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Blacks/Police/Brutality: Birmingham Blacks Protest 
Reinstatementof Killer Cop 

400 words 3 

Women/Labor: Washington Woodworkers’ Strike Leaves 
Changed Attitudes Toward Women Workers 

2000 words/graphic 4 

Blacks/Prisons: South Carolina Prisoners Call for Probe 
Into Death of Fellow Black Inmate 

600 words 6 

Women/Welfare/Sterilization Abuse: Texas Officials Call 
for Mandatory Sterilization of Welfare Mothers 

150 words 6 

Health/Right Wing: Conservative Senator Launches Drive 
to Block National Health Care 

150 words 7 

Women/Labor: A Woman’s Place is is Her Union: 
Conference Shows Women in Union Representation 

150 words/graphic 7 

Blacks: “We Must Be Free” Assata Shakur calls for 
Struggle in the 80’s 

1700 words 7 

Anti-Nuclear: Study Shows Nuke Industry Distorted Data 
on Energy Costs 

500 words/graphic 9 

Blacks: New York Black Convention Adopts a Black 
Agenda for the 1980’s 

1000 words 10 

Native Americans: Mohawks Protest Land Theft at Lake 
Placid Winter Olympics 

600 words/graphics 10 


Zimbabwe: Zanu’s Mugabe Wins Landslide Vote 
People’s Victory in Zimbabwe 

1800 words/photos 1 

Australia/ Veterans/ Agent Orange: Australian Veterans to 
Investigate Agent Orange 

450 words/graphic 3 

Guatemala: Repression Against Trade Unionists in 
Guatemala Intensifies 

150 words .9 


Cover Credit: Tilden LeMelle/LNS 

Military/ Agent Orange: cartoon P -1 

Native Americans: graphic p_l 

Nuclear: graphics. P_1 

Women Workers: graphic. p_l 

Zimbabwe: photos P_1 

Native Americans: graphic P-2 

Zimbabwe: photo p_2 



March 7, 1980 #983 

March 7, 1980 #983 

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housing, Bakke, the KKK and the whole rightwing 
movement ® n 

A pervasive spirit of unity lingered as the 
convention; ended, along with tlje commitment ex- 
pressed by several workshop participants to making 
sure that many of the resolutions took form® A 
number of workshops will continue to meet indepen- 
dently to ensure implementation of their recommen- 
dations® Daughtry ! s words about "the seeds of 
resurrection" had captured the mood— "in bringing 
together the masses of our people in a way that is 
progressive, activist, militant and independent®" 




NEW YORK (INS)— Despite the presence of 
thousands of journalists in Lake Placid to cover 
the winter Olympics, a February 18 demonstration '> 
by several hundred members of the Mohawk Nation 
and other Iroquois Peoples a few miles away went 
virtually unnoticed in the U®S. press. Yet in 
other parts of the world, the protest against 
seizures of Native American land and arrests and 
harassment of Indian leaders in upstate New York 
received widespread attention. "In Italy, it was 
on the front page of one the country ! s biggest 
papers, Corriere della Sera -," reported Luciano 
Neri, an Italian activist who spent more than a 
month working with the Mohawk People® Mario 
Capanna, a leader of Neri’s organization in Italy, 
spoke at the rally and has introduced a resolu- 
tion in support of the Mohawks in the European 
Parliament, in which he sits an an elected repre- 

The Mohawk People, backed by other members of 
the six nation Iroquois Confederacy (Haudenosaunee) 
organized the demonstration to protest what the Mo- 
hawk Sovereignty Committee describes as a campaign 
"by which New York State and the United States hope 
to gain title to Mohawk lands today in much the 
same way that they acquired lands under the original 
swindles." As evidence of that campaign they cite 
ongoing negotiations between the state and "a f gov- 
ernment* which New York State created. ®.to extinguish 
a valid claim to land which the Mohawk People lost 
through acts of fraud during the Nineteenth Century. 11 
Two traditional chiefs have been arrested during the 
last year for attempting to stop the cutting of trees 
on Mohawk land, and sealed indictments have been 
handed down against 15 activists who took over the 
Akwesasne Police Department last May. 

In protesting outside the Olympics, the Mohawks 
also joined their voices to those opposing plans to 
convert the Olympic Village into a prison. "After 
these Olympic games, the highest symbol of brother- 
hood and friendly competitiop,v„ the housing for the 
athletes will be converted into a prison. This 
prison will be populated primarily by minority 
peoples, who will have been removed far from their 
homes and families ®" 

And they offered their own proposal for an al- 
ternative use of the site. "People of the Mohawk 
Nation who claim the wilderness area of the Adiron- 
dacks as their aboriginal homeland and spiritual heri« 
tage have proposed that the Lake Placid Olympic Vilt 
lage facilities could be most appropriately utilized 
as a center for environmental studies and as an 
appropriate technology research and demonstration 
center." They plan to keep battling for that pro- 
posal long after the Olympic heroes have cashed in on 
their days of glory and skated off into the sunset 
of the National Hockey League and the Icecapades. 


( \ ; 

LIBERATION News Service (#983)' 

March 7, 1980 



by Michael Shuster 
Guardian/Liberation News Service 

SALISBURY, Zimbabwe (LNS) — Rhodesia has 
become Zimbabwe, and people all over the country 
are crowing. Crowing in imitation of the symbol 
of Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF: the rooster . 

Throughout the campaign of the lafat two months, 
people would crow as an expression of their support 
for ZANU-PF . But the Rhodesian security forces 
and the police didn’t like to hear crowing. 

Eventually they claimed that crowing was a 
form of intimidation of the voters® Finally 
people were arrested for crowing during the three 
days of the election last week. British officials 
agreed that crowing could be a form of intimida- 

But now the people of Zimbabwe have given 
ZANU-PF and Mugabe a landslide victory. ZANU-PF 
poxlea 63 percent of the total vote, taking 57 of 
the 80 African seats in the new Parliament. It’s 
no longer illegal to crow in Zimbabwe. 

In second place was Joshua Nkomo • His Patri- 
otic Front party, previously known as ZAPU, polled 
24 percent of the vote and won 20 seats. Bishop 
Abel Muzorewa, who joined last year in a govern- 
ment with white racist leader Ian Smith, was the 
big loser. Muzorewa only managed 8 percent of 
the total vote, bringing him three seats. 

Taken together then, the two wings of the 
Patriotic Front guerrilla alliance polled 86 per- 
cent of the total African vote. It was overwhelm- 
ing mandate, and a clear vindication of their 
joint war for independence over the la&t decade. 
Mugabe was immediately appointed prime minister 
by the British governor Lord Soanes, and invited 
to form a new government. 

’’For my party, for the Patriotic Front as a 
whole, this is a great moment,” Mugabe said just 
hours after the election results were announced. 
”It’s a moment of our victory, the culmination 
of our national struggle which has cost so many 
lives and much suffering.” 

Mugabe said he was overwhelmed by the size of 
the victory. ’’The Patriotic Front has won, and 
won handsomely,” he said. ’’Although we fought the 
election separately, we knew the result would 
accrue to both components of the Patriotic Front. 
While some of you may think in terms of a purely 
ZANU victory, our own thinking is that this is 
a victory for the Patriotic Front as a whole.” 


Throughout the campaign, Mugabe had repeated 
his intention to form a coalition with Nkomo 
whatever the result of the balloting r Nkomo, on 
his part, never committed himself, and there was 
much last-ditch speculation by the British that if 
Mugabe’s tally had been low enough, Nkomo, if prom- 
ised the post of prime minister, might be persuad- 
ed to form a coalition with Muzorewa and the white 
Rhodesian Front party. But after the results were 
clearcut, that was out of the question. 

