Full text of "LNS 983"
Blacks/Police/Brutality: Birmingham Blacks Protest
Reinstatementof Killer Cop
400 words 3
Women/Labor: Washington Woodworkers’ Strike Leaves
Changed Attitudes Toward Women Workers
2000 words/graphic 4
Blacks/Prisons: South Carolina Prisoners Call for Probe
Into Death of Fellow Black Inmate
600 words 6
Women/Welfare/Sterilization Abuse: Texas Officials Call
for Mandatory Sterilization of Welfare Mothers
150 words 6
Health/Right Wing: Conservative Senator Launches Drive
to Block National Health Care
150 words 7
Women/Labor: A Woman’s Place is is Her Union:
Conference Shows Women in Union Representation
150 words/graphic 7
Blacks: “We Must Be Free” Assata Shakur calls for
Struggle in the 80’s
1700 words 7
Anti-Nuclear: Study Shows Nuke Industry Distorted Data
on Energy Costs
500 words/graphic 9
Blacks: New York Black Convention Adopts a Black
Agenda for the 1980’s
1000 words 10
Native Americans: Mohawks Protest Land Theft at Lake
Placid Winter Olympics
600 words/graphics 10
Zimbabwe: Zanu’s Mugabe Wins Landslide Vote
People’s Victory in Zimbabwe
1800 words/photos 1
Australia/ Veterans/ Agent Orange: Australian Veterans to
Investigate Agent Orange
450 words/graphic 3
Guatemala: Repression Against Trade Unionists in
150 words .9
Cover Credit: Tilden LeMelle/LNS
Military/ Agent Orange: cartoon P -1
Native Americans: graphic p_l
Nuclear: graphics. P_1
Women Workers: graphic. p_l
Zimbabwe: photos P_1
Native Americans: graphic P-2
Zimbabwe: photo p_2
March 7, 1980 #983
March 7, 1980 #983
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( CONTINUED FROM PAGE 10)
housing, Bakke, the KKK and the whole rightwing
movement ® n
A pervasive spirit of unity lingered as the
convention; ended, along with tlje commitment ex-
pressed by several workshop participants to making
sure that many of the resolutions took form® A
number of workshops will continue to meet indepen-
dently to ensure implementation of their recommen-
dations® Daughtry ! s words about "the seeds of
resurrection" had captured the mood— "in bringing
together the masses of our people in a way that is
progressive, activist, militant and independent®"
MOHAWKS PROTEST LAND THEFT AT LAKE
NEW YORK (INS)— Despite the presence of
thousands of journalists in Lake Placid to cover
the winter Olympics, a February 18 demonstration '>
by several hundred members of the Mohawk Nation
and other Iroquois Peoples a few miles away went
virtually unnoticed in the U®S. press. Yet in
other parts of the world, the protest against
seizures of Native American land and arrests and
harassment of Indian leaders in upstate New York
received widespread attention. "In Italy, it was
on the front page of one the country ! s biggest
papers, Corriere della Sera -," reported Luciano
Neri, an Italian activist who spent more than a
month working with the Mohawk People® Mario
Capanna, a leader of Neri’s organization in Italy,
spoke at the rally and has introduced a resolu-
tion in support of the Mohawks in the European
Parliament, in which he sits an an elected repre-
The Mohawk People, backed by other members of
the six nation Iroquois Confederacy (Haudenosaunee)
organized the demonstration to protest what the Mo-
hawk Sovereignty Committee describes as a campaign
"by which New York State and the United States hope
to gain title to Mohawk lands today in much the
same way that they acquired lands under the original
swindles." As evidence of that campaign they cite
ongoing negotiations between the state and "a f gov-
ernment* which New York State created. ®.to extinguish
a valid claim to land which the Mohawk People lost
through acts of fraud during the Nineteenth Century. 11
Two traditional chiefs have been arrested during the
last year for attempting to stop the cutting of trees
on Mohawk land, and sealed indictments have been
handed down against 15 activists who took over the
Akwesasne Police Department last May.
In protesting outside the Olympics, the Mohawks
also joined their voices to those opposing plans to
convert the Olympic Village into a prison. "After
these Olympic games, the highest symbol of brother-
hood and friendly competitiop,v„ the housing for the
athletes will be converted into a prison. This
prison will be populated primarily by minority
peoples, who will have been removed far from their
homes and families ®"
And they offered their own proposal for an al-
ternative use of the site. "People of the Mohawk
Nation who claim the wilderness area of the Adiron-
dacks as their aboriginal homeland and spiritual heri«
tage have proposed that the Lake Placid Olympic Vilt
lage facilities could be most appropriately utilized
as a center for environmental studies and as an
appropriate technology research and demonstration
center." They plan to keep battling for that pro-
posal long after the Olympic heroes have cashed in on
their days of glory and skated off into the sunset
of the National Hockey League and the Icecapades.
( \ ;
LIBERATION News Service (#983)'
March 7, 1980
EMU'S MUGaLL WINS LANDSLIDE VOTE
PEOPLE’S VICTORY IN ZIMBABWE
by Michael Shuster
Guardian/Liberation News Service
SALISBURY, Zimbabwe (LNS) — Rhodesia has
become Zimbabwe, and people all over the country
are crowing. Crowing in imitation of the symbol
of Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF: the rooster .
Throughout the campaign of the lafat two months,
people would crow as an expression of their support
for ZANU-PF . But the Rhodesian security forces
and the police didn’t like to hear crowing.
Eventually they claimed that crowing was a
form of intimidation of the voters® Finally
people were arrested for crowing during the three
days of the election last week. British officials
agreed that crowing could be a form of intimida-
But now the people of Zimbabwe have given
ZANU-PF and Mugabe a landslide victory. ZANU-PF
poxlea 63 percent of the total vote, taking 57 of
the 80 African seats in the new Parliament. It’s
no longer illegal to crow in Zimbabwe.
In second place was Joshua Nkomo • His Patri-
otic Front party, previously known as ZAPU, polled
24 percent of the vote and won 20 seats. Bishop
Abel Muzorewa, who joined last year in a govern-
ment with white racist leader Ian Smith, was the
big loser. Muzorewa only managed 8 percent of
the total vote, bringing him three seats.
Taken together then, the two wings of the
Patriotic Front guerrilla alliance polled 86 per-
cent of the total African vote. It was overwhelm-
ing mandate, and a clear vindication of their
joint war for independence over the la&t decade.
Mugabe was immediately appointed prime minister
by the British governor Lord Soanes, and invited
to form a new government.
’’For my party, for the Patriotic Front as a
whole, this is a great moment,” Mugabe said just
hours after the election results were announced.
”It’s a moment of our victory, the culmination
of our national struggle which has cost so many
lives and much suffering.”
Mugabe said he was overwhelmed by the size of
the victory. ’’The Patriotic Front has won, and
won handsomely,” he said. ’’Although we fought the
election separately, we knew the result would
accrue to both components of the Patriotic Front.
While some of you may think in terms of a purely
ZANU victory, our own thinking is that this is
a victory for the Patriotic Front as a whole.”
Throughout the campaign, Mugabe had repeated
his intention to form a coalition with Nkomo
whatever the result of the balloting r Nkomo, on
his part, never committed himself, and there was
much last-ditch speculation by the British that if
Mugabe’s tally had been low enough, Nkomo, if prom-
ised the post of prime minister, might be persuad-
ed to form a coalition with Muzorewa and the white
Rhodesian Front party. But after the results were
clearcut, that was out of the question.
