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Packet #509 
March 17, 1973 

table of contents 

the siege at wounded knee continues: "uc *\oid 

change the history ot indinn amcii^.r j 

5000 senior citizens march on albany to protect 

federal cutbacks to elderly, . 5 

.chamber of commerce urges congiess to prohibit 

strikers from getting food stamps . .0 

"my pass, my li fe,"- -b lack south ah « c. m ]>oer 

describes pass system ... b 

"the old man:" a short stoiv b> mi t hael paul 

mccusber . ... . . 4 

5000 shell workers strike over safet) condition^, 
union calls for nat ional boycott of she i .1 
•british soldier in Ireland de^etts after be mg 
ordered to shoot children 
third term for nixon? mystery group sets oo: to 
repeal 22nd amendment .... 

"socialists are for working folk and thu r ’- wha* 
we are": 2 elderly irishwomen talk of 
the struggle . . , . . 8 

after the Chilean election: up "on the o If i c 

again" . o 

okinawan workers strike cripples operations . t 

u,s military; gains wide support t) 

walkout by painters closes totd plant, 60 worker-. 

disciplined for action ... il 

8000 con son prisoners appeal to the l^.-> and 

joint military commission. ii 

1973 liberation calendar available ii'om 1 ibe » -u .on 
support movement . ... . . 1? 


cover: 2 photos from the senior citizen^ numb 

in albany, n y. on march 6 see story page 3 
credit: ron s lmmons/ wash i ng ton park mi r 1 1 « u.vb 

p-1 photos taken at senior citizens 1 march in aiban, 

p-2 photos from wounded knee, south dakota .me 
story on page 1 

p-3 LNS recruitment ad 

line graphics: nixon *3 thinking e-e-ivthmg is 

beaut i 1 ul 

northern Ireland r e -• 1 1 a 1 ned 
boycott shell symbol 
u s dependence on latim ar v ic) 


anne dockery. beryl epstein howie epstein, < idee 1 1 o r r 
rozy melmcoff, sandy shea, mme shusiet. ror i s .iuk 
jessica siegel . 

safra epstein, nancy stiefei , andreu dm, t , >r.u «. w . 4 . 
corresponden ts : rosette corye l —pur is 

schofield corye 1 1- -par i s 
mark w i I s on - -m on t rear 
ri chard trench- -be 1 1 as t. 
teddy f rank i i n - -bo x 451 btvu icy 

Packet #509 
March 17, J 973 

160 Claremont Avc, New York, New \ jik 1002“ 

Phone: (212) 749-2200 

Published twice a week except tor- the J.i-t h-l k n ■. h. 
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>-{!!' c Ok cOKlO •«: I ION* 

n. g »3t'9 m the story about 

cbS .mm ■ h . j? i "v ■. .k: aid Buncs". page l, column 
; j, " r { . ; * i p t4 * .,ph » 1 cm the top The correct 

‘-p * > 7 v - ^ C Id jv .(!' 

.jb- t ,n* ; o to the (viewers] needs 

n (.) iV'.u;:.' ;a * : h.s programs" and afford 

. a’* n .b • :• , .c, a ad pi act. real opportunities 
h . j) v a.'f and d*. = cuss ion ot conflicting 

LL . J: - . i ' c . s . 

r '» rhioc 'l the gu.phuxs section there's 

,T i\i^ K : .ir ;d Ad" Wv- ace ?’.i!i severely short- 
n . .,Jod El.-: N \ c , < M looking for women who 

... . a r . ; y r ' f _■ u .a t. • ' n t‘ • g • a ph ;c^* or editorial 
ao-ix IV'; 1 d o.c i f i t yOu ''Ould run the ad, 

• , » \ h , c ,n 1 a *0 your paper -, it would help 

• : • 'a, ■ -■ A - T !">'• nk s 

Second Ciuss Postage 
f ,i i d at New York, NY 

“'■h.-a • pub ; : - nad on ^ e a vveek 

gn 1 j i M 7 o h v ■ ,N> \ Service Inc. 

! y k-'.-a M:i ; :.oad v c'u another one soon 

[Note to editors: One of our staffers is cur- 

rently on his way to Wounded Knee to cover it for us 
Also see graphics section for photos to go along 
with this story,] 



"% great hope for the Indian is for the feelings 
he has about himself * My prayer is that soon he will 
sit at this table and in truth be thankful for the 
bounties of this land — his land--our land 1 want 
his heart to swell with pride that he is an American 
and that for him there is an American dream . " 

— Rogers C.B^ Morton, Secret- 
ary of Interior 

"We have bet with our lives that we could 
change the course of Oglala history on .this reserva- 
tion and the history of the rest of Indian America . " 

— Russell C, Means, of the Am- 
erican Indian Movement (AIM) 

WOUNDED KNEE, S<D„ (LNS) — Two and a half weeks 
after they seized the trading post and the church 
which sit on the Pine Ridge Reservation, several 
hundred Oglala Sioux, other members of the American 
Indian Movement (AIM) ,and their supporters are still 
holding the area. 

Their demands, which they issued when they took 
the two buildings have remained the same; 1 that 
the Committee on Intergovernmental Relations , 
chaired by Senator Edward Kennedy, investigate the 
Bureau of Indian Affairs ( BIA ) , 2c that Senator 
William Fulbright’s Senate Foreign Relations Commit- 
tee look: into the status of over 371 treaties signed 
by the U.S. government with various Indian tribes 
and 3. that tribes be allowed to elect their own 
offi cials . 

The takeover began on the night of February 27 
when approximately 250 Indians took the two build- 
ings on the Pine Ridge Reservation in southwest 
South Dakota (Pine Ridge is the second largest re- 
servation in the country). Inside at the time of 
the takeover were 11 people — some whites and some 
Indians — who law enforcement officials claimed 
were hostages . They said they wanted to stay "be- 
cause this is where we live." They later left for 
fear of a government attack, however 

Almost immediately after the takeover, FBI 
agents, U.S. Marshalls, police and Bureau of Indian 
Affairs and Justice Department officials surrounded 
the place. They came armed with M-l6s and at least 
30 armored personnel carriers. At one point two U.S. 
Air Force Phantom jets flew overhead on "reconnais- 
ance missions ." 

The tension has increased and decreased during 
the two and a half week occupation . Federal forces 
have come close to invading a number of times, there 
have been ceasefires interspersed between shooting 
back and forth, and some negotiations. On Sunday 
March 11, the federal forces drew back and tne In- 
dians declared themselves an independent nation — 

"the New Oglala Sioux Nation of Wounded Knee” . 

While negotiations were going on and olf at 
Wounded Knee, Secretary of Interior Rogers C B Mor- 
ton presented the Nixon Administration’s point of 
view: "Nothing will be gained by promoting a nat- 

ional ruilt complex over past mistakes and nothing 
is gained by blackmail.” 

Describing the takeover as the "violent tactics 
of some militants”, Morton said "there has grown up 
m + he wake of the black militant movement in this 
country a revolutionary Indian movement Dramatic 
violence is its pattern- Some are renegades, some 
youthful adventurers, some have criminal records," 

He blamed the takeover on "the violent, revolution- 
ary Indian elements." 

The government is not the only one to talk 
about the takeover as "the violent tactics of some 
militants" The establishment press has consistent- 
ly called the takeover an "AIM action". 

But the takeover was not hatched in the nat- 
ional AIM offices in Denver. Rather it came out of 
a meeting on the Pine Ridge reservation where a 
group of Indian leaders from the reservation, many 
of them old respected elders, met to talk about 
their tribal chairman, Richard Wilson- 

"Richard Wilson is president of the Pine Ridge 
council, " said Terry Steele, an Indian who attended 
the meeting, "but two-to-one, the people don ! t want 
him,." Wilson, who has been called a "puppet of the 
government" , was accused by large numbers of the 
Indian^ community of misuse of funds , nepotism and 
being agreeable to whatever the federal government 
wants to do to or for the Indians L 

"Among the discrepancies of Wilson f s behavior 
is his ability to buy $12,000 vintage cars and liq- 
uor by the case on a salary of $18,000 a year," 
said Lou Bean, a member of the Oglala Sioux Civil 
Rights Organization (0SCR0), a group which has been 
working to reform tribal government. 

