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Blacks/Racism: Black Lawyer Highlights 
Tupelo Struggle Against Racism 

1000 words 

Women/Health: The Worcester Ward: 
Psychiatric Violence Against Women 

2100 words: 

Blacks: Boston Black Community 
Hold Rally to Support Puopolo 

1800 words . 

Gays: New Jersey Gays up for Attack 
in Anti-Gay Legislation 

800 words.. 

Anti-Nuke: New York State Targeted 
As Nuke Dumping Ground 

200 words 

Labor: Boycott Against J.P. Stevens 

1200 words 


Nicaragua: Interview: American Priest 
Reports on Nicaragua 

1600 words 

England: Nixon Bugs Oxford Students; 
Limo Pelted with Eggs 

500 words 

South Africa: South Africa’s Latest Toy: 
Atomic Weaponry 

200 words 


Women/Mental Health: graphics 

Capitalism: graphic on contradictions . . . 
Occupational Health and Safety: graphic 

on the textile industry 

Colonialism: cartoon 

Blacks: graphic 

Resistance: graphic 



December 8, 1978 #938 

Packet #938 
December 8, 1978 
LIBERATION News Service 
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Interview: American Priest 
Reports on Nicaragua 

Editor’s Note: November 21st in 
Nicaragua passed with hardly a gun- 
shot. That in itself was unusual in the 
Central American country ravaged by 
Somoza’s U.S. and Israeli-equipped 
National Guard. But the calm is decep- 
tive, all the more so because it presages 
the next offensive by the popular San- 
dinista Liberation Front against the 
Somoza regime. Bitterly unwilling to 
resign as president, Somoza has ig- 
nored the near-unanimous demand 
adopted by all social classes that a 
coalition of progressive groups rule the 

During the two month long U.S. -led 
negotiations in Managua, only the 
noisy negotiations, and not the Na- 
tional Guard repression, received 
public attention. But now that negotia- 
tions have reached an impasse, the 
Nicaraguan people look again to the 
Sandinistas to oust Somoza. Below 
follows an interview between Marta 
Luxenburg, one of our Washington, 
D.C. -based correspondents, and an 
American priest who was in Nicaragua 
this October when National Guard 
strafing and gunfire against a popular 
insurrection led by the Sandinistas 
reached a peak. 

NEW YORK (LNS) — Much has 
been written about the Sandinistas, but 
still we have little sense of them as peo- 
ple. Who are they? 

Somoza’s newspaper Novedades 
refers to the Sandinistas as terrorists. 
My concept of “terrorist” is some hor- 
rible person who likes to kill, someone 
wild, violent in his or her actions. I was 
surprised that the people I met were 
nothing like that at all. In fact, many 
of them were worried about what their 
own necessary violence would do to 
them as people. 

The people I spoke with consciously 
made the decision to fight against 
Somoza, and that decision involved 
much pain. Many people have given up 
advantages which come part and parcel 
with being members of the middle 
class. It seems to me, though, that peo- 
ple, especially youth, had few options. 
Given their dire poverty and Somoza’s 
near-total control over Nicaragua’s 
economy, people had no other recourse 
but violence. In a way, to choose life, 
the people have prepared for the 
possibility of death at the hands of the 
National Guard. One person who 
decided to join the Sandinistas cried 
out, “Viva la revolution! Viva los San- 
dinistas! Viva Tomas des- 
truida!— “Long Live the Revolution! 
Long Live the Sandinistas! And Long 
Live Tomas destroyed, because he 
realized that fighting for Somoza’s 
downfall meant that he could be killed, 
but that this commitment to fight was 

Are there any women among San- 
dinista units? 

I know of some women who have 
joined the movement and are actively 

Page 1 (#938) 

fighting as Sandinistas. The easy, gen- 
tle life attributed to women in 
Nicaragua’s middle class has become a 
thing of the past, for they live under 
the same conditions as the men: learn- 
ing strategies up in the mountains, hik- 
ing for miles on end, camping in the 
fields and suffering from insects, the 
changeable weather and the persistent 
violence. In Nicaragua, the women 
Sandinista fighters face the same — if 
not more intense — repression as the 

What is meant by the phrase 
“repression in Nicaragua?” 

About eight out of every ten people 
in the countryside cannot read or write. 
People are poor, the children are sick- 
ly, mostly because Somoza has used 
the money for himself and his family. 
He has usurped control of the entire 
country, choosing to develop only 
what will benefit his own family. The 
Nicaraguan pdople have seen no 
teachers or hospitals, and have never 
received even the most minimal health 
care. It is little wonder that young peo- 
ple see no democratic way to change 
Nicaraguan society. Even though they 
realize that violence may destroy their 
lives, they see no other avenue of dis- 

Somoza appears to be fighting the 
people with everything he has, not only 
through the military but also through 
the media. 

Yes, Somoza has used the media in 
Nicaragua to mesmerize the people. 
After the bombings and strafings in the 
cities, people were left to die unattend- 
ed. Somoza had his television team 
zoom in and record the worst horrors, 
strictly to terrorize the people. 

After the TV publicity came an ap- 
parent peace. But this was the time that 
Somoza ordered his National Guard to 
“mop up,” of break into people’s 
houses, and machine-gun boys twelve 
years old and up. 

Somoza couldn’t whip up enough 
propaganda at home, so when the peo- 
ple in Guatemala rose up against the 
government in protest of a 50 percent 
increase on bus fares, Nicaragua televi- 
sion went to Guatemala to film the 
police brutality against the people, the 
tear-gassing, the machine-gunning, the 
screams of the people. Back came the 
TV crew to Nicaragua, and for three 
days during the television news pro- 
gram at 10 P.M., twenty minutes was 
devoted to film clips of violence 
against the Guatemalan people. 

