Skip to main content

Full text of "The Lusiad, or, The discovery of India : an epic poem"

See other formats

■sstrsifcSi ii' Alfc, 'Ss iv v\y s>» 'vx '^avav'^ ^ « wix w"^ \\\< S< >XMl^X50n?(Tx Vx 's.x 

// (//•> 

f'/// ft. ) 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2015 


v t r.w ,rr:y.-TJi 


f A '• *. ’ f; * 

« * 

E l ’ ' it- ' * ''!*; : • ! ' . t-- TtT /> . » ,* « r. 

y 1 • ; , II v» • 4 

5 v ■ • ' *«'•* • • • 1 - • ■ y ■ ■ • 1 • ’ * 

2 . • • ••.- . - 

Z. PA/ ?/- 

....... .£r.& <3.3 ^ 


L U 

I A D 

o r 5 


A N 



The Original Portuguefe of Luis de Camoens, 


INTERPRES. Hor. Art. Poet, 




For J. Bew, Pater-nofrer- Row ; T. Payne, Mews-Gate; J. Dodsley, Pall-Mall; 
J. Robson, New Bond - Street ; J. Almon, Piccadilly; T. Cadell, Strand; 

W. Flexney, Holborn; and J. Sewell, Cornhill, London. 


; ME REk S a Y - l. ! „■ LJ 0 FEEK 


\ KJasnomrrver .VI. I. 

Registernommer kW....P.:?.il. 




My Lord, 

t HE firft Idea of offering my Lusiad to fome dif- 
tinguilhed Perfonage, infpired the earneft wifli, that it 
might be accepted by the illuftrious Reprefentative of that 
Family, under which my Father, for many years, difcharged 
the duties of a Clergyman, 

Both the late Duke of Buccleugh, and the Earl of 
Dalkeith, diftinguilhed Him by particular marks of their 
favour j and I muff have forgotten Him, if I could have 
wiffied to offer the firft Dedication of my literary labours to 
any other than the Duke of Buccleugh. 

1 am , 'with the greatejl refpedl, 

My LORD , 

Tour Grace's mojl devoted 

And mojl obedient humble Servant , 


. .. . ' 

, ' 

' ■ : - - '■ - • --■ •• '-» ' J- 

ii - 

.V $ . zb t 

affl DJ 


I F a concatenation of events centered in one great aCtion, 
events which gave birth to the prefent Commercial Syftem 
of the World j if thefe be of the firft importance in the civil 
hiftory of mankind, the Lufiad, of all other poems, challenges 
the attention of the Philofopher, the Politician, and the 

In contradiftin&ion to the Iliad and iEneid, the Paradife 
Loft has been called the Epic Poem of Religion. In the fame 
manner may the Lufiad be named the Epic Poem of Commerce. 
The happy completion of the moft important defigns of Henry 
Duke of Vifeo, Prince of Portugal, to whom Europe owesf 
both Gama and Columbus, both the Eaftern and the Weftern 
Worlds, conftitutes the fubjeCt of that celebrated Epic Poem, 
(known hitherto in England almoft only by name) which is 
now offered to the Englifh Reader. But before we proceed to 
the hiftorical introduction neceffary to elucidate a poem 
founded on fuch an important period of hiftory, fome atten- 
tion is due to the opinion of thofe Theorifts in political phi- 
lofophy, who lament that either India was ever difcovered, and 
who affert that the increafe of Trade is big with the real mifery 
of mankind, and that Commerce is only the parent of dege- 
neracy, and the nurfe of every vice. 

Much indeed may be urged on this fide of the queftion, but 
much alfo may be urged againft every inftitution relative to 
man. Imperfection, if not neceffary to humanity, is at ieaft 
the certain attendant on every thing human. Though fome 
part of the traffic with many countries refemble Solomon’s 
importation of apes and peacocks } though the fuperfluities of 

b life. 



life, the baubles of the opulent, and even the luxuries whicli 
enervate the irrefolute and adminifter difeafe, are introduced 
by the intercourfe of navigation j the extent of the benefits 
which attend it, are alfo to be confidered, ere the man of cool 
reafon will venture to pronounce that the world is injured, 
and rendered lefs virtuous and lefs happy by the increafe of 

If a view of the ftate of mankind, where Commerce opens 
no intercourfe between nation and nation, be negledted, unjuft 
conclufions will certainly follow. Where the ftate of bar- 
barians, and of countries under the different degrees of civi- 
lization, are candidly weighed, we may reafonably expe£t a juft 
decifion. As evidently as the appointment of Nature gives 
pafture to the herds, fo evidently is man born for fociety. 
As every other animal is in its natural ftate when in the fitua- 
tion which its inftinfr requires ; fo man, when his reafon is 
cultivated, is then, and only then, in the ftate- proper to his 
nature. The life of the naked favage, who feeds on acorns 
and fieeps like a beaft in his den, is commonly called the na- 
tural ftate of man ; but if there be any propriety in this 
affertion, his rational faculties compofe no part of his nature, 
and were given not to be ufed. If the favage therefore live in 
a ftate contrary to the appointment of nature, it muft follow 
that he is not fo happy as nature intended him to be. And a 
view of his true charadler will confirm this conclufion. The 
reveries, the fairy dreams of a Rouffeau, may figure the para- 
difiacal life of a Hottentot, but it is only in fuch dreams that 
the fuperior happinefs of the barbarian exifts. The favage, it 
is true, is reludlant to leave his manner of life ; but unlefs 
we allow that he is a proper judge of the modes of living, 
his attachment to his own by no means proves that he is hap- 
pier than he might otherwife have been. His attachment only 
exemplifies the amazing power of habit in reconciling the hu- 
man breaft to the moft uncomfortable fituations. If the inter- 
courfe of mankind in fome inftances be introduftive of vice, 
the want of it as certainly excludes the exertion of the nobleft 

virtues , 



virtues j and if the feeds of virtue are indeed in the heart, they 
often lie dormant, and even unknown to the favage poffeffor. 
The moft beautiful defcription of a tribe of favages, which we 
may be allured is from real life, occurs in thefe words And 
the five fpies of Dan u came to Laifh, and Jaw the people that 
were there , how they dwelt carelefs after the manner of the Zidonians > 
quiet and fecure , and there was no magifirate in the land that might 
put them to fame in any thing .... And the fpies faid to their 
brethren, Arife , that we may go up againft them j for we have feen 
the land , and behold it is very good .... and they came unto Laifh, 
unto a people that were quiet and fecure , and they fnote them with 
the edge of the fword , and burnt the city with fire j and there was 
no Deliverer , becaufe it was far from Zidon, and they had no bufi- 

nefs with any man However the happy fimplicity of this 

fociety may pleafe the man of fine imagination, the true phi- 
lofopher will view the men of Laifh with other eyes. How- 
ever virtuous he may fuppofc one generation, it requires an 
alteration of human nature, to preferve the children of the 
next in the fame generous eflrangement from the felfifh paf- 
fions, from thofe paflions which are the parents of the a£ls of 
injuftice. When his wants are eafily fupplied, the manners of 
the favage will be fimple, and often humane, for the human, 
heart is not vicious without obje&s of temptation. But thefe 
will foon occur ; he that gathers the greateft quantity of fruit 
will be envied by the lefs induftrious : The uninformed mind 
feems infenfible of the idea of the right of pofleffioh which 
the labour of acquirement gives. When want is prefling, and 
the fupply at hand, the Only confideration with fuch minds is 
the danger of feizing it ; and where there is no magifirate to 
put to fi:ame in any thing , depredation will foon difplay all 
its horrors. Let it be even admitted that the innocence of 
the men of Laifh could fecure them from the confequences of 
their own unreflrained defires ; could even this impoffibility be 
fur mounted, ftill they are a wretched prey to the firfl invaders j 
and becaufe they have no bufinefs with any man, they will 
find no deliverer. While human nature is the fame, the fate 

b 2 of 



of Laifh will always be the fate of the weak and defencelefs y 
and thus the moft amiable defcription of favage life, raifes in our 
minds the ftrongeft imagery of the mifery and impoftible conti- 
nuance of fuch a Rate. But if the view of thefe innocent people 
terminate in horror, with what contemplation fhall we behold 
the wilds of Africa and America ? The tribes of America, 
it is true, have degrees of policy greatly fuperior to anything 
underftood by the men of Laifh. Great mafters of martial 
oratory, their popular aflemblies are fchools open to all their 
youth. In thefe they not only learn the hiftory of their na- 
tion, and what they have to fear from the ftrength and defigns 
of their enemies, but they alfo imbibe the moft ardent fpirit 
of war. The arts of ftratagem are their ftudy, and the moft 
athletic exercifes of the field their employment and delight. 
And what is their greateft praife, they have magijirates to put 
to frame. They inflidl no corporeal punifhment on their coun- 
trymen, it is true, but a reprimand from an Elder, delivered in 
the affembly, is efteemed by them a deeper degradation, and 
feverer punifhment, than any of thofe, too often moft impoli- 
tically adopted by civilized nations. Yet, though poffefled of 
this advantage, an advantage impoflible to exift in a large 
commercial empire, and though mafters of great martial po- 
licy, their condition, upon the whole, is big with the moft 
ftriking demonftration of the mifery and unnatural ftate of 
fuch very imperfeft civilization. Multiply , and reple?iifr the- 

earthy is an injun&ion of the beft political philofophy ever 
given to man. Nature has appointed man to cultivate the 
earth, to increafe in number by the food which its culture 
gives, and by this increafe of brethren to remove fome, and to 
mitigate all the natural miferies of human life. But in dire6l 
oppofition to this is the political ftate of the wild Americans. 
Their lands, luxuriant in climate, are often defolate waftes, 
where thoufands of miles hardly fupport a few hundreds of fa- 
vage hunters. Attachment to their own tribe conftitutes their 
higheft idea of virtue j but this virtue includes the moft brutal 
depravity, makes them efteem the man of every other tribe as 




an enemy, as one with whom nature had placed them in a fiate 
of war, and had commanded to deftroy *. And to this principle, 
their cuftoms and ideas of honour ferve as rituals and minifters. 
The cruelties pra£tifed by the American favages on their pri- 
foners of war (and war is their chief employment) convey every 
idea exprefled by the word diabolical, and give a mod: /hocking 
view of the degradation of human nature £. But what pecu- 
liarly completes the chara&er of the favage is his horrible fu- 
perftition. In the mod: didiant nations the favage is in this the 
fame. The terror of evil fpirits continually haunts him ; his 
God is beheld as a relentlefs tyrant, and is worfhipped often 
with cruel rites, always with a heart full of horror and fear. 
In all the numerous accounts of favage wordiip, one trace 
of filial dependance is not to be found. The very reverfe of 
that happy idea is the hell of the ignorant mind. Nor is this 
barbarifm confined alone to thofe ignorant tribes, whom we 
call favages. The vulgar of every country poflefs it in certain 
degrees, proportionated to their opportunities of converfation 
with the more enlightened. All the virtues and charities, which 
either dignify human nature or render it amiable, are cultivated 
and called forth into aflion by fociety. The favage life on the 
contrary, if we may be allowed the expreflion,. inftindtively 

