces in the Western World, a collision became 
inevitable. The Pearl Harbour adventure was an accident in this sense 
that late or soon such an adventure would have taken place The tense 
relations between the capitalist democracies that were satisfied with the 
order of things in East Asia and the aspiring people of Japan whoso one 
chance of realising their ambitions lay in disturbing the status quo and 
in course of this disturbance snatching at the holdings of the European 
nations in East Asia, opened out the possibility of such a 
development. France’s surrender in Europe, the conquest of Holland 
by Germany, Japan’s ally, left their eastern possessions the 
play-things of fate, waiting for new masters. Japan being near at 
hand, quite naturally stepped forward to act as their guardian and protect- 
or. This was a scheme to which the United States appeared to have 
had the greatest objection. The proximate cause of the war in East Asia 
could be traced to this opposition. Now that with the impending defeat 
of Japan, the pre-war status of these possessions were on the point of 
being restored, the responsibility of the United States becomes 
inescapable in tracing their political and economic destiny. Specially 
when it is remembered that it was her resources that defeated 
Japan s plan for a “co-prosperity sphere” in this region of the earth, that 
without her help, more indirect than direct, without her connivance’ the 
“ancient regime” cannot return to them. 

During the period under discussion, January to June, 1945, the 
problem posed above did not take the forms of tension that they have 
assumed since then, Tho ‘resistance movement’* in Burma 
menUn^Buma" Solidified itself under Japanese auspices directed 

and Indonesia against the established imperialism ; later it turned 
against the new usurper and helped in driving Japanese 
forces from Burma. A remarkable loader had been thrown out by it in 
Major-General Aung San whom the British military authorities had to give 
some sort of a recognition. In Indonesia, almost the same development 
took place. Dr, Muhammed Soekarno is reported to have co-operated with 
the Japanese conquerors. But when they were being pushed out, he took the 
lead in transforming tho resistance movement into one for the assertion of 
the national rights of the Indonesians against the pretensions and usurpations 
of the Dutch rulers. Combined with India’s resistance to British rule, these 
may be said to constitute the anti-imperialist front in Bast Asia, India 
holding a central position influencing and being influenced by what has 
been happening in Arab lands and in East Asiatic countries. But for a 
fuller picture of the whole movement in Asia, developments in China and 
in Soviet Asia have to be placed in the canvas. 

The people of China and of the Soviet Asia do not directly come into 
the picture we have traced in this ;i^aragraph, though the manner in which 
Soviet Union de- ^^ley will bp reacting to the post-war Asiatic up-surge 
Clares war against will powerfully influence world history in the making. 

Japan 5 y Jxine, 1945, it was apparent that China’s day ot 


deliverance from Japanese invasion was drawing near, that the 
Soviet Union relieved of the German threat will be turning its 
attention to the Pacific region. The question came to be canvassed that 
the leaders of chis country may not care to take part in delivering the 
last blows that would shatter Japanese resistance ; it was also urged that 
they coulci not afford to neglect this opportunity of having their say in 
deciding the fate of Japan when the victorious Powers sat down to do 
this job. Marshal Stalin and his advisers chose the latter course ; de- 
clared war against Japan by the end of July, 1945. This act of theirs, 
judged from the angle of private morality, would be characterized as mean, 
a thing that is not done in deeenti society. But international morality, the 
relation between States and States, is regulated by other standards. 
Specially when the partisanship of the leaders of the United Nations is 
in the ascendant today, the Soviet Union need fear no adverse judgment to 
be expressed widely against her for what appears to be a betrayal of the 
elementary decencies of associated life The enormity of the offence will be 
realized when it is remembered that for a little over four years there bad 
been a Neutrality Pact between the Soviet Union and Japan ; that both 
the signatories had observed it during these years, each for his own parti- 
cular interest ; that Japan could have endangered the very existence of the 
Soviet Union when the latter was reeling under the terrible blows of the 
Nazi war machine. But for her own reasons Japan restrained herself when 
she could have helped her Axis ally, Germany, in shattering Eussian 
resistance, and perhaps, in winning the war. Why did Japan do this, the 
future historian will tell us. Purther, when the leaders of the Kremlin 
declared war against Japan, she was as good as defeated ; the Manchurian 
campaign of the Soviet forces did not affect the fortunes of war in any 
way ; it did not hasten the day of Japan’s surrender. The Soviet Union 
would have heightened her prestige by observing the Neutrality Pact and 
by restraining the temptations offered her by the Anglo-Saxon Powers at 
Yalta and Potsdam. This episode has not attracted attention because in 
the delirium of the victory, the voice of moral judgment has been 
silenced. We are afraid that this is a bad beginning for the new world 
order, and is calculated to make men and women into cynics^ 

Bussia’s entry into the war against Japan has assured her a 
place at the peace table that will decide the latter’s fate. Whether this step 
will minimize complications in eastern Asia affairs is more 
Sino-Russian than one can say. It has to be said to the credit 

relations of Eussia that she did not take advantage of China’s 

difficulties as an opportunity to advance her own 
particular interests at China’s expense. What she has done in Outer 
Mongolia and Sinkiang is a little too complicated for general under- 
standing. Owen Lattimore has stressed the point that during pre- 
Pearl Harbour days, when China was playing a lone hand against 
Japanese aggression, the Soviet Union had been sending arms and 
equipments to the Central Government authorities of China and not 
to the communists in the country who were ideologically bound to 
them. This fact should be a centre of hope for the evenWal reorga- 
nization of China’s life battered by eight years of war. It may be 
that the ruling classes of the United States will be willing and anxious 
to extend help to China in this work and link up the prosperity of 
China with their own. But the Soviet East being the nearer neighbour 


will influence developments in China in ways that are not predictable 
today. The patterns of better life that the Soviet Union’s leaders have 
built up in their east of the Baikal areas cannot but exert that 
^politics of attraction’ which is a natural process of enlightenment and 
education. The better life of the common people in the Soviet Asia will 
attract the attention and lead to its imitation by their neighbours in 
China across the border lines. Against such inter-communication there 
cannot be any quarantine. It may quite happen that the leaders of the 
Soviet Union may not long tolerate the dominance of American thought 
and life over the evolution of a free and better China. Then will come 
the real test of *the triangular statesmanship of the United States, of the 
Soviet Union and of China. There may be conflict, there may be co-operation. 
Points of conflict are there, enough and to spare, between the three 

peoples ; for instance, Korea may well be as good a starting-point of it 

as Serbia was in 1914 and Danzig in 1939. The world can only hope that 

the lesson of these two world wars will have been learnt. 

The prospect, bright or dark, sought to be sketched above, has to be 
understood. And above all it has to be recognized that China has become 
one of the great Powers of the world. She may not 

Prancisco has indicated her 
^ Yat-sen 0^ destiny, the destiny that the founder of her 

modern greatness. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, laid down for her. 
He had envisaged three stages in his country’s political evolution — 
military unification, political tutelage and constitutional democracy. 
Military unification is usually regarded as having started from the 
establishment of the Nanking Government (1928). Political tutelage, the 
training of the people in the democratic forms of government suitable to 
modern times, has been prolonged owing to Japanese aggresion, a National 
Assembly being difficult to convene owing to enemy occupation of vast 
areas of the country. President Ohiang Kai-shek has announced that 

arrangements are being made to convene the National Assembly on 
November 12, 1945, the 80th anniversary of the birth of Dr. Sun 
Yat-sen. The draft constitution of the State was based on Sati Min 
Chu L — Three Principles of the People — laid down by Dr. Sun. His son 
Dr. Sun Po and President of the Legislative Yuan (Council), has 
described these for us : 

“To understand why we should provide in our Constitution that our Eepublic 
is a San Min Chu L Eepublic, we must first grasp what San Min Chu L really 

means. It consists of three principal parts The purpose of Min Tsu Chu /. 

(nationalism) is to make China an entirely independent btate free from the control 
of any other country or nation. The purpose of Min Chuan Chu L (democracy) is 
to make China a really democratic State in which its sovereignty will be vested in 
the body of its citizens. The purpose of Min Sheng Chu f, (people's livelihood) is 
to improve our social and economic system so that all the people will be able to 
find means of satisfying their livelihood and their rights of existence. Although 
this is the simplest and most rudimentary interpretation of Sun Min Chu /, yet it 
is precisely what this great doctrine means and it is precisely what we want 
China to be. 

China may be said to have freed herself from foreign political 
control. This should strike the world’s attention first of alb Never 
having had to acknowledge foreign sovereignty, as 
“The Principles India has been doing for the last 185 years and more, 

of the People” she has had to struggle for about 100 years to throw 

off the shackles of foreign control, economic and indirectly 


political. Her gallant struggle against European aggression, against Japanese 
aggression, has restored her position in the comity of modern nations as one 
of its leaders. The First Principle of Chinese Nationalism has justified its 
assertion. The other two — democracy and people’s livelihood — have yet 
to come by their own. The draft constitution of the democratic 
government of China has been produced by a committee of eminent 
jurists under the chairmanship of Dr Sun Fo, appointed in December, 
1932 by the Central Executive of the Kuomintang, after a labour of 
about three years. There have been seven revisions of it since then. 
Under it there will be a People’s Congress of 1,800 to 2,000 delegates 
elected for a term of six years by citizens of 20 years of age through 
the method of universal, equal and direct suffrage, and secret 
ballot. The powers and functions of the Congress include 
the election of the Head of the State, the President, and of the Vice- 
President. The President will be the Commander-in-chief of the armed 
forces of the Eepublic of China. The power of the government will be 
vested in five organs — (l) the Executive Yuan whose President, Vice- 
President and members will be appointed by the President of the Eepublic 
and removable by him ; (2) the Legislative Yuan whose President, Vice- 
President and members (about 270 in number) will be elected by the 
People’s Congress every three years ; (3) the Judicial Yuan whose 
President and Vice-President will be appointed to office for a term of three 
years by the President of the Eepublic but who wfll be responsible 
to and may be recalled by the People*s Congress ; (4) the Examination 
Yua7i will determine the qualifications of and select candidates for 
public service whose President and Vice-President will be appointed 
by the President of the Eepublic, will hold offiice for three years and 
be responsible to the People’s Congress ; (5) the Control Yuan in which 
are vested the power of impeachment and audit ; its President, Vice- 
President and members will be elected by the People’s Congress and be 
responsible to it. Thus it happens that the ultimate power of the people 
of China is the bed-rock of the China Eepublic ; the People's Congress 
is its forum : only its members can initiate and hold referanda on laws 
and can amend the Constitution. The President will convene it once 
every three years, its session continuing for a month only. The 
infrequency of its sittings and the short session detract from the usefulness 
of the Congress as the repositor^^ of the people’s power. 

This democratic constitution has yet to come and to function Apart 
from the difficulties caused by the long war against Japan, internal 
differences in China constitute the greatest obstacle to 
Kuomintang and China’s peaceful evolution to the constitutional democracy 

Communists planned by Dr. Sun Fo’s Committee. The Central 
Government at Chungking and the Communist regime in 
Yenan represent two forces. Nationalism and Communism, that have yet 
to come on a common platform in China. For about a year and more 
the Chiang Kai-shek Administration has been subjected to criticism 
even in the Press of the United States that it has not been pulling its 
full weight in the war against Japan. Major-General Hurley, U. S. A. 
ambassador to the Central Government of China, made strenuous efforts 
to reconcile the view-points of the Nationalist and Communist leaders but 
without success, President Chiang Kai-shek insisting that no political 
agreement was possible so long as the Communists maintained their own 


armed forces. From the admirers and the supporters of the Yenan regime 
came the reply that the perfection of the guerilla technique of fighting has 
been the special contribution of Chinese Communists to the total resistance 
against Japanese aggression, that their agrarian policy and educational 
activities have initiated a reform movement among ten crores of Chinese 
people that must be the pattern for any Government in China that vrould 
hope to convert their people into a strong-hold of the new world order 
that would emerge out of the war in which China is expected to play the 
role of one of the ‘‘Big Five’' — the five leaders of the United Nations Organiza- 
tion. Whether or not China will peacefully evolve towards such a 
consummation will depend upon the developments — unity in China, 
the policy of the Soviet leaders, and how far the United States will be 
prepared to go in upholding the Nationalist regime. The first 
has not yet come. And it will not come’ till the Soviet Union and 
the United States between them can arrange to unify their divergent 
interests and policies. 

And in this business the fact must be early recognized that the 
former holds the trump card owing to her physical propinquity to China, 
and that there are other peoples in Asia stretching 
Pacific to the Black Sea, to the Mediterranean 
their policy Sea and the Red Sea with whom the Soviet peoples 
are linked up in various ways. We have indicated 
in previous pages certain of the lines of this inter-relation that have 
yet to be made straight. Britain and the Soviet Union are more 
concerned with developments in and about the north-west Asiatic countries 
on these central seas. But in China, the United States has established 
a particular position ; she appears to bo holding the key to the 
solution of many of China’s problems, internal and external. ,But 
even internally China cannot sit down to initiate reforms and recons- 
truction if the Soviet Union and the United States do not come to 
an understanding. If the Soviet Union is fully and sincerely satisfied 
in East Asia, the communists in China will have no reason to be 
always against the Central Government of their country, Owen 
Lattimore indicates the elements of Soviet strength in this area, and 
how his own country should behave under the given circumstances. 

*‘EuBsia holds the key position at the top of the Pacific, looking down on 
Japan and touching both China’s North-eastern Provinces and Korea, Either by 
agreement, or if we do not make that possible, by unilateral ^ action, Russia will 
develop the strongest land-based air-power in North Pacific' and a navy and a 
merchant marine in the Pacific. We cannot isolate or encircle Russia. The Soviet- 
Ohinese land-frontier is as immune to interference from us as the Canadian - 
American frontier is immune to Russian interference. Russia’s political leverage 
in Korea* and in the long run in Japan, can be made much greater than ours ” 

Here should end our interpretation of events in the outer world as 
it faces the situation created by the end of the war in Europe and its near- 
TndiaHoMB for end in Asia. This back-ground of contemporary history 
democrafy without “ay not appear to have had any bearing on the deve- 
its privileges lopments in India* In a vicarious way we may feel 

immediately affected by v^hat have been happening in 
Arab lands, in Iran, in China. The accident of a million Indians seeking 
their fortunes in Burma will confront us with a complex situation where 
the fight will be concerned with the defence of the material interests 



—JUNE *45 3 

bnilfc up by Indians in Burma during the last six or seven decades. 
The political developments in the Arab lands may excite our Muslim 
neighbours, and may as a long-range affair influence our internal and exter- 
nal affliations in the near future. So may the Soviet Union’s policies in 
Iran and Afghanistan, in the Autonomous Alountain Badakhstan Eegion 
of Soviet Ta3ikistan, hitherto known as the Pamirs, the Eoof of the 
World, separated from Kashmir by a ten-mile strip of Afghanistan, play 
their part in Indo-Eussian aflairs when India will have a foreign policy 
of her own. But the developments in India during the first six months 
of 1945 were not conditioned by any of these extra-Indian considerations. 
The British bureaucracy with the support of the Churchill Government 
had helped to maintain a deadlock in India. They had declared that 
they could do nothing to ease the political tension in India during the 
war years, engaged as their country was in a war of survival. Thus 
was developed in India “the paradoxical situation by which India as 
part of the British Empire is being forced to fight for democracy, while 
being informed that she is not vet ready to enjoy its privileges” {Neiv 
York Times), This policy has continued through the war years, and 
even after the end of the war in Europe which almost coincided with 
the time discussed in this volume of the Annual Register, the situation 
has not changed. And the political deadlock in India was stabilized 
by the use of an excuse that is part of ail imperialistic arguments* 
Through Lord Linlithgow’s statement made on the 7th. August, 1940, it was 
given out to the world. In the context of developments in India in June, 
1945, on which we propose to make comments later on, extracts from 
that statement should be recalled today. It will be a rather long 

“It is clear that the earlier differences which had prevented the achievement of 
national unity remain nnbridg;ed. Deeply as his Majesty's Government regret this, they 
do feel that they should not any longer, because of these differences, postpone the 

expansion of the Governor-Geneiars Council They have authorized me 

accoidingly to invite a certain number of representative Indians to join my 
Executive Council 

“The conversations which have taken place and the resolutions of the bodies 
which I have just mentioned (Gongiess Working Committee, the Muslim League 
and the Hindu Mabasabha) make it clear, however, that there is still in certain 
quarters doubt as to the intentions of His Majesty’s Government for the constitu- 
tional future of India, and there is doubt, too, as to whether the position of 
minorities, whether political or religious, is sufficiently safeguardtd in relation to 
any constitutional change by the assurance already given. Theie are two main points 
that have emerged 

“The first is as to the position of minorities in relation to any future constitu- 
tional scheme. It has already been made clear that my declaration of last October 
does not exclude an examination of any part either of the Act of 1935 or on the 
policy and plans on which it is based. 

“His Majesty’s Government’s concern that full weight should be given to the 
views of the minorities in any levision has also been biought out. It goes without 
saying that they could not contemplate the transfer of their present responsibilities 
for the peace and welfare of India to any system of government whose authontv 
is directly denied by large and powerful elements in India’s national life Isfor 
could they be parties to the coercion of such elements into submission to such a 

“The second point of general interest is the machinery for building, within the 
British Commonwealth of Nations, a new constitutional scheme when the time 
comes. There has been very strong insistence that the framing of that scheme should 
be primarily the responsibility of Indians themselves and should originate from Indian 
conceptions of the social, economic and political structure of Indian life. 

“His Majesty’s Government are in sympathy with that desire and wish to see 



it given the fullest practical expression subject to the due fulfilment of the obliga- 
tions which Great Britain’s long connection with India has imposed upon her and 
for which His Majesty’s Government cannot divest themselves of responsibility. 

“It is clear that the moment when the Commonwealth is engaged in a 
struggle for existence is not one in which fundamental constitutional issues can be 
decisively resolved. But His Majesty’s Government authorise me to declare that they 
will most readily assent to the setting up after the conclusion of the war, with the 
least possible delay, of a body representative of the principal elements in India’s 
national life in order to devise the frame-work of the new constitution, and they 
will lend every aid in their power to hasten decisions on all relevant matters to the 
utmost degree.” 

The implications of this declaration impinging both on the political 
and constitutional problems of India have been disastrous so far as her 
majority and minority question is concerned. For too 
Policy of long has it been known that the representatives of British 

divide &> rule power in India have been used to making the minority 

question an instrument in their hands for delaying and 
halting the arrival of democratic freedom in India. The literature 
on the subject with regard to this policy and its reactions on human 
relations as between communities and communifcies in India, as between 
sects and sects, as between castes and castes, as between classes and 
classes has grown into a library, and to many a publicist in India the 
subject has become quite nauseating to handle. For more years than 
we care to remember, this game has been going on with a certain similarity 
in its various moves and counter-moves that the Indian publicist could 
predict without looking at any British proposal for the resolution of the 
political deadlock in India and without analysing its various implications 
that human relations in India will be further poisoned, that all the implicit 
conceits and ambitions, all the dissatisfactions and memories of wrongs, 
will be revived, and the British authorities will be driven to announce the 
failure of their well-meant devices to persuade the various elements in 
India’s national life to co-operate in building up the freer and better 
India of their dreams and aspirations. This story of attempts and their 
failures has become a part of the controversy between British Imperialism 
and Indian Nationalism. Not to go further back than the war 
years — 1939 to 1945 — no observer of developments in India can help 
being struck by the repetition of the same formula and its rejection 
for one reason or other by all the major parties in India. This happens 
because the British bureaucracy have made promises to nationalists 
and oommunalists in India that cannot from the very nature of the 
case be reconciled with one another. Their practice in this behalf speaks 
more than any words that they may utter in course of formal declarations 
of their policy. To illustrate this double-dealing, Lord Zeatland, the then 
Secretary of State for India, can be quoted. Speaking in the House of 
Lords on the 14th April (1940), his lordship made much of the fact that 
there was no disposition on the part of the British Parliament and the 
British Government to dictate the constitution- making procedure for India ; 
“admittedly a substantial measure of agreement amongst the communities 

in India is essential ” and British anxiety in this behalf was given 

expression to by saying 

*T cannot believe that any Government or Parliament in this country would 
attempt to impose by force upon, for example, 80 Muslim subjects of His Majesty 
in India, a form of constitution under which they would not live peacefully and 


Without impugning the sincerity of Lord Zetiland*s anxiety for the 
Muslims of India, the Indian is likely to look upon this plea as a charter 
of intransigence granted to the Muslims of India. 
Spoilt children of Lord Zetland forgot that the Eamsay Macdonald 
Indian politics ^‘Oommunal Award**was imposed on the majority population 
by “force”, that the British Government knowing all 
the facts of the case had turned the blind eye on the problem of 
minorities in India other than the Muslims ; that the fears and anxieties 
of these minorities in areas where the Muslirns are a majority, 
as they are in North-West India and in certain parts of Bengal 
and Assam, had not weighed with them while deciding their policy 
with regard to inter- communal relations in India. If they felt that they 
owed responsibilities for the minorities in India, for their better life, they 
should have showed equal concern for all of them. Instead, what they have 
been doing has made the Muslims of India the spoilt children of Indian 
politics, petted and pampered by British bureaucracts. There is an element 
of ludicrous tragedy as one watched Mr. Jinnah and his followers 
enjoying the transaction of being sought after both by British Imperialism 
and Indian Nationalism, driving the hardest bargains out of it. The 
permanent President of the All- India Muslim League illustrates in his 
own life this game. The weak-kneed policy of the Indian National 
Congress in the matter of the “Communal Award”, neither accepting 
it nor rejecting it, emboldened the policy-makers of the Muslim 
League to claim that the less than 25 per cent of the Indian population that 
the Muslim League happens to represent are equal to the more than 60 
per cent whom the Indian National Congress stands for. The League 
leaders make a parade of their contempt for “arithmetical democracy”, while 
they base their demands made in the Lahore (1940) resolution on 
'‘the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority” to 
constitute ‘independent States*, autonomous and sovereign The British 
bureaucracy has in the pursuit of its particular interests felt unable 
to discourage these pretensions ; the Indian National Congress has simply 
ignored these from its superior arrogance. It is this attitude both on the 
part of the upholders of British interests in India and of the leadership of 
Indian Nationalism that has inflated the conceit and ^ greedy of the 
Muslim League. During the period we have been dealing with, Lord 
Wavell, the Governor- General of India, made with the sanction of 
the London Government an announcement of certain formulas of 
constitutional reconstruction in India. One of these was that in the 
proposed formation of a new Executive Council by His Excellency, 
there would be an equal proportion of Muslim representatives with those 
of “Hindus other than members of the Scheduled Castes.” Lord Wavell 
did not care to explain why he and the London Government did 
feel that this would be an equitable arrangement, and when did this 
policy dawn up on their minds. He appeared to convey the impression 
to the world at large that this had been for long an arrangement 
known to and accepted by all the elements in India s life, specially 
by the majority population, the Hindus of India. We know and the 
world should know that the British Government and Lord Wavell 
bad simply traded on the world's ignorance and on the weaknesses 
of Indian society when they launched this “parity” contrivance of 
theirs. We also kpow the Muslim 'League leaders have since 


130 THE INDIAN ANNUAL EEGISTEE [ jandakx ’45— 

1940 been throwing out tentative suggestions and claims to familiarize 
the Indian people with this idea of “parity”. In a letter addressed 
to the Private Secretary of the then Governor-General, dated Simla, 1st of 
July, 194:0, Mr. Jinnah enclosed “a rough note of the points’ he had 
discussed with Lord Linlithgow in course of an interview held on 
June 27, 1940. “The “note” was sent at the desire of His Excellency. 
In this “note” was found the claim made by the League leader in 
support of “parity’’ between the Congress and the League. We quote 

^’^°'^>‘pJoviBionany and during the period of the war, the following steps should 
be taken to comply with the tormula, namely, co-operation with the Government 
with equal share in the authority of the Government. , , , 

(a) That the Executive Council of the Viceroy should be enlarged within 
the frame-work of the present constitutional existing law, the additional number 
to be settled by further discusbion, but it being understood that the Muslim 
TepTesentation must he equal to that of the Hindus if the Congress comes 
otherwise they should have the majority of the additional members, as it is obvious 
that the main burden and the lesponsibility will be borne by the Mussulmans in 
that case.” (Italics ours). 

To this “tentative proposar* made by Mr. Jinnah in course of 
a personal talk with the Governor-General, we do not ^ know what 
reply was given ; neither do we know if Lord Lin- 
Lord Linlith^w lithgow kept a record of his conversations with Indian 
argueSiWj^ r. and how these had struck him. On the 

6th of July (1940) we have, however, a reply to it 
in which appear words that described the Linlithgow reactions to Mr. 
Jinnah*s demand. 

“It is not a case of striking a balance between the different interests or of 
preserving the proportion between the important parties. As you yourself indicated 
in the course of our conversation, there are parties other than either the Congress 
or the Muslim League who may fairly claim to be considered for inclusion, and 

there is a very definite limit of numbers to any possible expansion 

“There is, however, as you will see from iny explanation, no question of 
responsibility falling in greater or less degree on any particular section. 

Lesponsibility will be that of the Governor-General-in-Oouncil as a whole 

This soft reply from Lord Linlithgow did not turn Mr. Jinnah from 
the purpose he had set before himself to grasp. He must have had an 
assurance that British policy would help him to do 
Beaal-Llaqat it. He also counted on the eagerness of the leader- 

Ali Pact ship of the Indian National Congress for an ‘‘united 

front” against British imperialism to extract his pound of 
flesh. The endorsement by Gandhiji of the Bajagopalachari formula 
encouraged him to hope that his “tentative proposal” of 1940 was 
near finding a place in the constitutional arrangement that must be 
made sooner or later as soon as the war ended. He was strengthened 
in this belief by the initiative taken by Mr. Bhulabhai Desai, leader 
of the Congress Parliamentary Party in the Central Assembly and 
leader of the Opposition in it, to come to some sort of an under- 
standing with the League through Mr* Liaqat Ali Khan with a view 
to present Lord Wavell with a joint demand. It came out later 
that Mr. Desai had secured Gandhiji’s approval of these negotiations. 
The Indian Press began speculating on these during the early months of 
1945, during the months when the Central Legislature had been sitting. But 
the participants in these, and their principals, Gandhiji and Mr. Jinnah, 
tried to discourage public curiosity either by silence or by suggesiio falsi. 
Tba most simstei? part of these negotiations was that Mr, Descil 


persistent in his silence and Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan, the deputy leader 
of the League Parliamentary Party, was sleek in his denials and 
evasions. Even now it cannot be proved by documentary evidence that 
there was s>iiiy such negotiation or any such Pact. But New Delhi 
speculations were as persistent and as elaborate that there had been 
negotiations, that there was a Pact which conceded the demand of 
Mr. Jinnah that the Muslim League must have equal representation 
with the Indian National Congress in any Central and Provincial 
Executive that might be formed. And it was suggested at the time 
that with this **Pact” in his pocket, Lord Waveli went to London 
about the middle of April, 1945, with a view to seek the advice of 
the Churchill Government for taking steps to end the political dead- 
lock in India. An episode, and a tragic episode, should be recalled 
in this connection to emphasise once again that politics is a cruel 
game to which the most well-intentioned of men aro often offered as 
sacrifice. In the present instance, Mr* Bhulabhai Desai had Gandhiji’s 
blessings in his negotiations with Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan. In course 
of a statement made on Lord WavelFs broadcast made on June 
14, 1945 Gandhiji said ; *1 am not ashamed of the part I played 
in advising Shri Bhulabhai Desai when he consulted me about his 
proposal. Shri Bhulabhai Desai's proposal, as I understood it, attracted 
me as one interested in solving the communal tangle, and I assured 
him that I would use my influence with the members of the Working 

Committee and give reasons for acceptance of his proposal At 

the time when negotiations were afoot for the “Desai-Liaqat Ali 
understanding'" (Gandhiji"s own words), criticism of the stipulations of 
the "‘Pact*" was vehement and the brunt of it fell on Mr. Desai, 
and even Gandhiji did not lift his little finger to save him from this 
denunciation or to moderate its cruelty and vehemence. And when 
the members of the Congress Working Committee, after their release, 
were called upon to face the commitments made in the Desai-Liaqat 
Ali Pact, and they refused to endorse it, Gandhiji could not protect him 
from the raw deal at their hands. Evidence of this came out when Mr. 
Desai’s name was omitted from the list of names submitted (during 
the Simla Conference to Lord Wavelf to be included in his interim 
Executive Council. It was talked of at the time that the Governor- 
General was anxious to have him, but the interdict of the Congress 
Working Committee stood in the way. It has been suggested that 
this blow to bis self-esteem became too much for the frail body of 
Mr. Desai, and in dignified silence he pined away to death. His 
defence of the three officers of the Indian National Army at their 
trial at the Bed Fort of Delhi, his masterly presentation of the defence 
case, was the antumnal glow of a great Indian life hasfcening towards 
departure from the field of its mundane activities. That its last hours 
should have been embittered by a sense of injustice received at the hands of 
his fellow-workers is one of the tragedies that are a part of human 
existence. Neither is he the first nor the last of Indian public men and 
publicists whom the ungratefulness of their generation has sent to their 
death with memories tarnished by indiscretions or well-meant actions 
that in politics are sometimes worse than crimes, stigmatized very often as 
the betrayal of a national cause. Bhulabhai Desai’s misfortune consisted 
in this that he could not realise what he was risking when he 


agreed to accept the position that the Indian National Congress, a 
national organization if there was one in India, was equal to the 
All-India Muslim League, a communal organization. Perhaps, he thought 
that Gandhiji would share the risk and would be able to shield him 
frpm the displeasure of tho dominant members of the Working Committee 
of the Congress. Perhaps, he would have outlived the unpopularity 
as Gopal Krishna Gokhale bad done and as Mr. Pajagopalachari 
appears to bo doing. But fate has ordained otherwise, and Bhulabhai 
Desai has been called to eternal rest before this healing process has 
had opportunity to regain him his due place of honour in the estimation 
of his people. 

This personal tragedy apart, the commitments made in the Desai- 
Liaqat Ali Pact will be pursuing us for many a day, injuring the 
permanent interests of India. The sinister use made 
Simla Conference by the British Government of this demand by Mr. 

personnel Jinnah became manifest in the statement of Lord 

Wavell which was issued on June 14, 1945, foresha- 
dowing the new attempt on the part of the bureaucracy to solve the 
political -problem of India. He invited certain leaders of public life 
in the country to a Conference to be held at Simla on the 26th of 
June (1945) to ‘‘advise** him in setting up a new Executive Council 
with memlDers “more representative of organized political opinion** in 
the country* To this Conference were invited the following persons : 

“Those now holding office as Premier in a Provincial Government ; or, for 
Provinces under section 93 Government, those who last held the office of Premier. 
The leader of the Congress party and the deputy leader of the Muslim League 
Party in the Central Assembly ; the leaders of the Congress Party and of the Muslim 
League Party in the Council of State ; also the leaders of the Nationalist Party and 
the European group in the Assembly. 

“Mr, Gandhi and Mr. Jinnah as the recognized leaders of the two main 
political parties. 

“Rao Bahadur N. Shiva Raj to represent the scheduled classes, 

“Mr. Tara Singh to represent the Sikhs.*’ 

The Conference was considered by Lord Wavell and the London 
Government to be “the best means of forming such a Councir*, the Council 
. . that was to represent “the main communities’* ; it would, 

iuncdons of the and when formed,^ work “under the existing constitu- 

Couucil ’ J It would be “an entirely Indian Council, except 

for the Viceroy and the Commander-in-chief who would 
retain bis position as War Member**; it was also proposed that “the 
portfolio of External Affairs which had hitherto been held by the Viceroy, 
would be placed in charge of an Indian member of Council, so far as the 
interests of British India are concerned ; it was re-asserted that “there can 
be no question of the Governor-General agreeing nob to exercise his con- 
stitutional power of control ; but it will, of course, not be exercised un- 
reasonably**. The “main tasks** set before the Council would be : “Pirst, 
to prosecute the war with Japan with the utmost energy till Japan is 
utterly defeated ; secondly, to carry on the Government of British India 
with all the manifold tasks of post-war development in front of it until a 
new permanent constitution can be agreed upon and come into force ; 
thirdly, to consider, when the members of the Government think it 
possible, the means by which such agreement can be achieved.** Lord 
Wavell assured the world that they regarded the “third task*)- as “most 


important”, that they “have not lost sight of the need for a long term 
solution,” and that "the present proposals are intended” to lead to that 
cherished goal. 

This in summary was the Plan with which Lord Wavell returned 
from Britain after staying there for about ten weeks, discussing with the 
Secretary of State, Mr Leopold Amery, and his advisers 
“Stereo-typing the various aspects of the Indian situation. As the 

religious division ^ar in Europe had ended, it was thought necessary that 

the 1940 promise of making an attempt to solve the 
political deadlock in India should be implemented, the promise to re- 
examine the constitutional position to follow the end of the war. His 
Excellency with the approval of the British Government thought it 
necessary to re-iterate that the Plan he was putting forward was not ^‘‘an 
attempt to impose a constitutional settlement"', that it was for ‘*the 
leaders of the Indian parties'" to remove the “main stumbling-block"" to 
constitutional progress by a “settlement of the communal issue"". This was 
a pose of British non-interference that would be hard to justify. The 
British Government twisted the whole problem by laying it down that 

“the proposed new Council ....would include equal proportions of caste 

Hindus and Muslims."" This fatal clause was an imposition by the 
British Government, if not of British make. It is true that Mr Bhulabhai 
Desai had with the approval of Gandhiji entered into some sort of an 
arrangement with the Muslim League General Secretary, Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan, 
accepting Congress “parity"", with the League ; it is true that the Committee 
of Non-Party experts headed by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru had been thinking 
on the lines of Caste Hindu-Muslim parity conditional on the abolition of 
“separate electorates*" for Muslims. It would be a travesty of truth to say 
that any section of Congress members or any significant section of Caste 
Hindus had agreed to abide by either of these two proposals. It has 
yet to be explained why the British Government rejected the Bhulabhai 
Desai-Liaqat Ali "understanding** and why did they choose the Sapru 
recommendation minus the condition which gave it any value — the condition 
that Hindus and Muslims would seek one another"s votes, killing at t the 
root the temptation to appeal to religious frenzy and fanaticism, the tempt- 
ation to slang one another's habits of life and thought which “separate 
electorates"* have encouraged. In selecting a device for India’s constitu- 
tional advance, why did the British Government choose the one that 
antagonized and harmed the Hindus and pampered the Muslims ? Why 
could not they draw out from the body politic of India the poison which 
they themselves had introduced on the occasion of the Minto-Morley constitu- 
tional changes ? That would have proved their bonafide^ their spirit of 
goodwill that recognized a wrong and tried to eliminate it. Instead, 
what the Wavell Plan did was a fresh attempt to “stereotype religious 
division on the eve of independence"*, to quote Gandhi]i’s words exposing 
the dishonesty of the whole thing. By no stretch of deft handling of 
English words could the Wavell Plan of Caste Hindu-Muslim “parity"* 
be recognized as an attempt to avoid imposing a constitutional settle- 
ment by the British Government. This “parity"" business, this attempt 
to make about 60 per cent of the population of India equal to less than 
25 per cent of its population, as the Caste Hindu and Muslim ratio 
stands today, is a British device being sought to be forced on the former 
at the point of the bayonet. Lord Wavell, the soldier that he is, ought to 


have been equal to the unpleasant job of declaring that the device of 
“parity" between the Caste Hindus and Muslims of India was a British 
necessity which could not afford to do justice or to follow democratic 
principle and practice. That would not have weakened opposition to his 
Plan, it is true. But it would enhance respect for his honesty. Soldier 
or politician, there is nothing to choose between them when material 
interests need defence. 

Sinister move 
behind this “parity” 

And the subterfuges that the British bureaucracy and its propa- 
gandists have been using to create the impression that this Caste Hindu- 
Muslim “parity*' was implicit in the very nature of the 
socio-political situation in India has not been exposed 
in all their ugliness. By a fiat of the British Govern- 
ment this “parity*' was imposed. Having divided the 
country's political representation into communal grooves and compartments, 
it was not quite honest to speak of representation of “political opinion’*, as 
Lord Wavell did. The Secretary of State for India Mr. Leopold Amery, 
speaking on the same date (June 14, 1945) as Lord Wavell, spoke of the 
appointment to the Governor- General's Executive Council from amongst 

“leaders of Indian political life in proportions which would give a 

balanced repr*^sentation of the main communities, including equal propor- 
tions of Muslims and Caste Hindus.” And as there was no organization 
in India representative of the “Caste Hindus,” as the Nationalists among 
Hindus had never felt the need for organizing themselves on such a narrow 
platform, and the British Government was in need of such an organization 
to carry out their policy of balance, they fell on the Indian National 
Congress and tried to fit it into their nefarious scheme, thus reducing 
the national organization to an organization of a section of the Hindus 
of India. This has been the demand of the Muslim League, and on the 
occasion of the Simla Conference the British bureaucracy showed 
its hands crudely that it was prepared to concede the Jinnah 
thesis. When Gandhi ji in his telegram to Lord Wavell dated June 15 
(1945) caught the British bureaucracy red-handed in this crime against 
Indian Nationalism and all that it has been standing for during the last 
one hundred years, Lord Wavell could only mumble forth the assurance 
(June 16) that “the term ‘Caste Hindu* was nob used with offensive in- 
tention” ; this stylist in the English language asked the Indian world to 
believe that his proposals had the “meaning” that “there should be equality 
between Muslims and Hindus other than members of the Scheduled 
Castes.” The reply to the question — why should there be such an in- 
iquitous inequality ? — was avoided. And the arrangement was sought to 
be finalized that in any future constitutional structure of India this “parity" 
would be a permanent fixture. Early in these transactions, on the 15th 
of June (1945), before the members of the Congress Working Committee 
had been released, Gandhiji had recorded his protest against it. In course 
of his telegram he had said ; 

“ May I then say that there are no caste and casteless Hindus who are 

at all politically-minded, therefore the word rings untrue and offensive. Who 
represent them at your table ? Not the Congress which seeks to repiesent without 
distinction all Indians who desire and work for independence. Hence the existence 
of Hindu Mahasabha claiming to represent Hindus as such. I apprehend that 
even that body will disclaim lepresenting Caste Hindus.’* 

The malice of British imperialism was, however, immune to all 



rational appeal. It was not blind to the mischief that it was consciously 
working in India. It willed it that the pretentious claims 
Malice of British of the Muslim League should be given a place in India's 
imperialism constitutional frame-work, so that Indian Nationalism 
may be maimed and halted for as long a time as it was 
humanly possible- This malice erupted into view prominently on the 
occasion we have been discussing, in matters big or small. The logic of 
British policy required that the growth of parties in India on the basis 
of communal differences should be encouraged. But the life and work of 
the Indian National repudiate this policy. And it become a tug of war 
between the forces of Indian Nationalism and those of British Imperialism 
— the one trying to establish its claims as the organ voice of India, the 
other trying to stifle it or to reduce it to a minor key in a communal 
crescendo. The malice of British imperialism would not, however, accept 
defeat : it was ever on the watch for allies who would help it to win 
success. It found in the Muslim League an instrument of disruption, a 
handle to reduce the importance of the Indian National Congress. During 
the preliminary discussions of the Simla Conference, as we have said above, 
the crudity and the naivette of these attempts became so distinct that 
at the first touch of interrogation, Lord Wavell stood embarassed and 
could only plead that no offence was meant. His failure to invite the 
President of the Indian National Congress, Moulana Abul Ealam Azad, to 
take part in the Simla Conference was due to the same malice. When 
it was pointed out to him by Gandhiji, and when it was made plain to 
him that Gandhiji had no locus standi to attend the Conference as a 
representative of the Congress, Lord Wavell seemed to treat the plea as 
'‘technical’*, and he accepted the rebuff with whatever grace he could 
command, and issued the invitation to the President of the Congress 
through the Government of Bengal. The unconscious mind of the British 
bureaucracy, stood revealed in this episode ; it better reflected bureaucratic 
malice than an^ overt act of theirs could. The seeds of the failure of the 
Simla Conference are to be traced to this back-ground history of British 
policy in India. Gandhi]i has generously tried to acquit Lord Wavell of 
‘knowingly’ taking part in the clever game of creating the new principle 
of “'parity” between "Caste Hindus” and Muslims. But the generality of 
us who are not so generous have other ideas about the personal responsibi- 
lity of the present Governor-General of India in introducing the vicious 
device on the occasion of the Simla Conference. The utmost that we can 
concede is that Lord Wavell was helpless in face of the immutable 
British policy ; he could not change it ; he played the part required of 
him, even if he looked foolish in trying to extricate himself from the 
coils of Anglo-Indian hypocrisy. We know that individual honesty or 
individual goodness played but a little minor part in the play of power 
politics. History is full of such instances. The cases of Gladstone and 
‘honest* John Morley leap to the mind as we recall what they did in 
helping British imperialism to establish itself in Egypt. They broke all 
the commandments of the faith of their country and continent so that the 
British life-line through the eastern Mediterranean and the newly-cut Suez 
Canal could be protected from competitive imperialisms. They were by any 
standard bigger than any of the present generation of the standard-bearers 
of British imperialism. John Morley’s thesis on Hindu-Muslim differences 
in India, elaborated during his laborious search for arguments in favour of 


separata electorates in India, is the quintessence of the “Divide and 
Eule’* policy. Lord Wavell was at bast building on such brilliant 

This was the main factor that was responsible for the failure of 
the Simla drama. Mr. Jinnah was a marionette in it, not quite uncon- 
scious or unwilling. He had simply to stand fast on his 
Frusirailoii & a demand, and the British bureaucracy was there to do the 
miracle of recovery needful. As long as British rule will be there, so long 
will there be failures like these and frustration. But the 
Simla failure was followed by a miracle of recovery that has few parallels 
in India’s recent history. Since the August (1942) revolt had been 
trampled under by “methods of barbarism”, our people, Nationalist India, 
had been hearing nothing but words of condemnation of the foolishness 
of those months of high audacity, the outburst of the mass anger, of 
mass dissatisfaction with the ways of the British bureaucracy. Gandhiji 
since his release in May, 1944, had been pouring out the anguish of 
his heart chat his life’s quest, his life’s teachings, had been so irretrievably 
frustrated and betrayed by men and women who claimed to be his 
followers. And Nationalist India was persuaded to believe that a 
great wrong had been done by the leaderless people during those 
months of August to October, 1942, the hoy-day of the resistance 
movement in India. But with the release of the members of the 
Congress Working Committee, there crept almost imperceptibly a change 
in the spirit of this spell of self-depreciation that had sat on the 
bosom of the country. To two members of this Committee must go the 
credit and the glory of brushing aside the miasma of this defeatist 
mentality. They were Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Ballabhbhai 
Patel. Their voice rang loud and rang true that the mass upsurge of 
1942, the setting up of independent Sfcate organizations in Balia 
(United Provinces), in Midnapora (Bengal), in Satara (Bombay), for 
instance, were spiritually linked up with the Eesistance Movements 
that had grown up in Europe, in China, in Burma, in 

Indonesia, in other east Asiatic countries to disable the German 
and Japanese war machine, that our people' had nothing to be ashamed 
of in their activities of 1942, even if these fell from the high ideals 
of Gandhiji. The speeches of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru specially acted as 
cathartic to the accumulated despairs of more than thirty-five months. 
And the mass mind of India jerked itself out of the mood of defeatism to 
one of abundant hope, of abounding recklessness. In June, 1945, this 
miracle of recovery started. During the following months it reached its 
apogee . — {Specially coniribukd by Sri Suresh Chandra Deb.) 



The Central Legislative Assembly 

Budget Session — New Delhi — 8th February to 12th April 1945 

The Sixth War Budget session of the Central Assembly met in New Delhi on 
the 8th February 1945, all parties in the House attending nearly in full strength. 
Some iOO members were present, of whom 15 belonged to the Congress and IS to 
the League, nine were Independents, seven belonged to the European Group and 
twelve unattached, the rest being made up of nominated and Government members. 