Two weeks after the National Guard 
attacks in Esteli, Masaya, Chinandega 
and Leon, government news people an- 
nounced on television that six bodies, 
dead for two weeks, had been found. 
All were bodies of young men. The 
youngest was twelve, the oldest 22. 
They were shown in graphic detail for 
twenty minutes with particular em- 
phasis on their state of decomposition 
and the possible ways in which the 
youngsters may have died. 

In light of the physical violence and 
the psychological manipulation, how 

LIBERA TION News Service 

would you describe the spirit of the 

Well, of course some are terrified, 
especially the campesinos, or the pea- 
sant people. They see Somoza as some 
kind of terrible god. They call him 
“El”or “He.” Or he’s called “este 
hombre,” meaning “that man.” 
They’re almost too terrified to say his 
name outright. Others tell mythical 
stories about him: One woman in a 
state of shock cried, “He will follow us 
into other countries and drive us into 
the sea until we’re all dead.” And a 
man said, “In the end, in the last mo- 
ment, Somoza has a large cylinder 
stored in his bunker, and when he 
knows he’s lost everything, he’ll open 
it, and out will spew enough gas to kill 
every living creature in Nicaragua, with 
enough left over to kill all those who 
escaped. Every Nicaraguan on the face 
of the earth will die.” Many people liv- 
ing in Nicaragua’s interior see 
Somoza’s power as mythical. 

The only people who can rival 
Somoza both in military strength and 
mythic grandness are the Sandinistas. 
More and more, they are seen as 
Nicaragua’s liberators, as people who 
treat others well, as people who are 
saving Nicaragua from “that terrible 

You shouldn’t think, though, that 
the Nicaraguan people are simply 
afraid and that’s that. Somoza may, at 
times, appear unbeatable, but people 
also nurse a healthy hatred towards 
him. One man I talked to said his fami- 
ly was proud of a longstanding history 
of Somoza-hating. He tells the story of 
his father who owned six cows, all of 
them herded away when Somoza’s 
father took control of the country. 
They were left only with a small farm 
and no animals. His neighbors, a man 
and a woman, had cultivated a small- 
scale coffee crop. When the National 
Guard was ordered in by Somoza’s 
father in the thirties, the woman was 
evicted. The same man who told me 
this story assigns these crimes not only 
to National Guard savagery, but also 
to the demands imposed on the 
Nicaraguan people by the United 
States coffee growers. 

Some 40 years later, this man, like 
his father and mother before him, bat- 
tled Somoza’s National Guard. He 
described the bombing of Penas Blan- 
cas and how he had spent the whole 
day on the cold floor. The National 
Guard was machine-gunning everyone 
in sight. In anger and desperation, the 
man told me, “I wish someone would 
cut off Somoza’s ears and nose and 
send them to Washington.” 

What is the U.S. ’s role in the repres- 

Well, the 8,100-member National 
Guard has an elite corps of some 800 
soldiers under the illustrious guidance 
of Somoza’s son. This corps, trained 
either in the U.S. School ot the 
Americas in Panama or in the U.S. 
itself, is the Guard’s most brutal con- 
tingent. As for the upper echelon 
military men, just about all of them 

December 8, 1978 more... 

have U.S. military training. 

And of course five U.S. military 
men, assisted by eight so-called 
civilians, act as advisors to the Na- 
tional Guard. As time passes, more 
about their role in the current strife will 
come to light. 

As for the U.S. -led efforts at media- 
tion, the people have, by now, utterly 
rejected them, saying that the talks 
were merely another way to manipulate 
the Nicaraguan people. Stop fortifying 
Somoza’s regime, they tell the U.S. 
people. Don’t defend him anymore. □ 

Black Lawyer Highlights 
Tupelo Struggle Against 

Editor’s Note: Last week LNS carried 
two articles on the November 25th 
march and rally in Tupelo, Mississippi, 
which were part of a developing move- 
ment of Black and poor people Ted by 
the United League of Northern 
Mississippi . Blacks in Tupelo have 
been conducting an economic boyctt 
for the past nine months . They are 
demanding an end to Klan and police 
violence, more employment, non-racist 
education and land retention for Black 
farmers. Their 12 year long organizing 
effort will continue even when conces- 
sions are made, says Lewis Myers, an 
attorney defending the League, 
because “we are concerned with con- 
solidating a base. . . in Mississippi. ” 

At the Thanksgiving weekend rally, 
Myers spoke on the broad significance 
of the struggle in Mississippi as well as 
its local achievements. Following are 
major excerpts from his speech: 

TUPELO, Miss. (LNS)— The strug- 
gle of Nelson Mandela and of Winnie 
Mandela [two Azanian patriots] 

. . . The struggle of the Patriotic Front 
in Zimbabwe and ... of SWAPO in 
southern Africa ... we have learned is 
the struggle of Black people in Tupelo, 

To the extent that the struggle is not 
just limited to Tupelo, we have to talk 
about some of the problems that face 
us today. Let’s deal with the thugs and 
the clowns who put on the robes and 
who are down the street [KKK]; who 
have come out in an attempt to in- 
timidate, harass, impede and prohibit 
us from not just exercising our con- 
stitutional rights, but from standing up 
as men and women — dignified and 
proud that we are a new order. 

Let me say as an ultimatum [to the 
KKK], that there will be no more mar- 
ches through the ranks. . .of the 
United League, that if anyone of you 
attempts to harm, maim or hurt a man, 
woman or child who are supporters or 
sypathizers of the League, you must go 
with the maxim: “He who brings 
some, must get some.” 

