Skip to main content

Full text of "Livy : with an English translation"

See other formats



E. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. T. E. PAGE, litt.d. 

LI\ Y 







B. O. FOSTER, Ph.D. 







Printed in Great Britain 


The Latin text of Vol. IV. (comprising Books 
\'1II.-X.) has been set up from the fifth edition^ of 
the Weissenborn-Miiller text with German notes, 
except that the Periochae have been reprinted from 
the text of Rossbach (1910). But the speUing is 
that adopted by Professors Conway and Walters in 
their critical edition of Books VI. -X. (Oxford, 1919), 
which is also the source of most, of the rather 
numerous readings which differ from those of the 
Weissenborn-Miiller text, and has furnished besides 
the materials from which the textual notes have 
been drawn up. I have aimed to record every 
instance where the reading printed does not rest 
on the authority of one or more of the good MSS., 
and to indicate the source of the emendation. 

In addition to the symbols used by the Oxford 
editors, I have employed Q to designate such of the 
good MSS. as are not cited specificallv for sonie 

^ The sixth edition of Book- VI. -VIII. did not reach me 
until my own text was in type. 



otlier reading, and r to designate one or more of the 
late MSS. or early printed texts. 

Besides the translations mentioned in the preface 
to Vol. I. (those of Philemon Holland. George 
Baker, and Canon Roberts*, I have had by me the 
anonymous version printed in London in 1686, in 
folio, ''for Aunsham Churchill at the Black Swan in 
Ave-Mary Lane, near Paternoster Row." 

I am also indebted to tlie editions of Book IX. 
by W. B. Anderson, Cambridge, 1909, and by 
T. Nicklin, Oxford, 1910. The commentaries of 
Weissenborn-Miiller and Luterbacher have, of course, 
been constantly consulted, and the latter has been 
especially serviceable in helping to identify the 
various members of the same family in the prepar- 
ation of the index. 

The text and translation of the Periochae of the 
lost second decade have been included in this 

The map illustrating the campaign of the Caudine 
Forks has been adapted from Kromayer and \'eith, 
Schlachien-Atlas zur antiken Kriegsgeschichie, published 
by Wagner and Debes, Leipzig. 

B. O. F. 



translator's preface V 




BOOK IX 161 


BOOK X . 359 




TKE lAUDiNE vORKs At end 



y = VeronensiSj 4th century. 
F = Floriacensis, 9th century. 
P = Parisiensis, 10th century. 
H = Harleianus prior, 10th century. 
T = Thuaneus, 10th century. 
/ = the first and second leaves of I\ by another 
B = Bambergensis, K'th or 11th century. 
M = Mediceus, 10th or 11th century. 
yoiin. = ^'ormatiensis (as reported by Rhenanus). 
R = Romanus, 11th century. 
V = Upsaliensis_, 11th century. 
u = later part of U, 14th century. 
D = Dominicanus, 11th or 12th century. 
L ^= Leidensis, 12th century. 
A = Aginnensis, 13th century. 
a = later part of A, 14th century. 
Frag. Hnverk. = Fragmentum Haverkampianum (cf. 
Conway and Walters, vol. i., Praef. p. ix i). 
3/1, 3/*, etc., denote corrections made by the original 
scribe or a later corrector. When it is 
impossible to identify the corrector, M^. 
etc., are employed. 
Q = such of the above MSS. as contain the 
passage in question and are not otherwise 
r = one or more of the late MSS. or early 
printed texts. 

C.I.L. = Corpus In.scriptwniun Laiiyiarum. 






I. Iam consules erant C. Plautius iterum L.^ 
^lemilius MamercLis^ cum Setini Norbauique Romam 
nuntii defectionis Privernatium cum querimoniis 

2 acceptae cladis venerunt. Volscorum item exercitum 
duce Antiati populo consedisse ad Satricum allatura 

3 est. Utrumque bellum Plautio sorte evenit. Prius 
ad Privernum profectus extemplo acie conflixit. 
Haud magno certamine devicti hostes ; op])idum 
captum redditumque Privernatibus praesidio valido 

4 imposito ; agri partes duae ademptae. Inde victor 
exercitus Satricum contra Antiates ductus. Ibi 
magna utrimque caede atrox proelium fuit ; et cum 
tempestas eos neutro inclinata spe dimicantes dire- 
misset, Romani niliil eo certamine tam ambiguo fessi 

5 in posterum diem proelium parant. Volscis recen- 
sentibus quos vires in acie amisissent haudquaquam 
idem animus ad iterandum periculum fuit ; nocte 

1 L. (lucius) D'^ : licius lJ''.L: titus {or t. ) n. 



I. The consuls were now Gains Plautius (for the 
second time) and Lucius Aemilius Mamercus^ when 
the men of Setium and Norba brought tidings to 
Rome that the Privernates were in revolt, with 
complaints of a defeat suffered at their hands. It 
was also reported that a Volscian army, conducted 
by the Antiates, had encamped at Satricum. Both 
wars were by lot assigned to Plautius. He marched 
first on Privernum and at once gave battle. With- 
out much ado he overcame the enemy, captured 
Privernum, and putting in it a strong garrison, 
restored it to the inhabitants, but deprived them of 
two-thirds of their territory. Thence he led his 
victorious army towards Satricum, to oppose the 
Antiates. The battle there, winch was desperately 
fought, with heavy losses on both sides, was inter- 
rupted by a storm before victory had incHned to 
either army. The Romans, not a whit discouraged 
by so indecisive a struggle, prepared to do battle on 
the morrow ; but the Volsci, when they reckoned 
up the men they had lost in the fighting, were by 
no means so eager to incur the danger a second 
time, and in the night marched off like beaten men 

B 2 


pro victis Antium agmine trepido sauciis ac parte 

6 impedimentorum relicta abierunt. Armorum magna 
vis cum inter caesa hostium corpora turn in castris 
inventa est. Ea Luae Matri dare se consul dixit 
finesque hostium usque ad oram maritimam est 

7 Alteri consuli Aemilio ingresso Sabellum agrum 
non castra Samnitium, iion legiones usquam op- 
positae. Ferro ignique vastantem agros legati 

8 Samnitium pacem orantes adeunt ; a quo reiecti ad 
senatum, potestate facta dicendi^ positis ferocibus 
animis pacem sibi ab Romanis bellique ius adversus 

9 Sidicinos petierunt, quae se eo iustius petere, quod 
et in amicitiam poj)uli Romani secundis suis rebus,, 
non adversis ut Campani, venissent, et adversus 
Sidicinos sumerent arma, suos semper hostes, populi 

10 Romani nunquam amicos, qui nee ut Samnites in 
pace amicitiam nee ut Campani auxilium in bello 
petissent, nee in fide populi Romani nee in dicione 

II. Cum de postulatis Samnitium T. Aemilius 
praetor senatum consul uisset reddendumque iis 
2 foedus patres censuissent, praetor Samnitibus re- 
sj)ondit nee quo minus per})etua cum eis amicitia 
esset })er populum Romanum stetisse, nee contradict 
quin, quoniam ipsos belli culpa sua contracti taedium 

^ i. e. as he burnt them : captured arms were sometimes 
burnt as an offering to Vulcan (i. xxxvii. 5), or to Jupiter 
Victor (X. xxix. IS). Lua Maler, wife of Saturn, was a 
goddess of atonement ; at XLV. xxxiii. 1 she is associated 
in this rite with Mars and Minerva. 

2 SahcUas ager usually includes the territories in Central 
Italy inhabited by the Samnites, Sabines, Picentines, Vestini, 
Marsi, Paeligni, and Marrucini. Livy uses it here in a re- 
stricted sense of the country of the Samnites. 


BOOK VIII. I. 5-II. 2 

for Antium, with fear and trembling, abandoning 
their wounded and a part of their baggage. A 
great quantity of arms was found_, not only amongst 
the slain but also in the enemy's camp. Declaring ^ 
that he gave these arms to Lua Mater, the consul 
proceeded to lay waste the enemy's country as far 
as the coast. 

The other consul, Aemilius^ having entered the 
Sabellian ^ territory, nowhere encountered a Samnite 
camp or levies. As he was ravaging their fields 
with fire and sword^ he was approached by Samnite 
envoys, who begged for peace. Being referred by 
Aemilius to the senate, they obtained an audience, 
and giving over their air of arrogance, besought the 
Romans to grant them peace and the right to war 
against the Sidicini. These requests, they said, 
were the more justifiable, inasmuch as they had 
become friends of the Roman People when their 
state was flourishing and not, like the Campanians, 
in their adversity ; moreover, it was against the 
Sidicini that they were drawing the sword, a people 
always their enemies and never friendly to the 
Romans, of whom they had never, like the Sam- 
nites, sought friendship in time of peace^ nor 
assistance, like the Campanians, in time of war; 
neither were they under the protection of the Roman 
People, nor yet their subjects. 

II. Titus Aemilius the praetor laid the petition of 
the Samnites before the senate, and the Fathers 
voted to renew the treaty with them. The praetor 
then replied to the ambassadors that the Roman 
People had not been to blame for the interruption 
of the friendship, and tliat, since the Samnites were 
themselves grown weary of a war contracted through 



3 ce})erit, amicitia de integro reconcilietur ; quod ad 
Sidicinos attineat;, nihil intercedi quo minus Samniti 

4 populo pacis bellique liberum arbitrium sit. Foedere 
icto cum domum revertissent^ extemplo inde ex- 
ercitus Romanus deductus, annuo stipendio et trium 
men sum frumento accepto, quod pepigerat consul 
ut tempus indutiis daret quoad legati redissent. 

5 Samnites copiis iisdem quibus usi adversus Roma- 
num bellum fuerant contra Sidicinos profecti, baud 
in dubia spe erant mature urbis hostium potiundae^ 

6 cum 1 ab Sidicinis deditio prius ad Romanos coepta 
fieri est ; dein, postquam patres ut seram eam 
ultimaque tandem necessitate expressam asperna- 
bantur, ad Latinos iam sua sponte in arma motos 

7 facta est. Ne Campani quidem — adeo iniuriae 
Samnitium quam beneficii Romanorum memoria 

8 praesentior erat — his se armis abstinuere. Ex his 
tot populis unus ingens exercitus duce Latino fines 
Samnitium ingressus plus populationibus quam proe- 
liis cladium fecit ; et quamquam superiores certami- 
nibus Latini erant, liaud inviti, ne saepius dimicandum 

9 foret, agro hostium excessere. Id spatium Samnitibus 
datum est Romam legatos mittendi ; qui cum adis- 
sent senatum, conquesti eadem se foederatos pati 

10 quae hostes essent passi. precibus infimis petiere ut 

^ cum A^ or A"" : turn {J}>:fore which P-F^O have a stop) fl. 

BOOK VIII. II. 2-10 

their own fault, they had no objection to renewing b.c. ui 
the covenant ; as for the Sidicini_, the Romans would 
not interfere with the free judgment of the Samnite 
People regarding peace and war. On the ratifi- 
cation of the treaty, the ambassadors went home, 
and the Roman army was at once recalled, after 
receiving a year's pay and rations for three months, 
w^hich the consul had stipulated should be the price 
of a truce, to last until the envoys should return. 

The Samnites marched against the Sidicini with 
the same forces which they had employed in the 
war with Rome, and were confidently hoping to 
capture the city of their enemies in a little while, 
when the Sidicini attempted to anticipate them by 
surrendering to the Romans. Then, after the Fathers 
had rejected their offer, on the ground that it came 
too late and had been wrung from them only by the 
direst necessity, they carried it to the Latins, who had 
already risen in arms on their own account. Even 
the Campanians — so much more vivid was their recol- 
lection of the injury done them by the Samnites 
than of the kindness of the Romans — could not 
refrain from joining in this expedition. One great 
army, gathered out of all these nations, invaded the 
borders of the Samnites, under a Latin general, but 
wrought more havoc by pillage than in battle ; and 
although the Latins came off best in all encounters, 
they were not unwilling to retire from the enemy's 
country, that they might not have to fight so often. 
The Samnites thus had time to send ambassadors to 
Rome. Appearing before the senate, they com- 
plained that tliey were suffering the same treatment 
as allies that they had experienced while enemies, 
and besought the Romans, with the utmost humility, 



satis ducerent Romani victoriam qiiani Samnitibus 
ex Campano Sidicinoque hoste eripuissent, ne vinci 

11 etiam se ab ignavissimis populis sinerent ; Latinos 
Campanosque, si sub dicione populi Romani essent, 
pro imperio arcerent Samniti agro^ sin imperium 

12 abnuerent, armis coercerent. Adversus haec re- 
sponsum anccps datum, quia fateri pigebat in 
potestate sua Latinos iam non esse, timebantque, 

13 ne arguendo abalienarent : Campanorum aliam con- 
dicionem esse, qui non foedere sed per deditionem 
in fidem venissent ; itaque Campanos, seu velint seu 
nolint> quieturos ; in foedere Latinos nihil esse quod 
bellare cum quibus ipsi velint prohibeant. 

IIL Quod responsum sicut dubios Samnites quid- 
nam facturum Romanum censerent dimisit, ita Cam- 
panos metu abalienavit, Latinos velut nihil iam non 

2 concedentibus Romanis ferociores fecit. Itaque per 
speciem adversus Samnites belli parandi crebra 
concilia indicentes omnibus consultationibus inter se 
principesocculte Romanum coquebant bellum. Huic 
quoque adversus servatores suos bello Campanus 

3 aderat. Sed quamquam omnia de industria cela- 
bantur — priusquam moverentur Romani, tolli ab tergo 
Samnitem hostem volebant — tamen per quosdam 
privatis hosj)itiis necessitudinibusque coniunctos in- 

BOOK VIII. II. lo-iii. 3 

tliat tliey would be satisfied to have snatched from b.c. sn 
the grasp of the Sainnites a victory over their 
Campanian and Sidicinian foes_, and not suffer them 
actually to be conquered by the most cowardly of 
nations. If the Latins and Campanians were subject 
to the Roman People, let the Romans use their 
authority and keep them from invading Samnium ; 
but if tliey rejected that authority, let them hold 
them in check by force of arms. To this plea the 
Romans returned an ambiguous reply, since they 
were loath to confess that the Latins were no longer 
under their control, and feared to estrange them if 
they censured them. The Campanians, they said, 
were upon a different footing, having come under 
their protection not by treaty but by surrender ; 
accordingly the Campanians, whether willing or not, 
should keep the peace ; but there was nothing in 
their treaty with the Latins which entitled them to 
prevent their gvoing to war with whom they chose. 

III. This answer, as it left the Samnites quite at b.c. 340 
a loss to forecast the Roman policy, so it alienated 
the Campanians with fear, while it persuaded the 
Latins that there was no longer any concession the 
Romans would not make them, and rendered them 
yet more audacious. Accordingly tlieir leaders, 
under colour of forwarding the war against the 
Samnites, appointed numerous councils, and in all 
their deliberations secretly concocted war with Rome. 
In this war, too, the Campanians took part, against 
their preservers. But tliough all their measures 
were sedulously concealed — for they wished to shake 
off the Samnite foe behind them before the Romans 
should take the alarm — yet through certain persons 
connected by private ties of hospitality and kinship, 



4 dicia coniurationis eius Romarn emanarunt ; iussisque 
ante tempus consiilibus abdicare se magistratu^ quo 
matiirius novi consules adversus tantam molem belli 
crearentur, religio incessit. ab eis quorum imminutum 
imperium esset comitia haberi. Itaque interregnum 

5 initum. Duo interreges fuere. M. Valerius ac M. 
Fabius ; is creavit ^ consules T. Manliiim Torquatum 
tertium. P. Decium Murem. 

6 Eo anno Alexandrum Epiri regem in Italiam 
classem appulisse constat ; quod bellum^ si prima 
satis prospera fuissent, baud dubie ad Romanos 

7 pervenisset. Eadem aetas rerum magni Alexandri 
est. quern sorore huius ortum in alio tractu orbis^ 
invictum bellis, iuvenem fortuna morbo exstinxit. 

8 Ceterum Romani. etsi defectio sociorum nominisque 
Latini baud dubia erat, tamen tamquam de Samni- 
tibus non de se curam agerent, decem principes 
Latinorum Romam evocaverunt, quibus imperarent 

9 quae vellent. Praetores tum duos Latium habebat, 
L. Annium Setinum et L. Numisium Circeiensem, 
ambo ex coloniis Romanis, per quos praeter Signiam ^ 
\'elitrasque et ipsas colonias Romanas ^'olsci etiam 
exciti ad arma erant ; eos nominatim evocari placuit. 

10 Haud cuiquam dubium erat super qua re accirentur ; 

^ is creavit cod. Sigon. (v. xxxi. 9) : Fabius creavit Hertz: 
creauit H: creant U\ creati A: creauert F^ : creauere 

2 Signiam UA^'i-. signia J/OZTTDi : signa PJ^ J : signium 

' Alexander the Epirot's expedition is here placed too 
early by some ten years. The story of his death is told in 
chap. XX iv. 

* Olympias, daughter of Xeoptolemus. 

BOOK VIII. in. 3-10 

information of the conspiracy leaked out and was 
brouglit to Rome. The consuls were commanded, 
before their time was up, to resign their office, in 
order that new consuls might the sooner be chosen 
to confront so momentous an invasion ; but a scruple 
arose at allowing the election to be held by those 
whose authority had been abridged, and so they 
had an interregnum. There were two interreges, 
Marcus Valerius and Marcus Fabius : the latter 
announced the election to the consulship of Titus 
Manlius Torquatus (for the third time) and Publius 
Decius Mus. 

It is believed to have been in this year that 
Alexander, king of Epirus, sailed with a fleet to 
Italy — a Avar which, had it prospered in its begin- 
ning, would doubtless have extended to the Romans.^ 
This was also the era of the exploits of Alexander the 
Great, who was the son of this man's sister,- and was 
doomed to be cut off by sickness while a young man, 
in another quarter of the world, after proving himself 
to be invincible in war. 

But the Romans, though, quite certain that the 
allies and all the Latins were going to revolt, 
nevertheless, as if concerned not for themselves 
but for the Samnites, summoned to Rome the ten 
chief men of the Latins, that they might give 
them such commands as they might wish. Latium 
at that time had two praetors, Lucius Annius Setinus 
and Lucius Numisius CircFiensis, both from Roman 
colonies, througli_whose contrivance, besides Signia 
and Velitrae— likewise Roman colonies — even the 
\'olsci had been induced to draw the sword. It was 
determined to sunnnon these men bv name. Nobody 
could be in doubt why they were sent for ; accord- 


itaque concilio prius liabito praetores qiiam Romam 
proficiscerenturevocatosseab senatu decent Romano 
et quae actum iri secum credant, quidnam ad ea 
responderi placeat referunt. 

IV. Cum aliudalii censerent, tum Annius : ''Quam- 
quam ipse ego rettuli quid responderi placeret, tamen 
magis ad summam rerum nostrarum pertinere arbitror 
quid agendum nobis quam quid loquendum sit. 
Facile erit explicatis consiliis accommodare rebus 

2 verba. Nam si etiam nunc sub umbra foederis 
aequi servitutem pati possumus, quid abest quin 
proditis Sidicinis non Romanorum solum sed Samni- 
tium quoque dicto pareamus respondeamusque 

3 Romanis nos, ubi innuerint. posituros arma .' Sin 
autem tandem libertatis desiderium remordet animos^ 
si foedus.^ si societas aequatio iuris est, si consangui- 
neos nos Romanorum esse, quod olim pudebat, nunc 
gloriari licet, si socialis illis exercitus is est quo 
adiuncto duplicent vires suas, quem secernere ab 
se consilia - bellis propriis ponendis sumendisque 

•i nolint, cur non omnia aequantur .' Cur non alter 
ab Latinis consul datur? Ubi pars virium, ibi et 

5 imperii jvars esto.^ Est quidem nobis hoc per se 
baud nimis amplum, quippe concedcntibus Romam 
cajnit Latio esse ; sed ut am})lum videri posset, 

^ si foedus Madvig : si foedus est CI. 

2 cowv^lWdi Madvig : consules H: consul TDLA. 

3 esto Mehhr: est H: ee (= esse) J/: est? F^H {Broken- 
torch) : omitted by 0. 

BOOK VIII. III. lo-iv. 5 

ingly, before setting out for Rome the praetors held b.c, sio 
a council, and explaining how they had been 
summoned by the Roman senate, asked instructions 
touching the answers they should give to the 
questions which they supposed would be put to 

IV. While one was suggesting this thing and 
another that, Annius arose. '' Notwithstanding I 
have myself referred to you/' said he, '' the question 
as to what our reply should be, nevertheless I con- 
sider that what we are to do is of more im portance -| 
to the welfare of our nation than what we are to say. 1/ 
If will be easy, when we have straightened outpour J 
plans7T6~^* jvvcu-ds suital^le to^ur conduLCt. For 
if we are able even now to endure slavery under a 
shadowy pretence oF equal treaty-riglits, what is left 
for~us but to^give up the Sidicini, and obeying the 
behest not of the Romans only but also of the 
Samnites, make answer to the Romans that we are, 
ready to lay" down our arms at their beck and call ? 
But if our hearts are pricked at last with a longing 
for liberty ; if treaties, if alliances, mean equality of 
rights ; if we may~now glory in the kinship of the 
Romans, of which we were formerly ashamed ; if 
they mean by '^allied army" one which added to 
their own doubles its numbers, one which they 
would not wish to make its own war and peace, apart 
from them ; — if these things are so, I say, why are 
not all things equalized ? Why is not one consul 
furnished by the Latins ? Where a portion of the 
strength is, there, too, should be a portion of the 
authority. For us, indeed, this is not in itself any 
too great an honour, since we suffer Rome to be the„ 
capital of Latium ; but we Tiave made it seem an 



6 diuturna patientia fecimus. Atqui si quando unquam 
consociandi imperii, usurpandae libertatis tempus 
optastis^ en hoc tempus adest^ et virtute vestra et 

7 deum benignitate vobis datum. Temptastis pati- 
entiam negando militem ; quis dubitat exarsisse 
eos, cum plus ducentorum annorum morem solve- 

8 remus r Pertulerunt tamen hunc dolorem. Bellum 
nostro nomine cum Paelignis gessimus ; qui ne 
nostrorum quidem finium nobis per nos tuendorum 

9 ius antea dabant nihil intercesserunt. Sidicinos in 
fidem receptos, Campanos ab se ad nos descisse, 
exercitus nos parare adversus Samnites, foederatos 

10 suos, audierunt nee moverunt se ab urbe. Unde 
haec illis tanta modestia, nisi a conscientia virium 
et nostrarum et suarum .' Idoneos auctores habeo 
querentibus de nobis Samnitibus ita responsum ab 
senatu Romano esse ut facile appareret ne ipsos 
quidem iam })Ostulare ut Latium sub Romano 
imperio sit. Usurpate modo postulando^ quod illi 

11 vobis taciti concedunt. Si quern hoc metus dicere 
prohibet, en ego ^ ipse audiente non populo Romano 
modo senatuque sed love ipso^ qui Capitolium incolit, 
profiteor me dicturum^ ut si nos in foedere ac 
societate esse velint, consulem alterum ab nobis 

12 senatusque partem accipiant." Haec ferociter non 
suadenti solum sed pollicenti clamore et adseniu 

^ postulando J/* cr J/ V : postulando. Eo J/v : postulando 
eo n : postulando id -. 

* en ego A^ Gelenius: engo J/: en PFUO: ego JITDLA: 
hem ego ^. 

BOOK VIII. IV. 5-12 

honour by our prolonged jubmissiveiiess. And yet^ b.c. uo 
if ever at any time you have desired to share in the 
government and to use your freedom^ behold, now is 
your opportunity, bestowed on 3-ou by jour valour 
and by Heaven's favour_l You have tried their 
patience by denying them troops ; who can doubt 
that they were enraged when we broke the tradition of 
two hundred years ? Yet they swallowed their resent- 
ment. We waged Mar on our own account with the 
Paeligni ; those who aforetime withheld from us even 
the right to defend our own borders by ourselves, 
never interposed. They have heard how we received 
the Sidicini into our protection, how the Campanians 
have left them and joined us, how we are raising 
armies against the Samnites, their confederates, — and 
have not stirred from the City. Whence comes tJiis 
great restraint on their partj if it come not from the 
cmisciousness of our strength — and their own ? I 
Irave good authority for sayingthat when the Samnites 
were complaining of us, the Roman senate answered 
in such wise that it might readily appear that even 
the Romans themselves no longer demanded that 
Latium should be under their authority. Do but 
take up in your demands what they tacitly concede 
to you. If there is any man whom fear prevents 
from saying this, lo, I declare that I myself will say 
it, in the hearing not of the Roman People only and 
their senate, but of Jupiter himself, who dwells in 
the Capitol ; that if they wish us to observe the 
treaty of alliance, they must receive from us one 
consul and a moiety of the senate." These bold 
encouragements, and even promises, were received 
with a general shout of a})proval, and Annius was 
empowered to act and speak as might seem con- 



omnes permiserunt ut ageret diceretque quae e 
re publica nominis Latini fideque sua viderentur. 

v. Ubi est Romam ventum^ in Capitolio eis 
senatus datus est. Ibi cum T. Manlius consul egisset 
cum eis ex auctoritate patrum, ne Samnitibus 

2 foederatis bellum inferrent, Annius^ tamquam victor 
armis Capitolium cepisset^ non legatus iure gentium 

3 tutus loqueretur, " Tempus erat," inquit, " T. Manli 
vosque, patres conscripti, tandem iam vos nobiscum 
nihil pro imperio agere^ cum florentissimaum deum 
benignitate Latium ^ armis virisque^ Samnitibus bello 
victis, Sidicinis Campanisque sociis, nunc etiam Volscis 
adiunctis, videretis ; colonias quoque vestras Latinum 

4 Romano praetulisse imperium. Sed quoniam vos 
regno impotenti finem ut imponatis non inducitis in 
animum, nos, quamquam armis possumus adserere 
Latium in libertatem, consanguinitati tamen hoc 
dabimus ut condiciones pacis feramus aequas utrisque, 
quoniam vires quoque aequari dis immortalibus 

5 placuit. Consulem alterum Roma^ alterum ex Latio 
creari oportet, senatus partem aequam ex utraque 
gente esse, unum populum, unam rem publicam 

6 fieri ; et ut imperii eadem sedes sit idemque 
omnibus nomen, quoniam ab altera utra parte concedi 
necesse est. quod utrisque bene vertat, sit haec sane 
patria potior, et Romani omnes vocemur. ' 

^ Latium Madvig : nunc (tunc M) Latium H. 


ducive to the welfare of the Latin state and befitting b.c. 340 
his own honour. 

v. On the arrival of the Latins in Rome, they 
were given audience of the senate in the Capitol. 
There, after Titus Manlius the consul had pleaded 
with them, as directed by the senate, to make no war 
upon the Samnites, united as they were by treaty 
with the Romans, Annius held forth like some con- 
queror who had taken tTie Capitol by storm^ not like 
an envoy protected by the law of nations. '' It was 
high time^ Titus Manlius/' he said, ^'and you, 
Conscript Fathers, that you should cease at length to 
deal with us as in any sort our rulers, perceiving, as 
vou have, that Latium, by Heaven's blessing, is 
flourishing exceedingly in arms and men, after van- 
quishing the Samnites in war and receiving as allies 
the Sidicini and Campanians, and now even the Volsci 
besides, and that your own colonies as well have 
preferred the Latin to the Roman sway. But, since 
you cannot make up your minds to bring your 
impotent sovereignty to a close, we — though able by 
force of arms to give Latium her freedom — will 
nevertheless concede so much to kinship as to offer 
terms of peace fair and equal to both sides, since the 
immortal gods have willed that we should be of equal 
strengtli. One consul should be chosen from Rome/ 
the other from Latium, the senate should be drawn 
in equal })roportions from both nations, there should 
be one people and one state ; and that we may have 
the same seat of empire anH the same name for all, 
by all means let this rather be our city, since one 
side must make concessions, — and may good come of 
it to both peoples I — and let us all be known as 

VOL. iV 


7 Forte ita accidit ut parem ferociae huiiis et Romani 
consulem T. Manlium haberent. qui adeo non teiiuit 
iram ut, si tanta dementia patres conscriptos cepisset 
ut ab Setino homine leges acciperent, gladio ciDctum 
in senatum venturum se esse palam diceret, et 
quemcumque in curia Latinum vidisset, sua manu 

8 interempturum. Et conversus ad simulacrum lovis, 
^' Audi. luppiter. haec scelera" inquit ; " audite, lus 
Fasque. Peregrines consules et peregrinum senatum 
in tuo, Iupj)iter, augurato templo captus atque ipse ^ 

9 oppressus visurus es I Haecine foedera Tullus, 
Romanus rex, cum Albanis, patribus vestris, Latini, 

10 haec L. Tarquinius vobiscum postea fecit? Non 
venit in mentem pugna - apud Regillum lacum r 
Adeo et cladium veterum vestrarum et beneficiorum 
nostrorum erga vos obliti estis ? " 

VI. Cum consulis vocem subsecuta patrum in- 
dignatio asset, proditur memoriae adversus crebram 
implorationem deum, quos testes foederum saepius 
invocabant consules, vocem Anni spernentis numina 

2 lovis Romani auditam. Certe, cum commotus ira 
se a vestibulo templi citato gradu proriperet, lapsus 
per gradus capita graviter offenso impactus imo ita 

3 est saxo ut sopiretur. Exanimatum auctores quoniam 
non omnes sunt, mihi quoque in incerto relictum sit, 
sicut inter foederum ruptorum testationem ingenti 
fragore caeli procellam effiisam ; nam et vera esse 
et apte ad re])raesentandam iram deum ficta possunt, 

^ atque ipse n : ipse atque Alschefski. 

2 pugna n : pugnam M : pugnae Gronovius. 

^ See Book I., chap, xxiv and chap. lii. 

BOOK VIII. V. 7-vi. 3 

It so happened that the Romans had^ in their con- b.c. 340 
sul Titus ManUus^ a man who was a match for Annius 
in boldness. So far was he from controlling his 
indignation, that he openly declared that if the 
Fathers were so demented as to receive terms from 
a Setine, he would gird on his sword, and entering 
the senate would slay with his own hand any Latin 
he might see within the Curia. And turning to the 
statue of the god, ^^Hear, Jupiter," he cried, "these 
wicked words ! Hear ye. Law and Right ! Shalt 
thou behold, O Jupiter, alien consuls and an alien 
senate in thy consecrated temple, thyself over-' 
powered and taken captive } Are these the covenants, 
Latins, that Tullus, the Roman king, made with your 
Alban forefathers, that Lucius Tarquinius afterv.ards 
made with you ? ^ Remember you not the battle at 
Lake Regillus ? Have you so forgot your old disasters 
and our goodness to you ? " 

VI. The consul's speech having been warmly 
seconded by the indignant senators, it is recorded 
that in answer to the numerous supplications of the 
gods, whom the consuls repeatedly invoked as the 
witnesses of treaties, the voice of Annius was heard 
spurning the power of the Roman Jupiter. At all 
events, as he hurried, beside himself with rage, from 
the entrance of the temple, he slipped on the stairs, 
and struck his head so hard on the lowest stone that 
he lost consciousness. That he was killed is not 
asserted by all writers, wherefore I, too, may leave the 
question undecided, as also the tradition that while 
men were calling on the gods to witness the breaking 
of the treaty, there was a loud crash in the heavens, 
and a hurricane burst forth ; for these things may be 
true, or they may be apt inventions to express in a 


4 Torqiiatus missus ab senatu ad dimittendos legates 

5 cum iacentem Annium vidisset, exclamat, ita ut 
populo patribusque audita vox pariter sit : '' Bene 
habet ; di pium movere bellum. Est caeleste numen ; 
es, magne luppiter ; baud frustra te patrem deum 

6 liominumque bac sede sacravimus. Quid cessatis, 
Quirites, vosque patres conscripti^ arma capere deis 
ducibus? Sic stratas legiones Latinorum dabo, 

7 quemadmodum legatum iacentem videtis." Adsensu 
populi excepta vox consulis tantum ardoris animis 
fecit, ut legatos proficiscentes cura magistratuum 
magis^ qui iussu consubs prosequebantur, quam ius 
gentium ab ira impetuque bominum tegeret. 

8 Consensit et senatus bellum; consulesque duo))us 
scriptis exercitibus per Marsos Paelignosque profecti 
adiuncto Samnitium exercitu ad Capuam, quo iam 

9 Latini sociique convenerant, castra locant. Ibi in 
quiete utrique consuH eadem dicitur visa species 
viri maioris quam pro humano habitu augustiorisque, 

10 dicentis ex una acie imperatorem, ex altera exercitum 
Deis Manibus Matrique Terrae deberi ; utrius exer- 
citus imperator legiones bostium superque eas se 

1 1 devovisset^ eius populi partisque victoriam fore. Hos 
ubi nocturnos visus inter se consules contulerunt, 
placuit averruncandae deum irae victimas caedi ; 


BOOK VIII. VI. 4-1 1 

lively manner tne wrath of Heaven, Torquatus^ who b.c 340 
had been sent by the senate to dismiss the envoys^ 
saw Annius lying there^ and exclaimed in a voice that 
was heard alike by the people and the senators : 
"' It is well ; the gods have begun a righteous war. 
There is a heavenly power ; thou dosf exist, great 
Jupiter ; not in vain have we established thee in this 
holy seat, the Father of gods and men. \\ hy do you 
hesitate to arm, Quirites, and you Conscript Fathers, 
with the gods to lead you ? As you behold their 
ambassador brought low, even so will I cast down the 
Latin legions." The consul's words were received 
with approval by the people, and so enraged them, 
that the envoys, at their setting out, owed their 
protection from men's wrath and fury more to the 
care of the magistrates — who attended them at the 
consul's bidding — than to the law of nations. 

The senate also agreed on war ; and the consuls, 
enrolling two armies, marched out throus:h the 
country of the Marsi and Paeligni, and having added 
to their forces the army of the Samnites, went into 
camp near Capua, where the Latins and their allies 
had already assembled. Tiiere in the stillness of the 
night both consuls are said to have been visited by 
the same apparition, a man of greater than human 
stature and more majestic, who declared that the 
commander of one side, and the army of the other, 
must be offered up to the Manes and to Mother 
Earth ; and that in whichever host the general 
should devote to death the enemy's legions, and 
himself with them, that nation and that side would 
have the victory. When the consuls had compared 
these visions of the night, they resolved tiiat victims 
should be slain to turn away the wrath of Heaven ; 



simul ut^. si extis eadem quae in somnio ^ visa fuerant 
portenderentur, alter uter consulum fata impleret. 

12 Ubi responsa liaruspicum insidenti iam animo tacitae 
reiigioni coiigruerunt^ turn adhibitis legatis tri- 
bunisque et imperiis deuin propalam expositis^ ne 
mors voluntaria consulis exercitum in acie terreret, 

13 comparant inter se ut ab utra parte cedere Romanus 
exercitus coepisset^ inde se consul devoveret pro 

14 populo Romano Quiritibusque. Agitatum etiam in 
consilio est ut, si quando unquam severo ullum 
imperio bellum administratum esset, tunc iitique ^ 
disciplina militaris ad priscos redigeretur mores. 

15 Curam acuebat quod adversus Latinos bellandum 
erat. lingua, moribus, armorum genere. institutis ante 
omnia militaribus, congruentes ; milites militibus, 
centurionibus centuriones, tribuni tribunis compares 
collegaeque iisdem in ^ praesidiis, saepe iisdem mani- 

16 })ulis permixti fuerant. Per haec ne quo errore 
milites caj)erentur, edicunt consules, ne quis extra 
ordinem in hostem pugnaret. 

VII. Forte inter ceteros turmarum praefectos, 
qui exj)loratum in omues partes dimissi erant, T. 
Manlius consulis filius super castra bostium cum 
suis turmalibus evasit, ita ut vi\ teli iactu ab statione 
2 proxima abesset. Ibi Tusculani erant equites ; 
praeerat Geminus Maecius, vir cum genere inter 

^ in somnio Jf'esenherg : somnio H : somnia {with visu) F. 
2 utique Sigonhis: uti Cl. 
iisdem in Conway : in iisdem Wesenherg : iisdem (or isdem 

or hisdem) fl. 

BOOK VIII. VI. ii-vii. 2 

and^ at the same time^ that if the warning of the b.c. 340 
entrails should coincide with what thay had seen in 
their dream, one or other of the consuls should fulfil 
the decrees of fate. The report of the soothsayers 
agreed with the secret conviction which had already 
found lodgment in their breasts ; whereupon they 
sent for their lieutenants and the tribunes^ and 
having openly declared the pleasure of the gods, that 
so the consul's voluntary death might not terrify the 
soldiers in the fray, they agreed with one another 
that on whichever flank the Roman army should 
begin to yield, there the consul should devote himself 
in behalf of the Roman People and Quirites. It was 
also urged in the council that if ever any war had 
been conducted with stern authority, now was the 
occasion of all others for recalling military descipline 
to its ancient courses. Their anxiety was sharpened 
by the fact that they must fight against the Latins, 
who were like themselves in language, customs, 
fashion of arms, and above all in military institutidiis j 
soldiers had mingled with soldiers, centurions with 
centurions, tribunes with tribunes, as equals and col- 
leagues in the same garrisons and often in the same 
maniples. Lest this might betray the soldiers into 
some blunder, the consuls proclaimed that no man 
should quit his place to attack the foe. 

VII. It chanced that amongst the other squadron- 
leaders who had been sent off in all directions to 
reconnoitre, Titus Manliu^ the consul's^ son Jiad 
ridden out with his troopers beyond the enemy's 
camp, till he was hardly the cast of a spear from 
their nearest outpost. There the Tusculan horse 
were stationed, under the command of Gerainus 
Maecius, who enjoyed a reputation amongst his 



3 suos turn factis clarus. Is ubi Romanos equites 
insignemque inter eos praecedentem consulis filium 
— nam omnes inter se, utique illustres viri^ noti 

4 erant — cognovit^ " Unane/' ait, '' turma, Romani, 
cum Latinis sociisque bellum gesturi estis? Quid 
interea consules, quid duo exercitus consulares 

5 agent?" ^' Aderunt in tempore," Manlius inquit, 
"at cum illis aderit luppiter ipse, foederum a vobis 

6 violatorum testis, qui plus potest polletque. Si ad 
Regillum lacum ad satietatem vestram pugnavimus, 
hie quoque efficiemus profecto ne nimis acies vobis 

7 et conlata signa nobiscum cordi sint." Ad ea 
Geminus paulum ab suis equo provectus : " Msne 
igitur, dum dies ista venit, qua magno conatu exer- 
citus moveatis, interea tu ipse congredi mecum, ut 
nostro duorum iam hinc eventu cernatur, quantum 

8 eques Latinus Romano praestet ? " Movet ferocem 
animum iuvenis seu ira seu detractandi certaminis 
pudor seu inexsuperabilis vis fati. Oblitus itaque 
im})erii })atrii consul unique edicti, praeceps ad id 
certamen agitur, quo vinceret an vinceretur baud 

9 multum interesset. Equitibus ceteris velut ad 
spectaculum submotis, spatio quod vacui interiacebat 
campi adversos concitant equos ; et cum infestis 
cuspidibus concurrissent_, Manli cuspis super galeam 


fellows for his achievements no less than for his b.c. 340 
noble birth. This man recognized the Roman 
cavalry, and, conspicuous in their van, the consul's 
son — for they were all known to one another, parti- 
cularly the men of mark. ^^ Come now," he cried, 
" will you Romans wage war on the Latins and their 
allies with a single squadron } What Avill the 
consuls, what will two consular armies be doing in 
the meantime ? " "They will be here soon enough," 
said Manlius, "and with them will be Jupiter 
himself, the witness of those covenants which you 
have violated, who is mightier and more powerful 
than they. If at Lake Regillus we gave you your 
fill of fighting, here likewise we shall certainly see to 
it that you have no great joy of meeting us in the 
serried ranks of battle." At this, Geminus rode out 
a little in front of his men, and asked, "Would vou 
like then, while waiting for that great day to come, 
when with a mighty effort you are to set your hosts 
in motion — would you like meanwhile, I say, to do 
battle Avith me, yourself, that from the outcome of 
our duel men may see at once how far the Latin 
horse surpass the Roman ? " The youth's bold heart 
was stirred, whether by anger, or by shame at the 
thought of refusing the combat, or by the irresistible 
force of destiny. And so, forgetting the commands 
of his father and the edict of the consuls, he allowed 
himself to be swept headlong into an encounter 
where it would make little difference to him whether 
he won or lost. They caused the rest of the horsemen 
to stand back, as though it had been a spectacle, and 
spurred their steeds against one another across the 
vacant space between. With lances levelled they 
rushed together ; but tlie lance of Manlius glanced off 



10 liostis, Maeci trans cervicem equi elapsa est. Cir- 
cumactis delude equis cum prior ad iterandum ictum 
Manlius consurrexisset, spiculum inter aures equi 
fixit. Ad cuius volneris sensum cum equus prioribus 
pedibus erectis ma<rna vi caput quateret^ excussit 

1 1 equitem^quem cuspide parmaque innixum attollentem 
se ab gravi casu Manlius ab iugulo^ ita ut per costas 

12 ferrum emineret. terrae adfixit ; spoliisque lectis ad 
suos revectuS;, cum ovante gaudio turma in castra 
atque inde ad praetorium ad patrem tendit. ignaru 
fati ^ futuriquCj laus an poena raerita esset. 

13 ''\St me omnes," inquit. ^-pater^ tuo sanguine 
ortum vere ferrent, provocatus equestria haec spolia 

14 capta ex hoste caeso porto." Quod ubi audivit 
consul, extemplo filium aversatus contionem classico 

15 advocari iussit. Quae ubi frequens convenit, " Quan- 
doque/' inquit^ " tu. T. Manli. neque imperium 
consulare neque maiestatem patriam veritus adversus 
edictum nostrum extra ordinem in liostem pugnasti 

16 et quantum in te fuit, disciplinam militarem^ qua 
stetit ad banc diem Romana res. solvisti, meque in 
earn necessitatem adduxisti^ ut aut rei publicae mihi 

17 aut mei ^ obliviscendum sit, nos potius nostro delicto 
plectemur quam res publica tanto suo damno nostra 
peccata luat. Triste exemplum sed in posterum 

1 fati T^ Frag. Havcrk. g-: facti n. 

2 mei Conway: mei nieorum CI: mei meorumue H : mei 
meonimque F*UD^A^r. 



the helmet of his enemy, and that of Maecius passed 
over the neck of the other's horse. Then, as they 
pulled their horses round, Manlius, who was the first 
to gather himself up for a second thrust, pricked his 
enemy's charger between the ears. The smart of 
this wound made the horse rear and toss his head so 
violently that he threw off his rider, avIio, raising 
himself with spear and shield, was struggling to his 
feet after the heavy fall, when Manhus plunged 
his lance into his throat so that it came out between 
the ribs and pinned him to the ground. He then 
gathered up the spoils and rode back to his troopers, 
who attended him with shouts of triumph to the 
camp, where he sought at once the headquarters of 
his father, knowing not what doom the future held 
for him, or whether praise or punishment were his 
appointed guerdon. 

^^ Father," he said, ^'^that all men might truly 
report me to be your son, I bring these equestrian 
spoils, stripped from the body of an enemy who 
challenged me." On hearing this, the consul 
straightway turned from his son and commanded a 
trumpet to sound the assembly. When the men had 
gathered in full numbers, the consul said, ^' Inas- 
much, Titus Manlius, as you have held in reverence 
neither consulaLauthority nor a father's dignity, and 
despite our edict have quitted your place to fight the 
enemy, and so far as in you lay, have broken military 
discipliiie, whereby the Roman state has stood until 
thi¥ day unshaken, thus compelling me to forget 
either the republic or myself^ we will sooner endure 
the punishment of our wrong-doing than suffer the 
republic to expiate our sins at a cost so heavy to 
herself; we will set a stern example, but a salutary 


B.C S40 


18 salubre iuventuti erimus. Me quidem cum ingenita 
caritas liberum turn specimen istud virtutis deceptum 

19 vana imagine decoris in te movet ; sed cum aut 
morte tua sancienda sint consulum imperia aut 
impunitate in perpetuum abroganda, nee ^ te quidem, 
si quid in te nostri sanguinis est, recusare censeam 
quin disciplinam militarem culpa tua prolapsam })oena 
restituas — i, lictor, deliga ad palum." 

20 Exanimati omnes tarn atroci imperio nee aliter 
quam in se quisque destrictam cernentes securem, 

21 metu magis quam modestia quievere. Itaque velut 
demerso '^ ab admiratione animo cum silentio defixi 
stetissent, repente, postquam cervice caesa fusus est 
cruor, tarn ^ libero conquestu coortae voces sunt ut 
neque lamentis neque exsecrationibus parceretur, 

22 spoliisque contectum iuvenis corpus, quantum mili- 
taribus studiis funus ullum concelebrari potest, structo 
extra vallum rogo cremaretur, Manlianaque imperia 
non in praesentia modo horrenda sed exempli etiam 
tristis in posterum essent. 

VIII. Fecit tamen atrocitas poenae oboedientiorem 
duci militem, et praeterquam quod custodiae vigili- 
aeque et ordo stationum intentioris ubique curae 
erant, in ultimo etiam certamine, cum descensum 
2 in aciem est, ea severitas profuit. Fuit autem 
civili maxime bello pugna similis ; adeo nihil apud 

* nee n. Walters (ivho punctuates as in the text restituas — ) : 
ne lac. Gronovius {with full stop after restituas). 

* demerso M. Mueller [D has uelud for uelut) : emerso 0, 
merso Madrig : veluti merso Zingerle. 

^ tarn Crevier : turn CI. 

BOOK VIII. VII. 17-V111. 2 

one^ for tlie young men of the future. For my own b.c, 34o 
part, I am moved, not only by a man's instinctive love 
of his children, but by this instance you have given 
of your bravery, perverted though it was by an idle 
show of honour. But since the authority of the 
consuls must either be established by your death, or 
by your impunity be forever abrogated, and since I 
think that you yourself, if you have a drop of my 
blood in you, would not refuse to raise up by your 
punishment the military discipline which through 
your misdemeanour has slipped and fallen, — go, lictor, 
bind him to the stake." 

All were astounded at so shocking a command ; 
every man looked upon the axe as lifted against him- 
self, and they were hushed with fear more than with 
reverence. And so, after standing, as if lost in 
wonder, rooted to the spot, suddenly, when the 
blood gushed forth from the severed neck, their 
voices burst out in such unrestrained upbraiding that 
they spared neither laments nor curses ; and covering 
the young man's body with his spoils, they built a 
pyre outside the rampart, where they burned it with 
all the honours that can possibly attend a soldier's 
funeral: and the ^-orders of Manlius " not only 
caused men to shudder at the time, but became a 
type of severity with succeeding ages. 

VIII. Nevertheless the brutality of the punish- 
ment made the soldiers more obedient to their 
general ; and not only were guard-duties, watches, 
and the ordering of outposts, everywhere more care- 
fully observed, but in the final struggle, as well, 
when the troops had gone down into battle, that 
stern act did much good. Now the battle was 
exceedingly like the battles in a civil war, so little 



Latinos dissonum ab Romaiia re praeter aiiimos 

3 Clipeis antea Romani ^ usi sunt ; dein, postquam 
stipendiarii facti sunt^ scuta pro clipeis fecere ; et 
quod antea phalanx similis^ Macedonicis, hoc postea 

4 manipulatim structa acies coepit esse : postremi ^ in 

5 plures ordines instruebantur. Prima acies hastati 
erant^ manipuli quindecim^ distantes inter se modi- 
cum spatium : manipulus leves* vicenos milites, 
aliam turbam scutatorum habebat ; leves autem 
qui hastam tantum gaesaque gererent vocabantur. 

6 Haec prima frons in acie ^ florem iuvenum pube- 
scentium ad militiam habebat. Robustior inde aetas 
totidem manipulorum, quibus principibus est nomen^ 
hos sequebantur, scutati omnes, insignibus maxime 

7 armis. Hoc triginta manipulorum agmen antepi- 
lanos appellabantj quia sub signis iam alii quindecim 
ordines locabantur, ex quibus ordo unusquisque tres 
partes habebat — earum unam quamque primam *^ 

8 })ilum vocabant ; tribus ex vexillis constabat ordo; 
sexagenos milites_, duos centuriones^ vexillarium 
unum habebat " vexillum ; centum octoginta sex 
homines erant ; primum vexillum triarios ducebat, 
veteranum militem spectatae virtutis, secundum 
rorarios, minus roboris aetate factisque, tertium 

1 Romani ^P■{or M^) H'^{or H-'Frag. Havcrk. g- : roinanis n. 

2 phalanx similis Lidcrhacher : phalanges similes Cl : 
phalange similes A^. 

' postremi Ortmann (and Mf) : postremo M or M^ n. 

* leves Griiter : leuis D.. 

^ frons in acie F^L^A^: frons in aciera U: foris in aciem 
(ace E) Ci: in acieni foris L : sors in acie Conway. 

• primam Lipsiiu; : primum H. 

' Tlie words ordo , . . habebat art placed here hy Conicay 
{Class Quart. 12 (1918) pp. 9-14), who punctuates as in the 



did the Latins differ from the Romans in anything b.c. Zio 
but courage. 

The"^ Romans had formerly used small round 
shields ; then, after they began to serve for pay, 
they made oblong shields instead of round ones ; and 
what had before been a phalanx, like the Macedonian 
phalanxes, came afterAvards to be a line of battle 
formed by maniples, with the rearmost troops drawn 
up in a number of companies. The first line, or 
hastati, comprised fifteen manrples, stationed a short 
distance apart ; the maniple had twenty light-armed 
soldiers, the rest of their number carried oblong 
shields; moreover those were called 'Mi^ht-armed " 
who carried only a spear and javelins. This front 
line in the battle contained the fiower of the young 
men who were growing ripe for service."' Behi'nH 
these came a line of the same number of maniples, 
made up of men of a more stalwart age ; these were 
called the principes ; they carried oblong shields and 
were the most sliowily armed of a^l. This body of 
thirty maniples tliey called antepilani, because 
behind the standards there were again stationed 
other fifteen com})anies, each of which had three 
sections, the first section in every company being 
known as piliis. The company consisted of thre.^ 
vexilla or "banners"; a single vexiilum had sixty 
soldiers, two centurions, one vexillarius, or colour- 
bearer; the company numbered a hundred and 
eighty-six men. The first banner led the triarii, 
veteran soldiers of prove_n^yalour ; the second banner 
the rorarii, younger and less distinguished men ; the 

text, making vexiilum suhj. of liabebat : the MSS. give them 
after instruebantur (§ 4). 



accensos^ miniaiae fiduciae manum ; ' eo et in 
postremam aciem reiciebantur. 
9 Ubi his ordinibus exercitus instructus esset, hastati 
omnium primi pugnam inibant. Si hastati profligare 
hostem non possent, pede presso eos retro cedentes 
in intervalla ordinum principes recipiebant. Turn 

10 principum ])ugna erat ; hastati sequebantur. Triarii 
sub vexillis considebant sinistro crure porrecto. scuta 
innixa umeris, hastas suberecta cuspide in terra 
fixaSj baud secus quam vallo saepta inhorreret acies, 

11 tenentes. Si apud principes quoque baud satis pro- 
spere esset pugnatum, a prima acie ad triarios se 
sensim referebant.^ (Inde rem ad triarios redisse.cum 

12 laboratur.proverbio increbruit.) Triarii consurgentes, 
ubi in intervalla ordinum suorum principes et has- 
tatos recepissent, extemplo compressis ordinibus 
velut claudebant vias, unoque continenti agmine 

13 iam nulla spe })ost relicta in hostem incidebant ; 
id erat formidolosissimum hosti, cum velut victos 
insecuti novam repente aciem exsurgentem, auctam 

14 numero, cernebant. Scribebantur autem quattuor 
fere legiones quinis milibus peditum, equitibus in 
singulas legiones trecenis. 

Alterum tantum ex Latino dilectu adiciebatur, 

^ se sensim referebant Aladcig: sensim referebantur CI: 
redisse referebantur DA : redisse referebant L : retro se 
referebant D- or L^ 'mo.njin). 

^ Of this account of the reorganization of the army see the 
discussion by Professor Conway [Class. Quart. 12 (1918) 9-14), 
The writer concludes that "in the army which Livy was 
describing there were only 10 maniples' of Hastati, "^10 of 
Principes, and 10 ordines of the third division (Triarii-f- 
Rorarii-j-Accensi . Then the numeration becomes clear; 
the third division has 3 times 600, i.e. 1800; each of the 


BOOK Viri. VIII. 8-14 

third banner the accensi, who were the least depend- 
able, and were, for that reason^ assigned to th e rear - 
most line. 

"When an army had been marshalled in this 
fashion, the hastati were the first of all to engage. 
If the hastati were unable to defeat the enemy, they 
retreated slowly and were received into the inter- 
vals between the companies of the principes. The 
principes then took up the fighting and the hastati 
followed them. The triarii knelt beneath their 
banners^ with the left leg advanced, having their 
shields leaning against their shoulders and their 
spears thrust into the ground and pointing obliquely 
upwards^ as if their battle-line were fortified with 
a bristling palisade. If the principes, too_, were 
unsuccessful in their fight, they fell back slowly 
from the battle-line on the friarii. (From this 
arose the adage, '^to have come to the triarii," 
when things are going badly.) The friarii, rising up 
after thev had received the principes and hastati into 
the intervals between their companies, would at 
once draw their companies together and close the 
lanes, as it were ; then, with no more reserves 
behind to count on^ they would charge the enemy 
in one compact array. This was a thing exeedingly 
disheartening to the enemy, who, pursuing those 
whom they supposed they had conquered, all at 
once beheld a new line rising up, with augmented 
numbers. There were customarily four legions 
raised of five thousand foot each, with three 
hundred horse to eveiy legion. ^ 

An equivalent contingent used to be added from 

first two has 1600, each maniple running to 160. This gives 
1800+ 2(1 600) = 5000, Livy's total." 



qui ea tempestate hostes erant Romanis eodeiiique 

15 ordine instruxerant aciem ; nee vexilla cum vexillis 
taiitum, universi hastati cum hastatis^ principes cum 
principibus^ sed centurio quoque cum centurione, si 
ordines turbati non essent, concurrendum sibi esse 

16 sciebat. Duo primi pili ex utraque acie inter triarios 
erant^ Romanus corpora haudquaquam satis validus^ 

17 ceterura strenuus vir peritusque militiae, Latinus 
viribus ingens bellatorque primus, notissimi inter 

18 se^, quia pares semper ordines duxerant.^ Romano 
baud satis fidenti viribus iam Romae permissum 
erat ab consulibus, ut subcenturionem sibi quem 
vellet legeret qui tutaretur eum ab uno destinato 
lioste ; isque iuvenis in acie oblatus ex centurione 
Latino victoriam tulit. 

19 Pugnatum est baud procul radicibus \^esuvii 
montis, qua via ad Veserim ferebat. IX. Romani 
consuleSj priusquam educerent in aciem, immola- 
verunt. Decio caput iocineris a familiari parte 
caesum haruspex diciturostendisse : alioqui acceptam 
dis hostiam esse ; Manlium egregie litasse. " Atqui 
bene habet" inquit Decius, ^'^si ab coUega litatum 

2 est." Instructis, sicut ante dictum est, ordinibus 
processere in aciem. Manlius dextro, Decius laevo 

3 cornu praeerat. Primo utrimque acquis viribus, 
eodem ardore animorum gerebatur res ; deinde ab 

^ duxorant ,- : duxerunt n. 

^ A river (Aurelius Victor, 26.4), or possibly a town. 

* The "head of the liver" was a protuberance on the 
upper part of the right {i.e. Roman) lobe. In the present 
instance this protuberance had the appearance of being 
mutilated, and so constituted a presage of evil to Decius. 


BOOK VIII. VIII. 14-1X. 3 

the levy of the Latins, who were now the enemies bc. 340 
of the Romans and had drawn up their battle-line in 
the same formation ; and they knew that not only 
must section meet in battle with section, hastati 
with hastati, prbicipes with principcs, but even — if the 
companies were not disordered — centurion with 
centurion. In either army the primus pilus, or chief 
centurion, was with the triarii. Tlie Roman was far 
from strong in body, but was an energetic man 
and an experienced soldier ; the Latin was a man of 
might and a first-rate warrior ; they were well 
acquainted with each othei'Tljecause they had always 
commanded companies of equal rank. The Roman, 
putting no confidence in his strength, had obtained 
permission from the consuls before leaving Rome to 
choose whom he liked for liis deputy-centurion, to 
defend him from the one man marked out for his 
opponent. This youth, encountering the Latin 
centurion in the battle, won the victory over him. 
The engagement came off not far from the foot of 
Mount Vesuvius, where the road led to Veseris.^ 
IX. The Roman consuls before leading their troops 
into battle offered sacrifices. It is said that the 
soothsayer pointed out to Decius that the head of the 
liver was wounded on the friendly side ; but that 
the victim was in all other respects acceptable to 
the gods, 2 and that the sacrifice of Manlius had 
been greatly successful. "It is well enough," said 
Decius, '' if my colleague has received favourable 
tokens." In the formation already described they 
advanced into the field. Manlius commanded the 
right wing, Decius the left. In the beginning the 
strength of the combatants and their ardour were 
equal on both sides ; but after a time the Roman 

D 2 

LI\ Y 

laevo cornu bastati Romania non ferentes impres- 

4 sionem Latinoruni, se ad princi})es recepere. In 
hac trepidatione Decius consul M. Valerium magna 
voce inclamat : '^ Deorum " inquit '"'ope, M.^ \'aleri, 
opus est ; agedum. pontifex publicus populi Romania 
praei verba quibus me pro legionibus devoveam." 

5 Pontifex eum togam praetextam sumere iussit et 
velato capite, manu subter togam ad mentum ex- 
serta, super telum subiectum pedibus stantem sic 

6 dicere : '* lane luppiter Mars pater Quirine Bellona 
Lares Divi Xovensiles Di Indigetes Divi quorum 
est potestas nostrorum hostiumque Dique Manes^ 

7 vos precor veneror veniam peto oroque ^ uti populo 
Romano Quiritium vim victoriam prosperetis, hostes- 
que populi Romani Quiritium terrore formidine 

8 morteque adficiatis. Sicut verbis nuncupavi^ ita 
pro re publica populi Romani ^ Quiritium^ exercitu 
legionibus auxiliis populi Romani Quiritium. legiones 
auxiliaque hostium mecum Deis Manibus Tellurique 

9 Haec ita precatus lictores ire ad T. Manlium 
iubet matureque collegae se devotum pro exercitu 
nuntiare. Ipse incinctus cinctu Gabino, armatus 

^ ope, M. Alschefski : openi AI. : ope n : omitted hy L. 
^ ovoqne Forchhammer: feroque n. 

^ pro re publica populi Romani Quiritium Gronovius : pro 
r p quiritium O, : pro p r quiritium U. 

^ See chap. iii. § 5. Apparenth' it was the custom for a 
member of the pontifical college to accompany the army in 
order to preside over important rites. 

* Iiuliges probably means "belonging to a certain place," 
and di Indigites would be native, as contrasted with the di 
Xovensiles (or Xovejisides). who were immigrants or new 
settlers in the Roman Pantheon. 



hastnti on the left^ unable to withstand the pressure b.c. 3^0 
of the Latins, fell back upon the principes. In the 
confusion of this movement Decius the consul called 
out to Marcu s \^alerius in a loud voice : '' We have 
need of^'HeTven's help, Marcus \'alerius.^ Come 
therefore, state pontiff of the Roman People, dictate 
the words, that I may devote myself to save the 
legions." The pontiff" bade him don the purple- 
bordered toga, and with veiled head and one hand 
thrust out from the toga and touching his chin, 
stand upon a spear that was laid under his feet, and 
say as follows : " .[anus, Jupiter, Father Mars, 
Quirinus, Bellona, Lares, divine Novensiles, divine 
Indigites,^ ye gods in whose power are both we and 
our enemies, and you, divine Manes, — I invoke and 
worship you, I beseech and crave your favour, that 
you prosper the might and the victory of the Roman 
People of the Quirites, and visit the foes of the 
Roman People of the Quirites with fear, shuddering, 
and death. As I have pronounced the words, even 
so in behalf of the republic of the Roman People of 
the Quirites, and of the army, the legions, the 
auxiliaries of the Roman People of the Quirites, do 
1 devote the legions and auxiliaries off the enemy, 
together with mvself, to the divine Manes and to 

Having uttered this prayer he bade the lictors go 
to Titus Manlius and lose no time in announcing to 
his colleague that he had devoted himself for the 
good of the army. He then girded himself with 
the Gabinian cincture,-^ and vaulting, armed, upon 

2 A peculiar mode of wearing the toga usual in certain 
rites and possessing the advantage of rendering the robe less 



in equum insiluit ac se in medios hostes immisit, 

10 conspectus ab utraque acie, aliquanto augustior 
humano visu, sicut caelo missus piaculum omnis 
deorum irae, qui pestem ab suis aversam in hostes 

11 ferret. Ita omnis terror pavorque cum illo latus 
signa prima Latinorum turbavit, deinde in totam 

12 penitus aciem pervasit. Evidentissimum id fuit^ 
quod quacumque eqiio invectus est^ ibi baud secus 
quam ])estifero sidere icti pavebant ; ubi vero corruit 
obrutus telis. inde iam baud dubie consternatae 
cohortes Latinoruiu fugam ac vastitatem late fece- 

13 runt. Simul et Romani exsolutis rebgione animis 
velut tum primurn signo dato coorti pugnam integram 

14 ediderunt ; nam et rorarii procurrebant inter ante- 
pilanos addebantque ^ vires hastatis ac principibus^ 
et triarii genu dextro innixi nutum consulis ad con- 
surgendum exspectabant. 

X. Procedente deinde certamine cum aUis parti- 
bus multitude superaret Latinorum^ Manlius consul 
audito eventu collegae cum, ut ius fasque erat, 
lacrimis non minus quam laudibus debitis prosecutus 

2 tarn memorabilem mortem esset, paulisper addu- 
bitavit an consurgendi iam triariis tempus esset ; 
deinde melius ratus integros eos ad ultimum dis- 
crimen servari,accensos ab novissima acie ante signa 

3 procedere iubet. Qui ubi subiere, extemplo Latini, 

^ addebantque AhcJiefbkl : adderantque M : addid adid- 
i^)erantque fl. 


BOOK VIII. IX. 9-x. 3 

his horse^ plunged into the thick of the enemy, a b.c. 340 
conspicuous object from either army and of an 
aspect more august than a man's, as though sent 
from iieaven to expiate all anger of the gods, and to 
turn aside destruction from his people and bring it 
on their adversaries. Thus every terror and dread 
attended him, and throwing the Latin front into 
disarray, spread afterwards throughout their entire 
host. This was most clearly seen in that, wherever 
he rode, men cowered as though blasted by some 
baleful star ; but when he fell beneath a rain of 
missiles, from that instant there was no more doubt 
of the consternation of the Latin cohorts, which 
everywhere abandoned the field in flight. At the 
same time the Romans — their spirits relieved of 
religious fears — pressed on as though the signal had 
just then for the first time been given, and delivered 
a fresh attack ; for the rorarii were running out 
between the antepilani and were joining their 
strength to that of the hastat'i and the principcs, and 
the triarii, kneeling on the right knee, were waiting 
till the consul signed to them to rise. 

X. While the struggle continued, and in some 
parts of the field the Latins were prevailing by reason 
of their numbers, the consul Manlius learned of his 
colleague's end, and having paid to so memorable 
a death — as justice and piety demanded — its well- 
merited meed of tears as well as praise, he was for a 
little while in doubt whether the moment were yet 
come for the triarii to rise ; but afterwards deeming 
it better to keep them fresh for the final push, he 
commanded the accensi to advance from the rear 
before the standards. No sooner had they gone up, 
than the Latins, supposing their enemies had done 



tamquam idem adversarii fecissent^ triarios suos 
excitaverunt ; qui aliquamdiu pugna atroci cum et 
semet ipsi fatigassent et hastas aut praefregissent 
aut hebetassentj pellerent tamen ^ hostem^ debel- 
latum iam rati perventumque ad extremam aciem, 

4 turn consul triariis ^'Consurgite nunc" inquit^ " in- 
tegri adversus fessos, memores patriae parentumque 
et coniugum ac liberorum, memores consulis pro 

5 vestra victoria morte occubantis." Ubi triarii con- 
surrexerunt integri refulgentibus ai-mis, nova ex 
improviso exorta acies^ receptis in intervalla ordinum 

6 antepilanis, clamore sublato principia Latinorum 
perturbant hastisque ora fodientes primo robore 
virorum caeso per alios manipulos velut inermes 
prope intacti evasere tantaque caede perrupere 
cuneos ut vix quartam partem relinquerent hostium. 

7 Samnites quoque sub radicibus mentis procul in- 
structi praebuere terrorem Latinis. 

Ceterum inter omnes cives sociosque praecipua 
laus eius belli penes consules fuit^ quorum alter 
omnes minas periculaque ab deis superis inferisque 

8 in se unum vertit^ alter ea virtute eoque consilio 
in proelio fuit ut facile convenerit inter Romanos 
Latinosque qui eius pugnae memoriam posteris 
tradiderunt, utrius partis T. Manlius dux fuisset^ 

9 eius futuram baud dubie fuisse victoriam. Latini ex 
fuga se Minturnas contulerunt. Castra secundum 
proelium capta^ multique mortales ibi vivi oppressi, 

^ tanien Waiters: ui tamen ui heticecn 'points in H and 
folloicing a point in T'^T) H: ue tamen TJA^-. ut tamen J/: 
-que tandem Madvig. 

^ Whether Livy made use of Latin as well as Roman 
annalists is unknown ; they no doubt existed, as he here gives 
us to understand. 


BOOK VIII. X. 3-9 

the same, sent in their own triarii. These having b.c. SiO 
fought fiercely for some time^ and worn themselves 
out and broken or blunted their spears, yet were 
driving back the foe, and supposed that they had 
alreadv won the field and penetrated the last line, 
when the consul cried out to the Roman triarii : •• Rise 
up now, and with fresh strength confront the weary 
enemy, remembering your country and your parents, 
your wives and your children, remembering the 
consul who lies dead that you may conquer." When 
the triarii had got to their feet, fresh and sound in 
their glittering armour, a new and unforeseen array, 
they received the antepihmi into the gaps between 
their files, and, raising a shout, threw the enemy's 
front ranks into disorder, and thrusting their spears 
into their faces, disposed of the fine fiower of their 
manhood and went through the other maniples 
almost scatheless, as though their opponents had 
been unarmed, penetrating their masses with such 
slaughter as scarce to leave a fourth part of their 
enemies alive. The Samnites, too, drawn up a little 
way off at the base of the mountain, were a source of 
terror to the Latins. 

For the rest, of all the citizens and allies, the 
chief glory of that war went to the consuls ; of whom 
the one had drawn all the threats and menaces of the 
su2)ernarand infernal gods upon himself alojae, and 
the other had shown such valour and ability in the 
battle that it is readily agreed by both Romans and 
Latins who have handed down an account of this 
engagement that whichever side had been led 
by Titus Manlius woidd undoubtedly Iiave been 
victorious.! The Latins fled to Minturnae. Their 
camp was captured after the battle and many men — 



10 maxime Campani. Deci corpus ne eo die inveni- 
retur, nox quaerentes oppressit ; postero die in- 
ventum inter maximam hostium stragem coopertum 
tells ; funusque ei par morti celebrante collega 
factum est. 

11 I Hud adiciendumvidetur^licere consuli dictatorique 
et praetori^ cum legiones hostium devoveat, non 
utique se^ sed quem velit ex legione Romana scripta 

12 civem devovere ; si is homo qui devotus est moritur^ 
probe factum videri ; ni moritur, tum signum septem 
pedes altum aut maius in terram defodi et pia- 
culum^ caedi ; ubi illud signum defossum erit, eo 

13 magistratum Romanum escendere fas non esse. Sin 
autem sese devovere volet, sicuti Decius devovit, 
ni moritur, neque suum neque publicum divinum 
pure faciet, sive hostia sive quo alio volet. ^ Qui 
sese devoverit, \'olcano arma sive cui alii divo vovere 

14 volet ius est ; telo super quod stans consul precatus 
est hostem potiri fas non est : si potiatur, Marti 
suovetaurilibus piaculum fieri. XI. Haec, etsi omnis 
divini humanique moris memoria abolevit nova pere- 
grinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, baud 
ab re duxi verbis quoque ipsis. ut tradita nuncu- 
j)ataque sunt, referre. 

2 Romanis post proelium demum factum Samnites 

1 piaculum Walters and Conway {in their note) : piaculum 
hostia (-am U) H. 

* sive . . . volet placed here ly Madvig : after diuo uouere 
uolet ft: omiUed by HTDLA. 

BOOK VIII. X. 9-xi. 2 

chiefly Campanians — were caught and slain there, b.c. 3iO 
The body of Decius could not be found that day, 
for night overtook the searchers ; on the following 
day it was founds covered with missiles, in a great heap 
of enemies, and was given burial by his colleague in a 
manner befitting his death. 

It seems proper to add here that the consul, dictator, 
or praetor who devotes the legions of the enemy 
need not devote himself, but may designate any 
citizen he likes from a regularly enlisted Roman 
legion ; if the man who has been devoted dies, it is 
deemed that all is well ; if he does not die, then an 
image of him is buried seven feet or more under 
ground and a sin-offering is slain ; where the image 
has been buried, thither a Roman magistrate may 
not go up. But if he shall choose to devote himself, 
as Decius did, if he does not die, he cannot sacrifice 
either for himself or for the people without sin, 
whether with a victim or with any other offering he 
shall choose. He who devotes himself has the right 
to dedicate his arms to ^'ulcan, or to any other god 
he likes. The spear on which the consul has stood 
and prayed must not fall into the hands of an 
enemy ; should this happen, expiation must be made 
to Mars with the sacrifice of a swine, a sheep, and an 
ox. XI. These particulars, even though the memory 
of every religious and secular usage has been wiped 
out by men's preference of the new and outlandish 
to the ancient and homebred, I have thought it not 
foreign to my purpose to repeat, and in the very 
words in which they were formulated and handed 

I find in certain writers that it was not until the 
battle was over that the Samnites, who had been 



venisse subsidio^ exspectato eventu pugnae_, apiid 

3 quosdam auctores invenio. Latinis quoque ab La- 
vinio auxilium, diim deliberando terunt tempus, 

4 victis demum ferri coeptum ; et, cum iam portis 
prima signa et pars agminis esset egressa, nuntio 
allato de clade Latinorum cum conversis signis retro 
in urbem rediretur, praetorem eorum nomine Mili- 
onium dixisse ferunt pro paulula via magnam 
mercedem esse Romanis solvendam. 

5 Qui Latinorum pugnae superfuerant multis iti- 
neribus dissipati cum se in unum conglobassent^ 
Vescia urbs eis receptaculum fuit. Ibi in conciliis 

6 Numisius imperator eorum adfirmabat ^ communem 
vere Marteni belli utramque aciem pari caede pro- 
stravisse victoriaeque nomen tantum penes Romanos 
esse, ceteram pro victis fortunam et illos gerere ; 

7 funesta duo consul um praetoria. alterum parricidio 
filii, alterum consulis devoti caede ; trucidatum 
exercitum omnem, caesos hastatos principesque, 
stragem et ante signa et post signa factam. triarios 

8 postremo rem restituisse ; Latinorum etsi pariter 
accisae copiae sint, tamen supplemento vel Latium 

9 propius esse vel V^olscos quam Romam ; itaque, si 
videatur eis, se ex Latinis et ex V'olscis populis 
iuventute propere excita, rediturum infesto exercitu 
Capuam esse Romanosque nihil turn minus quam 

1 adfirmabat lActerbacher : adfirmando n. 

^ Communis Mars belli, like cest la guerre, was a phrase that 
was often on the lips of the unsuccessful, cf. v. xii. 1. 



waiting for the outcome of tiie engagement, came b.c. 340 
up to support the Romans. The Latins, too, were 
already defeated when the Lavinians, who were con- 
suming time in dehberation, began to marcii to their 
assistance ; and receiving word of the disaster to the 
Latins just as their foremost ensigns and a portion of 
their cohuiin had passed out through the gates, they 
faced about and returned into the city, their praetor, 
Milionius, remarking, so it is said, that they would I 
have to pay a large price to the Romans for thatt 
little march. 

Such of the Latins as survived the battle, after 
being dispersed over many roads, were reunited, and 
took refuge in the town of Vescia. In the councils 
which they held there, Numisius, their commander-in- 
chief, asserted that the fortune of war had in truth 
been common,^ overwhelming both armies with 
equal carnage. The Romans, he said, were victorious^^ 
only in name, in all else they too were as though 
they had been defeated ; both consular headquarters 
were polluted, the one by the blood of a son, the 
other by the death of the devoted consul ; their 
whole army had been cut to pieces, their first and 
second lines had been massacred, and the slaughter 
had extended from the troops before the standards 
to those behind them ; finally the veterans had 
restored the day ; but though the Latin forces had 
been equally cut up, yet, for recruiting, either 
Latium or the Volscian country was nearer than 
Rome ; if therefore it seemed good to them, he 
would speedily summon the fighting men from the 
Latin and Volscian tribes, and would return with an 
embattled host to Capua, where the unexpectedness 
of his arrival would strike dismay into the Romans, 



proelium exspectantes necopinato adventu percul- 

10 surum. Fallacibus litteris circa Latium nomenqiie 
\'olscum missis, quia qui non iiiterfuerant pugnae 
ad credendum temere faciliores erant, tumultuarius 
undique exercitus raptim conscriptus convenit. 

11 Huic agmini Torquatus consul ad Tiifanum — ■ 
inter Sinuessam Minturnasque is locus est — occurrit. 
Priusquam castris locus caperetur. sarcinis utrimque 
in acervum coniectis pugnatum debellatumque est ; 

12 adeo enim accisae res sunt ut consuli victorem 
exercitura ad depopulandos agros eorum ducenti 
dederent se omnes Latini deditionemque earn Cam- 

13 pani sequerentur. Latium Capuaque agro multati. 
Latinus ager Privernati addito agro et Falernus, 
qui populi Campani fuerat, usque ad Volturnum 

14 flumen plebi Romanae dividitur. Bina in Latino 
iugera, ita ut dodrante ^ ex Privernati complerent, 
data, terna in Falerno quadrantibus etiam pro lon- 

15 ginquitate adiectis. Extra poenam fuere Latinorum 
Laurentes Campanorumque equites, quia non desci- 
verant. Cum Laurentibus renovari foedus iussum, 
renovaturque ex eo quotannis post diem decimum 

16 Latinarum. Equitibus Campanis civitas Romana 
data,2 monumentoque ut esset, aeneam tabulam in 

^ dodrante Linsniayer: dodrantem (drod- LLA^) H: 
quadrantem X'*A. 

* Romana data Lrakcnborch : ro data R: rodata TDLE: 
redata M: reddata A : reddita IfiA^ : data PFUOl^. 

^ The iuga-um contained 28,800 square feet ; the English 
acre contains 43,500. 


BOOK VIII. XI. 9-16 

who just then were lookmg for anything rather than b.c. 340 
a battle. Misleading letters were sent out to all 
parts of Latium and the country of the Volsci, and 
since those who received them had not been present 
at the battle^ gained ready credence ; and an army 
of militia was levied in hot haste and brought 
together from every quarter. 

This force Torquatus the consul met near 
Trifanum, a place situated between Sinuessa and 
Minturnae. Both armies^ without waiting to choose 
sites for their camps, piled their baggage and fell to 
fighting, and the war was ended then and there ; 
for the enemy's strength was brought so low that, 
w^hen the consul led his victorious army to pillage 
their fields, the Latins all surrendered, and the 
Campanians followed their example. Latium and 
Capua were deprived of territory. The LatijQL 
territory with the addition of that belonging to 
Privernum, together with the Falernian — which had 
belonged to the Campanian people — as far as the 
river Volturnus, \\as parcelled- aui— •£H»^*gst— t4i€ — 
Roman— plebs^ The assignment was two iiigera in 
Latium supplemented with three-fourths of a iugerum 
from the land of Privernum, or three iugera in the 
Falernian district, — a fourth of a iugerum beincj added 
to compensate for its remoteness.^ The Laurentes 
and the Campanian knights were exempted from 
the punishment inflicted on the Latins, because they 
had not revolted ; it was ordered that the treaty 
with the Laurentes should be renewed, and it has 
been renewed every year from that time, on the 
tenth day after the Latin Festival. The Campanian 
knights received Roman citizenship, and to commem- 
orate the occasion a bronze tablet was fastened up in 



aede Castoris Romae fixerunt. ^^ectigal quoque 
eis Campanus populus iussus pendere in singulos 
quotaiinis — fuere autem mille et sexcenti — denarios 
nummos quadringenos quinquagenos. XII. Ita 
bello gesto, praemiis poenaque pro cuiusque 
merito persolutis^ T. Manliiis Romam rediit. Cui 
venienti seniores tantum obviam exisse constat, 
iuventutem et tunc et omni vita deinde aversatam 
eum exsecratamqiie. 

2 Antiates in agrum Ostiensem Ardeatem Solonium 
incursiones fecerunt. Manlius consul, quia ipse per 
valetudinem id bellum exsequi nequierat, dictatorem 
L. Papirium Crassum, qui turn forte erat praetor, 
dixit ; ab eo magister equitum L. Papirius Cursor 

3 dictus. Nihil raemorabile adversus Antiates ab 
dictatore gestum est, cum aliquot menses stativa in 
agro Antiati habuisset. 

4 Anno insigni victoria de tot ac tam potentibus 
populis, ad hoc consulum alterius nobili morte, 
alterius sicut truci ita claro ad memoriam imperio, 
successere consules Ti.^ Aemilius Mamercinus Q.^ 

5 Publilius Philo, neque in similem materiam rerum, 
et ipsi aut suarum rerum aut partium in re publica 
magis quam patriae memores. Latinos ob iram agri 
amissi rebellantes in campis Fenectanis fuderunt 

6 castrisque exuerunt. Ibi Publilio, cuius ductu 

^ Ti. 5" Sigoiiius {Diod. xvi. xci. 1) ; titius {or ticius) Ci : 
t U Ca^siod. (C.I.L. i», p. 44, A.U.C. 425). 
* Q. - {Diod., I.e.) omitted hi Cl. 

^ Castor and Pollux were protectors of the Roman knights 
and hence appropriately chosen as patrons of the friendly 
relations established with the aristocracy of Capua, 

' The denarius was a silver coin weighing 70 grains Troy 
and reckoned as equivalent to 16 asses. But silver was not 
coined in Rome until 268 B.C. 

BOOK VIII. XI. 16-X11. 6 

the temple of Castor at Rome.^ Moreover^ the b.o.340 
Campanian {people were commanded to pay them 
each a yearly stipend — there were sixteen hundred 
of them — amounting to four hundred and fifty 
denarii.'- XII. The war being thus dispatched, and b.o. 339 
rewards and penalities distributed in accordance with 
everyone's deserts, Titu^.\Ianlius retur ned to Rom ej 
it is said tliat on his approach only the seniors went 
out to meet him, and that the young men, then and 
for all the remainder of his days, abhorred and 
execrated him. 

The Antiates committed depredations upon the 
lands of Ostia, Ardea, and Solonium. Manlius, the 
consul, having been unable himself to conduct this 
war because of ill-health, appointed as dictator 
Lucius Papirius Crassus, who at that time happened 
to be praetor, and he in turn named Lucius Papirius 
Cursor master of the horse. The dictator accomplished 
nothing noteworthy against the Antiates, though he 
lay some months encamped in their territory. 

To a year that was famous for its victory over so 
many and so powerful nations, and also for the 
glorious death of one of the consuls and the other's 
severity of discipline, wliicli tjiaugli ^^uel- wa&^i4e^v^^¥« 
theless- feribwned through the ages, succeeded the 
coQSulsliip of Tiberi-iis Aentilius^Iamercinus and 
Quintus Publilius Philo. These men had no such 
0})portunities, and were, besides, more concerned for 
their own or their party's interests than for the 
country. 7'l ie Latins took up arms aga in, being in- 
censed_ at tiie confiscation of their land aiid suffered a 
defeat and the loss of their camp, in the Fenectane 
Plains.^ While Publilius, under whose command and 

2 Named presumably from some luiknown town in Latium. 



auspicioque res gestae erant, in deditionem acci- 
piente Latinos populos^ quorum ibi iuventus caesa 

7 erat, Aemilius ad Pedum exercitus duxit. Pedanos 
tuebatur Tiburs Praenestinus Veliternusque populus ; 

8 venerant et ab Lanuvio Antioque auxilia. Ubi cum 
proeliis quidem superior Romanus esset, ad urbem 
ipsam Pedum castraque sociorum populorum. quae 
urbi adiuncta erant, integer labor restaret, bello 

9 infecto repente omisso consul^, quia collegae decre- 
tiim triumphum audivit^ ipse quoque triumphi ante 

10 victoriam fiagitator Roraam rediit. Qua cupiditate 
offensis patribus negantibusque nisi Pedo capto aut 
dedito triumphum. hinc alienatus ab senatu Aemilius 
seditiosis tribunatibus similem deiiide eonsulatum 

11 gessit. Nam neque, quoad fuit consul^ criminari 
apud populum patres destitit collega haudquaquam 

12 adversante, quia et ipse de plebe erat — materiam 
autem praebebat criminibus ager in Latino Faler- 
noque "^ maligne plebei divisus — et postquam senatus 
finire imperium consulibus cupiens dictatorem ad- 

13 versus rebellantes Latinos dici iussit, Aemilius, cuius 
tum^ fasces erant. collegam dictatorem dixit; ab eo 

14 magister equitum Junius Brutus dictus. Dictatura 
popularis et orationibus in patres criminosis fuit, et 
quod tres leges secundissimas plebei, adversas 

15 nobilitati tulit : unam, ut plebiscita omnes Quirites 

^ Falernoque Tan. Faher : Falernoque agro H. 
* cuius turn AV: turn cuius H: tunc cuius F: cuius 
IValtcrs and Conway. 

^ In the city the consuls took turns in exercising supreme 
administrative authority, and tlie twelve lictors, with the rods 
(fasces), attended the consul who, for the time being, enjoyed 
this authorit}'. 


BOOK VIII. xir. 6-15 

auspices the campaign had been conducted, was re- b.c. 339 

ceiving the surrender of the Latin peoples whose 

soldiers had fallen there, Aemilius led his army against 

Pedum. The Pedani were supported by the people of 

Tibur, Praeneste, and Velitrae, and auxiliaries had also 

come from Lanuvium and Antium. Though the 

Romans proved superior in certain engagements, yet 

the town of Pedum and the camp of the allied nations, 

which adjoined it, still remained intact to be dealt with, 

when suddenly the consul, liearing that his colleague 

had been decreed a triumph, left the war unfinished 

and returned to Rome to demand a triumph for 

himself as well, without staying to obtain a victoi'y. 

This self-seeking disgusted the Fathers, who denied 

him a triumph, unless he should capture Pedum or 

receive its surrender. Estranged from the senate by 

this rebuff, Aemilius thereafter administered liis 

consulship in the spirit of a seditious tribune. For, 

all the time that he was consul, he ceased not to 

accuse the senators to the people, while his colleague. 

since he too Avas of the plebs, offered not the 

smallest opposition. The ground of his accusations 

was the niggardly apportionment of land to the 

plebeians in the Latin and Falernian districts. And 

when the senate, desiring to put an end to the 

authority of the consuls, ordered that a dictator 

should be appointed to op{)Ose the rebellious Latins, 

Aemilius, who then had the rods,^ named his 

colleague dictator, by whom Junius Brutus was 

designated master of the horse. Publilius was a 

popular dictator, both because of his denunciation of 

the senate and because he carried through three 

laws very advantageous to the plebs and prejudicial 

to the nobles : one, that the decisions of the plebs 

E 2 


tenereiit ; alteram^ ut legum^ quae comitiis centu- 
riatis ferrentur, ante initiim siifFragium patres 

16 auctores fiereiit ; tertiam, ut alter utique ex plebe 
— cum eo ventum sit ut utrumque plebeium fieri 

17 liceret — censor crearetur. Plus eo anno domi accep- 
tum cladis ab consulibus ac dictatore quam ex victoria 
eorum bellicisque rebus foris auctum imperium patres 

XIII. Anno insequenti^ L. Furio Camillo C. 
Maenio consulibus, quo insignitius omissa res 
Aemilio, superioris anni consuli, exprobraretur, 
Pedum armis virisque et orani vi expugnandum ac 
delendum senatus fremit ; coactique novi consules 

2 omnibus eam rem praeverti proficiscuntur. lam 
Latio ^ is status erat rerum ut neque bellum neque 
pacem ])ati possent. Ad bellum opes deerant ; pacem 

3 ob agri adempti dolorem aspernabantur. Mediis 
consiliis standum videbatur — ut oppidis se tenerent, 
ne lacessitus Romanus causam belli haberet — et 
si cuius oppidi obsidio nuntiata esset. undique ex 

4 omnibus populis auxilium obsessis ferretur. Neque 
tamen nisi admodum a paucis populis Pedani adiuti 
sunt. Tiburtes Praenestinique, quorum ager pro- 

5 pior erat, Pedum pervenere ; Aricinos Lanuvinosque 
et Veliternos Antiatibus Volscis se coniungentes ad 
Asturae ^ flumen Maenius improvise adortus fudit. 

^ Latio .a : in Latio Mculvig {but cf. Walters and Coiway 
ad lac). 

' Asturae Sahellicus [Plin. X.U. iii. v. 9, § 57) r : Saturae 
[or -e) n: saturem DLA. 

^ See chap. xi. § 13. 

- A little river emptying into the Mediterranean south of 


BOOK VIII. XII. 15-X111. 5 

should be binding on all the Quirites ; another, that 
the Fathers should ratify the measures proposed at 
the centuriate comitia before they were voted on ; 
and a third, that at least one censor sliould be chosen 
from the plebs — since they had gone so far as to 
make it lawful for both to be plebeians. The harm 
that was wrought at home in that year by tlie 
consuls and the dictator outweighed — in the belief 
of the patricians — the increase in empire that resulted 
from their victory and their management of the war. 
XIII. In the following year, when Lucius Furius 
Camillus and Gaius Maenius were consuls, the 
senators, in order to render more conspicuous the 
negligence of Aemilius in the year before, insisted 
angrily that men and arms and every kind of force 
must be em})loyed to capture Pedum and destroy 
it; and the new consuls were forced to put aside all 
other matters and set out for that place. The 
Latins were now come to such a pass that they 
could endure neither war nor peace ; for war they 
lacked the means, and they scorned peace, for 
they still smarted under the confiscation of their 
land.^ It seemed necessary to adopt a compromise, 
and keep to their towns — lest they might provoke 
the Romans and afford them a pretext for hos- 
tilities — and if tidings were brought that any town 
was beleaguered, to send in help to the besieged 
from all the surrounding peoples. For all that, the 
cities that aided Pedum were very few. Tiie 
Tiburtes and Praenestini, whose territories lay near 
by, reached Pedum ; the Aricini, Lanuvini, and 
Veliterni, as they were effecting a juncture with the 
Antiate Volsci at the river Astura,- were suddenly 
attacked by Maenius and routed. Camillus dealt 



6 Camillus ad Pedum cum Til)urtibus^. maxima valido 
exercitUj maiore mole quamquam aeque prospero 

7 eventu pugnat. Tumultum maxime repentina inter 
proelium eruptio oppidanorum fecit ; in quos parte 
exercitus conversa Camillus non compulit solum eos 
intra moenia, sed eodem etiam die, cum ipsos auxilia- 

8 que eorum perculisset, oppidum scalis cepit. Placuit 
inde iam maiore conatu animoque ab unius exj^ig- 
natione urbis ad perdomandum Latium victorem 
circumducere exercitum. Xec quievere antequam 
expugnando aut in deditionem accipiendo singulas 

9 urbes Latium omne subegere. Praesidiis inde dis- 
positis per recepta oppida Romam ad destinatum 
omnium consensu triumphum decessere. Additus 
triumpho honos, ut statuae equestres eis — rara ilia 
aetate res — in foro ponerentur. 

10 Priusquam comitiis in insequentem annum con- 
sules rogarent, Camillus de Latinis populis ad sena- 

11 turn rettulit atque ita disseruit : '^ Patres conscripti, 
quod bello armisque in Latio agendum fuit, id iam 
deum benignitate ac virtute militura ad finem venit. 

12 Caesi ad Pedum Asturamque sunt exercitus hostium ; 
oppida Latina omnia et Antium ex Volscis aut vi 
capta aut recepta in deditionem praesidiis tenentur 

13 vestris. Reliqua consultatio est, quoniam rebellando 
saepius nos sollicitant, quonam modo })erpetua pace 

1 Livy means to include with them the Praenestini. 


with the very powerful army of the Tiburtes ^ in the b.c. 338 
vincinity of Pedum ; the struggle was harder, but 
the issue was equally successful. The greatest 
confusion was occasioned by a sudden sally of the 
townsfolk during the battle ; but Camillus, sending 
a part of his army against them, not only drove them 
back into their city, but having discomfited both 
them and their allies, even took the place by 
escalade that very day. The consuls then resolved, 
with the ad ded energy and c^ojira^^eJLhat came, with . . 
the^— eapTITre of one city, to proceed with their 
victorious army to the thorough conquest of the 
Latins ; nor did they rest until, by storming every 
city or receiving its surrender, they had brought all 
Latium under their dominion. Then, distributing 
garrisons amongst the recovered towns, they de- 
parted for Rome, to enjoy the triumph by general 
consent awarded them. In addition to the triumph, 
they were granted the honour — a rare one in those 
days — of equestrian statues put up in the Forum. 

Before the consular elections for the following 
year were held, Camillus referred to the senate the 
disposition of the Latin peoples, and spoke as 
follows: ^"^ Conscript Fathers, what was needful to 
be done in Latium in the way of war and arms has 
now by Heaven's favour and the valour of our 
troops been brought to a conclusion. The armies 
of our enemies have been cut to pieces at Pedum 
and on the Astura ; all the Latin towns, and 
Antium in the land of the Volsci, have either been 
carried by storm or have made submission, and are 
in the keeping of your garrisons. It remains to 
consider, since they so often occasion us anxiety by 
a renewal of hostilities, how we may hold them 



14 quietos obtiiieamus. Di immortales ita vos potentes 
luiius consilii fecerunt ut^ sit Latium deinde an non 
sit, in vestra mauu posuerint ; itaque pacem vobis, 
quod ad Latinos attinet, parare in perpetuum vel 

15 saeviendo vel ignoscendo potestis. Voltis crudeliter 
consulere in deditos victosque ? Licet delere omne 
Latium, vastas inde solitudines facere, iinde soeiali 
egregio exercitu per multa bella magnaque saepe usi 

16 estis. ^'oltis exemplo maiorum augere rem Romanam 
victos in civitatem accipiendo ? Materia crescendi 
per summam gloriam suppeditat. Certe id firmissi- 
mum longe imperium est quo oboedientes gaudent. 

17 Sed maturato opus est quidquid statuere placet; tot 
populos inter spem meturaque suspenses animi 
habetis ; et vestram itaque de eis curam quam 
primum absolvi, et illorum animos, dum exspecta- 
tione stupent, seu poena seu beneficio praeoccupari 

18 oportet. Nostrum fuit efficere ut omnium rerum 
vobis ad consulendum potestas esset; vestrum est 
decernere quod optimum vobis reique publicae sit." 

XIV. Principes senatus relationem consulis de 
summa rerum laudare, sed, cum aliorum causa alia 
esset, ita expediri posse consilium dicere, si,^ ut pro 
merito cuiusque statueretur, de singulis nominatim 

1 si placed here hy Walters and Conway : in n it stands 
before de singulis, hut is omitted by PFfTTHor T^). 



quietly to a lasting peace. The immortal gods have b.c. 
given you such absolute control of the situation as 
to leave the decision in your hands whether Latium 
is henceforward to exist or not. You are therefore 
able to assure yourselves of a permanent peace, in 
so far as the Latins are concerned, by the exercise 
of either cruelty or forgiveness, at your discretion. 
Would you adopt stern measures against those who 
have surrendered or been vanquished ? You may 
blot out all Latium, and make vast solitudes of 
those places waiere you have often raised a s})lendid 
army of allies and used it through many a 
momentous war. Would you follow the example of 
your fathers, and augment the Roman state by 
receiving your conquered enemies as citizens .' You 
have at hand the means of waxing great and 
supremely glorious. That government is certainly 
by far the strongest to which its subjects yield 
obedience gladly. But whatever it pleases you to do, 
you must determine promptly ; you are holding so 
many peoples in suspense betwixt hope and fear, 
that it behoves you both to resolve your own 
anxiety regarding them as soon as may be, and to 
be beforehand with them, \vhether in the way of 
punishment or kindness, while they are waiting in a 
dull amazement. Our task has been to give you 
the power to decide regarding everything ; it is 
yours to determine what is best for yourselves and 
for the state." 

XIV. The leading senators praised the motion ot 
Camillus on the national policy, but said that, since 
the Latins were not all in like case, his advice could 
best be carried out if the consuls would introduce 
proposals concerning the several peoples by name, 



2 referrent populis. Relatum igitur de singulis decre- 
tumque. Lanuvinis civitas data sacraque sua red- 
dita, cum eo ut aedes kicusque Sospitae lunonis 
communis Lanuvinis municipibus cum populo 

3 Romano esset. Aricini Nomentanique et Pedani 
eodem iure quo Lanuvini in civitatem accepti. 

4 Tusculanis servata civitas quam habebant^ crimenque 
rebellionis a publica fraude in paucos auctores ver- 

5 sum. In \^eliternos, veteres cives Romanes, quod 
totiens rebellassent, graviter saevitum : et muri 
deiecti et senatus indeabductus iussique trans Tibe- 

6 rim habitare, ut eius qui cis Tiberim deprehensus 
esset usque ad mille pondo assium ^ clarigatio esset 
nee priusquam aere persoluto is qui cepisset extra 

7 vincula captum haberet. In agrum senatorum 
coloni missi, quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae 

8 frequentiae Velitrae receperunt. Et Antium nova 
colonia missa, cum eo ut Antiatibus permitteretur, 
si et ipsi adscribi coloni vellent ; naves inde longae 
abactae interdictumque mari Antiati populo est et 

9 civitas data. Tiburtes Praenestinique agro multati, 
neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum 
aliis Latinis crimen, sed quod taedio imperii Romani 
cum Gallis, gente efferata, arma quondam con- 

^ pondo assium Lachmann {irJio xcrote assum) : j- : 
passuni a : passuum UO^ : passus F^{pr F^)UA^ : assium 
Madvig [with hesitation). 

^ Presumablj'^ cum suffragio — with full political rights. 
2 Where they would be interned amongst an alien 



as each should seem to merit. They were therefore b.o. ss'g 
taken up and disposed of separately. The Lanuvini 
were given citizenship,^ and their worship was 
restored to them, with the stipulation that the 
temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be held in 
common by the burghers of Lanuvium and the 
Roman People. The Aricini, Nomentani, and 
Pedani were received into citizenship on the same 
terms as the Lanuvini. The Tusculans were 
allowed to retain the civic rights which they 
enjoyed, and the cliarge of renewing the war was 
laid to a few ringleaders, Avithout endamaging the 
community. The Veliterni, Roman citizens of old, 
were severely punished, because they had so often 
revolted : not only were their walls thrown down, 
but their senate was carried off and commanded to 
dwell across the Tiber,^ with this understanding : 
that if any should be caught on the hither side, his 
redemption should be set at a thousand pounds of 
bronze, and that he who had captured him might 
not release his prisoner from bondage until the fine 
was paid. Colonists were settled.- on_ the senators' 
lands^ and on their enrolment \'elitrae regained its 
former appearance of populousness. To Antium 
likewise a colony was dispatched, with an under- 
standing that the Antiates might be permitted, if 
they liked, themselves to enroll as colonists ; their 
war-ships were taken from them and their people 
were forbidden the sea; they Avere granted citizen- 
ship. The Tiburtes and Praenestini were deprived 
of territory, not only because of the fresh charge ot 
rebellion brought against them in common with the 
other Latins, but because they had once, in disgust 
at the power of Rome, united in arms with the 



10 sociassent. Ceteris Latinis populis conubia com- 
merciaque at concilia inter se ademerunt. Campanis 
equitum honoris causa, quia cum Latinis rebellare 
noluissent, Fundanisque et Formianis^ quod per 
fines eorum tuta pacataque semper fuisset via, civitas 

11 sine sufFragio data. Cumanos Suessulanosque eius- 
dem iuris condicionisque cuius Capuam esse placuit. 

12 Naves Antiatium partim in navalia Romae subductae, 
partim incensae, rostrisque earum suggestum in foro 
exstructum adornari placuit, Rostraque id templum 

XV. C. Sulpicio Longo P. Aelio Paeto consulibus 
cum omnia non opes magis Romanae quam beneficiis 
parta gratia bona pace obtineret, inter Sidicinos 

2 Auruncosque bellum ortum. Aurunci, T. Manlio 
consule in deditionem accepti, nihil deinde move- 
rant ; eo petendi auxilii ab Romanis causa iustior 

3 fuit. Sed priusquam consules ab urbe — iusserat 
enim senatus defendi Auruncos — exercitum educe- 

4 rent, fama adfertur Auruncos metu oppidum dese- 
ruisse profugosque cum coniugibus ac liberis 
Suessam communisse,^ quae nunc Aurunca appella- 
turj2 moenia antiqua eorum urbemque ab Sidicinis 

^ communisse CI : corameasse U~. 

2 appellatur r {Madvig) : appellata Cl. 

^ The Tiburtes had fought on the Gallic side in 361 and 
360 B.C. (vii. xi. 1), the Praenestini possibly in 358 (vii. xii. 8). 

2 The speaker's platform on the line between the 
Comidum and the Forum is referred to earlier (iv. xvii. 6), 
but possibly only the pla/:e is there meant. Certainly Livy 
seems to imply here that the platform was now erected for 
the first time. 

3 340 B.C. 

* Suessa Aurunca was so called in order to distinguish it 
from the Volscian town Suessa Pometia, 


BOOK VIII. XIV. 9-xv. 4 

Gauls, a race of savages.^ The rest of the Latin b.c. 338 
peoples were deprived of the rights of mutual trade 
and intermarriage and of holding common councils. 
The Campanians, out of compliment to their 
knights, because they had not consented to revolt 
along with the Latins, were granted citizenship 
without the suffrage ; so too were the Fundani and 
Formiani, because they had always afforded a safe 
and peaceful passage through their territories. It 
was voted to give the people of Cumae and Suessula 
the same rights and the same terms as the Capuans. 
The ships of the Antiates were some of them laid 
up in the Roman dockyards, and some were burnt 
and a motion passed to employ their beaks for the 
adornment of a platform erected in the Forum. 
This place was dedicated with augural ceremonies 
and given the name of Rostra or The Beaks. - 

XV. In the consulship of Gaius Sulpicius Longus b.c. 337 
and Publius Aelius Paetus the good-will which their 
generous conduct had procured for the Romans had 
been no less efficacious than their power in maintain- 
ing a general peace, when a war broke out between 
the Sidicini and the Aurunci. The Aurunci had 
surrendered in the consulship of Titus Manlius^and 
had given no trouble since that time, for which 
reason they had the better right to expect assistance 
from the Romans. But before the consuls marched 
from Rome — for the Senate had directed them to 
defend the Aurunci — tidings were brought that the 
Aurunci had abandoned their town, in their alarm, 
and had taken refuge, with their wives and children, 
in Suessa — now called Aurunca^ — which they had 
fortified : and that their ancient walls and their city 
had been destroyed by the Sidicini. This news 



5 deletam. Ob ea infensus consulibus senatus, quorum 
cunctatione proditi socii essent, dictatorem dici ius- 
sit. Dictus C. Claudius Inregillensis magistrum 

6 equitum C. Claudium Hortatorem dixit. Religio 
inde iniecta de dictatore^ et cum augures vitio 
creatum videri dixissent, dictator magisterque equi- 
tum se magistratu abdicarunt. 

7 Eo anno Minucia \'estalis siispecta primo propter 
mundiorem iusto cultum^ insimulata deinde apud 

8 pontitices ab indice servo^. cum decreto eorum iussa- 
esset sacris abstinere familiamque in potestate 
liabere, facto iudicio viva sub terram ad portam 
Collinam dextra viam ^ stratam defossa Scelerato 
campo ; credo ab incesto id ei loco nomen factum. 

9 Eodem anno Q. Publilius ^ Philo praetor primum 
de plebe adversante Sulpicio consule, qui negabat 
rationem eius se habiturum, est factus, senatu, cum 
in summis imperiis id non obtinuisset, minus in 
praetura tendente. 

XVI. Insequens annus, L. Papirio Crasso K. 

Duillio consulibus. Ausonum magis novo quam 

2 magno bello fuit insignis. Ea gens Cales urbem 

incolebat : Sidicinis finitimis arma coniunxerat, uno- 

que proelio baud sane memorabili duorum populorum 

^ dextra viam H: dextra uiae M^: dextra 'uia A^ {over 
erasMrc): extra uiam U{Madvig): iuxta viam TFeisf<enborn. 

' Publilius Glarearms {and Sigonius at chqj. xii. § 5) : 
publius n. 

"'■ Had she manumitted them it would have been illegal to 
examine them under torture. 

2 The consul did not act upon his threat, so Livy implies, 
upon finding the senators lukewarm in their support. 

BOOK VIII. XV. 4-xvi. 2 

made the senate angry with the consuls, by whose b.c. 337 
tardiness the alHes had been betrayed, and they 
ordered a dictator to be appointed. The nomination 
fell to Gaius Claudius Inregillensis, who named as 
his master of horse Gaius Claudius Hortator. A 
religious difficulty was then raised about the dictator, 
and on the augurs' reporting that there seemed to 
have been a flaw in his appointment, the dictator 
and his master of the horse resigned. 

In that year the Vestal Minucia, suspected in 
the first instance because of her dress, which was 
more ornate than became her station, was sub- 
sequently accused before the pontiffs on the 
testimony of a slave, and having been by their 
decree commanded to keep aloof from the sacred 
rites and to retain her slaves in her own power,^ 
was convicted and buried alive near the Colline 
Gate, to the right of the paved road in the Polluted 
Field — so called, I believe, on account of her un- 

In the same year Quintus Publilius Philo was 
made praetor, — the first to be chosen from the plebs. 
Sulpicius the Consul opposed his election and 
declared that he would receive no votes for him ; 
but the senate, having failed in its opposition to 
plebeian candidates for the highest magistracies, 
was less obstinate in the matter of the praetorship.^ 

XVI. The following year, being the consulship of b.c. 
Lucius Papirius Crassus and Caeso Duillius, was 336-334 
remarkable for a war more novel than important, to 
wit with the Ausonians, who inhabited the city of 
Cales. They had joined forces with their neighbours, 
the Sidicini, and the army of the two peoples having 
suffered a defeat in one — by no means memorable — 



exercitus fusus propinquitate urbiam et ad fiigam 

3 pronior et in fuga ipsa tutior fiiit. Xec tamen 
omissa eius belli cura patribus, quia totiens iam 
Sidicini aut ipsi raoverant bellum aut moventibus 

4 aiixilium tulerant aut causa armorum fuerant. Ita- 
que omni ope adnisi sunt^ ut maximum ea tempes- 
tate imperatorem M. Valerium Corvum ^ consulem 

5 quartum facerent ; collega additus Corvo M. Atilius 
Regulus ; et ne forte casu erraretur, petitum ab 
consulibus ut extra sortem Corvi ea provincia esset. 

6 Exercitu victore a superioribus consulibus accepto, 
ad Cales, unde bellum ortum erat^ profectus, cum 
hostes ab superioris etiam certaminis memoria pavi- 
dos clamore atque impetu prime fudisset, moenia 

7 ipsa oppugnare est adgressus. Et militum quidem 
is erat ardor ut iam inde cum scabs succedere ad 

8 muros vellent evasurosque contenderent ; Corvus, 
quia id arduum factu erat^ labore militum potius 
quam periculo peragere inceptum voluit. Itaque 
aggerem et vineas egit turresque muro admovit, 
quarum usum forte oblata opportunitas praevertit. 

9 Namque M. Fabius^ captivus Romanus_, cum per 
neglegentiam custodum festo die vinculis ruptis per 
murum inter opera Romanorum^ religata ad pinnam 

lO muri reste suspensus, manibus se demisisset. perpulit 
imperatorem ut vino epulisque sopitos hostes adgre- 

^ Corvum n: coruinura and coruino in § o, ichere, hoicever, 
has corino) UO. 



battle, was by the nearness of their cities not only 
the more disposed to flight, but found in that same 
flight the readier safety. The senators, however, 
did not cease to be concerned over this war, so 
many times before had the Sidicini either drawn the 
sword themselves, or lent aid to those who were 
drawing it, or been the occasion of hostilities. They 
accordingly bent every effort to elect to his fourth 
consulship the greatest soldier of that age, Marcus 
Valerius Corvus. To be his colleague, they gave 
him Marcus Atilius Regulus ; and lest there should 
by chance be some miscarriage, they requested of 
the consuls that Corvus be given the command, 
without the drawing of lots. Taking over the 
victorious army from the previous consuls, he marched 
on Cales, where the war had originated, and routing 
the enemy — who had as yet not even recovered 
from the panic of the earlier encounter — at the first 
cheer and onset, he attacked the town itself. The 
soldiers, for their part, were so eager that they 
wished to attempt the walls at once with scaling- 
ladders, and insisted that they could carry the place ; 
but Corvus, since this would have been an arduous 
achievement, preferred to accomplish his purpose at 
the cost of labour rather than of danger to his men. 
He therefore constructed a terrace and brought up 
mantlets, and moved his towers close to the walls, 
but a fortunate circumstance made it unnecessary to 
employ them. For Marcus Fabius, a Roman prisoner, 
being neglected by his guards on a day of merry- 
making, broke his bonds, let himself down by the 
\vall, hand over hand, into the Roman works, by 
a rope which he had made fast to a battlement, and 
induced the general to attack the enemy while they 





deretur ; nee maiore certamine capti cum iirbe 
Ausones sunt quam acie fusi erant. Praeda capta 
ingens est^ praesidioque imposito Calibus reductae 

11 Romam lefjiones. Consul ex senatus consulto 
triumphavit, et^ ne Atilius expers gloriae esset, 
iussi ambo consules adversus Sidicinos ducere exer- 

12 citum. Dictatorem ante ex senatus consulto comi- 
tiorum habendorum causa dixerunt L. Aemilium 
Mamercinum ; is magistrum equitum Q. Publilium 
Philonem dixit. Dictatore comitia habente consules 

13 creati sunt T. Veturius Sp. Postumius. Ei, etsi ^ 
belli pars cum Sidicinis restabat, tamen, ut beneficio 
praevenirent desiderium plebis, de colonia dedu- 

14 cenda Cales rettulerunt ; factoque senatus consulto 
ut duo milia quingenti homines eo scriberentur, 
tres viros coloniae deducendae agroque dividundo 
creaverunt K. Duillium T. Quinctium M. Fabium. 

XVII. Novi deinde consules a veteribus exercitu 
accepto ingressi hostium fines populando usque ad 

2 moenia atque urbem pervenerunt. Ibi quia ingenti 
exercitu comparato Sidicini et ipsi pro extrema spe 
dimicaturi enixe videbantur et Samnium fama erat 

3 conciri ad bellum, dictator ab consulibus ex aucto- 
ritate senatus dictus P. Cornelius Rufinus^ magister 

^ Ei, etsi Madrig : etsi ^ 

1 This was the tliird triumph of Corvus. See vii. xxvii. 
S, and xxxviii. 3. 


BOOK VIII. XVI. lo-xvii. 3 

were overcome with feasting and drinking. The result 
was that the Ausonians and their city were captured 
with no greater effort than they had been defeated 
in the field. Huge spoils were taken, a garrison was 
established in the town, and the legions were led 
back to Rome. The consul triumphed,^ in pursuance 
of a senatorial decree^, and lest x\tilius should go 
without his meed of glory, both consuls were directed 
to march against the Sidicini. But first — being 
so instructed by the senate — they named a dictator 
to preside at the elections, their choice falling on 
Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus, who selected Quintus 
Publilius Philo to be master of the horse. Under 
the presidency of the dictator, Titus Veturius and 
Spurius Postumius were chosen consuls. These 
men, although a half of the war — with the Sidicini 
— yet remained, nevertheless, in order to anticipate 
the desires of the plebs by doing them a service, 
brought in a proposal for sending out a colony to 
Cales. The senate resolved that twenty-five hundred 
men should be enrolled for it, and appointed Caeso 
Duillius, Titus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius a 
commission of three to conduct the settlers to the 
land and apportion it amongst them. 

X\TI. The new consuls then took over the army 
from their predecessors, and entering the enemy's 
territory laid it waste as far as their city walls. At 
this juncture, since the Sidicini had themselves 
raised an enormous army and seemed likely to make 
a desperate struggle in behalf of their last hope, and 
since the rumour went that Samnium was arming, 
the senate authorized the consuls to nominate a 
dictator. They appointed Publius Cornelius Rufinus, 
and Marcus Antonius was made master of the horse. 




4 eqiiitum M. Antonius. lleligio deinde incessit vitio 
eos creates, magistratuque se abdicaverunt ; et quia 
pestilentia insecuta est, velut omnibus eo vitio con- 
tactis auspiciis, res ad interregnum rediit. 

5 Ab interregno inito per quintum demum inter- 
regem, M. Valerium Corvum,^ creati consules A. 

6 Cornelius iterum et Cn. Domitius. Tranquillis rebus 
fama Gallici belli pro tumultu valuit ut dictatorem 
dici placeret. Dictus M. Papirius Crassus et magis- 

7 ter equitum P. Valerius Publicola. A quibus cum 
dilectus intentius quam adversus finitima bella 
liaberetur, exploratores missi attulerunt quieta 

8 omnia apud Gallos esse. Samnium quoque iam 
alterum annum turbari novis consiliis suspectum 
erat ; eo ex agro Sidicino exercitus Romanus non 

9 deductus. Ceterum Samnites bellurn Alexandri 
Epirensis in Lucanos traxit ; qui duo populi adversus 
regem escensionem ^ a Paesto facientem signis con- 

10 latis pugnaverunt. Eo certamine superior Alexander, 
incertum qua fide culturus, si perinde cetera pro- 
cessissent, pacem cum Romanis fecit. 

11 Eodem anno census actus novique cives censi. 
Tribus propter eos additae Maeciaet Scaptia; censores 

12 addiderunt Q. Publilius Philo Sp. Postumius. Romani 

^ Corvum n : coruinum UO. 

* escensionenij- : escensione H: excensionem A^: excur- 
sionem IfiA^ : ascensionem U. 

^ The Maecian tribe was presumably- named from Castrum 
Maecium (near Lanuvium) mentioned at vi. ii. 8, and the 
Scaptian from the town of Scaptia which lay between Tibur 
and Tusculum. The number of tribes was thus raised to 



Ascruple was subsequently raised about the regularity b.c. 332 
of their appointment^ and they resigned their office ; 
and when a pestilence ensued^ it was supposed that 
all the auspices were affected by that irregularity, 
and the state reverted to an interregnum. 

Finally Marcus Valerius Corvus^ the fifth interrex 
from the beginning of the interregnum, achieved the 
election to the consulship of Aulus Cornelius (for 
the second time) and Gnaeus Domitius. Coming, as 
it did, when all was tranquil, the rumour of a Gallic 
war worked like an actual rising, and caused the 
senate to have recourse to a dictator. Marcus 
Papirius Crassus was the man, and he named Publius 
Valerius Publicola master of the horse. While they 
were conducting their levy, more strenuously than 
they would have done for a war against a neighbour- 
ing state, scouts were sent out, and returned with 
the report that all was quiet amongst the Gauls. 
Samnium likewise had now for two years been 
suspected of hatching revolutionary schemes, for 
which reason the Roman army was not withdrawn 
from the Sidicine country. But an invasion by 
Alexander of Epirus drew the Samnites off into 
Lucania, and these two peoples engaged in a pitched 
battle with the King, as he was marching up from 
Paestum. The victory remained with Alexander, 
who then made a treaty of peace with the Romans ; 
with what faith he intended to keep it, had the 
rest of his campaign been equally successful, is a 

In this same year the census was taken and new 
citizens were assessed. On their account the Maecian 
and Scaptian tribes were added. ^ The censors who 
added them were Quintus Publilius Philo and 



facti Acerrani lege ah L. Papirio praetore lata^ qua 
civitas sine suffVagio data. Haec eo anno domi 
militiaeque gesta. 

XVIII. Foedus insequens annus sen intemperie 
caeli seu humana fraude fuit^ M. Claudio Marcello 

2 C.i Valerio consulibus. Flaccum Potitumque varie 
in annalibus cognomen consulis invenio ; ceterum in 
eo parvi refert quid veri sit; illud pervelim — nee 
oranes auctores sunt — proditum falso esse^ venenis 
absumptos quorum mors infamem annum pestilentia 

3 fecerit ; sicut proditur tamen res, ne cui auctorum 

4 fidem abrogaverim, exponenda est. Cum primores 
civitatis similibus morbis eodemque ferme omnes 
eventu morerentur, ancilla quaedam ad Q. Fabium 
Maximum aedilem curulem indicaturam se causam 
pul)licae })estis professa est;, si ab eo fides sibi data 

5 esset baud futurumnoxae indicium. Fabius confestim 
rem ad consules, consules ad senatum referunt; 

6 consensuque ordinis fides indici data. Tum pate- 
factum muliebri fraude civitatem premi matronasque 
ea venena coquere, et si sequi extemplo velint, 

7 manifesto deprehendi posse. Secuti indicem et 
coquentes quasdam medicamenta et recondita alia 

1 C. Sigonius {Diod. xvii. Ixxiv. 1) : t H. 



Spurius Postumius. The people of Acerra became b.c. 332 
Romans under a statute, proposed by the praetor 
Lucius Papirius_, which granted them citizenship 
without the suffrage. Such were the events of this 
year at home and in the field. 

XVIII. A terrible year succeeded, whether owing b.c. 351 
to the unseasonable weather or to man's depravity. 
The consuls were Marcus Claudius Marcellus and 
Gaius Valerius. I find Flaccus and Potitus severally 
given in the annals, as the surname of Valerius ; but 
it does not gl-eatly signify where the truth lies in 
regard to this. One thing, however, I shouM- be 
glad to believe had been falsely handed down — and 
indeed not all the authorities avouch it — namely, 
that those whose deaths made the year notorious 
for pestilence were in reality destroyed by poison ; 
still, I must set forth the story as it comes to us, 
that I may not deprive any writer of his credit. 
When the leading citizens were falling ill with the 
same kind of malady, which had, in almost eveiy 
case the same fatal termination, a certain serving- 
woman came to Quintus Fabius Maximus, the curule 
aedile, and declared that she would reveal the cause 
of the general calamity, if he would give her a 
pledge that she should not suffer for her testimony. 
Fabius at once referred the matter to the consuls, 
and the consuls to the senate, and a pledge was 
given to the witness with the unanimous approval of 
that body. She then disclosed the fact that the 
City was afflicted by the criminal practices of the 
women ; that they who prepared these poisons were 
matrons, whom, if they would instantlv attend her, 
they might take in the very act. They followed the 
informer and found certain women brewing poisons, 



8 invenerunt. Quibus in forum delatis et ad viginti 
matronis, apud quas deprehensa erant^ per viatorem 
accitis, duae ex eis^ Cornelia ae Sergia, patriciae 
utraque gentis, cum ea medicamenta salubria esse 
contenderent, ab confutante indice bibere iussae^ ut 
se falsum commentam in conspectu omnium ^ argue- 

9 rent^ spatio ad conloquendum sumpto^ cum submoto 
populo rem ad ceteras rettulissent, haud abnuentibus 
et illis bibere, epoto medicamento suamet ipsae 

10 fraude omnes interierunt. Comprehensae extemplo 
earum comites magnum numerum' matronarum 
indicaverunt ; ex quibus ad centum septuaginta 

11 damnatae. Neque de veneficiis ante eam diem 
Roraae quaesitum est. Prodigii ea res loco habita 
captisque magis mentibus quam consceleratis similis 

12 visa ; itaque memoria ex annalibus repetita in seces- 
sionibus quondam plebis clavum ab dictatore fixum 
alienatasque discordia mentes hominum eo piaculo 
compotes sui fuisse,^ dictatorem clavi figendi causa 

13 creari placuit. Creatus Cn. Quinctilius magistrum 
equitum L. \'alerium dixit, qui fixo clavo magistratu 
se abdicaverunt. 

XIX. Creati consules L. Papirius Crassus iterum L. 
Plautius Venox ; cuius principio anni legati ex Volscis 
Fabraterni et Lucani Romam venerunt, orantes ut in 

^ The words in conspectu omnium are found in the MSS. 
after populo. Walters and Conway suggest placing them here, 
or preferably, after epoto ; hut in the latter position they would 
he inmnsistent with submoto populo, for the v:oraen %could not 
recall the crowd to witness their own discomfiture. 

2 fuisse Crevier: factas esse Alschefski: fecisse n. 