* This ferocity of lavage manners affords 
a philofophical account how the molt diftant 
and inhofpitable climes were firft peopled. 
When a Romulus eredts a monarchy and 
makes war on his neighbours, fome natu- 
rally fly to the wilds. As their families in- 
creafe, the ftronger commit depredations 
on the weaker ; and thus from generation 
to generation, they who either dread juft 
punilhment or unjuft oppreffion, fly farther 
and farther in fearch of that protection 
which is only to be found in civilized fociety. 

% Unlefs when compelled by European 
troops, the exchange of prifoners is never 

praftifed by the American favages. 

Sometimes, when a favage lofes a fon in 
war, he adopts one of the captives in his 
Head ; but this feldom occurs ; for the 
death of the prifoner feems to give them 
much more fatisfadtion, The vidtim is tied 

to a tree, his teeth and nails are drawn, 
burning wood is held to every tender part, 
his roafted fingers are put into the bowl of 
a pipe and fmoaked by the favages ; his 
tormentors with horrid howls dance round 
him, wounding him at every turn with their 
poignards ; his eyes are at laft thruft out, 
and he is let loofe to flagger about as his 
torture impels him. As foon as he expires, 
his diflevered limbs are boiled in the war- 
kettle, and devoured by his executioners.. 
And fuch is the power of cuftom and the 
ideas of honour, that the unhappy fufferer 
under all this torment betrays no fign of 
fear or grief. On the contrary he upbraids 
his executioners with their ignorance of the 
art of tormenting, and boalts how many of 
their kindred had found their grave in his 
belly, whom he had put to death in a much 
feYerer manner. 




narrows the mind ; and thus, by the exclufion of the noblet 
feelings, prepares it, as a foil, ready for every vice. Sordid 
difpofition and bafe ferocity, together with the moft unhappy 
fu perdition, arc every where the proportionate attendants of 
ignorance and fevere want. And ignorance and want are oniy 
removed by intercourfe and the offices of fociety. So felf- 
evident arc thefe politions, that it requires an apology for in- 
lilting upon them } but the apology is at hand. He who has 
read knows how many eminent writers*, and he who has con- 
verted knows how many refpectable names, connect the idea 

* The author of that voluminous work, 
Hijioire Pbilojopbique & Politique des EtabliJJe- 
mens & du Commerce des Europeens dans les 
deux Indes , is one of the many who affert 
that the favage is happier than the civil 
life. His reafons are thus abridged: The 
favage has no care or fear for the future, his 
hunting and filhing give him a certain fub- 
fiftence. He fleeps found, and knows not 
the difeafes of cities. He cannot want what 
he does not defire, nor defire that which he 
does not know, and vexation or grief do 
not enter his foul. He is not under the 
controul of a fuperior in his aftions ; in a 
word, fays our author, the favage only fuf- 
fers the evils of nature. 

If the civilized, he adds, enjoy the ele- 
gancies of life, have better food, and are 
more comfortably defended againft the 
change of feafons, it is ufe which makes 
thefe things neceiiary, and they are pur- 
chafed by the painful labours of the mul- 
titude who are the bafis of fociety. To 
what outraees is not the man of civil life 
expofed ; if he has property, it is m danger; 
and government or authority is, according 
to this author, the greateft of all evils. If 
there is a famine in the north of America, 
the favage, led by the wind and the fun, 
can go to a better clime ; but in the horrors 
of famine, war, or peflilence, the ports 
and barriers of polilhed hates place the fub- 
jefts in a prifon, where they muft perilh — - 
II rejieroii encore — There ftill remains an 
infinite difference between the lot of the 
civilized and the favage ; a difference, touts 
entiere, all entirely to the difadvantage of 
fociety, that injustice which reigns in the 
inequality of fortunes and conditions. “ In 

fine, fays he, as the wifh for independence 
is one of the firft inftin&s of man, he who 
can join to the pofleffion of this primitive 
right, the moral fecurity of a fubliftence, 
(which we were juft told the favage could 
do) is incomparably more happy than the 
rich man furrounded with laws, fuperiors, 
prejudices, and fafhions, which endanger 
his liberty.” 

Such are the fentiments of Abbe Raynal, 
a writer whofe fpirited manner, and inte- 
refting fubjedt, have acquired him many 
readers. As he is not lingular in his efti- 
mate of favage happinefs, his arguments 
merit examination. And a view of the full 
tendency of his affertions will fufficiently 
refute his conclufions. Nothing can be 
more evident, than that if habit deflroy the 
relifh of the elegancies of life, habit alfo 
will deftroy the pleafure of hunting and 
filhing, when thefe are the foie bufinefs of 
the favage. If the favage has no care and no 
fuperior, thefe very circumftances naturally 
brutalife his mind, and render him vicious, 
fierce, and felfifh. Nor is he fo free from 
care, as fome philofophers on their couches of 
down are apt to dream. Becaufe hunting and 
filhing feem pleafant to us, are they alfo a 
pleafure to the wretch who in all feafons 
muft follow them for his daily fuftenance ? 
You may as well maintain that a poftillion, 
jaded with fatigue, and fhivering with wet 
and cold, is extremely happy, becaufe gen- 
tlemen ride on horfeback for their pleafure. 
That we cannot want what we do not de- 
lire, nor defire what we do not know, are 
juft pofitions ; but does it follow, that fueha 
ftate is happier than that which brings the 
wiflaes and cares of civil life f By no means: 




of innocence and happinefs with the life of the favage and 
the unimproved ruftic. To fix the charadler of the favage 13 
therefore necefiary, ere we examine the aflertion, that “ it had 

For according to this argument, infenfibility 
and happinefs proceed in the fame gradation, 
and of confequence an oyfter * is the happieft 
®f all animals. The advantages afcribed to 
the favage over the civilized, life, in the time 
of war and famine, in the equality of rank, 
and fecurity of liberty, offer an outrage to 
common fenfe, and are ftriking inftances 
that no paradox is too grofs for the reveries 
of modern philofophy. This author quite 
forgets what dangers the favages are every 
where expofed to ; how their lands, if of 
any value, are fure to be feized by their 
more powerful neighbours, and millions of 
their perfons enflaved by the more polilhed 
Hates. He quite forgets the infinite difiance 
between the refources of the focial and fa- 
vage life ; between the comforts adminiftered 
by fociety to infirmity and old age, and the 
miferable Hate of the favage when he can 
no longer purfue his hunting and fifhing. 
He alfo quite forgets the infinite difference 
between the difcourfe of the favage hut, 
and the ccena deorum, the friendfhip and 

converfation of refined and elevated under- 
ftandings. But to philofophize is the con- 
tagion which infefts the efprits forts of the 
continent; and under the mania of this 
difeafe, there is no wonder that common 
fenfe is fo often crucified. It is only the 
reputation of thofe who fupport fome opi- 
nions that will apologife for the labour of 
refuting them. We may therefore, it is 
hoped, be forgiven, if, en bagatelle , we fmile 
at the triumph of our author, who thus fums 
up his arguments : “ Apres tout, tin mot 

“ pent terminer ce grand proces — After all, 
“ one word will decide this grand difpute, 
“ fo flrongly can vailed among philofophers : 
“ Demand of the man of civil life, if he is 
“ happy ? Demand of the favage if he is 
“ miferable ? If both anfwer, No, the dif- 
“ pute is determined.” By no means 
for the beaft that is contented to wallow in 
the mire, is by this argument in a happier 
Hate than the man who has one wifh to 
fatisfy, however reafonably he may hope to 
do it by his induftry and virtue. 