Economic Sanctions Against S. Africa 

9th. FEBRUARY— The House took up consideration of the adjournment motion 
on South Africa to-day, Mr. Lalchand Navalrai said that his object in moving the 
resolution was to censure the Government for not having applied economic sanctions 
against the Union of South Africa. If the House did not stand up to condemn the 
Government for not doing its duty, then, members of the House would be consider- 
ed not fit to live. When the question was debated in the House last lime, Dr. 
Khare made many assertions, and gave hopes of many things that Government 
would do, but nothing had been done. The feeling in the country was very strong 
and he hoped Dr. Khare was not occupying bis post merely for a job. 

Mr. G. Deshmukh said that the Goven ment of India had assured the House 
that they would enforce the provisions of the Reciprocity Act, but it appeared they 
were afraid to strike. It looked as though Government were even afraid to show 
to the Union Government that they were in a fighting mood. On the other hand, 
it was a supplicating mood. The Union Government eared a rap for the India 
Government’s representations. Mr. Deshmukh thought that the Government of 
India were shirking a fight. Referring to the aigument that war efforts would 
sufier if economic sanctions were imposed, Mr. Deshmukh said that the prosecution 
of the war was the concern of all the members of the Commonwealth. ‘T ask the 
Government”, he said, “to put on the gloves and enter the arena. If the Govern- 
ment has any guts, it should show fight for behind them is the whole country.” 
He urged the recall of the Indian High Commissioner. 

Sir Syed Eaza Ali said that the po‘»ition of Indians was so grave that the Govern- 
ment could not postpone any longer the imposition of trade sanctions and should 
stop their High Commissioner from proceeding to South Africa, After briefly 
reviewing the position of Indians in the Union, Sir Raza Ali said that the Cape 
Town Agreement laid down that it was the duty of every civilized Government to 
devise ways and means for the uplift of every section of their permanent population 
to the full extent of their capacity and opportunity. The Indian High Commi- 
ssioner was appointed in South Africa to see that Indians had that opportunity to 
advance. Now that the Cape Town Agreement had been given the go by, was there 
any point in keeping our diplomatic representative in the Union ? Sir Raza Ali 
said that the death knell of the Cape Town Agreement was sounded by Field 
Marshal Smuts when the Pegging Act was passed. What action, he asked, had 
the Government of India taken, so far, to impose economic sanction ? The Union 
depended on India for 99 percent of her jute imports and he had seen a report that 
it had already placed an order for five millions pounds of jute from India, represent- 
ing South Africa’s consumption for four pre-war years. India, he demanded, should 
stop the import of diamonds, liquor, gold and other articles from South Africa, 

Mr. Abdul Qatyum^ who spoke before Dr. Khare, declared that the Government 
deserved censure because they were afraid to do things which it could and which 
public opinion in the country demanded. The mere issue of a Gazette of India 
Extraordinary enforcing the Reciprocity Act would not frighten South African 
Whites. The appointment of a Commissioner now was an instance of flouting public 
opinion. The Government of India did not even have to recall the High Commi- 
ssioner. The present High Commissioner’s term was drawing to a close, and the 
Government of India could refuse to fill up the post. Mr. Qaiyum hoped that the 
Member-in -charge would at least now bow before public opinion (Sir Raza Ali : 
the High Commissioner is already on the high seas). Mere enforcement of rules 
would not do, Mr. Qaiyum continued. The country expected and demanded that 
trade sanctions would be applied. The question of Indians in the Commonwealth 
was likely to loom large in the near future, and it was clear that there was absolutely 
no place for the Indian people in the Commonwealth. If they were to progress as 
a free nation, they must at the earliest possible moment, sever their connection 



with “this great fraud”. He asked why the Member-in -charge was hesitating to 
apply trade sanctions ? The Viceroy had claimed that this Government was a 
National Government. If that claim was correct, the Government should apply trade 
sanctions immediately and recall the High Commissioner. 

Sir Cowxsji Jehangir pointed out that all shades and schools of thought had 
declared that the High Commissioner should not be sent out. It was not a question 
of recalling, but not sending him out. Sir Cowasji was surprised to hear that the new 
High Commissioner had left India. He reminded Dr. Khare that the present High 
Commissioner made a fairly strong speech, and it was stated that the Union Govern- 
ment were going to protest against that speech If, therefore, the new High 
Commissioner was going to express his opinion as the old High Commissioner had 
done, then, he was courting a rebuff. If, on the other hand, he had been asked to 
keep his lips closed, then, the Government deserved censure for that. The suggestion 
that the High Commissioner should not be sent out was a sound one, Sir Cowasji assert- 
ed. He contended that the Member-m-charge should make an annouficement that 
the High Commissioner would not take up the post. Sir Cowasji wanted to know 
whether the decision to send the High Commissioner was Dr. Khare^s or that of 
the Governmenfs as a whole. 

Dr. Khabb’s Reply 

Dr. Khare, Commonwealth Relations Member, said that he always welcomed a 
debate on this question. He was not afraid of it, and he would not shrink it. He 
had been charged with failure to take stern measures to show fight and accused of 
being in supplicating mood even though the Government of India’s representations 
were ignored “i repudiate all these allegations. We are not in a supplicating mood. 
We have shown sufficient fight (cries of “No, no” and other interruptions). Definitely 
for the first time in the history of this Government of India, they have retaliated 
against a fellow member of the Commonwealth.” (Voices: What retaliation ? What 
are the results ? What have you done except making speeches ?) 

Maulana Zafar Ali : Can’t you bring South Africa to its senses by invading 
it ? (Laugher.) 

Dr. Khare declared that within 48 hours of the passing of the Ordinances in 
South Africa, the (Government of India applied the Reciprocity Act. (A voice: With 
what effect ?) The enforcement of economic sanctions required careful consideration, 
and he had hoped that the House would give the Government of India some 
discretion in the matter of carrying out further measures. Dr. Khare went out to 
refer to the assurances given by General Smuts to the Indian Deputation from 
Natal in November last year and contended that there had, od the whole, been no 
serious immediate deterioration in the position. He did not say that the develop- 
ments, BO far, had met our demands or justified any relaxation of vigilance or 
reorientation of our policy with regard to the withdrawal of the Peggiug Act. 
^The action taken by the Government of India had brought home to the Union 
"Government the intensity of Indian feeling and had borne some fruit. Before the 
House discussed the matter last, the Union Government took the stand that the 
Ordinance was not contrary to the spirit of the Pretoria Agreement. They now 
admitted it was contrary to that spirit, and were willing to explore other ways of 
setting the issue. Dr. Khare referred to the speech of Mr. Hofmeyer and to the 
warning uttered by another South African that the countervailing sanctions adopted 
by India might be a pin -prick, but it might grow rapidly, as India had 400 ifiillions 
•within its borders. 

There was no reason to think, Dr, Khare asserted, that the Cape Tdwn Agree- 
ment had been given the go by. They could not afford to give up that 
agreement, but must make every effort to see that it was carried out, A High 
Commissioner was, therefore, necessary for this purpose. (A voice : You do not 
represent the country, and, therefore, don’t care for public opinion). The Govern- 
ment of India had decided to send him but as the sailing of ships was a military 
secret, he did not know whether he had already left. If, however, it was later decided 
to recall him, he could be called back in no time. As regards the imposition of 
restriction on residence, the number of South Africans in India was too small for 
us to apply those restrictions against them. (Sardar Sant Singh : Why not shut 
them ujj in the Lahore Fort or Delhi Fort ?) As regards restriction on travel, 
reservation of carriages for them would be a privilege and not a disability. The 
Government were still scrutinising the question of other disabilities. Referring, once 
again, to economic sanctions, Dr. Khare said that it was a matter to be examined 
by the Supply and Commerce departments. '.That process was not yet complete. The 



implications were many. In fact, the position of the High Commissioner was related 
to the question of economic sanctions. If they decided to apply these sanctions, 
then, the High Commissioner wouid be recalled immediately (Sir Oowasji Jehangir : 
Where is the connection). Dr. Khare declared that he did not go back in the least on 
any statement he had made. As a doctor he believed not only in a major operation, 
but in medicines, and in watching the reactions to the first medicine before admini- 
stering others. In spite of the ridicule poured upon him. he claimed that there 
had not been any failure on his part. There had been delay which he contended 
was not unconscionable in the circumstances. He fully shared the strong feeling 
on the question in the House and in the country. ‘‘The fact on which you are 
basing this motion of censure are the results of history, for which all of us are 
responsible” he concluded. “This censure will mean censure not only on myself, 
but censure on you all.” (League and cheers.) 

The motion was passed without a division, and the House adjourned. 

Use of Force in Savings Drive 

10th. FEB UARY : — ^The Assembly passed by 47 votes to 40 Mr. if. A. GhanVs 
(Muslim League) adjournment motion to discuss the use of force and illegal and 
unfair means on the public of Bihar by the agents of the Government for the 
puichase of National Savings Certificates. Mr. Abdul Ghani, moving the adjourn- 
ment motion, told the House that in Bihar, parents were compelled to pay for 
national savings certificates at Rs. 10 per child, otherwise the children would not 
be allowed to remain in school. Holders of gun licences had to pay anything from 
Rs. 200 to Rs. 500 a year. By beat of drums, the authorities in the rural areas 
demanded that everyone who paid a tax of one rupee should buy savings certificates 
for Rs. 20. Those who refused to comply with the official demands were harassed 
in all possible ways. He gave an instance of two merchants of Rajmahal (Santal 
Parganas District), who were forced to purchase bonds for Rb. 10,000 but who said 
they could buy bonds only for Rs. 1,000. The S. D. 0. of the place served a notice 
on the merchants wanting to exami e their accounts. The matter went up to the 
High Court, where the Judge look a serious view of the case and observed that it 
was the duty of the Court to protect citizens from arbitrary and illegal action on 
the part of the Executive authority. There were many other similar cases. 

Central Govt.’s Responsibility 

Mr. K, C. Neogy dealt with the uneonstitutional position and pointed out 
that the raising of war loans and the sale of savings certificates had nothing to do 
with Provincial Governments under the Act, except in the case of provincial loans. 
In so far as loans were authorised by the Central Government, every agent engaged 
in collecting these loans should be considered to be the agert of the Government 
of India and directly responsible to the Central Government (hear, hear). The 
Finance Member himself had stated in November, 1943 that a uniiorm procedure 
prescribed by the Centre was the best way of getting results. If, therefore, we 
found a particular procedure followed in Bihar, we were entitled to call the Finance 
Member to account for it. It was not merely that the Central Government could 
not disown responsibility but the Finance Member had not done anything to dis- 
courage the use of these methods by the Provinces. Further, the Finance Member 
in November 1943 had admitted that there was a certain amount of room for 
allegations of excessive use of authority. Mr. Neogy expected the Finance Member 
to give a warning to Provincial Governments, but, if anything, he had given 
encouragement to them to go on with their methods, because he was anxious to get 
results. Mr. Neogy mentioned instances of what he described as the “Mudie touch” 
in the methods adopted in U. P. and Behar. In the U. P., a poor man was made 
to sit in a posture described as **Murghi Banana” (to imitate the posture of the fowl 
by sitting with the bead touching the ground.) Mr. Neogy invited the Home Mem- 
ber to give a demonstration of the posture on the floor of the House, because he 
did not buy savings certificates (Loud Laughter). Mr. Neogy went on to say that 
the man was released when he agreed to pay Rs. 15. There was a striking similarity 
in the methods adopted in the Provinces under Section 93. People were buying 
certificates by borrowing from banks. The money thus came not out of savings 
but out of borrowings. The manager of a sugar factory in Ghaziabad had been 
called upon to submit for inspection his pay roll to see whether compulsory 
reductions had been made from the wages of labourers. 

Pressure Used by Petty Officials 

Sir Muhammad Yamin Khan complained that it was the petty official in the 
Provinces who brought pressure. He had known of an instance where petty milk- 


«i6n were asked to subscribe Rs, 3,000 for the savings certificates. For obtaining 
ration cards for establishments or when paying land assessment, people were forced 
to invest in the certificates. People were not even properly told as to why the 
money was collected, whether it was a loan or a gift. Sir Yamin iKhan said that 
during the last war, he was able to collect within a short peiiod Ks. 1 67,000 by 
mere persuasion. Government should not force anyone to subscribe to the loan if 
he was not able to pay it. He knew that zamindars in the U. P. were compelled to 
siibsciibe to the loan, though their income had not appreciably increased while 
their expenditure had gone up five times. Government should ask for the co- 
operation of the people and explain to them properly the scheme. If that was done, 
there would be no complaints. 

Sardar Sant Singh said that it appeared the Government of India took the 
credit for whatever good there was in Provincial Autonomy, and if there were any 
complaints, they were passed on to the Provincial Governments. He asked why the 
Central Government should not give up the agents of the Provincial Governments 
and appoint their own agents for the collection. He was not against the sale of 
aavmgs certificates, for something must be done to check inflation. But he would 
condemn the methods adopted by the Government. Government were terrorising the 
people. In the Punjab, subscriptions formed part of revenue assessment. Complaints 
had become common, and instead of winning the love of the people, Government were 
playing into the hands of those who want them to quit India. It was not the cause 
which was disputed but the methods that were adopted to serve that cause. 


Sir Francis Mudie, Home Member, (who was Governor of Bihar last year), 
said he would like to disabuse the minds of members of any wrong ideas about 
officials. Explaining how loans were collected in Bihar, he said a committee was 
formed in police thana, consisting of local zamindars and “raises”. They fixed t e 
amount that each person could subscribe and on a fixed day, these persons visited 
the thana and paid their subscriptions direct, so as to ensure that the money collected 
went to the savings fund. That method was extremely successful and the Bihar 
Government wrote to all collectors to follow this method and stressed that the 
people should be clearly informed that they were subscribing to a loan and not a 
gift. Sir Francis went on to refer to the Finance Department's scheme to send their 
own agents to the Provinces to do the collection direct. Most Provinces, he said 
objected. They said it would not be successful. They preferred to have it done by 
people under their own authority and did not want any Finance Department agents 
monkeying with the business. 

Liaqat Ali Khan's Warning To Govt. 

Nawahzada Liaqat Alt Khan (Deputy Leader, Muslim League party), declared 
that the allegations made in the motion were true throughout the country. The 
Home Member had given reasons why the scheme put forward by the Finance 
Department was not acceptable to the Provinces. Sir Francis had said that it would 
have been difficult for Provincial Governments to exercise supervision over the 
Central Government agents if the latter started monkeying with the business. But, 
in fact, Provincial officers had been monkeying and donkeying more than anybody else 
and the concern of these provincial officers was that any perquisites that might be 
there should go into their pockets and not the pockets of Central officers. That was 
the reason for rejecting the Central scheme. 

The Nawahzada asserted that 75 per cent of inflated money was with contractors 
bribe-takers and black marketeers working under the protection of the Government 
of India. These were the three sources which should have been tapped for getting 
money ; only then could a large portion of inflated money have been got at. The 
Nawahzada gave an instance that he said had occurred in Delhi, where an Orphanage 
applied for ration cards for its inmates and the manager was told that he must 
invest m national savings certificates before he could get ration cards. The manager 
went to the highest authority to get the cards. 

The Finance Member asked if the speaker could give details. 

'Die Naw^zada undertook to do so. He asserted that everyone on the Govern- 
ment benches knew what was happening in the country. He concluded with the 
warning to them : “All that I would like to say is that the manner in which the 
drive for small savings is being conducted is driving the poor man, and drives so 
many nails in your coffin. Take care before it is too late.” 


Bhulabhat Desaif Leader of the Opposition, declared that there was not the 



slightest doubt, that the substance of the charge on which th^ motion was based was 
practically admitted in this House. There appeared to be a great deal of honest 
intention but that made no difference to the situation in which the poor found them- 
selves by reason of the epidemic of the sales drive. The only satisfaction that his side 
of the House sought was by ventilation of the grievances to bring some real relief to 
the sufferers. The Government did not go to the man who got a share of improperly 
made money ; to get at that money was the only cure for inflation, to go to the poor 
might be a way of getting results, but a drive which tried to rope in the poor man 
was Itself a crime, because it could bring results only by pressure In Bombay, 
when assessment was paid, five rupees out of every twenty was taken as paid towards 
national savings certificates, and the tax-payer was called upon to pay five rupees 
more to make up the amount of assessment. Till it was paid receipts were 
withheld. Mr. Desai added : “Let us remember the poor man once in a way. He 
is not the source from which you are going to get money. It was no use trying to 
fight inflation by bringing pressure on the poor man and the middle class man whose 
expenses of living had gone high by reason of that very inflation. It did not matter 
what agent was 'employed. The source sought to be tapped was wrong.” He depre- 
cated the demand made by the Finance Member for instances. The evil had gone so 
deep, the safiering was so real and the exactions so severe that there was no need to 
give instances, Mr. Bhulabhai asked that the cause should be separated from the 
manner in which it was sought to be served. The good cause was being ill-served, 
even dangerously served. The people had begun to realise not only that war was an 
evil in the larger sense, but that war effort too was evil because it brought suffering 
with it. 

Finance member’s reply 

The Finance Member, Sir Jeremy Raisman^ replying to the debate, referred to 
the suggestion made by one of the speakers that there was no difference of opinion 
in the House as to the goodness of the cause in which the alleged happenings had 
taken place. Sir Jeremy was not sure whether that was correct ; he was not sure 
whether there was common ground ; if there were, his task would be a good deal 
easier. The speakers for the motion, the Finance Member went on, based their atti- 
tude on the assumption that unless a man was rich any' attempt to persuade him to 
embark on savings was wrong and that 99 per cent or more of the population in the 
country could not afford to contribute on the war loan at all. The Finance Member 
was not sure whethei he could accept that position. He would like to put it in 
another way. Having regard to the well-known economic effects of continued and 
uncontrolled inflation, could the population of this or any other country afford not to 
contribute to the loans, which were designed to prevent or mitigate inflation ? It 
must be realised that there had been a large increase in monetary income in areas 
and among classes who could not at present utilise their income either to their own 
benefit or to the country’s benefit. That was a fundamental point. It applied not 
only to India, but elsewhere. He referred to the United Kingdom where he said 
people who had never been bond-holders or lenders had in large numbers become small 
investors. It was not the case that those people were in real terms better off than 
before ; they had submitted to conditions of semi-starvation, at any rate, underfeeding 
which had enabled them to carry on. (Mr* Ananthasayanam Iyengar : How many 
died of starvation there ? ) 

The Finance Member proceeded to say that he doubted if there was agreement 
on the question whether it was salutary to endeavour to promote small savings which 
affected the middle and poorer classes of the population. It was particularly in these 
classes that the importance of small savings lay. It was easy to demonstrate that large 
amounts of money had been going to the countryside during the last two or three 
years. That followed simply from the fact that the prices of food grains had risen. 
The expenditure of the cultivator had also risen, but the fact remained that there 
was a condition of scarcity of things and a plethora of money. A man might be 
poor and have a low standard, but even classes in that position might still be bene- 
fited by putting their money aside at this time. That was the first principle from 
which we began. 

The Finance Member was heard to point out that if continually rising prices 
were envisaged, then there would never be surplus money for saving at all. It was 
a vicious circle and the attempt was to stop rise in prices by drawing off surplus. 
He honestly believed it was good for the country; it was a matter on which all 
political parties should be one and should endeavour to maximise small savings. His 
opinion had always been that it was necessary to go out and use a high degree of 
persuasion. (A voice : Third degree). The danger was that the line might be 


overstepped. He could not say anything which would discourage the movement of 
small savings. He could not agree that the drive itself was a crime. 

Sir Jeremy went on to refer to the difficulties in arriving at an arrangement with 
Provincial Governments as to the best way in which the small savings drive might 
be pursued. The Centre had tried very hard to get Provincial Governments to accept 
the principle that this work should be done by authorised non-official agents who 
should be remunerated on the results of their work. In many parts of the country 
it was done by non -officials. The Finance Member read passages from the memo- 
randum issued by the Central Government giving instructions on the methods to be 
followed in carrying on the savings drive, and claimed that the whole point of these 
instructions was undoubtedly persuasion. The agent was not in a position to use 
anything but persuasion ; he would only spoil his own efforts if he resorted to force. 
In one part of the instructions, for instance, the agent was asked to f nd out whether 
the person who was to be approached for making contributions was extravagant, or he 
was like the man whom Mr. Morgenthau questioned in the course of a savings drive 
in America. Answering Mr. Morgenthau’s question the man said he had bought no 
bonds and explained : “You see, Sir, one-third of my money I spend on drink, one- 
third I spend on women and the rest I just waste’’. (Loud laughter). 

“So far as the Government of India is concerned,” Sir Jeremy declared, “we 
have never given any encouragement to the idea of the use of force in connection 
with these matters or undue exercise of official authority.” 

Nawdbzada Liaqat Ah Khan : The hon* Member’s speech is enough to encour- 
age them. Another member asked if the Finance Member would condemn the in- 
stances brought to his notice during the debate. 

The Finance Member said he wished he could feel that the House was clear 
that it had no desire to discourage war savings, just as he was clear that Govern- 
ment had no desire to encourage illegitimate and improper practice. 

The motion was pressed to a division and passed by 47 votes to 40. 

Bill Legalising “Sagotra” Marriages 

14th, FEBRUARY : — ^The Assembly resumed debate to-day on Mr. Govind V. 
BeshmukWs motion for reference to the Select Committee of his Bill to remove legal 
disabilities under Hindu Law in respect of marriages between Hindus, particularly 
to legalise “Sagotra” marriages. Dr. Deshmukh, who spoke on the motion during 
the last aession of the Assembly, continuing his speech, declared that the Hindu 
Law Committee was dealing with the question in a blind and superstitious way. 
According to the Draft Code, the legal luminaries in the Committee had merely 
explained the obvious and expatiated on what was common. ‘‘Gotra,” Dr. Deshmukh 
denned, originally meant the common grazing fields for cows, but to-day, it had 
come to connote something quite different. Ancient scriptures and the Fuianas had 
numerous examples of “Sagotra” marriages, such as between Vasudev and Devaki, 
Eama and Sita, Aijuna and Subhadra, and so on. The “Pravaras” had nothing to 
do with religion. In regard to ‘Sapindas’ the modern Sanatanists accepted the 
interpretations of an English Jurist which did not conform to the spirit of the original 
text. Many of the prevalent ideas among Hindus, Dr. Deshmukh went on, were 
based on superstition and they should be eliminated. They could not wait till the 
codification of the Hindu Law was achieved. He believed that the objections to the 
proposed reforms came from three quarters, namely, the old Sanatanists, who 
genuinely did not want any change, the pseudo-Sanatanists, who accepted the 
interpretation of the Smrithis by modern courts and were against a change In the 
existing usage because it was against their own interest and thirdly, the intellectuals, 
who belittled the proposed reforms on the ground that they did not go far enough. 
He hoped the Law Member would not oppose the motion because the whole Code 
was expected to be placed before the House. 

Fandit Nilkanta Das urged the Deshmukh brothers — the mover of the motion, 
Mr, Govind Deshmukh and its supporter. Dr. Deshmukh—to withdraw the Bill. 
The ‘gotras’ and ‘pravaras’ were essentially Brahminical institutions and a very 
small minority of the population were affected by it and would oppose the Bill 
because it interfered with religious usage and customs. He disagreed with the 
definition of ‘gotra’ given by Dr. Deshmukh and said that the term really meant 
“father” or head of the family and did not refer to pastoral grounds. His instances 
from the Puranas could not be accepted in modern times because there were cases 
of polyandry in those days which were not definitely countenanced by the law-giver, 
Manu. Even now» Pandit Niikanath Das said, there was no difficulty for “sagotra”* 
marriages, because such unions could be made under the Civil Marriages Act. 
Befexiing to the personnel of the proposed Select Committee, in which there were 


members from the European and Muslim communities, the speaker said that the 
author of the Bill apparently wanted the help of other communities to effect a 
change in the Hindu religion which the Hindus themselves did not want. 

Sir Batanji Dalai (nominated) pointed out that the objection which had been 
taken to Mr. Deshmukh’s Bill from the eugenic point of view was untenable, 
because it had prohibited marriages within seven degree of consanguinity, Marriage 
between cousins differed from all other marriages only because both partners car- 
ried the same hereditary factors, scientifically known as the ‘gene*. If two persons 
having the same undesirable ‘gene' married, their children were most likely to 
inherit the same undesirable ‘gene\ It was to prevent this that marriage between 
blood relations was prohibited. But he would be a bold physician, indeed, who 
would object to a marriage between cousins simplv because it was a cousins' 
marriage. The possibility of undesirable ‘gene’ being transmitted to the offspring 
was inescapable in any marriage, but the possibility of it in marriages between two 
persons carrying different defects was much less than in marriage between cousins, 
who have the same ‘gene’ or the same defects. 

Mrs. Radhabhai Suhharoyan said that the uncertainty of the Government 
implementing their promise of a codified Hindu Law was so great that they could 
not wait any longer, but must press for the acceptance of the present Bill. She 
was doubtful if the codified Draft Hindu Law would ever be placed before the 
House, A number of Bills in the past dealing with reforms had mysteriously 
disappeared. The Hindu Intestate Succession Bill had been referred to a Select 
Committee two years ago and nothing had been heard of it since then. The Indian 
National Congress and the women’s organisations in the country had been pressing 
for soenl reforms. Why, she a^ked, should the Government embark on the lengthy 
procedure of collecting evidence all over the country while the members of the 
Legislature present represented wide constituencies and knew the position well ? 
The opposition to the suggested reforms was only from the old and passing 
generations. The origin of many of the social customs, she said, was obscure, and 
it was wrong to insist on adherence to them, 'The system of “sagotra” and 
“pravaras” restricted the field of selection of bridegrooms and brides. Added to 
that, the system of dowry was causing real haidship to the people. 

Mrs. Renuka Ray said that since 1932 women’s organisations in the country 
had demanded comprehensive codification and revisions of the Hindu Law. Marriage 
laws were primarily for the purpose of safeguarding children and inheritance and 
marriage laws were inter-related. So far as the measure before the House went, it 
had the fullest support of women. It was useless for the Hindus to talk of natioioal 
unity or even Hindu unity if they could not realise the defects in their society and 
eradicate them. The Bill, however, was restricted to ‘’sagotra” marriages, and it 
did not include within its scope inter-caste marriages. The time had come when 
they should do away with the caste system and her grievance was that the Bill did 
not go far enough. The pseudo-San atanists, Mrs. Renuka Ray continued, did not 
seem to realise that the times had changed and there must be re-adjustment of the 
Hindu Law. The arguments that were advanced against the reforms were the 
same as were advanced at the time of the abolition of ‘sati’, or when the Widow 
Re-marriage Act was passed. The danger to Hindu society, she said, was not 
reform but stagnation. The questions of marriages, inheritance and successions were 
all inter-related and it would be much better to have a comprehensive Code than 
piecemeal legislation. 

Dr. J. C, Chatterjee said that the House consisted of old people who could not 
properly appreciate the question of marriages. What was the use, he asked, of gentlemen 
of uncertain age making law for young people ? Dr. Chatterjee added that marriage 
was not merely sacramental, but was also a civil contract. The suggested reform 
was long overdue. He urged the speedy passage of the Bill. He was not for waiting 
till the Hindu Law Committee concluded its labours. Dr. Chatterjee regretted that 
Lala Shamlal, a Congress member, should have opposed the Bill and threatened to 
fight it to the last ditch. 

Mr, Lalchand Navalrai supported the motion and suggested that the Select 
Committee should concentrate on discovering the meaning of the terms “gotra” and 
“pravaras.” which he said were not at all clear to him at present. He was not 
clear also why an attempt was being made to rush the measure, while the whole 
question of Hindu marriage reform was being examined by the Ran Committee* 

Mr. AT. M, JosJii thought that the reform which the Bill sought to make was 
a very small one. Many of his way of thinking would have liked the mover to have 
brought up a much wider measure. The Bill, Mr. Joshi pointed out, need not 


oflend the feelings of any Hindu who did not approve of Sagotra marriages, because 
it did not compel such marriages* As regards marriage between different sub-castes, 
Mr. Joshi said that in the absence of a definition of caste, it was doubtful if sub- 
divisions of a caste were themselves separate castes and whether marriages between 
them could on that account be objectionable. Mr. Joshi did not agree that this 
small reform intended by the Bill should be held up because of the large reform 
promised by the Kau Committee, nor did he agree that this House was not a body 
lit to undertake changes in Hindu sacred customs. In the absence of any other 
authority empowerd to make such changes, it was the duty of this legislature to 
take up that work. 

Mr, Ananthasayanam Iyengar classed himself as a pseudo-Sanatanist and 
declared himself an unequivocal supporter of the principle of gotra. Where would 
Hinduism have been, he asked, if it were not for the gotra, that is, if it were not 
for the great Rishis from whom Hindus traced their spiritual heritage ? He was 
proud of those Rishis and was against anyone who would not recognise their 
spiritual eminence and power. Those Rishis themselves, he pointed out, had accepted 
the principle that from time to time it was open to assemblies of wise men to alter 
customs and laws. He asked the mover why he had not consulted the assemblies of 
religious men, mathadhipathis, and so on, on the Bill ? Marriage between different 
sub-castes was allowed and he, therefore, did not know why the Bill was making 
any provision about it, 

Mr. Iyengar had not concluded when the House adjourned for the day. 

Kailway Budget lor 1945—46 

15th. FEBRUARY Presenting what he described as a somewhat unorthodox budget 
in the Assembly to day, the War Transport Member, Sir Edward Benthall stated that 
it was not proposed to make any general increase in rates and fares apart from the 
decision announced already that from February 1, the port-to-port rates on certain 
goods be increased in order to bring them into line with the cost of shipment by 
sea. This, Sir Edward pointed out, had been done purely as a war measure with 
the object of ensuring that shippers who were forced by the controls to send their 
goods coastwise by sea should not be unfairly penalised by the cost of doing so and 
was designed to make the maximum use of all forms of available transport in the 
present emergency. If successful, it would mean not an increase but a decrease of 
the railway earnings to the extent that goods were diverted to the sea route. 

Sir’ Edward empasised once again that the large earnings on railway had been 
due in the main to increased efficiency in hauling the large volume of traffic 
temporarily offering and that railway rates and fares, in spite of the increase in 1940 
which were relatively light and totally excluded such things as food grains and 
short distance passenger traffic, stood tar below the general level of prices prevailing 
now or likely to prevail for some years to come. Transport was still cheap though 
it must be admitted, not comfortable. * 

An “Unorthodox Budget” 

The unorthodox character of the Budget, Sir Edward suggested, lay in the 
proposal that the increased earnings of railways should be utilised to* write down 
the high cost of rolling stock acquired and works executed during the war, so that 
the Depreciation Reserve Fund shall not be unduly reduced or the capital at charge 
improperly inflated. ^ 

The surplus for 1944-45 was accordingly reduced by Es. 24 crores on account 
of special items for this purpose and 30 crores would be similarly charged to the 
revenue in 1945-46. As a result, a surplus of 42*01 crores was forecast for 1944-45 
and 36*51 crores for 1945-46. 

In 1944-45 the total traffic receipts were expected to be Es, 214*30 crores and 
the total working expenses were expected to be Es. 147*49 crores. The budget 
estimate of traffic receipts for the next year was 220 crores and the total working 
expense Es. 159 87 croree. ^ 

Of the surplus, general revenues would receive 32 crores this year and the 
same amount next year also, unless the actual position turned out substantiallv 
different from what was forecast now. ^ 

Speaking of railway performance, Sir Edward said that the military operational 
demands had been met to the satisfaction of the service chiefs, the expansion of 
capacity on the lines of communications to Assam had been’ in excess and in 
advance of the target, and thanks to the close co-operation of the services military 
movements over the entire railway system had been carried through according to 
programme* ^ 

-15 FEB. ’45 3 RAILWAY BUDGET POE 1945-46 145 

Since the beginning of the war, railways had, among other things, constructed 
1,400 miles of military sidings, 70 miles of permanent and 153 miles of temporary 
sidings for airfields. In all some 3,500 miles of track material had been arranged 
for, including 1,205 miles of overseas. 

'i'ha essential programmes for the movement of civilian traffic like foodgrains, 
sugar, cotton cloths, etc. had, on the whole, been successfully carried out. As 
regards foodstuff, in particula, railways could claim with satisfaction that in 1944, 
nobody went short of necessaries of life because of the failutie of rail transport. 

Road Tkansport Services 

Road transport services were being organised to afford relief on congested sec- 
tions and to etjoourage the movement of essential supplies; and at the same time, 
Government were approaching the problem of road-rail co-ordination in the post- 
war period to secure a rational, rapid and prosperous development of internal 
transport by any methods of securing the joint interests of road and rail develop- 
ment in keeping with the policy most suitable to the varying needs of the Provinces, 

In the first eight months of the last year, railways loaded per cent more 
wagons and earned nearly two million tons more goods than in " the same period 
of the previous year. Coaching earnings have increased by no less than 30 per 
cent, largely due to increased parcels traffic. ^ ^ome ten million more passengers 
were carried monthly than in 1943 and 25 millions more are now being cained 
than in 1942, in spite of the relatively small increase in war activity and of the 
publicity campaign against travel. Various measures have been taken to reduce 
congestion in ordinary trains. Special military leave trains have been run and 
further extension of this practice is under consideration. And, in spite of the 
shortage of materials, all possible efforts are being made to bring into service every 
coaching vehicle which can be made to run and to construct more coaching stock. 

Coal supplies for the railways have, however, been a continual source of anxiety 
owing to the low coal raisings, necessitating the closing of numerous stations anS 
on one occasion, the curtailment of passenger services for a short period. All 
demands for wagons for coal have been met but with the coming of the good coal 
raising season and with heavier demands for traffic, particularly military, a period 
of great wagon stringency is likely to ensue and to last at least until the second 
half of the year. ^ 

Plans For Post-War Reconstruction 

Railway plans for post-war reconstruction are as well ahead as are in advance 
of those of any other department of Government. A tentative programme of cons- 
truction of new railway has been prepared and can be put into operation at a 
reasonably short notice. Standards for im proved _ rolling stock and plans for 
amenities for third class passengers and staff are being finalised. It is hoped to 
hand over the Singhbhum Shops to Tatas on the Ist April 1945, for the manufac- 
ture of boilers and locomotives, and to produce 100 boilers within the first fifteen 
months of that date. The lay-out and equipment for the manufacture of loco- 
motives at Kanehrapara under State management, are also being finalised to enable 
manufacture to commence after the war, without avoidable delay, and some orders 
for machinery have been placed. Proposals for overhaul of the rate system and for 
re-grouping of railways are in hand, while a committee has been set up under the 
Chairmanship of Mr. John Sargent to examine the question of encouraging tourist 
traffic after the war. 

Sir Edward Benthall paid a tribute to the very fine performance put up by rail- 
way officers in difficult circumstances under the leadership, first of Sir Leonard 
Wilson and now of Sir Arthur Griffin. They had not received much relief to meet 
war-time living conditions but Sir Edward assured them that whatever relief Govern- 
ment might be able to extend to their officers would be shared by the railways. 
For other classes of railway servants, who also were performing their more than, 
normally arduous duties under difficult conditions, the relief given in cash and kind, 
the cost of which was already in the neighbourhood of 20 crores, had been substantial 
and workers in. the lowest wage ranks had been completely compensated for the rise 
in the cost of living. Nevertheless, they would be included in any further benefits 
sanctioned to other civilian employees of Government. 

Rolling Stock Position 

The War Transport Member mentioned some of the handicaps from which rail- 
ways have been suffering as, for instance, having 29 per cent of the total locomotive 
stock over-age, which, with a large number ot over-age wagons have 
to be kept running at a high cost in repairs and in efficiency* It 



has only been by the narrowest of margins that the railways have 
succeeded in moving the requirements of the Services in addition to peoples* food 
and raw materials and products of industry. Much less essential traffic has not 
moved. But Government acted vigorously; large numbers of rolling stock were 
ordered from 1942 onwards, and their timely arrival played a part in the victory of 
Imphal, and though broad gauge stock received hitherto has been relatively small 
it has just turned the scale in maintaining the civil life of the country. The total 
stock ordered since 1042 has been 937 B. G. engines, 415 M. G. engines, 46,734 B M. 
G. wagons 12,481 M. G. wagons, of which l7,934 B. G. and 661 M. G. wagons have been 
ordered in India. Of these 255 B.G. engines, 334 M G. engines, 4,029 B.G. wagons 
and 8,790 M. G. wagons will be in service by the middle of January 1945. It is 
expected that the whole of the orders from overseas will be in the service by the 
early part of 1946, and the latest order for 10,000 wagons placed in India is 
scheduled for delivery over 1946, or early in 1947 Sir Edward Benthall gave the 
assurance that, in spite of these immense purchases there would, subject to financial 
consideration, be plenty of orders available for the new locomotive works which 
were being established and that from 1947 onwards there would be room from the 
technical aspect, for wagons on the Indian industry in excess of the pre-war 

Financial Allocations 

The effect of these large purchases on the finances of the railways must clearly 
be abnormal specially since they have been made at war time prices and in some 
cases, the stock delivered has been below Indian standards. The application of 
ordinary rules would result in some degree of over-capitalisation and a very serious 
depletion of the Depreciation Fund. To prevent this, Government have decided that 
in all works of general utility executed at the instance of the War Department the 
railway share should be charged to revenue, that in view of their high cost due to 
the war 50 per cent of the expenditure incurred after 1942-43 on othei important 
works built entirely at the cost of the railways should be charged to working 
expenses, that all rolling stock should be treated as on replacement account that 
there should be no debit to capital unless there was an increase in total capacity, 
and that the balance of the expenditure should be so shared between the depre- 
ciation Fund, Eailway Reserve and working expenses, that the debit to the Fund was 
limited to the amount accumulated therein for the items treated as replaced, that the 
difference between such accumulation and the original cost of the items should be 
found from the Railway Reserve and the balance should be charged to working 
expenses. As a result of these decisions, the total expenditure of Rs. 971 crores on 
rolling stock, which would normally have been shared between capital and the 
Depreciation Fund in the proportion of 16 : 78i crores would be now divided as 
follows : one crore to capital, 22 crores to Depreciation Fund, lOJ crores from Rail- 
way Reserve, 6li crores by charge to working Reserve, 6lJ crores by charge to work- 
ing expenses. 

In conclusion Sir Edward Benthall said that the Indian Railways were now 
almost one hundred per cent Indian-owned, that they were an “asset of which 
India can be proud. But the lessons of the past show that their financial resources 
must be handled with sedulons care”. He claimed that, if the policy underlying 
his budget proposals were continued, Indian Railways would be ‘‘in a fit state 
financially to give a fair chance to the Governments of the future.” 

The Financial Statement for 1 945-46 

28th. FEBRUARY Presenting the Sixth War Budget relating to 1945-46 in the 
Assembly to-day, the Hon’ble Sir Jeremy Batsman, Finance Member, Government of 
India, disclosed a revenue deficit of Rs. 155 77 crores in the Revised Estimates of 
the current financial year and Rs. 163,89 crores in the Budget Estimates for the next 
year. The Revised Estimates of Defence Expenditure for 1044-45 amount to 
Rs. 397.23 crores and Rs 59.41 crores under the Revenue and Capital heads, respec- 
tively, as against the original estimates of Rs. 276.61 crores and Rs. 24.60 crores, 
respectively. The Finance Member announced that an agreement had been reached 
with His Majesty’s Government regarding the allocation during the war of Non- 
effective charges, like pensions and gratuilies paid to the personnel of the Defence 
Services and their dependants, as a result of which an annual saving of Rs. 60 lakhs 
would accrue to the defence revenue budget. 

The following is the full text of Sir Jeremy Raisman’a speech : 

^ Last year, when presenting the fifth war budget to this House, I referred to the 
period through which India had been y^cently passed as ono of economic stQr|u. 



This year, in presen tin<? the sixth war budget, it is possible to refer to the twelve 
months which lie behind ns as one of relative consolidation and stability in the 
economic field, in strong contrast to the dramatic events which have been taking 
place on the field of battle. In Europe, in Asia and in the Pacific the tide has more 
than turned ; the enemy is at bay and who can doubt that 1945 will bring final 
victory, at least in Europe ? 

These heartening achievements have helped and abundantly helped, the battle 
on the economic front also ; they are dispelling that fear of an indefinitely prolonged 
war which contributes to hoarding and to speculation. But important as the psycholo- 
gical consequences of military victories have been, I feel I can legitimately claim 
that the measures of economic control which were effected in 1943 and which have 
since been enforced with increasing vigour and determination have also contributed 
to the result. First and foremost [ would put the improvement in the food situation. 
We are moving forward on three fronts : towards monopolistic government procure- 
ment, towards an ever-widening extension of rationing, and now that we have a 
solid foundation under our feet, towards a wider nutrition policy, which will embrace 
the protective foods as well as the foodgrains. 

Secondly, we have made notable progress in our attempt to maintain prices 
generally on an even keel, to control the distribution of textile goods and to prevent 
profiteering of all kinds. The general level of wholesale prices has been subject to 
fluctuations from time to time, according as a more or less optimistic view was 
taken of the duration of the war, but prices as a whole do not differ markedly from 
what they were in the spring and summer of 1943, when our anti-inflationary 
efforts began to be undertaken on a wide front. It is encouragiug to note a greater 
degree of willingness on the part of the public to co-operate with us and to resent 
the anti-social activities of certain traders in with-holding supplies and of others who 
do not hesitate to offer or accept bribes in the furtherance of their own selfish 

Freer Flow of Imports 

Our efforts to improve the economic situation have been greatly assisted by the 
freer flow of imports — of foodgrains, raw materials and finished products. The House 
is aware of the fact that a Mission has recently gone to London for the purpose of 
further discussing with His Majesty’s Government the possibility of lightening the 
load which the continuance of the war imposes on the Indian economy. 

I must again emphasise, as on previous occasions, that though individual 
measures of the kind that I have referred to are indispensable, yet the keystone of 
our defences, apart from our taxation and loan programmes, lies in the conscious 
restriction of expenditure by the mass of individuals. Though certain classes of the 
population have suffered, and continue to suffer, from the fact that their incomes 
have not yet become fully adjusted to the higher level of prices, yet large and very 
important classes of the population are now in receipt of money-incomes very much 
higher than those which they previously enjoyed. 

This applies to the industrial population and to the agricultural classes as a 
whole ; to the traders and to the manufacturers. The consumers goods for which 
they crave are not available and, except in so far as the additional incomes which 
have been generated by the war are amenable to taxation, the only possibilities are 
abstention from expenditure and leading to Government Naturally, at the present 
time, the latter is the more completely satisfactory solution ; not only does such lend- 
ing greatly assist Government in its anti-infiationary campaign, but it marks a break 
with the age-old tradition of hoarding, which may well be an even greater obstacle 
to the rapid progress of India than many of the factors which are more frequently 

Financial Year, 1943-44 

I will first, as is customary, give briefly the results of the last financial year. 
In our revised estimates we expected to end the year with a deficit of Es, 92.43 
crores. The actual deficit turned out to be Rs. 189.79 crores. Defence expenditure 
exceeded estimates by about Es. 96 crores. This was due partly to the fact that much 
of the fighting against the Japanese took place within, instead of wholly outside, 
India’s frontiers and partly to an unexpectedly heavy adjustment in the accounts of 
the year in respect of vehicles utilised for the initial equipment and maintenance of 
India’s local defence forces. There was also a deterioration of about Es. 9 : crores 
under Taxes on Income which was offset by an increased contribution from Eailways 
and larger receipts under Excise. 


Financial Year, 1944-45 

Coming to the current year, the total revenue receipts are now expected to be 
Es 356.88 crores, an improvement of Rs. 48.60 crores over the budget estimates. 

Customs receipts are expected to improve by Rs. 12 crores as a result of larger 
imports made possible by the general easing of the shipping position. Of this 
amount, Rs. 2% crores are accounted for by the import of locomotives and wagons. 
Under Central Excise, however, there is a short fall of some Rs. 2 crores, mainly 
under tobacco, caused by transport difficulties and by reduced cultivation as a result 
of the drive in favour ot food crops, . ^ -nn- 

Taxes on income were expected to yield Rs. 182.o crores, Rs. 78 crores from 
excess profits tax and Rs. 104 5 crores from other taxes on income. This progress of 
regular B.P.T, assessment has been stepped up so that we now expect collections 
under this head to reach Rs. 110 crores. There is, however, likely to be a fall of 
Rs. crores under other taxes on income, which are expected to yield Rs. 100 
crores. This figure excludes the collections of approximately Rs. 60 crores under 
the “pay-as-you-earn” scheme which are treated for accounting purposes as deposits 
pending completion of the regular assessments. The divisible pool of income-tax has 
been taken at Rs. 61.13 crores and the share of the Provinces at Rs. 26.56 crores 
(including Rs, 49 lakhs on account of the previous year's arrears), or Rs. 2.87 crores 
more than the budget figure. 