Together, ZANU and ZAPU, we have 77 seats,”
Nkomo pointed out. ”1 think this is vital. We
fought for Zimbabwe. We fought for the independence
of our country. We have done it over years. Final-
ly we have got Zimbabwe. This is the great thing
I feel that has happened. It’s a step toward the
independence of Zimbabwe.”
Above all the sweetness of the victory belonged
to the people of Zimbabwe. After the election
results were announced in the early hours of March
3, Salisbury exploded with excitement.
People poured into the streets, crowing, whist-
ling, cheering, singing. Clenched fists emerged
from buses, cars and open windows. Mugabe’s the one
man that can lead us,” said one euphoric young man
in the African township of Highfield. ’’The right
one has come to power.”
Euphoria and jubilation enveloped Salisbury
like the early morning clouds that gently ring the
city. Suddenly new posters appeared as people skipped
along the streets. One of the posters had been banned
by the British during the campaign because it pic-
tured a man and a woman with AK-47 automatic rifles
slung across their backs and proclaimed ” Forward
with the revolution. Vote ZANU-PF.” Another potter
proclaimed, ”No more baas,” a reference to the term
Africans are expected to use when addressing white
The Rhodesian army and police were out in sub-
stantial numbers around Salisbury. Only the night
before, Gen. Peter Walls, Rhodesia’s commander of
combined forces, had gone on nationwide TV and
radio to appeal for calm.
’’Anybody who obeys the law need have nothing
to fear,” Walls said in his clipped Rhodesian Eng-
lish. ’’Anybody who gets out of line will be dealt
with effectively and swiftly , and I may say with
quite a bit of enthusiasm.” After considering for
weeks the possibility of leading a South African-
backed coup, Walls apparently has accepted the in-
evitable. at least for now. A modus vivendi was
likely worked out when Walls met with Mugabe and
Mozambican President Samora Machel in Maputo while
the Feb. 27-29 voting was still going on.
Heavily armed Rhodesian soldiers in full battle
dress, backed by armored cars, were stationed at
key intersections of the city. But they were there
primarily to reassure the whttte community . In the
African townships there were a few potentially dan-
gerous moments. After a crowd surrounded soldiers
who arrested one jubilant demonstrator in Highfield,
the soldiers trained their automatic rifles on the
crowd. But soon the army had the good sense to
withdraw and soldiers and replaced them with the
generally less Ideological police. Helicopters and
small aircraft that had been circling the townships
were grounded. The city remained calm, as celebra-
tions continued all day and into the night;
Mugabe had predicted his victory from the
beginning of the first day of the polling on Feb.
27. ”X think we are winning,” Mugabe told this
reporter after casting his own ballot at a polling
station in Highfield. ’’And I’m happy to be voting
for the first time in my own country.”
The three days of polling at the end of Feb-
ruary transpired with remarkable calm. Despite
the massive deployment of the army and the auxiliary
LIBERATION News Service
March 7 , 1980
more. . .
force, and despite the clear bias of the British
and the Rhodesians against ZANU-PF, there were few
violent incidents during the actual voting.
And Zimbabweans voted in massive numbers . More
than a million people cast their ballots on the
first day . The turnout on the second and third
days was dampened slightly by bad weather, but
Africans many of whom had walked up to six
miles to a polling place — waited patiently in
pouring rain, sometimes fofMhours-, to get the chance
to put their X beside the party of their choice.
By the end of the polling, 2„7 million people had
voted, 94 percent of the estimated electorate.
It was evident from the first day that Mugabe
would do well. Everywhere X travelled during the
polling, people would say, "I have voted for
It was almost as if the vast majority of
Africans in Zimbabwe had been keeping their own
little secret from the white population, and now
was the chance to let it out.
In one trip to the vast Triangle sugar estates
in southeast Rhodesia — this was one of the trips
that the Rhodesian administration organized for
journalists and observers -- the group was accom-
panied by a public relations man for the sugar
plantations » This man did everything he could to
keep journalists away from Africans.
He took us to the country club in Chiredzi for
a long, very long, lunch. Then he took us to a
mobile polling station that had moved along hours
before. Then to another polling station where no
one was voting. And finally to turn the home— turned'
museum of Murray MacDougall, one of the great
Rhodesian "rugged individualists" who had pioneered
the sugar plantation before the First World War.
But in the hot, bright sun of the afternoon,
as the PR man was going on about MacDougall's
million acres, I found a bus driver and a gardener
resting in the cool shade behind the museum. I
smiled, shook hands, and then tentatively, I asked
them if they would tell me who they had voted for.
The bus driver's eyes sparkled as his mouth
slowly formed a broad grin. After a moment's
hesitation, he said softly, "Mugabe." The older
who was toothless, dressed in torn
clothes and barefoot, nodded agreement.
They said that the whole plantation -- actual-
ly a complex of three plantations -- would vote
for Mugabe. That's 25,000 workers and another
80,000 who make up their families and live in
company- provided housing.
within the country among both blacks and whites who
may not have participated in the national struggle
on our side, there are democratic forces as well.
We want to insure that there is a sense of security
on the part of everybody, both winners and losers."
Mugabe said that everyone in the country, black
and white, would enjoy full democratic rights. "There
is nc intention on our part to use the advantage of
the majority we have secured to victimize the
How reassured the whites are is uncertain.
Rumors of a white— led coup have subsided for the
moment in Salisbury , When Wall appeared on TV before
the results were announced, he vowed to support the
But there is still great bitterness among the
whites, especially among white soldiers. The pro-
cess of integrating the two armed sides has begun
slowly, "far too late," according to Mugabe. Small
contingents of Rhodesian soldiers and police have
been introduced into each guerrilla assembly camp,
and two joint hases have been established, under the
auspices of the Commonwealth monitoring force. All
the Commonwealth soldiers, however, were withdrawn
from the assembly camps on March 3 .
DANGER NEXT DOOR
Then there is the question of South Africa.
Both ZANU and ZAPU officials recognize the continuing
possibility of South African intervention. Mugabe
described his attitude toward South Africa as "quite
"They are next door," he said. "We cannot get
them away, even if we want to. The reality is that
we have to coexist with them. We should plege our-
selves to noninterference in South African affairs,
and they to noninterference in our own affairs. We
may condemn apartheid because it is inhuman, and
because our conscience is revuleed by itv But that
is a different position from taking up arms to
rectify the position in South Africa."
Mugabe was clearly trying to remove from Preto-
ria any pretext for an invasion. But at the same
time, there is no question that Mugabe's victory in
Zimbabwe will send a shock wave through the heart of
South Africa. It's far too early to predict what
foundations that "dangerous example" will shake.
But for now, Rhodesia has become Zimbabwe. On
victory night, Mugabe delivered a speech on nation-
wide radio, the same radio on which just a few months
ago it was illegal to mention Mugabe's name. The
new prime minister was introduced as "Comrade Robert
Later the PR man told me that he thought that
most of the workers would vote for Bishop Muzorewa.
But the "secret" that Zimbabweans had held from
Rhodesians for years is now out. Chiredzi and
the sugar plantation are in Victoria Province.
ZANU-PF polled 87 percent of the vote there and
took all 11 seats.
Despite the resounding victory, Mugabe and his
new government still face considerable problems.
First amor^ them is the white population. Mugabe's
first remarks after his appointment as prime
minister were conciliatory.