* And our author rn reality goes as far, “ Tcmoin cet Ecqffoh, Witnefs that Scotchman, fays He, who 

u being left alone on the ifle of Fernandej, was only unhappy while his memory remained ; but when his 
natural wants fo engrolfed him that he forgot his country, his language, his name, and even the articu- 
c< lation of words, this European, at the end of four years, found himfelf eafed of the burden of focial 
“ life, in having the happinefs to lofe the life of refleftion, of thofe thoughts which led him back to the 
u part, or taught him to dread the future.” But this is as erroneous in fa£l, as fuch happinefs is falfe in 
philofophy. Alexander Selkirk fell into no fuch date of happy idcotifm. By his own account he acquired 
indeed the greateti tranquility of mind, which arofe from religious fubmiffion to his fate. He had with 
him a bible, fome books of mathematics and practical divinity ; the daily perufal of which both fortified 
his patience and amufed his tedious hours. And he profeflfed that he feared he would never again be lb 
good a Chriftian. In his domeltic oeconomy he Ihewed every exertion of an intelligent mind. When Capt. 
Rogers found him in 1709, the accounts which he gave of the fprings and vegetables of the Bland, were of 
the greatefl fervice to the (hip’s company. And the Captain found him fo able a lailor, that he imme- 
diately made him mate of his (hip. Having feen Capt. Rogers’s veil'd at fea, he made a fire in the night, 
in confequence of which a boat was fent to examine the fhore. He laid he had feen fome Spaniards at 
different times land on the ifland, but he had always (led from them, judging they would certainly put 
him to death, in order to prevent any account which he might be able to give of the South Seas. This is 
not the reafoning of the man who has forgotten his name and his country. And even his amufements 
difcover humour, and a mind by no means wrapt up in dull or favage tranquillity. He had taught a number 
of his tame goats and cats to dance on their hinder legs ; and he himfelf lung, and danced along with them. 
This he exhibited to Capt. Rogers and his company. The Captain indeed fays he feemed to have forgotten 
part of his language, as he fpoke his words by halves. But let it be remembered, that Selkirk was born in 
a county of Scotland where the vulgar fay, fat ir yee decin, and far ir ya gaiun, in place of -what n c 
doing, and -where are you going. Selkirk, it is true, had been fome little while on board Dampier s (hip, 
but not to mention what little improvement of his fpeech might from thence be received, certain it is that 
dilufe of the acquired tongue, as well as hidden paffion, will recall the native dialect. — It is no wonder, 
therefore, that an Englifhman Ihonld think he fpoke his words by halves. Selkirk had not been full four 
years on the ifland of Fernandea, and on his.jeturn to England, the narrative which he gave of his fulfcr- 
ings afforded the hint of Robinfon Crufoe. 



"been happy for both the old and the new worlds, if the Eaft 
and Weft Indies had never been difeovered.” The bloodftied 
and the attendant miferies which the unparalleled rapine and 
cruelties of the Spaniards fpread over the new world, indeed 
difgrace human nature. The great and flourifhing empires of 
Mexico and Peru, fteeped in the blood of forty millions of 
their fons, prefent a melancholy profpedl, which muft excite 
the indignation of every good heart. Yet fuch defolation is 
not the certain confequence of difeovery. And even fhould 
we allow that the depravity of human nature is fo great, that 
the avarice of the merchant and rapacity of the foldier will 
overwhelm with mifery every new difeovered country, ftill are 
there other, more comprehenfive views, to be taken, ere we 
^decide againft the intercourfe introduced by navigation. 
When we weigh the happinefs of Europe in the fcale of po- 
litical phiiofophy, we are not to confine our eye to the dread- 
ful ravages of Attila the Hun, or of Alaric the Goth. If the 
waters of a ftagnated lake are difturbed by the fpade when 
led into new channels, we ought not to inveigh againft the 
alteration becaufe the waters are fouled at the firft ; we are to 
wait to fee the ftreamlets refine and fpread beauty and utility 
through a thoufand vales which they never vifited before. Such 
were the conquefts of Alexander j temporary evils, but civi- 
lization and happinefs followed in the bloody track. And 
though difgraced with every barbarity, happinefs has alfo fol- 
lowed the conquefts of the Spaniards in the other hemifphere. 
Though the villainy of the Jefuits defeated their fchemes of 
civilization in many countries, the labours of that fociety 
have been crowned with a fuccefs in Paraguay and in Canada, 
which reflects upon their induftry the greateft honour. The 
cuftoms and cruelties of many American tribes ftill difgrace 
human nature ; but in Paraguay and Canada the natives have 
been brought to relifh the blefiings of fociety and the arts of 
virtuous and civil life. If Mexico is not fo populous as it 
once was, neither is it fo barbarous j the fhrieks of the human 
victim do not now refound from nple to temple; nor does 



the human heart, held up reeking to the Sun, imprecate the 
vengeance of heaven on the guilty empire*. And, however 
impolitically defpotic the Spanifh governments may be, ftill 
do thefe colonies enjoy the opportunities of improvement, 
which in every age arife from the knowledge of commerce 
and of letters ; opportunities which were never enjoyed 

* The innocent fimplicity of the Americans 
in their conferences with the Spaniards, and 
the dreadful cruelties they differed, divert our 
view from their complete charadter. But 
almofl every thing was horrid in their civil 
cufloms and religious rites. In fome tribes, 
to cohabit with their mothers, filters, and 
daughters, was efteemed the means of do- 
meltic peace. In others, catamites were 
maintained in every village ; thefe went 
from houfe to houfe as they pleafed, and it 
was unlawful to refufe them what vidluals 
they chufed. In every tribe the captives 
taken in war were murdered with the moll 
wanton cruelty, and afterwards devoured 
by the vidtors. Their religious rites were, 
if poflible, Hill more horrid. The abomi- 
nations of ancient Moloch were here out- 
numbered ; children, virgins. Haves, and 
captives, bled on different altars, to appeafe 
their various gods. If there was a fcarcity 
of human vidtims, the prielts announced 
that the gods were dying of third for human 
blood. And to prevent a threatened famine 
the kings of Mexico were obliged to make 
war on the neighbouring Hates, to fupply 
the altars. The prifoners of either fide died 
by the hand of the pried. But the num- 
ber of the Mexican facrifices fo greatly ex- 
ceeded thofe of other nations, that the 
Tlafcalans, who were hunted down for this 
purpofe, readily joined Cortez with about 
200,000 men, and fired by the mod fixed 
hatred, enabled him to make one great fa- 
crifice of the Mexican nation. Without the 
aflidance of thefe potent auxiliaries Cortez 
never could have conquered Mexico. And 
thus the barbarous cruelty of the Mexicans 
was the real caufe of their very fignal de- 
lirudtion. As the horrid feenes of Gladiators 
amufed ancient Rome, fo their more horrid 
facrifices feem to have formed the chief en- 

tertainment of Mexico. At the dedication 
of the temple of Vitzuliputfcli, A.D. 1486, 
64,080 human vidtims were facrificed in four 
days. And, according to the bed accounts, 
their annual facrifices required feveral thou- 
fands. The flculls of the vidlims fometimes 
were hung on drings which reached from 
tree to tree around their temples, and fome- 
times were built up in towers and cemented 
with lime. In fome of thefe towers Andrew 
de Tapia one day counted* 136,000 flculls. 
When the Spaniards gave to the Mexicans a 
pompous difplay of the greatnefs of their 
monarch Charles V. Montezuma’s orators in 
return boaded of the power of their empe- 
ror, and enumerated among the proofs of 
it, the great number of his human facri- 
fices. He could eafily conquer that great 
people, the Tlafcalans, they faid, but he 
chufes to preferve them to fupply his altars. 
During the war with the Spaniards they 
increased their ufual facrifices, till pried and 
people were tired of their bloody religion. 
Frequent embafiies from different tribes 
complained to Cortez that they were weary 
of their rites, and intreated him to teach 
them his law. And though the Peruvians, 
it is faid, were more polilhed, and did not 
facrifice quite fo many as the Mexicans, yet 
200 children was the ufual hecatomb for 
the health of the Ynca, and a much larger 
one of all ranks honoured his obfequies. 
The method of facrificing was thus ; Six 
prieds laid the vidtim on an altar, which 
was narrow at top, when five bending him 
acrofs, the fixth cut up his domach with a 
fharp dint, and while he held up the heart 
reeking to the fun, the others tumbled the 
carcafe down a flight of flairs near the altar, 
and immediately proceeded to. the next fa- 
crifice. See Acofla, Gomara, Careri, the 
Letters of Cortez to Charles V. Sec. Sec. 

' By multiplying the numbers, no doubt, of the horizontal and perpendicular rows into each other. 

c under 



under the dominion of Montezuma and Atabalipa. But 
if from Spanifh, we turn our eyes to Britidi America, what a 
glorious profpedt ! Here formerly on the wild lawn, perhaps 
twice in the year, a few favage hunters kindled their evening 
fire, kindled it more to protect them from evil fpirits and 
beads of prey, than from the cold; and with their feet 
pointed to it, dept on the ground. Here now population 
fpreads her thoufands, and fociety appears in all its bleffings 
of mutual * help, and the mutual lights of intellectual im- 
provement. “ What work of art, or power, or public utility, 
“ has ever equalled the glory of having peopled a continent, 
“ without guilt or bloodfhed, with a multitude of free and 
“ happy common-wealths, to have given them the bed arts of 
“ life and government!” To have given a favage continent 
an image of the Britidi conditution is indeed the greated 
glory of the Britidi crown, “ a greater than any other nation 
“ ever acquired and from the confequences of the genius of 
Henry Duke of Vifeo, did the Britidi American empire arife, 
an empire which, unlefs retarded by the illiberal and inhuman 
fpirit of religious fanaticifm, will in a few centuries, perhaps, 
be the glory of the world. 

Stubborn indeed mud be the Theorid, who will deny the 
improvement, virtue, and happinefs, which in the refult, the 
voyage of Columbus has fpread over the Weftern World. The 
happinefs which Europe and Ada have received from the in- 
tercourfe with each other, cannot hitherto, it mud be owned, 
be compared either with the podedion of it, or the fource of 
its' increafe edablidied in America. Yet let the man of the 
mod melancholy views edimate all the wars and depredations 
which are charged upon the Portuguefe and other European 
nations, dill will the Eadern World appear condderably ad- 
vantaged by the voyage of Gama. If feas of blood have been 
died by the Portuguefe, nothing new was introduced inter 

* This was written ere the commencement of the unhappy civil war in America. And 
under the influence of tjie fpirit of the Britilh conftitution, that country may perhaps a^ain 
deferve this character. 