* Livy says nothing of the nail in his accounts of the 
several secessions at ii. xxxii, iii, 1, and vii. xlii, but in 
vir. iii describes the practice as having originated in an 
attempt to relieve a pestilence. 



and other poisons stored away. These concoctions b.c. 331 
were brought into the Forum, and some twenty 
matrons, in whose houses they had been discovered, 
were summoned thither by an apparitor. Two of 
their number, Cornelia and Sergia, of patrician houses 
both, asserted tliat these drugs were salutarv. On 
the informer giving them the lie, and bidding them 
drink and prove her charges false in the sight of all, 
they took time to confer, and after the crowd had 
been dismissed they referred the question to the 
rest, and finding that they, like themselves, would 
not refuse the draught, they all drank off the poison 
and perished by their own wicked practices. Their 
attendants being instantly arrested informed against 
a large number of matrons, of whom one hundred and 
seventy were found guilty ; yet until that day there 
had never been a trial for poisoning in Rome. Their 
act was regarded as a prodigy, and suggested mad- 
ness rather than felonious intent. Accordingly 
when a tradition was revived from the annals how 
formerly in secessions of the plebs ^ a nail had been 
driven by the dictator, and how men's minds, which 
had been distracted by dissension, had by virtue of 
that expiation regained their self-control, they 
resolved on the appointment of a dictator to drive 
the nail. The appointment went to Gnaeus Quinc- 
tilius, who named Lucius Valerius master of the 
horse. The nail was driven and they resigned their 

XIX. The consular election resulted in the choice b.c. 330 
of Lucius Papirius Crassus (for the second time) and 
Lucius Plautius Venox. At the outset of this year 
Volscian ambassadors from Fabrateria and Luca came 
to Rome asking protection, and promising that, if 



2 fidem reciperentur : si a Samnitium armis defensi 
essent, se sub imperio populi Romani fideliter atque 

3 oboedienter futures. Missi turn ab senatu legati 
denuntiatumque Samnitibus ut eorum populorum 
finibus vim abstinerent ; valuitque ea legatio^ non 
tarn quia pacem volebant Samnites quam quia 
nondum parati erant ad belluni. 

4 Eodem anno Privernas bellum initum, cuius socii 
Fundani, dux etiam fuit Fundanus. Vitruvius ^ Vac- 
cus^^ vir non domi solum sed etiam Romae clarus ; 
aedes fiiere in Palatio eius^ quae Vacci prata diruto 

5 aedificio publicatoque solo appellata. Adversus bunc 
vastantem effuse Setinum Norbanumque et Coranum 
agrum L. Papirius profectus baud procul castris eius 

6 consedit. Vitruvio nee ut vallo se teneret adversus 
validiorem bostem sana constare mens, nee ut longius 

7 a castris dimicaret animus suppetere ; vix tota extra 
portam castrorum explicata acie, fugam magis retro 
quam proelium aut bostem spectante milite, sine 

8 consilio, sine audacia depugnat. Ut et levi momento 
nee ambigue est victus, ita brevitate ipsa loci facili- 
que receptu in tarn propinqua castra baud aegre 

9 militem a multacaede esttutatus ; nee fere quisquam 
in ipso ccrtamine^ pauci in turba fugae extremae, cum 
in castra ruerent, caesi ; primisque tenebris Priver- 

^ Vitruvius F^ {or F^) Sigonius : uitrubius H : uitrubrius 
LA (m §§ 6 and lOjhe MSS. give uitrub-). 
* Vaccus ^ : baccus Q {hit uacci below). 


defended from Samnite aggressions^ they would be 
loyal and obedient subjects of the Roman People. 
The senate thereupon sent envoys to the Samnites 
and warned them to do no violence to the territories 
of those cities. The embassy was effective^ not so 
much because the Samnites desired peace^ as because 
they were unprepared, as yet, for war. 

The same year saw the beginning of the war with 
Privernum. The enemy had the Fundanians for 
allies, and even a Fundanian general, by the name 
of Vitruvius Vaccus. He was a man of distinction, 
not only in his own city, but in Rome as well, where 
he had a house on the Palatine, at the place which, 
after the building had bee^i demolished and the area 
confiscated, was known as the Meadows of Vaccus. 
He was spoiling, far and wide, the territories of 
Setia, Norba, and Cora, when Lucius Papirius marched 
out to confront him, and took up a position not far 
from the other's camp. Vitruvius had neither the 
strength of mind to remain behind his rampart in 
the ffice of a more powerful opponent, nor the courage 
to fight at a distance from his works. The last of 
his troops were scarcely clear of the camp gates and 
his line deployed, and the soldiers were thinking 
more of flight than of battle or the enemy, when he 
began, without showing either prudence or audacity, 
a critical engagement. He was easily and decisively 
defeated ; yet, because his camp was so near and so 
readily accessible, he was able without great difficulty 
to save his men from heavy losses ; indeed, there 
were hardly any slain in the battle itself, and in the 
flight only a few amongst the stragglers, as they 
rushed into the camp. Under cover of the earliest 
dusk they sought Privernum in a panic-stricken 


.C. 330 


num inde petitum agmine trepido, ut muris potius 
quam vallo sese tutarentur. 

A Priverno Plautiiis alter consul pervastatis passim 
agris praedaque abacta in agrum Fundanum exer- 

10 citum inducit. Ingredienti fines senatus Fundanorum 
occurrit ; negant se pro Vitruvio sectamque eius 
secutis precatum venisse^ sed pro Fundano populo^ 
quern extra culpam belli esse ipsum Vitruvium 
iudicasse, cum receptaculum fugae Privernum liabu- 

11 erit^ non patriam.^ Priverni igitur hostes populi 
Romani quaerendos persequendosque esse^ qui simul 
a Fundanis ac Romanis utriusque patriae immemores 
defecerint : Fundanis pacem esse etanimos Romanos 

12 et gratam memoriam acceptae civitatis. Orare se con- 
sulem ut bellum ab innoxio populo abstineat ; agros 
urbem corpora ipsorum coniugumque ac liberorum 
suorum in potestate populi Romani esse futuraque. 

13 Conlaudatis Fundanis consul litterisque Romam missis 
in officio Fundanos esse ad Privernum flexit iter. 
Prius animadversum in eos qui capita coniurationis 

14 fuerant a consule scribit Claudius ; ad trecentos 
quinquaginta ex coniuratis vinctos Romam missos, 
eamque deditionem ab senatu non acceptam^ quod 
egentium atque humilium poena defungi velle 
Fundanum populum censuerint. XX. Privernum 
duobus consularibus exercitibus cum obsideretur^ 

^ patriam A'^ {or A^) ^ : patriam fundanos Ci : patriam 
fundos r. 


BOOK VIII. XIX. 9-xx. I 

throng, to obtain for themselves the protection of b.c. 330 
walls in place of a rampart. 

From Privernum the other consul Plaiitius, after 
everywhere pillaging the fields and driving off the 
cattle, led his army into the domain of Fundi. As 
he crossed the border he was met by the Fundanian 
senate, who said that they had come to plead, not 
for Vitruvius and his followers, but for the people 
of Fundi, whom even Vitruvius himself had cleared 
of res})onsibility for the war, when he sought refuge 
in Privernum and not in his native city. It was 
therefore in Privernum that the Roman People should 
seek out and punish its enemies, who had fallen away 
at the same time from Fundi and from Rome, un- 
mindful of either allegiance : the Fundani were 
peaceful, their sympathies were Roman, and they 
held in grateful recollection the gift of citizenship. 
They begged the consul to make no war upon an 
innocent people, and declared that their lands, their 
city, their persons, and those of their wives and 
children were subject to the dominion of the Roman 
People and would so remain. The consul heartily 
commended them, and announcing in a dispatch to 
Rome that the Fundanians were loyal, turned aside 
and marched against Privernum. Claudius ^ writes 
that before he set out, the consul executed the 
leaders of the plot, and sent some three hundred 
and fifty of the conspirators in chains to Rome ; but 
that the senate would not accept of their surrender, 
being persuaded that the people of Fundi sought to 
escape with the punishment of their poor and lowly. 
XX. While the two consular armies were laying b.c. 329 
siege to Privernum, the other consul was recalled to 

^ Q. Claudius Quadrigarius, the annalist. See Introd. p. xxx. 



alter consul comitiorum causa Romani revocatus. 

2 Carceres eo anno in circo primum statuti. 

Nondum perfunctos cura Privernatis belli tumultus 
Gallici fama atrox invasit, baud ferme unquam 

3 neglecta patribus. Extemplo igitur consules novi L. 
Aemilius Mamercinus et C. Plautius,-'- eo ipso die^ 
Kalendis Quinctilibus^ quo magistratum inierunt^ 
comparare inter se provincias iussi, et Mamercinus, 
cui Gallicum bellum evenerat, scribere exercitum 

4 sine ulla vacationis venia ; quin opificum quoque 
volgus et sellularii, minime militiae idoneum genus, 
exciti dicuntur ; Veiosque ingens exercitus contrac- 

5 tus, ut inde obviam Gallis iretur ; longius discedi, 
ne alio itinere hostis falleret ad urbem incedens, non 
placuit. Paucos deinde post dies satis explorata 
temporis eius quiete a Gallis Privernum omnis 
conversa vis. 

6 Duplex inde fama est : alii vi captam urbem 
Vitruviumque vivum in potestatem venisse, alii 
priusquam ultima adhiberetur vis, ipsos ^ se in de- 
ditionem consuli ^ caduceum praeferentes^ permisisse 

7 auctores sunt Vitruviumque ab suis traditum. Senatus 
de ^'itruvio Privernatibusque consultus consulem 

1 C. Plautius 2^ Sir/on. {C.I.L. i.^y/. 45): G. Plautius {or 
-ci-) PFUO : plautius MDLA : placius H: plutius T. 

2 ipsos - ; ipsum n. 

^ consuli Loujat ( Walters) : cos (or cos or cofis or coss) Ci : 
consulis r- 

* praeferentes r : praeferentis n. 

* The cells were stalls, having a bar across the front which 
was thrown down to release the chariots at the start of the 

2 July 1st was the normal day for beginning the ofiBcial 
year from 391 B.C. to 153 B.C., when it was changed to 
January Ist. 

BOOK VIII. .XX. 1-7 

Rome to hold the elections. Chariot cells were b.c. S29 
built this year for the first time in the Circus.^ 

The war with Privernum was not yet out of the 
way, when there came an alarming report of a Gallic 
rising, a warning which the senate almost never 
disregarded. Accordingly, without a moment's 
hesitation, the new consuls, Lucius Aemilius 
Mamercinus and Gaius Plautius, were directed, on 
the very day on which they entered office — the 
Kalends of July ^ — to divide the commands between 
them, and Mamercinus, to whom the Gallic war had 
fallen, was bidden to enlist an armv without granting: 
a single exemption ; indeed it is said that a rabble 
of craftsmen even, and sedentary mechanics, was 
called out — a type the least qualified of all for 
military service. An enormous army was brought 
together at Veii, which was to be the base for the 
campaign against the Gauls : further afield they 
w^ould not go, lest the enemy, advancing upon the 
City, might slip by them on another road. After 
a few days it became quite evident that no dis- 
turbance on the part of the Gauls was to be appre- 
hended at that time, whereupon the whole array 
was directed against Privernum. 

From this point there is a twofold tradition : 
some say that the city was carried by storm, and 
that \^itruvius was taken alive ; others, that before 
the final assault was made, the people came out 
with a flag of truce ^ to the consul and surrendered, 
and that Vitruvius was betrayed by his own 
followers. The senate, beins: consulted resrardinsr 
Vitruvius and the Privernates, commanded the 

^ The cadwxus {K-npvK^iov) was actually a herakUs staff. 



Plautium dirutis Priverni nmris praesidioque valido 
imposito ad triumphum accersit : Vitruvium in 
carcere ^ adservari iussit, quoad consul redisset, turn 

8 verberatum necari. Aedes eius, quae essent in 
Palatio, diruendas, bona Semoni Sango censuerunt 
consecranda ; quodque aeris ex eis redactum est_, ex 
eo aenei orbes facti positi in sacello Sangus adversus 

9 aedem Quirini. De senatu Privernate ita decretum, 
ut qui senator Priverni post defectionem ab Romanis 
mansisset trans Tiberira lege eadem qua Veliterni 

10 habitaret. His ita decretis usque ad triumphum 
Plauti silentium de Privernatibus fuit ; post trium- 
phum consul necato Mtruvio sociisque eius noxae 
apud satiatos iam suppliciis nocentium tutam 

11 mentionem de Privernatibus ratus, " Quoniam auc- 
tores defectionis " inquit^ '^ meritas poenas et ab dis 
immortalibus et a vobis habent^ patres conscripti, 

12 quid placet de innoxia multitudine fieri r Equidem^ 
etsi meae partes exquirendae magis sententiae quam 
dandae sunt, tamen, cum videam Privernates vicinos 
Samnitibus esse, unde nunc nobis incertissima pax 
est, quam minimum irarum inter nos illosque relinqui 

XXI. Cum ipsa per se res anceps esset, prout 
cuiusque ingenium erat atrocius mitiusve suadentibus, 

^ in carcere F^ (over era»ure) Madvig : in carcerem Cl. 

^ Semo Sangus — or Sancus — was another name for Dius 
Fidius, the god of oaths, and was identified with Hercules, 
who was himself closely associated with Jupiter. See Warde 
Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Republic, pp. 135-14:.5, 

• See chap. xiv. § 6. 

BOOK VIII. XX'. 7-xxi. T 

consul Plaiitius to raze the walls of Privernum, and 
placing a strong garrison in the town, to come to 
Rome and triumph. \'itruvius was to be held a 
prisoner till the consul should return, and then 
scourged and put to death ; his house on the 
Palatine was to be pulled down, and his goods 
dedicated to Semo Sangus.^ Out of the bronze 
which his chattels realized were fashioned bronze 
disks, which were placed in the shrine of Sangus, 
over against the temple of Quirinus. Concerning 
the senate of Privernum, it was decreed that any 
senator who had remained in Privernum after its 
defection from the Romans should dwell across the 
Tiber on the same terms as the \'eliterni.- These 
decrees having been promulgated, no more was said 
about the Privernates, until Plautius had triumphed. 
After his triumph the consul caused Vitruvius and 
his associates in wrongdoing to be executed, and 
deeming it now safe to take up the question of the 
Privernates with men who were already sated with 
the punishment of the guilty, spoke as follows : 
'^ Since the authors of rebellion have now received 
the reward they merited, at the hands of the 
immortal gods, and at your own hands. Conscript 
Fathers, what is your pleasure regarding the inno- 
cent multitude ? For my own part, though it 
becomes me rather to ask opinions than to offer 
one, yet when I see that the Privernates are neigh- 
bours to the Samnites, whose peaceful relations 
with ourselves are at this time most precarious, I 
could wish that as little bad feeling as possible 
might be left between them and us." 

XXI. The question was of itself a hard one to 
decide, and every senator argued, as his own nature 

vol.. IV. o 


turn incertiora omnia unus ex Privernatibus legatis 
fecit^ magis condicionis in qua natus esset quam 

2 praesentis necessitatis memor ; qui interrogatus a 
quodam tristioris sententiae auctore quam poenam 
raeritos Privernates censeret/^ Earn " inquit '^•'quam 

3 merentur qui se libertate dignos censent. " Cuius cum 
feroci response infestiores factos videret consul eos 
qui ante Privernatium causam impugnabant^ ut ipse 
benigna interroijatione mitius responsum eliceret, 

4 "Quid si poenam" inquit ''^ remittimus vobis ? 
Qualem nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus ? " 
"Si bonam dederitis " inquit, "'et fidam et per- 

5 petuam ; si malam, baud diuturnam." Tum vero 
minari, nee id ambigue, Privernatem quidam, et illis 
vocibus ad rebellandum incitari pacatos populos ; 

6 pars mitior ^ senatus ad meliora ^ responsum tra- 
here et dicere viri et liberi vocem auditam : an 
credi posse ullum popuUnn aut hominem denique 
in ea condicione cuius eum paeniteat diutius quam 

7 necesse sit mansurum ? Ibi pacem esse fidam ubi 
voluntarii pacati sint, neque eo loco ubi servitutem 
esse velint, fidem sperandam esse. 

^ mitior Duker : melior n. 

2 meliora il : molliora {icifh melior instead of mitior) 
Gronovius, Walters and Conicay. 



prompted him, for severity or mercy ; but the whole b.c. 32s 
situation was rendered even more uncertain by one 
of the deputation from Privernum, who possessed 
a liveUer sense of the condition in which lie had 
been born than of the exigencies of the actual 
crisis. This man, on being asked by a certain 
advocate of harsher measures what punishment he 
thought the Privernates merited, repUed, '' That 
punishment which is merited by those who deem 
themselves worthy to be free." The consul per- 
ceived that this proud answer had increased the 
hostility of those who were before assailing the 
cause of the Privernates. In the hope that he might 
himself, by putting a more kindly question, eUcit 
a friendlier response, '• What," said he, •' if we 
remit your punishment ? What sort of peace may 
we hope to have with you.'" ''If you grant us 
a good one," was the answer, ''you may look to find 
it faithfully and permanently kept ; if a bad one, 
you must not expect that it will long endure." 
Whereat some cried out that the Privernate was 
threatening them, and in no ambiguous terms, and 
asserted that by such words as those pacified peoples 
were roused up to rebellion. But the more merci- 
ful party in the senate put a better construction on 
his answer, and pronounced it the utterance of a 
man, and a man free-born. Was it credible, they 
asked, that any nation, or for that matter any 
man, should abide longer than he must in a 
condition that was painful ? That peace, they 
asserted, was faithfully observed where the terms 
were willingly acce})ted ; they must not hope for 
loyalty in a quarter where they sought to impose 


G 2 


8 In hanc sententiam maxime consul ipse inclinavit 
animoS;, identidem ad principes sententiarum con- 

9 sulares^ uti exaudiri posset a pluribus^ dicendo eos 
demum qui nihil praeterquam de libertate cogitent 

10 dignos esse qui Romani fiant. Itaque et in senatu 
causam obtinuere, et ex auctoritate patrum latum ad 
populum est ut Privernatibus civitas daretur. 

11 Eodem anno Anxur trecenti in coloniani missi 
sunt ; bina iugera agri acceperunt. 

XXII. Secutus est annus nulla re belli domive in- 
signiSj P. Plautio Proculo P. Cornelio Scapula consuli- 

2 bus, praeterquam quod Fregellas — Signinorum is 
ager, deinde Volscorum fuerat — colonia deducta et 
populo visceratio data a M. Flavio in funere matris. 

3 Erant qui per speciem lionorandae parentis meritam 
mercedem populo solutam interpretarentur, quod 
eum die dicta ab aedilibus crimine stupratae matris 

4 familiae absolvisset. Data visceratio in praeteritam 
iudicii gratiam honoris etiam ei causa fuit. Tribunus- 
que ^ plebei proximis comitiis absens })etentibus 

5 Palaepolis fuit baud procul indeubinunc Xeapolis 
sita est; duabus urbibus populus idem habitabat.^ 

6 Cumis erant oriundi ; Cumani Chalcide Euboica 

^ tribunusque Zinge/ie: tribunatuque {wcuiting in 0) Ci: 
tribunal unique c Gronovius. 

2 habitabat F^ - : habita at MPF^ : habitat OHTDLA : 
habitat ut UT^. 



BOOK Vlll XXI. 8-xxii. 6 

The consul himself did the most to bring about 
the adoption of these views, by remarking repeatedly 
to the consulars, who led in the expression of 
opinion, in a voice loud enough for manv to over- 
hear, that only those who took no thought for any- 
thing save Hberty were wortiiy of becoming Romans. 
Accordingly they gained their cause in the senate, 
and on the authorization of the Fathers a measure 
was brought before the people conferring citizenship 
on the Privernates. 

In that same year three hundred colonists were 
sent to Anxur, where they received each two lugera 
of land. 

XXII. The following year, when Publius Plautius b.c 
Proculus and Publius Cornelius Scapula were consuls, 
was not signalised by any military or domestic event, 
except that a colony was sent out to Fregellae — the 
territory had belonged to the people of Signia, and 
afterwards to the Volsci — and a dole of meat was 
given to the people by Marcus Flavius, at the funeral 
of his mother. Some thought that under colour 
of honouring his mother he had paid a price that 
he owed the peo})le, because they had acquitted 
him, when brought to trial by the aediles, of the 
charge of corrupting a married woman. Though 
the dole was made for the past favour shown him 
in the trial, it was also the cause of his receiving an 
office ; and at the next election he was chosen 
tribune of the plebs in his absence, in preference 
to some who canvassed. 

There was a city called Palaepolis, not far from 
the spot where Neapolis is now, and the two cities 
were inhabited by one people, Cumae was their 
mother city, and the Cumani derive their origin 



originem trahunt. Classe, qua advecti ab domo 
fuerant, multum in ora maris eius quod accolunt po- 
tuere^ primo in insulas ^ Aenariam et Pithecusas^ 
egressi^ deinde in continentem ausisedes transferre. 

7 Haec civitas cum suis viribus turn Samnitium infidae 
adversus Romanes societati freta, sive pestilentiae 
quae Romanam urbem adorta nuntiabatur fidens, 
multa hostilia adversus Romanes agrum Campanum 

8 Falernumque incolentes fecit. Igitur L. Cornelio 
Lentulo Q. Publilio Philone iterum consulibus, 
fetialibus Palaepolim ad res repetendas missis, cum 
relatum esset a Graecis. gente lingua magis strenua 
quam factis, ferox responsum, ex auctoritate patrum 

9 populus Palaepolitanis bellum fieri iussit. Inter con- 
sules provinciis comparatis bello Graeci persequendi 
Publilio evenerunt ; Cornelius altero exercitu Sam- 

10 nitibus, si qua se moverent, oppositus — fama autem 
erat defection! Campanorum imminentes admoturos 
castra — ibi optimum visum Cornelio stativa habere. 

XX III. Ab utroque consule exiguam spem pacis 

cum Samnitibus esse certior fit senatus : Publilius ^ 

duo milia Xolanorum militum et quattuor Samnitium 

magis Xolanis cogentibus quam voluntate Graecorum 

2 recepta Palaepoli;^ Cornelius dilectum indicium a 

^ in insulas r: insulas CI: insulara A. 

~ Pithecusas J-: phitecusas MPFO: fitecusas U: pitecusas 

^ Publilius €ild. : publius n 'omitted by U). 

* Palaepoli Walters and Conway : Palaepoli miserat 
Sigonius : palaepoli romam miserat [or -ut) Ci. 

^ Islands in the northern part of the Bay of Naples. By 
Pitheeusae Livy seems to mean the islands of this group 
other than Aenaria, i.e. Pithecusa itself, Leucothea, and 
Sidonia ; or perhaps he calls the whole group Pitheeusae and 
means " Aenaria and the rest of the Pitheeusae." 

BOOK VIII. xxii. 6-xxni. 2 

from Chalcis in Euboea. Thanks to the fleet in b.c. 
which they had sailed from their home, they 328-327 
enjoyed much power on the coast of that sea by 
which they dwell ; havinf]^ landed first on the island 
of Aenaria and the Pithecusae,^ they afterwards 
ventured to transfer their seat to the mainland. 
This nation, relying in part on its own strength, in 
part on the faithlessness shown by the Samnites in 
their alliance with the Romans, or perhaps on the 
plague which was reported as having assailed the 
City of Rome, committed many hostile acts against 
the Romans dwelling in the districts of Campania 
dnd Falerii. When therefore Lucius Cornelius 
Lentulus and Quintus Publilius Philo (for the 
second time) v/ere consuls, fetials were dispatched 
to Palaepolis to demand redress ; and on their 
bringing back a spirited answer from the Greeks — 
a race more valiant in words than in deeds — the 
people acted upon a resolution of the senate and 
commanded that war be made upon Palaepolis. 
By the division of the commands between the 
consuls, the war with the Greeks fell to Publilius ; 
Cornelius, with another army, was ordered to be 
ready for the Samnites, in case they should take 
the field ; and since it was rumoured that they were 
only waiting to bring up their army the moment 
the Campanians began a revolt, that seemed to be 
the best place for the permanent encampment of 

XXIII. Both consuls informed the senate that „.^?*^-.,« 
there was very little hope of peace with the 
Samnites : Publilius reported tliat two thousand 
soldiers from Nola and four thousand Samnites had 
been received into Palaepolis, — rather under com- 
pulsion from the Nolani than bv the good-will of 



magistratibus universumque Samnium erectum ac 
vicinos poj)ulos. Privernatem Fundanumque et For- 

3 mianum, baud ambigue soUicitari. Ob haec cum 
legates mitti placuisset prius ad Samnites quam 
bellum fieret, responsum redditur ab Samnitibus 

4 ferox. Ultro incusabant iniurias Romanorum, neque 
eo neglegentius ea quae ipsis obicerentur piirgabant : 

5 baud ullo publico consilio auxiliove iuvari Graecos 
nee Fundanum Formianum\ e a se sollicitatos ; quippe 
minime paenitere se virium suarum^ si bellum placeat. 

6 Cetcrum non posse dissimulare aegre pati civitatem 
Samnitium quod Fregellas ex Volscis captas dirutas- 
que ab se restituerit Romanus populus. coloniamque 
in Samnitium agro imposuerint, quam coloni eorum 

7 Fregellas appellent ; eam se contumeliam iniuri- 
amque^ ni sibi ab iis qui fecerint dematur, ipsos 

8 omni vi depulsuros esse. Cum Romanus legatus 
ad disceptandum eos ad communes socios atque 
amicos vocaret, "Quid perplexe agimus?" inquit; 
" Nostra certamina^ Romani, non verba legatorum 
nee hominum quisquam disceptator, sed campus 
Campanus, in quo concurrendum est, et arma et 

9 communis Mars belli decernet. Proinde inter 
Capuam Suessulamque castra castris conferamus, et 
Samnis Romanusne imperio Italiam regat decer- 

BOOK VIII. xxiii. 2-9 

the Greeks ; Cornelius^ that the Samiiite magistrates b.c. 
had proclaimed a levy^ and that all Samnium was up, "'" 
while the neighbouring cities of Privernum^ Fundi, 
and Formiae were being openly solicited to join. 
The senate having, in view of these facts, voted to 
send ambassadors to the Samnites before declaring 
war, received a defiant answer from them. Indeed 
they actually accused the Romans of improper con- 
duct, yet without neglecting to clear their own 
skirts — if they could — of the charges brought 
against them : the Greeks, they said, were receiving 
no public counsel or support from them, nor had 
they asked the Fundani or Formiani to revolt ; 
indeed they were quite strong enough to look out 
for themselves, if they chose to fight ; on the other 
hand, they could not dissemble the chagrin of the 
Samnite nation that Fregellae, which they had 
captured from the \'olsci and destroyed, should 
have been restored by the Roman People, and a 
colony planted in the territory of the Samnites 
which the Roman settlers called by that name ; this 
was an insult and an injury, which, if its authors did 
not themselves recall it, they proposed to resist with 
might and main. When the Roman legate invited 
them to discuss tlie question with the common 
allies and friends of both, the Samnite spokesman 
said, '' Why do we beat about the bush .- Our 
differences, Romans, will be decided, not by the 
words of envoys nor by any man's arbitration, but 
by the Campanian plain — where we must meet in 
battle, — by the sword, and by the common chance 
of war. Let us encamp then face to face betwixt 
Suessula and Capua, and settle the question whether 
Samnite or Roman is to govern Italy," The Roman 



10 namus." Legati Romanorum cum se non quo hostis 
vocasset ^ sed quo imperatores sui duxissent ituros 
esse respondissent . . .- 

lam Publilius inter Palaepolim Xeapolimque loco 
opportune capto diremerat hostibus societatem auxilii 
mutui qua. ut quisque locus premeretur, inter se usi 

11 fiierant. Itaque cum et comitiorum dies instaret et 
Publilium imminentem hostium muris avocari ab spe 
capiendae in dies urbis baud e re publica esset, 

12 actum cum tribunis est. ad populum ferrent ut, cum 
Q. Publilius Philo consulatu abisset. pro consule rem 
gereret quoad debellatum cum Graecis esset. 

13 L. Cornelio, quia ne eum quidem in Samnium iam 
ingressum revocari ab impetu belli placebat, litterae 
missae ut dictatorem comitiorum causa diceret. 

14 Dixit M. Claudium Marcellum ; ab eo magister 
equitum dictus Sp. Postumius. Nee tamen ab 
dictatore comitia sunt habita, quia vitione creatus 
esset in disquisitionem venit. Consulti augures 

15 vitiosum videri dictatorem pronuntiaverunt. Eam 
rem tribuni suspectam infamemque criminando 
fecerunt : nam neque facile fuisse id vitium nosci, 
cum consul oriens de nocte ^ silentio diceret 
dictatorem, neque ab consule cuiquam publice 

^ vocasset T^,-: uocaset 0^: uocaret : uocassent Hj-- 

* Madvig thinks that a passage of some length, narrating the 

outcome of the eynbassy, the declaration of uar, and the 

beginning of the siege of Xaples, has leen lost. 
^ oriens de nocte Drakenhorch (oriens nocte Rubenius): 

oriende nocte F: oriente nocte fi: oriente noctis L^A: 

oriente sub nocte 0. 

^ This is the first recorded instance of the continuation of 
a consul's powers beyond his year of office, although in 464 
a former consul, T. Quinctius, had- been invested with 
consular authority for a campaign ^^III. iv. 10). 



legates having replied that they should go, not 
where the enemy summoned them, but where their 
generals led them . . . 

By taking up a favourable position between 
Palaepolis and Neapolis^ Publilius had already 
deprived the enemy of that mutual exchange of 
assistance which they had made use of^ as one 
place after another was hard pressed. Accordingly, 
since the time drew near for the elections, and it 
was not for the advantage of the state that Publilius, 
who was threatening the enemy's walls, should be 
called away from the prospective capture of their 
city, which might happen any day, the senate 
got the tribunes to propose a popular enactment, 
providing that Qiiintus Publilius Philo should, 
on the expiration of his consulship, conduct the 
campaign as proconsul until the Greeks should 
have been conquered.^ 

To Lucius Cornelius, who had already entered 
Samnium, and whom they were equally unwilling 
to withdraw from the vigorous prosecution of the 
war, they sent a letter directing him to name a 
dictator for conducting the elections. He named 
Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who named Spurius 
Postumius master of the horse. But the comitia 
were not held by the dictator, inasmuch as the 
regularity of his appointment was called in question. 
The augurs were consulted, and announced that 
the procedure appeared faulty. This sentence the 
tribunes by their accusations made suspect and in- 
famous ; for the flaw, as they pointed out, could 
not easily have been discovered, since the consul 
rose in the night and appointed the dictator in 
silence, neither had the consul written to anyone 




privatimve de ea re scriptum esse nee quemquam 
IG mortalium exstare qui se vidisse aut audisse quid 
dicat quod auspicium dirimeret, neque augures 
divinare Romae sedentes potuisse quid in castris 
consuli vitii obvenisset ; cui non apparere, quod 
plebeius dictator sit, id vitium auguribus visum ? 
17 Haec aliaque ab tribunis nequiquam iactata ; tandem ^ 
ad interregnum res redit, dilatisque alia atque alia 
de causa comitiis quartus decimus demum interrex 
L. Aemilius consules creat C. Poetelium ^ L. Papi- 
rium Mugillanum ; Cursorem in aliis annalibus 

XXI \\ Eodem anno Alexandream in Aegypto 
proditum conditam_, Alexandrumque Epiri regem 
ab exsule Lucano interfectum sortes Dodonaei lovis 

2 eventu adfirmasse. Accito ab Tarentinis in Italiam 
data dictio erat^ caveret Acherusiam aquam Pando- 

3 siamque urbem : ibi fatis eius terminum dari. Eoque 
ocius transmisit in Italiam ut quam maxime procul 
abesset urbe Pandosia in Epiro et Acheronte amni, 
quem ex Molosside fluentem in Stagna Inferna ^ 

4 accipit Thesprotius sinus. Ceterum ut ^ feniie fugi- 
endo in media fata ruitur. cum saepe Bruttias 

^ taTulem f Madvig : tamen Cl 'v:antinj in 0). 

2 Poetelium Madvig (iii. xxxv. 11 : pelilium [or pe- 
tillium) Cl. 

^ Stagna Inferna IValtcrs and Conicay {Plin., X.H. iv. i, 
4, Sirabo vii. vii. 5) : stagna inferna n edd. 

* ceterum ut - : ut ceterum n. 

^ The founding of Alexandria and the death of Alexander 
of Epirus are placed five 3'ears too late. They occurred in 
332 or 331 b.c. 

^ The name was douV)tless due to the association of the 
Acheron in Epirus with the Acheron of the lower world. 



BOOK VIII. XXIII. i5-\xiv. 4 

reecardiiiij tlie transaction, -whether officially or b.c. 
privately, nor was there a single mortal living 
who could say that he had seen or heard a thing 
that would bring to naught the auspices ; nor yet 
could the augurs have divined^ as they sat in Rome, 
what obstacle the consul had met with in the camp. 
Was there anyone, they would like to know, who 
could not see that the plebeian standing of the 
dictator was the thins; which had seemed irrec^ular 
to the augurs ? These and other objections were 
made by the tribunes to no purpose ; the state at 
length reverted to an interreornum, and after the 
comitia had been again and again postponed, on 
one pretext or another, at last the fourteenth in- 
terrex, Lucius Aemilius, procured the election of 
consuls, viz. Gains Poetelius and Lucius Papirius 
Mugillanus — in other annals I find the name of 

XXIV. It is recorded that in that same year 
Alexandria in Egypt was founded, and that Alex- 
ander, king of Epirus, being murdered by a Lucanian 
exile, fulfilled by his death the oracle of Jupiter 
at Dodona.i On his being summoned to Italy by 
the Tarentines, the oracle had warned him to beware 
of the Acherusian water and the city Pandosia, for 
there he was destined to end his days. On this 
account he had passed over with the more speed 
into Italy, that he might be as far removed as 
possible from the city of Pandosia in Epirus and 
from the river Acheron, which, debouching from 
Molossis into the Infernal Marshes,- discharges its 
waters into the Thesprotian Gulf. But, as generally 
happens, in seeking to escape his doom he ran full 
upon it. Having repeatedly defeated the Bruttian 



Lucanasque legiones fudisset, Heracleam Tarentino- 
rum coloniam ex Lucanis^ Sipontum Apulorum. 
Consentiamque ^ Bruttiorum ac Terinam,^ alias inde 
Messapiorum ^ ac Liicanorum cepisset iirbes et 
trecentas familias illustres in Epiruni, quas obsidum 

5 numero haberet^ misisset. hand })rocul Pandosia urbe, 
imminente Lucanis ac Bruttiis finibus, tres tumulos 
aliquantiim inter se distantes insedit, ex quibus 
incursiones in omnem partem agri hostilis faceret ; 

6 et ducentos ferme Lucanorum exsules circa se 
pro fidis habebat, ut pleraque eius generis ingenia 
sunt, cum fortuna mutabilem gerentes fidem. 

7 Imbres continui cam pis omnibus inundatis * 
cum interclusissent trifariam exercitum a mutuo 
inter se auxilio, duo praesidia, quae sine rege 
erant, improviso hostium adventu opprimuntur ; 
deletisque eis ad ipsius obsidionem omnes con- 

8 versi. Inde ab Lucanis exsulibus ad suos nuntii 
missi sunt, pactoque reditu promissum est regem 
aut vivum aut mortuum in potestatem daturos. 

9 Ceterum cum delectis ipse egregium facinus 
ausus per medios erumpit hostes, et ducem 
Lucanorum comminus congressum obtruncat ; 

10 contrahensque suos ex fuga palatos pervenit ad 
amnem, ruinis recentibus pontis, quem vis aquae 

11 abstulerat, indicantem iter. Quem cum incerto 

^ coloniam ex Lucanis, .Sipontum Apulorum, Consentiam- 
que Bruttiorum Weissenhorn : coloniam Consentiam {M omits 
Consentiam) ex Lucanis Sipontumque Bruttiorum (Brut- 
tiorum coloniam 0) n. 

' ac Terinam Sigonius: acerinam {or -um) H: acrenti- 
nam ^f. 

3 Messapiorum A^- : massepiorum(-porum = priorum L) H 

* inundatis Madvig: inundates MPT: inundantes H. 



and Liicaiiian levies ; having taken Heraclea, a 
Tarentine colony, from the Lucanians^ and Sipontum 
belonging to the Apulians^ and the Bruttian towns 
Consentia and Terina, and after that other towns of 
the Messapians and Liicanians ; and having sent to 
Epirus three hundred illustrious families, to be held 
as hostages, he took up his station not far from the 
city Pandosia, which looks down upon the borders 
of Lucania and Bruttium, on three hills that stand 
some little distance apart from one another, that he 
might thence make incursions into every quarter of 
the enemy's country. He had about him some 
two hundred Lucanian exiles, whom he trusted ; 
but their loyalty, like that of most men of that 
nation, was prone to change with the change of 

Continuous rains, which flooded all the fields, 
having isolated the three divisions of the army and 
cut them off from mutual assistance, the two bodies 
other than the king's were surprised and overpowered 
by the enemy, who, after putting them all to the 
sword, proceeded with their entire strength to block- 
ade Alexander himself. Whereupon the Lucanian 
exiles sent messengers to their countrymen, and 
promised that, if assured of restoration, they would 
give up the king, alive or dead, into their hands. 
But Alexander, with a chosen band, made a daring 
attempt, and broke out through the midst of his 
foes, cutting down the Lucanian general in a hand- 
to-hand encounter. Then, rallying his followers, 
who had become scattered in the flight, he came 
to a river, where the fresh ruins of a bridge, 
which the violence of the current had swept away, 
pointed out tlie road. As his company were making 



vado transiret agmen^ fessus metu ac labore miles^ 
increpans nomen abominandum fluminis, ^Mure 
Acheros vocaris " inquit. Quod ubi ad aures accidit 
regis, adiecit extemplo animum fatis suis sub- 

12 stititque, dubius an transiret. Turn Sotimus, 
minister ex regiis pueris, quid in tanto dis- 
crimine periculi cunctaretur interrogans^ indicat 

13 Lucanos insidiis quaerere locum. Quos ^ ubi 
respexit rex procul grege facto venientes^ stringit 
gladium. et per medium amnem transmittit 
equum : iamque in vadum egressum eminus 

14 veruto Lucanus exsul transfigit. Lapsum inde 
cum inhaerente telo corpus exanime detulit 
amnis in hostium praesidia. Ibi foeda laceratio 
corporis facta. Xamque praeciso medio partem Con- 
sentiam misere^ pars ipsis retenta ad ludibrium. 

15 Quae cum iaculis saxisque procul incesseretur, 
mulier una ultra humanarum irarum fidem saevienti 
turbae immixta^ ut ])arumper sustinerent precata^ 
flens ait virum sibi liberosque captos apud hostes 
esse ; sperare corpore regio utcumque mulcato se 

16 suos redempturam. Is finis lacerationi fuit, sepul- 
tumque Consentiae quod membrorum reliquum fuit 
cura mulieris unius. ossaque Metapontum '^ad hostes 

17 remissa, inde Epirum devecta ad Cleopatram uxorem 

^ quos A^ 'or A^)- : quod CI. 

1 Acheros is apparently a by-form of Acheron. The 
soldier associated the word wiih &xos, "pain." The stream 
is thought to have been a small tributary of the Xeaethus. 

* Apparently Alexander had a garrison there. 


BOOK VIII. x.viv. 11-17 

their way across the stream by a treacherous ford, a 
discouraged and exhausted soldier cried out, cursing 
the river's ill-omened name, ^' You are rightly called 
the Acheros I " 1 When the king heard this, he at 
once bethought him of the oracle, and stopped, un- 
decided whether he should cross or not. Whereat 
Sotimus, one of the young nobles who attended 
him, asked why he hesitated in so dangerous a 
crisis, and pointed out the Lucanians, who were 
looking for a chance to waylay him. With a back- 
ward glance the king perceived them at a little 
distance coming towards him in a body, and drawing 
his sword, urged his horse through the middle of 
the stream. He had already gained the shallow 
water, when a Lucanian exile cast a javelin that 
transfixed him. He fell with the javelin in his 
lifeless body, and the current carried him down 
to the enemy's guard. By them his corpse was 
barbarously mangled, for they cut it in two through 
the middle, and sending a half to Consentia, kept 
the other half to make sport for themselves. They 
were standing off and pelting it with javelins and 
stones, when a solitary woman, exposing herself to 
the inhuman savagery of the raging crowd, besought 
them to forbear a little, and with many tears de- 
clared that her husband and children were prisoners 
in the hands of the enemy, and that she hoped that 
with the body of the king, however much disfigured, 
she might redeem them. This ended the mutila- 
tion. What was left of the corpse was cremated 
at Consentia by the care of none other than the 
woman, and the bones sent back to Metapontum,^ 
to the enemy ; whence they were conveyed by ship 
to Epirus, to his wife Cleopatra and his sister 




sororemque Olympiadeni. quarum mater magiii 
IS Alexandri altera, soror altera fuit. Haec de Alex- 
andri Epirensis tristi eventu, quamquam Romano 
bello fortuna eum abstinuit, tamen, quia in Italia 
bella gessit, paucis dixisse satis sit. 

XXV. Eodem anno lectisternium Romae, quintum 
post conditam urbem^ iisdem quibus ante placandis 

2 habitum est deis. Novi deinde consules iussu }>opuli 
cum misissent qui indicerent Samnitibus bellum, 
ipsi maiore conatu quam adversus Graecos cuncta 
parabant ; et alia nova nihil turn animo tale agitanti- 

3 bus accesserunt auxilia. Lucani atque Apuli, quibus 
gentibus nihil ad eam diem cum Romano populo 
fuerat, in fidem venerunt, arma virosque ad bellum 
})olIicentes ; foedere ergo in amicitiam accepti. 
Eodem tempore etiam in Samnio res prospere 

4 gesta. Tria oppida in potestatem venerunt, Allifae 
Calliffie Rufrium, aliusque ager primo adventu 
consulum longe lateque est pervastatus. 

5 Hoc bello tam prospere ^ commisso, alteri quoque 
bello^ quo Graeci obsidebantur, iam finis aderat. 
Nam praeterquam quod intersaeptis munimentis 
hostium pars parti abscisa erat, foediora aliquanto 

6 intra muros iis - quibus hostis territabat fiebant.^ et 
velut capti a suismet ipsi ^ praesidiis indigna in ^ liberis 

^ prospere Ci : propere IIT: prope (/or prope= properc; 31. 

^ iis .-: liis n. 

2 fiebant Luterhachcr : patiebant Ci. 

* ipsi Ptrizonias Gi'onovius : ipsis n. 

^ in Gronovius : iam n. 

^ The first of these banquets for the gods took phxce in 399 
B.C., the others in 392, 364, and 348. 


BOOK Vin. XXIV. 17-XXV. 6 

Olympias, of Avhom the latter was mother^ the 
former sister, to Alexander the Great. This brief 
account of the sad end of Alexander may be ex- 
cused on the score of his having warred in Italy, 
albeit Fortune held him back from attacking the 

XX\\ A lectisteniiiDii, the fifth since the founding 
of the City, was held this year, to propitiate the 
same deities as before.^ Then the new consuls, 
having sent fetials, as commanded by the people, to 
declare war on the Samnites, not only began them- 
selves to make ready for it, on a much greater scale in 
every respect than they had done against the Greeks, 
but received new and at that time quite unlooked- 
for help. For the Lucanians and Apulians, nations 
which until then had had no dealings with the 
Roman People, put themselves under their protection 
and promised arms and men for the war, and were 
accordingly received into a treaty of friendship. At 
the same time, the Romans conducted a successful 
campaign in Samnium. Three towns — Allifae, 
Callifae, and Rufrium — fell into their hands, and the 
rest of the country was devastated far and wide at 
the first coming of the consuls. 

While this war was beginning in so prosperous a 
fashion, the other, against the Greeks, was in a fair 
way to be concluded. For not only were a part of 
tlie besieged cut off from the rest by the intervening 
entrenchments of the Romans, but things were 
going on within their walls much more dreadful 
than the perils with which the enemy threatened 
them ; and as though the inhabitants had been 
made prisoners by their own defenders, they were 
subjected to outrage even in the persons of their 



fjuoqiie ac coiiiugiljLis et quae caj)taruin urbium 

7 extrema sunt patiebaiitur. Itaque cumet a Tarento 
et a Samnitibus fama asset nova auxilia ventura^ 
Samnitium plus quam vellent intra moenia esse 

8 rebantur^ Tarentinorum iuventutem^ Graeci Graecos^ 
baud minus per quos Samniti Nolanoque quam ut 
Romanis hostibus resisterent, exspectabant ; pos- 
tremo levissimum malorum deditio ad Romanes visa : 

9 Charilaus et Xymphius^. principes civitatis^ communi- 
cate inter se consilio partes ad rem agendam 
divisere, ut alter ad imperatorem Romanorum 
transfugeret. alter subsisteret ad praebendam 

10 opportunam consilio urbem. Charilaus fuit qui ad 
Publilium Philonem venit^ et quod bonum faustum 
felix Palaepolitanis populoque Romano esset_, tradere 

11 se ait moenia statuisse ; eo facto, utrum ab se prodita 
an servata patria videatur, in fide Romana positum 
esse ; sibi privatim nee pacisci quicquam nee petere ; 

12 publice petere quam pacisci magis ut, si successisset 
inceptum, cogitaret populus Romanus potius cum 
quanto studio periculoque reditum in amicitiam 
suam esset, quam qua ^ stultitia et temeritate de 

13 officio decessum. Conlaudatus ab imperatore tria 
miiia militum ad occupandam earn partem urbis 

^ quam qua ^'- (y/- V'-jT^A^: quamquam (quemquam .V /) 
n (including M'^). 



children and their ^vives. and suffered all the horrors c. 
of captured cities. And so, on a report that rein- 
forcements were on their way, both from Tarentum 
and from the Samnites, they felt that they had 
within their citv more Samnites than they wanted, 
but being Greeks, looked forward to the coming of 
their fellow Greeks, the voung men of Tarentum, to 
enable them to resist the Samnites and the Xolani, 
no less than their enemies, the Romans. In the end 
it appeared to them that surrender to the Romans 
was the least intolerable evil. Charilaus and 
Xymphius, their principal citizens, took counsel 
together, and arranged the part that each should 
play in order to bring this about. One was to go 
over to the Roman general, the other to remain 
behind and make the city ready for the accomplish- 
ment of their design. It was Charilaus who went to 
Publilius Philo, and praying that it might turn out a 
good and favourable and fortunate thin"; for Palae- 
polis and for the Roman People, announced that he 
had resolved to deliver up the walls. It depended, 
he said, upon the honour of the Romans whether, 
having accomplished his intention, he should appear 
to have betrayed his country or to have saved it. 
For himself in particular he neither stipulated nor 
requested anything ; for his people he requested — 
though he did not stipulate — that if the enterprise 
succeeded, the Roman People should consider with 
v,hat eagerness they had resumed the friendship, and 
the hazard which they ran, rather than the folly and 
temerity which had led them to forget their duty. 
The general commended liim, and gave him three 
thousand soldiers to seize that part of the city 
where the Samnites were established, appointing 



quam Samnites insidebant accepit ; praesidio ei L. 
Quinctius tribimus militum praepositiis. 

XXVI. Eodem tempore et Nymphius praetorem 
Samnitiiim arte adgressus perpulerat^ ut, quoniam 
omnis Romanus exercitus aut circa Palaepolim aut 
in Saranio asset, sineret se classe circumvehi ad 
Romanum agrum, non oram modo maris sed ipsi 

2 urbi propinqua loca depopulaturum. Sed utfalleret, 
nocte proficiscendum esse extemploque naves dedu- 
cendas. Quod quo maturius fieret, omnis iuventus 
Samnitium praeter necessarium urbis praesidium 

3 ad litus missa. Ubi dum Nymphius in tenebris 
et multitudine semet ipsa impediente, sedulo aliis 
alia imperia turbans, terit tempus, Charilaus ex 
composite ab sociis in urbem receptus, cum summa 
urbis Romano mibte implesset, tolli clamorem iussit : 
ad quem Graeci signo accepto a principibus quievere, 

4 Xolani per aversam partem urbis via Xolam ferente ^ 
efFugiunt. Samnitibus exclusis ab urbe, ut expeditior 
in praesentia fuga, ita foedior, postquam periculo 

5 evaserunt, visa, quippe qui inermes nulla rerum 
suarum non relicta inter hostes, ludibrium non 
externis modo sed etiam popularibus, spoliati atque 

^ via Xolam ferente T*A^ : uiamnolara ferentem (tes 0) CI. 

^ This shows that the Samnite general was in control in the 


BOOK VI 1 1. XXV. 1^,-xxvi 

Lucius Quinctius, a military tribune, to command 
the force. 

XXVI. At the same time Xymphius for his part 
had gone craftily to work with the Samnite com- 
mander, and pointing out that all the forces of the 
Romans were either about Palaepolis or in Samnium, 
got him to consent ^ that he should take a fleet and 
sail round them to the Roman seaboard, where he 
proposed, so he said, to ravage not only the coastal 
region^ but the vicinity of Rome itself; it would 
however be necessary, in order to slip past the 
enemy unobserved^ to put out at nighty and the 
ships must be drawn down at once. That this might 
be accomplished the more expeditiously, all the 
Samnite soldiers, except the few who were needed 
to mount guard in the city, were sent down to the 
shore. While Xymphius was killing time there in 
the darkness, purposely issuing contradictory orders 
to confuse the throng, which was so large as to get 
in its own way, Charilaus, having been received into 
the city, as agreed upon by the conspirators, had 
occupied the highest part of it with Roman soldiers, 
whom he now commanded to give a cheer. On 
hearing this, the Greeks, who had received a signal 
from their leaders, remained still, but the Xolani 
fled through the opposite quarter of the city by the 
road that leads to Xola. The Samnites, being shut 
out from the town, enjoyed a momentary advantage 
in the ease with which they fled, but aj)peared 
in a more disgraceful light, when the danger had 
been left behind. Unarmed — for they had aban- 
doned everything to the enemy — thev returned 
to their homes des[)oiled and destitute, a laughing- 
stock not onlv to strangers but to their own 



6 egentes domos rediere. Haud ignarus opinionis 
alterius, qua haec proditio ab Samnitibus facta 
traditur^ cum auctoribus hoc dedi quibus dignius 
credi est^ turn foedus Xeapolitanum — eo enim 
deinde sumraa rei Graecorum venit — similius vero 

7 facit ipsos in amicitiam redisse. Publilio triumphus 
decretus, quod satis credebatur obsidione domitos 
bostes in fidem venisse. Duo singularia haec ei viro 
primum contigere, prorogatio imperii non ante in 
ullo facta et acto honore triumphus. 

XXVII. Aliud subinde belkim cum alterius orae 

2 Graecis exortum. Namque Tarentini^ cum rem 
Palaepolitanam vana spe auxiHi aliquamdiu sustinu- 
issent^ postquam Romanes urbe potitos accepere^ 
velut destituti ac non qui ipsi destituissent^ in- 
crepare Palaepolitanos, ira atque invidia in Romanos 
furere, eo etiam magis, quod Lucanos et Apulos — 
nam utraque eo anno societas coepta est — in fidem 

3 populi Romani venisse allatum est : quippe propemo- 
dum perventum ad se esse, iamque in eo rem fore, 
ut Romani aut hostes aut domini habendi sint. 

4 Discrimen profecto rerum suarum in bello Samnitium 
eventuque eius verti ; eam solam gentem restare, nee 
eam ipsam satis validam, quando Lucanus defecerit ; 

^ The treaty secured advantages to the inhabitants of 
Palaepolis-Xeapohs — of which combination Xeapolis now 
became the head — which would hardly have been granted 
them if they had been subdued, and had not voluntarily 


BOOK VIII. XXVI. 5-xxvii. 4 

countiymen. I am not unaware of the other 
tradition which ascribes the capture to betrayal 
by the Samnites, but have followed the authorities 
who are more deserving of credence ; moreover, 
the treaty with Neapolis — to which place the 
Greeks now transferred the seat of government 
— makes it more likely that they renewed the friend- 
ship voluntarily.^ Publilius was decreed a triumph, 
in consequence of a belief that the enemy had 
surrendered because they were forced to do so by 
the siege. He was the first to enjoy these two 
distinctions : an extension of his command, never 
before granted to any, and a triumph after the 
ex}>iration of his term. 

XXVII. This war Avas immediately followed by 
the outbreak of another, with the Greeks of the 
eastern coast. For the Tarentines, after sustaining 
the people of Palaepolis for some time with delusive 
liopes of succour, when they learned that the Romans 
had got possession of the city, inveighed against the 
Palaepolitans, as though, instead of deserting them, 
they themselves had been deserted, and were raging 
with hatred and envy against the Romans : the 
more so, because they learnt that the Lucanians and 
Apulians had made their submission to the Roman 
People — for an alliance was formed that year with 
both these nations. The Romans, they said, were 
almost at the gates of Tarentum, and matters would 
soon be come to such a pass, that they must needs 
have them for enemies or masters ; it was clear that 
their own future hinged on the outcome of the war 
then being waged by the Samnites ; this was the 
only nation that continued to hold out, and indeed 
that nation was none too strong since the defection 



5 quern revocari adhuc impellique ad abolendam socie- 
tatem Romanam possC; si qua ars serendis discordiis 

6 Haec consilia cum apud cupidos rerum novan- 
darum' valuissent, ex iuventute quidam Lucanorum 
pretio adsciti, clari magis inter populares quam 
lionesti, inter se mulcati ipsi virgis^ cum corpora 

7 nuda intulissent in civium coetum^ vociferati sunt 
se, quod castra Romana ingredi ausi essent, a con- 
sulibus virgis caesos ac prope securi percusses esse. 

8 Deformis suapte natura res cum speciem iniuriae 
magis quam doli prae se ferret, concitati homines 

9 cogunt clamore suo magistratus senatum vocare ; et 
alii circumstantes concilium bellum in Romanes 
pescunt, alii ad concitandam in arma multitudinem 
agrestium discurrunt, tumultuque etiam sanos 
censternante animes decernitur ut societas cum 
Samnitibus renevaretur, legatique ad cam rem 

10 mittuntur.i Repentina res quia quam causam nullam 
tarn ne fidem quidem habebat, coacti a Samnitibus 
et obsides dare et praesidia in loca munita accipere, 

11 caeci fraude et ira nihil recusarunt. Dilucere deinde 
brevi fraus coepit, postquam criminum falsorum 
aucteres Tarentum cemmigravere ; sed amissa emni ^ 
de se potestatCj nihil ultra quam ut paeniteret 
frustra restabat. 

XXVIII. Ee anno plebei Remanae vehit aliud 

^ mittuntur HT fLA^R : reinittuntiir DA \ mittantur 
FFUOT^: milteantur J/ : niitterentur F/-?.7f//. 

2 omni rOHT^A^: omma. MJ'FTDL A: ommia.m A I sche/ski. 


BOOK Vlll. XXVII. 5-xxviii. i 

of the Lucanians ; but the latter might even vet be 
brought back and induced to repudiate the Roman 
alliance, if a little art were employed in sowing 

These counsels having prevailed — for they were 
eager to fall in with novel schemes — they bribed 
certain young Lucanians, of greater prominence 
among their countrymen than respectability, who 
lacerated one another with rods and then exhibited 
their naked bodies before a concourse of their fellow 
citizens, crying out that for having dared to enter the 
Roman camp they had been ordered by the consuls 
to be scourged, and had narrowly escaped losing 
their heads. This spectacle, so hideous in itself, 
pointed clearly to injury and not to guile. In an 
uproar of excitement, the people obliged their 
magistrates to convoke the senate. At the meeting 
some crowded round and clamoured for war against 
the Romans, while others hurriedly departed this 
way and that, to rouse the inhabitants of the 
countryside to arms, till even the prudent lost their 
heads in the tumult, and it was voted to renew the 
alliance with the Samnites ; and ambassadors were 
sent off to arrange it. This impulsive action, as it 
had no cause, so it carried no conviction ; they were 
forced by the Samnites both to give hostages and 
also to admit garrisons within their strongholds ; but, 
blinded by the cheat and by resentment, they 
stuck at nothing. A little later, when the false 
witnesses had retired to Tarentum, they began to 
see through the imposition ; but having lost all power 
of independent action, they could only indulge in 
vain regrets. 

XXMII. In that year the liberty of the Roman 


B.C. 326 


initium libertatis factum est. quod necti desierunt : 
mutatum autem ius ob unius feneratoris simul lil)i- 

2 dinem simul crudelitatem insignem. L. Papirius 
is fuit. cui cum se C. Publilius ob aes alienum 
paternum nexum dedisset, quae aetas formaque 
misericordiam elicere poterant, ad libidinem et con- 

3 tumeliam animum accenderunt. Florem ^ aetatis 
eius fructum adventicium crediti ratus. primo perli- 
cere adulescentem sermone incesto est conatus ; 
dein. postquam aspernabantur flagitium aures, minis 

4 territare atqae identidem admonere fortunae ; pos- 
tremo, cum ingenuitatis magis quam praesentis 
condicionis memorem videret, nudari iubet ver- 

5 beraque adferri. Quibus laceratus iuvenis cum se 
in publicum proripuisset^ libidinem crudelitatemque 

6 conquerens feneratoris, ingens vis hominum cum 
aetatis miseratione atque indignitate iniuriae ac- 
censa, tum suae condicionis liberumque suorum 
respectu, in forum atque inde agmine facto ad 

7 curiam concurrit ; et cum consules tumultu re- 
pentino coacti senatum vocarent, introeuntibus in 
curiam patribus laceratum iuvenis tergum, pro- 
cumbentes ad singulorum pedes, ostentabant. 

8 Victum eo die ob impotentem iniuriam unius 
ingens vinculum fidei ; iussique consules ferre ad 
populum ne quis, nisi qui noxam meruisset, donee 
})oenam lueret, in compedibus aut in nervo tene- 

^ Florem Ma-^vig : ut florem Cl : et florem -. 

^ The plebs had gained political liberty on the expulsion 
of the kings and the adoption of the republican government. 
Now they were assured of personal liberty as well. The 
reform is put by Valerius Maximus ''vi. i. 9) and Dionysius 
of Halicarnassus (xvi. 9) after the disaster at the Caudine 
Forks in 321 B.C. 



plebs had as it were a new beginiiiiif]!: ; for men 
ceased to be imprisoned for debt.^ The change 
in the hiw was occasioned by the notable lust and 
cruelty of a single usurer^ Lucius Papirius, to whom 
Gains Publilius had given himself up for a debt 
owed by his father. The debtor's youth and beauty^ 
which might well have stirred the creditor's com- 
passion, did but inflame his heart to lust and con- 
tumely. Regarding the lad's youthful prime as 
additional compensation for the loan_, he sought at 
first to seduce him with lewd conversation ; later, 
finding he turned a deaf ear to the base proposal, 
he began to threaten him and now and again to 
remind him of his condition ; at last, when he saw 
that the youth had more regard to his honourable 
birth than to his present pliglit, he had him stripped 
and scourged. The boy, all mangled with the 
stripes, broke forth into the street, crying out upon 
the money-lender's lust and cruelty ; and a great 
throng of people, burning with pity for his tender 
years, and with rage for the shameful wrong he had 
undergone, and considering, too, their own condition 
and their children's, rushed down into the Forum, 
and from there in a solid throng to the Curia. The 
consuls were forced by the sudden tumult to con- 
vene the senate ; and as the Fathers entered the 
Curia, the people threw themselves at the feet of 
each, and pointed to the young lad's mutilated 
back. On that day, owing to one man's outrageous 
injury, was broken a strong bond of credit, and the 
consuls were ordered to carry a proposal to the 
people that none should be confined in shackles 
or in the stocks, save those who, having been guilty 
of some crime, were waiting to pay the penalty ; 



retur; pecuniae creditae bona debitoris^ non corpus 
obnoxium esset. Ita nexi soluti^ cautumque in 
posterum ne necterentur. 

XXIX. Eodem anno^ cum satis per se ipsum 
Samnitium bellum et defectio repens Lucanorum 
auctoresque defectionis^ Tarentini_, soUicitos haberent 
patres, accessit ut et Vestinus populus Samnitibus 

2 sese coniungeret. Quae res sicut eo anno sermo- 
nibus magis passim hominum iactata quam . in 
publico ullo concilio est^ ita insequentis anni con- 
sulibus, L. Furio Caniillo iterum lunio Bruto Scaevae, 
nulla prior potiorque visa est^ de qua ad senatum 

3 referrent. Et quamquam non nova ^ res erat_, tamen 
tanta cura ])atres incessit^ ut pariter earn susceptam 
neglectamque timerent, ne aut impunitas eorum 
lascivia superbiaque aut bello poenae expetitae 
metu propinquo atque Ira concirent finitimos populos ; 

4 et erat genus omne abunde bello Samnitibus par^ 
Marsi Paelignique et Marrucini^ quos^ si Vestinus 

5 attingeretur, omnes habendos hostes. Vicit tamen 
pars quae in praesentia videri potuit maioris animi 
quam consilii ; sed eventus docuit fortes fortunani 

6 iuvare. Bellum ex auctoritate patrum populus ad- 
versus Vestinos iussit. Provincia ea Bruto^ Samnium 

^ non nova {or nota) Duke)' : uoua Ci. 
I lO 

BOOK VIII. XXVIII. 8-xxix. 6 

and that for money lent, the debtor's goods, but n. 
not his person, should be distramable. So those 
in confinement were released, and it was forbidden 
that any should be confined thereafter. 

XXIX. In that same year, though the Samnite b, 
war and the sudden revolt of the Lucanians, together 
with the Tarentines their abettors, were enough of 
themselves to fill the senators with concern, yet the 
Vestini added to their cares by uniting witli the 
Samnites. This action was Avidely discussed in 
private conversations, without being made the sub- 
ject, in that year, of any public deliberations ; but 
the consuls of the following year, Lucius Furius 
Camillus (for the second time) and Junius Brutus 
Scaeva, deemed it a matter that should take pre- 
cedence over all other business to come before the 
senate. There, notwithstanding it was no news to 
them, the situation occasioned the Fathers so great 
anxiety as to make them equally afraid to deal with 
it or to let it alone, lest the impunity of the 
Vestini might inspire the neighbouring tribes with 
licence and insolence, or a punitive war inflame 
them with apprehensions of imminent danger and 
with resentment ; moreover the race as a whole was 
fully equal to the Samnites in military power, com- 
prising, as it did, the Marsi, and the Paeligni and 
Marrucini, — all of whom must be had for enemies, 
should the ^"estini be molested. The day, however, 
was carried by that party which might have seemed 
at the moment to have on its side a greater share of 
courage than of wisdom ; but the sequel showed 
that Fortune favours the brave. Being authorized 
by the senate, the peoi)le voted a war against the 
Yestini. This command was assigned bv lot to 

1 11 

C. 325 


7 Camillo sorte evenit. Exercitus utroque diicti^ et 
cura tuendorum finium hostes prohibit! coniungere 

S arma. Ceterum alteram consiilem L. Furium, cui 
maior moles rerum imposita erat, morbo gravi im- 

9 plicitum fortuna bello subtraxit : iussusque dicta- 
torem dicere rei gerendae causa, longe clarissimum 
bello ea tempestate dixit. L. Papirium Cursorem, 
a quo Q.i Fabius Maximus Rullianus- magister 
lu equitum est dictus. par nobile rebus in eo magistratu 
gestis, discordia tamen, qua prope ad iiltimum 
dimicalionis ventum est. nobilius. 

11 Ab altero consule in Vestinis multiplex bellum 
nee usquam vario eventu gestum est. Nam et 
pervastavit agros et populando atque urendo tecta 

12 hostium sataque in aciem invitos extraxit, et ita 
proelio uno accidit Vestinorum res, haudquaquam 
tamen incruento milite suo, iit non in castra solum 
refugerent hostes, sed iam ne vallo quidem ac fossis 
freti dilaberentur in oppida, situ urbium moeni- 

13 busque se defensuri. Postremo oppida quoque vi 
expugnare adortus, primo Cutinam ingenti ardore 
niilitum a volnerum ira,^ quod baud fere quisquam 
integer proelio excesserat, scalis cepit, deinde 

1-i Cingiliam. L'triusque urbis praedam militibus, quod 

^ a quo Q. J^F^J- : a quo que {<jr a quoq.) Ci : amquoq. M: 
a quo L^ : abeoquo A^. 

2 Rulliauus Sigo7i. {C.I.L. i', p. 45, a.u.c. 432. 445; 
Plin. X.H. VII. xli. 42 : rutilanus 0: rutilianus MPFUHT : 
rutulianus DLA. 

^ a vol ;vul-;nerum ivuMadvig {cf. xxiv. xxx. Ij : aut vol 
(uul-;nerum ira H: ac uulnerum ira ^ : aut uulneratura ira J/. 

^ Since the Vestini were not supported by their neigh- 
bours, as men had feared they would be. 

- Also called Rullus (xxiv. ix. S), He was the grandfather 
of Fabius Cunctator, who opposed Hannibal. 


Brutus, that against the Samnites to Camillus. 
Armies were dispatched in both directions, and the 
enemy, concerned to protect their borders, were 
kept from joining forces. But one of the consuls, 
Lucius Furius, on whom the heavier burden had 
been laid,^ had the misfortune to fall dangerously 
ill and was compelled to relinquish his command ; 
being ordered to nominate a dictator for the purpose 
of carrying on the war, he named by far the most 
distinguished soldier of that time, Lucius Papirius 
Cursor, by Avhom Quintus Fabius Maximus Rul- 
lianus^ was appointed master of the horse. They 
were a pair famous for the victories won while they 
were magistrates ; but their quarrelling, which almost 
went the length of a mortal feud, made them more 
famous still. 

The other consul, in the country of the Vestini, 
carried on a war of many phases, but of unvarying 
success at every point. For he ravaged their farms, 
and by pillaging and burning their houses and their 
crops, compelled them against their will to take the 
field ; and then in a single battle wrought such 
havoc with the Vestinian power — though his own 
troops came off by no means scatheless — that the 
enemy not only retreated to their camp, but, no 
longer trusting to their parapet and trenches, slipped 
away to their several towns, seeking protection in 
the situation of the places and their walls. Finally, 
tlie consul addressed himself to the capture of these 
towns. The soldiers fought with great fury to 
revenge their wounds, for hardly a man had come 
unhurt out of the battle ; and first Cutina was 
carried by escalade, and then Cingilia. The consul 
gave the booty of both these cities to his men, 



eos neque portae iiec niiiri hostium arcuerant. con- 

XXX. In Samnium incertis itum auspiciis est; 
cuius rei vitium non in belli eventum. quod prospere 
gestum est. sed in rabiem atque iras imperatorum 

2 vertit. Namque Papirius dictator a pullario monitus, 
cum ad ausjiicium repetenduni Romam proficisce- 
retur, magistro equitum denuntiavit ut sese loco 
teneret^ neu absente se cum boste manum conse- 

3 reret. Q.^ Fabius cum })ost profectionem dictatoris 
per exploratores comperisset perinde omnia soluta 
apud bostes esse ac si nemo Romanus in Samnio 

4 esset, sen ferox adulescens indignitate accensus, 
quod omnia in dictatore viderentur reposita esse^ 
seu occasione bene gerendae rei inductus, exercitu 
instructo paratoque profectus ad Imbrinium — ita 

o vocant locum— acie cum Samnitibus conflixit. Ea 
fortuna pugnae fuit ut nibil relictum sit quo, si 
adfuisset dictator_, res melius geri potuerit ; non dux 

6 militi, non miles duci defuit : eques etiam auctore 
L. Cominio tribuno militum, qui aliquotiens impetu 
capto perrumpere non poterat ^ bostium agmen,^ 
detraxit frenos equis. atque ita concitatos calcaribus 
})ermisit ut sustinere eos nulla vis posset ; per 

7 arma. per viros late stragem dedere ; secutus pedes 
impetum equitum turbatis bostibus intulit signa. 

^ Q. A- or A'^j : que M : orailtcd by CI. 
^ poterat ri; potuerat Wcisscnliorn. 

^ agmen Ci: aciem IVeissenhorn {hut cf., xcith Walttrs and 
Cunicay, Eor. Carm. iv. xiv. 29 and in. ii. 9). 

BOOK VIII. xvix. 14-XXX. 7 

because neither the gates nor the walls of the 
enemy had held them back. 

XXX. The expedition into Samnium was attended 
with ambiguous auspices ; but the flaw in them took 
effect^ not in the outcome of the war^ which was 
waged successfully, but in the animosities and mad- 
ness of the generals. For Papirius, the dictator, 
as he was setting out for Rome, on the advice of 
the keeper of the sacred chickens, to take the 
auspices afresh, warned the master of the horse to 
remain in his position, and not to engage in battle 
with the enemy while he himself was absent. 
\\ hen Quintus Fabius had ascertained from his 
scouts — after the departure of the dictator — that 
the enemy were in all respects as careless and 
unguarded as if there had been not a single Roman 
in Samnium, whether it was that the spirited young 
man felt aggrieved that all power should seem to 
be vested in the dictator, or that he was tempted 
b}- the opportunity of striking a successful blow, he 
put the army in fighting trim, and advancing upon 
a place they call Imbrinium, engaged in a pitched 
battle with the Samnites. This eno^aofement was so 
fortunate that no greater success could have been 
gained, had the dictator been present; the general 
failed not his men, nor the men their general. The 
cavalry, too — at the suggestion of Lucius Cominius, 
a tribune of the soldiers — after charging a number 
of times without being able to break the enemy's 
lines, pulled the bridles off their horses and spurred 
them on so hotly that nothing could resist the 
shock, and arms and men went down before them 
over a wide front. The foot soldiers, following up the 
cavalry charge, advanced on the disordered enemy, 

I 2 


A.ij.c. \'i;;inti milia hostium caesa eo die tradiintur. Auc- 
tores habeo bis cum lioste signa conlata dictatore 
absente, bis rem egregie gestam ; apud antiquissimos 
scriptores una liaec pugna invenitur ; in quibusdam 
annalibus tota res ])raetermissa est. 

8 Magister equitum. ut ex tanta caede multis po- 
titus spoliis, congesta in ingentem acervum hostilia 
arma subdito igne concremavit. seu votum id deorum 

9 cuipiam fuit. seu credere libet Fabio auctori eo 
factum^ ne suae gloriae fructum dictator caperet 
nomenque ibi scriberet aut spolia in triumpho ferret. 

10 Litterae quoque de re prospere gesta ad senatum, 
non ad dictatorem. missae argumentum fuere minime 
cum eo communicantis laudes. Ita certe dictator 
id factum accepit, ut laetis aliis victoria parta prae 

11 se ferret iram tristitiamque. Misso itaque repente 
senatu se ex curia proripuit^ tum vero non Samnitium 
magis legiones quam maiestatem dictatoriam et 
disciplinam militarem a magistro equitum victam et 
eversam dictitans, si illi impune spretum imperium 

12 fuisset. Itaque plenus minarum iraeque profectus 
in castra. cum maximis itineribus isset^ non tamen 

13 praevenire famam adventus sui potuit ; praecucur- 
rerant enim ab urbe qui nuntiarent dictatorem 

BOOK VIII. xxx. 7-13 

of whom it is said that twenty thousand were slain b.c, sci 
that day. I find it stated by certain writers that 
Qiiintiis Fabius twice fought the enemy while the 
dictator was absent, and twice gained a brilliant 
victory. The oldest historians give but this ons 
battle, and in certain annals the story is omitted 

The master of the horse found himself^ after so 
great a slaughter^ in possession of extensive spoils. 
He piled the enemy's arms in a great heap, applied 
a torch to them, and burnt them. This may have 
been done in fulfilment of a vow to one of the gods, 
or — if one chooses to accept the account of Fabius 
— to prevent the dictator reaping the harvest of his 
glory and inscribing his name on the arms_,or having 
them carried in his triumph. A dispatch, too, 
reporting the victory, which Fabius sent to the 
senate and not to the dictator, argues that he 
had no mind to share the credit with him. At all 
events, the dictator so received the news, that 
while everyone else was rejoicing at the victory, he 
showed no uncertain signs of anger and discontent. 
And so, having hastily dismissed the senate, he 
rushed out of the Curia, repeatedly asserting that 
in that battle the master of the horse had defeated 
and overthrown the prestige of the dictatorship 
and military discipline not less decisively than the 
Samnite legions, should it end in his having flouted 
orders with impunity. And so he set out for the 
camp, breathing wrath and menaces ; but though 
he travelled by exceedingly long stages, he was un- 
able to Tirrive before the report of his being on 
the way. For couriers had hastened from the City, 
bringing word that the dictator was coming, athirst 



avidum poenae venire^, alternis paeiie verbis T. 
Manli factum laudantem. 

XXXI. Fabius contione extemplo advocata ob- 
testatus milites est ut. qua virtute rem publicam 
ab infestissimis hostibus defendissent, eadem se, 
cuius ductu auspicioque vicissent^ ab impotenti 

2 crudelitate dictatoris tutarentur : venire amentem 
invidia, iratum virtuti alienae felicitatique ; furere 
quod se abseiite res publica egregie gesta esset ; 
malle. si mutare fortunam posset, apud Samnites 

3 quam Romanos victoriam esse ; imperium dictitare 
spretum, tamquam non eadem mente pugnari ve- 
tuerit qua pugnatum doleat. Et tunc invidia im- 
pedire virtutem alienam voluisse cupidissimisque 
arma ablaturum fuisse militibus, ne se absente 

4 moveri possent ; et nunc ^ id furere, id aegre pati, 
quod sine L. Papirio non inemieSj non manci milites 
fuerint, quod se Q. Fabius magistrum equitum 

5 duxerit ac non accensum dictatoris. Quid ilium 
facturum fuisse, si, quod belli casus ferunt Marsque 
communis, adversa pugna evenisset, qui sibi devictis 
hostibus, re publica bene gesta, ita ut non ab illo 
unico duce melius geri potuerit, supplicium magistro 

6 equitum tunc victori minetur.- X( 

^ nunc n : tunc J/. 

^ See chapter vii. 

BOOK \'I1I. \xx. i3-xx.\i. 6 

for vengeance and praising with almost every other 
word the deed of Titus Manlius.^ 

XXXI. Fabius at once convened an assembly of 
the soldiers^ and reminding them liow their bravery 
had saved the state from the most determined ot 
enemies^ conjured them to be no less brave in 
defending him — under whose command and auspices 
they had gained the victory — from the ungovernable 
wrath of the dictator. He was comings said Fabius, 
crazed with jealousy^ and exasperated that another 
should have been both brave and fortunate ; it 
enraged him that the state should have won a 
glorious victory in his absence ; he would prefer — 
could he effect a change of fortune — that the 
Samnites and not the Romans had been the victors ; 
he repeatedly declared that his authority had been 
despised, as though his orders against fighting had 
not been inspired by the same motive as was his grief 
over the battle ! On the former occasion envy had 
made him wish to thwart the bravery of others ; he 
would have stripped the most willing of soldiers of 
their arms, that they might be unable to use them in 
his absence. At present his rage and resentment 
were due to this, that his troops, though lacking the 
help of Lucius Papirius, had lacked neither swords nor 
hands to wield them, and that Quintus Fabius had 
regarded himself as master of the horse, and not as 
the dictator's orderly. What would he have done, had 
the chances of war and the common lot of armies 
resulted in defeat ? Despite the conquest of the 
enemy and a campaign so well directed that not even 
his own peerless leadership could have bettered it, 
he was now threatening the master of the horse with 
punishment, victorious though he was. For that 



stro equitum infestiorem ^ quam tribiinis militum^ 
qiiam centurionibus. quam militibus esse. Si posset, 

7 in omnes saeviturura fuisse : quia id nequeat, in 
unum saevire ; etenim - invidiam tamquam ignem 
summa petere ; in caput consilii, in ducem incur- 
rere ; si se simul cum gloria rei gestae exstinxisset, 
tunc victorem velut in capto exercitu dominantem, 
quidquid licuerit in magistro equitum, in militibus 

S ausurum. Proinde adessent in sua causa omnium 
libertati. Si consensum exercitus eundem qui in 
proelio fuerit in tuenda victoria videat et salutem 
unius omnibus curae esse, inclinaturum ad clemen- 

9 tiorem sententiam animum. Postremo se vitam 

fortunasque suas illorum fidei virtutique permittere. 

XXXII. Clam.or e tota contione ortus, uti bonum 

animum haberet : neminem illi vim allaturum salvis 

legionibus Romanis. 

Haud multo post dictator advenit classicoque 

2 extemplo ad contionem advocavit. Tum silentio 
facto praeco Q, Fabium magistrum equitum citavit. 
Qui simul ex inferiore loco ad tribunal accessit, tum 

3 dictator "^ Quaero " inquit, "de te, Q. Fabi, cum 
summum imperium dictatoris sit pareantque ei con- 
sules, regia potestas, praetores, iisdem^ auspiciis 

^ tunc victori niinetur? Xeque ilium magistro equitum 
infestiorem (hut ii:ith a stop after victori) : et tunc victori 
minetur? neque ilium magistro equitum infestiorem edd. 
before Gronov. : tunc uictorem uelut in capto exercitu infes- 
tiorem MPFU: minetur ,'minuetur H) neque ilium magistro 
equitum infestiorem HTDLA. 

- etenim Boot : etiam (et iam A) n. 

3 iisdem A^: isdem HT^: hisdera MPFT is de inL: 
wanHng in : illegible in A. 

* cf. II. i. 8. All the rights of the kings and all their 
insignia were possessed by the earliest consuls. 



matter, he was no angrier with the master of the 
horse than with the tribunes of the soldiers, the 
centurions, and the men. Had he been able, he 
would have vented his rage upon them all : this being 
imposible, lie was pouring it out on one. The truth 
is that envy, like lightning, seeks out the highest 
places ; he was hurling himself upon the head of 
their counsels, upon their general ; should he succeed 
in destroying Fabius, and with him the glory of their 
achievement, he would then follow up his victory — as 
though lording it over a captured army — and would 
visit upon the soldiers all the cruelty he had been 
permitted to inflict upon the master of the horse. 
Let them defend, he cried, the liberty of all by 
defending him. If that same singleness of purpose 
which the army had displayed in battle should 
appear in the way they stood up for their victory and 
made one man's safety the safety of them all, the 
dictator would incline his heart to a more merciful 
determination. He ended by committing himself, 
his life, and his fortunes to their loyalty and valour. 

XXXII. A shout arose from the whole concourse, 
bidding him be of good courage ; no one, they cried, 
should do him violence, while the Roman legions 
were safe. 

Not long after came the dictator, and forthwith by 
sound of trumpet summoned an assembly. Then a 
herald, having obtained silence, cited Quintus Fabius 
the master of the horse, who was no sooner come up 
from below to the tribunal, than the dictator cried 
out : '' I ask you, Quintus Fabius, seeing that the 
dictator's authority is paramount, and the consuls 
obey him, though tliey possess the might of kings,^ 
and the praetors, too, who have been elected under 



A.u.c. quibus consules creati, aequum censeas necne, ei ^ 
^^ 4 magistrum equitum dicto audientem esse ; itemque 
illud interrogo^ cum me incertis auspiciis profectum 
ab domo scirem^ utrum mihi turbatis religionibus 
res publica in discrimen committenda fuerit an 
auspicia repetenda, ne quid dubiis dis agerem ? 

5 Simul illud, quae dictatori religio impedimento ad 
rem gerendam fuerit, num ea magister equitum 
solutus ac liber potuerit esse ? Sed quid ego haec 
interrogo, cum, si ego tacitus abissem, tamen tibi 
ad voluntatis interpretationem meae dirigenda tua 

6 sententia fuerit ? Quin tu respondes, vetuerimne te 
quicquam rei me absente agere, vetuerimne signa 

7 cum hostibus conferred Quo tu imperio meo spreto, 
incertis auspiciis, turbatis religionibus adversus mo- 
rem militarem disciplinamque maiorum et numen 

8 deorum ausus es cum hoste confligere. Ad haec 
quae interrogatus es responde ; at - extra ea cave 
vocem mittas."^ Accede, lictor." 

9 Adversus singula cum respondere baud facile esset, 
et nunc quereretur eundem accusatorem capitis sui 
ac iudicem esse, raodo vitam sibi eripi citius quam 

10 gloriam rerum gestarum posse vociferaretur purga- 
retque se in vicem atque ultro accusaret, tunc * 
Papirius redintegrata ira spoliari magistrum equitum 

11 ac virgas et secures expediri iussit. Fabius fidem 

^ necne ei Ma,dvig: necne CI. 

2 responde ; at F^ : respondeat Cl : responde A^. 

3 vocem mittas A^ {or A^ ; r: uocem emittas /"^ (-itas) A^ 
{or A^) : uocem mittat n : uoce mittat M: uox nece mittat^ 
{i.e. mittaturj H -. uocem mittatur 7' {or T^) D^A [or A''-): 
uoce mittatur DL {and TA':^ . 

* tunc fi : turn L Madvig. 


BOOK VIII. xwii. 311 

the same auspices with the consuls, whether or no b.c. 325 
you deem it to be reasonable that the master of the 
Iiorse should hearken to his word ; and I put this 
further question to you — whether, when I knew that 
I had set out from home with uncertain auspices, it 
\vas my duty, in view of our troubled relations with 
the gods, to jeopardize the public safety, or to seek 
auspices again, that I might take no stej^s while the will 
of Heaven was in doubt ; and I likewise ask whether 
that which a religious scruple lias prevented the 
dictator from doing can be freely and unrestrainedly 
undertaken by the master of the horse. But why do 
I put these questions, since, had I gone off' without a 
word, nevertheless your thoughts should have been 
directed to the interpretation of my will ? Come, 
answer me : Did I forbid you to take any measures in 
my absence ? Did I forbid you to engage the enemy ? 
But you spurned this order : and notwithstanding the 
uncertainty of the auspices and our uneasy scruples, 
you had the hardihood, against all military precedent, 
and the discipline of our fathers, and the divine will 
of the gods, to encounter with the enemy. Answer 
these questions I have put to you ; but have a care 
that you utter no word besides ' Stand ready, 

To answer the separate indictments was far from 
easy. Now complaining that the same man was his 
accuser and his judge in a matter of life and death, 
and again crying out that he could more easily be 
robbed of his life than of the glory of his deeds, he 
defended himself and accused the general by turns, 
until Papirius in a fresh burst of anger bade them 
strip the master' of the Iiorse and make ready rods 
and axes. Then Fabius, imploring the protection of 



militum implorans lacerantibus vestem lictoribus ad 
triarios tumiiltum ultima ^ in contione miscentes 
sese recepit. 

12 Inde clamor in totam contionem est perlatus ; 
alibi preces, alibi minae audiebantur. Qui proximi 
forte tribunali steterant;, quia subiecti oculis im- 
peratoris noscitari poterant, orabant ut parceret 
magistro equitum. neu cum eo exercitum damnaret ; 

13 extrema contio et circa Fabium globus increpabant 
inclementem dictatorem nee procul seditione abe- 
rant. Xe tribunal quidem satis quietum erat ; 

14 legati circumstantes sellam orabant ut rem in 
posterum diem differret et irae suae spatium et con- 

15 silio tempus daret : satis castigatam adulescentiam 
Fabi esse, satis deformatam victoriam ; ne ad ex- 
tremum finem supplicii tenderet^ neu unico iuveni 
neu patri eius, clarissimo viro, neu Fabiae genti earn 

16 iniungeret ignominiam. Cum parum precibus, parum 
causa proficerent, intueri saevientem contionem iube- 
bant : ita inritatis militum animis subdcre ignem ac 
materiam seditioni non esse aetatis, non prudentiae 

ITeius; neminem id Q. Fabio poenam deprecanti 
suam vitio versurum. sed dictatori^ si occaecatus ira 
infestam multitudinem in se pravo certamine mo- 

IS visset. Postremo^ ne id se gratiae dare Q. Fabi 

^ ultima We-tcnhery : iam n. 

^ For an assembly the soldiers stood in rtteniples, drawn up 
in the same order as for a battle. See chapter viii. 


BOOK VIII. xxxii. 11-18 

the soldiers, escaped from the clutches of the lictors 
Avith his clothes in tatters, and sought refuge in the 
midst of the triarii, ^vho were stirring u}) riot in the 
rear of the assembly. -"^ 

Thence the outcry spread to the entire host. In 
one place were heard entreaties, in another threats. 
Those who chanced to be standing next to the 
tribunal, and being under the general's eyes were 
able to be marked by him, implored him to spare 
the master of the horse, and not condemn the army 
with him. Those in the outskirts of the meeting, 
and the crowd that surrounded Fabius, railed at the 
dictator's cruelty, and were near to mutiny. Not 
even the tribunal itself was quiet ; the lieutenants, 
standing about the dictator's chair, besought him 
to put the matter off until the morrow and allow 
time for consideration and for his anger to cool ; he 
had sufficiently chastened the youth of Fabius, they 
said, and discredited his victory ; it would not be 
well to carry out his punishment to the end, nor to 
fasten such humiliation upon a young man of extra- 
ordinary merit, nor on that most distinguished man, 
his father, and the Fabian family. Finding that 
neither prayers nor arguments did any good, they 
bade him look at the turmoil in the assembly ; when 
the passions of the soldiers were so overwrought, it 
was not, they said, for one of his years and discretion 
to furnish fuel to the flames of mutiny ; no one 
would ascribe the fault to Quintus Fabius — who was 
but deprecating his own jnniishment — but all would 
blame the dictator, if, blinded with resentment, he 
should bring down the angry multitude upon himself 
by an ill-judged contention. Finally, that he might 
not suppose that they argued thus out of any 



crederetj se ius iurandum dare }:)aratos esse non 
videri e re publica in Q. Fabiuin eo tempore 

XXXIJl. His vocibus cum in se magis incitarent 
dictatorem quam magistro equitum placarent, iussi 

2 de tribunali descendere legati ; et silentio neqiii- 
quam per praeconem temptato^ cum prae ^ strepitu 
ac tumultu nee ipsius dictatoris nee apparitorum 
eius vox audiretur^ nox velut in proelio certamini 
finem fecit. 

3 Magister equitum^ iussus postero die adesse, cum 
omnes adfirmarent infestius Papirium exarsurum^ 
agitatum contentione ^ ipsa exacerbatumque, clam 

4 ex castris Romam profugit ; et patre auctore M. 
Fabio, qui ter iam consul dictatorque fuerat, vocato 
extemplo senatu^ cum maxime conquereretur apud 
patres vim atque iniuriam dictatoris, repente strepitus 

5 ante curiam lictorum summoventium auditur, et ipse 
infensus aderat, postquam comperit profectum ex 
castris, cum expedito equitatu secutus. Iterata 
deinde contentio, et prendi Fabium Papirius iussit. 

6 Ubi cum deprecantibus primoribus patrum atque 
universo senatu perstaret in incepto immitis animus, 

1 cum prae T^A^ (or A^) r : piae n. 

2 contentione ,-: contione F-^ {or F^) over erasure: conuen- 
tione n. 

1 It was not until 216 B.C. that the senate was a second 
time convened by a master of the ' xxiii. xxv. 3). 


BOOK VIII. xwn. iS-xxxiii. 6 

personal regard for Fabius, they were ready^ they n.c. sl-' 
said, to take an oath that it appeared to be inconsist- 
ent with the interests of the state that Quintus 
Fabius should then be punished. 

XXXIII. But the lieutenants by these words 
rather stirred up the wrath of the dictator against 
themselves than lessened his rancour against the 
master of the horse, and he ordered them to go down 
from the tribunal. He then sought by the mouth 
of a herald to procure silence, but without success, 
for the din and uproar were so great that it was 
impossible for the dictator himself or his attendants 
to be heard ; and it was left for darkness, as though 
descending on a battle-field, to end the struggle. 

The master of the horse was commanded to 
appear next day ; but since everyone assured him 
that Papirius would be more violent than ever, 
aroused as he was and exasperated by the opposition 
he had met with, he slipped out of the camp and 
fled to Rome. There, with the approval of his 
father, who had thrice been consul, and dictator to 
boot, he at once assembled the senate,^ and had 
reached, in his speech to the senators, the very 
point where he was complaining of the violence and 
injury offered him by the dictator, when a sudden 
noise was heard outside the Curia, as the lictors 
cleared the way, and Papirius himself, in high 
dudgeon, appeared before them : for he had learned 
of the other's departure from the camp, and taking 
a troop of light horse had pursued him. The dis- 
pute was now renewed, and the dictator ordered 
Fabius to be seized. Both the leading members 
and the senate as a body sought to pacify his wrath ; 
but he would not relent, and persisted in his })ur- 



7 turn p.iter M. Fabius ^^Quando quideni " inquit, 
'•'apud te nee auctoritas senatus nee aetas mea, cui 
orbitatem paras, nee virtus nobilitasque magistri 
equitum a te ipso nominati valet nee preees, quae 
saepe hostem mitigavere, quae deorum iras placant, 
tribunes plebis appello et provoeo ad populum eum- 

8 que tibi. fugienti exercitus tui, fugienti senatus 
iudicium. iudieem fero, qui eerte unus plus quam 
tua dietatura potest poUetque. \'idero, eessurusne 
provocationi sis, cui rex Romanus Tullus Hostilius 

9 Ex euria in contionem itur. Quo eum paucis 
dictator, cum omni agmine prineipum magister 
equitum eum escendisset/ deduci eum de rostris 

10 Papirius in partem inferiorem iussit. Secutus pater 
"Bene agis " inquit, -'cum eo nos deduci iussisti, 
unde et privati vocem mittere possemus." Ibi prime 
non tam perpetuae orationes quam altereatio exaudie- 

11 batur^; vicit deinde strepitum vox et indignatio 
Fabi senis inerepantis superbiam crudelitatemque 

12 Papiri : se quoque dictatorem Romae fuisse, nee a 
se quemquam, ne plebis quidem hominem, non 

13 centurionem, non militem violatum ; Papirium tam- 
quam ex hostium ducibus, sic ex Romano imperatore 

* cum escendisset ,- : escendisset MPOIIT : ascendisset 

* exaudiebatur O'ronov. : exaudiebantur CI. 

^ See Bof)k I., chap. xxvi. 


j)ose. Then the father of the young man said : 
"' Inasmuch as neither the senate's authority nor 
my old age — which you are going about to bereave 
— nor the merits and noble lineage of a master of 
the horse whom you yourself appointed^ are of any 
weight with you, nor yet entreaties, which have 
often moved an enemy to mercy, which can persuade 
the gods to put away their anger, — I invoke the 
tribunes of the plebs, and appeal to the people ; and 
since vou would shun the judgment of vour own 
army and shun the judgment of the senate, I pro- 
pose to you a judge that singly has more might and 
power — be well assured — than has your dictatorship. 
We shall see v,hether you will submit to an appeal to 
which a Roman king, TuUus Hostilius, submitted I " ^ 
Leaving the senate-house, they repaired to tlie 
speaker's platform, which the dictator mounted with 
only a few attendants, while the master of the horse 
was accompanied thither by the whole body of the 
leading men. Then Papirius bade Fabius be re- 
moved from the Rostra to the ground below ; and 
his father followed him, exclaiming, " You do well 
to bid us be removed to a place where even as 
private citizens we can say our say I " At first there 
were not so much set speeches to be heard above 
the tumult as an interchange of angry words. But 
presently the strong voice and the indignation of 
the elder Fabius prevailed over the din, as he 
inveighed against the pride and cruelty of Papirius. 
He reminded him that he too had been dictator at 
Rome, and that no man — not even a plebeian, a 
centurion, or a common soldier — had been misused 
by him ; but Papirius was seeking a victory and 
triumph over a Roman general, as if over com- 




victonani et triumphum petere. Quantum interesse ^ 
inter moderationem antiquorum et novam superbiam 
14- crudelitatemque ! Dictatorem Quinctium Cincin- 
natum in L. Minucium consulem ex obsidione a se 
ereptum non ultra saevisse quam ut legatum eum 

15 ad exercitum pro consule relinqueret. M. Furium 
Camillum in L. Furio^ qui contempta sua senectute 
et aucioritate foedissimo cum eventu pugnasset^. non 
solum in praesentia moderatum irae esse, ne quid 

16 de collega secus populo aut senatui scriberet, sed 
cum. revertisset, potissimum ex tribunis consularibus 
habuisse quem ex collegis optione ab senatu data 

17 socium sibi imperii deligeret. Nam populi quidem, 
penes quem potestas omnium rerum esset, ne iram 
quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui teme- 
ritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent quam ut 
pecunia eos multaret : capite anquisitum ob rem 
bello male gestam de imperatore nullo^ ad earn 

18 diem esse. Nunc ducibus po{nili Romani, quae ne 
victis quidem bello fas fuerit, virgas et secures 
victoribus et iustissimos meritis triumphos intentari. 

19 Quid enim tandem passurum fuisse filium suum^ si 
exercitum amisisset, si fusus, fugatus^ castris exutus 
fuisset? Quo ultra iram violentiamque eius exces- 

20 suram fuisse, quam ut verberaret necaretque ? Quam 
conveniens esse, propter Q. Fabium civitatem in 

^ interesse Gronov. : interesset (-ent / F) Ci : interest L 
2 nullo A^r: nullum (^nulum T] CI : nullam M. 

^ The story ia related at length, in. xxvi.-xxix. 
2 See VI. xxii.-xxv. 



inanders of the enemy. How great was the 
difference betwixt the moderation of the ancients 
and this new-fangled arrogance and ruthlessness I 
^^ hen (^uinctiiis Cincinnatus had been dictator, and 
had rescued the consul Lucius Minucius from the 
toils of the enemy, his anger had gone no further 
than to leave Minucius in command of the army as 
his lieutenant, in place of being consul.^ Marcus 
Furius Camillus, v.hen Lucius Furius, in contempt 
of his great age and his authority, had fought a 
battle, with the direst results, not only controlled 
his indignation at the moment and made no animad- 
versions upon his colleague in writing to the senate 
or the people, but, on being permitted by the 
senate, after his return, to choose a partner in 
command, selected Lucius Furius in preference to 
all the other consular tribunes, his associates.- As 
to the people, who had all power in their hands, 
their indignation against those who by recklessness or 
lack of skill had lost their armies had never burned 
so fiercely that they punished them with anything 
worse than a fine ; a capital charge on account of a 
defeat had never until that day been lodged against 
a general. But now the generals of the Roman 
People, who even if beaten might not be so dealt 
with without sin, were, despite their victories and 
their well-earned title to a triumph, being threat- 
ened with scourging and decapitation. What, pray, 
would his son have suffered, if he had lost his army, 
if he had been discomfited, routed, and driven 
from his camp ? To what higher pitch could the 
passionate violence of Papirius have mounted than 
to scourge him and put him to death ? How proper 
it was that because of Quintus Fabius the citizens 

K 2 


laetitia victoria supplicationibus ac gratulationibus 

21 esse, eiim propter quern deum delubra pateant, arae 
sacrificiis fumentj honore donis cumulentur. nudatum 
virgis lacerari in conspectu populi Romani. intuenteni 
Capitolium atque arcem deosque ab se duobus proeliis 

22 baud frustra advocatos I Quo id animo exercitum, 
qui eius ductu auspiciisque vicisset. laturum ? Queni 
luctum ill castris Romanis. quam laetitiam inter 
hostes fore I 

23 Haec simul iurgans^ querens^ deum hominumque 
fidem obtestans et com{)lexus filiuin. plurimis cum 
lacrimis agebat. 

XXXIW Stabat cum eo senatus maiestas, favor 
populi^ tribunicium auxilium^ memoria absentis exer- 

2 citus ; ex parte altera imperium invictum populi 
Romani et disciplina rei militaris et dict^toris edictum 
pro numine semper observatum et Manliana imperia 
et posthabita filii caritas publicae utilitati iactabantur : 

3 hoc etiam L. Brutum^ conditorem Romanae libertatis, 
antea in duobus liberis fecisse ; nunc patres comes 
et senes faciles de alieno imperio spreto, tamquani 
rei parvae, disciplinae militaris eversae iuventuti 

4 gratiam facere. Se tamen perstaturum in incepto. 
nee ei qui adversus dictum suum turbatis religionibus 
ac dubiis auspiciis pugnasset quicquam ex iusta poena 

1 Chap. VII. § 22. 2 jj^ 



should exult in victory with thanksgivings and b.c. 3-25 
rejoicings ; while he on whose account the shrines 
of the gods were open, and the altars smoked with 
sacrifices and were heaped high with incense and 
with offerings, should be stripped and mangled with 
rods in full sight of the Roman People, as he looked 
up to the Capitol and the Citadel and the gods 
wiiose help in battle he had twice invoked, and not 
in vain ! In what spirit would this be taken by the 
army, which under his conduct and his auspices had 
gained the victory ? What grief would there be in the 
Roman camp, what rejoicings amongst their enemies! 

So he made his plea, now chiding and now com- 
plaining, now calling on gods and men to help him, 
now bursting into tears, as he embraced his son. 

XXXIV. On his side were ranged the countenance 
of the senate, the favour of the populace, the assis- 
tance of the tribunes, the remembrance of the 
absent army. His opponent urged the invincible 
authority of the Roman People, and military dis- 
cipline, and the edict of a dictator — which had ever 
been revered as the will of Heaven — and the severity 
of Manlius,^ who had preferred the general good to 
the love he bore his son, even as Lucius Brutus, ^ 
the founder of Roman liberty, had done before, in 
the case of his two children. But nowadays — the 
dictator proceeded — fathers were indulgent ; and 
the older generation, little carino^ if another man's 
authority were flouted, excused the young for 
overturning military discipline, as a thing of no 
importance. He should nevertheless persist in his 
undertaking, nor remit an iota of his due punish- 
ment to one who had fought against his orders, 
while the rites of religion were confused and the 



5 remissurum. Maiestas imperii perpetuane esset iion 

6 esse in sua potestate : L. Papirium nihil de eius 
iure ^ deminuturum ^ ; optare ne potestas tribunicia. 
inviolata ipsa, violet intercession e sua Roman um 
imperium. neu populus in se potissimum dictatore 

7 vim et ius ^ dictaturae exstinguat. Quod si fecisset^ 
non L. Papirium sed tribunos, sed pravum populi 
iudicium nequiquam posteros accusaturos. cum polluta 
semel militari disciplina non miles centurionis, non 
centurio tribuni, non tribunus legati, non legatus 
consulis^ non magister equitum dictatoris pareat 

8 imperio, nemo hominum, nemo deorum verecundiam 
habeat, non edicta imperatorum, non auspicia obser- 
ventur. sine commeatu vagi milites in pacato, in 

9 hostico errent."* immemores sacramenti licentia sua 

10 se^ ubi velint exauctorent, in-frequentia deserantur 
signa neque conveniatur ad edictum nee discernatur 
interdiu nocte. aequo iniquo loco, iussu iniussu ^ 
imperatoris pugnent. et non signa, non ordines 
servent, latrocinii modo caeca et fortuita pro sollemni 

11 et sacrata militia sit; — '•' Horum criminum vos reos 
in omnia saecula offerte, tribuni plebi, vestra obnoxia 
capita pro licentia Q. Fabi obicite." 

^ nihil de eius iure ?- : niliil eius iure CI : niliil eius 

2 deminuturum;-: diminuturum n : diminutum ^^J/. 

' dictatore vim et ius Kreyssig: Jictatorem ius ^ : rlicta- 
torem et ius n : dictatore ius DuTcer : dictatore et ius H. J. 

* errent F^A^ : errarent H. 

^ sua se Walters and Conv:ay : sola uase HTDLA : sola se 
MA^ Gehnius: sola PFUT^: lacuna between sacramenti r/??r/ 
iielint : sola sua se AhchefsJ:i: soluta se Madvig : sola 
qua se Ifi. 

^ iussu iniussu Gehnivs r : iniussu Ci. 


BOOK VIII. xxxiv. 4-1 1 

auspices uncertain. Whether the majesty of the b.c. 3.^5 
supreme authority were to endure or not was 
beyond his power to determine ; but Lucius 
Papirius would do nothing to diminish it. He 
prayed that the tribunes might not employ their 
power — itself inviolate — to violate by their inter- 
ference the authority of Rome ; that the people 
might not single out the verv time of his holdinij 
that office to extinguish the lawful might of the 
dictatorship. Should they do so, it would not be 
Lucius Papirius, but the tribunes and the crooked 
judgment of the people, that posterity would censure, 
and censure without avail. For let military dis- 
cipline be once broken, and soldier would not 
obey centurion, nor centurion tribune, nor tribune 
lieutenant, nor lieutenant consul, nor master of the 
horse dictator — none would have respect for men, 
none reverence for the gods ; neither edicts of 
generals nor auspices would be regarded ; the 
soldiers, without leave, would roam in hostile as 
in peaceful territory ; with no thought of their 
oath they Mould quit the service by their own per- 
mission, when they pleased ; the standards Mould 
be deserted, the men Mould not come together at 
command ; they would fight Mithout reference to 
night or day, to the advantage or disadvantage of 
the ground, to the orders or prohibition of the 
general ; they M'ould neither Mait for the Mord nor 
keep to their ranks ; blind and haphazard brigan- 
dage M'ould supplant the time-honoured and halloMcd 
M-ays of M'ar. — '' On such charges, tribunes of the 
plebs, expose yourselves to be arraigned through 
all the ages I Let your OMn heads bear the guilt 
of the licence of Quintus Fabius I " 



XXXV^. Stupentes tribunes et suam iam vicem 
magis anxios quam eius cui auxiliuni ab se petebatur, 
liberavit onere consensus populi Romani, ad preces 
et obtestationem versus^ ut sibi poenam magistri 

2 equitum dictator remitteret. Tribuni quoque incli- 
natam rem in preces subsecuti orare dictatorem 
insistunt ut veniam errori humano^ veniam adule- 
scentiae Q. Fabi daret : satis eum poenarum dedisse. 

3 lam ipse adulescens, iam pater M. Fabius^ contentionis 
obliti procumbere ad genua et iram deprecari dicta- 

4 toris. Tum dictator silentio facto '- Bene habet " 
inquit; "' Quirites. A'icit disciplina militaris, vicit 
imperii maiestas, quae in discrimine fuerunt an ulla 

5 post banc diem essent. Xon noxae eximitur Q. 
Fabius. qui contra edictum imperatoris pugnavit, 
sed noxae damnatus donatur populo Romano, donatur 
tribuniciae potestati precarium non iustum auxilium 

G ferenti. \'ive. Q. Fabi, felicior hoc consensu civitatis 
ad tuendum te quam qua paulo ante exsultabas 
victoria ; vive. id facinus ausus cuius tibi ne parens 
quidem, si eodem loco fuisset quo fuit L. Papirius. 

7 veniam dedisset, Mecum, ut voles, reverteris in 
gratiam ; populo Romano, cui vitam debes, nihil 
mains praestiteris quam si hie tibi dies satis docu- 
menti dederit ut bello ac pace pati legitima iraperia 


BOOK VIII. xAxv. 1-7 

XXXV. The tribunes %vere dumbfounded, more 
troubled now on their own account than on his^ for 
whom their help was being solicited ; l)ut the 
Roman People relieved them of their burden of 
responsibility, when they turned as one man to the 
dictator, and entreated and adjured him to remit for 
their sake the punishment of the master of the horse. 
The tribunes^, too^ fell in with the prevailing mood, 
and earnestly besought Papirius to allow for human 
frailty, to allow for the youth of Quintus Fabius, 
who had suffered punishment enough. Now the 
young man himself^ now his father Marcus Fabius, 
forgetting all contention, threw themselves down at 
the dictator's knees and attempted to avert his 
anger. Then said the dictator^ when silence was 
obtained^ '' It is well, Quirites. The discipline of 
war, the majesty of government, have got the 
victory, despite the danger that this day would see 
the end of them. Quintus Fabius is not found 
guiltless, seeing that he fought against the orders of 
his general ; but, convicted of that guilty is granted 
as a boon to the Roman People, is granted to the 
authority of the tribunes^ who plead for him but can 
bring him no legal relief Live, Quintus Fabius, 
more blest in this consent of your fellow citizens to 
save you, than in the victory over which^ a little 
while ago, you were exulting I Live, though you 
dared a deed which not even your sire would have 
pardoned, had he been in the place of Lucius 
Papirius I With me you shall again be on good 
terms when you will ; for the Roman People, to 
whom you owe your life, you can do nothing greater 
than to show that you have learned what this day 
clearly teaches — to submit in war and in peace 



8 possis." Cum se nihil morari magistrum eqiiitum 
pronuntiasset, degressum^ eum templolaetus senatus, 
laetior popiilus, circiimfiisi ac gratulantes hinc 

9 magistro eqiiitum^ hinc dictatori. prosecuti sunt, 
firmatumque imperium militare hand minus periculo 
Q. Fal)i quam supplicio miserabili adulescentis Manli 

10 Forte ita eo anno evenit ut quotienscumque dic- 
tator ab exercitu recessisset,^ hostes in Samnio 
moverentur. Ceterum in oculis exempkim erat Q. 
Fabius M. Valerio legato, qui castris praeerat, ne 
quam vim hostium magis quam trucem dictatoris 

11 iram timeret. Itaque frumentatores cum circumventi 
ex insidiis caesi loco iniquo essent, creditum volgo 
est subveniri eis ab legato potuisse, ni tristia edicta 

12 exhorruisset. Ea quoque Ira alienavit a dictatore 
militum animos, iam ante infensos, quod implacabilis 
Q. Fabio fuisset et, quod suis precibus negasset, eius 
populo Romano veniam dedisset. 

XXX\'I. Postquam dictator ]n*aeposito in urbe 
L. Papirio Crasso, magistro equitum Q. Fabio vetito 
quicquam pro magistratu agere, in castra rediit, 
2 neque civibus satis laetus adventus eius fuit nee 
hostibus quicquam attulit terroris. Xamque })ostero 
die. seu iijnari venisse dictatorem seu adesset an 

^ degressum Gronuviits : digressum n. 

- recessisset JJ^A^ {or A'-) ,- Murcius : recessit £l. 


BOOK VIII. XXXV. 7-xxxvi. 2 

to lawful authority." Then, declaring that the b.c. 325 
master of the horse was free to depart, he descended 
from the platform, and the joyful senators and yet 
more joyful people thronged about them and attended 
them, congratulating now the master of the horse 
and now the dictator. It seemed that the peril of 
Fabius had been not less efficacious than the ])itiful 
punishment of young Manlius in the establishment 
of military authority. 

It so fell out that year, that as often as the 
dictator left the army, there was a rising of the 
enemy in Samnium. But with the example of 
Quintus Fabius before his eyes, Marcus Valerius, 
the lieutenant who commanded in the camp, could 
not fear any violence of the enemy more than the 
dread displeasure of the dictator. And so when a 
party of foragers had fallen into an ambush and 
fighting at a disadvantage had been slain, it was 
commonly believed that the lieutenant might have 
rescued them, had he not quailed at the thought of 
those harsh orders. Their resentment of this still 
further estranged the soldiers from the dictator, 
angry as they already were at his unwillingness to 
])ardon Quintus Fabius, and his having granted to 
the Roman People a boon he had denied to their 
own entreaties. 

XXWI. When the dictator had set Lucius 
Pajiirius Crassus over the City and had forbidden 
Quintus Fabius, the master of the horse, to exercise 
his magistracy in any way, he returned to the camp, 
where his arrival occasioned no great satisfaction to 
the Romans nor the slightest apprehension to their 
enemies. For on the following day, whether un- 
aware that the dictator was come or caring little 



abesset parvi facientes, instructa acie ad castra 

3 accesserunt. Ceterum tantum momenti in uiio viro 
L. Papirio fuit ut^ si ducis consilia favor subsecutus 
militum foret^ debellari eo die cum Samnitibus 

4 potuisse pro baud dubio habitum sit ; ita instruxit 
aciem, ita loco ^ ac subsidiis, ita omni arte bellica 
firmavit ; cessatum a milite ac de industria^ ut obtrec- 
taretur laudibus ducis, impedita victoria est. Plures 
Samnitium cecidere. plures Romani volnerati sunt. 

5 Sensit peritus dux quae res victoriae obstaret : 
temperandum ingenium suum esse et severitatem 

6 miscendam comitati. Itaque adhibitis legatis ipse 
circuit 2 saucios milites, inserens in tentoria caput, 
singulosque ut sese haberent rogitans curam eorum 
nominatim legatis tribunisque et praefectis de- 

7 mandabat. Rem per se popularem ita dextere "^ 
egit ut medendis corporibus aninii multo prius 
militum imperatori reconciliarentur, nee quicquam 
ad salubritatem efficacius fuerit quam quod grato 

8 animo ea cura accepta est. Refecto exercitu cum 
hoste congressuSj baud dubia spe sua militumque, ita 
fudit fugavitque Samnites, ut ille ultimus eis dies 

9 conferendi signa cum dictatore fuerit. Incessit 
deinde qua duxit praedae spes victor exercitus per- 

^ ita loco Madcig : loco n. 

* circuit Walters {cf. chap, xxxvii § 9) : circu TOHD : 
cireuni MFTLA : circumiens U. 

3 dextere Frag. Harcrk. §-: dexter (or dext) Cl: sedulo 
F' [over erasure). 


BOOK VIII. xxxvi. 2-9 

whether he were there or iiot^ the Samnites formed 
ill order of battle and approached the camp. So 
great however was the im})ortaiice of one man, 
Lucius Papirius, that if the goodwill of the soldiers 
had seconded the measures taken by their general, 
it was held as certain that the war with Samnium 
might that day have been brought to a successful 
termination — so skilfully did he dispose his army, so 
well secure it with every advantage of position and 
reserves, and with every military art. But the men 
were listless, and, on purpose to discredit their 
commander, threw away the victory. There were 
more Samnites killed, more Romans wounded. The 
experienced general perceived what stood in the 
way of his success : he must qualify his native dis- 
position, and mingle geniality with his sternness. 
So, calling together his lieutenants, he made the 
round of his wounded soldiers in person, and putting 
his head into their tents and asking each how he 
was doing, he commended them by name to the 
care of the lieutenants, the tribunes, and the prefects. 
This of itself was a popular thing to do, and 
Papirius managed it with such tact, that in healing 
their bodies he gained their affections much more 
rapidly ; and indeed there was nothing that more 
promoted their recovery than the pleasurable feel- 
ings with which they accepted these attentions. 
When the army was restored, he met the enemy, 
with no doubt as to the result, either on his own 
part or on that of his soldiers, and so routed and 
dispersed the Samnites that this was the last time 
they joined battle with the dictator. The victorious 
army then marched on where the prospect of booty 
beckoned them, and traversed the territories of the 



liistravitqiie hostium a^ios. nulla anna, nullam vim 

10 nee apertam nee ex insidiis expertus. Addebat ala- 
critatem quod dictator praedam omnem edixerat 
militibus ; nee ira magis publica quam privatum 

11 compendium in hostem acuebat. His cladibus subacti 
Samnites pacem a dictatore petiere ; cum quo pacti, 
ut singula vestimenta militibus et annuum stipen- 

12 dium darent; cum ire ad senatum iussi essent. secu- 
turos se dictatorem responderunt, unius eius fidei 
virtutique causam suam commendantes. Ita deductus 
ex Samnitibus exercitus, 

XXXVII. Dictator trinmphans urbem est in- 
gressus ; et cum se dictatura abdicare vellet^ iussu 
patrum. priusquam abdicaret, consules creavit C. Sul- 
picium Longum iterum Q. Aemilium Cerretanum. 

2 Samnites infecta pace, quia de condicionibus ambige- 
batur,^ indutias annuas ab urbe rettulerunt. Nee 
earum ipsarum sancta fides fuit ; adeo, postquam 
Papirium abisse magistratu nuntiatum estj arrecti ad 
bellandum animi sunt. 

3 C. Sulpicio Q. Aemilio — Aulium - quidam annales 
habent — consulibus ad defectionem Samnitium Apu- 
lum novum bellum accessit. Utroque exercitus 
missi. Sulpicio SamniteS; Apuli Aemilio sorte 

4 evenerunt. Sunt qui non ipsis Apulis bellum in- 
latum, sed socios eius gentis populos ab Samnitium 

5 vi atque iniuriis defensos scribant ; ceterum fortuna 
Samnitium, vix a se ipsis eo tempore propulsantium 

^ ambigebatur Drakenhorch : agebatur n. 
2 Aulium GeUnius and. Sigonius : aulum CI. 


BOOK VIII. xxxvi. 9-x\xvii. 5 

enemy without encountering any armed resistance 
whatsoever, either face to face or from an ambush. 
The dictator had increased the alacrity of his troops 
by proclaiming that the booty should all be theirs, 
and jn-ivate gain did as much as the public resentment 
to whet their zeal against the enemy. Discouraged 
by these reverses, the Samnites sought peace of 
Papirius, and agreed with him to give every soldier 
a garment and a year's pay. He directed them to 
go before the senate, but they replied that they 
would attend him thither, committing their cause 
wholly to his honour and integrity. So the army 
was withdrawn from Samnium, 

XXXVII. The dictator, having entered the City 
in triumph, would have laid down his office, but was 
commanded by the senate first to hold a consular 
election ; he announced that Gains Sulpicius Longus 
had been chosen for the second time, together with 
Quintus Aemilius Cerretanus. The treaty was not 
completed, owing to a disagreement over terms, and 
the Samnites left the City with a truce for a year; 
nor did they scrupulously hold even to that ; so 
encouraged were they to make war, on learning that 
Papirius had resigned. 

In the consulship of Gaius Sulpicius and Quintus 
Aemilius — some annals have Aulius — the defection 
of the Samnites was followed by a new war with 
Apulia. Armies were sent out in both directions. 
The lots assigned the Samnites to Sulpicius, the 
Apulians to Aemilius. Some say that the war was 
not waged against the Apulians, but in defence of 
some of the allies of that people whom the Samnites 
had wantonly invaded ; but the circumstances of the 
Samnites, who at that time could hardly ward off 



belluni^ })ropius ut sit vero facit noii Apulis ab 
Samnitibus arma inlata^ sed cum utraque simul 

6 gente bellum Romaiiis fuisse. Nee tamen res ulla 
memorabilis acta ; ager Apulus Samniumque eva- 
statuin ; hostes nee hie nee illic invent!. 

Komae nocturnus terror ita ex somno trepidam 
repente civitatem excivit ut Capitolium atque arx 

7 moeniaque et portae plena armatorum fuerint : et 
cum concursatum claraatumque ad arma omnibus 
locis esset^ prima luce nee auctor nee causa terroris 

8 Eodem anno de Tusculanis Flavia rogatione populi 
fuit iudicium. M. Flavius ^ tribunus plebis tulit ad 
populum ut in Tusculanos animadverteretur, quod 
eorum ^ ope ac consilio Veliterni Privernatesque 

9 populo Romano bellum fecissent. Populus Tuscu- 
lanus cum coniugibus ac liberis Romam venit. Ea 
multitude veste mutata et specie reorum tribus 

10 circuity genibus se omnium advolvens ; plus itaque 
misericordia ad poenae veniam impetrandam quam 

11 causa ad crimen purgandum valuit. Tribus omnes 
praeter Polliam antiquarunt legem. Polliae sententia 
fuit puberes verberatos necari^ coniuges liberosque 

12 sub corona lege belli venire, Memoriam eius irae 
Tusculanis in poenae tam atrocis auctores mansisse 
ad patrum aetatem constat^ nee quemquam ferme ex 
Pollia tribu candidatum Papiriam ferre solitum. 

^ Flavins r : fabius n. 

' quod eorum -: quo eorum : quorum A: quorum 
eorum n : quoniam eorum A'^^. 

^ The Tusculans, upon gaining Roman citizeusliip, were 
enrolled in the Papirian tribe, and were so numerous as to 
control its vote. 



invasion from themselves, render it more probable that 
they did not attack the Apulians but that they and 
the Apulians were at war with Rome simultaneously. 
There was, however, no memorable engagement. 
The Romans laid waste Apulia and Samnium, with- 
out encountering the enemy in either country. 

At Rome a nocturnal alarm awoke the sleeping- 
citizens with such a fright that Capitol and Citadel, 
walls and gates, were crowded with armed men ; 
and after all the hurrying to posts and crying ''to 
arms!" in every quarter, day broke and discovered 
neither author nor occasion of the panic. 

In the same year, the Tusculans were tried before 
the people in accordance with the Flavian rogation. 
Marcus Flavius, a plebeian tribune, had proposed to 
the people that the Tusculans be punished for having 
lent their countenance and aid to the \ eliterni and 
Privernates in their war with the Roman People. 
The citizens of Tusculum, with their wives and 
children, came to Rome ; and the great throng, 
])utting on the sordid raiment of defendants, went 
about amongst the tribes and clasped the knees 
of the citizens in supplication. And so it 
happened that pity was more effective in gaining 
them remission of their punishment than were their 
arguments in clearing away the charges. All the 
tribes rejected the proposal, save only the Pollian, 
which voted that the grown men should be scourged 
and })ut to death, and their wives and chiklren sold 
at auction under the laws of war. It seems that the 
resentment engendered in the Tusculans by so cruel 
a proposal lasted down to our fathers' time, and that 
a candidate of the Pollian tribe almost never got 
the vote of the Papirian.^ 


VOL. IV. I. 


XXXVIIl. Iiisequenti anno^ Q. Fabio L. Fulvio 
consulibus, A. Cornelius Ar\ina dictator et M. Fabiiis 
Ambustus magister equitum metu gravioris in Samnio 
l^elli — conducta enim pretio a finitimis inventus 
dicebatur — intentiore dilectu habito ecrreffium exer- 

2 citum adversus Samnites duxerunt. Castra in hostico 
incuriose ita posita tamquam procul abesset hostis^, 
cum subito advenere Samnitium legiones tanta ferocia 
ut vallum usque ad stationem Romanam inferrent. 