Together, ZANU and ZAPU, we have 77 seats,” 

Nkomo pointed out. ”1 think this is vital. We 
fought for Zimbabwe. We fought for the independence 
of our country. We have done it over years. Final- 
ly we have got Zimbabwe. This is the great thing 
I feel that has happened. It’s a step toward the 
independence of Zimbabwe.” 

Above all the sweetness of the victory belonged 
to the people of Zimbabwe. After the election 
results were announced in the early hours of March 
3, Salisbury exploded with excitement. 

People poured into the streets, crowing, whist- 
ling, cheering, singing. Clenched fists emerged 
from buses, cars and open windows. Mugabe’s the one 
man that can lead us,” said one euphoric young man 
in the African township of Highfield. ’’The right 
one has come to power.” 

Euphoria and jubilation enveloped Salisbury 
like the early morning clouds that gently ring the 
city. Suddenly new posters appeared as people skipped 
along the streets. One of the posters had been banned 
by the British during the campaign because it pic- 
tured a man and a woman with AK-47 automatic rifles 
slung across their backs and proclaimed ” Forward 
with the revolution. Vote ZANU-PF.” Another potter 
proclaimed, ”No more baas,” a reference to the term 
Africans are expected to use when addressing white 

The Rhodesian army and police were out in sub- 
stantial numbers around Salisbury. Only the night 
before, Gen. Peter Walls, Rhodesia’s commander of 
combined forces, had gone on nationwide TV and 
radio to appeal for calm. 

’’Anybody who obeys the law need have nothing 
to fear,” Walls said in his clipped Rhodesian Eng- 
lish. ’’Anybody who gets out of line will be dealt 
with effectively and swiftly , and I may say with 
quite a bit of enthusiasm.” After considering for 
weeks the possibility of leading a South African- 
backed coup, Walls apparently has accepted the in- 
evitable. at least for now. A modus vivendi was 
likely worked out when Walls met with Mugabe and 
Mozambican President Samora Machel in Maputo while 
the Feb. 27-29 voting was still going on. 

Heavily armed Rhodesian soldiers in full battle 
dress, backed by armored cars, were stationed at 
key intersections of the city. But they were there 
primarily to reassure the whttte community . In the 
African townships there were a few potentially dan- 
gerous moments. After a crowd surrounded soldiers 
who arrested one jubilant demonstrator in Highfield, 
the soldiers trained their automatic rifles on the 
crowd. But soon the army had the good sense to 
withdraw and soldiers and replaced them with the 
generally less Ideological police. Helicopters and 
small aircraft that had been circling the townships 
were grounded. The city remained calm, as celebra- 
tions continued all day and into the night; 


Mugabe had predicted his victory from the 
beginning of the first day of the polling on Feb. 

27. ”X think we are winning,” Mugabe told this 
reporter after casting his own ballot at a polling 
station in Highfield. ’’And I’m happy to be voting 
for the first time in my own country.” 

The three days of polling at the end of Feb- 
ruary transpired with remarkable calm. Despite 
the massive deployment of the army and the auxiliary 

Page ] 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 7 , 1980 

more. . . 

force, and despite the clear bias of the British 
and the Rhodesians against ZANU-PF, there were few 
violent incidents during the actual voting. 

And Zimbabweans voted in massive numbers . More 
than a million people cast their ballots on the 
first day . The turnout on the second and third 
days was dampened slightly by bad weather, but 
Africans many of whom had walked up to six 
miles to a polling place — waited patiently in 
pouring rain, sometimes fofMhours-, to get the chance 
to put their X beside the party of their choice. 

By the end of the polling, 2„7 million people had 
voted, 94 percent of the estimated electorate. 

It was evident from the first day that Mugabe 
would do well. Everywhere X travelled during the 
polling, people would say, "I have voted for 


It was almost as if the vast majority of 
Africans in Zimbabwe had been keeping their own 
little secret from the white population, and now 
was the chance to let it out. 

In one trip to the vast Triangle sugar estates 
in southeast Rhodesia — this was one of the trips 
that the Rhodesian administration organized for 
journalists and observers -- the group was accom- 
panied by a public relations man for the sugar 
plantations » This man did everything he could to 
keep journalists away from Africans. 

He took us to the country club in Chiredzi for 
a long, very long, lunch. Then he took us to a 
mobile polling station that had moved along hours 
before. Then to another polling station where no 
one was voting. And finally to turn the home— turned' 
museum of Murray MacDougall, one of the great 
Rhodesian "rugged individualists" who had pioneered 
the sugar plantation before the First World War. 

But in the hot, bright sun of the afternoon, 
as the PR man was going on about MacDougall's 
million acres, I found a bus driver and a gardener 
resting in the cool shade behind the museum. I 
smiled, shook hands, and then tentatively, I asked 
them if they would tell me who they had voted for. 

The bus driver's eyes sparkled as his mouth 
slowly formed a broad grin. After a moment's 
hesitation, he said softly, "Mugabe." The older 
who was toothless, dressed in torn 
clothes and barefoot, nodded agreement. 

They said that the whole plantation -- actual- 
ly a complex of three plantations -- would vote 
for Mugabe. That's 25,000 workers and another 
80,000 who make up their families and live in 
company- provided housing. 

within the country among both blacks and whites who 
may not have participated in the national struggle 
on our side, there are democratic forces as well. 

We want to insure that there is a sense of security 
on the part of everybody, both winners and losers." 

Mugabe said that everyone in the country, black 
and white, would enjoy full democratic rights. "There 
is nc intention on our part to use the advantage of 
the majority we have secured to victimize the 

How reassured the whites are is uncertain. 

Rumors of a white— led coup have subsided for the 
moment in Salisbury , When Wall appeared on TV before 
the results were announced, he vowed to support the 
new government. 

But there is still great bitterness among the 
whites, especially among white soldiers. The pro- 
cess of integrating the two armed sides has begun 
slowly, "far too late," according to Mugabe. Small 
contingents of Rhodesian soldiers and police have 
been introduced into each guerrilla assembly camp, 
and two joint hases have been established, under the 
auspices of the Commonwealth monitoring force. All 
the Commonwealth soldiers, however, were withdrawn 
from the assembly camps on March 3 . 


Then there is the question of South Africa. 

Both ZANU and ZAPU officials recognize the continuing 
possibility of South African intervention. Mugabe 
described his attitude toward South Africa as "quite 

"They are next door," he said. "We cannot get 
them away, even if we want to. The reality is that 
we have to coexist with them. We should plege our- 
selves to noninterference in South African affairs, 
and they to noninterference in our own affairs. We 
may condemn apartheid because it is inhuman, and 
because our conscience is revuleed by itv But that 
is a different position from taking up arms to 
rectify the position in South Africa." 

Mugabe was clearly trying to remove from Preto- 
ria any pretext for an invasion. But at the same 
time, there is no question that Mugabe's victory in 
Zimbabwe will send a shock wave through the heart of 
South Africa. It's far too early to predict what 
foundations that "dangerous example" will shake. 

But for now, Rhodesia has become Zimbabwe. On 
victory night, Mugabe delivered a speech on nation- 
wide radio, the same radio on which just a few months 
ago it was illegal to mention Mugabe's name. The 
new prime minister was introduced as "Comrade Robert 
Mugabe . 

Later the PR man told me that he thought that 
most of the workers would vote for Bishop Muzorewa. 
But the "secret" that Zimbabweans had held from 
Rhodesians for years is now out. Chiredzi and 
the sugar plantation are in Victoria Province. 
ZANU-PF polled 87 percent of the vote there and 
took all 11 seats. 

Despite the resounding victory, Mugabe and his 
new government still face considerable problems. 
First amor^ them is the white population. Mugabe's 
first remarks after his appointment as prime 
minister were conciliatory. 