There have been a number of attempts to remove 
Wilson from office. At a recent impeachment pro- 
ceeding, "[Wilson] presided at his own trial, the 
judge was a flunky Wilson bought off for $500, and 
there was no investigation of the charges," said 
Ghost Bear, another 0SCR0 activist - 

Wilson was one of the first people to condemn 
the AIM takeover of the Bureau of Indian Affairs 
building in Washington last November He backs it 
up with action too. According to Steele, Wilson 
has a ’goon squad" on the reservation. "The goons 
threaten people who are involved in the movement 
here. They slash tires and slash windows at night. 

It T s like a police state here-" 

"The AIM members," continued Steele, "were only 
a small part of the takeover It was the old chiefs 
and the civil rights groups that wanted to do it* 

We all said the tribal government has to be changed* 
We have many rights granted by the government over 
this territory but we can never exercise them and 
they are never enforced/ 1 

But the issue of Wilson is just one small part 
of the problem of the Indians on the Oglala Sioux 
reservation. One of the major things that is wrong 
on this reservation is that there are no jobs," said 

There is 65-9% unemployment and underemploy- 
ment We see in the papers that the government gives 
$20 million for this program and for that program, 
but all it does is just create directors and four or 

Page 1 

LIBERATION News Service 

(#509 ) 

March 17 > 19 73 

more . . . . 

five secretaries in Jobs that last a few years and 
then are gone*" 

The largest factory on the reservation, said 
Hobart Keith, a former tribal judge, "makes mocca- 
sins and dolls but it is owned by the Sun-Beii Corp 
with headquarters down south. The shopping center is 
a branch of Ideal; Markets and the service station 
is owned by Juskie Oil. All the profits go off the 
reservation to white people." 

Indians are also forced to lease out the land 
they do hold because of complicated laws that don’t 
allow them to get subsidies because they are "trust- 
ees" of the government. The white people who lease 
the land can get subsidies from the government In 
1970 alone, over 200,000 acres of Indian land was 
leased or bought out by white people 

A few years ago the federal government offered 
a training subsidy to a fishhook factory if it would 
locate on the Pine Ridge Reservation. It dxd, em- 
ploying 1*50 Indians at minimum wage. But when the 
government subsidy ran out, the owners, bemoaning 
cheap labor in Japan, moved their factory to Mexico. 

The per capita income on the reservation is 
$800 a year. Most everyone lives in tents or tar 
paper shacks with dirt floors or m abandoned cars . 
The government employees have cabins. Some people 
have to go five or ten miles to draw water from re- 
mote wells . 

To get on welfare, Indians have to go through 
years of what one Indian activist called "white tape" 
One 75 year old woman has applied for welfare for 
13 years but because she gets $500 a year lease mon- 
ey for some land she has, she can’t get welfare sc 
she has to live on that $500 a year. 

Another woman who was told by the government 
that she couldn T t get welfare until she sold her 
land, sold it to the government — for the equivalent 
of 670 an acre. As soon as the government had the 
bill of sale they told her that now that she had the 
$U,000 they paid her for the land, she couldn’t get 
welfare . 

That $4,000 has to last as long as if it were 
$l+,000 given to her by the welfare department. She 
is now living with her 9 grandchildren in a one rocm 
shack and as one Indian described it, "nearly starv- 
ing to death." 

But these are only a few of the examples of 
the treatment of Indians in this country. It start- 
ed when the first Indians were slaughtered and forced 
off their land to make way for European settlers, 
and continued through the Indian Wars m the 19th 
century, culminating at Wounded Knee in 1890- There 
200 Indians were slaughtered by American troops 
Today, on the same ground that the massacre took 
place, Indians are confronting the Federal government 

"The people there [at Wounded Knee in l890j 
were doing a ghost dance," said Black Elk, an Indian 
woman resident of the . Pine Ridge Reservation "it’s 
just a spiritual dance, a strengthening dance, and 
we believe in spirit people. White people say ‘lath- 
er, son and holy ghost, 1 but they don’t understand 
Indian people believing in spirits. The people were 
doing a ghost dance and the cavalry came over the 
hill and killed 200 people. 

to make some money.’ Sc the Catholic Church came 
and built a church right on the grave. These people 
weren't Catholics and had nothing to do with the 
Catholic Church Yet the church is there and there 
is a cross on top of their graves. 

"Then some more people came along and said 
let's put up a trading post and a museum and make 
money Ircm the thousands of tourists who come to the 
massacre site. See, they’re all making money off 
those dead people that are there t " 

What will happen is not clear. As Crow Dog, 
Rosebud Sioux medicine man put it, "For myself, I 
am not afraid to die. If I die in Wounded Knee, I 
will go where Crazy Horse and Sitting Bull and our 
grandfathers are" 

One government official was quoted at the be- 
ginning of the takeover by the New York Times as 
saying, "We don't want to give them another Wounded 
Knee or another Kent State." Yet the firepower the 
government has at its disposal is enormous and it’s 
difficult to say how long the government will tol- 
erate the Sioux setting up "an independet nation." 
(Already a grand jury made up of 20 whites and one 
Indian has started issuing indictments against some 
of the people involved in the takeover.) ;■ - 

"Wefe going to establish a symbolic Indian . *- 

government and we J re going to stay indefinitely" 
said Dennis Banks of AIM, "We expect Indians here 
from ail over the country to help us demonstrate 
our ability to rule ourselves. We want a completely 
cooperative effort," At one of their daily meetings 
they set up departments for the new government in- 
cluding security, maintenance, commissary and supply. 
And they are trying to get the UN to intervene. 

Feopie from all parts of the country have been 
trying to raise food, clothing, medicine and money 
for the Indians , There have been actions of solid- 
arity in all parts of the country — in Boston, Texas, 
Detroit, Madison, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Cleve- 
land, New York and Denver. The Vietnam Veterans 
Against the War called for a WAW demonstration in 
Pine Ridge for March 17c 

And m Erie County Jail in Buffalo, Charles 
Pe mas ilice (Catawba) and John Hill (Mohawk) sent 
their greetings along with those of the other men 
indicted for the Attica rebellion, to the Indians 
at Wounded Knee: 

"We send to you our support, our love and power, 
m the supreme confidence you shall win your strug- 

"You who are at Wounded Knee, standing up for 
your dignity and justice you of all peoples must 
surely deserve, have stood your ground in a most 
historic place, where American Injustice is most 
purely shown to all the world." 

In Chicago, to Indians dressed in blankets and 
headdresses demonstrated in front of the offices 
:f Senator Adlai Stevenson III. In Lumberton, N.C., 
Indians in a 40-Gar caravan drove through the down- . 

district for three nights, breaking windows. 

.And in Pieasant Point Maine, Passamequoddy Indians 
blockaded the state highway by burning tires, car- 
rying signs "Remember Wounded Knee." 

* * * 

Send money, supplies, medicine, and clothing • 
far the Indians at Wounded Knee to AIM, 847 Colfax 

"Then they took them up and buried them m the 

trench. Then the white people said, ’Here’s a tia.e 
L 1 1 -jSI Denver.. C olo ^02-222-1 Sfil 

Page 2 LIBERATION News Service \#509> March 17, 1973 

„ I 

(See graphics for photos of old people's march 
on Albany) 



ALBANY, New York (LNS)--Over 5,000 elderly 
people steamed into Albany on March 6 to protest 
Nixon's proposed Federal cuts in assistance to the 
elderly and to demand that New York State suppTe- 
nent the Federal Program to make up for cuts. 

Tney were a*sc seeding an increased slice of Fed- 
eral and state revenue sharing to provide funds 
for free transportation and for recreational 
programs for the elderly. 

More than 1 50 busses brought the elderly cit- 
izens to the State Capitol from all over the state, 
with the. largest contingent coming from the New 
Vork City erea > After a noon rally on the steps 
of the Capitol, the demonstrators swarmed through 
the halls of the building and the legislative 
office building, seeking out their individual 
legislators . 

In addition to the State supplement, the dem- 
onstrators asked that a minimum standard of $4,530 
a year per couple and $3,375 a year per individual 
be established for elderly people. They also cja- 
manded that these amounts include food stamps 
since 1 Nixon f s proposal includes cuts in food stamps 
for the elderly and the disabled. 

Another crucial demand was that the State ig- 
nore the 20 % increase - in federal Social Sec- 
urity when computing Medicaid benefits. This is 
necessary* they explained, because the relatively 
small increase had forced many elderly citizens 
off the Medicaid rolls because they now receive 
too much money, though they would still not be 
able to afford hospital or doctor costs. 

Walter R Newburgher, who is 80 years old and 
the president of the Congress of Senior Citizens 
of Greater New York, said that 15,000 elderly 
people in New York City had been forced off Medi- 
caid because the 20 percent increase put them over 
the eligibility limits Newburgher said he was 
hopeful that the legislators would now listen to 
the elderly people, but noted that "Albany has 
never given u$ anything." 