"I would like to believe," Mugabe said, "that
Pa 8 e 2 LIBERATION News Servi<
Michael Shuster, UN correspondent for Pacifica
Radio, an editor of Southern Africa and a former
member of the LNS collective, telexed this story
from Salisbury to the Guardian . Further reports from
his trip discussing the elections and their aftermath
will be printed in the Guardian and the April issue
of Southern Africa . LNS hopeg to print photographs
from his trip in its next graphics packet, which
will appear next week.
March 7, 1980
more . . .
AUSTRALIA/VETERANS /AGENT ORANGE
AUSTRALIAN VETERANS TO INVESTIGATE AGENT ORANGE
by Ian McArthur
New Asia News /Liberation News Service
MELBOURNE, Australia (NAN/LNS) — The Vietnam
War Veterans Association in Australia has applied
to the Vietnamese Embassy in Canberra for permis-
sion to send a team of experts to Vietnam to assess
the effects of the chemical defoliant known as
Agent Orange. The team would include statisticians
and doctors who hope to gain information from the
Vietnamese government on the effects of the defoli-
ant on the populations living in sprayed areas.
Agent Orange was sprayed over jungle areas of
southern Vietnam in an effort to remove tree cover
in areas believed occupied by National Liberation
Front soldiers and their supporters. The operation,
code named "Ranch Hand," continued from 1962 until
April ]5, 1970 when the U.S. Defense Department
suspended spraying after research begun by the
American National Cancer Institute indicated a
possibl e link between deformities in animals and
a dioxin known as TCCD.
TCCD is an impurity found in the herbicide
2,4, 5-T, which together with 2,4-D is a component
of the Agent Orange defoliant. Companies which
produced 2, 4, 5-T for use in Vietnam were Dow
Chemical, Hercules Inc., Monsanto Co., Diamond
Shamrock Corp. and North American Philips Corpora-
tion. These companies are now the subject of legal
action by the American based "Agent Orange Victims
International." The group is not the only American
veterans association worried about the possible
harmful effects of TCCD. One other such group
known as Citizen Soldier has conducted its own
survey of 536 veterans exposed during the war to
Agent Orange. Of these, 35 had cancers and 77
had had children born with deformities. Others
were suffering from skin rashes.
U.S. Defense Department maps show that heavi-
est use of Agent Orange occurred in the southern
Vietnamese provinces of Phuoc Tuy, Bien Duong,
Bien Hoa and Long Khanh.
Between 1965 and 1970 some 50 000 Australian
soldiers were stationed in the Phuoc Tuy area.
Symptoms similar to those described in the U.S.
and Vietnam have become apparent in the children
of these men. Some of the former combattants
themselves complain of such symptoms as insomnia,
skin rash, nausea, depression or fits of temper.
The Australian , a leading national daily, quotes
Vietnamese physician, scientist and expert on
dioxins Dr. Ton. that Tung as claiming that only
three ounces of TCDD would wipe out the population
of a city the size of New York. Considering the
millions of gallons of Agent Orange used in Vietnam,
there are grave implications for those who have
unwittingly come in contact with the chemical.
In Australia, the government has taken steps
to investigate the toxic properties of Agent
Orange through the University of Sydney's School
of Public Health and Tropical Medicine. One
independent survey done in the state of New South
Wales revealed that one in four of the children of
50 Australian ex-servicemen were deformed. Most
of the surveys to date either in the U.S. or in
Australia are statistically inadequate, but there
is a growing body of evidence to suggest sufficient
cause for concern over the use of the chemical.
BLACKS /POLICE BRUTALITY
BIRMINGHAM BLACKS PROTEST REINSTATEMENT OF
NEW YORK (LNS) -- Black residents of Birming-
ham, Alabama, who succeeded in electing that city's
first Black mayor last November, are now preparing
a wave of protests against the reinstatement of a
white policeman whose killing of a young Black
woman helped spark the massive turnout of Black
voters that swept Richard Arrington into office.
Rev. Abraham Woods, president of the local
chapter of the Southern Christian Leadership Confer-
ence (SCLC) , suggested that Blacks might launch a
boycott of white-owned businesses and sit in on the
runways at the city airport. "We know Easter is
coming and we don't have to buy any Easter clothes,"
Woods stated. "Business is not real good downtown
for a lot of people now, but if it takes selective
buying to keep this symbol of police brutality off
the streets we will."
The symbol he referred to is Patrolman George
Sands. On June 29, 1979, Sands shot and killed a
young Black woman, Boni la Carter, while she was
sitting in her parked car.
Sands, who had 15 previous police brutality
complaints against him, claimed a man in the car
had fired a shot at a store. But no evidence of the
man, the gun, or the bullet he allegedly fired was
The killing prompted protests from the Black
community, including a march of more than 4,000
people called by the SCLC. But the only official
action against Sands was to place him on "sick
leave." Charges of a police cover-up propelled
Richard Arrington into the mayoral race and on to
victory, with a pledge that as long as he was in
oMice, Sands would never return to active duty.
But while Arrington was out of town for the
weekend in late February, Police Chief Bill Myers
put Sands back on the force and assigned him to the
city's airport security squad. Arrington has blocked
the assignment, at least temporarily. And Black
organizations are mobilizing to support the mayor
against what many perceive as a deliberate move to
undermine his authority. According to Woods, they
may take their protests to the airport to which
Sands has been assigned.
"People can get lost on an airfield, take a
little nap on the runway or just stroll across it,"
Woods said. "That would be one of the last things
I would like to do — lie down in front of an air-
plane. But if it would keep Mr. Sands off the
police force, I'd do it."
Thanks to the Daily World for this information.
LIBERATION News Service
March 7, 1980
more . . .
WASHINGTON WOODWORKERS ' . STRIKE :
LEAVES CHANGED ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN WORKERS
by Michelle Colarier
LIBERATION News Service
SHELTON, WA (INS) .-- Men in the small back-
woods town of Shelton still talk about "broads"
taking men's jobs. They still voice concern
that their female co-workers, who are outnumbered
twenty to one, might get hurt on the dangerous
saws at Simpson Timber Company. For a woman in
this Washington milltown, the ultimate praise is
"She's got balls."
Yet the union struck for two months last
fall in support of one woman worker who was fired
by Simpson after she filed a Sexual discrimina-
tion . complaint which evoked several horror stories
of Sexual harassment. Ask male union members
why they walked out and they'll tell you, as
did 46-year-old Ron Pierce. "S e x" wasn't the
issue; the contract was violated, plain and
"They'd try to get rid of anyone who stirs
up. trouble," said Pierce, a 30-year veteran of
She It on Js major employer. Doings picket duty from
his Datsun truck at the main gate in front of
the five mills which dominate the town's land-
scape, he offered his opinion on the matter. And
those nearby, drinking beer and smoking cigarettes
on their Weekly stint, nodded in agreement:
"Some guys think she's a stupid woman, but ,1
don't. I think she's standing up for her rights.
Why not? She's a human being. It might be one
of us next."
ECHO OF A MILITANT TRADITION
Striking over one person's grievance is so
unusual, though, that the walk-out in October by
1400 Simpson workers — only 63 of them women —
was the first time ever that a union had stood
behind a woman who *d.. protested against sexist
working conditions. Historically a militant and
democratic union, the International Woodworkers
of America (IWA) invoked their Wobbly tradition
that "an injury to one is an injury to all" and
even went so far as to print up bumper stickers
with the quote from the Industrial Workers of
the World (Wobbly) organizer Mothers Jones: "Pray
for the dead, and fight like hell for the living."