India. War and depredation were no unheard of Grangers on 
the banks of the Ganges ; nor could the nature of the civil 
eftabiifhments of the eaftern nations fecure a lafting peace. 
The ambition of their native princes was only diverted into 
new channels ; into channels, which in the natural courfe of 
human affairs, will certainly lead to permanent governments, 
eftablifhed on improved laws and juft dominion. Yet even 
ere fuch governments are formed, is Afia no lofer by the ar- 
rival of Europeans. The horrid maflacres and unbounded 
rapine which, according to their own annals, followed the 
victories of their Afian conquerors, were never equalled by the 
worft of their European vanquifhers. Nor is the eftablifh- 
ment of improved governments in the eaft the dream of 
theory. The fuperiority of the civil and military arts of 
the Britifh, notwithstanding the hateful charadter of fome 
individuals, is at this day beheld in India with all the afto- 
uifhment of admiration ; and admiration is always fol- 
lowed, though often with retarded fteps, by the ftrong defire 
of fimilar improvement. Long after the fall of the Roman 
empire, the Roman laws were adopted by nations which an- 
cient Rome efteemed as barbarous. And thus, in the courfe of 
ages, the Britifh laws, according to every teft of probability, 
will, in India, have a moft important effedl, will fulfil the 
prophecy of Camoens, and transfer to the Britifh the high 
compliment he pays to his countrymen ; 

Beneath their fway majeftic, wife, and mild, 

Proud of her vidlor’s laws, thrice happier India fmiled. 

In former ages, and within thefe few years, the fertile em- 
pire of India has exhibited every fcene of human mifery, under 
the undiftinguifhing ravages of their Mohammedan and native 
princes ; ravages only equalled in European hiftory by thofe 
committed under Attila, furnamed the fcourge of God, and the 
deftroyer of nations. The ideas of patriotifm and of honour 
were feldom known in the cabinets of the eaftern princes till 

c 2 the 



the arrival of tlie Europeans. Every fpecies of aflalfination 
was the policy of their courts, and every act of unreftrained 
rapine and maftacre followed the path of victory. But fome of 
the Portuguefe governors, and many of the Englifh officers, 
have taught them, that humanity to the conquered is the beft, 
the trued: policy. The brutal ferocity of their own conquerors 
is now the object of their greateft dread ; and the fuperiority 
of the Britiffi in war has convinced their * princes, that an al- 
liance with the Britiffi is the ffireft guarantee of their national 
peace and profperity. While the Engliffi Eaft India Company 
are poffieffed of their prefent greatnefs, it is in their power to 
diffufe over the Eaft every bleffing v/hich flows from the wifeft and 
moft humane policy. Long ere the Europeans arrived, a failure 
of the crop of rice, the principal food of India, has fpread the 
devaluations of famine over the populous plains of Bengal. 
And never, from the feven years famine of ancient Egypt to 
the prefent day, was there a natural fcarcity in any country 
which did not enrich the proprietors of the granaries. The 
Mohammedan princes and Mooriffi traders have often added 
all the horrors of an artificial to a natural famine. But how- 
ever fome Portuguefe or other governors may ftand accufed* 
much was left for the humanity of the more exalted policy of 
an Albuquerque or a Caftro. And under fuch European go- 
vernors as thefe, the diftrefles of the Eaft have often been al- 
leviated by a generality of conduct, and a train of refources 
formerly unknown in Afia. Abfurd and impracticable were 
that fcheme, which would introduce the Britiffi laws into 
India, without the deepeft regard to the manners and circum- 
ftances peculiar to the people. But that fpirit of liberty upon 
which they are founded, and that fecurity of property which 
is their leading principle, muft, in time, have a wide and ftu- 
pendous effed. The abjed fpirit of Afiatic fubmiffion will 
be taught to fee, and to claim thofe rights of nature, of which 

* Mohammed AH Khan, Nabob of the Carnatic, declared, « I met the Britifh with that 
“ freedom of opennefs which they love, and I eftsem it my honour, as well as fecurity, to 
<! be the ally of fuch a nation of princes.” 




the difpirited and palfive Gentoos could, till lately, hardly form 
an idea. From this, as naturally as the noon fucceeds the 
dawn, mull the other bleftings of civilization arife. For 
though the four great tribes of India are almoft inacceflible 
to the introduction of other manners and of other literature 
than their own, happily there is in human nature a propenlity 
to change. Nor may the political philofopher be deemed an 
enthufiaft, who would boldly prophefy, that unlefs the Britilh 
be driven from India, the general fuperiority which they bear, 
will, ere many generations lhall have palled, induce the molt 
intelligent of India to break the fhackles of their abfurd fu- 
perftitions, and lead them to partake of thofe advantages 
which arife from the free fcope and due cultivation of the ra- 
tional powers. In almoll every inltance J the Indian inllitu- 
tions are contrary to the feelings and willies of nature.. And 
ignorance and bigotry, their two chief pillars, can never fecure 
unalterable duration*. We have certain proof, that the hor- 
rid cuftom of burning the wives along with the body of the 
deceafed hulband, has continued for upwards of 1500 years; 
we are alfo certain, that within thefe twenty years it has be- 
gun to fall into difufe. Together with the alteration of this 
molf ftriking feature of Indian manners, other affimilations to 
European fentiments have already taEen place f\ Nor can the 
obltinacy even of the conceited Chinefe always refill the delire 
of imitating the Europeans, a people who in arts and in arms 
are fo greatly fuperior to themfeives. The ufe of the twenty- 
four letters, by which we can exprefs every language, appeared 
at firft as miraculous to the Chinefe. Prejudice cannot always 
deprive that people, who are not deficient in fellilh cunning, 
of the eafe and expedition of an alphabet ; and it is eafy to 

J Every man muft follow his father’s trade, and mull: marry a daughter of the fame 
occupation. Innumerable are their other barbarous reftri&ions of genius and inclination. 

* The impoffibility of alteration in the religion of the Bramins, is an aflertion againft 
fafls. The high antiquity and unadulterated famenefs of their religion, are impofttions on 
Europe. For a clear demonllration of this, fee the Enquiry, &c. at the end of theVIIth Lufiad. 

f See the above Enquiry, See. 



forcfce, that, in the courfe of a few centuries, fome alphabet 
will certainly take place of the 60,000 arbitrary marks, which 
now render the cultivation of the Chinefe literature not only 
a labour of the utmofl difficulty, but even the attainment of 
it, impoffible beyond a very limited degree. And from the in- 
troduction of an alphabet, what improvements may not be 
expected from the laborious induftry of the Chinefe ! Though 
mod obftinately attached to their old cuftoms, yet there is a 
tide in the manners of nations which is fudden and rapid, and 
which acts with a kind of inftindtive fury againfl ancient 
prejudice and abfurdity. It was that nation of merchants, the 
Phoenicians, which diffufed the ufe of letters through the 
ancient, and Commerce will undoubtedly diffufe the fame 
bleffings through the modern world. 

To this view of the political happinefs, which is fure to be 
introduced in proportion to civilization, let the Divine add, 
what may be reafonably expected, from fuch opportunity of the 
increafe of Religion. A fadlory of merchants, indeed, has 
feldom been found to be the fchool of piety ; yet, when the 
general manners of a people become affimilated to thofe of a 
more rational worfhip, fomething more than ever was pro- 
duced by an infant million, or the neighbourhood of an infant 
colony, may then be reafonably expected, and even foretold. 

In eftimating the political happinefs of a people, nothing is 
of greater importance than their capacity of, and tendency to, 
improvement. As a dead lake, to continue our former al- 
lufion, will remain in the fame Rate for ages and ages, fo 
would the bigotry and fuperftitions of the Eaft continue the 
fame. But if the lake is begun to be opened into a thoufand 
rivulets, who knows over what unnumbered fields, barren be- 
fore, they may diffufe the bleffings of fertility, and turn a 
dreary wildernefs into a land of fociety and joy. 

In contrail to this, let the Golden Coaft and other immenfe 
regions of Africa be contemplated : 




Afric behold ; alas, what altered view ! 

Her lands uncultured, and her Tons untrue ; 

Ungraced with all that fweetens human life, 

Savage and fierce they roam in brutal llrife ; 

Eager they grafp the gifts' which culture yields, 

Yet naked roam their own negleCted fields 

Unnumber’d tribes as beflial grazers ftray, 

By laws unform’d, unform’d by Reafon’s fway. 

Far inward ftretch the mournful fleril dales. 

Where on the parcht hill-fide pale famine wails. 

Lusiad Xr 

. " # \ t. , 

Let us view what millions of thefe unhappy favages are 
dragged from their native fields, and cut off for ever from all 
the hopes and all the rights to which human birth entitled 
them. And who would hefitate to pronounce that Negro the 
greateft of patriots, who, by teaching his countrymen the arts 
of fociety, fhould teach them to defend themfelves in the 
pofleflion of their fields, their families, and their own per* 
fonal liberties ? 

Evident however as it is, that the voyages of Gama and 
Columbus have already carried a fuperior degree of happinefs, 
and the promife of infinitely more, to the Eaftern and Weifern 
Worlds ; yet the advantages derived from the difcovery of thefe 
regions to Europe may perhaps be denied. But let us view 
what Europe was, ere the genius of Don Henry gave birth to 
the fpirit of modern difcovery. 