What is it that is different today 
from what was in 1963? There is a new 
mood of solidarity, and new spirit on 
behalf of a new generation of people. 
Many years ago we marched and we 
had elevated non-violence to the level 

of a philosophical doctrine— that to- 
day has been demystified, and we 
understand that non-violence has to be 
only a tactical consideration and never 
a philosophy. We will be non-violent if 
those who are now violent toward us 
are non-violent. . . 

What have we accomplished in the 
last eight months [inTupelo]? Even the 
racists and reactionaries have to 
understand that already an affirmative 
action plan and other concessions have 
been made by the city government. 
Now many of you might like to think 
that those concessions came out of the 
goodness of people’s hearts. Based on 

the words of Frederick Douglass, 
Tower has never conceded nothing 
without demand — it never has nor will 
it!’ Everything we got has only come 
through the streets and the mass move- 
ment of people to bring about change 
for a new way of life. 

And the struggle will not end 
now. . .if racism was created over five 
or six centuries, it must be a foolish 
man or a foolish woman to think that 
you can correct five centuries of 
evil. . .of ignorance, in five or eight 
months. That cannot happen; it is not 
logical, scientifically it is not possible. 

We have to struggle not just in 
Tupelo. If you are not prepared to 
struggle in Baltimore, New York, 
Philadelphia, Los Angeles and all over 
the world, then you have to understand 
you’re taking a missionary attitude 
towards Tupelo — this is the easy way 
out. So don’t think about being here 
today and when you get in your buses 
and go back home, that somehow the 
struggle ended here in Tupelo. The 
struggle goes on from here to Africa, 
from Johannesburg to Jackson, 
Mississippi. . . 

[For those who have died in the 
Mississippi movement]. . .we hope 
that we can be men and women enough 
to carry the burden that they bore and 
the cross that they shared by giving 
their lives to make us new people. This 
struggle is for us, but in many regards 
it is not about us. It is for the younger 
generation of men and women, 15 
years and younger. For me, that is why 
we have assembled here. We recognize 
that we might not live to see the full 
fruition of our efforts, our ideals of 
what we would like to see in this coun- 

But if we somehow could lay a brick, 
if somehow we could lay the founda- 
tion if somehow we could begin to 
build a structure. If somehow we could 
pick up a piece of wood, if somehow 
we could pick up some old thrown 
away tin, and begin to put together 
something that one day might be a 
House of Freedom. If somehow we can 
add a telephone, where one day in that 
House of Freedom our people could 
call in and out — and fear not racism 
and human exploitation by other men 
and other women based on the color 
and pigmentation of one’s skin. . . 

If somehow we build that structure, 
then whether we live or die does not 
become relevant. The only relevant 
point is that we could make a new life 

for a lot of young people. . . 

We would like to make it possible 
for mothers who are present, so that 
your children, the ones that you con- 
ceive from your womb, will one day 
live as men and women and will have 
the right to procreate, have the right to 
live in a decent house, have the right to 
a decent education. . .If it doesn’t hap- 
pen in the course of our lifetime, we 
know today that it will happen, and if 
we have helped contribute to make it 
happen our jobs will have been well 
done. □ 

Nixon Bugs Oxford 
Students; Limo Pelted 
with Eggs 

NEW YORK (LNS)— After four 
years of hibernation in his plush San 
Clemente home, former president 
Richard M. Nixon has hesitantly dip- 
ped his foot into the waters of public 
life. Projecting the image of an elderly 
“statesman,” Nixon is making a last- 
ditch effort to rectify his Watergate 
past by campaigning both here and 

So far, the ex-chief has been received 
warmly in many small conservative 
towns across the U.S., and more re- 
cently in France. His late November 
engagement at Oxford University, 
England, however, touched off a 
clamorous protest as hundreds of 
demonstrators pelted his limousine 
with eggs and drowned out portions of 
his speech to Oxford dons and 


After Nixon was cordially received 
in France, a group of Oxford students 
formed the Committee to Resist the 
Efforts of the Ex-Presi- 
dent — CREEP — a play on the acronym 
of Nixon’s 1972 Committee to Re-Elect 
the President. “It is an insult to Ox- 
ford for him to come here,” charged 
one irate CREEP eggthrower, “and a 
lot of us are opposed.” 

Wielding signs saying “Nixon bugs 
me” and “free Speech. . .for every ten 
wiretaps,” student protesters chanted 
“two-four-six-eight, who fucked up 
Watergate” as Nixon entered Oxford 
Hall. Through the brick walls and 
mullioned windows of Oxford Hall, 
vociferous chants continually 
disrupted Nixon’s speech. 

Nixon deftly skirted the Watergate 
issue during his otherwise boring chat, 
although at one point he admitted “I 
failed to handle a little thing— that 
became a big thing— and that colors 
everything else.” The real flavor of his 
talk, though, came during the question 
and answer period when Nixon proud- 
ly appraised his decision to secretly 
authorize the U.S. invasion of Cam- 
bodia in 1970. Nixon reminisced that 
he was “doing what Gen. Eisenhower 
did when he invaded France in 1944 to 
destroy the German Army. . .1 wish 

Page 2 


LIBERA TION News Service 

December 8, 1978 

more. . . 

I’d done it sooner.” 

“I Just Don’t like Communism” 

And as might be expected, Nixon 
closed his address with his perennial 
anti-communist attack. “I just don’t 
like communism,” he said as he waxed 
poetic over the achievements of his ad- 

When Nixon left the hall, the din of 
‘‘No More Nixon” filled the air as 
hundreds of students scrambled 
toward his limousine, pinning thumb- 
tacks under the tires and banging the 
hood with their signs. One student even 
jumped on the trunk, smashing the 
roof. Ten students were arrested in the 
melee. Nixon was whisked away to 
safety. d 

the people who were keeping me im- 
prisoned, lying to me, and then deny- 
ing they had lied to me. I broke win- 
dows and banged on walls because I 
saw the building as a prison. 