An improvement of Rs. 2.56 crores is anticipated under Currency and Mint due 
mainly to Government's share of the surplus profits of the Reserve Bank increasing 
from Rs. 7.50 crores to Rs. 10.07 crores. 

P. & T. Department’s Revenue 

The e'^timates also include Rs. 10*27 crores proposed to be transferred from the 
two War Risks Insurance Funds to cover the estimated payments this year under the 
Bombay Explosion (Compensation) Scheme. 

The revenue of the Posts and Telegraphs Department is now estimated at 
Rs. 28.78 crores, that is, Rs. 86 lakhs more than the budget figure. Expenditure is 
placed at Rs. 19.46 crores, an increase of Rs. 2.85 crores. The anticipated surplus of 
Rs. 9.32 crores will accrue to general revenues. 

For reasons already made known to the House, it has been decided to stabilise 
the contribution from Railways to general revenues at Rs. 32 crores for the current 
and ensuing years. 


Defence 8^er27ices.— Turning to expenditure I begin, as usual, with the defence 
services. The past year has witnessed a succession of major triumphs for the Allied 
cause On the Western front the years of intense effort and patient preparation at 
last bore fruit and the liberation of France was effected with a dramatic suddenness 
equal to that of its fall, four years earlier. The Allied forces in this theatre are now 
fighting on the borders of, and even within, Germany itself. Our progress on the 
Italian front has, it is true, been slowed down but only at heavy cost to the enemy 
who have had to lock up in this theatre forces that they very badly needed elsewhere 
especially on their Eastern Front. 

On that front the Russians, in a succession of titanic offensives sweeping all 
before them, have succeeded not only in freeing their own tenitory entirely from the 
enemy, but also in forcing the capitulation of most of the Axis satellites— Rumania, 
Bulgaria and Hungary — and are now within striking distance of Berlin itself. With 
the Russians investing her capital, the other Allies hammering at her Western 
frontiers, and the Allied air forces continually destroying her centres of war produc- 
tion, it is difficult to see how the final collapse of Germany can be long delayed. Nor 
is the position of the other surviving Axis partner much less precarious. 

The War Against Japan 

In the Pacific Japan is rapidly being forced to give up her ill-gotten territories ; 
her navy and merchant shipping are disappearing under the combined attacks of the 
Allied sea and air forces, and she is now being subjected in her turn to the devasta- 
tion of air attack. 

Developments in the S.E,A. theatre, in which India naturally has a special 
interest, did not take quite the course envisaged at the time of my last budget speech. 
Before any major offensive based on India could be launched against them, the 
Japanese took the initiative and committed almost their entire resources in Burma to 
a large scale assault on India's North-Eastern frontier. Some of the bitterest fight- 
ing of the war followed, largely on Indian soil, but the months of rigorous training 



in 3 une;le warfare based on past painful experience in this theatre, which had been 
given to our forces, now paid magnificent dividends and, as the House knows, the 
Japanese suff-red a major and decisive defeat. The full magnitude of the disaster 
inflicted On the J-ipanesein ibis brilliant campaign has yet to be revealed but the 
results to some extent fpeak for theni-i^Ives, since not only were such of their forces 
as survived fang b-ick over the border but the demoralised remains have been in 
continuous retreat, suffering heavy lossis in men aid munitions of war in the process. 
As a result the whole of Northern Burma has now been delivered from their 

Although the date of Japan^s final discomfiture cannot yet be confidently 
predicted, the events jiust summarised encourage us to think that it may be nearer 
than we dared to hope a year ago. India may well be proud of the part played by 
her force*^ of all thiee services in these events, and it is satisfactory that the impor- 
tance of her contribution in this theatre has at last been duly recognised and appre- 
ciated by the other Allied Nations 

In the Field of Defence 

I shall now briefiy refer to other important developments in the field of defence 
which have taken place in India during the past year. 

There have been a number of improvements m the terms and conditions of 
service affecting all arms. Certain improvements in the rates of proficiency pay of 
Indian other ranks that were in contemplation a year ago have since been sanctioned 
with effect from January 1, 1944. I mproved scales of Dasis pay and hatta for Vice- 
roy's Commissioned OSeers were also introduced from April 1 1944. The Govern- 
ment of India have recently extendtd to the personnel of the British Services in the 
India Command the war service increments of pay sanctioned from September 3, 
1944, by His Majesty's Government for such personnel in other theatres. They have 
also sanctioned similar increments for personnel of the Indian services with effect from 
the same date. These pay increases are admissible to ail those having more than 3 
years’ service since the outbreak of war. 

There have been further improvements in the medical arrangements for dealing 
with sick and wounded on India. The standards of military hospitals, both as 
regards buildings and equipment have been raised ; better cookhouses, fully modernis- 
ed operating theatres, and improvements in ambulance trains have been introduced. 
Particular attention, too, is now being paid to the rehabilitation of wounded men, 
and the medical services are doing everything in their power to restore the normal 
functioning of limbs injured on active service so that the men concerned may take 
the fullest possible part in their subsequent civilian roles. An artificial limb centre 
has been established in India and is playing a very important part in this rehabilita- 
tion process. 

During the cold weather of 1943-44plans were made whereby the Defence 
Services would produce much of the supplies of fresh provisions required for their 
own consumption. These plans have now matured and by the middle of the year 60 
per cent of the fresh vegetables and potatoes required by these services was being 
obtained from schemes sponsored by them. L^rge quantities of eggs and poultry 
were also being produced' monthly. By the end of the year the Defence Services will 
be largely self-supporting in fresh vegetables aud potatoes and the output of tiie 
other items metioned will have been multiplied many time?. In some places supplies 
of fresh food produced in this way exceed the service requirements and so become 
available for sale to civil consumers. The arrangements will also exercise a salutary 
check on the prices of such produce in the country at large. 

In my last budget speech I made special reference to the efforts being made for 
the promotion of the welfare of the Defence Services. During the past year this sub- 
ject acquired a good deal of publicity, particularly in the U.K., and the visit of the 
Karl of Munster to India was designed to investigate how far the complaints from 
service personnel regarding the welfare and amenities arrangements in India were 
justified, and what steps were necessary to put things right. The investigation showed 
that within the limited resources at their disposal the authorities in India had done 
what was possible to ameliorate generally living conditions for soldiers— both British 
and Indian — in India, buch improvements as were called for were dependent in 
most cases on obtaining goods and services from overseas and it is expected that greatly 
increased facilities for this purpose will now be afforded. 

The improvement in the quality of the Indian Air Force continues; the most 
recent development is the introduction of the famous Spitfire air-craft, and one 
squadron equipped with these will shortly be given an active operational role as a 
fighter squadron* 



During the past year the quality of the men who presented themselves for 
selection as general Duty Officers in the Indian Air Force has been somewhat lower, 
than formerly. The effect of this has been a large wastage in training, and the 
necessity for increasing the monthly intake from 70 to 104 recruits. In spite of 
this the 10-squadron target has not been reached owing to lack of pilots. The 
9th ’squadron of the Indian Air Force was formed on February 20, 1944, and the 
formation of the 10th is under consideration, but, unless recruiting improves, this 
will not be possible. 

The Empire Training Scheme has been temporarily discontinued, but flying 
training in India continues as before. 

The Eoyal Indian Navy continues to grow and further progress has been 
made in the construction of training establishments and holding depots. Apart 
from its work in the defence of India’s ports and coasts, the Eoyal Indian Navy 
is playing a considerable role in escorting shipping and general policing duties in 
Indian waters. It has given invaluable support and protection to the land forces 
in the recent operations on the Eastern Front in which its landing craft have 
played a major part. 


India continued to receive goods and services from the U.S.A. under Lend- 
Lease arrangements and, in return, to grant Eeciprocal Aid in various forms of 
supplies and services as explained in my speech last year. The demands for such 
aid have been heavier than was anticipated last year particularly in regard to works 
(mainly airfields), petrol and aviation spirit. To some extent this was due to the 
increased activities of the U.S. Forces in strafing the Japanese on India’s North- 
Eastern Frontier. 

The estimated cost of Eeciprocal Aid to be afforded at India’s expense to the 
D.S.A. for which provision has been made in these estimates is Es. 76*d3 crores 
during 1944-45 and Es. 70*34 crores during 1945-46. The value of such aid furnished 
in the year 1943-44 amounted to Es, 35*11 crores and the progressive total of 
Eeciprocal Aid from the beginning of the war to the end of 1944-45 would, on these 
estimates, amount to about Es. 124 crores. At present the great bulk of Eeciprocal 
Aid ajffbrded to the U.S.A. in India is charged to Indian revenues and only a 
relatively minor amount of such aid (eg,, that relating to certain non-indigenous 
supplies) is financed by H.M.G. and treated as British Eeciprocal Aid. 

The total amount of supplies and services expected to be made to India under 
Lend-Lease arrangements up to the end of 1914-45 is now estimated at roughly Rs. 
515 crores and the value of these supplies and services which India, but for Lend- 
Lease, would have had to provide at her own expense is now assessed at appioxi- 
mately Es. 150 croies. It is impossible to make any similar estimate for the year 
1945-46 as the extent of Lend-Lease granted during that year must necessarily 
depend on war developments both in the European and the Eastern theatres. There 
seems no reason, however, to think that the value of Lend-Lease aid received by 
India to the end of that year will fall short of the corresponding amount of 
Eeciprocal Aid to the U.S.A. 

Mutual Aid Agreement 

During the year under review India signed a direct Mutual Aid Agreement 
with the Government of Canada, which entitles her to participate in the benefits of 
Mutual Aid accorded by the Canadian Government to the Allied Nations. The 
precise effect of this Agreement upon India’s defence expenditure has not yet 
been finally ascertained in the absence of complete information regarding the 
amount of such aid to be made available but, in framing the revised and budget 
estimates, a reduction of Es. 5 crores has been allowed on this account in the 
estimates of each year. 

In my last budget speech, I refer to the necessity for ensuring that India’s 
economy was not subjected to an intolerable strain as a result of its employment 
as a major base of operations against Japan. I have already referred to the 
Mission under Sir Akbar Hydari which is now in London examining in detail the 
extent to which demands for commodities required for war purposes, hitherto 
placed on India, can be met from other sources, and further what goods badly 
needed here can be sent out in order to offset the general depletion caused by war 
demands. It is hoped that this Mission, besides bringing much needed relief to 
India’s economy, will have a wholesome educative effect on opinion in the United 
Kingdom and produce a better appreciation of the magnitude and nature of India’s 
ww effort, 



During the year the negotiations with H.M.G. that ha?e been in progress for 
some time past regarding the allocation during the war of non-effective charges, te. 
pensions and gratuities paid to peisonnel of these defence services and their depend- 
ants, were concluded and an agreement between the two Governments on the subject 
has now been reached. 

Prior to the outbreak of the present war, each Government received from the 
other contributions in respect of so much of the pensions and gratuities of their 
Own armed forces as were reckoned to have been earned in the service of the 
other Government. Since under normal conditions the number of British service 
personnel employed in India far exceeded the number of Indian service personnel 
employed at Imperial station*^, the net result of these adjustments was a substantial 
annual payment by India to H. M. G. Ibis process necessitated the maintenance 
of an elaborate non-effective account and the continuous collection of detailed 
information regarding the service of many thousands of officers and men. 

Non-Effective Charges 

During the last war it was found quite impossible to keep up this non-effective 
account which had therefore to be held in abeyance and the settlement of numerous 
claims and counter-claims in respect of non eflfictive charges relating to that war 
formed the subject of prolonged correspondence and eventually — though not until 
1961— had to be settled in a more or less arbitrary manner. It was felt most 
desirable to avoid a similar long-drawn out controversy over the non-effective charges 
arising out of the present war. The matter has been examined at great length by 
technical experts on both sides and the agreement now reached may be summa- 
rised as follows. 

(1) The non-effective account between the two Governments to be finally closed 
as on April 1, 1939, India's net liability towaids H. M. G. for the non-effective 
charges of all defence personnel on that date being discharged by a lump sum 
payment of £15 million. 

(2) India’s net liability thereafter during the war to be fully discharged by an 
annual payment of £l,3oO,OGO to H* M. G. 

(3) Each Government to bear the cost of those casualty pensions and other 
abnormal non-effective charges arising out of the war, which are sanctioned under 
its own regulations. 

(4) The new agreement to be co-terminous with the main Financial Settlement, 
a fresh agreement to be negotiated thereafter. 

It is felt that this non-efftctive agreement has the great merit of simplicity 
while securing an equitable apportionment of the charges in question between the 
two Governments. 

Ihe agreement provides for the payment of the sum of £15 million on the date 
of its termination. Recently H, M* G. enquired whether the Government of India 
would be disposed to pay this amount in advance of that date and offered to reduce 
the annual payment of £1,350,000 by £450,000 as from the date of such premature 
payment. As this offer seemed to the Government of India a favourable one, it 
has been accepted and the payment was made on February 1, 1945, from which 
date the annual payment will accordingly be reduced to £900, COO. 

The Financial Settlement 

It is now necessary to consider the effect of these developments on our estimates 
of defence expenditure for the current year. The Financial Settlement accepted in 
1940 was the target for a great deal of abuse— much of it extremely ill-informed— by 
the Press both in India and in the United Kingdom during the year. As was no 
doubt inevitable with any airangement of this character, the criticism has been 
vehement and has proceeded from diametrically opposite points of view, 
it still remains, however, our sheet-anchor for the purpose of determining 
India’s share ot war expenditure. Under the ooeration ofc that Settlement India 
becomes liable for a considerable amount of additional expenditure arising out of 
the Japanese invasion at the beginning of the year* 

In framing the budget for 1944-45 it had been assumed that operations against 
the Japanese would take place outside India and in consequence that no portion 
of their cost would fall on Indian revenues which on the other band, would be 
relieved as a result of the sending of forces beyond her frontiers to take pait in 
those operations. In the event, not only had forces earmarked for employment 
overseas to be retained in India but others were brought in from outside to repel 
the invader, and no provision existed in the budget for the cost of all these troops 
or for the other additional expenditure incurred on these operations for which India 


is liable. This constitutes one of the major causes of the heavy excess of the 
defence expenditure for the year over our budget anticipations, but I trust the 
House will realise that this is a small price to pay for the victory which has 
assuied to India inamumty from the Japanese invader. 

Ocher major developments that could not be foreseen a year ago and for which 
consequently no provision was made in the budget arc: — 

(1) The grant of war service increments and other pay increases to both 
British and Indian troops during the year; 

(2) heavy demands from the IT.tiA Forces in India for goods and services 
on Reciprocal Aid; 

(3) the decision that India would be liable for the indigenous element in the 
cost of imported petrol utilised for her own war purposes. As mentioned in my 
speech last year, H. M. G. offned to bear the cost of petrol and aviation spirit 
required for the expansion of India’s land and air forces, but this offer, it has 
since been made clear, will only cover the cost landed at an Indian port leaving 
the expenses of distribution in India to be borne by India ; 

(4) the payment of the sum of £15 million in connection with the Non- 
effective agreement. 

Revised Estimates of Defence Expenditure 

The revised estimates of defence expenditure for the year 1944-45 amount to 
Rs. 397’23 crores and Rs, 59'41 crores under the Revenue and Capital heads 
respectively. The details are as follows 

Revenue Portion 

(In lakhs of rupees) 

^ T% _ Jl 1 r%iTi MM ' 

(1) Basic Normal Budget ... 36,77 

(2) Effect of rise in prices ... 16,92 

(3) India's war measures 3,34,22 

(4) Non-effective charges ... 9,32 

Total ... 3,97,23 

Capital Portion 

(1) Air Force— Airfields ... 15,89 

(2) Capital outlay on industrial expansion ... 3,34 

(3) Reciprocal Aid— Airfields ... 15,20 

(4) New Construction for the B.I.N. ... 1,00 

(5) Capital outlay on Tele-communications scheme 3,98 

(6) Lump sum payment under the Non-effective Agreement 20,00 

Total ... 59,41 

In the revenue portion, the increase of Rs. 187 crores in item (2) over the 
corresponding budget figure is due mainly to the grant of further increases in pay 
and allowances to the forces in India. The increase of Rs. 118*64 crores in item 
(3) is due to the major developments just mentioned and to an under-estimate 
of the cost of air services in India. The total increase has been counter-balanced 
to a certain extent by an increase in the amount of receipts on account of Lend- 
Lease stores supplied to Provincial Governments, Railways, Posts and Telegraphs 
Department and other paying indentors, and also to the relief anticipated from 
India’s participation in Mutual Aid from Canada. 

As regards the capital portion, the increases under items (1) and (3) are due 
to further demands for new airfields and the imnrovement and expansion of existing 
airfields for both British and Ameiiean Air Forces in India. There have been 
further expansions of ordnance factories, dairy farms, etc., which account for the 
increase under item (2), while the decrease under item (5) is due largely to a 
carry-forwaid of expenditure connected with the Tele-communications Scheme to 
the year 1945*46. Item (6) represents the lump sum payment under the Non- 
effective agreement which I have already explained. 

(3iyiL Estimates 

The continuance of war conditions and, af^the same time, the necessity to plan 
for the transition period and the days of peace ahead inevitably involve an increase 
in governmental co-ordination and control, which is refiected in increased expendi- 
ture. Thus civil estimates now stand at Be. 115*42 crores compared with Rs. 86*38 
.ctoroB provided in the budget. Hon’ble Members will find details of the variations 

—28 FEB* ’45 3 THE FINANCIAL STATEMENT FOR 1945-46 153 

in the Explanatory Memorandum on the Budget and I shall confine my remarks 
here to a few of the more important items. 

Provibion for Rs. crores was made in the current year’s estimates as Central 
Assistance to Bengal for meeting their heavy expenditure on famine relief. 
Representations were, however, received from the Provincial Government that the 
grant was inadequate and the position was reviewed. It was finally decided to 
make an exgiatia subvention of half of the direct cost of the famine, subject to a 
maximum of Rs. 10 crores, of which Rs. 3 ciores had already been adjusted in 
1943-44. Tnis decision is responsible for an increase of Rs. crores in expenditure 
this year. 

Another important item is the expenditure involved in paying compensation 
for damage resulting from the explosions in the Bombay Docks in April last. The 
House is already familiar with the measures for tlie relief of the victims announced 
by the Government of India. The machinery for dealing with claims is at work 
and steady progress is being made in disposing of them. At present it is not 
possible to assess accurately the total amount which will be involved, but provision 
has been made for an expenditure of Rs. 10^ crores this year and Rs. 5i crores 
next year. The qucbtion of the incidence of this expenditure is under consideration 
and, pending a final decision as to the sharing of the cost between India and His 
Majesty’s Government, it has been decided to meet the sums involved from general 
revenues, at the same time transferring from the War Risks Insurance Funds to 
the revenue account amounts equal to the estimated compensation payable. 

Consistently with the drive for increased production of food. Government has 
steadily pursued its policy with regard to the statutory control of prices, procure- 
ment by or through its own agencies and extension of rationing which now covers 
some 42 million people. 

In the matter of the procurement of grain, a steady advance has, as 1 have 
already mentionea, been made towards Government monopoly. While the object 
has been to maintain a price-level which will ensure adequate production without 
imposing too heavy a burden on the consumer, it is not the intention to attempt 
to bring prices down to pre-war levels and we have announced our readiness to 
intervene in supporting the market should prices fall unduly. 

The steps taken to achieve these objectives, which involve transactions of vast 
magnitude, have necessarily led to considerable revenue expenditure and outlay 
of capital. 

The same objectives of increased production, and control of distribution and 
of prices have been pursued in the field of other consumer goods. Price control 
of cloth has been extended to cover boih the imported and exported varieties and 
a progressive reduction in prices has been achieved. We have recently been able to 
efiect a further reduction in prices which to-day are nearly one-third less than 
those fixed in 1943. This represents a total overall redaction of approximately 75 
per cent from the peak reached in June, 1943. 

At the same time the problem of the stabilisation of the prices of Indian cotton 
within suitable limits has engaged Government’s close attention and, in fulfilment 
of their undert king to maintain ihe price above the fixed floor, Government 
entered the market and purchased during the current year some 25 lakhs of bales 
valued at over Rs. 6 crores. 

Supply Department’s Work 

The activities of the Supply Department have been directed towards the fulfil- 
ment of the same policy. An organisation has been set up in Oalcuttalfor increasing 
the production of coal and ensuring its equitable distribution among the consuming 
interests. Schemes for the payment of a bonus to colliery owners on increased rais- 
ings and for open-cut mining have been intioduced, while facilities have been 
provided for the import of labour into the coal areas and welfare ofllcers have been 
appointed to look after the interests of mine labour. 

The Disposals Directorate has been strengthened and out of some Rs, 5 crores 
worth of goods reported as surplus, stores and salvage valued at nearly Rs 2 crores 
have been disposed of. Closely connected with this aspect of the Supply Depart- 
ment’s work are the plans now being laid for dealing with contracts which will 
have to be cancelled or reduced as var demands lespen. It is essential that steps 
be taken as soon as the war situation permits to cancel or curtail production so as 
to avoid the manufacture of redundant stores and the locking up of useful raw 
materials which are urgently needed for civilian requirements. At the same time 
the problems involved in the tyansition from war to peace are being carefully 




studied with a view to preserving the economy of the country from violent shocks 
iu the process of adjustment. « , ^ . v- ^ 

The value o£ orders placed by the Supply Department which was Ks. 256 
croies in 1942-45 and Rs. 162 crores in 1945 44, amounted to Ks. 76 crores for the 
first seven months of the current year. This reduction is due partly to the transfer 
ot responsibility for the procurement of textiles and foodstufifs to the Departments 
of Civil Supplies and Food and also to a falling oS of demands in certain hues. 

India and u.n.e.e.a. 

The scheme for financial assistance to evacuees and their families, to which I 
referred in my last budget speech, has been continued and extended. I'hese 
measures are now estimated to cost a little over Ks. 1 crore more than the budget 
provision. , , r ♦ 

There is one other matter which I should mention, namely, India s contribu- 
tion to U.N.K.R.A. The House has already agreed that India should participate 
in this Administration and in implementing that decision, the Government of India 
have decided that India’s contribution should be Ks. 8 crores. A sum of Ks. 1 10 
crores is likely to be expended m the current year, for which a supplementary 
grant will be taken in due course and it is proposed to provide for the remaining 
Ks. 6.90 crores in the next year’s estimates. This sum will be transferred to a 
special fund to prevent budgetary inconvenience in the future. 

I alluded last year to the hardships caused to Government servants by the 
continued rise in the cost of living, and referred to the measures taken by Govern- 
ment to afford relief. Ameliorative measures in the shape of dearness allowance and 
concessional issue or foodgrains still continue. The scheme of dearness allowance 
to low-paid Government servants was substantially liberalised in March 1944, and 
its cost this year is expected to be Ks. 3i crores in respect of Central Government 
servants other than those paid from Railways and Defence Estimates. 

We also came to the conclusion in the course of the year that certain other 
Government servants, who had so far received no cash relief, must also be given an 
allowance to enable them to meet their essential commitments. We have tbeiefdre 
given, with effect from July 1, 1944, a war allowance at 10 per cent, of pay to 
married officers drawing pay up to Ks. 1,000 and at 6 per cent of pay to single 
officers whose pay does not exceed Rs. 750. As the House is aware, we have undei 
constant review the problems connected with tlie rise in the cost of living and its 
effect on Government servants of all classes and proposals for increasing the scope 
and extent of the relief already afforded are at this moment under active considera- 
tion. Until a decision has been taken it is not possible to evaluate the extra 
expenditure likely to be involved. The estimates* are, therefore, based on the 
existing scales of relief. 

The year that is now drawing to a close has thus seen India preparing herself 
more intensively not only for the launching of the final blow against Japan but 
also for the tasks of peace that lie ahead. It is inevitable that these great efforts 
should react on the budgetary position. Thus, while our revised estimates provide 
for a revenue of Ks. 356 88 crores, expenditure charged to revenue is expected to be 
Ks, 512 65 crores, resulting in a revenue deficit of Ks. 155.77 crores in the 
current year. 

Financial Year, 1945-46 

I turn now to the financial year 1945-46. Our total revenue estimates amount 
to Ks. 353.74 crores compared with Ks. 366.88 crores in the Revised Estimates for 
the current year. 

Onstoms Revenue has been placed at Rs. 52*85 crores net, an increase of Ks* 
12.85 crores over the revised estimates for the current year. This is based on the 
expectation of additional imports including a large number of locomotives and 
wagons. Under the Central Excise Duties, we look for an improvement of nearly 
Rs. 6 crores, half of which is under tobacco. We estimate the total collections of 
Corporation Tax and Income Tax at Rs. 190 crores. This includes an expected 
yield of Ks. 90 crores from Excess Profits Tax, the forecast for other taxes on 
income being the ^ same as the revised estimates for the current year, viz , Rs. 100 
crores. The divisible pool of income-tax has been taken at Ks. 67.07 croies and 
the share available to Provinces at Rs. 24 04 crores. 

The revenue of the Posts and Telegraphs Department is expected to be Rs. 30i 
crores and expenditure Rs. 20 crores, inclusive of an extra contribution of Rs. 50 
l^hs to rehabilitate the Renewals Reserve Fund. The surplus is estimated at Rs. 
lOJ crores, the whole of which will accrue to general revenues. 



Defence Services.—'! he Budget estimates of defence expenditure for 3945-46 
amount to Rs. 394.23 crores and Ks. 17.76 crores for the Revenue and Capital heads 
respectively. The details are as foHoivs : — 

Revenue Portion 

(In lakhs of rupees) 

(1) Basic Normal Budget ... 36,77 

(2) Effect of rise in prices 19,76 

(3) India’s war measures ... 3,2«,51 

(4) Non-effective charges ... 9,19 

Total ... 3,94.23 

Capital Portion 

(In lakhs of rupees) 

(1) Air Force — ^Airfields ... 2,42 

( 2 ) Capita! outlay on industrial expansion 1,55 

(3) Reciprocal Aid— Airfields ... 10,74 

(4) New Construction for the R. I. N. ... 50 

(5) Capital outlay on Tele-communications Scheme 2.55 

Total ... 17,76 

In the revenue portion, the increase of Rs. 2.84 crores over the Revised 
Estimates in item (2) is due to the effect over a full yeai of the grant of increases 
in pay and allowances to the forces in India sanctioned during 1944*45. In regard 
to item (3) there is a reduction of Rs. 5.71 crores as compared with the Revised 
Estimates which is the net result of various increases and decreases. The principal 
iucrease is due to the cause just mentioned while the decreases are the result of (i) 
a decrease in the ‘Ceiling’ foices certified by H.E. the Commander-in -Chief to be 
necessary for the defence of India during 1945-46 and (li) the fact that no lepeiitigu 
of large scale operations within India’s frontiers is expected in 1945-46. 

Of the decrease of Rs. 41.65 crores under the Capital portion of the Budget 
Estimates as compared with the Revised, Rs. 20 crores is explained by the non- 
recurring lump sum payment under the Non-effective agreement included in the 
Revised Estimates. The balance of the decrease is due to the fact that the require- 
ments in the matter of airfields, etc, for India’s local defence air forces are expected 
to be largely completed in 1944-45, while a reduction during that year in the 
programme of airfields construction for the U.S.A. Air Forces in India, for the 
cost of which India is liable, has also been assumed. The provision made against 
item (5) represents the carry-forward of expenditure on the Tele-communications 
Scheme into the year 1945-46. 

Civil Estimates 

Civil expenditure shows an increase of approximately Rs. 8 crores as compared 
with the revised estimates for the current year. This is due mainly to an increase 
of about Rs. llj crores under the head ‘Interest’, resulting from the policy of 
borrowings to absorb surplus purchasing power, offset by savings under other 
heads. In the Explanatory Memorandum Hon’ble Members will find full details 
and I will not weary the House with further analysis at this stage. The expendi- 
ture estimates also contain sums in connection with post-war planning, to which 
I shall refer more fully at a later stage. 

I can DOW Buroraarise the position for the coming year. The expenditure 
detailed in the Civil Estimates comes to Rs, 123.40 crores and the provision for 
Defence Services has been placed at Rs. 394.23 crores. The total revenue at the 
existing level of taxation is estimated at Rs, 353.74 crores. We are thus left with 
a prospective revenue deficit of Es 363 89 crores. 

Ways and Means 

I now come to the Ways and Means section. At this stage last year I made 
a few introductory remarks in order to explain the changed significance of the 
ways and means position in the conditions created by the war and to bring into 
relief the complex economic problems created by war disbursements as well as the 
extent to which Government are able to re-absorb, by way of taxation and borrow- 
ing, the evergrowing quantities of moneys expended by them. In the figures which 
are published from time to time of Government’s rupee balances is reflected the 
extent to which these and other operations of Government succeed in bridging the 
gap between our own budgetary requirements and the total outlay on Allied account. 

As in previous years, borrowing has been the mainstay of our ways and 


means programme and no effort has been spared to stimulate lending to Govern- 
ment by the various sections of the public. For the best part of the year, war 
developments continued to be encouraging, and this was undoubtedly a favourable 
psychological factor. The total amount invested by the public in various forms of 
public loans reached Rs. 28H crores during the twelve months beginning with 
February 1, 1944 and ending with January 31, 1945. This figure, which approxi- 
mates to the total receipts for the previous twelve months, must be regarded in the 
context of the other anti-infiationaiy measures newly introduced during the year, 
such as the hundred per cent immobilisation of excess piofits, the “Pay-as-you-earn” 
income-tax collections and the sales of gold and silver which have also played a 
not inconsiderable part in mopping up surplus funds. 

Borrowing Programme 

In continuation of the cheap money policy hitherto followed, the Government 
have, in consultation with tbs- Reserve Bank, framed their borrowing programme so 
as to make available to the public a wide range of secuiities. The 3 per cent Loan 
1963-55 (4th Defence Loan) was closed for public issue as fiom April 1, 1944. after 
the total subscription bad reached the record figure of Rs. 114*65 crores during its 
currency of nine months, and, in its place, the tap issue of the First Victory Loan 
3 per cent 1957, was opened. This issue had, up to its closure on February 17, 
yielded about Rs. liO crores. The demand from banks for a short-term Govern- 
ment security was met in June by the creation of a special re-issue of the 2| per 
cent Loan 1948-52 to the extent of Rs. 60 crores. Continued demand from 
institutional investors for a long-term loan was also met by the further creation in 
October of Bs. 36 crores of the 3 per cent Funding Loan 1966-68 so as to replenish 
the stock of this loan, held in the Government Cash Balance Investment Account. 

The generally steady conditions in the Government securities market led to a 
continuous improvement in the price of 3i per cent Paper, which reached par for 
the first time on November 16, 1944, At this stage, it was considered desirable 
to meet the demand from existing stock and during the period mentioned above, 
Paper worth Rs, 16T1 crores was sold by the Reserve Bank of India on Govern- 
ment account. As in the previous year, Rs, 13*27 crores of new money was subs- 
cribed to certain provincial loans floated to repay a part of the Provincial consoli- 
dated debt to the Central Government. 

Premium Bond Issue 

I referred last year to the interesting departure from orthodox loan policy 
that was made in the Premium Bond issue. The sales so far have amounted to 
Rs. 4 crores which is lower than our expectations, due paitly to the fact that the 
issue has not been intensively publicised and partly to its proving less attractive 
than at one time seemed probable. We have, however, decided to continue the 
experimental issue for the reason that it will help to draw off money from a class 
to whom other forms of investment make no appeal. 

The progressive total of public loans since the beginning of the war has, 
upto the end of January, reached the impressive figure of R». 833 crores. 

The main difficulty that still confronts us in the monetary field is that arising 
from the unfamilarity of the rural classes with the various forms of investment in 
Government securities which are a matter of such every day concern to institutional 
investors and the urban public generally. In this field we have been fortunate 
enough to secure the willing co-operation of the Provincial Governments as well as 
non-official organisations, whose assistance 1 take this opportunity of acknowledging. 
The results are reflected in the much better showing of the net deposits in Post 
Office Savings Bank accounts and in the 1 2-year National Savings Certificates, 
Net investment in these and other forms of small savings, that is to say, excess of 
deposits over withdrawals, continues at the satisfactory rate of nearly Rs. 3 crores 
a month, due to some extent to the raising of the rate of interest on Savings Bank 
deposits and, in a larger measure, to the scheme of Small Savings evolved last year 
by the National Savings Commissioner. 

Floating Debt 

Our floating debt, which was Rs ill crores at the end of last year stood at 
Rs. 93 crores on January 81, 1946. This is an improvement of a kind one would 
expect, since the Government's ways and means position from the strictly budge- 
tary point of view must be regarded as very comfortable. The reason why it has 
not proceeded much further is that we have continued till recently to offer fairly 
ferge amounts of treasury bills to the public in order to prevent the structure of 

-28 I^!B. ’45 ] THE FINAJTOIAL STATEMENT FOR 1945-46 157 

money rates being disturbed by an excessive release of funds invested by banks in 
treasury bills. 

Satisfactory as these results are* with the expected prolongation of hostilities 
near our borders, after the date when the war in the West may reach its termina- 
tion, it is obvious that we cannot afford to relax our efforts. The requirements of 
the situation will impose the continuance, and possibly even the final intensification, 
of Indians war effort, which includes the finding of the resources lequired for the 
war effort of the Allied countries. In other words, the problem of the inflationary 
gap is still with us, and, judging from recent indications, may call for increased 
vigilance and control. 

As 1 have already said, the various anti-inflationary measures that we have 
adopted were sustained, and in places extended, during the year. Most of the 
usual indices responded encouragingly to these measures, and to the very favour- 
able turn in hostilities that the year witnessed. The general index number of 
wholesale prices of the Economic Adviser has, for instance, ranged between 240 
and 250 approximately since May 1944, and the Calcutta index number has been 
relatively stationary for the last few months. Hon’ble Members will find graphs 
giving the mam indices in the Explanatory Memorandum. Cost of giving index 
numbers, generally speaking, have also registered declines m differing degrees since 
the peak reached during the autumn of 1943, the general picture being one of 
comparative stabilisation in recent months. 

There is also evidence that the low rate of turnover of bank deposits 
characteristic of last year has been maintained, and that there has been, through 
the greater part of the year, some slackening of the general pace of monetary 
circulation. There was, moreover, a very marked decrease in the rate of currency 
expansion, particularly in the first eight months of this year. In the last two 
months the results have not been so favou able — an indication that we cannot 
afford to relax our efforts to ensure that surplus purchasing po\^er arising out of 
Governmental disbursements is canalised into public saving. The Government, on 
their part, are vigilantly reviewing both the scope for reducing the load on the 
country's resources constituted by our own and the Allies' war efforts and the possibility 
of adding to the available supplies of goods requiied for public consumption. This, 
indeed, is the main object of the Hydari Mission which, it is hoped, will succeed in 
reducing the economic load incidental to the use of India as a base for further 
operations in the East. 

International Monetary Euno 

The Tleserve Bank continued to effect sales ot gold on behalf of His Majesty’s 
Government and the Government of the U.B.A. and these contributed substantially to 
the reduction of the inflationary gap. bales of Lend-Lease silvett which were 
commenced in the middle of the year, have further aided io mopping up surplus 
resources which do not find their way to Government loans. 

In my last budget speech, I referred to the expected convening of a Conference 
of the United Nations to consider the plans put forward for international monetary 
regulation in the post-war period. The United Nations Monetary and Financial 
Conference, consisting of representatives of forty-four nations, met in July in the 
United States at the invitation of President Koosevelt, and. as the House is 
aware, India was presented at the Conference by a delegation in which I was accom- 
panied by the Governor of the Eeserve Bank, the Economic Adviser to Government 
and two distinguished non-officials. 

The main conclusions of the conference relating to the establishment of a 
International Monetary Fund and an International Bank for Eeconstruction and 
Development are recorded in Articles of Agreement to which none of the Govern- 
ments is as yet committed. U*he Articles are incorporated in a Final Act ot the 
proceedings of the Conference which have been published* The Indian Delegation 
have now submitted their report to Government and it will be placed before the 
House in due course when the conclusion of the Conference can be reviewed in the 
light of the action taken on them by the principal countries concerned, in particular 
by the United States and the United Kingdom. 

Settlement of War Balances 

I referred last year to the importance of an orderly liquidation of war 
balances for the success of any international monetary scheme. The Joint State- 
ment by Experts on which the Conference based its deliberations omitted any 
mention of this problem, although the original plan of the British Treasury 
recognised the desirability of some provisions to deal with it, and the first two 


versions of the United States Treasury plan contained some actual provisions to 

tlus e^id^ incjian Delegation pressed the Conference to provide for partial multilateral 
clearing of war balances thiough the machinery ot the Fund, in the interest 
alike of promoting economic development of backward countries and assisting the 
broad objective ot the Fund to secure the expansion of multilateral trade, for the 
relegation to bilateral channels of the whole of the large area of trading involved 
m the settlement of war balances might seriously constrict the scope of multilateral 
transanctions. The proposal was, however, negatived by the Conference primarily on 
the ground of the limited size of the Fund in relation to the magnitude ot the 
war balances. The question, therefore, remains one for settlement in direct 
negotiation with the United Kingdom. 

On the termination of the Bretton Woods Conference and before my return to 
India, I spent a short period in London and I took the opportunity of having 
preliminary talks with His Majesty’s Treasury officials on the question of India’s 
sterling balances. Since many of the material data were still incomplete and un- 
certain, particularly the exporting capacity of Great Britain in the immediate post- 
war years on the one hand, and the development requirements and absorbing 
capacity of India on the other band, these conversations were necessarily directed 
towards exploring the background of future discussions and jbhe indication of a 
suitable time-table for more definite negotiations. 

Development Fbogramme 

The vicissitudes of the war m the West have, I am afraid, disturbed the 
provisional time-table foreshadowed at these talks, and I do not anticipate that any 
negotiation can be usefully entered upon until after the end of the war with 
Germany. In view of the lack of definition at this stage of our own development 
programme, I do not think that the delay should be prejudicial to India’s interests. 
Indeed it may well prove necessary that any uegotiaiions to be carried on should, 
in the first instance, be of a tentative character and should secure both parties an 
agreed opportunity for review at a later stage when firmer data may be expect- 
ed to be available. 

In the meanwhile, sterling continues to accrue from market purchases and from 
payments received in London on account of recoverable war expenditure incurred by 
the Allied Governments in India. During ths last eleven months of the current 
financial year, £248 million were added to the Eeserve Bank’s holdings, and it is 
estimated that allowing for the receipts during the last month of the year, the 
total holding as on March 31, 1945, will be of the order of £1,030 million. It is 
hoped that the rate of accrual will be slowed down in future both by diversion of 
some of the demands now made on India to other sources of supply and by an 
increase in compensatory imports. 

It must also be remembered that any payments that will become due fiom 
India to His Majesty’s Government for stores required for her post-war defence 
forces or in connection with terminal adjustments after the war will partly 
counteract these accretions. So also will the rupee sale-proceeds of surplus stores 
and other assets belonging to His Majesty’s Government that are disposed of in 
India. I mention these factors which may operate to mitigate the further aggra- 
vation of a problem which is already sufficiently foimidable. 

With the virtual completion of the scheme of repatriation of liabilities of the 
Government of India, including payments on account of railway and railway deben- 
tures referred to in my last budget speech, there was a limited scope for the utilisation 
of sterling during the year, with the exception ot £15 million for the capitalisation 
of a portion of India’s Hon-effective charges which I have explained earlier and of 
£10 million for the acquisition of the M. and S. M. Eailway, and the B.N. Eailway. 
The outstanding sterling liabilities of the Government now stand at about £11 million. 
The holders are mostly residents of places situated outside the area covered by 
the Vesting Orders, although small amounts continue to be tendered occasionally. 

I referred last year to His Majesty’s Government’s willingness and to set aside, 
each year, as a special case, a part of the dollars accruing from India’s export surplus 
to the U. S. A., an amount earmarked specifically for India’s post-war development. 
After a very careful examination of current figures and tendencies, we have agreed to 
accept an amount of $20 million for the calendar year 1944 and a similar amount 
for 1945, subject to re-examination later in the light of the relevant statistics for 
that year. This figure is, of course, in addition to what we need for current 
requirements* In agreeing to it, we have recognised that it was both reasonable 
Und necessary, with a view to ensuring the stability of the sterling system in which 



we are so closely interested, that we should continue to make some contribution to 
the replenishment of the sterling area reserves, which had depleted in the common 
war effort. 


On the other hand, we have naturally been anxious to make some immediate 
tangible provision for foreign exchange for the purchase of capital goods likely to be 
required for India’s post-wat development puipoees, and we feel that the arrange- 
ment described represents in the circumstances a fair and valuable concession to 
this point of view. The relevant figures will be under periodic review and the 
House may rest assured that at no stage will India’s direct interests other than 
those in which she herself has a greater, although indiieet, interest. 

Last year. I referred to the twin subjects of post-war planning and reconstruc- 
tion finance, and have but little now to add to the L^eneral picture which I dieu drew. 
In the matter of detailed planning for post-war development much progress has 
been achieved during the past twelve months, and the creation of a separate 
department at the Centre for this purpose and of suitable planning organisations 
in the Provinces and States bear witness to the determination of the vaiious 
govern mental authorities in this immense country that the end of the war nil! 
not find them unprepared for the major campaigns of the peace to follow. But it 
must be obvious that, so long as war conditions continue not only in India but in all 
the Allied countries, resources of materials and manpower must remain mobilised 
for the immediate task of achieving victory. Once that task has been accomplished 
and the inevitable period of adjustment has passed, it will be possible to initiate 
the execution of plans for post-war development. 

These physical limitations to the super-imposition of a forward policy of 
national development on an economy subjected to the strain of total war have 
their counterparts in the financial sphere. So long as the financial and currency 
system of the country is overstrained in the maintenance of the war effort or in 
securing the early stages of transition from war to peace, heavy new expenditure 
on national development schemes would be dangerous in the extreme. In other 
words, post-war development must mean and must continue to mean post-war 
development, and by no magic or optimism can it be made to mean war-time develop- 
ment. The first year or two at least after actual fighting ends will inevitably be 
for the Centre years of heavy deficit on revenue account It will be during this 
period that the Provincial^ Governments will find of particular value the post-war 
Beconstructiou Funds which they had the foresight and determination to build up 
while the war was still in progress. 

Industeial Development 

While it is indubitable that large-scale development projects cannot be 
initiated so long as war conditions continue, the Government have no 
hesitation embarking at once on such preparatory work as is found to be possible 
and desirable, or in taking any action calculated to secure early results of anti- 
inflationary value. Thus of late the Government have set up a Central Electrical 
Power Board, an Irrigation and Waterways Board, a Eesettlement and Be-employ- 
ment Directorate with a network of employment exchanges, and have established 
numerous panels of industrialists, assisted by Government personnel, to prepare 
plans for industrial development. 

Plans have been laid for high-level technical training abroad, on a large scale 
but suitably diversified, and steps have been tak^n to set up a Bs. lO-crore Govern- 
ment fertiliser factory to produce annually 350,000 tons of ammonium sulphate. 
This general policy the Government intend to continue, and provision for Be. 1 
crore has been made in the Budget for such measures of a like nature as may be 
found practicable. This provision is over and above that included in the Budgets of 
the various administrative departments for their planning activities. Should these 
amount prove to be less than can usefully be spent the House will be moved to 
vote each Supplementary grants as may be required. 

National Development 

I said last year that if any effective development is to take place on the 
requisite scale in this vast country large amounts of money are bound to be 
involved ; and I expressed my firm conviction that the first pre-requisite of recon- 
struction finance is a sound financial position, both at the Centre and in the 
Provinces, secured by the fullest development of their respective taxation resources. 
I hold that conviction if possible still more firmly to-day. 