"MY PASS, MY LIFEp 11 — 


(Editor's note: During the first week in March, 
eight members of the black, South African Student 
Organization {SASO} were "banned” for five years by 
the S c>utr? African government for their role in the 
recenc two week long strike by 50,000 black workers 
■fa at crippled the port city of Durban. 

"banning" essentially removes a person from 
socjLSi) without sending him or her to prison. A 
tanned person must return immediately to home and 
remain there; must not be visited by more than one 
person at any one time; is prohibited from belonging 
to any organization or attending any educational 
institution: and forbidden to attend any gathering, 
publish anything, or make public statements. 

In addition, a banned person must never be 
quoted, not even from speeches or articles written 
before the banning order. 

On top of the normal banning regulations, some 
oi the SASO members have also been placed under 
house arrest from sunrise to sunset. There is no 
legal recourse . 

The following poems about the South African 
pass system, so crucial to the maintain ance of 
apartheid m that country, first appeared in a 
SASO newsletter. SASO explains, "The pass, to the 
African, has become a symbol of helplessness, 
frustration, and outrage. It is the most blatant 
manifestation of oppression. It is, like a rare 
and contagious disease, something inseparable from 
the person who has it.") 


the ministers of death 

knights in dulishining 

tear the entrails of the scared 

perspiring ebony figure 

on the street corner 

all he did not have was 

a dompass charged 

with its power of opening 

permanent ly- -closed doors 

One 69 year-old woman who lives in a low in 
come housing project in New York City said that 

-mctnuienKUSi langa 

'This way J salute you: 

the increase in Social Security benefits had caused My hand pulses to my back trousers pocket 

hoy trv r.n i m 11 T 4- ^ -I » , . . u ~ 1 ~ ~ * . * 

, II T I • I ‘V ^ ^ ^ ill/ u LAUUSCii UUUCL 

he, K ont to go up. I have to give them my whole Or into my inner jacket pocket 

check, she said. For my pass, my life, 

'•'We need food stamps and we need help for the Jo'burg City, 
blind," said another woman, 73. "We want all our My hand like a starved snake rears my pockets 

rights." For my thin, ever lean wallet, 

-30- While my stomach groans a friendly smile to hunger* 

Jo 'burg City " 

CHAMBER OF COMMERCE URGES CONGRESS TO PRO- --from a longer poem called City Johannesburi 


WASHINGTON, DC ( LNS) - -The United States Chamber The recently banned black students need your 
of Commerce an association of businessmen which help. Since then confinement effectively prohibits 
represents business interests in the nation, urged them from working they will be dependent on their 
Congress to prohibit grants of Government food families for whatever support they can get in the 

stamps to strikers, the New York Times reported next five years, Any money you can send these fam- 
today Otto F Wenzler, labor relations manager tiles would be greatly appreciated. Send checks 
for the chamber, told a Senate Agriculture Committee or money orders to South African Banned Students 
that misuse ' of the food stamp program by allow- Fund, Rm . ;S27 ; 47S Riverside Drive, New York N.Y 10027 
ing strikers to get food stamps had become "one /7?509T Ma7c07TT$^3 inore -30- 

of the main threats to the stability of our / 

collective bargain in g process." / 

Page 3 LIBERATION News Service 

[Note to editors: See graphics section cr pack- 

et #507] 


"Xn War _, truth is the firsu casualty ” , 
--Aeschylus (525-456 BC; 

[Editor's note: This story is reprinted 'n ■ ts 

entirety from Free Fire Zone: Short Stories by Viet- 

nam Veterans , edited by Wayne KarVin, Bas-'i T Paquet 
and Larry Rot t man, and recently published by F-rst 
Casua i ty Press 

" Free Fire Zone >s the second volume n a series 
of veterans' writings coming out of the indoch r nese 
experience," { ts editors exp;a>n in the • n t 'Oduct . on 
The first book, Winning Hearts and Minds was a col- 
lection of poems; the third volume, Postmor tern , 
has not yet been published. 

Free Fire Zone , the introduction says, M .s a 
collection which examines America’s polio es and at- 
titudes towards Asia through the eyes of the men 
who implemented them," The effect of the 21 stories 
is, as the introduction itself points out, cumula- 
tive. Altogether they give the reader an awesome 
understanding of the Vietnam war as experienced by 
its American "agent-victims". 

Perhaps this effect can best be defined by the 
words that end the book — the words of a character 
in Jim Aitkin's story "Lederer's Legacy": 

"And of course, the nice thing about the story 
is that now you have heard it, what happened is 
part of you too • "] 

He was just an old man* Bent and scabby-leg- 
ged, sores all over his dark calloused feet* three 
long chin whiskers curling from his ancient crumb- 
ling jaw like nonsensical banners. He was waving 
one. A flag. Yellow with three red stripes He 
was standing beside his hut , 

Kids were running everywhere yelling at the 
marines walking through the village. A tiny village 
alongside a river, Chickens, ugly pigs, scrawny 
old women with black teeth and frightened smiles 
because they thought the Americans might kill their 
men or burn down their homes, 

So everybody pretended to be friendly and the 
old man hid his Viet Cong flag and brought out the 
Saigon absurdity, waving and smiling to beat hell . 

But Fat Jack saw him and Fat Jack had ne^er 
shot down anybody in cold blood Jack had this 
thing. He wanted to kill somebody . And there was 
that ridiculous old man. Who would miss him? Just 
an old man; he couldn v t work in the fields anymore 
Just another hungry stomach for a family loaded 
down with kids . 

So Jack walked up to him and the old man start- 
ed bobbing his head up and down faster and smiling 
wider, but it didn’t matter Jack had the rifle in 
his face and the trigger pulled before the old man’s 
body knew it was dead 

He didn’t fall. He just stood there without 
much of a face. A squashed, dripping berry. The 
back of his head looked like a busted balloon. Then 

he fell, old knees buckling on withered legs. His 
ass hit first, then the rest of him, sitting 
hunched over for a second, then collapsing on his 

”1 don’t feel nothin’, ” Jack shouted. The 
guys just smiled, The kids stopped running, quiet. 
The old women scooted back into their huts, A 
lew wailing began to throb through the village, 
but Jack was walking away, shaking his head, tel- 
ling his friends he just didn’t feel nothin’. 

The old man, he had a lot of blood for such 
a small, skinny, used-up old man, he was left to 
lay there. Nobody touched him, not the kids, not 
the women, just the flies, coming all over, from 
the village, the fields. 

* * * 

[Copies of Free Fire Zone are available for 
$2.95 from First Casualty Press Fund, Inc., PO Box 
518, Coventry, Connecticut, 06238, 

Cop 1 es of Winning Hearts and Hinds are avai 1 - 
able for $1 o95 j — 


* * * * * * A *************** * 


the Special Powers Act of 1 92 1 . — e.d ) the IRA 
would have to stay up every night defending them. 
Then in the morn i ngs-~col d winter mornings they 
were--we would wake up and see them from our win- 
dow, asleep In their hijacked cars. 

"Well, we thought it was wrong," said Phyllis, 
"that they had to sleep out in the cold like that 
when we had this warm house. So we invited them in, 
but then we couldn't have two in with all their 
f r i ends outs ide „" 

Crash pads in Derry are like crash pads any 
where else, and regularly the sisters would go 
to sleep in an empty house to wake up and find 
ten or twelve combat- jacketed youths lying in 
sleeping bags on their kitchen floor, and their 
living -room filled with another dozen snoozing 
bod i es o 

Then suddenly, abruptly, in the summer of 
1972, British Centiman tanks smashed through those 
barricades and their little world was shattered, 
like Free Defry Itself, Free Derry had lasted 12 
months and while it survived it contributed one 
substantial thing* "It had given the men-folk 
their dignity." In a city where one out of three 
men were unemployed, that was something. 

Some of the young men who had "billeted" with 
the s'sters are now dead. Others are in military 
prisons. A few are safe across the border' in the 
South (only six miles away). But most are still in 
Derry, continuing the work for the revolution, from 
underneath dyed hair and hastily grown beards, al- 
ways watchful, tense as they live on the run. 

Many of them have probably forgotten those two lit- 
tle old ladies who fed them and shelterdd them. 