3 Xox iam appetebat ; id prohibuit munimenta adoriri ; 
nee dissimulabant orta luce postero die facturos. 

4 Dictator ubi propiorem spe dimicationem vidit^ ne 
militum virtuti damno locus esset^ ignibus crebris 
relictis^qui conspectum hostium frustrarentur, silentio 
legiones educit; nee tamen fallere propter propin- 

5 quitatem castrorum potuit. Eques extemplo in- 
secutus ita institit agmini ut^, donee lucesceret, 
})roelio abstineret ; ne ^ pedestres quidem copiae 

6 ante lucem castris egressae. Eques luce demum 
ausus incursare in hostem^ carpendo novissimos pre- 
mendoque iniquis ad transitum locis, agmen detinuit. 
Interim pedes equitem adsecutus^ et totis iam copiis 

7 Samnis urgebat. Tum dictator^ postquam sine 

^ ne CI : nee Ur. 


XXX\'III. In the following year, when Qiiintus 
Fabius and Lucius Fulvius were consuls^, the dread 
of a serious war with the Samnites — who were said 
to have gathered an army of mercenaries from 
neighbouring tribes — occasioned the appointment of 
Aulus Cornelius Arvina as dictator and Marcus 
Fabius Ambustus as master of the horse. By a 
vigorous levy these men raised an excellent army^ 
and marching against the Samnites, went into cam}) 
on hostile soil with as little regard to their position 
as if the enemy had been far away. Suddenly the 
Samnite legions appeared_, and advancing with great 
hardihood entrenched themselves close to the Roman 
outposts. Night was now drawing on, which pre- 
vented them from assaulting the Roman works ; but 
they made no secret of their intention to do so with 
the morrow's earliest light. The dictator saw that 
the battle was coming sooner than he had anticijKited, 
and feared that the courage of his men would be 
affected by their cramped position. So, leaving 
behind him numerous fires to deceive the enemy, he 
silently led the legions out. But the camps were so 
near each other that he could not elude their 
observation. Their cavalry at once pursued him, 
but though they hung upon the fringe of his column, 
they refrained from attacking until the day began to 
break ; as for the infantry, they did not even leave 
their stockade before the dawn. Finally, when it was 
light, the cavalry ventured to charge the Romans, 
and by harassing their rear and pressing them when 
they came to places that were difficult to cross, 
delayed their march. Meanwhile the foot had 
caught u}) with the horse, and the Samnites were 
throwing all their forces into the assault. Then the 



magno incomuiodo progredi non j)oterat^ cum ipsuni 
in quo constiterat locum castris dimetari iussit. 
Id ^ vero circumfuso undique equitatu — ut vallum 
peteretur opusque inciperet — fieri non poterat. 

8 Itaque ubi neque eundi neque manendi copiam 
esse videt; instruit aciem^ impedimentis ex agmine 
remotis. Instruunt contra et hostes^ et animis et 

9 viribus pares. Auxerat id maxime animos quod 
iguari loco iniquo^ non hosti cessum, velut fugientes 

10 ac territos terribiles ipsi secuti fuerant. Id ali- 
quamdiu aequavit pugnam. iam pridem desueto 
Samnite clamorem Romani exercitus pati ; et 
hercule - illo die ab hora diei tertia ad octavam 
ita anceps dicitur certamen stetisse, ut neque clamor, 
ut primo semel concursu est sublatus, iteratus sit, 
neque signa promota loco retro ve recepta, neque 

11 recursum ab ulla sit parte. In suo quisque gradu 
obnixi,^ urgentes scutis, sine reGj)iratione ac respectu 
pugiiabant ; fremitus aequalis tenorque idem pugnae 
in defatigationem ultimam aut noctem spectabat. 

12 lam viris vires, iam ferro sua vis, iam consilia 
ducibus deerant, cum subito Samnitium equites, cum 
turma una longius provecta accepissent impedimenta 

^ i<l n : ibi Weissenoorn. 

* Va hercule (-lae T) n Aldus: at hercule Gelenius. 
' obnixi A^ : obnixis U : obnoxi THor T'^)-. obnoxio 
obnoxii MPHDLA : ab obnoxii F : obnoxiis F^T. 



dictator, finding that he could make no headway 
without great distress, gave orders to lay out a camp 
on the very spot where he had halted. But enveloped, 
as they were^ by the enemy's horse^. it was impossible 
to gather stakes and begin the work. 

And so^ when he saw that he could neither advance 
nor encamj)^ he removed the baggage from his 
column and formed a line of battle. The enemy 
then formed up against him^ being inferior neither 
in spirit nor in strength. Their encouragement was 
due chiefly to ignorance that their enemies had 
retreated from an awkward position, and not from 
them ; for they assumed that their own doughty 
appearance had driven the Romans before them 
in a panic. This held the fighting in balance for 
a while^ though the Samnites had now for some 
time been unused to abide the battle-cry of a 
Roman army. Indeed it is said that on that day 
from the third hour to the eighth the outcome 
was so much in doubt_, that there was never a second 
cheer after that which was once given when the 
armies rushed together ; nor were standards either 
moved for\Vard or withdrawn ; nor did the com- 
batants anywhere give ground. Facing each other 
with every man squarely in his place, they pressed 
forward with their shields and fought without 
stopping ■ to breathe or to look behind. The 
monotonous din and changeless tenor of the battle 
made it seem probable that sheer exhaustion or the 
night would put an end to it. And now men's 
strength was ebbing, and the sword was forgetting 
its keenness and the generals their strategy ; — when 
the Samnite horsemen, learning from one of their 
s(]uadrons that had pushed on ahead how tlie 



Romanorum procul ab armatis sine praesidio^ sine 
nuinimento stare. aviditate praedae impetum faciunt. 

13 Quod ubi dictator! trepidus nuntius attulit, ^^Siiie 
modo " inquit^ '• sese praeda praepediant." Alii 
deinde super alios diripi passim ferrique fortunas 

14 milituni vociferabaiitur. Turn magistro equituiii 
accito " Vides tu " inquit, '^•' M. Fabi^ ab hostium 
equite omissam pugriam ? Haerent impediti inipedi- 

l.j mentis nostris. Adgredere, quod inter praedandum 
omni multitudini evenit. dissipates ; raros equis 
insidentes, raros. quibus ferrum in manu sit^, invenies ; 
sese equosque ^ dum praeda onerant, caede inermes 

IG cruentamque illis })raedam redde, Milii legicnies 
})editumque pugna curae erunt ; penes te equestre 
sit decus." 

XXXIX. Equitum acies^ qualis quae esse instruc- 
tissima potest^ invecta in dissipates impeditosque 

2 hostes caede omnia replet. Inter sarcinas omissas 
repente, obiacentes pedibus fugientium consterna- 
torumque equorum, neque pugnae neque fugae satis 

3 potentes caeduntur. Turn deleto prope equitatu 
hostium M. Fabius circumductis paulum alis ^ ab 

•4 tergo pedestrem aciem adoritur. Clamor inde novus 
accidens et Samnitium terruit animos, et dictator^ 
ubi respectantes hostium antesignanos turbataque 

^ sese equosque Lut'.rbaxlicr (se equosque Madvig) : e<|UOS(iue 
{or aequosq. ) HFUHT-JJ: et quosque MTLA-. 
2 ali.s T^: aliis {omitleil by UA) V.. 


baggage of the Romans lay remote from their fight- b.c. 322 
ing men^ without defenders or a rampart to pro- 
tect it, were seized with the lust of pillaging, and 
made a sudden dash for it. But when a frightened 
messenger brought word of this to the dictator, he 
said, '^ Only let them cumber themselves with 
spoil ! " After that came others and still others, 
crying aloud that the soldiers' possessions were 
being plundered and carried clean away. Then 
Cornelius called the master of the horse and said, 
'' Do you not see, Marcus Fabius, how the enemy's 
cavalry have ceased to fight .^ They are caught fast 
and entangled in our baggage. Have at them while 
they are dispersed, as any body of men will be in 
pillaging ! You shall find few in the saddle, few 
sword in hand ; while they are loading themselves 
and their horses with spoils, cut them down unarmed 
and make it a bloody booty for them. I will see to 
the legions and the battle of the infantry ; be yours 
the glory of the cavalry fight." 

XXXIX. The cavalry, drawn up in the most per- 
fect order, charged their scattered and embarrassed 
enemies and cut them down on every hand. They 
had hastily flung aside their packs — which lay all 
about and impeded the terrified horses as they tried 
to run away — and, powerless either to resist or to 
escape, were massacred where they stood. I'hen 
Marcus Fabius,having almost annihilated the enemy's 
cavalry, fetched a short compass with his squadrons 
and attacked from behind their line of infantry. 
The shouts that were now heard in that quarter 
struck terror into the hearts of the Samnites ; and 
the dictator, seeing the men in their fighting line 
glance nervously behind them, and their standards 



i.u.c. signa et fluctuantem aciem vidit, tarn appellare, 
turn adhortari milites, tribunos principesque ordinum 
nominatim ad iterandam secum pugnam vocare. 

5 Novate clamore signa inferuntur : et quidquid pro- 
grediebantur, magis raagisque turbatos, hostes cerne- 
bant. Eques ipse iam primis erat in conspectu^ et 

6 Cornelius respiciens ad manipulos militura, quod 
manu. quod voce poterat. monstrabat vexilla se 

7 suorum parmasque cernere equitum. Quod ubi 
auditum simul visumque est^ adeo repente laboris 
per diem paene totum tolerati volnerumque obliti 
sunt, ut baud secus quara si turn integri e castris 
signum pugnae accepissent concitaverint se in hostem. 

8 Nee ultra Samnis tolerare terroreni equitum pedi- 
tumque vim potuit ; partim in medio caesi, partim 

9 in fugam dissipati sunt. Pedes ^ restantes ac cir- 
cumventos cecidit : ab equite fugientium strages est 
facta, inter quos et ipse iraperator cecidit. 

10 Hoc demum proelium Samnitium res ita infregit, 
ut omnibus conciliis fremerent minime id quidem 
mirum esse, si impio bello et contra foedus suscepto, 
infestioribus merito deis quam bominibus nibil 
prospere agerent ; expiandum id bellum magna 

11 mercede luendumque esse: id referre tantum, utrum 
supplicia noxio j^aucorum an omnium innoxio prae- 

^ pedes Gelenias C fcripticra veius") - : pedes res M : 
pedestres (pedestris U) Cl. 

^ That of 341 b.c. See chap, ii § 4, and (for the violation) 
chap. xxii. § 7 and chap, xxiii. § 1. 


BOOK Vlll. xxxix. 4-1 1 

become disordered, and their line begin to waver, 
then cried out to his men, then urged them on, and 
called by name on tribunes and company-commanders 
to join him in a new attack. With a fresh cheer 
the ranks pressed forward, and at each advance 
perceived the Samnites to be more and more con- 
fused. The horse themselves could now be seen bv 
those in the van ; and Cornelius, looking back on the 
maniples of soldiers, made them understand as best 
he could Avith hand and voice that he saw the 
banners and round shields of their comrades. On 
hearing and at the same time seeing them, thev 
straightway forgot the toil they had endured for 
well-nigh the entire day, and forgot their wounds, 
and, like troops who were but that moment fresh 
from camp and had received the battle-signal, thev 
flung themselves upon the enemy. The Sanniites 
could support no longer the fury of the cavalry and 
the violent onset of the foot ; some were slaughtered 
in the midst, others were scattered abroad in flight. 
The foot-soldiers surrounded those who resisted 
and put them to the sword ; the cavalry made havoc 
of the fugitives, amongst whom perished their 
general himself. 

This defeat, after all that had gone before, so 
broke the spirit of the Samnites, that in all their 
councils they began to murmur that it was no 
wonder if they met with no success in an impious 
war, undertaken in violation of a treatv,^ for the 
gods had even more right than men to be incensed 
with them. They would have to pay a heavy price 
to expiate this war and atone for it ; the only 
question was, should they offer atonement with the 
blood of the guilty few or with that of the innocent 



beant sanguine ; audebantque iam quidam nominare 

12 auctores armorum. Uniim maxime nomen per con- 
sensum clamantium Brutuli Papi exaudiebatur, \'ir 
nobilis potensque erat^ baud dubie proximarum in- 

13 dutiarum ruptor. De eo coacti referre^ praetores 
decretum fecerunL iit Brutulus Papius Romauis 
dederetur et cum eo praeda omnis Romana capti- 
vique ut Romam mitterentur^ quaeque res per fetiales 
ex foedere repetitae essent secundum ius fasque 

14 restituerentur. Fetiales Romam. ut censuerunt, 
missi, et corpus BrutuU exanime ; ipse morte volun- 

15 taria ignominiae se ac supplicio subtraxit. Placuit 
cum corpore bona quoque eius dedi. Nihil tamen 
earum rerum praeter captivos ac si qua cognita 
ex praeda sunt acceptum est ; ceterarum rerum 
inrita fuit deditio. Dictator ex senatus consulto 

XL. Hoc bellum a consulibus bellatum quidam 
auctores sunt, eosque de Samnitibus triumphasse ; 
Fabium etiam in Apuliam processisse atque inde 

2 magnas praedas egisse. Nee discrepat quin dictator 
eo anno A. Cornelius fuerit ; id ambigitur, belline 
gerendi causa creatus sit, an ut esset (pii ludis 
Romanis, quia L. Plautius praetor gravi morbo forte 

3 implicitus erat, signum mittendis quadrigis daret 

1 i.':. the Romans would not accept the tardy compliance 
of the Samnites with the old terms, being resolved to impose 
harder ones. 

- Instituted by Tarquinius Priscus \\. xxxv. 9). 


BOOK VIII. xxxix. ii-XL. 3 

multitude r Some ventured at this juncture to name 
those who had been responsible for the war. One 
name in particular could be distinguished ; for all 
agreed in denouncing Papius Brutulus_, a powerful 
noble who had without question been the breaker of 
the latest truce. The praetors were compelled to 
refer his case to the council^ which decreed that 
Papius Brutulus should be surrendered to the 
Romans, and that all the Roman booty and all the 
prisoners should be sent with him to Rome ; and 
further, that all the property which the fetials had 
sought to recover under the provisions of the treaty 
should be restored in compliance with law and with 
religion. The fetials proceeded to Rome, in accord- 
ance with this resolution, taking with them the 
lifeless bodv of Brutulus, who had escaped the 
humiliation and punishment by a voluntary death. 
It was voted to surrender his goods also with his 
body. But of all these things the Romans would 
accept none but the prisoners and such articles of 
booty as they recognized as theirs ; the surrender 
of all the rest was of no effect. ^ The dictator 
triumphed by resolution of the senate. 

XL. Some writers hold that this war was waged 
by the consuls, and that it was they who triumplied 
over the Samnites ; they say that Fabius even 
advanced into Apulia and thence drove off much 
booty. But that Aulus Cornelius was dictator in 
that year is not disputed, and the doubt is only 
whether he was appointed to administer the war, or 
in order that there might be somebody to give the 
signal to the chariots at the Roman Games - — since 
the praetor, Lucius Plautius, happened to be very 
sick — and whether, liaving discharged this office, 



functusque eo haud sane memorandi imperii mini- 
sterio se dictatura abdicaret. Nee facile est aut 

4 rem rei aut auctorem auctori praeferre. Vitiatam 
memoriam funebribus laudibus reor falsisque ima- 
ginum titulis^ dum familiae ^ ad se quaeque famam 
rerum gestarum honorumque fallenti mendacio tra- 

5 hunt : inde certe et singulorum gesta et publica 
monumenta rerum confusa. Nee quisquam aequalis 
temporibus illis scriptor exstat^ quo satis certo auctore 

1 familiae - Afadviq : familia Ci. 



whicli is, to be sure, no very noteworthy exercise of b.c. 
power, he resigned the dictatorship. It is not easy 
to choose between the accounts or the authorities. 
The records have been vitiated, I think, by funeral 
eulogies and by lying inscriptions under portraits, 
every family endeavouring mendaciously to appro- 
priate victories and magistracies to itself — a practice 
which has certainly wrought confusion in the 
achievements of individuals and in the public 
memorials of events. Xor is there extant any 
writer contemporary with that period, on whose 
authority we may safely take our stand. 



Latim cuiii Cainpaiiis doferere et missis legatis ad 
senatu7ii coiidicionem tulerimt lit si pacem liabere vellent 
alterum ex Latiiiis consulem facereiit. Qua legatione 
perlata praetor eorum Aniiius de C'apitnlio ita lapsus est 
ut exanimaretur. T. Manlius consul iilium, quod contra 
edictum eius adversus Latinos pugnaverat, quamvis pro- 
spere pugnasset. securi percussit. Laborantibus in acie 
Romanis P. Decius, tunc consul cum Manlio, devovit se 
pro exercitu. et concitato equo cum in medios liostes se 
intulisset, interfectus morte sua Romanis victoriam resli- 
tuit. Latini in deditionem venerunt, T. Manlio in urbcm 
reverso nemo ex iuventute obviam processit. Minucia 
virgo ^>stalis incesti damnata est. Ausouibus victis et 
oppido ex is capto Cales ^ item - Fregellae coloniae 
deductae sunt, ^'eneficium complurium matronarum de- 
prehensum est. ex quibus plurimae statim epotis medi- 
caminibus perierunt. Lex de veneficio tunc primum 
constituta est. Privernatibus, cum bellassent. victis 
ci vitas data est. Xeapolitani bello et obsidione victi in 
deditionem venerunt. Q. Publilio, qui eos obsederat. 
primo et imperium prolatum est et pro cos. triumphus 
decretus. Plebs nexu libera ta est propter L. Papiri 
creditoris libidinem, qui C. Publilio debitori suo stuprum 
inferre voluerat. Cum L. Papirius Cursor dictator reversus 
in urbem ab exercitu esset propter auspicia repetenda, 
Q. Fabius magister equitum^ occasione bene gerendae fei 
invitatus. contra edictum eius prospere adversus Samnites 
pugnavit. Ob eam causam cum dictator de magistro 
equitum supplicium sumpturns videretur^ Fabius Romam 
profugit. et cum parum causa proficeret. populi precibus 
donatus est. Res praeterea contra Samnites prospere 
gestas continet. 

^ et oppido ex is capto Cales Rosshach : in oppido exis cales 
capto cales {or in oppido ex his capto cales) MSS. 
2 item Gronovius : item colonia deducta est MSS. 



The Latins and Campanians re\ olted, and sending envoys 
to the senate proposed as a condition of peace that one 
of the two consuls sliould be cliosen from the Latins. 
After delivering these terms^ their praetor Annius fell 
from the Capitol^ and so lost consciousness. Titus 
Manlius the consul had his son beheaded, because he 
had fought — albeit successfully — against the Latins in 
defiance of his edict. In a battle which was going against 
the Romans, Publius Decius, who was then consul, along 
with Manlius, devoted himself in behalf of the army, and 
liaving spurred his horse among tlie enemy, was slain, and 
by his death restored the victory to the Romans, llie 
Latins surrendered. J'itus Manlius, returning to the 
City, was met by none of the young men. Minucia, a 
Vestal virgin, was convicted of unchastity. 'Hie Au- 
sonians were defeated ; and their town being taken from 
them, the colonies of Cales and Fregellae were established. 
A number of matrons ^\ere discovered to be guilty of 
poisoning, of whom very many drank off at once tlie 
drugs they had prepared, and died. A law about poisoning 
was then for the first time enacted. The Privernates, 
having gone to war, were defeated and given citizenship. 
The Neapolitans were beaten in war and in a siege, and 
made submission. Quintus Publilius, who had besieged 
them, was the first to have his authority extended and to 
be granted a triumph as proconsul. Tlie plebs were 
relieved of imprisonment for debt on account of the lust 
of Lucius Papirius, a creditor, who had sought to violate 
the chastity of his debtor. Gains Publilius. When Lucius 
Papirius Cursor the dictator had returned from tlie army 
to the City in order to renew the auspices, Quintus Fabius, 
the master of the horse, tempted by the opportunity for 
a successful action, fought the Samnites, against orders, 
and gained a victory. For this reason it appeared that 
the dictator would punish the master of the horse ; but 
Fabius fled to Rome, and thougli his cause was weak, was 
liegged off by the people. 'J'lie book also contains 
victories over the Samnites. 




I. SEyi'iTLH hunc annum nobilis clade Romana 
Caudina pax T. \ etuiio Calvino Sp. Postumio con- 

2 sulibus. Samnites eo anno imperatorem C. Pentium 
Herenni filium habuerunt, patre longe prudentis- 
simo natum, primum ipsum bellatorem ducemque. 

3 Is^ ubi legati qui ad dedendas res missi erant jiace 
infecta redierunt, *'•' Ne nihil actum" inquit 'Miac 
legatione censeatis, expiatum est quidquid ex foedere 

4 rupto irarum in nos caelestiura fuit. Satis scio 
quibuscumque dis cordi fuit subigi nos ad necessi- 
tatem dedendi res quae ab nobis ex foedere repetitae 
fuerant, iis non fuisse cordi tam superbe ab Romanis 

5 foederis expiationem spretam. Quid enim ultra fieri 
ad placandos deos mitigandosque homines potuit 
quam quod nos fecimus? Res hostium in praeda 
captaS; quae belli iure nostrae videbantur, remisimus ; 

6 auctores belli, quia vivos non potuimus, perfunctos 
iam fato dedidimus ; bona eorum, ne quid ex con- 
tagione noxae remaneret penes nos, Romam porta- 

7 vimus. Quid ultra tibi, Romane, quid foederi, quid 
dis arbitris foederis debeo ? Quem tibi tuarum 

* For the second time, having held the office together 
thirteen years before. 

* The reference is to events described at vni. xxxvii. 3. 



1. In the following year came the Caudine Peace, "b.c. 321 
the notorious sequel of a disaster to the Roman 
arms. Titus Veturius Calvinus and Spurius Pos- 
tumius were consuls.^ The Samnites had that year 
for their general Gaius Pontius, whose father Heren- 
nius far excelled them all in wisdom, while the son 
w^as their foremost warrior and captain. When the 
envoys who had been dispatched to make restitution 
returned without having achieved a peace, Pontius 
said : '^ You must not think that this embassy has 
been of no avail : whatever divine resentment we 
incurred by breaking the treaty ^ lias been appeased. 
Well do I know that whatever gods desired that 
we might be compelled to restore the spoils which 
had been demanded again of us in accordance with 
the treaty did not desire that our expiation of 
the treaty should be so scornfully rejected by the 
Romans. For what more could have been done to 
mollify the gods and to placate men than we have 
done t The goods of the enemy which we had 
taken as booty, and regarded as our own by the 
laws of war, we restored to them ; the authors of 
the w^ar, whom we could not surrender living, we 
surrendered dead ; their possessions — that no guilt 
might remain with us from touching them — we 
carried to Rome. What more do I owe to you, 
Romans, or to the treaty, or to the gods, its wit- 
nesses .' VV' hom can 1 proffer as umpire betwixt 


M 2 


A.u.c. irariim. quern meorum suppliciorum iudicem feram ? 
Xeminem neque populum neque privatum fugio. 

8 Quod si nihil cum potentiore iuris Immani relinquitur 
inopi. at ego ad deos vindices intolerandae superbiae 

9 confugiam et precabor ut iras suas vertant in eos 
quibus non suae redditae res, non alienae accumu- 
latae satis sint; quorum saevitiam non mors noxiorum, 

>y non deditio exanimatorum corporum, non bona 
sequentia domini deditionem exsatient^J^riisi hauri- 
endum sanguinem laniandaque viscera nostra prae- 

10 buerimus. lustum est bellum, Samnites. quibus 
necessarium, et pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis 

11 relinquitur spes. Proinde. cum rerum humanarum 
maximum momentum sit, quam propitiis rem, quam 
adversis agant dis, pro certo habete priora bella 
adversus deos magis quam homines gessisse, hoc 
quod instat ducibus ipsis dis gestures." 

II. Haec non laeta magis quam vera vaticinatus 
exercitu educto circa Caudium castra quam potest 

2 occultissime locat. Inde ad Calatiam, ubi iam con- 
sules Romanes castraque esse audiebat, milites decem 
pastorum habitu mittit pecoraque diversos, alium 
alibi; baud ])rocul Romanis pascere iubet praesidiis ; 

3 ubi inciderint in praedatores, ut idem omnil>us sermo 
constet, legiones Samnitium in Apulia esse, Luceriam 
omnil)us copiis circumsedere nee procul abesse quin 

1 ex.satient ff^alUrs: exsatient placari nequeant (-unt i^^) 
n : exsatient placari qui nequeant LrakenhorcJi : exsatient ; 
qui placari nequeant Gronovius. 

BOOK IX. 1. 7-II. 3 

vour anger and my punishment r I refuse no nation, b.c. 321 
no private citizen. Biit if, in dealin*; with the 
mighty, the weak are left no human rights , yet will 
I seek protection of the gods, who visit retribution 
on intolerable pride, and will beseech them that 
they turn their anger against those who are not 
content with the restitution of their own posses- 
sions, nor the heaping up in addition of other men's; 
whose rage is not sated with the death of the 
guilty, nor with the surrender of their lifeless bodies, 
nor with the masters goods going with that sur- 
render — unless we yield them our blood to drink 
and our Hesh to rend. Samnites, that war is just 
which is necessary, and righteous are their arms 
to whom, save only in arms, no hope is left. Since, 
therefore, it is of the utmost moment in the affairs 
of men whether what they undertake be pleasing in 
the sight of Heaven or whether it be offensive, be 
well assured that you waged your former war rather 
against gods than men, but that you will wage this 
war now threatening with the gods themselves for 
your leaders." 

II. Having pronounced these words, as prophetic 
as they were encouraging, he led his army out and 
encamped with all possible secrecy in the vicinity 
of Caudium. Thence he dispatched in the direction 
of Calatia, where he heard that the Roman consuls 
Avere already in camp, ten soldiers in the guise of 
shepherds, with orders to graze their flocks — dis- 
j)ersed one here another there — at no great distance 
from the Romans. On encountering pillagers, thev 
were all to tell one story ; namely, that the Samnit'e 
levies were in Apulia, where tliey were laying siege 
with all their forces to Luceria, and were on the 



4 vi capiant. lam is rumor et ante ^ de industria 
volgatus venerat ad Rom^mos^ sed fidem auxere 
captivi eo maxime quod sermo inter omnes con- 

5 ^ruebat. Haud erat dubium quin Lucerinis opem 
Romanus ferret, bonis ac fidelibus sociis, simul ne 
Apulia omnis ad praesentem terrorem deficeret : ea 
modo qua irent consultatio fuit. 

6 Duae ad Luceriani ferebant viae, altera praeter 
cram superi maris, patens apertaque sed quanto 
tutior tanto fere longior, altera per furculas Caudinas, 

7 brevior ; sed ita natus locus est : saltus duo alti 
angusti silvosique sunt montibus circa perpetuis 
inter se iuncti ; iacet inter eos satis patens clausus 
in medio campus herbidus aquosusque, per quern 

8 medium iter est ; sed antequam venias ad eura, 
intrandae primae angustiae sunt, et aut eadem qua 
te insinuaveris retro via repetenda aut, si ire porro 
pergas, per alium saltum artiorem impeditioremque, 

9 In eum campum via alia per cavam rupem Romani 
demisso ^ agmine cum ad ^ alias angustias protinus 
pergerent, saeptas deiectu arborum saxorumque 
ingentium obiacente mole* invenere. Cum fraus 
hostilis apparuisset, praesidium etiam in summo 

10 saltu conspicitur. Citati inde retro, qua venerant 
pergunt repetere viam ; earn quoque clausam sua 

^ iam is rumor et ante 11 . J. Mueller : iam is n (or 7 i.e. et) 
rumor ante P : iam et is rumor ante P^F^U: iam is cc 
rumor ante M. 

- demisso r : remisso CI. 

3 cum ad TKr : quo ad U : qiTi ad PFT^ {mrrrg.): quad M: 
ad TJjLA : quo ad ^^. 

* obiacente mole - Siyonius: obiacente niolem D: obia- 
centem molem n. 

1 66 


point of taking it by assault, Tiiis rumour^ which 
had designedly been given out before, had already 
come to the ears of the Romans, but the prisoners 
strengthened their belief in it, especially since they 
all gave the same account. The Romans did not 
hesitate about helping the Lucerini, their good and 
faithful allies, and preventing Apulia at the same 
time from a general defection in the face of instant 
peril : the only subject of deliberation was by what 
route they should march. 

There were two roads to Luceria. One skirted 
the Adriatic, and though open and unobstructed, was 
long almost in proportion to its safety. The other 
led through the Caudine Forks,^ and was shorter, 
but this is the nature of the place : two deep defiles, 
narrow and wooded, are connected by an unbroken 
range of mountains on either hand ; shut in between 
them lies a rather extensive plain, grassy and well- 
watered, with the road running through the middle 
of it ; but before you come to it, you must enter the 
first defile, and afterwards either retrace the steps 
by which you made your way into the place, or else 
— should you go forward — pass out by another 
ravine, which is even narrower and more difficult. 

Into this })lain the Romans debouched from the 
rocky gorge of one of the two passes ; and advanc- 
ing forthwith to the other pass, found it blocked 
with a barrier of felled trees and huge boulders. 
The enemy's stratagem now stood revealed, and 
indeed a body of troops was descried at the head 
of the defile. The Romans thereupon hastened 
back to regain the road by which they had come, 
but found that this was likewise closed with its own 

* See map at the end of the volume. 



obice amiisque inveniunt. Sistunt inde gradum 
sine iillius iniperio^ stu})orque omnium animos ac 

11 velut torpor quidam insolitus membra tenet, intu- 
entesque alii alios, cum alterum quisque compotem 
magis mentis ac consilii ducerent, diu immobiles 

12 silent ; deinde, ubi ])raetoria consul um erigi videre 
et expedire quosdam utilia operi, quaraquam ludibrio 

13 fore munientes perditis rebus ac spe omni adempta 
cernebant, tamen, ne culpam malis adderent, pro 
se quisque nee hortante ullo nee imperante ad 
muniendum versi castra ])ropter aquam vallo circum- 

14 dant, sua ipsi opera laboremque inritum, praeterquam 
quod hostes superbe increpabant, cum miserabili 

15 confessione eludentes. Ad consules maestos, ne 
advocantes quidem in consilium, quando nee consilio 
nee auxilio locus esset, sua sponte legati ac tribuni 
conveniunt, militesque ad praetorium versi oj)em, 
quam vix di immortales ferre poterant, ab ducibus 

III. Querentes magis quam consultantes nox 
oppressit, cum pro ingenio quis.que fremerent : " Per 
obices viarum," alius,^ "per adversa montium, per 
2 silvas, qua ferri arma poterunt, eamus, modo ad 
hostem pervenire liceat, quem per annos iam prope 
triginta vincimus ; omnia aequa ct ])lana erunt 

^ "per obices viaruni." alius JFaJters: alius Galium iJ) 
per obices uiarum alius P.: alius " per obices viaruni - Sojon. 
Mw efiis. 

' The speaker disregards the interval of peace (341-328). 

BOOK IX. II. lo-iii. 2 

barricade and armed men. At this they came to a b.c. 321 
h.iltj without any command, and a stupor came over 
tlie minds of all_, and a strange kind of numbness 
over their bodies ; and looking at one another — 
for every man supposed his neighbour more capable 
of thinking and planning than himself — they stood 
for a long time motionless and silent. Afterwards, 
when they saw the tents of the consuls going up 
and some of the men getting out entrenching tools, 
although they perceived that in their desperate 
plight, dei)rived of every hope, it would be ridicu- 
lous for them to entrench themselves, nevertheless, 
that they might not add a fault to their misfortunes, 
they fell to digging — each for himself with no 
encouragement or command from anyone — and forti- 
fied a camp close to the water ; meanwhile not only 
did their enemies insolently scoff at them, but they 
jested themselves, with pathetic candour, at the 
futility of their works and the pains they took. 
The dejected consuls did not even call a council, 
for the situation admitted neither of discussion nor 
of helj), but the lieutenants and tribunes assembled 
of their own accord, and the soldiers, turning to 
the headquarters tent, called on their generals for 
help, which the immortal gods could scarce have 
given them. 

III. Night came, and found them not so much 
consulting as lamenting, while each murmured as 
his nature prompted him. " Let us force the barriers 
of the road," said one, " let us scale the mountains, 
penetrate the forests, go wherever we can carry 
arms, if only we may come at the enemy, whom we 
have now been conquering for close ujion thirty 
years 1; any field will be smooth and level to a 



Romano in perfidum Samnitem pugnanti " : alius: 

3 '^ Quo aut qua eamus ? Num montes moliri sede 
suaparamus? Dum haec imminebunt iuga_, qua tu 
ad hostem venias ? ^ Armati inermes, fortes ignavi, 
j)ariter omnes capti atque victi sumus ; ne ferrum 
quidem ad bene moriendum oblaturus est hostis ; 

4 sedens bellum conficiet." His in vicem sermonibus 
qua cibi qua quietis immemor nox traductji est. 

Xe Samnitibus quidem consilium in tam laetis 
suppetebat rebus ; itaque universi Herennium 
Pentium^ patrem imperatoris^ per litteras consu- 

5 lendum censent. lam is gravis annis non militaril)us 
solum sed civilibus quoque abscesserat muneribus ; 
in corpore tamen adfecto vigebat vis animi con- 

6 siliique. Is ubi accepit ad furculas Caudinas inter 
duos saltus clausos esse exercitus Romanos^ consultus 
ab nuntio filii censuit omnes inde quam primum 

7 inviolatos dimittendos. Quae ubi spreta sententia 
est iterumque eodem remeante nuntio consulebatur^ 

8 censuit ad unum omnes interficiendos. Quae ubi 
tam discordia inter se velut ex ancipiti oraculo 
responsa data sunt, quamquam filius ipse in primis 
iam animum quoque patris consenuisse in adfecto 
corpore rebatur, tamen consensu omnium victus est 

9 ut ipsum in consilium acciret. Xec gravatus senex 

^ venias A {Madvig) : uenies Ci. 

BOOK IX. III. 2-9 

Roman who fights against a treacherous Samnite ; " b.c. 321 
Another would ask : '' Where or by what way can 
we go ? Do we think to remove the mountains 
from their seat? So long as these ridges tower over 
youj how shall you come at the enemy r Armed and 
unarmed^ the brave and the cowardly, we are all 
alike captured and beaten men. The foe will not 
even draw his sword on us. that we may die with 
honour; he will end the war by sitting still." 
With such-like exchange of talk the night wore 
on, neither was there any thought of food or sleep. 

Even the Samnites were at a loss what course 
to follow in such happy circumstances ; and accord- 
ingly they agreed unanimously to dispatch a letter 
to Herennius Pontius, the father of their general, 
asking his advice. This man, bowed down with 
years, had already withdrawn not only from military 
but even from civic duties ; yet, despite his bodily 
infirmity, his mind and judgment retained their 
vigour. When he learned that the Roman armies 
had been hemmed in between two defiles at the 
Caudine Forks, and was asked by his son's messenger 
for his opinion, he advised that they should all 
be dismissed unscathed, at the earliest possible 
moment. This policy having been rejected, and 
the messenger returning a second time to seek his 
counsel, he recommended that all, to the last man, 
be slain. Having received these answers, as in- 
consistent as the riddling responses of an oracle, 
the younger Pontius was among the first to conclude 
that his father's mind had now given way along 
with his failing body, but yielded to the general 
desire and sent for him to advise with tliem in 
person. The old man made no objection : he was 



plaustro in castra dicitur advectus vocatusque in 
consilium ita ferme locutus esse ut nihil sententiae 

10 suae mutaret, causas tantuni adiceret : priore se 
consilio, quod optimum duceret^ cum potentissimo 
populo per ingens beneficium perpetuam firmare 
pacem amicitiamque ; altero consilio in multas aetates, 
quibus amissis duobus exercitibus baud facile rece]>- 
tura vires Romana res esset, bellum difFerre ; tertium 

11 nullum consilium esse. Cum filius aliique principes 
percontando ^ exsequerentur, quid si media via 
consilii caperetur, ut et dimitterentur incolumes et 

12 leges iis iure belli victis imponerentur_, " Ista quidem 
sententia " inquit '^ ea est, quae neque amicos parat 
nee inimicos tollit. Servate modo quos ignominia 
inritaveritis ; ea est Romana gens quae victa quiescere 

13 nesciat. \'ivet semper in pectoribus illorum quid- 
quid istuc praesens necessitas inusserit, nee eos ante 
multiplices poenas expetitas a vobis quiescere sinet." 
Neutra sententia accepta Herennius domum e castris 
est avectus. 

W. Et in castris Romanis cum frustra multi 
conatus ad erumpendum capti essent et iam omnium 

2 rerum inopia esset^ victi necessitate legatos mittunt 
qui primum pacem aequam peterent : si pacem non 

3 impetrarent, uti provocarent ad pugnam. Tum 
Pontius debellatum esse respondit ; et, quoniam ne 

^ percontando A : percunctando H. 

BOOK IX. III. 9-iv. 3 

brought to the camp in a waggon — so the story b.c. 321 
runs — and being invited to join tlie council of war, 
spoke to such purpose as merely, without changing 
his opinion, to add thereto his reasons : If, he said, 
they adopted his first proposal — which he held to 
be the best — they would establish lasting peace 
and friendship with a very powerful people by con- 
ferring an enormous benefit upon them ; by adopting 
the other plan they would postpone the war for 
many generations, in which time the Roman State, 
having lost two armies, would not easily regain its 
strength ; there was no third plan. When his son 
and the other leading men j^ressed him to say 
what would happen if they took a middle course, 
and while letting them go unhurt imposed terms 
upon them by the rights of war, as upon the 
vanquished, ^'That," he answered, "is in sooth a 
policy that neither wins men friends nor rids them 
of their enemies. Spare, if you will, those whom 
you have stung to anger with humiliation ; the 
Roman race is one that knows not how to be still 
under defeat. Whatever shame you brand them 
with in their present necessity, the wound will ever 
rankle in their bosoms, nor will it suffer them to 
rest until they have exacted many times as heavy 
a penalty of you." Neither proposal was accepted, 
and Herennius was carried home from the camp. 

IV. In the other camp the Romans, finding 
themselves now, after many fruitless efforts to 
break out, in want of everything, were reduced to 
the necessity of sending envoys ; who were first 
to treat for an equal peace, and, if peace could 
not be had, to provoke the enemy to fight. To 
them Pontius made answer, that tlie war was 



victi quidem ac capti fortunam fateri scirent^ inermes 
cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum missurum ; alias 

4 condiciones pads aequas victis ac victoribus fore : si 
agro Samnitium decederetur^ coloniae abducerentur^ 
suis inde legibus Romanum ac Samiiitem aequo 

5 foedere victurum ; his condicionibus ])aratum se esse 
foedus cum consulibus ferire ; si quid eorum dis- 

6 pliceat, legates redire ad se vetuit. Haec cum 
legatio renuntiaretur, tantus gemitus omnium subito 
exortus est tantaque maestitia incessit ut non gravius 
accepturi viderentur si nuntiaretur omnibus eo loco 
mortem oppetendam ^ esse. 

7 Cum diu silentium fuisset nee consules aut jn-o 
foedere tam turpi aut contra foedus tarn necessarium 
hiscere possent, turn L. Lentulus^ qui princeps ^ 

8 legatorum virtute atque honoribus erat : " Patrem 
meum " inquit, ^^ consules^ saepe audivi memorantem 
se in Capitolio unum non fuisse auctorem senatui 
redimendae auro a Gallis civitatis^ quando nee fossa 
valloque ab ignavissimo ad opera ac muniendum 
hoste clausi essent et erumpere^ si non sine magno 

9 periculo tamen sine certa pernicie^, possent. Quod 
si, ut illis ^ decurrere ex Capitolio armatis in hostem 
licuit. quo saepe modo obsessi in obsidentes eru- 

^ oppetendam F ] A^ : appeteudam UA: adpetendatn 

2 princeps D ral-enhorcTi : turn princeps fl. 
^ ut illis Aldiis: illis ut n. 

^ He had been consul .S"28 b.c. (viii. xxii. 8). His descend- 
ants assumed the surname of Caudini and a P. Cornelius 
Caudinus is mentioned at xxvi. xlviii. 9 and a L. Cornelius 
Caudinus at xxvii. xxi. 9. 

BOOK IX. IV. 3-9 

already fought and won ; and since they knew b.c. 
not how to admit their plight^ even when beaten 
and made prisoners^ he intended to send them 
unarmed and with a single garment each under the 
yoke ; in all else the peace should be one of equal 
terms to the vanquished and the victors ; for if the 
Romans would evacuate the Samnite territory and 
withdraw their colonies, Romans and Samnites should 
thenceforward live by their own laws in an equal 
alliance. On these terms he was ready to conclude 
a treaty with the consuls ; if they were any of them 
unacceptable, he forbade the envoys to return to 
him. When the upshot of this embassy was made 
known to the Romans, they all straightway fell to 
groaning, and so overcome were they with sorrow 
that it seemed as thougli they could not possibly take 
it more to heart if they should be told that they 
must all die in that place. 

Finally, after a long silence — for the consuls were 
incapable of uttering a word, either for a treaty 
so disgraceful or against a treaty so necessary — 
Lucius Lentulus, at that time first of the lieutenants 
both for his valour and his dignities,^ spoke as 
follows : '^ Consuls, I have often heard my father 
say that on the Capitol he was the only man who 
would not have the senate ransom the City from 
the Gauls with gold, since their enemies, who were 
most indolent besiegers, had not shut them in with 
trench and rampart, and they were able to make 
a sortie, if not without great danger, yet without 
certain destruction. But if, in like manner as they 
had it in their power to run down from the Cajntol, 
sword in hand, against their enemy, even as the 
besieged have often sallied out against the besiegers, 



perunt, ita nobis aequo aut iniquo loco dimicandi 
tantummodo cum hoste copia esset, non mihi paterni 

10 animi indoles in consilio dando deesset. Equideni 
mortem pro patria praeclaram esse fateor et me vel 
devovere pro populo Romano legionibusque vel in 

11 medios immittere hostes ^ paratus sum; sed hie 
patriam video, hie quidquid Romanarum legionum 
est, quae nisi pro se ipsis ad mortem ruere volunt, 

12 quid habent quod morte sua servent ? 'Tecta urbis ' 
dicat aliquis ' et moenia et earn turbam a qua urbs 
incolitur.' Immo hercule produntur ea omnia deleto 

13 hoc exercitu. non servantur. Quis enim ea tucbitur? 
Imbellis videlicet atque inermis multitudo. Tarn 

14 hercule quam a Gallorum impetu defendit. An a 
Veiis exercitum Camillumque ducem implorabunt? 
Hie omnes spes opesque sunt, quas servando patriam 
servamus, dedendo ad necem patriam deserimus ac 

15 prodimus. ' At foeda atque ignominiosa deditio est.' 
Sed ea caritas patriae est ut tarn ignominia earn quam 

IG morte nostra, si opus sit, servemus. Subeatur ergo 
ista, quantacumque est, indignitas et pareatur neces- 
sitati, quam ne di quidem superant. Ite, consules, 
redimite armis civitatem quam auro maiores vestri 

\. Consules profecti ad Pontium in conloquium, 

cum de foedere victor agitaret, negarunt iniussu 

po])uli foedus fieri posse nee sine fetialibus caeri- 

2 moniaque alia sollemni. Itaque non, ut volgo 

1 in medios immittere hostes Grnnorlv.s : in medios hostes 
me inmittere 0: in medios me immittere hostes H. 


BOOK IX. IV. 9-v. 2 

so we were able^ whether on favourable ground ors.c. 321 
no_, only to come to grips with our antagonist, I 
should not lack my father's spirit in advising you. 
I do indeed confess that it is glorious to die for 
one's country, and I am ready to devote myself 
for the Roman Peojile and the legions, or to throw 
myself into the midst of the enemy ; but it is here 
I see my country, here all the legions Rome 
possesses, and unless they would rush on death to 
})lease themselves, what have they to save by 
dying ? ' The roof-trees of the City,' someone may 
say, ^and its walls, and the multitude by whom 
it is inhabited.' Nay, not so I For all these are 
betrayed, not saved, if this army is wiped out I For 
who shall preserve them ? The unwarlike, unarmed 
rabble ? Ay, even as it preserved them from the 
onset of the Gauls I Or will they pray perhaps 
that an army may be sent from Veii, and a Camillus 
to command it .^ Here are all our hopes and our 
resources, which if we save we save our country ; 
whereas if we give these up to die, we abandon our 
country and betray it. ' But surrender is shameful 
and humiliating.' True, but our country is so dear 
that we would save it by enduring shame, as we 
would, if need were, by our death. Let us submit 
then to that indignity, however great, and obey 
necessity, to which even gods are not superior. 
Go, consuls, at the cost of arms redeem the City 
which your sires paid gold to redeem." 

V. The consuls then went to confer with Pontius. 
The victor proposed a treaty, but they declared that 
a treaty could not be made without the authorization 
of the people, nor without fetials and the rest of the 
customary ceremonial. Consequently the Caudine 




credunt Claudiusque etiam scribit, foedere pax Cau- 

3 dina^ sed per sponsionem facta est. Quid enim aut 
sponsoribus in foedere opus esset aut obsidibus, ubi 
precatione res transigitur, per quern populum fiat 
quo minus legibus dictis stetur, ut eum ita luppiter 
feriat quemadmodum a fetiabbus porcus feriatur? 

4 Spoponderunt consules^ legati^ quaestores^ tribuni 
militum^ nominaqiie omnium qui spoponderunt ex- 
stant^ ubij si ex foedere acta res esset, praeterquam 

5 duorum fetiaHum non exstarent ; et propter iieces- 
sariam foederis dilationem obsides etiam sescenti 
equites imperati, qui capite luerent, si pacto non 

6 staretur. Tempus inde statutum tradendis obsidibus 
exercituque inermi mittendo. 

Redintegravit luctum in castris consulum adventus, 
ut vix ab lis abstinerent manus quorum temeritate 
in eum locum deducti essent, quorum ignavia foedius 

7 inde quam venissent abituri : iliis non ducem loco- 
rum, non exploratorem fuisse ; beluarum modo caecos 

8 in foveam missos. Alii alios intueri, contemplari 
arma mox tradenda et inennes futuras dextras 
obnoxiaque corpora hosti ; proponere sibimet ipsi 
ante oculos iuirum hostile et ludibria victoris et 

1 Q. Clau«Uus Quadrigarius lutroduction, Vol. I. p. xxx). 

2 "The spoji-^io y^'OiS a verbal engagement or pledge made 
b}- those in authority (the generals and, if required, their 
olficers) in answer to a formal question from the other 
part}'. " — Anderson. 

3 See I. xxiv. 8. 


BOOK IX. V. 2-8 

Peace was not entered into by means of a treaty, as b.c. 
people in general believe and as Claudius ^ actually 
states, but by a guarantee.'^ For what need would 
there have been for guarantors or for hostages in a 
treaty, where the agreement is concluded with a 
prayer that the nation responsible for any departure 
from the recited terms may be smitten by Jupiter 
even as the swine is smitten by the fetials ? ^ The 
guarantors were the consuls, the lieutenants, the 
quaestors, and the tribunes of the soldiers, and the 
names of all who gave the guarantee are extant, 
whereas, if the agreement had been entered into as 
in making a treaty, none would be preserved except 
those of the two fetials ; and because of the inevit- 
able postponement of the treaty, hostages were also 
required to the number of six hundred knights, 
whose lives were to be forfeit if the Romans should 
fail to keep the terms. A time was then set for the 
delivery of the hostages and the dismissal of the 
army without their arms. 

Fresh lamentations broke out in the camp when 
the consuls returned ; and the men could hardly 
keep from laying violent hands on those through 
whose rashness they had been led into that place, 
and through whose cowardice they were now to 
depart more shamefully than they had come. They 
bethought them how they had been unprovided 
either with guides or with patrols, but had been 
driven blindly, like wild beasts, into a trap. They 
looked at one another ; they gazed on the arms that 
they must presently surrender, on the right hands 
that would be helpless and the bodies that would 
be at the mercy of the foe. They pictured to their 
mind's eye the hostile yoke, the victor's taunts, 

N 2 


A.u.c. 9 voltus superbos et per armatos inermiura iter, inde 
foedi agminis miserabilem viam per sociorum urbes^ 
reditum in patriam ad parentes, quo saepe ipsi 

10 maioresque eoriim triiimphantes venissent : se solos 
sine volnere, sine ferro, sine acie victos ; sibi non 
stringere licuisse gladios,, non manum cum hoste 
conferre ; sibi nequiquam arma, nequiquam vires_, 
nequiquam ^ animos datos. 

11 Haec frementibus hora fatalis ionominiae advenit, 
omnia tristiora experiundo faetura quam quae prae- 

12 ceperant animis. lam primum cum singulis vesti- 
mentis inermes extra vallum exire iussi^ et primi 

13 traditi obsides atque in custodiam abducti. Tum a 
consulibus abire lictores iussi paludamentaque de- 
tracta : id tantam - inter ipsos^ qui paulo ante eos 
exsecrantes dedendos lacerandosque censuerant, 

14 miserationem fecit, ut suae quisque condicionis 
oblitus ab ilia deformatione tantae maiestatis velut 
ab nefando spectaculo averteret oculos. 

VI. Primi consules prope seminudi sub iugum 

missi ; tum ut quisque gradu proximus erat ita 

2 ignominiae.obiectus ; tum deinceps singulae legiones. 

Circumstabant armati liostes, exprobrantes eluden- 

tesque ; gladii etiam plerisque intentati, et volnerati 

^ sibi nequiquam arma, noquicjuam vires, nequiquam 
Gelcniu'J: sibe {and in marg, uires nequiquam) nequiquam 
M : sibi nequiquam Ci. 

2 tantam id Brakcnhorch: tantam fi. 


BOOK X. V. 8-vi. 2 

and fleering countenance ; and how they must })ass B.c.321 
unarmed between the ranks of their armed enemies, 
and then wend their wretched way, a pitiful band, 
through the cities of their allies ; and finally the 
return to their own city and their parents, whither 
they themselves and their ancestors had often 
returned in trium})h. They alone had been defeated 
without a wound, without a weapon, without a battle ; 
to them it had not been granted to draw the sword, 
nor to join in combat with the enemy; on them in 
vain had arms, in vain had strength, in vain had 
bravery been bestowed. 

As they uttered these complaints, the fateful hour 
of their humiliation came, an hour destined to 
transcend all anticipations in the bitterness of its 
reality. To begin with, they were ordered to pass 
outside the ramjiart, clad in their tunics and un- 
armed, and the hostages were at once handed over 
and led oti" into custody. Next, the lictors were 
commanded to forsake the consuls, who then were 
stripped of their generals' cloaks, — a thing which 
inspired such compassion in those very men who a 
little while before had cursed them and had declared 
that they deserved to be given up and put to torture, 
that every man, forgetting his own evil case, averted 
his eyes from that degradation of so majestic an 
office, as from a spectacle of horror. 

VI. First the consuls, little better than half- 
naked, were sent under the yoke, then their sub- 
ordinates were humbled, each in the order of his 
rank ; and then, one after another, the several 
legions. The enemy under arms stood on either 
side, reviling them and mocking them ; many they 
actually threatened with the sword, and some, whose 




quidam necatique^ si voltus eorum indignitate rerum 
acrior victorem offendisset. 

3 Ita traducti sub iugum, et quod paene gravius 
erat, per hostium oculos, cum e saltu evasissent, 
etsi velut ab inferis extract! turn primurn lucem 
aspicere visi sunt^ tamen ipsa lux ita deforme 

4 intuentibus agmen omni morte tristior fuit. Itaque 
cum ante iioctem Capuam pervenire possent^ incerti 
de fide sociorum et quod pudor praepediebat, circa 

iam baud procul Capua omnium egena corpora 
hurai prostraverunt. Quod ubi est Capuam nuntia- 
tum^ evicit miseratio iusta sociorum superbiam in- 

6 genitam Campanis. Confestim insignia sua con- 
sulibus/ arma equos vestimenta commeatus militibus^ 

7 benigne mittunt ; et venientibus Capuam cunctus 
senatus populusque obviam egressus iustis omnibus 
bospitalibus privatisque et publicis fungitur officiis. 

8 Neque illis sociorum comitas voltusque benigni et 
adloquia non modo sermonem elicere sed ne ut 
oculos quidem attollerent aut consolantes amicos 

9 contra intuerentur efficere poterant : adeo super 
maerorem pudor quidam fugere conloquia et coetus 
hominum cogebat. 

10 Postero die cum iuvenes nobiles missi a Capua ut 
proficiscentes ad finem Campanum prosequerentur 

^ consulibus n<:rtz : consulibus fasces lictores n. 

BOOK IX. VI. 2-10 

resentment of the outrage showing too plainly in their b.c, 321 
faces gave their conquerors offence^ they wounded 
or slew outright. 

Thus they were sent under the yoke, and, what 
was almost harder to bear, while their enemies looked 
on. On emerging from the pass, although tliey 
seemed like men raised from the dead, who beheld 
for the first time the light of day, yet the very light 
itself, which allowed them to see that dismal throng, 
was gloomier than any death. And so, although it 
■was in their power to have made Capua before night- 
fall, yet, questioning the loyalty of their allies, and 
withheld also by shame, they threw themselves upon 
the ground along the roadside, not far from the city, 
with nothing to supply their wants. When tidings of 
this were brought to Capua, a feeling of pity, natural 
to allies, overcame the ingrained arrogance of the Cam- 
panians. Ungrudgingly, without an instant's hesita- 
tion, they dispatched the insignia of their office to the 
consuls, together with arms, horses, clothing, and pro- 
visions, for the men ; and as they drew near Capua, the 
whole senate and people going forth to meet them 
used towards them all the rites of hospitality and 
every public and private courtesy. Yet the kindness 
of their allies and their friendly looks and words 
w^ere so far from drawing the Romans into talk that 
they could not even be got to raise their eyes or 
look their friends and comforters in the face ; so 
constrained were they bv a kind of humiliation — 
over and above their grief-^to avoid the speech and 
assemblages of men. 

On the following day, when the young nobles sent 
from Capua to attend them to the borders of Cam- 
pania had returned, and were called into the senate- 



A.r.c. 11 reveitissent vocatique in curiam percoiitantibus 

*^^ maioribus natu multo sibi maestiores et abiectiores 

animi visos referrent : adeo silens ac prope mutuni 

12 agmen incessisse ; iacere ^ indolem illam Romananij 
ablatosque cum armis aniraos ; non reddere salutem 
salutantibus, non dare responsum/ non hiscere 
quemquam prae metu potuisse, tamquam ferentibus 
adhuc cervicibus iugum sub quod missi ^ essent ; 

13 habere Samnites victoriam non praeclaram solum 
sed etiam perpetuam, cepisse enim eos non Romam, 
sicut ante Gallos, sed, quod multo bellicosius fuerit, 

A.u.c. Romanam virtutem ferociamque. — VII. cum haec 

434 dicerentur audirenturque et deploratum paene 

Romanum nomen in concilio sociorum fidelium esset, 

2 dicitur A. Calavius,* Ovi filius, clarus genere 
factisque, turn etiam aetate verendus, longe aliter 

3 se habere rem dixisse : silentium illud obstinatum 
fixosque in terram oculos et surdas ad omnia solacia 
aures et pudorem intuendae lucis ingentem molem 

4 irarum ex alto animi ^ cientis indicia esse. Aut 
Romana se ignorare ingenia, aut silentium illud 
Samnitibus flebiles brevi clamores gemitusque exci- 
taturum, Caudinaeque pacis aliquanto Samnitibus 

5 quam Romanis tristiorem memoriam fore ; quippe 
suos quemque eorum animos habiturum^ ubicumque 
congressuri sint ; saltus Caudinos non ubique 
Samnitibus fore. 

6 lam Romae etiam ^ sua infamis clades erat. Ob- 

^ iacere - : tacere CI. 

2 salutantibus, non dare responsum Madvig : non salutan- 
tilnis dare responsum H : bracketed hij Coiurau. 

' quod missi F'A'- : quod emissi (o?* quo demissi) n. 

* A. Calavius Conway: Ofillius (or Ofilius) A. Calauius (or 
acalauius or accilauius nr other coiriqjtiojis) H. 

^ animi U^: animo CI. 


BOOK IX. VI. lo-vii. 6 

lioiise and questioned by the elders^ they reported b.c. ?2i 
that tliey had seemed to be much more sorrowful 
and dejected than before : their column had marched 
on in silence and almost as though dumb ; the old 
Roman spirit was quite dashed ; they had lost their 
courage with their arms ; being saluted^ they returned 
not the salutation ; they responded to no questions ; 
not a man of them had been able to open his mouth 
for shame^ as if they still bore on their necks the 
yoke under which they had been sent ; the Samnites 
had won not only a famous but a lasting victory, for 
they had conquered, not Rome' — as the Gauls had 
done before — but a thing which demanded far 
greater j)rowess — the Roman valour and independ- 
ence. VII. Such were the opinions that were spoken b.c. 320 
and listened to, and the Roman name had well-nigh 
been given up for lost in the council of Rome's 
faithful allies, when Aulus Calavius, son of Ovius, a 
man of famous birth and achievements and at that 
time venerable also for his age, asserted that the 
case was very different : that obstinate silence, those 
eyes fixed on the ground and ears deaf to every con- 
solation, that shame at looking on the light, were 
signs, he argued, of bosoms bursting with passionate 
resentment ; either he knew nothing of the Roman 
character, or that silence was destined ere long to 
draw from the Samnites cries and groans of anguish, 
and the Caudine Peace to become a far more bitter 
memory to Samnites than to Romans ; for each 
people would have its own native spirit wherever 
they might encounter, but the Samnites would not 
everywhere have a Caudine Pass. 

By this time Rome, too, had heard of her shameful 

* Romae etiam Drakenhorch : Romae et Cl. Romae k M. 


LI\ Y 

L.U.C. sessos primum audierunt; tristior deinde ioriiominiosae 


7 pacis magis quain periculi nuntius fuit. Ad famam 
obsidionis dilectus haberi coeptus erat ; dimissus 
deinde auxiliorum apparatus^ postquam deditionem 
tam foede factam acceperunt^ extemploque sine ulla 
publica auctoritate consensuni in omnem formam 

8 luctus est. Tabernae circa forum clausae, iustitium- 
que in foro sua sponte coeptum prius quam indicium ; 

9 lati clavi, anuli aurei positi ; paene maestior exercitu 
ipso civitas esse ; nee ducibus solum atque auctoribus 
sponsoribusque pacis irasci sed innoxios etiam milites 

10 odisse et negare urbe tectisve accipiendos. Quam 
concitationem animorum fregit adventus exercitus 
etiam iratis miserabilis. Xon enim tamquam in pa- 
triam revertentes ex insperato incolumes sed capto- 

11 rum habitu voltuque ingressi sero in urbem ita se in 
suis quisque tectis abdiderunt ut postero atque 
insequentibus diebus nemo eorum forum aut publi- 

12 cum aspicere vellet. Consules in privato abditi nihil 
pro magistratu agere^ nisi quod expressum senatus 
consulto est ut dictatorem dicerent comitiorum 

13 cau.-a. Q. Fabium Ambustum dixerunt et P. Aelium 

14 Pactum ^ magistrum equitum ; quibus vitio creatis 

1 Aelium Paetum -: ae (e-) milium pactum H. 

^ The latas davus. a broad (purple) stripe in the tunic, 
marked the senator. Both senators and knights wore golden 
rings, though these later became the distinguishing badge of 
the knights. 


BOOK IX. VII. 6-14 

calamity. The first news was that the army wasB.c. 320 
entrapped ; then came a gloomier report^ more by 
reason of the disgraceful peace than because of the 
peril. On the rumour of a blockade they had begun 
to hold a levy ; but they afterwards gave over their 
measures for relief, when they learned that there 
had been so infamous a capitulation, and immediately, 
without official sanction of any sort, betook them- 
selves with one mind to every form of mourning. 
The booths round about the Forum were shut up, 
and ere proclamation could be made, all business was 
suspended ; tunics with the broad stripe of purple 
were discarded, as were golden rings. ^ The citizens 
were almost more dejected than the army ; and not 
only were they enraged against their generals and 
those who had favoured and guaranteed the peace, 
but they even visited their hate upon the innocent 
soldiers and proposed to exclude them from the 
City and from their homes. But this flurry of resent- 
ment was dispelled by the arrival of the army, which 
even angry men could not but pity. For they came 
not like men returning in safety to their homes, after 
all hope of them had been abandoned ; but entering 
the City late in the day, with the bearing and looks 
of prisoners, they slipped away every man to his own 
house, and on the next and the succeeding days not 
one of them would look into the Forum or the 
streets. The consuls shut themselves up in their 
houses and would transact no public business, except 
that they were forced by a senatorial decree to name 
a dictator to })reside at the election. They desig- 
nated Quintus Fabius Ambustus, with Publius Aelius 
Paetus to be master of the horse. A flaw in their 
appointment occasioned the substitution in their 



suffecti M. Aemilius Papus dictator. L. Valerius 
Flaccus magister equitum. Xec per eos comitia 
habita ; et quia taedebat })opulum omnium magis- 
15 tratuum eius anni^ res ad interregnum rediit. Inter- 
reges Q. Fabius Maximus M. Valerius Corvus. Is 
consules creavit Q. Publilium Pliilonem tertium^ et 
L. Papirium Cursorem iterum baud dubio consensu 
civitatis, quod nulli ea tempestate duces clariures 

VJII. Quo creati sunt dic^ eo — sic enim })lacuerat 
patribus — magistratum inierunt sollemnibusque sena- 
tus consultis perfectis de pace Caudina rettulerunt; 

2 et Publilius, penes quem fasces erant^ " Dic^ Sp. Pos- 
tumi/' inquit. Qui ubi surrexit^ eodem illo vultu 

3 quo sub iugum missus erat^ '^ Haud sum ignarus " 
inquit, "consules, ignominiae nun bonoris causa me 
})rimum excitatum iussumque dicere, non tamquam 
senatorem, sed tamquam reum qua infelicis belli, qua 

4 ignominiosae pacis. Ego tamen, quando neque de 
noxa nostra neque de poena rettulistis, omissa defen- 
sione, quae non difficillima esset apud baud ignaros 
fortunarum bumanarum necessitatiumque, senten- 
tiam de eo de quo rettulistis paucis peragam ; quae 
sententia testis erit mihine an legionibus vestris 
pepercerim, cum me seu turpi seu necessaria spon- 

^ Q. Publilium rhilonem tertium Glaromuii : Q. Publilium 
Philonem fl. 

^ Thefosccs (bundles of rods. s3-mbolic of supreme autliority) 
were borne by the lictors in alternate attendance on the two 
consuls. The elder had them first. 



room of Marcus Aeniilius Papus, as dictator, and b.c.32j 
Lucius \'alerius Flaccus, as master of the horse. 
However, even they did not hold an election ; and 
because the people were dissatisfied with all the 
magistrates of that year, the state reverted to an 
interregnum. The interreges were Quintus Fabius and Marcus Valerius Corvus. The latter 
announced the election to the consulship of Quintus 
Publilius Philo (for the third time) and Lucius 
Papirius Cursor (for the second) with the unmis- 
takable approval of the citizens, for there were at 
that time no leaders more distinguished. 

\^IIL On the day of their election — for so the 
Fathers had ordained — they entered upon the duties 
of their magistracy, and having disposed of the 
routine resolutions, raised the question of the 
Caudine Peace. Publilius had the fasces,^ and 
called on Spurius Postumius to speak. Having 
risen to his feet, he said, with the same expression 
on his countenance as when he had been sent under 
the yoke, " 1 am not ignorant, consuls, that I have 
been called on first and bidden to speak because 
of my disgrace, and not to honour me ; not as a 
senator, but as one charged with the guilt not only 
of an unlucky war but of a shameful peace. How- 
ever, you have not raised the question of our wrong- 
doing or our punishment ; I will therefore attcm{)t 
no defence — though it should be no difficult cause 
to ])lead before judges not unacquainted with the 
fortunes of men and their necessities — but will , 
briefly formulate a motion concerning the subject 
you have asked us to consider. My motion will bear 
witness whether it was myself or your legions that 1 
spared, when I bound myself ])y a base, or, perhai)s, 



5 sione obstrinxi ; qua tamen, quando iniussu populi 
facta est^ non tenetur })opulus Romanus, nee quic- 
quam ex ea praeterquam corpora nostra debentur 

Samnitibus. Dedamiir per fetiales nudi vinctique ; 
exsolvartnus religione populum, si qua obligavimus_, 
ne quid divini humanive obstet quo minus iustum 

7 piumque de integro ineatur bellum. Interea con- 
sules exercitum scribere, armare, educere placet, 
nee prius ingredi hostium fines, quam omnia iusta 

8 in deditionem nostram ^ perfecta erunt. Vos, di 
immortales, precor quaesoque, si vobis non fuit cordi 
Sp. Postumium T. Veturium consules cum Samnitibus 

9 prospere bellum gerere, at vos satis habeatis vidisse 
nos sub iugum missos, vidisse sponsione infami 
obligates, videre nudos vinctosque bostibus deditos, 
omnem iram hostium nostris ca})itibus excipientes ; 

10 novos consules legionesque Romanas ita cum Samnite 
gerere bellum velitis ut omnia ante nos consules 
bella gesta sunt." 

11 Quae ubi dixit, tanta simul admiratio miseratioque 
viri incessit homines ut modo vix crederent ilium 
eundem esse Sp. Postumium qui auctor tam foedae 

12 pacis fuisset ; modo miserarentur quod vir talis etiam 
praecipuum apud hostes supplicium passurus esset 

13 ob iram direm]itae pacis. Cum omnes laudibus modo 

^ deditionem nostram H : deditionem nostra TDA : didi- 
tione nostra Z?-. 


BOOK IX. VIII. 4-13 

a necessary pledge, — by which, however, the Roman b.c. 320 
People is not held, since it was given without the 
people's authorization ; nor by its terms is aught but 
our own persons due to the Samnites. Let us be 
given up, I propose, by the fetials, stripped and 
bound ; let us release the people from their religious 
obligation, if in any such we have involved them, 
that no obstacle, divine or human, may block the 
way to a just and righteous renewal of the war. 
Meantime I move that the consuls enroll an army 
and arm it and lead it forth, yet witliout crossing the 
borders of the enemy, until all the ceremonies 
incident to our surrender shall have been completed. 
Do you, immortal gods, I beseech and pray you, if 
you were not pleased that the consuls Spurius 
Postumius and Titus Veturius should wage a success- 
ful war with the Samnites, yet deem it enough to 
have seen us sent beneath the yoke, to have seen us 
bound by an infamous agreement, to behold us, 
naked and in bonds, delivered to the enemy, re- 
ceiving on our own heads all the resentment of our 
foes ; and vouchsafe to the new consuls and the 
Roman legions so to wage war with the Samnites, 
as, until our consulship, all Rome's wars were 

When he had finished speaking, such a thrill of 
astonishment, and at the same time of pity for the 
man, ran through the senate, that at first men could 
hardly believe it was the same Spurius Postumius 
who had been the author of a peace so shameful : 
and })resently they were all compassion, to think 
that such a man should suffer what would be no 
ordinar}^ punishment at the hands of enemies 
enraged by the rupture of the peace. As they 



prosequentes virum in sententiam eius pedibus irent, 

14 temptata paulisper intercessio est ab L. Livio et Q. 
Maelio tribunis plebis^ qui neque exsolvi religione 
})opuliim aiebaiit deditione sua, nisi omnia Samni- 
tibus. qualia apud Candium fuissent, restituerentur ; 

15 neque se pro eo quod spondendo pacem servassent 
exercitum populi Romani poenam ullam meritos esse ; 
neque ad extremum, cum sacrosancti essent, dedi 
hostibus violarive posse. ^ 

IX. Tum Postumius " Interea dedite " inquit '' pro- 
fanos nos. quos salva religione potestis ; dedetis 
deinde et istos sacrosanctos^ cum j^rimum magistratu 

2 abierint, sed, si me audiatis, priusquam dedantur, hie 
in comitio virgis caesos, banc iam ut intercalatae 

3 poenae usuram babeant. Nam quod deditione nos- 
tra negant exsolvi religione populum, id istos magis 
ne dedantur quam quia ita se res habeat dicere, quis 

4 adeo iuris fetiaiium expers est qui ignoret? Xeque 
ego infitias eo, patres conscrij)ti, tarn sponsiones ^ 
quam foedera sancta esse apud eos bomines apud 
quos iuxta divinas religiones fides bumana coli- 
tur ; sed iniussu populi nego quicquam sanciri posse 

5 quod populum teneat. An, si eadem superbia qua 
sponsionem istam expresserunt nobis Samnites coegis- 

^ posse ^ : posset MPT : possent Ci. 
^ sponsiones r : sponsores Cl. 

^ Livius and Maelius are apparently thought of as ha%Mng 
been among the guarantors and as having afterwards been 
elected plebeian tribunes. 


BOOK IX. VIII. 13-1X. 5 

^vere all crossing over to support his motion, with b.c. 320 
nothing but praises for his heroism, Lucius Livius 
and Quintus Maelius, tribunes of the plebs, en- 
deavoured for a moment to interpose their veto. 
The people, they said, could not be freed from their 
obligation by surrendering them, unless every advan- 
tage which the Samnites had possessed at Caudium 
were restored to them ; moreover, they had merited 
no punishment for having preserved by their pledge 
of peace the army of the Roman People ; nor, finally, 
seeing that they were sacrosanct, could they be 
surrendered to the enemy or violated,^ 

IX. Then said Postumius : '' Meanwhile, surrender 
us, who are unconsecrate, as you may do without 
offence to Heaven ; afterwards you shall surrender 
also those sacrosanct ones, when once they have 
retired from their magistracy ; but, if you should 
listen to me, before surrendering them you would 
have them scourged here in the Comitium, that 
they might receive in advance this extra punish- 
ment, by way of interest. For when they deny 
that the people can be freed of their obligation bj 
surrendering us^ who is so unacquainted with the 
fetial law as not to be aware that they say this, 
more that they may not be surrendered than because 
the case is so .' And yet, Conscript Fathers, 1 do 
not dispute the fact that guarantees as well as 
treaties are sacred in the eyes of those who cherish 
honour among men on an equal footing with obliga- 
tions due to the gods ; but I deny that without the 
people's authorization any sanction can be given 
which shall be binding on the peoj^le. What I \{ 
the Samnites witli tliat same arrogance with which 
they extorted this capitulation from us had com- 




A.r.r. sent nos verba legitima dedentium urbes nuncupare, 
deditum populum Romanum vos tribuni diceretis et 
hanc urbem templa delubra fines aquas Samnitium 

6 esse? Omitto deditionem. quoniam de sponsione 
agitur ; quid tandem si spopondissemus urbem hanc 
relicturum populum Romanum? si incensurum ? si 
magistratus. si senatum, si leges non habiturum ? si 

7 sub regibus futurum ? Di meliora^ inquis. Atqui 
non indignitas rerum sponsionis vinculum levat : si 
quid est in quod ^ obligari populus possit^ in omnia 
potest. Et ne illud quidem^ quod quosdam forsitan 
moveatj refert, consul an dictator an praetor spopon- 

8 derit. Et hoc ipsi etiam Samnites iudicaverunt, 
quibus non fuit satis consules spondere^ sed legatos^ 
quaestores, tribunos militum spondere coegerunt. 

9 '^ Xec a me nunc quisquam quaesiverit quid ita 
spoponderim^ cum id nee consulis ius esset nee illis 
spondere pacem quae mei non erat arbitrii_, nee pro 

10 vobis qui nihil mandaveratis possem. Nihil ad Cau- 
dium^ patres conscripti. humanis consiliis gestum est: 
di immortales et vestris et hostium im])eratoribus 

11 mentem ademerunt. Xec nos in bello satis cavimus, 
et illi male partam victoriara male perdiderunt, dum 
vix locis quibus vicerant crediint^ dum quacumque 

^ quod - : quo CI. 

BOOK IX. IX. 5-1 1 

pelled us to pronounce the solemn form of words b.c. 320 
of those who surrender cities^ would you tribunes 
assert that the Roman People had been surrendered, 
and that this City, with its temples, its holy places, 
its bounds and waters, was become the property of 
the Saranites ? But enough of surrender ; we are 
talking of a guarantee. How, pray, if we had 
guaranteed that the Roman People should forsake 
this City ? that they should burn it ? that it should 
cease to have magistrates, a senate, laws ? that it 
should be subject to the rule of kings? ' The gods 
forbid I ' you say. And yet the unworthiness of 
the conditions cannot lessen the force of a guarantee ; 
if there is anything for which the people can be 
bound, it can be bound for everything. Nor does 
it matter, either, as some are perhaps inclined to 
think, whether consul or dictator or praetor have 
given the guarantee. And this the very Samnites 
themselves deemed to be true, for not content 
with the guarantee of consuls, they obliged the 
lieutenants, the quaestors, and the tribunes of the 
soldiers to add theirs. 

" And let no man now demand of me why I gave 
this guarantee, seeing that a consul has no right so 
to do and that I could not pledge them a peace 
which was not mine to grant, nor in your behalf, 
who had given me no mandate. There was nothing 
done at Caudium, Conscript Fathers, by man's 
wisdom : the immortal gods deprived of understand- 
ing both your commanders and the enemy's. We, 
on our part, took no sufficient precautions in the 
war : while, as for them, they threw away their ill- 
got victory by their ill-guided conduct, for they 
hardly trusted the very ground that had given them 

o 2 



condicione arma viris in arma natis auferre festinant. 

12 An, si Sana mens fuisset, difficile illis fuit, dum senes 
ab domo ad consultandum accersunt, mittere Romam 
legates ? cum senatu, cum populo de pace ac foedere 

ISagerer Tridui iter expeditis erat ; interea in indutiis 
res fuisset, donee ab Roma legati aut victoriam illis 
certam aut pacem adferrent. Ea demum sponsio 

14 esset quam populi iussu spopondissemus. Sed neque 
vos tulissetis nee nos spopondissemus ; nee fas fuit 
alium rerum exitum esse quam ut illi velut somnio 
Jaetiore quam quod mentes eorum capere possent 

15 nequiquam eluderentur et nostrum exercitum eadem 
quae impedierat fortuna expediret, vanam victoriam 
vanior inritam faceret pax, sponsio interponeretur 

16 quae neminem praeter sponsorem obligaret. Quid 
enim vobiscum, patres conseripti, quid cum populo 
Romano actum est? Quis vos appellare potest, quis 
se a vobis dicere deceptum ? Hostis an civis ? Hosti 
nihil spopondistis, civem ^ neminem spondere pro 

17 vobis iussistis. Nihil ergo vobis nee nobiscum est, 
quibus nihil mandastis, nee cum Saranitibus, cum 

18 quibus nihil egistis. Samnitibus sponsores nos sumus 
rei satis locupletes in id quod nostrum est, in id 
quod praestare possumus, corpora nostra et animos ; 

^ civem A^ : quern CI : quin U: qui F^. 

^ Victory, in case the Roman People declined to accept 
terms for the ransom of their army ; peace, if they acceded 
to those terms. 


BOOK IX. IX. ii-iS 

their conquest, in their haste to deprive of arms, on b.c. 320 
any terms, men born to the use of arms. Why, had 
they had their wits about them, would it have been 
hard, while summoning old men from home for con- 
sultation, to dispatch envoys to Rome ? to treat 
with senate and with people for a peace and 
covenant? It was only three days' journey to those 
who travel light ; meantime hostilities would have 
been suspended, until their envoys should return 
from Rome with either certain victory or a peace. ^ 
Then, and then only, would there have been a 
guarantee in which our pledge was backed by the 
mandate of the people. But neither would you 
have voted one, nor should we have given it ; nor 
was it Heaven's will that the affair should have any 
other ending, but that they should be beguiled with 
a dream too joyful for their comprehension, and that 
our army should be extricated hy the same fortune 
which had entrapped it ] that their idle victory 
should evaporate in a yet idler peace, and a guarantee 
be proffered that should bind none but the guarantor. 
For what negotiation, Conscript Fathers, has there 
been with you or with the Roman People ? Who 
can appeal to you, who can say that he has been 
deceived by you ? Can the enemy, can a fellow- 
citizen ? You have pledged nothing to the enemy, 
you have given no authority to make a pledge to 
any fellow-citizen. You have therefore naught to 
do with us, to whom you gave no mandate, or with 
the Samnites, with whom you have had no dealings. 
The Samnites have in us guarantors who are respon- 
sible and quite competent, so far as concerns what 
belongs to ourselves and what we are able to deliver, 
namely, our persons and our lives ; against these let 



in haec saeviant, in haec ferrum, in haec iras acuant. 
19 Quod ad tribunes attinet, consulite utrum praesens 
deditio eorum fieri possit an in diem differatur ; nos 
interim, T. V^eturi vosque ceteri, vilia haec capita 
luendae sponsionis ^ feramus et nostro supplicio 
liberemus Romana arma." 

X. Movit patres conscriptos cum causa tum auctor 
nee ceteros solum sed tribunes etiam plebei, ut se 

2 in senatus dicerent fore potestate. Magistratu inde 
se extemplo abdicaverunt traditique fetialibus cum 
ceteris Caudium ducendi. Hoc senatus consulto 

3 facto lux quaedam adfulsisse civitati visa est. Postu- 
mius in ore erat ; eum laudibus ad caelum ferebant^, 
devotioni P. Deci consulis, aliis claris facinoribus 

4 aequabant : emersisse civitatem ex obnoxia pace 
illius consilio et opera ; ipsum se cruciatibus et 
hostium irae ofFerre piaculaque pro pcpulo Romano 

5 dare. Arma cuncti spectant et bellum : en unquam 
futurum ut congredi armatis cum Samnite liceat? 

6 In civitate ira odioque ardente dilectus prope 
omnium voluntariorum fuit. Rescriptae ex eodem 
milite novae legiones ductusque ad Caudium exer- 

7 citus. Praegressi fetiales ubi ad portam venere^ 
vestem detrain pacis sponsoribus iubent, manus post 
tergum vinciri. Cum apparitor verecundia maiestatis 
Postumi laxe vinciret^ '^ Quin tu " inquit '^^ adduces^ 

^ sponsionis H : sponsioni g- edd. 
2 adduces CI : adducis (or adduce) r. 

^ VIII. ix. 4 f. 

BOOK IX. IX. 19-X. 7 

them storm, against these direct their swords, against b.c. 320 
these make sharp their anger. As for the tribunes, 
you must determine whether their surrender can 
take place at once or had better be deferred ; mean- 
time, Titus Veturius, let us, and you others, offer 
these caitiff heads of ours in satisfaction of our pledge, 
and by our suffering liberate the Roman arms." 

X, Both the cause itself and the speaker greatly 
stirred the Conscript Fathers and the others present, 
including even the tribunes of the plebs, who declared 
that they would obey the senate, and having forth- 
with resigned their office were delivered over to the 
fetials to be led with the rest to Caudium. When 
the senate had acted on this motion, it somehow 
seemed as though day had dawned upon the State. 
Postumius was on all men's lips ; tliey extolled him 
to the skies, and compared his conduct to the 
devotion of Publius Decius, the consul,^ and to other 
glorious deeds. The state, they said, had emerged 
— thanks to his wisdom and iiis services — from a 
slavish peace; he was freely giving himself up to 
the tortures of a resentful foe, that he might make 
expiation for the Roman People. Men thought of 
nothing but war and arms. Would ever the hour 
come, they asked, when they might encounter the 
Samnites, sword in hand .^ 

In a city ablaze with wrath and hate, the lew was 
almost wholly made up with volunteers. The same 
soldiers were enrolled into new legions, and the army 
marched on Caudium. Before them went the fetials, 
who, when they had come to the gate, bade the 
guarantors of peace be stripped and their hands be 
bound behind their backs. As the officer, awed by 
the dignity of Postumius, would have left him loosely 



8 loruni^ ut iiista fiat deditio ! " Turn ubi in coetum 
Samnitium et ad tribunal ventiim Ponti est, A. Cor- 

9 nelius Arvina fetialis ita verba fecit : " Quandoque 
hisce homines iniussu popiili Romani Quiritiura 
foedus ictum iri spoponderunt atque ob earn rem 
noxam nocuenint, ob eam rem quo populus Romanus 
scelere impio sit solutus hosce homines vobis dedo." 

10 Haec dicenti fetiali Postumius genu femur quanta 
maxima poterat vi perculit et clara voce ait se 
Samnitem civem esse, ilium legatum^ a se contra 
ius gentium violatum : eo iustius bellum gesturos. 

XI. Tum Pontius ^^ Nee ego istam deditionem 
accipiam " inquit, '^^ nee Samnites ratam habebunt. 

2 Quin tu, Spuri Postumi, si deos esse censes, aut 
omnia inrita facis aut pacto stas ? Samniti populo 
omnes quos in potestate habuit aut pro iis pax 

3 debetur. Sed quid ego te appello, qui te captum 
victori cum qua potes fide restituis ? Populum 
Romanum appello ; quem si sponsionis ad furculas 
Caudinas factae paenitet, restituat legiones intra 

4 saltum quo saeptae fuerunt. Nemo quemquam de- 
ceperit ; omnia pro infecto sint ; recipiant arma, 
quae per pactionem tradiderunt ; redeant in castra 
sua ; quidqiiid pridie habuerunt quam in conloquium 
est ventum habeant : tum bellum et fortia consilia 

5 placeant, tum sponsio et ]:>ax re})udietur. Ea fortuna, 

^ legatum Walters and Conway : legatum fetialem n. 

^ 2.«, the pater patratiis, see i. xxiv. 6. 

BOOK IX. X. 7-xi. 5 

bound, '• Nay, draw the thoiio; tight," he exclaimed, b.c. 320 
'' that the surrender may be duly carried out." Then, 
on arriving at the assembly of the Samnites and the 
tribune of Pontius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina the 
fetial ^ spoke as follows : " Whereas these men, 
unbidden by the Roman People of the Quirites, have 
guaranteed that a treaty should be ratified, and by so 
doing have committed an injury; to the end that 
the Roman People may be absolved of heinous guilt, 
I deliver up these men to you." As the fetial spoke 
these words, Postumius thrust his knee into the 
other's thigh, with all the force he could summon 
up, and proclaimed in a loud voice that he was a 
Samnite citizen, who had maltreated the envoy in 
violation of the law of nations, whereby the Romans 
would make war with the better right, 

XL Then said Pontius, '' I will not receive this 
surrender, nor will the Samnites hold it valid. And 
you, Sj)urius Postumius, if you believe in the existence 
of the gods, why not either reject the whole negotia- 
tion or abide by your agreement } The Samnite 
People is entitled to all whom it had in its power, 
or to peace in place of them. But why do I 
appeal to you, who yield yourself a prisoner as 
honourably as you can ? I appeal to the Roman 
People ; if they repent them of the pledge that was 
given at the Caudine Forks, let them replace their 
legions in the defile where they were surrounded. 
Let no one deceive anybody ; let all be as though it 
had not happened ; let them resume the arms they 
laid down in accordance with the compact ; let them 
go back to their camp ; whatever they had on the 
day before the conference, let them have again ; then 
let them vote for war and warlike measures, then let 


iis ^ locis^ quae ante pacis mentionem habuimuSj 
geramus bellum^ nee populus Romanus consulum 
sponsionem nee nos fidem populi Romani accusemus. 

6 Xunquamne causa defiet cur victi pacto non stetis ? 
Obsides Porsinnae dedistis : furto eos subduxistis ; 
auro civitatem a Gallis redemistis : inter accipiendum 

7 aurum caesi sunt ; pacem nobiscum pepigistis^ ut 
legiones vobis captas restitueremus : earn pacem 
inritam facitis. Et semper aliquani fraudi speciem 

8 iuris imponitis. Non probat populus Romanus igno- 
miniosa pace legiones servatas? Pacem sibi habeat, 
legiones captas victori restituat ; hoc fide, hoc 
foederibus^ hoc fetialibus caerimoniis dignum erat. 

9 Ut quidem tu quod petisti per pactionem habeas^ 
tot cives incolumes^ ego pacem quam hos tibi re- 
mittendo pactus sum non habeam^ hoc tu^ A. Corneli_, 
hoc vos^ fetiales^ iuris gentibus dicitis ? 

10 '' Ego vero istos quos dedi simulatis nee accipio 
nee dedi arbitror, nee moror quo minus in civitatem 
obligatam ^ sponsione commissa iratis omnibus dis^ 

11 quorum eluditur numen, redeant, Gerite bellum, 
quando Sp. Postumius modo legatum ^ genu perculit. 
Ita di credent Samnitem civem Postumium, non ci- 

^ iis r: liis (hiis A ) Ci. 

2 obligatam F^A'^ : obluctam {or other corruplions) Cl : 
convictam Walters. 

^ legatum Walters and Comcair. legatum fetialem {or 
iec- Cl. 

^ An allusion to the Cloelia episode, ii. xiii. 6-11. 
2 V, xlviii-xlix. 


BOOK IX. XI. 5-1 1 

them reject the guarantee and the peace I Let us b.c. 320 
fight it out in those circumstances^ and in those 
j)ositions, which were ours before peace was 
mentioned ; let the Roman People not blame the 
pledge given by the consuls, nor let us blame the 
honour of the Roman People. Will you never^ when 
you have been beaten, lack excuses for not holding 
to your covenants } You gave hostages to Porsinna 
— and withdrew them by a trick. ^ You ransomed 
your City from the Gauls with gold — and cut them 
down as they were receiving the gold. ^ You pledged 
us peace, on condition that we gave you back your 
captured legions — and you nullify the peace. And 
always you contrive to give the fraud some colour of 
legality. Does the Roman People not approve the 
preservation of its legions by a disgraceful peace ? 
Let it keep its peace, and give back the captured 
legions to the victor ; that would be conduct worthy 
of its promise, its covenants, its fetial ceremonies. 
That you, on your side, should have what you aimed 
at in your compact, the safety of these many citizens, 
but that I should not have the peace I stipulated for, 
when I released them, — is this the judgment which 
you, Aulus Cornelius, and you, fetials, render to the 
nations ? 

^•'As for me, I will none of these whom you 
pretend to be surrendering, nor do I deem them to 
be surrendered, neither do I stand in the way of 
their returning, despite the wrath of all the gods, 
whose divinity they have made a mock, to the City 
which is committed by their guarantee. Aye, go to 
war, since S})urius Postumius has just now jostled 
the envoy with his knee I So shall the gods believe 
that Postumius is a Samnite — not a Roman — citizen, 



vera Romanum esse, et a Samnite legatum Romanum 
violatum : eo vobis iustum in nos factura esse bellum. 
12 Haec ludibria religionum non pudere in lucem pro- 
ferre et vix pueris dignas ambages senes ac consu- 
ls lares fallendae fidei exquirere ! I. licton deme vincla 
Romanis : moratus sit nemo^ quo minus ubi visum 
fuerit abeant." Et illi quidem, forsitan et publica, 
sua certe liberata fide ab Caudio in castra Romana 
inviolati redierunt. 

XII. Samnitibus pro superba pace infestissimum 
cernentibus renatum bellum. omnia ^ quae deinde 
evenerunt non in animis solum sed prope in oculis 

2 esse ; et sero ac nequiquam laudare senis Ponti 
utraque consilia^ inter quae se media lapsos via ^ 
victoriae possessionem pace incerta mutasse ; et 
beneficii et maleficii occasione amissa pugnaturos 
cum eis quos potuerint in perpetuum vel inimicos 

3 tollere vel amicos facere. Adeoque nullodum certa- 
mine inclinatis viribus post Caudinam pacem animi 
mutaverant, ut clariorem inter Romanes deditio 
Postumium quam Pontium incruenta victoria inter 

4 Saranites faceret. et geri posse bellum Romani pro 
victoria certa liaberent. Samnites simul rebellasse et 
vicisse crederent Romanum. 

^ omnia -: omniaque Cl. 

* media lapsos via Dovjat (Madvig) : media lapsos D. : 
medio lapsos Peri^onuts. 

BOOK IX. XI. ii-xii. 4 

and that a Roman envoy has been maltreated by a : 
Samnite, and that you^ in consequence of this, have 
justly made war on us I Does it not shame vou to 
bring forth into the light of day these mockeries of 
religion_, and. old men and consulars as you are, to 
devise such quibbles to evade your promise as were 
scarce worthy of children? Go, lictor, strike their 
fetters from the Romans ; let no man hinder them 
from departing when they list." And the guarantors, 
released it may be from the nation's pledge, but at 
all events from their own, returned from Caudium, 
inviolate, to the Roman camp. 

XII. The Samnites now perceived that instead of 
their domineering peace they were confronted with 
the renewal of a most bitter war, and not only 
imagined but almost saw all the consequences which 
afterwards proceeded from it. Too late and all in 
vain did they praise the alternative policies suggested 
by the aged Pontius, between which they had fallen, 
and exchanged a victory already in their possession 
for an uncertain peace ; they had let slip the oppor- 
tunity both of doing good and of doing harm, and 
were going to fight with men whom they might per- 
manently have removed from their path, as enemies, 
or have made their permanent friends. And though 
there had so far been no battle since the Caudine 
Peace to give an advantage to either side, yet such 
a change of feeling had come about that Postumius 
enjoyed more fame among the Romans for his sur- 
render than did Pontius among the Samnites for his 
bloodless victory ; and while the Romans regarded 
their being able to make war as certain victory, the 
Samnites felt that the Romans had at one and the 
same moment renewed the war and won it. 



5 Inter haec Satricani ad Samnites defecerunt^ et 
Fregellae colonia necopinato adventu Samnitium — 
fuisse et Satricanos cum iis satis constat — nocte 
occii})ata est. Timor inde mutuus utrosque usque 

6 ad lucem quietos tenuit ; lux pugnae initium fuit^ 
quam aliquamdiu aequam et quia pro aris ac focis 
dimicabatur et quia ex tectis adiuvabat imbellis 

7 multitudo tamen ^ Fregellani sustinuerunt. Fraus 
deinde rem inclinavit. quod vocem audiri praeconis 
passi sunt; incolumem abiturum qui arma posuisset. 
Ea spes remisit a certamine animos^ et passim arma 

8 iactari coepla. Pertinacior pars armata per aversam 
portam erupit, tutiorque eis audacia fuit quam in- 
cautus ad credendum ceteris pavor, quos circumdatos 
igni nequiquam deos fidemque invocantes Samnites 

9 Consules inter se partiti provincias, Papirius in 
Apuliam ad Luceriam pergit, ubi equites Romani 
obsides ad Caudium dati custodiebantur, Publilius 
in Samnio substitit adversus Caudinas legiones. 

10 Distendit ea res Samnitium animos, quod nee ad 
Luceriam ire, ne ab tergo instaret hostis, nee 
manere, ne Luceria interim amitteretur, satis aude- 

11 bant. Optimum visum est committere rem fortunae 

1 multitudo tamen CI : multitudo certamen {or multitudo) 

BOOK IX. XII. 5-1 1 

Meanwliile the Satricans revolted to the Samnites, b.c. 320 
and the colony of Fregellae, in a surprise attack by 
the Samnites — accompanied^ it would seem, by 
people from Satricum — was seized during the night. 
Mutual fear then caused both sides to remain quiet 
until the morning, when the light ushered in a 
battle which for a long time was equally sustained 
— for the townsfolk were fighting for their hearths 
and altars and a throng of those unfit for arms gave 
them assistance from the housetops, — still, the people 
of Fregellae held their own, until presently a ruse 
decided the victory ; for they permitted a herald to 
be heard, who promised safety to any who laid down 
his arms. The hope of this relaxed the tension of 
their courage and on every side they began throwing 
their arms away. The more determined portion of 
them retained their weapons and burst out by the 
opposite gate, and their boldness stood them in 
better stead than did their too credulous timidity 
the others ; for these the Samnites compassed about 
with fire, and, despite their appeals to Heaven 
and to the promise of their captors, burnt them 

The consuls having di\ided the provinces between 
them, Papirius took his way into Apulia towards 
Luceria, where the Roman knights given up at 
Caudium for hostages were being guarded, while 
Publilius stopped behind in Samnium to oppose the 
Caudine legions. This plan distracted the minds of 
the Samnites, since they neither dared move towards 
Luceria, lest they should bring the enemy down 
upon their rear, nor remain where they were, for 
fear that Luceria would meanwhile be lost. The 
best course seemed to be to entrust their cause to 



et transigere cum Publilio certamen ; itaque inaciem 
copias educunt. 

XIII. Adversus quos Publilius consul cum dimi- 
caturus esset^ prius adloquendos milites ratus con- 
tionem advocari iussit. Ceterum sicut ingenti 
alacritate ad praetorium concursum est_, ita prae 
clamore poscentium pugiiam nulla adhortatio im- 

2 peratoris audita est : suus cuique animus memor 
ignominiae adhortator aderat. Vadunt igitur in 
proelium urgentes signiferos, et ne mora in concursu 
pilis emittendis stringendisque inde gladiis esset, 
pila velut dato ad id signo abiciunt strictisque gladiis 

3 cursu in hostem feruntur. Nihil illic imperatoriae 
artis ordinibus aut subsidiis locandis fuit : omnia ira 

4 militaris prope vesano impetu egit. Itaque non fusi 
modo hostes sunt, sed ne castris quidem suis fugam 
impedire^ ausi Apuliam dlssipati petiere ; Luceriam 
tamen coacto rursus in unum agmine est perventum. 

5 Romanos ira eadem quae per mediam aciem hostium 
tulerat et in castra pertulit. Ibi plus quani in acie 
sanguinis ac caedis factum praedaeque pars maior 
ira corrupta. 

6 Exercitus alter cum Papirio consule locis maritimis 
pervenerat Arpos per omnia pacata Samnitium magis 
iniuriis et odio quam beneficio ullo populi Romani ; 

1 impediren: inhihere Madvig. 

BOOK IX. XII. ii-xiii. 6 

Fortune and tight it out with Publilius. They b.c. 320 
accordingly formed up in line of battle. 

XIII. Publilius the consul was ready to engage 
them, but thinking it best to encourage his soldiers 
first, he bade summon them to an assembly. But 
though they came running to the praetorium with 
vast alacrity, yet the outcry of those who demanded 
battle was so loud that the general's exhortation 
could not be heard ; still, every man's own heart, 
remembering the late humiliation, was there to 
exhort him. So they went forward into battle, 
urging on their standard-bearers ; and, that there 
might be no delay in coming to grips while they 
were discharging their javelins and drawing their 
swords, they threw away their javelins, as if a signal 
had been given them, and, sword in hand, pushed 
forward at th^ double against the enemy. No 
tactical skill was there employed in ranging cen- 
turies or reserves : the wrath of the soldiers swept 
everything along in its mad rush. And so not only 
were the Samnites routed, but not daring to inter- 
rupt their flight even at their camp, they dispersed 
and struck out for Apulia ; yet they afterwards 
rallied again and came to Luceria in one body. 
The same fury that took the Romans through their 
enemy's battle-line, carried them also into his camp. 
There was more bloodshed and carnage there than 
in the battle, and the greater part of the booty was 
destroyed in anger. 

The other army, under the consul Papirius, march- 
ing along the coast as far as Arpi, had found all 
peaceably disposed, more because of the wrongs 
done by the Samnites and the hatred they had 
engendered than owing to anv favour shown bv the 


A.u.c. 7 nam Samnites, ea tempestate in montibus vicatim 
liabitantes^ campestria et maritima loca contempto ^ 
ciiltorum molliore atque^ ut evenit fere, locis simili 
genere ipsi montani atque agrestes depopulabantur. 

8 Quae regio si fida Samnitibus fuisset. aut pervenire 
Arpos exercitus Romanus nequisset. aut interiecta 
penuria ^ rerum omnium exclusos a commeatibus 

9 absumpsisset. Tum quoque profectos inde ad 
Luceriam, iuxta obsidentes obsessosque, inopia 
vexavit. Omnia ab Arpis Romanis suppeditabantur, 
ceterum adeo exigue ut militi occupato stationibus 
vigiliisque et opere eques folliculis in castra ab 

10 Arpis frumentiim veberetj interdum occursu hostium 
cogeretur abiecto ex equo frumento-pugnare. Ob- 
sessis priusquam alter consul victore exercitu ad- 
venitj et commeatus ex montibus Samnitium invecti 

11 erant et auxilia intromissa. Artiora omnia adventus 
Publili fecit, qui obsidione delegata in curam collegae 
vacuus^ per agros cuncta infesta commeatibus hostium 

12 fecerat. Itaque cum spes nulla esset diutius obsessos 
inopiam laturos, eoacti Samnites, qui ad Luceriam 
castra habebant, undique contractis viribus signa 
cum Papirio conferre. 

XIV. Per id tempus parantibus utrisque se ad 

^ contempto ^V : contempta J/: contemptu H 

2 interiecta penuria Tan. Faber ( JValters and Comcay) : 

interiecta inter Romam et Arpos penuria H. 
^ vacuus n : uacuos A^ {or A^) : uacuis U : uagus Duker 

' Madi-ig). 


BOOK IX. XIII. 6-xiv. I 

Roman People. For the Samnites, who in those b.c. 320 
days dwelt in villages among the mountains, used 
to ravage the regions of the plain and coast, despis- 
ing their cultivators, who were of a softer character, 
and one that — as often happens — resembled their 
country, while they themselves were rude high- 
landers. If this district had been faithful to the 
Samnites, it would either have been impossible foi- a 
Roman army to have got as far as Arpi, or the utterly 
barren nature of the intervening country would have 
destroyed them, cut off as they would have been 
from their supplies. Even as it was, when they had 
proceeded to the vicinity of Luceria, besiegers and 
besieged suffered alike from scarcity of food : every- 
thing was carried up from Arpi for the Romans, but 
so precarious were their supplies, that while the 
foot-soldiers were busy with outpost-duty, guard- 
mounting, and entrenching, the cavalry brought up 
corn for them from Arpi in leather pouches, and, 
now and then, encountering the enemy, were forced 
to throw off the corn from their horses and fight ; 
the besieged, until the arrival of the other consul 
with his victorious army, had got in their provisions 
— and auxiliary forces too — from the mountains of 
the Samnites. The coming of Publilius tightened up 
the lines; for, turning the siege over to his colleague, 
he was free to range the country-side, where he 
made things difficult for the supply-trains of the 
enemy. The Samnites, therefore, who were en- 
camped about Luceria, in despair of being able to 
endure the scarcity, if the siege continued, were 
obliged to gather up their forces from every quarter 
and give battle to Papirius. 

WV. At this juncture, while both sides were 



proelium legati Tarentini interveniunt denuntiantes 
Samnitibus Romanisque ut bellum omitterent : per 
utros stetisset quo minus discederetur ab armis, 

2 adversus eos se ])ro alteris pugnaturos. Ea lega- 
tione Papirius audita perinde ac motus dictis eorum 
cum collega se communicaturum respondit ; acci- 
toque eo^ cum tempus omne in apparatu pugnae 
consumpsisset^ conlocutus de re baud dubia signum 

3 pugnae proposuit. Agentibus divina bumanaque 
quae adsolent cum acie diraicandum est consul ibus 
Tarentini legati occursare responsum exspectantes ; 

4 quibus Papirius ait: "Auspicia secunda esse, Taren- 
tini, pullarius nuntiat ; litatum praeterea est egregie ; 
auctoribus dis, ut videtis, ad rem gerendam pro- 

5 ficiscimur." Signa inde ferre ^ iussit et copias 
eduxit, vanissimam increpans gentem quae, suarum 
impotens rerum iwae domesticis seditionibus dis- 
cordiisque, aliis modum pacis ac belli facere aequum 

6 Samnites ex parte altera^ cum omnem curam belli 
remisissentj quia aut pacem vere cupiebant aut 
expediebat simulare, ut Tarentinos sibi conciliarent, 
cum instructos repente ad pugnam Romanos con- 

7 spexissent, vociferari se in auctoritate Tarentinorum 
manere nee descendere in aciem nee extra vallum 
arma ferre ; deceptos potius quodcumque casus ferat 

^ ferre n : ferri g- Gronovius. 

* i.e. a. red flag hung out in front of the general's tent. 

2 Two kinds of divination are alluded to : (1) by observing 
the feeding of the sacred chickens, ("2) by inspecting the 
entrails of a victim. 


BOOK IX. XIV. 1-7 

making ready for the struggle, came ambassadors 
from Tarentum, admonishing both Samnites and 
Romans to desist from war. Whichever party should 
oppose the cessation of hostilities, against that they 
proposed to fight in behalf of the other. After 
listening to these envoys, Papirius, as though moved 
by what they said, replied that he would consult his 
colleague. Having sent for Publilius, he emploved 
every moment of the interval in making his prepara- 
tions, and when he had conferred with him about 
a matter which admitted of no doubt, displaved the 
battle-signal.^ The consuls were busy with matters 
pertaining to gods and to men, as they are wont to 
to be on the eve of an engagement, when the envovs 
from Tarentum approached them to receive their 
answer ; to whom Papirius replied, '^ Tarentines, the 
keeper of the chickens reports that the signs are 
favourable ; the sacrifice too has been exceedingly 
auspicious ; ^ as you see, the gods are with us at our 
going into action." He then commanded to advance 
the standards,and marshalled his troops, with exclama- 
tions on the folly of a nation which, powerless to 
manage its own affairs, because of domestic strife 
and discord, presumed to lay down the limits of 
peace and war for others. 

The Samnites, on their side, having dismissed from 
their minds every anxiety regarding the war, either 
because they sincerely wished for peace, or because 
it was expedient for them to pretend that they 
wished it, in order to gain the support of the Taren- 
tines, when they beheld the Romans suddenly 
arrayed for battle, cried out that they would abide 
by the will of the Tarentines and would neither take 
the field nor advance beyond the rampart ; they had 

2 1^ 


A.r.r. passLiros quam ut sprevisse pacis auctores Tarentinos 

8 videantur. Accipere se omen consules aiunt et earn 
precari mentem hostibus ut ne vallum quidem 

9 defendant. Ipsi inter se partitis copiis succedunt 
hostium munimentis et simul undique adorti, cum 
pars fossas explerent^ pars vellerent vallum atque 
in fossas proruerent nee virtus modo insita sed ira 
etiam exulceratos ignominia stimularet animos, castra 

10 invasere ; et pro se quisque, non liaec Furculas nee 
Caudium nee saltus invios esse^ ubi errorem fraus 
superbe vicisset^ sed Romanam virtutem, quam nee 

11 vallum nee fossae arcerent memorantes, caedunt 
pariter resistentes fusosque, inermes atque armatos, 
servos liberos^ puberes impubes, homines iumentaque ; 

12 nee ullum superfuisset animal, ni consules receptui 
signum dedissent avidosque caedis milites e castris 

13 hostium imperio ac minis ^ expulissent. Itaque 
apud infensos ob interpellatam dulcedinem irae con- 
festim oratio habita est, ut doceretur miles minime 
cuiquam militum consules odio in hostes cessisse 

14 aut cessuros ; quin duces sicut belli ita insatiabilis 
supplicii futures fuisse, ni respectus equitum sescen- 
torum qui Luceriae obsides tenerentur praepedisset ^ 

15 animos, ne desperata venia hostes caecos in sup- 

1 ac minis 2>',- : agminis CI. 

2 praepedisset (pre-) r : praepeJissent n. 

1 The omen lay in the Samnites" expressed purpose to offer 
no resistance. 


BOOK IX. XIV. 7-15 

been deceived^ but they cliose rather to endure b.c. 320 
whatever Fortune might have in store for them than 
be thought to have spurned the peaceful advice of the 
Tarentines. The consuls declared that they embraced 
the omen, Spraying that the enemy might be so minded 
as not even to defend his rampart. They themselves^ 
dividing their troops between them^ marched up to 
the earthworks of the Samnites, and attacked them 
at once from every side. Some began to fill the 
trenches, others to pull up the palings and fling 
them into the trenches ; besides their native courage 
they were goaded on by anger at the disgrace that 
rankled in their hearts. Forcing their way into the 
camp, while every man repeated that here were no 
Forks, no Caudium, no trackless passes, where guile 
had arrogantly triumphed over error, but Roman 
manhood, which neither rampart nor trenches could 
keep out, they cut down without distinction those 
who resisted and those who fled, the armed and the 
unarmed, slaves and freemen, adults and children, 
men and beasts ; nor would anything living have 
survived, had not the consuls bade sound the recall 
and expelled the bloodthirsty soldiers from the 
enemy's camp with commands and threats. The 
men were incensed at the interruption of their sweet 
revenge, and accordingly the consuls at once addressed 
them and explained that they had neither yielded 
nor meant to yield to any of the soldiers in hatred 
of the enemy ; on the contrary, they would have 
led the way, as in war, so in the exaction of end- 
less vengeance, had their indignation not been 
checked by thoughts of the six hundred knights 
^^ho were being held as hostages in Luceria ; but 
they feared that the enemy, if they despaired of 


plicia eoriim ageret^ perdere prius quam perire 
16 optantes. Laudare ea milites laetarique obviam 
itum irae suae esse ac fateri omnia patienda potius 
quam proderetur salus tot principum Romanae 

XV. Dimissa contione consilium habitum omni- 
busne copiis Luceriam premerent an altero exercitu 
et duce Apuli circa^ gens dubiae ad id voluntatis, 

2 temptarentur. Publilius consul ad peragrandam 
profectus Apuliam aliquot expeditione una populos 
aut vi subegit aut condicionibus in societatem accepit. 

3 Papirio quoque, qui obsessor Luceriae restiterat, 
brevi ad spem eventus respondit. Nam insessis 
omnibus viis per quas commeatus ex Samnio sub- 
vehebantur, fame domiti Samnites qui Luceriae in 
praesidio erant legatos misere ad consulem Romanum, 
ut receptis equitibus qui causa belli essent absisteret 

4 obsidione, lis Pa})irius ita respondit : debuisse eos 
Pontium Herenni filium, quo auctore Romanos sub 
iugum misissent, consulere quid victis patiendum 

5 censeret : ceterum quoniam ab hostibus in se aequa 
statui quam in se ipsi ferre maluerint, nuntiare 
Luceriam iussit, arma sarcinas iumenta multitu- 
dinem omnem imbellem intra moenia relinquerent ; 


BOOK IX. XIV. i5-\v. 5 

quarter, might be driven blindly to put their b.c. 320 
prisoners to death, choosing to slay before they 
were slain themselves. These arguments the men 
applauded, and rejoiced that their wrath had been 
restrained ; they confessed that it was better that 
they should suffer anything than betray the lives of 
so many distinguished young Romans. 

XV. The assembly was dismissed, and a council of b.c.sio 
war was held to determine whetlier they should 
press the siege vith all their forces, or should 
em})loy one army and its general to test the dis- 
positions of the Apulians around them — a people 
whose sympathies were still in doubt. The consul 
Publilius set out on a march through Apulia and in 
a single expedition either subjugated, or by granting 
terms, received into alliance, a goodly number of 
states. Papirius, too, who had remained behind at 
Luceria to conduct the siege, soon found the out- 
come answerable to his hopes ; for all the roads by 
Avhich supplies were wont to be brought in from 
Samnium were blocked, and the Samnite garrison 
were reduced by hunger to send a deputation to the 
Roman consul with an offer to release the horsemen 
who were the cause of the war, on condition that he 
would raise the siege. Papirius repHed that they 
ought to have gone to Pontius, the son of Herennius, 
at whose instance they had sent the Romans under 
the yoke, to find out what the vanquished deserved 
to suffer ; however, since they preferred that their 
enemies should decide on a just penalty for them, 
rather than propose one for themselves, he bade 
them take word to Luceria that they should leave 
their arms, packs, sum})ter animals, and all the non- 
combatants, within the walls ; the soldiers he in- 




6 militem se cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum 
missurum, ulciscentem inlatam^ non novam infe- 

7 rentem ignominiam. Nihil recusatum. Septem 
milia militum sub iugum missa, praedaque iPxgens 
Luceriae capta receptis omnibus signis armisque 
quae ad Caudium amissa erant^ et quod omnia 
superabat gaudia^ equitibus reciperatis ^ quos pignora 
pacis custodiendos Luceriam Sfmnites dederant. 

8 Haud ferme alia mutatione subita rerum clarior 
victoria populi Romani est, si quidem etiam_, quod 
quibusdam in annalibus invenio^ Pontius Herenni 
filius, Samnitium imperator, ut expiaret consuium 
ignominiam, sub iugum cum ceteris est missus. 

9 Ceterum id minus miror obscurum esse de hostium 
duce dedito missoque ; id magis mirabile est ambigi^ 
Luciusne Cornelius dictator cum L. Papirio Cursore 

10 magistro equitum eas res ad Caudium atque inde 
Luceriam gesserit ultorque unicus Romanae igno- 
miniae haud sciam an iustissimo triumpho ad cam 
aetatem secundum Furium Camillum triumphaverit^ 
an consuium — Papirique praecipuum — id decus sit. 

11 Sequitur hunc errorem alius error, Cursorne Papirius 
proximis comitiis cum Q. Aulio Cerretano iterum ob 
rem bene gestam Luceriae continuato magistratu 

1 reciperatis Walters and Conway {passim) : recuperatis n. 

BOOK IX. XV. 6-1 1 

tended to send under the yoke, clad only in their b.c. 319 
tunics, inflicting on them no new disgrace, but 
requiting that which had first been put uj)on 
the Romans. They made no objection, and seven 
thousand men were sent under the yoke. Huge 
spoils were captured in Luceria, and all the standards 
and arms which had been lost at Caudium were 
retaken, and, to cap the climax of their joy, the 
horsemen were recovered whom the Samnites had 
assigned, as pledges of peace, to be guarded at 
Luceria. I'here is scarce any other Roman victory 
more glorious for its sudden reversal of fortune, 
especially if it is true, as I find in certain annals, 
that Pontius the son of Herennius, the Samnite 
general-in-chief, was sent with the rest under the 
yoke, to expiate the humiliation of the consuls. 

Be that as it may, I am not greatly surprised that 
there should be some doubt as to the general of the 
enemy who was surrendered and disgraced ; the 
amazing thing is the uncertainty whether it was 
Lucius Cornelius, as dictator — with Lucius Papirius 
Cursor, as master of the horse — who won these 
victories at Caudium and subsequently at Luceria, 
and, because of the signal vengeance that he exacted 
for Rome's shame, enjoyed a triumph which I should 
be inclined to rate as the best-deserved of all down 
to that time, next after that of Furius Camillus ; or 
whether that honour belongs to the consuls — and 
particularly to Papirius. This doubt is attended with 
another — whether at the ensuing election Papirius 
Cursor was retained in office in recognition of his 
victory at Luceria, being returned for a third time 
to the consulship, together with Quintus Aulius 
Cerretanus — then chosen for the second time — or 



consul tertium creatus sit an L. Papirius Mugillanus ^ 
et in cognomine erratum sit. 

XVI. Convenit iam inde per consules reliqua belli 
perfecta. Aulius cum Ferentanis- uno secundo 
proelio debellavit urbemque ipsam, quo se fusa 
contulerat acies, obsidibus imperatis in deditionem 

2 accepit. Pari fortuna consul alter cum Satricanis, 
qui cives Romani post Caudinam cladem ad Samnites 
defecerant praesidiumque eorum in urbem acce- 

3 perant, rem gessit. Nam cum ad moenia Satrici ^ 
admotus esset exercitus legatisque missis ad pacem 
cum precibus petendam triste responsum ab consule 
redditum esset, nisi praesidio Samnitium interfecto 
aut tradito ne ad se remearent, plus ea voce quam 

4 armis inlatis terroris colonis iniectum. Itaque sub- 
inde exsequuntur quaerendo a consule legati quonam 
se pacto paucos et infirmos crederet praesidio tam 
valido et armato vim allaturos. Ab iisdem consilium 
petere iussi^ quibus auctoribus praesidium in urbem 
accepissent, discedunt aegreque impetrato ut de ea 

5 re consuli senatum responsaque ad se referri sineret 

6 ad suos redeunt. Duae factiones senatum distine- 
bant, una cuius principes erant defectionis a j^opulo 
Romano auctores, altera fidelium civium ; certatum 
ab utrisque tamen est ut ad reconciliandam pacem 

7 consuli opera navaretur. Pars altera^ cum praesidium 

1 Mugillanus P/TO : nmgilanns MTDL A. 

2 Ferentanis J/2p2^£/(yj2. frentanis MTDLA: frentranis 
F: Forentanis Gronovius. 

2 Satrici ^ : Satricae [or -ce) £1. 

^ Their town has been conjecturally identified with 
Horace's ''low-lying Forentum," Odes, iii. iv. 16. 

BOOK IX. XV. ii-xvi. 7 

wliether it was Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, and the b.c. 319 
mistake was a matter of the surname. 

X\'I. It is agreed that from this point onwards 
the war was brought to a conclusion by the consuls. 
Aulius finished in one successful battle the campaign 
against the Ferentani/ and having exacted hostages^ 
received the surrender of the city itself, in which 
their defeated army had taken refuge. With no less 
good fortune tlie other consul overcame the Satricans, 
who — though Roman citizens — had revolted, after 
the Caudine misfortune, to the Samnites, of whom 
they had admitted a garrison into their city. For 
when the Roman army had drawn near the walls of 
Satricum, the townspeople sent ambassadors to sue 
humbly for peace ; but the consul returned them a 
harsh answer : that unless they put to death the 
Samnite garrison or delivered it up, they must come 
back to him no more — a saying which struck more 
terror into their hearts than the threatened assault. 
And so the envoys persisted in demanding of the 
consul how he supposed that they, being few and 
weak, could force so strong and well-armed a garrison. 
But he bade them seek advice from those same men 
at whose instigation they had received the garrison 
into their city ; and after they had with no small 
difficulty persuaded him to suffer them to consult 
their senate in the matter and report to him its 
decision, they went back to their people. Two 
factions kept the senate divided : one of these had 
for leaders the men who had inspired the revolt from 
Rome, the other was composed of loyal citizens ; 
both, however, were equally anxious to accommodate 
the consul, so that they might be granted peace. One 
party, seeing that the Samnite garrison was intend- 



Sanmitium. quia nihil satis praeparati erat ad obsi- 
dionem tolerandam, excessurum proxima nocte 
esset_,^ enuntiare consuli satis halmitj qua noctis 
hora quaque porta et quam in viam egressurus hostis 

8 foret ; altera^ quibus invitis descitum ad Samnites 
eratj eadem nocte portam etiam consuli "^ aperuerunt 

9 armatosque clam hoste ^ in urbem acceperunt. Ita 
duplici proditione et praesidium Samnitium insessis 
circa viam silvestribus locis necopinato oppressum 
est^ et ab urbe plena bostium clamor sublatus ; 
momentoque unius horae caesus Samnis, Satricanus 

10 captus^ et omnia in potestate consulis erant. Qui 
quaestione habita quorum opera defectio esset facta, 
quos sontes comperit virgis caesos securi percussit 
praesidioque valido imposito arma Satricanis ademit. 

11 Inde ad triumphum decessisse Romam Papirium 
Cursorem scribunt, qui eo duce Luceriam receptam 

12 Samnitesque sub iugum missos auctores sunt. Et 
fuit vir baud dubie dignus omni bellica laude, non 
animi solum vigore sed etiam corporis viribus 

13 excellens. Praecipua pedum pernicitas inerat, quae 
cognomen etiam dedit ; victoremque * cursu omnium 
aetatis suae fuisse ferunt/ seu crurum ^ vi seu exer- 

1 esset V^A"^: esse MTDLA : omitted by PFUO. 

2 consuli r: consulibus n. 

^ clam hoste Gelenius : clam nocte n : clam Weissenhorn. 
* victoremque M^P- [or F^) A^ [over erasure) Frag. Hav.^ : 
uictorisque n. 

^ ferunt Madcig : ferunt et Cl. 
^ crurum Madvig : uirium H. 


BOOK IX. .xvr. 7-13 

ing to escape on the following night — for they had b.c. 319 
made no preparations for enduring a siege — deemed 
it sufficient to let the consul know at what hour and 
by what gate the enemy meant to leave^ and what 
road he planned to take. The others, who had 
opposed going over to the Samnites, that same night 
also opened a gate to the consul, and without letting 
the Samnites know, admitted his soldiers into the 
city. In consequence of this double betrayal, the 
Samnite garrison was surprised and overpowered by 
an ambush laid in the woods about their road, while 
a shout went up in the city, which was filled with 
enemies. Thus, in one crowded hour, the Samnites 
were slain and the Satricans captured, and all things 
brought under the power of the consul ; who con- 
ducted an investigation, and, having ascertained who 
were responsible for the defection, had the guilty 
parties scourged and beheaded ; after which he 
imposed a strong garrison upon the Satricans and 
deprived them of their arms. 

Papirius Cursor then departed for Rome to cele- 
brate his triumph, as those writers state who name 
him as the commander who recovered Luceria and 
sent the Samnites under the yoke. Xo question, he 
was a man deserving of all praise as a soldier, 
excelling, as he did, not only in the vigour of his 
spirit, but in physical strength. He possessed 
remarkable tleetness of foot, which was even the 
source of his surname.^ It is said that he vanquished 
all his mates at running, whether owing to the 

* Cursor means "runner/' but the name seems really to 
have been an inheritance in the present case, for at chap, 
xxxiv. § 20 we read of it as belonging to the grandfather of 
our Papirius. 