Several ages before this period the feudal fyftem had dege- 
nerated into the mofl abfolute tyranny. The barons exercifed 
the mod; defpotic authority over their vaffals, and every fcheme 
of public utility was rendered impracticable by their continual 
petty wars with each other; and to which they led their de- 
pendents as dogs to the chace. Unable to read, or to write his 
own name, the Chieftain was entirely poffeffed by the mofl 
romantic opinion of military glory, and the fong of his do- 
meftic minftrel confcituted his highdt idea of fame. The 




dallies flcpt on t lie fhelves of the monafteries, their daik, but 
happy alylum j while the life of the monks refembled that of 
the fattened beeves which loaded their tables. Real abilities 
were indeed poffeffed by a Duns Scotus, and a few otheis; but 
thefe were loft in the rnoft trifling fubtleties of a fophiftry, 
which they dignified with the name of cafuiftical Divinity. 
Whether Adam and Eve were created with navels, and how 
many thoufand angels might at the fame inftant dance upon 
the point of the fineft needle without joftling one another, 
were two of the feveral topics of like importance which ex- 
cited the acumen and engaged the controverftes of the Learned. 
While every branch of philofophical, of rational inveftigation, 
was thus unpurfued and unknown, Commerce, incompatible 
in itfelf with the feodal fyftem, was equally negledled and 
unimproved. Where the mind is enlarged and enlightened by 
Learning, plans of Commerce will rife into adtion ; and thefe, 
in return, will, from every part of the world bring new ac- 
quirements to philofophy and fcience. The birth of Learning 
and Commerce may be different, but their growth is mutual 
and dependent upon each other. They not only aftift each 
other, but the fame enlargement of mind which is neceffary 
for perfedtion in the one, is alfo neceffary for perfection in 
the other ; and the fame caufes impede, and are alike deftruc- 
tive of both. The Intercourse of mankind is the parent of 
each. According to the confinement or extent of Intercourfe, 
barbarity or civilization proportionably prevail. In the dark 
Monkifli ages, the Intercourfe of the learned was as much im- 
peded and confined as that of the merchant. A few unwieldy 
veffels coafted the fhores of Europe j and mendicant friars and 
ignorant pilgrims carried a miferable account of what was 
palling in the world from monaftery to monaftery. What 
Dodtor had laft difputed on the Peripatetic philofophy at fome 
univerfity, or what new herefy had laft appeared, not only 
comprifed the whole of their literary intelligence, but was de- 
livered with little accuracy, and received with as little attention. 
While this thick cloud of mental darknefs overfpread the 




wedern world, was Don Henry prince of Portugal born, bom 
to fet mankind free from the feodal fydem, and to give to the 
whole world every advantage, every light that may poflibly be 
diffufed by the Intercourfe of unlimitted Commerce : 

■ — ■ - For then from ancient gloom emerg’d 
The rifing world of Trade : the Genius, then, 

Of Navigation, that in hopelefs doth 
Had flumber’d on the vad Atlantic deep 
For idle ages, darting, heard at lad 
The Lufitanian Prince, who, heaven-infpir’d 
To love of ufeful glory rous’d mankind. 

And in unbounded Commerce mixt the world. Thom. 

In contrail to the melancholy view of human nature, funk 
in barbarifm and benighted with ignorance, let the prefent date 
of Europe be impartially edimated. Yet though the great in- 
creafe of opulence and learning cannot be denied, there are 
fome who aflert, that virtue and happinefs have as greatly de- 
clined. And the immenfe overdow of riches, from the Ead in 
particular, has been pronounced big with dedru£lion to the 
Britidi empire. Every thing human, it is true, has its dark as 
well as its bright dde j but let thefe popular complaints be 
examined, and it will be found, that modern Europe, and the 
Britifh empire in a very particular manner, have received the 
greated and mod folid advantages from the modern enlarged 
lydem of Commerce. The magic of the old romances, which 
could make the mod withered, deformed hag, appear as the mod 
beautiful virgin, is every day verified in popular declamation. 
Ancient days are there painted in the mod amiable fimplicity, 
and the modern in the mod odious colours. Yet what man of 
fortune in England now lives in that dupendous grofs luxury, 
which every day was exhibited in the Gothic cadles of the old 
Chieftains! Four or five hundred knights and fquires in the 
domedic retinue of a warlike Earl was not uncommon, nor 
was the pomp of embroidery inferior to the profufe wade of 

d their 



their tables j in both inftances unequalled by all the mad ex- 
ceffes of the prefent age. 

While the Baron thus lived in all the wild glare of Gothic 
luxury, agriculture was almoft totally neglected, and his meaner 
vaflals fared harder, infinitely lefs comfortably, than the meaneft 
induftrious labourers of England do now. Where the lands are 
uncultivated, the peafants, ill-cloathed, ill-lodged, and poorly 
fed, pafs their miferable days in floth and filth, totally ignorant 
of every advantage, of every comfort which nature lays at their 
feet. He who paffes from the trading towns and cultured fields 
of England, to thofe remote villages of Scotland or Ireland, 
which claim this defcription, is aftonifhed at the comparative 
wretchednefs of their deftitute inhabitants j but few confider, 
that thefe villages only exhibit a view of what Europe was, 
ere the fpirit of Commerce diffufed the bleflings which naturally 
flow from her improvements. In the Hebrides the failure of a 
harveft almoft depopulates an ifland. Having little or no traffic 
to purchafe grain, numbers of the young and hale betake them- 
felves to the continent in queft of employment and food, leaving 
a few, lefs adventurous, behind, to beget a new race, the heirs 
of the fame fortune. Yet, from the fame caufe, from the want 
of traffic, the kingdom of England has often felt more dread- 
ful effects than thefe. Even in the days when her Henries and 
Edwards plumed themfelves with the trophies of France, how 
often has Famine fpread all her horrors over city and village? 
Our modern hiftories neglect this charadteriftical feature of an- 
cient days ; but the rude chronicles of thefe ages inform us, 
that three or four times, in almoft eveiy reign of continuance, 
was England thus vifited. The failure of one crop was then 
feverely felt, and two bad harvefts together were almoft infup- 
portable. But Commerce has now opened another fcene, has 
armed Government with the happieft power that can be exerted 
by the rulers of a nation 3 the power to prevent every *extre- 

* Extremity ; for it were both highly unjuft and impolitic in Government, to allow im- 
portation in fuch a degree as might be deftru&ive of domeftic agriculture, even when there 
is a real failure of the harveft, 




mity which may poflibly arife from bad harvefts ; extremities, 
which, in former ages, were efteemed more dreadful vifitations 
of the wrath of heaven, than the peftilence itfelf. Yet mo- 
dern London is not fo certainly defended againft the latter, its 
antient vifitor in almoft every reign, as the Commonwealth by 
the means of Commerce, under a juft and humane government, 
is fecured againft the ravages of the former. If, from thefe great 
outlines of the happinefs enjoyed by a commercial over an un- 
commercial nation, we turn our eyes to the manners, the ad- 
vantages will be found no lefs in favour of the civilized. 

Whoever is inclined to declaim on the vices of the prefent 
age, let him read, and be convinced, that the Gothic ages 
were lefs virtuous. If the fpirit of chivalry prevented effe- 
minacy, it was the fofter-father of a ferocity of manners, now 
happily unknown. Rapacity, avarice, and effeminacy are the 
vices afcribed to the increafe of Commerce ; and in fome de- 
gree, it muft be confeffed, they follow her fteps. Yet infinitely 
more dreadful, as every palatinate in Europe often felt, were 
the effeCts of the two firft under the feodal Lords, than pofiibly 
can be experienced under any fyftem of trade. The virtues 
and vices of human nature are the fame in every age : they 
only receive different modifications, and lie dormant or are 
awaked into aCtion under different circumftances. The feodal 
Lord had it infinitely more in his power to be rapacious than 
the merchant. And whatever avarice may attend the trader, 
his intercourfe with the reft of mankind lifts him greatly above 
that brutifii ferocity which aCtuates the lavage, often the 
ruftic, and in general charaCterifes the ignorant part of man- 
kind. The abolition of the feodal fyftem, a fyftem of abfolute 
llavery, and that equality of mankind which affords the pro- 
tection of property, and every other incitement to induftry, are 
the glorious gifts which the Ipirit of Commerce, called forth 
by prince Henry of Portugal, has bellowed upon Europe in 
general ; and, as if directed by the manes of his mother, a 
daughter of England, upon the Britilh empire in particular. 
Jn the vice of effeminacy alone, perhaps, do we exceed our an- 

d 2 ceftors ; 



ceftors ; yet even here we have infinitely the advantage over 
them. The brutal ferocity of former ages is now loft, and the 
general mind is humanifed. The favage breaft is the native 
foil of revenge j a vice, of all others, ingratitude excepted, pe- 
culiarly ftamped with the character of hell. But the mention 
of this was referved for the charadter of the favages of Europe. 
The favage of every country is implacable when injured, but 
among fome, revenge has its meafure. When an American 
Indian is murdered, his kindred purfue the murderer, and foon 
as blood has atoned for blood, the wilds of America hear the 
hoftile parties join in their mutual lamentations over the 
dead ; and as an oblivion of malice, the murdered and the 
murderer are buried together. But the meafure of revenge, 
never to be full, was left for the demi-favages of Europe. The 
vaffals of the feodal Lord entered into his quarrels with the 
moft inexorable rage. Juft, or unjuft was no confideration of 
theirs. It was a family feud j no farther enquiry was made ; 
and from age to age, the parties, who never injured each other, 
breathed nothing but mutual rancour and revenge. And ac- 
tions, fuitable to this horrid fpirit, every where confeffed its 
virulent influence. Such were the late days of Europe, admired 
by the ignorant for the innocence of manners. Refentment 
of injury indeed is natural j and there is a degree which is ho- 
neft, and though warm, far from inhuman. But if it is the 
hard talk of humanifed virtue to preferve the feeling of an 
injury unmixt with the flighted: criminal with of revenge, 
how impofiible is it for the favage to attain the dignity of for- 
givenefs, the greateft ornament of human nature ! As in in- 
dividuals, a virtue will rife into a vice, generofity into blind 
profuflon, and even mercy into criminal lenity, fo civilifed 
manners will lead the opulent into effeminacy. But let it be 
confldered, this confequence is by no means the certain refult 
of civilization. Civilization, on the contrary, provides the 
moft effedtual preventive of this evil. Where claflical litera- 
ture prevails, the manly fpirit which it breathes muft be dif- 
fufed. Whenever frivoloufnefs predominates, when refinement 