I can imagine how such an incident 
would be written up on my hospital 
records. ‘‘Patient broke windows 
. . . was subdued by staff . . . was 
given tetanus shot.” Nothing about 
why. Nothing about what led up to it. 
Nobody looked into the source of my 
very legitimate anger at being denied 
human and civil rights like the right to 
communication and the right to visita- 
tion. ” 

— a former inmate of a 
psychiatric institution 

‘‘normal” behavior for women, DMH 
talks about “behaviorally dangerous” 
women and thus the need for ‘‘treat- 
ment” facilities like Worcester, which 
calls for an exit guarded by three metal 
doors and $50,000 worth of security 

Eighty-five percent of psychiatrists 
in all psychiatric institutions are men 
and nearly all are white. Yet women, 
Third World people, poor and old peo- 
ple are found in larger proportions in 
state institutions than in the larger 
society. For example, in 1975, Third 
World people were only 12 percent of 
the population of Massachusetts, but 
comprised 23 percent of state mental 
institution admissions. 

Psychiatrists make the largest 
salaries and the decisions, but it is the 
workers in descending order of status, 

The Worcester Ward: 
Psychiatric Violence 
Against Women 

Coalition to Stop 
Institutional Violence/ 
Liberation News Service 

Editor’s Note: Much of the follow- 
ing story is from an article in Science 
for the People, written by the Coalition 
to Stop Institutional Violence, a 
Boston coalition of feminists who have 
been active in delaying the opening of a 
proposed behavior modification unit 
for women in Worcester, 

The unit, defined as a small max- 
imum security “treatment” facility for 
so-called violent women, will be similar 
to the Maximum Security Unit at the 
federal women’s prison at Alderson, 
West Virginia. That unit, the only 
maxi-security installation for women 
was opened in response to the alleged 
increase of crimes by women. Selection 
of inmates has been arbitrary, and 
often directed particularly at politically 
active prisoners. 

The insitutional violence committed 
in prisons like Alderson and the 
Worcester Ward— violence including 
not only physical abuse but confine- 
ment and various forms of 
psychological torture — is justified as 
therapy necessary to rehabilitate 
“sick” and “violent-prone” inmates. 
Groups like the Coalition to Stop In- 
stitutional Violence are using every 
means possible to stop prison violence. 
They demonstrate that such prisons are 
not “aberrations” but are logical 

results of the existing social order. 

* * * 

NEW YORK (SFTP/LNS) — If this 
woman were in a Massachusetts psych- 
iatric institution today, it is quite likely 
that she would be targeted for what is 
euphemistically called the Special Con- 
sultation and Treatment Program for 
Women (SCTPW) or the Worcester 
Unit. This proposed unit, a joint ven- 
ture of the Massachusetts Department 
of Mental Health (SMH) and Depart- 
ment of Corrections (DOC), is defined 
as a maximum security unit for women 
“who have by reason of severe mental 
illness a recent and repeated history of 
behaviors harmful to themselves or 
others and for whom all attempts at 
treatment in existing facilities have fail- 

It is not difficult to predict which 
women will be sent to the proposed 
Worcester unit — those who DMH and 
DOC find troublesome for any number 
of reasons. They will be women in in- 
stitutions who demand their rights and 
who fight back when those rights are 
violated; women who are justifiably 
angry at the condition of their lives 
both outside and inside the institutions 
in which they are incarcerated. They 
will be women who direct their anger at 
others, striking out in pain and rage 
and self-defense and also women who 
turn their anger inward, hurting 
themselves because they have been 
belittled, brutalized, and have led over- 
whelmingly impoverished lives. They 
will be poor women, Black women, 
Hispanic women, lesbians — any 
woman who lacks sufficient money 
and privilege to escape incarceration by 
the State. 

Currently, the popular media is play- 
ing up the supposed presence of the 
“new, violent woman.” Professional 
journals have taken up this new “pro- 
blem” as well. As women become 
“liberated,” so the theory goes, they 

training and pay who have the most, or 
only contact with inmates. Workers, 
often in a ratio of one to 20 are ex- 
pected to police inmates, thus becom- 
ing victims of their hierarchical and 
alienating work situation. 

The living conditions within these in- 
stitutions are intolerable — bad food, 
over and under-heating, and generally 
old buildings in poor condition. 

Physical, psychic, and sexual abuse 
are a constant in inmates’ lives. There 
is an unusually high death rate in 
psychiatric institutions. Although the 
grounds are sometimes lovely, they are 
out in the country, hard to reach for 
friends and relatives without cars. In- 
mates are only sometimes allowed the 
“privilege” of being out on the 

Contrary to the stereotype 
perpetuated by the media, the vast ma- 
jority of people locked in mental in- 
stitutions have not committed or been 
accused of acts of violence. Similarly, 
85 percent of women locked up in 
prison have not been commited for acts 
of violence, but rather for crimes com- 
mitted out of economic 
necessity— prostitution, larceny, 
forgery, shoplifting, receiving stolen 
goods, drugs. And those who are in- 
carcerated for acts of violence have 
most often committed them in self- 


Institutional psychiatry gains control 
over people in several interconnected 
ways, through the use of brutal and 
dangerous “treatment” including 
many forms of involuntary, behavior 
modifying techniques. The most 
prevalent of these techniques is drug- 

Ninety-five to 98 percent of all in- 
mates are drugged, most often with a 

“I originally entered a mental in- 
stitution voluntarily, believing I could 
get help there. At that time I was very 
unhappy; clinically it’s called depress- 
ed. Within a few months of institu- 
tionalization I had been transformed 
from a woman who could not get out 
of bed to a woman who was screaming, 
kicking, trying to break down doors 
and break windows. 