A vast scheme of national development of the kind contemplated by a number 


of leaders and writers, and by the Government, has to be planned for, worked for 
and paid for. There is no easy road to big achievement in this field. It is essential, 
therefore, that not only the Centre but also the Provinces should lose no time in 
developing to the full their financial resources, since it is clear that the combined 
resources of all will hardly be adequate for the great end in view. For that reason, 
1 feel that those Provinces which made an early stait and taxed themselves con- 
siderably in excess of their immediate revenue requirements should not, as a 
result of the favourable financial position in which they find themselves, be preju- 
diced in the matter of financial assistance from the Oentie. It is our hope and 
intention that in due course a substantial distribution of Central revenues will 
take place, but the Provinces will, in addition, need all that they themselves can raise 
if the financial foundations of future development are to be sufficiently broad-based to 
carry the contemplated load* 

It is in this context that the Estate Duty Bill, which I hope to introduce 
later in the Session, must be viewed. For this measure, together with the recent 
expansion of commodity taxation, should be regarded as the first concrete step 
towards the building up of a planned and expanding financial system for the future. 
The reaction of the country to measures such as these will, in my view, constitute 
the first real test of the seiiousness of its intentions in the matter of post-war 
development. The second efiective test will be the response to the Government’s 
efforts to establish a national habit of saving which, with the denial of current 
consumption which it involves, will be necessary for development purposes after 
the war as it is for holding inflationary tendencies in check during the war. 

It may be appropriate for me, m my last Budget speech, to devote a little 
more time to the subject of the fiscal means by which the Government of the 
hitiire may be enabled to fulfil the high hopes now enter tain ed< and to give the 
outcome of my own reflections on this topic. 

National Income 

Tax revenue depends, in the last resort, on the rate of tax and the national 
income. The national income, in its turn, is determined by the level of prices and the 
scale of economic activity. If then, to fulfil the programme of development, India will 
require a level of expenditure much more closely related to its present than its pre-war 
scale, a great deal must necessarily turn upon the future pnce4evel and the future level 
of economic activity. Both these must be taken into account. There is a tendency to 
argue that the high level of prices which has been reached during the war — when so 
large a propoition of the productive powers of the nation are devoted to non-civilian 
ends— must be maintained in the post-war period, otherwise it will not be possible 
to raise the necessary resources. I believe this to be a mistaken view. When the 
prodnctive power of the nation is turned from manufacturing for war to manufac- 
turing for civilian use, there will be a large supply of goods available and this 
additional supply must result, in my judgment, in lower prices for those goods. 
But if simultaneously the total volume of activity deployed during the war can be 
maintained and increased, the total national income cau be maintained and even 
increased in spite of a fall in unit-prices. 

It is the maintenance of the aggregate national income in terms of money and 
not the stabilisation of prices of individual commodities that should be the objective 
in the years after the war. It may well be that in that period some prices will rise, 
and some will fall— for it is the inevitable consequence of rapid changes such as 
those of the last five years that relative price changes should get out of step — 
nevertheless, our efforts should be directed rather to the maintenance of the aggre- 
gate figures upon which the fiscal authorities can operate than upon the guaranteeing 
to each particular group of producers of the prices which their products may, in 
certain cases quite fortuitously, have attained during the war. 


But while it will be necessary in the post-war years to impose taxation of a 
magnitude comparable with that existing at the present time, it by no means 
follows that the existing scheme of taxation should continue when the present 
hostilities have ceased. Excess Profits Tax is an obvious expedient in time of war 
to secure reversion to the State of a due proportion of any increased profits made by 
industry in the abnormal conditions then prevailing. Any scheme for the levy of a 
special tax upon such increase of profits can at best be of a somewhat rough and 
ready nature, no matter what degree of thought and care have gone 
to the devising of the enactment that gives effect to it. Moreover, 
the datum line from which excess profi.ts are measured must inevitably bear less 



and less relation to current realities as we get further from the pre-war years. 
It is, therefore, to my mind desirable that this war-time expedient should vanish 
with the emergency that brought it into being. 

Repeal of the Excess Profits Tax would not, however, represent a proportionate 
loss of revenue, for Excess Profits Tax is allowable as a deduction in computing 
profits assessable to income-tax and super-tax, so that with its repeal, 
profits assessable to income-tax would be correspondingly increased. 
Nevertheless, whatever may be the extent and duration of the post-war 
boom during which industry will be engaged in repairing the ravages 
of war and whatever may be the scale of the profits that are expected 
to accrue from the plans for the post-war expansion of industry, taxes on non- 
agricultural income can hardly be expected to continue to play the overwhelming 
part in the scheme of national finance that they now do. 

The projected estate duty on property, other than agricultural property, would 
be capable of restoring in due course the position as regards the aggregate contri- 
bution made by the industrial, commercial and professional classes of the commu- 
nity as such. It has to be remembered, however, that these form but a small 
proportion of the total population of the country and it will be necessary to secure 
a further contribution from the remainder. 

Agricultural income-taxes would go some way to achieve that end, and this 
is, in my view, an inevitable development if the Provincial Governments, to whom 
this source of revenue is allocated by the Constitution, are to play their part in 
mobilising the resources of the country for the prosecution of the campaign against 
poverty, illiteracy and ill-health. 

Our main revenue from commodity taxation has hitherto been derived from 
customs duties and these are likely to remain a highly important source of revenue 
for many years. Indeed, in the immediate post-war period, extensive importation 
of capital goods and replenishment of stocks of urgently needed consumer goods of 
all kinds may cause customs receipts to soar to unprecedented heights ; and though 
they may decline sharply once the market has built up adequate stocks of goods 
for general consumption, they are likely to remain buoyant for a number of years. 
With the growing industrialisation of the country, however, this source of revenue 
can hardly be expanded and may, indeed, appreciably contract, particularly if the 
customs tariff should be given a more positively protective complexion; moreover 
there are decided objections to burdening capital goods and raw materials with too 
high rates of duty. 

Sales Tax 

As an instrument of commodity taxation, reliance will, therefore, increasingly 
have to be placed on Centra! excises. The exigencies of war-time finance have 
already necessitated systematic exploration of this field. New excises have been 
introduced which are already lucrative and can be expanded; and the^ law and 
procedure relating to Central excises have been consolidated in a compendious code, 
which has been so fashioned as to enable the present excises to be enlarged or 
further excises to be added as the Central Government’s finances may, from time 
to time, require. 

Another possible major development in the field of indirect taxation lies in the 
expansion of the sales or turnover tax. This source of revenue has so far been but 
lightly tapped in India, but increasing recourse to it may be necessary in order to 
finance schemes for economic expansion. Bmce the first World War the sales tax 
has become an important feature of the revenue systems of most leading countries 
of the world and, in some of them, has rivaUed customs and even income taxation. 
During the present war a purchase tax has been introduced in the United Kingdom, 
which has not only helped to check inflation in that country but has yielded a very 
large revenue. 

In India, the sales tax is a provincial impost and has been applied only in 
five provinces ; and, except in the province of Madras, the yield so far is compara- 
tively small. As with other indirect taxes care is necessary to prevent the incidence 
from being too regressive. Problems also arise from uneven incidence in contiguous 
territories. It would obviously be to the advantage of the consumer and of trade 
in general if the tax were applied {in so far as may be practicable) in the same 
rates, and to the same classes of transaction throughout the country. It is possible 
that with the aid of the Central Government, a comprehensive system might be 
devised and administered on a national basis, the net proceeds accruing to the 
governments of the participating units. An all-India tax of this kind would 
greatly assist the provinces With their plans for development; and if higher rates 




were imposed on luxury goods, it should also assist in counteracting the inflationary 
tendencies of a period of expansion. . , ^ t. ui- j- 

There is one further issue to which I must make reference. Public diacusBions 
of the ' advantages of the State ownership or operation of industry, 
as against the advantages of private enterprise, are being very actively 
pursued at the present time, which is natural in view of the intrinsic 
importance of the question. But, in the public consideration of these matters, I 
feel that perhaps insufficient attention has hitherto been paid to the question 
whether it would not be advisable to extend State ownership of industries as a 
source of additional revenue. It may well be that in the future the State may 
find it necessary to nationalise certain industries — especially those with large 
possibilities of expansion — in order that it may have at its disposal additional 
sources of income for the sustenance of national well-being as a whole. 

New Proposals 

I return now to the problems of the year immediately ahead. Against a 
total estimated expenditure, military and civil, of Rs. 517*63 croies, the total revenue 
at the existing level of taxation is estimated at Rs. 353*74 crores, leaving a levenue 
deficit of Rs. 163*89 crores. On the assumption that the whole of this gap were to 
be filled up by borrowing, the pattern and proportion of our war-time budget would 
seem to challenge comparison with that of any belligerent country. We have, 
however, as I explained in detail last year, to keep in view a larger and more 
comprehensive target if we are to minimise not merely our own budgetary dehcit 
but the gap between total rupee outgoings, whether on our own or Allied account, 
and total rupee incomings, whether by taxation, borrowings, sales of bullion or 
other devices for absorbing surplus purchasing power. Whilst the general picture, 
in the light of this more exacting objective, gives less cause for satisfaction, I have, 
on a careful survey, come to the conclusion that no really significant improvement 
could be effected by any practicable major change in the sphere of Central taxation. 

Wartime Taxation 

The scope for further improvement in this field lies rather, in my opinion, in 
the direction of greater efforts to combat evasion and in the enforcement of existing 
tax obligations. 1 trust that we shall have the support of the House and the 
country in that policy. For the rest, we must rely on the expansion of our 
borrowing programme and on the response of the public, born of the gradually 
widening appreciation of its importance to the maintenance of the economic health 
of the community, and assisted by the operation of the various controls. 

In the sphere of direct taxation it is proposed to continue the Excess Profits 
Tax at the present rate together with the scheme of conpulsory deposits, for a 
further year up to March 31, 1946, As regards income-tax, we have given consider- 
able thought to the problems which will shortly arise in regard to the financing of 
the re-equipment of industry. 

Our scheme of wartime taxation has throughout been so devised as not to 
deplete, and on the contrary to strengthen, th^ reserves at the disposal of industry 
for meeting the calls which will be made upon them in the post-war period. In 
this respect we may, without undue sacrifice of modesty, claim to have shown more 
foresight than we have been given credit for. Nevertheless we are conscious that 
the restoration and expansion of the machinery of production will call for some 
new form of assistance and we feel that we are justified in adapting to Indian 
conditions the measure of relief which has been announced in the United Kingdom. 
This will take the form of the grant of special initial depreciation allowances in 
respect of new buildings erected, and new plant and machinery installed, after 
March 31, 1946. These allowances will, in the year in which they are given, be an 
addition to the usual depreciation allowances and they will not be deductible in 
arriving at the written down value. They will not be given for E. P. T. purposes. 
It is proposed to prescribe these allowances by rule but I may state here that the 
figures I have in mind are 20 percent on plant and machinery and 10 per cent on 
buildings. Allowances at these rates, in audition to the usual rates, should provide 
substantial encouragement for the early re-equipment of industry, x 

I am also proposing to allow for income-tax purposes expenditure on scientific 
research. The proposals follow generally the provisions in the U.K. Finance Act, 
1944, which have been described by the Chancellor of the Exchequer as “a compre- 
hensive attempt to relieve from taxation altogether funds devoted by industry to the 
support^ of fundamental research, to the translation of laboratory research to 
production and to the full-scale development of the product.” The proposals, in 

-28 FEB. ’45 3 THE FINANCIAL STATEMENT FOE 1945-46 163 

brief, are the allowance of current research expenditure as it is incurred, the 
allowance of payments to recognised research bodies and institutions and the 
allowance over a period of five years or over the life of the assets, if shorter, of 
research expenditure of a capital nature. 

Provisions for these reliefs, as well as for earned income relief, which I will 
now explain, are contained in a Bill to amend the Income-tax and E.P.T. Acts 
which is being put before the House. 


Differentiation for income-tax purposes between incomes that are earned by 
personal exertion and incomes that are not so earned has long been a feature of 
the taxation systems of many countries, including England and the U.S.A. It has 
been somewhat aptly described as the only method by which the depreciation of 
the human machine can be adequately recognised in taxation. Eecent developments 
in India have emphasised the inequity of the identical treatment of earned and 
unearned incomes and this is an appropriate time at which to introduce this 
distinction into our system. 

The Finance Bill provides that there shall be an exemption of one- tenth of 
earned income subject to a maximum (in terms of income) or Es. 2,000. The 
Income-tax Amendment Bill to which I have referred contains provisions for 
giving effect to this proposal. The exemption will be given only in respect of 
income which may be described as derived from personal exertion and will not 
therefore, for example, apply to the income of companies or in respect of dividends, 
interest on securities or income from property. It will be given only for income- 
tax and not for super-tax. 

The cost of this earned income relief is estimated at about Es. SJ crores, of 
which the Centre will bear Es. 2J crores. To make up for this loss I propose to in- 
crease by 3 pies the surcharge on slabs of income above Es. 15,000 and on incomes 
taxable at the maximum rate. This increase will not apply to Life Insurance (Com- 
panies whose combined rate of income-tax and super-tax will continue to be 63 pies. 
It is estimated that this small increase will yield about Es. 4 crores. 

Customs and Excise 

In the sphere of indirect taxes, the Customs surcharges which are being levied 
for revenue purposes during the present abnormal conditions will be continued for 
another year. In the Central Excise tariff a further change is proposed in respect of 
tobacco. The improved shipping situation has enabled the limit placed on the propor- 
tion of imported tobacco in the more expensive types of cigarette to be raised from 
30 to 70 per cent. It is accordingly now proposed that the highest class of flue-cured 
tobacco in the excise tariff should be subdivided into three and should be subjected 
to a duty of Es. 7J, Es. 5 or Es. a pound, according as it is intended for use in 
the manufacture of cigarettes containing more than 60 per cent, more than 40 but 
not more than 60 per cent, or more than 20 but not more than 40 per cent by weight 
of imported tobacco. 

^ Minor changes include a parallel increase in the rate of duty on flue-cured 
tobacco intended for any purpose other than those specified in the tariff. Comple- 
mentary changes to these will be made in the Customs tariff where the standard rate 
of duty on unmanufactured tobacco is being raised to Es. 7^ a pound, with no sur- 
charge, and the rates for related^items— cigars, cigarettes and manufactured tobacco- 
are being re-fixed so as to correspond. These changes, which will come into effect 
immediately by virtue of a certificate under the Provisional Collection of Taxes Act, 
are expected to result in an increased revenue of Es, 3 6 crores under Excise and 
Es, 2*4 crores under Customs, a total of Es. 6 crores. 

The only other changes included in the Finance Bill this year relate to postal 
parcels, the traffic in which continues to increase at a rate with which it is difficult 
to cope. The rate, which is now 6 annas for the first 40 tolas and 4 annas for every 
40 tolas thereafter, will be raised to a uniform 6 annas for every 40 tolas. It is also 
intended to raise the surcharge on telephone rentals from one-third to one-half, and 
that on trunk call fees from 20 per cent to 40 per cent. The surcharge on ordinary 
and express telegrams will also be increased by one anna and two annas respect- 
tively. The total additional estimated yield of these increases is Es. 1,35 lakhs. 

Excluding the effect of the proposals for relief to industry in respect of re-equip- 
ment and scientific research, of which no reliable estimate can be made at this 
stage, the changes in taxation and in postal and telegraph rates will yield an estima- 
ted increased revenue of Es. 3,60 crores, which would reduce the prospective deficit 
toEs* 155.29 crores. 


India’s Financial Position 

Though this is the end of my last Budget Speech, the House will be relieved to 
learn that I do not intend to inflict on it a recital of the financial events of my 
period of oflBlce, So much has happened in these six years— a longer period, I 
believe, than that of any of my predecessors—and changes of such a scale and 
complexity have been brought about, that I will not attempt to summarise them, I 
would rather leave that task to the historian and the economist, who will in due 
course pass judgment on the handling of these matters. 

No man who bears so large a share of responsibility as the Finance Member of 
this Government for the stability of this great country with its enormous population, 
could fail, during the course of the last few years, to experience the most intense 
and prolonged anxiety. No man in that position, beset from day to day with 
harrassing problems clamouring for instant solution, could claim that all his decisions 
had proved to be right. I have been sustained throughout these tioublons times by a 
firm belief that I was acting in the best interests of India. I have been conscious 
that the difficulties that will arise after the war may be even greater than those of 
the war, and I have tried, so far as I could, to do nothing that would aggravate 
them, I have had constantly in mind the thought of the fuller status that India 
may shortly be expected to achieve, and have endeavoured to order the matters 
entrusted to me in consonance with that expectation. 

I am confident that the financial position of this country is one of immense 
strength, and that it has successfully weathered the violent storms to which it was 
exposed. It is not merely the extinctiou of all her external obligations, and the 
replacement of them by massive assets, but the fact that even her internal unproduc- 
tive debt must be a far lighter charge on the national income at the new levels 
which she will obviously be able to maintain in the future. This has been 
achieved at great sacrifice, but it has none the less prepared the stage for the 
momentous developments of the years to come. 

I realise that problem of great difficulty and intricacy still await solution. They are 
part of a tangle oi world problems which is the inevitable heritage of war. In 
spite of the lessons of the last great war and its aftermath and m 
spite of all that has been said on the subject during the present war, it has not 
yet proved practicable to devise and ensure that just allocation of the coat of war 
among the participants in a common cause. 

It is not merely the evaluation of enormous material devastation, nor the 
appraisement of the extent of sacrifice, in terms of blood and sweat and tears, 
which has denied all accountancy; it is the propoitionate distribution of the final 
burden among partners of widely varying capacity and with entirely differing 
standards of living which needs to be effected as equitably in the international 
field as modern system of national taxation aspire to do in the domestic sphere. 
Speaking entirely for myself. I cannot see how the pooling of currently available 
resources, coupled with the acceptance of the fortuitous location of the ravages of 
war can provide a complete solution for problems of this character. 

Before I sit down. Sir, i should like to take this occasion to express my 
gratitude to the devoted band of official assistants who have served me so well in 
times of unparalleled strain and difficulty. Their numbers are sadly restricted, and 
the demands on them have been unlimited, but they have responded so nobly 
that I should be failing in my duty if I did not publicly accord them this need 
of recognition. 

National War Front to go 

2nd. MARCH : — ^By 55 votes to 43, the Assembly to-day passed St^ Yamin 
Khan's resolution asking the Government to take immediate steps to abolish the 
National War Front branch of the Department of Information and Broadcasting 
and to liquidate forthwith the National War Front organisation in the Centre and 
in the Provinces. Some vigorous canvassing by the Opposition preceded the vote 
and Mr. Kailash Behari Lai (Nationalist) who had apparently decided to abstain 
from voting was persuaded to change this mind and was led to the ‘ayes’ lobby. 

Mr. G. 8* Bozmant who spoke on the motion, announced the Government’s 
intention to replace the National War Front b^r a substitute organisation *for giving 
information and instruction which would help in securing the co-operation of the 
people in the working of the controls etc.” He also gave details of the official 
scheme. The Central organisation, Mr. Bozman said, would supply publicity 
guidance notes on all Indian problems and literature to the provincial units but the 
Provinces would be free to adapt the material to their own needs. The cost of the 
ncheme would be shared between the Centre and the Provinces in the proposed 


ratio of two-thirds to one-third for recurring expenditure and fifty-fifty for non- 
recurring expenditure. The scheme, Mr. Bozman pointed out. differed from the existing 
National War Front in two important respects. The basic approach to the people 
would be informative and factual instead of emotional and exhortatory. While the 
primary task of the organisation would continue to be publicity of an educative 
nature for war and problems arising directly out of the war, there was nothing to 
prevent it from being utilised for nation-building activities. It had been made clear 
to the Provincial Governments that the Central Government did not wish to inter- 
fere with the publicity work they were themselves doing. The new organisation 
would be wholly under the administrative control of the Provincial Governments, 
but would rely a great deal on non-official co-operation, advice and assistance It 
had been suggested to the Provinces that for every distinct unit, there might be an 
Advisory Committee consisting of non-officiais and officials concerned with war 
publicity. In addition, provincial units could constitute with the Minister or the 
Adviser and in charge of the Department concerned and non-officials a similar 
committee for the whole Province. The new scheme, he said, was generally accept- 
able to the Provinces, subject to modification on points of detail. The Centre was 
not insisting on absolute uniformity and had met or would meet Provinces on the 
points. One province might decide finally to stand out of the scheme: if so, the 
Centre would have no objection. One or two Provinces might continue at their 
own cost DOD-official organisations comparable with the National War Front, but 
these would be sef>arate from the new organisation and none of the finance would 
be provided by the Central Government. Mr. Bozman thanked non-officials all over 
India who had done sterling honorary work for the National War Front. He hoped 
that many of them would continue to help under the new scheme and he knew that 
in many Provinces they would do so. 

Earlier, Mr. Bozman replied to points from the various speeches made on the 
resolution which, he said, contained a certain amount of misunderstanding and 
misinformation on the functions and objects of the National War Front. Statements 
had been made in the House of the work of the N. W. F. in the Provinces. He 
would speak of the Front m relation the Centre. Giving the history of the N. W. 
F., Mr. Bozman recalled how it was started nearly in 1942 shortly after the 
Japanese enteied the war and scored quick victories. There was nervousness and 
food-stocks went underground and even currency and coins began to be hoarded to 
the detriment of the country's economy. It was, therefore, imperative to restore 
confidence as early as possible. The N. W. F., Mr. Bozman went on to say, was 
accused of dabbling in politics. It might be because of the confusion on the part of 
a few of the objectives and mission of the organisation. In a widespiead organisa- 
tion of recent and rapid growth it was impossible to secure hundred per cent 
understanding of its objectives and hundred per cent discipline. He must, however, 
definitely assure them that the N. W. F.*s policy had always been to keep out of 
politics. Mr. Bozman said that the money spent in India lor pubhcity was micro- 
scopic compared to the money spent by the Governments in United Kingdom and 
U. A. He calculated that the amount spent here worked out at one pice per head 
per annum. The British Government had been spending on advertisements alone 
on an average fourteen annas per head per war year, while the Government of 
India’s expenditure including the N. W. F., Air and advertisement bills was about 
three and half pies per head. Mr. Bozman emphasised that the National War Front 
was not a recruiting, organisation and recruiting as such was not its business. But 
if it was implied that the efforts of the N. W. F. to inculcate the faith and courage 
and the will to meet agression had not helped recruitment, directly or indirectly, 
then he thought he must correct that impression. Many young men, after attend- 
ing the N.W.F. rally, voluntarily stepped forward and had joined tffie ranks of 
Indians fighting men. 

Mr. Samt Venkatachalam Chetti said that the leader of the House stated last 
time that, by the time the debate was resumed Government would be in a position 
to state what decision they had arrived at in the matter. He invited him to 
enlighten the House on the question. 

Fandit Nilakantha Das (Unattached) declared that the National War Front 
was only ostensibly non-official, but in that organisation only safe non-officials 
were wanted and real non -officials were discharged. Being a non -official himself, he 
had joined the organisation at the request of the Premier of Orissa, but gave it up 
in a few months. 

Bev. J. O'. Chatterji (nominated) admitted that improvement was necessary 
in the National War Front, but he thought that the organisation itself should 


not be abolished. The resolution had asked not for reform, but for abolition of 
tbe National War Front, and he felt that so long as war was on, there was need 
for such an organisation, 

Mr. Abdul Qaiyum (Congress) said that the vast majority of the people in this 
country had nothing but contempt for the National War Front, set by the Govern- 
ment. He asserted that the organisation was utilised not so much against the 
Japanese and the Germans but against popular political parties. Complaints from 
the Punjab were numerous and trequent that the Front was used for the party 
purposes and the Government of India were silent because they have a Provincial 
Government there to their liking. Proceeding, Mr. Abdul Qaiyum said that the 
N. W. F. had purchased over 50 vans for publicity work which could have been 
more useful for despatching food to the famine-stricken areas in Bengal, Urging 
the liquidation I of the organisation “as waste of time and waste of taxpayers’ money”, 
the speaker alleged that those engaged for the working of the National War Front 
were not there out of conviction but for personal gains and they would be loyal 
only to the Government of the day. 

Capt, Dalpat Singh strongly defended the National War Front and 
its activities. When India was made a base of operations, it was 
essential that there should be an organisation to mobilise the resources of 
the country for the effort. He refuted the allegations that the National War Front 
was utilised for party propaganda in the Punjab or for personal gains. The eight 
district leaders in his province and the provincial leader were not getting a single 
pie from the N. W. F. He pleaded for the retention of the organisation in the 
Punjab and hoped that the present working would not be disturbed in 
any way. 

The League And the Front 

Nawahzada Liaqat AH Khan refuted the suggestion that the Opposition was 
against the war effort. But they were opposed to the misuse of public money “and 
the prostitution of the N. W. F. by interested people.” Mr. Jamnadas Mehta had 
stated that the Muslim League was adopting an attitude of “malevolent neutrality” 
in regard to the war. Whether it was benevolent or malevolent, the policy of the 
Muslim League was the only policy which any self-respecting person would have 
followed. The Muslim League drew the Attention of the Government as early as 
June 1940 to mobilise the resources of India for the defence of the country. It 
was the Muslim League which asked the Government to take into equal partnership 
the people of this country to fight Nazi aggression. But Government had always 
depended upon those who were willing to dance to any tune that might be played 
m the flute of British imperialism. Speakers on the resolution, the Nawabzada 
continued, credited the N. W. F. with the claim for the enrolment of two million 
soldiers from India. Mr. Bozman, however, had made it clear that it was not the 
function of the N. W. F. to recruit people. A supply of two million people out of 
a population of 400 millions did not reflect any credit on the N. W. F. If the 
Government had taken the people of India into their confidence and had asked 
the people of India to defend their own country, instead of two millions, there 
would have been twenty million recruits. Eeferring to the new scheme which Mr. 
Bozman outlined, the speaker said that it was so sketchy and there was so much 
“ingredient of mischief in it” that it was difficult for him to support it. The new 
organization would continue to do what the N. W* F. had done. As he had 
already stated, tbe resolution was not moved with the intention of impending war 
effort but because they were convinced that it had not only done any good to war 
effort but its continuance would harm the real interests of the country at large. 

Sir Mahomed Yamin Khan, replying to the debate, declined to withdraw the 
resolution and thought that the new scheme was even worse than the N. W, F. 
The resolution as amended by Mr. T, S. Avinashihngam Chettiar^s amendment 
which sought that, immediate steps should be taken both in the Centre and the 
Provinces for the abolition of the National War Front, was put to vote and carried. 

Safeguards For British Commerce 

Mr, Manu Suhedar (Congress), moving his resolution asking for the removal 
of the Sections relating to British commercial safeguards, made it clear that he 
was not attempting to deal with any large political issues involved in the 
321 Sections of the (government of India Act. He was only urging the removal of 
certain offensive Sections which had got in there by the backdoor, were derogatory 
to the dignity and self-respect of the people and the Government and sought to 
restrict the legislative power of this House. Giving a history of these clauses, he 



referred to the recommendatioa of the Simon Commission and the declaration made 
by Sir Edward Benthall at the R.T.O. and pointed out that Indian leaders were 
at no time advocatinj? discrimination. The Nehru Report laid down that there 
should be no discrimination on racial grounds- Mr. Subedar called attention to 
the fact that many of India’s leaders got inveigled into granting more and more, 
but the one leader who had been consistently opposed to them was Mr. Jinnah 
(cheers). These Sections were represented at the time as though for a transitory 
period. They had remained with them still however. They were based on mistrust 
and were forced on India by the threat : ‘‘either take these Sections or no political 
progress.” These Sections were introduced on the ground that England had lent 
large sums of money to India and on the pretext that these guarantees were 
necessary to safeguard those sums. But now the boot was on the other leg ; every 
one of the loans had been repaid to England and against our will large sums had 
been taken away in the form of sterling balances, for the orderly return of which 
efforts were being made without any great success. These Sections which disfigured 
the Government of India Act, these extra-territorial rights which European firms 
sought in this country, Mr. Subedar continued, had no counter-part in the statute 
of any other country in the British Commonwealth. The most objectionable feature 
was that they were extracted from India on the plea that they were reciprocal and 
betokened equal partnership. There was also in the Incometax Act a Section which 
'gave reciprocal tax relief to Britishers. Out of this provision, India got about 
Rs. 8 lakas while she gave benefit to the extent of Es. 75 lakhs. Such reciprocity 
existed in other fields too. He recalled Gandhiji’s description of such a partnership 
as that between tne giant and the dwarf. These, Mr. Subedar said, might be called 
sentimental grounds, but there were practical grounds on which be desired the 
removal of the Sections. He referred to the appointment of the Planning and 
Development Member and the 400-crore road plan. Men were dying ior want of 
adequate food, he said, and what were these roads for ? Were they to be used to 
go to the villages and remove the dead bodies ? Were not the petrol, asphalt and 
cement interests behind these road plans ? It was a mystery to him, Mr. Subedar 
added, whether it was the Bombay planners who had converted the Government 
or it was the Government which had converted the Bombay planners (Laughter). 
Speaking of the reported plan of the Development Member to proceed to England, 
Mr. Subedar asked: ‘‘Is the Planning and Development Member going there to 
officiate as high priest at the illegitimate marriage of big business in India with 
big business in the United Kingdom (laughter). Was Sir Ardeshir receiving &e 
assistance of Sir Edward and other members in his development plans Mr. 
Subedar went on to refer to the manner in which a match company which was 
not British but foreign had established itself in India and sent many Indian com- 
panies to liquidation and bow the Lever Brothers had established themselves in 
India and sent to liquidation 42 small soap factories. Replying to the possible 
argument that the Government of India Act could not be amended piecemeal, Mr. 
Subedar pointed out that the Act bad been amended about ten times already. 
(Hear, hear). He quoted a shrewd American who described the Englishman in 
India as HaG—H for hypocrisy, A for arrogance and G for greed. (laughter), 
Mr. Subedar ended by quoting Mr. Amery’s declaration made to the Indian 
Scientists* Delegation that India enjoyed the fullest economic freedom and if she 
failed to take effective measures for her economic development, the fault lay with 
the members of the Government of India. Mr. Amery had thus put the entire burden 
on the Executive Councillors. 

Mr. Essak Sait's Amendment 

Mr. Essak Sait moved an amendment seeking the appointment of a committee 
consisting of members representing all interests concerned to report to this House 
on the necessary provisions for replacing or repealing the Sections mentioned in 
the resolution. 

Government's View 

The Planning and Development Member, Sir Ardeshir Dalai y indicating 
Government's views, summarised the history of the whole question of British 
commercial safeguards in India since the Montagu-Obelmsford Report, up to Mr. 
Amery's statement in Commons in July 1942, in connection with the Oripps Offer. 
Mr. Amery then declared : “His Majesty's Government made it clear in connection 
with the recent offer that a guarantee of the special protection for British commer- 
cial interests in India would not be a condition for the acceptance of whatever 
constitution Indians might evolve after the war and that any such provisions would 


Hjore appropriately be a matter for negotiation with the future Government of 
India/’ Sir Ardeshir quoted the Duke of Devonshire and proceeded : "The position 
then is that, in regard to British commercial interests in India, H. M. G. will 
negotiate an agreement with a future Government of India, Till that time, the 
provisions in the existing Act, both in the field of legislation and executive action, 
will continue. “With the adoption of the policy of economic planning and develop- 
ment, these provisions have acquired a significance which they did not have before. 
Government intend to take a far more active interest in industrial development 
than they have done in the past. It is contemplated to expand existing industries 
and to develop a number of new basic industries of great importance to the well- 
being and advancement of India. 

Apprehension of Indian Business Interests 

"XJnder these clauses, it is open to any British company with a hundred per 
cent British capital and British directorate to establish itself in India and control 
such industries. More important still, it is possible for powerful combines and 
cartels with international ramifications to ao the same. The chances of Indian 
induBtriaUsts competing on equal terms with such combines and companies with 
their vast experience and resources are very poor. As the Act stands at present, 
it is not possible for the Government of India to take any measures to help the 
indigenous industry against such competition. It is realised that Indian opinion 
does not regaid such a state of affairs with satisfaction. He will be a bold man 
who will prophesy when exactly the new constitution will come into being. It will 
probably take some years before the new Constitution Act is placed on the Statute 
Book, even assuming that all the present outstanding issues are settled at a compa- 
ratively early date. But planning for the economic development of India has already 
commenced and is going ahead. It cannot wait till a new constitution is finally 
settled and becomes the law of the land. 

“The problem is to arrive at some satisfactory solution on this issue. The 
solution must be sought not in a spirit of mutual antagonism and mistrust but of 
mutual co-operation and goodwill. Under happier political conditions, one can look 
forward to an ever-widening and almost endless vista of trade and business 
relationship between Great Britain and India for the benefit and prosperity of both. 
In the immediate post-war years, India has to look to the U. K. to a large extent 
for the supply of capital goods and the expert advice and assistance in the develop- 
ment of its industries which she so sorely needs. 

“Oo-operation' should be welcomed if it does not involve control or domination. 
The Indian industry should desire to control and direct its policy in a legitimate 
aspiration which should not be looked upon with hostility or mistrust. “The pro- 
blem, therefore, is to consider whether it is possible to arrive at any kind of con- 
vention or agreement now, without waiting for a complete constitutional settlement, 
BO that the industrial development of the country may not be hampered. The diffi- 
culties, in the way should not be minimised. The Trade Agreement is intended 
to be part of a general political and constitutional settlement. It is difficult to 
isolate one part only of the whole complex of issues, political as well as economic, 
and to insist upon its settlement without considering the rest. If the spirit in 
which a solution of this difficult problem is sought is misunderstood, either here or in 
Great Britain, it may have an unsettling effect upon the business communities in 
both countries, which it is very desirable to avoid at a time when in the interests of 
India’s own development, closer trade relations are being sought. If it is not 
found possible to proceed by way of parliamentary legislation at this juncture 
pending consideration of the political and other issues involved, it will be necessary 
to explore the possibility of arriving at some kind of understanding which may 
remove the apprehensions of the Indian business community regarding the effect 
of the future operation of these safeguards on the post-war industrial development 
of India. 

Question Under Consideration op Government 

“The House will thus see that the Government of India are fully seized of this 
matter. It is engaging their active and earnest consideration.*’ The Government, 
8ir A. Dalai reiterated, were fully aware of the situation but, he added, they would 
like to have an opportunity of further consideration of the matter. The result of the 
present discussion in the House would be reported to the Secretary of State and 
discussion would be entered into with H. M. G. ; and the House would be apprised 
of the situation as it developed after that discussion. In reply to an interruption by 
Mr. Abdul Qaiyum; Sir Ardeahii said that the Government of India would enter 


upon negotiations on the lines he had metioned and the results would be communi- 
cated to the House. Surely, it was not possible to do anything more. 

Sir Cowasji Jehangir said that he supported the resolution (cheers) for more than 
one reason. He recalled that the whole of the Indian Delegation that went to the 
Round Table Conference was unanimous that there should not be restriction of any 
sort on the discretion of the future Government of India in the matter of trade; but 
it was most unfortunate that during the period of the Round Q able Conference, the 
Delegation received no support from our own countrymen in this country. One of 
the reasons of the Delegation's failure was lack of support from India. The atten- 
tion of the Indian Delegation was constantly drawn to the large sums which this 
country owed to England He had not concluded when the bouse adjourned till 
April 4 when further discussion took place. 

Indictmont of Govt. PoHey 

9th. MARCH The Assembly discussed to-day the Congress Party’s cut motion 
to reduce the grant for the Viceroy’s Couucil to Re. 1. Mr. Abdul Quaiyum moved 
the motion. 

Sir Beza Alt (Muslim League) pointed out that the Executive Council had so 
far not done anything towards resolving the political deadlock. He recalled that in 
1916, when the iast war entered a dijgicult phase, nineteen members of the then Legi- 
slative Council submitted certain proposals to the Government of India and what 
they did at that time could be done by the members of the Ese.mtive Council. The 
Hydari Mission and numerous other missions and delegations, said c>ir Reza Ali, had 
been sent out during the past eighteen months to England and America, which 
showed that they had been taking interest in all matters except resolving the political 
deadlock. He compared the member«« to Hamlet, ior they were consideiing, they 
were thinking, and they were sdspicious and doubtful. Sii OLif Garoe had suggested. 
Sir Reza Ali said, that bombing in the triDal areas had been undertaken to protect 
Hindus. This appeared to be an attempt on the part of the External Affairs Sectre- 
tary to divide the Hindus and ttie Muslims on the question of bombing of tribal 
areas. Cases of kidnapping occtirred in the largest number in 1921, Sir Reza proceed- 
ed, but the Government of India had not bombed the tribal people then and it was 
a very far-fetched pretext to say now that Government wanted to protect the unfor- 
tunate Hindu girls from Pathans. 

Detention Without trial Defended 

The Home Member, Sir Francis Mudie^ said that, when Mr, Abdul Qaiyum 
condemned the Government of India’s policy in detaining certain persons, he based 
his case entirely on a slogan. Talk of concentration camps might be good propa- 
ganda especially abroad where the facts of this country were not known and could 
not be verified, but members of this House should base their case on actual facts. 
“What were the facts ?” asked the Home Member and proceeded to give a reply. The 
total number of persons under detention to-day was 7,500, These included Hurs and 
other criminals, a certain number of whom had had dealings with the enemy, or helped 
enemy agents and a large number of Bengal terrorists. He did not believe members 
of the House would wish to censure the Government for not releasing the Bengal 
terrorists. He was not sure if the Bengal Government would not take the strongest 
objection to being asked to release these terrorists ; so also, the Sind Government in 
regard to the release of Hurs. After deducting these, the^ number of those detained 
in India for political reasons was 1,500. **Let us compare it with the population of 
this conntry,” suegested the Home Member amid laughter from the Opposition 
benches. (Mr. Krishnamachari ; What about those convicted ?). The Home Member 
pointed out that the number of persons detained by the Government of India was 
about 50. The others were detained by the Provincial Governments. He was not 
giving the figures in order to plead that the Government of India's part was a small 
one in these detentions, nor to shelter behind the Provincial Governments. What he 
claimed was that, if the Government of India were erring, they were erring in good 
company. Every argument advanced against the detention was an argument not 
against the Government of India’s policy alone, but against the policy of the Provin- 
cial Gevernments. He was not suggesting that the Government of India and the 
Provincial Governments all by an accident had hit upon the same policy. There 
were consultations between the Centre and the ijrovinces from tingie to time. The 
Provincial Governments paid considerable attention to the views of the Home 
Department which received reports from all sources, and the Government of India, 
on their side, gave great weight to the views of the Provincial Governments. It 
could not possibly be that t^e policy followed by the Provincial Governments was 



anti-Indian, declared the Home Member. It could not be thought to have any sinister 
purpose behind it. Nor could these people be said to have been detained because 
they believed iu or advocated self-government for India. Self-Government had been 
advocated by Mr. Jinnah, for instance, and the Puniab Premier. Nor were persons 
detained for any opinions expiessed by them. If, as had been asserted, there was no 
right of free speech in this country, would Mr. GaT»dhi have been allowed to speak 
and write or Mrs. Pandit allowed to go to U.S,A. ? (Laughter from the Opposition.) 
Persons were detained simply and solely for what they would do if they were 
released, A great majority of them believed in violence or had had close association 
with those who believed in violence. Others there were who did not believe in 
violence, but they could not be released en bloc without risk. Mr. Srt Prakasa : 
What is the proportion of the population which suffered in August? 

The Home Member went on to assert that no Government could afford to take 
the riftk, at the present moment, of a repetition of what happened in 1942. 8ir 
Francis proceeded to explain the policy of gradual release adopted by Provincial 
Governments and by the Government of India. CJradual release meant release as 
rapidly as the Governments could, consistent with public safety, let these persons 
out. Some Provincial Governments might be over-iash, others over-cautious. It was 
entirely left to them. They did not even ask the Centre when they released any 
detenus. (A voice : Question.) The pace of the release depended almost e itirely on 
the behaviour of these persons after release. He had no doubt that gradual release 
was the correct policy. Under it, the number of detenus which in June 1943 was 
10,000 had, by October 1944, been reduced to 2,000, and in February, this year, it had 
been reduced to 1,350, or nearly 90 per cent of those detained over 18 months ago had 
come out. That was a process which was going on, and he asked the House to 
endorse that process. The Home Member paid a tribute to the administrations which 
had performed the distasteful task and had never faltered in spite of violent and 
ignorant criticism. He asked the House not to give any vote which would be inter- 
preted as showing lack of appreciation of these administrations. 

Prof. N. Q-, Panga (Congress) asked the Horae Member to stay in jail for six 
months, so that he might develop a proper attitude towards persons kept in detention. 
He contended that there was no exaggeration in Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit’s figure 
of IWOO persons in Indian prisons, for it included persons who were not convicted 
and India was itselt one large prison house. Government was responsible for carrying 
on propaganda in America that Mahatma Gandhi was a Japanese agent, said Prof. 
Ranga.^ It was after two years of this propaganda that Mr. Amery was forced to admit 
in Parliament that at no time did this Government make such a charge against the 

In the seven lakhs of villages in the country, food requisitioning officers were 
breaking into houses, and taking away grain, leaving no more than three months’ 
supplies. The Common weallh Relations Department could not satisfy the House as 
‘ mu Commissioner of South Africa was being allowed to proceed, 

T nothing to prevent the misinterpretation of the Defence of 

India Rules, even when the Federal Court drew attention to it. 

HIT Saner jee (Leader of the Nationalist Party) called upon the Indian 

Members of the Executive Council to cast away their inferiority complex and be moie 
assertive as ^ the rights of the people of India.” He enumerated eight grievances 
against the Government. The burden of the taxation on the poor people was heavy , 
the policy of the Government which had led to inflation had proved disastrous and 
resulted in a famine in Bengal and other parts of India ; the financial adjustment 
net ween Britain and India in regard to the war was inequitable ; the Government had 
laiiea to safeguard the economic interests of the country, the Government had failed 
to prevent racial discrimination against Indians in South Africa and in other parts of 
' Government had kept a large number of men and women 

politieafdeadb!k^^ Government had failed to resolve the 

^«>^«^o»wealth Relations Member, refuted the charge that Indian 
Members of the Government had brought about a constitutional muddle. “We are 
MM he said, because Opposition membeis indulged in a constitutional muddle”, 
ue declared categorically that he was second to none (in this country in the desire 

wished it was in his power to get it. Like 
f?'®’ P''eg,«ed to the crown at the feet oi^ama when 
2® \ “I*®' deBtroying Ravana and rescuing Sita. But here, Rama (the 

Congress) did not even go to Lanka, but came either from Wardha or Madras or 
Bombay without destroying Ravana and was wanting the crown. The Govgrnm^nf 


had been called irremovable and irresponsible. He pleaded guilty, and reminded 
the House that they were functioning under the 1919 Act for which the Indian 
Members were not responsible. Dr. Khare asked if the motion moved to-day was 
part of the programme for the freedom fight and if the sponsors of the motion 
were sincere, if the motion was carried and if supplies were refused, the sponsors 
should go to the country, and start a **No-Tax” campaign {voice : You will put 
them in jail.) The opposition had talked of Four Freedoms, but he said before 
those Freedoms could be obtained, there should be freedom from humbug. “You 
behold, in my person, sir,” he said, “a live victim of non-violent Nazism.” There 
was a time when the slogan was “Quit India”. Now the slogan seemed to be 
“Quit jobs so that we may get them ” Dr. Khare asked the Bouse whether it 
believed that this war should be won quickly and in the intciests of India. If the 
House believed in it, then every member must vote against the motion. (Voices: 
Why ?) The Congress had been against the war effort, and he would admit that 
the Congress had been willing to hurt and bold enough to strike, but the Muslim 
League was willing to hurt but afraid to strike. Dr. Khare reminded the House 
that the first arrest to be made under the Defence of India Rules was made by 
tbe Congress Blinistry in Bladras, and it was that very Blinistry which got Dr. 
T. S. S. Rajan nominated to the Bladras Legislature by the Governor, and then 
took him m as a Minister. As against the criticisms made against his policy with 
regard to South Africa, Dr. Khare quoted from a Press report of a statement which, 
he said, Mahatma Gandhi had made saying that he could not forget Dr. Khare’s 
services on behalf of tbe Indians In South Africa. 

Indictment by League Spokesman 

Nawahzada Ltaquat Alt Khan (Deputy Leader of the Muslim League Party) 
said that the motion was intended to show the lack of confidence in the Govern- 
ment of India as constituted to-day. He described Dr. Ki.are as a “jester of the 
Executive Councir* Dr. Khare had justified his position by taking shelter under 
the Act of 1919, but the same Act, the Nawabzada pointed out, entitled the 
Opposition to express its lack of confidence in the Government, and there was no 
obligation to go to the country to preach non-payment of taxes. 