Most unions long gav e up the right to strike
over grievances in exchange for the binding
arbitration of a third party. But as IWA Shelton
local president Jim Lowery explained, "The Wob-
blies (the first to clean up the Northwest logging
industry) had the right idea.... You didn't treat
'em right, you didn't get any work out of 'em."
Even so, the strike vote did not cone easy in
"Simpsonville ," a town where the school and
hospital Were gifts from the company. Until
earlier this year, the IWA had not struck in 25
years. The October decision passed by only
And while a slim majority of the men were
worrying that the same kind of company retalia—
tion could happen to them, ... five women came for-
ward to say they had already experienced the same
discrimination and harassment. In most cases,
Page 4 LIBERATION News S e rvi
it was even wors e . While being interviewed for
their jobs, women had been asked to tak e their clothes
off, invited to porn movies, asked for dates, prop-
ositioned and promised favors on the job in exchange
for keeping quiet and complying.
STORIES BRING SHOCK AND SUPPORT
The sex scandal surrounding one of Simpson's
supervisors shocked everyone, according to Rhonda
Terry — one of the harassed women who carried her
signed affidavit around in her purse and brought it
out during arguments in taverns. So much so that it
began to change the mood of the town torn by a split
"They'd b e complaining about losing their pay-
check ov e r one woman, but I'd shut them up,':' T e rry
recalled. No longer was it the word of one woman,
Toni Gilbertson, against one man who'd already left
town. In one worker's words, "Things kind of began
* to snowball." But could it crack the woodsmen's
armor, that part of their heritage less admirable
than their _ Wobbly roots — their perception of their
jobs as a preserve of rugged masculinity and male
Twenty-five-year-old Gilbertson, who'd worked. in
a non-union Idaho General Foods factory making less
than $4 an hour for fiv e years before moving to Shel-
ton, never dreamed her cpmplaint against Simpson would
stir such controversy. "It was just that I needed
this job," she said matter -of-factly. "It wasn't
fair that I couldn't get a job making $8 an hour."
Dispelling rumors that she thinks have "sland e r e d"
her reputation in the tpwn of 7,Q20, Gilbertson wanted
to set the record, straight. "I'v e n e v e r don e this
before ... I did not sleep with Gary Hargens (the
supervisor) or the union members. I'm not so big in
the breast that I, .have to walk bent over backwards,"
said the sweatshirt and blue jeans— clad woman who'd
been told by Hargens she couldn't hav e a job at Simp-
son because she was too short, didn't have enough
muscles and was "too Well-endowed."
A week after she filed her complaint last spring
with the Washington State Human Rights Commission,
Simpson abruptly hired her — "to prove it wasn't
discriminating," according to one of the company's
attorneys. Although she had little Seniority, she
was soon promoted to a more, difficult job* . It was
th e n that the company began to build ra cas e against
her® Shop steward Larry Beerbower testified she was
watched more clos e ly than any other employee he'd ,
seen in 10 y e ars with Simpson; Gilbertson said the
constant surveillance made her nervous .and "pressured."
After 26 days, and without warning, she was fir e d
instead of being, s e nt back to her original job, a
violation of the contract which Sent the union on
strike after s e veral months of futile negotiations.
F e ar of lack of union protection for probation-
ary employees, as well as the good wages, had kept,
other women quiet ov e r the past fiv e years th e y'v e
held union jobs 1 at Simpson. After on e woman's inter-
view with Hargens,. in which h e ask e d her (among oth e r
things) -''What .would you b e willing to do to g e t this
job?'! she remembered., "I was really disgusted. I
wanted to do something, .but I was told that . I was a
probationary .employee and it was best for me not to
stir -up any trouble; they could get you out the door
if they wanted to." Like most of the women who came
forward with signed affidavits alleging sexual harass—
e (^983) March 7, 1980
more • •
merit, -she asked her name not be used for, fear, of
future reprisals, a concern only heightened by the
company’s actions against Gilbertson. Because of
Gilbertson’s action, the women learned they •
Weren't alone, and because of the strike, they
learned the predominately male union wcuid back
For at least two and a half years Hargen had
been, in the words of one of the harassed women,
"abusing his ppwer" as a supervisor in charge of
hiring." As soon as Gilbertson complained, he
left town — before the men who said they wanted
to "beat him up" could find him. All the time,
the company denied firing Bar gens. But, one spokes-
person admitted, "So far, everything w e can find
pertains to one person. We don't tolerate that
kind of behavior; we want to get rid of it when
Simpson wanted to get rid of Gilbertson, too,
and offered her $2000, if the union would call off
the strike. That offer came shortly before the
Federal District Court was to decide whether to
honor the Equal Opportunity Commission's unusually
bold and swift request that the company reinstate
her, with full back pay since June, pending the
investigation , of her original complaint. By that
time, the spirit of the town had rallied behind
her and the rest c£ the. .women workers.. Rhonda
Terry said a petition supporting the company's
proposal failed to get enough signatures. to
bring it to a vote. After she told one of the
signers What had happened during her interview,
she said, "I saw him cross his name off."
SOLIDARITY GROWS DURING STRIKE
To counteract the company strategy, the
union .staged a march through .downtown Shelton ,
to the. union headquarters early 1 in August. Ov e r
800 members participated. . Gilbertson, who had
been keeping a low profile during the strike,
said, "I was r e ally afraid and nervous* « I didn't
want them to know what I looked like. But then
someone asked, 'Where is this woman? How do w e
know she's gonna go back to work?® I just.had to
stand up to reassure them they hadn't gone on
strike for nothingi"
. When she faced the members, the hall ex-
ploded with applause. Blurted out on e union
members "She's got more balls than any man here."
"I just turned red," Gilbertson now laughs,
remembering the overwhelming vote of confidence
she received that day. While scarcely more than
half had originally voted to strike, th e tide
had turned.. Only about 100 members voted to end
the strike. The other women's statements had
strengthened her _ ease and, coupled with 1400
striking workers, brought in the EEOC. The
strike ended December 1, the day after the court
ordered 1 Gilbertson reinstated and the judge
applauded her for_'!taking on the. giants." The
company later agreed ttab probationary workers
would hence fort be covered by the union contract.
The sexual harassment which surfaced, and
the women's inability to complain for fear of
losing their good^paying jobs, had brought home
the arbitrary pow e r of the company and united
the workers , regardless of Sex. One young worker ,
who claimed "the IWA is the best union I».v e ever
Page 5 LIBERATION News Service
been in, 'cause they stand behind you," e xpr e ss e d
his anger .
"Simpson wants to own this town, and it wants
to run it," said ,24— year— old Steve Ellyson. "They
think this is the only place to work. If you want
a job, you'll take your clothes off. I wouldn't put
it past them."
Old-timers viewed the company recalcitrance as
part of a new hard-line approach which has resulted
from a shift in management from people who 1 ve come
up through ..the ranks to those hired from the outside.
A deterioration of the family atmosphere , the ero-
sion of the benevolence of the company town, and
increased militancy have been the results.
CHANGING ATTITUDES. CHANGING TIMES
Despite their historic strike, the men are am-
bivalent about the encroachment of women into their
enclave; a change in consciousness regarding their
sister unionists is slow in coming. Steve Ellyson
said he'd want his wife to fight any discrimination
she encountered but later decided he wouldn't want
her to work at Simpson because "the girls are con-
stantly being flirted with."