1 was hitting. I was striking out at 


will begin to adopt “male” patterns of 
violence and criminality. This theory 
ostensibly has been used to justify the 
construction of new maximum security 
settings for women such as the pro- 
posed Worcester unit. 

The Power Structure of Psychiatry 

Worcester, then, is not an aberration 
or an abuse of psychiatry but an exam- 
ple of psychiatric ideology. Based on 
false and sexist assumptions about 

LIBERA TION News Service 

group of drugs called phenothiazines 
(of which thorazine is the best-known). 
These drugs numb, smother and con- 
trol the patients, and have such side ef- 
fects as blurred vision, shuffling gait, 
muscle spasms, tension, need to walk 
constantly, fatigue, thirst, weight gain, 
sexual dysfunction, tardive dyskinesia 
or sudden death. 

Seclusion, another form of “treat- 
ment” used on “rebellious” inmates 

December8, 1978 more... 

Page 3 

hinders the formation of inmate 
solidarity. And psychosurgery, 
restraint and shock are also used as 
common methods of control. 

Women and Psychiatry 

A large part of the professional at- 
titude that women are inherently less 
“mentally healthy” than men can be 
traced back to Freud who legitimized 
the belief that women experience 
greater difficulty than men in resolving 
the issues of psychosexual develop- 
ment. Freudian theory, which con- 
tinues to shape much of the current 
psychiatric thought, maintains a tradi- 
tional view of the “normal” woman as 
wife and mother. Women are viewed 
exclusively in terms of (heterosexuali- 
ty and reproductive function; other 
aspects of our lives and personhood are 
either ignored or seen as less significant 
than our psychosexual development. 
For a woman to attempt to assert her 
independence or autonomy, to reject 
marriage or motherhood, to be a les- 
bian or to begin to take control of the 
circumstances of her own life is seen in 
the Freudian view, as evidence of a 
“masculinity complex.” 

Thus for members of the psychiatric 
establishment, a “normal,” “healthy” 
woman is a “feminine woman,” one 
who is less than an autonomous, in- 
dependent, strong individual. Women 
who deviate from acceptable standards 
of behavior are “sick.” This is a prime 
example of science being used by 
members of the dominant class to 
justify their biases. 

What this means for women in in- 
stitutional settings, whether psychiatric 
or “correctional” is that in order to 
gain their freedom, they often must 
adopt the pretense (if not the reality) of 
“feminine,” “ladylike” and therefore 
“healthy” behavior. Those who refuse 
to do so are punished in the name of 
“treatment” and those who deviate 
markedly are sent to even more con- 
trolled settings like the proposed 
Worcester unit. 

Furthermore, a class of women will 
be created to fill the “need” for these 
kinds of units. In 1972, it was 
estimated by the Massachusetts 
Department of Health that there might 
be six to ten women a year in need of 
the proposed unit. At present, the cur- 
rent project director is engaged in con- 
sultation concerning approximately 50 
candidates for the proposed unit. In 
five years, the mere notion that a unit 
might someday exist has increased the 
number of women labelled “violent” 
by 500 percent! 

As well, although the Coalition to 
Stop Institutional Violence was told in 
1976 that no women from schools for 
the mentally retarded would be sent to 
the proposed unit, in January 1978 45 
percent of the women being screened 
were from these schools and institu- 
tions. It is clear that DMH and DOC 
plan to combine women prisoners, 
psychiatric inmates, and women la- 
belled mentally retarded into one 
catch-all “therapeutic” environment 
where each woman will not only take 

on the “violent” label, but also the 
labels assigned to other women around 

Through education, public mobiliza- 
tion, petitions, demonstrations and 
legal and legislative work, the Coali- 
tion to Stop Institutional Violence 
hopes to permanently stop the opening 
of the proposed Worcester Unit. □ 

* * * 

For more information , contact the 
Coalition to Stop Institutional 
Violence, c/o the Cambridge Women's 
Center, 46 Pleasant Street, Cambridge, 
MA 02139 . Science for the People can 
be reached at 897 Main St, Cam- 
bridge, MA 02139 . 

Boston Black Community 
Hold Rally to Support 
Puopolo Defendants 

By Liberation News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS)— In March 
1976, three Black men from Boston, 
Edward Soares, Richard Allen and 
Leon Easterling, were convicted of 
first degree murder and sentenced to 
life in prison without parole. Their 
crime, according to supporters, was 
that they aided two Black women who 
were attacked by white members of the 
Harvard football team. 

The case, which followed by less 
than a year the aquittal of a white 
marine accused of beating to death a 
young Black man, has left many city 
residents talking about a “double stan- 
dard” — one for whites accused of 
murdering Blacks and another— much 
harsher — for Blacks accused of killing 
whites. A recent protest linked the 
struggle to free the three, now known 
as the Puopolo defendants, with the 
ongoing struggle against the well- 
known, but traditionally southern 
racist organization, the Ku Klux Klan. 

On December 2, 500 demonstrators 
held a rally at City Hall Plaza to show 
their support for the Puopolo case 
defendants and to voice their outrage 
against Klan activity in the Boston 
area. “We organized the demonstra- 
tion first of all to make it clear that we 
are calling for action in Boston against 
the Klan,” a spokesperson for the 
Citywide Coalition for Justice and 
Equality (CCJE) told LNS in a 
telephone interview a few days after 
the protest. “We’re saying that we 
want the Klan out of Boston.” The 
Klan, in an apparent nationwide effort 
to “change their profile,” recently in- 
creased their presence in the Boston 
area, going so far as to recruit high 
school students. 