But Phyllis and Catheleen have not forgotten, 
k t • s unlikely that they will ever forget those 
hectic months, as they think back now, for the 
f ■ r s t time feeling old- They worry, .just a little, 
no w, about what the priests said a bout going to hel 1 . 
March 17, 1973 

about gc 


Page 4 

LIBERATION News Service 



• » 

[Note to editors: See graphics section for Shell 
boycott symbol.] 



LIBERATION News Service 

(Editor's note: The following article is a 
shortened version of an article by Cathy Lerza that 
first appeared in the March 3 3 1973 issue of 
Environmental Action . ) 

WASHINGTON (LNSj --Shell Oil Company is the 
seventh largest oil company in America with $3.S 
billion worth of U.S. sales in 1972. It is also 
the only major oil company which has still refused 
to accept demands for drastically needed health 
and safety improvements in working conditions put 
forth by the Oil Chemical and Atomic Workers Inter- 
national Union (OCAW) . 

And for this reason, 5000 members went out on 
strike at Shell refineries in California, Louisiana, 
Texas and Washington in the last week of January . 

In addition, they have called for a national boycott 
of all Shell products to help them in their fight 
with the giant corporation. 

The union expects a lengthy strike, but as 
Tony Mazzocchi, Washington representative of the 
union, emphatically states, "We can’t lose this one 
Tnis time we ‘re involved with a lot more than 
nickels and dimes per hour. We’re involved in a 
life-and-death issue . " 

Oil refineries are one of the most dangerous 
of ail work environments. Workers come in contact 
with well over 1600 chemicals daily. In addition, 
current refinery operations are based on the fact 
chat it is more economical to run a refinery until 
it breaks down than to constantly repair and over- 
haul it. 

So, refineries are run almost 24 hours a day 
and the combination of constant usage, and lack 
of repairs means that as a refinery gets older, 
operations become dirtier and less safe. 

The refinery ’s main job is breaking down crude 
oil into its chemcial fractions which include gas- 
oline, fuel oil, kerosene, lubricating oil and 11 
other major products. These fractions must be se- 
parated from one another through a complex series 
of chemcial and mechanical operations. 

Little or no research has been done on most 
of the chemicals present in a typical refinery. 

And , points out Dr. Albert Fritsch of the Center 
for Science in the Public Interest, in the few in- 
stances in which research has been carried out, oil 
companies refuse to make known to either the 
government or the public the results of the research. 

Workers have neither warnings as to the health 
effects of the substances with which they work nor 
guaranteed compensation for any ill effects suffered 
because of exposure to chemicals. 

Communities neighboring refineries are like- 
wise unaware of the effects of chemical emission 
in their air and water 

Perhaps the most toxic of all petroleum by-prod- 
ucts are aromat ^.cs- -chemicals prevalent in high 
octane gasolines 

The oest known aromatic is benzene. It f s ef*- 
fects on workers are fairly well documented al- 
though long term studies of the effects of benzene 
have not been made. 

A few minutes of exposure to large quantites 
of benzene may be fatal. Continuous daily exposure 
to the chemical's vapors can result in benzene poi- 
soning which ma> take the form of irritation of 
the muccous lining of the throat and nose, damage 
to the’ kidney and diseases of the blood such as 
anemia or leukemia. The chemical has also been 
linked with chromosomal damage. 

Extensive research has already been performed 
on the toxicity of at least two of the many gas- 
oline and motor oil additives used in the refining 
process, tetraethyl lead and tricresyl phosphate. 

Tetraethyl lead, better known as just plain 
"lead", has gained notoriety because of its ef- 
fects on people who ingest the chemical, usually 
through eating lead-based paint. Ghetto children 
living in old and rundown housing are the primary 
victims of this type of lead poisoning. 

Bu\ lead may also be taken into the body via 
the lun^s cr through the skin, as is the case in 
refineries. Lead interferes with the body’s pro- 
duction of rea blood cells; this can cause or 
exacerbate anemia and leukemia. 

Because lead decreases the blood's ability 
to carry oxygen, brain damage can result from 
excessive exposure to lead c Figures from the Social 
Security Administration indicate that the inci- 
dence of braj.n malfunction is four times higher 
among refinery workers than among the general 
population There may be a correlation between 
exposure to lead and brain damage, although with- 
out adequate research and long term study of worker 
health records, such a correlation cannot be proved. 

Shell itself developed the oil additive 
tricresyl phosphate (TCP). TCP is extremely toxic: 
Extensive evidence exists concerning the dangerous 
health effects of tri-orth-cresyl phosphate (TOCP) 
which comprises some 15% of TCP. Exposure to mi- 
nute levels of TOCP can cause "flaccid paralysis" 
of the extremities. In other words, victims cannot 
control the movement of their limbs. 

in severe cases, death results. Outbreaks .of 
TOCP poisoning occurred in the 1930s in America 
when 20,000 people were afflicted after drinking 
bootleg whiskey made from ginger extract which 
contained traces of the chemical. In 1959 10,000 
cases of poisoning were reported in Morocco after 
victims ate vegetable oil which had been adultera- 
ted with) surplus engine oil. Shell continues to 
use TCP as an oil additive, despite the obvious 
hazards it presents to refinery workers. 

Another m- plant health hazard which affects 
refinery wurkers is exposure to excessive noise 
levels, which generally exceeds the 90-decible 
limit imposed by the Occupational Safety and Health 
Acc ot 197 l. Scientists agree that exposure to 
excessive will result in partial hearing loss. 

To understand the dangers in refinery 
•work, it is necessary to analyze only a few of the 
chemicals which are found in a typical refinery, 

Page 5 

LIBERATION News Service 

("509 j 

March 17, 1973 

more .... 


Refineries are almost totally automated so 
despite the fact that the 5000 workers on strike 
against Shell compose the vast majority of plant 
personnel, the refineries continue to operate at 
a 90% production level with only skeleton super- 
visional crews in attendance 

For this reason, the Oil Chemical and Atomic 
Workers union has called for a national boycott of 
all Shell products in order to increase the pres- 
sure on the company to deal with their occupa- 
tional health and safety demands , 

Consumers can effectively boycott Shell gas- 
oline, motor oil, pesticides such as aldrin and 
dieldrin and the infamous Shell No-Pest Strip 
(Shell is the largest manufacturer of pesticides 
in the U,S. ) . 

The union has also urged Shell credit card 
holders to return their cards to Shell along with 
a request that the company return the card only 
after the strike has been settled. 

Although it may not be possible to make a 
dent in Shell's profits, it is likely that a well- 
organized consumer boycott will give Shell an 
environmental black eye. They certainly won’t 
be happy about a lot of bad publicity. 

If you are interested in organizing the boy- 
cott in your community, write letters to the ed- 
itor of your local paper, distribute information 
to any and every group you can think of and con- 
tact the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers local 
in your area (if there is one) to find out what 
kind of support you can give the union. 

Bumper stickers, posters and educational 
materials concerning the strike and boycott are 
being prepared and will be available soon. To 
obtain these materials, write to BOYCOTT, c/o 
Environmental Action, Room 731, 1346 Connecticut 
Ave. NW, Washington DC 20036 or call (202) 833-1845. 

psychological disorders and undue stress on the 
cardio-vascuiar system. 

In addition to constant exposure to hazardous 
chemicals and operations. Shell refineries have 
been the scenes of major industrial accidents. 

In 1968, a pipe-line explosion at the Passadena, 
Texas refinery caused the deaths of two men and 
serious injury to two others. The pipeline carried 
sulfuric acid and propane gas It had been allowed 
to become corroded as a result of Shell’s run-the- 
refinery-til 1- it- falls- apart policy . 

The worst catastrophe at a Shell operation in 
recent years was the 1970 fire on an oil platform 
in the Gulf of Mexico near New Orleans The blaze 
resulted in four deaths, 50 injuries and a iarge 
oil spill. A district court fined the company 
$340,000 because Shell had failed to provide proper 
safety devices on the platform 

With potential for injury and property damage 
inherent in the very operation of oil or chemical 
factories, it is logical to assume that complex 
monitoring devices are standard, but that's not 

the case A Shell chemical plant in Houston utili- 
zed a fairly simple monitoring device to determine 
the amount of carbon monoxide in the plant. The de- 
vice, a canary, was exposed to carbon monoxide 
levels present in the plant and as might be expect- 
ed, several canary '’monitors' 1 died during the 
"test " 

The Oil Chemical and Atomic Workers Union has 
demanded periodic surveys of refineries by indus- 
trial health consultants in order to uncover po- 
tentially dangerous materials and situations. Re- 
sults of these surveys, the union says, must be 
made known to the workers . 