A.u.c. citatione multa ; cibi vinique eundem capacissimum ; 

14 11 ec cum ullo asperiorem^ quia ipse invicti ad laborem 
corporis esset, fuisse militiam pediti pariter equi- 

15 tique : equites etiam aliquando ausos ab eo petere 
ut sibi pro re bene gesta laxaret aliquid laboris ; 

IG quibus ille '^ Xe nihil reniissum dicatis, remitto/' 
inquitj ^^ ne u tique dorsum demulceatis^ cum ex 
equis descendetis." Et vis erat in eo viro imperii 

17 ingens pariter in socios civesque. Praenestinus 
praetor per timorem segnius ex subsidiis suos duxerat 
in primam aciem ; quem cum inambulans ante taber- 

18 naculum vocari iussisset, lictorem expedire securem 
iussit. ad quam vocem exanimi stante Praenestino : 
^' Ageduni. lictor^. excide radicem banc" inquit ^* in- 
commodam ambulantibus/' perfusumque ultimi sup- 

19 plicii metu multa dicta dimisit. Haud dubie ilia 
aetate, qua nulla virtutum feracior fuit, nemo unus 
erat vir quo magis innixa res Romana staret. Quin 
eum parem destinant animis magno Alexandre ducem, 
si arma Asia perdomita in Europam vertisset. 

XVII. Nihil minus quaesitum a principio huius 
operis videri potest quam ut plus iusto ab rerum 
ordine declinarem varietatibusque distini{uendo o])ere 
et legentibus velut deverticula amoena et requiem 

BOOK IX. XVI. 13-XV11. I 

strength of his legs or to much exercise ; that he b.c. m 
had also the greatest capacity for food and wine ; 
and that no general was hai'der on his men, whether 
horse or foot, for his own constitution could never 
be overcome by toil. It is related how his cavalry- 
men ventured once to ask him if in view of their 
good conduct he would not excuse them from some 
portion of their duties ; to whom he answered, 
" That you may not say that I have excused you 
nothing, I freely excuse you from the duty of 
rubbing your backs when you dismount." And 
the man possessed a power of command which was 
equally effective with citizens and allies. A Praenes- 
tine praetor had, through timidity, been somewhat 
slow in bringing his men up from the supports to 
the fighting line. Papirius strolled over to the 
praetor's tent and having bidden them call him out, 
commanded a lictor to prepare his axe. Hearing 
this the praetor stood aghast, but Papirius said to 
the lictor, " Come, cut out this root ; it is a nuisance 
to those who walk." He then fined the man and let 
him go, half-dead with the fear of capital punishment. 
There can be no doubt that in his generation, than 
which none was ever more fruitful of great qualities, 
there was no single man who did more to uphold 
the Roman State. Indeed people regard him as 
one who might have been a match in generalship 
for Alexander the Great, if the latter, after subju- 
gating Asia, had turned his arms against Europe. 

XVII. Nothing can be thought to have been more 
remote from my intention, since I first set about this 
task, than to depart unduly from the order of 
events, and to aim, by the introduction of ornamental 
digressions, at providing as it were agreeable by- 




2 animo meo quaererem ; tamen tanti regis ac ducis 
mentio^ quibus saepe tacitus ^ cogitationibiis volutavi ^ 
animum_, eas evocat in medium, ut quaerere libeat 
quinam eventus Romanis rebus, si cum Alexandre 
foret bellatum, futurus fuerit. 

3 Plurimum in bello pollere videntur niilitum copia 
et virtus, ingenia imperatorum, fortuna per omnia 

4 humana, maxime in res bellicas potens : ea et singula 
intuenti et universa, sicut ab aliis regibus genti- 
busque ita ab hoc quoque, facile praestant invictum 

5 Romanum imperium. lam primum, ut ordiar ab 
ducibus comparandis, baud equidcm abnuo egregium 
ducem fuisse Alcxandrurn ; sed clariorem tamen eunT 
facit quod unus fuit, quod adulescens in incremento 
rerum, nondum alteram fortunam expertus, decessit. 

6 Ut alios reges claros ducesque omittam, magna 
exempla casuum humanorum, Cyrum, quern maxime 
Graeci laudibus celebrant, quid nisi longa vita, sicut 
Magnum modo Pompeium, vertenti praebuitfortunae ? 

7 Recenseam duces Romanes, nee omnes omnium 
aetatium, sed ipsos eos cum quibus consulibus aut 

8 dictatoribus Alexandre fuit bellandum, M. Valerium 
Corvum C. Marcium Rutulum^ C. Sulpicium T. 
Manlium Torquatum Q. Publilium Philonem L. 
Papirium Cursorem Q. Fabium Maximum duos Decios 

1 tacitus PF: tacitis Cl. 

^ volutavi r : uolutauit D.. 

' Rutulura Conway (»,/. his luAc on in. vii. 6) : Rutilium Cl. 

^ Professor Anderson argues that the following digression 
(chap. xvii. § 3 through chap, xix) was a 3'outhful exercise 
in rhetoric written when Livy was a boy and later inserted 
here without revision, but witli the addition of an intro- 
ductory section (§§ 1, 2). See his edition, App. Ill, and 



paths for the reader, and mental relaxation fore.c. 3i9 
mvself. Nevertheless the mention of so great a 
prince and captain evokes certain tlioughts which 
I have often silently pondered in my mind, and dis- 
poses me to enquire how the Roman State would 
have fared in a war with Alexander.^ 

It appears that in war the factors of chief im- 
portance are the numbers and valour of the soldiers, 
the abilities of the commanders, and Fortune, which, 
powerful in all the affairs of men, is especially so in 
war. These factors, whether viewed separately or 
conjointly, afford a ready assurance, that, even as 
against other princes and nations, so also against this 
one the might of Rome would have proved invincible. 
First of all — to begin by comparing commanders — I 
do not denv that Alexander was a remarkable fjeneral ; 
stillT his fame was enhanced by the fict that he was 
a sole commander, and the further fact that he died 
young, in the flood-tide of success, when as yet he 
had experienced no other lot. Not to speak of other 
distinguished kings and generals, illustrious proofs 
of human vicissitude, what else was it but length of 
days that exposed Cyrus, whom the Greeks exalt so 
high in their panegyrics, to the fickleness of Fortune ? 
And the same thing was lately seen in the case of 
Pompey the Great. Need I repeat the names of the 
Roman generals, not all nor of eveiy age, but those 
very ones with whom, as consuls or as dictators, 
Alexander would have had to fight — Marcus Valerius 
Corvus, Gains Marcius Rutulus, Gains Sulj)icius, 
Titus Manlius Torquatus, Quintus Publilius Pliilo, 
Lucius Papirius Cursor, Quintus Fabius Maximus, 

Transactions of the American Philological Association. XXXIX, 
(1908), pp. 94-99. 




9 L. Volumniurn M'. Curium?^ Deinceps ingentes 
scquuntur viri, si Punicum Romano praevertisset 

10 bellum seniorque in Italiam traiecisset. Horum in 
quolibet cum indoles eadem quae in Alexandro erat 
animi ingeniique ; turn disciplina militarise iara inde 
ab initiis urbis tradita per manus, in artis - perpetuis 

11 praeceptis ordinatae modum venerat. Ita reges 
ffesserant bella, ita deinde exactores res^um lunii 
Valeriique, ita deinceps Fabii Quinctii Cornelii, ita 
Furius CamilluSj quern iuvenes ii quibus cum Alex- 

12 andro dimicandum erat senem viderant. Militaria 
opera pugnando obeunti Alexandro — nam ea quoque 
baud minus clarum eum faciunt — cessisset videlicet 
in acie oblatus par Manlius Torquatus aut Valerius 

13 Corvus, insignes ante milites quam duces, cessissent 
Decii, devotis corporibus in hostem ruentes, cessisset 
Papirius Cursor illo corporis robore, illo animi I 

14 Victus esset consiliis iuvenis unius, ne singulos 
nominem, senatus ille, quern qui ex regibus constare 
dixit unus veram speciem Romani senatus cepit I 

15 Id vero erat periculum, ne sollertius quam quilibet 
unus ex his quos nominavi castris locum caperet^ 
commeatus expediret, ab insidiis praecaveret, terapus 

1 W. Curium? Sigonius {C.I.L. \-, p. 4G) : marc 
n {C.I.L. i^, pp. 13.3, 171) : marcium O. 

cum {or 111) 

2 artis A^ - '. artes fl 

^ Cineas. the ambassador of King Pj-rrhus. Cf. Plut. 
Fyrrhvs, xix. 


BOOK IX. XVII. 8-15 

the two Decii, Lucius Volumnius, Manius Curius ? b.c. sii 
After these come some extraordinary men, if he 
had turned his attention to war with Carthage 
first and later with Rome, and had crossed into 
Italy when somewhat old. Any one of these was 
as highly endowed with courage and talents as 
was Alexander; and military training, handed down 
from the very beginning of the City, had taken 
on the character of a profession, built up on com- 
prehensive principles. So the kings had warred ; 
so after them the expellers of the kings, tiie Junii 
and the Valerii, and so in succession the Fabii, 
Quinctii, Cornelii, and Furius Camillus, whom in 
his old age those had seen, as youths, who would 
have had to fight with Alexander. But in the per- 
formance of a soldier's work in battle — for which 
Alexander was no less distinguished — Manlius Tor- 
quatus or Valerius Corvus would, forsooth, have 
yielded to him, had they met him in a hand-to-hand 
encounter, famous though they were as soldiers 
before ever they won renown as captains ! The 
Decii, of course, would have yielded to him, who 
hurled their devoted bodies upon the foe ! Pa})irius 
Cursor Avould have yielded, with that wondrous 
strength of body and of spirit ! The counsels of a 
single youth would no doubt have got the better of 
that senate — not to speak of individual members — ■ 
which was called an assembly of kings by him who 
before all others had a true conception of the Roman 
Senate I ^ And I sup})ose there was the danger that 
Alexander would display more skill than any of 
these whom I have named, in selecting a place for a 
camp, in organizing his service of supjily, in guarding 
against ambuscades, in choosing a time for battle, in 



pugnae deligeret, aciem instrueret, subsidiis firmaret I 
16 Non cum Dareo ^ rem esse dixisset^ quem mulierum 
ac spadonum agmen trahentem^ inter purpuram atque 
aurum oneratum fortunae apparatibiis suae, praedam 
verius quam hostera, nihil aliud quam bene ausus 
J 7 vana contemnere incruentus devicit. Longe alius 
Italiae quam Indiae, per quam temulento agmine 
comisabundus incessitj visus illi habitus esset, saltus 
Apuliae ac montes Lucanos cernenti et vestigia 
recentia doraesticae cladis ubi avunculus eius nuper, 
Epiri rex Alexander, absumptus erat. 

XVIII. Et loquimur de Alexandre nondum merso 
secundis rebus, quarum nemo intolerantior fuit. 

2 Qui si ex habitu novae fortunae novique, ut ita 

3 dicam, ingenii quod sibi victor induerat spectetur, 
Dareo magis similis quam Alexandre in Italiam 
venisset et exercitum Macedoniae oblitum degene- 

4 rantemque iam in Persarum mores adduxisset. 
Referre in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem 
vestis et desideratas humi iacentium adulationes, 
etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus, 
et foeda supplicia et inter vinum et epulas caedes 

5 aniicorum et vanitatem ementiendae stirpis. Quid 

1 Dareo MPTDL [and chap, xviii. § 3 MPOT) : dario (darici 
0) I^FUA {and beloic P^FUDLA). 

^ Darius III. defeated by Alexander in the battle of 
Arbela, 331 B.C. 

2 VIII. xxiv. 

3 Philotas was examined under torture and confessed 
participation in a plot against Alexanders life. He im- 
plicated also his father Parmenio, the general, and both 
were executed. Clitus, who had saved Alexander's life at 
the Granicus, was killed b\' him at a banquet in a fit of 


BOOK IX. XVII. 15-XV111. 5 

marshalling his troops, in providing strong reserves I b.c.319 
He ^vould have said it was no Darius^ whom he had 
to deal with^ trailing women and eunuchs after him, 
and weighed down with the gold and purple trap})ings 
of his station. Him he found a booty rather than 
an enemy, and conquered without bloodshed, merely 
by daring to despise vain shows. Far different from 
India, through which he progressed at the head of a 
rout of drunken revellers, would Italy have appeared 
to him, as he gazed on the passes of Apulia and the 
Lucanian mountains, and the still fresh traces of 
that family disaster wherein his uncle, King Alex- 
ander of Epirus, had lost his life.^ 

XVIII. And we are speaking of an Alexander not 
vet overwhelmed with prosperity, which none has ever 
been less able to bear. For viewing him in the light 
of his new fortune and of the new character — if I 
may use the expression — which he had assumed as 
conqueror, he would evidently have come to Italy 
more like Darius than like Alexander, at the head 
of an army that had forgotten Macedonia and was 
already adopting the degenerate customs of the 
Persians. I am loath, in writing of so great a prince, 
to remind the reader of the ostentatious alteration 
in his dress, and of his desire that men should pros- 
trate themselves in adulation, a thing which even 
conquered Macedonians would have found oppres- 
sive, much more then those who had been victorious; 
of his cruel punishments and the murder of his 
friends as they drank and feasted ; of the boastful 
lie about his origin.^ What if his love of wine had 

drunken rage. The last clause alludes to Alexander's claim 
that Zeus, not Philip, was his father. 



si villi amor in dies fieret acrior ? Quid si trux ac 
praefervida ira r — Xec quicquam dubium inter scrip- 
tores refero — , nullane haec damna imperatoriis 

6 virtutibus ducimus ? Id vero periculum erat, quod 
levissimi ex Graecis, qui Parthorum quoque contra 
nomen Romanum gloriae favent, dictitare solent, 
ne maiestatem nominis Alexandria quern ne fama 

7 quidem illis notum arbitror fuisse^ sustiiiere non 
potuerit populus Romanus ; et ad versus quern 
Athenis, in civitate fracta Macedonum armis, 
cernentes ^ turn maxime prope fumantes Thebarum 
ruinas, contionari libere ausi sunt homines — id 
quod ex monumentis orationum patet — adversus 
eum nemo ex tot proceribus Romanis vocem liberam 
missurus fuerit I 

8 Quantalibet magnitudo hominis concipiatur animo ; 
unius tamen ea magnitudo hominis erit collecta 

9 paulo plus decem annorum felicitate ; quam qui eo 
extollunt quod populus Romanus etsi nullo bello 
multis tamen proeliis victus sit, Alexandro nuUius 
pugnae non secunda fortuna fuerit, non intellegunt 
se hominis res gestas, et eius iuvenis, cum populi 
iam quadringentesimum ^ bellantis annum rebus 

10 conferre. Miremur si, cum ex hac parte saecula 
plura numerentur quam ex ilia aniii, plus in tam 

^ cernentes UD^ [Madvig) : cernente n. 
2 quadringentesimum [i.e. CCCC) Tan. Faher: octingente- 
simum [i.e. DCCC) H. 

1 This is supposed to refer to Timagenes, an historian of 
a notoriouslj' anti-Roman bias. 



every day grown stronger? and his truculent and b.c. 3u.5ii 
fiery anger ? I mention only things which historians 
regard as certain. Can we deem such vices to be 
no detraction from a general's good qualities .' But 
there was forsooth the danger — as the silliest of the 
Greeks,^ who exalt the reputation even of the 
Parthians against the Romans, are fond of alleirinfr — 
that the Roman People would have been unable to 
withstand the majesty of Alexander's name^ though 
I think that they had not so much as heard of him ; 
and that out of all the Roman nobles not one would 
have dared to lift up his voice against him^ although 
in Athens, a city crushed by the arms of Macedonia^ 
at the very moment when men had before their 
eyes the reeking ruins of the neighbouring Thebes, 
they dared inveigli against him i"reely_, as witness 
the records of their speeches. - 

However im})osing the greatness of the man may 
appear to us, still this greatness will be that of one 
man only, and the fruits of little more than ten 
years of success. Those who magnify it for this 
reason, that the Roman People, albeit never in any 
war, have yet suffered defeat in a number of battles, 
whereas Alexander's fortune Avas never aught but 
prosperous in any battle, fail to perceive that they 
are comparing the achievements of a man — and a 
young man too — with those of a people that was 
now in its four hundredth year of warfare. Should 
it occasion us surprise if, seeing that u})on the one 
side are counted more generations than are years 

- An allusion, more rhetorical than exact, to the famous 
Philippics of Demosthenes, the latest of whicli was probably 
delivered some six years before the destruction of Thebes in 
335 B.C. 



longo spatio quam in aetate tredecim annorum 

11 fortuna variaverit ? Quiii tu hominis cum homine 

12 et duels ^maduce fortunam confers,?^ Quot Ro- 
manos duces nomiuem quibus nunquam adversa 
fortuna pugnae fuit I Paginas in annalibus magis- 
tratuumque fastis - percurrere licet consulum dic- 
tatorumque quorum nee virtutis nee fortunae ullo 

13 die populum Romanum paenituit. Et quo sint 
mirabiliores quam Alexander aut quisquam rex, 
denos vicenosque dies quidam dictaturam. nemo 

14 })lus quam annum consulatum gessit ; ab tribunis 
plebis dilectus impediti sunt ; post tempus ad bella 
ierunt, ante tempus comitiorum causa revoeati sunt ; 

15 in ipso conatu rerum circumegit se annus ; collegae 
nunc temeritas nunc pravitas impedimento aut damno 
fuit ; male gestis rebus alterius successum est; tironem 
aut mala disciplina institutum exercitum acceperunt. 

16 At hercule reges non liberi solum impedi mentis 
omnibus sed domini rerum temporumque trahunt 

17 consiliis cuncta, non sequuntur. Invictus ergo 
Alexander cum invictis ducibus bella gessisset et 
eadem fortunae pignora in discrimen detulisset ; 

18 immo etiam eo plus periculi subisset quod Macedones 
unum Alexandrum habuissent, multis casibus non 

^ hominis cum homine et ducis cum duce fortunam confers ? 
Madrig : hominis cum homine et ducis duces F) cum fortu- 
nam cum fortuna (cum fortuna fortunam T) confers 0. : 
homines cum homine, [et] duces cum duce, fortunam cum 
fortuna confers Walters and Convsay. 

2 magistratuumque fastis iralters and Conway : magis- 
tratuum fastisque H. 

^ If we reckon the sacculum or "generation"' at thirty- 
three years, the Rome of Alexander's time would have 

BOOK IX. xviii. lo-iS 

upon the other/ fortune should have varied more b.c. 31£ 
in that long time than in a life of thirteen years? 
Why not compare a man's fortune with a man's, and 
a general's with a general's ? How many Roman 
generals could 1 name who never suffered a reverse 
in battle ! In our annals and lists of magistrates 
you may run through pages of consuls and dictators 
of whom it never on any day repented the Roman 
People, whether of their generalship or fortune. 
And what makes them more wonderful than Alex- 
ander or any king is this : some were dictators 
of ten or twenty days, and none held the consulship 
above a year ; their levies were obstructed by the 
tribunes of the plebs ; they were late in going to 
war, and were called back early to conduct elections ; 
in the midst of their undertakings the year rolled 
round : now the rashness, now the frowardness of a 
colleague occasioned them losses or difficulties ; they 
succeeded to afiairs which others had mismanaged, 
tliey received an army of raw recruits, or one badly 
disciplined. Now consider kings : not only are they 
free from all impediments, but they are lords of time 
and circumstance, and in their counsels carry all 
things with them, instead of following in their train. 
So then, an undefeated Alexander would have warred 
against undefeated generals, and would have brought 
the same pledges of Fortune to the crisis. Nay, he 
would have run a greater risk than they, inasmuch 
as the Macedonians would have had but a single 
Alexander, not only exposed to many dangers, but 

endured a little over tliirteen saccula. Livy says that people 
are really comparing these thirteen generations with the 
thirteen years of Alexander's (effective) life, i.e. his reign 
(336-323 B.C.). 



A.iT.c. 19 solum obnoxium seel etiam offerentem se^ Romani 
multi fuissent Alexandro vel gloria vel reruiu macriii- 
tudine pares^ quorum suo quisque fato sine publico 
discrimine viveret morereturque. 

XIX. Restat ut copiae copiis comparentur vel 
niimero vel militum genere vel multitudine auxili- 
orum. Censebantur eius aetatis lustris ducena 

2 quinquagena milia capitum. Itaque in omni defec- 
tione sociorum Latini nominis urbano prope dilectu 

3 decern scribebantur legiones ; quaterni quinique 
exercitus saepe per eos annos in Etruria. in \'mbria 
Gallis hostibus adiunctis, in Samnio^ in Lucanis 

4 gerebant bellum. Latium deinde omne cum Sabinis 
et \'olscis et Acquis et omni Campania et parte 
Vmbriae Etruriaeque et Picentibus et Marsis Paelig- 
nisque ac Vestinis atque Apulis. adiuncta omni ora ^ 
(jraecorum inferi maris a Thuriis- Xeapolim et 
Cumas et inde Antio atque Ostiis tenus aut ^ socios 
validos Romanis aut fractos bello invenisset hostes. 

5 Ipse traiecisset mare cum veteranis Macedonibus, 
non plus triginta milibus hominum et quattuor 
milibus equitum^ niaxime Thessalorum ; hoc enim 
roboris erat. Persas Indos aliasque si adiunxisset 
gentes, impedimentum maius quam auxilium 

^ omni ora O^A^ {or A'^) Aldus: omnis ora n. 
^ a Thuriis r : a Thuris {or athuris) n : authuris Fi a brutus 

^ aut Iiobrce : Sainnites aut H. 

^ In the last census which Livj- had recorded (459 B.C.) 
were enrolled 117.321 persons iiii. xxiv. 10). Livy seems 
to have consulted the records of the censors, at least 

^ Or possibly : at every revolt of the Latin allies. 


BOOK IX. XVIII. iS-xix. 5 

incurring them voluntarily, while there would have b.c. sii 
been many Romans a match for Alexander, whether 
for glory or for the greatness of their deeds, of 
whom each several one would have lived and died 
as his own fate commanded, without endangering 
the State. 

XIX. It remains to compare the forces on both 
sides, whether for numbers, or types of soldiers, or 
size of their contingents of auxiliaries. The quin- 
quennial enumerations of that period put the po})u- 
lation at 250,000.^ And so at the time when all the 
Latin allies were in revolt- it was the custom to 
enroll ten legions, by a levy which was virtually 
limited to the City. In those years frequently four 
and five armies at a time would take the field, in 
Etruria, in Umbria (where they also fought the 
Gauls), in Samnium, and in Lucania. Later on 
Alexander would have found all Latium, with the 
Sabines, the \'olsci and the Aequi, all Campania, 
and a portion of L'mbria and Etruria, the Picentes 
and the Marsi and Paeligni, the V^estini and the 
Apulians, together with the whole coast of the 
Lower Sea, held by the Greeks, from Thurii as 
far as Naples and Cumae, and thence all the way 
to Antium and Ostia — all these, I say, he would 
have found either powerful friends of the Romans 
or their defeated enemies. He himself would have 
crossed the sea with veteran Macedonians to the 
number of not more than thirty thousand foot and 
four thousand horse — mostly Thessalians — for this 
was his main strength. If to these lie had added 
Persians and Indians and other nations, he would 
have found them a greater burden to have dragged 
about than a help. 



6 Adde^ quod Romanis ad -manura domi supple- 
mentum esset. Alexandro, quod postea Hannibali 
accidit. alieno in agro bellanti exercitus consenu- 

7 isset. Aiina clipei essent illis sarisaeque ^ : Romano 
scutum^ maius corpori tecrumentum, et piium. baud 
])aulo quam basta vebementius ictu missuque ^ telum. 

8 Statarius uterque miles, ordines servans ; sed ilia 
pbalanx immobilis et unius generis^ Romana acies 
distinctior, ex pluribus partibus constans, facilis 
partienti, quacumque ojvjs asset, facilis iungenti. 

9 lam in opera quis par Romano miles, quis ad tole- 
randum laborem melior ? Uno proelio victus Alex- 
ander bello victus esset : Romanum, quern Caudium, 
quem Cannae non fregerunt, quae fregisset acies ? 

10 5s e ille saepe, etiam si prima prospere evanissent, 
Persas et Indos et imbellem Asiam quaesisset et 

11 cum feminis sibi bellum fuisse dixisset. quod Epiri 
regem Alexandrum mortifero volnere ictum dixisse 
ferunt, sortem bellorum in Asia gestorum ab boc 
ipso iuvene cum sua conferentem. 

12 Equidem cum per annos quattuor et viginti primo 
Punico bello classibus certatum cum Poenis recordor, 

^ Arma clipei essent illis sarisaeque Madvi'i : anna cluisset 
ai ma cluisset sarisaeque illis id est hastae M : arma cluisset 
sarisaeque dc. M^ or M~ : arma clipeus {o/- clupeus) sarisaeque 
{or -eque) illis {or illis portare or illis. at or illis id est 
hastae) Cl. 

2 ictu missuque - : ictu niissunique FT A- : ictum mis- 
sumque Cl. 

^ The sarisa was a pike 21 feet long. 

2 The hasia was ordinarily used as a pike or lance, but was 
sometimes thrown, b}' means of a thong. 

3 Aulus Gellius, xvil xxi. 33, says that Alexander, as he 


BOOK IX. XIX. 6-12 

Add to this, that the Romans would have had recruits b.c. 319 
ready to call upon, but Alexander, as happened after- 
wards to Hannibal, would have found his army wear 
awav, while he warred in a foreign land. His men 
would have been armed with targets and spears : ^ 
the Romans with an oblong shield, affording more 
protection to the body, and the Roman javelin, 
which strikes, on being thrown, with a much harder 
impact than the lance.- Both armies were formed 
of heavy troops, keeping to their ranks ; but their 
phalanx was immobile and consisted of soldiers of a 
single type ; the Roman line was opener and com- 
prised more separate units ; it was easy to divide, 
wherever necessary, and easy to unite. Moreover, 
what soldier can match the Roman in entrenching ? 
Who is better at enduring toil ? Alexander Avould, 
if beaten in a single battle, have been beaten in the 
war; but what battle could have overthrown the 
Romans, whom Caudium could not overthrow, nor 
Cannae ? Nay, many a time — however prosperous 
the outset of his enterprise might have been— would 
he have wished for Indians and Persians and unwar- 
like Asiatics, and would have owned that he had 
before made war upon women, as Alexander, King 
of Epirus, is reported to have said, when mortally 
wounded, contrasting the type of war waged by this 
very youth in Asia, with that which had fallen to 
his own share. ^ 

Indeed when I remember that we contended 
against the Carthaginians on the seas for four-and- 

was setting sail for Italy, remarked -that he was going to the 
Romans, as it were to the men's quarters {andronitin); 
whereas the Macedonian had gone to the Persians, as to the 
quarters of the women [gynacconitin). 



vix aetatem Alexandri suffecturam fuisse reor ad 

13 unum bellum ; et forsitan, cum et foederibus vetustis 
iuncta res Punica Romanae esset et timor par 
adversus communem hostem duas potentissimas 
armis virisque urbes armaret^ simul ^ Punico Roma- 

14 noque obnitus bello esset. Xon quidem Alexandre 
diice iiec integris Macedonum rebus sed expert! 
tamen sunt Roman! Macedonem hostem adversus 
Ant!ochum Philippum Persen non modo cum clade 

15 ulla sed ne cum per!culo qu!dem suo. Absit invidia 
verbo et c!vil!a bella s!leant : nunquam - a pedite, 
nunquam aperta acie, nunquam acquis, utique 

16 nunquam nostris locis laboravimus ; equ!tem sagittas, 
saltus !mpeditos, avia commeat!bus loca gravis armis 

17 miles timere potest. Mille acies graviores quarn 
Macedonum atque Alexandri avertit avertetq^ue^ 
modo sit perpetuus huius qua vivimus pads amor 
et civilis cura concordiae. — 

XX. M. Folius^ Flaccina inde et L. Plautius 

2 Venox consules facti. Eo anno ab frequentibus 
Samnitium populis de foedere renovando legati cum 
senatum hum! strati movissent^ reiecti ad populura 

3 haudquaquam tam efficaces habebant preces. Itaque 
de foedere negatum ; indutiae biennii, cum per 
aliquot dies fatigassent singulos precibus, impetratae. 

^ simui -: et simul H. 

2 nuntjuam Dohrcc and Afadvig: nunfjuam ab equite lioste 
nunquam n. 

^ Folius -: fullius (or ollius) H: Foslius Sigonius [C.I.L. 
i\ p. 130). 

^ Tlie earliest treaty, was said to have been made in 
509 B.C. (Livy does not mention it, but Polybius does, at 
III. xxii.); and another in 348. See vn. xxvii. 2, and 



twenty years. I think that the whole life of Alex- b.c. 319 
ander would hardly have sufficed for this single 
war ; and perchance, inasmuch as the Punic State 
had been by ancient treaties leagued with the 
Roman, ^ and the two cities most powerful in men 
and arms might well have made common cause 
against the foe whom both dreaded, he had been 
crushed beneath the simultaneous attacks of Rome 
and Carthage. The Romans have been at war with 
the Macedonians — not, to be sure, when Alexander 
led them or their prosperity was unimpaired, but 
against Antiochus, Philippus, and Perses — and not 
only without ever suffering defeat, but even without 
incurring any danger. Proud word I would not 
speak, but never — and may civil wars be silent ! — 
never have we been beaten by infantry, never in 
open battle, never on even, or at all events on 
favourable ground : cavalry and arrows, impassable 
defiles, regions that afford no road to convoys, may 
well occasion fear in heavy- armed troops. A thou- 
sand battle-arrays more formidable than those of 
Alexander and the Macedonians have the Romans 
beaten off — and shall do — if only our present love 
of domestic peace endure and our concern to main- 
tain concord. 

XX. Marcus Polius Flaccina and Lucius Plautius b.c. 
Venox were the next consuls. In that year came sis-sir 
ambassadors from many Samnite states to seek a 
renewal of the treaty. Prostrating themselves be- 
fore the senate, they aroused the pity of that order, 
but on being referred to the people found their 
prayers by no means so efficacious. Accordingly 
they were refused the treaty, but after some days 
spent in importunino- individual citizens, they suc- 



4 Et ex Apulia Teanenses Canusinique populationibus 
fessi obsidibus L. Plaiitio consul! datis in deditionem 

5 venerunt. Eodem anno primum praefecti Capiiam 
creari coepti legibus ab L. Furio praetore datis, cum 
utrumque ipsi }>i"o remedio aegris rebus discordia 

G intestina petissent ; et duae Romae additae tribus, 
Ufentina ac Falerna. 

7 Inclinatis semel in Apulia rebus Teates quoque 
Apuli ad novos consules, C. lunium Bubulcum Q. 
Aemilium Barbulam, foedus petitum venerunt, pacis 
per omnem Apuliam praestandae populo Romano 

8 auctores. Id audacter spondendo impetravere, ut 
foedus daretur neque ut aequo tamen foedere sed ut 

9 in dicione populi Romani essent. Apulia perdomita 
— nam Forento ^ quoque, valido oppido, Junius potitus 
erat — in Lucanos perrectum : inde repentino adventu 

10 Aemili consulis Nerulum vi captum. Et postquam 
res Capuae stabilitas Romana disciplina fama per 
socios voliravit. Antiatibus quoque, qui se sine legibus 
certis, sine magistratibus agere querebantur, dati ab 
senatu ad iura statuenda ipsius coloniae patroni ; nee 
arma modo sed iura etiam Romana late pollebant. 
XXI. C. lunius Bubulcus et Q. Aemilius Rarbula 

^ nam Forento Gronocius lam lorento M : nam florento 
PFOT^ {marg.): nam florente U: nam Torento TDLA : iam 
torento {al. laurento) A-. 

^ Making the number nov.- thirty-one. 

- Teate was in reality only another name for Teonnin. 
\A\y has been drawing upon two authorities, and their use 
of different names for the same people has led him to make 
two episodes out of one. 

3 Prominent Romans were often invited to act in a semi- 
offiiial relation of protectorship to Italian or even to foreign 


I, B.C. 

BOOK IX. XX. 4-xxi. I 

ceeded in obtaining a two years' truce. In Apuli; 
likewise^ the Teanenses and Canusini. exhausted by 
the devastation of their lands^ gave hostages to 
Lucius Plautius the consul and made submission. 
In the same year praefects began to be elected and 
sent out to Capua, after Lucius Furius, the praetor, 
liad given them laws — both steps being taken at 
the instance of the Capuans themselves, as a remedy 
for the distress occasioned by internal discord. At 
Rome two tribes were added, the Ufentina and the 

When affairs liad once taken a turn in Apulia, tlie 
Apulian Teates - also came to the new consuls, Gaius 
Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbuhi, to 
sue for a treaty, engaging to insure the Roman 
People peace throughout Apulia. By this bold 
pledge they prevailed so far as to obtain a treaty — 
not, however, on equal terms, but such as made 
them subject to the Romans. After Apulia had 
been thoroughly subdued — for Forentum, a strong 
town, had also fallen into the hands of Junius — the 
campaign was extended to the Lucanians, from 
Avhom, on tlie sudden arrival of Aemilius the 
consul, Nerulum was taken by assault. And once 
it had been noised abroad amongst the allies how 
the aH'airs of Capua were firmly established by Roman 
discipline, the Antiates, too, complained that they 
were livinij without fixed statutes and without ma<>-is- 
trates, and the senate designated the colony's own 
patrons to draw up laws for it.^ Not Roman arms 
alone but also Roman law began to exert a wide- 
spread influence. 

XXI. The consuls Gaius Junius Bubulcus andB.c.sie 
Quintus Aemilius Barbula gave over their legions, at 



consules exitu anni non consulibus ab se creatis, Sp. 
Nautio et M. Popilio, ceterum dictator! L. Aemilio 

2 legiones tradiderant. Is cum L. Fulvio magistro 
equitum Saticulam^ oppugnare adortus reljellandi 

3 causam Samnitibus dedit. Duplex inde terror inlatus 
Romanis : hinc Samiiis magno exercitu coacto ad exi- 
mendos obsidione socios baud procul castris Roma- 
norum castra posuit ; hinc Saticulani magno cum 
tumultu patefactis repente portis in stationes hostium 

4 incurrerunt. Inde pars utraque, spe alieni magis 
auxibi quam viribus freta suis, iusto mox proelio inito 
Romanes urgent, et quamquam anceps dimicatio 
erat, tamen utrimque tutani aciem dictator habuit, 
quia et locum baud facilem ad circumveniendum 

5 cepit et diversa statuit signa. Infestior tamen in 
erumpentes incessit nee magno certamine intra 
moenia compulit^ tum totam aciem in Samnites 

6 obvertit. Ibi plus certaminis fuit ; victoria sicut 
sera ita nee dubia nee varia fuit. P'usi in castra 
Samnites exstinctis nocte ignibus tacito agmine 
abeunt et spe abiecta Saticulae tuendae Plisticam^ 
ipsi, socios Romanorum, ut parem dolorem hosti 
redderent, circumsidunt. 

XXII. Anno circumacto bellum deinceps ab dicta- 

* Saticulam {ayid in § 3 Saticulani and in § 6 Saticulae) 
Sigonius {Biod. xix. Ixxii. 4) : Satriculam {and Satriculani 
and Satriculae beloic) H. 

^ Plisticam Sigonius {Dlod. xix. Ixxii. 3) : plistiam M^Jj^A^: 
plistiam postiam F: post iam philistiam : postiam Cl. 

^ Saticula was probabh* on the border between Campania 
and Samnium, and possibly occupied the same site as the 
modem S. Agata dei Goti. 


BOOK IX. XXI. i-xxii. I 

the conclusion of the yeai% not to Spurius Nautius b.c. 316 
and Marcus Popihus, the consuls at whose election 
they had presided, but to a dictator — Lucius Aemil- 
ius. The latter, with Lucius Fulvius, his master of 
the horse, laid siege to Saticula,^ and by so doing 
afforded the Samnites a pretext for renewing the 
war. The Romans were thus threatened in two 
quarters : on the one side the Samnites, with a 
large army which they had mustered to relieve their 
besieged allies, were encamped at no great distance 
from the Roman camp ; on the other side the Saticu- 
lani suddenly threw their gates wide open and 
charged pell-mell against the outposts of the Romans. 
Both hostile armies — each relying rather on the 
others lielp than on any strength of its own — then 
pressed home their attack, in what soon developed 
into a general engagement. But the dictator, de- 
spite the twofold struggle, vras protected on botla 
fronts, since he had chosen a position that was 
difficult to turn, and made liis maniples face opposite 
ways. However, he attacked the sallying party 
with the greater fury, and, encountering no very 
sharp resistance, drove them back into the tov.n. 
He then directed his entire line against the Samnites. 
There was more resistance here, but though the 
victory was slow in coming was neither dubious 
nor partial. The Samnites tied in disorder to their 
camp, and in the night, putting out their fires, they 
silently stole away, and relinquishing all hope of 
saving Saticula, themselves laid siege to Plistica, an 
ally of Rome, that they might pay the enemy out in 
their own coin. 

XXIL When the year had come round, the con- b.c. 315 
duct of the v>ar passed without a break into the 


tore Q. Fabio gestum est ; consules novi, sicut supe- 
riores, Romae manserunt ; Fabius ad accipiendum 
ab Aemilio exercitum ad Saticulam cum supplemento 

2 venit. Neque enim Samnites ad Plisticam ^ manse- 
rant sed accitis ab domo novis militibus multitudine 
freti castra eodem quo antea loco posuerunt lacessen- 
tesque proelio Romanes avertere ab obsidione co- 

3 nabantur. Eo inteiitius dictator in moenia hostium 
versus id bellum tantum ^ ducere quod urbem 
oppugnabat, securior ab Samnitibus agere stationibus 

4 modo oppositis ne qua in castra vis fieret. Eo ferocius 
adequitare Samnites vallo neque otium pati. Et 
cum iam prope in portis castrorum esset hostis, 
nihil consulto dictatore magister equitum Q. Aulius 
Cerretanus magno tumultu cum omnibus turmis 

5 equitum evectus summovit hostem. Turn in ^ mi- 
nime pertinaci genere pugnae sic fortuna exercuit 
opes ut insignes ^ utrimque clades et clara ipsorum 

ducum ederet funera. Prior Samnitium imperator, 
aegre patiens quo ^ tam ferociter adequitasset inde 
se fundi fugarique^ orando hortandoque equites 

7 proelium iteravit ; in quem insignem inter suos 
cientem pugnam magister equitum Romanus infesta 
cuspide ita permisit equum ut uno ictu exanimem 

^ plisticam edd. (with n i/i § 11) : plistiam n. 
2 tantiun (= tantummodo) Gronovius : tantum nitebatur 
g- : tanli CI. 

^ turn in r : cum in Ci : cumq. T. 
* insignes -: insignis H. 

1 The men whose names are b}' so strange an oversight 
omitted here were L. Papirius Cursor and Q. Publilius Philo, 
each of whom had thrice held the office. 


BOOK IX. wii. 1-7 

hands of the dictator Qiiiiitus Fahius. The newB.c.sio 
coiisuls,^ as their predecessors had done, remained 
ill Rome ; Fabiiis took new forces to replace the old, 
and proceeded to Saticula_, to receive the army from 
Aemilius. For the Samnites had not continued be- 
fore Plistica, but, summoning fresh troops from home 
and confiding in their numbers, had pitched their 
camp on the same spot as before, and were trying to 
provoke the Romans into giving battle, in the 
endeavour to divert them from the siege. This 
but intensified the dictator's concentration on the 
enemy's walls, for he deemed the war to consist 
solely m the attack upon the city, and treated the 
Samnites with much indifference, save only that he 
posted out- guards to prevent their making any inroad 
upon his camp. But this only made the Samnites 
the more audacious, and riding again and again up 
to the rampart, they gave no respite to the Romans. 
And now the enemy were almost in the gateway of 
the camp, when Quintus Aulius Cerretanus, the 
master of the horse, without consulting the dictator, 
sallied out with all his squadrons in a furious charge 
and drove them off. At this juncture — though in a 
type of battle by no means marked by obstinacy — ■ 
Fortune so used her powers as to bring extraordinary 
losses on both sides, and on the commanders them- 
selves distinguished deaths. The Samnite general 
first, indignant at being routed and put to flight from 
a position he had so boldly occupied, prevailed with 
his troopers by entreaties and encouragement to 
renew the conflict ; against whom, conspicuous 
amongst his followers as he urged them into battle, 
the Roman master of the horse rode such a tilt with 
levelled lance as at one lunge unhorsed and killed 



A.u.c. equo praecipitaret. N'ec^ ut fit, ad ducis casum 
^ ^ 8 perculsa magis quam inritata est. multitudo ; omnes 
qui circa erant in Auliuin temere iiivectum per 
9 hostium turmas tela coniecerunt ; fratri praecipuum 
decus ulti Samnitium imperatoris di dederunt.^ Is 
victorem detractum ex equo magistrum equituin 
plenus maeroris atque irae trucidavit, nee multum 
afuit quin corpore etiara, quia inter hostilis cecide- 

10 rat turmas, Samnites potirentur. Sed extem})lo ad 
pedes descensura ab Romanis est coactique idem 
Saranites facere ; et repentina acies circa corpora 
ducum pedestre proelium iniit, quo baud dubie 
superat Romanus, reciperatumque AuH corpus mixta 

11 cum dolore laetitia victort-s in castra referunt. Sam- 
nites duce amisso et per equestre certamentemptatis 
viribus omissa Saticula, quam nequiquam defendi 
rebantur, ad Plisticae obsidionem redeunt, intraque 
paucos dies Saticula Romanus per deditionem, 
Plistica per vim Samnis potitur. 

XXIII. Mutata inde belli sedes est ; ad Soram 
2 ex Samnio Apuliaque traductae legiones. Sora ad 
Samnites defecerat interfectis colonis Romanorum. 
Quo cum prior Romanus exercitus ad ulciscendam 
civium necem reciperandamque coloniam magnis 
itineribus pervenisset ^ et sparsi ^ per vias speculatores 

^ di (dii) dederuut JFalch {ivho also suggested deditum) : 
dederunt O, : dedere A^. 

2 pervenisset ^ : praeuenisset n. 
^ et sparsi ,-: sparsi n : sparsiq. ^. 


BOOK IX. x\ii. 7-.\xiii. 2 

him. Vet the rank and tile were not more dismayed b.c. 315 
by their leader's death — though it often happens so 
— than they were angered ; and as Auh'iis rode reck- 
lessly on through the enemy's squadrons, all those 
about him darted their javelins at him. But the 
glory of avenging the Samnite general was given by 
Heaven in largest measure to liis brother, who, wild 
with grief and rage, dragged down the victorious 
Roman from his seat and slew him. Indeed the 
Samnites almost got j)OSsession of the body, which 
had fallen in the midst of their troops. But the 
Romans at once dismounted, and the Samnites were 
forced to do the same ; and hurriedly forming up 
their lines, they began a battle on foot around the 
bodies of their generals, in which the Romans had 
easily the better. So they rescued the body of 
Aulius, which they bore back victoriously to their 
camp, with mingled feelings of sorrow and satisfaction. 
The Samnites, having lost their commander, and 
having tried what they could do in a cavalry engage- 
ment, gave up Saticula, which they felt was holding 
out in vain, and returned to the siege of Plistica. 
Within a few days' time Saticula had surrendered 
to the Romans and the Samnites had carried Plistica 
by assault. 

XXIII. The seat of war was now shifted, and the 
legions were transferred from Samnium and Apulia 
to Sora, which had gone over to the Samnites, after 
putting to death the Roman colonists. The Roman 
army, by a series of forced marches, undertaken to 
avenge their slaughtered fellow-citizens and regain 
the colony, came first upon the ground. But the 
scouts who had scattered out along the roads re- 
ported one after the other that the Samnite legions 



3 sequi legiones Samiiitium nee iam procul abesse alii 

4 super alios nuntiarent, obviaru itum hosti atque 
ad Lautulas ancipiti proelio dimicatum est. Xon 
caedes non fuga alterius partis sed nox incertos 

5 victi victoresne essent diremit. Invenio apud quos- 
dam adversam earn puGjnam Romanis fuisse atque 
in ea cecidisse Q. Aulium magistrum equitum. 

6 SufFectus in locum Auli C. Fabius magister equitum 
cum exercitu novo ab Roma advenit et per prae- 
missos nuntios consulto dictatore ubi subsisteret 
quove tempore et qua ex parte hostem adgrederetur^, 
SLibstitit occultus ad omnia satis exploratis consiliis. 

7 13ictator cum per aliquot dies ])ost pugnam con- 
tinuisset suos intra vallum obsessi magis quam 

8 obsidentis modo^ signum repente pugnae proposuit 
et efficacius ratus ad accendendos virorum fortium 
animos nuUara alibi quam in semet ipso cuiquam 
relictam spem de magistro equitum novoque ex- 

9 ercitu militem celavit^ et tamquam nulla nisi in 
eruptione spes esset. '^ Locis " inquit '^^angustis, 
milites^ deprehensi^ nisi quam victoria patefecerimus 

viam nuUam habemus. Stativa nostra munimento 

satis tuta sunt, sed inopia eadem infesta ; nam et 

circa omnia defecerunt unde subvehi commeatus 

poterant^ et si homines ^ iuvare velint, iniqua loca 

11 sunt, itaque non frustrabor ego vos castra hie 

^ homines ,- : omnes n. 

1 Whom Diodorus follows (xix. Ixxii. ). 

2 The Faiti CapitoJini give his name in full as C. Fabius 
M. f. N. n. Ambustus, -which makes him a brother of the 

» i.e. down the valley of the Liris, through the Samnite 
army, for the other wa^- was blocked by the town of Sora. 


BOOK IX. xMii. 2-1 1 

were following and were already close at hand, b.c.sio 
Whereupon the Romans marched to meet the enemy^ 
and an indecisive battle Avas fought near Lautulae. 
It was not the losses nor the rout of either army 
that put a stop to the engagement, but darkness, 
which left them uncertain if they had lost or won. 
I find in some authorities ^ that the Romans were 
defeated in this battle, and that it was here that the 
master of the horse, Quintus Aulius, lost his life. 
To fill out the term of Aulius they appointed Gaius 
Fabius,^ who marched from Rome with a fresh army. 
Sending messengers on ahead to the dictator, he 
consulted him as to where he should halt, and when, 
and from what quarter, attack the enemy. On 
being accurately informed regarding every detail of 
the dictator's plans, he halted where his army could 
lie concealed. For some days after the battle the 
dictator had kept his soldiers within their works, 
more like one besieged than a besieger. Then, 
suddenly, he displayed the battle-signal, and think- 
ing it more efficacious for quickening the courage of 
brave men to leave none of them any hope but in 
himself, he concealed from his troops the arrival of 
the master of the horse and his new army, and, as 
though their only salvation lay in cutting their way 
through, '^ Soldiers," he said, "^^ we are trapped and 
have no way of escape save such as victory shall open 
to us.^ Our standing camp is sufficiently protected 
by its rampart, but for lack of provisions is unten- 
able ; for every place round about us from which 
supplies could be brought up has revolted, and even 
if men wished to help us, the character of the 
country is against it. 1 will therefore not beguile 
you by leaving the camp standing here for you to 



A.r.c. relinquendo. in quae infecta victoria sicut pristine 
die vos recipiatis. Armis Qiunimentaj non muni- 

12 mentis arma tuta esse debent. Castra habeant 
repetantque quibus operae est trahere bellum : nos 
omnium rerum respectura praeterquam victoriae 

13 nobis abscidamus. Ferte signa in hostem ; ubi extra 
vallum agmen excesserit. castra quibus imperatum 
est incendant. Damna vestra^ milites^ omnium circa 

14 qui defecerunt populorum })raeda sarcientur." Et 
oratione dictatoris, quae necessitatis ultimae index 
erat^ milites accensi vadunt in hostem^ et respectus 
ipse ardentium castrorum. quamquam proximis tan- 
tuni — ita enim iusserat dictator — ignis est subditus, 

15 baud parvum fuit inrit-'imentum. Itaque velut ve- 
cordes inlati signa primo impetu hostium turbant ; 
et in tempore, postquam ardentia procul vidit castra, 
magister equitum — id convenerat signum — hostium 
terga invadit. Ita circumventi Samnites, qua potest 

16 quisque. fugam per diversa petunt ; ingens multitude 
in unum metu conglobata ac semet ipsam turba 

17 impediens in medio caesa. Castra hostium capta 
direptaque. quorum praeda onustum militem in 
Romana castra dictator reducit, haudquaquam tarn 
victoria laetum, quam quod praeter exiguam defor- 
matam incendio partem cetera contra spem salva 

^^^ XXn'. Ad Soram inde reditum ; novique consules 

^*'-' M. Poetelius C, Sul{)icius exercitum ab dictatore 

BOOK IX. XXIII. ii-xxiv. I 

make a refuge, if you fail of victory, as on the former b.c. si-s 
occasion. Entrenchments should be secured by 
arms, not arms by entrenchments. Let those have 
a camp, and retire to it, ^vho have time to prolong 
the war: as for us, let us shut out all regard for 
everything but victory. Forward against the enemy ! 
When the column is outside the rampart, let those 
who have been ordered to do so fire the camp ! 
Your losses, men, shall be made good with the spoils 
of all the revolted peoples round about ! " Inflamed 
by the dictator's speech, which pointed to the direst 
necessity, the soldiers advanced upon the foe ; and 
the mere sight of their blazing camp as they glanced 
back, though only the nearest tents were set afire^ 
for so the dictator had commanded — v/as no small 
whet to their resentment. And so, charging like 
madmen, they threw the enemy's ranks into con- 
fusion at the first assault ; and in the nick of time 
the master of the horse, who had seen far away 
the burning camp — which was the signal they had 
agreed upon — assaulted the enemy from behind. 
Being thus hemmed in, the Samnites fied, as each 
best might, in different directions ; a vast throng 
huddled up together, in their terror, and blocking 
each other's way in the confusion, were cut down 
where they stood. The enemy's camp was seized 
and plundered, and the soldiers, laden with the 
spoils, were led back by the dictator to the Roman 
camp, rejoicing not so greatly in their victory as 
because, contrary to their expectation, they found 
all safe there, except for a trifling part that had 
been damaged by the fiames. 

XXIV. The Romans then returned to Sora ; and b.c. 314 
new consuls, Marcus Poetelius and Gaius Sulpicius, 



Fabio accipiunt magna parte veterum militum 
dimissa novisque cohortibus in supplementiim ad- 

2 ductis. Ceterum cum propter diliicilem urbis situm 
nee oppugnandi satis certa ratio iniretur et aut 
tempore longinqua aut praeceps periculo victoria 

3 esset, Soranus transfuga clam ex oppido profectus^ 
cum ad vigiles Romanes penetrasset^ duci se ex- 
templo ad consules iubet deductusque traditurum 

4 urbem promittit. Visus ^ inde, cum quonam modo 
id praestaturus esset percontantes doceret, baud 
vana adferre, perpulit prope adiuneta moenibus 
Romana castra ut sex miba ab oppido removerentur : 

5 fore ut minus intentae in custodiam urbis diurnae 
stationes ac nocturnae vigiliae essent. Ipse inse- 
quenti nocte sub oppido silvestribus locis cobortibus 
insidere iussis decem mibtes delectos secum per 
ardua ac prope invia in arcem ducit. pluribus quam 

6 pro numero virorum missilibus tebs eo conlatis ; ad 
hoc saxa erant et temere iacentia. ut fit in aspretis. 
et de industria etiam. quo locus tutior esset^ ab 
oppidanis congesta. 

7 Ubi cum constituisset Romanes semitamque an- 
gustam et arduam erectam ex oppido in arcem 
ostendisset, " Hoc quidem ascensu " inquit ^'^ vel tres 

S armati quamlibet multitudinem arcuerint : vos et 

^ visus - : iussns {or uissus) Cl. 

^ The legions had been three years in the field, altliough 
some of the soldiers, who had been enlisted to replace those 
killed or disa1»led, had not served so long. These latter 
were retaine^l with the colours and the others were dis- 
charged. The word "cohorts" is anachronistic; Livy had 
perhaps forgotten that the organization bj' cohorts dated only 
from the time of Marius. 

2 Apparently conceived of as merely an unfortified and 
(for the time being; unoccupied height. 


took over the army from Fabius the dictator, dismiss- b.c. sii 
ing a great part of the veteran troops and bringing 
in new cohorts to rephice tliem.^ But the city lay 
in a troublesome position, where the Romans could 
devise no very certain way of getting at it, and 
it seemed that victory would either, be long in 
coming, or fraught with fearful risks ; when a Soran 
deserter stole out of the town, and picking his 
way to the Roman sentinels, bade them bring him 
immediately to the consuls. Arrived in their 
presence, he offered to betray the city. On being 
questioned how he could accomplish it, he satisfied 
his interrogators that his plan was not unfeasible, 
and induced them to withdraw the Roman camp — 
which was almost in contact with the city walls — to 
a distance of six miles from the town ; for so, he 
said, the sentinels would be less vigilant in guarding 
the place, whether by night or day. He himself on 
the following night, havincr directed certain cohorts 
to seek cover in the woods below the town, took 
with him ten picked men, whom he conducted over 
steep and almost impassable ground up to the 
citadel.- Here he had brought together a quantity 
of missiles out of all proportion to the number of 
men, besides which there were stones — both those 
which happened to be lying there, as is usual in 
rough country, and those which the townsmen had 
piled up on purpose, for the better protection of the 

On this height he posted the Romans, and, indi- 
cating to them a steep and narrow path which led 
up from the town to the citadel, he said, '^^From an 
ascent like this three men would be enough to keep 
back a multitude, however numerous : you are not 



decern numero, et quod plus est, Romani Romano- 
rumque fortissimi viri estis. Et locus pro vobis et 
iiox erit^ quae omnia ex incerto maiora territis 
ostentat. Ego iam terrore omnia imj)lebo : vos 
9 arcem intenti tenete." Decurrit inde, quanto 
maxime poterat cum tumultu, '' Ad arma I " et " Pro 
vestram fidem, cives ! " clamitans ; ^' arx ab hostibus 

10 capta est ; defendite ! " ^ Haec incidens principum 
foribuSj haec obviis, haec excurrentibus in publicum 
pavidis increpat. Acceptum ab uno pavorem plures 

11 per urbem ferunt. Trepidi magistratus missis ad 
arcem exploratoribiis cum tela et armatos tenere 
arcem multiplicato numero audirent, avertunt animos 

12 a spe reciperandae arcis ; fuga cuncta complentur 
portaeque ab semisomnis ac maxima parte inermibus 
refringuntur, quarum pernnam praesidium Romanum 
clamore excitatum inrumpit et concursantes per vias 

13 pavidos caedit. Iam Sora capta erat, cum consules 
prima luce advenere et quos rcliquos fortuna ex 
nocturna caede ac fuga fecerat in deditionem 

14 accipiunt. Ex his ducentos viginti quinque, qui 
omnium consensu destinabantur et infandae colo- 
norum caedis et defectionis auctores, vinctos Romam 
deducunt ; ceteram multitudinem incolumem prae- 

15 sidio imposito Sorae relinquunt. Omnesqui Romam 
deducti erant virgis in foro caesi ac securi percussi, 
summo gaudio plebis, cuius maxime intererat tutam 

^ defendite ^'J/ar^i'f^ : defendite ite n : ite defendite ,-• 


BOOK IX. XXIV. 8-15 

only teii^ but Romans^ and of Romans the very b.c. 314 
bravest. You Avill have tlie advantage of position 
and of nighty ^v^i^clV^lakes everything loom greater 
in the eyes of fi'ightened men, because of the 
obscurity. As for me, I will presently strike terror 
into every heart : do you hold the citadel and 
watch." He then ran down, making all the noise 
he could, as he cried ^^ To arms I " and '' Help, help, 
my countrymen ! The citadel has been taken by 
the enemy I Defend us I " These words he shouted 
as he knocked at the doors of the great, the same 
to all he met, the same to those who rushed out 
terrified into the streets. The panic begun by one 
man was spread by numbers through all the city. 
Quaking with fear, the magistrates dispatched scouts 
to investigate, and on hearing that armed men, in 
exaggerated numbers, held the citadel, relinquished 
all hope of regaining it. The city was thronged 
with fugitives, and men who were hardly yet awake 
and most of them unarmed, began battering down 
the gates. Through one of them rushed in the band 
of Romans, who had started up on hearing the outcry, 
and now running through the streets, cut down the 
frightened townsfolk. Sora was already taken, when 
the consuls arrived at early dawn, and received the 
surrender of such as Fortune had spared in the rout 
and slaughter of the night. Of these, two hundred 
and twenty-five, who were designated on all hands 
as the authors of the revolt and the hideous massacre 
of the colonists, they sent to Rome in chains ; the 
rest they left unharmed in Sora, only setting a 
garrison over them. All those who were taken to 
Rome were scourged and beheaded in the Forum, 
to the great joy of the commons, whom it most 




^.r.c. ubique quae passim in colonias mitteretur multitudi- 
nem esse. 

XXV. Consules ab Sora profecti in agros atque 

2 urbes Ausonum bellum intulerunt. Mota namque 
omnia adventu Samnitium cum apud Lautulas 
dimicatum est fuerant. coniurationesque circa Cam- 

3 paniam passim factae ; nee Capua ipsa crimine 
caruit ; quin Romam quoque et ad principum 
quosdara inquirendo ventum est. Ceterum Auso- 
num gens proditione urbium sicut Sora in potestatem 

4 venit. Ausona et Minturnae et Vescia ^ urbes erant 
ex quibus principes iuventutis duodecim numero in 
proditionem urbium suarum coniurati ad consules 

5 veniunt. Decent suos iam pridem exoptantes 
Samnitium adventum, simul ad Lautulas pugnatum 
audierint;,^ pro victis Romanes liabuisse, iuventute 

6 armis Samnitem iuvisse : fugatis inde Samnitibus 
incerta pace agere nee claudentes portas Romanis, 
ne arcessant bellum^ et obstinates claudere, si 
exercitus admoveatur ; in ea fluctuatione animorum 

7 opprimi incautos posse. His auctoribus mota propius 
castra missique eodem tempore circa tria oj^pida 
militeSj partira armati^ qui occulti pro{)inqua moeni- 
bus insiderent loca, partim togati tectis veste gladiis 
qui sub lucem apertis portis urbes ingrederentur. 

^ Vescia Sigonius (viu. xi. 5) : uescina fuestina FA') CI. 
^ audierint Kuptrti: audierunt H. 

^ Ausones is the Greek name for the Aurunci. 
2 Site unknowu. 


BOOK IX. xxrv. 15-xxv. 7 

nearly concerned that the people who were sent out b.c. 314 
liere and there to colonies should in every case be 

XXV. The consuls on leaving Sora conducted a 
campaign against the lands and cities of the Ausones.^ 
For evervthincT had been disturbed bv the coming 
of the Samnites^ when the battle was fought at 
Lautulae, and conspiracies had been formed all about 
Campania. Even Capua itself did not escape accusa- 
tion ; nay, the investigation actually led to Rome 
and to some of the prominent men there. But the 
Ausones were brought into subjection by the betrayal 
of their cities, as had happened in the case of Sora. 
From Ausona,- from Minturnae, and from Vescia, 
twelve young nobles, having conspired to betray 
their cities, came to the consuls, and explained to 
them that their countrymen, after long looking 
forward to the coming of the Samnites, had no 
sooner heard of the battle at Lautulae than they had 
concluded the Romans vanquished and had aided 
the Samnites with men and arms ; that since the 
expulsion of the Samnites from that region, they 
had been living in an uncertain kind of peace, not 
closing their gates upon the Romans, lest to do so 
should invite attack, but determined none the less 
to close them in case an army should approach ; 
and that in that wavering state of mind they could 
be surprised and overcome. 15y their advice the 
camp was moved up nearer and soldiers were simul- 
taneously sent round to the three towns. Some of 
these, in armour, were to lie in ambusli in places 
near the walls, while others, wearing the toga and 
concealing swords under their dress, were to enter 
the cities, a little before day, by the open gates. 

s 2 


8 Ab his simul custodes trucidari coepti^ simul datum 
signum arniatis ut ex insidiis coiicurrerent, Ita 
portae occupatae triaque oppida eadem hora 
eodemque coiisilio capta ; sed quia absentibus duci- 

9 bus impetus est factus^ null us modus caedibus fuit, 
deletaque Ausonum gens vix certo defectionis cri- 
mine perinde ac si internecivo bello certasset. 

XX\'I. Eodem anno prodito hostibus Romano 

2 praesidio Luceria Samnitium facta. Xec diu pro- 
ditoribus impunita res fuit : haud procul inde exer- 
citus Romanos erat, cuius primo imj)etu urbs sita 
in piano capitur. Lucerini ac Samnites ad inter- 

3 necionem caesi : eoque ira processit ut Romae 
quoque, cum de colonis mittendis Luceriam con- 
suleretur senatus^ multi delendam urbem censerent. 

4 Praeter odium^ quod exsecrabile in bis captos erat, 
longinquitas quoque abhorrere a relegandis tam 
procul ab domo civibus inter tam infestas gentes 

5 cogebat. \'icit tamen sententia ut mitterentur coloni. 
Duo milia et quingenti missi. 

Eodem anno, cum omnia infida Romanis essent, 
Capuae quoque occultae principum coniurationes 

6 factae. De quibus cum ad senatum relatum esset, 
haudquaquam neglecta res : quaestiones decretae 
dictatoremque quaestionibus exercendis dici jilacuit. 

1 With this sentence Livy resumes the narrative begun ii 
Chap. XXV. §§ 1 and 2. 


BOOK IX. XXV. 8-xxvi. 6 

These latter fell upon the watchmen^ at the same b.c. 314 
time making a signal to their fellows in armour to 
rush in from their ambuscade. Thus the gates were 
captured, and three towns were taken in one hour 
and by one device. But because the leaders were 
not present when the attack was made, there was 
no limit to the slaughter, and the Ausonian nation 
was wiped out — though it ^vas not quite clear that 
it was guilty of defection — exactly as if it had 
contended in an internecine war. 

XXVI. In the same year Luceria, betraying its 
Roman garrison to the enemy, passed into the pos- 
session of the Samnites ; but the traitors did not 
long go unpunished for their deed. Not far away 
there was a Roman army, which captured the city — 
situated as it was in a plain — at the first attack. 
The Lucerini and Samnites were shown no quarter, 
and resentment ran so high that even in Rome, 
when the senate was debating the dispatch of 
colonists to Luceria, there were many who voted to 
destroy the town. Besides men's hate, which was 
very bitter against those whom they had twice 
subdued, there was also the remoteness of the place, 
which made them shrink from condemning fellow- 
citizens to an exile so ftir from home and surrounded 
by such hostile tribes. However, the proposal to 
send colonists prevailed, and twenty-five hundred 
were sent. 

In that 3ear also of general disloyalty to the 
Romans, there were secret consjnracies of the 
nobles, even at Capua. ^ On their being reported to 
the senate, the danger was by no means minimized, 
but tribunals of enquiry were voted and it was 
determined to appoint a dictator to conduct the 



7 C. Maenius dictus ; is M. Folium magistrum equitum 
dixit. Ingens erat magistratus eius terror. Itaque^ 
sive is timer seu conscientia fiiit,^ Calavios ^ Ovium ^ 
Xoviumque — ea capita coniurationis fuerant — prius- 
quam nominarentur apud dictatoremj mors haud 
dubie ab ipsis conscita iudicio subtraxit. 

8 Deinde ut quaestioni Camj)anae materia decessit^ 
versa Romam interpretando res : non nominatim 
qui Capuae sed in universum qui usquam coissent 
coniurassentve adversus rem public-am quaeri sena- 

9 turn iussisse ; et coitiones honorum adipiscendorum 
causa factas adversus rem publicam esse. Latiorque 
et re et personis quaestio fieri haud abnuente dicta- 

10 tore sine fine ulla quaestionis suae ius esse. Postu- 
labantur ergo nobiles homines appellantibusque 
tribunos nemo erar^ruxttttrqutirnoiiiina reciperentur. 

11 Inde nobilitas. nee ii •* modo in quos crimen in- 
tendebatur sed universi, simul negare nobilium id 
crimen esse^ quibus, si nulla obstetur fraude, pateat 

12 via ad honorem, sed hominum novorum ; ipsos adeo 
dictatorem magistrumque equitum reos magis quam 
quaesitores idoneos eius criminis esse intellectu- 
rosque ita id esse, simul magistratu abissent. 

13 Tum enimvero Maenius^ iam famae magis quam 
imperii memor^ j.n'ogressus in contiojiem^ ita verba 

14 fecit : " Et omnes ante actae vitae'Cos conscios habeo, 

^ sive is timor sen conscientia fait Madvig: sine timor seu 
conscientiae uis Pi^ (or ius) OTD (or ius) LA* [and A* over 
erasure) : siuet {or aiuei) timor seu conscientia eius M {or M^ 
or M* over erasure) : sine is timor seu conscientiae uis U. 

* Calavios - : calabios n. 

2 Ovium r : obium {or obuium) fl. 

* ii ?-• hi {oi' hii) ^ : in P^- omitted by 0. 
^ contionem lJ*g- : contione CI. 


BOOK IX. XXVI. 7-14 

investigations. Gains Maenius was nominated, and b.c. 314 
named Marcus Folius master of the horse. Great 
was the terror inspired by that magistracy ; and so, 
wliether from fear or a guilty conscience, the Calavii, 
Ovius and Novius, who had headed the conspiracy, 
before informations could be lodged against them 
with the dictator, avoided trial by a death which 
was undoubtedly self-inflicted. 

After that, the field of enquiry at Capua having 
been exhausted, the proceedings were transferred 
to Rome, on the theory that the senate had ordered 
an investigation, not of specified individuals in 
Capua, but, in general, of all who had anywhere 
combined or conspired against the State ; and that 
cabals for obtaining magistracies had been made 
against the common weal. The enquiry began to 
take a wider range, in respect both of charges and 
of persons, and the dictator was nothing loath that 
there should be no limit to the jurisdiction of "liis 
court. Certain nobles were accordingly impeached, 
and on appealing to the tribunes found none to help 
them by stopping the informations. The nobles 
then declared — not those alone at whom the charge- 
was levelled, but all of them conjointly — that this^- 
accusation did not lie against the nobility, to whom, 
unless fraudulently obstructed, the road to office lay 
wide open, but rather against upstart politicians ; 
that in fact the dictator and the master of the horse 
themselves were fitter to be tried on such a charge 
than to act as judges, and they would find this to be 
so the moment they resigned their places. 

Then indeed Maenius, more mindful now of his 
reputation than of his authority, came forward and 
addressed the assembly. ^^ You are all of you," he 



A.TT.c. Quirites^ et hie ipse honos delatiis ad me testis est 
innocentiae meae ; neque enim^ quod saepe alias, 
quia ita tempora postulabant rei publicae, qui bello 
clarissimus esset, sed qui maxime procul ab his 
coitionibus vitani egisset. dictator deligendus exer- 

15 cendis quaestionibus fuit. Sed quoniam quidam no- 
l)iles homines — qua de causa vos existimare quam 
me pro magistratu quicquam incompertum dicere 

IG mebus est — primum ipsas expugnare quaestiones 
omni ope adnisi sunt, dein postquam ad id parum 
potentes erant, ne causam dicerent, in praesidia 
adversariorum. ap{)ellationem et tribunicium au- 

17 xilium, patricii confugeriint ; postremo repulsi inde 
adeo omnia tutiora quam ut innocent iam suam 
purgarent visa — in nos inruerunt et privatis dicta- 

18 torem poscere reum verecundiae non fuit ; — ut 
omnes di hominesque sciant ab ilHs etiam quae 
non possint temptari ne rationem vitae reddant, me 
obviam ire crimini et oflPerre me inimicis reum, 

19 dictatura me abdico. \^os quaeso, consules, si vo])is 
datum ab senatu negotium fuerit, in me primum et 
hunc M. Folium quaestiones exerceatis, ut appareat 
innocentia nostra nos non maiestate honoris tutos 

20 a criminationibus istis esse." Abdicat inde se dicta- 
tura et post eum confestim Folius magistcrio equi- 

BOOK IX. xxvi. 14-20 

said^ "Quiritcs, aware of my })ast life, and this very b.c. 
office Avhicli has been conferred upon me is witness 
to my innocence ; for it was necessary to select as 
dictator for the administration of judicial investiga- 
tions, not the most distinguished soldier — as has 
often been done at other times, when some crisis in 
the state required it — but the man who had lived a 
life most aloof from these cabals. But since certain 
noblemen — for what cause it is better that you 
should fomi your own opinion than tliat I as magis- 
trate should affirm anytliing not fully ascertained — • 
have in the first place striven with might and main 
to defeat these very investigations ; and then, find- 
ing themselves not strong enough to escape pleading 
their cause in court, have sought refuge, patricians 
though they are, in the safeguards of their adversaries 
— the appeal, 1 mean, and the help of the tribunes ; — 
and since at last, repulsed in that quarter, they have 
fallen upon us — so much safer does any course appear 
to them than to try to vindicate their innocence — 
and have not blushed, though private citizens, to 
demand the impeachment of a dictator ; — in order 
that all gods and men may know that they are 
attempting. even impossibilities to avoid accountings 
for their lives, whereas I am ready to face their cliarge 
and to offer niyselftlpm y enemres"tobe"trred, 1 hereby 
resign tlfe dictator's authority. YoiiT^ consuls, I 
beseecli, if the task shall be dcvohved upon you bv the 
senate, that you begin your investigations with me and 
with Marcus Folius here, that it may be seen that we 
are safe from these accusations by reason of our 
innocence- j not by reason of the awe inspired bv our 
office." He then resigned as dictator, and so at— 
once did Folius as master of the horse. Thev were 



turn ; primique apud consules — iis enim ab senatu 
mandata res est — rei facti adversus nobilium testi- 

21 monia egr^gkr'aJysolvuntur. Publilius etiam Philo 
raultiplicatis summis honoribus post res tot domi 
belloque gestas^ ceterum iiivisus nobilitati, causam 

22 dixit absolutusque est. Nee diutius, ut fit^ quam 
dum recens erat quaestio per clara nomina reorum 
viguit ; inde labi coepit ad viVjora. capita, donee 
coitionibus_Jactionibusque adversus quas comparata 
e r a ^ngjapji:e^sa_e;^ t . 

XX\'II. Earuin faiiia rerum, magis tamen spes 
Campanae defectionis, in quam coniuratum erat, 
Samnites in Apuliam versos rursus ad Caudium re- 

2 vocavit, ut inde ex propinquo, si qui motus occasio- 

3 nem aperiret, Capuam Romanis eriperent. Eo 
consules cum valido exercitu venerunt. Et prime 
circa saltus, cum utrimque ad bostem iniqua via 

4 essetj cunctati sunt ; deinde Samnites per aperta 
loca brevi circuitu in loca plana, Campanos campos, 
agmen demittunt/ ibique primum castra in con- 

5 spectum ^ hostibus data, deinde levibus proeliis 
equitum saepius quam peditum utrimque periculum 
factum ; nee aut eventus eorum Romanum aut 

G morae, qua trahebant bellum, paenitebat. Samni- 

1 demittunt ,- : dimittunt H : dimatant (?) F. 

* in conspcctum Gronovius: in conspectu n : conspectu F. 

^ In 339 B.C. Philo had proposed three democratic laws, 
which won him the enmitv of the patricians. See viii. xii. 


BOOK IX. XXVI. 20-xxvii. 6 

the first to go to trial before the consuls — for to b.c. 314 
these the senate had given the matter in charge — 
and, against the testimony of the nobles, were 
gloriously acquitted. Publilius Philo, too, after all 
his famous achievements at home and in war, and 
after having repeatedly held the highest offices, had 
incurred the hate of the nobility, and was brought 
to trial and acquitted.^ But the inquisition, as often 
happens, had the vigour to deal with illustrious 
defendants no longer than while its novelty lasted ; 
after that it began to descend to the baser sort, 
until it was finally put down by the cabals and 
factions which it had been instituted to Q^6po*«-.<-^vy*^-^ 

XXVII. The rumour of these events, and still 
more the hope of a Campanian insurrection, which 
had been the aim of the conspirators, recalled the 
Samnites from Apulia, on which their attention had 
been fixed, to Caudium ; in the hope that, being 
there so near, they might, if any disturbance should 
afford the opportunity, seize Capua from the 
Romans ; and to Caudium came the consuls, with 
a powerful force. Both armies at first held back, 
each on its own side of the pass, for either would 
have been at a disadvantage in advancing against 
the other. Then the Samnites made a short detour 
over open ground, and brought their army down 
to the plain, where the hostile forces were, for 
the first time, encamped in sight of one another. 
Some skirmishing followed, in which both sides 
made trial more often of their cavalry than their 
foot. The Romans were not dissatisfied either with 
the outcome of these brushes or with the delays 
by which the campaign was protracted. To the 
Samnite leaders, on the contrary, it appeared that 



tium contra ducibus et carpi parvis cottidie damnis 
et senescere dilatione belli vires suae videbantur. 

7 Itaque in aciem procedunt equitibus in cornua 
divisis, quibus praeceptum erat intentiores ad re- 
spectum castrorum, ne qua eo vis fieret, quam ^ ad 

8 proelium starent : aciem pedite ^ tutam fore. Con- 
sulum Sulpicius in dextro, Poetelius ^ in laevo cornu 
consistunt. Dextra pars, qua et Samnites raris 
ordinibus aut ad circumeundos hostes aut ne ipsi 

9 circumirentur constiterant, latius patefacta stetit : 
sinistris, praeterquam quod confertiores steterant, 
repentino consilio Poeteli consulis additae vires, qui 
subsidiarias cohortes, quae integrae ad longioris 
pugnae casus reservabantur, in priraam aciem ex- 
templo emisit universisque hostem primo impetu 

10 viribus impulit. Commota pedestri acie Samnitium 
eques in pugnam succedit. In hunc transverso 
agmine inter duas acies se inferentem Romanus 
equitatus concitat equos signaque et ordines pedi- 
tum atque equitum confundit, donee universam ab 

11 ea parte avertit aciem. In eo cornu non Poetelius 
solus sed Sulpicius etiam hortator adfuerat, avectus 
ab suis nondum conserentibus manus ad clamorem 

^ quam Gelcnius j- : cum n : et cum F. 

2 pedite U {anticipating Gronovius) : pediti Ci : peditum 

^ Poetelius edd. {cf. chap, xxiv, § 1) : potelius MPF: 
petilius : poetellius TD: petellius LA {similar corruptions 
in §§ 9 and 11, and at chap, xxviii. §§ 2, o, 6). 

^ i.e. the Samnite right. 


their forces were daily diminishing with petty b.c. 314 
losses, and were wasting away with the prolongation 
of the war. 

They accordingly made ready for a general en- 
gagement, dividing their cavalry between the wings, 
with orders to pay more attention to the camp, 
to prevent any attack upon it, than to the battle ; 
for the infantry would sufficiently safeguard the 
line. Of the consuls, Sulpicius took up his post 
on the right wing, Poetelius on the left. The 
formation on the right was spread out over a 
considerable distance, and on that wing the Sam- 
nites, too, were drawn up in ranks of little depth, 
either meaning to turn the Romans' flank, or to 
keep their own from being turned. The troops on 
the left, besides being drawn up in closer order, 
had received an accession to their strength from 
a pla'n conceived on the spur of the moment by 
Poetelius. For those subsidiary cohorts which were 
wont to be kept fresh in reserve, to meet the 
chance needs of a long engagement, he sent im- 
mediately into the fighting line ; and by using all 
his strength at once, he forced the enemy back 
at the first assault. As the Samnite infantry 
wavered, their cavalry moved up to support them. 
But while they came obliquely onward, in the 
interval between the armies, the Roman cavalry 
charged them at tlie gallop, confounding the ranks 
and the formations of liorse and foot, until they 
had routed the entire army at that point. ^ On 
that wing Sulj)iciiis was present, as well as Poetelius, 
to animate the soldiers, for when the shouting arose 
upon the left, he had ridden over there, leaving 
his own men, who were not yet come to grips with 



12 a sinistra parte prius exortum. Unde baud dubiam 
victoriam ceruens cum ad suum cornu tenderet cum 
mille ducentis viris, dissimilem ibi fortunam invenit^ 
Ronianos loco pulses^ victorem bostem signa in 

13 perculsos inferentem. Ceterum omnia mutavit re- 
pente consubs adventus ; nam et conspectu ducis 
refectus mibtum est animus, et maius quam pro 
numero auxibum advenerant fortes viri, et partis 
alterius victoria audita mox visa etiam proebum 

14 restituit. Tota deinde iam vincere acie Romanus 
et omisso certamine caedi capique Samnites. nisi 
qui Maleventum, cui nunc urbi Beneventum nomen 
est, perfugerunt. Ad triginta milia caesa aut capta 
Samnitium proditum memoriae est. 

XXVIII. Consules egregia victoria parta protinus 

2 inde ad Bovianum oppugnandum legiones ducunt ; 
ibique biberna egerunt, donee ab novis consubbus, 
L. Papirio Cursore quintum C. lunio Bubulco iterum 
nominatus dictator C. Poetelius cum M. Folio 

3 magistro equitum exercitum accepit. Is cum au- 
disset arcem Fregellanam ab Samnitibus captam, 
omisso Boviano ad Fregebas pergit. Unde nocturna 
Samnitium fuga sine certamine receptis Fregellis 
praesidioque valido imposito in Campaniam reditum 

4 maxime ad Nolam armis repetendam. Eo se intra 

^ The cit\', which was a Greek colony, was called MaXoFels, 
which meant "Sheeptown" (or, perhaps. " Appletown "). 
The Romans corrupted the accusative case, MaXoFevra, to 
Maleventum, which they regarded as derived from male and 
venire, and then, to avoid the omen, changed it to Beneven- 
turn when they planted a colony there, 268 B.C. 


BOOK IX. XXVII. ii-xxviii. 4 

the enemy. But perceiving his colleague's victory b.c. 314 
to be safe, he left him and rode off with twelve 
hundred men to his own wing. There he found 
affairs in a different posture ; the Romans had been 
driven out of their position, and the victorious 
enemy were charging their disordered ranks. But 
all was quickly changed by the arrival of the 
consul. For the sight of their general revived the 
spirits of the soldiers, and the brave men who 
followed him were a greater succour than their 
numbers indicated ; and the tidings of their com- 
rades' victory, which they soon saw for themselves, 
restored the battle. Presently the Romans had 
begun to conquer all along the line, while the 
Samnites, giving up the struggle, were massacred 
or made prisoners, except those who fled to 
Maleventum, the city which is now called Bene- 
ventum.i Tradition avers that some thirty thousand 
Samnites were slain or captured. 

XXVni. The consuls, who had won a brilliant b.c. 313 
victory, at once marched away to lay siege to 
Bovianum, where they remained in winter quarters, 
until the new consuls, Lucius Papirius Cursor (for 
the fifth time) and Gaius Junius Bubulcus (for the 
second) apjiointed Gaius Poetelius dictator, who, 
with Marcus Folius as master of horse, took over 
the command. Poetelius, hearing that the citadel 
of Fregellae was captured by the Samnites, raised 
the siege of Bovianum and proceeded to Fregellae. 
Having got possession of the place without a 
struggle — for the Samnites fled from it in the night 
— he installed a strong garrison there, and leaving 
Fregellae, marched back into Campania, for the 
purpose, chiefly, of winning back Nola by force of 



moenia sub adventum dictatoris et Samnitium omnis 
multitudo et Xolana a<rrestis contulerat.^ Dictator 

5 urbis situ circumspecto^ quo apertior aditus ad 
moenia esset^ omnia aediticia — et frequenter ibi 
habitabatur — circumiecta muris incendit ; nee ita 
multo postj sive a Poetelio dictatore sive ab C. 
lunio consule — nam utrumque traditur^ — Nola est 

G capta. Quicaptae decus Nolae ad consulem trahunt, 
adiciunt Atinam et Calatiam ab eodem captas, 
Poetelium autem pestilentia orta clavi figendi causa 
dictatorem dictum. 

7 Suessa et Pontiae eodem anno coloniae deductae 
sunt. Suessa Auruncorum fuerat ; \'olsci Pontias^ 
insulam sitam in conspectu litoris sui, incoluerant. 

8 Et Interamnam Sucasinam^ ut deduceretur colonia^ 
senati consultum ^ factum est; sed triumviros cre- 
avere ac misere colonorum quattuor milia insequentes 
consules M. \'alerius P. Decius. 

XXIX. ProHigato* fere Samnitium bello, prius- 

quam ea cura decederet patribus Romanis^ Etrusci 

2 belli fama exorta est. Nee erat ea tempestate gens 

alia cuius secundum Gallicos tumultus arma terri- 

^ et Xolana agrestis contulerat codd. Gelen. : et nolani 
agrestes (agrestis agrestas PFDf LA) contulerat (-et F, 
-ant A}P or M*T^ or T^Lf^) n. 

2 Sucasinam Mommse/i {Plin. N.II. iii. v. 64): casinam 
MT : casinum H. 

^ senati consultum Alschefslci : sic [or sic) Cl: sicut U: 
senatus consultum -. 

* proHigato-: M. Valeric P. Decio coss. [or cos or cons.) 
profligato Cl : p decio coss profligate TDLA. 

^ For the practice of driving a uail in the wall of the 
shrine of Minerva in the great temple of Jupiter on the 
Capitol, see vii. iii. But the writers referred to in 
the present passage are probably mistaken, as the Fasti 


BOOK IX. xxviir. 4-\xi\. 2 

anus. Within its walls, as the dictator drew near, b.o. 31 s 
the whole Samnite population and the Nolani of 
the country-side had taken refuge. After examining 
the position of the city, the dictator, in order to 
open up approaches to the walls, caused all the 
buildings round them — and the tract was densely 
inhabited — to be burnt. Not very long after this 
Nola was captured, whether by Poetelius the dic- 
tator or the consul Gains Junius— for the story is 
told both ways. Those who ascribe the honour of 
capturing Xola to the consul, add that Atina and 
Calatia were won by the same man, but that 
Poetelius was made dictator on the outbreak of a 
pestilence, that he might drive the nail.^ 

Colonies were planted in that same year at Suessa 
and Pontiae. Suessa had belonged to the Aurunci ; 
Volscians had inhabited Pontiae, an island which 
lay within sight of their own coast. The senate 
also passed a resolution that a colony be sent out 
to Interamna Sucasina," but it was left for the next 
consuls, Marcus Valerius and Publius Decius, to 
appoint the three commissioners and send out four 
thousand settlers. 

XXIX. The war with the Samnites was practically b.c. 312 
ended, but the Roman senators had not yet ceased 
to be concerned a])out it, when the rumour of an 
Etruscan war sprang up. In those days there was 
no other race — setting apart the risings of the Gauls 

Capitolini say that Poetelius was made dictator rei gerundae 

' 80 called (or sometimes Lirenas) to distinguish it from 
two other towns called Interamna— a name which is derived 
from the two streams (in this case the Casinus and the Liris) 
at whose confluence the town was situated. 



biliora essent cum propinquitate agri turn multi- 

3 tudine hominum. Itaque altero consule in Samnio 
reliquias belli persequente P. Decius^ qui graviter 
aeger Romae restiterat^ auctore senatu dictatorem 
C. Sulpicium Longum, is magistrum equitum C. 

4 lunium Bubulcum ^ dixit. Is, prout rei magnitude 
postulabat, omnes iuniores sacramento adigit, arma 
quaeque alia res poscit summa industria parat ; nee 
tantis apparatibus elatus de inferendo bello agitat, 
quieturus baud dubie^ nisi ultro arma Etrusci infer- 

5 rent. Eadem in comparando cobibendoque bello 
consilia et apud Etruscos fuere : neutri finibus 

Et censura clara eo anno Ap. Claudi et C. Plauti 
fuit ; memoriae tamen felicioris ad posteros nomen 

6 Appi, quod viam munivit et aquam in urbem duxit ; 

7 eaque unus perfecit^ quia ob infamem atque invi- 
diosam senatus lectionem verecundia victus collega 

8 magistratu se abdicaverat ; Appius iam inde anti- 
quitus insitam pertinaciam familiae gerendo solus 

9 censuram obtinuit. Eodem Appio auctore Potitia 
gens^ cuius ad aram maximam Herculis familiare 
sacerdotium fuerat, servos publicos ministerii dele- 

^ dictatorem C. Sulpicium Longum, is magistrum equitum 
C. Bubulcum Sigonius and Pigldus {from the Fasti Capitolini) : 
dictatorem C. lunium Bubulcum fl. 

^ The road was the Via Appia, -svliich ran from Rome to 
Capua, and was later extended to Beneventum and, finally, 
to Brundisium. The aqueduct brought water from a point 
between seven and eiglit miles out, on the road to Gabii, and 
supplied the Circus Maximus and other low-lying parts of 
the City. 

2 An ancient altar erected in honour of Hercules. Tlie 
origin of the cult is described at i. vii. 3-15. 



— whose arms were more dreaded^ not only because b.c. 31: 
their territory lay so near, but also because of their 
numbers. Accordingly^ while the other consul was 
in Samnium^ dis})atching the last remnants of the 
war, Publius Decius, who was very sick and had 
stopped behind in Rome, in pursuance of a senatorial 
resolution named Gaius Sulpicius Longus dictator, 
who appointed Gaius Junius Bubulcus to be his 
master of the horse. Sulpicius, as the gravity of 
the circumstances required, administered the oath to 
all those of military age, and made ready arms and 
whatever else the situation called for, with the 
utmost assiduity. Yet he was not so carried away 
with these great preparations as to plan for an 
offensive war, clearly intending to remain inactive, 
unless the Etruscans should first take the field. 
But the Etruscans followed the same policy, pre- 
paring for war but preventing it from breaking out. 
Neither side went beyond their own frontiers. 

Noteworthy, too, in that year was the censorship 
of Appius Claudius and Gaius Plautius ; but the 
name of Appius was of happier memory with 
succeeding generations, because he built a road, 
and conveyed a stream of water into the City.^ 
These undertakings he carried out by himself, since 
his colleague had resigned, overcome with shame 
at the disgraceful and invidious manner in which 
Appius revised the list of senators ; and Appius, 
exhibiting the obstinacy which had marked his 
family from the earliest days, exercised the censor- 
ship alone. It was Appius, too, by whose warranty 
the Potitian clan, with whom the priesthood of 
Hercules at the Ara Maxima - was hereditary, 
taught the ritual of that sacrifice to public slaves, 




10 gandi causa soUemnia eius sacri docuerat. Traditur 
inde, dictu mirabile et quod dimovendis statu suo 
sacris religionem facere posset, cum duodecim familiae 
ea tempestate Potitiorum essent, puberes ad trigiiita, 

1 1 oinnes intra annum cum stirpe exstinctos; nee nomen 
tantum Potitiorum interisse sed censorem etiam 
memoi-i deum ira post aliquot, annos luminibus 

XXX. Itaque consules qui eum annum secuti 
sunt, C. Junius Bubulcus tertium et Q. Aemilius 
Barbula iterum, initio anni questi apud })opulum 

2 deformatum ordinem prava lectione senatus, qua 
potiores aliquot lectis praeceriti assent, negaverunt 
eam lectionem se, quae sine recti pravique dis- 
crimine ad gratiara ac libidinem facta esset, obser- 
vaturos et senatum extem})lo citaverunt eo ordine 
qui ante censores Ap. Claudium et C. Plautium 

3 fuerat. Et duo imperia ^ eo anno dari coepta per 
populum, utraque pertinentia ad rem militarem : 
unum, ut tribuni militum seni deni in quattuor 
legiones a populo crearentur, quae antea perquam 
paucis suffragio populi relictis locis dictatorum et 
consul um ferme fuerant beneficia — tulere eam roga- 
tionem tribuni plebei L. Atilius C. Marcius ; — 

4 alteram, ut duumviros navales classis ornandae 

^ imperia H: feria M : ministeria J/a^/i;i^. 

^ For ail instance of the popular election of tribuni militum 
cf. VII. V.9. The plan adopted in 311 seems to have given the 
people the right to elect four of the six tribunes assigned to 
each legion, or sixteen in all. Soon after Livy wrote these 
words another change was made and the emperor thenceforth 
appointed all military tribunes. 


BOOK IX. XXIX. 9-xxx. 4 

in order to devolve the service upon them. Tradition b.c. 312 
rehites that after this a strange thing happened, 
and one that might well give men pause ere they 
disturb the established order of religious ceremonies. 
For whereas at that time there were twelve families 
of the Potitii, and grown men to the number of 
thirty^ within the year they had perished, every 
man, and the stock had become extinct ; and not 
only did the name of the Potitii die out, but even 
the censor, by the unforgetting ire of the gods, was 
a few years later stricken blind. 

XXX. And so the consuls of the following year, b.c. 311 
Gaius Junius Bubulcus (for the third time) and 
Quintus Aemilius Barbula (for the second), com- 
plained to the people, at the outset of their 
administration, that the senatorial order had been 
depraved by the improper choice of members, in 
which better men had been passed over than some 
that had been appointed. They then gave notice 
that they should ignore that list, which had been 
drawn up with no distinction of right and wrong, 
in a spirit of favouritism and caprice ; and pro- 
ceeded to call the roll of the senate in the order 
which had been in use before Appius Claudius and 
Gaius Plautius were censors. In that year, also, two 
commands — both military — began to be conferred 
by the people ; for it was enacted, first, that sixteen 
tribunes of the soldiers should be chosen by popular 
vote for the four legions, whereas previously these 
places had been for the most part in the gift of 
dictators and consuls, very few being left to })opular 
suffrage^ ; secondly, that the people should likewise 
elect two naval commissioners to have charge of 
equipping and refitting the fleet. The former of 



reficiendaeque causa idem })opulus iuberet; lator 
huius plebi sciti fuit M. Decius tribunus plebis. 

5 Eiusdem anni rem dictu parvam praeterirem^ ni 
ad religionem visa esset pertinere. Tibicines, quia 
prohibit! a proximis censoribus erant in aede lovis 
vesci quod traditum antiquitus erat^ aegre passi 
Tibur uno agmine abierunt^ adeo ut nemo in urbe 

6 esset qui sacrificiis praecineret. Eius rei religio 
tenuit senatuin^ legatosque Tibur miserunt darent ^ 
operam^ ut ii ^ homines Roinanis restituerentur. 

7 Tiburtini benigne polliciti primura accitos eos in 
curiam hortati sunt uti reverterentur Romam ; 
po-tquam per])elli uequibant. consiHo baud abhor- 

8 rente ab ingeniis hominum eos adgrediuntur. Die 
festo ahi abos per speciem celebraiidarum cantu 
epularum invitant^ et vino, cuius avidum ferme id 

9 genus * est^ oneratos sopiunt atque ita in plaustra 
somno vinctos coniciunt ac Romam deportant. Xec 
prius sensere quam phuistris in foro reHctis plenos 

10 crapulae eos lux oppressit. Tunc concursus popuH 
factus, impetratoque ut manerent, datum ut triduum 
quotannis ornati cum cantu atque hac quae nunc 
sollemnis est licentia per urbem vagarentur, restitu- 

1 darent Gronovhis : ut darent H. 

2 ut ii ^* Alschefski Madvig \ ut hii M . ut hi PF: ut id 

3 invitant r : ciusa inuitaut H. 
* id gen s ^: genus d. 


BOOK IX. xx\. 4-10 

these measures was proposed by the tribunes of the b.c.sii 
plebs Lucius Atihus and Gaius Marcius ; the latter 
by Marcus Decius, another tribune of the plebs. 

I shoald omit^ as an incident hardly worth 
narrating, a little thing that happened in that same 
year, but that it seemed to concern religion. The 
riute -players, angry at having been forbidden by 
the last censors to hold their feast, according to 
old custom, in the temple of Jupiter, went off to 
Tibur in a body, so that there was no one in the 
City to pipe at sacrifices. Troubled by the religious 
aspect of the case, the senate dispatched repre- 
sentatives to the Tiburtines, requesting them to 
use their best endeavours to restore these men to 
Rome. The Tiburtines courteously undertook to do 
so ; and sending for the pipers to their senate-house, 
urged them to return. When they found it im- 
possible to persuade them, they employed a ruse, 
not ill-adapted to the nature of the men. On a 
holiday various citizens invited parties of the pipers 
to their houses, on the pretext of celebrating the 
feast with music. There they plied them with 
wine, which people of that profession are generally 
greed V of. until they got them stupefied. In this 
condition they threw them, ftist asleep, into waggons 
and carried them away to Rome ; nor did the pipers 
perceive what had taken place until daylight found 
them — still suffering from the debauch — in the 
waggons, which had been left standing in the 
Forum. The })eo})le then flocked about them and 
prevailed with them to remain. They were per- 
mitted on three days in every year to roam the 
City in festal robes, making music and enjoying 
the licence that is now customary, and to such 



tumque in aede vescendi ius iis ^ qui sacris prae- 
cinerent. Haec inter duorum ingentium belloriim 
curam gerebantur. 

XXXI. Consules inter se provincias partiti : lunio 
Samnites, Aeniilio novum bellum Etruria sorte 

2 obvenit. In Samnio Cluviarum - })raesidium Roma- 
nunij quia nequiverat vi capi^ obsessum fame in 
deditionem acceperant Samnites verberibusque foe- 

3 dum in modum lacerates occiderant deditos. Huic 
infensus crudelitati lunius^ nihil antiquius oppugna- 
tione Cluviana ratus, quo die adgressus est moenia 

4 vi cepit atque omnes puberes interfecit. Inde victor 
exercitus Bovianum ductus. Ca])ut hoc erat Pentro- 
rum Samnitium^ longe ditissimum atque opulentissi- 

5 mum armis virisque. Ibi quia baud tantum irarum 
erat, spe praedae milites accensi oppido })otiuntur. 
Minus itaque saevitum in hostes est ; praedae plus 
paene quam ex omni Samnio unquam egestum 
benigneque omnis militi concessa. 

6 Et postquam praepotentem armis Romanum nee 
acies subsistere ullae nee castra nee urbes poterant, 
omnium principum in Samnio eo curae sunt intentae 
ut insidiis quaereretur locus, si qua licentia popu- 
lando effusus exercitus excipi ac circumveniri posset. 

7 Transfugae agrestes et captivi quidam, pars forte, 
pars consilio oblati, congruentia ad consulem adfe- 

^ iis r : his H : in (or iu) hiis A hiis A^. 

* Cluviarum Walters : cluuiaru (?) : cluuiani (cluiani P) 
H: duliiani T : duuiani T^. 

^ The story of the secession of the flute-players is found 
also in Ovid, Fa^d, vi. 651 ff., and Plutarcli, Qua est tones 
JRomanae, DO. The three days (the so-called "lesser Quin- 
quatrus ") were June 13th, lith, loth, and were a festival 
peculiar to the guild of pipers. 

* The site of Cluviae is not known. 

BOOK IX. XXX. lo-xxxi 7 

as should pl'iy at sacrifices was given again the b.c. sii 
privilege of banqueting in the temple. ^ These 
incidents occurred while men were i)reoccupied with 
two mighty wars. 

XXXI. The consuls divided the commands between 
them : to Junius the lot assigned the Samnites. to 
Aemilius the new war with p],truria. In Samnium 
the Roman garrison at Cluviae^- which had defended 
itself successfully against assault, was starved into 
submission. The Samnites, having scourged their 
])risoners in brutal fashion, put them to death, 
although they had surrendered. Incensed by this 
act of cruelty, Junius felt that nothing should take 
precedence over an attack on Cluviae. He carried 
the place by storm on the day he arrived before it, 
and slew all the grown-up males. From there he 
led his victorious army to Bovianum. This was the 
capital of the Pentrian Samnites, a very wealthy 
city and very rich in arms and men. Against this 
town the soldiers were not so exasperated, but the 
hope of j)lunder spurred them on to capture it. And 
so there was less severity shown to the enemy, but 
there was almost more booty carried out than was 
ever collected from all the rest of Samnium, and the 
whole of it was generously made over to the soldiers. 

When the conquering arms of the Romans might 
now no longer be withstood by any embattled host or 
camp or city, the leaders of the Samnites all eagerly 
directed their attention to the seeking out a place 
for an ambush, on the chance that the army might 
somehow be permitted to disperse for plundering, 
and so be surprised and surrounded. Certain rustic 
deserters and prisoners, some falling into the 
consul's hands by accident and some on purpose, 



rentes — quae et vera erant — pecoris vim ingenteai 
in saltum avium compulsam esse, perpulerunt ut 

8 })raedatum eo expeditse ducerentur legiones. Ibi 
ingens hostium exercitus itinera occultus insederat, 
et postquam intrasse Romanes vidit saltum, repente 
exortus cum clamore ac tumultu incautos invadit. 

9 Et primo nova res trepidationem fecit, dum arma 
capiunt, sarcinas congerunt in medium ; dein post- 
quam, ut quisque liberaverat se onere aptaveratque 
arma,^ ad signa undique coibant et notis ordinibus 
in vetere disciplina militiae iam sine praecepto 

10 ullius sua sponte struebatur acies, consul ad anci- 
pitem maxime pugnam advectus desilit ex equo 
et lovem Martemque atque alios testatur deos se 
nuUam suam gloriam inde sed praedam militi 

U quaerentem in eum locum devenisse neque in se 
aliud quam nimiam ditandi ex hoste militis curam 
reprehendi posse ; ab eo se dedecore nullam rem 

12 aliam quam virtutem militum vindicaturam. Coni- 
terentur modo uno animo omnes invadere hostem 
victum acie, castris exutum, nudatum urbibus, 
ultimam spem furto insidiarum temptantem et loco 

13 non armis fretum. Sed quem esse iam virtuti 
Romanae inexpugnabilem locum ? Fregellana arx 
Soranaque et ubicumque iniquo successum erat loco 

^ arma Gronovius: armis n. 

BOOK IX. XXXI. 7-13 

bv giving all the same account — and a true one, b.c. 3ii 
too — of enormous flocks that had been brought 
together in an inaccessible mountain meadow, per- 
suaded him to lead thither his legions in light 
marching order to seize the booty. There a great 
army of the enemy had secretly beset the ways, and 
seeing that the Romans had entered the pass, rose 
up suddenly with much din and shouting and fell 
upon them unawares. At first the unexpectedness 
of the attack occasioned some trepidation, while the 
soldiers were putting on their armour and piling 
their packs in the midst. Afterwards, when every- 
one had got rid of his encumbrance and had armed 
himself, they began to assemble from every side 
about their standards. In the course of a long 
training in the army they had become familiar with 
their places, and formed a line of their own accord, 
without anyone's direction. The consul, riding up 
to the place where the fighting was most critical, 
leaped down from his horse, and called on Jupiter 
and Mars and the other gods to witness that he had 
come there seeking no glory for himself, but only 
booty for his soldiers : his sole fault, he said, was 
a too great desire to enrich his men ; from this dis- 
grace nothing could save him but their courage. 
Only let them all unite in singleness of purpose to 
assail an enemy concpiered in battle, stripped of his 
cam]"), deprived of his cities, and pinning his last 
hopes to the treachery of an ambuscade, where his 
trust was in his position, not in arms. But what 
position was there now, he demanded, too strong for 
Roman valour to overwhelm ? He reminded them of 
Fregellae's citadel and Sora's, and all the places where 
they had triumphed over disadvantage of ground. 


14 His accensus miles, omnium immemor difficulta- 
tium^ vadit adversus imminentem hostium aciem. 
Ibi pallium laboris fuit^ dum in adversum clivum 

15 erigitur agmen ; ceterum postquam prima signa 
planitiem summam ceperunt sensitque acies aequo 
se iam institisse loco, versus extemplo est terror in 
insidiatores easdemque latebras quibus se paulo 
ante texerant palati atque inermes fuga repetebant. 

10 Sed loca difficilia liosti quaesita ipsos tum sua 
fraude impediebant. Itaque ergo perpaucis effugium 
patuit ; caesa ad viginti milia hominum victorque 
Komanus ad oblatam ab hoste praedam pecorum 

XXXII. Dum haec geruntur in Samnio, iam omnes 
Etruriae populi praeter Arretinos ad arma ierant, 
ab oppugnando Sutrio. quae urbs socia Romanis 

2 velut claustra Etruriae erat, ingens orsi bellum. Eo 
alter consul Aemilius cum exercitu ad Hberandos 
obsidione socios venit. Advenientibus Romanis 
Sutrini commeatus benigne in castra ante urbem 

3 posita advexere. Etrusci diem primum consuitando 
maturarent traherentne bellum traduxerunt. Postero 
die, ubi celeriora quam tutiora consilia magis pla- 

1 The Fa^^ii Capitolini record that Junius triumphed over 
the Samnites on August oth {C.I L. , I^, p. -45). 


BOOK IX. XXXI. T4-xxxir. 3 

Roused by these words^ the soldiers disregarded b.c. 311 
every obstacle and advanced against the battle-line 
which their enemies had formed above them. 
There was a little hard fighting there, while the 
column was mounting the slope ; but as soon as the 
foremost companies had reached the plateau at 
the top, and the soldiers perceived that their line 
was now established on level ground, the panic was 
straightway turned upon the waylayers, who fled, 
dispersing and throwing down their arms, in search 
of those very lurking-})laces where a little while 
before they had concealed themselves. But the 
ground which they had sought out for the difficulties 
it presented to an enemy caught the Samnites 
themselves in a trap of their own devising. And 
so, very few were able to get off: about twenty 
thousand men were slain ; and the victorious 
Romans struck out this way and that to collect the 
booty of cattle which the enemy had thrown in 
their w^y.^ 

XXXII. While these events were taking place in 
Samnium, all the peoples of Etruria, except the 
Arretini, had already armed, and beginning with 
the siege of Sutrium, a city in alliance with the 
Romans, and forming as it were the key to Etruria, 
had set on foot a tremendous war. Thither the 
other consul, Aemilius, came with an army, to 
relieve the blockade of the allies. As the Romans 
came u}), the Sutrini obligingly brought provisions 
to their camp, wliich was formed before the city. 
The Etruscans spent the first day in deliberating 
whether to accelerate the war or to draw it out. 
On the following day, their generals having decided 
on the swifter plan in preference to the safer, the 



Caere ducibus, sole orto signum pugnae propositum 

4 est armatiqiie in aciem procedunt. Quod postquam 
consuli nuntiatum est^ extemplo tesseram dari iubet 
ut prandeat miles firmatisque cibo viribus arma 

5 capiat. Dicto paretur. Consul ubi armatos para- 
tosque viditj signa extra vallum proferri iussit et 
baud procul hoste instruxit aciem. Aliquamdiu 
intenti utrimque steterunt exspectantes, ut ab ad- 

6 versariis clamor et pugna inciperet ; et prius sol 
meridie se inclinavit quam telum hinc aut illinc 
emissum est. Inde. ne infecta re abiretur^ clamor 
ab Etruscis oritur concinuntque tubae et signa 
inferuntur. Xec segnius a Romanis pugna initur. 

7 Concurrunt infensis animis ; numero hostis. virtute 

8 Romanus superat ; anceps proelium multos utrimque 
et fortissimum quemque absumit^ nee prius inclinata 
res est quam secunda acies Romana ad prima signa, 

9 integri fessis, successerunt, Etrusci/ quia nullis 
recentibus subsidiis fulta prima acies fuit, ante signa 
circaque omnes ceciderunt. Xullo unquam proelio 
fugae minus nee })lus caedis fuisset, ni obstinates 

10 mori Tuscos nox texisset, ita ut victores prius quam 
victi pugnandi finem facerent. Post occasum solis 
signum receptui datum est; nocte utroque ^ in 
castra reditum. 

^ successerunt, Etrusci iraUers and Conway : successerunt. 
Etrusci edd. 

* utroque Madvig: ab utroque D, : utrobique Walters and 
Coniray {note). 



signal for battle was displayed at sunrise and their b.o. 311 
men in fighting array marched out upon the field. 
When tliis was reported to the consul^ he at once 
commanded the word to be passed round that the 
men sliould breakfast, and having recruited their 
strength with food, should then arm. The order 
was obeyed ; and the consul, seeing them equipped 
and ready, bade advance the standards beyond the 
rampart, and drew up his troops a little way off from 
the enemy. For some time both sides stood fast, 
observing one another closely, each waiting for the 
other to give a cheer and begin to fight, and the 
sun had begun his downward course in the heavens 
ere a missile was hurled on either side. Then the 
Etruscans, that they might not withdraw without 
accomplishing their purpose, set up a shout, and 
with sound of trumpets advanced their ensigns. 
The Romans were equally prompt to begin the 
battle. The two armies rushed together with great 
fury, the enemy having a superiority in numbers, 
the Romans in bravery. \'ictory hung in the 
balance and many perished on both sides, including 
all the bravest, and the event was not decided until 
the Roman second line came up with undiminished 
vigour to relieve their exhausted comrades in the 
first ; and the Etruscans, whose fighting line was 
supported by no fresh reserves, all fell in front of 
their standards and around them. There would 
never in any battle have been more bloodshed or 
less running away, but when the Etruscans were 
resolved to die, the darkness shielded them, so that 
the victors gave over fighting before the vanquished. 
The sun had set when the recall was sounded, and 
in the night both armies retired to their camps. 



11 Nee deinde quicquam eo anno rei memoria dignae 
apiid Sutrium gestum est. quia et ex hostiuni 
exercitu prima tota acies deleta uno proelio fuerat 
subsidiariis modo relictis^ vix quod satis esset ad 

12 castrorum praesidium, et apud Romanos tantum 
volneruni fuit ut plures post proelium saucii de- 
cesserint quani ceciderant in acie. XXXIII. Q. 
Fabius, insequentis anni consul^ bellum ad Sutrium 
excepit, collega Fabio C. Marcius Rutulus ^ datus 

2 est. Ceterum et Fabius supplementum ab Roma ad- 
duxit et novus exercitus domo accitus Etruseis venit. 

3 Permulti anni iam erant cum inter patricios 
magistratus tribunosque nulla certamina fuerant, 
cum ex ea familia cui velut fato lis ^ cum tribunis 

4 ac plebe erat certamen oritur. Ap. Claudius censor 
circumactis decern et octo mensibus quod Aemilia 
lege finitum censurae spatium temporis erat^ cum C. 
Plautius collega eius magistratu se abdicasset, nulla 

5 vi compelli ut abdicaret potuit. P. Sempronius erat 
tribunus plebis^ qui finiendae censurae intra legiti- 
mum tempus actionem susceperat, non popularem 
magis quam iustam nee in volgus quam optimo 

n cuique gratiorem. Is cum identidem legem Aemi- 
liam recitaret auctoremque eius Mam. Aemilium 
dictatorem laudibus ferret, qui quinquennalem ante 
censuram et longinquitate potestatis ^ dominantem 

7 intra sex mensum et anni coegisset spatium, " Die 
agedum "' inquit, '^ Appi Claudi. quidiiam facturus 

^ Rutulu-s Cuiiway: rutilius (rutilua T':) ri. 
- cui velut fato lis M. Sevffert : quae uelut fatalis Ci : quae 
uelut fatales MPTLL. 

^ potestatis Crivier: potestatem n. 

1 -4.34 B.C. (IV. xxiv. 5). 

BOOK IX. xxxii. ii-xxxiii. 7 

Thereafter tliere was nothing done that year at b.c. sii 
Sutrium worth recording. The enemy had lost 
their whole first line in a single engagement^ and 
had only their reserves remaining, who barely 
sufficed to garrison their camp ; whilst the Romans 
had so many wounded that more died of their 
hurts after the battle than had fallen on the field. 
XXXIII. Quintus Fabius, consul in the following g.c. 310 
year, took over the campaign at Sutrium. For 
colleague he was given Gaius Marcius Rutulus. 
Fabius brought up replacements from Rome, and 
a new army came from Etruria to reinforce the 

For a great many years now there had been no 
contests between the patrician magistrates and the 
tribunes, when a dispute arose through that family 
which was fated, as it seemed, to wrangle with the 
tribunes and with the plebs. Appius Claudius the 
censor, on the expiration of the eighteen months 
which had been fixed by the Aemilian law ^ as the 
limit of the censorship, although his colleague Gaius 
Plautius had abdicated, could himself by no com- 
]Hilsion be prevailed upon to do likewise. It was 
Publius Sempronius, a tribune of the people, who 
commenced an action to confine the censorship to 
its legal limits — an action no less just than popular, 
and as welcome to every aristocrat as to the common 
j^eople. Having repeatedly read out the Aemilian 
law, and praised its author, Maraercus Aemilius the 
dictator, for confining the censorship — which had 
until then been tenable for five years and was 
proving despotic by reason of the long continuance 
of its authority — within the space of a year and a 
half, he said, '• Come, tell us, Appius Claudius, what 


fueriSj si eo tempore quo C. Furius et M. Geganius 

8 censores fuerunt censor fuisses." Xegare Appius 
interrogationem tribimi magno opere ad causam 

9 pertinere suam ; nam etsi tenuerit lex Aemilia eos 
censores quorum in magistratu lata esset, quia post 
illos censores creatos earn legem populus iussisset 
quodque postremum iussisset id ius ratumque esset, 
non tamen aut se aut eorum quemquam qui post 
eam legem latam creati censores essent teneri ea 
lege pocuisse. 

XXXIV. Haec sine ullius adsensu cavillante Appio 
"En " ^ inquit^ " Quirites, illius Appi progenies, qui 
decemvir in annum creatus altero anno se ipse 
creavit, tertio nee ab se nee ab ullo creatus privatus 

2 fasces et imperium obtinuit^ nee ante continuando 
abstitit magistratu quam obruerent eum male parta, 

3 male gesta, male retenta imperia. Haec est eadem 
familia. Quirites, cuius vi atque iniuriis compulsi 
extorres patria Sacrum montem cepistis ; haec ad- 
versus quam tribunicium auxilium vobis comparas- 

4 tis ; haec propter quam duo exercitus Aventinum 
insedistis ; haec quae fenebres leges, haec quae 

5 agrarias semper impugnavit= Haec conubia patrum 

1 "En" Aldus: e FO : est n. 

^ Appius held that, whereas the election of Furius and 
Geganius for a period of five years had been set aside by 
the Aeniilian law, which was then the latest enactment on 
the subject and so replaced any earlier one, nevertheless all 
those who were elected subsequently derived their powers 
from still later enactments, by which in its turn the Aemilian 
law was superseded. 

2 For the storj' of the Decemvir, see in. xxxiii-lviii. 

* II. xxxii. 2. 



you would have done had you been censor at the b.c. 310 
time when (niius Furius and Marcus Geganius were 
censors." Appius repHed that the tribune's ques- 
tion had no particuhu' bearing upon liis own case ; 
for even though tlie AemiHan hiw had bound those 
censors in v,hose term of office it had been passed, 
because the people had enacted the law after their 
election to the censorship and their latest enactment 
was always the effective law, yet neither himself nor 
any one of those who had l)een chosen censors sub- 
sequently to the passage of that law could have 
been bound by it.^ 

XXX1\'. While Appius raised these quibbles, but 
found no one to sujiport him, "Behold, Quirites," 
said Sempronius, ^"^the descendant of that Appius, 
who having been elected decemvir for one year, 
himself declared his own election for a second year, 
and in the third, although a private citizen, with 
neither his own nor another's warrant of election, 
retained the fasces and authority, and relinquished 
not his hold on the magistracy until he was over- 
whelmed by his ill-gotten, ill-administered, and 
ill-continued powers.- It was this same family, 
Quirites, under compulsion of whose violence and 
abuse you banished yourselves from your native City 
and occupied the Sacred Mount ^ ; the same against 
which you })rovided yourselves with the help of 
tribunes'*; the same, because of which two armies 
of you encamped upon the Aventine-^; the same 
that has ever attacked the laws restricting usury 
and throwing open the public lands. ^ This same 

* n. xxxiii. 1-3. ^ ni. I. 13, ami li. 10. 

^ n. xxix. 9; xliv. 1 ; ixi. 1 ; vi. xl. 11. 

u 2 


A.r.c. et plebis interrupit ; haec plelM ad curules magistra- 
tus iter obsaepsit. Hoc est nomen miilto quam 
Tarquiniorum infestius vestrae libertati. Itane 
G tandem, -"^Ppi Claudi ? Cum centesimus iam annus 
sit ab Mam. Aemilio dictatore, tot censores fuerunt/ 
nobilissimi fortissimique viri, nemo eorum duodecim 
tabulas legit ? N'emo id ius esse, quod postremo 

7 populus iussissetj sciit ? Immo vero omnes scierunt^ 
et ideo Aemiliae potius legi paruerunt quam illi 
antiquae qua primum censores creati erant, quia 
banc postremam iusserat populus, et quia, ubi duae 
contrariae leges sunt, semper antiquae obrogat nova. 

8 '' An hoc dicis, Appi, non teneri Aemilia lege 

9 populum .' An populum teneri, te unum exlegem 
esse .- Tenuit Aemilia lex vioientos illos censores 
C. Furium^ et M. Geganium, qui quid iste magis- 
tratus in re publica mali^ facere posset indicarunt, 
cum ira finitae potestatis Mam. Aemilium, principem 

10 aetatis suae belli domique, aerarium fecerunt ; tenuit 
deinceps omnes censores intra centum annorum 
spatiuni; tenet C. Plautium, coUegam tuum iisdem ^ 

1 1 auspiciis, eodem iure creatum. An hunc non ut 
qui Optimo iure censor creatus esset populus creavit ? 
Tu unus eximius es in quo hoc praecipuum ac singu- 

* fuerunt (fuer) F: fuerin Cl. 

- scierimt H. J. Mueller: sciuerunt Cl : sciuerint DA. 
^ C. Furium g- : iTi. furium fi. 

* mali A^ {or A^) : male H. : mala M. 

^ iisdem ^ : isdeni T^ : hiisdem J : hisdem fl. 


BOOK IX. XXXIV. 5-1 1 

family broke off marriages between patricians and b.c. 310 
plebeians ^ ; this same family blocked the path of 
the plebeians to curule offices.- It is a name that 
is far more hostile to your liberty than that of 
the Tarquinii. So, Appius Claudius I Though it is 
now a hundred years since Mamercus Aemilius was 
dictator, and in that time we have had all these 
censors, high-born and valiant men, has never one 
of them inspected the Twelve Tables ? Has none 
of them known that the law Mas that which the 
people had last enacted ? Nay, all of them knew 
it ; and they obeyed the Aemilian law in preference 
to that ancient ordinance which governed the first 
elections of censors, precisely because it was the 
latest which the people had enacted, and because 
in a conflict of two laws the old is ever superseded 
by the new. 

" Or will this be your contention, Appius, that the 
people is not bound by tlie Aemilian law ? Or that 
the people is bound, but that you alone are exempt? 
The Aemilian law bound those violent censors 
Gaius Furius and Marcus Geganius, who showed what 
mischief that magistracy could accomplish in the 
state, when, in their rage at the abridgment of their 
powers, they reduced Mamercus Aemilius, the fore- 
most man of his time in war and peace, to the lowest 
class of citizens ; it bound all the censors who 
succeeded them, for the period of a hundred years ; 
it binds Gaius Plautius, your colleague, who was 
given the office under the same auspices and with, 
the same rights as yourself Or did the people not 
make Plautius censor as one who had been elected 
with the fullest rights ? Are you the sole exception 
in whose case this holds, as a unique and peculiar 



A.r.c. 12 lare valeat? Quern tu regem sacrificiorura crees ? 

*^ Amplexus regni nomen, ut qui optimo iure rex 

Romae creatus sit, creatum se dicet. Quern semestri 

dictatura. quern interregiio quinque dierum coii- 

tentum fore putes .' Qiiem clavi figendi aut ludorum 

13 causa dictatorem audacter crees ? Quam isti stolidos 
ac socordes videri creditis eos qui intra vicesimum 
diem ingentibus rebus gestis dictatura se abdicave- 

U runt aut qui vitio creati abierunt magistratu I Quid 
ego antiqua repetam? Xuper intra decern^ annos 
C. Maenius dictator, quia, cum quaestiones severius 
quam quibusdam potentibus tutum erat exerceret, 
contagio eius quod quaerebat ipse criminis obiectata 
ab inimic'is est, ut privatus obviam iret crimini, 

15 dictatura se abdicavit. Nolo ego istam in te modes- 
tiam ; ne degeneraveris a familia imperiosissima et 
superbissima ; non die. non hora citius quam necesse 
est magistratu abieris, modo ne excedas finitum 

IG tempus. Satis est aut diem aut mensem censurae 
adicere : Triennium, inquit, et sex menses ultra 
quam licet Aemilia lege censuram geram et solus 
geram. Hoc quidem iam regno simile est. 

IT *^*^ An collegam subrogabis, quem ne in demortui 

18 quidem locum subrogari fas est? Paenitet enim, 
quod antiquissimum sollemne et solum ab ipso cui 

^ decern Cl^ : quinque Klockius lac. Gronovins {cJiap. xxvi. 

• 1 II. ii. 1-2 

- Livy has himself put the dictatorship of ^laenius in the 
year 314. He is probably following another aimalisfc here 
whose account ^like that of the Fasti Capitol iAi) assigned it to 


BOOK IX. XXXIV. 11-18 

privilege ? Whom, pray, could men elect as king 
for sacrifice ? ^ He will seize on the title of 
sovereignty, and assert that he has been chosen as 
one elected with fullest rights to be king at Rome. 
Who, think you, will be content with six months 
as dictator ; who with five days as interrex ? Whom 
would you be so rash as to make dictator for the 
purpose of driving the nail or celebrating games ? 
How dull and lumpish must those men seem to 
Appius, who after accomplishing great feats resigned 
the post of dictator within twenty days, or laid down 
the reins of office because of a flaw in their election I 
Why should I cite antiquity ? Recently, within 
these ten years,^ Gaius Maenius the dictator, for 
conducting an inquisition with more severity than 
was safe for certain great men, was accused by his 
ill-wishers of being tainted with that very felony 
which he was searching out, and abdicated the die- 
tatorship, that he might face the charge as a private 
citizen. Far be it from me to require such self- 
denial of you ! Fall not away from the most imperious 
and proud of families ; quit not your magistracy one 
day, one hour, sooner than you must ; only see that 
you overstep not the appointed limit. Is it enough 
to add a day, or a month, to his censorship ? ' Three 
years,' quoth he, ^and six months beyond the time 
})ermitted by the Aemilian law will I administer 
the censorship, and administer it alone.' Surely this 
begins to look like monarchy ! 