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan condemned the bombing in the tribal areas, 
and said that Sir Olaf Caroe's statement was like the statement of General Dyer 
who declared in connection with the Jallianwalabagh outrage, that he would have 
continued to shoot if he had more ammunition.. In regard to the composition of 
the present Government, the Nawabzada referred to Sir Sultan Ahmed’s statement 
on a similar motion last year, that, as the political parties had refused to join the 
Executive Council, the Viceroy had to expand his Council by appointing public 
men. That statement was inconect, declared the Nawabzada. The Muslim League 
Party did not refuse to share the responsibility for the successful prosecution of 
the war, but what they refused to accept was the position of Britain’s camp 
followers. They wanted a position as co-partners in a common enterprise. T'he 
then Viceroy Lord Linlithgow was not prepared to give that promise, and 
the Muslim League, as a self-respecting party, had no other choice but to refuse 
the offer. Criticising Lord WavelFs reference to the present Government as a 
National Government, the Nawabzada said that only that government could be 
legitimately called a National Government which had the support goodwill and 
co-operation of the people of the country. By no stretch of language, he asserted, 
could this Government be termed a National Government. “Give up this pretence”, 
he said. “Why do you want to deceive the world by such pretences 2 Do not 
think that the world consists of fools and that you are the only wise men. The 
world knows that the Government of India has neither the backing nor the good- 
will nor the co-operation of the people. I do not cast any reflection on the honour 
of the honourable members on the other side, but they should certainly recognise 
that we on this side of the House, are entitled to express the opinion held by a 
large section of tbe people in this country.” “Go and ask any Indian you like”, 
he said. “I am talking of an Indian who does not want a job or contracts, and who 
wants to live in peace. You will hear a tale of woe.” Concluding the Nawabzada 
said that he had heard complaints of racial discrimination even in the armed forces. 
A number of Indian army officers belonging to various communities had told him 
of the prevalence :of racial discrimination. He urged the Government to remedy 

The Supply Member 

Sir A, Eamaswami Mudaliar, Supply Member said that the Opposition had 
bad pressed for a government which had the backing on the elected elements in 


the House. “All of us”, he said, “wanted to have a Government of that sort, but 
when they try to put the blame on this Government, 1 think, they are very wide 
of the mark.” Dr. Banerjee had complained that this Government had done 
nothing to resolve the political deadlock. Sir Eamaswami Mudaliar, in reply, 
referred to the fact, known to most members of the House that this Government, 
as a united body, and as individual membeis had, time and again, tried to do what 
they could to resolve the deadlock. Some of their efforts had not been liked by the 
one or the other section and did not come up to the expectation of the one or the 
other section. Again, proposals which were once anathema, had, with the passage 
of times, appeared to have become a little more reasonable. To suggest that the 
Government had done nothing would mean wiping out past memories. Referring 
to propaganda abroad, of which strong criticisms had been made, Sir Ratnaswami 
Mudaliar said that he himself was in the United States for two months in 194S. 
He had lectured at various places and his addresses had been published by the 
American Foreign Relations Council and not by any machinery under the control 
of the Government of India. He invited the Opposition to show in those speeches 
one word of criticism or abuse of anyone. “T was in a foreign country representing 
the Government of my country, and every Indian was sacred to me whatever 
differences I may have with him here. I have not said one unsavoury word, what- 
ever my differences may be”, he said. The Supply Member continued: “Just look 
at the contrast of the propaganda that is being carried on on behalf of the party 
opposite. Look at the way Indians have been maligned and ridiculed, simply 
because they do not conform to your views, simply because you and I in this 
country could not come to an agreement, 'I'hat is the propaganda that is going on 
and that propaganda is sufficient to bring India into disrepute.” 

Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar paid a tribute to the Finance Member who would 
lay down his office shortly. The Finance Member had been criticised for 
many things. “The Finance Member,” Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar said, “is not the 
one person who decined on policy, but everyone of us shares the responsibility i 
because the Governor-General-in-Oouncil must take the responsibility for any 
measure in fact and in theory.” First, in the Commerce Department, and then again 
as Supply Member, he had opportunities to weigh every one of the financial 
proposals, and it required no historian of the future to say that, as a whole, the 
Finance Member had dealt with this country as if it was his own country (cheers). 
It appeared to him, Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar said, as though the Opposition had 
not, to this day, realised that this country was at war. Some of the war measures 
had caused hardships, but he asked which country was there in the world to-day, where 
a section did not complain of the ways of bureaucracy ? For five years, he said, he 
had sat at his post to defend the interests of the country. The opposition had been 
in the wilderness and allowed the Government to be run without any proper 
criticism. There was not one to watch the economic interests of the people whom they 
had openly neglected. “I say in all sincerity, to the honourable members opposite,” 
he said, “that there should exist some Government in this country, so long as it is 
not possible for an agreement to be arrived at by the parties opposite. There is no 
sense in mere Nihilism”. 

Mr. Bhulabhai Desai 

Mr. Bhulabhai Desai, leader of the Opposition, said that he was reminded of 
the saying that an impressive delaration of patriotism was the last argument of un- 
patriotic persons. If it was true that Indian Members of the Government were 
patriots, it did not require a declaration such as was made by the last speaker. 
What the Supply Member said amounted to this : “1 am as good a patriot as you, 
but nobody has confidence in me.” The confidence of the country was, after all, 
the real measure of partriotism, and it was a fact that none of the Indian Members 
of the Government had the confidence of the country. Indeed, as regards one or 
two of them, some of their own families did not agree with them (Laughter.) Mr. 
Desai ridiculed the claim that Indian Members of the Government had done their 
duty in the absence of the Congressmen from the House. Those Members, be 
declared, had done ill to this country, had acted in a manner that was a standing 
disgrace. The Finance Member had said that some Rs. 830 crores had been collected 
as loan since the beginning of the war. What, asked Mr. Desai, did it mean in terms of 
human value ? At the same time, money due to India had been sterilised, and the 
country had been told this was not the time to discuss Britain’s liability. The 
Commonwealth Relations Member had fiouted the wishes of the House that he 
should not send a representative of the Government of India to South Africa. He 
had done nothing to prevent the deterioration of the Indian position in South Africa, 


The Home Member had tried to make great play with the numbers of detenues. Did it 
really matter what was the number of persons put m jail ? What mattered was who 
were the persons dealt with in this fashion and for what offence. 
Even if one man was kept in prison without trial and for an offence 
which the people of the country did not consider an offence, then, 
those who kept that man in jail did not deserve well of the country. 
Mr. Desai went on to ask to what purpose were the two and a half million Indian 
troops being used. For whose democracy weie they shedding their blood ? “We 
are willing,” he said, “to undertake the responsibility for fighting if only we are 
fighting for our freedom, along with the freedom of others. Mr. Desai said that by 
reason of the fact that their soldiers were in this country, the Americans had come 
to acquire a great deal of respect for the people of this country, and were interested 
in the freedom of this countiy. In any ease, said Mr. Desai, the freedom of this 
country could not depend on his calling the Indian Blemhers of the Government 
patriots. *T assure you, lam prepared to risk losing freedom rather than call you a 
patriot,” he afc«6erted, (Laughter.) Eeverting to the sterling balances, Mr. Desai said 
tbat they were the reBult of sweat, staryation and famine, and he would nut accept 
settlement about it made by this Grovernment. “But I would make a present of all 
the sterling balances if England will say that from to-morrow we are free to arrange 
our affairs. 

Sir Ahmed 

air Sultan Ahmed, Leader of the House said he did not wish to emulate the 
Opposition in the use of intern perf»te language, but he could not allow the Leader 
of the Opposition to run away with one observation which he had made without 
challenge. Mr. Desai had put the question whether Indian members of the Govern- 
ment bad advanced the cause of Indians freedom ly one inch. Bir Sultan would 
respectjully answer : We have done certainly much more by sticking to our places here 
than you have done” (interruption from the Opposition). Freedom of the country about 
which the Opposition members had talked so much, was freedom of this country. 
“You have no monopoly of the patriotism,*’ he asserted, “You may rest assured, 
you are not serving your country simply by abusing those who are doing their 
job.” Sir Sultan went on to refute the allegations made about the Government of 
India carrying on propaganda in America. Malicious and fantastic statements had 
been made, he said, about Indian publicity m America. Mr, J. J. Singh had made 
the statement that the Indian National Congress was the only political party in India 
representing all the various classes and communities. But when Mr, Singh heard 
that the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahassbha were also going to send out 
representative's to America to place their case before the American public, he 
came forward with the plea that ihe presentation of the communal views in America 
would weaken the Indian case and strengthen the British case. Incidentally, that 
statement demolished Mrs. Pandit’s statement that there were no religious differences 
in this country at all. As regards Mrs. Pandit’s other statement that the whole of India 
was a concentration camp, Sir Sultan said that the Home Member had dealt with 
that charge, but the question had been asked how many were the convicted 
piisonere. Sir Sultan gave the figure as 26,(XD after the August disturbances, and 
said that, out of that number, Sl.OOO had been released, and only 5,000 remained- 
But, he asserted, tbat if they were convicted and sentenced by courts of law, it could 
not be said that Indian members of the Government were responsible for it. 
Eefuting the statement that Indian soldiers were *rice soldiers,* Sir Snltan 
confessed that nothing had pained him more than this derogatory expression. 
“If India is to get freedom it will not be because you people have gone to jail, 
but because they have shed the last drop of their blood.’* (Cheers.) in May last, 
he had visited Imphal, and the Viceroy’s Commissioned Officers with whom he had 
talks, told him : ‘‘Go and tell our countrymen that we will not return to India 
until we have driven the Japanrse out of Burma,** (Cheers.) Bid the detractors 
realise thut one Indian division supported by a tank division annihilated three 
Japanese divisions ? Instead of paying tribute to these people, they were being 
called rice-soldiers. Be would be ashamed of speaking in those terms. Sir Sultan 
went on to deny the statement that the Indian Information Services had issued 
hundreds of books in America. That was lie, he declared. Not one book had been 
issued. It was a black lie that the Agent-general was devoting his time to spying on 
Indian students and publicists, or that the Agent-General was getting 52, 0(^ dollars 
a year to carry on anti- Indian propaganda, that 10,000 British propagandists were 
devoting their time to anti-Indian propaganda, or that the British Information 
Services distributed copies of Miss Mayo’s book “Mother India.*’ 


Sir Sultan declared that both Mr. Singh and Mrs. Pandit could never mislead 
American opinion. , , v 

Mr. Qaiyum : Why take notice of them : (Laughter.) 

In reply to an interruption by Mr. Bhulabhai Oesai, asking why the Govern- 
ment of India should undertake to deny the statement that there were no religious 
differences in India, Sir Sultan said that it was no use ‘'shutting our eyes to 
the facts or denying that problems existed.” problems, he added, could not be 
solved by accepting them, and tackling them with a full knowledge of their 
magnitude and extent. 

The House divided and passed the motion by a majority of eight votes. 

Government’s Control Policy Criticised 

lOlh. MARCH The Assembly to day passed by 59 votes to 48 the Muslim League 
Party’s cut motion, moved by Mr. H, A. Sathar Essak Sait that the demand under 
the head “Post-war Planning and Development” be reduced to one rupee. 

Mr. C. jP. Lawson, speaking for the European Group, declared that members 
of bis side of the House had supported some form of planning for the past year or 
more and, therefore, he was unable to go the whole way with the motion. They 
certainly did not wish to eliminate the Department. It had produced valuable 
material and extremely able reports, but that did not mean that his Group were 
completely satisfied with the working of the Department, and he was there to ask 
the Government for a specific definition of the functions of the Department. They 
wanted to know whether those functions consisted of planning as distinct from policy, 
for there seemed to be a specific difference between the two. Planning to his Group 
meant fixing of definite targets for the country, a certain optimum of development 
that the present Govemment considered advisable in all circumstances. If the 
Government avoided planning in ihis sense at a time like this when the war was 
drawing to a close, they would be failing in their duty, but his Group wanted to know 
definitely what planning entailed. The political constitution was inextricably mixed 
up with planning and that undoubtedly was worrying the Muslim League Party. 
That only reinforced his point that these reports should be extremely careful to avoid 
any impingement on the policy of Government, These reports devoted a consider- 
able portion to State interest in industry, for instance. Was this planning or was 
this policy ? he asked. His Group held definite views about that question, as on the 
question of assistance to be obtained from abroad. Again, the report stated that the 
State might not hamper private enteiprise. but might prevent schemes which were 
unlikely lo ,succeed. Now, who was to decide whether a scheme was unlikely to 
succeed ? The main necessity of a debate on the subject, he suggested, was to enable 
the Planning Member to explain these points and others like the order of priority 
to be given to various developm^mt schemes. 

Mr. T, S, Avtnashtlingan Ohettiar (Congre98)r8aid that plans relating to industry 
and iiiduBtiial policy were mainly guided by the profit-making motive and not that 
improving the lot of the villager, if money could do planning, the present Govern- 
ment could do it, but Mr. Ohettiar pointed out, money could not do it ; what was 
needed was that planning should be done by persons who were in touch with the 
people, lived with them, and were prepared to die with them if necessary. Expert 
knowledge was no doubt necessary, but they could purchase that knowledge. JBut 
they could not purchase the large heart and the true sympathy which were so 
essential for planning. Sir Ardeshir himself had admitted, Mr. Ohettiar proceeded, 
that only a National Government could do planning for the country. Sir James 
Giigg had set apart Bs. one crore for rural development, but the Auditor-Gen erel had 
to report that proper accounts were not kept for a portion of the fund. Mr. Ohettiar 
referred to the fact that the Congress using only a quarter of that sum had been able 
to train a large number of workers and had carried out educational and social work 
of an effective kind. 

Sib A. Dalal’s Beply to Oeitioisms 

Sir Ardeshir Dalai said that it appeared to him that be himself and his Depart- 
ment were being subjected to a pincer movement by the Oongress on the one hand 
and by the Muslim League on the other ; but the unity of purpose of the two parties 
was confined to the attack on his Department. The attack was directed from ideals 
and points of view which appeared to be somewhat conflicting. (A voice: Mr. 
Amery speaking.) 

The Congress position seemed to be, he said, that they alone would do the 
planning. “Well, Sir, 1 and the Government of which I happen to be a member, 
are not standing in the way of the Congress if they wish to do it.” But until they 



composed their differences and came to sit on the Government benches, this Govern- 
ment bad to carry on. {A voice : Associate us with that work. That is in the 
resolution of No\emher.i What seemed to worry the Opposition, Sir Ardeshir went 
on, was that, if the unpopular Government did something which would redound to 
the good of the country, then the credit for it would go to this Government. Qhat 
was wliat the Oongresb Party did not like. 

The League point of view, Hir Ardeshir continued, was dififeient. The Govern- 
ment were pLinning on the basis of the present constitutiou, and the League was 
looking forward to fiindiiijifutai changes in the constitutional position. He had. 
however, made it abund in tlv clear that the proposals made for posi-war planning did 
not in any way affect the coobtitutional ibsues. Whatever form the constitution took, 
they would all benefit by the measures of economic development contemplated bv 
the* Department. The whole idea of planning was without prejudice to the idea of 
Pakistan aUhough personally he did not believe in Pakistan. Within the six months 
that the Depaitment had had time to get down to work, they had set up a Technical 
Power Board, exparded the geological survey, were sending some 500 students for 
technical training to U.S.A and U. K., established employment ext’hanges, appointed 
a committee to consider the esublisbment of a technological institute, and expanded 
the Forest Htsearch Institute. A great deal of work had been done, he claimed, and 
it was only this House which seemed to take a gloomy pessimistic and aiiiagonistie 
view of that work. 

Sir Ardeshir refuted the “Juggestion that he had refused co-operation. From the 
day he assumed office he had made it clear that the one thing he wanted was public 
co-operation ; work of this nature could not go on without public co-operation As 
regards the reaolutiou ijassed i.vst November he explained that for two days he tried 
to negotiate with the Leader of tae Opposition and a number of formulm were 
suggested He offered a Btaudiug Committee of the House, which would be con- 
sulted at every state of formulation of plans. But every suggestion was turned down. 
He had again expressed a willingness to have a Standing Committee of the House 
and he understood that a committee of the kind would be established now after all 
the unnecessary bickering and But the Standing Committee then proposed 

would have been more valuable from the Opposition point of view than the present 
one. “Want of co-operation does not come from my side , it comes from the opposite 
side’’, he declared. (Cheers). As for the question why Government did not accept 
the resolution moved last session, Sir Ardeshir said that they had no alternative in 
view of the implications of the resolution which were explained by the Leader of the 
Opposition. The claim had been made by the Leader of the Opposition that his 
bide of the House would frame the plans. That, said Sir Aidbbhir, rneant that the 
legislature was trying to take upon itself executive functions which belonged to no 
legislature in the world. 

Sir Ardeshir reiterated his* view that plans of this kind could ouly be executed 
by a National Government but meantime the present Government could not sit quiet 
while other countries were going ahead; the present Government could not sit idle 
and watch the economy of the country collapse. That, he declared, was the sole 
justification of the post-war planning work done by the Government. 

Me, Desai’s Ue'bly to Flanxing Memeee 

Mr. Bhulabhai Desai, m a brief intervention, referred to Sir Ardeshir's statement 
that only this House seemed to be pessimistic about his Department’s activities. If 
Sir Ardeshir imagined that the members of the OpiJositiOD and the country were far 
apart and that members on the Government Benches were very close to the people 
of the country, that was a fiattering unction which might be all right in his private 
chamber but did him no credit in this House. (Sir Ardeshir : Not being a lawyer I 
have no chamber). (Laughter). 

Sir Cowasji Jekangir who, at this stage, interjected a question was greeted with 
angry cries from the Congress and Muslim League benches. There was a tense 
moment when Mr. Deaai refused to give way to bir Cowasji and members on the 
Congress benches excitedly called Sir Cowasji to order. Sir Cowasji thereupon rose 
to a point of order and asked whether irrelevant interruptions were m order and if bo 
was it only the Opposition that could indulge in such interruptions ? 

The President remarked that whether interruptions were in order or not it was 
his painful duty to tell members and he would tell them when the oecssiou 

Mr, Desai went on to give an explanation of what took place between him and 
Sir Ardeshir about the resolution of last November and declared that the resolution 
did not involve any question of the legislature undertaking executive action. It only 


asserted the right of the House to prepare the plan and leave it to the Executive to 
carry it out. He trusted that notwithstanding the threat of dislocation of the 
country’s economy which Sir Ardeshir had mentioned the House would carry the 

League Leader's Criticism 

Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan referred to Sir Ardeshir’s description of Mr. Desai 
and himself (the Nawabzada) as comparable to the two Russian Generals, Marshal 
Zhukov and Marshal Koniev who were fighting to annihilate Hitler but who, unlike 
the Opposition leaders in the House, were agreed on their objective and method. 
“Let me tell the Hon. Member*’, said the Nawabzada, “that whatever our difference 
may be, on the fundamental point there is complete agreement ; that is, to anni- 
hilate the so many apologists for Hitler sitting over there”. (Laughter.) The 
Nawabzada referred to Sir Ardeshir’s plea for co-operation and 
declared that : co-operation did not mean servile support of whatever 
the Government said or did. That kind of co-operation could not 
be expected ‘.of any decent Indian. If the Government really wanted the 
assistance, help and co-operation of non-official members, then it should have given 
effect to the resolution passed by the House last November. The Nawabzada denied 
that the resolution meant any desire of the House to usurp the functions of the 
Executive. Sir Ardeshir said there was no legislature in the world which performed 
functions legitimately assigned to the Executive Government. The Nawabzada 
asked ; Is there any Executive in the world, which goes merrily on in spite of the 
fact that the legislature has time and again expressed its lack of confidence ? 
(Oheers.) This Government, the Nawabzada declared, was not fit to plan for the future 
economic, agricultural, industrial or educational development of the country. The 
Nawabzada regretted that the Planning Member should have expressed his views 
ou the question of Pakistan in a debate like this. The matter under discussion 
raised the important issue that planning should be done in such a way that it 
would make people feel that it was for the benefit of the largest number of Indians 
and not to make the lich richer nor to produce a few more Tatas or other capitalists. 
The present Government was unfit to do the job, he reiterated, and it could only 
do the job if it associated with itself the real and honourable co-operation of the 
people of the country. 

The House divided and passed the motion by a majority of 11 votes. 

Governments’ Attitude to Congress 

22nd. MARCH What the Government of India and Provincial Government 
were hoping for was some clear indication that over the country as a whole in 
principle and in fact the Congress Party had abandoned tho method of attempting 
to coerce those who did not agree with thena and paralyse the administration of 
this country. This point was emphasised by the Home Member, Str Francis 
Mudie, replying in the Assembly to-day to the argument that as the Congress had 
taken office in the North-West Frontier Provinces, it was to be assumed that all 
over the country the Oongiess had abandoned their attitude of 1942. Sir Francis 
asked whether that was a safe generalisation to make. Was it safe to generalise 
from a province where there was hardly any disturbance at all in 1942 to provinces 
like the U. P. Behar and the 0, P., in which there were serious disturbances indeed. 
He wished that the Government of India and Provincial Governments could 
accept that generalisation. But, he thought, it was a most dangerous generalisation 
to make. Neither the Government of India, nor the Provincial Governments, as 
Lord Wavell made it clear, were asking for repentance in sack cloth and ashes. 
What was required was for the Congress to co-operate jointly with other parties 
in the Government. Sir Francis endorsed Mr. Anathasayanam Iyengar’s 
appeal for co-operation between this country and Great Britain on the basis of 
equal partnership. The Home Member declared that every one on bis side of the 
House was fully convinced that the only real solution was such co-operation. The 
lesson he would like to draw from what had happened' in the North-West Frontier 
was that if the hand of friendship was extended, Government could be depended 
upon to grasp it. 

Release op Politicals in the Frontier 

Earlier, the Home Member claimed that what had happened in Peshawar fully 
established one point he had made in an earlier debate, namely, that with the 
exception of a small number of prisoners, the question of release or continued 
detention was one for the Provincial Governments. The new Government in the 
North-West Frontier was of the opinion that it could safely release the political 


prisoners*. That GoTemment was entitled to its opinion. It did not concern the 
Home Department nor was it consulted, and if it was consulted it would have 
been rather embarrassed. Replying to the criticism of the working of the order 
regarding communal representation m the services, the Home Member explained 
his own personal attitude and line of approach, namely, that for good adminis- 
tration it was necessary to have on the staff representatives of the main 
communities. That he had learnt as a district officer in the TJ. P. He understood 
the point of view of the Muslim, the Indian Christian, Mkh and other 
communitien and he considered it with sympathy. 

Mr. Ram Narayan Singh, concluding his unfinished speech, warned the 
Government that all attempts to kill the Congress or obstruct the constructive 
programme of Mahatma Gandhi would fail. The Congress could not be killed 
and it would go forward by non violent means. Referring to Dr. Ambedkar's 
statement that the Government had no mineral policy, Mr. Ram Narayan Singh 
said that since the advent of British rule, all interests in the mines had been in 
the hands of the British people. The coal mines in Hazaribagh had been leased out 
to the European concerns and in one case the period of lease extended to 999 years. 
As regards mica industry a conspiracy had been started to oust Indians who owned it. 

Mr, K, C. Neogy referred to the “dramatic suddenness*' of Lord Wavell's 
departure to London and warned the country against optimistic speculation. “All 
I can say is we should hope and pray that good sense may yet prevail and justice 
will be done to India— good sense in quarters who think they have the destinies of this 
country in their hands. Whatever else may happen as a result of Lord WavelTs 
visit, I am perfectly sure it is going to lead to a further intensification of war effort 
on The part of India." It would, he added, result in increasing the military burden 
on India. It was true that according to the existing formula, India was responsible 
for financing the defence activities of the country in so far as they related to what 
was called her local defence, but in this deteimmation of what was local defence, 
only one person, namely the O.-in-C., was responsible. He laid down the law and 
the rest of the Government merely accepted the fatwa. Mr. Neogy cited the 
example of the cost of two airfields constructed outside India but within reasonable 
flying distance of their frontiers. The expenditure had been df dared to be for the 
local defence of India and the Auditor-General had to accept that allocation. Refer- 
ring further to the expenditure incurred on airfields for Americans, Mr. Neogy 
said that the Finance Member had given the impression that 1942-43 and 1943-44 
witnessed the virtual completion of these airfields, but actually out of total of Rs. 50 
crores provided for the purpose 26 crores had been spent after the Finance 
Member's statement. Was there any ceiling in regard to our obligation for expendi- 
ture on XJ. S. A. account ? If we were not expected to find money needed for campaigns 
outside India’s borders, we could not be expected to provide money for services and 
facilities for the U. B. A. for their campaign in Burma, Malaya and China. 

India’s Position Undee Land-Lease 

Examining India’s position under lead-lease, Mr. Neogy commented on the 
absence of definite information He said that New Zealand and Australia had entered 
into a reciprocal aid arrangement with the XJ. S. A. without executing a lenddease 
agreement, while in the case of Canada neither of these procedures had been 
followed, but by an exchange of notes Canada had accepted the underlying principle 
of article seven of the Lend-lease Agreement, Mr. Neogy asked what difference it 
would have made if a similar exchange of notes had taken place between India and 
XJ. 8. A. By having agreed to the economic clauses of the Atlantic Charter, India, 
in her agreement with Canada, bad virtually agreed to take what steps might be 
necessary to achieve the results aimed at in clause seven and if reduction of tariffs 
was one of the essential steps necessary to bring about that result, then India was 
by implication committed in this matter. Mr. Nrogy asked for a statement from 
the Finance Member explaining the circumstances in which the scope of reciprocal 
aid was expanded so that our obligation which was once limited to supplying 
U.S.A. troops with goods for their local consumption had been extended to the 
export of things for which we formerly received payment in the ordinary course of 
trade. In support of his statement, Mr. Neogy quoted from the thirteenth report 
of the President of the XJ. S. A. submitted to the Congress in 1943 in which he 
said : “The Government of the XJ. E., New Zealand and India have agreed to 
provide as reverse lend-lease and without payment by us raw materials, commodities 
and food-stufis previously purchased within their territory by the XJ. 8. Government 
agencies.” What justification, Mr. Neogy asked, did the Finance Member have for 
such an expansion of its scope. 




The Finance Member, intervening, explained that it was in return for something 
received from the other side. 

Mr. Neogy wanted to know what was that something, in addition to the 
things which India received previously. 

Mr. Neogy went on to ask whether India was represented at the periodical 
discussions of the details of the administration of lend-lease. 

The Finance Member indicated that India was represented at these discussions. 

Mr. Neogy dealt with the coal position and declared that in spite of costly 
organisation, coal raisings had not substantially increased. He mentioned that the 
organisation of the Coal Commissioner and railway collieries^ which last year were 
under the War Transport and Commerce Departments respectively, had been trans- 
ferred to the Supply Department this year and were non-votable. He asked 
“Pandit Eaisman’’' to explain how a department became “untouchable” as soon as 
the Supply Department touched it. 

Dr. Kharb’s Reply to Debate 

Dr. N, B. Khare, Commonwealth Relations Member, replying to criticisms of 
himself and his Department, and defending Indian Members of the Council against 
attacks by the Opposition, said if the Opposition threw out the Finance Bill it 
would not be on its merits but merely as a political propaganda. The Muslim 
League and the Congress might join in the Assembly lobby but this unity, declared 
Dr. Khare, was only a make-believe because while joining hands here, the Congress 
had thrown out the Muslim League Ministry in the N. W. F. Province, the pivot 
of Pakistan, and established Congrees Ministry theie. If the Congress wanted to 
defeat the Government and occupy the treasury benches, they should give a decent 
burial to the corpse of “Quit India”. “Thanks to the parties opposite,” Dr. Khare 
said, ‘‘there has been no advance in the constitutional position since I accepted 
office and since my friends, by all accounts, are eager to step into office under the 
present constitution. I congratulate them and I am proud that my erstwhile leader 
is following in the footsteps of a humble follower like me. I take it that they have 
realised that, short of achieving the Independence, the present constitution does offer 
opportunities for rendering some service to the country, however little may be. It 
is exactl;^ in this spirit that I have also accepted office under the present constitution 
with all its limitations. Recounting some of the Department’s achievements, Dr. 
Khare referred to the fact that for the first time after three years and in spite of difficult 
war conditions arrangements had been made for 5,000 Muslim pilgrims to proceed 
to the Holy Land under full naval escort. Action had already been taken to imple- 
ment a very large number of the recommendations of the special Haj Inquiry Officer. 
For the first time in history, the principle of retaliation had been adopted and 
enforced by the Government of India against a fellow member of the British 
Commonwealth of Nations, He believed that as a result of this policy, it wss now 
recognised by all those who took any live interest in these matters that Indian 
emigration and the safeguardings of the interests of Indians wei*c being conducted 
much more in consonance with the wishes of the Indian public. If his efforts bad 
not met with greater success it was not due to any lack of solicitude and exertions 
on this part. ^ 

Attack on Congress 

Concluding, Dr. Khare referred to what he called the “Congress technique”, 
and said that^ that technique was to refuse what was offered by the British Government, 
then after enjoying a certain period of demoralisation and frustration go abegging 
for something less than what was offered, accept it and delude the public that 
they had won. “I am afraid there is no departure Irom this technique this time 
also. When they come into power they will delude the public by calling that 
Government a National Government. I want to know how it will be a National 
Government in the proper sense of the term within the present constitutional 
limitations and I also want to know what magic wand they possess which will 
enable them to extract more good from the present constitution than the present 
Executive Council has done. No individual or group of individuals can dispose of 
the future of this country. It is not their patrimony to be so disposed of. The 
whole nation is concerned with it. It may be remembered that they refused the 
Cripps Offer when Japan’s stars were in the ascendant ; now they are ingratiating 
themselves into Great Britain’s favour, as her stars are fortunately in the ascendant 
but I do not blame them, They have natural desire to get into power and they are 
angry on account of th^ir failure and they are egoistic because they maintain that 
they alone are patriots”. 


Plea foe Enquiry Into Financial Settlement 

Mr. Manu Subedar (Congrees) demanded the appointment of a commisBion 
to enquire into the working of the financial Bettlement. Mr. Subedar eiiggeeted that 
the commis&ion snould consist of tbiee leaders of the opposition parties of the 
assembly and probably Mr. Hossain Imam from the Council of State. ‘T feel that 
if things are alright, the Finance Blember should not ehnnk placing before these 
four persons all the facts. They are not people of whom >ou need afraid on the 
ground of security.” Mr. Subedar estimated that even on the basis of the original 
financial settlement, Government would have to account for Rs. 2G0 to Rs. 500 crores 
spent during the last three years. Mr. Subedar began his speech by saying that the 
Finance Member had taken ofience at bis being described as a Jew. Although Mr. 
Subedar had very great respect for the Jewish race, he has no hesitation in with- 
drawing the word if by using it he had given offence. Referring to Government’s 
choice of Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar as India’s representative at the San Francisco 
Conference Mr. Subedar said: '*He is being sent because be is a safe man. i 
hope he will be comfortable in his seat between Lord Hailey on the one side and 
General Smuts on the other.” Dealing with the budget, Mr Subedar quoted The 
Times as saying that ‘‘there is little aoubt the load ot defence espendituie weighs 
heavily on India.” This opinion, he said, was also the considered opinion of all 
sane men, including Europeans, m this country. The Opposition has asked for a 
ceiling on defence expenditure. The Finance Member has showed himself on such 
subjects as sensitive and temperament as a pnma donna. He has refused even to 
convey this to His Majesty’s Government as the view of this House. The speaker 
also asked whether India got her money’s worth with regard to her expenditure on the 
army, navy and air force. Before the war, Japan which was able to attack two or 
three powers at the same time, was spending only twice or three times as much as 
India on her armed forces. ‘*We are spending so much to-dny and where are we 
he asked. Mr. Subedar complained that the Finance Member had been in a hurry 
to pay charges on behalf of India. He mentioned the Chatfield debt in this 
connection. He next referred to the “payment” of India’s contribution of about 
Rs. 8 crores to the UNRRA. 

Continuing his speech, Mr. Subedar said: *‘The UN ERA, which is providing 
food and medicine for Greece, France and Belgium and to which this country is 
made to contribute, is not approached by this Government for food and medicine for 
this country.” 

The Finance Member asked if Mr. Subedar had not just said that the Finance 
Member was in a hurry to pay eight crores ? Blr. Subedar was changing his tone. 
(Cries of “order, order” from Congress benches ) 

Mr Subedar criticised the Finance Membes for not charging the Rs. 10} crores 
involved in the Bombay dock explosion, to the Allied Governments and debiting it 
for the time being against revenue instead. 

Mr. Subedar went on : “it is no use appealing to an Englishman’s sense of 
justice. He always blames the other man. But there are certain permanent interests 
of England which are also involved,” 

Safeguards for Bntfsh Commerce 

4th, APRIL : — ^The Assembly passed to day, without a division, Mr. Manu 
SubedaFs resolution asking that early action be taken for the removal of Sections 
111 to 121 of the Government of India Act 1935. These Sections relate to Commercial 
Safeguards. Sir Comasji Jekangir (unattached), supporting the resolution, traced the 
history of the sections relating to Commercial Safeguards, and said how he and 
other delegates to the Round Table Conferences opposed such safeguards. Now 14 
years bad passed since the Act was passed, and the position must be reviewed. At 
that time. His Majesty’s Government did not even permit the word, “Dominion 
Status” to be included in the preamble of the Act. Now, they had promised 
Dominion Status to India with the right tO' secede. The Under-Secretary of State 
for India, speaking in the House of Lords, had stated that all safeguards and 
guarantees for special British interests were inconsistent with the offer of complete 
Self-Government. Sir Cowasji said that Planning was being done in India now 
under circumstances which would be inconsistent with the times when those plans 
would be put into execution. He asked for a declaration by His Majesty’s Govern- 
ment, to the effect that the Government of India and the Governors would treat 
the sections as a dead letter from now on. This, he said, would meet the position 
and Planning could proceed on the basis of Dominion Status for this country. 

Mr. Akhil Chandra Dutta said that, while the Safeguards sections existed, it 


was not possible for the Government to undertake any planning for the establish- 
ment of new industries or for reconstructing old industries. British companies, with 
cent per cent British capital, and other powerful combines with international 
ramifications would establish themselves here to the detriment of Indian industries. 
India, he thought, could only plan, but could not execute those plans. He urged 
Government to support the resolution. 

European Group Spokesman's Opposition 
Sir Henry Richardson, leader of the European Group, declared that Mr. Manu 
Subedar based his case upon two different types of arguments. One was sentimen- 
tal and the other practical. The first argument was that the existence of statutory 
restnctions upon India's power to plan the economic life of the country was 
derogatory to national dignity. That argument must command the respect of every 
independent people. Nevertheless, logic compelled them to recognise that any 
reciprocal arrangement, whether in the Act or outside it, must involve some restric- 
tions and limitations. The remedy lay not in the removal of a particular block of 
sections, but in the complete re-orieiuation of methods. '*VVe, in this Group, stand 
fully committed to the principle that India must trame her own constitution, and 
It 18 in the speedy application of that principle, rather than in tinkering with 
particular chapters of the Act that we see the means of satisfying India’s legitimate 
pride”, said Sir Henry. Sir Henry deplored that neither the mover nor the 
planning and Reconstruction Member was explicit. Sir Henry asked for greater 
clarity in this matter before asking for the support of the House. Sir Henry went 
on to say that Mr, Manu Subedar might be right in fearing the action of great 
combines, but he doubted whether Mr. Subedar was right in supposing that they 
would necessarily be non-Indian. It might well be that Great Indian combines 
would be the principal menace to the growth of new Indian concerns in, a self- 
governing India. He emphasised that the sections were purely negative in their 
action, and they merely prevented discrimination, fie said that the Britishers 
claimed the righc—born of their long connection with India to carry on and develop 
business here m fair competition with other interests. If the object of the mover 
was to place obstacles m the way of British business m this country and by positive 
discrimination against them, to give Indian business an advantage, then they would 
not accept the position. They claimed no commercial privileges as compared with 
any other community, but they did claim, and they would continue to insist, that 
they must be left tiee to carry on business in this country without discriminatory 
restrictions. The sections had been in the Act for ten years, and he doubted 
whether, with the exception of a handful of Bpecialists and students, the vast 
majority in the United Kingdom or India had ever heard of them. If it was the 
case that those sections had been hanging round the neck of India and impending 
hei industrial development for a decade, that contention was not true, because the 
great industrial progress the country had made during the last ten years provided 
a complete denial ot the statement that those sections hampered the development 
of Indian industry. 

League Party Supports Resolution 

Mr. Essak Sait (Muslim League) said that he was not very happy about the 
time chosen for the motion, because the question ot the revision ot the whole 
Constitution, to which the Muslim League was committed, was drawing near. The 
matter covered by the resolution was a very small one compared to the big issue 
at stake. However, as it had been moved, the Muslim League Party would extend 
their lull support to it. He was glad that Mr. Manu Subedar, the mover ot the 
resolution, had made it quite clear that his object was not to preclude a revision of 
the Government of India Act. Mr. Essak Sait criticised Sir Oowasji Jebangir for 
stressing the words “Dominion Status” and said that Bir Cowasji might teel that 
Dominion Status would be a great gift to this country, but the Congress and the 
Muslim League were not prepared even to consider the matter (Hear, Heai). He 
felt that the greater questions which were at issue had to be tackled and said : 
“We will see to it that they are settled to the saiislaction ot all sections of this 

“Europeans Must Rely on India's Goodwill'* 

Mr. Abdul Qaiyum, Deputy Leader of the Congress Party, asked the leader of 
the European Group whether he was going to rely on the Safeguards provided in 
the Government of India Act, behind which the only sanction was the British 
Army of occupation in India, or on the goodwill of the people of this country. 



The fact that, even to-day, the European Group was not prepared to forego all 
those privileges which gave them a dominant voice in Industry and Commerce in 
this country, showed that there was absolutely no desire on the part of Britain » in 
spite of her past pronouncements to the contrary, to part with power. 

The so-called equality between a British company incorporated in the United 
Kingdom in carrying on business in India and an Indian company incorporated in 
British India, he went on, was really a cleverly conceived design to kill Indian 
enterprise and industry. Indian industries were just beginning to rise, and they 
could not meet on terms of equality the well-established British industries supported 
by political power. Mr. Abdul Qaiyum asked whether there were, in the Constitu- 
tion of the self-governing British Dominions, sections similar to Sections 111 to 121 
of the Government of India Act. The self-interest of the British community in 
India and their compatriots in England was so strong, he said, that in peace- 
time, on one pretext or another, India was not allowed to have large-scale indus- 
tries like chemicals, automobile factories, ship-building industries, aircraft factories 
or even locomotives. Australia had set up a big aircraft industry during war-time, 
but the Central Assembly was told by the Government of India before the war 
that the materials which were necessary for the manufacture of aircraft in this 
country could not be obtained on a sufficiently economic basis. The speaker 
reminded the European Group that the world was becoming more and more inter- 
dependent, and said that the type of speech delivered by their leader would not 
help British industry or enterprise in India, They must give up reliance on Sections 
111 to lii of the Government of India Act, which he described as scandalous and 
pernicious sections, and rely more and more on the goodwill and spirit of 
co-operation of the people of this country. 

Mr K. C. Keogy (Nationalistl said that Sir Henry Richardson’s speech 
indicated that there had not been the slightest change in the attitude of British 
interests in India from the attitude taken up by their spokesman at the Round 
Table Conference io 1930-81, when for the first time they put forward proposals 
which had resulted in the “Benthall clauses*’ of the Government of India Act. On 
that occasion. Sir Edward Bentfaall (then Mr, Benthall) had made it quite clear 
that, unless the rights of the British community were protected in the most un- 
equivocal manner, they must reserve their consent to the transfer of power. Sir 
Edward Benthall also said that the commercial rights of the British in India were 
not a subject for negotiation, and emphasised that those rights had been won by 
them legitimately by years of industry and integrity. Mr. rv"eogy said that, in 1915, 
when the Industrial Commission was appointed, the Government of India contem- 
plated the idea of Indian industries being started by Indians with the help of 
Indian capital and control. In 1923-24, the Indian Mercantile Marine 
Committee appointed by the Government of India definitely suggested coastal 
reservation for Indian shipping. It was a strange irony that what was 
contemplated seriously by the Government of India in 1923-24, was absolutely 
unconstitutional for us to contemplate at the present moment. 

Beitishees Must shed Distrust 

Mr. M, Jo$hi said that the clauses which Mr. Manu Subedar’s resolution 
sought to remove contained so many restrictions which no free Government would 
support. There was no justification for these restrictions, which were founded upon 
the distrust of Britishers against Indians. He would, therefore, suggest to his British 
friends in this country and their colleagues at Home that they should shed this dis- 
trust and show their good-will towards the people of this country. The resolution, 
Mr. Joshi said, envisaged no discrimination against European interest. It only 
demanded that the Indian Legislature and the Indian Government should be free to 
follow whatever policy they thought best in the interest of this country. The 
British people must show why that freedom should not be given to the Indian 
Government and the Indian Legislature, when they themselves admitted that the 
Government and Legislatures of this country must look to the Interests of this 
country and nobody else. The members of the European Group in opposing this 
resolution bad not shown any argument as to why these sections should not be 
repealed. Referring to Mr, Neogy’s remark that the British people themselves 
created vested interests and discrimination, Mr. Joshi said that they were not claim- 
ing to discriminate against the Britishers but if Indians wanted to develop their 
Industry and they felt that discrimination was necessary, Indians, like any other 
people of the world, were entitled to discriminate. If the British people trusted 
Indians, we would show our goodwill towards them, but if they continued to show 
their distrust, many people who had goodwill for the British people would stop 

232 the central LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY [ new Delhi— 

showint^ it. “Our freedom comes first”, declared Mr. Joshi, “and our goodwill to the 
BntiflhSi 8 or any other comes after waids/' They could not show their goodwill 
towards people who insisted upon the retention of these clauses. Mr. Joshi warned 
the Planiiing Member against entering into a treaty under which their freedom would 
be as much curtailed. The treaty should be voluntary, and negotiated between two 
independent countries. 

Europeans’ Attitude 

Mr. C, P. Lawson (European Group), commended the extremely moderate 
manner in which the debate had proceeded. He was anxious to avoid anything 
which might cause heat, but it would be idle to shut their eyes to certain evidences 
which constantly came before them. They had seen frequent resolutions by Cham- 
bers of Commerce urging expropriation of their interests and recently, in a debate 
on inland waterways in the House, the attitude of certain members was purely racial. 
He was confident of the goodwill of most of the members of the House, but in the 
light of such evidences of racial bias, the Britishers naturally felt they needed protec- 
tion. The safeguards clauses referred to did not deal merely with commercial and 
business matters. They included the right of acquisition of property, holding ot 
public offices, occupation, trade, profession and so on, and the clauses had a recipro- 
city value. He would remind the House that those clauses applied not to the 
Dominions or other States, but provided reciprocal treatment between Great Britain 
and India. Mr. Lawson referred to the evidence of the Indian Chambers of Commerce 
in Ceylon before the Soulbury Commission in which the Chamber had asked for the 
provision of safeguards analogous to those provided in the Government of India 
Act. The Indian commercial community in Ceylon were demanding from Great 
Britain precisely the safeguards which this House now required them to remove from 
the Act. Mr. Lawson urged the House to take a wider view of the situation. 