Double Standard 

“We’re talking about a double stan- 
dard of justice,” said the CCJE 
spokesperson, referring to the Puopolo 
defendants. “Because of a racist move 
on the part of the city of Boston, the 

District Attorney made it seem as if it 
were pre-meditated murder and that 
they had planned to go out and kill 

“The students themselves admit very 
clearly that only one of the defendants 
used the weapon, but all were tried for 
first degree murder. So we see a double 
standard of justice here, they’re 
political prisoners more than anything 

The incident which resulted in life 
sentences for the three, took place after 
the traditional “break-up dinner” of 
the Harvard football team. After leav- 
ing the exclusive Harvard Club, about 
50 of Harvard’s players meandered off 
to Boston’s entertainment district 
which the prosecutions’s own witnesses 
characterized as a yearly ritual of 
drinking and carousing. 

Upon leaving the district at the end 
of the evening, the 50 players assaulted 
two Black women in the street. They 
forced one of the women to the ground 
and kicked her, when Soares came to 
her defense. Meanwhile, Easterling at- 
tempted to hold off the group with a 
knife but eventually was forced to use 
it on one of the students, Andrew 

Despite contrary evidence from 
several students and the defendants 
themselves, the prosecuting attorney 
based his case on a “pre-meditated 
joint-enterprise theory.” The third 
defendant, Richard Allen, who was not 
even at the scene of the crime, was con- 
victed because of his association with 
the other two defendants. 

Supporters of the Puopolo defen- 
dants have also charged that media 
coverage of the incident helped inflame 
the racist atmosphere surrounding the 
trial. For example, daily headlines por- 
trayed the defendants as “pimps” and 
the abused women as “whores,” 
demonstrating a complete disregard 
for prostitutes, particularly alleged 
Black ones— obscuring the issue of 
violence against women— a key ele- 
ment in the case of the defendants. In 
contrast, Puopolo was described as a 
virtuous and harmless Harvard stu- 

This latter attitude was echoed at the 
trial by the Dean of Students at Har- 
vard, although he was not at the inci- 
dent. Added to this was the fact that 
the prosecutor succeeded in excluding 
92 percent of the prospective Black 
jurors. As a result only one Black sat 
on the jury. 

Supporters also point out that the 
law’s double standard becomes 
blatantly clear when compared to the 
case of Brian Nelson, an 18-year old 
Black man who was attacked and stab- 
bed in early 1977 by a white marine in 
nearby Medford. Eyewitnesses, both 
Black and white, testified that marine 
Robert Colangeli, along with several 
other white men pursued Nelson in a 
van and then attacked him. Yet the 
charges were immediately dropped and 
Colangeli was acquitted by an all-white 

The December 2 protest was spon- 

Page 4 


LIBERA TION News Service 

December 8, 1978 

more . . . 

sored by a coalition of over 50 com- 
munity, religious and labor organiza- 
tions. Later in the day over 200 people 
attended a speak-out on the case at the 
Arlington Street Church. The case is 
now under review by the Massachusetts 
Supreme Court. □ 


(For more information contact: The 
Citywide Coalition For Justice and 
Equality , 22 Esmond Street , Dor- 
chester , Mass. 02121). 

New Jersey Gays Up 
for Attack in Anti- 
Gay Legislation 

By Liberation News Service 

NEW YORK (LNS) — First it was 
the anti-pornography bill in 1975; most 
recently it was the anti-abortion bill; 
and now Senator Joseph Maressa, a 
Democrat in the New Jersey legislature 
has sponsored a bill which would 
criminalize homosexual acts in New 
Jersey. Amidst highly emotional 
disruptions by observers in the 
legislative gallery that “America will 
go to blight” if Governor Byrne vetoes 
the bill, the New Jersey legislature is 
hearing testimony for and against the 
legislation. It is scheduled to come 
before the legislature for a final vote 
this January. 

What sparked the current debate on 
the sexual rights of gay people — and 
more specifically gay men — is the con- 
troversial New Jersey v. Saunders case 
in which all fornication laws were 
thrown off the books. While still pro- 
hibiting sodomy, the 1977 law provid- 
ed for private consensual sex between 
heterosexual adults. Sensing a freer at- 
mosphere for gay rights, right-wing 
groups immediately laid into the 
liberalized bill. State Attorney General 
John J. Degnan, an opponent of the 
anti-gay bill, has pointed out that the 
Maressa-sponsored bill is unconstitu- 
tional because it discriminates against 
the sexual preference of one group of 
people. In addition, he says, the police 
and courts should not waste their time 
martialling the sexual activities of con- 
senting adults. 

Unlike the recently-quashed Briggs 
Initiative in California, which would 
have denied gays the right to teach in 
schools, the New Jersey bill is not con- 
cerned with the civil rights of gays. 
“People are really misreading this 
bill,” Phyllis Nobel, spokesperson for 
the New Jersey Gay Activists Alliance, 
told LNS. “Even before Maressa pro- 
posed this bill, gays legally had nothing 
in their favor. We still can’t marry if 
wc want to, can’t adopt children or 
openly come out in schools. Maressa’s 
bill insures that wc won’t have the right 
to any of these.” And Nobel quips, 
“When Maressa realizes that women 
also engage in homosexual activities, 
he’ll try to amend his bill to include les- 
bians. That would be a first in its own 

Page 5 (#938) 

right because no law in the U.S. ever 
made by men has yet recognized that 
women could be attracted to each 

Anti-Gay Logic 

If Maressa and his right-wing sup- 
porters are successful, the punishment 
for so-called “deviant sexual conduct” 
would be on a par with aggravated 
assault with a deadly weapon: 
Homosexuality would be punishable 
by a fine of up to $7500 and a prison 
term up to ten years. According to 
Nobel, Maressa is “basically a do- 
gooder worried about youth and 
tomorrow. It’s who’s backing him that 
we have to fight.” 