degenerates into whatever enervates the mind, literary ignorance 
is lure to compleat the effeminate character. A mediocrity of 
virtues and of talents is the lot of the great majority of man- 
kind ; and even this mediocrity, if cultivated by a liberal edu- 
cation, will infallibly fecure its poffeffor againft thofe exceffes 
of effeminacy which are really, culpable. To be of plain man- 
ners it is not neceffary to be a clown, or to wear coarfe cloaths - r 
nor is it neceffary to lie on the ground and feed like the favage, 
to be truly manly. The beggar who, behind the hedge, divides 
his offals with his dog, has often more of the real fenfualift 
than he who dines at an elegant table. Nor need we hefitate 
to affert, that he who, unable to preferve a manly elegance of 
manners, degenerates into the petit maitre , would have been, 
in any age or condition, equally insignificant and worthlefs. 
Some, when they talk of the debauchery of the prefent age, 
l'eem to think that the former were all innocence. But this is 
ignorance of human nature. The debauchery of a barbarous 
age is grofs and brutal ; that of a gloomy fuperftitious one, 
fecret, excefiive, and murderous ; that of a more polifhed one, 
not to make an apology, much happier for the fair fex *, and 
certainly in no circumftance fo big with political unhappinefs. 
If one difeafe has been imported from Spanifh America, the 
moft valuable medicines have likewife been brought from thefe 
regions j and diftempers, which were thought invincible by our 
forefathers, are now cured. If the luxuries of the Indies ufher 
difeafe to our tables, the confequence is not unknown ; the 
wife and the temperate receive no injury ; and intemperance has 
been the deffroyer of mankind in every age. The opulence of 
ancient Rome produced a luxury of manners which proved 

• Even that warm admirer of favage 
happinefs, the author of the Hijioire Phi- 
lojophique y Politique des EtabliJJemens, 8tc. 
confefles, that the wild Americans feem 
deftitute of the feeling of love. — “ In a 
M little while, fays he, when the heat of 
“ paflion is gratified, they lofe all affe&ion 
“ and attachment for their women, whom 
“ they degrade to the moft fervile offices.’* 

— A tender remembrance of the firft en- 
dearments, a generous participation of care 
and hope, the compaflionate fentiments of 
honour, all thofe delicate feelings, which 
arife into affeflion and bind attachment, are 
indeed incompatible with the ferocious and 
grofs fenfations of the barbarian of any 




fatal to that mighty empire. But the effeminate fenfualids of 
thofe ages were men of no intelledtual cultivation. The en- 
larged ideas, the generous and manly feelings infpired by libe- 
ral fludy, were utterly unknown to them. Unformed by that 
wifdom which arifes from fcience and true philofophy, they 
were grofs barbarians, dreffed in the mere outward tinfel of 
civilization -f*. Where the enthufiafm of military honour cha- 
ra£ferifes the rank of gentlemen, that nation will rife into 
empire. But no fooner does conqueft give a continued fecu- 
rity, than the mere foldier degenerates; and the old veterans 
are foon fucceeded by a new generation, illiterate as their fa- 
thers, but deftitute of their virtues and experience. Polite 
literature not only humanifes the heart, but alfo wonderfully 
ftrengthens and enlarges the mind. Moral and political phi- 
lofophy are its peculiar provinces, and are never happily culti- 
vated without its affilfance. But where ignorance charadterifes 
the body of the nobility, the mod infipid diflipation, and the 
very idlenefs and effeminacy of luxury, are fure to follow. 
Titles and family are then the only merit; and the few men of 
bufmefs who furround the throne, have it then in their power 
to aggrandife themfelves by rivetting the chains of flavery. 
A ftately grandeur is preferved, but it is only outward ; all is 
decayed within, and on the firft dorm the weak fabric falls to 
the dud. Thus rofe and thus fell the empire of Rome, and 
the much wider one of Portugal. Though the increafe of 
wealth did indeed contribute to that corruption of manners 
winch unnerved the Portuguefe, certain it is, the wifdom of 
legiilature might have prevented every evil which Spain and 
Portugal have experienced from their acquifitions in the two 
Indies. Every evil which they have differed from their acquire- 
ments arofe, as fliall be hereafter demonfLated, from their 
general ignorance, an ignorance which rendered them unable to 

f The degeneracy of the Roman litera- branch of knowledge, and were therefore 

ture preceded the fate of that empire, and unable to hold the reins of empire. The 

the reafon is obvious. The men of fortune degeneracy of literary tafte is, therefore, 

grew frivolous, and fuperficial in every the fureft proof of the general declenfion. 




invefligate or apprehend, even the firft principles of civil and 
commercial philofophy. And what other than the total eclipfe 
of their glory could be expected from a nobility, rude and un- 
lettered as thofe of Portugal are defcribed by the author of the 
Lufiad, a court and nobility, who fealed the truth of all his 
complaints againft them, by fuffering that great man> the light 
of their age, to die in an alms-houfe ! What but the fall of 
their date could be expedted from barbarians like thefe ! Nor 
can the annals of mankind produce one inftance of the fall of 
empire, where the charadter of the grandees was other than 
that afcribed to his countrymen by Camoens. 


( xxiv ) 





N O leffon can be of greater national importance than the 
hiftory of the rife and the fall of a commercial empire. 
The view of what advantages were acquired, and of what 
might have been ftill added ; the means by which fuch empire 
might have been continued, and the errors by which it was loft, 
are as particularly confpicuous in the naval and commercial 
hiftory of Portugal, as if Providence had intended to give a 
lafting example to mankind j a chart, where the courfe of the 
fafe voyage is pointed out ; and where the ftielves and rocks, 
and the feafons of tempeft, are difcovered, and foretold. 

The hiftory of Portugal, as a naval and commercial power, 
begins with the enterprizes of Prince Henry. But as the im- 
provements introduced by this great man, and the completion 
of his defigns are intimately connefled with the political ftate 
of his age and country, a concife view of the progrefs of the 
power, and of the chara6ter of that kingdom, will be necef- 
fary to elucidate the hiftory of the revival of Commerce, and 
the fubjeft of the Lufiad. 

During the centuries, when the effeminated Roman pro- 
vinces of Europe were defolated by the irruptions of northern 
or Scythian barbarians, the Saracens, originally of the fame 
race, a wandering banditti of Afiatic Scythia, fpread the fame 
horrors of brutal conqueft over the fineft countries of the 
eaftern world. The northern conquerors of the finer pro- 
vinces of Europe embraced the Chriftian religion as profeffed 




by the monks, and, contented with the luxuries of their new 
fettlements, their military fpirit foon declined. Their ancient 
brothers, the Saracens, on the other hand, having embraced 
the religion of Mohammed, their rage of war received every 
addition which may poflibly be infpired by religious enthu- 
fiafm. Not only the fpoils of the vanquifhed, but their 
beloved Paradife itfelf, were to be obtained by their fabres, by 
extending the faith of their prophet by force of arms and 
ufurpation of dominion. Strengthened and infpired by a 
commiflion which they efteemed divine, the rapidity of their 
conquefts far exceeded thofe of the Goths and Vandals. A 
great majority of the inhabitants of every country which 
they fubdued, embraced their religion, imbibed their prin- 
ciples, united in their views j and the profeffors of Moham- 
medifm became the moft formidable combination that ever 
was leagued together againft the reft of mankind. Morocco 
and the adjacent countries, at this time amazingly populous, 
had now received the do&rines of the Koran, and incorpo- 
rated with the Saracens. And the Infidel arms fpread flaugh- 
ter and defolation from the fouth of Spain to Italy and the 
iflands of the Mediterranean. All the rapine and carnage com- 
mitted by the Gothic conquerors were now amply returned on 
their lefs warlike pofterity. In Spain, and the province now 
called Portugal, the Mohammedans eretfted powerful king- 
doms, and their luft of conqueft threatened deftru£tion to 
every Chriftian power. But a romantic military fpirit revived 
in Europe, under the aufpices of Charlemagne. Several reli- 
gious military orders were eftablifhed. Celibacy, the ftudy of 
religion, and the exercife of arms, were the conditions of their 
vow, and the defence of their country and of the Faith, their 
ambition and foie purpofe. He who fell in battle was ho- 
noured and envied as a martyr. And moft wonderful victories 
crowned the ardor of thefe religious warriors. The Moham- 
medans, during the reign of Charlemagne, made a moft for- 
midable irruption into Europe, and France in particular telt 
the weight of their fury j but the honour which was paid to 

e the 



the knights who wore the badge of the crofs, drew the adven- 
turous youth of every Chriftian power to the ftandards of 
that political monarch, and in fact, (a circumftance however 
negledted by hiftorians) gave birth to the Crufades, the be- 
ginning of which, in propriety, ought to be dated from his 
reign. Few indeed are the hiftorians of this age, but 
enough remain to prove that though the writers of the old 
romance have greatly difguifed it, though they have given full 
room to the wildeft flights of imagination, and have added the 
inexhauftible machinery of magic to the adventures of their 
heroes, yet the origin of their fictions was founded on hifto- 
rical facts *. And, however this period may thus referable the 
fabulous ages of Greece, certain it is, that an Orlando, a Ri- 
naldo, a Rugero, and other celebrated names in romance, ac- 
quired great honour in the wars which were waged againft the 
Saracens, the invaders of Europe. In thefe romantic wars, by 
which the power of the Mohammedans was checked, feveral 
centuries elapfed, when Alonzo, king of Caftile, apprehenfive 
that the whole force of the Mohammedans of Spain and Mo- 
rocco was ready to fall upon him, prudently imitated the 
conduCl of Charlemagne. He availed himfelf of the fpirit of 
chivalry, and demanded leave of Philip I. of France, and of 
other princes, that volunteers from their dominions might be 
allowed to diftinguifh themfelves under his banners againft the 
infidels. His defire was no fooner known, than a brave ro- 
mantic army thronged to his ftandards, and Alonzo was victo- 
rious. Honours and endowments were liberally diftributed 
among the champions, and to one of the braveft of them, to 
Henry |, a younger fon of the duke of Burgundy, he gave his 
daughter Terefa in marriage, with the fovereignty of the 

* Ariofto, who adopted the legends of the 
old romance, chafed this period for the fub- 
je&of his Orlando Furiofo. Paris befieged 
by the Saracens, Orlando and the other 
Chriftian knights aftemble in aid of Charle- 
magne, who are oppofed in their amours and 
in battle by Rodomont, Ferraw, and other 

infidel knights. That there was a noted 
Moorilh Spaniard, named Ferraw, a redoubt- 
ed champion of that age, we have the tefti- 
mony of Marcus Antonius Sabellicus, a 
writer of note of the fifteenth century. 