Protection Against Unfair Competition Needed 

Dr. P. V. Bannerjee^ Leader of the Nationalist Party, mentioned that Sir N. N. 
Sircar, former Law Member, when introducing the Insurance Bill, had stated that 
a United Kingdom Company must be deemed to be an Indian company. Sir iNripen- 
dra had significantly added : “Whenever white was asked to be taken as red, white 
must be deemed to be red.” That, said Dr. Bannerjee, was the position of the 
Government of India in relation to British interests. He said that Sir Henry 
Richardson in his speech had not only made many mis-statements but also thrown 
a challenge at Sir Ardeshir Dalai. It was well known, Dr Bannerjee observed, that 
British capitalists in this country had resorted to many methods other than methods 
of fairplay in building up their industry. As late as 3926, Dr. Bannerjee went on, 
British interests tried to hamper the growth of the cotton industry in this country. 
It was clear that Indians were a generous people. Given goodwill, they would 
respond and would never resort to measures which would do the British any harm 
without doing any good to India. Dr. Bannerjee ridiculed the idea of reciprocity 
between Indian and British interests in Britain and India. How many industries 
had been built up by Indians in Britain, he asked. British people had monopolised 
the entire shipping industry in this country. How many ships were Indian which 
traded with Britain ? India did require protection against unfair competition. She 
did not wish to hamper British industry, but wanted fair-play for herself. India 
was determined, Dr. Bannerjee went on, to win freedom with the goodwill of Britain 
if possible, and without that goodwill, if necessary. He wished that wisdom would 
dawn upon the European Group so that they might change their attitude, because if 
they persisted in this attitude of selfishness, harm must come both to Europeans and 
to Indians, Dr. Bannerjee declared that no harm could be done to British industry 
by the deletion of Sections 111 to 121 because Indian industries were yet in their 

“Rights” Conferred by force of arms 

Mr. Bhulahhai Besai, Leader of the Opposition, said that the issue lay between 
the Opposition and the European vested interests in this country, as Government 
were remaining neutraU This was one of the most extraordinary situations which had 
arisen in the House during the time he had been a member. 

Throughout this time, Mr. Desai said, he had not heard one word from the 
European Group in favour of India’s freedom. The European Group talked of the 
right of free trade and free competition in this country. Forthe moment, undoubtedlv 
that right had been conferred upon them by the force of British arms. A right 
was a creature of the law, and tpe law was a creature of legislature, which would 
claim the power to make lawft in the interests of India. A right was, therefore an 


extremely relative afiQ^ir, and BIr. De«iai wished so much emphasis had not been 
placed upon it. The leader of the European Group had said that Sections 111 to 
121 had done no harm to anyone and hence they might be left alone and when the 
time for Dominion legislation came, the matter could be regulated by treaty. 
Mr. Desai cited the rate war between P. and O and the Scindia Steam Mavigation 
Company to show that without repeal of these clauses, India would not be able to 
progress. It was consequent on the exercise of brute force, the Leader of the 
Opposition contiriued. that eleven members of the European Group, representing 
nobody except themselves, were in the Central Assembly, It might be that the 
provisions which were the subject of the resolution might not be repealed in spite 
of the passing of the resoluiio:*. Mr. Desai suggested to the European Group that 
their distrust of Indians enshri’>fd in theae eleven sections of the Act was due to 
their own bad conscience. If they felt that they had done no wrong to India, they 
had no reason to think that Indians would discriminate against them. 

There was no use planning under the present conditions, Mr. Desai proceeded. 
If the restrictions were to continue, the plans had better be postponed. The Opposi- 
tion demanded that the Government of India should be in a position to legislate in 
the best interest of India and if these restrictions came in their way, the House 
would be right in asking lor the repeal of those restrictions. 

SiE Edward Benthall’s Speech 

Edicard Benthall, War Transport Member, tried to remove the misunder- 
standing which he 8:iid had been created by Blr. Neogy about his position at the 
Round Table Confrrence. At that Conference, said Sir Edward, he had favoured a 
commercial agreement on geoer il principles between Britain and India, not imposed 
but negotiated at the Conference. When the attempt was made to translate this 
desire into action, legal pundits found that the^ political relationship between H. M. 
G. and the Government of India made it constitutionally inappropriate to execute 
such an agreement, however unanimous the consensus of opinion might have been 
at the Round Table Conference. They were therefore reluctantly forced back from the 
basis of a freely negotiated treaty to the restrictive clauses in the Act. His position 
now, said Sir Edward, was precisely the same asBIr. BenthalPs in 1931. The Plann- 
ing and Development Blember had quoted the Secretary of State’s statement in 1942 
that any such provisions as were contained in the sections under discussion would 
more appropriately be a matter for negotiation _ with the futuie Government of India, 
There was no dispute about that at all. He did not think there need be any argu- 
ment on that point, but the resolution and the speeches which had supported it 
pressed for earlier action largely on the ground that the Government of India were 
entering on a scheme of phanning for industrial development. Government, Sir Ed- 
ward went on, had for sometime been alive to this problem. They were fully alive 
to it now. bnt he was not sure from certain discussions in the house particularly on 
the San Francisco Conference, whether members opposite really wished this Govern- 
ment to enter into a trade agreement with H. BI. G. That was one of the difficulties. 
Any complete agreement between H. BI. G. and India must form part of a complete 
political settlement. Sir Cowaji Jehangirhad said that the sections could be treated 
as a dead letter. Sir Edward did not think the problem was quite as easy as that. 
Mr, Bhulabhai Desai had said that rights were a creature of law. But, said Sir 
Edward, these laws existed in the Act and they could be challenged in courts of law; 
one could not just treat them as dead letter. 

Sir Cowsaji Jehangir : Then they must be repealed. Either you treat them as 
dead letter by executive action or repeal them. 

Sir Edward reiterated that the problem was not so easy as that. The Govern- 
ment of India however could proceed to frame suggestions with great precision and 
would take up the matter with H, BL G. and as the Planning and Development 
Member had assured the House, the matter was certainly under consideration. 

Sir Edward quoted Blahatma Gandhi’s statement that he did not despair of 
finding a common formula to satisfy his European friends. Sir Edward said he 
held the same faith that with goodwill on the part of everyone concerned a happy 
outcome would be found. He hoped that the Government of India would be 
successful in securing at least a temporary understanding, if they could not, as he 
hoped in due course they would make progress on the principles which must form 
the basis of an agreement freely negotiated by the future Governments of the two 

Mr. BIaisu Shbedae’s Reply to Debate 
Mr. Manu Suhedar (Congress), replying to the debate, said that the European Group, 
which had denied fairplay for a hundred years, was now appealing for fairplay. Mr. 


Siidedar asserted that Sir Ardeshir Dalai was appointed because of the protests and 
agitation of the Indian commercial community against the appointment of Sir 
Edward Benthall who was a representative of the British commercial interests in the 
Executive Council. He hoped that Sir Ardeshir would not allow himself to be used 
as empty blast or empty balance, but would strive to take suitable action. When it 
suited him, Mr. Manu Subedar added, Sir Edward Benihall quoted Mahatma Gandhi, 
but oa other occasions, he had no use for the Mahatma’s statements. The position 
which Sir Henry Richardson had taken was untenable. On an ealier occasion. Sir 
Henry, speaking on the floor of the House, talked of changes m the Government of 
the country, but now he was insisting on the retention of the Safeguards sections in 
the Act. The European Group weie threatening the Planning Member and were 
asking “Do you want to discriminate against British industries ?” They were, in 
fact, inciting us so that we might say ‘‘yea”. Mr. Manu Subedar maintained that there 
was no desire to discriminate against any lei 2 ;itimate interests in this country. 

The resolution was carried without a division. 

Indictment of Congress Leaders 

26th. MARCH The Assembly threw out this afternoon by 58 votes 50 the 
Finance Bill of the Government of India for 1945-46, debate on which commenced 
on the 14bh. March and continued for eight days. 

The high-lights of to-day’s^ debate v^ere two vigorous attacks against the 
present composition and constitution of the Government of India by Mr. Bhulabhai 
Desai and Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan and the enunciation of the policies of the 
parties with respect to the war and peace to come. 

The League and Wak Effort 

Nawabzada Liaquat Ah Khan, Deputy Leader of the Muslim League Party, 
commented caustically on Dr, Khare’s claims in regard to the achievements of his 
Department and referred to Sir Sultan Ahxaed’s statement that, by sticking to their 
jobs members of the Executive Council had advanced India’s freedom. He thought 
that the members of the Treasury Benches were deceiving themselves if they believ- 
ed that, all the assistance given by India to the war effort was due to their sitting 
on those Benches. The War Secretary had stated that the right type of Indians 
were not coming forward for officers* posts especially in the Air Force. The speaker 
asked if the members of the House realised that this statement meant that prepa- 
ration was being made by the British to deprive India of her freedom. Whether 
it was one India or two Indias, India could not be without her own national army 
and there could be no army without officers. Commenting on the Finance Member’s 
administration, the Nawabzada said that aoy man in the Finance Member’s position 
would not have been able to satisfy India even if she was free. When she was not 
free, the suspicion was natural despite every effort the Finance Member had made 
that he had not been able to do his best. But, the speaker added : “Do not care 
about the criticism. If you believe that you have done your duty honestly and 
your conscience is clear, I think that satisfaction is a sufficient reward for all your 
services.” Referring to Sir Jeremy’s remarks that some people took a detached view 
of the war, the Nawabzada said, it was 'because the Government failed to take an 
attached view. The Muslim League, however, was clear. It realised the seriousness 
of the war and in 1940, when the Governicnent here was complacent, the League 
drew its attention and that of H. M. G. tfaat the resources of the country must be 
mobilised in full for the defence of India. The League was not against war effort 
and he condemned the Government who ‘‘got into the habit of beating the Congress 
and the Muslim League with the same stick. This is a dishonest attitude”. 
Replying to Dr. Khare’s interruption that the League asked the Punjab Premier to 
leave the IQatiqnai efence Council, the speaker said that, it was not possible for 
the League which represented hundred million Mussalmans to take up responsibility 
without a real share in the authority and power in the governance of the country. 
India and San Francisco Conference 

Referring to the defence expenditure, the Nawabzada said that he realised that, 
in war time the defence expenditure would be high. The House was dissatisfied 
because it was not given any information on the subject and he urged the Finance 
Member to take at least the party leadens into confidence in regard to the defence 
expenditure. He knew it would not be in public linterest to place all defence 
proposal openly before the House but Government must satisfy the people of the 
country who bore the burden of the expenditure. 

Referring to India’s representatiou in the San Francisco Conference, the 
speaker referred to Sir Olaf Caroe’s stateiment in which he said that one party did 


not show enthusiasm for war effort and whether the other party would represent 
one India or two Indias and asked : “1 want to know which India do these two 
gentlemen represent.” 

Sir Jwaia Prasad : One India. 

The Vawabzada replied: The India which exists has not been represented at 
this Conference, The India that is represented is the India that is kept with the 
help of British bayonets. He added : “Let me tell you that the world to-day is 
wiser. These gentlemen may have been passed off as Indians representatives a few 
years ago but to-day everybody knows. 1 am not lowering their position but I do 
want the world to know that the agreement which may be signed or any arrange- 
ment that may be made by these two representatives is not an agreement which 
India is going to accept unless it is an agreement which is approved of by the 
peoples of this country”. The Nawabzada condemned the Food Department where, 
he said, corruption and nepotism prevailed. He challenged the Government to 
appoint an impartial committee of the house to scrutinise the woiking of the 
Department. Concluding, he emphasised that Muslims stood for the undiluted 
freedom of India and Pakistan meant freedom for all. 

Freedom the Main Issue 

Mr. Bhulahhai Desaij Leader of the Congress Party, said that the issue on 
which he asked the vote on this occasion was the issue of India's freedom. He 
referred to the San Francisco Conference and said : “If any genuine friend of ours, 
any genuine representative of ours went to that Conference, the first and foremost 
thing that he will do there will be this : he will first demand that he will not 
remain there unless and untill India was recognised and declared by her own free 
will as an independent country,” Great issues, Mr. Bhulahhai was told, would be 
decided in that Conference. The world, however, might know that there was nothing 
to be lost so long as India's true representatives as free people were in that place. 
In his message to the Allied Arms that crossed the Rhine, Mr. Churchill had said : 
“May God prosper our arms in the world adventure after our long struggle for 
King and Country, for dear life and for freedom of mankind”. “For freedom of 
mankind indeed” I exclaimed Mr. Bhulahhai adding : “Could he ever have said 
that with his hand on his conscience if he had known, as he knows too well, that 
we have been made to fight in the name of the freedom of mankind ? Unless we 
are recognised as men, I suppose there is no freedom for us. That is the fight for 
freedom of mankind I We have got to fight the war with our men, money and 
resources but whose war and for whose benefit ? For the freedom of mankind I 
Then I am a man. I proclaim myself and I proclaim my country and I want 
any one of those gentlemen there to get up and say that I am not a man, that we 
are not men and we do not deserve freedom. Let us have no shibboleths. Let us 
be true. I hope the honourable the Leader of the House will flash a message out- 
side this country that, what Mr. Churchill is stating is untrue, because this is not 
a fight for the freedom of mankind.” Mr. Bhulahhai went on to say that suppose 
we went on and asked the Conference, for whose security they were going to 
make the world peaceful ? If they were going to make the world peaceful in order 
that England and America and Russia and perhaps China (about which he was 
very doubtful) were going to be free countries and it was for that India had fought 
and bled and was asked to gloat over the victories, we could not do so. “Having 
made us fight for our freedom,” he said, “they cannot at the end of it say that it is 
not a war in which we can get our freedom,” 

Congress Demand Re-stated 

Mr. Bhulahhai added that the position was that if they went to the San Fran- 
cisco Conference, they should only go there as free men because then only, their 
share in fashioning world security would be rich. Mr. Bhulahhai said that he made 
no apology for re-stating his case. He referred to the Congress demand for a state- 
ment of war aims and said : “The object was to find out whether at the end of the 
second war we were going to be exactly in the same place of subjection as we were 
at the end of the first war, which was also fought for the freedom of smaller nations. 
We had experience before and indeed we were cautious enough to find out, where we 
stood I” “After the last war”, he said **we were taken to Geneva and after having 
signed the Peace Treaty on the second day by the then supposed representatives of the 
Indian people a proclamation came from London that, of the questions that would 
be brought before the Geneva meeting the only questions would be between two 
independent States ^n4 not between independent States and dependencies. That was 

2i ' ' 


the lantmage which the Secretary for External Affairs used. He said : ‘You have 
as9iated'’u9 in the war and therefore you go as a separate people’. Sir Olaf Oaroe 
said: ‘well, you have not participated in the war? you cannot be our partners’. Mr. 
Bhulabhai went on to say: “We have that experience before and indeed, we were 
cautious enough to find out where we stood. If you want to fight the war get 
money from your own country and fight it, but don’t exact it from me and expect 
me to be proud about it. The victoiy message (Mr. Ohurchill’s message) is the 
victory for your freedom and my subjection, it is a victory message in which, as 
men, you could not be proud.” Referring to Sir Henry Richardson’s speech, Mr. 
Bhulabhai said that if they, the Europeans in India, “represent any interest that is 
anything like India their place is with us and not against us,” 

Finance Member's Reply 

The Finance Member, Sir Jeremy Raisman, replying to the debate, recalled that 
in reply to a similar debate last year he had asked friends oppoute whether they 
were agreed on anything further than voting down the Finance Bill. He still found 
himself wondering whether one might hope that this stage of deadlock and frustra- 
tion would give way to something more satisfactory from the point of view of every- 
body in this country. 

Speaking as an official he must admit it was no pleasure, it was not a congenial 
task to have to carry on one’s duties in the atmosphere which now existed, and 
whatever might be said about his colleagues, he for one was conscious that without 
their courage and self-sacrifice the business of Government, which after all must be 
carried on for 400 millions of people, could not have been earned on and he did not 
know what at this moment would take the place of the present Government. He 
was prepared to agree that self-government was better than good government but he 
thought there was a prior axiom, namely, that some government was better than no 
government. Speaking as an administrator, the simple fact from which he could not 
get away was that at no time in the last few critical years has there been an option 
other than between ‘No Government’ and Government. If he was wrong, he would 
apologise. The Government of this country had to be carried on in circumstances of 
world crisis and the most tremendous difficulty, and he thought that this country 
would have cause to be grateful to those who undertook the burden and in many 
ways the thankless task of carrying on the Government. 

Speaking of defence expenditure, the Finance Member reiterated that it was 
difficult, if not impossible, to talk on the matter when there was so little common 
ground as between him and some of the speakers on the other side. They were 
opposed to India’s participation in the war, and the position was that every argu- 
ment and every statement took on a novel complexion according as whejther, one 
stood on one side or the other of the House, on the particular issue. Financing of 
the war, he said, could not be made so plain and clear as to appeal to the 
intelligence of the ordinary man ; and when in addition there were certain sections 
in this country whose whole object was to discredit the Government and to attempt 
by insinuation and innuendo to convey the impression that everything was malafide, 
there was no answer to it. 

Mr. Manu Subedar represented in himself the essence of the attitude of 
distortion, travesty and misrepresentation which it was the Finance Member’s duty 
to defend this Government against. 


Inflation was an inevitable accompaniment of war. (A voice ; No). There 
were means of counteracting it ; it was a hard and difficult task ; it could only be 
accomplished by people who accepted extremely unpleasant but inevitable sacrifices 
during the war. It could not be done in any country in which there were a large 
number of people who went about saying ; “You must not co-operate with Govern- 
ment ; you must resist any attempt on their part to enlist your co-operation : you 
must not lend them your money , you must not submit to controls”. 

separate the economic from the political issue, the Finance 
Member went on. One could not get away from the fact that in the circumstances 
of this country, unless you could abstract India entirely from the belligerent world, 
you could not prevent inflation, unless friends opposite had come to a frame of 
mind in which they were prepared to co-operate wholeheartedly and participate in 
the Government, ^ 

Nobody oould be more grieved than himself that during his period of office 
this degree of inflation and the miseries attendant on it should have been inflicted 
on the people of this country. But if he had to appear at any time before a 


tribunal of competent and critical judges and was asked what he had to say in his 
own defence, he would reply on the lines of what he had said above and in add^ion 
ask the tribunal to read the debates In the House during his period of office, 
particularly the censure to which he was subjected because in the course of a 
savings drive, it was suggested that methods used amounted to compulsion. He 
would also draw the tribunal’s attention to the fact that every Finance Bill of 
was thrown out. With regard to the expenditure on the airfields referred to by Mr, 
Neogy, the Finance Member repeated that the Auditor General was consulted 
before the matter of allocation was finally decided upon and it was with his 
express concurrence, given after considering a very full statement of all the 
relevant circumstances, (and not a mere assertion that the airfields were for India’s 
local defence) that the expenditure on these airfields was charged to India. 

Financial settlement With Britain 

Mr. r. S. A, Chettiar^ intervening, said the question was not ^whether the 
allocation was according to the financial settlement but the question was about 
the settlement itself. 

The Finance Member pointed out that extreme discontent with the settlement 
had also been expressed on the other side. If he was to be called to account, he 
would like at least to have the advantage of being subjected to a single trial and he 
wanted his accusers from both sides to come together. On one side, it was said 
that the settlement was an act of extortion and gross injustice to the Indian tax- 
payer, while there were voluble critics on the other side who called it a monstrous 
imposition on the British finances. 

A voice : Which side are you ? 

The Finance Member said he hoped he was on the side of truth and justice. 

Mr. T. S. A. Ohettiar: You are very dispassionate in this matter. We 
expected you to be attached to the Indian side. 

The Finance Member said if he admitted he favoured India he would give 
away his case. 

Dealing with Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan’s references to himself, the 
Finance Member said that in his own consciencethe was satisfied and he was prepared 
to meet any committee and answer all the questions which might be asked of him. 
His conscience was perfectly clear and in that at any rate he was happy. 

The Finance Member proceeded to give figures of His Majesty’s Government’s 
share of the total defence expenditure in India. In 1943-44, the total defence 
expenditure was 774 crores of which H. M. G.’s share was 373 crores. In 1944-45 
revised estimates, total expenditure was ^6 crores of which H. M. G.’s share was 
439 crores. The forecast for 1945-46 was 901 crores total, of which H. M. G.’s 
share was 489. Altogether his impression was that taking the last six years, India’s 
share of the total was less than half. 

Lease-Lend Aid 

The Finance Member made a detailed explanation of the Lease-Lend position 
and said that, in 1943, an endeavour was made to enter into a formal agreement 
without subscribing to any formula which might affect India’s post-war fiscal 
policy, but this was deemed to conflict with Article Seven of the Mutual Aid 
Agreement and the negotiations were consequently dropped. So we continued to 
receive Lease-Lend supplies and continued to grant reciprocal aid without any 
formal agreement with the U, S. A. Government and that was the position to-day. 
Some other Governments, he believed, were in the same position, 

Gn the suggestion of Mr. Neogy, the Finance Member agreed to place on the 
table a statement on Lend-Lease and connected' matters. 

Post-War Eetrenchment Plans 

Passing on to refer to the idea of retrenchment after war, the Finance 
Member suggested it would not be that the House was thinking merely in crude 
terms of contraction and deflation. 

Mr. Eanga: We do not want retrenchment of nation-building activities. 

The Government of India, the Finance Member proceeded, ware aware of the 
whole complex of problems which underlay the post-war price level. He referred 
to the way in which after the last war attempts were made cutting down costs, 
reducing wages, and discharging superfluous labour, to bring about a state of affairs 
in which private enterprise felt it could operate profitably again. In the world 
to-day, the one thing on which almost everybody was agreed was that the post-war 
problem should not be handled in that way, and that method was towards the 


expansionist philosophy which was held by distinguished thinkers and which might 
be said to underlie the British White Paper on employment. The Government 
of India was conscious of the current of word economic thought. But, a mere 
adoption of expansionist theory and policy would not in itself in the conditions of 
India suffice to neutralise the effects of the cessation of large scale war expenditure* 
Nevertheless, there were certain remedies which could be applied to mitigate the 
disadvantages of post-war reaction, the method he had in mind included regulation of 
demonstration, maintenance of cheap money policy and regulation of capital issues, 
facilitation of capital imports and industrial rehabilitation, pushing on with public 
works and rehabilitation of railways and guarantee of a minimum return to the 
cultivator. On the last point, the Finance Member pointed out that there would 
inevitably be some reduction in the price level and that would apply very definitely 
to agricultural prices. He did not think that the price of wheat in the Punjab foTr 
instance could be maintained at anything like the present level. 

Referring to the “kind words” uttered about him, the Finance Member said 
he had en devoured to carry out his duties. He had en devoured to follow policies 
which he thougt would be most advantageous to the country. He realised many 
unhappy things had occurred during this stewardship. He believed he had done his 
utmost to mitigate them. 

In relation to his Indian colleagues, he said he bad worked with them for 
several years and they had had to tackle some of the most diflScult problems which 
ever faced any Government* He could not imagine that any Government in this 
country would ever deal with problems of that character with a more concentrated 
and genuine intention to do the best for this country, than had been exhibited by 
his colleagues. 

The Finance Member felt that voting down of the Finance Bill would shortly 
become a time-honoured institution as some of the most ancient customs of Parlia- 
ment. (laughter). In fact, he suggested, if the Finance Bill were passed at this stage, 
it would have caused some embarrassment; but perhaps it was necessary to contem- 
plate that improbable eventuality. (More laughter). 

The motion for consideration of the Bill was pressed to a division and rejected 
by 58 votes to 50. 

The Council of State 

Indian Delegation to San Francisco 

21st. MARCH In the Council of State to-day the resolution moved by Mr. 
M, Thirumal Rao (Congress) asking the Government of India to make a representa- 
tion to His Majesty's Government to secure adequate representation of the non- 
official representative opinion of India at the San Francisco Conference was 
rejected by 24 to 15 votes. 

Sir N. Gopalaswami Iyengar moved an amendment to the resolution to the 
effect that, to the delegation be added an elected member each of at least the two 
major political parties in the Central Legislature. He said that the Viceroy should 
have informally discussed the question with^ party leadars. The usual practice in 
India was that Government delegations to international conferences subsequently 
sought the ratification of the Legislature to any agreement that might have been 
arrived at previously. Was it not discretion on Government's p^rt, he asked, to 
associate with this delegation members representing the chief political parties in the 
Legislature. Sir Gopalaswami read out an extract from a resolution which the All- 
India Congress Committee had adopted in which it was stated that, while the 
A. I. G. 0. was primarily concerned with the Independence of India, it recognised 
that the future peace, security and ordered progress of the world demanded a 
world federation of free nations. It further affirmed that an independent India 
would gladly join such a federation and co-operate on equal basis for the solution 
of international problems. In view of the war, such a federation should inevitably 
be confined to the United Nations. Sir Gopalaswami said that the decision at 
Dumbarton Oaks had been anticipated by the Congress Resolution two years ago 
and the author of the resolution Was now languishing in jail, not for what he had 
done but because of the fear of the Government of what he might do if 
allowed freedom. If the Government of India had sufficient imagination and states- 
manship in the selection of their representatives to the Conference then they ought 
to have released that man from detention. 

Mr. M. AT. Dalai said that in choosing Sir A. Ramaswami Mudaliar, Sir Feroz 
Shan Noon and Sir V. T. Krishnamachari, the Government of India had not in 



any way departed from past practice in this country and he did not doubt the 
nationalism of these men who possessed experience of international conferences. The 
resolution as it stood, Mr. Dalai said, merely asked for non-official representatives 
to be associated with the delegation and was altogether silent as to the consequences 
of a difference of opinion between official and non-official members. Could the 
delegates, speak with two voices or were the leaders of the opposition prepared to 
go as delegates with a brief from the present constitutional Government ? (Voices : 
No), He expressed doubt whether * a National Government, if we had one, would 
have agreed to associate leaders of the Opposition with the official delegation 
This, he said, "brings us to the all-important question— the crying need of^ the 
moment — to direct all energies to the formation of a National or at least a Coalition 
Government at the Centre, which is the only solution of our political problems.'' 

He expressed his entire sympathy the principle of the resolution but felt it 
would be extremely difficult to give practical effect to it and his attitude would 
therefore be neutral. 

Sir Olaf Caroe^ External Affairs Secretary, said that he sympathised with the 
general feeling behind the original resolution and the amendment and hoped that 
a great deal of good might come from the debate. It was natural that popular 
opinion in India should wish to be associated with great events in the outside world. 
What they had to consider was how it was to be done. Referring to the appoint- 
ment of the delegation from the Commonwealth and America, Sir Olaf said that 
the general principle in regard to the Common wealth Delegation was that they 
should be Ministers of the Crown. He would be told that it was all very well 
because there was responsible Government there. He wished there was responsible 
Government here also but he would point out that there was responsible Govern- 
ment in the provinces where there were parties ready to work it but unfortunately 
they had no such Government at the Centre. It was not possible to have co- 
partners who did not take responsibility for office. For one reason or other they 
did not wish to take it. 

Mr. Hossain Imam : When was it offered ? 

Sir Olaf Oaroe : Cripps. 

It was not possible for such parties, Sir Olaf said, to come forward and say : 
“We had nothing to do with the governance of India but we wish to represent 
India on the international stage.” Sir Olaf asked if they were going what were 
their credentials ? One of the parties had not shown any marked enthusiasm for 
war or for the preparation for peace. The other party mkht be asked whether they 
represented one India or |two Indias. Sir Olaf referred to the presence in the 
United States of a member of the Council of State (Pandit Kunzru) and a ‘gracious 
lady' who was giving her views which were to represent the views of India in 
certain circles. He was greatly disappointed to see that the question of entry and 
citizenship of Indians into the United States had been shelved and hoped that was 
not in any way connected with what they were saying there At least one of the 
representatives indulged in cheap jibes against the great fighting services of India, 
That was not the thing to do in foreign countries, he said. Sir Olaf reiterated 
that despite all he had stated he could not but feel real sympathy with the view 
representatives of leading parties should represent their country in foreign lands. 
His desire was that this country should bee me a great power. Her war effort was 
huge and industrial potentialities were great Her potentialities were greater than 
those of China and possibly even of France. “Was it too much to hope,'’ he asked, 
“that this would induce those people who suffered from frustration due to one reason 
or another to come in and govern this country internally ? “Was it too much to hope 
that all patriotic men would cast aside party differences and stand for the country and 
consolidate themselves into one State ? Then only would they have the right to claim 
to represent India abroad.” In this country, Sir Olaf said, there was a great tradition. 
That tradition was that when foreign affairs and matters of security came up for 
discussion, they closed up their ranks and stood as one man before the world as a 
rock. So far as foreign affairs were concerned, there were no parties and when 
essential questions where they affected the defence of England came up for 
discussion, party matters faded away. He wished that should be the case with 
India as well. Once India adopted that attitude, then the whole approach to the 
political and other problems would change. 

Mr. P, N* Sapru, referring to Sir Glaf Caroe's statement that the San 
Francisco Conference was a conference of the Governments of the day, argued that 
as a constitutional purist, as he set out to be, he could not have a case for sending 
any delegation at all, since the Conference was only for countries which had 



sovereign status. He pointed out that both the Congress and the Muslim League 
viere carrying on Government in some provinces at the present day and therefore 
they could not be dismissed as revolutionaries, 

Mr. Mohamed Padshah (Muslim League) said that the issue under considera- 
tion was not the capacity, ability or the experience of the Indian delegation. The 
question was whether the delegates would have the freedom to put forward or place 
effectively the real Indian viewpoint before the Conference. He had apprehensions 

in this regard. , ^ , r . -r-r 

Mr. Padshah urged the Government to concede the demand of the House by 
including representatives of the two major political parties — the Congress and the 
Muslim League— and pave the way for the happy solution of the deadlock which 
hitherto had impeded every progress m the country. 

Mr, (?. S. Motilal (Congress) said that the present war was the outcome of the 
treaty made after the last war. India, therefore, was anxious to make her contribu- 
tion to the conference to secure permanent international peace and security. Govern- 
ment delegates to San Francisco, Mr. Motilal said, did not represent public opinion 
in India. He pointed out that the United States Government had nominated eight 
representatives four each from the Democratic and Republican Parties respectively 
and asked what prevented the Government of India from adopting a like course. 
Government however, he said, gave the impression that they were waiting for the day 
when popular representatives would assume responsibility, but he asked what stood in 
the way of transference of power now. He did not believe that the deadlock was 
due to the perversity of the people but because of the reluctance of the Government 
to part with power. They had often said that there could be no constitutional 
changes during the war and why then, he asked, should the responsibility for the 
deadlock be shifted on to the people ? If India had her own Government, she 
would have selected not only representatives of the two major parties but also 
representatives of other important interests in the country for the San Francisco 
Conference. Mr. F. F. Kalikkar insisted that India should have nothing to do with 
the San Francisco Conference so long as India did not enjoy sovereign rights. For 
India to participate in a conference of Sovereign nations while her own status was 
a subordinate one would be to deceive the woild. The Foreign Secretary had said 
that the Congress had not shown any enthusiasm for war effort and hence did not 
merit to be consulted. Mr. Kalikkar asked whether Government had consulted the 
Hindu Mahasabha who had contributed much towards the war effort. So long as 
the angle of vision of Britain and the United States remained what it was, he did 
not think anything would come out of the Conference. 

Mr. Eossain Imam (Muslim League) denied that his party refused to co-operate 
in war effort. What they did say was that such co-operation should be as between 
equals and not as camp followers. The present Government, he asserted, had no 
locus standi to send representatives to a conference of sovereign States, This Govern- 
ment was a subordinate branch of H.M.G. and must be deemed as functus officio, 
If the Government of India could take independent action, Mr. Hossain Imam asked 
why had the Viceroy gone to London ? The Viceregal visit, he said, must be in 
connection with the San Francisco Conference. He wished India to remain un- 
represented at the Conference rather than be misrepresented. 

Sir Mohammad Usman, Leader of the House, said that we all knew that Mr. 
Jinnah and Mr. Gandhi had met for days together and yet they were not able to 
solve the deadlock and he did not believe that the deadlock ’would be solved by the 
representatives of the parties going to San Francisco. He denied that the Govern- 
ment of India was a “subordinate” Government, No brief would be given to the 
delegation in England and if any brief was to be given, it would be by the Governor- 
General in Council. The very fact that two of his distinguished colleagues were to 
go to San Francisco showed the great advance that India had made. If India had 
not made further progress who was responsible for it, he asked and * replied th^ it 
was the political parties who refused to co-operate. Certainly there was reli^us 
differences and Lord Linlithgow tried to bring about a compromise many times and 
they rejected the Cripps Offer. If anybody was lesponsible for the deadlock it was 
the CongresB Party and the Muslim League. Sir Mohammed went onto say that 
the Executive Councillors were not subordinate to any outside authority. The Vice- 
roy never interfered and in his department his voice was supreme. Some of the 
Muslim members did know that their longstanding grievances had been rectified by 
him in a short time. Referring to Sir N. Gopalaswami Iyengar’s remarks that the 
Government suffered defeats often. Sir Mohammad said that the present Executive 


Council took credit for the fact that by co-operating with the Allied powers and 
defeating!: Germany and Japan they had saved India from the horrors of war. To 
the question whom they represented, Sir Mohammad would say that they represented 
a larjre number of the people of India who were responsible for the raising^ of the 
biggest voluntary army in the world and they represented a Government which co- 
operated with other Allied nations and brought about the defeat of the Axis powers, 
Mr. Thirumal Mao, replying to the debate, said that if the Congress had not co- 
operated with this Government and rejected the Oripps proposals it was because of 
the humiliating conditions that were imposed by H. M. G. He asserted that the 
present Government was unrepresentative and challenged the Executive Councillors 
to secure even exclusively the votes of the Defence personnel in this country in their 
favour whom they claimed to represent. He did not think that the Indian Citizen- 
ship Rights Bill in the United States Legislature was shelved because of irresponsible 
propaganda but because, of the prevailing racial arrogance. 

The House rejected Sir N. Gopalaswami Iyengar’s amendment without a division 
and the original resolution was negatived by 24 votes to 15* 

Bconomic Sanctions against S. Africa 

22iid. MARCH:— In the Council of State to-day, Mr* P. 2^. Sapru commending his reso- 
lution, recommending application of economic sanctions against South Africa and the 
recall of the High Commissioner said that the latest position was that the Ordinances 
passed by the JSatal Council restricting the property right of Indians had been held tdtra 
vires Tile present position was as it existed when the Pegging Act was passed. India, 
Mr. Sapru continued, had tried methods of negotiation and submitted representa- 
tions but the South African Governmtnt refused to see light. The Union 
Government continued to pursue a policy based on racial considerations, a policy 
which the leaders of the United Nations professed to denounce in the case of Nazi 
Germany but a policy which the Union Government emulated without any apolo- 
gies in regard to their Asiatic subjects. The Union Government, Mr* Sapru said, had 
shown no desire to enter into friendly relations with India and appropriate steps 
must now be taken to retaliate. He asked what steps had been taken to apply 
economic sanctions. 

Mr. R. N, Banerjee, Secretary. Commonwealth Relations Department, emphasised 
that there was no lack of appreciation on the part of the Government of the feelings 
of the country in this matter. But he would, however, counsel patience. Since the 
matter was last discussed in the House, there had been some developments which 
were rather hopeful. He refered to General Smuts’ statement in which he admitted 
that the question of Indian acquisition and ownership of land had never been raised 
during the last 40 years. Mr. Banerjee said that the Government had completed 
their consultations with the last High Commissioner who returned to India only 
last month and the Government were expecting a report from the present High 
Commissioner on an appreciation of the latest development* There were certain 
symptoms which indicate that the liberal elements of the European population were 
now inclined to treat the Indian question less light-heartedly. Mr. Banerjee went 
on to say that it was not being claimed that the recent development in the Union 
should lead to a re -orientation of our attitude to the Pegging Act. The action 
already taken had brought home to the Union Government the depth and intensity 
of Indian resentment. He would, however, assure the House that the Government 
were not attaching any undue importance to those developments* Though the 
position had become temporarily static, signs were not wanting of better counsels 
prevailing. In regard to the recall of the Indian High Commissioner, Mr* Banerjee 
explained that perhaps it was not realised that the usual diplomatic element of 
reciprocity was lacking in the case of India’s High Commissioner, The Union 
Government had no High Commissioner here. The Government held the view that 
the presence of their representative was of some advantage to the Indian cause and 
it would be unwise to deprive India of any weapon which might be of use to this 
country. Concluding, Mr. Banerjee said that it was comparatively easy for the 
Government to carry out the mandate of the House but the House must realise 
that the Government’s responsibility did not cease with the enforcement of the 
resolution in a technical sense. The responsibility for a final and peaceful settle- 
ment of the Indian question would continue to rest on Government* 


Dr. K B. Khare, Member, Commonwealth Relations Department, said that he 
had not so much patience as Mr. Sapru would attribute to him* The Natal Council 


passed the Ordinance on November 2, 1944 and in two days the Reciprocity Act was 
applied. It amply showed that the Government acted promptly when necessary. 
**Oar difficulty is,” he said, “that at present very delicate negotiations are going on 
between the two Governments. This is not a new question but an old sore dating 
back to three generations”. It was not possible that the negotiations would 
terminate soon and he urged the House to give him some latitude. “It is a very 
complicated problem.” Dr, Khara added. “It may have been solved very early if 
India had been independent or had Dominion Status.” There was so much of 
colour prejudice. About eight months ago, he said, the U. S. Senate passed a Bill 
permitting Chinese to enter the U. S., and acquire citizenship rights. He thought 
India also would get similar treatment because we were also an ally. But unfor- 
tunately the Bill had been shelved and the member who opposed the measure had 
openly stated that China was independent and India was not and had made no 
effort about it. Proceeding, Dr. Khare said that the House should realise that 
Indians constitutional drawback came in the way of everything and they need not 
blame the Government of India for it. He knew what the reactions of the people 
at large were to the problem. He fervently hoped that the {statesmen of the 
world who were to meet at a conference to take preliminary steps for enduring 
peace,— if they were wise and if their intentions were honest— would heal the sore 
of colour bar and unequal treatment to the coloured people for the time to come. 
Dr. Khare said that the Government would not oppose the resolution. 

After some discussion, it was suggested to Mr. Sapru, the mover, to amend 
the resolution by the addition of the words “as and when expedient,” to the original 
text which asked for the recall of the High Commissioner and application of eco- 
nomic sanctions. It was explained on behalf of the Government that in matters of 
this kind they would remain neutral. 

The resolution, without the amendment, was put to the House and declared 
passed without a division. 

The Bengal Legislative Assembly 

Budget Session— Calcutta— 16th. February to 29th. March 1945 

Financial Statement for 1945*46 

Presenting the seventh war-time and the first “rehabilitation” budget of the 
Government of Bengal, to the Legislative Assembly which commenced its Budget 
Session m Calcutta on the 1 6th February 1945, Mr. T. 0. Goswami^ Finance Minister, 
drew a gloomy picture of the provincial finances, which have been severely strained 
by the impact of the war and the famine and its aftermath to an extent of Rs 61 
crores from 1943-44 to 1945-46. 

He revealed an estimated revenue deficit of Rs. 8,59,72,000 for 1945-46 and a 
deficit of Rs, 11,34,82»000 according to the revised estimates for 1944-45. 

Ha announced no new measure of taxation but indicated that Government had 
been considering further possibilities of augmenting their revenues. 

Mr. Goswami revealed that the Government of India had recently agreed to 
advance the necessary finance in respect ,of procurement operations relating to the 
foodgrains and standard cloth. 

Thanking the Government of India for their subvention of Rs. 10 crores, the 
Finance Minister pleaded that Bengal’s claim to adequate finance assistance from 
the Centre was based on the irrefutable logic of facta. It was more akin to a claim 
for compensation in a court of law. They had not sought to avoid their kesponsibility. 
nor had they actually spared themselves in respect of exertion and self-help. The 
L^islature had recently passed the imposition of a tax on agricultural income and 
the doubling of the rates of the feiales Tax, and they hope to realise from these and 
other taxes an additional revenue of Rs. 8 crores in 1945-46. 

Characterising the Niemeyer Award as unfair to Bengal, for it restricted their 
power to raise additional revenue, Mr. Goswami assured the House that the com- 
plete case of the Province had been presented to the Government of India by the 
Governor and himself and it was reasonable to hope tor a comprehensive settle- 
ment in the near future which would be free from any taint of injustice and 


Cloth Famiae in Bengal 

22Dd. FEBRUARY r—zin exciting two-bour debate took place in the Assembly 
tO“day on an adjournment motion moved by the Opposition to discuss “the failure 
of the Govern ment to prevent the acute and unprecedented cloth famine that has 
overtaken tue province at the present moment.” The motion was rejected by 104 to 
65 votes. Mr. Atul Chandra Sen {Unotticial Congiess), who moved the resolution, 
characterised the clotii famine as “devastating”. In his own district, (Dacca), he 
had known men si ending months with tattered rags tied round their bodies. He 
had also known cafecs of women not being able to come out from houses, having 
practically no cloth to cover themselves. He thought that the could have 
been averted by the Bengal Government to some extent. What was necessary was to 
point out to the (Jeniial Government the injustice that had been done to Bengal by 
allotting only ten yards per capita wiiile other Provinces had got much higher quota 
and to sincerely try for the equitable distribution of supply through some sort of 
rationing and prevent a portion of it from going into the black mniket. Mr. Patiram 
Roy (^scheduled Caste) said that there had been eases of suicide by women on their 
being unable to cover themselves for want of cloth. Mr. J. D, Jalan (Official Con- 
gress) complained that thousands of bales of textiles which had been ordered by the 
Government in September and October last, still remained unaelivcred, adding to the 
acuteness of the situation. Dr. Nahuaksha Sam/al (Official Congiess) said that in the 
matter of distribution of cloth which was the primary responsibility of the Provincial 
Government, not only had the Provincial Government failed m the discharge of their 
duties in these respects, but they had also set up a machinery which was corrupt 
from top to bottom and which should be scrapped. Black market, he said, was 
freely goiug on in almost every sphere of textiles, in which some of the Government 
officials were al«o involved. Replying to the debate Mr. H'. S. Siihr award?/, Ministei 
for Civil Supplies, admuted that there was a cloth tamine in the province but that was 
very largely due to the inadequate supply. The quota, allotted to Bengal, was very 
low ; he had vigorously protested against tuat and sciessed that if justice was not 
done to Bengal, in this regard, the province was in for a very bad time indeed* The 
Central Textile Board was proposing a new scheme which envisaged the freezing of 
cloth from the beginning and then controlling distribution. When the new scheme 
came into operation, the Government, he said, would be in a position, by controlling 
the quota-holders, to distribute whatever cloth they had got on an equitable basis. 
Under the new scheme, the Minister was almost certain that they would be in a position 
to regulate the distribution of cloth much better than before. The position taken up 
by the Central Government regarding the allocation of cloth to Bengal was indefen- 
sible. He intended, as far as possible, to explore all possibilities of rationing cloth 
but did not know if they would succeed or bow long it might take to enforce it But 
in the present limited supply, Mr. Suhrawardy maintained, they would be able to give 
only one pair of dhoti or saree per adult, which was hopelessly inadequate. 

Release of Politieal Prisoners 

23rd. FEBRUARY : — ^The Assembly to-day discussed a non -official resolution, urging 
the Government of Bengal to set at liberty without further delay all political security 
prisoners detained in Bengal and all persons convicted of ofiences connected with 
political movements or disturbances. Moving the resolution, Dr. Nalinaksha Sanyal 
( Official Congress), said that political prisoners detained in Bengal jails, including 
political security prisoners and those convicted of political offences, totalled 2,500. He 
did not find the slightest moral or political justification for keeping these men in 
detention any longer. These prisoners were persons of the highest reputation and 
integrity; they were loved and respected by the people and their services would have 
been of inestimable value both to the Government and to the people in the task of 
rehabilitating Bengal. Several of these prisoners were in failing health and one prisoner, 
he added, had developed insanity. Dr. Sanyal informed the House that some time 
ago an order was actually passed by the Government for the release of the Chittagong 
Armoury Raid Case prisoners, who had been in prison for more than 20 years. Bat 
on the day previous to their release another order came suspending the order of 
release. The speaker was then in Alipore Central Jail. On his release he took up 
the matter with the Chief Minister, Sir Nazimuddin, and a highly-placed official of 
the Politieal Department told him in the presence of the Chief Minister that it was 
the Eastern situation which was responsible for the suspension of the order. The 
situation there. Dr. Sanyal said, had greatly improved in favour of the Allies and 
there was no justification for detaining these prisoners any longer nor was there any 
justification for the detention of those who were convicted or otherwise confined in 
jail in connection with the August 1942 disturbances. Supporting the resolution on 



the 2iid MARCH, Mr. Earipada Chatterjee (official Congress) enquired for whose 
security these prisoners were being kept in detention ? They were some of their best 
men and their countrymen wanted their release. He challenged the Go^rnment to 
cite a single instance where people did not want their release. If ^ the Government 
claimed to be a popular one, they must set these men at libeity without any delay. 
Political security prisoners in Bengal now numbered 1322. Mr. Nislnt Nath Kundu 
(unofficial Congiess) pointed out that the health of a large number of these prisoners 
had suffered by detention. Out of 18 women political security prisoners now in 
detention, 12 were in a bad state of health. Beplyiog to the debate, Sir Nazimuddin, 
Chief Minister, said that the policy of the present Government was to release the 
prisoners at the ealiest possible opportunity. He had taken interest in this matter 
and the policy of his Government had always been as far as possible to effect release, 
and if they could not release, to treat these cases with the utmost sympathy. He said 
that there was a distinction between the two classes of security prisoners now in 
detention, namely, those who belonged to subversive organisations and those who were 
in detention for having taken part in All-India movements like the non-co-operation 
movements of 1920 and 1930 and the August ^ disturbances of 1942. Of the latter 
category, there were about 50 persons in detention in Bengal at present and their 
number was the lowest in comparison with other Provinces. The cases of those 
prisoners, who belonged to subversive organisations, were reviewed periodically and 
wherever possible they were released. They were being detained at present only on 
account of the war emergency and Government could not possibly take the risk of 
releasing them. A certain number of these prisoners had been detained on an all- 
India policy basis and on certain occasions, the Government of India had to be 
consulted before any release was made. 