Indeed, Maressa may be an in- 
nocuous enough force in and of 
himself, but he has received vocal sup- 
port from various right-wing groups 
like Eagle Forum and Majority 
Women, both anti-abortion, anti-ERA 
and anti-gay organizations. Maressa 
has also garnered support from the 
Catholic Church, the Right’s long- 
standing ace-in-the-hole. 

“The Right,” chides Nobel, “has 
essentially two arguments: ‘Homosex- 
uality is against God and it’s against 
God.’ Because of logic like this, we 
have engaged in a concerted campaign 
to fight the right’s psychological terror 
tactics. Martin Greenburg, chairperson 
of the State Judiciary Committee has 
already received 20,000 letters pro- 
testing the bill, and he can expect to get 
more, because we’re not finished our 
letter-writing campaign. We’ve talked 
to all the legislators, and I think if a 
vote were taken today, it would be split 
5-5. That’s a better statistic than the 
one we had a few weeks ago.” 

New Jersey’s standing army of right- 
wing groups may have found their 
spokesperson in Joseph Maressa: His 
individual attitudes about gays — and 
women — resound in his recent state- 
ment that “we don’t need all these civil 
liberties anyway. ’ ’ E l 

South Africa’s Latest 
Toy: Atomic Weaponry 

NEW YORK (LNS)— Tucked away 
in the rolling countryside of South 
Africa, due west of Pretoria, is a nest 
of concrete buildings which make up 
South Africa’s pilot uranium enrich- 
ment plant. The facility is called Valin- 
da, which in the language of Zulu 
means “that which we don’t talk 

Aware of the sensitive nature of the 
$1 billion project, Valinda is perhaps 
the most guarded piece of property in 
the country. According to the 
Washington Post , “A constant radar 
watch is kept on the airspace around 
Valinda, which has been designated a 
security zone off limits to all aircraft.’’ 

Despite the environmental hazards, 
the white minority regime frankly ad- 
mits that it is quite happy with the pro- 
ject and plans to create similar plants. 
Following completion of the Valinda 

LIBERA TION News Service 

facility, the project will be able, accor- 
ding to South African officials, to 
enrich “in excess” of the 300 tons per 
year required to run the two nuclear 
plants under construction at Koeburg, 
on the outskirts of Cape Town. 

Valinda is also able to produce 
highly enriched uranium that can be 
used to manufacture atomic weaponry, 
according to South African Atomic 
Energy Board President A.J.A. 
Roux. □ 

NY State Targeted 
As Nuke Dumping Ground 

NEW YORK (LNS)— New York 
anti-nuclear activists who last year 
were successful in their campaign to 
continue a ban on transporting 
radioactive waste through some of the 
state’s most populated areas are now 
faced with a more serious threat. Those 
same areas might now become a dump- 
ing ground for the deadly waste, as a 
result of a recent Department of 
Energy recommendation. 

Included in a newly released Depart- 
ment of Energy scheme for waste 
disposal is a recommendation that the 
former nuclear fuel services reprocess- 
ing plant, in West Valley near Buffalo, 
New York be reopened for “interim 
storage.” The plant was closed in 1972 
due to severe contamination of 
workers and highways near the facility. 
The salt formulations underlying the 
scenic Finger Lakes region of the state 
are also being considered as a possible 
dumping ground, despite the fact that 
government reports have indicated that 
the use of salt might be risky. 

A campaign to halt the proposal is 
currently being organized throughout 
the state. D 

* * * 

State residents are urged to write 
New York State Governor Hugh Carey 
and the Director of the New York State 
Energy Department, Albany, New 
York 12224. Others who wish to ex- 
press their opposition should write the 
Interagency Review Group, Depart- 
ment of Energy, Washington, D.C. 




| see inside front 1 

December 8, 1 9 78 more. . . 

(see graphics) 

Boycott Against J.P. 
Stevens Intensifies 

Stores in your community may be sell- 
ing J.P. Stevens products under the 
following labels: Utica, Tastemaker, 
Fine Arts, Meadowbrook, Gulistan, 
Suzanne Pleshette, Angelo Donghia, 
Yves St. Laurent, Ava Bergmann, Har- 
dy Amies, Snoopy (comic strip 
character), Dinah Shore (Dinah Mates) 


This message was echoed nation- 
wide as community, civil rights and 
union organizers participated in 95 
rallies on November 30 marking 
“Justice Day” for J.P. Stevens 
Workers. The rally in Washington, 
D.C. drew over 250 people who heard 
a variety of speakers condemn J.P. 
Stevens’ anti-union practices. A local 
trio of singers known as Redwing pro- 
vided the musical entertainment. 

The rallies across the nation were 
held, said one Amalgamated Clothing 
and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) 
member, “in light of J.P. Stevens’ 
long history of discrimination against 
Blacks and women, failure to correct 
hazards in its plants, [and] unfair treat- 
ment of employees attempting to form 
a union. . .” 

J.P. Stevens: Worst Offender 

At the rally, speakers detailed the 
story of J.P. Stevens, a company 
described by one speaker as “the 
Number One outlaw in the corporate 
world.” All told, Stevens has 85 plants 
in the south, employing over 40,000 of 
the lowest paid workers of all U.S. in- 
dustries. Taking advantage of the 
South’s vast, non-unionized labor sup- 
ply, 63 of its plants are located in 
North and South Carolina; the rest are 
in Georgia. 