X See the notes on page 90 and 9 1 . 




countries fouth of Galicia in dowry, commiflioning him to ex- 
tend his dominions by the expulfion of the Moors. Henry, 
who reigned by the title of Count, improved every advantage 
which offered. The two rich provinces of Entro Minho e Dou?-o t 
and Tra 1 os Montes, yielded to his arms ; great part of Beira 
was alfo fubdued ; and the Moorifh king of Lamego became 
his tributary. Many thoufands of Chriftians, who had lived 
in miferable fubjeflion to the Moors, or in defolate indepen- 
dency on the mountains, took fhelter under the generous pro- 
tection of Count Henry. Great numbers alfo of the Moors 
changed their religion, and chufed rather to continue in the 
land where they were born, under a mild government, than 
be expofed to the feverities and injuflice of their native go- 
vernors. And thus, on one of the moft -f* beautiful and fertile 
fpots of the world, and in the fineft climate, in confequence 
of a Crufade * againft the Mohammedans, was eftablifhed the 
fovereignty of Portugal, a fovereignty which in time fpread 
its influence over the world, and gave a new face to the man- 
ners of nations. 

Count Henry, after a fuccefsful reign, was fucceeded by his 
infant fon Don Alonzo-Henry, who having furmounted feveral 
dangers which threatened his youth J, became the firfl of the 
Portuguefe kings. In 1139 the Moors of Spain and Bar- 
bary united their forces to recover the dominions from which 
they had been driven by the Chriftians. According to the 
loweft accounts of the Portuguefe writers, the army of the 
Moors amounted to 400,000 ; nor is this number incredible, 
when we confider what great armies they at other times 
brought to the field j and that at this time they came to 
take poflcflion of the lands which they expeded to conquer. 
Don Alonzo, however, with a very fmall army, gave them 
battle on the plains of Ourique, and after a ftruggle of fix 

t Small indeed in extent, but fo rich in * In propriety moft certainly a Crufade, 
fertility, that it was called Medulla Hifpa- though that term has never before been ap- 

«/o7, The marrow of Spain. Yid. Rcfandii plied to this war. 

Antiq. Luftt. 1 . iii. t See the note on page 92. 

e 2 




hours, obtained a mod; glorious and compleat -f- victory, and 
which was crowned with an event of the utmoft importance. On 
the field of battle Don Alonzo was proclaimed King of Portu- 
gal by his victorious foldiers, and he in return conferred the 
rank of nobility on the whole army. But the conftitution of 
the monarchy was not fettled, nor was Alonzo invefted with 
the Regalia till fix years after this memorable day. The go- 
vernment the Portuguefe had experienced under the Spaniards 
and Moors, and the advantages which they faw were derived 
from their own valour, had taught them a love of liberty, 
which was not to be complimented away in the joy of victory, 
or by the fhouts of tumult. Alonzo himfelf underftood their 
fpirit too well to venture the lead; attempt to make himfelf a 
defpotic Monarch ; nor did he difcover the lead; inclination to 
deftroy that bold confcioufnefs of freedom which had enabled his 
army to conquer, and to eleCt him their Sovereign. After fix 
years fpent in farther victories, in extending and fecuring his 
dominions, he called an aflembly of the prelates, nobility and 
commons, to meet at Lamego. When the affembly opened, 
Alonzo appeared feated on the throne, but without any other 
mark of regal dignity. And ere he was crowned, the condi- 
tution of the date was fettled, and eighteen flatutes were fo- 
lemnly confirmed by oath as the charter of king and people 5 
flatutes diametrically oppofite to the jus divinum of kings, to 
the principles which inculcate and demand the unlimitted 
paflive obedience of the fubjeCt. 

Confcious of what thev owed to their own valour, the 
founders of the Portuguefe monarchy tranfmitted to their heirs 
thofe generous principles of liberty which compleat and adorn 
the martial character. The ardour of the volunteer, an ar- 
dour unknown to the flave and the mercenary, added to the 
mod romantic ideas of military glory, charaCterifed the Portu- 

t For an account of this battle, and the coronation of the firii king of Portugal, fee the 
note, p. 102. 

X The power of depofing, and of eledling their kings, under certain circumftances, is 
veiled in the people by the lUlutes of Lamego. See the notes, p. 102 and 103. 




guefe under the reigns of their firft monarchs. In almoft 
continual wars with the Moors, this fpirit, on which the 
exiftcnce of their kingdom depended, rofe higher and higher y 
and the defire to extirpate Mohammedifm, the principle which 
animated the wifh of victory in every battle, feemed to take 
deeper root in every age. Such were the manners, and fuch 
the principles of the people who were governed by the fuc- 
ceffors of Alonzo the Firft j a fucceffion of great men, who 
proved themfelves worthy to reign over fo military and enter- 
prifing a nation. 

By a continued train of vidlories Portugal increafed confl- 
derably in ftrength, and the Portuguefe had the honour to 
drive the Moors from Europe. The invasions of thefe people 
were now requited by fuccefsful expeditions into Africa. And 
fuch was the manly fpirit of thefe ages, that the ftatutes of 
Lamego received additional articles in favour of liberty ; a 
convincing proof that the general heroifm of a people depends 
upon the principles of freedom. Alonzo IV. * though not an 
amiable charadler, was perhaps the greateft warrior, politician, 
and monarch of his age. After a reign of military fplendor 
he left his throne to his fon Pedro, who from his inflexible 
juftice was furnamed the Juft, or, the Lover of Juftice. The 
ideas of equity and literature were now diffufed by this great 
prince J, who was himfelf a polite fcholar, and moft accom- 
plifhed gentleman. And Portugal began to perceive the ad- 
vantages of cultivated talents, and to feel its fuperiority over 
the barbarous politics of the ignorant Moors. The great 
Pedro, however, was fucceeded by a weak prince, and the 
heroic fpirit of the Portuguefe feemed to exift no more under 
his fon Fernando, furnamed the Carejefs. 

But the general chara&er of the people was too deeply im- 
prefled, to be obliterated by one inglorious reign 3 and under 
John I. -f* all the virtues of the Portuguefe fhone forth with 

• For the character of this prince, fee the -J- This great prince was the natural fon of 
note, p. 132. Pedro the Juft. Some years after the murder 

\ For anecdotes of this monarch, fee the of his beloved fpoufe Inez deCaftro (of which 

notes, p. 136 and 137. fee the text and notes, p. 126, &c.) left his 




redoubled luflre. Happy for Portugal, his father bellowed a 
mold excellent education upon this prince, which added to, 
and improving his great natural talents, rendered him one of 
the greatefl of monarchs. Confcious of the fuperiority which 
his own liberal education gave him, he was affiduous to be- 
llow the fame advantages upon his children ; and he himfelf 
often became their preceptor in the branches of fcience and 
ufeful knowledge. Fortunate in all his affairs, he was moll of 
all fortunate in his family. He had many fons, and he lived 
to fee them men, men of parts and of a£lion, whofe only 
emulation was to fnew affedlion to his perfon, and to fupport 
his adminiffration by their great abilities. 

There is lomething exceedingly pleafmg in the hiflory of a 
family which fhews human nature in its moft exalted virtues 
and moft amiable colours ; and the tribute of veneration is 
fpontaneoufly paid to the father who diftinguifhes the diffe- 
rent talents of his children, and places them in the proper 
lines of action. All the fons of John excelled in military exer- 
cifes, and in the literature of their age> Don Edward and 
Don * Pedro were particularly educated for the cabinet, and 
the mathematical genius of Don Henry, one of his youngeft 
fons, received every encouragement which a king and a father 
could give, to ripen it into perfection and public utility. 

Hiflory was well known to Prince Henry, and his turn of 
mind peculiarly enabled him to make political obfervations 
upon it. The wealth and power of ancient Tyre and Car- 
thage fhewed him what a maritime nation might hope ; and 
the flourifhing colonies of the Greeks were the frequent topic 
of his converfation. Where the Grecian commerce, confined 

father, whofe fevere temper he too well knew, 
fhould force him into a difagreeable mar- 
riage, Don Pedro commenced an amour with 
a Galician lady, who became the mother of 
John I. the preserver of the Portuguefe mo- 
narchy. See the notes, p. 143 and 144. 

* The fons of John, who figure in hiflory, 
were Edward, Juan, Fernando, Pedro, and 

Henry. Edward fucceeded his father, (for 
W'hofe characters fee the note p. 162 and 
163.) Juan, diftinguifhed both in the camp 
and cabinet, in the reign of his brother Ed- 
ward had the honour to oppofe the wild expe- 
dition againft Tangier, which was propofed 
by his brother Fernando, in whofe perpetual 
captivity it ended. Of Pedro afterwards. 



as it was, extended its influence, the defarts became cultivated 
fields, cities rofe, and men were drawn from the woods and 
caverns to unite in fociety. The Romans, on the other hand* 
when they deftroyed Carthage, buried, in her ruins, the foun- 
tain of civilization, of improvement and opulence. They ex- 
tinguifhed the fpirit of commerce j the agriculture of the 
conquered nations, Britannia f alone, perhaps, excepted, was 
totally negledted. And thus, while the luxury of Rome con- 
fumed the wealth of her provinces, her uncommercial policy 
dried up the fources of its continuance. The egregious errors 
of the Romans, who perceived not the true ufe of their 
diflant conquefls, and the inexhauflible fountains of opulence 
which Phoenicia had eflablifhed in her colonies, inftrudted 
Prince Henry what gifts to bellow upon his country, and, in 
the refult, upon the whole world. Nor were the ineflimable 
advantages of commerce the foie motives of Henry. All the 
ardour which the love of his country could awake, confpired 
to flimulate the natural turn of his genius for the improve-, 
ment of navigation. 