Opposition Members’ Walk-out 

6th. MARCH : — The Opposition staged a walk-out during the consideration of 
the Government’s supplementary estimate of expenditure for the current year 
(1944-45) in the Assembly to-day, complaining that there would be no opportunity 
for sufficient discussion of the demand. When the Opposition was called upon to 
move a cut motion standing in their name, Dr. Nahnakshha Sanyal (official 
Congress) said, that in view of the attitude of the Government no useful purpose 
would be served by their moving the motions standing in their names or parti- 
cipating in the debate. He added that they had got a large number of specific 
instances of mal-administration, corruption, bribery and practical waste of the 
country’s resources by Government, particularly in the Department of Civil Supplies 
and Civil Defence Works. If a committee was appointed by the Government or 
a Eoya! Commission was set up to enquire into this matter, the Opposition would 
be willing to co-operate as they did in connection with the Famine Enquiry 
Committee. If the Government of India chose to publish the report of the Famine 
Enquiry Committee, it would be found that the Committee had given a most 
damaging report so far as administration of the Civil Supplies Department in 
Bengal, particularly in regard to food, vpas concerned. Tne different parties in 
Opposition thereupon withdrew from tne House, shouting ‘Down with corruption, 
bribery and mal-administration*. In moving his demand, Mr. H, S. Suhrawardy, 
Minister for Civil Supplies, said that if the Opposition claimed to be protagonists 
of a clean administration, he would lemind them that the Opposition, who had 
hitherto supported an administration which w'as rotten, should be the last persons 
to come forward as protagonists of a clean administration. 

Treatment of Politicals 

14th. MARCH: — ^Tfae Budget demand under the head, “Jails and Convict Settle- 
ments” was discussed in the Assembly to-day. Mr. NisTnih Nath Kundu (Un- 
official Congress) moved a cut to discuss the “failure of the Government to look 
into the grievances and amenities of political, security and other prisoners, lack of 
control over the Jail administration, lack of supervision and failure of Government 
to release political and security prisoners.” Mr. Kundu said that the Government had 
not only failed to effect wholesale release of seeuiity prisoners, but had also failed to 
release even those prisoners who were suffering continuously from complicated 
mseases. He read letters from a number of ailing security prisoners, describing 
the state of their health and complaining about the inadequacy of the allowances 
^nction^ for their families. Complaining about the manner in which the censor- 
ing was done* the speaker showed before the House a letter which had been com- 
pletely “blacked out”. Mr. Atul Chandra Sen (Unofficial Congress) moved a cut 
motion to discuss the “continued detention of a large number of security prisoners 


and detenus, thoiig;h the security position of the country has admittedly improved.” 
He said that, if there were concentration camps in Hitlerite Germany and Fascist 
Italy, there was no dearth of them in British ladia, especially in Bengal. The 
Home Member of the Government of India might fret and fume at Mrs. Vijaya- 
iakshmi Pandit. But the different jails in Bengal offered the irrefutable logic of 
facts to world opinion. While the Government had detained a large number of 
men and women without trial for indefinite period, why should they fight shy of 
the term ‘Concentration camp’? With the virtual collapse of Hitlerite Germany and 
the receding of the Japanese menace from India, there was no justification at the 
present moment for keeping a large number of men and women in detention. 
Replying to the debate, Khvaja Sir Nazimuddin, Chief Minister, said that most of 
the grievances of the security prisoners had been removed. Bo far as the criticism 
against jail administration with reference to Division III prisoners was concerned, 
he admited that there was room for a great deal of improvement. The general 
level of the health of prisoners in Bengal jails was good, and compared favourably 
with that of prisoners in other provinces. As regards prisoners, particularly 
security prisoners, who were suffering from various ailments — in most of these cases 
they had these ailments before they were admitted into the jails, and there was 
hardly any case, where any prisoner had contracted disease on account of infection 
in jail. Most of the cases of T. B, among prisoners were cases of persons, who 
were suffering in some form or other before they were arrested. (Cries of ‘question’ from 
opposition benches), in the matter of granting family allowances to security prisoners, 
the Chief Minister said that they were pursuing a policy which was being pursued by 
the Government of India and other Provinces. In most cases, family allowances had 
been granted and even where according to the policy laid down, a prisoner was not 
entitled to a family allowance, he had been granted family allowance on com- 
passionate grounds. The cut motions were lost without a division, and the demands 
which bad been moved by Sir Nazimuddin passed. 

Government and Congress Organisation 

2l8t MARCH :-The Premier, Khwaja Sir Nazimuddiu, replying to the debate 
on the budget demand under the head “General Administration” in the Assembly 
to-day explained the provincial Government’s policy in regard to the lifting of the 
ban on Provincml Congress organisations, allowing detenu members to attend the 
sittings of the House, the release of political prisoners and the alleged excesses bv 
soldiers in certain cases. Sir >ia 2 imuddin explained that the ban on the A. I. 0 0. 

Provincial Congress organisation was imposed in pursuance of an all-India 
policy. The provincial Government was given liberty of action in regard to district 
and sub^visional Congress committees. He found that a ban was imposed on five 
district Congress Committees in Bengal in 1942. Government proposk to lift the 
ban on four of these committees and as regards the remaining 
Committee (Midnapur), Government would take some time to consider 
the matter. On the second point, he said that it was not possible to 
permit detenu members of the House to attend the sittings of the House and 
added that for the same reason it was not possible to release these members 
nor It was possible to permit them to come to attend the sittings of the House. It 
was impossible to see that they would be segregated in one corner of the Chamber 
without coming into contact with anybody. It might be asked, Sir Nazimuddin 
continued, what was the justification for detaining the political prisoners The 
justification was that it was apprehended that in case the war situation on the 
frontier of India became bad there was likely to be considerable difficulty. It could 
not be denied that there was at least one Bengali with the Japanese who was 
broadcasting daily to the effect, *^Keep yourself ready ; you will have to do this thing 
and that thing when I come/’ Members of the House who heard radio broadcasts must 
have heard Mr. Subhas Chandra Bose broadcasting almost daily and giving instruc- 
]^ns. Some of these people held Mr. Subhas Chandra Bose in affection and esteem 
Was Government justified in taking risks at a time liWlIkiB when there was 
apprehension ? (mterrpuons from Opposition benches.) Proce^ing, Sir N&zimuddin 
said that when he felt that the danger was so removed that Government could 
start on a polwy of release and when he was personally satisfied on that point he 
would advise His Excellency the Governor in that regard. If his advice wna ’not 
accepted he would co^e and tell the House that sf far as Lse easM w“re 
concerned, that was not his responsibility but that that was the responsibili^ of 
the Governor or of somebody else. And if the political organisation to whicl^he 
Monged, Sir Naamuddin continued, the Muslim League pirliamentary Bowd and 
the members of the Coalition Party advised him to resign on this issue he would 


do 80. Concluding, Sir Nazimuddin said that he was saying all this, not because of 
what might have been said in this House but because when he visited the political 
prisoners in Dum Dum yiil and some other political prisoners recently, he gave 
them the hope that soon the policy- of release would be started in Bengal. As 
regards alleged excesses by soldiers m certain instances, Sir Nazimuddin said that 
both the Bengal Government and the highest military authorities of the U. S. A. 
and the British Armies had been taking every possible step to reduce and prevent 
a commission of these outrages and crimes. He knew of a case where a soldier 
who stabbed three persons had been given five year’s rigorous imprisonment by the 
military authorities. 

The cut motion moved by Mr. Sasanka Sekhar Sanyal (Unofficial Congress) 
to criticise Government’s failure to facilitate attendance in the Assembly of those 
members who have been kept in detention without trial was lost by 93 votes to 55. 
AH other cut motions were lost without a division and the Budget Demand, moved 
by Sir Nazimuddin in connection with ‘Geneial Administration’ was voted by the 
House. After the debate, Sir Nazimuddin, explaining his remarks regarding the 
question of release of political prisoners, said that, so far, Government were only 
releasing Congress security prisoners. What he meant was that a policy of release 
would start soon regarding the terrorist security prisoners. 

Defeat of the Ministry 

28th. MARCH:— In the Assembly, to day, the Opposition forced a division on 
the main budget demand under the aead “Agriculture” moved by Khan Bahadur 
Moazzemuddin Hussain^ Minister for Agriculture. The demand was rejected by 106 
votes to 97. The result of the voting was greeted by Opposition benches with loud 
cheers. The European members numbering 16 voted with the Government. After the 
result of the voting was announced, tne Gnief Minister, Sir Nazimuddin said : “This 
is a snap division and we will treat it as such. To-day, I do not propose to move 
any further budget demand for grants. In these circumstances, I ask you, Mr. 
Speaker, to adjourn the House.” 

According to the Opposition, in the Assembly 21 Government party members 
crossed the floor to-day and joined the Opposition. When the House assembled all 
the 13 Miuisteis were present. Elaborate'^ police arrangements were made round the 
Assembly House. After questions which took some 20 minutes, Khan Bahadur 
Muazzamuddin Hossetn, Minister for Agriculture, moved the budget demand of Rs. 
2,04,00 000 under the head, ‘Agriculture’. After the Minister had moved the demand, 
Mr. Bhirendra Nath Dutta, Deputy Leader, Official Congress party, 
opposed the entire demand without any speech. The Speaker (Mr. 
Syed Nauslier Ah) called out the names of members of the Opposition who had 
given notice of cut motions under this head, to move the motions standing in their 
names. The Opposition declined to move any of the cut motions standing in their 
names, and Dr. Nahnaksha Sanyal^ Chief Whip, (Congress Party,) moved that the 
question be put to vote. He said : “We do not want to have this sham show any 
longer. Let the Chief Minister come to vote straight-away. Theie has been 
mishandling of the country’s finances and bungling and jobbery for which Govern- 
ment is going to fall to-day. Let them resign.” Several Government party members 
including Mr. H. jS. Suhrawardy, Minister tor Civil Supplies, rose in their seats and 
protested agamst the matter being put to^vote now. They demanded that the Govern- 
ment members should be allowed to move the cut motions of which they had given 
notice and there should be a reasonable debate in the matter. Sir Jsazimuddin said 
that there was no rule or parliamentary practice which prevented a member of the 
Government side from moving the cut motions he had tabled. Government 
members had the right to move their cut motions. He asserted that the Speaker 
had to decide whether there had been a reasonable discussion before the demand 
was put. Members of the Government side should be allowed to move their cut 
motions and they sfe^d also be allowed to speak on the general motion. Mr. F, A, 
Stark, Chief Whi p^ffl uropean Group, also pleaded amidst interruptions from 
Opposition benches wnat there should be no infringement of the right of reasonable 
debate. Several Government party members repeatedly rose in their seats one after 
another and demanded that the debate should be continued, while Opposition 
members demanded that the matter should be immediately put to vote. Pointing 
to the European beaches, which had only two occupants at that time, Mr. A. K. 
Fazlul Huq, Leader of the Opposition, in a ironical tone, said, “What is the use of 
carrying on discussion like this. Let the House be adjourned till the members of 
the European Group could come and then take votes.” He suggested that the whole 
demand bo put to vote and these delaying tactics should not be allowed. 


The Speaker {Mr. Syed Kausdier Alt) said that Government appeared to be not 
preaent in fall strenj^th. The Opposition hoped that u could defeat the Government 
now and therefore they wrre anxious that the matter should be put to vote 
immediately. But it wis clear at the same time that, there could be no question 
of moving any cut motion from the Government side. 

Mr. SuhrawareJy : Why not ? 

The Speaker said that convention was firmly established that Government side 
had never been allowed to move cut motions. So long as be had been an occupant 
of the Chair, cut motions had never been moved from the Government side. He 
did not belong to the Government or to the (Opposition side. He had got to see 
that things were done properly in the House. If Government had not been careful 
to mobilise their strength, he could not help them. But that was not the reason 
why he should take recourse to a practice that was not authorised by law or rules 
of procedure. 

Following further brushes with Mr. Suhrawardy, the Chair permitted Khan 
Bahadur Muazzanauddin Hussein, Minister for Agriculture, to speak for ten minutes. 
He also permitted another member from the Government side to speak generally 
on the demand. 

At 4-30 p.m, the Speaker proceeded to put the main demand under ‘agriculture’ 
to vote. 

As he proceeded to do so, Mr, Suhravmrdy and several other Government 
party members went up to the Speaker’s table and tiled to speak on the microphone. 
Several Opposiiion nit^^mbers also rushed to the Speaker’s table, snatched the 
microphone fiom the hands of Government party members and placed it befoie the 
Speakers seat. 

As the JHvisiou bell rang, Mr. SuhrairarJy, using the microphone, shouted 
amidst continuous interruptions from Opposition benches and said that, it they were 
defeated to-day they would go out because there was a company of black- marketeers 
and profiteers on the other side. He added that the Opposition was supported by 
hoarders, profiteers and black-marketeers and were trading with Marwari money. 

The Chair announced the result of voting which was 106 for Opposition and 
97 for Government amidst scenes of great jubilation in Opposition bencUes. 

Raising his voice to its highest pitch, Mr. A. K. Faziul Huq, leader of the 
Opposition, asked the Ministry to resign. 

More than an hour had elapsed from the time when the opposition had 
demanded a vote to the time of actual voting. In the meantime, neaily 16 European 
members had come in. 

Sequel to Ministerial Developments 

29tli, MARCH The Assembly met at 4-00 p. m. yesterday in a tense atmosphere, 
ihe public galleries were crowded and there was a very large attendance of members 
At question -time, Mr. Fi amathanath Banerjee (non-offieiai Congress Party) 
using on a point of oider, maintained that as a result of yesterday’s adverse vote 
m the House the Ministry had ceased to function. He failed to understand how 
yesterday’s vote could be characterised as a snap vote, when, out of the effective 
strength of 230, as many as 20d participated m the voting. He did not know of an 
instance in any Legislature in India or the House of Commons where the Govern- 
ment of the day stuck to office after a major budget demand had been rejected by 
Assembly. “The position,” he said, “is that the Ministry has failed to carry the 
Budget through the Legislature, as provided under the Government of India Act 
and, therefore they weie bound to tender their resignation.’ He wanted a ruling 
from the Chair on the constitutional and legal points involved in view of yesterday’s 
adverse vote against the Government. ^ 

Premier’s Reply to Point of Order 

Sir Nazimuddin, Ghkf Minister, reminded the House that a ruling was given by 
Sir Aziznl Haque when he was Speaker of the Assembly in March 26, 1938, to the 
effect that members belonging to the Government side had the right to move cut 
motions. Until that ruling was revised by any subsequent rulings, he maintained 
that ruling held the ground. But Government members were deprived of the 
right of moving their cut motions yesterday and the main demand was not allowed 
to be discussed by the members of the House. He as Leader of the House was 
not even allowed to wind up the debate. “If the members on the other side ” 
^ir Naztmuddin continued, “claim that they have a majority, the result of the votintr 
if there be anj to-day, will show that.” The Chief Minister assured the House that 
the Ministry would resign if the vote went against them to-dayt As regards the 


point mised about the rejection of the total agricultural demand, he said, that was 
entirely a constitutional question and that would depend on how the other demands 
weid dealt with to-day, 

Mr. NaJmaksha Sanyal (official Congress) declared that the Ministry could not 
continue lo function so far as this Legislature was concerned in view of yesterday’s 
adverse vote. 

Speaker’s Euling^ 

Mr. Nausher Ali, Speaker of the Bengal Legislative Assembly, giving bis ruling 
on the point of order raised by the Opposition on the effect of yesterday’s adverse 
vote against the Rlinistry, ruled that the House could not function unless a new 
Ministry was formed. He, therefore, adjourned the House sine die. 

Explaining his ruling not to allow the Ministry lo function in the House, Mr. 
Nainher Ali said that the refusal by the House yesterday of supplies demanded by 
the Ministry for a major department, which made the administration impossible, 
was an unmistakable censure. Nor was it permissible under the rules to bring 
forv'ard the said demand again before the House during the same session, 

'Ihe Speaker said that he had grave doubts if, in the present case, he should 
allow my Minister, including the Chief Minister, to transact any Government busi- 
ness. Sir Nazimuddin might claim, he said, that the decision of the House as 
given on the demand for grant for agriculture, did not really reflect the opinion 
of the majority of the House. But he doubted if it was permissible to be 
dragged into the realm of speculation after the verdict of the House against the 

Becalling his previous ruling the Speaker said that the budget was an indivisible 
unitary document which should be carried through during the session of the 
Assembly, and in view of the fuither fact that this had now become impossible, 
he did not think he could or should allow the Ministry or any Minister to 
move any further demand for grant. He therefore thought that the House could 
not function any longer unless a new Ministry was formed and adjourned the 
House sine die. 

Before giving his ruling, the Speaker Mr. Nausher Ali asked Sir Nazimuddin 
what he proposed to do with regard to the demand which was thrown out by the 
House on the previous day. 

Sir Nazimuddin informed the Speaker that it depended entirely on how events 
shaped in the House to-day and that he could not at this stage say what he pro- 
posed to do. 

Khan Bahadur Mohammad All, Parliameutary Secretary, pointed out that 
nine Government members came to the House shortly after the division yesterday. 
(A voice from the Opposition ; Why did you then put away and did not move the 
other demand)? 

The Khau Bahadur: *'Let them go to vote to-day,” 

Mr. J. R. Walker, Leader of the European group, suggested that, instead of 
having this discussion, it should be left to the vote of the House to see whether 
the Government had got enough strength* 

The Governor’s Proclamation 

Btst. MAHCH : — A proclamation under Section 93 of the Governmen t of India 
Act. 1935, was issued to-day by Mr, B. G. Casey, Governor of Bengal, in a 
Calcutta Gazette Extraordinary, assuming the administration of the Province. 

The Governor of Bengal authorised the annual estimate of expenditure for 
1945-46 and also prorogued both Houses of the Legislature. 

Governor’s Statement 

His Excellency Mr. B. G. Casey, Governor of Bengal, issued the following 
statement : ^ 

u, Ministry headed by Sir Nazimuddin was defeated in the Assem- 

bly by 106 votes to 97, and the whole Budget demand under the bead ^Agriculture’ 
was rejected* 

£ 11 claimed that the defeat was on a snap division and on the 

and reS|n if defeat^^^ confidence of the House on the remaining demands, 

“The Speaker of the Assembly ruled that, after its defeat on the previous 
day on a budget grant, the Ministry could no longer function in the House, and 
adjourned the Assembly stne die leaving the remaining grants of the Budget 
undisposed of one way or the other. I refrain from comment on the legality 
m constitutional propriety of this action, but I am bound to recognise 


that a breakdown of the normal machinery of the Slate has taken place in this 

'*! have, therefore, decided, with the concurrence of the Governor-General, to 
resort to the provisions of Section 9b of the Government of India Act. This will 
remove any possibility of the administration of the Province being hampered 
by doubts as to the propriety of incurriug expenditure, whether on the 
day-to-day work of the Government or on urgent projects vital to the well-being of 
the people. 

“But leaving aside technicalities, the situation as a whole in Bengal politics 
is one which needs careful consideiation in the light of the experience of the 
Province and this is a matter on which I have no intention of being hustled into 
hasty decisions, 

“The proclamation which I am issuing under section 93 will ensure that the 
administration of Bengal shall function as effectively as its man-power and other 
resources permit in these difficult times in coping with the many and urgent ad- 
ministrative tasks that confront us. Meanwhile, I shall give careful and unhurried 
consideration to the political and constitutional problems brought to a head by the 
events of the week.*’ 

The Punjab Legislative Assembly 

Budget Session— Lahore— 19th February to 19lh, March 1945 

Interned Assembly Member Attends 

In defiance of the restrictions imposed on him by the Punjab Government, 
Mr, Bhim Sen Sachar, Leader of the Opposition, attended the Punjab Assembly 
which opened its budget session at Lahore on the 19th. February 1945. Mr. Sachar 
was cheered by the Opposition when he entered the Assembly Chamber. 

The action of Mr. Bacbar caused a flutter in political circles in the Punjab. 
Not only Blr. Sachar, but also twelve Congress M.L,A*s, were under similar restrictions 
ever since their release from detention. Of the twelve, five are interned within 
Lahore Oorpo^ ation limits and restricted from attending any political meetings which, 
in the Punjab Government’s view, include meetings of the Punjab Assembly also. 
The«8 have not attended the Assembly so far. There ace other eight Congress M. L. A*8. 
who are still in jail and of the total of 33 Congress M.L.A’s, only 12 are in a 
position to attend. This action on the part of the Leader of the Opposition is regard- 
ed as nothing beyond a protest against an injustice*. 

^ Tributes to late sir Chhotu Bam 

The Assembly adjourned for the day without transacting any business as a 
mark of respect to the memory of late Sir Chhotu Bam. The Premier and Party 
Leaders paid glowing tributes to the deceased. 

Financial Statement for 1945-46 

1st. MARCH A current revised surplus of Bs. 139 lakhs for the year and a 
prospective suplus of Bs. 139 lakhs for the year and a prospective surplus of Bs. 192 
lakhs for the next year were forecast by Sir Manohar Lai, Finance Minister 
presenting his ninth budget to the Assembly to day. He said that the Punjab 
finances stood to-day on an ampler and surer footing than ever before. 

Sir Manohar Lai pointed out that the surplus in 1943-44 would have been of the 
magnitude of Bs. 551 lakhs but for the transfer towards the end of the year of 
Bs. 60 lakhs to the Peasants Welfare Fund ; of Bs. 40 lakhs to the Special Develop- 
ment Fund and of Bs 15 lakhs to a new fund, the Forest Beconstruction Fund. 

As regards the current year, the Finance Minister said that the surplus would 
have stood at Bs. 454 lakhs as against the budgeted figure of Bs. 386 lakhs but for a 
supplementary demand presented a week ago of no less than Bs. 315 lakhs for the 
special funds The year marks a record in the size of Punjab revenue receipts sur- 
passing the figure of the previous year by a crore and a third. 

Coming to the year 1945-46 for which the budget estimates were presented 
Sit Manohar Lai said that the expenditure of beneficent departments which stood at 
Bs. 287 lakhs in 1936-37 had steadily risen till, in 1945-46, it was proposed to spend 
Ba. 559 lakhs. In other words, during the life-time of the Assembly, the beneficial 


expenditure has been almost exactly doubled. Under the new expenditure on educa- 
tion, substantial facilities are to be secured for the teachinj,; of science and the 
expansion of girls* education. And effort will also be made to establish farmers’ clubs 
all over the province. 

As for post war reconstruction, Sir Manohar Lai said : ‘*A definite provision 

has been made of a sum of Rs. 2 crores from the emerging snrplus of 
1944-15 but in addition to any assistance received from the Government of India, the 
whole strength of the finances will be available for this essential task. It is hoped 
that, during the next five years, it might be possible to spend a sum of Rs, 100 erores 
on this work directed at once to secure the enrichment of our economic resources and 
improvement of our mind and body.'' 

A sum of Rs. 40 orores would be applied to irrigation and electric development, 
Rs. 12 erores to roads, Es. 5 erores to aguculture and Rs. 5 ciores to industries. 

Analysing the debt position, the Finance Minister said that it disclosed a most 
happy situation. On the intiodnction of provincial autonomy in 1937 the net debt 
of the Province stood at Rs B2] erores and should normally have amounted to Rs. 
382 erores on 31st March 1944 but it stood only at Es, 27 croies. As '.against this 
debt, the Punjab has capital wealth as lapresented by capital expenditure upto the 
end of 1946 of Rs. 58i erores* 

Dismissal ol Minister— Premier’s statement 

8th, MARCH :*-“A detailed statement on the circumstances leading to the dis- 
missal of Sardar Shaukat Eyat Khan from the Punjab Ministry, was made by 
Maltk Khicr Eyat Khan Ttwana, the Premier, intervening in the debate on 
General Administration in the Assembly to-day. Malik Rhizr Hyat Khan 
explained that the serious case of injustice to which reference was made in the 
communique on Sardar Shaukat Hyat Khan’s dismissal, i elated to the dismissal, 
by the Minister, of Mrs. Durga Pershad, Lady Superintendent of the Lahore 
Municipal Girls’ Schools. He also referred to the alleged purchase of land, valued 
at several thousands of rupees, by Sardar Shaukat Hyat Khan, the funds for which, 
he alleged, had been obtained in the most improper manner. The Premier indicated 
that the matter might come before a court. Malik Khizr Hyat Khan said : “In 
accordance with Sardar Shaukat Hyat Khan’s orders Mrs. Durga Pershad was 
dismissed. She tiled an appeal to the Commissioner, who pointed out that he was 
unable to intervene, since she had been dismissed by the orders of the Government. 
Her only remedy was a petition to H. E. the Governor and this she addressed to 
him. The case was brought to my notice by His Excellency. We agreed that it 
should be taken in Council on appeal and this was done. Sardar Hyat Khan was 
given ample opportunity to justify his extraordinary proceedings, but he was unable 
to produce any justification whatsoever, and his colleagues unanimously agreed that 
his conduct was quite indefensible and quite unworthy of the office which he held. 
His Excellency then dismissed him. On May 2 orders were issued for the reinstate- 
ment or Mrs. Durga Pershad.” Proceeding, the Premier said : “Even before Mrs. 
Durga Pershad’s case came to my notice, serious allegations had been made about 
Sardar Shaukat Hyat Khan’s abuse of his powers as Minister, and I had reasonable 
grounds for believing that there was considerable justification for these allegations. 
Subsequent inquiries have, I regret to state, confirmed the reasonableness of these 
grounds, and I think the House will agree with me that when there are reasonable 
grounds for believing allegations about the abuse of powers by a Minister and when, 
on top of this, there is proved a serious case of flagrant misuse of these powers, some 
serious action is called for.” The Premier emphasised that such grounds alone, that 
is lack of reputation, have been considered sufficient to ask for the resignation of a 
Minister and when in addition a flagrant case of abuse of power is proved, it would 
be a scandal not to dismiss such a Minister. 

Alleged Pdechasb op Land 

The Premier referred to the alleged purchase of land valued at many thousands 
of rupees by Sardar Shaukat Hyat Khan, funds for which, he alleged, had been 
obtained in the most improper manner. *T feared,” said Malik Khizr Hyat Khan, 
“that my Ministry might be involved in an ugly scandal, and I could not keep out 
of my mind my knowledge of these allegations when considering Sardar Shaukat 
Hyat Khan’s dismissal, although I must make it clear that I considered then and 
still consider that his attempt to dismiss and ruin the innocent Mrs. Durga Pershad 
merited nothing short of dismissal.” Explaining the allegations, Malik Khizr Hyat 
Khan said : *‘Sardar Shaukat Hyat Khan used his position as Minister in chaige 
of the Improvement Trust, Lahore, to induce the villagers of Davisahad to sell 


various plots of land to him by causing them to believe that the land was about to 
be acquired for the Improvement Trust at very low prices. He was unable to pay for 
these land purchases without assistance, and he obtained money from two prominent 
Lahore businessmen, who are brothers. They provided him, in all, with funds to the 
extent of more than one lakh of rupees and in return for this, he misustd his position 
as Minister in charge of Transport to try to obtain for them a large share in the 
operation of Lahore’s local bus service/’ Towards the end of the statement which 
extended over 25 foolscap type-written pages and took an hour to read, the Premier 
indicated that the events which he had narrated in regard to the land purchases and, 
their finance might come before a courL He said that soon after Sardar Shaukhat 
Hyat Khan's dismissal some of the vendors of the Davisabad land made a report to the 
police, in which they alleged that they had been cheated into selling their land at a 
price far below its market value. ® Their allegations are still under investigation. 1 
have been careful to express no opinion on the merits of these allegations and to say 
nothing which might prejudice the course of justice, but it seemed to be impossible 
in the public interest to fcep back any longer the explanation of Sardar Shaukat 
Hyat Khan’s dismissal. If anything I have stated tends to reflect on the conduct of 
Sardar Shaukat Hyat Khan as a Minister and may possibly tend to prejudice any 
case or cases which may be brought against him subsequently, the responsibility lies 
on those of his supporters who by wild assertions and groundless accusations, have 
forced me to enter into this explanation of why my colleagues and 1 concurred in his 
dismissal by His Excellency.*’ 

League Leader’s Criticism 

Raja Ghaznafar All Khan^ Deputy Leader of the Muslim League Party, in a 
100-minute reply to the Premier’s statement on Sardar Shaukat Hyat’s dismissal, 
said that the Governor bad flagrantly violated an act of Parliament, resorting to un- 
constitutional and unfair means in dismissing a Minister. The Governor had thus 
reduced the working of Provincial Autonomy to a force and tried to overawe the people 
of this Province into remaining enslaved to the bureaucracy for ever and not aligning 
themselves with any ali-lndia political party. Raja Ghaznafar Ali said that Premier 
Khizr Hyat had played the traitor to the Muslim League by stabbing Sardar Shaukat 
Hyat in the back just before he was about to break away from the Muslim League 
in April last, when he was conducting negotiations with Mr. Jinnah. He compared 
this action of the Premier to the treacherous attack by the Japanese on 
Pearl Harbour. The reason for Sardar Shaukat Hyat’s dismissal, the 
Raja went on, was that he had remained loyal to the League and had 
told the Premier that he would resign from the Cabinet rather than leave the Muslim 
League. But Malik Khizr Hyat thought that Sardar Shaukat would become a hero 
if he thus let his Ministry. That was why this lame excuse of injustice to Mrs. Durga 
Pershad was invented in a hurry and bis resignation was not accepted. Raja Ghaznafar 
Ali then related details of the Cabinet meeting at which the Governor announced the 
case of Mrs, Durga Pershad to the Ministers which, he said, was not even on the agenda 
and some of the Ministers did not know what this case was about. He added that there 
was until then no appeal preferred on behalf of Mrs. Durga Pershad but a memoran- 
dum from her had been asked for later as a camouflage. Raja Ghaznafar Ali said that 
Malik Khizr Hyat during bis negotiations with Mr. Jinnah had asked his non -Muslim 
Ministers to give him their resignations which he intended to use as a bargaining factor 
in arriving at a settlement with Mr. Jinnah and thus prove to him that if he (Mr. 
Jinnah) did not agree to his terms, there was danger of Section 93 being promulgated 
in the t^rovince. Dwelling on the constitutional aspect of Sardar Shaukat Hyat’s 
dismissal, he said that the Governor under the Constitution had no power to dismiss 
him. The Governor could either dismiss the entire Cabinet or the Premier, who, if he 
had no confidence in Sardar Shaukat Hyat, could ask him to tender his resignation, 
and in the event of his refusing to do so, he could tender the resignation of the entire 
Cabinet and form another within three minutes. Even il Sardar Shaukat was guilty 
of some error of judgment, the Raja said, he could not be dismissed for this paltry 
erroTf even as no judge could be dismissed for giving a supposedly wrong judgment. 
Sardar Shaukat, at the most, could be asked to revise his judgment but he was made a 
scapegoat for being loyal to the Muslim League. Continuing the debate on the 
next day, the 9th. March, Raji Ghaznafar Ali Khan urged His Majesty’s Govern- 
ment to recall the Governoi, Sir Bertrand Glancy, as, he said, he had by unconsti- 
tutional act in dismissing Sardar Shaukat Hyat violated the Government of India 
Act. There were sufficient reasons to believe that cetain Ministers had entered into 
an unholy conspiracy with the Governor for getting Sardar Shaukat Hyat 
dismissed. The Raja asked the Premier. Malik Kbizar Hyat, to come forward with 



a frank admission that Sardar Shaukat Hyat was dismissed because of his loyalty 
to the Muslim League. This, the Raja added, the Premier was afraid to do for 
fear of public opinion. He said the Premier had set the ball rolling and tiie time 
was nearing when the black deeds of the Ministers would be exposed to the 

public gaze. ^ t- t 

Dr, Mohd. Alam (Unionist), speaking amid interruptions from Muslim League 
benches, said that the Muslim League in the Punjab \’ta8 demanding unity with 
the Congress. He said that in the freedom movement the League had played no part 
with the Congress which had always suffered and made sacrifices tor its great goal. The 
League stood for naked communaiism and wanted to efface both the Hindus and 
the Sikhs. He said that India would reach its objective only when communaiism as 
symbolized by the League was destroyed. He added that the Governor's only fault 
was to appoint a raw and inexperienced youth like Sardar Shaukat Hyat as 
Minister. He had certainly committed no mistake by dismissing him. Raja Fateh 
Khan (Unionist) said that the Muslim League was sov'ving the seed of discord 
among ^he Muslims of the Punjab only for the sake of installing themselves in 
office. They had no other object. H appealed to the Muslim League members to 
end this fratricidal strife in the interest of Muslim solidarity and asked them to 
come back to the treasury benches. 

The Sind Legislative Assembly 

Budget Session— Opening Day — Karachi — 21st, Feb. 1945 

Financial Statement for 1945-46 

The Budget Session of the Sind Legislative Assembly commenced at Karachi 
on the 21st, February 1945. After interpeilations the Premier, Sir Ghulam Hussain 
Htdayatulla presented the budget for 1945-46 and the supplementary s atement of 
expenditure for 1944-45. 

A net surplus of Es. 2,57,000 for the current year and an estimated surplus of 
Es. 2,60,000 for the new year are revealed in the financial estimates for 1945-46 
presented by the Premier. 

The figures are arrived at as follows : 1944-45 revised revenue Es. 9,42,68,000. 
1944-45 revised expenditure Es. 8,57,37,000. 1945-46 estimated expenditure Ks, 

In addition appropriations of Es. 1,75 lakhs for the revenue equalisation fund 
and Es. 135 lakhs for the Post-war Development Fund have been made from the 
ordinary revenue estimated to be realised during the year. 

A feature of Sind^s sixth wartime budget is that it purposes no new taxation, 
though it foregoes none of the several taxation measures introduced in the last 
five years. 

Armed Guard for Ministers 

The fact that armed guards provided for the personal security of the Sind 
Ministers will be continued is shown in the budget statement. It is explained that 
“due to the abnormal conditions prevailing in the Province armed guards have been 
supplied to the Ministers and it is desirable to continue this arrangement because 
the circumstances have not altered.’^ The force consists of 18 armed men and 33 
unarmed constables. 

In the memorandum accompanying the estimates, a note of caution is struck 
regarding the future finances of Sind. Stating that there is a reverse side to the 
present bright picture, the Finance Minister points out that, without the land sales 
there would have been a deficit instead of a surplus. He adds: ‘Land sales are 
now past the peak and are expected to fall very rapidly. The most recent estimates 
show that our budget will be in deficit if our revenue is not developed.*' 

The Premier, Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatuliah, in the course of his budget 
speech to-day explained the trade policy of the Sind Government and strongly 
refuted the charge that Sind ever made profits from the needs of others. 

Defeat of the Ministry 

24th, FEBRUARY : — ^The Hidayatuliah Ministry was defe^ited in the Assembly 
to-day by 25 votes to 19. The Opposition had challenged a division oti Sheikh 
AkdMl Mafid^s one rupee cut motion in the supplementary demand under General 


Administration. Fourteen members of the Muslim League Assembly Party voted 
with the Opposition. Mr. G, J/. Syed, President of the Sind Provincial Muslim 
League, declared that a majority of the members of the Muslim League Assembly 
Party had sent to him a petition saying that they had no confidence in the 
HidaVatullah Ministry, 

This defeat of tne Government came as a bolt from the blue for Ministerialists, 
especlalb, after the vote of confidence passed by the League Assembly Party only 
on Friday and there v^as a strong belief even among Mmisttrialists’ opponents that 
Premier Ghulara Hussain had tided over the crisis. 

"Sind is not fit for reforms'* was the bitter remark made by Sir Ghulam 
Hussain HidayatuUah, Premier, when the League Opposition made it clear to him 
that the vote of confidence passed in the Premier the previous day was not going 
to be adhered to. "We in this House,” said the Premier, “are teaching how to be 
treacherous. I belong to that association, the Muslim League, which passed a 
resolution that all our demands would be passed.” The Premier said. ‘T depended 
on the word of the Provincial League. I invite him to come out and not to hide 
himself. If the members play traitors, I do not mind.” 

The first cut motion was under a revenue demand which was however with- 
drawn- But speaking on this, Sheikh Abdul Majid deplored that the Premier should 
indulge in outbursts and accuse even his colleagues and his own party members of 
treachery. “If the Premier has been a traitor to the Province, why should they 
not be traitors to him,” asked Sbaik Abdul Majid- Ho averted that there was no 
democracy in Sind, The Premier had made it a one man*s raj- 

Leagpe SIembers Vote with Opposition 

Moving the cut motion under General Administration, Sheikh Ahdul Majid 
referred to the appointment ot Mi. Koger Thomas as Minister for Agriculture and 
said that the Premier at that time had not even consulted the members of bis own 
party. Mr. <?. M. Syel then announced that a majoiity of the members of the 
Muslim League Asssmbls- Party had sent him a petition saying that they had no 
confidence in the pre^^ent Ministry. He added that those who had signed the 
petition would vote for the cut motion. Mr. Ntchaldas Vaztrani, leader of the 
Hindu Opposition, said that his Party would vote for the cut motion* He said 
that the Hindus bad been denied the right of sending their chosen representatives 
to the Oabinet. Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah said that the members had 
intrigued overnight to throw out the Ministry- At the meeting of the Assembly 
League Party even Mr, Syed had agreed to support the passing of supplementary 
demands. “Sind’*, he added, “is not fit for reforms.” Eeferring to the appointment 
of Mr. Roger Thomas, the Premier said that every one bad welcomed it. 

Mr. Gazdar : “Not the Qaid-e-Azam”. 

Premier : “You are a disappointed man. Is this the way to deceive the 

Mr., a member of the European Group, said that the Premier was not 
being given a square deal. He warned the Opposition to think twice before taking 
any step. ^ 

The cut motion was passed and the supplementarj demand itself was rejected 

Fourteen members of the Muslim League Assembly Party, four Opposition 
Muslims and seven Opposition Hindus voted for the cut motion while eleven 
members of the League Party, five Hindus, two Europeans and one Muslim 
Independent voted against it. 

Governor Prorogues Session 

On the Premier refusing to move further grants, the Speaker adjourned the 
House to consult legal opinion. On resumption, the Premier said that an Order 
from the Governor proroguing the House was on the way. The House was again 
adjourned for half-an-hour. Thereafter the Order from the Governor arrived and 
the House was prorc^ued. 

New Minister Appointed 

26th. FEBRUARY i—'Khan Bahadur Haji Mania Bux was sworn in this 
morning, as the sixth Minister in the Hidayatullah Ministry. Khan Bahadur 
Moula Bux was assigned the Revenue Portfolio, He joined the Hidayatulla 
Ministry as the Independent Muslim, not belonging to the Muslim League. And 
with this entry, the Ministry ceased to be a purely Muslim League one. 

It was explained in Ministerial circles that the Premier had to make a 
coalition with non-League elements in the Assembly in order to further strengthen 
the Ministry. It was also claimed that with the appointment of Khan Bahadur K, 


Moula Bus, leading oppositionists, not belonging to the Muslim League, like Sheikh 
Abdul Majtd and Pirzada Abdul Sattar, both former Ministers, will join the 
ministerial ranks. 

New Minister’s Statement 

Soon after bis appointment as Minister, Khan Bahadur Moula Bux said in an 
interview that he had joined the Ministry as an independent Muslim, and added 
that he would endeavour to secure purity of administration in the Province. 

Khan Babadur Moula Bux agreed to join the Ministry on certain conditions 
being fulfilled by the Premier. They included early release of Congress detenus ; 
withdrawal of restraint orders on membeis of the Congress Assembly Party ; the 
appointment of three anti-corruption oflicers to maintain the purity of administration 
and a change in the Government’s policy in order to safeguard the interests of 
the producers. 

League’s Direction to Premier 

tlth. MARCH : — The Central Parliamentary Board of the All-India Muslim 
League called upon the Sind Premier to tender the resignation of the whole 
Cabinet and to reconstitute a Coalition Ministry in which there should not be any 
Miiblim who is not a Muslim Leaguer. 

The Board took this decision at an emergent meeting held this morning, follow- 
ing a telephone call which Nawabzada Liaqat Ah received from Sir Ghalam 
Hussain Hidayatullah last night. The meeting was attended by Nawabzada Liaqat 
Ali and Mr. Hussain Imam, two of the three members. The Nawabzada sent 
the following telegram to the Sind Premier on the authority of the Central Parlia- 
mentary Board : 

“Reference your telephone conversation last night that Mr. Moula Bux refuses 
to join Muslim League under any circumstances, the General Parliamentary Board 
of the All-India Muslim League directs you to tender resignation of the whole Cabinet 
to the Governor and reconstitute the Ministry in which there should not be any 
Muslim who is not a member of the Muslim League. You are authorised to 
coalesce with non -Muslim groups provided the terms and conditions of coalition are 
not against the principle and policy of Muslim League. To constitute the Ministry 
in accordance with these directions every member of the Muslim League organisation 
is hereby directed to assist in the formation of such Ministry and stand by 
it loyally. 

Resignation of the Ministry 

12th. MARCH Sir Gbulam Hussain Hidayatulla met His Excellency the 
Governor to-day when he submitted the resignation of his Cabinet. 

When the Assembly Budget session met in the afternoon, the Premier, Sir 
Ghulam Hussain asked for adjournment of the House till Wednesday. The Speaker, 
Syed Mir an Mohd. Shah, who had earlier seen the Governor, read a letter from His 
Excellency amending the business programme of the House and postponing all the 
items of to-day to l4th March. ^ 

New Ministry Formed 

14th. MARCH:— Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatulla reconstituted the Ministry 
to-day. The new Ministers took the oath of office a short time before the Assem- 
bly met. The following were the distribution of portfolios among the new 
Ministers : 

Premier Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah : Finance and Agriculture and Post- 
war Development ; Khan Bahadur Mir Ghulam Ali : Law and Order 5 Ptr Illahi Bux: 
Education, Excise and Forest Departments : Syed Mohamed Ali Shah : Public 
Works Department and Local Self-Government; Mr. Nichaldas Vazirani: Revenue, 
and Mukhi Gobindram : Public Health and Industries. 

Statement From Govt. House 

A statement issued from Government House this afternoon explained the 
circumstances in which His Excellency the Governor called on Sir Gulam Hussain 
to form a new Ministry, after calling for resignation of the old Ministry. 

The statement said : “On the morning of 12th March, the Premier saw His 
Excellency and proposed to submit the resignation of his Cabinet and to reconsti- 
tute it in a manner that would give him an assurance of firmer support in the 
Assembly. Subsequently, His Excellency saw the Hon. Khan Bahadur Maula Bux 
who said that he ^ would be able to form a Ministry supported by a majority if 
the Premier's resignation were accepted. As His Excellency required time to 
l^nsider the situation so presented,* and the Assembly was due ts meet the Baine 


afternoon, the hon. Speaker, at His Excellency’s request, consented to adjourn the 
Assembly until the afternoon of the 14th instant. .... 