There'll b e less of that fraternization. now,
predicted one union member who is married to a woman
who was sexually harassed during her job., inter view
and subsequently never hired. Hard drinking and
three packs of cigarettes a day had turned this 33-
year-old into a sof fr*spoken man who was just regain-
ing his voice* Requesting that hisname, too, be
kept confidential, he said he was the "wrong person
to talk to" because he had a lot of "old-fashioned"
ideas about women®
"I've thought about it and decided that if a
woman wants .to work, that's her right. But I won't
work with her ; it's too dangerous. If a woman comes
into where I'm working, she. can have it. I'll go
elsewhere® I'd be watching ott for her more than I
should be." For 12 years he's worked at Simpson
running gigantic saws. Though he says "there's
women on the W e st Coast who can handle them," he
still thinks his "upbringing" would make it diffi-
cult for him to work side by side with women on such
a hazardous job.
Despite these lingering, possibly legitimate,
concerns, the necessity of women working hashit a
sympathetic economic chord and brought women a
begrudging respect. As Ellyson said of Gilbertson,
"So she's a broad. I don't like Seeing her taking
a man's job either, but if she has to support her-
self, she has to."
According to Rhonda Terry, the whole mess was
just "inevitable" with women demanding entry into
men's work. "If was just something that was gonna
come about. We're 50 percent of the workforce, and
We make the _ lowest 20 per Cent _ on the wage scales.
W e don't want to take their jobs; we just want to
eat. And we want to be treated right."
Since the strike began, she says the 63 women
union members — many of them single parents —
have been meeting regularly, and some are consider-
ing running for union office® "The feeling is if We
can come through this, we can do anything," said
Terry. And shop Bob Rinard agreed, saying "the
gals have more backbone; they're far more union-
(#983$ March 7, 1980 more...
As for the prevailing male attitudes,
Terry juitt shook her head. "They don't understand
the impact of what they did . It’s easier to
swallow that she's juif another- worker. But it's
hard for theaj to admit they are standing up for
her rights as a woman,," Another woman suggested
"it wouldn't be manly"£or them to do so.
Local president Lowery, thinks most of the
members are "extremely -proud" of their actions,
which seem to speak lou_er than their words. "In-
stead of making economic values the highest," said
Lowery, "we've made human values the highest, and
unions have forgotten that." Economics, though,
are now the workers* major problem. Citing poor
market conditions, Simppon hired back only 800
of the 1400 workers after the strike ended, leav-
ing many to make It through the winter on unemploy-
ment benefit! . Only two women were among those
who weren't laid-off.
Despite the grim economic aftermath and the
grumblings It brings, according to Lowery there's
nothing but respect for "our worne® members who
lived under that umbrella of fear." Somewhat of
a maverick union leader sho's also the mayor of
Shelton and an outspoken opponent of nuclear power,
Lowery talks more frankly than most of the sexual
harassment only recently acknowledged and chal-
lenged. Said Lowery: "Some members are strong
male chauvinists, but once they found out the
truth, they wouldn't put up with it. We've all
learned a lot. Why even I've learned since the
strike. I used to proppsition a woman jokingly,
and I never thought of the impact. Now I recog-
nize how stupid It is."
SOUTH CAROLINA PRISONERS CALL FOR PROBE
INTO DEATH OF FELLOW BLACK INMATE
NEW YORK (LNS) — More than two months have
passed since Columbia, South Carolina prison
authorities reported the "suicide due to self-
strangulation" of Black inmate Thomas "Bushaxe"
Williams. But controversy and conflicting
accounts of the actual cause of death still sur-
round the events at the Central Corrections
Institute. A group of inmates, under the shelter
of an anonymous Prisoners' Inquiry Committee,
continue to call for an investigation they believe
would prove that Williams was beaten to death by
a mob of guards on December 23, 1979.
The incident began sometime after 9:00 that
evening. According to the prisoners' committee,
a Black corrections officer named Whitaker ini-
tiated an argument with Williams "by following
Bushaxe around the eellblock with a series of
harassment techniques: on the spot interrogations,
searches, and verbal aspersions." Williams
drew a "shank," a crude, make-shift dagger, and
wounded Whitaker superficially. Two other guards
intervened, and according to the prison officials'
report, "Williams was led, hands cuffed behind
his back, to the Central Corrections Institute
office at 9:20." According to the prisoners'
account, "the two left the eellblock, walking
side by side, arguing still."
At this point, the two versions of what took
place veer apart. The Committee's account, as
worded by inmates who claim to be witnesses, contin-
ues, Williams was taken to CCI and beaten (a routine
unwritten policy) by several officers. Thomas
Williams died between 13:30 and 11:00 p.m. as a
result of the fierce beating."
Prison officials, on the other hand, maintain
that "Williams used a shirt to hang himself from
the bars in the Maximum Security Center at CCI
during the early hours of the morning." And that
version has been supported by local coroner Frank
"Someone is trying to stir up trouble with
this case just because this man was a Black 'man,"
Baron told LNS. "I know the man who did the autopsy.
He's Jewish and from Chicago and there's not a
prejudiced bone in his body. I would be happy to
provide a copy of the autopsy to any lawyer."
The committee, unmoved in their contention
that Williams was murdered, is requesting just
that — legal assistance. In addition, they say
they need federal protection.
"Well, they're afriad," said Melissa Langston
of the Columbia ACLU. "They're afraid that they'll
become the targets of the officers involved, or
maybe friends of the officers, once they've been
Inmates believe that at least one of those
involved in the plea for an investigation has al-
ready been singled out for "retribution." On Feb-
ruary 4, Committee spokesman Earl Hamaas was sent
to Kirkland Institute for psychological evaluation.
In a letter to the Reverend Arthur FItz-Ritson
dated two days later, Hamaas describes a severe
beating by security officers "who didn't have on
their nameplates but I will never forget some of
the eeriest white faces I have ever seen."
"Deputy Warden Avis told me Earl was crazy,"
Fitz-Ritson reported two weeks later. "When Earl's
sister called he told her the same thing. He
claims that Earl assaulted an officer. I know
Earl Hamaas fairly well, and it isn't likely."
Despite this setback for the prisoners, the
Inquiry Committee is still alive inside the prison,
Fitz-Ritson says .
"This Committee," Hamaas wrote shortly after
Williams' death, "believes that the imprisoned
man, as well as the free man, has a right to know
the truth. Therefore, until a satisfactory and
convincing truth is established, this Committee
is forever in session."
WOMEN /WELFARE/STERILIZATION ABUSE
TEXAS OFFICIALS CALLS FOR MANDATORY STERILIZATION
OF WELFARE MOTHERS
LIBERATION News Service
V.LHSJI — The top official of the
agency that administers welfare in Texas recent]
called for mandatory sterilization and abortions
for women re ceiving welfare benefits.
(#983) March 7, 1980 more...
Hilmar Moore, chairman of the Human Resources
Board, and the mayor of Richmond, voiced his
opinions at an HRB meeting in late February. "I'm
a little discouraged ant irritated at the welfare
recipient families growing in size all the time
and those of us who work and pay taxes having to
pay for them," Moore added. He suggested that a
way to lighten the burden on the taxpayer would
be t-t force all recipient families, including
children, to work for the government.
A spokesperson for the HRB later disclaimed
any sympathy with Moore's views.
HE ALTH /RIGHT WING
CONSERVATIVE SENATOR LAUNCHES DRIVE
TO BLOCK NATIONAL HEALTH CARE
NEW YORK (LNS) — Republican Senator Jesse
Helms ™ known as the Six Million Dollar Man be-
cause that's what it took to re-elect him in 1978
is now busy raising money to onpose national health
care. The North Carolina Senator is using the
mass mailing list of Charles Viguerie, which has
been used to raise millions to elect right-wing
candidates to Congress and to oppose such legisla-
tion as labor law reform and abortion rights.