" Or will you substitute a colleague for the other, 
though even in a dead man's place such substitution 
is forbidden by religion } You are not satisfied for- 
sooth with having in your scrupulous exercise of a 
censor's powers diverted the service of our most 


Ln Y 

fit institiitum deo ab nobilissimis antistitibus eius 

19 sacri ad servorum ministerium religiosus censor 
deduxisti, gens antiquior originibus urbis huius, 
hospitio deorum immortalium sancta, propter te ac 
tuam censLiram intra annum ab stirpe exstincta est, 
nisi universam rem publicam eo nefario obstrinxeris 

20 quod ominari etiam reformidat animus. Urbs eo 
lustro capta est quo demortuo collega C. lulio ^ L. 
Papirius Cursor, ne abiret magistratu, M. Cornelium 

21 Maluginensem coUegam subrogavit. Et quanto 
modestior illius cupiditas fuit quam tua, Appi i Xec 
solus nee ultra finitum lege tempus L. Papirius 
censuram gessit ; tamen neminem invenit qui se 
postea auctorem sequeretur ; omnes deinceps cen- 
sores post mortem collegae se magistratu abdicarunt. 

22 Te nee quod dies exiit - censurae nee quod collega 
magistratu abiit nee lex nee pudor coercet : virtutem 
in superbia, in audacia, in contempt u deorum homi- 
numque ponis. 

23 " Egote, Appi Claudi, pro istius magistratus maie- 
state ac verecundia quem gessisti non modo manu 
violatum sed ne verbo quidem inclementiori a me 

24 appellatum vellem ; sed et haec quae adhuc egi 
pervicacia tua et superbia coegit me loqui, et nisi 

25 x\emiliae legi parueris, in vincula duci iubebo, nee 
cum ita comparatum a maioribus sit ut comitiis 

^ C. lulio JfaUcrs and Coniray: C lulio censore Cl. 
2 exiit ;■ : exit CI. 

^ The guilt of unlawfully prolonging his censorship. 

BOOK IX. xxxiv. iS-25 

ancient cult, the only one inaugurated by the god b.c. 310 
himself in whose honour it is observed, from the 
priesthood of the most exalted nobles to the ministry 
of slaves ; it was not enough that a family more 
ancient than the beginnings of this City, and sanctified 
by the entertainment of the immortal gods, should 
through you and your censorship be within a year 
uprooted and destroyed ; no, you must needs involve 
the entire state in such heinous guilt ^ as even to 
name is an omen that fills my mind with dread. 
Tlie city was captured in that lustrum when, on the 
death of his colleague Gaius Julius, Lucius Papirius 
Cursor, to avoid having to vacate his office, caused 
Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis to be substituted in 
the room of the dead man. And how much more 
moderate, Appius, was his ambition than yours ! 
The censorship of Lucius Papirius was neither a sole 
one nor one prolonged beyond the legally established 
terra ; yet he found none to follow his example ; all 
succeeding censors have abdicated on the death of a 
colleague. But you neither the expiration of your 
time restrains nor the fact that your colleague has 
resigned, nor the law, nor a sense of decency : you 
reckon worth in terms of })ride, of recklessness, of 
contempt for gods and men. 

" For my own part, Appius Claudius, when I think 
of the dignity of that office you have held and the 
reverence attaching to it, I could wish that 1 might 
spare you not only personal violence but even an 
ungentle word ; but your stubbornness and pride have 
compelled me to say what I have so far said, and 
unless you obey the Aemilian law, ] shall order you 
to prison ; nor, seeing that our forefathers have 
ordained that in the election of censors, if either fall 



censoriis, nisi duo confecerint legitima suffragia, non 
renuntiato altero comitia differantur, ego te^ qui 
solus censor creari non possis^ solum censuram gerere 
nunc ^ patiar." 
26 Haec taliaque cum dixisset, prendi censorem et 
in vincula duci iussit. Approbantibus sex tribunis 
actionem collegae tres appellanti Appio auxilio 
fuerunt ; summaque invidia omnium ordinum solus 
censuram gessit. 

XXX V^. Dum ea Romae geruntur, iam Sutrium ab 
Etruscis obsidebatur consulique Fabio imis montibus 
ducenti ad ferendam opem sociis temptandasque 
munitiones^ si qua posset^ acies hostium instructa 

2 occurrit ; quorum ingentem multitudinem cum 
ostenderet subiecta late planities^ consul^ ut loco 
paucitatem suorum adiuvaret^ Hectit paululum in 
clivos agmen — aspreta erant strata saxis — inde signa 

3 in liostem obvertit. Etrusci omnium praeterquam 
multitudinis suae_, qua sola freti erant, immemores 
proelium ineunt adeo raptim et avide ut abiectis 
missilibus.quo celerius manus consererent^stringerent 

4 gladios vadentcs in hostem ; Rornanus contra nunc 
tela, nunc saxa, quibus eos adfatim locus ipse 

5 armabat, ingerere. Igitur scuta galeaeque ictae 
cum etiam quos non volneraverant turbarent neque 

^ gercrc nunc - : gerere non H : gerere -. 

1 Xo one was held to be elected unless he had received 
the votes of an absolute majority of the centuries. 


BOOK IX. XXXIV. 25-xxxv. 5 

short of the legal vote,^ the election shall be put offB.c. 310 
and the other not be declared elected, -will 1 now 
suffer you, who cannot be elected as sole censor, to 
administer the censorship alone." 

Having uttered these and similar remonstrances, 
he ordered the censor to be arrested and carried off to 
prison. Six tribunes approved the action of their 
colleague : three protected Appius on his appeal, 
and, greatly to the indignation of all classes, he 
continued as sole censor. 

XXX\'. During the progress of this affair in Rome, 
the Etruscans were already laying siege to Sutrium ; 
and the consul Fabius, leading his army along the 
foot of the mountains to relieve the allies, and, if 
in any way practicable, to attack the works of the 
besiegers, encountered the enemy drawn up in line 
of battle. The plain spreading out below him 
revealed to the consul their exceeding strength ; and 
in order to make up for his own deficiency in numbers 
by the advantage of position, he altered slightly his 
line of march, so as to mount the hills — which were 
rough and covered with stones — and there turned 
and faced the enemy. The Etruscans, forgetting 
evervthing but their numbers, in which alone they 
trusted, entered the combat with such haste and 
eagerness that they cast away their missiles in order 
to come the sooner to close quarters, and drawing 
their swords rushed at the enemy. The Romans, on 
the contrary, fell to ])elting them, now with javelins 
and now with stones, of which latter the ground 
itself provided a good su})})ly ; and even such of the 
Etruscans as were not wounded were confused by 
the blows that rattled down on their helms and 
shields. It was no easy matter to get close enough 



subire erat facile ad propiorem pugnam neque mis- 

6 silia habebant, quibus eminus rem gererent — stantes 
et expositos ad ictus cum iam satis nihil tegeret, 
quosdam etiam pedem. referentes fluctuantemque et 
instabilem aciem redintegrato clamore strictis gladiis 

7 hastati et principes invadunt. Eum impetum noii 
tulerunt Etrusci versisque signis fuga effusa castra 
repetunt. Sed equites Romani praevecti per obliqua 
campi cum se fugientibus obtulissent, omisso ad 

8 castra itinere montes petunt ; inde inermi paene 
agmine ac vexato volneribus in silvam Ciminiam 
])enetratum. Romanus multis milibus Etruscorum 
caesis^ duodequadraginta signis militaribus captis, 
castris etiam hostium cum praeda ingenti potitur. 
Turn de persequendo hoste agitari coeptum. 

XXXVI. Silva erat Ciminia magis tum invia atque 
horrenda quam nuper fuere Germanici saltus, nulli 
ad eam^ diem ne mercatorum quidem adita. Eam 
intrare baud fere quisquam praeter ducem ipsum 
audebat ; aliis omnibus cladis Caudinae nondum 

2 memoria aboleverat. Tum ex lis - qui aderant. 
consulis frater M. Fabius ^ — Caesonem alii, C. 
Claudium quidam_, matre eadem qua consulem geni- 
tum^ tradunt — speculatum se iturum professus l)re- 

3 vique omnia certa allaturum. Caere educatus apud 
hospiteSj Etruscis inde litteris eruditus erat lin- 

^ eam ./ ,- : ea CI. 

2 iis r : hiis A : his n. 

' frater M. Fabius — Weissenhorn : fratrem fn. fabium Cl. 

^ Livy is probably thinking of the German campaigns of 
Caesar in 55 and 53, and of Agrippa in 38 B.C. 


BOOK IX. XXXV. 5-xxxvi. 3 

for fighting hand to hand, and they had no javelins b.c. 
for long-range work. There they stood, exposed to 
missiles, with no adequate cover of any sort, and as 
some of them gave ground and the line began to 
waver and be unsteady, the Roman first and second 
lines, giving a fresh cheer, charged them, sword in 
hand. Their onset was too much for the Etruscans, 
who faced about and fled headlong towards their 
camp. But the Roman cavalry, riding obliquely 
across the plain, presented themselves in front of the 
fugitives, who then abandoned the attempt to reach 
their camp and sought the mountains ; from which 
they made their way in a body, unarmed and suffer- 
ing from their wounds, to the Ciminian Forest. The 
Romans, having slain many thousand Etruscans and 
captured eight-and-thirty standards, took possession 
also of the enemy's camp, with a very large booty. 
They then began to consider the feasibility of a 

XXX\T. In those days the Ciminian Forest was 
more impassable and appalling than were lately the 
wooded defiles of Germany,^ and no one — not even a 
trader — had up to that time visited it. To enter it 
was a thing that hardly anyone but the general 
himself was bold enough to do : with all the rest the 
recollection of the Caudine Forks was still too vivid. 
Then one of those present, the consid's brother 
Marcus Fabius, — some say that it was Caeso Fabius, 
others Gains Claudius, a son of the same mother as 
the consul — offered to explore and return in a short 
time with definite information about everything. 
He had been educated at Caere in the house of 
family friends, and from this circumstance was 
learned in Etruscan writings and knew the Etruscan 


guamque Etruscam probe noverat. Habeo auctores 
volgo turn Romanos piieros, sicut nunc Graecis^ ita 

4 Etruscis litteris erudiri solitos : sed propius est vero 
j^raecipuum aliquid fuisse in eo qui se tarn audaci 
simulatione hostibus immiscuerit. Servus ei dicitur 
comes unus fuisse, nutritus una eoque baud ignarus 

5 linguae eiusdem ; nee quicquam aliud proficiscentes 
quam summatim regionis quae intranda erat naturani 
ac nomina principum in popuHs accepere, ne qua 
inter conloquia insigni nota liaesitantes deprendi 

6 possent. lere pastoraU liabitu, agrestibus telis^ 
falcibus gaesisque^ binis. armati. Sed neque com- 
mercium linguae nee vestis armorumve habitus sic 
eos texit quam quod abhorrebat ab fide quemquam 

7 externum Ciminios saltus intraturum. Usque ad 
Camertes Umbros penetrasse dicuntur. Ibi qui 
essent fateri Romanum ausum : introductumque in 
senatum consulis verbis egisse de societate amici- 

8 tiaque atque inde comi hospitio acceptum nuntiare 
Romanis iussum commeatum exercitui dierum tri- 
ginta praesto fore, si ea loca intrasset, iuventutemque 
Camertium Umbrorum in armis paratam imperio 

9 Haec cum relata consuli essent, impedimentis 
prima vigilia praemissis, legionibus post impedi- 

^ gaesisque A^ - : caesisq. (gessis Ij^ or L^ in marg.) d. 


language well. I have authority for believing that b.c. 310 
in that age Roman boys were regularly wont to be 
schooled in Etruscan literature, as nowadays thev are 
trained in Greek ; but it seems more probable that 
this man possessed some exceptional qualification to 
induce him to venture amonfjst enemies in so daring 
a disguise. It is said that his only companion was a 
slave, brought up with him, and hence acquainted, 
like his master, with the language. They set out, 
after acquiring no more than a summary knowledge 
of the nature of the region they must enter and the 
names of the chief men in those tribes, to save them 
from being detected in conversation by boggling 
at any well-known fact. They went dressed as 
shepherds and armed with rustic weai)ons, namely 
billhooks and a brace of javelins apiece. But neither 
their familiarity with the tongue nor the fashion of 
their dress and weapons was so great a protection to 
them as the fact that it was repugnant to belief that 
any stranger would enter the Ciminian defiles. 
They are said to have penetrated as far as Camerinum 
in Umbria, where the Roman, having ventured to 
tell who they were, was introduced into the senate, 
and treated with them in the consul's name for 
friendship and an alliance. Having then been 
hospitably entertained, he was bidden to carry word 
back to the Romans that thirty days' provisions for 
their army would be waiting for them, if thev came 
into that region, and that the young men of the 
Umbrian Camertes would be armed and ready to 
obey their orders. 

On their success being made known to the consul, 
he sent the baggage ahead, in the first watch, and 
directed the lei?ions to follow the bag-gage. He 



A.UcC. 10 menta ire iussis ipse substitit cum equitatu et luce 
orta postero die obequitavit stationibus hostiuiib 
quae extra saltum dispositae erant ; et cum satis 
diu tenuisset hostem^ in castra sese recepit })ortaque 
altera egressus ante noctem agmen adsequitur. 

11 Postero die luce prima iuga Ciminii montis tenebat ; 
inde contemplatus opulenta Etruriae arva milites 

12 emittit. Ingenti iam abacta praeda tumultuariae 
agrestium Etruscorum cohortes repente a principibus 
regionis eius concitatae Romanis occurrunt, adeo 
incompositae ut vindices praedarum prope ipsi 

13 praedae fuerint. Caesis fugatisque his^ late depopu- 
lato agro victor Romanus opulentusque rerum 

14 omnium copia in castra rediit. Eo forte quinque 
legati cum duobus tribunis plebis venerant denun- 
tiatum Fabio senatus verbis ne saltum Ciminium 
transiret. Laetati serius se quam ut impedire bellum 
possent venisse^ nuntii victoriae Romam revertuntur. 

XXXVII. Hac expeditione consulis motum latius 
erat quam profligatum bellum; vastationem namque 
sub Ciminii montis radicibus iacens ora senserat, 
conciver^tque indignatione non Etruriae modo popu- 
2 los sed Umbriae finitima. Itaque quantus non 
unquam antea exercitus ad Sutrium venit ; neque 
e silvis tantummodo promota castra sed etiam avi- 

1 The tribunes were added to the embassy that they 
might, if necessary, compel obedience to the senate by the 
exercise of their sacrosanct authority. This was an unusual 
procedure, as the powers of the tribunes were held to extend 
no further than one mile from the Cit3\ 

BOOK IX. xxxvi. 9-XXXVI1. 2 

himself stopped behind with the cavah-y, and atB.c. 310 
dawn of the following day made a demonstration 
against the enemy's outposts, which had been 
stationed at the entrance to the pass. Having kept 
the enemy in play for a sufficient time, he retired 
within his camp, and emerging from it by the 
opposite gate overtook the column before night. 
Next day, with the first rays of light, he was on the 
crest of the Ciminian mountain and, looking thence 
over the rich j^loughlands of Etruria, sent his soldiers 
to plunder. The Romans had already brought away 
out enormous booty when certain improvised bands 
of Etruscan peasants, called together in hot haste by 
the chief men of that country, encountered them, but 
with so little discipline that in seeking to regain the 
spoils they had nearly been made a spoil themselves. 
Having slain or driven oft' these men and wasted the 
country far and wide, the Romans returned to their 
cam]:), victorious and enriched with all manner of 
su})plies. There, as it happened, they found five 
legates, with two tribunes of the plebs,^ who had 
come to order Fabius in the name of the senate not 
to cross the Ciminian Forest. Rejoicing that they 
had come too late to be able to hinder the campaign, 
they returned to Rome with tidings of victory. 

XXXVn. This expedition of the consul's, instead 
of putting an end to the war, only gave it a wider 
range. For the district lying about the base of 
Mount Ciminius had felt the devastation, and had 
aroused not only Etruria to resentment but the 
neighbouring parts of Umbria also. So an army 
came to Sutrium that was larger than any they had 
raised before ; and not only did they move forward 
their camp, out of the woods, but even, in their 




i.r.c. ditate dimicandi qiuxm primum in campos delata 

3 acies. Deinde instructa primo suo stare loco^ relicto 
hostibus ^ ad instruendum contra spatio ; dein, post- 
quam detractare ^ hostem sensere pugnam_,ad vallum 

4 subeunt. Ubi postquam stationes quoque receptas 
intra munimenta sensere, clamor repente circa duces 
ortus, ut eo sibi e castris cibaria eius diei deferri 
iuberent : mansuros se sub armis et aut nocte aut 

5 certe luce prima castra hostium invasuros. Xihilo 
quietior Romanus exercitus imperio ducis continetur. 
Decima erat fere diei liora, cum cibum ca2:)ere consul 
milites iubet ; praecipit ut in armis sint quacumque 

6 diei noctisve hora signum dederit ; paucis milites 
adloquitur, Samnitium bella extollit, elevat Etruscos ; 
nee hostem hosti nee multitudinem multitudini com- 
parandam ait ; esse praeterea telum aliud occultum ; 

7 scituros in tempore ; interea taceri opus esse. His 
ambagibus prodi simulabat hostes. quo animus militum 
multitudine territus restitueretur : et, quod sine 
munimento consederant,-^ veri similius erat quod 

Curati cibo corpora quieti dant et quarta fere 

8 vigilia sine tumultu excitati arma capiunt. Dolabrae 
calonibus dividuntur ad vallum proruendum fos- 

^ hostibus - : hostio : hostium n ; hosti Madvig. 
2 detractare A^ : detractare . . . pugnam omitted by M : 
detrec (-traec- or -trac- F) tare Ci. 

^ consederant ^ : considerant Q : constiterant r. 

^ Perhaps about six o'clock. 


eagerness for combat, came down into the plain at b.c. 310 
the earliest opportunity in battle formation. At 
firstj after forming up, they stood still in their 
positions,, having left their enemies room to draw up 
opposite. Then, finding the Romans in no haste to 
engage them, they advanced up to the rampart. 
When they saw that even the outguards had retired 
within the works, they began shouting to their 
generals, to have their rations for the day sent out 
to them from the camp ; they would wait under 
arms, they said, and either that night, or at daybreak 
at the latest, attack the enemy's stockade. The 
Roman army was every whit as restless, but was 
restrained by the general's authority. It was about 
the tenth hour of the day ^ when the consul bade 
the soldiers sup, and commanded them to be armed 
and ready at whatever hour of the day or night he 
might give the signal. In a brief address he magni- 
fied the Samnite wars and belittled the Etruscans : 
there was no comparison, he said, between the two 
enemies, or between their numbers ; moreover, he 
had an additional weapon in concealment : they 
should know about it when the time came ; until 
then it must remain a secret. By these obscure 
hints he sought to engender a belief that the enemy 
were being betrayed, in order to revive the spirits of 
his men, which were damped by the numbers of 
their enemies ; and tlie fact that the Etruscans had 
thrown up no breastworks where they lay lent 
colour to the insinuation. 

Refreshed Mith food, the soldiers gave themselves u]) 
to sleep, and at about the fourth watch were awakened 
without noise and put on their armour. Mattocks 
were issued to the soldiers' servants, that they might 



A.r.c. sasque implendas. Intra munimenta instruitur acies^ 
delectae cohortes ad portarum exitus conlocantur. 
9 Dato deinde signo paulo ante lucem^. quod aestivis 
noctibus sopitae maxime quietis tempus est, proruto 
vallo erupit acies. stratos passim invadit hostes ; alios 
immobiles, alios seniisomnos in cubilibus siiis, maxi- 
mam partem ad arma trepidantes caedes oppressit ; 

10 paucis armandi se datum spatium est ; eos ipsos 
non signum certum, non ducem sequentes fundit 
Roraanus fugatosque j)ersequitur. Ad castra^ ad 
silvas diversi tendebant. Silvae tutius dedere refu- 
gium : nam castra in campis sita eodem die capi- 
untur. Aurum argentumque iussum referri ad con- 
sulem ; cetera praeda militis fuit. Caesa aut capta 
eo die hostium milia ad sexaginta. 

11 Eam tam claram pugnam trans Ciminiam silvam 
ad Perusiam pugnatam quidam auctores suntmetuque 
in magno civitatem fuisse ne interclusus exercitus 
tam infesto saltu coortis undique Tuscis ^Vlbrisque 

12 opprimeretur.^ Sed ubicumque pugnatum est, res 
Romana superior fuit. Itaque a Perusia et Cortona ^ 
et Arretio, quae ferme capita Etruriae populorum 
ea tempestate erant, legati pacem foedusque ab 
Romanis petentes indutias in triginta annos impe- 

XXXVIII. Diim haec in Etruria geruntur, consul 
alter C. Marcius Rutulus^ Allifas de Samnitibus vi 

^ opprimeretur A^ - : opprimerentur O. : oppriiuentur M. 
* Cortona A^ [marq.) A'' -: cortone '''.) A'^ : crotone Ci. 
" Rutulus Conuay : rutulius or rutilius n. 

BOOK IX. xwvii. S--\xxviii. i 

level the rampart and fill up the trenches. The line b.c. sio 
was drawn up inside the fortifications^ and selected 
cohorts were posted at the exits. Then, on the 
sii,nial being given a little before dawn, which on 
summer nights is the time of deepest sleep, the 
rampart was thrown down, and the Romans, rushing 
out in battle-formation, fell upon their enemies, who 
were lying all about the field. Some were slain 
without even stirring in their sleep, some were but 
half awake, the 2:i'eatest number were reachin<T in 
terror for their weapons. Only a few were given 
time to arm themselves ; and even these, with no 
definite standard to follow and no leader, the Romans 
routed and chased from the field. Some made for 
the camp and others for the mountains, as they fled 
this way and that. The forests afforded the surer 
refuge ; for the camp, being situated in the plain, 
was captured the same day. Orders were issued 
that all gold and silver be brought to the consul ; 
the rest of the booty went to the soldiers. On that 
day the enemy lost sixty thousand slain or captured. 

Some historians relate that this famous battle was 
fought on the other side of the Ciminian Forest, near 
Perusia, and that Rome was in a panic lest the army 
should be surrovmded and cut oft" in that dangerous 
defile by the Tuscans and Umbrians rising up on 
every hand. But, wherever it was fought, the 
Romans were the victors. And so from Perusia and 
Cortona and Arretium, which at that time might be 
the chief cities of the nations of Etruria, ambassadors 
came to Rome to sue for peace and an alliance. 
They ol)tained a truce for thirty years. 

XXX\TII. While these things were going on in 
Etruria, the other consul, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, 



cepit. Malta alia castella vicique aut deleta hosti- 
liter aut Integra in potestatem venere. 

2 Per idem tempns et classis Romana a P. Cornelio, 
qiiem senatiis maritimae orae praefecerat^ in Cam- 
paniam acta cum adpulsa Pompeios esset, socii inde 
navales ad depopulandum agrum Xucerinum pro- 
fecti. proximis raptim vastatis unde reditus tutus ad 
naves esset^ dulcedine, ut fit^ praedae longius pro- 

3 gressi excivere hostes. Palatis per agros nemo 
obvius fuit^ cum occidione occidi possent ; redeuntes 
agmine incauto baud procul navibus adsecuti agrestes 
exuerunt praeda, partem etiam occiderunt ; quae 
superfuit caedi tre])ida mnltitudo ad naves com- 
pulsa est. 

4 Profectio Q. Fabi trans Ciminiam silvam quantum 
Romae terrorem fecerat, tam lactam famam in 
Samnium ad liostes tulerat interclusum Romanum 
exercituni obsideri^ cladisque imaginem Furculas 

5 Caudinas memorabant : eadem temeritate avidam 
ulteriorum semper gentem in saltus invios deductam, 
saeptam non b ostium magis armis quam locorum 

G iniquitatibus esse. lam gaudium invidia quadam 
miscebatur^ quod belli Romani decus ab Samnitibus 

^ At VIII. XXV. 4, Liv}" meutionerl the acquisition of 
AUifae, but lias nowhere spoken of its recapture by the 

2 Died. (XIX. Ixv.) tells us that Xuceria (formerly an ally 
of Rome) had revolted to the Samnites. 



captured AUitae from the Samnites by assault. ^ b.c. 310 
Many forts and villages besides were either ^viped 
out in the course of hostilities or came intact into 
the hands of the Romans. 

At about this time a Roman fleet, commanded by 
Publius Cornelius, whom the senate had placed in 
charge of the coasts sailed for Campania and put 
into Pompeii. From there the sailors and rowers 
set out to pillage the territory of Nuceria.^ Having 
quickly ravaged tlie nearest fields, from which they 
might have returned in safety to their ships, they 
were lured on, as often happens, by the love of 
booty, and going too far abroad aroused the enemy. 
While they roamed through the fields, nobody inter- 
fered with them, though they might have been utterly 
annihilated ; but as they came trooping back, with- 
out a thought of danger, the country-folk overtook 
them not far from the ships, stripped them of their 
plunder, and even slew a part of them ; those who 
escaped the massacre were driven, a disordered 
rabble, to their ships. 

Great as had been the fears excited in Rome when 
Quintus Fabius marched through the Ciminian 
Forest, the rejoicings that took place in Samnium 
amongst the enemy were no less on their hearing a 
report that the Roman army was intercepted and 
besieged. They recalled the Caudine Forks as 
showing what the disaster would be like ; with the 
same temerity, they said, a race that was ever reach- 
ing out for what lay bevond had been led into })athless 
forests and there hemmed in, more by the difficulties 
of the ground than by the arms of their enemy. 
Soon their joy began to be mixed with a kind of 
envy, that Fortune should have transferred the glory 



7 forluna ad Etruscos avertisset. Itaque armis viris- 
qiie ad opprimendum ^ C. Marcium consulem conciir- 
riint. protinus inde Etruriam per Marsos ac Sabinos 
petituri. si Marcius dimicandi potestatem non faciat. 

8 Obvius iis consul fuit. Dimicatum proelio utrimque 
atroci atque incerto eveiitu est^ et cum anceps caedes 
fuisset, adversae tamen rei fama in Romanes vertit 
ob amissos quosdam equestris ordinis tribunosque 
militum atque unum legatum, et quod insigne 
maxime fuit, consulis i})sius vohius. 

9 Ob haec etiam aucta fama, ut solet, ingens terror 
patres invasit dictatoremque dici placebat ; nee quin 
Cursor Papirius diceretur in quo turn summa rei 
bellicae ponebatur, dubium cuiquam erat. Sed nee 

10 in Samnium nuntium perferri omnibus infestis tuto 
posse nee vivere Marcium consulem satis fidebant. 
Alter consul Fabius infestus privatim Papirio erat ; 

11 quae ne ira obstaret bono publico, legatos ex con- 
sularium numero mittendos ad eum senatus censuit, 

12 qui sua quoque eum, non publica solum auctoritate 
moverent ut memoriani simultatium patriae remit- 

13 teret. Profecti legati ad Fabium cum senatus con- 
sultum tradidissent adiecissentque orationem con- 
venientem mandatis, consul demissis in terram oculis 
tacitus ab incertis quidnam acturus esset legatis 

^ opprimendum r: optinendum ('-?-ob-) Cl. 

BOOK IX. xxxviii. 6-13 

of the Roman war from Samnites to Etruscans. So b.c. 310 
they hastened to bring all their strength to bear 
upon crushing Gaius Marcius^ the consul ; and 
resolved, if Marcius should avoid an encounter^ to 
march forthwith into Etruria^ through the countries 
of the Marsi and the Sabines. The consul met 
them, and the battle was fiercely contested on both 
sides, but without a decision being reached, "^'et, 
doubtful though it was which side had suffered most, 
the report gained ground that the Romans had been 
w orsted : they had lost certain members of the 
equestrian order, certain military tribunes, and one 
lieutenant, and — most conspicuous of their mis- 
fortunes — the consul himself was Avounded. 

These reverses as usual were further exaggerated 
in the telling, and the senate in great dismay deter- 
mined on the appointment of a dictator. Nobody 
could doubt that Papirius Cursor, who was regarded 
as the foremost soldier of his time, would be desig- 
nated. But the senators wxre not certain that a 
messenger could be got through in safety to Samnium, 
where all was hostile, nor that the consul Marcius 
was alive. The other consul, Fabius, had a private 
grudge against Papirius ; and lest this enmity might 
liinder the general welfare, the senate decided to 
send a deputation of former consuls, in the hope 
that their personal influence, when added to the 
wishes of the government, might induce him to 
forget those quarrels for the good of the country. 
The ambassadors went to Fabius and delivered the 
resolution of the senate, with a discourse that suited 
their instructions. The consul, his eyes fixed on the 
ground, retired without a word, leaving the ambassa- 
dors uncertain what he proposed to do. Then in the 



14 recessit ; nocte delude silentio. ut mos est^ L. Papi- 
rium dictatorem dixit. Cui cum ob animum egregie 
victum legati gratias agerent. obstinatum silentium 
obtinuit ac sine responso ac mentione facti sui legates 
dimisit, ut appareret insignem dolorem ingenti com- 
primi animo. 

15 Papirius C. luniiim Buljulcum magistrum equitum 
dixit ; atque ei legem curiatam de imperio ferenti 
triste omen diem diffidit, quod Faucia curia fuit 
principium, duabus insignis cladibus^ captae urbis 
et Caudinae pacis, quod utroque anno eiusdem curiae 

16 fuerat principium. Macer Licinius tertia etiam clade^ 
quae ad Cremeram accepta est, abominandam eam 
curiam facit. 

XXXIX. Dictator postero die auspiciis repetitis 
pertulit legem ; et profectus cum legionibus ad ter- 
rorem traducti silvam Ciminiam exercitus nu})er 

2 scriptis ad I.ongulam pervenit acceptisque a Marcio 
consule veteribus militibus in aciem copias eduxit. 
Xec hostes detractare visi pugnam. Instructos 
deinde armatosque, cum ab neutris proelium in- 

3 ciperet, nox oppressit. Quieti aliquamdiu nee suis 

^ The consul rose and took the auspices after midnight 
because it was less likely that anything unlucky woi;ld then 
be said or done — in the absence of bystanders — to vitiate the 

* Under the kings the curiate assembly had been the only 
formal assembly of the people [cf. i. xiii. 6 for the origin of 
the curiae^ but in the time of the republic its functions had 
largely passed to the centuriate assembly. It was, however, 
still called upon to ratify the election of new magistrates b}' 
passing a lex curiata dc imjHrio, and retained certain other 
ceremonial duties. 

3 This was determined each time by lot. 

* 477 B.C. (Book II, chap. 1.). 

BOOK IX. xxxviii, 13-XXX1X. 3 

silence of the night, as the custom is, he appointed b.c. 310 
Lucius Papirius dictator.^ When the envoys thanked 
him for nobly conquering his feelings, he continued 
obstinately silent, and dismissed them without 
making any reply or alluding to what he had done, 
so that it was clearly seen what agony his great 
heart was suppressing. 

Papirius named Gaius Junius Bubulcus master of 
the horse. When he began to lay before the curiate 
assembly 2 a law confirming his authority, the pro- 
ceedings were cut short by an evil omen, the first 
vote to be counted being that of the ward called 
Faucia, notorious for two calamities, the capture of 
the City and the Caudine Peace, which had both 
been incurred in years when this same curia had the 
right of the first return.^ Licinius Macer makes 
this ward unlucky also for a third disaster — that of 
the Cremera.'* 

XXXIX. Next day the dictator sought the auspices 
afresh and carried the law tiirough. Then, setting 
out with the legions which had recently been 
recruited on account of the fear occasioned by the 
army's march through the Ciminian Forest, he came 
to the vicinity of Longula,^ and taking over from 
Marcius the consul his veteran troops, marched out 
and offered battle, which the enemy on their part 
seemed willing to accept. But while the two armies 
stood armed and ready for the conflict, which neither 
cared to begin, night overtook them. For some 
time after that they remained quietly in the camps 

^ Longula was a Volsciau town, but was situated not far 
from the Sainnite border. It is not necessary to assume, 
with Weissenborn-Mueller, that Livy is referring to an 
otherwise unknown Longula in Samnium. 


diffidentes viribus nee hostem spernentes, stativa in 

5 propinquo habuere.^ Interea Etrusci - lege saerata 
coacto exercitu, cum vir virum iegisset^ quantis 
nunquam alias ante simul copiis simul animis dimi- 

6 carunt ; tantoque irarum certamine gesta res est ut 
ab neutra parte emissa sint tela, Gladiis pugna 
coepit et acerrime commissa ipso certamine^ quod 
aliquanidiu anceps fuit^ accensa est^ ut non cum 
Etruscis totiens victis, sed cum aliqua nova gente 

7 videretur dimicatio esse. Nihil ab ulla parte move- 
tur fugae ; cadunt antesignani^ et ne nudentur 
propugnatoribus signa^ fit ex secunda prima acies. 

8 Ab ultimis deinde subsidiis cietur miles ; adeoque ad 
ultimum laboris ac periculi ventum est ut equites 
Romani omissis equis ad primos ordines peditum per 
arma. per corpora evaserint. Ea velut nova inter fes- 

9 SOS exorta acies turbavit signa Etruscorum ; secuta 
deinde impetum eorum^. utcumque adfecta erat^ cetera 

10 multitudo tandem perrumpit ordines hostium. Tunc 
vinci pertinacia coe})ta et averti manipuli quidam. et. 
ut semel dedere hi terga,^ etiam ceteri item ^ capes- 

^ habuere Aiiderso/i (/d. of Bk. IX. p. 259) : habuere. Xam 
et cum umbrorum exercitii acie depuguatum est ; fusi tainen 
raagis quam caesi hosles, quia coeptam acriter non tolerarunt 
pugnam : et ad Vadimonis lacum POTDLA : M has these 
words and. also (before Xam, the icords et rurae (?) : A*' the 
u-ords interea res in etruria geste : F^ {or H) FJ ymarg.) U 
have them after pugnam {U adding et offer res) : F^ has after 
pugnam (over erasure; interim ab fabio cus in etruria res 
feliciter geste ad vadimonis lacum. Anderson supjyoses that 
we have here ivhat ica-s urittcn as a comment on the first sentence 

2 Interea Etrusci )l alters {note) : Et Etrusci Anderson : 
Etrusci CI. 

3 dedere lii terga Walters and. Co:xv:ay \ dedere terga fl: 
deJerunterga : dederet terga TD ? : dederet et terga L /: 
dederet {or dederat or dedert) terga D. 


BOOK IX. xxxix. 3-IO 

they had estabHshed near one another, neither lacking b.c. 310 
confidence in themselves nor yet making light of 
their adversaries. Meanwhile the Etruscans, employ- 
ing a lex sacrala} had raised an army in which each 
man had chosen his comrade, and joined battle^ with 
greater forces, and at the same time Mith greater 
valour, than ever before. The field was contested 
with such rivalry of rage that neither side discharged 
a missile. The battle began with swords, and, 
furious at the outset, waxed hotter as the struggle 
continued, for the victory was long undecided. It 
seemed as though the Romans were contending, not 
with the so oft defeated Etruscans, but with some 
new race. No sign of flight was visible in any 
quarter. As the front-rankers fell, the second line 
moved up to replace the first, that the standards 
might not want defenders. After that the last 
reserves were called upon ; and to such extremity of 
distress and danger did the Romans come that their 
cavalry dismounted, and made their way over arms 
and over bodies to the front ranks of the infantry. 
Like a fresh line springing up amongst the exhausted 
combatants, they wrought havoc in the companies of 
the Etruscans. Then the rest of the soldiers, follow- 
ing up their charge, despite of weariness, at last 
broke through the enemy's ranks. At this their 
stubbornness began to be overcome, and certain 
companies to face about ; and when these had once 
turned tail, the rest likewise took to flight. That 

' One who violated the lex sacrata was forfeited to the 
gods. See chap. xl. § 9, iv. xxvi. 3, xxxvi. xxxviii. 1, and 
especially x. xxxviii. 3 ff. 

* ceteri item Harant : certiorem Cl : tutiores A : certiores 
A^ Koch: ceteri certiorem ]VaUers and Conway. 


A.r.c. 11 sere fugam. Ille primimi dies fortuna vetere abund- 

^^^ antes Etruscorum fregit 0{)es. Caesum in acie^ quod 

roboris fuit : castra eodem impetu capta direptaque. 

^•J-f- XL. Pari subinde periculo gloriaeque eventu 

bellum in Samnitibus erat^ qui praeter cetoros belli 
apparatus^ ut acies sua fulgeret novis armorum 

2 insignibus fecerunt. Duo exercitus erant ; scuta 
alterius auro, alterius argento caelaverunt ; forma 
erat scuti : summum latius, qua pectus atque umeri 
teguntur, fastigio aequali ; ad imum cuneatior mobi- 

3 litatis causa. Spongia pectori tegumentum et sinis- 
trum cms ocrea tectum ; galeae cristatae, quae 
S})eciem magnitudini corporum adderent. Tunicae 
auratis militibus versicolores, argentatis linteae can- 
didae. His vaginae argenteae^ baltea argentea : 
auratae vaginae^ aurea baltea illis erant, et equorum 
inaurata tapeta.^ His dextrum cornu datum ; illi in 

i sinistro consistunt. Notus iam Romanis apparatus 
insignium armorum fuerat doctique a ducibus erant 
horridum militem esse debere, non caelatum auro et 

5 argento sed ferro et animis fretum : quippe ilia 
praedam verius quara arma esse, nitentia ante rem, 

G deformia inter sanguinem et volnera. Virtutem 

^ The v:ords his vaginae — tapeta are not found in the MSS. 
of Livy. Xonius (194, 20) cites {as from Liv. IX) auratae 
vaginae, aurata baltea illis erant, and Auctur cxplan. in 
I>onatum, and Probus {cf. Keil, Gram, Lat. IV o4'2 and 129) 
ascribe to Livy {^'Livy or Virgil,'" Probus) erant et equorum 
inaurata tapeta. Walters and Conway suggest placing them as 
in the text, prefixing his vaginae argenteae, baltea argentea 
which they conjecture to have stood in the original {Class. Quart. 
12 1918)';;. 103). 

^ Weissenborn-Mueller think a breastplate resembling a 
sponge in appearance is intended. The translator follows 


BOOK IX. xxxi.v. lo-xL. 6 

day for the first time broke tlie might of the b.c. 310 
Etruscans, which had long flourished in prosperity. 
Their strengtli was cut orf in the battle, and their 
camp was taken and plundered in the same attack. 

XL. The war in Samnium, immediately afterwards, b.c. sos 
was attended with equal danger and an equally 
glorious conclusion. The enemy, besides their other 
warlike preparations, had made their battle-line to 
glitter with new and splendid arms. There were 
two corps : the shields of the one were inlaid with 
gold, of the other with silver. The shape of the 
shield was this : the upper part, where it protected 
the breast and shoulders, was rather broad, with a 
level top ; below it was somewhat tapering, to make 
it easier to handle. They wore a sponge ^ to protect 
the breast, and the left leg was covered with a 
greave. Their helmets were crested, to make their 
stature appear greater. The tunics of the gilded 
warriors were parti-coloured ; those of the silvern 
ones were linen of a dazzling white. The latter 
had silver sheaths and silver baldrics : the former 
gilded sheaths and golden baldrics, and their horses 
had gold-embroidered saddle-cloths. The right wing 
was assigned to these : the others took up their post 
on the left. The Romans had already learned of 
these splendid accoutrements, and their generals 
had taught them that a soldier should be rough to 
look on, not adorned with gold and silver but putting 
his trust in iron and in courage : indeed those other 
things were more truly spoil than arms, shining 
bright before a battle, but losing their beauty in 
the midst of blood and wounds ; manhood they said. 

Professor Anderson in taking the expression literally, of a 
corslet made of sponge. 


esse militis decus et omnia ilia victoriam sequi et 
ditem hostein quanivis pauperis victoris praemium 

7 His Cursor vocibus instinctos milites in proelium 
ducit. Dextro ipse cornu consistit, sinistro praefecit 

8 magistriim equitum. Simul est concursum^ ingens 
fuit cum hoste certamen, non segnius inter dicta- 
torem et magistrum eqaitum ab utra parte victoria 

9 inciperet. Prior forte lunius commovit hostem, 
laevo dextrum cornu^ sacratos more Samnitium milites 
eoq lie Candida veste et paribus candore armis insignes : 
eos se Oreo mactare lunius dictitans ^ cum intulisset 
signa turbavit ordines et haud dubie impulit aciem. 

10 Quod ubi sensit dictator. ^^ Ablaevone cornu victoria 
incipiet " inquit, *^^ et dextrum cornu. dictatoris acies, 
alienam pugnam sequetur, non partem maximam 

11 victoriae trahet ? " Concitat milites; nee peditum 
virtuti equites aut legatorum studia ducibus cedunt. 

12 M. Valerius a dextro, P. Decius ab laevo cornu, 
ambo consulares, ad equites in cornibus positos 
evehuntur adhortatique eos ut partem secum capes- 
serent decoris in transversa latera hostium incurrunt. 

13 Is novus additus terror cum ex parte utraque cir- 
cumvasisset aciem et ad terrorem hostium legiones 
Romanae redintegrato clamore intulissent gradum, 

^ intulisset T^ [or T) -: intulissent H. 

^ Orous— the Greek Pluto— was god of the dead. 

BOOK IX. XL. 6-14 

was the adornment of a soldier ; all those other b.c. 305 
things went with the victory, and a rich enemy was 
the prize of the victor, however poor. 

Whilst his men were animated by these words. 
Cursor led them into battle. He took up his own 
post on the right, and committed the left to the 
master of the horse. From the moment of en- 
countering, there was a mighty struggle with the 
enemy, and a struggle no less sharp between the 
dictator and the master of the horse, to decide which 
wing was to inaugurate the victory. It so happened 
that Junius was the first to make an impression on 
the Samnites. With the Roman left he faced the 
enemy's right, where they had consecrated them- 
selves, as their custom was, and for that reason were 
resplendent in white coats and equally white armour. 
Declaring that he offered up these men in sacrifice 
to Orcus,^ Junius charged, threw their ranks into 
disorder, and clearly made their line recoil. When 
the dictator saw this, he cried, "Shall the victory 
begin upon the left? Shall the right, the dictator's 
division, follow the attack of others.' Shall it not 
carry off the honours of the victory?" This fired 
the soldiers with new energy ; nor did the cavalry 
display less valour than the foot, or the lieutenants 
less enthusiasm than the generals. Marcus Valerius 
on the right and Publius Decius on the left, both 
men of consular rank, rode out to the cavalry, which 
was posted on the wings, and, exhorting them to 
join with themselves in seizing a share of glory, 
charged obliquely against the enemy's flanks. Thus 
a new and appalling danger enveloped their line on 
either side, and when the Roman legions, observing 
the terror of the Samnites, pressed forward with 





14 turn fuga ab Samnitibus coepta. lam strage hominum 
armorumque insignium campi repleri, Ac primo 
pavidos Samnites castra sua accepere. deinde ne ea 
quidem retenta ; captis direptisque ante noctem 
iniectus ignis. 

15 Dictator ex senatus consulto tiium])havit, cuius 
triumpbo longe maximam speciem capti\ a arma prae- 

16 buere, Tantum magnificentiae visum in iis,^ ut 
aurata scuta dominis argentariarum ^ ad forum ornan- 
dum dividerentur. Inde natum initium dicitur fori 

17 ornandi ab aedibbus cum tensae ducerentur. Et 
Romani quidem ad bonorem deum insignibus armis 
hostium usi sunt : Camjjani ab superbia et odio 
Samnitium gladiatores, quod spectaculum inter epulas 
erat^ eo ornatu armarunt Samnitiumque nomine 

18 Eodem anno cum renquiis ^ Etruscorum ad Peru- 
siam, quae et ipsa indutiarum fidem ruperat, Fabius 

19 consul nee dubia nee difficiU victoria dimicat. Ipsum 
oppidum — nam ad moenia victor accessit — cepisset, 

20 ni legati dedentes urbem exissent. Praesidio Perusiae 

' iis - : biis A : his CI. 

' argentariarum Mnrdus: argentariorum (-oriorum 0) H. 

' reliqaiis F^ - : reliquis H. 

^ It was forty years later when the Romans began to 
coin silver for themselves ; but there would be much 
coined silver in circulation by this time from Etruria and 
Magna Graecia, to furnish employment for money-changers 

' A terisa is figured in Stuart Jones, Companio/i to Roman 
History, PI. xlix. It was used to carry the images of the 
Capitoline gods in solemn procession to the Circus, at the 
time of the ludi circcnses. 

3 The Romans seem to have obtained from Capua the 
idea of gladiators (Livy, Per. XVI.), and the " Samnite " 


BOOK IX. XL. 14-20 

redoubled shouts, the enemy began to flee. TheB.c. sos 
fields were soon heaped with slain and with glitter- 
ing armour. At first the frightened Samnites found 
a refuge in their camp_, but presently even that had 
to be abandoned, and ere nightfall it had been taken, 
sacked, and set on fire. 

The dictator, as decreed by the senate, celebrated 
a triumph, in which by far the finest show was 
afforded by the captured armour. So magnificent 
was its appearance that the shields inlaid with gold 
were divided up amongst the owners of the money- 
changers' booths, to be used in decking out the 
Forum. 1 From this is said to have come the custom 
of the aediles adorning the Forum whenever the 
toisae, or covered chariots of the gods, were con- 
ducted through it."-^ So the Romans made use of 
the splendid armour of their enemies to do honour 
to the gods ; while the Campanians, in consequence 
of their pride and in hatred of the Samnites, equipped 
after this fashion the gladiators who furnished them 
entertainment at their feasts, and bestowed on them 
the name of Samnites.^ 

In the same year the consul Fabius fought a battle 
with the remnants of the Etruscan forces near 
Perusia — which, together with other cities, had 
broken the truce* — and gained an easy and decisive 
victory. He would have taken the town itself— for 
after the battle he marched up to the walls — had 
not ambassadors come out and surrendered the place. 
Having placed a garrison in Perusia and having sent 

was always oue of the standard types. The sentence is 
usually taken as implying that the Capuans had been present 
as allies of the Romans in the battle. 
* Chap, xxxvii. § 12. 

V 2 


A.u.o. imposito. legationibus Etruriae amicitiam petentibiis 
prae se Uomam ad senatum missis consul praestantiore 
etiam quam dictator victoria triumphans iirbem est 
21 invectus ; quin etiam devictorum Samnitium decus 
magna ex parte ad legatos^ P. Decium et M. Valerium, 
est versum ; quos populus proximis comitiis ingenti 
consensu consulem alterum, alterum praetorem de- 

XLI. Fabio ob egregie perdomitam Etruriam con- 
tinuatur consulatus ; Decius collega datur. Valerius 
praetor quartum creatus. Consules partiti provincias ". 

2 Etruria Decio. Samnium Fabio evenit. Is profectus ^ 

3 ad Xuceriam Alfaternam, cum pacem petentes^ quod 
uti ea cum daretur noluissent^ aspernatus esset,^ 

4 oppugnando ad deditionem subegit. Cum Samnitibus 
acie dimicatum. Hand magno certamine hostes 
victi ; neque eius pugnae memoria tradita foret^ ni 
Marsi eo primum proelio cum Romanis bellassent. 
Secuti Marsorum defectionem Paeligni eandem for- 
tunam habuerunt. 

5 Decio quoque, alteri consuli, secunda belli fortuna 
erat. Farquiniensem metu subegerat frumentum 
exercitui praebere atque indutias in quadraginta 

6 annos petere. Volsiniensium castella aliquot vi 
cepit ; quaedam ex his diruit ne receptaculo hostibus 
essent ; circumferendoque passim bello tantum ter- 

^ Is profectixs >!igonius: profectus CI. 

- esset A* {or A^) marg. Madvig: ea L : eu LA : est [or e 
n : icanting in 0. 

1 The Marsi, though of Samnite stock, had hitherto bee 
on good terms with the Romans. 


BOOK IX. XL. 20-XLI. 6 

on before him to the senate in Rome the Etruscan b.c. 308 
deputations which had come to him seeking friend- 
ship, the consul was borne in triumph into the City, 
after gaining a success more briUiant even than 
the dictator's ; indeed the glory of conquering the 
Samnites was largely diverted upon the lieutenants, 
Publius Decius and Marcus N'alerius, of whom, at 
the next election, the people with great enthusiasm 
made the one consul and the other praetor. 

XLI. In recognition of his remarkable conquest 
of Etruria, Fabius was continued in the consulship, 
and was given Decius for his colleague. Valerius was 
for the fourth time chosen praetor. The consuls cast 
lots for the commands, Etruria falling to Decius and 
Samnium to Fabius. The latter marched against 
Nuceria Alfaterna, and rejecting that city's over- 
tures of peace because its people had declined it 
when it was offered them, laid siege to the place 
and forced it to surrender. A battle was fought 
with the Samnites, in which the enemy were de- 
feated without much difficulty, nor would the en- 
gagement have been remembered but for the fact 
that it was the first time that the Marsi had made 
war against the Romans.^ The Paeligni imitated 
the defection of the Marsi, and met with the same 

Decius, the other consul, was also successful in 
war. Wlien he had frightened the Tarquinienses into 
furnishine: corn for the army and seeking a truce 
for forty years, he captured by storm a number of 
strongholds belonging to the people of Volsinii. 
Some of these he dismantled, lest they should serve 
as a refuge for the enemy, and by devastating far 
and wide he made himself so feared that all who 



rorem siii fecit ut nomen omne Etruscum foedus ab 

7 consule peteret. Ac de eo quidem nihil impetratum ; 
indutiae annuae datae. Stipendium exercitu Romano 
ab hoste in eum annum pensum et binae tunicae in 
militem exactae ; ea merces indutiarum fuit. 

8 Tranquillas res iam in ^ Etruscis turbavit repentina 
defectio Umbrorum. gentis integrae a cladibus belli, 

9 nisi quod transitum exercitus ager senserat. li con- 
citata omni iuventute sua et magna parte Etruscorum 
ad rebellionem compulsa tantum exercitum fecerant 
ut relicto post se in Etruria Decio ad oppugnandam 
inde Romam ituros, magnifice de se ac contemptim 

10 de Romanis loquentes, iactarent. Quod inceptum 
eorum ubi ad Decium consulem perlatum est, ad 
urbem ex Etruria magnis itineribus pergit et in agro 
Pupiniensi ad famam intentus hostium consedit. 

11 Xec Romae spernebatur Umbrorum bellum, et ipsae 
minae metum fecerant expertis Gallica claae quam 

12 intutam urbem incolerent. Itaque legati ad Fabium 
consulem missi sunt, ut si quid laxamenti a bello 
Samnitium esset, in Umbriam propere exercitum 

13 duceret. Dicto paruit consul magnisque itineribus 
ad Mevaniam, ubi turn copiae Umbrorum erant, 

14 Repens adventus consulis. quem procul Umbria in 
Samnio bello alio occupatum crediderant, ita exter- 
ruit Umbros ut alii recedendum ad urbes munitas, 

1 iam in Madvig : iam CI. 

^ Li\\y has not mentioned this before. 

2 South of the Anio not far from Gabii. See xxvi. ix. 1-2. 

3 In the neighbourhood of Perugia and Assisi. 


BOOK IX. xu. 6-14 

bore the Etruscan name begged the consul to grant b.c. 3os 
them a treaty. This privilege they were denied, 
but a truce for a year was granted them. They 
were required to furnish the Roman army with a 
year's pay and two tunics for each soldier ; such was 
the price they paid for a truce. 

The tranquilHty which now obtained in Etruria 
was disturbed by a sudden revolt of the Umbrians, 
a people which had escaped all the distress of war, 
except that an army had passed through their terri- 
tory, ^ Calling up all their fighting men, and in- 
ducing great part of the Etruscans to rebel, they 
mustered so large an army, that they boasted, with 
mucli glorifying of themselves and fleering at the 
Romans, that they would leave Decius behind them 
in Etruria and march off to the assault of Rome. 
When this purpose of theirs was reported to the 
consul Decius, he hastened by forced marches from 
Etruria towards the City, and encamped in the fields 
belonging to Pupinia.- eagerly waiting for word of 
their apjiroach. At Rome no one made light of an 
Umbrian invasion. Their very threats had excited 
fear in those who had learnt from the Gallic disaster 
how unsafe was the City they inhabited. Accord- 
ingly envoys were dispatched to carry word to Fabius 
the consul, that if there were any slackening in the 
Samnite war he should with all speed lead his army 
into Umbria. The consul obeyed the order, and 
advanced by long marches to Mevania,^ where the 
forces of the Umbrians at that time lay. 

The sudden arrival of the consul, whom thev had 
believed to have his hands full with another war in 
Samnium, a long way from Umbria, so dismayed the 
Umbrians that some were for falling back on their 


k.v.c. 15 quidam omittendum bellum censerent ; plaga una 


— Materinam ipsi appellant — non continuit modo 
ceteros in armis sed confestim ad certaraen egit. 

16 Castra vallantem Fabium adorti sunt. Quos ubi 
effusos ruere in munimenta consul vidit^ revocatos 
milites ab opere, prout loci natura tempusque patie- 
batur, ita instruxit ; cohortatusque praedicatione vera 
qua in Tuscis^ qua in Samnio partorum decorum 
exiguam appendicem Etrusci belli conficere iubet et 
vocis impiae poenas expetere, qua se urbem Romanam 

17 o])pugnaturos minati sint.^ Haec tanta suntalacritate 
militum audita ut clamor sua sponte ortus loquentem 
interpellaverit ducem. Ante imperium^ deinde con- 
centu 2 tubarum ac cornuum cursu efFuso in hostem 

18 feruntur. Non tamquam in viros aut armatos incur- 
runt ; mirabilia dictu, signa primo eripi coepta 
signiferiS; deinde ipsi signiferi trahi ad consulem^ 
armatique milites ex acie in aciem transferrin et 
sicubi est certamen. scutis magis quam gladiis geritur 
res ; umbonibus incussaque ala sternuntur hostes- 

19 Plus ca])itur hominuni quam caeditur, atque una vox 
ponere arma iubentium per totam fertur aciem. 

20 Itaque inter ipsum certamen facta deditio est a 
primis auctoribus belli. Postero insequentibusque 

^ sint Modius : sunt n. 

2 deinde concentu (contentu PU : concerta F : conuenta 
T) n: ante concentu M: ante concentum JA 


BOOK IX. xLi. 14-20 

fortified cities^ and others for giving up the war ; b.c. 308 
but one canton— which they themselves call Materina 

— not only kept the rest to their arms, but brought 
them to an immediate engagement. Fabius was 
entrenching his camp when they attacked him. As 
soon as he saw them rushing madly upon his ram- 
parts^ he recalled the soldiers from their work and 
drew them up, as time and the nature of the ground 
permitted, and encouraging them with a true rela- 
tion of the honours they had won, some in Etruria 
and some in Samnium, bade them end this trivial 
sequel to the Etruscan war, and revenge upon the 
foe his impious threat that he would assault the 
City of Rome. These words were received by 
the soldiers with such alacrity that the speech of 
the general was interrupted by a spontaneous cheer. 
Then, before the command could be given, they 
hurled themselves — to the blare of horns and 
trumpets — with the wildest abandon against the 
enemy. They fought not as though their opponents 
had been men and armed ; but — marvellous to relate 

— began with tearing the standards out of the 
bearers' hands, and then fell to dragging the bearers 
themselves before the consul and to bringing armed 
men over from the other line to their own ; wher- 
ever they met with resistance, they did their work 
more with shields than with swords, swinoinor them 
from the shoulder and knocking down their enemies 
with the bosses. The slain were outnumbered bv 
the })risoners, and all along the battle line one cry 
was heard : that they should lay down their arms. 
And so, while the battle was still going on, the 
surrender was made, by the men who liad first 
advocated war. On the next and on succeeding 



diebus et ceteri L'mbrorum popiili deduntur ; Ocricii- 
lani sponsione in amicitiam accepti. 

XLII. Fabius, alienae sortis victor belli^. in suam 

2 provinciam exercitiim rediixit. Itaque ei ob res tarn 
feliciter gestas, sicut priore anno populus continu- 
averat consulatum^ ita senatus in insequentem annum, 
quo Ap. Claudius L. \'olumnius consules luerunt. 
prorogavit maxime Appio adversante imperium. 

3 Appium censorem petisse consulatum coraitiaque 
eius ab L. Furio tribuno plebis interpellata, donee se 
censura abdicarit/ in quibusdam annalibus invenio. 

4 Creatus consul, cum coUegae novum bellum, Sallen- 
tini- liostes decernerentur, Romae mansit ut urbanis 
artibus opes augeret quando belli decus penes alios 

5 Volumnium provinciae baud paenituit. Multa 
secunda proelia fecit, aliquot urbes hostium vi cepit. 
Praedae erat largitor et benignitatem per se gratam 
comitate adiuvabat militemque his artibus fecerat et 
periculi et laboris avidum. 

6 Q. Fabius pro consule ad urbem AUifas cum Sam- 
nitium exercitu signis conlatis contligit. Miiiime 
ambigua res fuit ; fusi hostes atque in castra compulsi. 
Nee castra forent retenta, ni exiguum superfuisset 

^ abdicarit Eupo'ti: abdicauit H. 

* Sallentini - Sigonius : salentini (-ne F) CI. 

1 The senate had a grudge against Appius ''see chap. xxx. 
§ If.)? and so prolonged, unconstitutionally, the command of 
Fabius, and gave the other war to Volumnius. 

BOOK IX. xLi. 20-XLII. 6 

days the other peoples of Umbria also capitulated : b.c. sos 
the men of Ocriculum were received into friendship 
under a stipulation. 

XLII. Fabius, having won a war assigned by lot b.c. 
to another man^ led his army back to his own 307-306 
province. Just as in the preceding year the people 
had rewarded his successful campaign by re-electing 
him to the consulship, so now the senate continued 
him in command for the year to follow. The new 
consuls were x\ppius Claudius and Lucius Volum- 
nius, the former of whom had strongly opposed the 

I find in certain annals that Appius sought the 
consulship when censor, and that Lucius Furius, 
a tribune of the plebs, refused to let him stand 
until he should have resigned the censorship. The 
election over, his colleague was decreed the com- 
mand in the new war — with the Sallentini — and 
Appius remained in Rome, to strengthen his power 
by civil arts, since the means of acquiring repute in 
war remained with others. 

Volumnius had no cause to regret his assignment. 
He engaged in many successful battles and took 
several hostile towns by assault. Generous in his 
distribution of the spoil, he enhanced the effect 
of a liberality which was pleasing in itself by his 
friendly bearing — traits which had made his soldiers 
eager for toil and danger. 

The })roconsul Quintus Fabius fought near the 
city Allifae a pitched battle with the army of 
the Samnites. The result was anything but doubt- 
ful, for the enemy were routed and driven into 
their camp ; and they could not have held the 
camp had there not been very little daylight left. 



Ax.c. diei ; ante noctem tamen sunt circumsessa et nocte 

7 custodita ne quis elabi posset. Postero die vixdum 
luce certa deditio fieri coepta et pacti qui Samnitium 
forent ut cum singulis vestimentis emitterentur ; 

8 ii omnes sub iugum missi. Sociis Samnitium nihil 
cautum ; ad septem milia sub corona veniere. Qui 
se civem Hernicum dixerat seorsus in custodia 

9 habitus. Eos omnes Fabius Romam ad senatum 
misit ; et cum quaesitum esset dilectu an voluntarii 

10 pro Samnitibus ad versus Romanos bellassent per 
Latinos populos custodiendi dantur, iussique earn 
integram rem novi consules P. Cornelius Arvina Q. 
Marcius Tremulus — hi enim iam creati erant — ad 

11 senatum referre. Id aegre passi Hernici ; concilium 
populorum omnium habentibus Anagninis in circo 
quem Maritimum vocant praeter Aletrinatem Fer- 
entinatemque et \'erulanum omnes Hernici nominis 
populo Romano bellum indixerunt. 

XLIII. In Samnio quoque, quia decesserat inde 
Fabius^ novi motus exorti. Calatia et Sora praesidia- 
que quae in his Romana erant expugnata et in 

2 captivorum corpora militum foede saevitum. Itaque 
eo P. Cornelius cum exercitu missus ; Marcio novi 
hostes — iam enim Anagninis Hernicisque aliis bellum 

3 iussum erat — decernuntur. Primo ita omnia oppor- 

1 The Hernici had been at peace with the Romans ever 
since their subjugation in 358 B.C. (vir. xv. 9). 

* Calatia was mentioned in chap. ii. § 2 as a Samnite town, 
and its capture by the Romans in 314 B.C. is noted in chap, 
xxviii. § 6. Sora, on the borders of the Hernici, was taken 
in the same year (chap. xxiv. § 14). 

BOOK IX. xLii. 6-xLiii. 3 

Even so they were invested before dark, and guards b.c. 
were posted in the night to prevent anyone's ^^^"^^ 
escaping. Next day, before it was well light, they 
began to surrender. T!ie Samnites among them 
bargained to be dismissed in their tunics ; all these 
were sent under the yoke. The allies of the 
Samnites were protected by no guarantee, and were 
sold into slavery, to the number of seven thousand. 
Those who gave themselves out for Hemic citizens 
were detained apart in custody, and Fabius sent 
them all to the senate in Rome. There an enquiry 
was held as to whether they had been conscripted 
or had fought voluntarily for the Samnites against 
the Romans ; after which they were parcelled out 
amongst the Latins to be guarded, and a resolution 
was passed directing the new consuls, Publius 
Cornelius Arvina and Quintus Marcius Tremulus — 
for these men had been elected — to refer the 
matter to the senate for fresh action. This the 
Hernici resented. The peo})le of Anagnia assembled 
a council of all the states in the circus which they 
call the Maritime Circus, and all of the Hemic name, 
excepting the inhabitants of Aletrium, Ferentinum 
and Verulae, declared war on the Roman People.^ 

XLHI. In Samnium, too, the departure of Fabius 
was the cause of fresh disturbances. Calatia and 
Sora with their Roman garrisons were taken by 
assault, and the captured soldiers were treated with 
shameful rigour.^ Accordingly Publius Cornelius 
was dispatched in that direction with an army. 
The new enemies — for by this time war had been 
declared on the men of Anagnia and the other 
Hernici — were allotted to Marcius. At the outset 
of the cam})aign the enemy were so successful in 



tuna loca hostes inter consul um castra interceperunt 

4 ut pervadere expeditus nuntius non posset et per 
aliquot dies incerti rerum omnium suspensique de 
statu alterius uterque consul ageret, Romamque is 
metus manaret_, adeo ut omnes iuniores sacramento 
adigerentur atque ad subita rerum duo iusti scribe- 

5 rentur exercitus. Ceterum Hernicum bellum nequa- 
quam pro praesenti terrore ac vetusta ^ gentis gloria 

G fuit. Nihil usquam dictu dignum ausi^ trinis castris 
intra paucos dies exuti, triginta dierum indutias ita 
ut ad senatum Romam legatos mitterent^ pacti sunt 

7 bimestri stipendio frumentoque et singulis in militem 
tunicis. Ab senatu ad Marcium reiecti, cui senatus 
consulto permissum de Hernicis erat^ isque eam 
gentem in deditionem accepit. 

8 Et in Samnio alter consul superior viribus. locis 
inipeditior erat. Omnia itinera obsaepserant hostes 
saltusque per\ ios ceperant, ne qua subvehi com- 
meatus possent ; neque eos. cum cottidie signa in 
aciem consul proferret^ elicere ad certamen poterat ; 

9 satisque apparebat neque Samnitem certamen prae- 

10 sens nee Romanum dilationem belli laturum. Ad- 
ventus Marci. qui Hernicis subactis maturavitcollegae 

1 1 venire auxilio. moram certaminis hosti exemit. Nam 
ut qui ne alteri quidem exercitui se ad certamen 

^ vetusta Gronoxius : vetustae Klockius : vetustate n. 

BOOK IX. xLiii. 3-1 1 

seizing all the strategic points between the camps b.c. 
of the consuls, that not even a nimble courier 307-306 
could get through, and for some days the consuls 
were kept in uncertainty regarding everything and 
could only speculate about one another's state. 
Fears for their safety even extended to Rome, 
where all of military age were given the oath and 
two full armies were enlisted, to meet any sudden 
emergencies. But the war with the Hernici by 
no means answered to the present panic or to the 
nation's old renown. They ventured nothing to 
speak of at any point, and having lost three camps 
in tlie space of a few days they bargained for 
a thirty days' truce, to enable them to send envoys 
to the senate in Rome, and delivered up two 
months' pay and corn, and a tunic for every soldier. 
The senate sent them back to Marcius, having 
passed a resolution empowering him to deal with 
the Hernici as he saw fit. He received their 
submission on terms of unconditional surrender. 

In Samnium the other consul was also stronger 
than the enemy, but was more embarrassed by the 
character of the ground. The enemy had blockaded 
all the roads and seized the practicable passes, to 
prevent supplies being brought up anywhere. But 
though the consul offered battle daily, he could 
not entice them to fight. It was quite apparent 
that the Samnites would not accept an immediate 
engagement, nor the Romans endure any prolonga- 
tion of the war. The arrival of Marcius, who, 
having subdued the Hernici, made haste to come to 
the assistance of his colleague, deprived the enemy 
of any power to delay the struggle. For since 
they had not considered themselves equal to a 



A.u.c.^ credidissent pares, coniungi utique passi duos con- 
sulares exercitiis nihil crederent superesse spei^ 
advenientem incomposito agmine Marcium adgredi- 

12 untur. Raptim coniatae sarcinae in medium^ et 
prout tempus patiebatur instructa acies. Clamor 
primum in stativa perlatus, dein conspectus procul 
pulvis tumultum apud alterum consulem in castris 

13 fecit; i>que confestim arma capere iussis raptimque 
eductis in aciem militibus transversam hostium aciem 
atque alio certamine occupatam invadit, clamitans 

14 summum flagitium fore si alterum exercitum utrius- 
que victoriae compotem sinerent fieri nee ad se sui 

15 belli viudicarent decus. Qua impetum dederat 
perrumpit aciemque per mediara in castra hostium 
tendit et vacua defensoribus capit atque incendit. 

16 Quae ubi flagrantia Marcianus miles conspexit et 
hostes respexere, tum passim fuga coepta Samnitium 
fieri : sed omnia obtinet caedes, nee in ullam partem 
tutum perfugium est. 

17 lam triginta milibus hostium caesis signum re- 
ceptui consoles dederant colligebantque in unum 
copias in vicem inter se gratantes, cum repente 
visae procul hostium novae cohortes^ quae in su})- 
plementum scriptae fuerant, integravere caedem. 

IS In quas nee iussu consul am nee signo accepto victores 

* i.e. in a hollow square, as the words in medium sh 

BOOK IX. xLiii. ii-tS 

battle with even one army, and believed that, once b.c. 
they had suffered two consular armies to unite, 307-306 
there would be no hope for them, they made an 
attack on Marcius as he was approaching in loose 
marching order. Hastily throwing down their packs 
in the midst, the Romans formed up^ as well as 
time permitted. The shouting was the first thing 
that was noticed in the camp of Cornelius. Then, 
far off, a cloud of dust was descried, and caused 
a commotion in the camp. The consul ordered his 
men to arm, and leading them quickly out into line 
attacked the enemy in the flank, when their hands 
were full with another struggle, crying out that 
it would be a burning shame if they let the other 
army win both victories, and failed to claim for 
themselves the glory of their own cam})aign. 
Bursting through at the point where he had 
charged, he advanced through the enemy's line, 
and capturing their camp, M'hich was empty of 
defenders, set fire to it. When the soldiers of 
Marcius saw the blaze, and the enemy, looking over 
their shoulders, saw it too, the flight of the Samnites 
soon became general ; but at every i)oint death 
blocked the way, and there was no escaping any- 

'Jliirty thousand of the enemy had already fallen, 
and the consuls had sounded the recall and were 
proceeding to assemble their forces in one body, 
amid the mutual congratulations and rejoicings of 
the men, when suddenly some new cohorts of the 
Samnites, which had been levied as reliefs, were 
made out in the distance, and occasioned a renewal 
of the slaughter. The victors rushed upon them, 
without orders from the consuls or receiving any 


A.y.c. vadunt, malo tirocinio imbiiendum Samnitem clami- 

19 tantes. Indulgent consules legionum ardori^ ut qui 
probe scirent novum militem hostium inter perculsos 
fuga veteranos ne temptando quidem satis certamini 

20 fore. Xec eos opinio fefellit : omnes Samnitium 
copiae, veteres novaeque, montes proximos fuga 
capiunt. Eo et Romana erigitur acies. nee quicquam 
satis tuti loci victis est, et de iugis quae ceperant 
funduntur ; iamque una voce omnes pacem petebant. 

21 Turn trium mensum frumento imperato et annuo 
sti])endio ac singulis in militem tunicis ad senatum 
pacis oratores missi. 

22 Cornelius in Samnio relictus : Marcius de Hernicis 
triumphans in urbem rediit^statuaque equestrisin foro 
decreta est, quae ante templum Castoris posita est. 

2.3 Hernicorum tribus populis. Aletrinati Verulano Fe- 
rentinati;,qui id^ maluerunt quam civitatem,suae leges 
redditae, conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu 

24 soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum. Anagninis 
quique alii - arma Romanis intulerant civitas sine 
suffragii latione: data '.concilia conubiaque adempta et 
magistratibus praeterquam sacrorum curatione inter- 

25 Eodem anno aedes Salutis a C. lunio Bubulco 

^ qui i'l Harant : qui FT^ or T^ {marg.) : quia n. 

2 quinque alii //. G.MvAller: quique (quicque D? LA) n. 

^ The temple of Castor and Pollux had been vowed at the 
battle of Lake Regillus. 299 B.C., and dedicated fifteen j^ears 
later (ii. xx. 12. and xlii. 5). 


BOOK IX. xuii. 18-25 

signal, exclaiming that the Samnites must begin b.c. 
their soldiering with a bitter lesson. The consuls 30/-306 
indulged the ardour of the legions_, being well 
aware that the enemy's recruits, in the midst of 
routed veterans, would scarce be equal to so much 
as an attempt at fighting. They were not mis- 
taken. All the forces of the Samnites, old and 
new, broke and fled to the nearest mountains, up 
which the Romans too advanced in pursuit of them. 
The conquered could find no refuge anywhere tliat 
afforded safety, but were driven pell-mell from the 
ridges where they had made a stand. And now 
with one voice they all begged for peace. They 
were required to furnish corn for three months, 
with a year's pay and a tunic for each Roman 
soldier, and envoys were then dispatched to the 
senate to sue for terms. 

Cornelius was left in Samnium. Marcius returned 
to the City, which he entered in a triumph over 
the Hernici. An equestrian statue in the Forum 
was decreed him and was erected in front of the 
temple of Castor.^ To the three Hemic peoples 
of Aletrium, Verulae, and Ferentinum their own 
laws were restored, because they preferred them to 
Roman citizenship, and they were given the right 
to intermarry with each other — a privilege which 
for some time they were the only Hernici to enjoy. 
The peo])le of Anagnia and such others as had borne 
arms against the Romans were admitted to citizen- 
ship without the right of voting. They were 
prohibited from holding councils and from inter- 
marrying, and were allowed no magistrates save 
those who had charge of religious rites. 

In the same year the censor Gaius Junius 


Y 2 


censore locata est^ quam consul bello Samnitium 
voverat. x\b eodem collegaque eius M. Valerio 
26 Maximo viae per agros publica impensa factae. Et 
cum Carthaginiensibus eodem anno foedus tertio 
renovatum^ legatisque eorum, qui ad id venerant, 
comiter munera missa. 

XLIV. Dictatorem idem annus habuit P. Corne- 
lium Scipionem cum magistro equitum P. Decio 

2 Mure. Ab his, propter quae creati erant, comitia 
consularia habita, quia neuter consulum potuerat ^ 

3 bello abesse. Creati consules L. Postumius Ti.^ 
Minucius. Hos consules Piso Q. Fabio et P. Decio 
suggerit biennio exempto quo Claudium Volumnium- 
que et Cornelium cum Marcio consules factos tradidi- 

4 mus. Memoriane fugerit ^ in annalibus digerendis, 
an consulto binos consules, falsos ratus, transcenderit, 
incertum est. 

5 Eodem anno in campum Stellatem agri Campani 
G Samnitium incursiones factae. Itaque ambo consules 

in Samnium missi cum diversas regiones, Tifernum 
Postumius Bovianum Minucius petisset, Postumi 
prius ductu ad Tifernum pugnatum. Alii baud 
dubie Samnites victos ac viginti milia hominum 
capta tradunt, alii Marte aequo discessum et 
8 Postumium metum simulantem nocturno itinere 

^ potuerat A^-: potueraut H : poterant F. 

2 Ti. Sig<mius (Diod. xx. Ixxxi. 1, C.I.L. i^ p. 132) : t 
MPl/T-A^: -t P: -f (= et) F: et M^: icanting in OTJJLA. 

2 memoriane fugerit 5- : memoriae [or -e)ne fugerit Ci : 
memorie ne fuerit U : vxinting in 0. 

^ On the Quirinal. 

2 VII. xxvii. 2 and note. Per. xiii., which speaks of a. fourth 
treaty, would be in agreement with the present passage. 
2 Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi, the annalist, cos. 133 b.i 


BOOK IX, xLiii. 25-xLiv. 8 

Bubulcus let the contract for the temple of Safety,^ b.c. 
which he had vowed, while consul, during the ^ ^"^ ^ 
Samnite war. He and his colleague, Marcus 
Valerius Maximus, built roads through the country- 
side at the public costs. In this year also the 
treaty with the Carthaginians was renewed for the 
third time/^ and their ambassadors, who had come 
for the purpose of arranging it, were treated with 
courtesy and given presents. 

XLIV. The same year had a dictator in theB.c.305 
person of Publius Cornelius Scipio, the master of 
the horse being Publius Decius Mus. These men 
held a consular election — for to this end they had 
been appointed, since neither consul had been able 
to leave the seat of war. The consuls chosen were 
Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Minucius. Piso ^ 
makes these men follow Quintus Fabius and Publius 
Decius, omitting the two years in which we have 
placed the consulship of Claudius and \'olumnius and 
that of Cornelius and Marcius. Whether in the redac- 
tion of his annals he forgot them, or omitted two sets 
of consuls purposely, as not authentic, is uncertain. 

In that year also the Samnites made forays upon 
the Campus Stellatis * in Campania. Both consuls 
were accordingly dispatched into Samnium in different 
directions, Postumius marching on Tifernum, and 
Minucius on Bovianum. The fighting began at 
Tifernum, where Postumius commanded. Some relate 
that the Samnites were decisively beaten and that 
twenty thousand prisoners were taken ; others that 
the armies quitted the field on even terms, and that 
Postumius, feigning fear, in the night withdrew his 

■* This was a tract forming part of the Ager Faleruus, later 
celebrated for its choice wine. 


A.u.c. clam in montes copias abduxisse, hostes secutos 

duo milia inde locis munitis et ipsos consedisse. 

9 Consul ut stativa tuta copiosaque — et ita erant — 

petisse videretur^ postquam et munimentis castra 

firmavit et omni apparatu rerum utilium instruxit, 

10 relicto firmo praesidio de vigilia tertia, qua duci 
proxime potest, expeditas legiones ad collegam, et 

11 ipsum adversus alios sedentem, ducit. Ibi auctore 
Postumio Minucius cum hostibus signa confert, et, 
cum anceps proelium in multum diei processisset, 
turn Postumius integris legionibus defessam iam 

12 aciem h ostium improviso invadit. Itaque cum lassi- 
tudo ac volnera fugam quoque praepedissent, occidi- 
one occisi hostes, signa unum et viginti capta atque 

13 inde ad castra Postumi perrectum. Ibi duo victores 
exercitus perculsum iam fama hostem adorti fundunt 
fugantque ; signa militaria sex et viginti capta et 
imperator Samnitium Statius Gellius ^ multique alii 

14 mortales et castra utraque capta. Et Bovianum urbs - 
postero die coepta oppugnari brevi capitur, magna- 
que gloria rerum gestarum consules triumpharunt. 

15 Minucium consulem, cum volnere gravi relatum in 
castra, mortuum quidam auctores sunt, et M. Ful\ ium 
in locum eius consulem suffectum, et ab eo, cum ad 
exercitum Minuci missus esset, Bovianum captum. 

^ Ge]\inti Sigoni}(s{Diod. xx. xc. 4 riWiosTdios) : Cellius n. 
2 urbs Crevier: ubi Xl. 


BOOK IX. xLiv. 8-15 

forces secretly to the inountains, where the enemy n.c. 305 
followed him and themselves entrenched a camp, at 
a distance of two miles from his. The consul, that 
it might appear to have been his object to gain a 
position at once secure and abounding in supplies, — 
and such indeed it was — having fortified his camp 
and eijuipped it with all manner of useful things, 
left in it a strong garrison^ and in the third watch led 
his legions in light marching order by the most 
direct route to his colleague, who likewise lay in 
camp, facing another army. There, at the instiga- 
tion of Postumiiis, Minucius gave battle to the 
enemy ; and when the doubtful struggle had been 
prolonged until late in the afternoon, Postumius 
with his fresh legions fell unexpectedly upon the 
now jaded forces of their opponents. The Samnites, 
debarred by their weariness and wounds even from 
flight, were utterly annihilated, and the Romans, 
having taken twentv-one standards, set out for the 
camp of Postumius. There the two victorious armies 
assailed the enemy, already dismayed by the tidings 
of the other battle, and overwhelmingly routed them, 
capturing six-and-twenty standards, the commander 
of the Samnites — Statins Gellius — and many other 
prisoners, besides both cam})s. On the following 
day they began the siege of the city of Bovianum, 
and on its capture, which quickly ensued, the consuls 
crowned their glorious achievements with a triumph. 
Some writers state that Minucius the consul was 
severely wounded and expired after being carried 
back to his camp. They add that Marcus Fulvius 
was made consul suffect in his place, and that it was 
he who, being sent out to the army of Minucius, 
captured Bovianum, 



16 Eo anno Sora Arpinum Cesennia recepta ab Sam- 
nitibus. Herculis magnum simulacrum in Capitolio 
positum dedicatumque. 

XL\\ P. Sulpicio Saverrione ^ P. Sempronio Sopho 
consulibus Samnites^ seu finem seu dilationem belli 

2 quaerentes, legates de pace Roman misere. Quibus 
suppliciter agentibus responsum est, nisi saepe bellum 
parantes pacem petissent Samnites, oratione ultro 
citro habita de pace transigi potuisse ; nunc^ quando 
verba vana ad id locorum fuerint^ rebus standum 

3 esse. P. Sempronium consulem cum exercitu brevi 
in Samnio fore ; eum, ad bellum pacemne inclinent 
animi, falli non posse ; comperta omnia senatui re- 
laturum ; decedentem ex Samnio consulem legati 

4 sequerentur. Eo anno cum pacatum Samnium exer- 
citus Romanus benigne praebito commeatu per- 
agrassetj foedus antiquum Samnitibus redditum, 

5 Ad Aequos inde, veteres hostes, ceterum per 
multos annos sub specie infidae pacis quietos, versa 
arma Romana, quod incolumi Hernico nomine missit- 

G averant simul cum iis Samniti auxilia et post Hernicos 
subactos universa prope gens sine dissimulatione 
consilii publici ad hostes desciverat ; et postquam 

1 Siiverrione Sigjnius{XAx. 14, C.I.L. i~. }). 45): aiierrione 
(auerioiie A) D.. 

^ Site unknown. 

2 Perhaps to appease tlie god for the indignity mentioned 
in chap. xxix. § 9. 

^ In 354 E.c. the Samnites had sought and obtained a 
treaty with the Romans, upon what terms is not known, but 
thev were doubtless liberal (vii. xix. 4) 

4 'Since 388 e.c. (vi. iv. 8). 

^ Chap. xlii. § 8, where, however, the Aequi are not 


BOOK IX. xLiv. 16-XLV. 6 

In that year Sora^ Arpinum^ and Cesennia ^ were b.c. 305 
won back from the Samnites. The great statue of 
Hercules was set up and dedicated on the Capitol.^ 

XL^'. In the consulship of Publius Sulpicius b.c. 304 
Saverrio and Publius Sempronius Sophus^ the Sam- 
nites, whether seeking to end or only to postpone 
hostilities, sent envoys to Rome to treat for peace. 
To their humble supplications the answer was re- 
turned, that if the Samnites had not frequently 
sought peace while preparing for war, a treaty could 
have been arranged by mutual discussion : as it was, 
since words had hitherto proved of no effect, the 
Romans must needs take their stand on facts. 
Publius Sempronius, the consul, would shortly be in 
Samnium with an army ; he was one whom they 
would be unable to deceive as to whether their 
hearts inclined to peace or war; after a thorough 
investigation he would report his findings to the 
senate ; and on his leaving Samnium their envoys 
might attend him. The Roman army marched all 
over Samnium ; the people were peaceable and 
furnished the army liberally with supplies ; accord- 
ingly their ancient treaty was in that year restored 
again to the Samnites.^ 

The arms of Rome were then directed against the 
Aequi, who had been her enemies of old, but for 
many years past had remained quiet,* under colour 
of a peace which they observed but treacherously. 
The reason for making war on them was as follows : 
before the overthrow of the Hernici they had re- 
peatedly joined with them in sending assistance to 
the Samnites,^ and after the subjugation of the 
Hernici, almost the entire nation had gone over to the 
enemy, without attempting to disguise their policy ; 



A.r.c. icto Romae cum Samnitibus foedere fetiales venerant 

450 , 

7 res repetitum, temptationem aiebant esse ut terrore 
incusso belli Romanos se fieri paterentur; quod quaiito 
opere optandum foret Hernicos docuisse, cum quibus 
licuerit suas leges Romanae civitati praeoptaverint : 

8 quibus legendi quid mallent copia non fuerit pro 
poena necessariam civitatem fore. Ob haec volgo in 
conciliis iactata populus Romanus bellum fieri Acquis 

9 iussit; consulesque ambo ad novum profecti bellum 
quattuor milia a castris hostium consederunt. 

10 Aequorum exercitus^ ut qui sue nomine permultos 
annos imbelles egissent, tumultuario similis, sine 

11 ducibus certis,. sine imperio, tre})idare. Alii exeun- 
dum in aciem, alii castra tuenda censent ; movet 
plerosque vastatio futura agrorum ac deinceps cum 

12 levibus praesidiis urbium relictarum excidia. Itaque 
postquam inter multas sententias una, quae omissa 
cura communium ad respectum suarum quemque 

13 rerum vertit^ est ^ audita, ut prima vigilia diversi e 
castris ad deportanda omnia tuendasque moenibus 
urbes ^ abirent, cuncti eam sententiam ingenti ad- 

14 sensu accepere. Palatis hostibus per agros prima 
luce Romani signis prolatis in acie consistunt, et ubi 

^ vertit, est Madvig : uertisset (-ent P) Cl : auertisset G. 

^ tuendasque moenibus urbes Madvig - : tuendasque moe- 
nibus in urbes Ci : tuendasque in omnibus urbes : tuendosque 
moenibus se in urbes H. J. MiieUer. 

^ Cf. chap, xliii. 23 f. for the two groups. 

* i.e. while Aequians had volunteered for service in other 
armies, they had engaged in no war as a nation — at any rate 
with Rome— since 388 B.C. (vi. iv. 8}. 

BOOK IX. XLV. 6-14 

and when fetials had applied to them for reparation,, b.c. 304 
after the adoption of the Samnite treaty at Rome, 
they had persistently asserted that the Romans were 
attempting under threats of war to intimidate them 
into becoming Roman citizens ; and how little that 
Avas a thing to be desired had been shown^ the}' said^ 
by the Hernici, since those who had been permitted 
to do so had chosen their own laws in preference to 
Roman citizenship^ while those who had not been 
given an option were to have citizenship thrust upon 
them as a punishment.^ Because of such expressions, 
publicly uttered in their assemblies, the Roman 
People decreed that war should be made upon the 
Aequi. Both consuls set out for the new seat of 
operations, and took up a position four miles from 
the enemy's camp. 

The army of the Aequi, who for many years had 
made no war on their own account,^ like a hastily 
levied militia, under no definite commanders and 
subject to no supreme authority, were in a state of 
panic. Some were for offering battle, others for 
defending the camp. The consideration that affected 
most of them was tlie devastation which their farms 
would suffer and the subsequent destruction of their 
cities, which they had left inadequately garrisoned. 
And so when a proposal was heard — amongst many 
others — which disregarded the common welfare and 
made every one think of his own interest, to wit, 
that in the first watch they should leave the camp, 
and going their several ways, carry off all their 
possessions from the fields and defend their cities 
by means of their walls, they all with loud acclaim 
adopted it. The enemy were scattered over the 
countryside when at break of day the Romans came 



nemo obvius ibat^ pleno gradu ad castra hostium 

15 tendunt. Ceterum postquam ibi neque stationes 
pro portis nee quemquam in vallo nee fremitum con- 
siietum eastrorum animadverterunt, insolito silentio 

16 moti metu insidiarum subsistunt. Transgress! deinde 
vallum cum deserta omnia invenissent, pergunt hos- 
tem vestigiis sequi. Sed vestigia in omnes aeque 
ferentia partes, ut in dilapsis passim, primo errorem 

1 7 faciebant ; post per exploratores compertis hostium 
consiliis ad singulas urbes circumferendo belle 
unum et triginta oppida intra dies quinquaginta, 
omnia oppuguando, ceperunt. quorum pleraque diruta 
atque incensa, nomenque Aequorum prope ad inter- 

18 necionem deletum. De Aequis triumphatum : ex- 
emploque eorum clades fuit. ut Marrucini Marsi 
Paeligni Frentani ^ mitterent Romam oratores pacis 
petendae amicitiaeque. His populis foedus peteii- 
tibus datum. 

XLVl. Eodem anno Cn. Flavius Cn. filius^ scriba, 
patrelibertinohumilifortunaortus, ceterum callidusvir 
2 et facundus. aedilis curulis fuit. Invenio in quibusdam 
annalibus. cum appareret aedilibus fierique se pro 
tribu aedilem videret neque accipi nomen quia scrip- 
turn faceret. tabulam posuisse et iurasse se scriptum 

^ Frentani Sigonius [rhap. xvi. § 1 a.nd Conxcay, llal. Dial, 
p. 212) : feretani MA- : feretraniH. 

2 Cn. filius A- : cn fil / ^ ; gn fil T : rarious corruptions Cl. 

^ The tribes were beginning to enter their votes in favour 
of Flavius, biit the aeclile presiding at the election refused to 
admit his candidacy, on the score that as an apparitor, a paid 
civil servant, he might not hold a magistracy. Flavius 
thereupon renounced his position as secretary and declined to 
serve as such at the election. With Livy's narrative in this 
chap. cf. Plin. X. IT. xxxm. i. 17-19, and Gellius, vii. {vi) 9, 
who quotes Piso as his authority, and uses language so much 


BOOK IX. XLV. 14-XLV1. 2 

out and formed in order of battle, and encountering b.c. 304 
nobody^ advanced at a quick pace to^vards the 
Aeqiiian camp. But not perceiving any outposts 
before the gates or anybody on the rampart^ and 
missing the usual noises of a camp, they were 
troubled by the unaccustomed silence, and appre- 
hending an ambush, halted. Later, when they had 
scaled the rampart and found everything deserted, 
they attempted to follow the enemy by his tracks ; 
but the tracks, which led in all directions — as they 
would when an army had dispersed — at first be- 
wildered them. Afterwards they found out through 
their scouts what the enemy designed to do ; 
and attacking his cities in succession, one after 
another, they captured thirty-one of them within fifty 
days, in every instance by assault. Of these the 
greater number were dismantled and burnt, and the 
Aequian name was almost blotted out. A triumph 
was celebrated over the Aequi ; and warned by the 
example of their downfall, the Marrucini, Marsi, 
Paeligni, and Frentani sent ambassadors to Rome to 
sue for peace and friendship. These nations, at 
their request, were granted a treaty of alliance. 

XLVI. In the same year a government clerk^ 
(inaeus Flavius, the son of Gnaeus, was curule 
aedile. Born in humble circumstances — his father 
being a freedman — he was, for the rest, a man of 
shrewdness and eloquence. I find in certain annals 
that being in attendance upon the aediles, and per- 
ceiving that the tribes were supporting him for 
aedile, but that his name was thrown out because he 
was acting as a recorder, he put away his tablet and 
took an oath that he would keep no record.^ 

like Livy's as to suggest that this annalist was Livy's source 



i.r.c. 3 non facturum : quem aliquanto ante desisse scriptum 
4-50 _ \, T , 

lacere arguit Macer Licinius tribunatu ante gesto 

triumviratibusque, nocturno altero, altero coloniae 

4 deducendae. Ceterum, id quod baud discrepat, con- 
tumacia adversus contemnentes humilitatem suam 

5 nobiles certavit ; civile ius, repositum in penetraHbus 
pontificum, evolgavit fastosque circa forum in albo 

6 proposuit. ut quando lege agi posset sciretur ; aedem 
Concordiae in area Volcani summa invidia nobilium 
dedicavit : coactusque consensu populi Cornelius 
Barbatus pontifex maximus verba praeire, cum more 
maiorum negaret nisi consulem aut imperatorem 

7 posse templum dedicare. Itaque ex auctoritate sen- 
atus latum ad populum est ne quis tem.plum aramve 
iniussu senatus aut tril)unorum plebei partis maioris 

8 dedicaret. Haud memorabilem rem per se^ nisi 
documentum sit adversus superbiam nobilium plebeiae 

9 libertatis, referam. Ad collegam aegrum visendi 
causa Flavius cum venisset consensuque nobilium 
adulescentium, qui ibi adsidebant, adsurrectum ei 
non esset, curulem adferri sellam eo iussit ac de 
sede ^ honoris sui anxios invidia inimicos spectavit. 

10 Ceterum Flavium dixerat aedilem forensis factio^ Ap. 

^ de sede Sieshye : sede H. 

^ These were commonly called tresviri capitales, and were 
police commissioners, who besides the dutj' referred to in 
the text, were charged with assisting the magistrates who 
had criminal jurisdiction, and particularly with executing 
sentences of death. Liv. Ver. xi. would indicate that the 
otfice was not introduced until about 289 B.C. 

BOOK IX. XLvi. 2-IO 

Licinius Macer alleges that he had ceased some time b.c. 304 
before to act as secretary^ having been already a 
tribune, and on two occasions a triumvir, once on the 
commission which had charge of the night-watch/ 
and again on one appointed to found a colony. At 
all events there is no difference of opinion about the 
stubbornness of his contention with 'the nobles, who 
despised his lowly birth. He published the formulae 
of the civil law, which had been filed away in the 
secret archives of the pontiffs, and posted up the 
calendar on white notice-boards about the Forum, 
that men might know when they could bring an 
action. He dedicated a temple of Concord in the 
precinct of \'ulcan, greatly to the resentment of the 
nobles; and Cornelius Barbatus, the chief pontiff, 
was forced by the unanimous wishes of the people to 
dictate the form of words to him, though he asserted 
that by custom of the elders none but a consul or 
commanding general might dedicate a temple. So, 
in accordance with a senatorial resolution, a measure 
was enacted by the people providing that no one 
should dedicate a temple or an altar without the 
authorization of the senate or a majority of the 
tribunes of the plebs. — I will relate an incident, of 
no importance in itself, which may serve to show 
how the plebs asserted their liberties against the 
arrogance of the nobles. Flavins had come to make 
a call upon a colleague who was sick, and the young 
nobles who were sitting by his bed with one consent 
omitted to rise on his entering ; whereupon he 
ordered his curule chair to be fetched in, and from 
his official seat gazed at his adversaries, who were 
choking with resentment. Xow Flavins had been 
elected aedile by the faction of the market-place. 


Claudi censura vires nacta, qui senatum primus 

11 libertinorum filiis Icctis inquinaverat^ et posteaquam 
earn lectionem nemo ratam habuit nee in curia 
adeptus erat quas petierat opes^ urbanis^ humilibus 
per omnes tribus divisis forum et campum corrupit. 

12 Tantumque Flavi comitia indignitatis habuerunt ut 
plerique nobilium anulos aureos et phaleras depone- 

13 rent. Ex eo tempore in duas partes discessit ci vitas : 
aliud integer populus, fautor et cultor bonorum, 

14 aliud forensis factio tendebat,^ donee Q. Fabius et 
P. Decius censores facti, et Fabius simul concordiae 
causa, simul ne humillimorum in manu comitia essent, 
omnem forensem turbam excretam in quattuor tribus 

15 coniecit urbanasque eas appellavit. Adeoque eam 
rem acceptam gratis animis ferunt ut Maximi cogno- 
men, quod tot victoriis non pepererat, hac ordinum 
temperatione pareret. Ab eodem institutum dicitur 
ut equites idibus Quinctilibus transveherentur. 

^ urbauis Gronovins : uibanas Cl. 

- t^ndebat F r Maivig: tenebat n {Walters and Conway 
cf. Or. Tar. I. 14.) 

^ The centuriate comitia met in the Campus Marlius, the 
tribal comitia in the Fornm. Membership in the former 
assembly — ^now for the first time imparted to the tradesmen 
and artisans who were not freeholders — implied also member- 
ship in the latter. The result of this reform was to extend 
the franchise to a large class of citizens, many of whom were 
men of substance. 


BOOK IX. xLvi. 10-15 

which had become powerful in consequence of the b.c. 304 
censorship of Appius Claudius. Claudius had been 
the first to debase the senate by the appointment of 
the sons of freedmen^ and afterwards, when no one 
allowed the validity of his selection, and he had 
failed to gain the influence in the senate-house which 
had been his object, he had distributed the humble 
denizens of the City amongst all the tribes, and had 
thus corrupted the Forum and the Campus Martius.^ 
And so great was the indignation over the election 
of Flavius that many of the nobles laid aside their 
golden rings and medals. From that time the 
citizens were divided into two parties ; the men of 
integrity, who favoured and cherished right prin- 
ciples, tended one way, the rabble of the market- 
))lace another ; until Quintus Fabius and Publius 
Decius became censors, and Fabius, partly for the 
sake of harmony, partly that the elections might not 
be in the liands of the basest of the people, culled 
out all the market-place mob and cast them into 
four tribes, to which he gave the name of Urban. 
The arrangement, they say, was so gratefully re- 
ceived, that by this regulation of the orders he 
}>urchased the surname of the Great, which not all 
his victories had been able to procure him. It was 
Fabius too, so it is said, who instituted the parade of 
the knijrhts on the fifteenth of Julv. 

vol. IV. A A 


T. \'etarius Spurius Postumius cos?, apud furca- 
Caudiiias deducto in locum artum exercitu, cum spes nulla 
esset evadendi^ foedere cum Samuitibus facto et sescentis 
equitibus Romanis obsidibus datis ita exercitum abdu- 
xerunt ut omnes sub iug-um mitterentur ; idem.que auctore 
Spurio Postumio cos. qui in senatu suaserat ut eorum 
deditione quorum culpa tarn deforme foedus ictum erat^ 
publica fides liberaretur^ cum duobus trib. pi. et omnibus 
qui foedus spoponderant dediti Samnitibus uon sunt 
recepti. nee multo post fusis a Papirio Cursore Samnitibus 
et sub iugum missis receptisque sescentis equitibus 
Romanis qui obsides dati erant, pudor flagitii prioris 
abolitus est. tribus duae adiectae sunt^ Oufentina ^ et 
Falerna. Suessa et Pontia coloniae deductae sunt. Ap. 
( laudius censor aquam perduxit : viam stravit quae Appia 
vocata est. libertinorum filios in senatum legit, ideoque^ 
quoniam is ordo ind ignis inquinatus videbatur^ sequentis 
anni coss. senatum observaverunt, quern ad modum ante 
proximos censores fuerat. res praeterea contra Apulos et 
Etruscos^ et Umbros et Marsos et Paelignos et Aequos et 
Samnites, quibus foedus restitutum est, prospere gestas con- 
tinet. Cn. Flavius' scriba, libertino patre natus, aedilis 
curulis fuit per forensem factiouem creatus^ quae, cum 
comitia et campum turbaret et in bis propter nimias vires 
dominaretur, a Q. P'abio censore in quattuor tribus redacta 

^ Oufentina Hertz : ofentina [or osfentina) MSS. 
' et Etruscos cod. Bcrgianus : Etruscos MSS. 
» Cn. Flavius edd : C. Flavins MSS. 



Titus ^'^eturius and Spurius Postumius, the consuls, 
having led their army into a narrow place at the C'audine 
Forks^ when there was no hope of escaping, made a 
treaty with the Samnites. and liaving given six hundred 
Roman knig hts as hostages, got their grmy off, on con- 
djtioiQliatlaTrs hould be senij^ncli ]- tlTpynk^' — ^-"d thp.QP 
5ame men havnig been delivered up to the Samnites, 
together with two tribunes of the plebs and all those who 
tiad guaranteed the treaty — on the suggestion of Spurius 
Postumius the consul, who had advised the senate that the 
rdedge of the State should be redeemed by the surrender of 
ihose by whose fault so disgraceful a treaty had been made 
—were by them rejected. Not long after, the Samnites 
.vere routed by Papirus Cursor and sent beneath the yoke, 
md the six hundred Roman knights who had been given 
IS hostages were recovered, thus wiping out the shame 
)f the earlier disgrace. Two tribes were added, the 
^ufentina and the Falerna. Colonies were planted at 
Suessa and Pontia. Appius Claudius the censor completed 
in aqueduct ; paved the road which was called the Appian 
^Way ; and admitted the sons of freedmen to the senate, 
m- wliich reason, since that order appeared to have been 
ijolluted with unworthy members, tl)e consuls of the 
rbllowing year kept the senate as it had been before the 
last censors. The book also contains successful campaigns 
igainst the Apulians, the Etruscans, the Umbrians, the 
Marsi, the Paeligni, the Aequi, and the Samnites, to 
ivhom their treaty was restored. Gnaeus Flavius, a 
^o\'ernment clerk and a freedman's son, was elected curule 
ledile by the faction of the market-place, wliich since it 
:lirew into confusion the comitia and the Campus Martius, 
vvliich it dominated by its overweening strength, was by 
Quintus Fabius the censor divided up into four tribes 



est^ quas urbanas appellavit ; ^ eaque res Fabio Maximo 
nomen dedit. in hoc libro meutionem habet Alexandri_, 
qui temporibus' his' Tiiit, et aestimatis populi R. viribus, 
7[Tiae tuiic'erent^'coliig'it si Alexander in Italiani traiecisset^ 
non tarn ei victorlam de populo Romano fore quam de iis 
gentibus quas ad orientem imperio suo subiecerat. 

^ quas urbanas appellavit cod. Guelferh. : omitted by lest MSS. 



which he called '^ urban " ; and this circumstance pro- 
cured Fahius his surname of Maximus. In this book the 
author mentions Alexander, wlio lived in those times, and, 
after appraising the strength of the Roman people in that 
aere, gathers that if Alexander had crossed into Italy^ he 
would not have gained the victor)' over the Roman People, 
as he had done over those races which he subjugated in the 




1. L. Genucio Ser. Cornelio consulibus ab externis 
ferme bellis otium fuit. Soram atque Albam coloniae 
dediictae. Albam in Aequos sex milia colonorum 

2 scripta : Sora agri \'olsci fuerat, sed possederant 

3 Samnites ; eo quattuor milia hominum missa. Eodem 
anno Arpinatibus Trebulanisque civitas data. Frusi- 
nates tertia parte agri damnati^ quod Hernicos ab 
eis sollicitatos compertum. capitaque coniurationis 
eius quaestione ab consulibus ex senatus consulto ^ 

4 habita virgis caesi ac securi percussi. Tamen ne 
prorsus imbellem agerent annum, parva expeditio in 
Umbriam facta est, quod nuntiabatur ex spelunca qua- 

5 dam excursiones armatorum in agros fieri. In earn 
speluncam penetratum cum signis est, et ex loco ^ 
obscuro multa volnera accepta maximeque lapidum 
ictu, donee altero specus eius ore — nam pervius erat — 
invento utraeque fauces congestis lignis accensae. 

6 Ita intus fumo ac vapore ad duo milia armatorum, 
ruentia novissime in ipsas flammas, dum evadere 
tendunt, absumpta. 

^ ex senatus consulto A- : ex soc MPT : ex sc DDL A ? ex 
sec P^ : exe ' C' F. 

2 ex loco Madvig : ex eo (ea 0) loco n. 



I. In the consulship of Lucius Genucius and b.c. 
Servius CorneHus there was in general a respite from ^03-302 
foreign wars. Colonies were established at Sora and 
Alba. Six thousand settlers were enrolled for Alba^, 
in the Aequian country. Sora had belonged to the 
territory of the Volsci^ but the Samnites had got 
possession of it ; to this place were sent four 
thousand men. In this year also the Arpinates and 
Trebulani were granted citizenship. The Frusinates 
were mulcted in one-third of their land, because it 
was discovered that they had tampered with the 
Hernici ; the ringleaders of the conspiracy, after the 
consuls, at the instance of the senate, had conducted 
an investigation, were scourged and beheaded. 
Nevertheless, that their year might not go by without 
any war whatever, the consuls made a little expedi- 
tion into Umbria, because of a report that armed 
men issuing from a certain cave were making raids 
upon the farms. The soldiers carried their standards 
into the cave, and there in the murk received many 
wounds, particularly from stones that were thrown at 
them ; until, having found the other mouth of the 
cavern — for there was a way of going through it — 
they heaped up faggots at both openings and set 
Ihem afire. In this way about two thousand armed 
men perished in the cave from the smoke and heat, 
for they finally rushed into the very flames in their 
efforts to escape. 



7 M. Livio Dentre ^ M. Aemilio ^ consulibus re- 
dintegratum Aequicum bellum. Coloiiiam aegre 
patieiites velut arcem suis finibus impositam summa 
vi expugnare adorti ab ipsis colonis pelluntur. 

8 Ceterum tantum Romae terrorem fecere^ quia vix 
credibile erat tarn adfectis rebus solos per se Aequos 
ad bellum coortos, ut tumultus eius causa dictator 

9 diceretur C. Junius Bubulcus. Cum M, Titiuio 
magistro equitum profectus primo congressu Aequos 
subegit, ac die octavo triumphans in urbem cum 
redisset, aedem Salutis, quam consul voverat censor 
locaverat, dictator dedicavit. 

II. Eodem anno classis Graecorum Cleonymo duce 
Lacedaemonio ad Italiae litora adpulsa Tliurias ^ 

2 urbem in Sallentinis cepit. Adversus hunc hostem 
consul Aemilius missus proelio uno fugatum com- 
pulit in naves. Thuriae redditae veteri cultori^ 

3 Sallentinoque agro pax parta. lunium Bubulcum 
dictatorem missum in Sallentinos in quibusdam 
annalibus invenio et Cleonymum, priusquam confli- 
gendum esset cum Romanis, Italia excessisse. 

4 Circumvectus inde Brundisii promunturium medio- 
que sinu Hadriatico ventis latus, cum laeva impor- 
tuosa Italiae litora, dextra Illyrii Liburnique et 
Histri, gentes ferae et magna ex parte latrociniis 

^ Dentre -: dentrice {or -eae) H : deutice {PFU {not in 0) 
2 M. Aemilio Sigon. {Diod. xx. cvi. 1, OIL i^, p. 132): 
a f : c {or t) A^ 5-: omitted by Ci. 
' Thurias ,- : turias D^: thurios (trurios T, turios A) n 
durior D?X. 

1 If Thuriae is what Liv}' wrote, it must have been an 
otherwise unknown city in the heel of Italy, where the 
Sallentini lived. 


BOOK X. I. 7-II. 4 

When Marcus Livius Denter and Marcus Aemilius b.c. 
were consuls^ the Aequi resumed hostiHties. Indig- ^^^'^^'^ 
nant that a colony had been estabhshed, like a 
citadel, within their borders, they attacked it with 
great fury. They were beaten off by the colonists 
themselves, but occasioned such dismay at Rome — 
since it was scarce to be believed that the Aequi 
when in so weakened a condition should have begun 
a war relying solely on their own resources — that a 
dictator was appointed to co})e with the outbreak, in 
the person of Gaius Junius Bubulcus. Setting out 
with Marcus Titinius, his master of the horse, he 
reduced the Aequi to submission at the first 
encounter, and having returned in triumph to the 
City eight days later, dedicated as dictator the 
temple of Safety which he had vowed as consul and 
for which as censor he had let the contract. 

II. During the same year a Greek fleet commanded b.c. 302 
by Cleonymus the Lacedaemonian put in to the 
shores of Italy and seized the city of Thuriae in the 
country of the Sallentini.^ The consul Aemilius was 
dispatched against this enemy, whom he routed in a 
single engagement and drove to his ships. Thuriae 
was restored to its old inhabitants, and peace was 
established in the Sallentine territory. I find in 
some annals that Junius Bubulcus the dictator was 
sent among the Sallentini, and that Cleonymus 
withdrew from Italy before it became necessary to 
fight the Romans. 

Rounding then the promontory of Brundisium, he 
was swept on by the winds in the mid gulf of the 
Adriatic, and dreading the harbourless coasts of 
Italy on his left and on his right the Illyrians, 
Liburnians, and Histrians, — savage tribes and 



maritimis infanies, terrerent, penitus ad litora Vene- 

5 torum pervenit. Expositis paucis qui loca explorarent, 
cum audisset-'- tenue praetentum litus esse^ quod 
transgressis stagna ab tergo sint inrigua aestibus 
maritimis ; agros baud procul ^ capestres cerni,^ 

6 ulteriora coUes videri ; esse ostium fluminis praealti, 
quo circumagi naves in stationem tutam possint^ — 
Meduacus amnis erat — : eo invectam classem subire 

7 flu mine ad verso iussit. Gravissimas navium non per- 
tuHt alveus fluminis ; in leviora navigia transgressa 
multitudo armatorum ad frequentes agros, tribus 
maritimis Patavinorum vicis colentibus eam oram, 

8 pervenit. Ibi e^^'-essi praesidio levi navibus relicto 
vicos expugnant, inflammant tecta, hominum pecu- 
dumqiie praedas agunt et dulcedine praedandi longius 
usque a navibus procedunt. 

9 Haec ubi Patavium sunt nuntiata — semper autem 
eos in armis accolae Galli habebant — in duas partes 
iuventutem dividunt. Altera^ in regionem, qua 
efFusa populatio nuntiabatur, altera, ne cui praedonum 
obvia fieret, alio^ itinere ad stationem navium — milia 

10 autem quattuordecim ab oppido aberat — ducta. In 
naves ignaris "^ custodibus interemptis impetus factus, 
territique nautae coguntur naves in alteram ripam 
amnis traicere. Et in terra prosperum aeque in 

^ audisset A^ or A* <;- : audisaent H. 

' baud procul Walters and Conway : baud procul proximos 
(proximus F) Ci: baut proximos A : baud procul agro pax . . . 
Salluntinos {rtijcated from § 3) proximos [omitting agros) 0. 

3 cerni c- : cernit Cl. 

* possint Walters and Conway : possiut vidisse 5- : possent 
vidisse Madvig : vidisse n : vidisset PFUO T^. 

^ altera A' or A* : alteram n : alterum F. 

^ alio Gronovius: altero [xvanting in 0) n. 

' ignaris c- : paruis Xl : paruas U^ : paruas ignaris j-. 



notorious most of them for their piracies — kept i 
straight on until he reached the coasts of the 
Veneti. Plaving sent a small party ashore to explore 
the country, and learning that it was a narrow beach 
that extended in front of them, on crossing Avhich one 
found behind it lagoons which were flooded by the 
tides ; that not far off level fields could be made out, 
and that hills were seen rising beyond them, and that 
a river of great depth— the Mediacus — debouched 
there, into which they could bring round their ships 
to a safe anchorage — having learned all this, I say, 
he ordered the fleet to sail in and make its way up 
stream. But the channel wou:3^ not admit the 
heaviest ships, and the multitude of armed men, 
passing over into the lighter vessels, kept on till 
they came to thickly inhabited fields ; for three 
maritime villages of the Patavini were situated there 
along the river- bank. Disembarking there they 
left a small body of men to defend the boats, burnt 
the houses, made spoil of men and cattle, and, lured 
on by the sweets of pillage, advanced to a greater and 
greater distance from their ships. 

When word of these events was brought to the 
Patavians, whom the vicinity of the Gauls kept 
always under arms, they divided their young men 
into two divisions. One of these marched into the 
region where the scattered marauding was reported ; 
the other, taking a different road, to avoid falling in 
with any of the marauders, proceeded to the place 
where the ships were moored, fourteen miles from 
the town. The latter party, slaying the guards, who 
were unaware of their approach, made a rush for the 
ships, and the terrified sailors were forced to get 
them over to the other side of the stream. On land, 



palatos praedatores proelium fuerat refugientibusque 

11 ad stationem Graecis Veneti obsistunt ; ita in medio 
circumventi hostes caesique ; pars capti classem 
indicant regemque Cleonymum tria niilia abesse. 

12 Inde captivis proximo vico in custodiam datis pars 
fluviatiles naves^ ad superanda vada stagnorum apte 
planis alveis fabricates, pars captiva navigia armatis 
complent profectique ad classem immobiles naves et 
loca ignota plus quam hostem timentes circumvadunt; 

13 fugientesque in altum acrius quam repugnantes 
usque ad ostium amnis persecuti captis quibusdam 
incensisque navibus hostium, quas trepidatio in vada 

1 4 intulerat. victores revertuntur. Cleonymus vix quinta 
parte navium incolumi. nulla regione maris Hadriatici 
prospere adita. discessit. Rostra navium spoliaque 
Laconum in aede lunonis veteri fixa multi supersunt 

15 qui viderunt Patavi. Monumentum navalis pugnae 
eo die quo pugnatum est quotannis sollemne certamen 
navium in flumine oppidi medio exercetur. 

III. Eodem anno Romae cum Vestinis petentibus 

amicitiam ictum est foedus. Multiplex deinde ex- 

2 ortus terror. Etruriam rebellare ab Arretinorum 

^ For Patavium see Introduction, Vol. I. p. ix f. 

BOOK X. II. lo-iii. 2 

too, the battle waoed acjainst the stracjffling: b.c. 302 
plunderers was equally successful, and when the 
Greeks would have fled back to their station, the 
Veneti stood in their way. Thus the enemy 
were caught between two parties and were cut to 
pieces. Some of them, being taken prisoners, told 
how the fleet and King Cleonymus were three miles 
off. Thereupon the captives were consigned to the 
next village for safe-keeping, and armed men filling 
the river boats— suitably constructed with flat 
bottoms, to enable them to cross the shallow lagoons 
— and others manning the craft they had captured 
from the invaders, they descended upon the fleet 
and surrounded the unwieldy ships ; which, being 
more fearful of the unknown waters than of the 
enemy, and more bent on escaping to the deep sea 
than on resisting, they pursued clear to the river's 
mouth, and having captured some of them and 
burnt them, after they had been run aground in the 
confusion, returned victorious. Cleonymus sailed off 
with barely a fifth part of his ships intact. In no 
quarter of the Adriatic had his attempts succeeded. 
There are many now living in Patavium ^ who have 
seen the beaks of the ships and the spoils of the 
Laconians which were fastened up in the old temple 
of Juno. In commemoration of the naval battle a 
contest of ships is held regularly, on the anniversary 
of the engagement, in the river that flows through 
the town. 

III. A treaty was entered into at Rome this vear 
with the Vestini, who .'rolicited friendship. There- 
after there were alarms in several quarters. It was 
reported that Etruria was up inarms, in consequence 
of an outbreak that had its origin in dissensions at 



seditionibus motu orto nuntiahatur, ubi Cilnium genus 
praepotens divitiarum invidia pelli armis coeptum ; 
simul Marsos agrum vi tiieri^ in quern colonia Carseoli 
deducta erat quattuor milibus hominum scriptis. 

3 Itaque propter eos tumultus dictus M. Valerius 
Maxiraus dictator magistrum equitum sibi legit M. 

4 Aemilium Paulum. — Id magis credo quam Q. Fabium 
ea aetate atque eis lionoribus Valerio subiectum ; 
ceteriim ex Maximi cognomine ortum errorem baud 

5 abnuerim. — Profectus dictator cum exercitu proelio 
uno Marsos fundit ; compulsis deinde in urbes muni- 
tas, Milioniam, Plestinam. Fresiliam intra dies paucos 
cepit et parte agri multatis Marsis foedus restituit. 

6 Turn in Etruscos versum bellum ; et cum dictator 
auspiciorum repetendorum causa profectus Romam 
esset, magister equitum pabulatum egressus ex insidiis 
circumvenitur signisque aliquot amissis foeda militum 

7 caede ac fuga in castra est compulsus. — Qui terroi 
non eo tantum a Fabio abborret quod, si qua alia 
arte cognomen suum aequavit tum maxime bellici;^ 

8 laudibus, sed etiam quod memor Papirianae saevitiae 
nunquam ut dictatoris iniussu dimicaret adduc: 

IV. Xuntiata ea clades Romam maiorem quam res 
2 erat terrorem excivit. Nam ut exercitu deleto itf 

^ Maecenas, the patron of Horace and Virgil, belonged U. 
this family. 

2 This appears to be a mistake, Carseoli was probably not 
planted until four years later (chap. xiii. § 1) 

3 i.e. that a confusion arose between M. Valerius Maximum 
and Quintus Fabius Maximus Rulbanus. 

^ See the story of Papirius and Fabius at vni. xxx-xxxv. 



HI. 2-lV. 2 

Arretium, where a movement was begun to drive out b.c. 302 
the Cilnii — a very powerful family ^ — because of the 
envy occasioned by their wealth. At the same time 
the Marsi forcibly resisted the confiscation of their 
land, where the colony of Carseoli had been planted 
with an enrolment of four thousand men.^ In view^ 
therefore^ of these tumults^ Marcus Valerius Maximus 
was appointed dictator and named Marcus Aemilius 
Paulus to be his master of the horse. This I choose 
rather to believe than that Quintus Fabius^, at his 
time of life and after the offices he had held, was 
made subordinate to Valerius ; but I would not deny 
that the error might have originated in the surname 
of Maximus.^ — Setting out with his army, the dictator 
overthrew the Marsi in a single battle ; then shutting 
them up in their walled cities, he captured Milionia, 
Plestina, and Fresilia, in the course of a few days, and 
having fined the Marsi in a part of their territory, 
renewed the treaty with them. The campaign was 
then directed against tlie Etruscans ; the dictator 
having set out for Rome, to take the auspices over 
again, the master of the horse went out to forage, 
and being ambushed, lost a number of standards and 
Mas driven back into his camp, with a shameful rout 
and slaughter of his soldiers. — This discomfiture is 
very unlikely to have befallen Fabius, not only 
because if in any quality he came up to his surname, 
he assuredly did so in the glory of a soldier, but also 
because, remembering the severity of Papirius, he 
could never have been brought to engage in battle 
without the orders of the dictator.* 

IV. The news of this reverse gave rise in Rome 
to a greater alarm than the situation warranted. 
For, as though the army had been destroyed, a 



iubtitium indictum, custodiae in portis, vigiliae v'icatim 

3 exactae^, arma tela in muros congesta. Omnibus 
iunioribus sacramento adactis dictator ad exercitum 
missus omnia spe tranquilliora et composita magistri 

4 equitiim cura, castra in tutiorem locum redacta, 
cohortes quae signa amiserant extra vallum sine ten- 
toriis destitutas invenit, exercitum avidum pugnae^ 

5 quo maturius ignominia aboleretur. Itaque con- 
festim castra inde in agrum Rusellanum promovit. 

6 Eo et hostes secuti, quamquam ex bene gesta re 
summam et in aperto certamine \iriiim spem habe- 
bantj tamen insidiis quoque, quas feliciter experti 

7 erant, hostem temptant. Tecta semiruta vici per 
vastationem agrorum deusti baud procul castris 
Romanoruni aberant. Ibi abditis armatis pecus in 
conspectu praesidii Romani. cui praeerat Cn. Fulvius 

8 legatus^ propulsum. Ad quam inlecebram cum 
moveretur nemo ab Romana statione^ pastorum unus 
j)rogressus sub ipsas munitiones inclamat alios, 
cunctanter ab ruinis vici pecus propellentes, quid 
cessarent cum per media castra Romana tuto agere 

9 possent. Haec cum legato Caerites quidam interpre- 
tarentur et per omnes raanipulos militum indignatio 

1 Bj' way of punishment for their cowardice. Cf. the 
punishment meted out to his soldiers in 209 B.C. by 
Marcellus (xxvii. xiii. 9). 

2 In Western Etruria, on the river Unibro. 

' The Caerites were citizens (without the suffrage), and as 
such might serve in the Roman army. 