The union has also asked for company-paid phy- 
sical examinations and medical tests for all re- 
finery workers, and access to all company infor- 
mation on worker morbidity and mortality records. 

In addition, part of the contract demands compen- 
sation for the time that workers spend on plant in- 
spection and’ health committee meetings, and periodic 
checkups which might save them from serious illness 
or disability. 

Shell claims that it is "legally responsible 
for the health and safety of Shell employees in 
the workplace^ This responsibility," the company 
asserts, "qannot be shared (with the union).” 

Shell also claims that the Occupational Safety 
and Health Act of 1971 (OSHA) provides the mechan- 
ism with which to "establish special governmental 
departments staffed by experts who conduct safety 
and health studies on a nationwide basis.” 

Hqwever, it is a well -documented fact that the 
OSHA remains unenforced. In 1971 there were only 23 
industrial hygienists to follow up complaints made 
under the Safety Act. That averages out to one in- 
dustrial hygienist for every 2.5 million workers. 

And even when complaints are filed, OSHA enforce- 
ment remains- weak. 

For instance, the Oil, Chemical and Atomic 
Workers Union brought an "imminent danger" com- 
plaint against Allied Chemical Corporation in 1972 
for high inplant mercury vapor levels, only to have 
the government reduce the citation to "serious 
danger," after which an Occupation Safety and Health 
Act official wished out loud that the union had 
reported a more visible problem such as a boiler 
explosion so that the agency might have taken 
stronger action. 

Although Shell claims to be vitally concerned 
about environment quality both inside and outside 
its plants, the company’s environmental record is 
not exemplary, to say the least. 

Aside from the company’s recent history of oil 
spills, and explosions, day~-to-day refinery opera- 
tions result not only in chemical emissions which 
affect porker health, but in emissions which pollute 
the air and water of neighboring communities . 

However, Shell points with pride to its environ- 
mental record. It is especially proud of an award 
given to the Norco, Louisiana refinery by the Nat- 
ional Wildlife Federation (NWF) in 1971 „ Interest- 
ingly enough, two of the men responsible for giving 
Shell the award, H.J LeBlanc (regional director 
of the NWF) and Francis Braud (secretary of the NWF 

Page 6 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 17, 1973 

more . . 

state affiliate) were part of the Norco plant man- 
agement , 

Shell has also distributed extensive company 
propaganda which warns environmentalists not 

to be "duped" by the striking Oil Chemical and 
Atomic workers (Already, a coalition of 11 envi- 
ronmental groups have pledged support for the 
strike and boycott,) According to Shell, the union 
is using environmental issues to gam -upper t for 
their supposedly real interest, the union* s right 
to pension plan review. 

Union representative Mazzocchi vehemently 
denies this. "Even if Sheil were to agree to pen- 
sion review, and not to our health and safety 
demands, the strike would continue " 

- - 30 - - 

+ * * * •» n «•** + * ♦ * » <* n *•** * * tc * *-* * * *■ 


by Richard Irenzh 

DUBLIN, Republic of ireiand V LNS;--A British 
soldier, stationed in Derry , ha- de-ex ted after 
being ordered to shoot at a group ot children 
Gunner George Henry Williams has mined the steady 
stream of deserters that began in i9 70 when the 
British Army shifted m tactics trom peace keep- 
ing to repression of Northen ireiand’^ Cathoixc 
minority . 

interviewed somewhere m the Republic or 
Ireland, where he fled after his arrest by Brit- 
ish Army" authorities* Williams described the inci- 
dent which led tc his desertion. 

"About a fortnight before Christmas* I was 
on guard duty at Hawkms Street, there were a few 
children playing about 25 yards from my guard post, 
a sand-bagged 'sanger' enclosed by corrugated iron 
There were, oh , roughly tour of the be children m 
the group, all of them boys and certainly not more 
than about 12 years of age 

"I was by myself at that time of the evening, 
around six o'clock An officer came into the * -ang- 
er’ by way of checking and spotted the children 
up the street. He took a look around t w see if all 
was quiet- -you can look in tour different direct- 
ions from the hut --and he ju^t turned around and 
said tc me T Shoct them.' looking at the children 

"I was h on if ted at the order," Will iamb went 
on, "and I immediately refused I Said, ’What"' You 
mean those kids up the road?' and he said, f Yeb * 

"He looked at me and repeated m a louder 
voice: *1 told you tc shoot those kids 

11 ’Well,* 1 said, ’for someone who wants to 
save innocent people, you're going the wrong way 
about it.* He then said to me. M You insolent bas- 
tard* and repeated his ordei again Again 1 ret us- 
ed, and he sa:d to me, 

'Right, you can con-idei y curse It under ar- 
rest . *" 

When charged with disobey mg a lawful order, 
Williams was refused the right ro make a btatement* 

and he was kept out of contact with all other 
soldiers The next day, he was taken under 
heavy guard to Belfast, and from there, by 
ship to England 

In England, with the help of his brother, 
Alfred, who is active in the London Squatters 
Association, Williams fled to the South of 
Ire land 

Neither he* nor his brother will ever be 
able to .return to England (unless an amnesty 
i5 declared m the future). 

George Williams is the most recent in a 
long line ot desertions from the British oc- 
cupying force in Northern lie rand Both the 
Republic ot Ireland, ^the South; and Sweden 
now have growing communities of British de- 

The most spectacular of these desertions 
followed the reaction to the "Bloody Sunday" 
murders which happened a year age on January 
30, 19 72 

A dozen soldiers deserted within a week 
arter the mas-acre in which 13 unarmed civil- 
ians, par txCx pant- s in a Catholic civil rights 
march, were shot dead in Derry by British 

Two ot them deserted from the Ardoynne 
district of Belfast and joined the Official 
IRA Both of them have since been recaptured 
by the British and have literally disappear- 

A third, a Paratroop sergeant, joined 
the Provos * and fought with them m Derry, 
after having left two time bombs in the of- 
ficers' locker rooms in the Palace Barracks 
m Belfast before his departure. 


third term for nixon r 


WASHINGTON, D.C , ( LNS ) — In case Four More 
Years isn't enough for you, a recently-formed 
committee. Citizens for Nixon *76, is planning 
to start a campaign to repeal the 22nd amendment 
which limits any one person from serving more 
than two consecutive terms as President, 

The Wall St Journal reports that the commit- 
tee has hired a New York advertising firm to run 
the campaign, which will begin July 4. The commit- 
tee hopes to raise $4 million for the effort. 

The names of the committee members remain se- 
cret 'or the time being because , according to 
the president ot the advertising firm, "premature 
disclosure" would subject them to undue pressures. 

A WhHe House spokesman has asserted that he 
"doesn't know a damn thing about the group, ,J but 
the committee claims to have a channel to Nixon. 
They say they are waiting tor a favorable sign 
from Nixon before they start a sta t.e-by-state 
drive --30-- 

Page 7 

LIBERATION News Service 

[ti 509 ) 

March 17, 1973 

more. . . . 



by Richard Trench 

DERRY, N.l. (LNS ) --"When 1 s it all going to end7 
That's what I ask myself," said Catheleen. 

"I think it's getting worse. It's definetely 
getting worse," said her sister Phyllis. 

They were in their home, high on Creggan Hill 
in Derry, Ulster's second largest city, talking 
with me about their experiences in the Northern 
I rel and struggles . 

Outside the drone of a convoy of armoured troop 
carriers could be heard cruising by. Passing the 
window they looked like vast mobile fortresses, 
their gun turrets swirling from side to side, with 
heavy Browning machine guns poking out threatening- 

The sisters talked of relatives that they had 
in Canada, and the letters that they had received 
from them, telling them to move out and come across 
the ocean. 

"But you can't just leave your home and cut off 
your roots just like that," said Catheleen, the eld- 
er one, now in her sixties. "When you've lived in 
one place all your life it's hard to leave. Years 
ago we had a chance to leave, but now we are too 

Were they frightened of the British Army? Yes, 
but it was not for themselves that they feared. "It's 
the young ones, you see. They have no work, so they 
are out on the streets all day. When the soldiers 
come, it's like a red flag to a bull. They start 
throwing stones, and the soldiers send over the 
C.S. gas. Now the soldiers are beginning to shoot, 
and more and more of the young ones are getting 
ki 1 led ," said Phyl 1 i s . 

"They blame the soldiers for having no work," 
said her sister, "but for sure, its not the soldiers 
fault. It's the politicians that are to blame. I 
suppose that most of the poor soldiers only joined 
the Army because they could find no work." 