Stating that health care in the U.S.A. is the
best in the world, Helms claims that socialized
medicine has failed everywhere it has been estab-
The Senator failed to mention that as a U.S.
Senator, he enjoys socialized medicine. So do
members of his family. And so do all U.S. senators
and representatives, who have totally comprehen-
sive and free health care services — all expenses
paid by the U.S. taxpayers.
(Thanks to Steelabor . paper of the USWA.
A WOMAN'S PLACE IS IN HER UNION:
CONFERENCE SHOWS WOMEN LAG IN UNION REPRESENTATION
NEW YORK (LNS) — Over 40 million women are
working today, but only 6.5 million are union mem-
bers. And 80 percent of all working women are in
"female job ghettoes" where the wage gap between
men and women is 59 percent .
This was some of the information presented
at a recent conference on women in the work force
held in Washington, D.C. It was jointly sponsored
by the Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW) and
the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO.
"A large number of unorganized women are
locked into low wage jobs in the traditionally
hard to organize occupations such as retail,
health care and clerical," CLUW President Joyce
Miller told the conference. Conference participants
called on the labor movement to direct more atten-
tion to these fields as part of its effort to
turn the tide on declining union membership
"WE MUST BE FREE.'"
ASSATA SHAKUR CALLS FOR STRUGGLE IN THE '80s
(Editor's note: Since late last year, news-
papers and magazines have been filled with "new
decade stories — — reviews of the '70s, predictions
for the '80s. But few if any of these stories have
carried the commitment and insights expressed in the
following statement written by Black liberation
activist Assata Shakur for Black Solidarity Day last
November. Just a few days before the statement was
read at a rally in front of the United Nations, Shakur
escaned from the latest of the prisons in which she
had be&A held for almost seven years. She is still
Uhuru Sisters and Brothers and Revolutionary Greetings
November 1979 and crosses burn the face of Amer-
ika. November 1979, and hundreds of Ku Klux Klan
march all over the country, carrying clubs and chains
and machine guns. 1979 — and Black families are
fire bombed. 1979 — and over 40 percent of Black
youth are unemployed. 1979 — and a white policeman
shoots a handcuffed Black man in the head and is
acquitted. 1979 — — and five policemen shoot a Puerto
Rican man armed only with a pair of scissors 24 times.
1979 — — and Philadelphia, the fourth largest city in
the country is sued by the Justice Department for
systematically condoning and encouraging widespread
police brutality, especially against Blacks and
We are on the threshold of the 80 's entering
into a new decade and we have got to take a look and
see what Amenka has m store for us . This country
is on the decline. The sun is setting on the Ameri-
can Empire because of liberation movements around
the world. The softness of cheap labor and stolen
raw materials are rapidly drying up. Amerika is a
vampire, experiencing a blood shortage for the first
time. The national trade deficit is about $30 billion
a year. The Joint Economics Committee of Congress
announced in August that the standard of living of
the average American would be drastically reduced
i® the 1980 s. Blacks and Hispanics, the report said,
would be hit the hardest. Now what, I ask you, can
be harder than drastic. Unemployment, according to
the report, would remain at seven percent or higher.
The Committee came to the conclusion that the labor
fotce had to be dramatically reduced in order to
minimize the problem. What does that mean — reduce
the labor force dramatically? What does that mean ■
in a country that has had a history of using racism
to perpetuate capitalism and oppression, who is
going to be the scapegoat? In a country that has
historically used Blacks, Hispanics, Orientals and
Native Americans as scapegoats, what do Black and
Third World people have to look forward to in the
80' s? And what does all this have to do with polit-
ical prisoners and the Prison Movement?
Every Black leader in this country with the po-
tential of being a Black Messiah has gone to prison,
even Black leaders without the potential of being
the Black Messiah have gone to prison. Marcus Gareev,
Martin Luther King, Malcolm X and countless others
v ^ J. J. Viiuu. iX
LIBERATION News Servie
does that tell us? Out of the 400,000 people in
united states prisons, 300,000 are Blacks. 275,00
cells „are_Jb„eing bu ll t or are in the plan nir
(#98$) March 7, 198(3 ' more.
stages and every state in this country is trying
to implement or reinstate the death penalty. WHAT
DOES THAT MEAN?
I've been in prison 6 and a half years and 1
can feel what's coming in the air. Prisons are
becoming more brutal and repressive. Behavior
Modification Programs are booming. People are
receiving longer sentences with fewer chances of
being paroled. J3-year-old children are being
sentenced to life in prison. The government has
stepped up its musical jail policy by shipping
prisoners all over the country away from their
lawyers, from their families, and from their com-
munity. Sundiata Acoli has been transferred 3
times in the last 2 months. He's been transferred
— first they transferred him from Trenton State
Prison in New Jersey, and from Trenton he went to
Lewisburg, Pennsylvania and from LeWisburg he went
to Leavenworth, Kansas and from Leavenworth he was
just shipped to # Marion, Illinois and all this is
under the Interstate Compact Agreement. Now Sun-
diata has never been convicted of a federal crime
but Lewisburg, and Leavenworth and Marion are
federal prisons. Under the Interstate Compact
Agreement, it is possible for any prisoner to be
transferred anywhere in the united states and that
prisoner has no say in the: matter, his lawyer
doesn't have any say so in the matter, his family
doesn't have any say so in thematter — but what
will happen as more and more prisoners are trans-
ferred from prison to prison to prison — soon
their families won't be able to keep contact with
them; they won't know where they are and that will
make them easier and easier to kill and to brutalize
Under the same Interstate Compact Agreement,
I was shipped to Maximum Security Unit in Alderson,
West Virginia and I stayed there until that unit
was closed and then I was shipped back to Clinton
Institution for Women. Here at Clinton, two women
have died in the last two months under suspicious
circumstances. The prisons of Amerika ere rapidly
becoming replicas of Nazi or, South Afrikan koncen-
tration kamps; and with the reinstitution of the
death penally, prisons will shortly become extermi-
nation kamps. I know I'm painting a pretty pic-
ture, but this is not a pretty world and we can't
make it pretty by sticking our head in the sand.
Amerika has been committing genocide against poor
Black and Third World people for hundreds of years
and in recent years, racism and repression, in this
country, have been accelerated and if we don't
wake up to what's going on, we might find our-
selves victims to a second Holocaust.
We already know what we're fighting against,
now we've got to determine and decide among
ourselves, what we are fighting for. How can 25
or 30 million Black people in Amerika win our
liberation, how can we win? Marcus Garvey — ■ he
had a dream and his dream was that we go back to
Afrika. Martin Luther King had his dream and his
dream was that we integrate into Amerika n society
and I don't think that dream was a reality. Ameri-
kan society has told us time and time again that
they don't want us. And now looking at Amerikan
society, looking at its capitalist, racist system,
I don't want to integrate into Amerika. Amerika
is a dying country anyway. Malcolm X had his
dream — and his dream was LAND. NATIONHOOD.
And his ndr earn has become my dream. When I would
Page 8 LIBERATION News Service
hear the words NATIONHOOD and LAND and I would listen
to Malcolm's speeches before — I'd say, "Yeah" to
myself, but — where? And then they would talk about
five states down South but that — it didn't seem
real — I'd say, "Well shoot, we go move down there
and they'll drop a bomb on us" - — BUT, they're drop-
ping bombs and killing us right now and there's
another side to that. Once a people start struggling
for land, start struggling for sovereignty — start
struggling for NATIONHOOD — then the whole world
can become part of that fight and can take up — and
say look what you're doing, you're killing those
people, you're making genocide -- those people want
a homeland .