BOOK X. IV. 2-9 

cessation of legal business was proclaimed, guards b.c. 302 
were called into service at the gates^ and night- 
watches in the several streets, arms and missiles 
being heaped upon the walls. After summoning 
all of military age to take the oath, the dictator was 
dispatched to the army, and there found everything 
more tranquil than he had expected and reduced to 
order by the careful measures of the master of the 
horse. The camp had been withdrawn to a safer 
site, the cohorts that had lost their standards had 
been left outside the rampart without tents,^ and 
the army was eager for battle, that it might the 
sooner wipe out its disgrace. Accordingly he 
advanced without delay into the district of Rusellae.^ 
To this place the enemy followed him ; and although 
in consequence of their success they had every con- 
fidence in their ability to cope with the Romans 
even in the open field, yet they also attempted an 
ambuscade, which they had successfully essayed 
before. Not far from the Roman camp stood the 
half-ruined buildings of a village which had been 
burned when the country was laid waste. Conceal- 
ing armed men in these ruins, they drove out some 
cattle in full sight of a Roman outpost, which was 
under the command of the lieutenant Gnaeus 
Fulvius. But when this tempting bait ffiiled to 
lure any of the Romans from their post, one of the 
shepherds came up under the very works and called 
out to the others, who were hesitating to drive out 
their flock from amongst the tumble-down buildings, 
asking why they were so slow, for they could safely 
drive them through the midst of the Roman camp. 
Some men from Caere ^ interpreted these words to 
the lieutenant, and great was the indignation aroused 

B B 2 


iiigens esset nee tamen iniussu niovere auderent, 
iubet peritos linguae attendere animum_, pastorum 

10 sermo agresti an urbano propior esset. Cum refer- 
rent sonum linguae et corporum liabitum et nitorem 
cultiora quam pastoralia esse^ ^- Ite igitur, dicite/' 
inquit. •'• detegant nequiquam conditas insidias ; 
omnia scire Ronzanum nee magis iam dolo capi quam 

11 armis \ inci posse."' Haec ubi audita sunt et ad eos 
qui consederant in insidiis perlata, consurrectum 
repente ex latebris est et in patentem ad conspectum 

12 undique campum prolata signa. Visa legato maior 
acies quam quae ab suo praesidio sustineri posset 
itaque propere ad dictatorem auxilia accitum mittit ; 
interea ipse impetus hostium sustinet. 

y. Xuntio allato dictator signa ferri ac sequi iubet 
armatos. Sed celeriora prope omnia imperio erant ; 

2 rapta extemplo signa armaque, et vix ab im})etu et 
cursu tenebantur. Cum ira ab accepta nuper clade 
stimulabat. tum concitatior accidens clamor ab in- 

3 crescente certamine. Urgent itaque alii alios hor- 
tanturque signiferos ut ocius eant. Quo magis 
festinantes videt dictator, eo impensius retentat 


BOOK X. IV. 9-v. 3 

through all the maniples of soldiers ; yet they dared b.c. 30-2 
not stir without the orders of their leader, who com- 
manded those familiar with the language to mark 
whether the shepherds' speech were more like that 
of rustics or of city-folk. On their reporting that in 
accent, in carriage, and in complexion they were 
too refined for shepherds, "' Go then/' said he, 
" and bid them uncover the ambuscade they have 
laid in vain ; for the Romans know all, and can now 
no more be entrapped than they can be conquered 
by force of arms." These words were no sooner 
heard and repeated to those who lay in ambush 
than they suddenly all rose up from their hiding- 
places and advanced in martial array into the plain 
which was spread open to the view on every side. 
Their army seemed to the lieutenant to be greater 
than his own detachment could withstand, and he 
therefore sent in all haste to the dictator to summon 
help, in the meantime resisting by himself the 
enemy's charges. 

V. On receiving his message the dictator bade 
advance the standards, and commanded his men to 
arm and follow them. But everything was almost 
sooner done than ordered ; standards and arms were 
hurriedly caught up, and the soldiers could hardly 
be restrained from pushing forward at a run. It 
was not anger alone that spurred them on, as they 
thought of the defeat they had recently sustained, 
but the shouts, as well, that fell faster on their 
hearing as the fight waxed more hot. So they 
urged one another forward and exhorted the 
standard-bearers to a faster pace. But the more 
haste the dictator saw them make, the more earnest 
was he to hold them in, and commanded them to 



4 agmen ac sensiin incedere iubet. Etrusci contra, 
principio exciti pugnae, omnibus copiis aderant ; et 
super alios alii nuntiant dictator! omnes legiones 
Etruscorum capessisse pugnam nee iam ab suis 
resist! posse, et ipse cernit ex superiore loco in 

5 quanto discrimine praesidium esset. Ceterum satis 
fretus esse etiam nunc tolerando certamini lega- 
tum nee se procul abesse perieuli vindicem, quam 
raaxime volt fatigar! hosteiu. ut integris adoriatur 

6 viribus fessos. Quamquam lente procedunt, iam 
tamen ad impetum capiundum/ equiti utique, modi- 
cum erat spatium. Prima incedebant signa legionum, 
ne quid occultum aut repentinum hostis timeret ; 
sed reliquerat intervalla inter ordines peditum, qua 

7 satis laxo spatio equ! permitti possent. Pariter 
sustulit clamorem acies et emissus eques libero 
cursu in hostera invehitur incompositisque adversus 
equestrem procellam subitum pavorem offundit. 

8 Itaque, ut prope serum auxilium iam paene circum- 
ventiSj ita universa requies data est. Integri accepere 

9 pugnam, nee ea ipsa - longa aut anceps fuit. Fusi 

hostes castra repetunt inferentibusque iam signa 

Romanis cedunt et in ultimam castrorum partem 

^ capiunduin M : capiendum TDLA : capiunt duni PFU: 
wanting in 0. 

- nee ea ipsa - (ix. xi. 5) : nee a ipsa M : nee ipsa H : ex 

ipsa P : nee h^c ipsa P- or P^: nee hec ipsa 0: nee hec 

ex ipsa U : nee h^c exposita F. 


BOOK X. V. 3-9 

slow down their march. The Etruscans, on the b.c. 302 
contrary, havino: been called out at the beffinninii 
of the battle, had taken the field with all their 
troops. One messenger after another informed the 
dictator that all the Etruscan leo;ions were en^aored 
and that his own men could hold out no longer ; 
and looking down from the higher ground, he could 
see for himself the perilous situation of his people. 
Still, feeling fairly confident that his lieutenant was 
capable, even then, of maintaining the fight, and 
that he was himself not too far otf to rescue him 
from danger, he desired the enemy to become com- 
pletely exhausted, that he might fall upon them 
with undiminished vigour when their strength was 
spent. Yet although the Romans advanced but 
slowly, they had now but a little space to charge in, 
especially the horse. In the van were the standards 
of the legions, lest the enemy should be apprehen- 
sive of any concealed or rapid movement; but the 
dictator had left intervals between the files of the 
infantry, to allow ample room for the horses to go 
through. The legionaries gave a cheer, and simul- 
taneously the horsemen were let loose and with a 
free course galloped straight upon the enemy, who 
were not prepared to resist a shock of cavalry and 
were overwhelmed with a sudden panic. And so, 
though the help had nearly come too late for men 
who were already well-nigh surrounded, yet they 
were now all given a respite, and the battle was 
taken over by fresh troops — a battle of no long 
duration nor of doubtful issue. The routed enemy 
fled back to their camp, and when the Roman 
standard-bearers pressed in after them, they gave 
way and huddled up together in the farthest part 



I.e. 10 conglobantiir. Haerent fugientes in angustiis por- 

tarum ; pars magna aggerem vail unique conscendit, 

si aut ex superiore loco tueri se aut superare aliqua et 

1 ] evadere posset. Forte quodam loco male densatus 

agger })ondere superstantium in fossam procubuit ; 

atque ea, cum deos pandere viam fugae conclamas- 

sent, plures inermes quam armati evadunt. 

12 Hoc proelio fractae iterum Etruscorum vires, et 

pacto annuo stipendio et duum mensum frumento 

permissum ab dictatore ut de pace legates mitterent 

Romam. Pax negata, indutiae biennii datae. 

lo Dictator triumphans in urbem rediit. — Habeo auc- 

tores sine ullo memorabili proelio pacatam ab 

dictatore Etruriam esse seditionibus tantum Areti- 

norum compositis et Cilnio^ genere cum plebe in 

14 gratiam reducto. — Consul ex dictatura factus M. 

Valerius. Xon petentem atque adeo etiam absen- 

tem creatum tradidere quidam et per interregem ea 

comitia facta ; id unum non ambigitur, consulatum 

cum Apuleio Pansa gessisse, 

.u.c. VI. M. N'alerio et Q. Apuleio consulibus satis 

pacatae foris res fuere : Etruscum adversae ^ belli 

^ Cilnio G-'rit^e;-: liciuio iacilnioiV/: licinio {o/)iif led bij F) n. 
^ adversae ^ : aduersa H : aduersi U. 

^ The other occasion was iu 809 B.C. (ix. xxxix. 11). 

2 This was the fifth consulship of M. Valerius Corvus. 
The first was 348 B.C. (vn. xxvi. 12i. The year 301 B.C., 
according to the Fasti Consulares, had no consuls but only a 
dictator. Livy concei%'es the dictatorship as occupying a 
part of the year when Livius and Aerailius were consuls 
(302 B.C.). 


BOOK X. V. 9-vi. 2 

of the enclosure. The narrow gates became crioked b.c. 302 
with fugitives and a great part of them climbed 
upon the mound and palisade, in hopes that from 
that elevation they might be able either to defend 
themselves, or to climb over somewhere and escape. 
It chanced that in^ a certain place the mound had 
not been solidly rammed down, and this, over- 
burdened with the weight of those who stood upon 
it, slid over into the trench. By that opening — 
crying out that the gods were providing them a.-^ 
means of flight — they saved themselves, but more 
got away without their arms than with them. 

In this battle the might of the Etruscans was 
broken for the second time.-*^ By promising a year's 
pay for the soldiers, witli two months' corn, they 
obtained permission from the dictator to send 
envoys to Rome to negotiate a peace. Peace was 
denied them, but they were granted a truce of 
two years. The dictator returned to Rome and 
triumphed. — I find historians who say that Etruria 
was pacified by the dictator without any memorable 
battle, only by settling the dissensions of the 
Arretini and reconciling the Cilnian family with 
the plebs. — Marcus Valerius resigned as dictator, 
to enter immediately upon the consulship.^ Some 
authors have recorded that he was elected without 
seeking the office, indeed without even being 
present, and that the election was presided over 
by an interrex ; this only is not disputed, that he 
held the consulship in company with Apuleius 

VI. Daring their year of administration the b.c. 300 
foreign relations of the state were fairly peaceful : 
;he Etruscans were kept quiet by their failure in 



A.r.c. res et indutiae quietum tenebant ; Samnitem multo- 
rum annorum cladibus domitum hauddum foederis 
novi paenitebat. Romae quoque plebem quietam 

3 exonerata^ in colonias multitudo praestabat. Tamen 
ne undique tranquillae res essent. certamen iniectum 
inter primores civitatis, patricios plebeiosque, ab 

4 tribuiiis plebis Q. et Cn. Oguhiiis,^ qui undique 
criminandorum patrum apud plebem occasionibus 
quaesitis^ postquam alia frustra temptata erant, eam 
actionem susceperunt qua non infimam plebem 

5 accenderent sed ipsa capita plebis^ consulares 
triumphalesque plebeios^ quorum honoribus nihil 
praeter sacerdotia, quae nondum promiscua erant, 

6 deesset. Rogationem ergo pr omul, era runt ut, cum 
quattuor augures, quattuor pontifices ea tempestate 
essent placeretque augeri sacerdotum numerum, 
quattuor pontifices, quinque augures, de plebe 

7 omnes, adlegerentur. — Quemadmodum ad quattuor 
augurum numerum nisi morte duorum id redigi 
collegium potuerit, non invenio, cum inter augures 
constet imparem numerum debere esse, ut tres 
antiquae tribus, Ramnes Titienses Luceres, suum 

8 quaeque augurem habeant aut, si pluribus sit opus, 
pari inter se numero sacerdotes multiplicent, sicut 
multiplicati sunt cum ad quattuor quinque adiecti 
novem numerum, ut terni in singulas essent, expleve- 

^ exonerata Madvig: exhoneratam deducta A : et exon 
{or -hon-)eratam deducta CI : et exon(o?--hon-)eratam deduc- 
tam MPFTL. 

2 Ogulniis c: Oguiniis n : oguinus L : ognimus F. 

^ Weissenborn thinks that Livy has in mind the colonies 
of a later day whose principal aim was to lighten the City 

BOOK X. VI. 2-8 

war and by the truce ; the SamniteSj tamed by the b.c. 30o 
defeats of many years, had not wearied as yet of the 
new covenant. At Rome also the reUef afforded by 
the emigration of large numbers to the colonics had 
quieted the commons.^ Nevertheless, that tran- 
quillity might not be found everywhere, the plebeian 
tribunes Quintus and Gnaeus Ogulnius stirred up 
a quarrel among the first men of the state, both 
patrician and plebeian. They had sought in every 
quarter occasions for maligning the Fathers to the 
plebs ; and having tried everything else in vain, 
they set on foot a project by which they might 
inflame, not the lowest of the rabble, but the very 
leaders of the plebs — the commoners, namely, who 
had enjoyed consulships and triumphs, and who 
lacked nothing but priesthoods, which were not yet 
open to all, to complete their list of honours. The 
Ogulnii accordingly proposed a law, that whereas 
there were then four augurs and four pontiffs and it 
was desired to augment the number of priests, four 
pontiffs and five augurs should be added, and should 
all be taken from the plebs. — How this college 
could have been reduced to four augurs, unless by 
the death of two, 1 cannot discover ; since it is a 
settled principle amongst the augurs that their 
number should be uneven, to the end that the three 
ancient tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses and Luceres, 
should each have its augur, or else — if a larger 
number should be needed — that they should increase 
the priests in the same proportion ; as in fact they 
were increased when five were added to the four, 
and, making up the number of nine, gave each tribe 

of its over-population. The colonies actually alluded to 
were intended primarily to protect the frontiers. 



u.c. 9 runt. Ceterum. quia de plebe adlegebantur. iuxta 
earn rem aegre passi patres quam cum consulatum 

10 volgari viderent. Simulabant ad deos id magis quam 
ad se pertinere : ipsos visuros ne sacra sua polluan- 
tur ; id se optare tantum^ ne qua in rem publicam 

11 clades veniat. Minus autem tetendere^ adsueti iam 
tali ^ genere certaminum vinci ; et cernebant adver- 
saries non, id quod olim vix speraverint, adfectantes 
magnos honores sed omnia iam in quorum spem 
dubiam erat certatum adeptos^ multiplices consulatus 
censurasque et triumphos. 

VII. Certatum tamen suadenda dissuadendaque 
lege inter Ap. Claudium maxime ferunt et inter P. 

2 Decium Murem. Qui cum eadem ferme de iure 
patrum ac plebis quae pro lege Licinia quondam 
contraque eam dicta erant cum plebeiis consulatus 

3 rogabatur disseruissent^- rettulisse dicitur Decius 
parentis sui speciem, qualem eum multi qui in 
contione erant viderant, incinctum Gabino cultu 
super telum stantem. quo se habitu pro populo ac 

4 legionibus Romanis devovisset : turn P. Decium 

1 tali n : in tali Harant 'siqyportcd hy PF uhich have in 
certaminum below). 

' disseruissent - : disseruisset Xi : deseruisset L. 

1 Livy means that originally there had been three augurs 
and that each subsequent increase in their number had been 
by multiples of three. He can only account for the tradition 
that there were four at this time on the assumption that two 
had died, and their places had not yet been filled when the 
Ogulnii made their proposal. 


BOOK X. VI. 8-vir. 4 

three. ^ — But since they were to be added from the b.c. 300 
plebsj tlie patricians were as distressed by the pro- 
posal as they had been when they saw the consul- 
ship thrown open. They pretended that the gods 
were more concerned than they themselves Avere : 
the gods would see to it that their rites should not 
be contaminated ; for their own part thev onlv 
hoped that no disaster might come upon the state. 
They made^ however, no great struggle, accustomed 
as they now were to being worsted in contests of this 
kind ; and they beheld their adversaries no longer 
reaching out after great honours which they had 
formerly scarce any hopes of attaining, but in full 
possession of all the things for which they had 
striven with dubious prospects of success — repeated 
consulships, censorships, and triumphs. 

VII. There is said, however, to have been a 
vigorous discussion as to the passage or rejection 
of the bill, in which Appius Claudius and Publius 
Decius Mus were the principal speakers. After 
they had brought up nearly the same arguments 
concerning the rights of ])atricians and plebeians 
as had formerly been employed in behalf of and 
against the Licinian Law,^ when the plebeians 
sought access to the consulship, it is related that 
Decius evoked the image of his father as he had 
been seen by many who were then present in the 
assembly, wearing his toga with the Gabine cincture, ^ 
and standing over his weapon, as he had done when 
offering himself a sacrifice for the Roman People 
and the legions. Publius Decius the consul had 

2 Enacted 367 B.C. (vi. xxxv. 3). 

^ Prescribed in the ceremony of devotion, as in certain 



consul em piirum piumqiie dels immortalibus visum 
aeque ac si T. Manlius coUega eius devoveretur : 

5 eundem P. Decium qui sacra publica populi Rom.ani 
faceret legi rite non potuisse ? Id esse periculum^ ne 
suas preces minus audirent di quam Ap. Claudi ? 
Castius eum sacra privata facere et religiosius deos 

G colere quara se ? Quem paenitere votorum quae pro 
re publica nuncupaverint tot consules plebeii, tot 
dictatores, aut ad exercitus euntes aut inter ipsa 

7 bella ? Xumerarentur duces eorum annorum^ qui- 
bus plebeiorum ductu et auspicio res geri coeptae 
sint ; ^ numerarentur triumpbi : iam ne nobilitatis 

8 quidem suae plebeios paenitere. Pro certo habere, 
si quod repens bellum oriatur non plus spei fore 
senatui populoque Romano in patriciis quam in 
plebeiis ducibus. 

9 •'^ Quod cumita se habeat, cui deorum hominumve 
indignum videri potest" inquit, ^^ eos viros, quos vos 
sellis curulibus, toga praetexta, tunica palmata et 
toga picta et corona triumphali laureaque honoraritis, 
quorum domos spoliis hostium adfixis insignes inter 
alias feceritiSj pontificalia atque auguralia insignia 

^ coeptae sint Duker: coeptae sunt H: coepta sunt F: 
c pte sunt : cepte s A : coactae sunt L. 

^ The to'ja 2)ractexta (white with purple border) was worn 
by those who had been elected to curiile magistracies ; the 
tunica palrmita (embroidered with pahn-leaves) and the toga 
picta (of purple embroidered with gold) were worn by the 
triumriiiaior, who was also adorned with a wreath of laurel, 
while a public slave who stood beside him in the_cEariot held 
a golden chaplet over his head. 


BOOK X. VII. 4-9 

on that occasion seemed to the immortal gods an b.c. 300 
oblation no less pure and holy than if his colleague 
Titus Manlius had been offered up ; could not then 
this same Publius Decius — he asked — have been 
duly chosen to solemnize the public sacrifices of the 
Roman People ? Or was it to be feared that the 
gods would hearken less readily to the speaker's 
prayers than to those of Appius Claudius? Did 
Appius perform with more devotion the rites of 
domestic religion^ and worship the gods more 
scrupulously than he did himself? Who was there 
that repented him of the vows that had been uttered 
in the state's behalf by so many plebeian consuls 
and so many dictators, either on going to their 
armies or in the midst of their campaigns ? Let 
them enumerate the generals of those years that 
had elapsed since campaigns were first conducted 
under the leadersliip and auspices of plebeians ; let 
them enumerate the triumphs; even on the score 
of their nobility, the plebeians had now nothing to 
regret. He felt quite sure that if suddenly some 
war sliould arise, the senate and the Roman People 
would rest their hopes no more on patrician than on 
plebeian generals. 

" Since this is so/' he proceeded, '' what god or 
man can deem it inappropriate that those heroes 
whom you have honoured with curule chairs, with 
the })urple-bordered robe, with the tunic adorned 
with palms, and with the embroidered toga, the 
triumphal crown and the laurel wreath^^ whose 
houses you have made conspicuous amongst the rest 
with the spoils of your enemies which you have 
fastened to their walls, — who, I say, can object if 
such men add thereto the insignia of the pontiffs 



10 adicere : Qui lovis optimi maxiini ornatii decoratus 
curru aurato per iirhem vectus in Capitolium ascen- 
dent, is non^ conspiciatur cum capide ac lituo^ cum^ 
capite velato victimam caedet auguriumve ex arce 

11 capiet ? Cuius in imaginis ^ titulo consulatus censura- 
que et triumphus aequo animo legetur_, si auguratuni 
aut pontificatum adieceritis. non sustinebunt legen- 

12 tiumoculi.' Equidem — pace dixerini deuni — eos nos 
iam populi Romani beneficio esse spero, qui sacerdotiis 
non minus reddamus dignatione nostra honoris* 
quam acceperimus et deoram magis quam nostra 
causa expetamus ut quos privatim colimus publice 

VIII. Quid autem ego sic adhuc egi, tamquam 
integra sit causa patriciorum de sacerdotiis et non 
iam in possessione unius amplissimi simus sacerdotii ? 

2 Decemviros sacris faciundis, carminum Sibyllae ac 
fatorum populi huius interpretes, antistites eosdem 
Apollinaris sacri caerimoniarumque aliarum plebeios 

3 videmus. Xec aut turn patriciis ulla iniuria facta 
est, cum duumviris sacris faciundis adiectus est 
propter plebeios numerus, et nunc tribunus. vir 

^ is non IVeissenhon-n : is H. 

^ cum capide ac lituo, cum Jf'oliers : cum capide ac lituo 
r : cum 11 capide ac tuo M : cum lituo FFOT^ {or T^) : cum 
litua U: cum TDLA. 

2 in imaginis Wcsenherg : Imaginis {sic) A : imaginis n. 

* honoris D^ : honores n. 

^ The copis, according to Varro {L.L. , v. 121), got its name 
from capere, because it was provided with a handle ; it was 
used in the ceremonial of the pontiffs. The lituus was used 


BOOK X. VII. 9-viii. 3 

and the augurs ? May the man who, decked -with b.c. 300 
the i-obes of Jupi ter Optimus Maximus, has been 
borne through the City in a gilded chariot and has 
mounted the Capitol — may that man not be seen 
with chalice and crook,^ when, covering his head, 
he offers up the victim, or receives an augury from 
the Citadel? If men shall read with equanimity, 
in the inscription that accompanies his portrait, of 
consulship, censorship, and triumph, will their eyes 
be unable to endure the brightness, if you add to 
these the augurate or pontificate ? For my own 
part — under Heaven's favour be it spoken — I trust 
that we are now, thanks to the Roman People, in 
a position to reflect upon the priesthoods — in conse- 
quence of our recognized fitness for otiice — no less 
credit than we shall receive from them, and to 
seek, more for the service of the gods than for our- 
selves, that those whom we worship privately we 
may also worship in the name of the state. 

VIII. '"'But why have I been reasoning hitherto 
as if the patrician claim on the priesthoods were 
intact, and we were not already in possession of the 
one supremely honourable priesthood ? We see that 
plebeians are members of the Ten charged with the 
sacred rites, interpreters of the Sibylline oracles and 
the destinies of this people, the same being also 
overseers of Apollo's ritual and of other ceremonies. 
And yet the patricians were in no way wronged at 
the time when the two commissioners in charge of 
sacred rites were increased in number on account 
of the plebeians ; and our brave and vigorous 
tribune, in proposing at the present time to 

by the augur ; Livy sa ys (i. xv iii. 7) that it was a crooked 
staff without a knot. 




A.u.c. fortis ac strenuus^ quiiique augurum loca^ quattuor 

^■^ 4 poiitificum adicit/ in quae plebeii nominentur, non 

ut vos^ Appi, vestro loco pellant sed ut adiuvent vos 

liomines plebeii divinis quoque rebus procurandis, 

sicut in ceteris humanis pro parte virili adiuvant. 

5 Xoli erubescere^ Appi^ coUegam in sacerdotio habere 
quern in censura quern in consulatu collegam habere 
potuisti, cuius tarn dictatoris magister equitum quam 

6 magistri equitum dictator esse potes. Sabinum 
advenam, principem nobilitatis ^ vestrae, seu Attium ^ 
Clausum seu Ap. Claudium mavoltiSj illi antiqui 
patricii in suum numerum acceperunt : tu ne ^ 
fastidieris nos in sacerdotum numerum accipere. 

7 Multa nobiscum decora adferimus, immo omnia 

8 eadem quae vos superbos fecerunt : L. Sextius 
primus de plebe consul est factus^ C. Licinius 
Stolo primus magister equitum^ C, Marcius Rutulus^ 
primus et dictator et censor, Q. Publilius Philo 

9 primus praetor. Semper ista audita sunt eadem, 
})enes vos auspicia esse, vos solos gentem habere, vos 
solos iustum imperium et auspicium domi militiae- 

10 que ; aeque adhuc prosperum plebeium et patricium 
fuit porroque erit. En umquam fjindo audistis 
])atricios primo esse factos non de caelo demissos sed 
qui patrem ciere possent, id est nihil ultra quam 

11 ingenuos ? Consulem iam patrem ciere possum, 

^ adicit Dukei- : adiciet A^ {or A^) : adiecit H. 

^ nobilitatis A^ {or A') 5-: nobilitati n. 

3_ Attium Alschefski (11. xvi. 4): at(or ac-)ium MPFUO: 
app turn TDLA. 

*■ tu ne Siesbye : ne £l. 

* Rutulus Conicay and Walters on III. vii. 6: rutilius {or 
-cil-) n. The same correction at chap. ix. § 2. 


BOOK X. viii. 3-1 1 

add five augurs' places and four poDtift's', to which b.c.soo 
plebeians may be named, has not desired to oust 
you patricians, Appius, from your places, but that 
men of the plebs may help you in the administration 
also of divine affairs, even as they help you in other 
and human matters, to the measure of their strength. 
Blush not, Appius, to have a colleague in the priest- 
hood whom you might have had in the censorship 
or consulship. It is quite as possible that he should 
be dictator and you his master of the horse as that 
it should be the other way about. A Sabine immi- 
grant, the first of your house to be ennobled — call 
him Attius Clausus or Appius Claudius, as you will — 
was admitted to their number by the patricians of 
that olden time : be not too proud to admit us into 
the number of the priests. We bring many dis- 
tinctions with us, aye, every one of those same dis- 
tinctions that have made you so high and mighty. 
Lucius Sextius was the first plebeian consul, Gaius 
Licinius Stolo the first master of the horse ; Gaius 
Marcius Rutulus the first dictator and censor, Quintus 
Publilius Philo the first praetor. From you we 
have heard always the same song— that the auspices 
belong to you, that you alone are of noble birth, 
that you alone have the full imperium and right to 
divination, both at home and in the field. But the 
authority and divination of plebeian and patrician 
have prospered in equal measure until now, and so 
they shall do in the future. Pray, has it ever been 
wafted to your ears that those who were first 
appointed to be patricians were not beings descended 
from celestial regions, but were such as could name 
their fathers — were free-born men, that is, and 
nothing more ? I can already name a consul for 

c c 2 


aviimque iam poterit filius mens. Xihil est aliud in 
re. Quirite?. nisi lit omnia negata adipiscamur : 
certamen tantum patricii petunt nee curant quern 
12 eventum certaminum habeant. Ego banc legem. 
quod bonum faustum felixque sit vobis ac rei 
publieae, iiti rogas, iubendam ^ censeo." 

IX. Voeare tribus extemplo populus iubebat, 
apparebatque accipi legem ; ille tamen dies inter- 

2 cessione est sublatus. Postero die deterritis trii^unis 
ingenti consensu accepta est. Pontifices creantur 
suasor legis P. Declus Mus P. Sempronius Soplius 
C. Marcius Rutulus M. Livius Denter ; quinque 
augures item de plebe, C. Genucius P. Aelius Paetus 
M. Minucius Faesus C. Marcius T. Publilius. Ita 
oeto pontificum, novem augurmii numenis factus. 

3 Eodem anno M. Valerius consul de provocatione 
legem tulit diligentius sanctam. Tertio ea turn post 
reges exactos lata est, semper a familia eadem. 

4 Causam renovandae saepius baud aliam fuisse reor 
quam quod plus paueorum opes quam libertas plebis 
poterat. Porcia tamen lex sola pro tergo civiujn 
lata videtun quod gravi poena, si quis verberasset 

5 necassetve civem Romanum. sanxit : Valeria lex cum 

^ iubendam g- : .subendam r : subeundara CI. 

^ For the earlier laws de provocatione, see ii. viii. 2, and 
III. Iv. 4. 

* This law was not passed until (probablj-) 198 B.C., at the 
instance of the elder Cato, who was then praetor. 


BOOK X. VIII. ii-ix. 5 

my father, and my son will presently be able to b.c. 300 
name one for his grandfather. In truth the matter 
is simply. Quirites, that ^^^e must always be first 
denied, and yet have our way in the end. A struggle 
is all that the patricians ask : they care not what 
may be the outcome of the struggle. I hold that 
this law — and may good come of it and favour and 
prosperity, to yourselves and to the state I — should 
be ordered, as proposed." 

IX. The people straightway commanded the tribes b.c. 299 
to be called, and it seemed that the measure would 
be accepted ; nevertheless it was put off for that dhy 
on account of a veto. On the following day the 
tribunes were cowed and the law was passed with 
acclamation. To be pontiffs were chosen the advocate 
of the law, Publius Decius Mus, with Publius Sem- 
pronius Sophus, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, and Marcus 
Livius Denter ; the five augiirs were likewise of the 
plebs, Gaius Genucius, Publius Aelius Paetus, Marcus 
Minucius Faesus, Gaius Marcius, and Titus Publilius. 
Thus the number of pontiffs became eight and of 
augurs nine. 

In the same year Marcus Valerius the consul pro- 
posed a law of appeal with stricter sanctions. This 
was the third time since the expulsion of the kings 
that such a law had been introduced, by the same 
family in every instance.^ The reason for renewing 
it more than once was, I think, simply this, that the 
wealth of a few carried more power than the liberty 
of the plebs. Yet the Porcian law alone seems to 
have been passed to protect the persons of the 
citizens, imposing, as it did, a heavy penalty if 
anyone should scourge or put to death a Roman 
citizen.- The Valerian law, having forbidden that 



A.u.c. eum qui provocasset virgis caedi securique necari 
vetuisset, si quis adversiis ea fecisset, nihil ultra 

6 quam ••'improbe factum" adiecit. Id, qui turn 
pudor hominum erat, visum, credo, vinculum satis 
validum legis : nunc vix serio ^ ita minetur quisquam. 

7 Bellum ab eodem consule haudquaquam memora- 
bile adversus rebellantes Aequos, cum praeter 
animos feroces nihil ex antiqua fortuna haberent, 

8 gestum est. Alter consul Apuleius in \'mbria 
Xequinum oppidum circumsedit. Locus erat arduus 
atque in parte una praeceps, ubi nunc Narnia sita 

9 est, nee vi nee munimento capi poterat. Itaque 
eam infectam rem M. Fulvius Paetus T. "Manlius 
Torquatus novi consules acceperunt. 

10 In eum annum cum Q. Fabium consulem non 
])etentem omnes dicerent centuriae, ipsum auctorem 
fuisse Macer Licinius ac Tubero tradunt differendi 

11 sibi consulatus in bellicosiorem annum: eo anno 
maiori se usui rei publicae fore urbano gesto magis- 
tratu. Ita nee dissimulantem quid mallet nee 
petentem tamen, aedilem curulem cum L. Papirio 

12 Cursore factum. Id ne pro certo ponerem vetustior 
annalium auctor Piso effecit, qui eo anno aediles 
curules fuisse tradit Cn. Domitium^ Cn. filium Calvi- 

1 vix serio g- Pithoeus, Perizoniv.s: uix seruo OTA^ : uix 
seru (or other corriijjtionis) fl. 

^Cn. Domitium Pighius (C.I.L. i\ p. 134;: CI [or cl or 
C.L. or CL.) Domitium .a : I.e. domitium T. 

1 The Ada Triurnphorum {C.T.L., i^, p. 171) give him as 
son of Gnaeus and grandson of Gnaeus ; he is therefore not 
the same as the M. Fulvius who was consul in 305 B.C. (ix. 
xliv. 15), whose father and grandfather were both named 

2 Fabius had already held this office, 331 B.C. (viii. 
xviii. 4). 

BOOK X. IX. 5-12 

he who had appealed should be scourged with rods b.c. 209 
or beheaded^ merely provided that if anyone should 
disregard these injunctions it should be deemed a 
wicked act. This seemed^ I suppose, a sufficiently 
strong sanction of the law, so modest were men in 
tliose days ; at the present time one would hardly 
utter such a threat in earnest. 

The same consul conducted an insignificant cam- 
paign against the rebellious Aequi, who retained 
nothing of their ancient fortune but a warlike spirit. 
Apuleius, the other consul, laid siege to the town 
of Xequinum in Umbria. It was a steep place and 
on one side precipitous — the site is now occupied bv 
Xarnia — and could be captured neither by assault 
nor by siege operations. The enterprise was there- 
fore still unfinished when Marcus Fulvius Paetus ^ 
and Titus Manlius Torquatus, the new consuls, took 
it over. 

Licinius Macer and Tubero declare that all the 
centuries were for naming Quintus Fabius consul 
for this year, though he was not a candidate, 
but that Fabius himself urged them to defer his 
consulship to a year when there was more fighting ; 
just then he would be of greater service to the state 
if invested with an urban magistracy. And so, 
neither dissembling what he had in mind nor vet 
seeking it, he was elected curule aedile, with Lucius 
Papirius Cursor. ^ I have been unable to put tliis 
down for certain, because Piso, one of the older 
annalists,^ states that the curule aediles for that 
year were Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, the son of 

^ For Piso and the other annalists see Vol. I. pp. xxviii- 




A.u.c. 13 num et Sp. Carvilium Q. filium Maximum. Id credo 
^^^ cognomen errorem in aedilibus fecisse secutamque 

tal)u]am mixtam ex aediliciis et consularibiis comitiis, 
14 eonvenientem errori. Et lustrum eo anno conditum 
a P, Sempronio Sopho^ et* P. Sulpicio Saverrione 
censoribus, tribusque additae duae, Aniensis ac 
Terentina.2 Haec Romae gesta. 

X. Ceterum ad Nequinum oppidum cum segni 
obsidione tempus tereretur, duo ex oppidanis, quorum 
erant aedificia iuncta muro^ specu facto ad stationes 

2 Romanas itinere occulto per\ eniunt ; inde ad con- 
sulem deducti praesidium armatum se intra moenia 

3 et muros accepturos confirmant. Xec aspernanda 
res visa neque incaute credenda. Cum altero eorum 
— nam alter obses retentus — duo exploratores per 

4 cuniculum missi ; per quos satis comperta re trecenti 
armati transfuga duce in urbem ingressi nocte por- 
tam quae proxima erat cepere. Qua refracta consul 

5 exercitusque Romanus sine certamine urbem inva- 
sere. Ita Nequinum in dicionem populi Romani 
venit. Colonia eo ad versus Umbros missa a Nare 
flumine ^ Narnia appellata ; exercitus cum magna 
praeda Romam reductus. 

6 Eodem anno ab Etruscis adversus indutias para- 
tum bellum ; sed eos talia* molientis Gallorum ingens 

^ P. Sempronio Sopho el ecld {from § 2) : P. Sulpicio Sopbo 
et MTDLA : omitted hj PFUOL 

2 Tereiitina n : tarentina TDLA : terentia Periocha : 
Teretina Mommsen [cf. Conway, Italic Dialects, \, jj- 340). 

^ Xare flumine r : flumine n. 

* talia Glarea.niis : alia H. 

1 The "closing of the lustrum" was accomplished by the 
sacrifice of a swine, a sheep and an ox (the suovetaurilia), 
and completed the ceremonies incidental to the census. 


BOOK X. IX. I2-X. 6 

Gnaeus^ and Spiiriiis Carviliiis Maximus_, the son of i 
Quintus. I fancy that this surname occasioned an 
error in regard to the aediles^ and that a story after- 
wards grew up in liarmony with the error, from a 
confusion of the aedilician with the consular elec- 
tions. This year witnessed also the closing of the 
lustrum, 1 by the censors Publius Sempronius Sophus 
and Publius Sul})icius Saverrio, and two tribes were 
added — the Aniensis and the Terentina. So much 
for affairs at Rome. 

X. Meantime^ at the town of Xequinum, while 
the siege dragged slowly on^ two of the townsmen, 
whose dwellings abutted on the wall, dug a tunnel 
and made their way in secret to the Roman outposts. 
Thence they were conducted to the consul, whom 
they assured of their readiness to admit a party of 
soldiers within the fortifications and the walls. It 
was not thought wise to spurn this offer, nor yet 
rashly to confide in it. In company with one of 
these men — the other being held as a hostage — two 
scouts were sent through the tunnel ; the result 
of their investigation was satisfactory, and three 
hundred armed men, with the renegade as guide, 
effected an entrance by night into the city and 
seized the nearest gate. Once this had been broken 
down, the Roman consul and his army captured the 
place without a struggle. Thus X'^equinum came 
under the sway of the Roman People. A colony 
was sent there to make head against the Umbrians, 
and was given the name of Xarnia from the river 
Xar, The army, enriched with spoil, marched back 
to Rome. 

The Etruscans planned to go to war that year in 
violation of the truce ; but while they were busy 



A.u.c. exercitus finis ingressiis paulisper a proposito avertit. 


7 Pecunia deinde, qua multum poterant, freti^ socios 
ex hostibus facere Gallos conantur ut eo adiuiicto 

8 exercitu cum Romanis bellarent. De societate 
baud abnuunt barbari : de mercede agitur. Qua 
pacta acceptaque cum parata cetera ad bellum essent 
sequique Etruscus iuberet, infitias eunt mercedem 

9 se belli Romanis inferendi pactos : quidquid acce- 
perint accepisse ne agrum Etruscum vastarent armis- 

10 que lacesserent cultores ; militaturos tamen se, si 
utique Etrusci velint, sed nulla alia mercede quam 
ut in partem agri accipiantur tandemque aliqua sede 

11 certa consistant. Multa de eo concilia popiilorum 
Etruriae habita, nee perfici quicquam potuit, non 
tam quia imminui agrum quam quia accolas sibi 
quisque adiungere tam efFeratae gentis homines 

12 horrebat. Ita dimissi Galli pecuniam ingentem sine 
labore ac periculo partam ^ rettulerunt. Romae 
terrorem praebuit fama Gallici tumultus ad bellum 
Etruscum adiecti ; eo minus cunctanter foedus ictum 
cum Picenti po})ulo est. 

A.cT.c. XI. T. Manlio consuli iirovincia Etruria sorte 

evenit ; qui vixdum ingressus hostium finis cum 

^ partam - : paratam H. 

^ Xow mentioned for the first time by Livy. 

BOOK X. X. 6-xi. I 

with this project an enormous army of Gauls in-s.c. 299 
vaded their borders and diverted them for a Httle 
while from their purpose. Afterwards, putting 
their trust in money, of which they had great store, 
they endeavoured to convert the Gauls from enemies 
into friends, to the end that, uniting the Gallic 
army with their own, they might fight the Romans. 
The barbarians made no objection to an alliance : 
it was only a question of price. When this had 
been agreed upon and received, and the Etruscans^ 
having completed the rest of their preparations for 
the war, bade their new allies follow them, the 
Gauls demurred. They had made no bargain, they 
said, for a war with Rome ; whatever they had 
received had been in consideration of their not 
devastating the Etruscan territory and molesting 
its inhabitants ; nevertheless they would take the 
field, if the Etruscans were bent on having them, 
but on one condition only — that the Etruscans 
admit them to a share in their land, where they 
might settle at last in a ])ermanent home. Many 
councils of the peoples of Etruria were held to con- 
sider this offer, l)ut nothing could be resolved upon, 
not so much from a reluctance to see their territory 
lessened as because everyone shrank from having 
men of so savage a race for neighbours. So the 
Gauls were dismissed, and departed with a vast sum 
of money, acquired without any toil or risk. The 
Romans were alarmed by the rumour of a Gallic 
rising in addition to a war with the Etruscans, and 
lost no time in concluding a treaty with the people 
of Picenum.^ 

XI. The command in Etruria fell by lot to Titus b.c. 29S 
Manlius the consul. He had barely entered the 



exerceretiir inter equites. ab rapido cursu circuma- 
gendo eqiio effusus extemplo prope exspiravit ; ter- 

2 tius ab eo casii dies finis vitae consuli fuit. Quo 
velut online belli accepto deos pro se commisisse 

3 bellum memorantes Etrusci siistulere animos. Romae 
cum desiderio viri turn incommoditate teniporis 
tristis nuntius fuit ; patres ab iubendo diotatore con- 
sulis subrogandi comitia ex sententia principum 

4 habita deterruerunt.^ M. Valerium consulem omnes 
centuriae - dixere, quern senates dictatorem dici 
iussurus fuerat. Turn extemplo in Etruriam ad 

5 legiones proficisci iussit. Adventus eius compressit 
Etruscos adeo ut nemo extra munimenta egredi 
auderet timorque ipsorum obsidioni similis esset. 

6 Neque illos novus consul vastandis agris urendisque 
tectiSj cum passim non villae solum sed frequentes 
quoque vici incendiis fumarentj elicere ad certamen 

7 Cum hoc segnius bellum opinione esset^ alterius 
belli, quod multis in vicem cladibus baud immerito 
terribile erat, fama^ Picentium novorum sociorum 
indicio exorta est : Samnites arma et rebel lionem 

8 spectare seque ab iis sollicitatos esse. Picentibus 
gratiae actae et magna pars curae j)atril)us ab Etruria 
in Samnites versa est. 

1 patres . . . deterruerunt Gronovius : ut patres . . . de- 
limierint H. 

- centuriae Cobet : sententiae centuriaeque fl. 

BOOK X. XI. T-8 

territory of the enemy, and was exercising ^vith tlie b.c. 29s 
cavalry, when, in wheehng his horse about after a 
swift gallop, he was thrown and ere long breathed 
his last, for the third day following the accident saw^ 
the end of the consul's life. Taking this as an omen 
of the war, and declaring that the gods had begun 
hostilities in their behalf, the Etruscans plucked up 
courage. It was sad news to the Romans ; not only 
could they ill spare the man, but his death occurred 
at an embarrassing moment. The Fathers would have 
ordered the nomination of a dictator had not the elec- 
tion held to choose a substitute for the consul fallen 
out in accordance with the wishes of the leaders. 
Marcus Valerius was the choice of all the centuries 
for consul. It w\is he whom the senate had intended 
to have named as dictator, and they now commanded 
him to proceed forthwith to the legions in Etruria. 
His arrival so damped the ardour of the Etruscans 
that none ventured outside their fortifications, and 
their own fear was like a besiemnfi: host. Nor 
could the new consul entice them into giving 
battle bv wasting^ their lands and firinsr their build- 
ings, though the smoke was rising on every side 
from the conflagration not only of farm-houses but 
of many villages as well. 

While this war was prolonged beyond anticipation, 
another war — ^justly dreaded by reason of the many 
losses which the parties to it had inflicted on each 
other — was beginning to be talked of in consequence 
of information given by the Picentes, Rome's new- 
allies. The Samnites, they said, were looking to 
arms and a renewal of hostilities, and had solicited 
their help. The Picentes were thanked, and the 
senate's anxiety was diverted, in great measure, 
from Etruria to the Samnites. 



9 Caritas etiam annoiiae sollicitam civitatem habait 
ventumque ad inopiae ultiraum foret, ut scripsere 
quibus aedilem fuisse eo anno Fabium Maximum 
placet_, ni eiiis viri cura^ qualis in bellicis rebus niultis 
tempestatibus fuerat^ talis domi turn in annonae 
dispensatione praeparando ac conveliendo frumento 

10 Eo anno — nee traditur causa — interregnum initum. 
interreges fuere Ap. Claudius, dein P. Sulpicius. Is 
comitia consularia habuit ; creavit L. Cornelium 
Scipionem, Cn. Fulvium consules. 

11 Princijoio huius anni oratores Lucanonun ad novos 
consules venerunt questum, quia condicionibus 
perlicere se nequiverint ad societatem armorum, 
Samnites infesto exercitu ingressos fines suos vastare 

12 belloque ad bellum cogere. Lucano populo satis 
superque erratum quondam nunc ita obstinatos 
animos esse : ut omnia ferre ac pati tolerabilius 
ducant, quam ut unquam postea nomen Romanum 

13 violent. Orare patres ut et Lucanos in fidem 
accipiant et vim atque iniuriam ab se Samnitium 
arceant : se, quamquam bello cum Samnitibus 
suscepto necessaria iam facta adversus Romanos 
fides sit, tamen obsides dare paratos esse. 

XII. Brevis consultatio senatus fuit ; ad unum 
omnes iungendum foedus cum I,ucanis resque 

^ This is said to be the first recorded instance of the 
aediles being charged with the oversight of the City's food- 

' The Lucaniaus had entered upon friendh' relations with 
the Romaus in 326 B.C. (vni. xxv. 3), but had been seduced 
from their loyalty by the Samnites (vni. xxvii. 10). A 
Roman army invaded them in 317 (ix. xx. 9). 

BOOK X. XI. 9-xii. I 

The citizens were also concerned at the clearness b.c. 2a 
of provisions, and would have experienced the direst 
need^ as those writers have recorded who are pleased 
to represent Fabius Maximus as having been aedile 
in that year, if that heroic man, who had on many 
occasions managed military undertakings, had not at 
this juncture shown himself equally expert in the 
administration of the market and the purchase and 
importation of corn.^ 

In this year — for no cause assigned — there be- 
fell an interregnum. The interreges were Appius 
Claudius, and afterwards Publius Sulpicius. The 
latter held a consular election, and announced that 
the choice had fallen on Lucius Cornelius Scipio and 
Gnaeus Fulvius. 

In the beginning of this year Lucanian envoys 
came to the new consuls to complain that the 
Samnites, since they had been unable by offering 
inducements to entice them into an armed alliance, 
had invaded their territories with a hostile army and 
by warring on them were obliging them to go to 
war. The people of Lucania, they said, had on a 
former occasion strayed all too far from the path of 
duty, but were now so resolute as to deem it better 
to endure and suffer anything than ever again to 
offend the Romans. ^ They besought the Fathers 
both to take the Lucanians under their protection 
and to defend them from the violence and oppres- 
sion of the Samnites. Though their having gone 
to war with the Etruscans was necessarily a pledge 
of loyalty to the Romans, yet they were none the 
less ready to give hostages. 

XII. Discussion in the senate was soon over. 
Every opinion was for entering into a treaty with 



2 repetendas ab Samnitibus censent. Benigne respon- 
sum Lucanis ictumque foedus ; fetiales missi, qui 
Samnitem decedere agro sociorum ac deducere exer- 
citum finibus Lucanis iuberent ; quibus obviam missi 
ab Samnitibus. qui denuntiarent. si quod adissent in 

3 Samnio concilium^ baud inviolatos abituros. Haec 
postquam audita sunt Romae^ bellum Samnitibus et 
patres censuerunt et populus iussit. 

Consules inter se provincias partiti sunt : Scipioni 
Etruria, Fulvio Samnites obvenerunt^ diversique ad 

4 suum quisque bellum proficiscuntur. Scipioni segne 
bellum et simile prioris anni militiae exspectanti 
hostes ad Volaterras instructo agmine occurrerunt. 

5 Pugnatum maiore parte diei magna utrimque caede ; 
nox incertis qua data victoria esset intervenit. Lux 
insequens victorem victumque ostendit ; nam Etrusci 

G silentio noctis castra reliquerant.^ Romanus egressus 
in aciem, ubi profectione hostium concessam vic- 
toriam videt^ progressus ad castra vacuis cum plurima 
praeda — nam et stativa et trepide deserta fuerant — 

7 potitur. Inde in Faliscum agrum copiis reductis 
cum impedimenta Faleriis cum modico praesidio 

^ reliquerant Hensinger: reliquerunt D.. 

^ This was the so-called Third Samnite War. 
* The phrase instructo agrnins seems to be used of a column 
formed for marching in such a way that the soldiers merely 

400 . 

BOOK X. XII. 1-7 

Lucania and demanding satisfaction of the Samnites. b.c. 298 
The Lucanians received a friendly answer, and the 
league was formed. Fetials were then sent to com- 
mand the Samnites to leave the country belonging 
to Rome's allies, and withdraw their army from the 
territory of Lucania. They were met on the way 
by messengers, whom the Samnites had dispatched 
to warn them that if they went before any Samnite 
council they would not depart unscathed. When 
these things were known at Rome, the senate 
advised and the people voted a declaration of war 
against the Samnites.^ 

The consuls divided the commands between them, 
Scipio getting Etruria and Fulvius the Samnites, 
and set out for their respective wars. Scipio looked 
forward to a slow campaign like that of the previous 
year, but was met near Volaterrae by the enemy 
drawn up in column.^ The fighting, which lasted 
for the best part of a day, was attended with heavy 
losses on both sides ; and night came on while it 
was yet uncertain to which nation victory had been 
vouchsafed. The morning showed who was victor 
and who vanquished, for in the silence of the night 
the Etruscans had decamped. The Romans marched 
out into line of battle ; and when they saw that the 
enemy by his retreat had conceded their superiority, 
they advanced and possessed themselves of the camp, 
which was unoccupied and contained much booty, 
for it had been a permanent post and had been 
hurriedly abandoned. Scipio then led his troops 
back into the Faliscan territory, and having left his 
baggage with a small guard in Falerii, set out Avith 

by executing a right (or left) face would constitute a battle- 



L.r.r. reliquisset, expedite agmine ad populandos ^ liostium 
^^^ 8 fines incedit. Omnia ferro ignique vastantur; praedae 
undique actae. Nee solum modo vastum hosti relic- 
turn sed castellis etiam vieisque inlatus ignis : urbibus 
oppugnandis temperatum, in quas timor Etruscos 
9 Cn. Fulvi consulis clara pugna in Samnio ad 
Bovianum haudquaquam ambiguae victoriae fuit. 
Bovianum inde adgressus nee ita multo post Aufide- 
nam vi cepit. 

XIII. Eodem anno Carseolos eolonia in agrum 

2 Aequicolorum deducta. Fulvius consul de Samniti- 
bus triumpbavit. Cum comitia consularia instarent, 
famaexorta Etruscos Samnitesqueingentesconscribere 

3 exercitus : palam omnibus conciliis vexari principes 
Etruscorum, quod non Gallos quacumque condicione 
traxerint ad bellum ; increpari - magistratus Samni- 
tium, quod exercitum adversus Lucanum hostem 

4 comparatura obiecerint Romanis ; itaque suis socio- 
ruraque viribus consurgere hostes ad bellum, et 
haudquaquam pari defungendum esse certamine. 

5 Hie terror, cum iilustres viri consulatum peterent, 
omnes in Q. Fabium Maximum primo non petentem, 
deinde, ut inclinata studia vidit, etiam recusantem 

6 convertit : quid se iam senem ac perfunctum labor ibus 

1 poTpulandos 21 FUOA^ : dei^opulsmdos FT JjL A. 
' increpari j- : inerepare CI. 

^ We had alreach- been told of the colony at Carseoli in 
chap. iii. § 2. Livy seems here to be following a diflfereut 
authority, and perhaps a better one, as the town is here 
correctly located among the Aequicoli (mentioned in I. 
xxxii. 5 as an ancient tribe from whom Ancus Marcius copied 
the ritual of the fetials; instead of among the Marsi. 


BOOK X. XII. 7-xiii. 6 

his army in light marching order to ravage thecc. 29S 
territory of the enemy. The whole country was 
laid waste with fire and sword and booty was brought 
in from all directions. Not only was the soil left 
bare for the enemy^ but even strongholds and villages 
were burned. The consul stopped short of attack- 
ing the walled towns, into which the frightened 
Etruscans had fled for refuge. 

The other consul, Gnaeus Fulvius, fought a famous 
battle in Samnium, near Bovianum, and gained a 
victory that was by no means doubtful. He then 
attacked and captured Bovianum, and not long 
afterwards Aufidena. 

XIII. A colony was founded in that same year at 
Carseoli in the land of the Aequicoli.^ The consul 
Fulvius triumphed over the Samnites. As the 
consular elections drew near, a rumour arose that 
the Etruscans and the Samnites were levying huge 
forces ; it was said that in all their councils the 
leaders of the Etruscans were openly censured for 
not having brought the Gauls into the war, on 
whatever terms ; and the Samnite magistrates were 
attacked for having confronted the Romans with an 
army raised to oppose a Lucanian foe ; thus their 
enemies were girding themselves for war, in their 
own might and the might of their allies, and they 
would have to contend with them on far from even 

This danger, though illustrious men were candi- 
dates for the consulship, made everyone turn to 
Quintus Fabius Maximus, who was not a candidate, 
in the. first place, and w^ho, when he saw the 
direction of the people's wishes, actually refused 
to stand. Why must they trouble him, he asked, 

• 403 

D D 2 


A.u.c. laborumque praemiis soUicitarent ? Xec corporis nee 
animi vigoreni remanere eiindem, et fortunam ipsam 
vereri. ne cui deoruni niinia iam in se et constantior 

7 qiiam velint himianae res videatur. Et se gloriae 
seniorum siiccrevisse et ad suam gloriam consurgentes 
alios laetum aspicere ; nee honores raagnos fortissimis 
viris Roniae nee honoribus deesse fortes viros. 

8 Acuebat hae moderatione tana iusta studia ; quae 
verecundia legum restinguenda ratus, legem recitari 
iussit qua intra decern annos eundem consulem refici 

9 non liceret. Vix prae strepitu audita lex est tribu- 
nique plebis nihil id impedimenti futurum aiebant : 

10 se ad jiopulum laturos uti legibus solveretur. Et 
ille quidem in recusandoi:)erstabat : quid ergo attineret 
leges ferri,^ quibus per eosdem qui tulissent fraus 

11 fieret. Iam regi leges, non regere. Populus ^ nihilo 
minus suffragia inibat, et ut quaeque intro vocata 
erat centuria^ consulem baud dubie Fabium dicebat. 

12 Tum demum consensu civitatis rictus, " Dei appro- 
bent " inquitj *^^ quod agitis acturique estis, Quirites. 
Ceterunij quoniam in me quod vos voltis facturi 
estis. in collega sit meae apud vos gratiae locus : 

1 ferri Walters: ferri ros(o/'--rof-)ilans J/: ferri cogitans 
: ferri rogitans [in PFU rogitans comes after quibus) Ci. 

2 populus A^ : populos Ci {uncertain irhich letter in 0). 

^ The statute dated from 342 b c. and applied equally to 
all magistracies, but was frequent!}- disregarded. As Fabius 
had not been consul since 308, hi> election now Mould not 
have contravened the statute, and Luterbacher suggests that 
the stor}' may have originated in connexion with the election 
of two years before (chap. ix. § 10). 

' There was an enclosure- (the saepta) in the Campus 
Martius, into which the centuries were summoned, and 
there, one by one, proclaimed their choice, 

404 • 

BOOK X. xiii. 6-12 

who was an old man now and had done with b.c. 298 
toil and the rewards of toil? Neither his body 
nor his mind retained their vigour undiminished, 
and he feared Fortune herself, lest some god might 
deem that she had already been too kind to him 
and more constant than human beings were meant 
to find her. He himself had risen to the glory 
of his elders, and he rejoiced to see others growing 
up to the measure of his own. There was no lack 
of great offices in Rome for the bravest men, nor of 
brave men for the offices. 

Such moderation but intensified the well-merited 
enthusiasm of his friends ; and Fabius, thinking 
that it would have to be restrained by respect for 
the laws, bade read aloud the statute which 
prohibited the re-election of the same man to the 
consulship within ten years.^ Whereupon there was 
such a clamouring that the law could scarce be 
heard, and the tribunes of the plebs declared that 
it should be no impediment, for they would propose 
to the people that he be granted a dispensation from 
the laws. Fabius, for his part, stoutly persisted in 
his refusal. What, in that case, he demanded, was 
the good of making laws, when their very makers 
broke them ? The laws were no longer in control, 
but were themselves controlled. Nevertheless the 
people proceeded to the election, and every century, 
as it was summoned within, in no uncertain terms 
named Fabius consul. ^ Then at last, overborne by 
the consent of all the citizens, " May Heaven," he 
said, " approve, Quirites, of w hat you are doing 
and propose to do. For the rest, since you are 
bound to have your way with me, grant me a favour 
in the matter of my colleague and make consul 



A.XT.C, 13 p. Deciiim, expertum mihi concordi collegio viriim, 
^■^^ digniim vobis, digniim parente siio^ qiiaeso meciim 

consuleni faciatis," lusta sufFragatio visa. Onines 

quae supererant centuriae Q. Fabium, P. Deciuni 

consules dixere. 
14 Eo anno plerisque dies dicta ab aedilibiis^ quia 

plus quam quod lege finitum erat agri possiderent ; 

nee quisquam ferme est purgatus vincul unique ingens 

immodicae cupiditati ^ iniectum est. 
A.u.c. XIV. Consules novi, Q. Fabius Maximus quartuni 

et P. Deeius Mus tertium, cum inter se agitarent 

2 uti alter Samnites hostes, alter Etruscos deligeret, 
quantaeque in banc aut in illam provinciam copiae 
satis et uter ad utrum belluni dux idoneus magis 

3 esset, ab Sutrio et Nepete et Faleriis legati, auctores 
concilia ^ Etruriae populorum de petenda pace 
haberi,3 totam belli molem in Samnium aAcrterunt. 

4 Profecti consules^ quo expeditiores commeatus essent 
et incertior liostis qua venturuni bellum foret, Fal^ius 
per Soranum^ Deeius per Sidicinum agrum^ in 
Samnium legiones ducunt. 

5 Ubi in hostium fines ventum est^ uterque popula- 
bundus effuso agmine incedit. Explorant tamen 

6 latius quam populantur ; igitur non fefellere ad 
Tifernum hostes in occulta valle instruct!, quam 
ingressos Romanos superiore ex loco adoriri para- 

^ cupiditati - ; cupiditatis n. 

2 conciba L^ : concilii fi : aoncilii M: concilium U. 
' haberi n : habiti Comcay {reading concilii above with the 
MSS. ). 

^ The elder Deeius had devoted himself in 340 B.C. The 
son had been consulj with Fabius in 308 B.C. (viii. ix. 
and xli). 


BOOK X. xiii. 13-XIV. 6 

with me Publius Decius, a man whose friendliness b.c. 29s 
1 have experienced in the fellowship of office, a man 
worthy of you and worthy of his sire." ^ The 
recommendation seemed a reasonable one. All the 
remaining centuries voted for Quintus Fabius and 
Publius Decius. 

In that year many men were prosecuted by the 
aediles on the charge of possessing more land than 
the law allowed. Hardly anybody was acquitted, 
and exorbitant greed was sharply curbed. 

XIV. While the new consuls, Quintus Fabius b.c. 297 
Maximus (in his fourth term) and Publius Decius 
Mus (in his third), were laying plans together how 
one should take the field against the Samnites, 
and the other against the Etruscans, and were 
considering what forces would suffice for these re- 
spective provinces and which of them was the better 
suited to the one command and which to the 
other, there came deputies from Sutrium and Nepete 
and Falerii, with the news that the nations of 
Etruria were counselling together how they might 
sue for peace, and thus diverted upon Samnium the 
whole burden of war. When the consuls set out, in 
order to lessen the difficulty of getting supplies and 
to keep the enemy uncertain where the attack would 
come, Fabius marched into Sanmium by way of Sora, 
Decius through the territory of the Sidicini. 

Arrived at the borders of the enemy, each spread 
his army over a wide front and pillaged. Yet they 
scouted more widely than they pillaged, and the 
enemy were therefore unable to surprise them near 
Tifernum, where they had drawn their forces up 
in a secluded valley, and were preparing to assail 
the Romans from above, once they should have 



7 bant. Fabius impedimentis in locum tutum remotis 
praesidioque modico imposito praemonitis militibus 
adesse certamen, quadrato agmine ad praedictas 

8 h ostium latebras succedit. Samnites desperate im- 
provise tumultu, quando in apertum semel discrimen 
evasura esset res, et ipsi acie iusta maluerunt con- 
currere. Itaque in aequum descendunt ac fortunae 

9 se maiore animo quam spe committunt. Ceterum^ 
sive quia ex omnium Samnitium populis. quodcumque 
rol:)oris fuerat contraxerant^ seu quia discrimen sum- 
mae rerum augebat ^ animos^ aliquantum aperta 
quoque ^ pugna praebuerunt terroris. 

10 Fabius, ubi nulla ex parte hostem loco moveri 
vidit. Maximum filium et M. \'alerium tribunes 
militum, cum quibus ad primam aciem procurrerat, 

11 ire ad equites iubet et adhortari ut, si quando unquam 
equestri ope adiutam rem publicam meminerint, illo 
die adnitantur ut ordinis eius gloriam invictam 

12 praestent : peditum certamine immobilem hostem 
restare ; omnem reliquam spem in impetu esse 
equitum. Et ipsos nominatim iuvenes, pari comitate 
utrumque, nunc laudibus nunc promissis onerat. 

13 Ceterum quando ne ea quoque temptata vis parum 
proficeret timeri poterat, consilio ^ grassandum_, si 

1 augebat - : agebat TDL : angebat MO : agebat A. 

2 aliquantum aperta quoque ^ : aliquantum quoque aperta 

^ ceterum . . . consilio Madvig : ceterum quando )ie 
(nee OL) ea quoque temptata vis proficeret consilio fi. 


BOOK X. XIV. 6-13 

entered it. Removing the baggage to a place of b.c. 297 
safety and appointing a small force to guard it, 
Fabius warned his troops that a struggle was at 
hand, and forming them into a hollow square, led 
them up towards the place where the enemy lay, 
as I have said, concealed. Balked of their surprise 
attack, the Samnites — since it must ultimately come 
to an open trial of strength — likewise preferred to 
light a regular engagement. They accordingly 
descended to level ground, and committed their 
cause to Fortune, with courage greater than their 
hopes. However, whether owing to their having 
assembled the fighting strength of all the Samnite 
nations, or because a contest on which everything 
was staked heightened their valour, they occasioned 
some perturbation amongst the Romans, even in an 
open battle. 

When Fabius saw that the enemy were nowhere 
giving way, he ordered Maximus his son ^ and Marcus 
\'alerius — military tribunes with whom he had 
hurried to the front — to go to the horsemen and 
tell them that if they remembered ever an occasion 
when the state had been helped by the horse, now 
was the time for them to exert their strength to 
preserve untarnished the glory of that body : in the 
struggle of infantry the enemy were yielding not 
an inch ; no hope remained save in a charge of 
cavalry. Addressing each of the young men by 
name, he loaded them now with praise and now 
with promises. But since it was conceivable that 
even their prowess might prove to be inadequate, 
he thought proper to resort to strategy, if strength 

^ Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges, aedile two years later 
(chap. xxxi. §9) and consul 293 B.C. (chap, xhii. § 5). 



14 nihil vires iuvareiit ratus, Scipionein legatum hastatos 
})rimae legionis subtrahere ex acie et ad monies 
jn'oximos quam posset oecultissime circumducere 
iubet : inde ascensu abdito a conspectu erigere in 
niontes agnien aversoque hosti ab tergo repente se 

15 Equites ducibus tribunis baud multo plus hostibus 
quam suis ex iraproviso ante signa evecti praebuerunt 

16 tumultus. Ad versus incitatas turmas stetit immota 
Samnitium acies nee parte ulla pelli aut perrumpi 
j)otuit ; et postquam inritum inceptum erat. recepti 

17 post signa proelio excesserunt. Crevit ex eo hostium. 
animus, nee sustinere frons prima tam longum 
certamen increscentemque fiducia sui vim potuisset, 
ni secunda acies iussu consulis in primum succes- 

18 sisset. Ibi integrae vires sistunt invehentem se iam 
Samnitem ; et tempore in ipso visa ^ ex montibus 
signa clamorque sublatus non vero tantum metu 

19 terruere Samnitium animos ; nam et Fabius Decium 
collegam adpropinquare exclamavit, et pro se quis- 
que miles adesse alterum consulem, adesse legiones 

20 gaudio alacres fremunt : errorque ^ utilis Romanis 
oblatus fugae formidinisque Samnites implevit, 
maxime ^ territos ne ab altero exercitu integro 

21 intactoque fessi opprimerentur. Et quia passim in 

* et tempore in ipso visa Drakenhorch : et tempore inpro- 
visa MOTLLA : et tempore in se uisa PF: eo tempore uisa 
U : et tempore ipso visa /, Pcrizonius : et tempore inferri uisa 

' errorque - MocJins : terrorque Cl. 

' maxime ^ : maximeq, n. 

^ These "spearmen"" formed the first of the three lines of 
battle, but ^vould ordinarih' after being engaged a little 
while be reinforced or replaced as here) by the priyiapes 
(second line troops). 


BOOK X. XIV. 13-21 

should not achieve his purpose. So he ordered n.c. 207 
Scipio, his Heutenant, to withdraw the hastati ^ of 
the first legion from the battle and conduct them, 
as secretly as possible, by a circuitous route to the 
nearest mountains ; they were then, concealing 
their ascent from observation, to climb the heights 
and suddenly show themselves on the enemy's rear. 
The cavalry, led by the tribunes, occasioned 
hardly more confusion in their enemies than in their 
friends, as they rode out unexpectedly in front of 
the standards. The Samnite line held firm against 
their galloping squadrons, and could at no point 
be forced back or broken, and the cavalry, finding 
their attack abortive, retired behind the lines and 
left the battle. This gave the enemy a fresh access 
of spirits ; and the front ranks would have been 
incapable of sustaining so long a struggle and the 
increasing violence with which the enemy's con- 
fidence inspired him, had not the second line, by 
the consul's order, come up to relieve them. Their 
fresh strength halted the Samnites, who were now 
pressing forward ; and catching sight just at this 
juncture of our detachments descending from the 
mountains, and hearing the cheer they gave, the 
enemy was filled with terror of worse things than 
actually threatened him ; for Fabius shouted that 
his colleague Decius was approaching, and the 
soldiers themselves in their joy and eagerness cried 
out that the other consul was at hand — that the 
legions were at hand ; and this mistake, occurring 
in a good hour for the Romans, filled the Samnites 
with fear and bewilderment, for they dreaded 
nothing so much as that the other army, fresh and 
entire, might overwhelm them in their exhausted 



fugam dissipati sirnt^. minor caedes quam pro tanta 
victoria fuit : tria milia et quadringenti caesi^ capti 
octingenti ferme et triginta, signa militaria capta 
tria et viginti. 

XV. Samnitibus Apuli se ante proelium coniun- 
xissent, ni P. Decius consul iis ad Maleventum castra 
obiecisset, extractos deinde ad certamen fudisset. 

2 Ibi quoque plus fugae fuit quam caedis : duo milia 
Apulorum caesa ; spretoque eo hoste Decius in Sam- 

3 nium legiones duxit. Ibi duo consulares exercitus 
diversis vagati parti bus omnia spatio quinque men- 

4 sum evastarunt. Quinque et quadraginta^ loca in 
Samnio fuere in quibus Deci castra fuerunt, alterius 

5 consulis sex et octoginta ; nee valli tantum ac fossa- 
rum vestigia relicta^ sed multo alia illis - insigniora 
monumenta vastitatis circa regionumque depopula- 

6 tarum. Fabius etiam urbem Cimetram cepit. Ibi 
capta armatorum duo milia nongenti^ caesi pugnantes 
ferme nongenti triginta. 

7 Inde comitiorum causa Romam profectus matu- 
ravit earn rem agere. Cum primo vocatae ^ Q, 
Fabium consulem dicerent omnes centuriae^ Ap. 

8 ClaudiuS; consularis candidatus, vir acer et ambi- 
tiosuS;, non sui magis honoris causa quam ut patricii 
reciperarent duo consularia loca^ cum suis tum totius 
nobilitatis viribus incubuit ut se cum Q. Fabio con- 

^ quinque et quadraginta Jf 'alters and Conway : xl et v (or 
at hngfh) MPFUO : et xl et xv {or at length) TDLA. 
* alia illis Walters and Convsay : aliis CI : illis -. 
' vocatae r : uooatum n. 

^ Later Beneventum. See ix. xxvii. 14 and note. 

BOOK X. XIV. 2I-XV. 8 

state. The slaughter was less than is usual in so b.c. 29^ 
great a victory, for the enemy scattered far and 
■wide in their flight. Three thousand four hundred 
^vere slain ; about eight hundred and thirty were made 
prisoners, and twenty-three standards were taken. 

XV. The Apulians would have joined the Sam.nites b.c. 29( 
before the battle had not Publius Decius the consul 
encamped over against them at Maleventum,^ and 
then drawn them into an engagement and defeated 
them. In this instance also the rout was greater 
than the slaughter : two thousand Apulians were 
killed, and Decius, scorning such an enemy, led 
his legions into Samnium. There the two consular 
armies, overrunning the land in different directions, 
had laid all waste within four months' time. There 
were forty-five places in Samnium where Decius 
had encamped ; the other consul had encamped in 
eighty-six. Nor did they leave behind them only 
the traces of their ramparts and their trenches, 
but other much more conspicuous memorials, in the 
havoc and devastation of the country round about. 
Fabius also captured the city of Cimetra. In this 
siege two thousand nine hundred men-at-arms were 
taken and some nine hundred and thirty were slain 

After this he set out for Rome for the election, 
which he made haste to call. The centuries that 
voted first were all naming Quintus Fabius for 
consul, when x\ppius Claudius, who was a candidate 
for that post and a pushing and ambitious man, but 
no more eager to gain the honour for himself than 
to have the patricians recover two consular places, 
exerted his own strength and that of the whole 
nobility to induce them to elect him as Fabius's 



A.U.C. 9 siilem dicerent. Fabiiis de se ^ eadem fere quae 
458 ^ 

priore anno dicendo abnuere. Circumstare sellam 

omnis nobilitas ; orare ut ex caeno })lebeio consii- 

latuin extraheret maiestateniqiie jiristinam cum 

10 honori turn patriciis gentibus redderet. Fabius 
silentio facto media oratione studia hominum 
sedavit ; facturum enim se fuisse dixit ut duorum 
patriciorum nomina reciperetj si alium quam se con- 

11 sulem fieri videret ; nunc se suam rationem comitiis, 
cum contra leges futurum sit, pessimo exemplo non 

12 habiturum. Ita L. Volumnius de plebe cum Ap. 
Claudio consul est factus. priore item consulatu inter 
se comparati. Xobilitas obiectare Fabio fugisse 
eum Ap. Claudium collegam, eloquentia civilibusque 
artibus baud dubie praestantem. 

X\'I. Comitiis perfectis veteres consules iussi 
bellum in Samnio gerere prorogato in sex menses 

2 imperio. Itaqueinsequenti quoqueanno L. \'olumnio 
Ap. Claudio consulibus P. Decius, qui consul in 
Samnio relictus a collega fuerat, proconsul idem 
populari non destitit agros. donee Samnitium exer- 
citum nusquam se proelio committentem postremo 

3 expulit finibus. 

Etruriam pulsi petierunt, et quod legationibus 
nequiquam saepe temptaverant, id se tanto agmine 

^ de se U'alters [note) : primo de se H: de se prinio F. 

1 307 B.C. (IX. xlii. 2). 

BOOK X. XV. 8-xvi. 3 

colleague. Fiibius would not have it so, raising b.c. 29G 
virtually the same objections he had raised in the 
previous year. The nobles all thronged about his 
seat, and besought him to lift up the consulship 
out of the plebeian mire and restore both to the 
office and to the aristocratic families their old-time 
dignity. Obtaining silence, Fabius soothed their 
excited feelings with a temperate speech, in which 
he said that he would have done as they desired 
and have received the names of two patricians, if 
he had seen another than himself being made 
consul ; as it was, he would not entertain his own 
name at an election, for to do so would violate 
the laws and establish a most evil precedent. So 
Lucius Volumnius,a plebeian, was returned, together 
with Appius Claudius, with whom he had also been 
paired in an earlier consulship. ^ The nobles taunted 
Fabius with having avoided Appius Claudius for a 
colleague, as a man clearly his superior in eloquence 
and statecraft. 

XVI. The election over, the old consuls were 
bidden to carry on the war in Samnium, having 
received an extension of their command for six 
months. So in the following year likewise — the 
consulship of Lucius Volumnius and Appius Claudius 
— Publius Decius, who had been left behind in 
Samnium, when consul, by his colleague, ceased not 
as proconsul to lay waste the farms, until finally 
he forced the army of the Samnites — which would 
nowhere risk a battle — to withdraw from the 

They retreated into Etruria, and thinking that 
what they had often tried in vain to bring about 
by means of embassies they might with so great 



armatorum mixtis terrore precibus acturos effica- 
cius rati, postulaverunt principum Etruriae con- 

4 cilium. Quo coacto per quot annos pro libertate 
dimicent cum Romanis exponunt : omnia expertos 
esse si suismet ipsorum viribus tolerare tantam 

5 molem belli possent ; temptasse etiam baud magni 
momenti finitimarum ' gentium auxilia. Petisse 
pacem a populo Romano, cum bellum tolerare non 
possent ; rebellasse, quod pax servientibus gravior 

6 quam liberis bellum esset. Unam sibispem reliquam 
in Etruscis restare ; scire gentem Italiae oppulen- 
tissimam armis, viris, pecunia esse ; habere accolas 
Gallos, inter ferrum et arma natos, feroces cum 
suopte ingenio turn ad versus Romanum populum, 
quern capturn a se auroque redemptum, baud vana 

7 iactantes, memorent ; nihil abesse, si sit animus 
Etruscis qui Porsinnae quondam maioribusque eorum 
fuerit, quin Romanos omni agro cis Tiberim pulsos 
dimicare pro salute sua non de intolerando Italiae 

8 regno cogant. Samnitem illis exercitum paratum, 
instructum amiis, stipendio venisse, et confestim secu- 
turos, vel si ad ipsam Romanam urbem oppugnandam 

XML Haec eos in Etruria iactantes molientesque 
bellum domi Romanum urebat. Nam P. Decius, ubi 

^ See II. ix.-xv. 

BOOK X. XVI. 3-xvii. I 

a body of armed men and the menace which would b.c. 296 
be added to their entreaties accomphsh more 
effectually, called for a council of the Etruscan 
leaders. On its assembling, they pointed out for 
how many years they had been fighting with the 
Romans for their liberty. They had made every 
effort, they said, if haply they might of their own 
strength bear up under so great a war ; and had 
also — but to little purpose — made trial of the help 
of neighbouring nations. Unable to sustain the 
war, they had sought peace of the Roman People; 
but had renewed hostilities, because peace with 
servitude was harder to endure than war with 
liberty. Their sole remaining hope lay in the 
Etruscans, whom they knew for the richest nation 
of Italy, in arms, in men, and in money ; a nation, 
too, that marched with the Gauls, men born amid 
the clash of arms and possessing not only an in- 
stinctive love of fighting but a feeling of enmity 
to the Roman People, whose defeat at their hands 
and ransom for gold they were wont to relate 
with no idle boast. If the Etruscans had the spirit 
that once had animated Porsinna ^ and their fore- 
fathers, there was no reason why they should not 
expel the Romans from all the country north of 
the Tiber, and compel them to fight, not for an 
intolerable sovereignty over Italy, but for their own 
existence. Here was a Samnite army, provided 
with arms and pay, and ready to follow on the 
instant, though they should lead it to the assault of 
Rome itself. 

XVII. While they were thus boasting and intrigu- 
ing in Etruria, the Roman invasion was distressing their 
countrymen at home. For Publius Decius, having 




comperit per exploratores profectum Samnitium 

2 exercitum, advocate coiisilio '' Quid per agros " inquit 
'' vagamur vicatiin circuniferentes bellum ? Quin urbes 
et moenia adgredimiir r Null us iam exercitus Samnio 

3 praesidet ; cessere finibus ac sibimet ipsi exsilium 
conscivere." Adprobantibus cunctis ad Murgantiam, 
validam urbem, oppugnandam ducit, tantusque ardor 
militum fuit et caritate duels et spe maioris quam ex 
agrestibus populationibus praedae ut uno die vi atque 

4 armis urbem caperent. Ibi duo milia Samnitium 
et centum pugnantes circumventi captique, et alia 
praeda ingens capta est. Quae ne impedimentis 
gravibus agmen oneraret, convocari milites Decius 

5 iubet. '^ Hacine " inquit '' victoria sola aut hac 
praeda content! estis futuri ? \'oltis vos pro virtute 
spes gerere ? Omnes Samnitium urbes fortunaeque 
in urbibus relictae vestrae sunt^ quando legiones 
eorum tot proeliis fusas postremo finibus expulistis. 

6 Vendite ista et inlicite lucro mercatorem ut sequatur 
agmen ; ego subinde suggeram quae vendatis. Adi 
Romuleam urbem hinc eamus^ ubi vos labor baud 
maior, praeda maior manet." 

7 Divendita praeda ultro adhortantes imperatorem 
ad Romuleam pergunt. Ibi quoque sine opere^ sine 
tormentis^ simul admota sunt signa, nulla vi deterriti 



BOOK X. XVII. 1-7 

ascertained through scouts that the Samnite army b.c. 296 
had departed, summoned a council^ and said, " Wliy 
do we range about the countryside, bringing war to 
this, tliat, and the other village ? Why do we not 
assail cities and walled towns ? There is no longer 
any army defending Samnium ; they have withdrawn 
beyond their borders, sentenced to banishment by 
their own decree." With their unanimous approval 
he led them to the assault of Murgantia, a strong 
city ; and such was the ardour of the troops, by 
reason both of affection for their general and the 
hopes that they entertained of greater booty than 
was to be got by ranging the country, that they 
took the place by force of arms in a single day. 
There two thousand one hundred Samnites were 
surrounded and made prisoners as they fought, and 
vast spoils of other kinds were seized. Lest these 
should encumber the marching army with heavy 
baggage, Decius called the soldiers together and 
thus addressed them : " Will this single victory or 
these spoils content you .' Will your expectations 
not be equal to your courage ^ All the cities of 
the Samnites and the riches left behind in them are 
yours, since, after defeating their legions in so many 
battles, you have in the end expelled them from 
their country. Sell these prizes and with hope of 
gain lure the traders on to follow ^'our column ; I 
will find you from time to time wares to dispose of. 
Let us go from here to the city Romulea, where no 
greater toil awaits you, but greater booty." 

The booty was sold off, and the men themselves 
urging on their general, they marched to Romulea. 
There, too, they used no siege-works or artillery ; 
but once they had come up under the walls, no force 


E E 2 

45 S 


A.ij.c. a muris, qua cuique proximum fuit, scalis raptim 

8 admotis in moenia evasere. Captum oppidum ac 
direptum est ; ad duo milia et trecenti occisi et sex 

9 milia hominum capta, et miles ingenti praeda potitus, 
quam vendere, sicut priorem^ coactus : Ferentinum 
inde, quamquam nihil quietis dabatur, tamen summa 

10 alacritate ductus est.^ Ceterum ibi plus laboris ac 
periculi fuit : et defensa summa vi moenia sunt, et 
locus erat munimento naturaque tutus ; sed evicit 
omnia adsuetus praedae miles. Ad tria milia hostium 
circa muros caesa ; praeda militis fuit. 

11 Huius oppugnatarum urbium decoris pars maior in 
quibusdam annalibus ad Maximum trahitur : Mur- 
gantiam ab Decio, a Fabio Ferentinum Romu- 

12 leamque oppugnatas tradunt. Sunt qui novorum 
consulum banc gloriam faciant, quidam non am- 
borum sed alterius, L.- Volumni : ei Samnium pro- 
vinciam evenisse. 

XVIII. Cum 3 ea in Samnio cuiuscumque ductu 
auspicioque gererentur, Romanis in Etruria interim 
bellum ingens multis ex gentibus concitur, cuius 

2 auctor Gellius Egnatius ex Samnitibus crat, Tusci 
fere omnes consciverant bellum ; traxerat contagio 
proximos Umbriae i)opulos^. et Gallica auxilia mercede 
sollicitabantur ; omnis ea multitudo ad castra Sam- 

3 nitium conveniebat. Qui tumultus repens postquam 

^ ductus est McKlcig : ductus Ci, 

- L. Sigonius (cf. § 3 a/id Chap, xvi, § 2, and C.I.L. i', p. 
132) : p. n {wanting in 0). 
^ cum Gronoviics : dum Q, [wanting in 0). 


BOOK X. XVII. 7-.\viii. 3 

could constrain them to retire; quickly setting upB.c. 296 
their ladders at the nearest })laces, they swarmed 
over the battlements. The town was captured and 
sacked ; two thousand three hundred were slain and 
six thousand made prisoners, and the soldiers came 
into possession of huge spoils which they were 
obliged, as before, to sell. After that they marched 
with the utmost alacrity — though they had been 
allowed no time to rest — to Ferentinum. But there 
they encountered more difficulty and danger : the 
city was defended with the utmost energy, and 
fortification and nature had combined to make it 
safe ; yet all obstacles were overcome by a soldiery 
grown used to plunder. Some three thousand of 
the enemy were slain about the walls ; the spoils 
went to the men. 

Of the glory accruing from these sieges the larger 
share is in certain annals assigned to Maximus ; they 
allow that Murgantia was stormed by Decius, but 
give to Fabius Ferentinum and Romulea. There 
are those who claim the credit for the new consuls, 
and some give it not to both but to one of them, 
Lucius Volumnius, to whom, they say, fell the 
command in Samnium. 

X\^III. Whilst these operations were being carried 
out in Samnium — whoever had the command and 
auspices — a mighty war was preparing against the 
Romans in Etruria, on the part of many nations, at 
the instigation of a Samnite named Gellius Egnatius. 
The Tuscans had almost all voted for war ; the 
nearest Umbrian tribes had caught the contagion ; 
and Gallic auxiliaries were being solicited for pay. 
All this multitude was assembling at the camp of 
the Samnites. When news of this sudden rising 



est Romam perlatus. cum iam L. Volumnius consul 
cum legione secunda ac tertia sociorumque milihus 
quindecim profectus in Samnium esset, Ap. Claudium 
primo quoque tempore in Etruriam ire placuit. 

4 Duae Romanae legiones secutae, prima et quarta, et 
sociorum diiodecim milia ; castra haud procul ab 
hoste posita. 

5 Ceterum magis eo profectum est quod mature ven- 
tum erat ut quosdam spectantes iam arma Etruriae 
populos metus Romani nominis comprimeret quam 
quod ductu consulis quicquam ibi satis scite aut 

6 fortunate gestum sit : multa proelia locis et tem})ori- 
biis iniquis commissa^ spesque in dies graviorem 
hostem faciebat, et iam prope erat ut nee duci 

7 milites nee militibus dux satis fideret. Litteras ad 
collegam accersendum ex Samnio missas in trinis 
annalibus invenio ; piget tamen in certo^ ponere^ 
cum ea ipsa inter consules populi Romani, iam iterum 
eodem honore fungentes, disceptatio - fuerit, Appio 
abnuente missas, Volumnio adfirmante Appi se litteris 

8 lam ^^o!umnius in Samnio tria castella ceperat, in 
quibus ad tria milia hostium caesa erant, dimidium 
fere eius captum, et Lucanorum seditiones a plebeiis 
et egentibus ducibus ortas summa optimatium vohin- 
tate per Q. Fabium, })ro consule missum eo cum 

9 vetere exercitu, compresserat. Decio populandos lios- 

^ in certo Wallers : incertum 0. : id certiim Bucttner. 
- disceptatio J/^ or J/^: discepatio J/ : discrepatio 3/^ {or 

^ This is the first time that Livy has designattd the legions 
by number. A consular army regularly comprised two 
legions (with their cavalr^'^ and auxiliaries), but in the pre- 
sent instance the consular armies of the previous year are 
still in the field. 


was brought to Rome, Lucius \'oluranius the consul, b.c. 296 
with the second and third legions and fifteen thou- 
sand of the allies, had already set out for Samnium, 
and it was resolved to send Appius Claudius into 
Etruria at the earliest possible moment. Two 
Roman legions followed him, the first and fourth, 
and twelve thousand of the allies. They encam})ed 
not far from the enemy. ^ 

But the consul's prompt arrival accomplished 
more, by checking, through dread of the Roman 
name, certain peoples of Etruria that were already 
meditating war, than he gained by his generalship, 
which was characterized neither by much ability nor 
by good fortune. He repeatedly joined battle at 
untoward times and places, and the enemy grew 
every day more hopeful and more formidable, until 
now the soldiers were near losing confidence in their 
commander and he in them. I find it recorded by 
three annalists that he dispatched a letter sending 
for his colleague out of Samnium ; yet am I loath to 
set it down for certain, since the consuls of the 
Roman People, now holding that office for the second 
time, disputed about that very point — Appius denying 
that he had sent a letter, \'olumnius affirming that 
a letter from Appius had summoned him. 

Volumnius had already captured three fortresses 
in Samnium, in which some three thousand of the 
enemy had been slain and about half as many taken 
prisoners ; and dispatching Quintus Fabius as pro- 
consul with a seasoned army into Lucania, he had 
suppressed — with the hearty approval of the opti- 
mates — certain insurrections which had broken out 
there at the instigation of necessitous })lebeian 
agitators. Leaving to Decius the devastation of 



tiiim agros relinquit^ ipse cum suis copiis in Etruriam 
ad collegam pergit. Quern advenientem laeti omnes 

10 accepere. Appium ex conscientia sua credo animum 
habuisse — baud immerito iratum si nibil scripserat^ 
inbberab et ingrato animo. si eguerat ope, dissimu- 

11 lantern, — vix enim saKite mutua reddita cum obviam 
egressus esset, ''Satin salvae" ^ inquit, " L. Volumni ? 
Lt sese in Samnio res habent ? Quae te causa/ ut 

12 provincia tua excederes induxit?" Volumnius in 
Samnio res prosperas esse ait, bltteris eius accitum 
venisse ; quae si falsae fuerint nee usus sui sit in 

13 Etruriam, extemplo conversis signis abiturum. '^ Tu 
vero abeas " inquit, " neque te quisquam moratur ; 
etenim minime consentaneum est, cum bello tuo 
forsitan vix sufficias, buc - te ad opem ferendam aliis 

14 gloriari venisse." Bene Hercules verteret, dicere 
Volumnius : malle frustra operam insumptam, quam 
quicquam incidisse cur non satis esset Etruriae unus 
consularis exercitus. 

XIX. Digredientes iam consules legati tribunique 
ex Appiano exercitu circumsistunt. Pars impera- 
torem suum orare, ne collegae auxilium, quod accien- 
dum ultro fuerit, sua sponte oblatum sperneretur ; 
2 plures abeunti Volumnio obsistere ; obtestari ne 
pravo cum coUega certamine rem publicam prodat : 

' salvae ^ : salue H {wanting in 0). 

' hue A^ {or A*) ^ : hie H {loaiUing in 0). 


BOOK X. xviii. 9-XIX. 2 

the fields, Volumnius himself witli his own troops b.c. 29g 
marched to join his colleague in Etruria, where he 
was welcomed on his arrival with general rejoicings. 
But what Appius was feeling his cgascience alone 
could tell ! — indeed he was justly angered if he 
had sent no word, but illiberal and ungracious if 
he had needed help and now sought to dissemble 
— for comins; forth to meet his colleague, before 
they had fairly greeted one another, he demanded, 
" Is all well, Lucius Volumnius? Hoav stand affairs 
in Samnium ? What has moved you to come out 
of your own province?" Volumnius replied that 
affairs were prospering in Samnium, and that he was 
come being sent for by Appius' own letter ; but if 
this were a forgery and he were not needed in 
Etruria, he would immediately face about and march 
back. "^ By all means go I " cried Appius. '^^ No 
one hinders you ! For truly it is no way fitting that 
when, perhaps, you are hardly equal to your own 
war, you should boast of coming hither to help 
others." Volumnius prayed that Hercules might 
direct all for the best ; he had rather, he said, his 
trouble should go for naught than that anything 
should have befallen to make one consular army 
insufficient for Etruria, 

XIX. The consuls were parting, when the lieuten- 
ants and tribunes from the army of Appius gathered 
round them. Some of them besought their general 
not to spurn his colleague's help — ^which ought even 
to have been asked for — now that it was proffered 
voluntarily ; the greater number threw themselves 
in the way of Volumnius, as he turned to go, and 
conjured him not to betray the welfare of the state 
by an unworthy quarrel with his colleague : if any 





si qua clades incidisset, desertori magis quam deserto 

3 noxae fore ; eo rem adductam ut omne ^ rei bene 
aut secus gestae in Etruria decus dedecusque ad L. 
Volumniiim sit delegatum ; neminem quaesiturum 
quae verba Appi sed quae fortuna exercitus fuerit : 

4 dimitti ab Ap})io eum sed a re publica et ab exercitu 
retineri : experiretur modo voluntatem militum. 

5 Haec monendo obtestandoque })rope restitantes 
consules in contionem pertraxerunt. Ibi orationes 
longiores hal:)itae in eandem ferme sententiam in 

6 quam inter paucos certatum verbis fuerat. Et cum 
\'olumnius, causa superior, ne infacundus quidem 
adversus eximiam eloquentiam collegae visus esset, 

7 cavillansque Appius sibi acceptum referre diceret 
debere, quod ex muto atque elingui facundum etiam 
consulem haberent ; priore consulatu, primis utique 

8 mensibus. hiscere eum nequisse, nunc iam populares 
orationes serere, '' Quam mall em " inquit Volumnius, 
'•'tu a me strenue facere quam ego abs te scite loqui 
didicissem." Postremo condicionem ferre quae de- 
cretura sit non orator — neque enim id desiderare rem 

9 publicam — sed imperator uter sit melior. Etruriam 
et Samnium prorincias esse ; utram mallet eligeret ; 
suo exercitu se vel in Etruria vel in Samnio rem 

10 Tum militum clamor ortus ut simul ambo bellum 
^ omne r JIurelc.s : omwi n : oninis TDLA. 

^ In their former consulship (307 B.C.) Volumnius had con- 
ducted a successful campaign against the Sallentini, while 
Appius had been left in Rome without an}' military command. 
See IX. xlii. 4-5. 

BOOK X. xix. 2-IO 

disaster should occur, the blame would lie more b.c. 29c 
with the deserter than the deserted ; to such a pass 
had matters come that the entire credit or disgrace 
of success or failure in Etruria was referred to Lucius 
Volumnius ; no one would enquire what the words 
of Appius had been, but what the fortune of the 
army ; he was beincr dismissed by Appius, but 
retained by the republic and the army ; let him but 
test the wishes of the soldiers. 

Thus admonishing and entreating them they 
dragged the all but resisting consuls to the place 
of assembly. There they spoke at greater length, 
but substantially to the same effect as they had 
argued before in the hearing of a few ; and when 
Volumnius, besides having the better cause, likewise 
showed himself to be no mean orator in opposing 
the rare eloquence of his colleague, Appius jeeringly 
remarked that they ought to give himself the credit, 
for that instead of a mute and tongue-tied consul 
they had got one who was actually tiuent, since in 
his former consulship, at all events in its early 
months, he had been incapable of opening his 
mouth, but was now delivering popular orations. — 
" How I could wish," exclaimed \'olumnius, " that 
you might rather have learnt from me to act with 
vigour than that I should have learnt to speak 
cleverly from 3'ou ! " In conclusion he proposed a 
compact which would determine, not which was the 
better orator — for this was not what the republic 
wanted — but the better general. ^ Etruria and 
Samnium v.ere the nations to be conquered ; let 
A})pius choose which he liked ; with his own army 
he would campaign either in Etruria or in Samnium. 

Then the soldiers began to cry out that both 



A.u.c. 11 Eti'uscum susciperent. Quo animadverso consensu 

^■^^ \'olumnius " Quoniam in collegae voluntate interpre- 

tanda " inquit '* erravi^ non committam ut quid vos 

velitis obscurum sit : manere an abire me velitis 

12 clamore significate." Turn vero tantus est clamor 
exortus ut hostes e castris exciret. Amiis arreptis in 
aciem ^ descendunt. Et Volumnius signa canere ac 
vexilla efferri castris iussit ; Appium addubitasse 

13 ferunt, cernentem seu pugnante seu quieto se fore 
collegae victoriam ; deinde veritum ne suae quoque 
legiones Volumnium sequerentur, et ipsum flagitan- 
tibus suis signum dedisse. 

14 Ab neutra parte satis commode instructi fuerunt ; 
nam et Samnitium dux Gellius Egnatius pabulatum 
cum cohortibus paucis ierat suoque impetu magis 
milites quam cuiusquam ductu aut imperio pugnam 
capessebant et Romani exercitus nee pariter ambo 

15 ducti nee satis temporis ad instruendum fuit. Prius 
concurrit ^'olumnius quam Appius ad hostem per- 

16 veniret ; itaque fronte inaequali concursum est; et 
velut sorte ^ quadam mutante adsuetos inter se 
hostes Etrusci ^'olumnio, Samnites parumper cunctati, 

17 quia dux aberat, Ap})io occurrere. Dicitur Appius 
in medio pugnae discrimine, ita ut inter prima signa 
manibus ad caelum sublatis conspiceretur, ita precatus 

^ in aciem T^A^ : in acie Cl {icanti'ng in 0). 
2 et velut sorte - Duker (vi. xxi. 2) : et velut forte 
MTDLA : et ut forte PFO : ut et forte V. 

^ i.e. from the higher ground on which their camp lay, 
into the plain below. 

2 The ancients prayed with the arras outstretched and 
palms turned upwards. 


BOOK X. XIX. 10-17 

should undertake the Efi-uscan war together. Per- b.c. 296 
ceiving them to be of one mind in this^ Vokunnius 
said, '' Since I erred in interpreting my colleague's 
^vishes, I ^viIl not make the blunder of leaving yours 
in doubt : do you signify by a shout whether you 
would have me stay or go." Then in truth they 
cheered so loud that the enemy were drawn out 
from their camp, and snatching up their arms went 
down ^ into line of battle. \'olumnius, too, bade 
sound the signal and advance the banners from the 
camp. xVppius, they say, was uncertain what to do, 
perceiving that, whether he fought or refrained 
from fighting, the victory would be his colleague's ; 
then, fearing that even his own legions would follow 
\'olumnius, he, too, gave his men the signal for 
which they were clamouring. 

On neither side had the forces been very advan- 
tagreouslv marshalled ; for the Samnite commander 
Gellius Egnatius had taken a few cohorts and gone 
off to forage, and his soldiers were entering the 
battle more as their own impulse guided them than 
under anybody's leadership or orders, and the 
Roman armies were not both led out together nor 
had they sufficient time to form. \'olumnius was 
engaged before Appius came within reach of the 
enemy, and the Hne of attack was accordingly un- 
even. Moreover, as though lots had been cast, 
there was a shifting of the customary opponents, 
the Etruscans confronting Volumnius, and the 
Samnites — after a little hesitation, owing to the 
absence of their general — meeting Appius. It is 
said that when the conflict was at its hottest, Ap})ius 
was seen to lift up his hands ^ in the very forefront 
of the standards and utter this petition : " Bellona, 



A.U.C. esse : " Bellona, si hodie nobis victoriam duis, ast 

18 ego tibi tempi um voveo." Haec precatus, velut 
instigante dea, et ipse collegae et exercitus virtutem 
aequavit ducis. lara et duces imperatoria^ opera 
exsequuntiir, et milites ne ab altera parte prius 

19 victoria Incipiat adnituntur. Ergo fundunt fugantque 
hostes, maiorem molem baud facile sustinentes quam 

20 cum qua manus conserere adsueti fuerant. Urgendo 
cedentes insequendoque efFusos compulere ad castra. 
Ibi interventu Gelli cohortiumque Sabellarum pau- 
lisper recruduit pugiia. lis quoque mox fusis iam a 

21 victoribus castra oppugnabantur ; et cum Volumnius 
ipse portae signa iiiferret, Appius Bellonam victricem 
identidem celebrans accenderet - militum animos, 

22 ])er vallum, per fossas inruperunt. Castra capta 
direptaque ; praeda ingens parta et militi concessa 
est. Septem milia octiiigenti ^ hostium occisi, duo 
milia et centum viginti capti. 

XX. Dum ambo consules omnisque Romana vis 
in Etruscum bellum magis inclinat, in Samnio novi 
exercitus exorti ad populandos imperii Romani fines 
j)er Vescinos^ in Campaniam Falernumque agrum 
2 transcendunt ingentesque praedas faciunt. A'olum- 
nium magnis itineribus in Samnium redeuntem — 
iam enim Fabio Decioque prorogati imperii finis 

^ lam et duces imperatoria Walters wnd Conway [note) : et 
duces imperatoria IVeissenhorn : imperatoria Cl. 

2 accenderet q- : accenderant MPTDLA : accenderat n. 

3 octingenti edd. : accc FFUOTBLA: acccc ilA"^. 

* Vescinos Sigonius [Conicay, Ital. Dial, i, p. 283, : 
uestinos Ci. 

BOOK X. XIX. 1 7 -XX. 2 

if to-day thou grant us the victory, then do I vow b.c. 2S6 
thee a temple." Having pronounced this prayer, 
as though tlie goddess were inspiring him, he kept 
pace with the courage of his colleague and the army 
kept pace with his. And now the generals were 
quitting themselves like true commanders, and the 
soldiers were striving tliat victory miglit not come 
first on the other wing. They therefore routed and 
put to flight the enemy, who found it no easy task 
to withstand a greater force than they had been 
wont to engage with. Pressing hard upon them 
when they faltered and pursuing where they fled, • 
the Romans drove them to their camp. There, on 
the appearance of Gellius and the Sabellian cohorts, 
the battle was renewed for a little while ; but 
presently, wlien these too had been dispersed, the 
conquering troops assailed the camp, and while 
Volumnius himself led a charge against the gate, 
and Appius, calling from time to time on Bellona, 
goddess of victory, inspirited his soldiers, they burst 
through the trenches and the rampart. The camp 
was taken and pillaged, and the vast booty found 
there was given over to the soldiers. Seven thou- 
sand eight hundred of the enemy were slain, two 
thousand one hundred and twenty taken prisoners. 
XX. While both consuls and all the strength of 
Rome were being devoted mainly to the Etruscan 
war, new armies rose up in Samnium to waste the 
territories under Roman sway, and crossing over 
into Campania and the Falernian district, through 
the land of the \'escini, gathered in huge spoils. 
As ^'olumnius was returning by long marches into 
Samnium — for now the extension of authority 
granted to Fabius and Decius was drawing to a 



aderat — fama de Samnitium exercitu populationi- 
busque Campani agri ad tuendos socios convertit. 

3 Ut in Calenum venit^ et ipse cernit recentia cladis 
vestigia et Caleni narrant tantum iam praedae hostes 

4 trahere ut vix explicare agmen possint : itaque iam 
propalam duces loqui extemplo eundum in Samnium 
esse, ut relicta ibi praeda in expeditionem redeant 
nee tarn oneratum agnien dimicationibus committant. 

5 Ea quamquam similia \eris erant, certius tamen 
exploranda ratus dimittit equites. qui vagos praeda- 
tores in agris })alantes intercipiant ; ^ ex quibus 

6 inquirendo cognoscit ad \'^olturnum flumen sedere 
hostem, inde tertia vigilia moturum ; iter in Saninium 

7 His satis exploratis profectus tanto inter vallo ab 
hostibus consedit ut nee adventus suus propinquitate 
nimia nosci posset et egredienteni e castris hostem 

8 o])primeret. Aliquanto ante lucem ad castra accessit 
gnarosque Oscae linguae exploratum quid agatur 
mittit. Intermixti hostibus, quod facile erat in 
nocturna trepidatione, cognoscunt infrequentia anna- 
tis signa egressa, praedam praedaeque custodes 
exire, immobile agmen et sua quemque molientem 

^ intercipiant JP (or If ^)^-i 2; incipiant iif : excipiant n. 

^ Their command had been extended for six months 
(chap. xvi. § 1). 


BOOK X. XX. 2-8 

close ^ — a rumour about the Samnite army and itsB.o,29G 
depredations in the territory of Campania turned 
him aside to the defence of the aUies. When he 
came to the Calenian country, he saw for himself 
the fresh traces of the enemy's ravages, and the 
Calenians informed him that the Samnites had 
already so great a train of booty as to march with 
difficulty, and their leaders were saying openly that 
they must retire at once into Samnium, and leaving 
their plunder there, return to the invasion, and not 
subject an army so heavily burdened to the risks 
of battle. These reports were plausible enough ; 
nevertheless he thought it right to obtain more 
authentic information. He therefore sent out horse- 
men in various directions, to intercept straggling 
plunderers in the fields, from whom he learned, 
on questioning them, that their army was encamped 
at the Volturnus river, whence they would set 
forward in the third watch and march towards 

Being satisfied of the truth of these reports, he 
followed the enemy and encamped at such a dis- 
tance from them that while they could not learn 
of his arrival from his being too close at hand, he 
yet might surprise them as they were leaving their 
camp. A little before dawn he approached the 
camp and sent ahead men who knew the Oscan 
language to find out what was being done. Min- 
gling with their enemies, as they could easily do in 
the confusion of the dark, they learned that the 
j standards had gone forward with a scanty following 
\ of men-at-arms, that the booty and its escort were 
just setting out, but that the column was incapable 
of progress, since every man was intent upon his 



A.u.c. nullo inter ullos ^ consensu nee satis certo imperio. 

9 Tempus adgrediendi aptissimum visum est^ et iam 

lux adpetebat ; itaque signa eaner e iussit agmenque 

10 hostium adgreditur. Samnites praeda impediti, 
infrequentes armati, pars addere gradum ac prae se 
agere praedam. pars stare incerti utrum progredi an 
regredi in eastra tutius foret : inter cunctationem 
opprimuntur et Romani iam transcenderant vallum 

11 caedesque ac tumultus erat in castris. Samnitium 
agmen praeterquam hostili tumultu. captivorum 
etiam repentina defectione turbatum erat, qui partim 

12 ipsi soluti vinctos solvebant, partim arma in sarcinis 
deligata rapiebant tumultumque proelio ipso terri- 
biliorem intennixti agmini praebebant. Memo- 

13 randum deinde edidere facinus ; nam Staium Mi- 
natium ducem adeuntem ordines hortantemque 
invadunt ; dissipatis inde equitibus qui cum eo 
aderant ipsum circumsistunt insidentemque equo 

14 captum ad consulern Komanum rapiunt. Revocata 
eo tumultu prima signa Samnitium, proeliumque iam 
profligatum integratum est ; nee diutius sustineri 

15 potuit. Caesa ad sex milia hominum, duo milia et 
quingenti capti -in eis tribuni militum quattuor — 
signa militaria triginta, et quod laetissimum 

^ inter ullos Madvig : inter alios H : deleted as a gloss hy 
Walters ami Coni'-ay. 

^ The Samnites, not anticipating any fighting, had put up 
their arms in the bundles, which were tied to a pole that 
was carried on the shoulder. 


BOOK X. XX. 8-15 

own atfairs, with no common understanding among b.c. 
any of them nor an}- very definite leadership. The 
time seemed highly suitable for delivering an attack, 
and the day was breaking. Volumnius therefore 
ordered them to sound the charge and assailed the 
enemy's column. The Samnites were impeded by 
their booty and few of them were armed ; some 
quickened their pace and drove the cattle before 
them, some stood still, uncertain whether it were 
safer to go on or to return to camp ; w^hile they 
hesitated, the Romans were upon them, and now 
they had scaled the rampart and the camp w^as 
filled with carnage and commotion. The Samnite 
column, besides being charged by the enemy, had 
also been disordered by a sudden outbreak of the 
prisoners, some of whom, being loose, were releasing 
those who were bound, while others were catching 
up the weapons tied up in the soldiers' packs,^ and, 
mixed up with the column as they were, caused a 
hurly-burly that was more terrifying than the battle 
itself. They presently performed a remarkable 
exploit ; for as Staius Minatius, the Samnite general, 
was riding along the ranks and encouraging them, 
they made a rush at him, and scattering the horse- 
men who were with him, surrounded him, and 
hurried him off a prisoner, horse and all, to the 
Roman consul. This tumult had the effect of 
bringing back the vanguard of the Samnites, who 
renewed the battle, which had been almost finished. 
But prolonged resistance was impossible. The slain 
amounted to six thousand men, and twenty-five 
hundred were captured — among them four military 
tribunes — as well as thirty standards. What caused 
most joy among the victors was the recovery of 

F F 2 


A.U.C. victoribus fuit^, captivorum recepta septem milia et 
quadringenti, et praeda ^ ingens socioruni ; accitique 
edicto doniini ad res suas noscendas recipiendasque 
16 praestituta die. Quarum rerum non exstitit domi- 
nus, miiiti concessae, coactique vendere praedam^ ne 
alibi quam in armis aiiimum liaberent, 

XXI. Magnum ea })opulatio Campani agri tu- 

2 multiim Romae })raebuerat ; et per eos forte dies ex 
Etruria allatuni erat post deductum inde Volumnia- 
num exercitum Etruriam concitam in arma^ et 
Gellium Egnatium, Samnitium ducem^ et Umbros 
ad defectionem vocari et Gallos pretio ingenti solli- 

3 citari. His nuntiis senatus conterritus iustitium 
indicij dilectum omnis generis liominum haberi iussit. 

4 Xec ingenui modo aut iuniores Sacramento adacti 
sed seniorum etiam cohortes factae libertinique 
ceiituriati ; et defendendae urbis consilia agitabantur 
summaeque rerum praetor P. Sempronius praeerat. 

5 Ceterum parte curae exonerarunt senatum L. Vo- 
lumni consulis litterae, quibus caesos fusosque 

6 populatores Campaniae cognitura est. Itaque et 
supplicationes ob rem bene gestam consulis nomine 
decernunt et ^ iustitium remittitur quod fuerat dies 
duodeviginti ; supplicatioque perlaeta fuit. 

^ et praeda Madvlg : praeda D.. 

* decernunt et j- Madvlg x decernunt n (-tur F^). 


BOOK X. XX. 15-XX1. 6 

seven thousand four hundred prisoners and a vast b.c. 296 
quantity of spoils belonging to the allies. The 
owners were summoned by proclamation to identify 
and recover their property on an appointed day. 
Those things for which no owner appeared were 
made over to the soldiers^ and they were compelled 
to sell their booty, that they might have no concern 
in anything but fighting. 

XXI. This raid upon the Campanian country- 
side had occasioned a great alarm in Rome ; and 
just at that time, as it happened, there came news 
out of Etruria, that after the withdrawal of the 
army of ^'olumnius the Etruscans had been in- 
duced to arm, that Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite 
general, and the Umbrians were being invited to 
join in the revolt, and that the Gauls were being 
tempted with great sums of money. Terrified by 
these reports, the senate ordered that a "cessation 
of the courts should be proclaimed, and that a levy 
should be held of every sort of men. Not only was 
the oath administered to free citizens of military 
age, but cohorts were also formed out of older men, 
and freedmen were mustered into centuries. Plans 
were discussed for defending the City, and the 
supreme command was given to the praetor, Publius 
Sempronius. But the senators were relieved of a 
part of their anxiety by a dispatch from Lucius 
A'olumnius, the consul, apprising them of the 
slaughter and dispersion of the army that had 
ravaged Campania. They accordingly voted a 
thanksgiving for the victory, in the consul's name, 
and reopened the courts, which had been closed 
for eighteen days. The thanksgiving was a very 
joyful one. 



A-r.c. 7 Turn de praesidio regionis depopiilatae ab Samni- 
tibus agitari coeptum ; itaque placuit ut diiae coloniae 
circa \'escinum ^ et Falernum agrum deducerentur_, 

8 una ad ostium Liris fluvii, quae Minturnae appellata, 
altera in saltu Vescino Falernum contingente 
agrum, ubi Sinope dicitur Graeca urbs fuisse, Sinuessa 

9 deinde ab colonis Romanis appellata. Tribunis 
plebis negotium datum est, ut plebei scito iuberetur 
P. Sempronius praetor triumviros in ea loca colonis 

10 deducendis creare. Nee qui nomina darent facile 
inveniebantur, quia in stationem se prope perpetuam 
infestae regionis, non in agros mitti rebantur. 

11 Avertit ab eis curis senatum Etruriae ingravescens 
bellum et crebrae litterae Appi monentis ne regionis 

12 eius motum neglegerent : quattuor gentes conferre 
arma, Etruscos Samnites Umbros Gallos ; iam castra 
bifariam facta esse, quia unus locus capere tantam 

13 multitudinem non possit. Ob haec et — iam - appete- 
bat tempus — comitiorum causa L. Volumnius consul 
Romam revocatus : qui priusquam ad suffragium 
centurias vocaret, in contionem advocato populo 

14 multa de magnitudine belli Etrusci disseruit : iam 
tum cum ipse ibi cum collega rem pariter gesserit, 
fuisse tantum bellum ut nee duce uno nee exercitu 

^ Vescinum {uiid in § 8, Vescino) as at chajy. xx. § 1. 
2 et — iam Jf 'alters and Comcaij : et iam n : et nam Madvig : 
et iam enim Weissenhorn. 

1 Perhaps situated between Mons Massicus and the sea on 
the heights of Mondragone. 


BOOK X. xxi. 7 14 

They next considered how they might protect b.c. jge 
the region devastated by the Samuites^ and resolved 
to plant two colonies in the Vescinian and Falernian 
country, one, which was named Minturnae, at the 
mouth of the river Liris, the other in the Vescinian 
forest,^ hard by the Falernian district, where the 
Greek city of Sinope is said to have stood, there- 
after called Sinuessa by the Roman settlers. The 
tribunes of the plebs w'ere assigned the task of 
obtaining a plebiscite directing Publius Sempronius 
the praetor to appoint three commissioners to con- 
duct the colonists to these places ; yet it was not 
easy to find men who would enroll, since they 
regarded themselves as sent, not to settle on the 
land, but to serve almost as a perpetual outpost in 
a hostile territory. 

The senate's attention was diverted from these 
cares by the growing seriousness of the war in 
Etruria, and by a succession of dispatches from 
Appius, in which he warned them not to make 
light of the disturbance in that region. Four races, 
he said, were uniting their arms, the Etruscans, 
Samnites, Umbrians, and Gauls ; and they had 
already divided their camp into two, one place not 
being able to hold so great a multitude. For these 
reasons and because of the elections — the time for 
which was rapidly approaching — the consul Lucius 
Volumnius was recalled to Rome. Before summon- 
ing the centuries to vote, he brought the i)eople 
together in an assembly, and discoursed at length 
of the magnitude of the war in Etruria : even earlier, 
when he himself and his colleague had campaigned 
there together, the war had been so great that one 
general and one army could not have conducted it ; 



geri potuerit ; accessisse postea dici Umbros et 

15 ingentem exercitum Galloriim ; adversus quattuor 
popiilos duces consules illo die deligi meminissent. 
Se^ nisi confideret eum consensu populi Romani 
consulem declaratum iri qui baud dubie turn primus 
omnium ductor habeatur, dictatorem fuisse extemplo 

16 dicturum. 

XXII. Xemini dubium erat quin Fabius quintum 
omnium consensu destinaretur ; eumque et praero- 
gativae et primo vocatae omnes centuriae consulem 

2 cum L. Volumnio dicebant. Fabi oratio fuit qua! is 
biennio ante ; deinde^ ut vincebatur consensu, versa 

3 postremo ad collegam P. Decium poscendum : id 
senectuti suae adminiculum fore. Censura duo- 
busque consulatibus simul gestis expertum se nihil 
concordi collegio firmius ad rem publicam tuendam 
esse. Xovo imperii socio vix iam adsuescere senilem 

4 animum posse ; cum moribus notis facilius se 
communicaturum consiba. Subscripsit orationi eius 
consul cum meritis P. Deci laudibus, tum quae ex 
Concordia consulum bona quaeque ex discordia mala 
in administratione rerum militarium evenirent me- 

5 morando, quamque^ pro})e ultimum discrimen suis 
et collegae certaminibus nuper ventum foret, admo- 

6 nendo ; Decium Fabiumque uno animo, una mente ^ 

^ quamque Didrer: quam H. 

* uno . . . vivere Ussing : ut uno . . . uiuerent CI : qui 
uno . . . viverent Harant. 

1 The praerogafivae were the 18 centuries of knights ; the 
others here referred to were the 80 centuries of the first 
class, cf. I. xliii. 11. 

BOOK X. XXI. 14-XX11. 6 

but it was said that the Umbrians had since thenB.c.29G 
been added to the enemy's forces, as well as a huge 
army of Gauls ; they should remember that on that 
day they were choosing consuls to oppose four 
peoples ; for his own part, were he not confident 
that the Roman People would unanimously choose 
for consul the man who was then looked upon as 
unquestionably the first of all commanders, he would 
at once have named him dictator. 

XXII. No one doubted that Fabius would by the c.c. 295 
common voice of all be for the fifth time elected ; 
and in fact the prerogative centuries and all those 
which were summoned first ^ were naming him 
consul, together with Lucius \'olumnius. Fabius 
then made a speech, to the same purport as he had 
done two years before ; but, overborne by the 
general agreement, he ended by requesting that he 
might have for colleague Publius Decius, who would 
be a prop to his old age. In the censorship and the 
two consulships which he had shared with Decius, 
he had found that nothing more tended to the pre- 
servation of the commonwealth than the harmony 
of colleagues. To a new partner in authority he 
could now hardly hope to adapt an old man's mind : 
with one whose character he knew, it would be 
easier to share his counsels. His plea was seconded 
by the consul, who bestowed well-merited praise on 
Publius Decius, and recalling the advantages that 
accrued from harmony betwixt the consuls to the 
administration of military measures and the harm 
that resulted from their discord, reminded his hearers 
how dire had been the danger occasioned lately 
by the strife between himself and his colleague. 
Decius and Fabius, he said, were of one heart and 



vivere ; esse praeterea viros natos militiae. factis 
magnos^ ad verborum linguaeque certamina rudes. 

7 Ea ingenia consularia esse : callidos sollertesque, 
iuris atqiie eloquentiae consultos, qualis Ap, Claudius 
esse t J urbi ac foro ^ praesides habendos praetoresque 

8 ad reddenda iura creandos esse. His agendis dies 
est consumptus. Postridie ad praescriptum consulis 

9 et consularia et praetoria comitia hal)ita. Consules 
creati Q. Fabius et P. Decius, A p. Claudius praetor, 
omnes absentes ; et L. Volumnio ex senatus 
consulto et scito plebis prorogatum in annum 
imperium est. 

XXI 11. Eo anno prodigia multa fuerunt, quorum 
averruncandorum causa supplicationes in biduum 

2 senatus decre^it ; publice vinum ac tus praebitum ; ^ 

3 supplicatum iere frequentes viri feminaeque. Insig- 
nem supplicationem fecit certamen in sacello Pudi- 
citiae Patriciae, quae in foro Bovario est ad aedem 

4 rotundam Herculis,, inter matronas ortuni. Ver- 
giniam, Auli filiam, patriciam plebeio nuptam, L. 
V'olumnio consuli, matronae, quod e patribus enup- 
sisset, sacris arcuerant. Brevis altercatio inde ex 
iracundia muliebri in contentionem animorum ex- 

Vforo F^IPA^ : fori (tori J/) n : fortes A. 
- praebitum A^ : prae(o/- pre-)bituum MPA : p [or per-) 
biduum P^FUT^ : plebitum TD : plebi tuum L. 

^ Where the law-courts were held. 

2 Fabius and Decius can onh* have been absent from the 
voting place, but Appius was aM'ay from Rome. 

^ Ir is likely that the tradition of a shrine to Pudicitia in 
the Forum Boarium is due to a confusion of this goddess 
\dth Fortuna Virgo, who had a chapel there near the temple 
of Mater Matuta (a birth-goddess), and wa^, like her, a 
woman's goddess. Young brides dedicated to her their 
maiden's dress, on marrying, and the mistake was favoured 


BOOK X. XXII. 6-xxiii. 4 

one mind^ and were^ besides, men born for war, b.c. 295 
great in their deeds, but unskilled in the strife of 
words and of the tongue. Theirs were talents meet 
for the consul's office. But shrewd and clever men_, 
masters of the law and of eloquence, like Appius 
Claudius, should be had to preside over the City 
and the Forum,^ and should be elected praetors to 
administer justice. With these transactions the day 
was taken up. On the following day, by the direc- 
tion of the consul, elections were held both of 
consuls and of praetors. Quintus Fabius and Publius 
Decius were chosen consuls and Appius Claudius 
praetor — all three being absent ^ — and the senate 
passed a decree, which the people ratified, prolonging 
for a year the command of Lucius \'olumnius. 

XXIII. In that year were many portents, to avert 
which the senate decreed supplications for two days. 
Wine and incense were provided by the state, and 
the people went in throngs to offer their prayers 
— both men and women. The supplication was 
rendered memorable by a quarrel that broke out 
among the matrons in the chapel of Patrician 
Modesty, which stands in the Cattle Market, by 
the round temple of Hercules.^ ^'erginia, Aulus's 
daughter, a patrician wedded to a commoner, 
Lucius ^'olamnius the consul, had been excluded 
by the matrons from their ceremonies, on the ground 
that she had married out of the patriciate. This 
led to a short dispute, which the hot anger of the 
sex soon kindled to a blaze of passionate contention. 

by the unusual circumstance that the image of Fortuna 
Virgo was veiled. The story preserved by Livy is an attempt 
to explain the epithet of Pudicitia 'Plebeia (§ 7). See 
Wissowa, Religion uml Kultus der Romer (19122), pp. 257, 333. 



A..U.C. 5 arsitj cum se Verginia et patriciam et pudicani in 
■Patriciae Pudicitiae templum ingressam et uni niip- 
tam ad quern virgo deducta sit, nee se viri honorumve 
eius ac reruni gestaruni paenitere_, ex vero^ gloriaretur. 