"I would like to believe," Mugabe said, "that 

Pa 8 e 2 LIBERATION News Servi< 


Michael Shuster, UN correspondent for Pacifica 
Radio, an editor of Southern Africa and a former 
member of the LNS collective, telexed this story 
from Salisbury to the Guardian . Further reports from 
his trip discussing the elections and their aftermath 
will be printed in the Guardian and the April issue 
of Southern Africa . LNS hopeg to print photographs 
from his trip in its next graphics packet, which 
will appear next week. 

March 7, 1980 

more . . . 

by Ian McArthur 

New Asia News /Liberation News Service 

MELBOURNE, Australia (NAN/LNS) — The Vietnam 
War Veterans Association in Australia has applied 
to the Vietnamese Embassy in Canberra for permis- 
sion to send a team of experts to Vietnam to assess 
the effects of the chemical defoliant known as 
Agent Orange. The team would include statisticians 
and doctors who hope to gain information from the 
Vietnamese government on the effects of the defoli- 
ant on the populations living in sprayed areas. 

Agent Orange was sprayed over jungle areas of 
southern Vietnam in an effort to remove tree cover 
in areas believed occupied by National Liberation 
Front soldiers and their supporters. The operation, 
code named "Ranch Hand," continued from 1962 until 
April ]5, 1970 when the U.S. Defense Department 
suspended spraying after research begun by the 
American National Cancer Institute indicated a 
possibl e link between deformities in animals and 
a dioxin known as TCCD. 

TCCD is an impurity found in the herbicide 
2,4, 5-T, which together with 2,4-D is a component 
of the Agent Orange defoliant. Companies which 
produced 2, 4, 5-T for use in Vietnam were Dow 
Chemical, Hercules Inc., Monsanto Co., Diamond 
Shamrock Corp. and North American Philips Corpora- 
tion. These companies are now the subject of legal 
action by the American based "Agent Orange Victims 
International." The group is not the only American 
veterans association worried about the possible 
harmful effects of TCCD. One other such group 
known as Citizen Soldier has conducted its own 
survey of 536 veterans exposed during the war to 
Agent Orange. Of these, 35 had cancers and 77 
had had children born with deformities. Others 
were suffering from skin rashes. 

U.S. Defense Department maps show that heavi- 
est use of Agent Orange occurred in the southern 
Vietnamese provinces of Phuoc Tuy, Bien Duong, 

Bien Hoa and Long Khanh. 

Between 1965 and 1970 some 50 000 Australian 
soldiers were stationed in the Phuoc Tuy area. 
Symptoms similar to those described in the U.S. 
and Vietnam have become apparent in the children 
of these men. Some of the former combattants 
themselves complain of such symptoms as insomnia, 
skin rash, nausea, depression or fits of temper. 

The Australian , a leading national daily, quotes 
Vietnamese physician, scientist and expert on 
dioxins Dr. Ton. that Tung as claiming that only 
three ounces of TCDD would wipe out the population 
of a city the size of New York. Considering the 
millions of gallons of Agent Orange used in Vietnam, 
there are grave implications for those who have 
unwittingly come in contact with the chemical. 

In Australia, the government has taken steps 
to investigate the toxic properties of Agent 
Orange through the University of Sydney's School 
of Public Health and Tropical Medicine. One 
independent survey done in the state of New South 
Wales revealed that one in four of the children of 
50 Australian ex-servicemen were deformed. Most 
of the surveys to date either in the U.S. or in 
Australia are statistically inadequate, but there 

is a growing body of evidence to suggest sufficient 
cause for concern over the use of the chemical. 




NEW YORK (LNS) -- Black residents of Birming- 
ham, Alabama, who succeeded in electing that city's 
first Black mayor last November, are now preparing 
a wave of protests against the reinstatement of a 
white policeman whose killing of a young Black 
woman helped spark the massive turnout of Black 
voters that swept Richard Arrington into office. 

Rev. Abraham Woods, president of the local 
chapter of the Southern Christian Leadership Confer- 
ence (SCLC) , suggested that Blacks might launch a 
boycott of white-owned businesses and sit in on the 
runways at the city airport. "We know Easter is 
coming and we don't have to buy any Easter clothes," 
Woods stated. "Business is not real good downtown 
for a lot of people now, but if it takes selective 
buying to keep this symbol of police brutality off 
the streets we will." 

The symbol he referred to is Patrolman George 
Sands. On June 29, 1979, Sands shot and killed a 
young Black woman, Boni la Carter, while she was 
sitting in her parked car. 

Sands, who had 15 previous police brutality 
complaints against him, claimed a man in the car 
had fired a shot at a store. But no evidence of the 
man, the gun, or the bullet he allegedly fired was 
ever produced. 

The killing prompted protests from the Black 
community, including a march of more than 4,000 
people called by the SCLC. But the only official 
action against Sands was to place him on "sick 
leave." Charges of a police cover-up propelled 
Richard Arrington into the mayoral race and on to 
victory, with a pledge that as long as he was in 
oMice, Sands would never return to active duty. 

But while Arrington was out of town for the 
weekend in late February, Police Chief Bill Myers 
put Sands back on the force and assigned him to the 
city's airport security squad. Arrington has blocked 
the assignment, at least temporarily. And Black 
organizations are mobilizing to support the mayor 
against what many perceive as a deliberate move to 
undermine his authority. According to Woods, they 
may take their protests to the airport to which 
Sands has been assigned. 

"People can get lost on an airfield, take a 
little nap on the runway or just stroll across it," 
Woods said. "That would be one of the last things 
I would like to do — lie down in front of an air- 
plane. But if it would keep Mr. Sands off the 
police force, I'd do it." 


Thanks to the Daily World for this information. 

Page 3 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 7, 1980 

more . . . 




by Michelle Colarier 
LIBERATION News Service 

SHELTON, WA (INS) .-- Men in the small back- 
woods town of Shelton still talk about "broads" 
taking men's jobs. They still voice concern 
that their female co-workers, who are outnumbered 
twenty to one, might get hurt on the dangerous 
saws at Simpson Timber Company. For a woman in 
this Washington milltown, the ultimate praise is 
"She's got balls." 

Yet the union struck for two months last 
fall in support of one woman worker who was fired 
by Simpson after she filed a Sexual discrimina- 
tion . complaint which evoked several horror stories 
of Sexual harassment. Ask male union members 
why they walked out and they'll tell you, as 
did 46-year-old Ron Pierce. "S e x" wasn't the 
issue; the contract was violated, plain and 

"They'd try to get rid of anyone who stirs 
up. trouble," said Pierce, a 30-year veteran of 
She It on Js major employer. Doings picket duty from 
his Datsun truck at the main gate in front of 
the five mills which dominate the town's land- 
scape, he offered his opinion on the matter. And 
those nearby, drinking beer and smoking cigarettes 
on their Weekly stint, nodded in agreement: 

"Some guys think she's a stupid woman, but ,1 
don't. I think she's standing up for her rights. 
Why not? She's a human being. It might be one 
of us next." 


Striking over one person's grievance is so 
unusual, though, that the walk-out in October by 
1400 Simpson workers — only 63 of them women — 
was the first time ever that a union had stood 
behind a woman who *d.. protested against sexist 
working conditions. Historically a militant and 
democratic union, the International Woodworkers 
of America (IWA) invoked their Wobbly tradition 
that "an injury to one is an injury to all" and 
even went so far as to print up bumper stickers 
with the quote from the Industrial Workers of 
the World (Wobbly) organizer Mothers Jones: "Pray 

for the dead, and fight like hell for the living." 