They told me that no matter what terrible things 
the soldiers had done to the people of Derry, behind 
each soldier was a soldier's mother, and a soldier's 
wife and children, and it seemed terrible that they 
should suffer. 

They didn't like anyone being killed, "We don't 
agree with any of the vi ol ence . . .any of the shoot- 
ing and killing." 

The two sisters support the IRA, however. "Not 
the Provos, though," said Phyllis. "You see, the 
Officals are much more thinking types. We don't a- 
gree with everything they do--we don't agree with 
the way they can take a man out and shoot him (re- 
ferring to past IRA treatment of informers and col- 
laborators) but they do a great deal for the people, 
especially the old people." 

"They always say that they'll mow our garden 
for us," added Ca the leen , "but we don't want to 
ask them to do it. They always seem busy. We think 
Page 8 LIBERATION News Service 

that they must have more important things to do." 

Good Catholics, both of them, they told me 
that they were worried. The priests had told 
them that the Official IRA were all Communists, 
and that those who supported the Communists 
would go to hell when they died. They were con- 
cerned for their souls but believed that God 
was merciful and would pardon them for such a sin. 

"You see, if they weren't here, who would 
protect us? The Provos wouldn't protect us, they 
would just make things worse. The British Army 
wouldn't protect us. We need people to protect 
us from the Army. So who is there to turn to but 
the Of f i ci a 1 I RA?" 

"Anyway," said Catheleen, "I don't think 
they're all Communist. Well, some of them might 
be Communist, but not all. They're socialist 
though. But what's wrong with that. Socialists 
are for working folk, and that's what we are. 

"You see, I don't think the priests like the 
Official IRA because the Officials blame the 
priests for a lot of the trouble in Derry. And 
though I don't want to say anything against the 
priests, I think there is a lot of truth in what 
the Stickies (Officials) are saying." 

The sisters told me that when they started 
working they earned five shillings (60$) a week. 
"We thought it was natural then. We weren't like 
the young people today. We had no one standing 
up and talking about civil rights and socialism 
then. And even if we had, we probably wouldn't 
have made anything of it." 

The massive Civil Rights demonstrations in 
Derry, in October 1968, was the first political 
action that the two sisters had ever taken part 
in. "I know it might seem silly to young people 
like you, but being Catholics in Northern Ireland, 
we had always felt hemmed in, restricted. 

"Then there we were, marching across the 
bridge, with all those thousands of people. For 
the first time in our lives we felt free, free 
at last. That's how we felt, marching into our 
own city and the police weren't able to stop us. 
Free at last, free at last," she repeated it to 
herself with obvious satisfaction. 

Then when the marches turned violent as the 
British moved to crush the civil rights movement, 
the two old spinster sisters felt frightened. "Oh, 
we thought the IRA were terrible then," said 
Phyllis. "But when we got to know them, we real- 
ized that they were just ordinary lads like any- 
one else. Then we had them staying in our home, 
and they became like sons to us." 

They laughed at my surprise that these two 
old women should have played hostess to "terror- 
i sts ." 

"You see, when the barricades went up in 
Derry after Internment (in August 1971 British 
forces announced that suspected IRA members and 
other "terrorists" would be interned without 
trial for indefinate periods under authority of 


'Har'dh 177*1973 



[Note to editor: See packet #506 for more background 
on the recent Chilean elections. Election statistics 
in the following story are more up-to-date*] 



by John D i nges 
LIBERATION News Service 

SANTIAGO, Chile (LNS)--The night Chile s con- 
gressional results were announced, s uppo ' ter-s of 
a defeated right-wing candidate took to the streets 
in Santiago's wealthy Providenc'a district and 
blocked traffic with flaming barricades. 

The next day, March 5, pro-governmen t newspapers 
printed the final percentage figure in two-i'nch 
letters, 43-4% for candidates supporting Chile's 
Popular Unity (UP) government and its program to 
push the country toward Socialism; 54.7% for the 
opposition confederat ion of rightist and centrist 
parties. The leading opposition paper buried the 
f* nai percentage in the small type of a front page 
s tat i s t i cs tab 1 e . 

‘t was obvious in the week following the elec* 
tion whose Oa had been gored--desp I te opposition 
insistence that their 55% majority constituted a 
victory In what they had billed as a plebiscite of 
acceptance or rejection of President Salvador 
Aiiende's UP program* 

Travel bureaus were jammed with persons seek- 
ing flights out of the country (mostly to Brazii, 
a travel agent told me)* The black market dollar 
soared in price, presumably due to increased demand 
fromwealthy Chileans eager to convert their hoard- 
ed escudoes into hard currency. The government re- 
acted by calmly doubling the official price of dol- 
lars sold to tourists, in effect doubling the 
price of airline tickets, which must be bought ac- 
cording to their price in dollars. 

The world press generally saw in the results 
a "victory" o'- "vote of confidence" for the UP 
and Ailende- For the opposition, 5^7% represents 
a failure to gain the hoped-for two thirds majority 
; n both houses of Congress. That majority would 
have enabled UP opponents to impeach Allende= 

In addition, the UP's 43.4% represents a healthy 
advance for the government compared to }>(> >2% UP 
vote with which Ailende was elected in 1970, 

But the March 4 election didn't resolve any of 
the major obstacles to UP programs in the Chilean 
Congress. The significance of the election does not 
i»e i n rhe power struggle within Chile's legal in- 
stitutions.* The UP victory is In the confirmation 
that the UP is an expanding movement of masses or 
workers, peasants and middle class elements.. 

"We were never sure how many people we still 
had with us," said a young Socialist Party worker. 
"Now we know that 43% understand what the revolu- 
tion is al» about, inspite of all the propaganda 
biam’ng the government for the food shortages 

"We've been on the defensive for a long time 
now. The election has given us confidence to go 
on the offensive again, like we did in the first 
months after Ailende was elected " 

The "offensive" of the early months of the 
Un dad Popuia” consisted In legal steps to nation- 
alize p redom- rat : y U.S. -owned copper mines and 
other mne.a naustr-es, redistribute Income to- 
ward lowe ncome groups, expropriate or purchase 
racto. es to form a "socia 1 area" of industry, and 
a, pie the tempo of expropr i at i ons in Chile's 
agra** an -er’o'm p’*og r 3m. 

Extra- legal act -ons formed an essential part 
or the ear’y dynam' srn of the UP movement. Groups 
or peasants occupied large fa r ms and demanded 
that the takeover b be given legal status in the 
agrarian 'efo-m. Factory workers denouncing poor 
working cond 1 t ons or poor production evicted their 
bosses and pet t'oned the government to incorporate 
the tactor'es into the social area of the economy. 

Unemployed and low income workers without 
houses *nvaded tracts of land in and around the 
cities and set up squatter camps, using government- 
p/ovided materials to build temporary housing. 

The iegao and extra-legal aspects have co- 
existed during the two years and four months of 
a government wh*ch has called itself revolutionary 
and def-ne? »ts program as opening the road to 
socialism by wresting control of the economy from 
foreign mpe "a! ism, national monopolists and large 
) andowner s , 

The . ecent election brought to light not 
only the extreme polarization between the UP and 
the opposition, but also the deep-seated differences 
in strategy among groups within the UP. 

The two leading forces within the UP are the 
Communist Party (wlvch gained 1 6% of the UP vote) 
and the Socialist Party (with 18.4%) backed by 
several sma« ’er left groupSc 

The Communist Party, backed by Ailende, is 
pushing for an emphasis on government- in i t iated 
programs to combat the opposition and bring the 
economy unde*' control «They would also like to see 
a consolidation of economic advances already achiev- 
ed by the UP government (for example, a slowdown 
of na t : ona l t za c i on and land reform programs), and 
an accord with rhe more moderate politicians in 
the Op po s * t * on (especially Chr i s t i an-Democrats) . 

in contrast, the Socialists with their allies, 
the Movement fo- United Proletarian Action (MAPU) 
and rhe Chr stian Left (1C), would like to see 
mass organizations take a leadership role in chal- 
lenging rhe ght opposition through workers strug- 
gles, squat te-s movements and the like. 