6 Facto deinde egregio magnifica verba adauxit : in 
vico LongOj ubi habitabat, ex parte aedium quod satis 
esset loci modico sacello exclusit, aramque ibi posuit 
et convocatis plebeiis matronis conquesta iniuriam 

7 patriciarum " Hanc ego aram " inquit '' Pudicitiae 
Plebeiae dedico vosque hortor, ut quod certamen 

8 virtutis viros in hac civitate tenet, hoc pudicitiae 
inter matronas sit detisque operam ut haec ara 
quam ilia, si quid potest, sanctius et a castioribus 

9 coli dicatur." Eodem fernie ritu et haec ara quo 
ilia antiquior culta est, ut nulla nisi spectatae pudi- 
citiae niatrona et quae "Uni viro nupta fuisset ius 

10 sacrificandi haberet. Volgatadein religio a pollutis,^ 
nee matronis solum sed omnis ordinis feminis, po- 
stremo in oblivionem venit. 

1 1 Eodem anno Cn. et Q. Ogulnii aediles curules aliquot 

12 feneratoribus diem dixerunt ; quorum bonis multatis 
ex eo quod in publicum redactum est aenea in 
Capitolio limina et trium mensarum argentea vasa in 
cella lovis lovemque in culmine cum quadrigis et ad 
ficum Ruminalem simulacra infantium conditorum 

^ ex vero Madvig : uero H: iierum A^i vere Douiatms. 
^ a pollutis n : cum pollutis H. J. Mueller : poUutis 

^ Popular etymology made Ruminalis come from Romularis 
and that from Romulus. It was in the overflow of the Tiber 
near this fig-tree that the twins were exposed (i. iv. 5). 


BOOK X. XXIII. 4-12 

^ erginia boasted^ and with reason, that she had b.c, 295 
entered the temple of Patrician Modesty both a 
patrician and a modest woman, as having been 
wedded to the one man to whom she had been 
given as a maiden, and was neither ashamed of her 
husband nor of his honours and his victories. She 
then added a noble deed to her proud words. In 
the Vicus Longus, where she lived, she shut off a 
part of her mansion, large enough for a shrine of 
moderate size, and, erecting there an altar, called 
together the plebeian matrons, and after complaining 
of the injurious behaviour of the patrician ladies, 
said, ^' I dedicate this altar to Plebeian Modesty ; 
and I urge you, that even as the men of our state 
contend for the meed of valour, so the matrons may 
vie for that of modesty, that this altar may be said 
to be cherished — if it be possible — more reverently 
than that, and by more modest women." This altar, 
too, was served with almost the same ritual as that 
more ancient one, so that no matron but one of 
proven modesty, who had been wedded to one man 
alone, should have the right to sacrifice. Afterwards 
the cult was degraded by polluted worshippers, not 
matrons only but women of every station, and 
passed finally into oblivion. 

In that same year Gnaeus and Quintus Ogulnius 
the curule aediles brought a number of usurers to 
trial, and, confiscating their possessions, emploved 
the share which came into the public treasury to 
put brazen thresholds in the Capitol, and silver 
vessels for the three tables in the shrine of Jupiter, 
and a statue of the god in a four-horse chariot on 
the roof, and at the fig-tree Ruminalis ^ a repre- 
sentation of the infant Founders of the City being 



urbis sub uberibus lupae posueruiit semitamque saxo 
13 quadrato a Capena porta ad Martis straveriuit. Et 
ab aedilibus plebeiis L. Aelio Paeto et C. Fulvio 
Curvo ex multaticia item pecunia, quam exegerunt 
pecuariis damnatis, ludi fac.ti pateraeque aureae ad 
Cereris positae. 

XXIV. Q. inde Fabius quintum et P. Decius 

2 quartum consulatuni ineunt^ tribus consulatibus 
censuraque collegae nee gloria magis rerum, quae 
ingens erat, quani concordia inter se clan. Quae 
ne perpetua esset, ordinum magis quam ipsorum 
inter se certamen intervenisse reor, patriciis tenden- 

3 tibus ut Fabius Etruriam ^ extra ordinem provinciam 
haberet, plebeis auctoribus Decio ut ad sortem rem 

4 vocaret.2 Fuit certe contentio in senatu et post- 
quam ibi Fabius plus poterat^ revocata res ad popu- 
Imii est. In contione,^ ut inter militares viros et 
factis potius quam dictis fretos, pauca verba habita. 

5 Fabius, quam arborem conse\isset,* sub ea legere 
alium fructum indignum esse dicere ; ^ se aperuisse 
Ciminiam silvam viamque per devios saltus Romano 

6 bello fecisse. Quid se id aetatis sollicitassent, si 
alio duce gesturi bellum essent ? Nimirum adver- 

^ Etruriam r : in Etruriam MPFTLA^: in etruria U. 

^ rem vocaret Conivay: rem rev ocsivet Listovius : reuocaret 


2 in contione r ; in contionera MTA^ : in contentionem 

* consevisset F^F^A-[or A^jGlareanus: conseruisset (-set 
et Pj n. 

^ dicere A^ or A^ : diceret Q. 

^ Convicted probabh' of using for grazing purposes more 
of the public domain than they were legally entitled to 



suckled by the wolf. They also made a paved walk b.c. 295 
of squared stone from the Porta Capena to the 
temple of Mars. And the plebeian aediles Lucius 
Aelius Paetus and Gaius Fulvius Curvus, likewise 
with the money from fines, which they exacted from 
convicted graziers,^ held games and provided golden 
bowls for the temple of Ceres. 

XXIV. After that Quintus Fabius (for the fifth 
time) and Publius Deciiis (for the fourth) began 
their consulship, having thrice been colleagues br 
that office and once in the censorship, and beiiig 
not more distinguished for the renown, great though 
that was, of their achievements than for their 
harmonious co-operation. This, however, was not 
destined to be permanent, though its interruption 
was due, I think, more to rivalry between the orders 
than to their own ; for the patricians strove that 
Fabius should have the command in Etruria without 
drawing lots, and the plebeians insisted that Decius 
should demand that method of determining the 
question. At all events there was a contention 
in the senate, and Fabius proving to be the stronger 
there, the case was carried before the people. In 
the assembly the speeches were short, as befitted 
soldiers and men w^ho trusted more to deeds than to 

Fabius argued that when one man had planted a 
tree, it was unfair that another should gather the 
fruit that dropped from it ; it was he that had 
opened up the Ciminian Forest and had made a 
path for Roman arms through remote and desert 
tnicts. Why, pray, had they troubled him, old as 
he was, if they had meant to wage tiie war with 
another general .' It was only too clear, he said — 



A.u.c. sariuin se, non socium imperii legisse sensini expro- 
brat et invidisse Decium concordibus collegiis tribus. 

7 Postremo se tendere nihil ultra quam ut, si dignuni 
provincia ducerent, in earn mitterent : in senatus 
arbitrio se fuisse et in potestate populi futurum. 

P. Decius senatus iniuriam querebatur : quoad 

8 potuerint, patres adnisos ne plebeiis ^ aditus ad 
magnos honores asset ; postquam ipsa virtus pervi- 

9 cerit ne in ullo genere hominum inhonorata esset, 
quaeri quemadmodum inrita sint non suffragia modo 
populi sed arbitria etiam fortunae et in paucorum 

10 potestatem vertantur. Omnes ante se consules 
sortitos provincias esse : nunc extra sortem Fabio 

11 senatum provinciam dare^ — si honoris eius. causa, ita 
eum de se deque re publica meritum esse ut faveat 
Q. Fabi gloriae quae modo non sua contumelia 

12 splendeat. Cui autem dubium esse, ubi unum bellum 
sit asperum ac difficile, cum id alteri extra sortem 
mandetur, quin alter consul pro supervacaneo atque 

13 inutili habeatur ? Gloriari Fabium rebus in Etruria 
gestis : velle et P. Decium gloriari. Et forsitan, quern 
ille obrutum ignem reliquerit, ita ut totiens novum 

14 ex improviso incendium daret, eum se exstincturum. 
Postremo se collegae honores praemiaque conces- 

1 plebeiis {or plebeis) Dx edd. : plebis (plebi A^) H. 

BOOK X. XXIV. 6-14 

taking gradually a more reproachful tone — that he c.c. 295 
had selected an adversary, not a partner in com- 
mand, and that Decius had begrudged the friendly 
spirit in which they had administered three offices 
together. Finally, he asked no more than that if 
they thought him worthy of the command they 
should give it to him ; he had submitted to the 
decision of the senate and would obey the people. 

Publius Decius complained of the senate's in- 
justice : as long as they were able, the Fathers had 
striven to deny the plebeians access to great honours ; 
and since native worth had of its own strength won 
the right to be recognized in any class of men, they 
were seeking to make of none effect not only the 
suffrages of the people but also the awards of 
Fortune, and to subject them to the control of a 
few. All the consuls who had preceded him had 
drawn lots for their commands, but the senate was 
now conferring a command on Fabius without the 
lot. If they were doing this to honour him, he 
would say that the man had deserved so well both 
of himself and of the state that he stood ready to 
promote the glory of Fabius, provided only that its 
lustre were not purchased with insult to himself. 
But who could doubt, when there was one difficult, 
dangerous war, and this was entrusted without lots 
to one of the consuls, that the other was regarded 
as superfluous and useless? Fabius gloried in his 
Etruscan victories : Publius Decius would fain glory 
too. And perhaps that fire which Fabius had left 
1 covered up, but so that it was continually breaking- 
out into new flames, might be by him extinguished. 
In short he was willing, for the reverence he bore 
his colleague's years and dignity, to yield to him 



A.r.r. surum verecundia aetatis eius maiestatisque ; cum 
periculum^ cum dimicatio ^ proposita sit, neque cedere 

15 sua sponte neque cessurum ; et si nihil aliud ex eo 
certamine tulerit. illud certe laturum ut quod po- 
puli sit populus iubeat potius quam patres gratificen- 

16 tur. lovem optimum maximum deosque immortales 
se precari ut ita sortem aequam sibi cum collega 
dent si eandem virtutem felicitatemque in bello 

17 administrando daturi sint. Certe et id natura aequum 
et exemplo utile esse et ad famam populi Romani 
pertinere, eos consules esse quorum utrolibet duce 
bellum Etruscum geri recte possit. 

18 Fabius nihil aliud precatus populum Romanum 
quam ut, priusquam intro vocarentur ad suffragium 
tribus, Ap. Claudi praetoris allatas ex Etruria litteras 
audirent, comitio abiit.^ Nee minore populi con- 
sensu quam senatus provincia Etruria extra sortem 
Fabio decreta est. 

XX\'. Concursus inde ad consulem factus omnium 
ferme iuniorum et pro se quisque nomina dabant ; 
tanta cupido erat sub eo duce stipendia faciendi. 

2 Qua circumfusus turba '•' Quattuor milia " inquit 
^•'peditum et sescentos equites dumtaxat scribere in 
animo est ; hodierno et crastirio die qui nomin; 

3 dederitis mecum ducam. Maiorl mihi curae est ut 
omnes locupletes reducam quam ut multis rem 

4 geram militibus." Profectus apto exercitu et eo 

^ cum dimicatio ;- : tum dimicatio AfA^ : dimicatio CI. 
* comitio abiit A^ or A* : comitio abit g-: comitia habuit 
(jjerhaps abuit A) n. 

BOOK X. XXIV. 14-XXV. 4 

honours and re"svards ; but when peril^ when strife^ b.c. 295 
was set before them — he yielded not. of his own 
consent — nor ever would. And if he got nothing 
else by this contest^ one thing at any rate he would 
get^that what belonged to the people should be 
disposed of by the people, not bestowed by the 
Fathers as a favour. To Jupiter Optimus Maxinius 
and the immortal gods he prayed that they would 
grant him an equal chance in the lot with his 
colleague only if they were ready to grant him the 
same courage and the same good fortune in the 
administration of the war. At least it was a thing 
in its nature reasonable, in its example salutary, and 
material to the reputation of the Roman People, that 
the consuls should be such that the Etruscan war 
could be managed aright under the leadership of 
either one of them. 

Fabius only prayed the Roman people to listen, 
before the tribes were called to vote, to a dispatch 
of Appius Claudius the praetor that had been brought 
in from Etruria. He then left the comitium, and the 
people then, as unanimously as the senate had done, 
decreed that Fabius should have the command in 
Etruria without drawing lots. 

XXV. Nearly all the younger men now Hocked 
about the consul, and each gave in his name, so 
eager were they to serve under such a captain. 
Surrounded by this throng he said, '' I have in mind 
to enrol no more than four thousand foot and six 
hundred horse ; I will take with me those of you 
who give in your names to-day and to-morrow. I 
am more concerned to bring all my men back with 
their purses filled than to wage war with manv 
soldiers." Marching out with a fit army, which was 


G G 2 


^.u.c. plus fiduciae ac spei gerente quod non desiderata 
multitudo eratj ad oppidum Aharnam, unde baud 
procul hostes erant, ad castra Appi praetoris pergit. 

5 Paucis citra milibus lignatores ei cum praesidio 
occurruut ; qui at lictores praegredi viderunt Fa- 
biumque esse consulem accepere, laeti atque alacres 
dis populoque Romano gi-ates agunt quod eum sibi 

6 imperatorem misissent. Circumfusi deinde cum 
consulem salutarent^ quaerit Fabius quo pergerent, 
respondentibusque lignatum se ire, '' Ain tandem: " 

7 inquit, '•num castra vallata non habetis ? " Ad hoc 
cum succlamatum esset duplici quidem vallo et fossa 
et tamen in ingenti metu esse, '' Habetis igitur " 
inquit ^''adfatim lignorum ; redite et vellite vallum." 

8 Redeunt in castra terroremque ibi vellentes vallum 
et iis qui in castris remanserant militibus et ipsi 

9 Appio fecerunt ; tum pro se quisque alii aliis dicere 
consulis se Q. Fabi facere iussu. Postero inde die 
castra mota et Appius praetor Romam dimissus. 

10 Inde nusquam stativa Romanis fuere. Xegabat 
utile esse uno loco sedere exercitum ; itineribus ac 
mutatione locorum mol)iliorem ac' salubriorem esse. 
Fiebant autem itinera, quanta fieri sinebat hiemj)S 
hauddum exacta. 

11 Vere inde primo relicta secunda legione ad Clu- 

1 Probably = Arna, across the Tiber from Perusia, and 
about six miles due east of it. 
* sc. for use as firewood. 


BOOK X. XXV. 4-1 1 

all the more confident and hopeful because lie had B.c.29d 
not desired a great host, he took his way towards 
the town of Aharna,^ from which the enemy were 
not far distant, to the camp of Appius the praetor. 
A few miles this side the camp he encountered some 
men who had come out with an armed escort to 
gather wood. These people, seeing the lictors in 
the van and learning that Fabius was consul, with 
lively manifestations of satisfaction gave thanks to 
the gods and to the Roman People for having sent 
him to be their general. Then, as they trooped 
about him and hailed him consul, Fabius asked 
whither they were bound, and they answered that 
they were come out to get wood. "Is it possible," 
he cried, " that you have no rampart round your 
camp ? " and, on their shouting back that they had 
a double rampart and a trench and yet were in 
mortal fear, "Then you have quite wood enough," 
said he; "go back and pull up your stockade." ^ 
Returning to camp they began pulling up the palings, 
to the terror of their comrades who had stayed 
behind, as well as of Appius himself, till the news 
was spread, as each talked with his neighbours, that 
they were acting under orders of the consul Quintus 
Fabius. On the morrow the camp was removed and 
the praetor Appius was sent away to Rome. Thence- 
forward the Romans had no permanent camp any- 
where. It was of no use, Fabius maintained, for 
the army to sit down in one place : by marching 
and shifting its position it grew more mobile and 
more healthy. The marches, of course, were such 
as could be made at a season when winter was not 
yet over. 

In the early spring, leaving the second legion in 



sium, quod Camars olim appellabant^ praepositoque 
castris L. Sci})ione pro praetore Romam ipse ad con- 

12 sultandum de hello rediit, sive ipse sponte sua, quia 
bellum ei maius in conspectu erat quam quantum 
esse faniae crediderat sive senatus consulto accitus ; 

13 nam in utrumque auctores sunt. Ab Ap. Claudio 
praetore retractum quidam videri volunt, cum in 
senatu et apud populum, id quod per litteras adsidue 
fecerat, terrorem l)elli Etrusci augeret : non suffectu- 
rum ducera unum nee exercitum unum adversus 

14 quattuor populos ; periculum ^ esse, sive iuncti unum 
premant sive diversi gerant bellum, ne ad omnia 

15 simul obire unus non possit. Duas se ibi legiones 
Romanas reliquisse et minus quinque milia peditum 
equitumque cum Fabio venisse. Sibi placere P. 
Decium consulem primo quoque tempore in Etruriam 
ad collegam proficisci, L. Volumnio Samnium pro- 
vinciam dari ; si consul malit in suam provinciam 

16 ire, Volumnium in Etruriam ad consulem cum exer- 

17 citu iusto consulari proficisci. Cum magnam partem 
moveret oratio praetoris, P. Decium censuisse ferunt 
ut omnia Integra ac libera Q. Fabio servarentur, 
donee vel ipse, si per commodum rei publicae posset, 
Romam venisset vel aliquem ex legatis misisset, a 

18 quo disceret senatus quantum in Etruria belli esset 

^ periciilinn ^ Grovovius: periculos MP: periculosura n. 

^ i.e. two Roman legions with the usual complement of 
cavalry and allies. 


BOOK X. XXV. 1 1-18 

the neighbourhood of Clusium — which they used ofsx. 29" 
old to call Camars — and putting Lucius Scipio, as 
propraetor^ in charge of the camp^ Fabius himself 
returned to Rome to consult about the war, either 
voluntarily, because he had a task in prospect that 
was greater than he had believed the reports to 
signify, or, it may be, summoned by the senate ; for 
both accounts are vouched for. Some would have 
it appear that he was compelled to return by 
Appius Claudius the praetor, who continued to 
exaggerate the perils of the Etruscan war in the 
senate and before the people, as he had done per- 
sistently in his dispatches. It was not enough, he 
said, to" have one commander and one army against 
four nations : the danger was — whether they united 
to overwhelm him or campaigned separately — that 
one man would be incapable of meeting simultane- 
ously all emergencies. He himself had left on the 
ground two Roman legions, and less than five 
thousand infantry and cavalry had come with Fabius. 
It was his opinion that Publius Decius the consul 
should march at the very earliest moment to 
Etruria, to join his colleague, and that Lucius 
Volumnius should be given the command in 
Samnium ; or, if the consul preferred to go out 
to his own province, that A^olumnius should set 
out for Etruria with a regular consular army.^ 
The majority were moved by the praetor's speecli, 
but Publius Decius — so they say — advised that all 
be left to the free and unhampered judgment of 
Quintus Fabius, until Fabius should either come 
to Rome himself — if this were compatible with 
public policy — or send some one of his lieutenants, 
to inform the senate how great a war was on foot 



quantisque administrandum copiis et quot per duces 

XXVI. Fabius, ut lloniam rediit^ et in senatii et 
prodiictus ad populimi mediam orationeni liability 
ut nee augere nee minuere videretur belli famam 
magisque in altero adsumendo duce aliorum indul- 
gere tiniori quam suo aut rei publicae periculo con- 

2 sulere. Ceterum si sibi adiutorem belli sociumque 
imperii darent, quonam inodo se oblivisci P. Deci 

3 consulis per tot collegia experti posse? Neminem 
omnium secum coniungi malle ; et copiarum satis 
sibi cum P. Decio et nunquam nimium hostium fore ; 
sin collega quid aliud mallet,^ at sibi L. Volumnium 

4 darent adiutorem. Omnium rerum arbitrium et a 
populo et a senatu et ab ipso collega Fabio permis- 
sum est ; et cum P. Decius se vel in Samnium vel ^ 
in Etruriam proficisci paratum esse ostendisset^, tanta 
laetitia ac gratulatio fuit ut praeciperetur victoria 
animis trium])husque non bellum decretum consulibus 

5 Invenio a])ud (|UOsdam extemplo consulatu inito 
j)rofectos in Etruriam Fabium Deciumque sine ulla 
mentione sortis provinciaruin certaminumque inter 

6 coUegas quae exposui. Sunt quibus ne haec quidem 

1 mallet Weissenborn : mallit n : malit F^FUT^D^A"^. 

- vel in Samnium vel R. J. Mueller : in Samnium 
uel n. 

BOOK X. XXV. 18-XXV1. 6 

in Etruria^ and with what forces^ commanded by 
how many generals^ it ought to be conducted. 

XXVI. Fabius^ when he returned to Rome^ both 
in the senate and afterwards in speaking to the 
people^ steered a middle course, that he might 
appear neither to exaggerate the current reports 
about the war nor minimize them, and in accepting 
an additional commander to be rather consulting 
the fears of others than guarding against a danger 
to himself or the re})ublic. For the rest, if they 
chose to give him a helper in the war and a partner 
in authority, how — he asked — could he possibly 
forget Publius Decius the consul, whom he had 
proved so often when they liad been colleagues ? 
There was no one living with whom he would sooner 
share his commission ; he should have troops enough, 
if Decius were with him, and his enemies would 
never be too numerous. But if his colleague pre- 
ferred some other arrangement, let them give him 
Lucius Volumnius to be his coadjutor. The decision 
in regard to everything was left by the people and 
the senate, and by his colleague himself, entirely 
to Fabius ; and when Publius Decius had made 
known his readiness to set out either for Samnium 
or Etruria, there were such rejoicings and con- 
gratulations that men tasted the sweets of victory 
in anticipation, and it seemed as though the consuls 
had been voted a triumph and not a war. 

I find in some historians that Fabius and Decius 
set out for Etruria at the very beginning of their 
consulship, and they make no mention of the casting 
of lots for provinces or of the disputes betwixt the 
colleagues which I have described.. On the other 
hand, even these disputes have not been enough 



certamina exponere satis fiiit ; adiecerunt ^ et Appi 
criminationes de Fabio absente ad populum et per- 
tinaciain adversus praesentem consuleni praetoris 
contentionemque aliam inter collegas, tendente Decio 

7 lit suae quisque provinciae sortem tueretur. Con- 
stare res incipit ex eo tempore quo profecti ambo 
consules ad bellum sunt. 

Ceterum antequam consules in Etruriani perveni- 
rent^ Senones Gaili multitudine ingenti ad Clusium 
venerunt legionem Romanani eastraque oppugnaturi. 

8 Scipio, qui castris praeerat^ loco adiuvandam pauci- 
tatem suorum militum ratus, in collem ^ qui inter 

9 urbem et castra erat aciem erexit. Sed^ ut in re 
subita^ })arum explorato itinere ad iugum perrexit 
quod hostes ceperant parte alia adgressi. Ita caesa 
ab tergo legio atque in medio, cum hostis undique 

10 urgeret, circumventa. Deletam quoque ibi legio- 
nem, ita ut nuntius non superesset, quidam auctores 

11 sunt, nee ante ad consules, qui iam baud j^rocul a 
Clusio aberant, famam eius cladis perlatam quam 
in conspectu fuere Gallorum equites, ])ectoribus 
equorum suspensa gestantes capita et lanceis infixa 

12 ovantesque moris sui carmine. Sunt qui Umbros 
fuisse non Gallos tradant, nee tantum cladis accep- 
tum et circumventis pabulatoribus cum L. Manlio 
Torquato legato Scipionem proj)raetorem suljsidiura 

^ adiecerunt Rcinsins : adiecerint CI. 
2 in collem - : in colle (cole P) n. 

^ Possibly a son .of tlie consul who was thrown from his 
horse and killed in 299 e.g. See chap. xi. § 1. 


BOOK X. XXVI. 6-12 

for some, but they have added invectives pronounced b.c. 295 
by Appius before the people against the absent 
Fabius, and stubborn opposition on the praetor's 
part to the consul who was present, and another 
quarrel between the colleagues, when Decius urged 
that each should attend to his allotted })rovince. 
Tlie authorities begin to be in agreement from the 
moment that both consuls set out for the seat of war. 
But before the consuls could reach Etruria, the 
Senonian Gauls were come with a great multitude 
to Clusium, to besiege the Roman legion in camp 
there. Scipio, who was in command, thought it 
necessary that he should gain the advantage of 
position to eke out the smallness of his numbers, 
and marched his troops up a hill situated between 
the city and his camp ; but, as happens in sudden 
emergencies, he had sent no scouts ahead of him, 
and led his men up to a ridge which was held by 
the enemy, who had approached it from another 
direction. Thus the legion was attacked in the 
rear and found itself surrounded, with the enemy 
assailing it from every quarter. Some writers say 
that the legion was even annihilated there, so that 
none survived to bear away the tidings, and that 
the consuls, who were not far from Clusium, got no 
report of the disaster till some Gallic horsemen 
came in sight, with heads hanging at their horses' 
breasts or fixed on their lances, and singing their 
customary song of triumph. Others allege that 
they were not Gauls but Umbrians, and that the 
reverse experienced was not so great. Some 
foragers, according to their account, under Lucius 
Manlius Torquatus,i a lieutenant, had been cut off, 
and Scipio the propraetor sallied forth from the 



e castris tulisse victoresque Umbros redintegrate 
proelio victos esse captivosque eis ac praedam 

13 ademptam. Similius vero est a Gallo hoste quara 
Umbro earn cladem acceptam, quod cum saepe alias 
tuni eo anno Gallici tumultus praecipuus terror 

14 civitatem tenuit. Itaque praeterquam quod ambo 
consules profecti ad bellum erant cum quattuor 
legionibus et magno equitatu Romano Campanisque 
mille equitibus delectis^ ad id l)ellum missis, et 
sociorum nominisque Latini maiore exercitu quam 

15 Romano, alii duo exercitus haud procul urbe Etruriae 
oppositi, unus in Falisco alter in Vaticano agro. 
Cn. Fulvius et L. Postumius Megellus^ propraetores 
ambo, stativa in eis locis habere iussi. 

XXVII. Consules ad hostes transgressos Appen- 
ninum - in agrum Sentinatem pervenerunt. Ibi 
quattuor milium ferme intervallo castra posita. 

2 Inter hostes deinde consultationes habitae atque 
ita convenit ne unis castris miscerentur omnes 

3 neve in aciem descenderent simul ; Samnitibus 
Galli, Etruscis Umbri adiecti. Dies indicta pugnae ; 
Samniti Gallisque delegata pugna ; inter ipsum 
certamen Etrusci Umbrique iussi castra Romana 

4 ojipugnare. Haec consilia turbarunt transfugae 
Chisini tres clam nocte ad Fabium consulem 
transgressi, qui editis hostium consiliis dimissi cum 

1 Megellus Sigonius {from chap, xxxii. § 1): megillus 
(megillius A) CI. 

* transgressos Appenninum Gronovius : transgresso Ap- 
pennino Ci. 



camp to their relief^ and renewing the battle de- b.c. 
feated the victorious Umbrians and took from them 
their ])risoners and their booty. It is more probable 
that the discomfiture was incurred at the hands of 
a Gallic than of an Umbrian enemy, since appre- 
hensions of a GaUic rising, which had often at other 
times troubled the Romans, were in that year 
particularly alarming. And so, not only did both 
consuls go out to war, having four legions and a 
strong body of Roman cavalry, together with a 
thousand picked horse from Campania— furnished 
for this campaign — and an army of allies and Latins 
that outnumbered the Romans ; but two other 
armies were posted over against Etruria, not far 
from the City, one in the Faliscan district and the 
other in the ^'atican. Gnaeus Fulvius and 
Lucius Postumius Megellus — propraetors both — were 
ordered to maintain a standing camp there. 

XXVIL The consuls came up with the enemy — 
who had crossed the Apennines — in the territory 
round Sentinum, and went into camp about four 
miles off. Consultations were then held amongst 
the enemy and they decided not to unite all their 
forces in one camp nor to give battle all together ; 
to the Samnites were joined the Gauls and to the 
Etruscans the men of Lmbria. A day was designated 
for the battle, and the Samnites and Gauls were 
appointed to make the attack ; in the midst of the 
engagement the Etruscans and the Umbrians were 
to assault the Roman camp. These plans were 
upset by three Clusinian deserters who came over 
secretly in the night to Fabius, and having informed 
him of the enemy's designs were rewarded and sent 
back again, so that from time to time, as each new 



A.u.c. donisj lit subinde iit qiiaeque res nova decreta esset 

*^^ 5 exploratam perferrent. Consul es Fulvio ut ex 

Falisco, Postumio ut ex Vatieano exercitum ad 

Clusium admoveant summaque vi fines hostium 

6 depopulentur scribunt. Huius populationis fama 
Etruscos ex agro Sentinate ad suos fines tuendos 
movit. Instare inde consules, ut absentibus iis 

7 pugnaretur. Per biduum lacessiere proelio hostem ; 
bidao nihil dignum dictu actum : pauci utrimque 
cecidere magisque inritati sunt ad iustum certamen 
animi quam ad discrimen summa rerum adducta.^ 
Tertio die descensum in campum omnibus copiis 

8 Cum instructae acies starent, cerva fugiens lupum 
e montibus exacta per campos inter duas acies de- 
currit ; inde diversae ferae^ cerva ad Gallos, lupus 
ad Romanos cursum deflexit. Lupo data inter 

9 ordines via ; cervam Galli confixere. Turn ex ante- 
signanis Romanus miles *' Iliac fuga " inquit " et 
caedes vertit, ubi sacram Dianae feram iacentem 
videtis ; hinc victor Martius lupus^ integer et 
intactus, gentis nos Martiae et conditoris nostri 

10 Dextro cornu Galli, sinistro Samnites constiterunt. 
Adversus Samnites Q. Fabius primam ac tertiam 
legionem pro dextro cornu, adversus Gallos pro 

11 sinistro Decius quintam et sextam instruxit ; secunda 

^ adducta A- {or A^) : adducti F^ : addicta (-dita U) H. 

^ See chap, xxiii. § 12 for the bronze group which had 
recently been erected of the wolf suckling the twins (the 
Sons of Mars) and cf. the reference at xxii. i. 12 to a statue 
of Mars and images of wolves (a group?) on the Appian Waj'. 
Virgil uses the epithet Martius of the wolf {Ae-n. ix. 566) 
and Horace has Martialis lupos, at Carm. i. xvii. 9. 


BOOK X. XXVII. 4-1 1 

step should be decided on, they might find it out b.c. 295 
and report upon it. The consuls wrote to Fulvius 
and Postumius to march from their respective posts 
in the Faliscan and Vatican districts to Clusium_, and 
lay waste the territories of the enemy with the 
utmost rigour. The reports of this devastation drew 
off the Etruscans from the region of Sentinum to 
the defence of their own frontiers. Thereupon the 
consuls strove to bring about an engagement in 
their absence. For the space of two days they 
harassed the enemy, but in these two days there 
was nothing done worth telling : a few were slain 
on either side and spirits were whetted for a down- 
right battle, but the main issue was not brought to 
a decision. On the third day the opposing armies 
descended in full strength into the field. 

As they stood arrayed for battle, a hind, pursued 
by a wolf that had chased it down from the moun- 
tains, fled across the plain and ran between the 
two lines. They then turned in opposite directions, 
the hind towards the Gauls, the wolf towards the 
Romans. For the wolf a passage opened 
between the ranks, but the hind was killed by 
the Gauls. Then one of the front-rankers on the 
Roman side called out, '' That way flight and 
slaughter have shaped their course, where you see 
the beast lie slain that is sacred to Diana ; on this 
side the wolf of Mars, unhurt and sound, has reminded 
us of the Martian race and of our Founder."^ 

On the right wing stood the Gauls, on the left 
the Samnites. Facing the Samnites, Quintus Fabius 
drew up the first and third legions, to form the 
Roman right, while Decius marshalled the fifth and 
sixth on the Roman left, against the Gauls. The 



et quarta cum L. \'olumnio proconsule in Samnio 
gerebant ^ Ijellum. Prinio concursu adeo acquis 
viribus gesta res est ut si adfuissent Etrusci et 
Umbri, aut in acie aut in castris^ quocumque se 
inclinassent accipienda clades fuerit. 

XXVIII. Ceterum quamquam communis adhuc 
Mars belli erat necdum discrimen Fortuna fecerat 
qua datura vires esset, haudquaquam similis pugna 

2 in dextro laevoque cornu erat. Romani apud 
Fabium arcebant magis quam inferebant pugnam 
extrahebaturque in quam maxime serum diei cer- 

3 tamen. quia ita persuasum erat duci. et Samnites et 
Gallos primo impetu feroces esse^ quos sustinere 
satis sit : longiore certamine sensim residere Sam- 

4 nitium animos_, Gall or um quidem etiam corpora 
intolerantissima laboris atque aestus fluere primaque 
eorum proelia plus quam virorum. postrema minus 

5 quam feminarum esse. lu id tempus igitur quo 
vinci solebat hostis^ quam integerrimas vires militi 

6 servabat. Ferocior Decius et aetate fet vigore animi 
quantumcumque virium habuit certamine primo 
effudit. Et quia lentior videbatur pedestris pugna, 

7 equitatum in pugnam concitat et ipse fortissimae 
iuvenum turmae immixtus orat proceres iuventutis 
in hostem ut secum impetum faciant : duplicem 

^ gerebant - : gerebat H. 

BOOK X. XXVII. 1 1 -xxviii. 7 

second and the fourth were campaigning in Samnium b.c. 
under Lucius ^'olumnius the proconsul. At the 
first shock the strength put forth on both sides was 
so equal that if the Etruscans and the Umbrians 
had been present either in the battle or at the 
camp^ in whichever quarter they had thrown their 
weight the Romans must have suffered a disaster, 

XXVllI, But^ though so far it was a doubtful 
battle and Fortune had given no indication where 
she intended to bestow her mighty the fighting was 
very different on the right wing from what it was 
on the left. The Romans with Fabius were rather 
defending themselves than attacking, and were 
trying to prolong the struggle to as late an hour 
in the day as possible. This was because their 
general was persuaded that both Samnites and 
Gauls fouijht fiercelv at the outset of an ens^acre- 
ment, but only needed to be withstood; when a 
struggle was prolonged, little by little the spirits 
of the Samnites flagged, while the physical prowess 
of the Gauls, who could least of all men put up with 
heat and labour, ebbed away, and, whereas in the 
early stages of their battles they were more than 
men, they ended with being less than women. So 
until the time should come when tlie enemy were 
wont to fail, he was keeping his men as fresh as he 
could contrive to do. But Decius, with the greater 
impetuosity of his youth and spirits, expended all 
the strength he could muster in the first encounter. 
And because the fighting of the infantry seemed to 
languish, he called on the cavalry to attack, and 
attaching himself to the bravest squadron of troopers 
besought the youthful nobles to join him in a 
charge. Theirs, he said, would be a double share 




A.ux. illorum gloriam fore si ab laevo cornii et ab equite 

8 victoria incipiat. Bis avertere Gallicum equitatum ; 
iterum longius evectos et iam inter media peditum ^ 
agmina proelium cientes novum pugnae conterruit 

9 genus : essedis carrisque superstans armatus hostis 
ingenti sonitu equorum rotarumque advenit et in- 
solitos - eius tumultus Romanorum conterruit equos. 

10 Ita victorem equitatum velut lymphaticus pavor 
dissipat ; sternit inde ruentes equos virosque im- 

11 provida fuga. Turbata hinc etiam signa legionum 
multique impetu equorum ac vehiculorum raptorum 
per agmen obtriti antesignani ; et insecuta, simul 
territos hostes vidit, Gallica acies nullum spatium 
respirandi recipiendique se dedit. 

12 \'ociferari Decius^ quo fugerent quamve in fuga 
spem haberent ; obsistere cedentibus ac revocare 
fusos ; deinde, ut nulla vi perculsos sustinere poterat, 

13 patrei,!! P. Decium nomine compellans ^'^Quid ultra 
moror " inquit ^'familiare fatum ? Datum hoc nostro 
generi est ut luendis periculis publicis piacula simus. 
Iam ego mecum hostium legiones mactandas Telluri 
ac dis Manibus dabo." 

14 Haec locutus M. Livium pontificem, quem de- 
scendens in aciem digredi vetuerat ab se, praeire 

^ peditum Madviy : equitum (quitum .1/) D.. 
* insolitos r : insolitus n. 



of glory^ if victory should come first to the left wing b.c. 295 
and to the cavalry. Twice they drove the Gallic 
cavalry back. The second time they Mere carried 
on for a considerable distance and soon found them- 
selves in the midst of the companies of infantry, 
when they were subjected to a new and terrifying 
kind of assault ; for, standing erect in chariots and 
waggons, armed enemies came rushing upon them 
with a mighty clattering of hoofs and wheels, 
frightening the horses of the Romans with the 
unfamiliar din. Thus tlie victorious cavalry were 
scattered, as if by a panic fit of madness, and, 
suddenly fleeing, were overthrown, both horse and 
rider. From them the disorder was communicated 
to the standards of the legions, and many of the 
first line were trodden underfoot, as horses and 
chariots swept through their ranks. No sooner did 
the Gallic infantry perceive the confusion of their 
enemies than they charged, without leaving them 
a moment to recover or regain their breath. 

Decius cried out to them to tell him whither they 
were fleeing, or what hope they had in flight ; he 
endeavoured to stop them as they broke and ran, 
and to call them back ; then, his exertions proving 
powerless to stay their rout, he cried aloud on the 
name of his father Publius Decius. " ^Vhy," he 
asked, '^ do I seek any longer to postpone the doom 
of our house? It is the privilege of our family tliat 
we should be sacrificed to avert the nation's perils. 
Now will I offer up the legions of the enemy, to be 
slain with myself as victims to Earth and the Manes." 

On going down into the field of battle he had 
ordered Marcus Livius the pontifex not to leave his 
side. He now^ commanded this man to recite before 


H H 2 

A.U.C. iussit verba quibus se legionesque hostium pro 

15 exercitu populi Romani Quiritium devoveret. De- 
votus inde eadem precatione eodemque habitu quo 
pater P. Deciiis ad Veserim bello Latino se iusserat 

16 devoveri^ cum secundum sollemnes precationes 
adiecisset prae se agere sese formidinem ac fugam 

17 caedemque ac cruorem^ caelestium inferorum iras^con- 
tacturum^ funebribus diris signa tela arma hostium^ 
locumque eundem suae pestis ac Gallorum ac Sam- 

18 nitium fore, — haec exsecratus in se liostesque, qua 
confertissimam cernebat Gallorum aciem concitat 
equum inferensque se ipse infestis telis est inter- 

XXIX. Vix humanae inde opis videri pugna potuit. 
Romani duce amisso, quae res terrori alias esse solet. 
sistere fugam ac novam de integro velle instaurare 

2 pugnam : Galli, et maxime globus circumstans con- 
sulis corpus, velut alienata mente vana in cassum 
iactare tela; torpere quidam et nee pugnae memi- 

3 nisse nee fugae. At ex parte altera pontifex Livius. 
cui lictores Decius tradiderat iusseratque pro prae- 
tore 2 esse, vociferari vicisse Romanos defunctos 

4 consulis fato ; Gallos Samnitesque Telluris matris ac 
deorum Manium esse ; rapere ad se ac vocare Decium 
devotam secum aciem furiarumque ac formidinis 

5 plena omnia ad hostes esse. Superveniunt deinde 

^ contacturum -: contracturuin H. 

' pro praetore J- : propr. T^ {or T^): pro pr. J': ^ \> A^ h. 

propraetorem {or other corruptions) n. 

^ For the details of this earlier devotion consult viii. 
ix. 12. 


him the words with which he proposed to devote b.c. 295 
himself and the enemy's legions in behalf of the army 
of the Roman People, the Quiiites. He Mas then 
devoted with the same form of prayer and in the same 
habit his father, Publius Decius, had commanded to 
be used, when he was devoted at the A^eseris, in the 
Latin war^; and having added to the usual prayers 
that he was driving before him fear and panic, blood 
and carnage, and the wrath of gods celestial and gods 
infernal, and should blight with a curse the standards, 
weapons and armour of the enemy, and that one and 
the same place should witness his own destruction 
and that of the Gauls and Sfhmites, — having uttered, 
I say, these imprecations upon himself and the enemy, 
he spurred his charger against the Gallic lines, where 
he saw that they were thickest, and hurling himself 
against the weapons of the enemy met his death. 

XXIX. From that moment the battle seemed 
scarce to depend on human efforts. The Romans, 
after losing their general — an occurrence that is wont 
to inspire terror — fled no longer, but sought to 
redeem the field ; the Gauls, and especially the press 
about the body of the consul, as though deprived of 
reason, were darting their javelins at random and 
without effect, while some were in a daze, and could 
neither fight nor run away. But in the other army 
the pontifex Livius, to whom Decius had handed over 
his lictors, bidding him act as propraetor, cried aloud 
that the Romans had won the victory, being quit of 
all danger by the consul's doom. The Gauls, he said, 
and the Samnites were made over to Mother Earth 
and to the Manes ; Decius was haling after him their 
devoted host and calling it to join him, and with the 
enemy all was madness and despair. While the 



his restituentibus pugnam L. Cornelius Scipio et 
C. Marciiis cum subsidiis ex novissima acie iussu 
Q. Fabi consulis ad praesidium coUegae missi. Ibi 
auditur P. Deci eventus^ ingens hortamen ad omnia 

6 pro re publica audenda. Itaque cum Galli structis 
ante se scutis conferti starent nee facilis pede con- 
lato videretur pugna, iussu legatorum collecta humi 
pila quae strata inter duas acies iacebant atque in 

7 testudinem hostium coniecta ; quibus plerisque in 
scuta rarisque ^ in corpora ipsa fixis sternitur cuneus 
ita ut magna pars integris corporibus attoniti con- 
ciderent. Haec in sinistro cornu Romanorum for- 
tuna variaverat. • 

8 Fabius in dextro primo, ut ante dictum est^ cunc- 
tando extraxerat diem ; dein, postquam nee clamor 
hostium nee impetus nee tela missa eandem vim 

9 habere visa^ praefectis equitum iussis ad latus Samni- 
tium circumducere alas, ut signo dato in transversos 
quanto maximo possent impetu incurrerent, sensim 
suos signa inferre iussit et commovere hostem. 

10 Postquam non resisti vidit et baud dubiara lassitudi- 
nem esse, tum collectis omnibus subsidiis, quae ad id 
tempus reservaverat, et legiones concitavit et signum 

11 ad invadendos hostes equitibus dedit. Xec sustinue- 
runt Samnites impetum praeterque aciem ipsam 

^ rarisque {or raris) Hertz : uerarisque riitis MTDLA : 
uerutis U: uerrutis PF : uerutlsque -: plerisque uerutus 
A*^: uerutisque raris Walters and Co?zifay (rarisque verutis 

^ Testudo, "tortoise." was the name given to a formation 
in which the shields were held so close together as to form a 
sort of pent-house or shell over the soldiers. 


BOOK X. xxi\. 5- 1 1 

Romans were restoring the battle^ up came Lucius b.c. 295 
Cornelius Scipio and Gaius Marcius, >vhom Quintus 
Fabius the consul had ordered to take reserves from 
the rearmost line and go to his colleague's support. 
There they learned of Decius's death, a great 
incentive to dare everything for the republic. And 
so^thoughthe Gauls stood crowded together with their 
shields interlocked in front of them, and it looked no 
easy battle at close quarters, the lieutenants bade 
their men gather up the javelins that were scattered 
about on the ground between the hostile lines and 
cast them against the testudo ^ of their enemies ; and 
as many of these missiles stuck fast in the shields 
and now and then one penetrated a soldier's body, 
their phalanx was broken up — many falling, though 
unwounded, as if they had been stunned. Such 
were the shifts of Fortune upon the Roman left. 

On the right, Fabius had begun, as has been said 
before, bv holding back and delavino; the decision ; 
later, when neither the shouts of the foe, nor their 
assaults, nor the missiles they discharged, seemed to 
have any longer the same force, he ordered the 
praefects of the cavalry to lead their squadrons 
round the wing of the Samnites, that, on the signal 
being given, they might attack them in the Hank 
with all possible vigour, and commanded his own 
men to push forward by degrees and dislodge 
the enemy. When he saw that they made no 
resistance and there could be no question of their 
weariness, he gathered up all the troops which he 
had hitherto held in reserve, and, sending in his 
legions, made a signal to the cavalry to charge. 
The Samnites could not withstand their onset and 
fled in confusion past the Gallic line itself, abandon- 



Gallorum relictis in dimicatione sociis ad castra effuso 

12 cursu ferebantur : Galli testudine facta conferti sta- 
bant. Turn Fabius audita morte collegae Campano- 
rum alam, quingentos fere equites^ excedere acie iubet 
et circumvectos ab lergo Gallicam invadere aciem ; 

13 tertiae deinde legionis subsequi principes, et qua 
turbatum agmen hostium viderent impetu equitum, 

14 instare ac territos caedere. Ipse aedem lovi V^ictori 
spoliaque hostium cum vovisset^ ad castra Samnitium 
perrexitj quo multitudo omnis consternata agebatur. 

15 Sub ipso vallo; quia tantam multitudinem portae non 
recepere, temptata ab exclusis turba suorum pugna 

H3 est ; ibi Gellius Egnatius^ imperator Samnitium^ 
cecidit. Compulsi deinde intra vallum Samnites 
parvoque certamine capta castra et Galli ab tergo 

17 circumventi. Caesa eo die hostium viginti quinque 
milia^ octo capta. Nee incruenta victoria fuit ; 

18 nam ex P. Deci exercitu caesa septem milia^ ex Fabi 
mille septingenti.^ Fabius dimissis ad quaerendum 
collegae corpus spolia hostium coniecta in acervum 

19 lovi \'ictori cremavit. Consulis corpus eo die^ quia 
obrutum superstratis Gallorum cumulis erat^ inveniri 
non potuit : poster© die inveutum relatumque est 

^ septingenti A^Drakenhorcli : ace MPUTL : ac. c. FT^ : 
•a- cc DA : ac ducenti ^. 


BOOK X. XXIX. 11-19 

ing their comrades in the midst of the fighting and b.c. 295 
seeking refuge in their camp. The Gauls had 
formed a testudo and stood there closely packed 
together. Then Fabius^ who had learned of his 
colleague's death, commanded the squadron of Cam- 
panians, about five hundred lances, to withdraw 
from the line, and fetching a compass, assail the 
Gallic infantry in the rear ; these the principes, or 
middle line, of the third legion were to follow, and, 
pushing in where they saw^ that the cavalry charge 
had disordered the enemy's formation, make havoc 
of them in their panic. He himself, after vowing a 
temple and the enemy's spoils to Jupiter Victor, 
kept on to the Samnite camp, whither the whole 
affrighted throng ^^■^s being driven. Under the 
very rampart, since the gates could not receive so 
great a multitude, those who were shut out by the 
crowding of their fellows attempted some resistance ; 
there Gellius Egnatius, the commander-in-chief of 
the Samnites, fell ; in the upshot the Samnites were 
driven within the rampart and after a short struggle 
their camp was taken and the Gauls were cut off in 
the rear. There were slain that day five-and -twenty 
thousand of the enemy, and eight thousand were 
captured ; nor was it a bloodless victory ; for of the 
army of Publius Decius seven thousand were slain 
and seventeen hundred of the army of Fabius. 
Fabius sent out men to search for the body of his 
colleague, and, piling up the spoils of the enemy, 
burned them in sacrifice to Jupiter the Victor. 
The consul's body could not be found that day, 
liaving been buried under heaps of Gauls who had 
been slain above him ; on the diiy after, it was found 
and brought in, amidst the lamentations of the 



20 cum multis militum lacrimis. Interraissa inde 
omnium aliarum rerum cura Fabius collegae funus 
omni honore laudibusque mentis celebrat. 

XXX. Et in Etruria per eosdem dies ab Cn. 
Fulvio propraetore res ex sententia gesta et praeter 
ingentem inlatam populationibus agrorum hosti 

2 cladem pugnatum etiam egregie est Perusinorumque 
et Clusinorum caesa amplius milia tria et signa 

3 militaria ad viginti capta. Samnitium agmen cum 
per Paelignum agrum fugeret^ circumventum a 
Paelignis est ; ex milibus quinque ad mille caesi. 

4 Magna eius diei quo in Sentinati agro bellatum 

5 fama est, etiam vero stanti ; sed superiecere quidam 
augendo fidem. qui in hostium exercitu peditum 
sexiens centena milia/ equitum sex et quadraginta 
milia, mille carpentorum scripsere fuisse, scilicet cum 

6 Umbris Tuscisque, quos et ipsos pugnae adfuisse ; et 
ut Romanorum quoque augerent copias, L. Volum- 
nium pro consule ducem consulibus exercitumque 

7 eius legionibus consulum adiciunt. In pluribus 
annalibus duorum ea consulum propria victoria est, 
\'olumnius in Samnio interim res gerit Samnitium- 
que exercitum in Tifernum montem compulsum, non 
deterritus iniquitate loci, fundit fugatque. 

8 Q. Fabius, Deciano exercitu relicto in Etruriae 
praesidio, suis legionibus deductis ad urbem de 
Gallis Etruscisque ac Samnitibus triumphavit. 

^ sexiens centena milia Walters (deciens centena milia 
Niebuhr) : x. cccxxx M : xi. cccxxx PFU: {i.e. xl) xl* (orxh) 
cccxxx DLA : quadraginta milia trecentos triginta (tricentos 
triginta milia T) T^. 



soldiers. Postponing his concern for everything else, b.c. 205 
Fabius celebrated the funeral of his colleague with 
every show of honour and well-merited eulogiums. 

XXX. In Etruria too at the same time Gnaeus 
Fulvius the propraetor Avas succeeding according to 
his wishes, and, besides the enormous damage which 
his forays inflicted on the enemy, fought also a 
victorious battle with them. The Perusini and 
Clusini lost upwards of three thousand men, and 
some twenty military standards were captured from 
them. The Samnite army, as it fled through the 
Paelignian territory, was surrounded by the inhabit- 
ants, and of five thousand men about a thousand 
were slain. 

Great is the glory of that day on which the battle 
was fought in the district of Sentinum, even if a ^ 
man hold fast to truth ; but some writers have so 
exaggerated as to over-shoot the credible, and have 
written that in the army of the enemy — including, 
of course, the Umbrians and Tuscans, for these, 
too, were present in the battle — there were six 
hundred thousand infantry, forty-six thousand horse, 
and a thousand cars ; and, to enlarge in like 
manner the forces of the Romans, they add to the 
consuls as a general Lucius Voluranius the pro- 
consul, and his ami}' to their legions. In the 
majority of histories this victory is reserved to the two 
consuls, and Volumnius is waging war at the same 
time in Samnium, where, having driven the Samnite 
army up Mount Tifernus, he routs and scatters 
them, undeterred by the difliculties of the ground. 

Quintus Fabius, leaving the Decian army on guard 
over Etruria, led down his own legions to Rome and 
triumphed over the Gauls, the Etruscans, and the 



A.U.O. 9 Milites triumphantem secuti sunt. Celebrata in- 


conditis militaribus noii magis victoria Q. Fabi quam 
mors praeclara P. Deci est^ excitataque memoria 
parentis^ aequata eventu publico privatoque, filii 
10 laudibus. Data ex praeda militibus aeris oetogeni 
bini sagaque et tunicae, praemia ilia tempestate 
militiae haudquaquam spernenda. 

XXXI. His ita rebus gestis nee in Samnitibus 
adhuc nee in Etruria pax erat ; nam et Perusinis 
auctoribus post deductum ab consule exercitum 

2 rebellatum fuerat et Samnites praedatum in agrum 
Vescinum ^ Formianumque et parte alia in Aeserni- 
num^ quaeque Volturno adiacent flumini descendere. 

3 Adversus eos Ap. Claudius praetor cum exercitu 
Deciano missus. Fabius in Etruria rebellante denuo 
quattuor milia et quingentos Perusinorum occidit, 
cepit ad mille septingentos quadraginta, qui redempti 

4 singuli aeris trecentis decern ; praeda alia omnis mili- 

5 tibus concessa. Samnitium legiones^ cum partem Ap. 
Claudius praetor partem L. Volumnius pro consule 
sequeretur^ in agrum Stellatem convenerunt. Ibi ad 
Caiatiam omnes^ considunt et Appius Volumniusque 

6 castra coniungunt. Pugnatum infestissimis animis, 
hinc ira stimulante adversus rebellantes totiens, 

1 Vescinum Sigonius [cf. chap, xx. § 1) : uestinum Cl. 

2 Aeserninum Gronovius : aesernium MA^ : aeserunium 
PFUT : aes {or es-)etrunium DLA. 

' ad Caiatiam omnes Conway: ad Samnitium omnesP^: 
ad Samnium omnes U : et Samnitium omnes MTDLA : et 
Samnitium legiones A^\ et Samnitium legiones omnes ,- : et 
Samnitium omnes copiae Madvig. 


BOOK X. XXX. 8-xxxi. 6 

Samnites. The soldiers followed his triumphal b.c. 295 
chariot and in their rude verses celebrated no less 
the glorious death of Publius Decius than the victory 
of Fabius, reviving by their praise of the son the 
memory of the father, whose death (and its service 
to the commonwealth) had now been matched. Every 
soldier received from the spoils a present of eighty- 
two asses of bronze, with a cloak and tunic, a 
reward for military service in those days far from 

XXXI. Despite these victories, there was not yet 
peace either with the Samnites or in Etruria ; for 
war had broken out afresh at the instigation of the 
Perusini, after the consul had withdrawn his army, 
and the Samnites were raiding the lands of \'escini 
and of Formiae on the one hand, and on the other 
the territory of Aesernia and the region adjacent to 
tlie Volturnus river. Against these the praetor 
Appius Claudius was dispatched with the army that 
Decius had commanded. Fabius dealt with the new 
outbreak in Etrui'ia, where lie slew four thousand 
five hundred of the Perusini and took one thousand 
seven lumdred and forty prisoners, who were ransomed 
at three hundred and ten asses each, the rest of the 
booty being made over to the soldiers. The Samnite 
levies, of whom a part were being pursued by Appius 
Claudius the praetor and a part by Lucius Volumnius 
tlie pro-consul, effected a junction in the Stellate 
district, where they all took up a position near 
Caiatia. Appius and \ olumnius also combined their 
forces. The ensuing battle was very bitterly con- 
tested, the Romans being incited by resentment 
against a people who had so often rebelled, while 
those on the other side were staking their last hopes 



A.r.c. 7 illinc ad ultimam iam dimicantibus spem. Caesa 
^-"^ ergo Samnitium sedecim milia trecenti^ capta duo 

milia septingenti ; ex Romano exercitu cecidere duo 
milia septingenti. 

8 Felix annus bellicis rebus, pestilentia gravis 
prodigiisque soUicitus ; nam et terra ^ multifariam 
pluvisse et in exercitu Ap. Claudi plerosque fulmini- 

9 bus ictos nuntiatum est^ librique ob haec aditi. Eo 
anno Q. Fabius Gurges, consulis filius, aliquot matro- 
nas ad populum stupri damnatas pecunia multavit ; 
ex quo niultaticio aere Veneris aedem quae prope 
circum est faciendam curavit. 

10 Supersunt etiam nunc Samnitium bella^ quae 
continua per quartum iam volumen annumque 
sextum et quadragensimum a M. Valerio A. Cornelio 
consulibus,^ qui primi Samnio arma intulerunt, 

11 agimus. Et ne tot annorum clades utriusque gentis 
laboresque actos nunc referam, quibus nequiverint 

12 tamen dura ilia pectora vinci, proximo anno Samnites 
in Sentinati agro, in ^ Paelignis, ad Titernum, 
Stellatibus campis, suis ipsi legionibus mixti alienis^ 
ab quattuor exercitibus^ quattuor ducibus Romanis 

13 caesi fuerant ; imperatorem clarissimum gentis suae 
amiserant ; socios belli, Etruscos Umbros Gallos, in 

14 eadem fort una videbant qua ipsi erant ; nee suis nee 

* terra - ((/. in. x. 6 and vii. xxviii. 7) : terrain H. 

2 consuiibus A\or A*) : consuls n. 

^ agro, in Liiterbacher : agro Xl : agros PF. 

^ Fabius was presumably an aedile (cf. chap, xxiii. § 11 and 
chap, xxxiii. § 9). We leavn from Servius, the commentator 
on Virgil, that the goddess was worshipped as Venus Obse- 
quens (ad Acn. I. 720). 

' i.e. the mountain of that name ; or perhaps Livy means 
the town, Tifernum. 


BOOK X. XXXI. 6-14 

on the conflict. The Samnites accordingly lost six- b.c. 293 
teen thousand three hundred slain and two thousand 
seven hundred captured ; in the Roman army two 
thousand seven hundred fell. 

The year^ though one of success in war, was 
saddened by a pestilence and vexed with prodigies. 
Showers of earth were reported to have fallen in 
many places, and it was said that in the army of 
Appius Claudius many had been struck by lightning. 
On account of these signs the Sibylline books were 
consulted. In this year Quintus Fabius Gurges, the 
consul's son, assessed a fine of money against a 
number of married women who were convicted 
before the people of adultery, and with this money 
erected the temple of \^enus which is near the Circus.^ 

There are more Samnite wars still to come, though 
we have dealt with them continuously throughout 
four books, covering a period of forty-six years, from 
the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Aulus Corne- 
lius, who were the first that made war on Samnium ; 
and — not to go over now the disasters sustained in 
so many years on either side and the toils endured, 
bv which nevertheless those sturdy hearts could not 
be daunted — in the year just ])ast the Samnites had 
fought in the territory of Sentinum, in the Pelignian 
country, at Tifernus,^ and in the Stellate plains, 
now by themselves, with their own levies, now in 
company with trooj^s from other nations, and had 
been cut to pieces by four armies under four Roman 
generals ; they had lost their nation's most distin- 
guished commander ; they beheld their comrades in 
war, the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls, in the 
same plight as their own ; nor could they longer 
maintain themselves, either by their own resources 



A.u.c. externis viribus iam stare poterant ; tamen bello non 


abstinebant. Adeo ne infeliciter quidem defensae 
libertatis taedebat et vinci quam non teniptare 
15 victoriara malebant. Quinam sit ille^ quern pigeat 
longinquitatis bellorum scribendo legendoque^ quae 
gerentes non fatigaverunt ? 
A.r.c. XXXI I. Q. Fabium P. Decium L. Postumius 

Megeilus ^ et M. Atilius Regulus consules secuti 

2 sunt. Sanmiuni ambobus decreta provincia est^ quia 
tres scriptos h ostium exercitus, uno Etruriam^ altero 
populationes Campaniae repeti, tertiuni tuendis 

3 parari finibus, fama erat. Postumium valetudo 
adversa Roniae tenuit ; Atilius extemplo profectus, 
ut in Samnio hostes — ita eniin placuerat patribus — 

4 nondum egresses opprimeret. Velut ex composite 
ibi obvium habuere hostem ubi et vastare ipsi 
Samnitium agrum prohiberentur et egredi inde in 
pacata sociorumque })0puli Romani fines Samnitem 

5 prohiberent. Cum castra castris conlata assent, 
quod vix Romanus totiens victor auderet ausi 
Samnites sunt — tantuni desperatio ultima temeritatis 
facit — castra Romana oppugnare ; et quamquam non 
venit ad finem tam audax inceptum, tamen baud 

onmino vanum fuit. Nebula erat ad multum diei 
densa adeo ut lucis usum eriperet non prospectu 

^ Megeilus (megallus T) CI : megillus F^ [cf. chap. xxvi. 
§ 15). 

^ Livj' seems to forget that the fighters were now and then 


BOOK X. XXXI. 14-XXX11. 6 

or by those of outside nations ; vet would tliey not b.c. 293 
abstain from war ; — so far were they from wearying 
of a liberty which they had unsuccessfully defended^ 
preferring rather to be conquered than not to try 
for victory. Who^ pi'^y^ could grudge the time for 
writing or reading of these wars, when they could 
not exhaust the men who fought them ? ^ 

XXXII. Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were b.'". 294 
succeeded in the consulship by Lucius Postumius 
Megellus and Marcus Atilius Regulus, Samnium 
was assigned them both for their province, in con- 
sequence of a report that the enemy had raised three 
armies, with one of which they meant to return into 
Etruria, with another to resume the devastation of 
Campania, while the third was making ready for the 
defence of their frontiers. Postumius was detained 
in Rome by ill health : Atilius marched out at once, 
that he might put down the enemy in Samnium — 
for such was the senate's plan — ere they could cross 
the border. As though it had been prearranged, 
tiiey encountered the foe in a place where they 
themselves were prevented from laying waste the 
territory of their enemies, while they prevented the 
Samnites from coming out into the district which 
had been pacified and the territory of the allies of 
the Roman People. On the camps being established 
over against each other, what the Romans would 
hardly have dared to do, victorious as they had so 
often been, the Samnites ventured — such temerity 
does utter hopelessness beget, — that is, to assault 
the enemy's camp ; and although their desperate 
enterprise did not fully succeed, still, it was not 
altogether futile. There was a fog which lasted well 
on into the day, so dense as to shut out the light and 




modo extra vallum adempto sed propinquo etiam 

7 congredientium inter se conspectu. Hac velut 
latebra insidiarum freti Samnites vixdum satis carta 
luce et earn ipsam premente caligine ad stationem 
Romanam in porta segniter agentem vigilias per- 

8 veniunt. Improviso oppressis nee aninii satis ad 
resistendum nee virium fuit. Ab tergo castrorum 

9 decumana porta impetus factus ; itaque captum 
quaestorium quaestorque ibi L. Opimius Pansa 
occisus. Conclamatum inde ad arma. 

XXXIIL Consul tumultu exeitus cohortes duas 
soeiorum, Lucanam Suessanamque, quae proximae 
forte erantj tueri praetorium iubet ; manipulos 

2 legionum principali via inducit. ^'ixdum satis 
aptatis armis in ordines eunt et clamore magis quam 
oculis hostem noscunt nee quantus numerus sit 

3 aestimari potest. Cedunt primo incerti fortunae 
suae et hostem introrsumin media castra accipiunt ; 
inde, cum consul vociferaretur, expulsine extra 

4 vallum castra deinde sua oppugnaturi essent/ 
clamore sublato conixi primo resistunt, deinde 
inferunt pedem urgentque et impulsos semel terrore 
eodem quo ^ coeperunt expellunt extra portam 

6 vallumque. Inde pergere ac persequi, quia turbida 
lux metum circa insidiarum faciebat, non ausi, 

^ essent r Duker (Walters, Class. Quart, 12 (1918) jt;. 113) 
essent rogitans H. 

* eodem quo Madvig : eodem agunt {or cogunt) quo D.. 

^ Situated behind the ■praetorium (headquarters) and 
between it and the decuman gate. 

* A wide street parallel m ith tlie front and rear lines of the 
camp, at either end of which v.asagate — \\\q porta principalis 
dextra and parta principalis sinistra respectivel}'. 


BOOK X. xxxii. 6-xxxiii. 5 

render it impossible to see, not only beyond the b.c 204 
rampart, but even at a little way off, when people 
approached each other. Relying on this, as on a 
screen for their operations, the Samnites came up, 
when day had scarcely dawned, and even so was 
hidden behind the murk, to the Roman outpost that 
was negligently standing guard before the gate. 
Falling upon them unawares they encountered 
neither courage nor strength sufficient to hold them 
in check. They charged in by the decuman gate in 
the rear of the camp, captured the quaestor's tent,^ 
and slew the quaestor, Lucius Opimius Pansa ; 
whereupon a general alarm was cried. 

XXXIII. The consul, aroused by the din, com- 
manded the two allied cohorts which happened to 
be nearest — those from Lucania and Suessa — to 
guard headquarters, and put himself at the head of 
the legionary maniples in the via principalis.'^ The 
men fell in ere they had fcdrly fitted on their armour, 
and, knowing the enemy more by their shouting 
than by the sight of them, were unable to form any 
estimate of their numbers. At first they gave 
ground, uncertain how fortune stood with them, and 
admitted the foe into the middle of the camp ; then, 
on the consul's asking them whether they meant to 
be driven without the wall and afterwards make an 
assault on their own camp, they gave a cheer, and, 
exerting themselves, first made a successful stand, 
and afterwards pushed forward and forced their 
enemies back, and, having once repulsed them, left 
them no time to recover their first dismay, but thrust 
them out of gate and rampart. Not venturing then 
to go on and pursue them, since the dim light made 
them fear an ambush, they retired — content to have 



A.c.c. liberatis castris content! receperunt se intra vallum 
^^^ 6 treeentis feniie hostium occisis. Romanorum statio- 
nis primae ^ et eorum qui circa quaestorium o})pressi 
j)eriere ad septingentos - triginta. 

7 Aninios inde Samnitibus non infelix audacia auxit 
et non niodo proferre inde castra Romanum sed ne 
pabulari quidem per agros suos patiebantur ; retro 
in pacatuni Soranuni agriun pabulatores ibant. 

8 Quaruni rerum fama, tumultuosior etiam quam res 
erant, perlata Romam coegit L. Postumiuni consulem 

9 vixdum validum proficisci ex urbe. Prius tamen 
quam exiret, militibus edicto S<jram iussis convenire 
ipse aedem Victoriae, quam aedilis curulis ex multa- 

10 ticia pecunia faciendam curaverat, dedicavit. Ita ad 
exercitum profectus, ab Sora in Samnium ad castra 
collegae perrexit, Inde postquam Samnites diffisi 
duobus exercitibus resisti posse recesserunt, diversi 
consules ad vastandos agros urbesque oppugnandas 

XXXIV. Postumius Milioniam oppugnare adortus 
vi 2 primo atque impetu, dein, postquam ea parum 
procedebant, opere ac vineis demum iniunctis muro 
2 ce})it. Ibi capta iam urbe ab bora quarta usque ad 
octavam fere horam omnibus partibus urbis diu 
incerto eventu pugnatum est ; postremo potitur 

^ primae Conicay : primae uigilumque {or uigiliumqne or 
uieiumque or iiiiiumque) n. 

- septingentos edd. : ace {for DCC) or other corruptions CI. 
^ vi r : ut FF[/T : omitted by MDLA. 

^ Probably on the Palatine, since Livv mentions a shrine 
of Victory as being there at xxix. xiv. 13. 
* An unidentified Saninite city. 


BOOK X. xxxiii. 5-XXXIV. 2 

cleared their camp — -within the palisade, having b.c. 'J91 
slain about three hundred of the enemy. The 
Roman loss, at the outpost and amongst those who 
were taken by surprise at the quaestor's tent, was 
some seven hundred and thirty. 

This bold and not unsuccessful venture of the 
Samnites raised their spirits ; and not only would 
they not permit the Romans to go forward, but 
they would not even permit them to forage in 
their fields ; the foragers fell back on the peaceful 
territory about Sora. The rumour of these events — 
more startling even than the events themselves — 
being brought to Rome compelled the consul 
Lucius Postumius, though barely recovered, to take 
the field. But after issuing a proclamation calling 
upon his soldiers to assemble at Sora, he himself, 
before leaving the City, dedicated a shrine to 
Victory, M'hich he had built, ^ as curule aedile, with 
money received from fines. Having then set out 
to join the army, he led it from Sora to his col- 
league's camp in Samnium, The Samnites then 
retreated, having no confidence in their ability to 
resist two armies, and the consuls separated and 
marched in different directions to waste their fields 
and attack their cities. 

XXX1\\ Postumius essayed to capture Milionia.^ 
Unsuccessful in his first attempt to storm the place, 
he proceeded against it by regular approaches, and, 
having brought his pent-houses into contact with 
the walls, effected an entrance. Thereupon, though 
the city was already taken, there ensued in every 
quarter without interruption, from the fourth hour 
till about the eighth, a desperate struggle, the 
result of which was long in doubt. At last the 



A.u.c. 3 oppido Romanus. Samnitium caesi tria milia ducenti, 
ca})ti quattuor milia septingenti ^ praeter praedam 

4 Iiide Feritrum diictae legioncs, unde oppidani 
omnibus rebus suis quae ferri agique potuerunl nocte 

5 per aversam portam silentio excesserunt. Igilur, 
simul advenit consul^ primo ita compositus instruc- 
tusque moenibus successit^ tamquam idem quod ad 

6 Milioniam fuerat certaminis foret ; deinde^ ut silen- 
tium vastum in urbe nee arma nee viros in turribus 
ac muris vidit_, avidum invadendi deserta moenia 
militem detinet^ ne quam oecultam in fraudem in- 

7 eautus rueret ; duas turmas soeiorum Latini nominis 
eircumequitare moenia atque explorare omnia iubet. 
Equites portam unam alteramque eadem regione in 
pro]Mnquo patentes conspiciunt itineribusque iis 

8 vestigia nocturnae h ostium fugae. Adequitant deinde 
sensim portis urbemque ex tuto rectis itineribus 
perviam conspiciunt et consuli^ referunt excessum 
urbe ; solitudine baud dubia id perspicuum esse et 
recentibus vestigiis fugae ac strage rerum in trepi- 

9 datione nocturna relictarum passim. His auditis 
consul ad eam partem urbis quam adierant equites 
circumducit agmen. Constitutis baud procul porta 

^ septingenti A^ Drakenhorch : ace {or other corruptions) n. 
2 et consuli r : et cons {or other corruptions) Cl. 

1 Otherwise unknown. 

■ BOOK X. xxxiv. 2-9 

Romans made themselves masters of the place, b.c. 294 
The Saranites lost three thousand two hundred 
slain and four thousand seven hundred captured, 
besides other booty. 

From there the legions were led to Feritrum,^ 
■which the townspeople, with all their possessions 
which they could carry or drive away, evacuated 
in the silence of the night, by the opposite gate. 
So, then, the consul Avas no sooner come than he 
advanced up to the walls with all the order and 
circumspection of one who looked for the same 
resistance that he had met with at Milionia ; but 
afterwards, finding the city as silent as a desert and 
neither arms nor men upon the battlements and 
towers, he restrained his soldiers, who were eager 
to scale the abandoned walls, lest they should rush 
improvidently into some hidden trap. He ordered 
two squadrons of Latin allies to make a circuit of 
the fortifications and effect a thorough reconnais- 
sance. The troopers discovered a wide-open gate, 
and near it in the same quarter another one, and 
saw in the roads leading out of them the traces 
of the enemy's nocturnal flight. Riding up then 
sloAvly and cautiously to the gates, they saw that 
the city could be safely traversed by streets that 
led straight through it, and reported to the consul 
that it had been abandoned. This was evident, they 
said, from the unmistakable solitude and the fresh 
signs of flight and the objects that lay scattered 
about where they had been discarded in the con- 
fusion of the darkness. On receiving this account, 
the consul led his army round to that side of the 
city which the horsemen had approached. Malting 
the troops not far from the gate, he commanded 



A.u.c. signis quinque equites iul)et intrare urbem et modi- 
cum spatium progresses tres manere eodem loco^ si 

10 tuta videantur, duos explorata ad se referre. Qui 
ubi redierunt rettuleruntque eo se progressos unde 
in omnes partes circumspectus esset longe lateque 

11 silentium ac solitudinem vidisse^ extemplo consul 
cohortes expeditas in urbem induxit, ceteros interim 

12 castra communire iussit. Ingressi milites refractis 
foribus paucos graves aetate aut invalidos inveniunt 

13 relictaque quae migratu difficilia essent. Ea direpta ; 
et cognitum ex captivis est communi consilio aliquot 
circa urbes conscisse fugam ; suos prima vigilia pro- 
fectos ; credere eandem in aliis urbibus solitudinem 

14 inventuros. Dictis captivorum fides exstitit, desertis 
oppidis consul potitur. 

XXXV. Alteri consul! M. Atilio nequaquam tam 
facile bellum fuit. Cum ad Luceriam duceret 
legiones^ quam oppugnari ab Samnitibus audierat, 
ad finem Lucerinum ei hostis obvius fuit. Ibi ira 
2 vires aequavit ; proelium varium et anceps fuit, 
tristius tamen cventu Romanis, et quia insueti erant 
^^nci et quia digredientes magis quam in ipso certa- 
mine senserunt quantum in sua parte plus volnerum 


BOOK X. XXXIV. 9-xxxv. 2 

five horsemen to enter and advance for a short b.c. 294 
distance ; then, if all seemed safe, three of these 
were to remain there together, and the other two 
were to report to him what they had found. When 
they came back and reported that they had advanced 
to a place from which a view could be had in all 
directions, and that silence and solitude reigned far 
and wide, the consul at once led some light-armed 
cohorts into the city and ordered the rest to con- 
struct a camp in the meanwhile. Having entered 
the place and broken in the house-doors, the soldiers 
discovered some few decrepit or bed-ridden people 
and certain things abandoned as too difficult to 
remove. These things were seized. It was learned 
from the prisoners that a number of communities 
in the vicinity had agreed together in planning 
flight ; their own people had left in the first watch ; 
they believed that the Romans would find the same 
solitude in the other cities. The statements of the 
prisoners turned out to be true, and the consul 
took possession of the deserted towns. 

XXXV. The other consul, Marcus Atilius, had 
by no means so easy a war. He was marching, at 
the head of his legions, towards Luceria, which he 
had heard was being besieged by the Samnites, 
when the enemy met him at the Lucerine frontier. 
On this occasion rage made their strength as great 
as his, and the battle was one of shifting fortunes 
and doubtful issue. Yet its outcome was more 
discouraging to the Romans, both as having been 
unaccustomed to defeat, and because, as they were 
retiring from the field, they could see, even better 
than during the actual engagement, how much their 
side had got the worst of it in killed and wounded. 



3 ac caedis fuisset. Itaque is terror in castris ortus, 
qui si pugnantes cepisset^ insignis accepta clades 
foret ; turn quoque sollicita nox fuit iam invasurum 
castra Samnitem credentibus aut prima luce cum 
victoribus conserendas manus. 

4 Minus cladis ceterum non plus animorum ad hostes 
erat. Ubi primum inluxit. abire sine certamine 
cupiunt ; sed via mia et ea ipsa praeter hostes erat, 
qua ingressi praebuere speciem recta tendentium ad 

5 castra oppugnanda. Consul anna capere milites iubet 
et sequi se extra vallum ; legatis tribunis praefectis 
sociorum imperat quod apud quemque facto opus est. 

6 Omnes adfirmant se quidem omnia facturos, sed 
militum iacere animos ; tota nocte inter volnera et 

7 gemitus morientium vigilatum esse ; si ante lucem 
ad castra ventum foret, tantum pavoris fuisse ut 
relicturi signa fuerint ; nunc pudore a fuga contineri, 
alioqui pro victis esse. 

8 Quae ubi consul acce})it. sibimet ipsi circumeundos 
adloquendosque milites ratus, ut ad quosque venerat, 

9 cunctantes arma capere increpabat : quid cessarent 
tergiversarenturque } Hostem in castra venturum 
nisi illi extra castra exissent, et pro tentoriis suis 
pugnaturos si pro vallo nollent. Annatis ac dimi- 


BOOK X. XXXV. 2-9 

The consequence of this was such a panic in theB.c. 294 
camp as, had it come over them whilst they were 
fighting, must have led to a signal overthrow. Even 
so the night was an anxious one, for they thought 
that the Samnites would soon be attacking the 
camp, or else that they would have to fight their 
victorious enemy at break of day. 

The enemy had suffered less, but was not less 
faint-hearted. As soon as it grew licrht thev wished 
to retire without giving battle. But there was only 
one road, and this led past their enemies, and when 
they had started to go that way, they looked as if 
marching straight to attack the camp. The consul 
ordered the soldiers to arm and follow him outside 
the rampart. To the lieutenants, tribunes, and 
prefects of the allies he explained what part it was 
needful for their several commands to play. They 
all assured him that, as for themselves, they were 
ready for anything, but that the soldiers %vere 
dispirited : all night long they had been kept awake 
bv the groans of the wounded and the dving ; had 
the enemy attacked the camp before daylight, their 
fear would have been so great as to cause them to 
desert their ranks ; as it was, they were withheld 
by shame from running away, but were otherwise 
as good as beaten. 

On hearing this, the consul thought he had best 
go about himself among the men and talk to them. 
Wherever he went he scolded those who were 
hesitating to arm themselves : Why did they linger 
and hold back ? The enemy would come into the 
camp, unless they went out ; and they would be fight- 
ing before their tents, if they were not willing to 
fight before the palisade. If men armed themselves 



A.r.c. 10 cantibus dubiarn victoriam esse ; qui nudiis atque 
^^^•' inerniis hostem maneat, ei aut mortem aut servitutem 

11 patieiidam. Haec iurganti increpantique responde- 
baiit confectos se pugna hesterna esse^ nee virium 
quicquam nee sanguinis superesse ; maiorem multi- 
tudinem hostium ap})arere quam pridie fuerit. 

12 Inter haec appropinquabat agmen ; et iam breviore 
inter vallo eertiora intuentes, vallum secum portare 
Samnitem adfirmant nee dubium esse quin castra 

13 circumvallaturi sint. Tunc enimvero consul indignum 
facinus esse vociferari tantam contumeliam igno- 

14 miniamque ab ignavissimo accipi hoste. ^' Etianine 
circumsedebimur " inquit ^^in castris, ut fame potius 
per ignominiam quam ferro, si necesse est, per 
virtutem moriamur r " Di bene verterent ; facerent 

15 quod ^ se dignum quisque ducerent : consulem M. 
Atilium vel solum, si nemo alius sequatur, iturum 
adversus hostes casurumque inter signa Samnitium 
])otius quam circumvallari castra Romana videat. 

16 Dicta consulis legati tribunique et omnes tunnae 
equitum et centuriones primorum ordinum appro- 

17 Tum pudore victus miles segniter arrna capit, 
segniter e castris egreditur longo agmine nee con- 
tinenti ; maesti ac prope victi procedunt adversus 

18 hostem nee spe nee animo certiorem. Itaque simul 
conspecta sunt Romana signa, extemplo a primo 

^ Di bene verterent ; facerent quod Duker : di or dii) bene 
uerterent facerentque quod H. 

^ The true explanation being that the Samnites were 
quitting their camp and were carrying the stakes to use in 
constructing the next one. 


BOOK X. XXXV. 9-18 

and fought, it was a question whose the victory b.c. 
would be ; but a man who waited for the enemy, 
unarmed and helpless, must put up with either 
death or slavery. To these objurgations and re- 
proaches they replied that they were exhausted with 
the battle of the previous day and had no strength 
left nor blood to shed ; while the enemy appeared 
to be in greater numbers than on the day before. 

Meanwhile the column was approaching; and 
presently, as the soldiers obtained a closer view of 
them, they declared that the Samnites were carrying 
stakes and were doubtless going to fence in the 
camp.i At this the consul lost all patience, and 
shouted out that it was a shameful thing to suffer 
such disgrace and humiliation at the hands of the 
most cowardly of foes. " Shall we even be pent up 
within our camp," he cried, ^" to die shamefully of 
hunger, rather than, if need be, by the sword, like 
gallant men ? " Heaven prosper them ! They must 
act as each thought worthy of himself; but the 
consul, Marcus Atilius — alone if there were none 
to follow him — would charge the enemy, and sooner 
fall amongst the standards of the Samnites than see 
a Roman camp beleaguered. The consul's words 
were approved by the lieutenants and the tribunes 
and by all the squadrons of horse and the centurions 
of highest rank. 

Then the soldiers began, for very shame, to arm, 
and slowly emerged from the stockade ; in a long 
and straggling column, discouraged and almost 
beaten, they advanced towards the enemy, who 
were no better off for hopefulness or courage. 
Accordingly, no sooner had they beheld the Roman 
standards than a murmur ran through the column 



Samnitium agmine ad novissimum fremitus perfertur^ 
exire. id quod timuerint, ad impediendum iter 
19 Romanos ; nullam inde ne fugae quidem patere 
viam ; illo loco aut cadendum esse aut stratis hostibus 
per corpora eorum evadendum. 

XXXVI. In medium ^ sarcinas coniciunt ; armati 

2 suis quisque ordinibus instruunt aciem. lam exiguum 
inter duas acies erat s])atium, et stabant exspectantes 
dum ab hostiljus prius impetus prius clamor inci- 

3 }:)eret. Neutris animus est ad pugnandum^ diversique j 
integri atque intacti abissent, ni cedenti instaturum 
alteram timuissent. Sua sponte inter invitos ter- 
giversantesque segnis pugna clamore incerto atque 
imparl coepit ; nee vestigio quisquam movebatur. 

4 Tum consul Romanus, ut rem excitaret, equitum 
paucas turmas extra ordinem immisit ; quorum cum 
})lerique delapsi ex equis essent et alii turbati, et a 
Samnitium acie ad opprimendos eos qui ceciderant 

5 et ad suos tuendos ab Romanis procursum est. Inde 
paulum inritata pugna est ; sed aliquanto et impigre 
magis et plures procurrerant Samnites et turbatus 
eques sua ipse subsidia territis equis proculcavit. 

6 Hinc fuga coepta totam avertit aciem Romanam ; 
iamque in terga fugientium Samnites jiugnabant^ 
cum consul equo ])raevectus ad portam castrorum ac 

^ in medium lac. Gronovius : in medio H. 

BOOK X. XXXV. 18-XXXV1. 6 

of the Samnites, from the foremost to the hindmost,, b.c. 294 
that the Romans — ^just as they had feared — were 
commg out to dispute their passing ; there was no 
way open even for flight ; they must fall where they 
stood^ or else cut down their foes and escape over 
their bodies. 

XXXVI. They heaped up their baggage together, 
and, being armed, went every man to his own place 
in the ranks, and the battle-line was formed. And 
now there was but a little space between the armies, 
and they halted, each waiting for the other to be 
first to attack and first to raise a cheer. Neither 
side had any stomach for fighting, and thev would 
have gone otf in opposite directions, scatheless and 
unhurt, had they not been afraid that, if they 
retired, their enemies would advance. No signal 
was given, but though unwilling and reluctant, thev 
began to fight, in a half-hearted manner, with an 
uncertain and unequal shout ; nor v.ould any man 
stir from his place. 

Then the Roman consul, to put some life into the 
work, detached a few troops of cavalry and sent 
them in. Of these the most part were unhorsed, 
and, the rest being thrown into confusion, there was 
a rush on the part of the Samnites to dispatch the 
fallen and on that of the Romans to save their com- 
rades. This infused a little spirit into the fighting ; 
but the Samnites had charged somewhat more briskly 
and in greater numbers, and the disordered cavalrv, 
their horses becoming terrified, rode down their 
own supports, who began a fiight that spread to the 
whole Roman army. And now the Samnites were 
on the backs of the fugitives, when the consul, 
galloping on before to the gate of the camp, posted 



7 statione equitum ibi opposita edictoque ut quicimique 
ad vallum tenderet. sive ille Romanus sive Samnis 
esset. pro hoste haberetur^^ haec ipse ininitans obstitit 

8 profuse tendentibus suis in castra. " Quo pergls " 
iiiquit^ '' miles ? Et hie anna et viros invenies nee 
vivo consule tuo nisi victor castra intrabis ; })roinde 
elige, euni cive an hoste pugnare malis." 

9 Haec dieente consule equites infestis euspidibus 
circunifunduntur ac peditem in pugnam redire iubent. 
Non virtus solum consulis sed tors etiam adiuvit^ quod 
non institerunt Samnites spatiumque circumagendi 
signa vertendique aciem a castris in hostem fuit. 

10 Turn alii alios liortari ut repeterent pugnam ; cen- 
turiones ab signiferis rapta signa inferre et ostendere 
suis paucos et ordinibus inconpositis effuse venire 

11 hostes. Inter haec consul manus ad caelum attoUens 
voce clara^ ita ut exaudiretur^ templum lovi Statori 
vovet, si constitisset a fuga Romana acies redinte- 
gratoque })roelio cecidisset vicissetque legiones Sam- 

12 nitium. Omnes undique adnisi ad restituendam 
pugnam, duces milites, peditum equitumque vis. 
Numen etiam deorum respexisse nomen Romanum 
visum ; adeo facile inclinata res repulsique a castris 
hostes, mox etiam redacti ad eum locum in quo 

^ hdL\:>eTeXViT {followed hy eras-are) A r'. haberent fl : haberet 


BOOK X. XXXVI. 6-12 

there a guard of horse and commanded them^ who- 
soever should make for the rampart^ be he Roman 
or Samnite^ to treat him as a foe. He likewise 
threatened the men himself, and stopped them as 
they made in disorder for the camp. ^' Where are 
you going, men ? " he shouted : ^' Here too you will 
find arms and soldiers, and while your consul lives 
you shall not enter the camp, except as victors. 
Choose, therefore, whether you would sooner fight 
with fellow-citizens or enemies ! " 

As the consul spoke these words, the cavalry 
gathered round the infantry and levelling their 
spears bade them return into the battle. Not only 
.tlie consul's bravery but Fortune also helped; for 
the Samnites did not press their advantage, and he 
had time to reverse his standards and change his front 
from the camp to the enemy. They then began 
to encourage each other to resume the fight ; the 
centurions snatched the standards from the standard- 
bearers and carried them forward, pointing out to 
their men that the enemy were few in number and 
were coming on in irregular and ill-formed ranks. 
At this juncture the consul lifted up his hands to 
heaven, and in a clear voice, so as to be overheard, 
vowed a temple to Jupiter the Stayer, if the Roman 
army should stay its flight, and renewing the 
struggle cut to pieces and overcome the legions 
of the Samnites. Everybody, all along the line — 
officers, soldiers, infantry and horse — made an effort 
to restore the day. It even seemed that the divine 
j^ower of the gods was concerned for the renown 
of Rome, so easilv was the struggle turned and the 
enemy repulsed from the camj), and in a short time 
driven back to the place where the fighting had 




13 commissa pugna erat. Ibi obiacente sarcinariun 
ciimulo, quas coniecerant in medium^ haesere im- 
pediti ; deinde^ ne diriperentur res, orbeni amiatorum 

14 sarcinis circumdant. Turn vero eos a fronte urgere 
pedites, ab tergo circumvecti eqiiites ; ita in medio 
caesi captique. Caj)tivorum numerus fiiit septem 
milium octingentorum^^ qui omnes nudi sub iugum 
missi ; caesos rettulere ad quattuor milia octingentos. 

15 Ne Romanis quidem laeta victoria fuit ; recensente 
consule biduo acceptam cladem amissorum militum 
numerus relatus septem milium octingentorum. 

16 Dum haec in Apulia gerebantur, altero exercitu 
Samnites Interamnam, coloniam Romanam, quae via 
Latina est, occupare conati urbem non tenuerunt :. 

17 agros depopulati, cum praedam aliam inde mixtam 
hominum atque pecudum colonosque captos agerent, 
in victorem incidunt consulem ab Luceria redeuntem; 
nee praedam solum amittunt sed ipsi longo atque 

IS impedito agmine incompositi caeduntur. Consul 
Interamnam edicto dominis ad res suas noscendas 
recipiendasque revocatis et exercitu ibi relicto 

19 comitiorum causa Romam est profectus. Cui de 
triumpho agenti negatus honos et ob amissa tot 
milia militum et quod captivos sine pactione sub 
iugum misisset. 

XXXVII. Consul alter Postumius, quia in Samni- 
tibus materia belli deerat, in Etruriam ^ transducto 

^ octingentorum (dccc) A^ Drakenhorch : accc {or other 
corruptions) n. 

^ in Etruriam 5- : etruriam n. 

^ The consul was blamed not for humiliating the enemy, but 
for letting them oti' with the humiliation — as though they had 
surrendered upon tliat understanding — instead of selling them 
as slaves, which he had it in his power to do. 



begun. There they were held up by the heap ofB.c 294 
bundles which they had piled together, and, to 
keep their effects from being rifled, they formed 
around them a circle of armed men. Then the 
foot-soldiers fell hotly upon them in the front, and 
the cavalry rode round and assailed them in the 
rear ; and so between the two they were slaughtered 
or made prisoners. The number of the captives was 
seven thousand eight hundred, who were all stripped 
and sent under the yoke : the slain were reported 
at four thousand eight hundred. Even the Romans 
had no joy of their victory, for the consul found, on 
reckoning up the two days' casualties, that he had 
lost seven thousand eight hundred men. 

Whilst these affairs were taking place in Apulia, 
the Samnites with a second army attempted to seize 
Interamna, a Roman colony on the Latin Way, but 
could not take it ; having pillaged the farms, they 
were driving off a miscellaneous booty of men and 
beasts, together with the captured settlers, when 
they encountered the victorious consul returning 
from Luceria, and not only lost their spoils, but, 
marching without order in a long and encumbered 
column, were massacred themselves. The consul 
made proclamation summoning the owners back to 
Interamna to identify and receive again their 
property, and, leaving there his army, went to Rome 
for the purpose of conducting the elections. When 
he sought to obtain a triumph, the honour was denied 
him, on the ground that he had lost so many 
thousand men, and because he had sent the prisoners 
under the yoke, though they had made no terms. ^ 

XXXVII. The other consul, Postumius, in default 
of enemies in Samnium, transferred his army to 


K K 2 


exercitu primum pervastaverat \'olsiniensem agrum ; 

2 dein cum egressis ad tuendos fines hand procul 
moenibus ipsorum depugiiat ; duo milia octingenti ^ 
Etruscorum caesi ; ceteros pro})inquitas urbis tutata 

3 est. In Rusellanuin - agrum exereitus traduetus ; 
ibi non agri tantum vastati sed oppidum etiam ex- 
pugnatum ; capta amplius duo niilia hominum, minus 

4 duo milia circa muros caesa. Pax tamen clarior 
maiorque quam belhnn in Etruria eo anno fuerat 
])arta est. Tres validissimae urbes^ Etruriae capita, 

5 Volsinii Perusia Arretium, pacem petiere ; et vesti- 
mentis mibtum framentoque pacti cum consuie, ut 
mitti Romam oratores liceret, indutias in quadraginta 
annos impetraverunt. Multa praesens quingentum 
milium aeris in singulas ^ civitates imposita. 

6 Ob hasce res gestas consul cum triumphum ab 
senatu moris magis causa quam spe irapetrandi 

7 petisset videretque alios quod tardius ab urbe exis- 
set, alios quod iniussu senatiis ex Samnio in Etruriam 
transisset, partim siios inimicos, partim collegae 
amicos ad solacium aequatae repulsae sibi quoque 

8 negare triumphum, ^^ Non ita" inquit, ^^patres con- 
scripti, vestrae maiestatis meminero, ut me consuleni 
esse obliviscar. Eodem iure imperii quo bella gessi, 

^ octingenti (dccc) A^ Drakenhorch : accc {or other 
corrupt icms) CI. 

2 Rusellanum Gronovius {chap. iv. § 5) : rosellanum {or 
other corruptions) CI. 

^ aeris in singulas Andreas {ed. Bom. 1469) : aerisingulas 
MPT : aeris singulas M^ : aeris singulis F^UT-A^ : aeiis 11 : 
aeris in 1!^ : omitted by DLA. 



Etruria. There he first devastated the lands of the 
\dsinienses^ and then, when they came out to defend 
their territory^ defeated them at no great distance 
from tlieir own walls. Two thousand eight hundred 
Etruscans were slain ; the rest were saved by their 
nearness to the city. The army was then led into 
the territory of Rusellae. There not only were the 
fields laid waste^ but the town was captured too. 
More than two thousand were made prisoners and 
somewhat fewer were killed in the fighting about the 
walls. Yet a peace was made that year in Etruria 
that was more glorious and of more importance than 
the fighting had been. Three very powerful cities, 
the chief places in that country, namely \'olsinii, 
Perusia, and Arretium, made overtures of peace, and 
arranged with the consul^ in return for clothing and 
corn for his troops, to be permitted to send 
ambassadors to Rome, who obtained a truce for forty 
years. A fine of five hundred thousand asses, to be 
paid at once, was assessed upon each state. 

In view of these achievements, the consul asked 
the senate for a triumph, more as a matter of custom 
than with any hope of obtaining his request. When 
he perceived that some were for denying him on the 
ground of his tardiness in leaving the City, and others 
because he had gone over without the authorization 
of the senate from Samnium into Etruria — a part of 
these critics being his personal enemies, and the rest 
friends of his colleague, who were minded to console 
the latter for his rebuff by denying a triumph to 
Postumius also — seeing, 1 say, how matters stood, he 
spoke as follows : " I shall not be so mindful, 
Conscript Fathers, of your dignity as to forget that 
I am consul. In virtue of the same authority with 



bellis feliciter gestis^ Samnio atqiie Etruria subactis, 
9 victoria et pace parta triumphabo." Ita senatum 
reliquit. Inde inter tribunes plebis contentio orta ; 
pars intercessuros^ ne novo exemplo triumpharet 
aiebat; pars auxilio se adversus collegas triumphanti 

10 futures. I aetata res ad populum est vocatusque eo 
consul cum M, Horatium L.^ Valerium consules, 
C. Marcium Rutulum - nuper, patrem eius qui tunc 
censor esset, non ex auctoritate senatus sed iussu 

11 populi triumphasse diceret, adiciebat se (juoque 
laturum fuisse ad populum, ni sciret mancipia nobi- 
lium, tribunos plebis, legem impedituros ; volun- 
tatem sibi ac favorem consentientis populi pro 

12 omnibus iussis esse ac futura. Posteroque die 
auxilio tribunorum plebis trium adversus interces- 
sionem septem tribunorum et consensum senatus 
celebraute populo diem triumphavit. 

13 Et huius anni parum constans memoria est. Po- 
stumium auctor est Claudius in Samnio captis aliquot 
urbibus in Apulia fusum fugatumque saucium ipsum 
cum })aucis Luceriam compulsum : ab Atilio in 

14 Etruria res gestas eumque triumphasse. Fabius 
ambo consules in Samnio et ad Luceriam res gessisse 

^ ;M. Horatium L. Glarcanus and Stgonhis-. L. Horatium 
M. Ci [rf. C.LL. P, 2). 44, A.u.c. 305). 
- Rutulum {see ill. vii. 6 and vii. xxxviii. 8) rutilium fl. 

^ i.e. the law granting the triumph. 

2 Compare chap. xxvi. §§ 5-7, and chap. xxx. §§ 4-7. 

^ Q. Claudius Quadrigarius composed his annals about 
80 B.c , covering the period from the (^allic invasion to his 
own times. 

* Q. Fabius Pictor was a contemporary of Hannibal and 
wrote an annalistic historj' of Rome in Greek. 



which I conducted my wars^ I intend, now that those 
wars are happily concluded with the subjugation of 
Samnium and Etruria and the winning of victory and 
peace, to celebrate a triumph." So saying he left the 
senate. A dispute then arose amongst the tribunes 
of the plebs ; some declared that they would 
interpose their veto to prevent this unprecedented 
kind of triumph, others that they would support his 
claims against the opposition of their colleaigues. 
The question was discussed in an assembly and the 
consul was asked to speak. He reminded them that 
Marcus Horatius and Lucius \alerius, the consuls, 
and lately Gaius Marcius Rutulus, father of him who 
was then censor, had triumphed not by authorization 
of the senate but by command of the people ; and he 
added that he, too, would have referred the question 
to tlie people, had he not known that there were 
tribunes who were owned by the nobles and would 
obstruct the law ^ ; but the wishes and approbation 
of the people when they were of one accord had all 
the binding force with him — and ever would have — 
of any orders whatsoever. And so, on the following 
dav, with the support of three tribunes of the })lebs, 
against the opposition of seven who forbade the 
proceedings and a unanimous senate, Postumius 
triumphed, with the people thronging in attendance. 
Of this year, too, the tradition is uncertain. ^ 
Postumius, if we follow Claudius,^ after capturing 
several cities in Samnium, was defeated in Apulia and 
put to flight, and, being wounded himself, was forced 
to take refuge with a few followers in Luceria ; while 
Atilius campaigned in Etruria and obtained a 
triumph. Fabius* writes that both consuls fought 
in .Samnium and at Luceria ; that the army was led 


scribit traductumqiie in Etruriam exercitiim — sed ab 
uti'O consule non adicit ^ — et ad Luceriam utrimque 

15 multos occisos inque ea pugna lovis Statoris aedem 
votam, ut Romulus ante voverat ; sed fanum tantum, 

16 id est locus templo effatus^ fuerat. Ceterum hoc 
demum anno ut aedem etiam fieri senatus iuberet 
bis eiusdem voti damnata re ];)ublica ^ in religionem 

XXX\'I1I. Sequitur hunc annum et consul in- 
signis, L. Papirius Cursor^ qua paterna gloria qua 
sua, et bellum ingens victoriaque quantam de Sam- 
nitibus nemo ad earn diem praeter L. Papirium 

2 patrem consulis ^ pepererat. Et forte eodem conatu 
apparatuque omni opulentia insignium armorum 
bellum adornaverant, et deorum etiam adhibuerant 
opes, ritu quodam sacramenti vetusto velut initiatis 
militibus, dilectu per omne Samnium habito nova 

3 lege, ut qui iuniorum non convenisset ad impera- 
torura edictum quique iniussu abisset eius caput* 

4 lovi sacraretur.^ Tum exercitus omnis Aquiloniam 
est indictus. Ad quadraginta ^ milia militum, quod 
roboris in Samnio erat, convenerunt. 

5 Ibi mediis fere castris locus est consaeptus crati- 
bus pluteisque et linteis contectus, patens ducentos 

6 maxima pedes in omnes pariter partis. Ibi ex libro 

^ adicit (adii-) Madvig: adiecit n. 

2 re publica A^^ Grmiovius : respublica n. 

^ consulis ri cos P: oonsulem MTLLA: eius consulem U. 

* eius caput M. Mv.dler (ii. viii. 2) : caput (capud A) Ci. 
^ sacraretur Madvig : sacratum erat Cl. 

* quadraginta (xl) MC/LA^ {or A^) : sexaginta (lx) 

^ The same, that is, as in the year 309 B.C., when they had 

BOOK X. XXXVII. 14-XXXV111. 6 

over into Etruria— by which consul he does not state b.c. 221 
— and that at Luceria both sides suffered heavy 
losses ; in the course of the battle a temple was 
vowed to Jupiter Stator, as Romulus had vowed one 
before ; but only the /J77/ ;/;;?, or place set apart for the 
temple, had been consecrated ; this year, however, 
their scruples demanded that the senate should order 
the erection of the building, since the state had now 
been obligated for the second time by the same vow. 

XXX\'11I. The following year brought with it a b.c. 203 
consul, Lucius Papirius Cursor, remarkable both for 
his father's glory and for his own, and a mighty war, 
with a victory such as no one, save Lucius Papirius, 
the consul's father, had until that day obtained over 
the Samnites. And it happened that the enemy had 
made their preparations for the war with the same ^ 
earnestness and pomp and all the magnificence of 
splendid arms, and had likewise invoked the assis- 
tance of the gods, initiating, as it were, their soldiers, 
in accordance with a certain antique form of oath. 
But first they held a levy throughout Samnium under 
this new ordinance, that whosoever of military age 
did not report in response to the proclamation of the 
generals, or departed without their orders, should 
forfeit his life to Jupiter. Which done, they 
appointed all the army to meet at Aquilonia, where 
some forty thousand soldiers, the strength of 
Samnium, came together. 

There, at about the middle of the camp, they had 
enclosed an area, extending approximately two 
lumdred feet in all directions, with wicker hurdles, 
and roofed it over with linen. In this place they 

fought against the Romans, wlio M-ere commanded by the 
elder Papirius (ix. xl. 2 ff.). 


i.u.c, vetere linteo lecto ^ sacrificatum sacerdote Ovio 

*^^ Paccio quodam, homine matrno natu. (jui se id sacrum 

petere adfirmabat ex vetusta Samnitium religione, 

qua quondam usi maiores eorum fuissent^ cum adi- 

mendae Etruscis Capuae clandestinum cepissent 

7 consilium, Sacrificio perfecto per viatorem impe- 
rator acciri iubebat nobilissimum quemque genere 

8 factisque : singuli introducebantur. Erat cum alius 
apparatus sacri qui perfundere religione animum 
posset, turn in loco circa omni contecto arae in 
medio victimaeque circa caesae et circumstantes cen- 

9 turiones strictis gladiis. Admovebatur altaribus 
magis ut victima quam ut sacri particeps adigeba- 
turque - iure iurando quae visa auditaque in eo loco 

10 essent/"^ non enuntiaturum. Dein iurare cogebant 
diro quodam carmine, in exsecrationem capitis fami- 
liaeque et stirpis composito^ nisi isset in proelium 
quo ^ imperatores duxissent et si aut ipse ex acie 
fugisset aut si quem fugientem vidisset non ex- 

11 templo occidisset. Id primo quidam abnuentes 
iuraturos se obtruncati circa altaria sunt; iacentes 
deinde inter stragem victimarum documento ceteris 

12 fuere ne abnuerent. Primoribus Samnitium ea 
detestatione obstrictis^ decem nominatis ab impera- 
tore, eis dictum ut vir virum legerent donee sedecim 

^ lecto n : tecto Madvig. 

2 adigebaturque DVj adicebaturque MPTDA : adicieVja- 
turque UL. 

3 essent J/^ {or ^^^) P^ (or I^] u 7^ (o?- T^) L^A^ : co essent 
MP: coisseut TDLA. 

* quo Ph(T} {or T-) A^ : quod MPTDLA. 

* At IV. xxxvii. 1 f. we were told how the Etruscan city of 
Volturnum was captured by the Samnites and renamed 



offered sacrifice in accordance with directions read b.c. 293 
from an old linen roll. The celebrant was one 
Oviiis PacciuSj an aged man^ who claimed to derive 
this ceremony from an ancient ritual of the Samnites 
which the forefathers of those present had formerly 
employed when they had gone secretly about to get 
Capua away from the Etruscans.^ On the conclusion 
of the sacrifice^ the general by his apparitor com- 
manded to be summoned all those of the highest 
degree in birth and deeds of arms : and one by one 
they were introduced. Besides other ceremonial 
preparations^ such as might avail to strike the mind 
with religious awe^ there was a place all enclosed, 
with altars in the midst and slaughtered victims 
lying about, and round them a guard of centurions ^ 
with drawn swords. The man was brought up to the 
altar, more like a victim than a partaker in the rite, 
and was sworn not to divulge what he should there 
see or hear. They then compelled him to take an 
oath in accordance with a certain dreadful form of 
words, whereby he invoked a curse upon his head, 
his household, and his family, if he went not into 
battle where his generals led the way, or if he either 
fled from the line himself or saw any other fleeing 
and did not instantly cut him down. Some there 
were at first who refused to take this oath ; these 
were beheaded before the altars, where they lay 
amongst the slaughtered victims — a warning to the 
rest not to refuse. When the leading Samnites had 
been bound by this imprecation, the general named 
ten of them and bade them choose every man 
another, and so to proceed until they had brought 

These are called "'armed priests" at chap. xli. 



milium numerum confecissent. Ea legio linteata ab 
integmiiento consaepti, in quo ^ sacrata nobilitas 
erat^ appellata est ; his arma insignia data et cri- 
13 statae galeae, ut inter ceteros eminerent. Paulo 
plus viginti milium alius exercitus fuit nee corporum 
specie nee gloria belli nee apparatu linteatae legioni 
dispar.2 Hie hominum numerus. quod roboris erat_, 
ad Aquiloniam^ consedit. 

XXXIX. Consules profecti ab urbe. prior S]). Car- 
vilius, cui veteres legiones quas M. Atilius superioris 
anni consul in agro Interamiiati reliquerat decretae 

2 erant. Cum els in Samnium profectus, dum hostes 
operati superstitionibus concilia secreta agunt, Ami- 

3 ternum oppidum de Samnitibus vi cepit. Caesa ibi 
milia hominum duo ferme atque octingenti, capta 

4 quattuor milia ducenti septuaginta. Papirius novo 
exercitu — ita enim decretum erat — scripto Duroniam 
urbem ex})ugnavit : minus quam collega cepit homi- 
num, plus aliquanto occidit ; praeda opulenta utro- 

5 bique est parta. Inde j^ervagati Samnium consules, 
maxime dejwpulato Atinate agro, Carvilius ad Comi- 
nium, Papirius ad Aquiloniam, ubi summa rei Samni- 

6 tium erat_, pervenit. Ibi aliquamdiu nee cessatum 
ab amiis est neque naviter pugnatum ; lacessendo 
quietos, resistentibus cedendo comminandoque magis 

^ in quo Frcudenhcrg: a quo .-: quo Cl. 
^ dispar Cl ( If ^alters} : par u iConvcay). 
^ ad Aquiloniam - : Aquiloniam H. 

^ See IX. xxxix. 5. where this mode of selection is des- 
cribed as having been employed by the Etruscans. 

* To be consistent with the total given in § 4, this number 
should be 24,(XX». 



their number up to sixteen thousand.^ These were b.c. 293 
named the ^' Linen Legion/' from the roof of the 
enclosure wherein the nobles had been sworn^ and 
were given splendid arms and crested helmets, to 
distinguish them from the rest. A little over twenty 
thousand 2 men composed another corps, which 
neither in physical appearance nor in martial renown 
nor in equipment was inferior to the Linen Legion. 
This was the size of the army, comprising their 
effective forces, which encamped at Aquilonia. 

XXXIX. The consuls set out from the City, 
Spurius Carvilius, to whom had been assigned the 
veteran legions which Marcus Atilius the consul of 
the previous year had left in the territory of 
Interamna, being the first to take the field. Pro- 
ceeding with these forces into Samnium, while the 
enemy, busy with their superstitious rites, were 
holding secret councils, he carried the Samnite town 
of Amiternum by assault. There about two thousand 
eight hundred men were slain and four thousand two 
hundred and seventy made prisoners. Papirius, 
having levied a new army — for so it had been 
decreed — took by storm the city of Duronia, making 
fewer prisoners tlian his colleague but killing many 
more. In each place a rich booty was obtained. 
Afterwards, the consuls having ranged over Samnium 
and laid waste especially the district of Atina, 
Carvilius ap})eared before Cominium and Papirius 
before Aquilonia, where the main power of the 
Samnites lay encamped. There for some days there 
was neither cessation from hostilities nor downright 
fighting, but the time was spent in provoking the 
enemy when they were quiet and retreating when 
they offered resistance — in a word, in feinting rather 



7 quam inferendo pugnam dies absumebatur. Quod- 
cumque ^ inciperetur remittereturque^ omnium rerum 
etiam parvarmn eventus perferebatur inde in ^ altera 
Romana castra^ quae viginti milium spatio aberant, 
et absentis coUegae consilia omnibus gerendis inte- 
rerant rebus, intentiorque Carvilius, quo in rnaiore ^ 
discrimine res vertebatur, in Aquiloniam quam ad 

8 Cominium, quod obsidebat, erat. 

L. Papirius, iam })er omnia ad dimicandum satis 
paratus, nuntium ad collegam mittit sibi in animo 

9 esse postero die, si per auspicia lieeret, confligere 
cum hoste ; opus esse et ilium quanta maxima vi 
posset Cominium o])]nignare, ne quid laxamenti sit 

10 Samnitibus ad subsidia Aquiloniam mittenda. Diem 
ad j)roficiscendum nuntius habuit ; nocte rediit, 

11 approbare collegam consulta referens. Papirius 
nuntio misso extemplo contionem habuit ; multa 
de universo genere belli, multa de praesenti hostium 
apparatu, vana magis specie quam efficaci ad even- 

12 tum, disseruit : non enim cristas volnera facere, 
et per picta atque aurata scuta transire Romanum 
pilum, et candore tunicarum fulgentem aciem, ubi 

13 res ferro geratur, cruentari. Auream olim atque 
argenteam Samnitium aciem a })arente sue occi- 
dione occisam s})oliaque ea honestiora victori hosti 

14 fjuam ij)sis arma fuisse. Datum hoc forsan nomini 
familiaeque suae, ut adversus maximos conatus 
Samnitium o})})onerentur duces spoliaque ea refer- 
rent quae insignia })ublicis etiam locis decorandis 

^ Quodcumque MadvUj : quodcum n : quaecum A^r. 

- inde in Madvig : in dies Si. 

^ quo in maiore Madvig : quom aiore T : quo maiore H. 

1 In 310 B.C. See ix. xl. 1-17. 

BOOK X. XXXIX. 6-14 

than attacking. Whatever was undertaken or given 
over, the result of every skirmish, no matter how 
trivial it might be, was reported at the other camp, 
which was twenty miles away. The other colleague, 
Carvilius, though absent, shared in every plan of 
operations, and was more intent upon Aquilonia, 
as the crisis became more imminent, than upon 
Cominium, to which he was laying siege. 

Lucius Papirius, being now prepared at all points 
for the battle, sent word to his colleague that he 
purposed, if the auspices permitted, to engage the 
enemy on the following day ; it was needful, he 
said, that Carvilius should also direct an assault, as 
violent as possible, on Cominium, that no relaxation 
of the pressure there might allow of the Samnites' 
sending relief to Aquilonia. The messenger had a 
day for the journey. Returning in the night, he 
reported that Carvilius approved the measures taken 
by his colleague. Papirius had no sooner sent off the 
courier than he addressed his troops, and said many 
things of war in general and much regarding the 
present equipment of the enemy, more vain and 
showy than effective. For crests, said he, dealt no 
wounds, and painted and gilded shields would let 
the Roman javelin through, and their battle-array, 
resplendent in white tunics, would be stained with 
blood when sword met sword. Long ago a gilt and 
silvern Samnite army had been utterly destroyed by 
his father, and the spoils had done their conquerors 
more credit tiian the arms had brought to their 
bearers. 1 It had perhaps been granted to his name 
and family to be sent forth as generals against the 
mightiest efforts of the Samnites, and to win such 
trophies as should strikingly adorn even public 


A.u.c. 15 essent. Deos innnortales adesse propter totiens 

461 r 1 

16 petita loedera, totiens rupta ; si^ qua conieotura 
mentis divinae sit, nulli unquam exercitui fuisse 
infestiores quam qui nefando sacro mixta homi- 
num pecudumque caede res])ersus, ancipiti deum 
irae devotus, hinc foederum cum Romanis ictorum 

17 testes deos, hiuc iuris iurandi adversus foedera 
susce})ti exsecrationes horrens, invitus iuraverit, 
oderit sacramentum, uno tempore deos cives hostes 

XL. Haec comperta perfugarum indiciis cum apud 
infensos iam sua sponte milites disseruisset, simul 
divinae humanaeque spei pleni clamore consentienti 
l)ugnam poscunt ; paenitet in posterum diem dilatum 

2 certamen ; moram diei noctisque oderunt. Tertia 
vigilia noctis, iam relatis litteris a coUega, Pa})irius 
silentio surgit et pullarium in auspicium mittit. 

3 Nullum erat genus hominum in castris intactum 
cupiditate pugnae, summi infimique aeque intenti 
erant ; dux militum, miles ducis ardorem spectabat. 

4 Is ardor omnium etiam ad eos qui auspicio inter- 
erant pervenit ; nam cum pulli non ]iascerentur, 
pullarius ausi)icium mentiri ausus tri})udium soli- 

5 stimum consuli nuntiavit. Consul laetus auspicium 

^ si Luterba<^her : turn si Q. 

^ For the use of sacred ciiickens in augur}' see vi. xli. 8 
aud note (Vol. III., p. 344;. 


BOOK X. XXXIX. 14-XL. 5 

places. The immortal gods^ he said^ were ready to b.c 293 
intervene in behalf of treaties so often sought and so 
often broken. If it were possible in any way to 
surmise the feelings of the gods^ they had never been 
more enraged with any army than with this one, 
which with horrid rites and stained with the com- 
mingled blood of men and beasts^ doubly devoted 
to the wrath of Heaven^ as it trembled now at 
the gods that attested the treaties it had made with 
the Romans, and now at the curses called down when 
it undertook to break those treaties, had sworn 
unwillingly, hated its oath, and dreaded at one and 
the same moment its gods, its fellow-citizens, and 
its enemies. 

XL. These fears had been made known to Papirius 
by deserters ; and when he had described them to 
his soldiers, incensed as they already were of them- 
selves, their hopes both of gods and men ran high, 
and they called out in unison demanding battle ; 
they were vexed at the postponement of the 
struggle until the morrow, and to wait for a day 
and night distrusted them. In the third watch of 
the night, having now received his colleague's 
answer, Papirius rose silently and sent the keeper 
of the chickens ^ to take the auspices. There was 
no class of men in camp who were not affected by 
the lust of battle ; both high and low felt the same 
eagerness ; the general could see the ardour of the 
men, the men that of their general. This universal 
zeal spread even to those who took the auspices, 
for when the chickens refused to feed, their keeper 
dared to falsify the presage and reported that the 
corn danced on the ground as it fell from their 
greedy beaks. The consul joyfully announced that 



egregium esse et dels auctoribus rem gestures pro- 

6 nuntiat signiimque piignae proponit. Exeunti iam 
forte in aciem nuntiat perfuga viginti cohortes 
Samnitium — quadringenariae ferme erant — Comi- 
nium profectas. Quod ne ignoraret collega, ex- 
templo nuntium niittit ; ipse signa ocius proferri 

7 iubet ; subsidia ^ suis quaeque locis et praefectos 
subsidiis attribuerat ; dextro cornu L. Volumnium, 
sinistro L. Scipionem^ equitibus legatos alios, C. 

8 Caedicium et T. Trebonium,- praefecit ; Sp. Nautium 
mulos detractis clitellis cum tribus cohortibus^ alariis 
in tumulum conspectum propere circumducere iubet 
atque inde inter ipsam dimicationem quanto maxime 
posset moto pulvere se * ostendere. 

9 Dum his intentus imperator erat, altercatio inter 
pullarios orta de auspicio eius diei exauditaque ab 
equitibus Romanis, qui rem baud spernendam rati 
Sp. Papirio, fratis fibo consulis, ambigi de auspicio 

10 renuntiaverunt. luvenis ante doctrinam deos s})er- 
nentem natus rem inquisitam, ne quid incompertum 

11 deferret, ad consulem detulit. Cui ille : " Tu quidem 
macte virtute diligentiaque esto ! Ceterum qui 
auspicio adest si quid falsi nuntiat, in semet ipsiun 

^ subsidia Madvig : subsidiaque Ci. 

- T. Trebonium Weissenhorn : Trebonium Ci. 

2 tribus cohortibus Hertz : cohortibus (cohortir P: 

cohortis F) n. 
* moto pulvere se Madvig : moto puluere n. 

^ For a similar use of pack-animals to simulate cavalry, 
compare vii, xiv. 7-10. 

2 Compare the caustic remark at iii. xx. 5 : But there 
had not yet come about that contempt for the gods which 
possesses the present generation ; nor did everybody seek to 
construe oaths and laws to suit himself, but rather shaped 
his own practices by them. 

BOOK X. XL. 5-1 1 

the omens were most fjivourable, and that the gods b.c. 293 
would be with them as they fought. So sayingv, he 
displayed the signal for a battle. It chanced, as he 
was already moving out to the field, that a deserter 
came up with the information that twenty cohorts 
of the Samnites — of about four hundred each — had 
set out for Cominium. That his colleague might 
not be ignorant of this, he instantly dispatched a 
messenger to him, and ordered his own troops to 
advance in double time. He had assigned supports 
to take their posts at favourable points and officers 
to command them ; the right wino; he had ffiven to 
Lucius Volumnius, the left to Lucius Scipio ; to lead 
the cavalry he appointed the other lieutenants, 
Gaius Caedicius and Titus Trebonius. Spurius 
Nautius he directed to remove the pack-saddles 
from the mules, and with three cohorts of auxiliaries 
to make a hasty detour to a hill which lay in full 
view, and thence to show himself, in the heat of the 
engagement, raising as much dust as possible.^ 

While the general was thus employed, a dispute 
wiiich broke out amongst the keepers of the chickens 
about the auspices for that day was overheard by 
some Roman cavalrymen, who, deeming it no 
negligible matter, reported to Spurius Papirius, the 
consul's nephew, that the auspices were being called 
in question. The young man had been born before 
the learning that makes light of the gods,^ and 
having inquired into the affair, that he might not 
be the bearer of an uncertain rumour, acquainted 
the consul with it. The consul replied ; " For your- 
self, I commend your conduct and your diligence ; 
but he who takes the auspices, if he reports aught 
that is false, draws down the wrath of Heaven upon 

L L 2 


religionem recipit : mihi quidem tripudium nuntia- 
tum ; populo Romano exercituique egregium auspi- 

12 cium est." Centurionibus deinde imperavit uti 
pullarios inter prima signa constituerent. Promovent 
et Samnites signa ; insequitur acies ornata armata- 
que, ut h ostium ^ qiioque magnificmii spectaculum 

13 esset. Priusquam clamor tolleretur concurreretur- 
que, emisso temere pilo ictus pullarius ante signa 
cecidit. Quod ubi consuli nuntiatum est, " Di in 
proelio sunt" inquit ; ^Miabet poenam noxium 

14 caput I" Ante consulem haec dicentem corvus voce 
clara occinuit ; quo laetus augurio consul, adfirmans 
nunquam humanis rebus magis praesentes interfuisse 
deos, signa canere et clamorem tolli iussit. 

XLI. Proelium commissum atrox, ceterum longe 

■ disparibus animis : Romanos ira spes ardor certaminis 

avidos h ostium sanguinis in proelium rapit ; Samni- 

tium magnam partem necessitas ac religio invitos 

2 magis resistere quam inferre pugnam cogit. Nee 
sustinuissent primum clamorem atque impetum 
Romanorum, per aliquot iam annos vinci adsueti, ni 
potentior alius metus insidens pectoribus a fuga 

3 rctineret. Quippe in oculis erat omnis ille occulti 
paratus sacri et armati sacerdotes et promiscua 
hominum pecudumque strages et respersae fando 
nefandoque sanguine arae et dira exsecratio ac 

1 hostium fl : hostibus (or hosti) cdd. 


BOOK X. XL. ii-XLi. 3 

himself; as for me, I was told that the corn hadB.c. 293 
danced ; it is an excellent omen for the Roman People 
and the army." He then ordered the centurions to 
station the keepers of the chickens in the front 
rank. The Samnites, too, advanced their standards, 
which were followed by the battle-line in gorgeous 
armour — a splendid spectacle, though composed of 
enemies. Before the first shout and the clash of 
arms, a random javelin struck the chicken-keeper 
and he fell before the standards. The consul, on 
being told of this, exclaimed, " The gods are present 
in the battle ; the guilty wretch has paid the 
penalty I" In front of the consul a raven, just as 
he spoke, uttered a clear cry, and Papirius, rejoiced 
with the augury, and declaring that never had the 
gods been more instant to intervene in human 
affairs, bade sound the trumpets and give a cheer. 