Most unions long gav e up the right to strike 
over grievances in exchange for the binding 
arbitration of a third party. But as IWA Shelton 
local president Jim Lowery explained, "The Wob- 
blies (the first to clean up the Northwest logging 
industry) had the right idea.... You didn't treat 
'em right, you didn't get any work out of 'em." 
Even so, the strike vote did not cone easy in 
"Simpsonville ," a town where the school and 
hospital Were gifts from the company. Until 
earlier this year, the IWA had not struck in 25 
years. The October decision passed by only 
52 percent. 

And while a slim majority of the men were 
worrying that the same kind of company retalia— 
tion could happen to them, ... five women came for- 
ward to say they had already experienced the same 
discrimination and harassment. In most cases, 

Page 4 LIBERATION News S e rvi 

it was even wors e . While being interviewed for 
their jobs, women had been asked to tak e their clothes 
off, invited to porn movies, asked for dates, prop- 
ositioned and promised favors on the job in exchange 
for keeping quiet and complying. 


The sex scandal surrounding one of Simpson's 
supervisors shocked everyone, according to Rhonda 
Terry — one of the harassed women who carried her 
signed affidavit around in her purse and brought it 
out during arguments in taverns. So much so that it 
began to change the mood of the town torn by a split 
strike vote. 

"They'd b e complaining about losing their pay- 
check ov e r one woman, but I'd shut them up,':' T e rry 
recalled. No longer was it the word of one woman, 

Toni Gilbertson, against one man who'd already left 
town. In one worker's words, "Things kind of began 
* to snowball." But could it crack the woodsmen's 
armor, that part of their heritage less admirable 
than their _ Wobbly roots — their perception of their 
jobs as a preserve of rugged masculinity and male 

Twenty-five-year-old Gilbertson, who'd worked. in 
a non-union Idaho General Foods factory making less 
than $4 an hour for fiv e years before moving to Shel- 
ton, never dreamed her cpmplaint against Simpson would 
stir such controversy. "It was just that I needed 
this job," she said matter -of-factly. "It wasn't 
fair that I couldn't get a job making $8 an hour." 

Dispelling rumors that she thinks have "sland e r e d" 
her reputation in the tpwn of 7,Q20, Gilbertson wanted 
to set the record, straight. "I'v e n e v e r don e this 
before ... I did not sleep with Gary Hargens (the 
supervisor) or the union members. I'm not so big in 
the breast that I, .have to walk bent over backwards," 
said the sweatshirt and blue jeans— clad woman who'd 
been told by Hargens she couldn't hav e a job at Simp- 
son because she was too short, didn't have enough 
muscles and was "too Well-endowed." 

A week after she filed her complaint last spring 
with the Washington State Human Rights Commission, 
Simpson abruptly hired her — "to prove it wasn't 
discriminating," according to one of the company's 
attorneys. Although she had little Seniority, she 
was soon promoted to a more, difficult job* . It was 
th e n that the company began to build ra cas e against 
her® Shop steward Larry Beerbower testified she was 
watched more clos e ly than any other employee he'd , 
seen in 10 y e ars with Simpson; Gilbertson said the 
constant surveillance made her nervous .and "pressured." 
After 26 days, and without warning, she was fir e d 
instead of being, s e nt back to her original job, a 
violation of the contract which Sent the union on 
strike after s e veral months of futile negotiations. 

F e ar of lack of union protection for probation- 
ary employees, as well as the good wages, had kept, 
other women quiet ov e r the past fiv e years th e y'v e 
held union jobs 1 at Simpson. After on e woman's inter- 
view with Hargens,. in which h e ask e d her (among oth e r 
things) -''What .would you b e willing to do to g e t this 
job?'! she remembered., "I was really disgusted. I 
wanted to do something, .but I was told that . I was a 
probationary .employee and it was best for me not to 
stir -up any trouble; they could get you out the door 
if they wanted to." Like most of the women who came 
forward with signed affidavits alleging sexual harass— 

e (^983) March 7, 1980 

more • • 

merit, -she asked her name not be used for, fear, of 
future reprisals, a concern only heightened by the 
company’s actions against Gilbertson. Because of 
Gilbertson’s action, the women learned they • 
Weren't alone, and because of the strike, they 
learned the predominately male union wcuid back 

For at least two and a half years Hargen had 
been, in the words of one of the harassed women, 
"abusing his ppwer" as a supervisor in charge of 
hiring." As soon as Gilbertson complained, he 
left town — before the men who said they wanted 
to "beat him up" could find him. All the time, 
the company denied firing Bar gens. But, one spokes- 
person admitted, "So far, everything w e can find 
pertains to one person. We don't tolerate that 
kind of behavior; we want to get rid of it when 
it exists." 

Simpson wanted to get rid of Gilbertson, too, 
and offered her $2000, if the union would call off 
the strike. That offer came shortly before the 
Federal District Court was to decide whether to 
honor the Equal Opportunity Commission's unusually 
bold and swift request that the company reinstate 
her, with full back pay since June, pending the 
investigation , of her original complaint. By that 
time, the spirit of the town had rallied behind 
her and the rest c£ the. .women workers.. Rhonda 
Terry said a petition supporting the company's 
proposal failed to get enough signatures. to 
bring it to a vote. After she told one of the 
signers What had happened during her interview, 
she said, "I saw him cross his name off." 


To counteract the company strategy, the 
union .staged a march through .downtown Shelton , 
to the. union headquarters early 1 in August. Ov e r 
800 members participated. . Gilbertson, who had 
been keeping a low profile during the strike, 
said, "I was r e ally afraid and nervous* « I didn't 
want them to know what I looked like. But then 
someone asked, 'Where is this woman? How do w e 
know she's gonna go back to work?® I just.had to 
stand up to reassure them they hadn't gone on 
strike for nothingi" 

. When she faced the members, the hall ex- 
ploded with applause. Blurted out on e union 
members "She's got more balls than any man here." 

"I just turned red," Gilbertson now laughs, 
remembering the overwhelming vote of confidence 
she received that day. While scarcely more than 
half had originally voted to strike, th e tide 
had turned.. Only about 100 members voted to end 
the strike. The other women's statements had 
strengthened her _ ease and, coupled with 1400 
striking workers, brought in the EEOC. The 
strike ended December 1, the day after the court 
ordered 1 Gilbertson reinstated and the judge 
applauded her for_'!taking on the. giants." The 
company later agreed ttab probationary workers 
would hence fort be covered by the union contract. 

The sexual harassment which surfaced, and 
the women's inability to complain for fear of 
losing their good^paying jobs, had brought home 
the arbitrary pow e r of the company and united 
the workers , regardless of Sex. One young worker , 
who claimed "the IWA is the best union I».v e ever 
Page 5 LIBERATION News Service 

been in, 'cause they stand behind you," e xpr e ss e d 
his anger . 

"Simpson wants to own this town, and it wants 
to run it," said ,24— year— old Steve Ellyson. "They 
think this is the only place to work. If you want 
a job, you'll take your clothes off. I wouldn't put 
it past them." 

Old-timers viewed the company recalcitrance as 
part of a new hard-line approach which has resulted 
from a shift in management from people who 1 ve come 
up through ..the ranks to those hired from the outside. 
A deterioration of the family atmosphere , the ero- 
sion of the benevolence of the company town, and 
increased militancy have been the results. 


Despite their historic strike, the men are am- 
bivalent about the encroachment of women into their 
enclave; a change in consciousness regarding their 
sister unionists is slow in coming. Steve Ellyson 
said he'd want his wife to fight any discrimination 
she encountered but later decided he wouldn't want 
her to work at Simpson because "the girls are con- 
stantly being flirted with." 