The Soc' a i i 5.;s also want to see an acceleration 
of the attack against capitalism and more tactical 
cooperation with the non-UP revolutionary groups 
on the left (especially the leftist revo 1 ut ionary 
movement MlR) 

Fo* rhe first time some UP parties (Socialists 
and Left Chr : st : ans) accepted the active support 
of MiR during the election campaign. A month before 
the ejection a solid block composed of MIR, the 
Social : st Pa'cy !a majority led by Secretary Gen- 
eral Carlos AUamirano), MAPU, and the Left Chris- 
tian? p.jb*'ca , :y opposed a law proposed by Ailende 
and the Communist Party. The proposed law, which 
was presented to Congress as official UP policy, 

~509T" March i 77 1973 

Page 9 

LIBERATION News Service 

more . . . . 





UNI DAD POPULAR (UP) : A United front 
of (in order'of strenqth of support) 
Socialist Party (PS), Communist Party 
(PC), the Radicals, Christian Left ( ! C), 
Movement for United Proletarian Action 
(MAPU) and the Independent Popular Ac- 
t i on (AP I ) . 

20 (increased 
from 18) 

63 (increased 
from 57) 

CONFEDERAT | ON (Oppos i t ion) : an alli- 
ance of Christian Democrats, the Nation- 
al Party, Radical Democrat and Radical 
Left (PIR). 

30 (decreased from 

87 (decreased 
from 93) 

No Chilean government has ever won a majority in the Congress in an election following the 
Presidential election. The UP government is the first whose support actually increased in Congress 
after 2 years in office--both in the number of Senators and Deputies w ho support it and in the pop- 
ular vote it received^ (The UP received 36-2% of the vote in the election which brought it to power, 
in 1970.) 

It is also interesting to note that 38% of the women in Chile who voted, voted for the UP gouern- 
ment in this election. This is an increase of 25% over the vote of 31% the women gave the UP in 1970. 
(By law men and women vote seperately in Chiie.) Many Opposition spokesmen (and U.S. commentators) 
predicted that Chilean women, supposedly more "conservat i ve"than ther men of Chile, would turn the tide 
against the UP government. 

provided for the possible return of some 100 re- 
quisitioned industries to their previous owners. 

The "leftist" block within the UP tacitly 
supported a protest march of industrial workers 
who demanded that the law be withdrawn. The indus- 
trial workers were organized in a non-partisan 
"Commando" composed of workers from numerous 
Santiago industries. The workers 1 organizations-- 
also called workers coordinating councils — were 
born during the October national strike by truck 
owners and professionals for the purpose of keep- 
ing factory owners from shutting down production. 

The Commandoes and other grassroots organiza- 
tions, such as the JAPs (for popular control of 
food distribution and rationing), are the center 
of inner-UP controversy between the Communist Party 
(backed by Allende, a socialist) who see the or- 
ganizations as subordinate auxiliaries to the gov- 
ernment, and the A1 tami rano-M 1 R-MAPU-Lef t Christian 
elements who see the organizations as independent 
of the government and as important instruments to 
accelerate the revolutionary process. 

It is in this context that the strong showing 
of the Socialist Party can be seen. The party, 
supported by the MIR (who are constantly the target 
of Communist Party charges of being "extremists" 
and "ultra-leftists"), increased its number of de- 
puties from 1^4 to 28 ; The Communist Party, while 
not increasing its representation so dramatically, 
maintained its strength with 16 % of the popular 
vote and 25 deptuties (up 3 ) The CP campaign em- 
phasized a steady, deliberate advance towards so- 
cialism by gaining more and more electoral support. 

The differences in strategy between the Com- 

munist Party (whose positions are backed by groups ' 
within the other parties) and the Soci a 1 i st-MI R- 
MAPU-Left Christians remained on the level of fra- 
ternal criticism until recently. But three days 
after the election a factional battle split the 
small MAPU party along the lines of the CP-Social- 
ist Party controversy and errupted in a rancorous 
name-calling exchange and mutual expulsions of the 
contending groups. 

The split in the MAPU may be the jousting 
ground where the UP strategy differences can be 
fought out without involving a direct clash between 
the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. For 
all involved realize the necessity of moving for- 
ward with a common strategy if the UP is not to 
lose the initiative gained in the election. 

The common denominator of the Socialist-MIRr 
MAPU-Chr i st i an Left position is an "offensive" of r 
mass organizations to attack directly the right--- 
wing promoted black market and of worker organ- 
izations to push for accelerated formation of the ' 
social area of the economy. 

This kind of action implies less and less re- 
liance on legislation to push forward the Chilean : 
revolution, and tends to encourage the kind of 
extra-legal actions that characterized the first 
successful months of the UP. 

It will be difficult to reconcile this approach 
with the CP emphasis on strict adherence to legal- 
ities and keeping a tight rein on popular organi- 
zations .. Meanwhile the UP must confront within 
the next few months some of the most serious prob- 
lems it has yet to face. Inflation (a staggering 
150 % last year) is still out of control, large 

Page 10 

LIBERATION News Service 

cities a r e plagued by ihe • ght st if p'e-tlveat 
of hoard ng, food sho.tagea, and biack ma'ket 

Nesther '$ the oppos i on go ng 10 'Oil ove^ 
and die because t ta>led to Oust the UP electoral >y- 
A leader ot the exueiri st Pat- a y l be- tad g ocp 
confided to a ? epo r te' that the '*gnt w ng was plan- 
ning a new national str ke w-th n 60 day -2 atte' the 
election . 

The eieci'On has -nt-oduced a new, -mpo^tant 
phase in the Chilean sicgg'e. But how the UP 
will take advantage or • ts e<at -e * ctoy at the 
polls is a quest onma'k 

As a const va on wo ■ ke r commented to iTie about 
the results: "you just h d,e to be happy about ■ i. 
no more / 1 


fi A 5* -ti - » s * * 5: ’* “ - •' " '* * * " ; -i '' “• '• ; " 


OKINAWA (LNS)-'The Okin^cn Ba^e Worker:, Unxon 
(Zengunroj staged a twc-da> strike at the end ct Jan- 
uary which affected ail major U S Jiu iXtaiy instal- 
lations on the island The strike was touched otf 
by mass filings of ba=e worker;, t be ; oppression ct 
union activities and filing ct union reader- ; delay; 
in payment of salaries- and ai-o the December re- 
sumption of heavy bombing ot North Vietnam by the 

However j for most Okinawan worker s the strike 
was not to improve working conditions on r he bare 
alone. At issue ir the U S Japanese mxiitary pre- 
sence on the Island Before World War Ii ; Okinawan* 
had earned then livelihoods through tarm±ng and 
crafts . 

But since 1949. ever ^ 0 % of the arable land ot 
the island ha* been taken c - ex to be u = ed ter U S 
military baser j and some 4o ; 0GC tarme.:s have been 
dispossessed ci the.r ion d 

Now mere than 6 of Okinawa’s labor icrce 
works either on the bares ur m the senx e indus- 
tries which cater t j rhe r, redr and desires ot mi u 
tary personnel, in *969 there were 00 ; 000 mi utai) 
and mi li t ax/- x e : .ate d pe r r or, re i on The island- -one 
ten th of Ok ) n aw a pop u i a - m . 

Wage- are row. and many Ok A r aw an. wemen have been 
forced into promt uti zn and bar hur'es; jobs to 
support their taiTu.ies The Dagger 7 r ^n; ; similar 
to the artificia., and dependent of cirier, 
near American baser ail over the world, are filled 
with bars , cheap one -night hotels and souvenir 
shops ail catering to the Gi popular, on 

Military personnel la^m that the ba^es are a 
boon to tbe 0k. n aw an economy But t< * t .rad it ion a I iy 
agricultural sor.e^; th^ bare* rep.rerent the de* 
truction of their ensure and the *r. trusi-n ct an 
alien military icrce. 

Okinawa as the mgev v. i the Ryuk/u island- - 
a chain of lands s t re t :h .ng southward from Japan 
across the East China Sea f rom the if* and, which 
is called the "keystone vt the Pv.iri-", U S bomber- 
can reach China, Korna. indvdi na, and even the 
USSR. Okinawa has been parr A c u * cu ly u^etui tw the 
U.S in the war m Southeast Aria 

r r BERA T ON New* Sevce 

The U S iirst saw the need for establishing 
Okinawa a- a military fortress in 1949 with the 
birth ci the Peep i e 5 Republic of China and later 
m i950 with the beg^nn^ng of the Korean war. 

Okinawans hid looked forward to Nixon's rever- 
sion Okinawa to Japanese control in 1972, think - 
,ng that the ba^e* would be removed and their land 
returned to tWi Bat that has not been the case, 
instead U S ba^e* will remain and Japan plans to 
use others tv its Own troops and weapons. 