Amerika doesn't have any wind internationally,
talking about we don't have a right to have our home-
land. They oppressed us for 4-500 years. They haven't
let us live in Amerika. They haven't let us be
citizens. They haven't let us have justice, equality.
And we can prove it. So if they don't want to let
us be free as Amerika ns — then we'll be free as
Afrikans. New Afrika ns . In Vietnam, there was some-
thing like 19 million Vietnamese in South Vietnam.
And they kicked Amerika 's ass — the Viet Cong WON.
There are 25 million or 30 million Black people in
Amerika. Are you saying that we can't win? I think
we can. We are 25 to 30 million. people. We're the
second largest aggregation of Blacks within the
world. A nation that borders on the face of this
globe. If we were a nation — we'd be the 26th larg-
est nation and there would be 154 nations in the world
that would be smaller than Black Amerika. Of the
56 nations in Afrika, only two would be bigger than
Black Amerika — Egypt and Nigeria. We have the tech-
nology to start a nation and if we don't have it
right now, we can soon begin to get that technology
once we understand what our purpose is, our goal and
our direction. There are 7,000 Black physicians in^
Amerika, 4,000 lawyers, about 4,000 Black people in
law schools, 3,000 dentists, tens of thousands of
academians and hundreds of thousands of public school
teachers. We have the natural resources to build a
nation. I have through the struggle, and I've been
in the struggle for a little while, and I'm tired
of everybody else's dream — I want my own and nobody's
going to tell me which way I have to go to be a free
Black woman on this earth. We've got to stop having
a minority mentality. White people might be the
majority in Amerika, but we're the majority in the
world. And when people start talking about well this
isn't possible and that* it ? si impobMble for :us to
have a Black nation -- well, in that case — was
Israel impossible? Was South Vietnam impossible —
South Korea — these nations came about as a result
of a split and if it's possible in Israel, it's
possible here. And if the Palestine Liberation Organ-
ization can go hp before the U.N. and talk about
their right to land — then thp Black Liberation
Organization can go before the U.N. too. We can not
afford to depend on the white left.
The white left comprises a tiny portion of white
Amerika and they're so faetionalized to the point
where they're just — almost totally ineffective.
There's an old joke about you put two people on the
white left in a room and you sit 'em in front of a
clock and they'll get into an argument about what
time it is. That seems like a joke to a lot of
people, but it's true. They are so faetionalized
'til they argue about everything. And their arro-
gance and white supremacist arrogance leads them to
(#983) March 7, 1980
more. . .
believe that THEY are the only ones in the world
that have that right answer/ THEY are the only
ones that can lead thepoor and oppressed people
to liberation and that f s just not true. We
couldn’t depend on the white left in the 50’ s 0 What
in the world would make us think that we can depend
on the white left now? I’m not saying that we
shouldn’t work with white people on whatever level
that we want to that suits our interests -- but we
can’t just keep our heads in the sand and we can’t
build our movement depending on the white left.
We’ve got to build our own movement and our
struggle has got to be able to stand if the white
left pulls out and the white liberals pull out and
whatever — if we have to stand on our own two
feet, by ourselves — that’s how we’ve got to build
our foundation, that’s how wfe^ve got to build
our movement .
We*ve got to build a strong Human Rights Move-
ment. We’ve got to build a strong Prison Movement.
We’ve got to build a strong Black Liberation Move-
ment and we’ve got to struggle for liberation.
Free all political prisoners. Free Leonard
Peltier, Sundiata Acoli, Ruchell Magee, Ben Chavis
George Merritt, Gary Tyler, Geronimo Pratt, Dessie
Woods, the RNA-11, and the BLA-25. We must be
Assata Shakur isn’t the only incarcerated
Black activist entering the ’80s in newly regained
freedom. Among those listed at the end of her
statement, several have recently won release,
including Ben Chavis, George Merritt, Imari
Obadele of the RNA-11.
STUDY SHOWS NUKE INDUSTRY DISTORTED DATA
ON ENERGY COSTS
NEW YORK (LNS) — Along with claims that nuclear
power is the only alternative to imported oil, the
nuclear industry has l^ng touted its plants as the
cheapest available source of electricity. But a
study released on March 4 by the Environmental Ac-
tion Foundation indicates that those claims have
been buttressed by deliberately distorted cost
The study, prepared by widely recognized
energy economist Cahrles Komanoff , found that a
1978 survey of power costs by the Atomic Industrial
Forum excluded all but two of th 14 most expensive
nuclear plants while leaving out the largest and
most efficient coal burning utilities. By making
these convenient omissions, the AIF was able to
report that nuclear plants generated electricity
at substantially lower cost than coal-fired plants
(1.54^ per kilowatt hour, as opposed to 2.32<0.
But after the neglected plants were counted in, the
results were teversed. Electricity from coal
burning plants turned out to be cheaper (1.909/kWh r
"Nuclear power was actually 7 percent more
expensive than coal power in 1978, not 34 percent
cheaper as asserted by the AIF," said Alden Myer ,
an Environtal Action Foundation spokesperson. "The
bias shown by the AIF! points up the nuclear indus-
try^ tendency to manipulate data to portray nu-
clear power in an un justifiably favorable light."
AIF ! s manipulation of data in its 1978 report
included basing its nuclear cost average on only
39 of the 60 commercial reactors. The 21 omitted
plants included 12 of the 14 with the highest con-
struction costs and 6 of the 7 with the worst 1978
performance records. The odds against these plants
being excluded by chance are 75,000 to one, Komanoff
calculated— "indicating beyond any reasonable
doubt that the bias in the AIF sample was no acci-
The report notes a similar bias in AIF’s
omission of all coal plants operated by the Tennessee
Valley Authority and the American Electric Bower
Co. The omitted plants together generated more power
than all the coal plants included in the AIF survey,
and at a significantly lower cost average.
In addition, the AIF survey included virtually
no cost allowance for eventual disposal of spent
nuclear fuel of for reactor decommissioning, while
it penalized coal-fired plants for running below
their potential capacity due to excess generating
The AIF f s bias isn ! t particularly surprising.
At least not when you consider that itf members
comprise virtually every nuclear utility, reactor
vendor and plant construction company. Nevertheless ,
its annual survey of power costs is routinely quoted
as fact by such publications as the Wall Street
Journal, the New York Times and Time magazine.
Now the EAF report warns that latest of those
surveys "relied upon a distorted data base and its
conclusions are misleading to the point of falsehood."
The AIF ! s next survey, covering 1979, is due to
appear sometime this spring. But the EAF notes in
advance that nuclear costs increased faster than
coal generating costs during the year of Three Mile
Island, in part because of reactor shutdowns which
reduced nuclear f s share of U. S. electricity pro
duct ion from 13 to 11 percent.
Copies of the report, entitled Power Propaganda,
may be obtained from the Environmental Action Found-
ation at 724 Dupont Circle Building, Washington,
REPRESSION AGAINST TRADE UNIONIONISTS IN
NEW YORK (LNS) — Guatemalan trade unionists are
in increasing danger of being murdered, according to
a recent report from Amnesty International. In its
report to the Guatemalan government, the human rights
organization said that "to be a union leader or
active member of a trade union in Guatemala today
means risking one T s life."