There'll b e less of that fraternization. now, 
predicted one union member who is married to a woman 
who was sexually harassed during her job., inter view 
and subsequently never hired. Hard drinking and 
three packs of cigarettes a day had turned this 33- 
year-old into a sof fr*spoken man who was just regain- 
ing his voice* Requesting that hisname, too, be 
kept confidential, he said he was the "wrong person 
to talk to" because he had a lot of "old-fashioned" 
ideas about women® 

"I've thought about it and decided that if a 
woman wants .to work, that's her right. But I won't 
work with her ; it's too dangerous. If a woman comes 
into where I'm working, she. can have it. I'll go 
elsewhere® I'd be watching ott for her more than I 
should be." For 12 years he's worked at Simpson 
running gigantic saws. Though he says "there's 
women on the W e st Coast who can handle them," he 
still thinks his "upbringing" would make it diffi- 
cult for him to work side by side with women on such 
a hazardous job. 

Despite these lingering, possibly legitimate, 
concerns, the necessity of women working hashit a 
sympathetic economic chord and brought women a 
begrudging respect. As Ellyson said of Gilbertson, 
"So she's a broad. I don't like Seeing her taking 
a man's job either, but if she has to support her- 
self, she has to." 

According to Rhonda Terry, the whole mess was 
just "inevitable" with women demanding entry into 
men's work. "If was just something that was gonna 
come about. We're 50 percent of the workforce, and 
We make the _ lowest 20 per Cent _ on the wage scales. 

W e don't want to take their jobs; we just want to 
eat. And we want to be treated right." 

Since the strike began, she says the 63 women 
union members — many of them single parents — 
have been meeting regularly, and some are consider- 
ing running for union office® "The feeling is if We 
can come through this, we can do anything," said 
Terry. And shop Bob Rinard agreed, saying "the 
gals have more backbone; they're far more union- 

(#983$ March 7, 1980 more... 

As for the prevailing male attitudes, 

Terry juitt shook her head. "They don't understand 
the impact of what they did . It’s easier to 
swallow that she's juif another- worker. But it's 
hard for theaj to admit they are standing up for 
her rights as a woman,," Another woman suggested 
"it wouldn't be manly"£or them to do so. 

Local president Lowery, thinks most of the 
members are "extremely -proud" of their actions, 
which seem to speak lou_er than their words. "In- 
stead of making economic values the highest," said 
Lowery, "we've made human values the highest, and 
unions have forgotten that." Economics, though, 
are now the workers* major problem. Citing poor 
market conditions, Simppon hired back only 800 
of the 1400 workers after the strike ended, leav- 
ing many to make It through the winter on unemploy- 
ment benefit! . Only two women were among those 
who weren't laid-off. 

Despite the grim economic aftermath and the 
grumblings It brings, according to Lowery there's 
nothing but respect for "our worne® members who 
lived under that umbrella of fear." Somewhat of 
a maverick union leader sho's also the mayor of 
Shelton and an outspoken opponent of nuclear power, 
Lowery talks more frankly than most of the sexual 
harassment only recently acknowledged and chal- 
lenged. Said Lowery: "Some members are strong 
male chauvinists, but once they found out the 
truth, they wouldn't put up with it. We've all 
learned a lot. Why even I've learned since the 
strike. I used to proppsition a woman jokingly, 
and I never thought of the impact. Now I recog- 
nize how stupid It is." 




NEW YORK (LNS) — More than two months have 
passed since Columbia, South Carolina prison 
authorities reported the "suicide due to self- 
strangulation" of Black inmate Thomas "Bushaxe" 
Williams. But controversy and conflicting 
accounts of the actual cause of death still sur- 
round the events at the Central Corrections 
Institute. A group of inmates, under the shelter 
of an anonymous Prisoners' Inquiry Committee, 
continue to call for an investigation they believe 
would prove that Williams was beaten to death by 
a mob of guards on December 23, 1979. 

The incident began sometime after 9:00 that 
evening. According to the prisoners' committee, 
a Black corrections officer named Whitaker ini- 
tiated an argument with Williams "by following 
Bushaxe around the eellblock with a series of 
harassment techniques: on the spot interrogations, 
searches, and verbal aspersions." Williams 
drew a "shank," a crude, make-shift dagger, and 
wounded Whitaker superficially. Two other guards 
intervened, and according to the prison officials' 
report, "Williams was led, hands cuffed behind 
his back, to the Central Corrections Institute 
office at 9:20." According to the prisoners' 
account, "the two left the eellblock, walking 

side by side, arguing still." 

At this point, the two versions of what took 
place veer apart. The Committee's account, as 
worded by inmates who claim to be witnesses, contin- 
ues, Williams was taken to CCI and beaten (a routine 

unwritten policy) by several officers. Thomas 

Williams died between 13:30 and 11:00 p.m. as a 
result of the fierce beating." 

Prison officials, on the other hand, maintain 
that "Williams used a shirt to hang himself from 
the bars in the Maximum Security Center at CCI 
during the early hours of the morning." And that 
version has been supported by local coroner Frank 

"Someone is trying to stir up trouble with 
this case just because this man was a Black 'man," 
Baron told LNS. "I know the man who did the autopsy. 
He's Jewish and from Chicago and there's not a 
prejudiced bone in his body. I would be happy to 
provide a copy of the autopsy to any lawyer." 

The committee, unmoved in their contention 
that Williams was murdered, is requesting just 
that — legal assistance. In addition, they say 
they need federal protection. 

"Well, they're afriad," said Melissa Langston 
of the Columbia ACLU. "They're afraid that they'll 
become the targets of the officers involved, or 
maybe friends of the officers, once they've been 

Inmates believe that at least one of those 
involved in the plea for an investigation has al- 
ready been singled out for "retribution." On Feb- 
ruary 4, Committee spokesman Earl Hamaas was sent 
to Kirkland Institute for psychological evaluation. 

In a letter to the Reverend Arthur FItz-Ritson 
dated two days later, Hamaas describes a severe 
beating by security officers "who didn't have on 
their nameplates but I will never forget some of 
the eeriest white faces I have ever seen." 

"Deputy Warden Avis told me Earl was crazy," 
Fitz-Ritson reported two weeks later. "When Earl's 
sister called he told her the same thing. He 
claims that Earl assaulted an officer. I know 
Earl Hamaas fairly well, and it isn't likely." 

Despite this setback for the prisoners, the 
Inquiry Committee is still alive inside the prison, 
Fitz-Ritson says . 

"This Committee," Hamaas wrote shortly after 
Williams' death, "believes that the imprisoned 
man, as well as the free man, has a right to know 
the truth. Therefore, until a satisfactory and 
convincing truth is established, this Committee 
is forever in session." 





Pag<* 6 

LIBERATION News Service 

V.LHSJI — The top official of the 
agency that administers welfare in Texas recent] 
called for mandatory sterilization and abortions 
for women re ceiving welfare benefits. 

(#983) March 7, 1980 more... 

Hilmar Moore, chairman of the Human Resources 
Board, and the mayor of Richmond, voiced his 
opinions at an HRB meeting in late February. "I'm 
a little discouraged ant irritated at the welfare 
recipient families growing in size all the time 
and those of us who work and pay taxes having to 
pay for them," Moore added. He suggested that a 
way to lighten the burden on the taxpayer would 
be t-t force all recipient families, including 
children, to work for the government. 

A spokesperson for the HRB later disclaimed 
any sympathy with Moore's views. 




NEW YORK (LNS) — Republican Senator Jesse 
Helms ™ known as the Six Million Dollar Man be- 
cause that's what it took to re-elect him in 1978 

is now busy raising money to onpose national health 
care. The North Carolina Senator is using the 
mass mailing list of Charles Viguerie, which has 
been used to raise millions to elect right-wing 
candidates to Congress and to oppose such legisla- 
tion as labor law reform and abortion rights. 