With rever sion, the base workeis became employees 
ot tbe Japanese government., indirectly hired by the 
U S mill tar. The U S and Japan had hoped that 
this iwiu.h wf uid absorb the Okinawan base workers 
into tbe mainland labor movement which is less rad- 
ical than Zengunrc, But reversion has only increased 
the militancy ot the workers, and made them more 
determined to "sewe the bases/ 1 

During the zuue, with almost every Zengunro 
member out, con= tru r ticn at several sites came to 
a 'complete hai T Ammunitions depots were closed, 
trucks entering the bases were turned back, unload- 
ing supplier wai z owed and thousands of GI*s had 
to lea.e then jQD= to take over the work in the 
commissaries apd mess hails and to work as a riot 
zquad an case pf Violence. 

And Zengupro was joined by other sympathetic 
worker* dockers, communications and local trans- 
portation wG-ker», and base guards 

- - 30 • - 

• A* • * + ■• » T * * » » * * » *■»*«* fr «* ■#■*#•# * >T * f ’*-***‘***‘**' ********** 



E CORSE , Michigan (LNSJ- -Sixty workers at the 
ford truck pian f here have been disciplined for 
Their roie in a recent walkout that closed down the 
2,200 employee, factory for two days early in March. 

Pena i t-e s included the firings of three workers 
and - uzpens i u-ns wichcut pay for periods of from one 
to tour week; ioi the others . 

The shutdown began, when 70 painters walked off 
the ^ob on March 2 because of the inadequate ven- 
t. iiatijn .n r b?i r department As a result of the 
walkout, rhe iompan> was forced to send the entire 
da^ r b*it home 

When the atte moon *hift started work at 5:30 
PM, f he whole prcce-s repeated itself. By 6^10 the 
painter = had woked eft the job and by 7:00 the 
remainder of the plant was sent home. The next day, 
both bh i i T * w iked about a hal t hour before the 
painters walked cu 1 , again closing the entire plant. 

The Un. tea Auto Workers, cn both the internation- 
al and local leve f . ; supported the walkouts for two 
days, but relumed to endorse the actions any further, 
decidxng that there «eie no health or safty prob- 
lems But alter the di^c-plxnes were announced, 
a rank and me vote forced the union to call a 
strike rur the end ot March to demand better work- 
ing oondVijn.; t j,. painter^ 

The painting department of an adto plant has 
-ome ot the wurzt ccnditicn* in the industry. At 
rhe Eccize punt, the department was originally set 
up t. j handle 2 a jobs an hour m an 8 hour day. Now 

Page \ 1 

( >7509 > 

Md ih i 7 > 1973 

mo re * . * c 

it is running 38 jobs an hour, 10 hours a day, 6 
days a week , 

This overcrowding in the department leads to 
overspray -- painters covering each other with 
paint because there isn't enough room for them to 
work. And generally, v-iT* i.lating system tends 

to become clogged, whicii makes breathing difficult 
and causes sore throat^ and eye irritations. Ford 
has also been using a new kind of acrylic paint 
that has a high acid content, which causes skin 
rashes on people who work with it. 

The company had been made aware of these 
grievances months before the walkout but had not 
taken any steps to improve the conditions. Painters 
have made it clear that the small changes that have 
been made since the walkout -- such as changing a 
few filters in the ventilating system -- are only 
token moves and that the upcoming strike will be 
for major changes m working conditions for 
painters < 


SAIGON (LNS) — In a letter dated February 17, 
1973, 8,000 civilian and military prisoners held on 
Con Son Prison Island appealed to the International 
Commission of Control and Supervision (ICCS) and 
the four-party Joint Military Commission (JMC) con- 
cerning U.S. and Saigon government violations of 
the January 27 peace agreement. 

Specifying the Protocols referrinq to the 
release of detained civilian and militay ocrsonnel, 
the letter read, "We notice that the Saigon and U.S. 
governments not only are not i mp I emen t i ng seriously 
what they have signed, but also they are treating 
us more brutally than before," 

In mid-March, Liberation News Service received 
a rough English translation of the letter which 
cited four major violations of the terms of the 
agreemen t . 

Summarized, those violations are: 

*Ever since the Agreement was signed, prison 
authorities have not only refused to inform the 
prisoners of the contents of the agreement but 
also terrorized and beat prisoners who talked 
about peace. On February 2, 1973, nearly 200 pri- 
soners, men and women, were transferred to Con 
Son's security section where they were tortured 
and kept in chains night and day. Three of these 
prisoners were seriously wounded. 

-The Saigon government not only blacks out 
news but also spreads rumors throughout the prison 
to create a situation of confusion and intense 
pressure. Common- law prisoners are sent into 
different camps to provoke the political prisoners 
in order to create opportunities to repress and 
kill them. One day, during the Tet holidays, the 
prison cells were sealed and the prisoners were 
given rotten t'ish to eat. 

In Camp 8, authorities ordered two barrels of 
human excrement to be dumped on the prisoners as 
"Tet gifts." In Camp 2, many prisoners were bru- 

Page 12 

tally beaten > 

In Camp 4, 700 women prisoners were beaten 
and then f i nge rpr i n ted so that the prison author- 
ities could fake documents pledging the prisoners' 
allegiance to the Saigon government. (The women 
were made to put f i n.-Vr i n t s on the bottom of 
blank pages alongside their signatures and prison 
Timbers. Authorities would later fill in the 
appropriate words above, including a date prior 
to the signing of the Agreement.) 

-Recently, since February 12, 1973, the 
Saigon government has forced many old and ill 
orisoners (about 300) into planes headed for un- 
known destinations. Before entering the planes 
they were forced to sign papers accepting their 
"liberty." No one knows what happened to them. 
Prisoners who refused to board the planes and 
requested the presence of the ICCS and JMC were 
threatened with tear gas grenades. 

-On February 16, 1973, the Saigon government 
sent more than 400 political prisoners from Nha 
Trang to Con Son Island. When they left Nha Trang, 
the prisoners had thought they were being freed 
because the Nha Trang authorities had issued papers 
certifying their "TibertyV" 

"All of these acts are only part of many 
schemes and crimes of the U.S. and Saigon govern- 
ments, in their treatment of us," the letter says. 
"We are under close watch and pressure in a cruel 
regime of i ncarce ra t i on , living in the dark so that 
we only know of what happens to us personally.'.. 

"We appeal to the ICCS and JMC to come to us 
in time in order to stop the bloody hand of the 
Saigon and U.S. government and protect our life 
and our living." 


. C. O, O. O, O.O. O.o.o, O. 0,0,0, 0,0. 0.0, 0,0. 0,0.0. 0,0. 


"We receive concrete assistance from many people 
from many friends . .Our forces become stronger each 
day. And why? Because our strength is the strength 
cf justice, progress and history ,"-AmM car Cabral 

R I CHMOND , B , C . Canada (LNS)-- The Liberation Sup- 
port Movement (LSM) is offering a beautiful "1973 
Liberation Calendar" describing and illustrating a 
number of the ant i -co Ion i a 1 i s t struggles that are 
going on now in Africa. Each month has a number of 
dates important in the African liberation struggle 
marked off and described as well as quotes from many 
movment leaders. 

The activities of FRELIMO in Mozambique, MPLA 
in Angola, PAIGC in Guinea-Bissau, SWAPO in South- 
west Africa, ZAPU of Zimbabwe and ANC of South Af- 
rica are all documented. 

LSM, which distributes information and gathers 
supplies and funds for the African liberation move- 
ments also is offering books and audio visual mater- 
ials about the struggles. For a catalogue or a copy 
of the calendar ($1.50) write to LSM, Box 33^, 
British Columbia, Canada- 

— 30- 

LIBERATION News Service 

509 J 

March 17, 1973 end of text, on to graphics 

These four photos are from the Senior Citizens’ march in Albany, N.Y., 
March 6. (also see two cover photos.) 

They go along with the story on the march on page 3« 


Page P-1 



March 17, 1973 


TOP RIGHT: US, Marshalls blocking 
highway into Wounded Knee while 
Indians hold town, 


TOP LEFT: Photo of mass burial of Indians 
after the massacre that took place in 
Wounded Knee in 1890 

BOTTOM RIGHT: One of the Indians inside Wounded 
Wounded Knee who is part of the take-over 
of the town 

BOTTOM LEFT: Scene of the negotiations taking 
place between the Indians and representa- 
tives of the Justice and Interior Depart- 
ments in Pine Ridge Reservation near 
Wounded Knee 

Page P-2 

LIBERATION News Service 

(, # 509 ) 

March 17, 1973 



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