Over 2,000 people have been, killed for political
reasons in the last 18 months in Guatemala, Amnesty
LIBERATION News Service
March 7, 1980
more. . .
NEW YORK BLACK CONVENTION ADOPTS A
"BLACK AGENDA FOR THE 1980 'S"
by Ena Fox
Liberation News Service
NEW YORK (INS)— The 1980's portend worsening
conditions for Black Folk, but as the Reverend
Herbert Daughtry, chairman of New York City's
Black United Front, put it recently — " in the seed
of genocide one can see the seed of resurrection...
One such sign of resurrection was the 1980 Black
Agenda Convention held on February 23, in the poor,
predominantly Black , Bedf ord-Stuyvesant section
Most of the resolutions reflected the emphasis
on solutions through existing legislative channels,
more responsible Black representation, voter education
and registration— without targeting the roots of op-
pression in the economic exploitation and racist
structure of capitalism.
Yet, some of the speakers and organizets were
clear on the need for developing an overall strategy :
for the Black struggle, including the builtitnj*; of a
mass political- uovtoer.fc. ; "No rnattereKhatvirleldo : P olit-
iccn- ..through elections), (NYC nay or) Koch will be
with us for the next two years. What we need is mass
of Bronklvn n v tuL I , . ^ J- 1 -* <-ne next two years. What we need is mas
the citv's B1 ark * nn i ^ sency ? f the crisis facing civil disobedience to rock those on Wall St. who in-
3-ty s Black population—— with unemnlovment nr> -flnpmrA n ^ i ~ ~ j -d .
. ~ — o — ^ J.-0 j.o J-cUJJLll
: , the city's Black population— with unemployment up
4 a percentage point to 11.97., seven out of 10 stu-
dents not predicted to graduate high school, and
14 Black and Hispanic youth murdefed by police in
the last 18 months— unified the more than 600
enthusiastic participants in ratifying a Black Agenda
for the 1980' s.
The need to put forth a platform for which
Black politicians will be held accountable to their
constituencies, was a main theme of the convention.
"We are (too often) represented by racial diplomats
who sip cocktails with the oppressor and then hold
hands with : the oppressed," proclaimed the Reverend
^•■^f ani A. Jones, president of the Progressive Na-
tional Baptist Convention, during opening speeches
of the all-day event. With 100 or so resolutions
identifying the priority concerns of the Black com-
miiri i t*xr A „ .•11 . .
fluence Koch," explained Rev. Daughtry at a mid-
afternoon press conference. "And, getting Black
officials elected is not the end all and be all,"
he added, referring to police brutality in, Los Angeles,
where a Black man is mayor.
National Black Political Assembly (NBPA) chair-
D An • _ 1 _ 1
- — ~ ~ J \ 1.x JTX / V^licl JLJL —
person Ron Daniels, also organizer for the founding H
NBPA convention in Gary, Ind. in 1972, shared some
lessons form the near decade-long attempt to forge
a progressive Black independent politics. Addressing
an elated audience which had just ratified the entire
Agenda platform, Daniels warned that, " 'Negro- 1
leaders in 1972 betrayed the National Black Political
Assembly and sold a 'Colored Bill of Rights' to the
Democratic Party. Now some of these same 'Negroes'
are attempting to regroup in Richmond, Virginia, next
w r v — uidch com- week (The latter rpmarK roforroj +.^ .-i n 1
munity, the Agenda will serve as a guide for screen- on a Black Agenda for the 80's convened Februarv 1 ^ 06
ing and endorsing candidates for upcoming local to March 2 hv -Mv-M ’ conv ® n ® d February 28
state , and national elections. Looking feyLTahor tLTgoauT r^nda
party. There is an illusion of progress-- but even
Forty organizations, most Brooklyn-based, 'Negroes' with Brooks Brothers suits are only two pay-
sponsored the convention and helped prepare draft checks away from the unemployment line. Yet, changing
resolutions at a pre-convention meeting in December. a Black face for a white face may only change the color
Along with the Black United Front, the sponsors in- °* ° ur ® x Pf°i tation. . . by the 'neo-colonial Negro'."
eluded The East, the Progressive National Baptist condition ' 8 for the masses of Black poor and working
Convention, Vanguard Independent Democratic Associ- C aas are to be changed, stressed Daniels, "organizing
ation, and Black Veterans for Social Justice. State take P lace at the grassroots level for fundamental
ation, and Black Veterans for Social Justice. State
Assemblyman A1 Vann, Mae Mallory, chairperson of
Building a Better Brooklyn, Rev. Daughtry of the
BUF, and Dr. Vernal Cave, chairman of the board of
the Bed-Stuy Restoration Corporation, also played
key coordinating roles.
Between the morning speeches and the closing
plenary session, participants met in 18 workshops
where they hammered out recommendations and resolu-
tions on housing, police brutality, political em-
powerment, unemployment, education and a host of
other problems that plague the Black community
- O- w ~ j
change of the bankrupt economic system*"
Some of the themes articulated at the New York
City Black Agenda Convention will be discussed again
in New Orleans, August 21 to 24, when activists from
across Black America will meet for a National Black
Political Convention. Many of them will have already
begun the process of identifying the political direc-
tion and program priorities for action in the 1980's,
in state conventions held in New York, Massachusetts,
Louisiana, Pennsylvania and Ohio. It is also possible
_ - - Black United Fronts which have made an umpact
Demands for community control of schools, more Black ln Phlladel Pbia , New York City and Cairo, Illinois
and Hispanic input into the criminal justice system, have J° ined with other mititantia'ftd- rapusibased
the recall of racist TV programming, an. end to the . ack organizations to form a national Front. Looking
"conscious policy directed towards Black removal ln t ^ lat d: J- recti °n, representatives of the Fronts and
and recycling of Black neighborhoods," and implemen- other nationalist groupings have already discussed a
tation of the Humphrey -Hawkins full employment bill P ro P oaal for a June 26-29 founding convention in New
were part of the platform. Strong calls for oppos- York ?ity *
Bed .S: pe0pl %” h0 " et > U.tened at the
Uhetation Otjnitatlon end^^he^t^^L *“
All the reaolutlons ^ deVe , 1 ° P ” e " t ; ««
the plenary .eeelon-although real participation „ae are Ling .Stacked I„II 8 tf OUble - " 6
ns rained by the overwhelming task of considering : (CONTINUED ON BISIDE FRONT COLTER) ; P °° r
Page 10 — —
LIBERAT IONijNfews Service (#983) March 7, 1980
Ttf*- HAfclfeaOIM S/Mt>eoMe
The elections in Zimbabwe resulted
in an overwelming victory
for JAJflU leader Robert Mugabe and
tha patriotic Front Party.
CRffli^Ti Tilden LeMelle/UjS
See Story Page 1 .
It was a People's victory
. in Zimbabwe with ZANU' s
Mugabe winning the election
by a landslide.
GREDITs Tilden LeMelle/LNS
See Story Page 1 .
UPPER CENTER RIGHT CREDIT?
i Enlisted Times /LNS
; See Story Page 3.
CENTER LEFT CREDIT:
LOWER CENTER RIGHT CREDIT:
See Story Page 7.
LOWER CENTER CREDIT:
Union Art Service/LNS
See Story Page 9.
Liberation News Service
CREDITS Tilden LeMelle/INS
See Story Page 1.
LOWER CENTER CREDIT;
Mohawk Sovereignty Committee/LNS
See St'Ory Page 10.
Liberation News Service #983
March 7,1980 end.