Stating that health care in the U.S.A. is the 
best in the world, Helms claims that socialized 
medicine has failed everywhere it has been estab- 

The Senator failed to mention that as a U.S. 
Senator, he enjoys socialized medicine. So do 
members of his family. And so do all U.S. senators 
and representatives, who have totally comprehen- 
sive and free health care services — all expenses 
paid by the U.S. taxpayers. 

, -30- 

(Thanks to Steelabor . paper of the USWA. 




NEW YORK (LNS) — Over 40 million women are 
working today, but only 6.5 million are union mem- 
bers. And 80 percent of all working women are in 
"female job ghettoes" where the wage gap between 
men and women is 59 percent . 

This was some of the information presented 
at a recent conference on women in the work force 
held in Washington, D.C. It was jointly sponsored 
by the Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW) and 
the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO. 

"A large number of unorganized women are 
locked into low wage jobs in the traditionally 
hard to organize occupations such as retail, 
health care and clerical," CLUW President Joyce 
Miller told the conference. Conference participants 
called on the labor movement to direct more atten- 
tion to these fields as part of its effort to 
turn the tide on declining union membership 




(Editor's note: Since late last year, news- 
papers and magazines have been filled with "new 
decade stories — — reviews of the '70s, predictions 
for the '80s. But few if any of these stories have 
carried the commitment and insights expressed in the 
following statement written by Black liberation 
activist Assata Shakur for Black Solidarity Day last 
November. Just a few days before the statement was 
read at a rally in front of the United Nations, Shakur 
escaned from the latest of the prisons in which she 
had be&A held for almost seven years. She is still 

Uhuru Sisters and Brothers and Revolutionary Greetings 

November 1979 and crosses burn the face of Amer- 
ika. November 1979, and hundreds of Ku Klux Klan 
march all over the country, carrying clubs and chains 
and machine guns. 1979 — and Black families are 
fire bombed. 1979 — and over 40 percent of Black 
youth are unemployed. 1979 — and a white policeman 
shoots a handcuffed Black man in the head and is 
acquitted. 1979 — — and five policemen shoot a Puerto 
Rican man armed only with a pair of scissors 24 times. 
1979 — — and Philadelphia, the fourth largest city in 
the country is sued by the Justice Department for 
systematically condoning and encouraging widespread 
police brutality, especially against Blacks and 
Puerto Ricans. 

We are on the threshold of the 80 's entering 
into a new decade and we have got to take a look and 
see what Amenka has m store for us . This country 
is on the decline. The sun is setting on the Ameri- 
can Empire because of liberation movements around 
the world. The softness of cheap labor and stolen 
raw materials are rapidly drying up. Amerika is a 
vampire, experiencing a blood shortage for the first 
time. The national trade deficit is about $30 billion 
a year. The Joint Economics Committee of Congress 
announced in August that the standard of living of 
the average American would be drastically reduced 
i® the 1980 s. Blacks and Hispanics, the report said, 
would be hit the hardest. Now what, I ask you, can 
be harder than drastic. Unemployment, according to 
the report, would remain at seven percent or higher. 

The Committee came to the conclusion that the labor 
fotce had to be dramatically reduced in order to 
minimize the problem. What does that mean — reduce 
the labor force dramatically? What does that mean ■ 
in a country that has had a history of using racism 
to perpetuate capitalism and oppression, who is 
going to be the scapegoat? In a country that has 
historically used Blacks, Hispanics, Orientals and 
Native Americans as scapegoats, what do Black and 
Third World people have to look forward to in the 
80' s? And what does all this have to do with polit- 
ical prisoners and the Prison Movement? 

Every Black leader in this country with the po- 
tential of being a Black Messiah has gone to prison, 
even Black leaders without the potential of being 

the Black Messiah have gone to prison. Marcus Gareev, 
Martin Luther King, Malcolm X and countless others 


v ^ J. J. Viiuu. iX 

Page 7 


does that tell us? Out of the 400,000 people in 
united states prisons, 300,000 are Blacks. 275,00 
cells „are_Jb„eing bu ll t or are in the plan nir 
(#98$) March 7, 198(3 ' more. 



stages and every state in this country is trying 
to implement or reinstate the death penalty. WHAT 

I've been in prison 6 and a half years and 1 
can feel what's coming in the air. Prisons are 
becoming more brutal and repressive. Behavior 
Modification Programs are booming. People are 
receiving longer sentences with fewer chances of 
being paroled. J3-year-old children are being 
sentenced to life in prison. The government has 
stepped up its musical jail policy by shipping 
prisoners all over the country away from their 
lawyers, from their families, and from their com- 
munity. Sundiata Acoli has been transferred 3 
times in the last 2 months. He's been transferred 
— first they transferred him from Trenton State 
Prison in New Jersey, and from Trenton he went to 
Lewisburg, Pennsylvania and from LeWisburg he went 
to Leavenworth, Kansas and from Leavenworth he was 
just shipped to # Marion, Illinois and all this is 
under the Interstate Compact Agreement. Now Sun- 
diata has never been convicted of a federal crime 
but Lewisburg, and Leavenworth and Marion are 
federal prisons. Under the Interstate Compact 
Agreement, it is possible for any prisoner to be 
transferred anywhere in the united states and that 
prisoner has no say in the: matter, his lawyer 
doesn't have any say so in the matter, his family 
doesn't have any say so in thematter — but what 
will happen as more and more prisoners are trans- 
ferred from prison to prison to prison — soon 
their families won't be able to keep contact with 
them; they won't know where they are and that will 
make them easier and easier to kill and to brutalize 

Under the same Interstate Compact Agreement, 

I was shipped to Maximum Security Unit in Alderson, 
West Virginia and I stayed there until that unit 
was closed and then I was shipped back to Clinton 
Institution for Women. Here at Clinton, two women 
have died in the last two months under suspicious 
circumstances. The prisons of Amerika ere rapidly 
becoming replicas of Nazi or, South Afrikan koncen- 
tration kamps; and with the reinstitution of the 
death penally, prisons will shortly become extermi- 
nation kamps. I know I'm painting a pretty pic- 
ture, but this is not a pretty world and we can't 
make it pretty by sticking our head in the sand. 
Amerika has been committing genocide against poor 
Black and Third World people for hundreds of years 
and in recent years, racism and repression, in this 
country, have been accelerated and if we don't 
wake up to what's going on, we might find our- 
selves victims to a second Holocaust. 

We already know what we're fighting against, 
now we've got to determine and decide among 
ourselves, what we are fighting for. How can 25 
or 30 million Black people in Amerika win our 
liberation, how can we win? Marcus Garvey — ■ he 
had a dream and his dream was that we go back to 
Afrika. Martin Luther King had his dream and his 
dream was that we integrate into Amerika n society 
and I don't think that dream was a reality. Ameri- 
kan society has told us time and time again that 
they don't want us. And now looking at Amerikan 
society, looking at its capitalist, racist system, 

I don't want to integrate into Amerika. Amerika 
is a dying country anyway. Malcolm X had his 
dream — and his dream was LAND. NATIONHOOD. 

And his ndr earn has become my dream. When I would 

Page 8 LIBERATION News Service 

hear the words NATIONHOOD and LAND and I would listen 
to Malcolm's speeches before — I'd say, "Yeah" to 
myself, but — where? And then they would talk about 
five states down South but that — it didn't seem 
real — I'd say, "Well shoot, we go move down there 
and they'll drop a bomb on us" - — BUT, they're drop- 
ping bombs and killing us right now and there's 
another side to that. Once a people start struggling 
for land, start struggling for sovereignty — start 
struggling for NATIONHOOD — then the whole world 
can become part of that fight and can take up — and 
say look what you're doing, you're killing those 
people, you're making genocide -- those people want 
a homeland . 