The Premier was unwilling to meet the Assembly with his existing Cabinet, 
and unable to secure the voluntary resignation of some of his Ministers. In these 
circumstances. His Excellency considered it necessary on the evening of the 12th 
March to invite Sir Ghuiam Hussain to submit his own resignation and that of 
his Cabinet. His Excellency at the same time informed Sir Gulam Hussain that 
His Excellency gave no assurance that Bir Ghuiam^ Hussain would again be called 
to form a Ministry. The resignations were submitted on the 13th morning and 
were accepted by His Excellency with effect from the forenoon of the 14th March.” 

The statement adds that the Governor spent the last two days in testing to 
the best of his ability the validity of the assurances of support produced both by 
Sir Ghuiam Hussain and by Khan Bahadur Moula Bux. “At a final interview 
granted by His Excellency this morning, Khan Bahadur Moula Bux was not able 
to produce such guarantees of support as, in His Excellency’s judgment, would 
have justified His Excellency in inviting Khan Bahadur Bloula Bux to form a 
Goverument Sir Ghuiam Hussain on the other hand bad, again, in His Excellency’s 
judgment, assurances of present support ^ which will enable him to re-form a 
Ministry having the support of a majority of the Assembly* His Excellency 
therefore thought it necessary to invite t5!r Ghuiam Hussain to form a Ministry. 
Sir Ghuiam accepted the invitation and the Cabinet was sworn in this morning.” 

Ban on Congeess M.L.A.’s Withdeawn 

The first act o? the newly-formed Cabinet was to pass orders withdrawing 
the ban hitherto imposed on the five released members of the Assembly, namely, 
Miss Jethi, Deputy Speaker of the Assembly, Dr. Popatlal, Mr. 
isewandram, Mr. Narandas Bechar and Mr. Issardas Verandmal, 

The Home Member who announced the above deeision in tbe Assembly to-day 
also stated that the question of the release of the Congress detenus was being 
favourably considered by the Government. 

PoDE Muslim League Members Resign From Party 

It is understood that four members of the Muslim League Assembly Party 
resigned from the Party. Ihey were : Nawab Qazi Amir Ali Lahori, Nawab 
Mir Mubammed Khan Obandio, Nawab Jamal Muhammad and Khan Bahadur 
Sohrab Khan Sarki. 

In their letter of resignation, they stated that they were compelled 
to take this step in view of the fact that Bir Ghuiam Hussain Hidayatullah had 
broken bis promise to Khan Bahadur Moula Bux. 

Opposition’s Strength 

With the re-formation of a full-fledged Muslim League Ministry to-day, the 
constitutional crisis hanging over Sind since the commencement of the budget 
session of the Assembly on February 21 might be said to have ended, at least for the 
time being. For, with a solid majority of the Muslim members and the coalition 
of the Hindu Independent Party, Sir Ghuiam Hussain Hidayatulla enjoyed an 
absolute majority in the House as it stands to-day* 

The Opposition, under the leadership of Khan Bahadur Moula Bux, did not 
however, abandon hopes, which were further heightened by the defection from the 
ministerial ranks of four members, who were reported to have forwared their resigna- 
tions to Sir Ghuiam Hussain to-day. The former two Hindu Ministers and their 
supporters were also present, occupying Opposition benches. In addition, the Opposi- 
tion claimed to have the support of a few Muslim members from amongst the 

But it was the Congress members of the Assembly, who became ultimately the 
deciding factor. Two members of the party, Mr. R. K. Sidhwa and Mr. Manghraj 
Lala, attended the Assembly to-day and occupied the front seats on the Opposition 
benches. After the lifting of the restriction on the Congress members in the 
Assembly was announced to-day, the Opposition hoped to secure the support of the 
Congress Party. 

In the meantime, Mr. if?. K. Sidhwa^ leader of the Congress Assembly Party, 
was reported to have got in touch with threejof these colleagues who had been ex- 
terned from Sind, asking them to hurry back to Karachi. The remaining two who 
were now free to attend the Assembly were already there. 

Shaikh Abdul Majid had, in the meantime, given notice of a one-rupee cut 
motion on the supplementary demand under “General Administration'’, which would 


come up before the House on March 17. It was a similar motion by the same 
member that had lesulted in the defeat of the Ministry on February 24. 

Coalitioa Cabinet Minister s Statement 

Sir Qlmlam Hussain Hidayatullah, after the foimation of the new Ministry, 
faced the Assembly ihis afternoon when the budget session was resumed. 

For the first time since August 1942 Mr. E. K. Stdhwa, Leader of the 
Congress Assembly Party, occupied a front seat on the Opposition benches, along 
with Mr. Mengliraj Lalla. After personal explanations by Eai Sahib Gokiildas, Sir 
Ghulam Hussain. Dr. Hemandas and Mr. .Michaldas, the House passed all the 
Buppltmentary grants held over from the previous session, except the grant under 
“General Administration” on which the Ministiy was defeated on February 24, 
This grant will come up before the House on March 17. 

The terms on which the Muslim League Assembly Party under the leadership 
of Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah and the Hindu Independent Party under the 
leadership of Mr, Niebaldas 0. Vazirani agreed to coalesce were announced by 
Pir Ilahi Bux, Education Blinister, in a statement in the Assembly. 

The statement, which had been submitted to the League High Command for 
ratification, said that previous permission of the Muslim League High Command 
had been obtained ior the coalition. 

The following broad principles according lo the statement were cleaily 
understood and agreed to by the coalescing parties. 

“The Piovincial Government shall be run on progressive lines for the benefit 
of all classes of people without any discrimination and irrespective of their caste or 
creed or their political convictions. The legitimate interests of the minority com- 
munities shall be adequately safeguarded and the minority communities shall not 
only receive fair but also liberal treatment. The social customs and religious riglsts 
and feelings and usages of all communities shall be duly respected. And naturally, 
there can be no question of any invasion direct or indirect against the culture or 
education of any community. Furthermore, one of the foiemost tasks to be tackled 
by the parties would be the complete restoration of the sense of security in the 
villages and needless to emphasise, every step shall be taken to ensure to the Hindu 
minority community, complete security of honour, life and pioperty both in the 
villages and towns of Smd." 

“The Coalition Ministry,” added the statement, “further desired to make it 
publicly known that immediate steps would be taken against all the currupt 
public servants and officers, however highly placed, and all possible measures would 
be taken to control this deep-rooted crime ot corruption. Further, in the matter of 
control of prices, and the policy of purchase and export of grains, the interests of 
Zamindars, Haris and local commercial concerns would be taken into account. 

“It has been further definitely agreed that in the cabinet of six Ministers there 
shall be two Hindu Ministers enjoying the support of the majority of the Hindu 
Independent party.” 

The statement made it clear that “the coalition has been formed only for the 
purpose of carrying on the Provincial Government and has no connection with any 
AlMndia Constitutional or political question. In such questions each party shall 
act according to its own convictions.” 

Bai Sahib Gokabdas’s Statement 

After question- time, Eai Sahib Q-okaldas^ in a statement, welcomed Mr, 
Nichald s C. Vazirani on the Treasury Benches and said that after the dismissal of 
the late Mr. Allah Bux about two and half years ago, the latter had criticised him 
for joining the Muslim League Ministry. Mr. Nichaldas at that time had pro- 
claimed that he would not join any Ministry unless two conditions were fulfilled. 
Firstly, the Ministry should be formed on national lines, and secondly, an under- 
taking should be given to him that Ministers would not be dismissed without 
adverse votes by the Assembly. Mr, Nichaldas, added Bai Sahib Gokaldas, had 
now gone back on that position and accepted office without these two conditions 
being fulfilled in any way. Continuing, the ex-Minister said that one of the reasons 
that prevented him from joining the Ministry was the failure of the Premier to 
stand by his undertaking given in writing to Khan Bahadur Haji Moula Bux 
that the latter would neither be compelled to resign nor would he be called upon 
to join the Muslim League, 

Sib, Ghulam Hossain’s Statement 

Jliibcplainlng his position » Sir Ghulam Hussain recalled the eyeuts of the last 


month #nd said that Mi. Su'ba'.das and Khan Bahadur Moula Bus had joined 

hands over-night and threw out his previous Ministry. 

Mr. M. A. Khoeo : “What about Mr. G, M. S^ed ?” 

Sir Ghiilam : “Yes, he too.” 

Continuing, the Premier said that after the defeat he consulted the remnants 
of the Slusiim League Party, which permitted him to take in Khan Bahadur Moula 
Bux. This decision was communicated to the League High Command, but they 
sent back a mandate that the League could not associate with Khan Bahadar Moula 
Bux. The Premier added: “i asked the members of the Party, ‘Will you stand 
by me ?’ They said : ‘No’. 1 had, therefore, no ocher go. I cannot stand here 
for a day either as their leader or as Minister without their support. I have to 
obey them.” 

Col, Mahon (European) : “Is the House to believe that the Province of Sind 
is going to be run by some exterior person outside the Province, or is the Cabinet 
proposing to run the afiairs of Sind (Laughter.) 


Dr. Hemandas Wadkwam said that though he had stood by the Premier for 
the last eight years, be was not even consulted before the new Ministry was formed. 
He asked whether the present two Hindu Ministers had agreed to the policy of the 
All-Iudia Muslim League, as they were expected to do according to the second part 
of the mandate given to Sir Ghulam Hussain by the High Command. 

Mr. Nichaldas Vazirani said that after the dismissal of the late Mr. Allah 
Bux, the Hindus did want to coalesce with the Muslim League, but they wanted 
some safeguards for their community. Rai Sahib Gokaldas was appointed to 
negotiate with the Leader of the League Party, but instead of carrying on negotia- 
tions, he changed overnight and became a Minister. The stand taken by the Hindu 
Party was consistent all along. Now they had agreed to coalesce on certain defined 
conditions, as contained in the statement read out by Pir Illahi Bux. This coalition, 
be added, had been foimed for the Province and the provincial affairs and had 
nothing whatever to do with Aii-India questions. 

Dr, Hemandas : “What about Pakistan” ? 

Mr. Nichaldas : “Hindus are against Pakistan as before.” 

Concluding, Mr. Nichaldas said that the time had now come for the two 
communities to join hands and work for the welfare of the Province in an 
atmosphere of amity and co-operation. 

Differences Among Party Leaders 

15 tb. MARCH : — What ha described as a story of broken promises was narrated 
by Khan Bahadur Haji Moula Bux, Leader of the Independent Muslim Party, in 
the Assembly to-day while explaining the circumstances leading to his appointment 
as Revenue Minister in the Hidyatullah Ministry and removal therefrom after a 

In his statement, Khan Bahadar Moula Bux said that after the death of his 
brother, the late Mr. Allah Bux, he had contested two by-elections and on both 
occasions he had been offered an uncon tested seat if he would join the Muslim 
League, but he refused. 

Mr. Syed : ‘ Incorrect.” 

Khan Bahadar Moula Bux : “I have letters with me to prove it.” 

Proceeding, Khan Bahadur Moula Bux said that after his success in the second 
by-election. Sir Ghulam Hussain offered him a seat in the Cabinet in the vacancy 
caused by the resignation of Mr. M. H- Gazdar, if he joined the League. **At this 
time,” he said, Mr. G._ M. Byed, who had been carrying on vast and insistent propa- 
ganda against the Cabinet of Sir Ghulam Hussain, was not to join any group if he 
could thereby overthrow the Hidayatullah Ministry. An understanding was arrived 
at between Mr. Nichaldas’ group, my group and the Syed group to defeat Sir Ghulam 
Hussain’s Ministry at all costs when an opportunity arose, and that a change should 
be given to Mr. Syed to form his own Government.” 

Premier : “Hear, hear”, 

Khan Bahadur Haji Moula Bux revealed that according to the agreement 
arrived at, his group was to support Mr, G.M, Syed to form the Ministry without 
taking any office in it. If Mr. Syed failed in his effort, theu Mr* Syed, along with 
his followers, would lend support to him, Khan Bahadur Haji Moula Bux, in the 
formation of a non-League Ministry on reciprocal terms. Mr. Syed agreed to this 
arrangement, in spite of his being the President of the Sind Provincial Muslim 
League and of the Hidayatullah Ministry bearing the official label of the League. 



After the defeat of the Ministry on February 24, he said the three groupg met, 
but to his great surprise he found Mr. Hyed going back on his own word. He said 
things quite the contrary of what he had pieviously agreed to. Later, when Mr. 
Syed and his supporters sat down to decide how to distribute the loaves and fishes 
of office, two important members of the Syed group began to fight between them- 
selves. The members of the Independent Party then met together to review the 
situation that had arisen. At this stage, Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatnllah started 
negotiations and entered into an agreement with the Independent Party on terms 
which he (Sir Ghulam) was previously reluctant to accept in consideration of the 
honour of the League. “Like a hermit, Sir Ghulam Hussain raised his fingers to- 
wards heaven and held out promises to stand by his own terms.” 

Premier : “I have never told you that.” 

Continuing, Khan Bahadur Moula Bux said that the Premier was even prepared 
to reduce everything to writing. There were conditions, according to which Congress 
detenus were to be released and restraint orders on those who had already been 
released would be withdrawn. The Premier was to agree to the proposals of the 
Independent Party to root out corruption. The Premier also promised to recognise 
the principle of Hindus electing their own representatives in the Cabinet. 

The conditions, according to the Khan Bahadur, numbered 13, and the Premier 
had agreed to all of them. 

The main conditions, apart from an expansion of the Ministry, were as follows : 
The Assembly to be convened more frequently than hitherto in order to keep in 
touch with public opinion, revision of the Government’s land revenue and food 
policies, eradication of corruption in various Government Departments and the 
inclusion of one Hindu Minister from among the Hindu Independent Party at the 
time of the expansion of the Ministry. 

After Khan Bahadur Moula Bux had been sworn in, he proceeded on a tour. 
While at Snkkur he received a frantic telephone call fiom Sir Ghulam Hussain to 
cut short his tour and return to Karachi immediately. After his return to Karachi, 
all possible persuasive measures were adopted by the Premier and Mir Ghulam Ali, 
Home Minister, to make him join the Muslim League. “They began to tell me that 
their one object at that stage should be to beat the common enemies, the reference 
being probably to Mr. Syed’s group. I said to them that there is no question of any 
common enemy. The question is whether you are going to stand by your commit- 
ment or not.'* 

Continuing, Khan Bahadur Moula Bux said that a few days later the Premier 
wrote to him that he had resigned. He too resigned immediately after the receipt of 
that letter. 

Referring to, the formation of the new Ministry, Khan Bahadur Moula Bux 
said that the Opposition was not even given a fair chance to form an alternative 

“Sir Ghulam Hussain was not out of the Ministry even for two minutes to 
become an ordinary member of this House as we are now. I requested His Excellency 
to allow me twelve hours more after the Ministry resigned and I would succeed in 
securing a majority and form an alternative Ministry. But on account of certain 
reasons, His Excellency could not allow me time.” 

Premier’s Replt 

The Premier, Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidnyatullah^ replying to Khan Bahadur Haji 
Moula Bux, said that he had not broken any promise. He was true to his pledge— 
he had neither compelled Haji Moula Bux to resign nor had be forced him to join 
the Muslim League. He added that he had coalesced with Khan Bahadur Moula 
Bux under instructions from his Party which would not stand by him after the 
mandate from the League High Command was received. 

Mr, Syed’s Statement 

Mr. G* M, 8yedt President of the Sind Provincial Muslim League, denied the 
statement of Khan Bahadur Moula Bux that he had been offered the Shikarpur seat 
without contest if he joined the Muslim League. He said that, according to the con- 
stitution of tha League, no single member, however powerful, could select a candidate 
for any constituency. That was the job of the Parliamentary Board. Mr. Syed 
added that no one had offered the Premiership to Khan Bahadur Moula Bux nor had 
he committed himself to support the Khan Bahadur in his efforts to form a non- 
League Minlfitry. 


Move for All-Partv Coalition Kejected 

24th. MARCH The OoDgress Party's offer to join an all-party Ministry that 
might be formed in order to purify and tone up the administration was rejected by 
the Sind Muslim League President. 

The members of the Congress Assembly Party to-day reviewed the entire 
situation in the Province, and a statement issued after the meeting by Mr, R, AT. 
Sidhwa (Leader), says ‘ that the Congress Party expected that the Muslim League 
Uovernmenfc established in 1942, in which a single party alone claimed a substantial 
majority m a House of 60;. would tone up the administradoii. Tne Party have, 
however, found with great apprehension, sorrow and surprise that the Muslim League 
Government during their regime oj two and a half years, have not only miserably 
failed but have reduced the province to an unsatisfactory state. During the last six 
months, the discontent on account of maladministration grew deep within their own 
ranks, culminating in the defeat and reshuffle of the Ministry. After matiue con- 
sideration, the Party have come to the conclusion that only an all-party Government 
in Sind, enjoying the confidence of various sections in the House could successfully 
cope up with the problem and eradicate all the evils that exist to-day This view of 
of the party was conveyed to the President of the Sind Provincial Muslim League, 
Mr. G. M. Syed, and he summarily dismissed it.” 

*Tn view of all these circumstances,” the statement adds, ‘Uhe Party can in no 
way lend their support to the present Ministry, and therefore decide to sit in 
O' position. The members are aware that by their support to any other group or 
party in the Assembly they can break the present Ministiy, hut merely to become a 
party to the breaking of the Ministry would lead nowhere. Hence, it would prefer 
to wait until a good stable 3Imistry becomes possible.” 

Triumph op the Hidayatulla Ministry 

27th. MARCH : — i'he Hidayatuilah Ministry came out triumphant to-day when 
the Assembly parsed the entire budget after one of the stormiest sessions 
since 1941, The Congress having decided not to be a party to the making and 
unmaking of Ministries, the Opposition withdrew their one-rupee cut motion on the 
demand under “General Administration.” The Premier, bir Ghulam Hussain, 
replying to the debate on the cut motion, said that by establishing the League- 
Hindu Coalition in Sind, he had paved the way for a Congress -League settlement. 
He added that the Muslim League had given to the Hindus the right of selecting 
their own representatives in the Cabinet, He hoped that the Congress would follow 
suu by giving similar rights to Muslims when they formed Ministries in the Hindu 
majority Provinces. The formation of Ministries m the Hindu majority Provinces 
by the Congress, he said, was not very far. Assuring the Assembly that he would 
release as many Congressmen as was possible for him, Sir Ghulam Hussain said 
that he had no right to keep in jail those whom the highest Government in the 
land had recognised to be worthy of holding office in the Frontier Province. The 
Congress, he said, had been declared an unlawful organisation, but now things had 
changed, and he promised to review the question of lifting the ban on Congress 
organisations in Sind, Concluding, Bir Ghulam said that in spite of his age, he 
was young enough to shoulder the respoaslbility of office till the Muslim League 
Party selected a younger person to replace him. 

CoL Mahon^ Leader of the European Group, said that his group strongly 
objected to outside interference in the affairs of the Province of Bind and its 
Government. He added, “We do not want Government under the command of 
outsiders, but we want to govern and rule ourselves.” Welcoming the Congress 
Party members of the Assembly, Col. Mahon said : -‘The Leader of the Congress 
Party is running away with the idea that we are up against the freedom to run 
your country as we wish. We want to co-operate with you. I am an Irishman, 
and I feel deeply about the Smdhi youth. Every country gets the kind of Govern- 
ment it deserves. Ireland to-day has got the freedom which it deserves, and will go 
on getting what the Irish deserve. In your own case, you should have freedom, 
but do not forget that everybody has to live, the minority and the majority. You 
should call yourself Indians first and speak as Indians. 1 am an Irishman but I 
speak English ” ' 

Dr. Ilemandas R. Wadhwani, former Public Health Minister, said that joint 
responsibility was a farce inasmuch as on questions like the ‘‘Satyartha Prakash” 
Hindus would be on one side, while the Sluslims would be on the other. Dr. 
Hemandas added that at a joint meeting of all the Hindu members of the Assembly 
(including the Congress) it had been decided that the Sind Cabinet should not be 
expanded, nor should pogts of Advisers be created. 


The N. W. F. Pr. Legislative Assembly 

Budgei Session— “Opening Day — ^Peshawar — 9th. March 1945 

Financial Statement for 1945—46 

The Budget Session of the N. W. F. Pr. Legislative Assembly commenced on 
the ^th March 1945 when presenting the budget Sardar Abdur Rah Ntshtar, 
Fiiiaacrf Minister, disclosed a prospective revenue defict of Rs. 12,24,000 for the 

the^Minister said the budget estimate of revenue receipts is Rs. 2,67,49,000 
which is about Rs. Sj lakhs less than the revised estimate for the current year 
and the revenue expenditure proposed for the coming year stands at Rs. 2,79,73,000, 
showing a drop of a little over Rs. 12 lakhs in comparison with the figures of the 
revised estimate for the current year. 

The Finance Minister pointed out that the deficit of Rs. 12J lakhs was not a 
matter for immediate concern since the expenditure on war and dearness allowances 
was more than double the amount of the deficit. 

Referring to the question of revision of the subvention from the Centre, the 
Finance Minister said that a representation was made to the Government of India 
on the subject that year and the Finance Secretary and he went to Delhi in the 
beginning of February to discuss the matter with the Finance member of the 
Government of India. The response from that quarter, he added, had not been 
very encouraging but material was being collected to make a final attempt. 

10th, MARCH:— The Assembly, which met for the second day to-day, was 
adjourned after ten minutes on a motion of Dewan Bhanju Ram Gandhi (Congress) 
that the non-official business fixed for the day be postponed in view of the fact that 
the no-confidence motion against the Council of Ministers had been admitted and 
fixed for discussion on March 12 with the support of 23 members out of 38. 
Sardar Mohd, Aurangzeh Khan, Leader of the House, who was consulted by the 
Speaker, took no objection to Mr. Gandhi’s motion which was carried. 

No Confidence on the Ministry 

t2tli. MARCH The no-confidence motion against the Aurangazeb Khan 
Ministry was carried in the Assembly to-day by 24 votes to 18 

Following the passing of the No-Oonfidenee motion Sardar Aurangazeb Khan^ 
the Premier submitted the resignation of his Ministry to His Excellency the 
Governor, but was asked to continue until His Excellency has had time to 
make alternative arrangements. 

The following communique was issued in this connection: ‘’His Excellency 
the Governor to-day received the Hon’ble Sardar Mohammed Aurangazeb Khan 
who tendered the resignation of the Ministry. His Excellency has asked Sardar 
Mohammed Aurangazeb Khan and his colleagues to continue their administration 
until he has had time to make alternative arrangements for carrying on the Govern- 
ment of the Province.” 

H. E. the Governor invited Dr. Khan Sahib this evening to discuss with him 
the possible formation of a new Ministry. Dr. Khan Sahib asked for a day or 
two in which he would consider the question — stated a communique issued from 
Government House. 

De. Khan Sahib’s Indictment of Ministry 

To-day’s debate was the first trial of strength between the Muslim League 
Ministry and the Opposition, as the Congress Party had not been attending the 
Assembly since the formation of the Ministry in May 1943. 

Sardar Aurangzeh Khan was able to form the Ministry with the assistance of 
certain Independent and ex-Oongressite members who had joined the Muslim League 
Party and he claimed the support of the majority, following four by-elections, three 
o! which were won by the Muslim League. The Congress Party however boycotted 
successive Budget sessions in May 1943 and March 1944, demanding the release of 
the ten detained Congress members, six of whom were, subsequently, released. This, 
coupled with two important Ministerial defections last week, enabled the Congress to 
table the no-confidence motion, which was carried to-day by 24 votes against 13. 

Before the Assembly commenced, a large crowd gathered outside the Chamber 
shouting slogans. Both the Speaker of the Assembly and Dr. Khan Sahib, Leader of 
the Congress Party, appealed to the crowd to disperse and allow the proceedings of 

-"12 3iJAR. ’45 ] TCBKED 211 

the Assembly to be conducted in a peaceful atmosphere. The public was warned 
that if they did not disperse, the police would be summoned. 

The “no confidence” motion was moved by Dr. Khan Sahib who, in the course 
of his speech, said that in I9b9 the Congress created a deadlock which continued 
till May 1943. In 1942, ten Congress M.L-A.’s were arrested, but six of them were 
gradually released leaving four still in jail. The Ministerial strength did not exceed 
22 in a House of 50, Twenty-two members, said Dr. Khan Sahib, did not constitute 
the majority and this precedent of a minority government was unknown in the 
history of any country. 

Dr. Khan Sahib said that in 1944, the Autumn session was not summoned 
with a view to keeping the puppet Ministry in power, A requisition signed by 21 
Congress M.L.A.’s was ignored. Dr. Khan Sahib alleged that during the regime of 
this Ministry, corruption was the order of the day, and the Ministry was responsible 
for it. He said that the present Ministry was not in reality^ a representative 
Government but was just like the puppet government of Poland sitting in London, 
Dr. Khan Sahib added that the Ministry was responsible for the fo d shortage in 
Peshawar, “Had 1 been here, it would not have occurred,” Dr. Khan Sahib asserted, 
^n tinning Dr. Khan Sahib said : “It is the duty of the Ministers to go personally 
to see the actual position at the spot, if you are the people's representatives. But 
thinking of your own interests, you merely pretend to be the representatives of the 
people. Before you have a clear mind and remove the ideal of possible remuneration, 
you cannot be a real representative of the public,” Proceeding, he said that it was 
beyond his comprehension that they should go in cars and beg people. “Have you 
ever heard in the history of the people that leaders go begging unless the people 
want them to beg ?” He asked. Dr, Khan Sahib concluded by saying that in the 
last few days cars and police guards were used to influence the members of the 

Sardar Aurangazeh Khan, replying to the allegations levelled against the 
Ministry, said that bat for the acceptance of office by the Muslim League there 
would have been another Bengal in the NorthAVest Frontier Province. He reviewed 
the work done by the Ministry and said that the Government had deeds and not 
words to justify their existence. In addition to measures taken to lelieve the distress 
caused by food shortage, they had released all but 50 of the 1,500 political prisoners 
who were in jail when they assumed office. “Our success in the by-elections,” he 
declared, “shows the verdict of the people.” 

Kew Ministry Formed 

12th. MARCH Dr. Khan Sahib, who was received by the Governor of the 
North-West Frontier, Sit George Cunningham, at Government House, this evening 
formally accepted the invitation to foim a Ministry. 

Dr. Khan bahib submitted following two names to the Governor for inclusion 
in the Council of Ministers : (1) Lala Bhanju Bam Gandhi : (2) Klian Mohamed 
Abbas Khan, The names were accepted by His Excellency, according to a press 
communique issued this evening. 

Both Lala Bhanju Ram Gandhi and Khan Mohamed Abbas Khan were in 
the Cabinet of Ministers during the previous Congress Ministry. 

Earlier, Khan Ali Gul Khan, President of the Frontier Provincial Congress 
Committee, and Kai Bahadur Mehr Chand Khanna, M.L.A., who had consulted 
Kiian Abdul Gaffar Khan in Haripur jail yesterday on the question of the forma- 
tion of a new Ministry, saw Dr. Khan Sahib at his residence and communicated to 
him the result of their talks with Khan Abdul Gafar Khan. 

It was believed that the interview with Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan was strictly 
in accordance with the instructions of Mahatma Gandhi contained in the sealed 
letter to Dr. Khan Sahib. 

Congress Assembly Party Meeting 

A resolution expressing complete confidence in the leadership of Dr. Khan 
Saheb and giving him full authority to decide on the question of the formation of 
a Ministry was adopted at a meating of the Frontier Assembly 
Congress Party held to-day. Twenty-one members were present. It was learnt that 
Mahatma Gandhi’s letter to Dr. Khan Sahib and Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan's 
message from jail were read out at the meeting. 

Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan's Release Ordered 
16th. MARCH :—Order8 for the immediate release of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan 
and eight others, including four Congress Members of the Frontier Assembly, 
were issued by Dr. Khan Sahib immediately on assuming office of Premier to-day,’ 


A special station wagon was sent to Haripur to fetch Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan 
who was expected to arrive in Peshawar in the evening, 

I'he four M L. A.’s were: Kazi Attaullah, Mr. Amir Mohammed, Mr. Abdul Aziz 

and Ml. Ke^alram. , . . , ^ 

'File Oaths of office and Allegiance were administered to Dr. Kban Sahib and his 
two coHeagUds, Diwan Bhanju Ram Gandhi and Khan Abbas Khan, by the 
Governor at Government House this morning, after which the Ministers attended 
their offices. _ 

Qazi Attaulla Appointed Education Minister 
The hoa’ble Dr. Khan Sahib, Ohiet Minister, submitted the name of Quazi 
Attaullah as Minister for Education and H. E. the Governor accepted it, 
Quazt Attaullah was sworn in as a Member of the Council of Ministers on 
Monday, March 19, Quazi Attaullah, who had been detained for nearly two years, 
was released from the Peshawar Central Jail yesterday, He was Education Minister 
in the fiist Congress Ministry. 

Dr. Khan Sahib’s Explanation 

Tlie reasons behind tne Congress acceptance of office in the North-West 
Froniiar Province were explained in the Assembly to-day by Dr. Khan Sahib, 
the Premier, and Dewan Bhanjuram Gandhi, the Finance Minister. Dewan 
Bhanjuiam refuted the suggestion of Sardar Abdur Rab Nish tar, former Finance 
Minister, that the Congress in the Frontier had acted against its principle by 
accepting office and said : ''We act in accordance with instructions of the High 
Command, it once again we are asked to leave office as in 1939, we would not 
hesitate to do so.” 

Djl. Khan Sahib said, “We were compelled to accept office by the people of the 
Frontier Province and if we are unable to serve them properly, we would resign.” 
He said that he would see that corruption was eradicated, though he had ideological 
differences with others, so far as he was coueerned, he would act as a no*party man. 
He was there, he said, to discriminate “between the good and the bad and between 
the honest and the corrupt.” He appealed to all members of the House to co-operate 
with him to put an end to corruption in the province. 

Guardian’s Comment 

The possibility of resumption of constitutional Provincial Governments in India 
as a sequel to acceptance by Dr. Khan Bahib of the invitation to form the Govern- 
ment in the North-West Fiontier Province was discussed in a Manchester Guardian 
leader this morning. 

The paper wrote : Something important has happened on the north-west frontier 
of India. We do not know the exact circumstances which induced the Governor of 
the Frontier Province to ask the local Congress Leader to form a Government 
based on the elected mtijoriiy in the Legislative Assembly. 

Nor do we know yet what secret instructions from Mr. Gandhi allowed Dr. 
Khan Sahib to accept the invitation. 

But it is plain that the first attempt is being made in this unexpected quarter to 
restore normal political conditions in India and if it succeeds, we may soon see the 
revival of genuine sell-government in other provinces. 

The Goveruor’.s offer to local Congress leaders could have hardly been made 
without a decision on broad policy in the highest British quarters. 

The Frontier Province is in the peculiar position of having a solidly Moham- 
medan population, but a large Congress majority. Encouragement of those Muslims 
who are not members ot Mr. Jinnah’s Muslim League and are not supporting his 
claim to a separate Moslem State in India suggests that the Pakistan idea is 
receding in Government’s mind. 

The greatest repercussions will doubtless be felt in the provinces where the 
Congress is the largest party but hcia not so far taken part in Government. If it is 
correct to assume that Dr. Khan Sahib was only able to form a Government after 
the national leadership of the Congress had decided to suspend the threat of civil 
disobedience and try co-operation, then the chief obstacle to resumption of constitu- 
tional governments in other provinces will have disappeared. 

A few days ago Mr. Amgry, Secretary of State for India, told an Indian journa- 
list, that the condition for a new political start was ‘some indication’ that the 
Congress was witling to co-operate in the war effort and work out a peaceful evolu- 
tion of the Indian political situation. The indication has come sooner than many 
people expected. Let us hope the foundation will grow firm enough in time to 
support a settlement. 

The Assam Legislative Assembly 

Budget Session — Opening Day — Shillong Isl. March 1945 

Financial Statement for 1945*46 

Mr* Abdul 3fattn Chaudhuri, Finance Minister, presenting the budget to the 
Assam Legislative Assembly at Shillong on the ist. March 1945, forecast a deficit of 
Es, 2, 31, (M3 for 1945-46 and a surplus of Es. 29,09, (DO for 1944-45 according to the 
revised estimates as against an estimated deficit of Es* 10,40,000 in the original 

The year 1943-44 closed with a revenue surplus of Es, 69,95,000. 

Mr. Chaudhuri said that allowances had been increased from time to time 
daring the current year and total cost during the full year of dearness allowances, 
war allowance, free rationing and rice concessions were estimated at over Es. 73 
lakhs. The forest income had grown from year to year and in the current year it 
was estimated to be five times the normal surplus of about Es. 6 lakhs. 

Dealing with education, the Finance Minister said that a Tibbia College would 
be established at Sylhet and the ayurvedic classes would be ooened at the Manikul 
Ashram. The mass literary scheme would be permanently retained at total recurr- 
ing expenditure of Es, 91,660. 

Mr. Onaudhun revealed that several post-war reconstruction schemes involving 
a total expenditure of Es. 70 crores were under the cousidenuion of the Government. 

Dealing with jails, he said that the number of security prisoners which was 
1G4 on April 1, 1944, had been reduced to 95 by tne middle of February 1945. 

Formation of New Ministry 

23rJ. MARCH :~Str Mo^iamed Saadulla resigned this afternoon, following the 
resignation of one of his colleagues in the Cabinet, Mr. Nabakumar Dutta. 

In view, however, of the agreement reached between himself and the Opposition 
leaders, Messrs. Gopinath Bardolot and Mr, Roliini Kumar Chaudhuri^ he was 
reconstituting the Cabinet with 50 per cent representation to non -Muslims who would 
be elected under the supervision of the Opposition leaders by the members of the 
Cabinet, Hindu, Scheduled Caste and Tribal communities. 

The Muslim members of Sir Saadulla’s Party met to-day and debated to retain 
all the existing Muslim Members in the reconstituted Cabinet. 

Clarifying the attitude to the proposed Ministry, Mr. Bardoloi said : We are 
making an experiment, the success of which will be judged by the results. We are 
experimeniing upon bringing a new era in Assam. To-day we are not in a position 
to insist on some of our own principles on account of which we could not, in the 
past, be associated with certain Parties to which we are opposed hitherto. Particular 
problems demand particular views on things at particular times and it is with this 
end in view that we have decided to support the new Ministry. 

Distribution of Portfolios 

The new Cabinet which Sir Mahomed Saadulla proposed to form included the 
following: Sir Mahomed Saadulla (Premier and Minister in charge of Home and 
Supply portfolios): Khan Bahadur Saiyedur Eahaman (Education). Mr. Munwar 
AU (Forest); Mr, Abdul Matin Ohoudhury (Reconstruction and P. W. D.); Khan 
Saheb Muddabbir Hussain Ohoudhury (Civil Defence, Medical and Public Healthp, 
Mr. Eohini Kumar Ohoudhury (Revenue, Judicial and Jail); Mr. Baidyauath 
Mukherjee (Finance, Transport and Publicity); Mr. Akshoykumar Das (Industry 
and Co-operation); Mr. Surendranath Baragohain (Excise, Labour and Local 
Self-Government); Mr. Eupnath Brahma (Agriculture and Veterinary). 

The distribution of the portfolios was made, at a meeting which Sir M. 
Saadulla had with his proposed colleagues in the new Cabinet this evening. 
The new Ministry took the oath of allegiance on the next day. 

Terms of Agreement 

The following were the main terms of the agreement signed by Sir M. Saadulla, 
Mr. Gopinath Bardoloi and Mr. Eohini Kumar Ohoudhury, representing the princi- 
pal parties in the Assam Assembly, (1) Restoration of civil liberties; (a) two-third 
of Security Prisoners now detained in jail to be released before April 30, 1945. All 
M. L. A.’s and prominent Congressmen shall be released fortnwith. The remaining 
Security Prisoners shall be released as early as possible but not lattr than June 
l945. (b) Convicted political prisoners shall also be released forthwith, except 


those convicted for offences of a grave and heinous nature such as sabotage, but their 
cases shall be reviewed, (c) There shall be no bau against meetings, assemblies and 
proeessions, etc., in connection with elections to local bodies and Legislatures, (d) 
The ban, if any, against Congress Committees in the Province shall be withdrawn, 
(e) All restriction orders on M. L. A.'s shall be forthwith withdrawn as also in case 
of other political prisoners, save m a few cases requiring security. 

(2) As regards the terms of the procurement and supply, the policy of Govern- 
ment IS to be reviewed and revised with a view to providing adequate supplies 
to the people removing corruption and securing more popular support and co- 

fcsir M* Saadulla said in the Assembly yesterday that if 
the spiiit in which negotiations had been carried on for an All-Party Government 
could be kept up, it would usher in a new era m the political history of Assam. 

Mr. Gopinath Bardolai^ Leader of the Congress Assembly party, associating 
himself wuh the remarks made by Sir M. Saadulla, said that bis party would 
stand by the side of the Government. The enunciation of a new policy, he hoped, 
would go a great way in removing discontent and ill-feeling and promoting better 
relationship among ail communities. 

“Assam Congeess Coalition” 

The members of the different parties hitherto working in opposition to Sir 
Mahomed Saadullah in the Assembly at a combined meeting held to-day under the 
presidency of Mr. Gopinath Bardoloi, Leader of the Congress Party, formed a 
Coalition Party to be styled ‘Assam Congress Coalition’, the independent Muslim 
Party members whereof had pledged themselves in writing to carry out the Party 
programme and abide by all its rules and regulations and discipline. They 
pledged further to remain loyal and taithfal to the party and do nothing against 
the Party’s interest or its programme. 

Parliamentaett Board Formed 

The meeting also constituted a Parliamentary Board of this Party consisting 
of Mr. Bardoloi, Mr. Arunkumar Chanda, Mr. Aii Hyder Khan, Mr. Deveswar 
Sarma and Fakruddm Ahmed. 

All the non-Muslim Ministers of the newly-formed Saadulla-Choudhury 
Cabinet contributed by the Opposition Parties and Groups signed this pledge. 

Th9 Congress Coalition and Independent Muslim Party have now a member- 
ship of 54, an absolute majority in the Assembly. 

Mahatma Gandhi’s Advice 

In a letter to Mr. Gopinath Bardoloi, ex-Preinier of Assam who sought his 
advice on the Congress Party supporting the Assam Ministry under certain condi- 
tions, Mahatma brandhi said : “Do what is best, cost what it may. Kill corrup- 
tion. Adopt that alternative which is the best under the circumstances. 1 know 
tnat the difficulties will be many but we have to cut our way through. 

The Behar Government Budget for 1945-46 

A surplus of Rs. 2,33,93,000 is revealed in the Budget estimates of the Bihar 
Government in the Financial Statement for 1945-46 issued from Patna on the 22iid. 
March 1945. No new measures of taxation have been included in the budget. 

The total revenue for 1945-46 is put at Es. 11,30,39.000 ; expenditure on revenue 
account is expected to amount to Rs. 8,96,96,000 including Rs. 964,000 on account 
of repayment ot loan to the Central Government and fifty lakhs transferred to the 
Post-war Reconstruction Fund. 

Expenditure outside the revenue account has been estimated at Rs. 72,77.000 of 
which Rs. 73 lakhs represent net provision for the grain supply scheme and standard 
cloth scheme and the balance for other purposes. 

Under war conditions, says the memorandum attached to the Budget, the pro- 
bable amount to be added to the budget on account of expenditure in the supple- 
mentary statement is large, and at a rough guess between Rs. 1 and 2 crores 
can be expected on this account. This expenditure will obviously involve a reduction 
in the closing balance. 

The U. P. Government Budget for 1945-46 

23rd. MARCH : — A surplus of Rs. 15 lakhs, as compared with a surplus of Rs. 
450 lakhs in the current and Rs. 498 lakhs in the past year, was anticipated by Sir 
y^ennant Sloanf Financial Adviser to the U. P, Governor in his note on the budget 

—23 MAS. ’45 ] THE U. P. GOVERNMENT BUDGET FOR 1945-46 215 

for 1943-46 issued from Lucknow on the 23rd._ March 1945. The estim^s (rf 
revenue receipts and charges in the nest financial year are Rs. 2752 lakhs and 
Ks. 2737 lakhs. , , 

Sir Tenant expects that at the end of the budget year at least about 1300 takas 
will be available for post-war development schemes. . . - + 

Sir Tennant announced that, in pursuance of the policy of taxing intoxicants 
so as to give the maximum of revenue with the minimum of consumption, excise 
duties will be further increased from April 1. The duties on plain and spiced 
spirits will be raised by 15 and 10 per cent respectivelvt the duty on Indian-made 
foreign liquor from Ks. 30 to Es. 40 per gallon and the duty on bhang by 20 per 
cent. The issue price of Ofium will also be raised from Es. 180 to Rs. 185-10 per 
seer consequent on an increase by the Government of India of the cost price of raw 
opium supplied by them. The«ie increases are expected between them to yield 
additional receipts to a total amount of about Es. 46 lakhs while certain unfavour- 
able factors will reduce the net increase under excise to IS lakhs. 

The outstanding feature of the provincial finances, adds the Adviser, as presented 
in the revised estimates of the current and the budget estimates for the next year, 
can be summed up as further expansion of revenue receipts, increased expenditure 
on dearness and war allowance, increased expenditure on schemes for the develop- 
ment of the rural areas of the province and large revenue surpluses. 

Sir Tenant stated: “The surplus shown in the estimates is Es 15 lakhs, but 
the real surplus is very much more. After making provision for all the previous 
commitments and the new expenditure to the amount of Es. 49 lakhs and of Es. 
85 lakhs for extraordinary grants to local bodies for repairs and the maintenance of 
roads, we had a surplus of Es, 426 /lakhs. This has been disposed of as follows; 
Revenue Reserve Fund Es i261 lakhs ; the U. P. Road Fund, Es. 50 lakhs ; the 
Hospital Fund Es. 50 lakhs ; the Sinking Funds Rs, 50 lakhs and the surplus 
Es. 15 lakhs. 

As regards funds for post-war developments, Sir Tennant says that in carrying 
out the post-war development schemes which Government at present have under 
their consideration, the reserve funds will have to be supplemented from additional 
taxation, grants from the Centre, etc. The most obvious form of fresh taxation is 
a Sales Tax which Government, however, does not propose to introduce at present 
partly because of the difficulty of finding the large staff necessary to administer it, 
and partly because of a feeling that such a tax could best be imposed and adminis- 
tered on an all-India basis. 

Referring to the financial year 1944-45, the Adviser says that, since the budget 
was framed a year ago, there has been a further large expansion in revenue receipts. 
The original estimate was 2,429 lakhs and the revised is 2,753, an increase of 324. 
Revenue expenditure has been put at 2,738 leaving a revenue surplus of 15 lakhs ; 
when the revised estimates were considered, there was a surplus of 110 lakhs. 

The total outlay on supply schemes has been considerably less than was 
anticipated when the budget was framed and is expected to fail still further next 
year. The estimate in the current year's budget for all these schemes was 4,758 
lakhs, the revised is 2,799, and the budget estimate for next year is 2,680, the 
difference of 1.959 between the original and the revised estimate is made up of 
reduction of 677 under foodgrains, 254 under cloth, 744 under gur etc. The net 
result of all transactions during the year is expected to be an outgoing of 273 lakhs, 
leaving a closing balance of 61 lakhs. 

Concluding, Sir Tennant points out that besides being the seventh, this is the 
last Provincial budget which he will have to deal with and expresses his gratitude 
to the officers and staff of the Finance Department for their assistance in the 
preparation of the annual estimates. 

The C. P. Government Budget for 1945-46 

A small surjplus of 1.57 lakhs is anticipated in the budget estimates of the 
Government of 0. P. and Berar published from Nagpur on the 24th March 1945. 
The total revenue for 1945-46 is estimated at Rs 948,14 lakhs and expenditure 
in the revenue account 740.27 lakhs. Out of the difference. 16.30 lakhs representing 
the excess of land revenue collections over the standard figure will be transferred 
to the deposit head appropriation for redaction or avoidance of debt’’ and Rs. 190 
lakhs win be tonsf erred to the Post-war Reconstruction and Development Fund, 
in AC ^ the budget says that no fresh taxation is proposed for 

1945-40 but existing taxation measures with surcharges and enhancement due to expire 


at the end of the current year are being extended for another year, “the need for 
combating inflation being as acute as ever”, and large funds are needed to implement