Initially a northern-based firm, the 
company has for the past 25 years pur- 
sued a “runaway shop” policy, laying 
off thousands of northern workers in 
the process. Altogether, J.P. Stevens 
has shut down 21 textile mills in north- 
eastern states wiping out 11,700 jobs. 
The closing of these plants has spelled 
economic disaster for entire com- 

Labor Law Violator 

Stevens’ anti-union crusade has led 
to more than 1200 violations of the Na- 
tional Labor Relations Act (NLRA) 
which states: “It shall be an unfair 
labor practice for an employer to in- 
terfere with, restrain, or coerce 
employees in the exercise of their right 
guaranteed” under the act to organize 
for their self-protection into labor 
unions. The company’s basic strategy 
has been to fire union supporters. This 
isn’t all. Stevens has also threatened to 
close plants or lower wages, illegally 
subjected employees to interrogation, 

denied overtime to union supporters 
and downgraded their jobs, fired 
workers who testified before the 
NLRB, and bugged the homes of union 
organizers. Company tactics have been 
less than subtle: outr,ight union sym- 
pathizers are simply fired. 

Most of the efforts to hold union 
elections have been sabotaged by com- 
pany pressure. Out of 15 elections 
monitored by the National Labor 
Review Board, four have been set 
aside, two are still pending and three 
were discarded because company in- 
timidation was so intense. As a result, 
few workers voted. In only one case 
where the company’s anti-union ac- 
tivities were held in check by a strict 
court ruling did 3500 workers in seven 
Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina 
plants vote for union representation. 
Subsequently, Stevens ignored union 

Racist and Sexist Tactics 

In its efforts to thwart union 
organizing, the company has tried to 
foment racial hatred between black 
and white workers. For example, a 
breakdown of the company employ- 
ment statistics by race and sex shows 
that Black men and women are concen- 
trated in the lower-skilled blue collar 
jobs. White women are similarly 

Although Blacks make up 22 percent 
of the company’s workforce, they ac- 
count for only 4 percent of white collar 
work. Among the blue-collar workers, 
the skilled craft jobs are largely re- 
served for whites, while Blacks hold 38 
percent of those jobs. 

While white women workers have 
greater access to white collar jobs than 
Blacks, some 85 percent are in the 
office-clerical category. By contrast, 71 
percent of the white-collar jobs are 
classified as managerial. Virtually all 
white women in blue collar jobs are in 
semi-skilled and unskilled classifica- 
tions, while 25 percent of the white 
men in the same job slots are classified 
as skilled craft workers. 

The statistical evidence of 
discrimination was documented in the 
findings of two courts in 1975 and 
1976. In Roanoke Rapids, for exam- 
ple, J.P. Stevens engaged in a series of 
discriminatory employment practices 
dating back to 1969. These include: 
hiring on the basis of race; reserving 
clerical jobs for white employees; 
reserving almost exclusively for whites 
supervisory, weavers’ and fixers’ jobs; 
discrimination against Black males in 
job assignments; discrimination in the 
assignment of newly-hired Black males 
and women to lower-paying jobs; and 
discrimination against Blacks in lay- 
offs and recalls. 

Safety Violations 

Working conditions are yet another 
horror story for Stevens’ workers. 
The North Carolina Department ot 

Labor has found that the cotton dust 
levels in the company’s Roanoke 
Rapids plant were over 12 times greater 
than Occupational Safety and Health 
Act Standards permit. At this level, as 
many as one third of Stevens’ workers 
are likely to develop a disabling 
respiratory disease called “brown 
lung” (byssinosis). Noise is also a 
serious problem. At some plants noise 
levels are as high as 104 decibels — more 
than 20 times louder than OSHA 
guidelines advise. Scientists predict 
that almost one-half of the workers ex- 
posed to this noise level will have suf- 
fered severe loss of hearing by the time 
they retire. 

Inadequate guarding of machinery 
in Stevens’ plants has resulted in a 
heavy toll of worker injuries. Since 
1974 some 400 injuries have been 
reported by the company in the seven 
Roanoke Rapids plants. Among the 
dozens of accident hazards for which 
the company has been cited by N.C. 
OSHA are: no blade guards for radial 
saws; no grounding of flammable li- 
quid containers; no guard for exposed 
steam pipes, belt drives, looms or fan 

According to ACTWU, J.P. Stevens 
went so far as to compel a worker who 
had been hospitalized as a result of 
electrocution on the job to leave the in- 
tensive care unit of the local hospital 
and return to work on “light duty.” 
This action was designed to avoid hav- 
ing the injury recorded as a lost-time 
accident with resulting worker- 
compensation liability. 

J.P. Stevens has made no effort to 
change these conditions. The U.S. rank 
and file labor movement says 15 years 
of J.P. Stevens’ anti-unionism, racism 
and sexism is enough. As one J.P. 
Stevens worker put it: “At J.P. 
Stevens, before we started organizing, 
it wasn’t much different from slavery. 
No lunch hour. Just eat your sandwich 
while running your machines. . .” 

Now after 15 years of fighting the 
second largest textile corporation in the 
U.S., “J.P. Stevens workers “won’t 
give up.,” says one widely distributed 
leaflet. Their courage— and your con- 
sumer power — can make a 
difference.” □ 

* * * 

(Thanks to Virgil Falloon and 
ACTWU for material on this story. 
For more information, write to: 
ACTWU, 815, 16th St., N. W. Wash, 
D.C. 20006). 

Page 6 


LIBERA TION News Service 

December8, 1978 on to graphics. 

I'm Hot n ad 

It i 

AH GflV 


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At Psychiatry/LNS 



MIDDLE LEFT CREDIT: Marlette/Charlotte 
Observer/Guardi an/ LNS 





Leroy Clarke/Resistance/ 



People's Herald/ LNS 

P-1 LIBERATION News Service #938 December 8 1978 on to graphics 

packet ....... 


Guardian/ cpf/LNS