Amerika doesn't have any wind internationally, 
talking about we don't have a right to have our home- 
land. They oppressed us for 4-500 years. They haven't 
let us live in Amerika. They haven't let us be 
citizens. They haven't let us have justice, equality. 
And we can prove it. So if they don't want to let 
us be free as Amerika ns — then we'll be free as 
Afrikans. New Afrika ns . In Vietnam, there was some- 
thing like 19 million Vietnamese in South Vietnam. 

And they kicked Amerika 's ass — the Viet Cong WON. 
There are 25 million or 30 million Black people in 
Amerika. Are you saying that we can't win? I think 
we can. We are 25 to 30 million. people. We're the 
second largest aggregation of Blacks within the 
world. A nation that borders on the face of this 
globe. If we were a nation — we'd be the 26th larg- 
est nation and there would be 154 nations in the world 
that would be smaller than Black Amerika. Of the 
56 nations in Afrika, only two would be bigger than 
Black Amerika — Egypt and Nigeria. We have the tech- 
nology to start a nation and if we don't have it 
right now, we can soon begin to get that technology 
once we understand what our purpose is, our goal and 
our direction. There are 7,000 Black physicians in^ 
Amerika, 4,000 lawyers, about 4,000 Black people in 
law schools, 3,000 dentists, tens of thousands of 
academians and hundreds of thousands of public school 
teachers. We have the natural resources to build a 
nation. I have through the struggle, and I've been 
in the struggle for a little while, and I'm tired 
of everybody else's dream — I want my own and nobody's 
going to tell me which way I have to go to be a free 
Black woman on this earth. We've got to stop having 
a minority mentality. White people might be the 
majority in Amerika, but we're the majority in the 
world. And when people start talking about well this 
isn't possible and that* it ? si impobMble for :us to 
have a Black nation -- well, in that case — was 
Israel impossible? Was South Vietnam impossible — 
South Korea — these nations came about as a result 
of a split and if it's possible in Israel, it's 
possible here. And if the Palestine Liberation Organ- 
ization can go hp before the U.N. and talk about 
their right to land — then thp Black Liberation 
Organization can go before the U.N. too. We can not 
afford to depend on the white left. 

The white left comprises a tiny portion of white 
Amerika and they're so faetionalized to the point 
where they're just — almost totally ineffective. 
There's an old joke about you put two people on the 
white left in a room and you sit 'em in front of a 
clock and they'll get into an argument about what 
time it is. That seems like a joke to a lot of 
people, but it's true. They are so faetionalized 
'til they argue about everything. And their arro- 
gance and white supremacist arrogance leads them to 
(#983) March 7, 1980 

more. . . 

believe that THEY are the only ones in the world 
that have that right answer/ THEY are the only 
ones that can lead thepoor and oppressed people 
to liberation and that f s just not true. We 
couldn’t depend on the white left in the 50’ s 0 What 
in the world would make us think that we can depend 
on the white left now? I’m not saying that we 
shouldn’t work with white people on whatever level 
that we want to that suits our interests -- but we 
can’t just keep our heads in the sand and we can’t 
build our movement depending on the white left. 

We’ve got to build our own movement and our 
struggle has got to be able to stand if the white 
left pulls out and the white liberals pull out and 
whatever — if we have to stand on our own two 
feet, by ourselves — that’s how we’ve got to build 
our foundation, that’s how wfe^ve got to build 
our movement . 

We*ve got to build a strong Human Rights Move- 
ment. We’ve got to build a strong Prison Movement. 
We’ve got to build a strong Black Liberation Move- 
ment and we’ve got to struggle for liberation. 

Free all political prisoners. Free Leonard 
Peltier, Sundiata Acoli, Ruchell Magee, Ben Chavis 
George Merritt, Gary Tyler, Geronimo Pratt, Dessie 
Woods, the RNA-11, and the BLA-25. We must be 


Assata Shakur isn’t the only incarcerated 
Black activist entering the ’80s in newly regained 
freedom. Among those listed at the end of her 
statement, several have recently won release, 
including Ben Chavis, George Merritt, Imari 
Obadele of the RNA-11. 



NEW YORK (LNS) — Along with claims that nuclear 
power is the only alternative to imported oil, the 
nuclear industry has l^ng touted its plants as the 
cheapest available source of electricity. But a 
study released on March 4 by the Environmental Ac- 
tion Foundation indicates that those claims have 
been buttressed by deliberately distorted cost 

The study, prepared by widely recognized 
energy economist Cahrles Komanoff , found that a 
1978 survey of power costs by the Atomic Industrial 
Forum excluded all but two of th 14 most expensive 
nuclear plants while leaving out the largest and 
most efficient coal burning utilities. By making 
these convenient omissions, the AIF was able to 
report that nuclear plants generated electricity 
at substantially lower cost than coal-fired plants 
(1.54^ per kilowatt hour, as opposed to 2.32<0. 

But after the neglected plants were counted in, the 
results were teversed. Electricity from coal 
burning plants turned out to be cheaper (1.909/kWh r 
to 2.049/kWh). 

"Nuclear power was actually 7 percent more 
expensive than coal power in 1978, not 34 percent 
cheaper as asserted by the AIF," said Alden Myer , 
an Environtal Action Foundation spokesperson. "The 

bias shown by the AIF! points up the nuclear indus- 
try^ tendency to manipulate data to portray nu- 
clear power in an un justifiably favorable light." 

AIF ! s manipulation of data in its 1978 report 
included basing its nuclear cost average on only 
39 of the 60 commercial reactors. The 21 omitted 
plants included 12 of the 14 with the highest con- 
struction costs and 6 of the 7 with the worst 1978 
performance records. The odds against these plants 
being excluded by chance are 75,000 to one, Komanoff 
calculated— "indicating beyond any reasonable 
doubt that the bias in the AIF sample was no acci- 

The report notes a similar bias in AIF’s 
omission of all coal plants operated by the Tennessee 
Valley Authority and the American Electric Bower 
Co. The omitted plants together generated more power 
than all the coal plants included in the AIF survey, 
and at a significantly lower cost average. 

In addition, the AIF survey included virtually 
no cost allowance for eventual disposal of spent 
nuclear fuel of for reactor decommissioning, while 
it penalized coal-fired plants for running below 
their potential capacity due to excess generating 
reserves • 

The AIF f s bias isn ! t particularly surprising. 

At least not when you consider that itf members 
comprise virtually every nuclear utility, reactor 
vendor and plant construction company. Nevertheless , 
its annual survey of power costs is routinely quoted 
as fact by such publications as the Wall Street 
Journal, the New York Times and Time magazine. 

Now the EAF report warns that latest of those 
surveys "relied upon a distorted data base and its 
conclusions are misleading to the point of falsehood." 

The AIF ! s next survey, covering 1979, is due to 
appear sometime this spring. But the EAF notes in 
advance that nuclear costs increased faster than 
coal generating costs during the year of Three Mile 
Island, in part because of reactor shutdowns which 
reduced nuclear f s share of U. S. electricity pro 
duct ion from 13 to 11 percent. 

Copies of the report, entitled Power Propaganda, 
may be obtained from the Environmental Action Found- 
ation at 724 Dupont Circle Building, Washington, 

D.C., 20036 




NEW YORK (LNS) — Guatemalan trade unionists are 
in increasing danger of being murdered, according to 
a recent report from Amnesty International. In its 
report to the Guatemalan government, the human rights 
organization said that "to be a union leader or 
active member of a trade union in Guatemala today 
means risking one T s life." 