XLl. The battle was fought fiercely, but with far 
from equal spirit. The Romans v.ere filled with 
rage and hope and ardour for the combat, and, 
thirsting for their enemies' blood, rushed into the 
engagement. As for the Samnites, in most cases 
it was necessity and the fear of Heaven that com- 
pelled them, however reluctant, rather to resist 
than to attack. Nor would they have held out 
against the first battle-cry and onset of the Romans, 
accustomed, as they had now been for some years, to 
being beaten, had not another yet more powerful fear 
benumbed their hearts and prevented them from 
fleeing. For their eyes beheld all that array of the 
secret rite, and the armed ]:)riests, and the mingled 
slaughter of men and beasts, and the altars spattered 
with the blood of victims — and with that other 
blood — and they could hear the baleful execrations 


A.r.c. furiale caniien^ detestandae familiae stir})ique com- 
positum ; iis vinculis fugae obstricti stabant, civem 

4 magis quam hostem tiiiientes. Instare Romanus a 
cornu utroque, a media acie, et caedere deorum 
hoiiiinumque attonitos metu ; repugnatur segniter, 
ut ab iis ^ qiios timor moraretur a fuga. 

5 lam prope ad signa caedes pervenerat, cum ex 
transverso pulvis velut ingentis agminis incessu 
mollis appariiit ; Sp. Nautius — Octavium Maecium 
quidam emu tradunt — cmii auxiliaribus ^ cohortibus 

6 erat ; piilverem maioi em quam pro numero excita- 
bant ; incidentes mulis calones frondosos ramos per 
terram trahebant. Anna signaque per turbidam 
lucem in primo apparebant ; ])Ost altior densiorque 
pulvis equitum speciem cogentium agmeii dabat 
fefellitque non Samnites modo sed etiam Romanos ; 

7 et consul adfinnavit errorem clamitans inter prima 
signa, ita ut vox etiam ad hostis accideret^ captum 
Cominiumx, victorem collegam adesse : adniterentur 
vincere, j^riusquam gloria alterius exercitus fieret. j 

8 Haec insidens equo ; inde tribunis centurionibusque 
imperat, ut viam equitibus patefaciant ; ipse Trebonio 
Caedicioque praedixerat, ubi se cuspidem erectara 
quatientem vidissent, quanta maxima vi possent con- 

9 citarent equites in hostem. Ad nutum omnia, ut 

^ iis - : his n : hiis A. 

2 cum auxiliaribus Malvig : dux alaribus (laribus A) H 
dux cum alaribus Koch. 


BOOK X. xLi. 3-9 

and that dire oath^ framed to invoke perdition onB.c. 293 
their families and on their stock. These were the 
chains that stayed them from flight, and they feared 
their countrymen more than they feared their foes. 
On came the Romans from either wing and from the 
centre_, and cut them down as they stood there 
dazed by the dread of gods and men. They resisted, 
but sluggishly, like men whom cowardice restrained 
from running. 

The carnage had now reached almost to the 
standards, when a cloud of dust appeared on their 
flank, as though raised by the oncoming of a mighty 
host. It was Spurius Nautius — some say Octavius 
Maecius — with the auxiliary cohorts ; they made 
more dust than their numbers warranted, for the 
grooms Avho rode the mules were dragging leafy 
branches along the ground. Arms and standards 
were made out in the van through the murky air, 
and behind them another denser cloud of dust 
seemed to show that cavalry were closing the rear, 
and deceived not only the Samnites, but the Romans 
as well. This mistake the consul confirmed by 
calling out in the front ranks, so loud that his voice 
carried even to the enemy, that Cominium was 
taken, and that his victorious colleague was at 
hand ; let them therefore strive to conquer before 
the other army won the glory. He was on horse- 
back as he shouted these words. He then com- 
manded the tribunes and centurions to open a 
path for the cavalry, having previously admonished 
Trebonius and Caedicius that when they saw him 
holding his lance aloft and shaking it, they should 
make their horsemen run full tilt against the 
enemy. Everything fell out according to his wishes, 




^j ex ante praeparato, fiunt ; panduntur inter ordines 

viae ; provolat eques atque infestis cuspidibus in 
medium agmen hostium ruit perrumpitque ordines 
quacumque impetum dedit. Instant Volumnius et 
Scipio et perculsos sternunt. 

10 Turn iam deorum hominumque victa vi_, funduntur 
linteatae cohortes ; pariter iurati iniuratique fugiunt 

11 nee quemqiiam praeter hostes metuunt. Peditum ^ 
quod superfuit pugnae in castra aut Aquiloniam 
compulsLmi est ; nobilitas equitesque Bovianum per- 
fugerunt. Equites eques sequitur^ peditem pedes ; 
diversa cornua dextrum ad castra Samnitium, laevum 

12 ad urbem tendit. Prior aliquanto Volumnius castra 
cepit ; ad urbem Scipioni maiore resistitur vi, non 
quia plus animi victis est sed melius muri quam 
vallum annates arcent ; inde lapidibus propulsant 

13 hostem. Scipio, nisi in primo pavore priusquam 
colligerentur animi transacta res esset, lentiorem 
fore munitae urbis oppugnationem ratus, interrogat 
milites satin aequo animo paterentur ab altero corim 
castra capta esse, se victores pelli a portis urbis. 

14 Reclamantibus universis primus ipse scuto super 
caput elato pergit ad portam ; secuti alii testudine 
facta in urbem perrinnpunt deturbatisque Samnitibus 
quae circa portam erant muri occupavere ; penetrare 

^ peditum Gronovius : peditum agmen n. 

BOOK X. xLi. 9-14 

as happens when plans are laid beforehand. Lanes b.c. 293 
were opened up between the files ; the cavalry 
dashed out^ and with levelled spears assailed the 
midst of the enemy's array^ and broke his ranks 
wherever they charged. Hard after them came 
Volumnius and Scipio, and made havoc of the 
disordered Samnites. 

Then at last^ overwhelmed by gods and men, tlie 
Linen Cohorts were put to rout ; the sworn and the 
unsworn fled alike^ and knew no fear but fear of 
the enemy. Such portion of the foot as survived the 
battle was driven to the camp or to Aquilonium ; 
the nobles and cavalry escaped to Bovianum. Horse 
were pursued by horse, infantry by infantry. The 
Boman wings advanced on different objectives, the 
right on the Samnite camp, the left on their city. 
Volumnius succeeded somewhat sooner in capturing 
the camp. From the city Scipio met with a more 
violent resistance— not that vanquished men are 
more courageous, but walls avail better to keep out 
armed enemies than does a rampart ; and from 
thence they drove their assailants off with stones. 
Scipio, fearing that it would be a tedious task to 
reduce a fortified city, unless the affair were con- 
cluded during the first panic of his enemies and 
before they should collect their spirits, asked his 
soldiers whether they could be content that the 
other wing should have taken the camp, while they, 
though victors, were repulsed from the city gates. 
When they all together cried out '' No ! " he 
himself led the way to the gate, shield over head, 
and the others, following him, formed a iestudo, 
burst into the city, and hurling down the defenders 
seized the walls adjoining the gate ; they durst not 



in interiora urbis, quia pauci admodum erant^ non 

XLII. Haec primo ignorare consul et intentus 
recipiendo exercitui esse ; iam enim praeceps in 
occasum sol erat et appetens nox })ericulosa et 

2 suspecta omnia etiam victoribus faciebat. Progressus 
longius ab dextra capta castra videt^ ab laeva clamo- 
rem in urbe mixtum pugnantium ac paventium fre- 
mitu esse ; et turn forte certamen ad portam erat. 

3 Advectus deinde equo propius^ ut suos in muris 
videt nee iam integri quicquam esse, quoniam 
temeritate paucorum magnae rei parta occasio esset, 
acciri quas receperat copias signaque in lu'bem inferri 

4 iussit. Ingressi proxima ex parte ^ quia nox appro- 
j)inquabat, quievere. Nocte oppidum ab hostibus 
desert um est. 

5 Caesa illo die ad Aquiloniam Samnitium milia 
viginti trecenti quadraginta, ca])ta tria milia octin- 
genti et septuagint^i,signa militaria nonaginta septcm. 

6 Ceterum illud memoriae traditur, non ferme alium 
ducem laetiorem in acie visum seu suopte ingenio 

7 seu fiducia bene gerundae rei. Ab eodem robore 
animi neque contro verso auspicio revocari a proelio 
potuit et in ipso discrimine quo templa deis immor- 

^ ex parte n : ea parte lac. Gronocins. 

BOOK X. xLi. 14-XL11. 7 

venture into the middle of the city, because their b.c. 293 
numbers were so small. 

XLI I. Of these events the consul was at first 
unaware, and was intent upon the withdrawal of his 
army ; for the sun was now rapidly sinkinii" in the west, 
and night coming on a})ace made all things dangerous 
and suspect, even to the victors. As he rode farther 
forward, he saw on his right hand that the camp 
was taken, while from the city, on his left, a confused 
uproar was rising in which the shouts of the com- 
batants were mingled with screams of terror ; and 
it so happened that at that very moment the struggle 
at the gate was in progress. Then, riding nearer 
and perceiving that his men were on the walls and 
that his course was already marked out for him, 
since the adventurousness of a few men had pro- 
vided him with a great opportunity, he gave orders 
that the troops withdrawn should be called back 
and advance against the city. They entered it on 
the nearest side, and, as night was approaching, 
bivouacked ; in the night the town was abandoned 
by the enemy. 

There were slain that day of the Samnites at 
Aquilonia twenty thousand three hundred and forty, 
and three thousand eight hundred and seventy were 
captured, with ninety-seven military standards. 
Tradition also avers that hardly had there ever been 
a general more joyous in combat, whether owing 
to his native temper or to his confidence that he 
should gain the victory. It resulted from the same 
stoutness of heart that he was not to be recalled 
from giving battle by the disj)ute about the omen, 
and that in the hour of crisis, when it was customary 
to vow temples to the immortal gods, he made a 



talibus voveri mos erat voverat lovi Victoria si 
legiones hostium fudisset, pocillum mulsi priusquam 
temetum biberet, sese facturum. Id votum dis cordi 
fuit et auspicia in bonum verterunt. 

XLIII. Eadem fortuna ab altero consule ad 
Comiiiium^ gesta res. Prima luce ad moenia omni- 
bus co})iis admotis corona cinxit urbem subsidiaque 

2 firma^ ne qua eruptio fieret^ portis opposuit. lam 
signum dantem eum nuntius a collega trepidus de 
viginti cohortium adventu et ab impetu moratus est 
et partem copiarum revocare instructam intentamque 

3 ad 0})pugnandum coegit. D. Brutum Scaevam lega- 
tum cum legione prima et decem cohortibus alariis 
equitatuque ire adversus subsidiumi hostium iussit : 

4 quocumque in loco fuisset obvius, obsisteret ac 
moraretur manumque, si forte ita res posceret, con- 
ferret, modo ne ad Cominium eae copiae admoveri 

5 possent. Ipse scalas ferri ad muros ab omni parte 
urbis iussit ac testudine ad portas successit ; simul 
et refringebantur portae et vis undique in muros 
fiebat. Samnites sicut antequam in muris viderent 
annatos satis animi habuerunt ad prohibendos urbis 

6 aditu hostes, ita, postquam iam non ex intervallo nee 
missilibus sed comminus gerebatur res et qui aegrc 

^Cominium A^ : c6{or com-)minium CI: comonium P: 
cOmineum (? F. 

^ The consul's vow was by no means prompted by a spirit 
of mockery, but was merely an hilarious expression of con- 
fidence and good understanding — not without a playful 
assumption of superiority as a toper, implied in^the contrast 
l>etween jxicilhim mulsi and temetum. That Jupiter should 
have savoured the jest shows him to been blessed with 
a livelier sense of humour than the elder Pliny, who cites 
the anecdote {X.H.. xiv. 91) as evidence how sparingly wine 
was used in the old days. 


BOOK X. xLii. 7-xLiii. 6 

vow to Jupiter the Victor that if he routed theB.c. 293 
legions of the enemy he would present him with 
a thimbleful of mead before he drank strong wine 
himself. This vow was pleasing to the gods and 
they gave a good turn to the auspices.^ 

XLIII. The same good fortune attended the 
other consul at Cominium. With the dawn he led 
up all his forces under the walls and invested the 
city, posting strong supports to prevent any sally 
from the gates. He was in the act of giving the 
signal when the courier from his colleague came up 
with the alarming news about the twenty cohorts,^ 
thus delaying the assault and obliging him to recall 
a part of his troops who were already drawn up and 
eager to attack. He commanded Decimus Brutus 
Scaeva, his lieutenant, to proceed with the first 
legion, ten auxiliary cohorts, and the cavalry, to 
confront the new forces of the enemy : wherever 
he fell in witli them, he was to block their path 
and delay them, giving battle if the situation hap- 
pened to require it ; but on no account must these 
troops be suffered to approach Cominium. He him- 
self gave orders to bring up scaling-ladders from 
every side against the walls of the city, and under 
a mantlet of shields approached the gates. Thus 
at the same instant the gates were burst open and 
the walls assaulted. The Samnites, although, until 
they beheld armed men upon their walls, they had 
pluck enough to keep their enemies from coming 
near the city, yet when the combat was no longer 
carried on with missiles at long range, but was 
fought hand-to-hand, and when those who had 

' See chap. xl. § 6. 


A.u.c. successerant ex piano in muros^ loco quern magis 
timuerant victo, facile in hostem imparem ex aequo 

7 pugnabant, relictis turribus murisque in forum omnes 
compulsi paulisper inde temptaverunt extremam 

8 pugnae fortunam ; deinde abiectis armis ad undecim 
milia hominum et quadringenti in fidem consulis 
venerunt ; caesa ad quattuor milia octingenti ^ 

9 Sic ad Cominium, sic ad Aquiloniam gesta res ; in 
medio inter duas urbes spatio, ubi tertia exspectata 
erat pugna, hostes non inventi. Septem milia 
passuum cum al^essent a Cominio, revocati ab suis 

10 neutri proelio occurrerunt. Primis ferme tenebris, 
cum in cons])ectu iam castra^ iam Aquiloniam 
habuissent, clamor eos utrimque par accidens susti- 

11 nuit ; deinde regione ^ castrorum^ quae incensa ab 
Romanis erant^ flamma late fusa ^ certioris cladis 

12 indicio progredi longius prohibuit ; eo ipso loco 
temere sub aniiis strati passim inquietum omne 
tempus noctis exspectando timendoque lucem egere. 

13 Prima luce incerti quam in partem intenderent iter 
repente in fugam consternantur * conspecti ab equiti- 
bus, qui egressos nocte ab oppido Samnites persecuti 
viderant multitudinem non vallo^ non stationibus 

^ octingenti Gronovius: accc {or other corruptions) fl. 
2 regione uA^-: regionem ^or -e)n: e regione j-. 
' flarama late fusa u;- : flammae late fusae H. 
* consternantur DV : consternuntur fi. 


BOOK X. xLiii. 6-13 

mounted -with difficulty from tlie plain on to theB.c. 293 
walls — overcoming the inequality of position, -which 
-vvas what they had chietiy dreaded — were making 
easy work of it on the level ground with an enemy 
that was no match for them, they forsook their 
towers and battlements, and, huddled all together 
in the market-place, made there one last brief 
attempt to redeem the day. Then, throwing down 
their arms, some eleven thousand four hundred men 
cast themselves on the mercy of the consul ; about 
four thousand eight hundred had been slain. 

Such were the operations at Cominium and at 
Aquilonia. In the place between, where a third 
battle had been looked for, the enemy were not 
encountered. Recalled by their leaders when seven 
miles from Cominium, they had not been present 
at either enijairement. As the evening; shadows be- 
gan to fall, when they had already come within sight 
of the camp and of Aquilonia, they had been halted 
by the shouts, which were equally loud from both 
directions. But afterwards, from the direction of 
the camp, which had been fired by the Romans, 
the flames broke out so extensively, with their 
warning of an unmistakable disaster, as to keep 
them from advancing further, and throwing them- 
selves on the ground at random, just where they 
were, without stopping to remove their arms, they 
passed the whole weary night in waiting for the 
dawn, which at the same time they dreaded. As 
the day broke, they were hesitating which way to 
march, when the Roman cavalry, who had pursued 
the Samnites when they left their town in the 
night, caught sight of the army, lying there without 
breastworks or outpost, and instantly routed them, 



A.u.c. 14 firmatam. Conspecta et ex niuris Aquiloniae ea 
^^^ miiltitudo erat iamque etiam legionariae cohortes 

sequebantur ; ceterum nee pedes fugientes persequi 
potuit et ab equite novissimi agminis ducenti fernie 
et octoginta interfeeti ; arnia multa pavidi ac signa 
15 militaria duodeviginti reliquere ; alio agmine in- 
coliimij lit ex tanta trejndatione, Bovianuin perven- 
tum est. 

XLI\'. Laetitiam utriusque exercitus Romani 
auxit et ab altera parte feliciter gesta res. Uterque 
ex alterius sententia consul captum oppidum diri- 

2 piendum militi dedit, exhaustis deinde tectis ignem 
iniecit ; eodemque die Aquilonia et Cominium defla- 
gravere et cousules cum gratulatione mutua legionum 

3 suaque castra coniunxere. In conspectu duorum 
exercituum et Carvilius suos pro cuiusque nierito 
laudavit donavitque ; et Papirius^ apud quern multiplex 
in acie, circa castra, circa urbem fuerat certamen, 
Sp. Nautium^i Sp. Papirium^ fratris filium, et quat- 
tuor centuriones manipulumque hastatorum armillis 

4 aureisque coronis donavit : Xautium })ropter expedi- 
tionem qua magni agminis modo terruerat hostes, 
iuveneni Papirium propter navatam cum equitata et 
in proelio operam et nocte qua fugam ^ infestam 

5 Samnitibus ab Aquilonia ^ clam egressis fecit, centu- 
riones militesque quia primi portam murumque 
Aquiloniae ceperant ; equites omnes ob insignem 

^ Sp. Xautium ^ {chap. xl. § S): p. nautium n. 

2 qua fugam Aldus : quia fugam Ci- 

2 ab Aquilonia 5-: ab Aquiloniam (o?*-a) PF : ad aquilonia 

{or -am) H. 

1 Front-line troops. 

- This interference was not mentioned at chap. xlii. 

BOOK X. xLiii. 13-XLIV. 5 

Their mass had been seen, too, from the walls of b.c. 
Aquilonia, and presently the legionary cohorts were 
likewise in pursuit of them. But the infantry could 
not overtake the fugitives, though the cavalry killed 
some two hundred and eighty of the rear-guard, 
who in their fright abandoned a quantity of arms 
and eighteen miHtary standards. The rest of the 
column made good its escape, as safely as could be 
in so great a confusion, to Bovianum. 

XLIV. The rejoicing in each of the Roman armies 
was enhanced by the good fortune the other had 
enjoyed. Each consul, with the approval of his 
fellow, made over the town he had captured to be 
sacked by the soldiers, and when the houses had 
been emptied, gave it to the flames. So on the 
same day Aquilonia and Cominium were destroyed 
by fire, and the consuls, amid the mutual exultations 
and good wishes of their legions and themselves, 
united their camps. In the full sight of both armies 
Carvilius commended his men as each had merited, 
and presented them with decorations ; and Papirius, 
who had fought an engagement of many sorts — in 
line of battle, round the camp, and about the city — • 
awarded armlets and wreaths of gold to Spurius 
Nautius and to his nephew Spurius Papirius, and to 
four centurions and a maniple of hastati ^ — to Nautius 
for the charge by which, as though with a huge 
force, he had dismayed the enemy ; to the young 
Papirius for his valiant service with the cavalry, both 
in the battle and in the night when he harassed ^ 
the flight of the Samnites after their secret departure 
from Aquilonia ; to the centurions and soldiers be- 
cause they had been the first to capture the gate 
and wall of Aquilonia. All the horsemen, in recog- 




multis locis operam corniculis armillisqiie argenteis 

6 Consilium inde habitum iamne ^ tempus esset de- 
ducendi de Samnio ^ exercitus aut utriusque aut 

7 certe alterius^ optimum visum, quo magis fractae res 
Samnitium essent, eo pertinacius et infestius agere 
cetera et persequi ut perdomitum Samnium insequeu- 
tibus consulibus tradi posset. 

8 Quando iam nullus esset hostium exercitus, qui 
signis conlatis dimicaturus videretur, unum superesse 
belli genus, urbium oppugnationes, quarum per 
excidia militem locupletare praeda et hostem pro 

9 aris ac focis dimicantem conficere possent, Itaque 
litteris missis ad senatum po})ulumque Romanum de 
rebus ab se gestis diversi Papirius ad Saepinum, 
Carvilius ad Veliam ^ oppugnandam legiones ducunt. 

XLV. Litterae consulum ingenti laetitia et in 
curia et in contione auditae, et quadridui supplica- 
tione publicum gaudium privatis studiis celebratum 

2 est. Nee populo Romano magna solum sed per- 
opportuna etiam ea victoria fuit, quia per idem forte 

3 tempus rebellasse Etruscos allatum est. Subibat 
cogitatio animum quonam modo tolerabilis futura 
Etruria fuisset si quid in Samnio adversi evenisset, 
quae coniuratione Samnitium erecta, quoniam ambo 

^ iamne Comcay: cum iam nee TDLA:^ '• cum iam MPFu. 
2 de Samnio Weissenhorn : ab {or a) Samnio n. 
^ Veliam A* and A^ (marg.) : uellam n. 

BOOK X. XLiv. 5-xLv. 3 

nition of their distinguished conduct in many places^ B.c.293 
he decorated with little silver horns and silver 

A council of war was then held, and the question 
was debated whether the time were now come for 
withdrawing both armies, or at any rate one of the 
two, from Samnium. But they decided that the 
greater the damage they had inflicted on the Sam- 
nites, the more sharply and pertinaciously ought 
they to carry out such measures as remained, and 
to persist until they could hand over to the consuls 
who succeeded them a Samnium utterly subdued. 

Since there was no longer any hostile army that 
seemed likely to engage in a pitched battle with 
them, one form of war alone remained, the storming 
of cities ; by destroying which they would be able 
to enrich their troops with booty and crush their 
enemies, who would fight for their altars and their 
hearths. Accordingly, after dispatching letters to 
the senate and the Roman People recounting their 
achievements, the consuls parted company, Papirius 
marching to attack Saepinum, and Carvilius Velia. 

XLV. The consuls' letters were listened to with 
vast exultation both in Senate-house and in assemblv, 
and the general rejoicing found expression in the 
eagerness with which a thanksgiving of four days' 
duration was observed by individual citizens. For 
the Roman People, moreover, it was not only a great 
but also a very seasonable victory, since it happened 
that they got news at about the same time that the 
Etruscans had commenced hostilities again. . Men 
wondered how they could have withstood Etruria if 
anything had gone wrong in Samnium ; for the 
Samnite coalition and the diversion of both consuls 

M M 2 


consules omnisque Romana vis aversa in Samnium 
esset^ occupationem popiili Romani pro occasione 
rebellandi habuisset. 

4 Legationes sociorum, a M. Atilio praetore in 
senatum introductae, querebantur iiri ac vastari 
agros a finitimis Etruscis quod desciscere a populo 

5 Romano nollent, obtestabanturqiie patres conscriptos 
ut se a vi atque iniuria communium hostium tuta- 
rentur. Responsum legatis curae senatui futurum 
ne socios fidei suae paeniteret : Etruscorum prope- 
diem eandem fortunam quam Samnitium fore. 

6 Segnius tamen^ quod ad Etruriam attinebat, acta 
res esset, ni Faliscos quoque^ qui per multos annos 
in amicitia fuerant^ allatum foret arma Etruscis 

7 iunxisse. Huius propinquitas populi acuit curam 
patribus, ut fetiales mittendos ad res repetendas 
censerent ; quibus non redditis ex auctoritate pa- 

8 trum iussu populi bellum Faliscis indictum est 
iussique consules sortiri uter ex Samnio ^ in Etruriam 
cum exercitu transiret. 

9 lam Carvilius Veliam ^ et Palumbinum et Hercu- 
laneum ex Samnitibus ceperat^ Veliam ^ intra paucos 

10 dies^ Palumbinum eodem quo ad muros accessit. Ad 
Herculaneum etiam signis conlatis ancipiti proelio 
et cum maiore sua quam liostium iactura dimicavit ; 
castris deinde positis moenibus hostem inclusit ; 

11 oppugnatum oppidum captumque. In his tribus 

1 Samnio W^F^F^aJj^A^ : samnito MTDA\ samnitio L: 
samntio PF f 

2 Veliam A'^r : iieletiam n : uellam etiam v.. 

3 Veliam M^ [or J/«j TA* : ueletiara LLA : uetiam M. 

^ The situation of none of these three towns is known. 

BOOK X. XLV. 3-1 1 

and all Rome's military strength to Samnium hadsx. 293 
encouraged these other enemies to revolt while the 
Roman People had their hands full. 

Deputations from the allies^ introduced into the 
senate by Marcus Atilius the praetor, complained 
that their lands were being burnt and devastated by 
the neio-hbourino: Etruscans, because thev were not 
willing to forsake the Roman People, and besought 
the Conscript Fathers to defend them against the 
violence and injuries of their common foes. Answer 
was made to the deputations that the senate would 
see to it that the allies should not regret their 
loyalty : the Etruscans would shortly meet with the 
same fortune as the Samnites. Nevertheless, the 
Etruscan business would have dracroed but for intelli- 
gence that the Faliscans likewise, who had for many 
years been friendly, were now united in arms with 
the Etruscans. The proximity of this people sharp- 
ened the anxiety of the Fathers, and they decreed 
that fetials should be dispatched to demand redress. 
On the refusal of this demand, war was declared 
against the Faliscans, by command of the people, on 
the authorization of the senate, and the consuls were 
bidden to cast lots to determine which should cross 
over with his army from Samnium into Etruria. 

Carvilius had already taken \'elia and Palumbinum 
and Herculaneum ^ from the Samnites — Velia in a 
few days' time, and Palumbinum the same day that 
he approached its walls. At Herculaneum he even 
fought a regular engagement, of which the issue 
was for some time in doubt and his losses heavier 
than the enemy's ; he then pitched his camj:) and 
shut the enemy up within his walls, and finally 
stormed the town and captured it. In these three 



A.r.c. urbibus capta aut caesa ad decern milia hominum, 
ita ut parvo admodum plures caperentur. Sorti- 
entibus provincias consulibiis Etruria Carvilio evenit 
secundum vota niilitum^ qui vim frigoris iam in 

12 Samnio non patiebantur. Papirio ad Saepinum 
maior vis hostium restitit. Saepe in acie, saepe 
in agmine^ saepe circa ipsam urbem adversus 
eruptiones hostium pugnatum. Nee obsidio sed 
bellum ex aequo erat ; non enim muris magis se 
Samnites quam armis ac viris moenia tutabantur. 

13 Tandem pugnando in obsidionem iustam coegit 
liostes obsidendoque vi atque operibus urbem ex- 

U pugnavit. Itaque ab ira plus caedis editum capta 
urbe ; septem milia quadringenti caesi^ capta minus 
tria milia hominum. Praeda_, quae plurima fuit con- 
gestis Samnitium rebus in urbes paucas, militi con- 
cessa est. 

XLVl. Xives iam omnia oppleverant nee durari 
extra tecta poterat ; itaque consul exercitum de 

2 Samnio deduxit. Venienti Romam triumphus om- 
nium consensu est delatus. Triumphavit in magis- 
tratu, insignia ut illorum temporum habitus erat, 

3 triumpho. Pedites equitesque insignes donis tran- 
siere ac transvecti sunt ; ^ multae civicae coronae 

4 vallaresque ac murales conspectae : inspectata spolia 

^ transvecti sunt ;- : transuectis Mhi-: transuecti H. 

^ The Samnites lived for the most part in small, unfortified 
villages ; cf . chap. xvii. § 2. 

2 The civic crown Avas conferred on a soldier who saved 
tlie life of a fellow-citizen ; the others on the first man to 
mount the enemy's rampart and city wall, respectively. 


BOOK X. XLV. ii-xLvi. 4 

places ten thousand or so of the enemy were taken b.c. 293 
or put to death, with the prisoners very slightly 
outnumbering the slain. When the consuls cast lots 
for their commands^ Etruria fell to CarviliuS;, thus 
answering the prayers of his soldiers, who could 
endure no longer the rigorous cold in Samnium. 
Papirius, before Saei)inum, had a larger body of the 
enemy still to reckon with. His troops were many 
times engaged in regular battle, many times when 
marching, and many times about the city itself, in 
resisting the sorties of the enemy. It was not a 
siege, but war upon even terms ; for the Samnites 
protected their walls with arms and men full as 
much as the walls protected them. At length, 
fighting hard, he forced the enemy to submit to a 
regular blockade, and by assault and siege-works 
captured the place. The exasperation of the Romans 
made the massacre more bloody when the city fell. 
Seven thousand four hundred were slain and fewer 
than three thousand were made prisoners. The 
booty, which was very great, since the Samnites had 
gathered their wealth together in a few cities,^ was 
handed over to the soldiers. 

XL\T. The ground was now covered with snow 
and men could no longer live out of doors. The 
consul therefore withdrew his army from Samnium. 
On his coming to Rome he Avas unanimously voted a 
triumph. This he celebrated, while still holding 
office, in a style which, for the circumstances of those 
days, was magnificent. Foot-soldiers and horsemen 
marched or rode past the crowds adorned with their 
decorations ; many civic crowns were seen, and many 
that had been won at the escalade of a rampart or a 
city wall. 2 Men inspected the spoils that he had 




y.c. Samnitium et decore^ ac pulchritiidine paternis 
spoliis, quae nota frequent! publicorum ornatu loco- 
rum erantj comparabantur ; nobiles aliquot captivi,^ 

5 clari suis patrunique factis, ducti. Aeris gravis 
travecta viciens centum milia et quingenta ^ triginta 
tria milia : id aes redactum ex captivis dicebatur ; 
argenti quod captum ex urbibus erat pondo mille * 
octingenta ^ triginta. Omne aes argentumque in 
aerarium conditum^ militibus nihil datum ex praeda 

6 est ; auctaque ea invidia est ad plebem quod tribu- 
tum etiam in stipendium militum conlatum est, cum, 
si spreta gloria fuisset captivae pecuniae in aerarium 
inlatae, et militi turn donum ® dari ex praeda et 

7 stipendium militare praestari ' potuisset. Aedem 
Quirini dedicavit — quam in ipsa dimicatione votam 
apud neminen veterem auctorem invenio neque 
hercule tarn exiguo tempore perficere potuisset — ab 
dictatore patre votam filius consul dedicavit exor- 

8 navitque hostium spoliis : quorum tanta multitudo 
fuit ut non templum tantum forumque iis ornaretur 
sed sociis etiam coloniisque ^ finitimis ad templorum 

9 locorumque publicorum ornatum dividerentur. Ab 
triumpho exercitum in agrum \'escinum,^ quia regio 
ea infesta ab Samnitibus erat, hibernatum duxit. 

^ decore M'^uD^A^: decorem MPT: decoram Ft decor 

2 c Aiptivi P^uT^DK4=' : actiui i^: captivis n. 

^ quingenta Gelenius : a n : ad T^a : omitted hy L. 

* pondo mille Alsche/ski: p eo [or other corruptiom) CI. 

^ octingenta Alschefski: accc {or similar cor rujjt ions) CI. 

^ militi turn donum IValttrs and Conway: militi tum [or 
militum} Ci. 

' praestari F^uL*(or D^)A^{or A^) : praestare CI. 

^ coloniisque xiA^Madvig : colonisque fl. 

BOOK X. xLvi. 4-9 

taken from the Samnites, and compared them for b.c. 293 
splendour and beauty with those his father had won, 
which were famiUar to them from being often used 
in the decoration of public places. A number of 
noble captives^ famous for their own and their fathers' 
deeds, were led in the procession. Of heavy bronze 
there were carried past two million five hundred and 
thirty-three thousand pounds. This bronze had been 
collected, it was said, from the sale of captives. Of 
silver which had been taken from the cities there 
were eighteen hundred and thirty pounds. All the 
bronze and silver was placed in the Treasury, none 
of the booty being given to the soldiers. The ill- 
feeling which this gave rise to in the plebs was 
increased by the gathering of a war-tax to pay the 
troops, since, if the consul had forgone the glory of 
depositing the captured money in the Treasury, the 
booty would then have afforded the soldiers a 
donative, as well as providing for their pay. Papirius 
dedicated the temple of Quirinus. I find no ancient 
authority who states that it was vowed in the hour of 
conflict, nor indeed could it possibly have been 
completed in so short a time : his father had vowed 
it when dictator, and the son as consul dedicated it, 
adorning it with the spoils of the enemy. Of these 
there was such a great quantity that not only were 
the temple and the Forum bedecked with them, but 
they were distributed also amongst the allies and the 
neighbouring colonies for the decoration of their 
temples and public squares. After triumphing, Papi- 
rius led his army into the country of the Vescini — a 
district infested by the Samnites — to pass the winter. 

^ Vescinum Sigonhis {cf. chap. xx. § 1): uestinura 



A.Tj.c. 10 Inter haec Carvilius consul in Etruria Troilam 

^^ primum oppugnare adortus quadringentos septuaginta 

ditissimos, pecunia grandi pactos ut abire inde 

11 liceret, dimisit ; ceterani multitudinem oppidumque 
ipsum vi cepit. Inde quinque castella locis sita 

12 munitis expugnavit. Caesa ibi hostium duo milia 
quadringenti, minus duo milia capta. Et Faliscis 
pacem })etentibus annuas indutias dedit. pactus cen- 
tum milia gravis aeris et stipendium eius anni militi- 

13 bus. His rebus actis ad triumphum decessit, ut minus 
clarum de Samnitibus quam collegae triumphus fuerat 

14 ita cumulo Etrusci belli aequatum. Aeris gravis 
tulit in aerarium trecenta octoginta milia ; reliquo 
aere aedem Fortis Fortunae de raanubiis faciendam 
locavit prope aedem eius deae ab rege Ser. Tuliio ^ 

15 dedicatam, et militibus ex praeda centenos binos 
asses et alterum tantum centurionibus atque equi- 
tibus, malignitate collegae . gratius accipientibus 

16 munus_, divisit. Favor consulis tutatus ad populum 
est L. Postumium legatum eius^ qui dicta die a M. 
Scantio tribuno plebis fugerat legatione,^ ut fama 
ferebat^ populi indicium ; iactarique magis quam per- 
agi accusatio eius poterat. 

^ Tuliio u- : tuUo P.. 

^ legatione Perizonius: in legatione F : in legationem Ci. 

^ Site unknown. 

- The temple was not mentioned by Livy in liis account of 
that kings reign (i. xxxix.-xlviii. ). 

^ The course of events somewhat obscurely indicated here 
would seem to have been as follows : — When Scantius lodged 
the indictment, Carvilius procured Postumius immunity for 
a year by making him a legatus. On the expiration of the 
year some successor of Scantius revived the prosecution, but 
was induced by the friends of Carvilius to let the proceedings 


BOOK X. xLvi. 1 0-16 

In Etruria meanwhile the consul Carvilius, having b. 
made his })reparations to begin with an attack on 
Troilum/ agreed with four hundred and seventy of 
the wealthiest inhabitants for a large sum of money to 
let them go ; the rest of the population and the 
town itself he took by assault. He then stormed 
five fortresses situated in positions of great strength. 
There he slew two thousand four hundred of the 
enemy^ making fewer than two thousand prisoners. 
He also granted a year's truce to the Faliscans — who 
came to him seeking peace — having stipulated for a 
hundred thousand of heavy bronze and the year's 
pay for his soldiers. After these exploits he departed 
to enjoy his triumph^ which, though less distinguished 
than his colleague's had been for success against the 
Samnites, was a match for it when the Etruscan war 
was counted in. Of heavy bronze he lodged in the 
Treasury three hundred and eighty thousand pounds ; 
with what remained he contracted for a temple to 
Fors Fortuna to be erected from the general's spoils, 
near the temple of that goddess dedicated by King 
Servius Tullius,^ while to the soldiers he apportioned 
from the rest of the booty one hundred and two 
asses each, and as much again to the centurions and 
horsemen. These allowances were all the more 
welcome because of the parsimony of his colleague. 
The consul's popularity served to shield his lieutenant 
Lucius Postumius from the people. He had been 
indicted by Marcus Scantius, a plebeian tribune, but 
had escaped trial before the people — so the story ran 
— through his appointment to the lieutenancy ; so 
that it was easier to threaten him than to carry liome 
the accusation.^ 



XL\'II. Exacto iani anno novi tribuni plebis 
magistratum inierant ; hisque ipsis, quia vitio creati 

2 erant;, quinque post dies alii ^ suffecti. Lustrum con- 
ditum eo anno est a P. Cornelio Arvina C. Marcio 
Rutulo- censoribus ; censa capitum milia ducenta 
sexaginta duo trecenta viginti unum. Censores 
vicesimi sexti a primis censoribus, lustrum unde- 

3 vicesimum fuit. Eodem anno coronati primum ob 
res bello bene gestas ludos Romanos spectarunt pal- 
maeque turn primum translato e Graeco more victori- 

4 bus datae. Eodem anno ab aedilibus curulibus qui 
COS ludos fecerunt damnatis aliquot })ecuariis, via a 
Martis silice ad Bovillas perstrata est. 

5 Comitia consularia L. Papirius habuit ; creavit 
consules Q. Fabium Maximi filiuni Gurgitem et D. 
lunium Brutum Scaevani. Ipse Papirius praetor 
fact us. 

C Multis rebus laetus annus vix ad solacium unius 
mali, pestilentiae urentis simul urbem atque agros, 
suflfecit;^ portentoque iam similis clades erat, et 
libri aditi quinam finis aut quod remedium eius mali 

^ alii M'aJyA': aliis n. 

- Rutulo Co7ucay: rutilo MP : rutilio fl. 

suflfecit uA^; sufficit ((»■ suV»-; n. 

1 This was a sacrifice of purification performed as the final 
ceremony of the census-taking. " To close the lustrum" is 
therefore to complete the census. 


BOOK X. xLvii. 1-6 

XL VI I. The year having now run its course, new 
tribunes of the plebs came in^ but owing to a flaw in 
their election they were themselves supplanted by 
others, five days later. The lustrum ^ was closed 
that year by the censors Publius Cornelius Arvina 
and Gaius Marcius Rutulus ; there were enrolled two 
hundred and sixty-two thousand three hundred and 
twenty-one. The censors were the twenty-sixth 
pair from the first censors ; the lustrum was the 
nineteenth. This year for the first time those who 
had been presented with crowns because of gallant 
behaviour in the war wore them at the Roman games, 
and palms were then for the first time conferred 
upon the victors, in accordance with a custom 
borrowed from the Greeks. The same year the 
curule aediles who gave those games procured the 
conviction of a number of graziers,^ and with their 
fines paved the road from the temple of Mars as far 
as Bovillae.^ 

The consular comitia were held by Lucius Papirius, 
who declared the election of Quintus Fabius Gurges, 
the son of Maximus, and Decimus Junius Brutus 
Scaeva. Papirius himself was chosen praetor. 

The year had been one of many blessings, which 
yet were hardly a consolation for one misfortune — 
a pestilence which ravaged both city and country- 
side. Its devastation was now grown portentous, 
and the Books were consulted to discover what end 

2 The men were probablj- fined for appropriating more than 
the legal maximum of, pubHc land. Compare chap, xxiii. 

2 This refers to the Via Appia itself (which had apparently 
not been fully paved — jjerstrata — before) rather than to the 
footway referred to at chap, xxiii. § 12. 



7 ab dis^ daretur. Inventum in libris Aesculapiimi 
ab Epidauro Romam arcessendura ; neque eo anno, 
quia bello occiipati consules erant, quicquam de ea 
re actum, praeterquam quod unum diem Aesculapio 
supplicatio habita est. 

^ ab dis 'Sladvig : ab {or a) diis n. 

^ It was two or three years later and the pestilence was 
still raging when a deputation nnder Q. Ognlnius was dis- 


BOOK X. xLvii. 6-7 

or what remedy the gods proposed for this misfortune, b.c. 292 
It was discovered in the Books that Aesculapius 
must be summoned to Rome from Epidaurus ; but 
nothing could be done about it that vear^ because 
the consuls were occupied with the war, except that 
for one day a supplication to that god was held.^ 

patched to Epidaurus and brought away a serpent to Rome 
which passed for the god himself, A temple of Aesculapius 
was then erected on the island in the Tiber. See Summary 
of Book XI. 



C'oLO.viAE deductae sunt Sora et Alba et Carsioli. >Jarsi 
in deditionem'accepti sunt. Collegium augurum arapliatum 
estj ut essent novem, cum antea quaterni fuissent. Lex 
de provocatione ad populum a Murena cos. tertio tunc 
lata est. Duae tribus adiectae suut^ Aniensis et Terentina. 
Samnitibus bellum iudictum est et adversus eos saepe 
jjrospere yjugnatum est. Cum adversus Etruscos Cmbros 
Samnites Gallos P. Decio et Q. Fabio ducibus pugnaretur 
et Romanus exercitus in magno discrimine esset^ P. 
Decius^ secutus patris exemplum. devovit se pro exercitu 
et morte sua victoriam eius pugnae populo R. dedit. 
Papirius Cursor Samnitium exercitum, qui de iureiurando 
obstrictus. quo maiore constantia virtutis pugnaret, in 
aciem desceuderat, fudit. Census actus est. lustrum 
conditum. Censa sunt civium capita cclxxii et cccxx. 

M. Valerius, according to Livy, chap. ix. § 3. 



Colonies were planted at Sora^ at Alba, and at Carseoli. 
Tlie surrender of the Marsi was received. Tlie augural 
college was enlarged so that there were nine where before 
tliere had been four. A law about appeals was then for 
the third time laid before tlie people by the consul Murena.^ 
Two tribes were added, the Aniensis and the Terentina. 
Wav was declared upon the Samnites and victories were 
often gained over them. When the Etruscans. Umbrians, 
Samnites, and Gauls v/ere being fought under the leader- 
ship of Publius Decius and Quintus Fabius and the Roman 
army was in sore peril, Publius Decius. following the 
example of his father, devoted irimself on behalf of the 
army and by his death gave the victory in that battle to 
the Roman People. Papirius Cursor routed tlie army of 
the Samnites, which had taken the field after binding 
itself with an oath, that it might figlit with a more 
constant courage. The census was taken and the lustrum 
closed. Tliere were enumerated 272,320 citizens. 

! 545 





Cl'm Fabius Gurges cos. male adversus Samnites pug-- 
nasset et senatus de removeudo eo ab exercitu ageret, 
Fabius Maximus pater deprecatus banc lili ignomiiiiam 
eo maxime seiiatum niovit quod iturum se filio legatum 
poUicitus est, idque praestitit. Eius coDsiliis et opera 
tilius consul adiutus caesis Samnitibus triumpbavit ; C. 
Pontiurn. imperatorem Samiiitium, ductum in triumpbo, 
securi percussit. Cum pestilentia civitas laboraret, missi 
legati ut Aesculapi signum Romam ab Epidauro transfer- 
rent; anguem, qui se in navem eorum contuierat, in quo 
ipsum numen esse constabat, deportaverunt ; eoque in 
insulam Tiberis egresso eodem loco aedis Aesculapio 
constituta est. L. Postumius consularis. quoniam, cum 
exercitui praeesset. opera militum in agro suo usus erat, 
damnatus est. Pacem petentibus Samnitibus ^ foedus quarto 
renovatum est. Curius Dentatus cos. Samnitibus caesis et 
Sabinis, qui rebellaverant. victis et in deditionera acceptis 
bis in eodem magistratu triumpbavit. Coloniae deductae 
sunt Cajtrum Sena Hadria. Triumviri capi tales tunc 
primum creati sunt. Censu acto lustrum conditum est. 
Censa sunt civium capita cclxxii. Plebs propter aes 
alienum post - graves et longas seditiones ad ultimum 
secessit in laniculum, unde a Q. Hortensio dictatore 
deducta est ; isque in ipso magistratu decessit. Res 
praeterea contra \'ulsinienses gestas continet. item adver- 
sus Lucanos, contra quos auxilium Thurinis^ ferre 

1 petentibus Samnitibus a late MS. : petentibus MSS. 
^ post Sigonius ex. vet. lib. : propter MSS. 
3 Thurinis Pighius {Plin. X. H. xxxiv. 32, Vat. Max. I. 
viii. 6, Dion. Hal. xix. xiii) : tyrrhenis or tyrrinis MSS. 




^\'H^:^• Fabius Gurges tlie consul had fou2"lit an un- 
successful battle ^ntli the Samnites and the senate was 
debating his removal from the command^ Fabius Maximus 
his father begged them to spare his son this ignominy. 
^Miat particularly moved the senate was his promise to 
go out as his son's lieutenant, which he did. Aided by 
his advice and services, his son the consul defeated the 
Samnites and trium.phed. Gains Pontius, the general of 
the Samnites, was led in the triumph and beheaded. 
\Vhen the state was troubled with a pestilence, the 
envoys dispatched to bring over the image of Aesculapius 
from Epidaurus to Rome fetched away a serpent, which 
had crawled into their ship and in which it was generally 
believed that the god himself was present. On the 
serpent's going ashore on the island of the Tiber, a temple 
was erected there to Aesculapius. ITie consular Lucius 
Postumius was convicted of having used the labour of 
soldiers on his own land when in command of the army. 
The Samnites sought peace and the treaty with them was 
renewed for the fourth time. Curius Dentatus the consul 
hc'xing slaughtered the Samnites and conquered the 
Sabines, who had revolted, and received tlieir submission, 
triumphed twice in the same year of office. Colonies 
were established at Castrum, Sena, and Hadria. A board 
of three to deal with capital offences was then chosen for 
the first time. The number of citizens was returned as 
27-, 000. Because of their debts, tlie plebs, after serious 
and protracted quarrels, seceded to Janiculum, whence 
they were brought back by Quintus Hortensius tlie 
dictator, who died before the expiration of his term. 
The book contains also campaigns witli the \'ulsinienses 
and likewise with the Lucanians, against whom the 
Romans had voted to assist the people of Thurii. 

N N 2 



Ci'.M legati Romanorum a Gallis Senonibus iiiterfecti 
essent. bello ob id Gallis iiidicto, L. Caeciliiis praetor ab 
his cum le^ioiiibus caesus est. Cum a Tarentinis classis 
Romaiia direpta esset^ iiviro qui praeerat ciassi occiso, 
legati ad eos a seiiatu, ut de bis iniuriis querereiitur^ missi 
pulsati sunt. Ob id bellum bis indictum est. Samnites 
defeceruiit. Adversus eos et Lucanos et Brittios et Etrus- 
cos aliquot proeliis a conpluribus ducibus bene pugnatum 
est. Pyrrbus^ Epirotarum rex^ ut auxilium Tarentinis 
ferret, in Italiam venit. Cum in praesidium Reginorum 
legio C'ampana cum praefecto Decio \'ibellio missa esset_, 
occisis Reginis Regium ^ occupavit. 


Valkrius Laevixus COS. parum prospere adversus Pyr- 
rbum pugnavit. elepliantorum maxime iiiusitata facie 
territis militibus. Post id proelium cum corpora Roma- 
norum qui in acie ceciderant Pyrrbus inspiceret, omnia 
versa in hostem invenit^ populabundusque ad urbem 
Romanam processit. C, Fabricius missus ad eum a 
senatUj ut de redimendis captivis ageret^ frustra ut 
patriam desereret a rege temptatus est. Captivi sine 
pretio remissi sunt. Cineas legatus a Pyrrlio ad senatum 
missus petit ut conponendae pacis causa rex in urbem 
reciperetur. De qua re cum ad frequentiorem senatum 
referri placuisset, Appius Claudius, qui propter valetudi- 
nem oculorum iam diu consiliis publicis se abstinuerat, 

^ Regium vulg. : regnum MSS. 
- invenit vulg. : venit MSS. 

^ sc. Bruttii. " sc. Rhegium. 





Roman envoys having been put to death by the 
Senonian Gauls, war was for tliat reason declared against 
the Gauls, and Lucius Caecilius the praetor and his 
legions were cut to pieces by them. The Tarentines 
plundered a Roman fleet, slew the duumvir wlio com- 
manded it, and maltreated the envoys whom the senate 
had dispatched to them to complain of these wrongs. 
On this account war was declared against them. The 
Samnites revolted. Several successful battles were fouglit 
with them and with the Lucanians and the Brittii ^ and 
the Etruscans, under a number of generals. Pyrrhus, 
king of the Epirots, came to Italy to help the Tarentines. 
A Campanian legion, commanded by Decius Mbellius, 
being sent to protect the people of Regium,^ put the 
inhabitants to death and seized, the city. 


The consul ^'alerius Laevinus fought a losing engage- 
ment with Pyrrhus, the soldiers being greatly terrified 
by the strange sight of tlie elephants. After this battle, 
wlien Pyrrhus was looking at the bodies of the Romans 
who had fallen, he found that they all faced their 
enemies, and laying waste the country, advanced towards 
the city of Rome. Gaius Fabricius, being sent to him 
by the senate to treat for the ransom of the prisoners, 
was in vain solicited by tlie King to forsake his country. 
The prisoners were released without a price. C'ineas, 
having been dispatched by Pyrrhus as an envoy to the 
senate, asked that tlie King might be received into the 
City for the purpose of arranging terms of peace. On 
its having been resolved to refer this proposal to a fuller 
meeting of the senate, Appius Claudius, who by reason of 
a weakness of the eyes had long abstained from public 



veuit in curiam et seiiteiitia sua teimit ut id Pyrrho 
negaretur. Cii. Domitius censor primus ex plebe lustrum 
condidit. Censa sunt civium capita ccxxxxvii ccxxii. 
Iterum adversus Pyrrhum dubio eventu pugnatum est. 
Cum Cartliaginieusibus quarto foedus renovatum est. 
Cum C. Fabricio consuli is qui ad eum a Pyrrbo traus- 
fugerat polliceretur veneuum se regi daturum, cum 
iiidicio ad regem remissus est. Res praeterea contra 
Lucauos et Bruttios, Samnites et Etruscos ^ prospere 
gestas continet. 


Pyrrhus in Sicilian! traiecit. Cum inter alia prodigia 
fulmine deiectum esset in Capitolio lovis signum^ caput 
eius per baruspices inventum est. Curius Dentatus cos. 
cum - dilectum haberet^ eius qui citatus non responderat 
bona primus vendidit ; iterum Pyrrbum ex Sicilia in. 
Italiam reversum vicit et Italia expulit. Fabricius censor 
P. Cornelium Rufinum consularem senatu movit^ quod is x 
pondo argenti facti baberet. Lustro a censoribus condito 
censa sunt civium capita cclxxi ccxxiiii. Cum Ptolemaeo, 
Aegypti rege^ societas iuncta est. Sextilia^ virgo \'estalis, 
damnata incesti viva defossa est. Coloniae deductae sunt 
Posidouia et Cosa. Carthaginiensium classis auxilio 
Tarentinis venit, quo facto ab bis foedus violatum est. 
Res praeterea contra Lucanos et Bruttios et Samnites 
feliciter gestas et Pyrrbi regis mortem continet. 

^ et Etruscos vv.Ig. : etruscos MSS. 
2 COS. cum JRossbach : "is" cum MSS. 



business^ entered the Curia and by his speech prevailed 
on the senators to deny Pyrrhus his request. Gnaeus 
Domitius was the first plebeian censor to close the 
lustrum. The number of the citizens was returned as 
287,222. There was a second battle with Pyrrhus, of 
an indecisive nature. Tlie treaty with the Carthaginians 
was renewed for the fourth time. When a deserter from 
Pyrrhus promised Gaius Fabricius the consul that he 
would poison the King, Fabricius sent him back to the 
King with the story of his guilt. The book contains also 
successful campaigns against the Lucanians and the 
Bruttians, the Samnites and the Etruscans. 


PvRRHUs crossed into Sicily. ^Vhen, amongst other 
prodigies, the statue of Jupiter in the Capitol had been 
thrown down by a thunderbolt, its head was discovered by 
haruspices. 'Hie consul Curius Dentatus, on holding a 
levy, was the first to sell the goods of any man who did not 
answer the summons ; he likewise defeated Pyrrhus, who 
had returned from Sicily into Italy, and drove him out 
of Italy. The censor Fabricius removed Publius Cornelius 
Rufinus, an ex-consul, from the senate, because he had 
in his possession ten pounds of wrought silver. AVhen 
the censors had closed the lustrum, there were found 
to be 271, 22i citizens. An alliance was made with 
Ptolemy, king of Egypt. Sextilia, a A'estal \ irgin, was 
found guilty of unchastity and was buried alive. The 
colonies of Posidonia and Cosa were established. A fleet 
of the Carthaginians came to the assistance of the 
Tarentines, an act which constituted a violation of the 
treaty. Tlie book also contains successful wars with the 
Lucanians, the Bruttians, and the Samnites, and the death 
of King Pyrrhus. 



A'icTis Tareiitiuis pax et libertas data est.^ Legio 
Campana quae Regium occupaverat obse«sa deditione 
facta securi percussa est. Cum legates Apolloiiiatium ad 
senatum missos quidam iuveiies pulsasseiit, dediti sunt 
Apolloiiiatibus. Picentibus victis pax data est. Colouiae 
deductae Ariminum in Piceno, Beneventum in Samnio.- 
Tunc primum populus R.' argento uti coepit. Uinbri et 
Sallentini ^ victi in deditionem accepti sunt. Quae^torum 
numerus ampliatus est^ ut essent octo.^ 


Origo Carthaginiensium et primordia urbis eorum rcfe- 
runtur. Contra quos et Hieronem^ regem Syracusanorum, 
auxilium Mamertinis ferendum senatus censuit^cum de ea 
re inter suadentes ut id fieret dissuadentesque contentio 
fuisset ; trausgressisque tunc primum mare equitibus ^ 
Romanis ad versus Hieronem saepius bene pugnatum. 
Petenti pax data est. Lustrum a censoribus conditum est. 
Censa sunt civium capita cc( lxxxii ccxxxiiii. Decimus 
lunius Brutus munus gladiatorium in Jionorem defuncti 
patris primus edidit Colonia Aesernia deducta est. Res 
praeterea contra Poenos et ^^uIsinios ' prospere gestas 

^ data est i-idg. : nata est MSS. 

2 Beneventum in 'ii^a.mmo editioprincejys : Beneventum MSS. 

2 populus R. vulg. : populus MSS. 

* Sallentini r?/7j. : salleni {or saleni or salerni) MSS. 

^ ut essent octo Sigonius : ut essent MSS. 

^ equitibus J/.S,S' : exevcitibus JFeissenborn. 




The Tareiitincs^ harina: been vanquished^ were granted 
peace and libert}'. The Campanian legion which had seized 
Regium ^ was besieged and forced to surrender and its mem- 
bers were beheaded. Envoys from Apollonium to the senate 
were beaten by certain youths, who were given up to the 
people of Apollonium. The Picentes were defeated and 
granted peace. Colonies were sent out to Ariminum in 
the Picentian district and to Beneventum in Samnium. 
Then for tlie first time the Roman People began to use 
silver. 2 The Umbrians and the Sallentines were con- 
quered and their submission was received. Tlie number 
of quaestors was enlarged, so that there were eight. 


The origin of the Carthaginians and the beginnings 
of their city are described. Against them and against 
Hiero, king of the Syracusans, the senate determined 
to assist the Mamertines, after a bitter debate about the 
proposal between its advocates and its opponents. Tlien 
for the first time Roman cavalry ^ crossed the sea, and 
fought a number of victorious engagements against Hiero. 
On his suing for peace, it was granted him. The lustrum 
was closed by the censors. There were enumerated 
382,2-34 citizens. Decimus Junius Brutus was the first 
to give a gladiatorial exhibition, in honour of his dead 
father. The colony of Aesernia was planted. The book 
contains also successful operations carried on against the 
Carthaginians and the \'ulsinii. 

^ sr. Rhegiura. 2 ^-^^ silver coinage. 

^ Or " armies," if we accept Weissenborn's emendation. 

Vulsinios vulg. : uulsinos J/>S'*S'. 




Cn. Cornelius consul a classe Paiiica circumventus et 
per fraudem, veluti in conloquium evocatus, captus est 
C Diiillius consul adversus classem Poenorum prospere 
pugnavit. primusque omnium Romanorum ducum navalis 
victoriae duxit triumph um. Ob quam causam ei perpetuus 
quoque honos habitus est. ut revertenti a cena tibicine 
canente funale praeferretur. L. Cornelius consul in 
Sardinia et Corsica contra Sardos et Corsos et Hannonem, 
Poenorum ducem. feliciter pugnavit. Atilius Calatinus ^ 
cos. cum in locum a Poenis circumsessum temere exercitum 
duxisset. M. Calpurni, tribuni militum, virtute et opera 
evasit. qui cum ccc militibus eruptione facta hostes in se 
converterat. Hannibal^ dux Poenorum, victa classe cui 
praefuerat, a militibus suis in crucem sublatus est. Atilius 
Regulus cos. victis navali proelio Poenis in Africam 


Atiliu* Regulus in Africa serpentem portentosae magni- 
tudinis cum magna clade militum occidit. et cum aliquot 
proeliis bene adversus Carthaginienses pugnasset^, succes- 
sorque ei a senatu prospere bellum gerenti non mitteretur, 
id ipsum per litteras ad senatum scriptas questus est, in 
quibus inter causas petendi successoris eraf- quod agellus 
eius a mercennariis desertus esset. Quaerente deinde 
Fortuna ut magnum utriusque casus exemplum in Regulo 

^ Calatinus vulg, : calasinus MSS. 

^ successoris erat vtdg. : successoris MSS. 

cf. Cic, Cato Maior, § 44. 




THFTTtrrr^nl Giiaeus C'oruelius n-as surrounded by-a-- 
(artliaginiaii fleet and was made prisoner by frauds 
liaviiig' been lured out as to a colloquy. Tbe consul 
(jaius Duillius foug-lit a successful engagement witli the 
fleet of the Carthaginians and was first of all Roman 
leaders to triumph for a naval victory. For this reason 
he was granted a perpetual honour — that a waxen torch 
should be borne before him and a flautist should make 
music when he returned from dining out.^ The consul 
Lucius Cornelius fought successfully in Sardinia and 
Corsica against the Sardinians and Corsicans and against 
Hanno, the Carthaginian general. The consul Atilius 
Calatinus having rashly led his army into a place sur- 
rounded by the Carthaginians^ escaped through the valiant 
services of Marcus Calpurnius^ a tribune of the soldiers, 
^A'ho with three hundred men broke through the enemy 
and drew their attack upon himself. Hannibal, a Car- 
thaginian general^ on the defeat of the fleet which he 
commanded, was crucified by his own soldiers. Atilius 
Regulus tlie consul^ having beaten the Carthaginians in a 
naval battle, crossed into Africa. 


Atilus Regulus in Africa slew a serpent of portentous 
size with the loss of many of his soldiers. Having fought 
several successful battles with the Carthaginians, and 
finding that owing to his good fortune in the prosecution 
of the war the senate was not disposed to send anyone 
to succeed him, he wrote to the senate and complained 
(tf this very thing, alleging, amongst other reasons for 
desiring a successor, that liis little farm had been deserted 
by the labourers hired to work it. Afterwards, on 
Fortune's seeking to exhibit in the case of Regulus an 



proderetur^ arcessito a Carthaginieiisibus Xanthippe, 
Lacedaemoniorum duce, victus proelio et captus est. Res 
delude a ducibus Romaiiis omnibus terra marique prospere 
^estas deformaverunt naufragia classium. Tib. Corunca- 
nius primus ex plebe pontifex maximus creatus est. M'. 
X'alerius Maximus P. Sempronius Soplius ^ censores cum 
senatum legerent, xvi senatu moverunt. Lustrum con- 
diderunt_, quo censa sunt civium capita ccxcvii nccxcvii. 
Kegulus missus a C'arthaginiensibus ad senatum ut de 
pace, et si eam non posset impetrare, de commutandis 
captivis ageret, et iureiurando adstrictus rediturum se 
Carthaginem, si commutari captivos non placuisset, utrum- 
que negandi auctor senatui ^ fuit, et cum fide custodita 
reversus esset, supplicio a Carthaginiensibus de eo sumpto 


Caecilius Metellls rebus adversus Poenos prospere 
gestis speciosum egit triumphum, xiii ducibus hostium et 
cxx elephantis in eo ductis. Claudius Puicher cos. contra 
auspicia profectus — iussitmergi pullos, qui cibari nolebant 
— infeliciter adversus Carthaginienses classe pugnavit, et 
revocatus a senatu iussusque dictatorem dicere Claudium 
Gliciam dixit, sortisultimaebominem, qui coactusabdicare 
se magistratu postea ludos praetextatus spectavit. A. 
Atilius Calatiuus ^primus dictator extra Italiam exercitum 

^ The censors' names, variously comqitcd in fhe MSS., arc 
corrected from the Fasti Capitolini, C.I.L. i^, p. 24. 
2 senatui vulg. : senatus MSS. 
' calatinus vulg : calanus MSS. 

^ The Regulus story inspired Horace to -svrite his finest 
ode {Carin. iii. 5). 



example of both extremes^ the Carthaginians sent for 
Xanthippus^ a general of the Lacedaemonians^, who 
defeated Regulus in battle and made him prisoner. After 
that all the Roman generals gained victories on land and 
sea ; but these were marred by the wreck of fleets. 
Tiberius Coruncanius was the first to be chosen pontifex 
maximus from the plebs. Manius \'alerius Maximus and 
Publius Sempronius Sophus, when as censors they were 
passing on the senate, removed sixteen from that order. 
I'hey closed the lustrum and the number of citizens 
returned was 297i797. Regulus being sent by the Cartha- 
ginians to the senate to treat for peace, or, failing tliat, 
for an exchange of prisoners, and being bound by an 
oath to return to Carthage, if the Romans ^vould not 
exchange, advised the senate to grant neither request, 
and having loyally returned, was tortured to death by 
the Cartliag-inians.^ 


CAEfiLirs Metellus, after a prosperous campaign 
against the Carthaginians, triumphed brilliantly, having 
tliirteen of the enemy's generals and a hundred and 
twenty elephants in his procession. The consul Claudius 
Pulcher having set out in opposition to the auspices — he 
ordered the chickens to be drowned, when they would 
not feed ^ — fought an unsuccessful naval engagement with 
the Carthaginians, and on being recalled by the senate 
and directed to name a dictator, named Claudius Glicia, 
a man of the basest sort, who afterwards, when he had 
been forced to abdicate the office, witnessed the games 
in his purple-bordered toga. Aulus Atilius Calatinus 
was the first dictator to lead an army out of Italy. An 

^ According to Cicero, De Natura Deorum, ii. 7, Claudius 
had the fowls thrown into water, "that they might drink, 
since they would not eat." 



duxit. Commutatio captivorum cum Poeuis facta est. 
Coloniae deductae sunt Fregenae, in agro Sallentiuo 
Bruudisium. Lustrum a censoribus couditum est. Ceusa 
sunt civium capita ccxli ccxii. Claudia, soror P. Claudi^ 
qui contemptisauspicii^ male pugnaverat, aludis revertens 
cum turba premeretur^ dixit : Utinam frater mens viveret ; 
iterum classem duceret. Ob earn causam multa ei dicta 
est. Duo praetores tunc primum creati sunt. Caecilius 
Metellus. pontifex maximus. A. Postamium ^ consulem, 
quoniam idem et llamen Martialis erat, cum is ad bellnm 
gerendum proficisci vellet, in urbe tenuit nee passus est a 
sacris recedere. Rebus adversus Poenos a pluribus duci- 
bus prospere gestis^ summam victoriae- C. Lutatius cos. 
victa ad Aegates insulas classe Poenorum imposuit 
Petenti])us Carthaginiensibus pax data est. Cum templum 
Vestae arderet_, Caecilius Metellus^ pontifex maximus. ex 
incendio sacra rapuit. Duae tribus adiectae sunt. Velina 
et Quirina. 


Falisgi cum rebellassent. sexto die perdomiti in deditio- 
nem venerunt. Spoletium colonia deducta est. Adversus 
Liguras tunc primum exercitus promotus est. Sardi et 
Corsi cum rebellassent. subacti sunt. Tuccia.^ virgo 
\'estalis, incesti damnata est. Bellum Illyriis propter 
unum ex legatis qui ad eos mi.ssi erant occisum indictum 
est, subactique in deditionem venerunt. Praetorum 
numerus ampliatus est, ut essent iiii. Galli transalpini 
qui in Italiam inruperaut caesi sunt. Eo bello populum 

^ A. Postumiurn vulg. : aurelium postumium MSS. 
- victoriae zn^^^.: vicloriam J/6'»S'. 

3 Tuecia Sigonius ex cet. lib. : lucia (or Luccia) MSS. 
Tucia ed. prin. 



exchange of prisoners with the Carthaginians was effected. 
C olonies were founded at Fregenae ^ and in the Sallentine 
country at Brundisium. The lustrum was closed by the 
censors. :241,212 citizens were registered. Claudia, the 
sister of Publius Claudius, who had been defeated after 
making light of the auspices, being jostled by the crowd 
while returning from the games, exclaimed, '" O that my 
brother were alive to command another ileet '. " For this 
slie was lined. Tlieu for the first time two praetors were 
elected. Caecilius Metellus, the pontifex maximus, kept 
Aulus Postumius, the consul, in the City, since he was 
also the flamen of Mars, when he desired to go forth 
to war, nor would he suffer him to forsake his sacred 
functions. After a number of generals had gained suc- 
cesses against the Carthaginians, Gaius Lutatius crowned 
the victory by defeating the Carthaginian fleet off the 
Aegatian Islands. Tlie Carthaginians sued for peace and 
it was granted them. M'hen the temple of Vesta was 
liurning, Caecilius Metellus, the pontifex maximus, 
rescued the sacred objects from the flames. Two tribes 
were added, tlie \'elina and the Quirina. 


The Faliscans, having revolted, were on the sixth day 
subdued and permitted to surrender. A colony was 
planted at Spoletium. Tlien for the flrst time an army 
marched against the Ligurians. llie Sardinians and 
( orsicans having revolted were reduced to subjection, 
i'nceia, a \'estal \'irgin, was convicted of uncha.-titv. 
War was declared against the lllyrians on account of 
tlie murder of one of the envoys who had been dispatched 
to them, and they were subdued and received in sur- 
render. The number of praetors was enlarged to four. 
/J'ransalpine Gauls who had made an incursion into Italy 
were cut to pieces. The author states that in that war the 

^ Xear the coast about due W. of Rome. 



R. sui Latinique nominis ncrc armatorum ^ habuisse dicit 
Exercitibus Romaiiis tunc primum trans Padum ductis 
Galli Insubres aliquot proeliis fusi in deditionem venerunt. 
M. Claudius Marcellus cos. occiso Gallorum Insubrium 
duce, Vertomaro,- opima spolia rettulit. Histri subacti 
sunt. Iterum Illyri cum rebellassent, domiti in deditio- 
nem venerunt. Lustrum a censoribus ter ^ conditum est. 
Primo lustro censa sunt civium capita cclxx ccxii**. 
Libertini in quattuor tribus redacti sunt, cum antea 
dispersi per omnes fuissent, p]squilinam Palatinam Subura- 
nam Collinam. C. Flaminius censor viam Flamiuiam 
muniit^ et circum Flaminium exstruxit. Coloniae deduc- 
tae sunt in agro de Gallis ^ capto Placentia et Cremona. 

^ Dccc armatorum Jlommsen : accc MSS. 

2 Vertomaro JISS. : Virtomane Propertius IV. x. 41 {codex 
u\') : Viridomaro ed. jy'in. {cf. Serv. Verg. Aen. VI. 855). 

3 ter MoLfh-ig : per MSS. 

* C. Flaminius censor viam Flamiuiam muniit Sigonius 
muniit MSS. 

^ de gallis Frohenius : gallis MSS. 



Reman People had under arms 800^000 men^ of their o\\ti 
and of the Latin name. Tlien for the first time Roman 
armies crossed the Po^ and defeating" the Insubrian Gauls 
in several battles^ received their su})mission. Tlie consul 
Marcus Claudius Marcellus liaving slain the chief of the 
Insubrian Gauls^ \'ertomarus, broug-lit back the spoils of 
honour. 1 The Histrians were subjugated. Th e Illy riaiis 
having gone to war a second time were defeated and their 
>ul>mission was received, llie census was thrice taken 
by tlie censors. In the first census there were registered 
270^212 citizens. . . . The freedmen were assigned to 
four tribes^ whereas before they had been dispersed 
tlirough tliem all — the four being the Esquilina^ the 
Palatina, the Suburana, the Collina. The censor Gaius 
Flaminius built the Flaminian ^Vay and the Flaminian 
C ircus. Colonies were establislied in the territory taken 
from the Gauls, at Placentia and Cremona. 

^ The " spoils of honour "' were those taken by tlie general 
in personal combat with the general of the enemv. See 
I. X. 6. 





{Tlte References are to Pages.) 

Ar-.v.p.ANT, 70 

n, 92 ; Acherusia aqua, 92 
- insiilae, 558 
ais, 92, 550 

Aelir. Paetus, P., 60, 186, 388; L., 
440 ; Aelius Tubero, Q., 390 

Aemiliu?, Mam. (jJictator 434 B.C.), 
:-^. 292; Aemilius Mamercus, L., 
- 4 ; Aemiliiis Mamercinus, L. 
e as above), 66, 78 {bis), 92, 
-44 ; AemiUus, T. (jTattor 413 B.C.), 
4; Aeinilius ilamercinui?, Ti., 48, 
5u (ter), 52 ; Aemilius Cerretanus, 
Q., 142 (ter); Aemiliu? Papus, M., 
188; Aemilius Barbnla,Q., 242 (/«•), 
246, 276, 280, 2S4; Aemilius 
Paulus, M., 362 (bis), 368; Aemilia 
lex (434 B.C.), 288, 290, 292, 294, 

A.enaria, 86 

A.equi, 236, 344, 346 (bis), 348 (bis), 
354, 360, 362 (bis), 390 ; Aeqnicum 
bellum, 362 

Acquicoli, 402 

Ae- ;lapiu-^, 542 (bis), 546 (bis) 

: I, 552; Aeseminus ager, 476 
-»54 (bts) 
. 452 

Alba, 360, 544 

AJbani, 18 

Aletrinas (collective), 332 ; Aletrinas 
populu!^, 338 

Alexander Epiri rex, 10, 68 (bis), 92, 
230, 238; Alexander Magnus, 10, 
98, 224, 220 (ter), 228 (ter), 230 (bis), 
232 (bis), 234 (ter), 236, 238 (bis), 
240 (ter) ; Alexandria, 92 

Allifae, 98, 308, 330 

Ajniternum, 508 

Anac^nini, 332 (bis), 338 

Aui.iiiis tribus, 392, 544 

Annius Setinus, L., 10, 12. 10, 18, 20. 

Antiochus, 240 

Antium, 4, 50, 54, 58, 236 ; Antiate?, 
2, 48 (bis), 58, 60, 242; Antiates 

? Tolsci, 52 ; Antias ager, 48 ; popu- 
lus, 2, 58 

Antoniu?, M., 68 

Anxur, 84 

Apollinare sacrum, 384 

Apolloniates, 552 (bis) 

Appenninus, 460 

Appia via, 354 

Appianus exercitu?, see Claudius, Ap. 

Apuleiii-, Q., 376, 390 

Apulia, 154, 164, 206, 208, 216, 230, 

. 242 (quater), 260, 498, 502; Apuli, 

t 94, 98, 104, 144, 216, 236, 354, 412 

\ (bis); Teates Apuli, 242; Apulus 

•■ ager, 144; Apulum bellum, 142 

Aqmlonia, 504, 508, 510 (bis\ 520, 522, 
626 (bis), 528 (quater) 

Ardeas ager, 48 

Aretini, 376 

Aricini, 52, 58 

Ariminum, 552 

Arpi, 208, 210 (ter) 

Arpinum, 344; Arpinates, 360 

Arretium, 308, 500 ; Arretini, 284, 360 

Asia, 224, 238 (bis) 

A-ctura, 52, 54 

Athenae, 232 

Atilius Eegulus, M. (cos. 335 B.C.), 
64, 66: Atilius Eegulus, M, (cos, 
294 B.C.), 480, 488, 492, 502, 508, 
532, 556; Atilius, L. (trib. pi. 311 
B.C.), 276; Atilius Calatinus. A., 
554, 556 

Atina, 272 ; Atinas ager, 508 

Attius aausu.^, 386 

Aufidena, 402 



Aulius Cerretana?, Q., 142. 218, 220, 

246, 248 (Wi), 250 (bis) 
AnruDca, see Suessa; Aurunci, 60 

(quater), 272 
Ausona, 258; Ausones, 62, 66, 158, 

258 CM»), 260 
Aventinus, 290 

Bellon'A, 36, 430 (bis) 
Eeneventum, 270, 552 
Bovianum, 270 (bis), 280, 342 (bix), 

402 (bis), 520, 528 
EoTillae, 540 
Erandi.~ium, 362, 558 
Bruttii(Brittii), 548, 550 (bis); Eruttii 

fines, 94 : Eruttiae legiones, 92 
Erutui:, see Junius 

Caectucs, L., 548 ; Caecilius Metellu?, 

556, 558 (bis) 
Caecliciu=, C, 514, 518 
Caere, 300,; Caerite;, 370 
Caiatia, 476 
Galatia, 164, 272, 332 
Calavius, Ovius, 184, 262; Xovius, 

262 ; A. (son of Orius), 184 
Gales, 62, 64, 66 (bis), 158; Caleni, 

432 ; Calenus ager, 432 
Callifae, 98 
Calparnius PL-o Trugi, L. (the annalist), 

340,390; Calpurniu?, M., 551 
Camars (= Clusium), 454 
Camertes Umbri, seelSmhri 
Camillus, see Furius 
Campania, 236, 258, 270, 310, 430, 

436, 4S'J ; Campanus (coUectire), 8 ; 

Campani, 4 (bis), 6, 8 (quater), 14, 

16, 42, 46, 60, 158, 182, 322, 460, 

472 ; Campanus aser, 86, 340, 432, 

436; campas, 88; finL=, 182; 

hostis, 8 ; populus. 46 , 48 ; Campana 

defectio, 266; legio, 548, 552; 

quaestio, 262 ; Campani campi, 

266 ; equites, 46 
Campus Sceleratus, see Sceleratus 
Cannae, 238 
Canusini, 242 
Capena porta, 444 

Capitolium, 14, 16 (bis), 132, 141, 
■ 174 (W.?), 344, 384, 444 
Capua, 20, 44, 46, 60, 8S, 182 (quin- 

quies), 242 (bis), 258, 260, 262, 266, 

Carseoli, 368, 402, 544 (Carsioli) 
Carthago, 556; Carthaginienses, 340, 

550 (bis), 552, 554, 556 (quater 

Carrilius, Q.,392; Carrilius Maximu= 
Sp, (his son), 392, 508 (bis), 510, 528 
530, 532, 534, 538 

Castor, 48 

Castrum, 546 

Caufliom, 164, 194, 198 (bis), 204, 206 
214, 218 (bis), 238, 266; Caudin: 
clades, 220, 300 : pax, 162, 178, 184 
188, 204, 314; Caudini saltas 184 
Caudinae furcae, 354; furculae 
164, 170, 200, 214, 310: legiones 

Ceres, 446 

Cesennia, 344 

Chalcis, 84 

ChariJaus, 100 (bis) 

Cilnium genus, 368, 376 

Cimetra, 412 

Ciminius mons, 304 (bis)\ saltus, 304 
Ciminia silva, 30u (bis), 310, 314 
446 ; Ciminii saltas, 302 

Cuiea=, 548 

ClnsrUia, 112 

Claudias, Ap. (tf^e decemvir), 290 
Claudius, Ap. (censor 312, cos. 3<V 
and 296 B.C.), 274 (gimter), 288 (bis' 
290, 292 (bis), 296, 298; 330 (ter) 
340, 352, 354, 380, 382, 386 (ter) 
398, 412, 414 (ter). 422 (bis), 424 
426 (ter), 428 (quater), 430, 438, 44; 
(bis), 450, 452 (ter), 454, 458, 476 (ter) 
478, 502, 548; Aripianas exercitu= 
424; Claudias InregUlcnst, C, 6i 
Claudius Hortator, C. 62 ; Claudiu 
Marcellus, M. (cos. 331), 7iJ, 90 
Claudius Marcellus, M. (ccnquero 
of Gauls at Clastidium, 222 B.C.) 
560 ; Claudias Glicia, 556 ; Pulchei 
556; Claudius Quadrigaria?, Q 
(annalist), 76, 178; Claudias, V. 
558 ; Claudia (sister of P.), 558 

Qeonymus, 362 (ter), 366 

Cleopatra (qu^en of Alexander 
Epirus), 96 

Clasium, 452, 458 (bis), 462; Glasini 
474; Clusini transfugae, 460 

Cluriae, 280; Cluviana oppugnatio 

CoUina porta, 62 ; triba=, 560 

Comtuium, 508, 510 (bis), 514, 518 
524 (bis), 526 (bis), 528 

Cominius, L., 114 

Concordia, 350 


on.-entia Bruttiorum, 94, 96 

oranus ager, 74 

ornelius Rufinus, P. {dictator 332 
B.C.), 66; Cornelius Arvina, A. 
{COS. 343, 333, dictator 322 B.C.), 
68, 146, 1.52, 1.54, 2u0, 202, 478; 
CorneUiis Scapula, P. (= P. Cor- 
nelius Scipio Barbatus, cos. 328, 
dictator 3U6 B.C.), 84, 34U {bis}, 350 ; 
Cornelius Lentulus, L. {cos. 327, 
dictator 320 B.C.), 86, 218 ; Cornelius 
Maluginensis, M. {censor suffectus 
392 B.C.), 296 ; Cornelius Arvina, P. 
{son of Aulus, cos. 306 and 288; 
censor 294 B.C.), 310 (?), 332 {bis}, 
338, 540 ; Cornelius, Ser. {cos. 303 
B.C.), 360; Cornelius Scipio, L. 
{cos. 298 B.C.), 398, 400, 410, 454, 
458 {bis), 470, 514, 520 {ter), 554; 
Cornelius Eufinus, P. {cos. 290), 
650 ; Cornelius, Cn. {cos. 270 and 260 
B.C.), 554; Cornelia {poisoner, d. 
331 B.C.), 72 ; ComeUi, 228 

or.-ica, 554; Corsi, 554, 558 

ortona, 308 

oruncanius, Tl., 556 

osa, 550 

remera, 314 

remona, 560 

umae, 84, 236 ; Cumani, 60, 84 

urius Dentatus, M'., 228, 546 

utina, 112 

JTU5, 226 

'AREUS, 230 {bis) 

'ecius Mus, P. {cos. 340 B.C.), 10, 34, 
36, 42 {bis), 158, 198, 380, 382, 
468; Decius Mus, P. {cos. 312 B.C.), 
272, 274, 320, 324 {ter), 326 {bis), 
340 {bis), 352, 380 {bis), 388, 406 
{quatcT), 410. 413 {bis), 414, 416, 
418, 420, 422, 430, 440 {ter), 442, 
446 {bis), 448 {ter), 454 {bis), 456 
(quater), 462, 46 4, 466 {bis), 468 {bis), 
470, 472, 480, 554 {bis) ; Decii duo, 
226, 228; Decianus exercitus, 474, 
476; Decius, M. {trib. pi. 311 B.C.), 

lei (or Di) Manes, see Manes 

»i Indigites, see Indigites 

•iana. 462 

'ivi XovensUes, see Xovensiles 

•odonaeus, see luppiter 

'omitiuH, Cn., 68, 390; Domiiius 
Calvinus, Cn. {his son), 390, 550 

DuiUius, K., 62 ; C, 554 
Duronia, 508 

Egx.\TICS, Gellius, 420, 428, 436, 472 

Epidaurus, 542, 546 

Epirus, 92 {bis), 96, 230; Epirotae, 

Esquillna tribus, 560 

Etniria, 236 {bis), 280, 284 {bts), 304 
(bis), 308 (bis), 312, 324 {bis), 
326, 366, 376. 394 {bis), 396 (bis), 
406, 414, 416 (bis), 420, 424 (ter), 
426 {ter), 436 {bis), 438, 446, 448, 
450 (bis), 454, 456 {bis), 458, 460, 
474, 476, 480, 498, 500 (ter), 502 
(bis), 504, 530, 532, 534, 538; 
Etruscus (collective), 376, 394; 
Etrusci, 274 (bis), 284, 286 (bis), 288, 
298 (bis), 300 (ter), 304, 306, 312, 
316 (ter), 318, 322, 326 (bis), 354, 
368, 374 (bis), 376, 392, 394, 396, 
400, 402, 404, 416 (bis), 428, 438, 
460, 462, 464, 474, 478, 500, 506, 
530, 532 (ter), 544, 548, 550; 
Etruscus ager, 394; Etruscum 
bellum, 272, 328, 394, 428, 430, 
4-50, 454, 538: foedus, 326; Etru- 
scae litterae, 302. See also Tusci 

Euboica Chalcis, 84 

Europa, 224 

FABIUS Dorsuo, M. (cos. 345 B.C.), 10, 
64, 66, 126, 128 (bis); Fabuis 
Masimus Eullianus, Q. (cos. 322, 
310, 308, 297, 295; dictator 315, 
301 ; censor 304 B.C. ; son of above), 
70, 112, 114, 116, 118 (bis), 120 (bis), 
122, 124 (quater), 126 {Its), 130, 134, 
136 (ter), 138 (quater), 146, 158, 186, 
188, 226, 246 (bis), 288 (ter), 310, 
324, 326, 328, 330 (bis), 332 (bis), 
340, 352 (bis), 354, 356, 368 (bis), 
390, 398, 402, 404 (ter), 408 (bis), 
410, 412 (ter), 414 (ter), 420 (bis), 
422, 430, 440 (ter), 442, 446 (quater), 
448, 450 (bis), 452 (bis), 454 (bis), 
456 (bis), 458, 460, 462, 464, 470 
(bi-i), 472 {ter), 474, 476, 480, 502, 
540, 546; Eabius Ambustus, M. 
(maffister equitum 322 B.C., and 
brother of Quintus), 146, 150 (i!>t.?\ 
154, 300, 304, 312 (bis); Fabius 
Ambustus, C. (magister equitum 
315 B.C., and brother of Quintus), 2-50, 
254 ; Fabius, Caeso {brother of Quin- 




tu-s), 300 ; Fabius Maximus Gorges, 
Q. (cai. 293 and son of Qiiiutus), 
408, 478, 540, 544, 516 ; Fabii, 228 

Fabraterni, see Voltci 

Fabric-ill?, C, 548, 550 (bis) 

Falerii, 400, 406; Falisci, 532 {bis), 
oSS, 558; Falcrnus ager, 46 (6w), 
50, 86, 430, 438 (tw); Falerna 
tribus, 242, 354 ; FaUscus ager, 400, 
460 ; Faliscus esercitus, 463 

Fas, 18 

Faucia curia, 314 

Fenectani campi, 48 

Ferentani, 220 

Ferentinara, 420 (bis); Ferentinas 
(collective), 332 ; Ferentinas p op ulus, 

Feritrum, 486 

FlaniiniiiK, C, 560 ; Flaminius circu=, 
560 ; Flaminia via, 560 

Flavias, M., 84, 144; Cn. (serf to"), 
348, 350 (bis), 352, 354; Flavia 
rogatio, 144 

Folias Flaccina, M., 240, 262, 264 (bis), 

Forentum, 242 

l'ormianu<(coll€Clive),SS; Formiani,60; 
Formianus ager, 476 ; popuJus, 88 

Fors Fortuna, 53S ; Fortuna, 464, 554 

Fregellae, 84, 88 (bis), 158, 270 (bis); 
Fregellani, 206; Fregellana arx, 

Fregenae, 558 

Frentani. 346 

Fresilia, 368 

Fni^inates, 360 

Fulrius, L., 146, 244 ; Fulrius Curvu?, 
M. (cos. suffectui 305 B.C., son of 
abate), 342; Fulvios Paetus, M. 
(cos. 299 B.C.), 390; Fiilvius, Cn. 
(cos. 298 B.C.), 370, 398, 400, 402 
(bijt), 460, 462, 474; FuMus 
CurTtis, C. (aed. pi. 295 B.C.), 446 

P'undanus (coUective), 88; lundani, 
GO, 74, 76 (quinquies) ; Fnndanus 
ager, 76; dux 74; populus, 76, 88 

Furius Paculiis, C. (cos. 441, censor 
435 B.C.), 290, 292 ; Fxirius Camillus, 
M. (dictator 396 B.C.), 130, 176, 218 ; 
l^irius, L. (consular f-ib, 381 and 
370 B.C.), 130; Furius Camillag, 
L. (son of M., dictator 350 arid 
345 B.C.\ 52. 54 (ler), 110, 112 (Mt), 
228: L. (grandson of M., cos. 338 
and 335, and praetor 318 B.C.), 242 


Gabixus cinctus, 36 ; cultus, 380 

Galli, 58, 68, 78 (bis), 174, 176, 18^ 
202, 236, 364, 392, 394, 402, 410 
436, 438, 440, 458 (bis), 460 (bis 
462 f^u/i/er), 4G4 (Ws), 468 (quater) 
470, 472, 474, 478, 544; Gall 
Tnsubres?, 560 (bis); Senoncs Galli 
458, 548; Galli tran.salpini, 558 
Oallicus equitatus, 466; turaultus 
78, 394, 460; Gallica acie-s, 460 
470; clade?, a26; Gallicun 
bellum, 68, 78; Gallici tumultus 
272; Gallica auxilia, 420; Gallu; 
ho-.tis, 460 

Geganius, M., 29^*, 292 

Gellius, Statins, 342 

Geilius Egnatias, see Egnatius 

Geminus, see Maecius 

Genucius, L., 360 ; C, 388 

Germanici saltus, 300 

Graeci, 86 (bis), 88. 90, 98, 100 (bis) 
102, 104 (bis), 232, 236, 362, :)06 
Graccus mos, 540 ; Graccae litterae 

Hadria., 546 ; Hadriaticua sinu^, 362 

Hadriaticum mare, 366 
Ra-nnihal, (jffeneral in first Punic war) 

554; (the great B.d.miiba.\), 2ZS 
Hanno, 554 
Heraclea, 94 
Herculaneum, 532 (bis) 
Hercules, 274, 344, 424, 442 
Hernici, 332 (bis), 334 (bis), 338 (ter) 

344, 346, 360; Hemicus civis, 332 

Hemicurn bellum, 334; nomeu 

332, 344 
Iliero, 552 (bis) 
nistri.362, 560 
Horatius, il., 502 
Horten>ius, Q., 546 
Hostilius, Tullus, 18, 128 


lanus, 36 

lUyrii, 362, 588, 560 

ImbrLnum, 114 

India, 230; Indi, 236, 238 

Indigites Di, 36 

Interamna Sucasina, 272, 498; In- 

teramnas ager, 508 
Italia, 92 (bis), 98, 228, 230 (bU] 

362 (ter), 416 (bis), 550 (bis), 55" 
lulins, 0., 296 
lunius Brutus, L. (cos. 509 B.C.), 132 


lanius Brutus Scaeva, D. {cos. 325 
B.C.), 50, 110; D. {cos. 293 B.C., 
his scm), 524, 540, 552; lunius 
BubuJcus, 0. {cos. 317, 313, 311, 
master of tht horse 312 and 309, 
censor 307, and dictator 302 B.C.), 242 
{ter), 270, 272, 274, 276, 280, 314, 
320 {bis) 338, 362 {his); lunii 
{exactores regum), 228 

luno, 366 

luppiter, 14, 18 {ter\ 20, 24, 36, 278, 
282, 384, 444, 450, 504; luppiter 
Dodonaeus, 92; luppiter Stator, 
496, 504; luppiter Victor, 472 {bis), 
524 ; cella lovis, 444 

lus, 18 


Laconep, 366 

LanuTium, 50 ; Lanuvtai, 52, 58 (pis) ; 
Lanuviai municipes, 58 

Lares, 36 

Latium, 10, 12, 14. 16 {ter), 44, 46 
{bis), 52, 54 {ter). 56 {bis) ; Latinus 
(a Latin), 18; Latini, 6 {bis), 8 
{quater), 10, 12, 16, 18, 22, 24, 30, 
36, 38 {quater), 40 {quater), 44 
{quinquies), 46 {bis), 48, 50, 56, 
58, 60, 158 {quater); Latinus ager, 
46 {bis), 50; centurio, 34 {bis)] 
dilectus, 32; dux, 6; eques, 24; 
Latina via, 498; Latinum beUum, 
468; imperium, 16; nomen, 10, 
460, 486, 560 ; Latin i populi, 50, 54, 
60, 332 ; Latinae feriae, 46 ; Latina 
oppida, 54 

Laurentes, 46 {bis) 

Lautulae, 250, 258 {bis) 

Lentulus, L., 174 

Liburni, 362 

Licinius Stolo, 0. {magister equitum 
368 B.C.), 386; Licinius Macer, C. 
{the annalist), 314, 350, 390 ; Licinia 
lex, 380 

Ligurep, 558 

Liris, 438 

Livius, L., 192 (trib. pi. 320 B.C.), 192 ; 
Livius Denter, M,, 362, 388, 466, 

Longula, 314 

Lua Mater, 4 

Lucani, 68, 72, 94 {quinquies), 98, 
104, 106, 110, 236, 398 {ter), 400 
{bis), 422, 546, 548, 550 {bis); 
Lucanos, 104; Lucanus exsul, 92, 

96; hosti?, 402; populus, 398; 
Lucana oohors, 482 ; Lucani exsules 
94; montes, 230; Lucanae legiones 

Luceres, 378 

Luceria, 164, 206 (ter), 208, 210 {lis). 
211 (ter), 216 (quater), 218 (quater), 
222, 260 (bis), 486, 498, 502 (bis), 
504; Lucerini, 166, 260; Lucerinus 
finis, 488 

Lutatius, C, 558 

ilACEDOXIA, 230; Macedones, 230, 
232, 234, 236, 240 (ter) ; Macedonicae 
phalanges, SO 

Maecius, Geminus, 22, 24, 26; 
Octavius, 518 ; ilaecia tribus, 68 

ilaelius, Q.,192 

Maenius, C, 52 (bis), 262 (bis), 294 

Maleventum, 270 

ilamertinl, 552 

Manes (di or del Manes), 20, 466, 468 

Manlius Torquatus, T. (dictator 353, 
349, 320, cos. 347, 344, 340 B.C.), 
10, 16 (bis), 18, 20, 34 (bis), 38, 40, 
46, 60, 118, 158 (ter), 226, 228, 382; 
Manlius, T. (his son), 22, 24, 26 (ter), 
138; Manlius Torquatus, T. (son oj 
last-named, cos. 299 B.C.), 390, 394; 
L. (perhaps son of last-named), 458; 
Manliana imperia, 28, 132 

Marcius Eutulu5,C. (cos. 357, 352,344, 
342, in 356 B.v. first pleb. diet.), 226, 
386, 502; Marcius Rutulus, 0. 
(his son, trib. pleb. 311, cos. 310, 
pontifex and augur 299, censor 294 
and 265 B.C.), 276, 288, 308, 312, 
314, 388 (bis), 470, 540; Marcius 
Treraulus," Q. (cos. 306, 288 B.C.), 
332, 334, 336, 338, 340; Marcianus 
miles, 336 

Maritimus Circus, 332 

Marrucini, 110 ; Marruciui Mar?i, 348 ; 
Mars, 42, 44, SS, 282, 340, 446, 464, 
540 (Martis aedes); Mars pater, 
36; Martialis flamen,5SS; Martins 
lupus, 462 ; Martia gens, 4G2 

Marsi, 20, 110, 236, 312, 324 (bis), 351, 
368 (ter), 544 ; sec aho Marruciui 

Mater Terra, see Terra 

Materina, 328 

Meduacus amnis, 364 

Menapii, 94 

Metapontum, 96 

Mevania, 326 



Milionw, 368, 484, 486 
Milionius, 44 
ilinatius, Staia=, 434 
Minturnae, 40, 46, 258, 438 
ilinucius, L., 130; Ti., 340 (bvs), 342 

(ter); Minucius Faesus, M,, 388; 

Minucia Yestalis, 62, 158 
Molossis, 92 

Murena (error for M. Valerius), 544 
Murgantia, 418, 420 

Xak, 392 

Xarnia, 390, 392 

Xautius, Sp.. 244, 514, 518, 528 (bis) 

iseapolis, 84, 90, 236; :Neapolitam 

158 ; Xeapolitanum foedus, 104 
Nepete, 406 

^"equ^nuDl, 390, 392 (&w) 
]S' end tun, 242 
Xola, 102, 270, 272; J^olani, 86; 

Xolanus hostis, 100 ; Xolana multi- 

tudo, 272; Nolanimiiites, 86 
Xomentani, 58 

Korbani, 2 : 2sorbanu3 ager, 74 
XoTeniiies Divi, 36 
X'lceria Alfaterna, 324; Xucerinus 

ager, 310 
yumisios Circeieasis, I ., 10, 44 
Nymphiu=, 100, 102 (bis) 


Ogulnii, Q., and Cn., 378, 444 

Olvmpias, 98 

Opimiu= Pansa, L., 482 

Orcu?, 320 

Osca lingua, 432 

Ostia, 236; Ostien^is ager, 48 

Oufentina tribus, 354 

Ovius, see Paccius 

PACCIUS, OTiui:, 506 

Padu=, 560 

Paeligni, 14, 20, 236, 324, 346, 354, 
474, 478 ; Paelignus ager, 474 

Paestum, 68 

Palaepolis, 84, 86 (bis), 90, 102 ; Palae- 
politani, 100, 104 

Palalium, 74, 80 ; Palatina tribus, 560 

Palumbinum, 532 (bis) 

Pandosia, 92 (bis) 

Papirius Crassus, L. (jiractor 339, cos. 
336 and 330, praef. urb. 325 B.C.), 
48, 62, 70, 72, 74, 138, 140; M. 
(dictator 332 B.C.), 68; Papirius 
Cursor, L. (mag. e-juiturn 039, cos. 

332, 320, 319. 315, 313, dictator 
325 and 309 B.C.), 48, 92, 112, 114, 
118, 122, 126 (bis), 128 (ter), 134 
(bis\ 136, 142, 158, 188, 206, 208, 
210, 212, 216 (bis), 218 (ter), 22: 
226, 228, 270, 296 (bis), 312 (bis), 
314 (bis), 320, 354, 390, 504; 
Papirius MugUlanus, L. (cos. 326), 
92, 220; Papiria=, L. (fenerator), 
108, 158; Papirius Cursor, L. (son 
of Cursor, cos. 293 and 272 B.C.), 
504, 508, 510 (bis), 512, 53u, 534, 
540, 544; Papiriu-:, Sp. (nephetc oj 
last-named), 514, 528 (ter): Papiria 
tribus, 144 ; Papiriana saevitia, 368 

Papius Brutuius, 154 (ter) 

Parthi, 232 

Patavium. 364 (bis)\ Patavinl, 364 

Pedum, 50 (ter), 52 (bis), 54 (bis)\ 
Pedani, 50, 52, 58 

Pentri Saninites, see Sanmitcs 

Persae, 230, 236, 238 

Perses, 2J0 

Perusia, 308 (bis), 322 (bis), 500; 
Penisini, 474, 476 (bis) 

Philippus, 240 

Picenum, 552 ; Picentes, 236, 396 (bis), 

Piso, see Calpumius 

Pithecusae finstdae), 84 

Plautius (Hypsaeus), C. (cos. 347 and 
341 B.C.), 2 (bis), 78, 274, 276, 288, 
292; Plautius Venox, L. (praet. 
322, cos. 330 and 318 B.C.), 72, 76, 
80 (bis), 154, 240, 242; Plautius 
Proculus, P. (cos. 328 B.C.), 84 

Plestina, 368 

PlLstica, 244, 246, 248 (bis) 

Poeni, 238, 552, 554 (ter), 556, 558 
(ter); Punica classis, 554; res, 
240; Punicum beUum, 228, 238, 

Poetelius, C. (tr. pUb. 358, cos. 346 and 
332 B.C.), 92, 270, 272 (bis); M. 
(cos. 314 B.C.), 252, 268 (ter) 

Pollia tribus, 144 (ter) 

Pompeii, 310 

Pompeius Magnus, 226 

Pontiae, 272 (bis), 354 (Pontia) 

Pontius, Herennius, 162, 170, 172, 
204, 216, 218; C, 162, 172, 176, 
200 (bis), 204, 216, 218, 546 

Popilius, il., 244 

Porcia lex, 388 

Porsinna, 202, 416 



Fosidonia, 550 

Postumius, Sp. {cos. 334 and 331 B.C.), 
66, 68, 90, 162, 188, 190 {bis). 192, 
198 {bis), 200, 202 {bis), 204,' 854; 
Postuinius Megelliis, L. {prandson of 
'V, COS. 305, 294, and 291 B.C.), 
' (quater), 342 {bis-), 460, 462, 4S0 
-), 484 {bis), 498,502, 538, 546; 
Po5tumius, A. {cos. 242), 558 
Fotitii, 276 {bis); Potitia gens, 274 
Praenestinus, 224; Praeiie?tim, 52, 
58; Praenestinus populus, 50; 
praetor. 224 
Privernum, 2, 74, 76 {quater), 78, 80 
^^ : Priverna?, 82 : Privernatis. 2, 
-. SO (?€T), 82 {ter), 84, 144, 158; 
ivemas ager, 46 (his); populus, 
S>; senatus, 80; bellum, 74, 78 
Ptolemaeus, 550 

PiMiliu? Philo, Q. (cos. 352, 339, 327, 

■. and 315 B.C.), 48 {bis), 62, 66, 

. 86 {bis), 90, 100, 104, 158, 188 

-1. 206, 208, 210, 216, 226, 266: 

PublUius, C, 108, 158; Publilius, 

T, {avgur 300 B.C.), 388 

Pudicitia Patricia, 442, 444: Plebeia, 

Pupiniensis ager, 326 
PjTrhus, 548 {ter), 550 (sexies) 

QrDrCTlLlus, Cn., 72 

Quinctius Cincinnatus, L., 130; 

Quinctius, T. (Ill vir col. ded. 334 

B.C.), 66; Quincti'i*, L. {tr. mil. 

326 B.C.), 102 ; Quinctii, 228 
Quirinu?, 36, 80, 536 (Qiiirini aedes); 

Quirina triba=, 558 
Quirites, 20, 22, 36 {quater), 50, 200, 

264, 388, 390, 404, 468 

Eamxes, 378 

Eegillus lacus, 18, 24 

Eegulas, see Atilius 

Ehesium (Resrium). 548, 552 ; Ehegini 

(Regini), 518 {bis) 
Eoma, 2 {et passim); Eomani, 2 {et 

passim); Eomanus populus, 2 

(et passim) ; Eomana civita.s, 46 ; 

classis, 310; dL«ciplina, 242; 

een=, 172; ignorninia, 218; indoles, 

184; plebs, 106; res, 56, 240; 

virtus, 184, 214, 282; Eomanum 

bellum 240 ; imperium, 58, 1 34 ; 

nomen, 232; Eomani pueri, 302; 

Eomana ingenia, 184; iura, 242 

Romulea, 41 8 (bis), 420 
Eomnlus, 504 
Eostra, 60 
Eufnum, 98 
Enminalis ficus, 444 
Eusellanus ager, 370, 500 

Sabln'I,. 312, 546; Sabinus advcna, 
386; Sabellus ager, 4; Sabellae 
cohortes, 430 

Sacer mon?, 290 

Saepinum, 530, 534 

Sallentini, 330, 362 (bis), 552 ; Sallen- 
tinus ager, 362, 558 

Palus, 338, 382 

Samnium. 66, 68, 88, 98, 102, 110, 114, 

'"(dis), 138, 144, 206, 216, 23G, 274, 
280 (bis), 284, 310, 312, 324, 326, 
328, 332, 334, 338. 340, 344 {ter), 
40O, 402, 406 (bis), 412, 414, 418, 
420 (bis\ 422 {ter), 424 (bis), 426, 
4.30 {bis), 432, 456, 454, 474, 480 {bis), 
484, 500, 502 {ter\ 504 {bis\ 508 
(bis), 530 {ter), 532 {bis), 534 (bis), 
552 ; Samnis {a Samjiite), 204, 496 - 
(coUeclile), '8S, 146, 152, 190, 198, 
222, 244, 248, 258, 334, 338, 378, 
410, 416, 492: Sanmites (quin- 
qvies), 4, 6 {qv-ater), S {ttr), 10, 12, 
14 (bis), 16, 20, 68, 74 {ter\ 80, 8Q, 
88 (ter), 98, 100 {bis), 104 (bis), 
102 (quater), 106 (bis), 110 {bis), 
114, 116, 140 {ter), 142 (septifs), 
146 {bis), 148, 150, 152, 154, 158 
(bis), 162, 164 (bis), 170 {bis), 174, 
184 (quater), 190 (his), 192, 194 
(bn), 196 (bis), 200 (bis\ 204 (ter), 
206 {quater), 210 {quater), 212 (bis), 
216, 218 {bis), 220 (bis), 222 {bis), 
240, 244 (ter), 246 (quater), 248 
(quinquies), 250, 252, 258 {ter), 
260 (his), 266 (bis), 268 (bis), 270 
(ter), 212 {bis\ 280 {ter), 306, 308, 
310, 318. 320, 322 (quater), 324 (bis\ 
330, 332 {ter), 336, 338. 340, 342, 
344 (quater-^. 346, 354 (quater), 360, 
396 (bis), 398 (ter), 400 {qtiater), 
402 (ter), 408 {bis), 410 {ter), 412, 
414, 418 {ter), 420 (bts), 428 (bis), 
432, 434 (ter), 436, 438, 460, 462 
(bis), 464 {bis), 468 (bis), 470 (bis), 
472 (t'^r), 474 {ter), 476 (ter), 
478 (ter), 480 {bis), 482, 484 {bis), 
486, "488, 494 (quater), 496 {bis), 
498 {bis), 504, 506 {bis), 508, 510 



(Ur), 514, 516 (bis), 518, 520 {bts), 

522, 524, 526, 528, 532 (bis), 534 

ibis), 536 (6w), 538, 544 (ter), 

546 (quinquies), 548, 550 (bis)', 

Pentri Samnites, 280 ; Samni* ager, 

8; civi?, 202; hostis, 8, 100; 

popixlus, 6, 200; Samnites milites, 

Sangas, see Semo. 
Sardinia, 554 ; Sardi, 554, 558 
Saticula, 244 (bis), 246, 248 {bU)\ 

Saticulani, 244 
Satricam, 2 (bis), 220; Satricanus 

(collective), 222 ; Satricani, 206 (bis), 

220 222 
Scantiu5, M., 538 
Scaptia tribas, 68 
Sceleratus campas, 62 
Semo Sangas, 80 (bU) 
Semnronius, Sophus, P., 288, 344 (bis), 

388, 392, 436, 438, 556 
Sena, 546 

Setini, 2; Setinus ager, 74; bon'O, 18 
Sextilia (virgo Te=taUs), 550 
Sextiu=, L., 386 
Sibylla, 384 
Sicilia, 550 (bis) 
Siaicini, 4 (bis), 6 (ter), 121, A, 16, 60 

(bis\ 62, 64, 66 (bis); Sidicinus 

ager, 68, 406 ; hostis, 8 
Signia, 10 ; Signini, 84 
Sinope (= Sinuessa), 438 
SiDuessa, 46, 438 
Sipontum Apulorum, 94 
Solonios ager, 48 
Sora, 243 (Us), 252, 256 (bis), 258 (&w), 

332, 344, 3G0 (his), 434 (bis), 544; 

Soranus ager, 406, 484; tran,sfuga, 

254; Sorana arx, 282 
Sotimus, 96 
Spoletinm, 558 
Stagna Inferna, 92 
Stellatis ager, 476; campu?, 340; 

St^llates campi, 478 
Suborana tribu.=, 560 
Sucasina, see Interamna 
Suessa Aurunca, 60, 272 (bis), 354; 

Suessana cohor?, 482 
Suessula, 83 ; Suessulani, 60 
Sulpicias Longa?, C. (cos. 337, 323, 

and 314; dictator 312 B.C.), 60, 62, 

142 (ter), 226, 252, 268 (bis), 

274; Sulpicius Saverrio, P. (cos. 

304, censor 299 B.C.), 344, 392, 



Sutrium, 284, 288 (bis), 298, 304' 

406; Sutrini, 284 
Syracusani, 552 

Tajientttm, 100, 106 ; Tarentini, 92. 94, 

100, 104, 110, 212 (qiutter), 548 (bit), 

550, 552 ; Tarentini legati, 212 (bis) 
Tarquinien.?is (collective), 324 
Tarquinius, L., 18; Tarquinii (the 

Tarquin kings), 292 
Teanenses, 242 
Teates ApuU, see Apuli 
Tellas 36, 466 ; Tellus mater, 468 
Terentina triba=, 392, 544 
Terina Eruttiorum, 94 
Terra mater, 20 
Thebaa, 232 
Thesprotius sinus, 92 
Thessali, 236 

Thuriae (in Sallentinis), 362 (bis) 
Thurii, 236 ; Thurini. 546 
Tiberis, 58 (bis), 80, 416, 546 
Tibur, 278 (bis); Tihurtes 52, 54, o6 ; 

Tiburtini, 278; Tihurs populus, 50 
Tifemum (in Samniom'), 340, 406; 

Tifemus mons, 474, 478 
Titienses, 378 
Titinia<=, M., 362 
Torquatos, see ilanlius 
Trebonia<=, T., 514, 518 
Trebulani, 360 
Trifanum, 46 
Iroilum, 538 
Tuhero, see Aelius 
Tuccia (^eo Vestalis), 558 
Tiillios, Sef. (reT), 538 
TuUns, see Hostilius 
Tusci (see also Etrusci), 286, 308, 328, 

420, 474 
Tu5culani, 58, 144 (ter); Tusculanua 

populus, 144; Tusculani equites, 23 

UFExnXA tribus, 242 

Umbria, 236 (bis), 304, 326 (bis), 360, 
390,420; Umbri, 3C8, 326 (?i/a<(^), 
330, 354, 392, 436, 438, 440, 458, 
460 ter), 464, 474, 478, 544, 552; 
Camertes Umbri, 302 (bis) ; Umber 
host!?, 460 

Vacci Prata, 74 
Vacca=;, see Vitruvius 
Valeria-, L. (cos. 449 B.C.), 502 
Valerias, M. (=CorTus?), 10, 36; 
Valerius Corms, iL (cos. 248, 346, 


343, 335, 309, and 299 B.C.), 64 
(quater), 68, 13S, 188, 226, 228; 
Valerius Publicola, P. (ma^. eq. 
332 B.C.), 68; Valerius Flaccus (^or 
rotitus?), C. (cos. 331 B.C.), 70; 
Valerias Flaccus, L, {mag. eq. 331 
and 320 B.C.), 72, 188; Valerius 
^Maximus, M. (cos. 312, censor 307 
B.C.), 272, 320,^ 324 Qns), 340, 36S 
{bis), 376 (bit), 388, 396, 408, 478 
(possibly this is Corrus); Valerius 
Laevinus, P. (cos. 280 B.C.), 543; 
Valerius Maximus, M'. {dictator: 
2']0 B.C.), 556; Valeru (exactores 
reaum), 228; Valeria lex, 388 

Vi^icanus ager, 460; exercitu5, 462 

V ii. 78, 176 

Vr^lia, 530, 5S2 {bis) ; Velinatribus, 558 

Velitrae, 10, 53; Velitemi, 5?, 58, 80, 
141; Veliternus populas, 50 

Veii-ti, 364, 366 

Venus, 478 

Ver^inius, A.., 442 ; Verginia {daughter), 
412, 414 

Vcrtomanis, 560 

ViTulanas {collective), 332 ; Verulanus 
populns, 338 

Veicia, 44, 258 : Vescini. 430 ; Vescinus 
ager, 438, 476, 536; saltus, 438 

Veseris, 34, 468 

Vesta, 558 (templum Vestae) ; Vestalis 

Tirgo, 62, 550, 558 
Vestini, 110, 112 {b'is), 236, 366; 

Vestinas populus, 110 {bis) 
VesuTius mons, 34 
Veturiua Calrinus, T., 66, 162, 190, 

198. 354 
Vibellius, Decios, 543 
Victoria, 484 
Vitravius Vaccos, 74 {bis), 76 {his), 

78 (ter), 80 
Volaterrae, 400 
Volcanus, 42, 350 
Volsci, 2 {bis), 10, 16, 44 {bis), 54, S8, 

236, 272; Volsci Antiates, 52; 

Fabratemi, 72 ; Volscus ager, 360 ; 

Volscum nomen, 46 
Volsinii, 500, 552 (Vulsinii); Volsini- 

enses, 324, 546 (Vulsiaienses) ; 

Volsiniensis ager, 500 
Volturnus, 46, 432, 476 
Volumnius L., 228, 330 (6!.?), 34n, 

414 {bis), 420, 422 {ter), 424 {quater), 

426 {ter), 428 (suim/uies), 430, 430, 

438, 440, 442, 454 {bis), 456, 461, 

474 (6w), 476. 514, 520 {bis) 

XaxthippuS, 556 

Prikted in- Great Bkitai> b\ 
Richard Clay & Sons, LiMnKu, 



The larger red line indicates the Samnite 

position according to Mssen 

The smaJler Kromayen &. Yeith 

The biolten blue line mdicstei the march aFthe Romans according to IVissen 

Thecorrbnaous iiKmmdyen &Veith '^o^T^' jC^-^ 


I r^ 


-yS- (jjJs^ j'lj^z^o \ ^-XMo/rtes^chiS^lf^ li s) \,' "^ll'J ,1 

^An^^o M >,u,« "^ MAP I 

' ' " '' " English Miles 

^ \ ^^^ m' GugJieimo 

li^'__ ^^'^^aJMiiLO ' '"^ '^^''^B ^Conto'urs are drjwn atave i tical (nterval of40iiieti4h 

*Vm lieiji'maJ^ Ltd 

' EiJ<^ I, 

The Loeb Classical Library 


LaiUti Authors. 

APULEIUS. The Golden Ass (Metamorphoses), W. AdUngton (1566) 

Revised by S. Gaselee. (3^^/ hnp.) 
AUSONIUS. H. G. Evelyn White. 2 Vols. 

PHIAE. Rev. H. F. Stewart and E. K. Rand. 
CAESAR: CIVIL WARS. A. G. Peskett. {-zfid ImJ>.) 
CAESAR: GALLIC WAR. H.J.Edwards. (4//: Im/>.) 
CATULLUS. F. W. Cornish; TIBULLUS. J. P. Postgate ; and 

PERVIGILIUM VENERIS. J. W. Mackail. {-jth Im/>.) 
CICERO: DE FINIBUS. H. Rackham. {-znd Imp.) 
CICERO: DE OFFICIIS. Walter Miller. {2nd Imp.) 

W. A. Falconer. 
CICERO: LETTERS TO ATTICUS. E. O. Winstedt. 3 Vols, yd Imp. 


CLAUDIAN. M. Platnauer. 2 Vols. 
CONFESSIONS OF ST. AUGUSTINE. W. Watts (1631). 2 Vols. 

{^y-d Imp.) 
HORACE: ODES AND ERODES. C. E. Bennett, {tthlmp.) 
JUVENAL AND PERSIUS. G.G.Ramsay, {^nd Imp.) 
LIVY. B.O.Foster. 13 Vols. Vols. I, II and III. {\o\.\ -znd Imp.) 
LUCRETIUS. W. H. D. Rouse. 
MARTIAL. W.C. Ker. 2 Vols. 

OVID: HEROIDES AND AMORES. Grant Showerman. {2nd Imp.) 
uVID : METAMORPHOSES. F.J.Miller. 2 Vols. {-,rd Imp.) 
( iVlFJ : TRISTIA AND EX PONTO. A. L. Wheeler. 

W. H. D. Rouse. (5^/i Imp.) 
PLAUTUS. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols. Vols. I— III. {Yo\. I 2nd Imp.) 
PLINV: LETTERS. Melmoth's Translation revised by W. M. L. 

Hutchinson. 2 Vols. {2nd hup.) 
PROPERTIUS. H.E.Butler, {^rd Imp.) 
QUINTILIAN. H.E.Butler. 4 Vols. 
SALLUST. J. C. Rolfe. 

I and II. 
SENECA: EPISTULAE MORALES. R. M. Gummere. 3 Vols. (Vol 

I 2nd Imp.) 
SENECA: TRAGEDIES. F.J.Miller. 2 Vols. {2nd Imp.) 
SUETONIUS. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols, {-^rd hnp.) 
TACITUS: DIALOGUS. Sir Wm. Peterson, and AGRICOLA a.nd 

«;ERM.\NIA. Maurice Hutton. {^rd Imp.) 
TACITUS, HISTORIES. Clifford H. Moore. 2 Vols. Vol.1. 
TERENCE. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols, {-^^ihlmp.) 

F. W. Shipley. 
VIRGIL. H. R. Fairclough. 2 Vols. (Vol. I ^th Imp. Vol. II yd Imp. 

Greek Authors* 



AE5CHIXES. C. D. Adams. [The Illinois Club. 

AESCHYLUS. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols. 

APOLLODORUS. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols. 

AP0LL0NIU5 RHODIUS. R. C. Seaton. (3rd /m/>.) 

THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Kirsopp Lake. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 4M 

/w/. Vol. II -i^rd Imp.) 
APPIAN'S ROMAN HISTORY. Horace White. 4 Vols. 
ARISTOPHANES Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 Vols. [G. R. Mair. 
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRES. Rev. G. W. Butterworth. 
DAPHNIS AND CHLOE. Thornley's Translation revised by J. M. 

Edmonds; and PARTHPINIUS. S. Gaselee. (2«£/ /;;//.) 

C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince. 
DIO CASSIUS: ROMAN HISTORY. E. Gary. 9 Vols. Vols. I to VIII. 
DIOGENES LAERTIUS. R. D. Hicks. 2 Vols. 
EPICTETUS. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. Vol. I. 
EURIPIDES. A. S. Way. 4 Vols. (4M /;«/.) 
THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY. W. R. Paton. 5 Vols, (sro' /;«/.) 

CHUS). J. M. Edmonds. (4//: Imp.) 
HERODOTUS. A. D. Godiey. 4 Vols. [{2nd Imp.) 

HIPPOCRATES. W. H. S. Jones. 4 Vols. Vols. I and II. 
HOMER: ILIAD. A.T.Murray. 2 Vols. 
HOMER : ODYSSEY. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. {2nd I?np.) 
JULIAN. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. [ray. 8 Vols. Vol.1. 

LUCIAN. A. M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I to IV. (Vols. I & II 2nd Imp.) 
LYRA GRAECA. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. Vols. I and II. 
MARCUS AURELIUS. C.R.Haines. {27id Imp.) 
MENANDER. F. G. Aliinson. 

Vols, and Companion Vol. Vols. I and II. 

F. C. Conybeare. 2 Vols. {271 d Imp.) 
PINDAR. Sir J. E. Sandys, {^ra Imp.) [Wilmer Cave Wright. 



RUS. H. N. Fowler, {^tk Ivtp.) [W. R. M. Lamb. 

PLATO : LAWS. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. 


W. R.M.Lamb. 
POLYEIUS. W. R. Paton. 6 Vols. Vols. I to IV. 
QUINTUS SMYRNAEUS. A. S. Way. [Vols. I to IV. 

SOPHOCLES. F. Storr. 2 Vols. {i,th hnp.) 

Woodward and Harold Mattingly. 
STRABO : GEOGRAPHY. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. Vols. I to III. 
THUCYDIDES. C.F.Smith. 4 Vols. [Bart. 2 Vols. 

XENOPHON: CYROPAEDIA. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. \o\.l. {2nd Itnp.) 
POSIUM. C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd 3 Vols. 



Greek Authors. 


ARISTOTLE, ORGANOX, W. M. L. Hutchinson. 

ARISTOTLE, PHYSICS, Rev. P. Wicksteed. 



Edward Capps, 
ATHENAEUS, C. B. Gulick. 

EUSEBIUS, Kirsopp Lake. 

ISAEUS, E. W. Forster. 
ISOCRATES, G. Norlin. 
MANETHO, S. de RiccL 
PAPYRI, A. S. Hunt. 


PLATO, REPUBLIC, Paul Shorey. 
ST. BASIL, LETTERS, R. J. Deferrari. 



Latin Authors 






PRO RABIRIO, H. Grose Hodge. 

CICERO, IN VERREM, L. H. G. Greenwood. 
HORACE, EPISTLES and SATIRES, H. R. Fairclough. 
LUCAN, J. D. Duff. 
OVID, FASTI, Sir J. G. Frazer. 

PLIXY, NATURAL HISTORY, W. H. S. Jones and L. F. Newman. 
STATIUS, I. H. Mozley. 
TACITUS, ANNALS, John Jackson. 
VALERIUS FLACCUS, A. F. Scholfield. 



New York - - - G. PUTNAM'S SONS 

./^ O