Over 2,000 people have been, killed for political 
reasons in the last 18 months in Guatemala, Amnesty 


Page 9 

LIBERATION News Service 


March 7, 1980 

more. . . 



by Ena Fox 

Liberation News Service 

NEW YORK (INS)— The 1980's portend worsening 
conditions for Black Folk, but as the Reverend 
Herbert Daughtry, chairman of New York City's 
Black United Front, put it recently — " in the seed 
of genocide one can see the seed of resurrection... 
One such sign of resurrection was the 1980 Black 
Agenda Convention held on February 23, in the poor, 
predominantly Black , Bedf ord-Stuyvesant section 

at rJr*‘ 

Most of the resolutions reflected the emphasis 
on solutions through existing legislative channels, 
more responsible Black representation, voter education 
and registration— without targeting the roots of op- 
pression in the economic exploitation and racist 
structure of capitalism. 

Yet, some of the speakers and organizets were 
clear on the need for developing an overall strategy : 
for the Black struggle, including the builtitnj*; of a 

mass political- uovtoer.fc. ; "No rnattereKhatvirleldo : P olit- 
iccn- ..through elections), (NYC nay or) Koch will be 
with us for the next two years. What we need is mass 

of Bronklvn n v tuL I , . ^ J- 1 -* <-ne next two years. What we need is mas 

the citv's B1 ark * nn i ^ sency ? f the crisis facing civil disobedience to rock those on Wall St. who in- 
3-ty s Black population—— with unemnlovment nr> -flnpmrA n ^ i ~ ~ j -d . 

. ~ — o — ^ J.-0 j.o J-cUJJLll 

: , the city's Black population— with unemployment up 
4 a percentage point to 11.97., seven out of 10 stu- 
dents not predicted to graduate high school, and 
14 Black and Hispanic youth murdefed by police in 
the last 18 months— unified the more than 600 
enthusiastic participants in ratifying a Black Agenda 
for the 1980' s. 

The need to put forth a platform for which 
Black politicians will be held accountable to their 
constituencies, was a main theme of the convention. 
"We are (too often) represented by racial diplomats 
who sip cocktails with the oppressor and then hold 
hands with : the oppressed," proclaimed the Reverend 
^•■^f ani A. Jones, president of the Progressive Na- 
tional Baptist Convention, during opening speeches 
of the all-day event. With 100 or so resolutions 
identifying the priority concerns of the Black com- 

miiri i t*xr A „ .•11 . . 


fluence Koch," explained Rev. Daughtry at a mid- 
afternoon press conference. "And, getting Black 
officials elected is not the end all and be all," 
he added, referring to police brutality in, Los Angeles, 
where a Black man is mayor. 

National Black Political Assembly (NBPA) chair- 

D An • _ 1 _ 1 

- — ~ ~ J \ 1.x JTX / V^licl JLJL — 

person Ron Daniels, also organizer for the founding H 
NBPA convention in Gary, Ind. in 1972, shared some 
lessons form the near decade-long attempt to forge 
a progressive Black independent politics. Addressing 
an elated audience which had just ratified the entire 
Agenda platform, Daniels warned that, " 'Negro- 1 
leaders in 1972 betrayed the National Black Political 
Assembly and sold a 'Colored Bill of Rights' to the 
Democratic Party. Now some of these same 'Negroes' 
are attempting to regroup in Richmond, Virginia, next 

w r v — uidch com- week (The latter rpmarK roforroj +.^ .-i n 1 

munity, the Agenda will serve as a guide for screen- on a Black Agenda for the 80's convened Februarv 1 ^ 06 
ing and endorsing candidates for upcoming local to March 2 hv -Mv-M ’ conv ® n ® d February 28 

state , and national elections. Looking feyLTahor tLTgoauT r^nda 

party. There is an illusion of progress-- but even 

Forty organizations, most Brooklyn-based, 'Negroes' with Brooks Brothers suits are only two pay- 

sponsored the convention and helped prepare draft checks away from the unemployment line. Yet, changing 
resolutions at a pre-convention meeting in December. a Black face for a white face may only change the color 
Along with the Black United Front, the sponsors in- °* ° ur ® x Pf°i tation. . . by the 'neo-colonial Negro'." 
eluded The East, the Progressive National Baptist condition ' 8 for the masses of Black poor and working 

Convention, Vanguard Independent Democratic Associ- C aas are to be changed, stressed Daniels, "organizing 
ation, and Black Veterans for Social Justice. State take P lace at the grassroots level for fundamental 

ation, and Black Veterans for Social Justice. State 
Assemblyman A1 Vann, Mae Mallory, chairperson of 
Building a Better Brooklyn, Rev. Daughtry of the 
BUF, and Dr. Vernal Cave, chairman of the board of 
the Bed-Stuy Restoration Corporation, also played 
key coordinating roles. 

Between the morning speeches and the closing 
plenary session, participants met in 18 workshops 
where they hammered out recommendations and resolu- 
tions on housing, police brutality, political em- 
powerment, unemployment, education and a host of 
other problems that plague the Black community 

- O- w ~ j 

change of the bankrupt economic system*" 

Some of the themes articulated at the New York 
City Black Agenda Convention will be discussed again 
in New Orleans, August 21 to 24, when activists from 
across Black America will meet for a National Black 
Political Convention. Many of them will have already 
begun the process of identifying the political direc- 
tion and program priorities for action in the 1980's, 
in state conventions held in New York, Massachusetts, 
Louisiana, Pennsylvania and Ohio. It is also possible 

_ - - Black United Fronts which have made an umpact 

Demands for community control of schools, more Black ln Phlladel Pbia , New York City and Cairo, Illinois 
and Hispanic input into the criminal justice system, have J° ined with other mititantia'ftd- rapusibased 

the recall of racist TV programming, an. end to the . ack organizations to form a national Front. Looking 

"conscious policy directed towards Black removal ln t ^ lat d: J- recti °n, representatives of the Fronts and 

and recycling of Black neighborhoods," and implemen- other nationalist groupings have already discussed a 
tation of the Humphrey -Hawkins full employment bill P ro P oaal for a June 26-29 founding convention in New 
were part of the platform. Strong calls for oppos- York ?ity * 

Bed .S: pe0pl %” h0 " et > U.tened at the 

Uhetation Otjnitatlon end^^he^t^^L *“ 

All the reaolutlons ^ deVe , 1 ° P ” e " t ; «« 

the plenary .eeelon-although real participation „ae are Ling .Stacked I„II 8 tf OUble - " 6 

ns rained by the overwhelming task of considering : (CONTINUED ON BISIDE FRONT COLTER) ; P °° r 

Page 10 — — 

LIBERAT IONijNfews Service (#983) March 7, 1980 

tfOre. . 

Ttf*- HAfclfeaOIM S/Mt>eoMe 



0 #983 

The elections in Zimbabwe resulted 
in an overwelming victory 
for JAJflU leader Robert Mugabe and 
tha patriotic Front Party. 

CRffli^Ti Tilden LeMelle/UjS 
See Story Page 1 . 



It was a People's victory 
. in Zimbabwe with ZANU' s 
Mugabe winning the election 
by a landslide. 

GREDITs Tilden LeMelle/LNS 
See Story Page 1 . 



i Enlisted Times /LNS 
; See Story Page 3. 


Jim Turner/LNS 




/'> NLG/LNS 

See Story Page 7. 



Union Art Service/LNS 
See Story Page 9. 

Liberation News Service 



March 7,1980 



CREDITS Tilden LeMelle/INS 
See Story Page 1. 



Mohawk Sovereignty Committee/LNS 
See St'Ory Page 10. 

Liberation News Service #983 

March 7,1980 end.