As the kingdom of Portugal had been wrefled from the 
Moors and eftabliihed by conquefl, fo its exiflence Hill de- 
pended on the fuperiority of the force of arms ; and ere the 
birth of Henry, the fuperiority of the Portuguefe navies had 
been of the utmoft confequence to the protection of the ltate. 
Such were the circumftances which united to infpire the de- 
figns of Henry, all which were powerfully enforced and invi- 
gorated by the religion of that prince. The defire to extirpate 
Mohammedifm was patriotifm in Portugal. It was the prin- 
ciple which gave birth to, and fupported their monarchy : 
Their kings avowed it, and Prince Henry, the piety of whofe 
heart cannot be queitioned, always profeffed, that to propagate 
the gofpel was the great purpofe of his defigns and enterprizes. 

1 The honour of this is due to Agricola, feveral ages after his time, the Romans 

He employed his legions in cutting down drew immenfe quantities of wheat from 

fordls and in clearing marlhes. And for their Britilh province. 



And however this, in the event, was -(* negle£led, certain it is, 
that the fame principles infpired, and were always profefted 
by king Emmanuel, under whom the Eaftern World was dis- 
covered by Gama. 

The Crufades, to refcue the Holy Land from the infidels, 
which had already been, however unregarded by hiftorians, of 
the greateft political fervice to Spain and Portugal, || began 
no# to have fome effedl upon the commerce of Europe. The 
Hans Towns had received charters of liberty, and had united 
together for the protedion of their trade againft the nume- 
rous pyrates of the Baltic. A people of Italy, known by the 
name of the Lombards, had opened a lucrative traffic with 
the ports of Egypt, from whence they imported into Europe 
the riches of the Baft; and Bruges in Flanders, the mart be- 
tween them and the Hans Towns, was, in confluence, fur- 
rounded with the beft agriculture of thefe ages J : A certain 
proof of the dependance of agriculture upon the extent of 
commerce. Yet though thefe gleams of light, as morning 
Rars, began to appear; it was not the grofs multitude, it was 
only the eye of a Henry which could perceive what they prog- 
nofticated, and it was only a genius like his which could pre- 
vent them from again fetting in the depths of night. The 
Hans Towns were liable to be buried in the victories of a 
Tyrant, and the trade with Egypt was exceedingly infecure 
and precarious, Europe was ftill enveloped in the dark mills 
of ignorance, and though the mariner’s compafs was invented 

f Neglected in the idea of the com- 
manders ; the idea of Henry however was 
greatly fulfilled. For the dominion of the 
Portuguefe in the Indian fea cut the finews 
of the Egyptian and other Mohammedan 
powers. But of this afterwards. 

[] See the note on the Crufades, Lufiad 

X Flanders has been the fchool-miftrefs 
of hulbandry to Europe. Sir Charles Lifle, 
a Royalift, refided in this country feveral 
years during the ufurpation of the Regi- 
cides-; and after the Reftoration, rendered 

England the greateft fervice, by introducing 
the prefent fyftem of agriculture. Where 
trade increafes, men’s thoughts are fet in 
action ; hence the increase of food which is 
wanted, is fupplied by a redoubled atten- 
tion to hulbandry ; and hertce it was that 
agriculture was of old improved and dif- 
fufed by the Phoenician colonies. Some 
Theorifts complain of the number of lives 
which are loft by navigation, but they 
totally forget that commerce is the parent 
of population. 




before the birth of Henry, it was improved to no naval ad- 
vantage. Traffic Rill crept, in an infant Rate, along the 
coafts, nor were the conRrudlion of fhips adapted for other 
voyages. One fuccefsful Tyrant might have overwhelmed the 
fyRem and extinguiflied the fpirit of commerce, for it flood 
on a much narrower and much feebler bafis, than in the days 
of Phoenician and Grecian colonization. Yet thefe mighty 
fabricks, many centuries before, had been fwallowed up in the 
defolations of unpolitical conqueft. A broader and more 
permanent foundation of commerce than the world had yet 
feen, an univerfal bafis, was yet wanting to blefs mankind, 
and Henry Duke of Vifeo was born to give it. 

On purpofe to promote his defigns, Prince Henry was by his 
father Rationed the Commander in chief of the Portuguefe 
forces in Africa. He had already, in 1412, three years before 
the reduction of Ceuta *, fent a fliip to make difcoveries on 
the Barbary coaft. Cape Nam§, as its name intimates, was 
then the Ne plus ultra of European navigation ; the fliip fent 
by Henry however pafled it fixty leagues, and reached Cape 
Bojador. Encouraged by this beginning, the Prince, while he 
was in Africa, acquired whatever information the mofl intel- 
ligent of the Moors of Fez and Morocco could give. About 
a league and one half from the Cape of St. Vincent, in the 
kingdom of Algarve, Don Henry had obferved a fmall, but 
commodious fituation for a fea-port town. On this fjpot, fup- 
pofed the Promontorium Sacrum of the Romans, he built his 
town of Sagrez, by much the bell planned and fortified of any 
in Portugal. Here, where the view of the ocean, fays Faria, 
infpired his hopes and endeavours, he eredted his arfenals, and 
built and harboured his fhips. And here, leaving the tempo- 
rary buflle and cares of the Rate to his father and brothers, 
he retired like a philofopher from the world, on purpofe to 

* At the reduction of Ceuta, and other ftvord. Yet though even poflefled by the 
•engagement 5 in Africa, Prince Henry dif- enthufiafm of chivalry, his genius for na- 

playcd a military genius and valour of the vigation prevailed, and confined him to the 
firft magnitude. The important fortrefs of . rock of Sagrez. • 

Ceuta was in a manner won by his own § Nam, in Portuguefe, a negative. 

f render 



render his Rudies of the utmoR importance to its happinefs. 
Having received all the light which could be difcovered in 
Africa, he continued unwearied in his mathematical and geo- 
graphical Rudies ; the art of fhip-building received very great 
improvement under his direction, and the truth of his ideas 
of the Rrudture of the terraqueous globe are now confirmed. 
Jie it was who firfi fuggeRed the ufe of the compafs, and of 
longitude and latitude in navigation, and how thefe might be 
afcertained by aRronomical obfervations ; fuggeRions and dis- 
coveries which would have held no fecond place among the 
conjedtures of a Bacon, or the improvements of a Newton. 
Naval adventurers were now invited from all parts to the 
town of Sagrez, and in 1418 Juan Gonfalez Zarco and Trif- 
tran Vaz fet fail on an expedition of difcovery, the circum- 
fiances of which give us a Rriking pidlure of the Rate of 
navigation, ere it was new-modelled by the genius of Henry. 

Cape Bojador, fo named from its extent J, runs about forty 
leagues to the weRward, and for about fix leagues off land 
there is a moR violent current, which daffiing upon the fhelves, 
makes a tempefiuous fea. This was deemed impafiible, for 
it was not confidered, that by Randing out to the ocean the 
current might be avoided. To pafs this formidable cape was 
the commiflion of Zarco and Vaz, who were alfo ordered to 
proceed as far as they could to difcover the African coafi, 
which according to the information given to Henry by the 
Moors and Arabs, extended at leafi to the equinoctial j| line. 

X "Forty leagues appeared as a vafi: dif- 
tance to the Tailors of that age, who named 
this Cape Bojador, from the Spanilli, bojar, 
to compafs or go about. 

|| It was known that the Arabian fea 
walhed the eaftern lide of Africa: it was 
furmifed therefore that a fouthern promon- 
tory bounded that continent. And certain 
it is, from the concurrent teftimony of all 
the writers who treat of Don Henry’s difco- 
veries, that Africa was fuppofed to terminate 
near to the equinoftial line. The account 
of Marco Paolo’s map, which, it is faid, 
placed the Southern Cape in its proper lati- 

tude, feems to have been propagated on pur- 
pofe to difcredit Prince Henry’s reputation. 
The Itory Hands thus : Anthony Galvan re- 
lates, that Fran, de Soufa Tavares told him 
that Don Ferdinand told him that in 1526, 
he found, in the monaftery of Acobaga, a 
chart of Africa, 120 years old, which was 
faid to have been copied from one at Venice, 
which alfo was believed to have been copied 
from one of Marco Paolo, which, according 
to Ramufius, marked the Cape of Good 
Hope. Marco Paolo is faid to have travel- 
led into India and China in the fourteenth 



XXX v 

Zarco and Vaz, however, loft their courfe in a ftorm, and were 
driven to a little illand, which, in the joy of their deliverance, 
they named Puerto Santo, or the Holy Haven. Nor was Prince 
Henry, on their return, lefs joyful of their difcovery, than 
they had been of their efcape : A ftriking proof of the mife- 
rable ftate of navigation} for this illand is only about 160 
leagues, the voyage now of three or four days in moderate 
weather, from the promontary of Sagrez. 

The Difcoverers of Puerto Santo, accompanied by Bartho- 
lomew Pereftrello, were with three fhips fent out on farther 
trial. Pereftrello, having fowed fome feeds, and left fome 
cattle on Holy Haven, returned to Portugal -f\ But Zarco and 
Vaz dire&ing their courfe fouthward, in 1419, perceived fome- 
thing like a cloud on the water, and failing toward it, difco- 
vered an illand covered with wood, which from thence they 
named Madeira*. And this rich and beautiful illand, which 
foon yielded a confiderable revenue, was the firft reward of 
the enterprizes of Prince Henry. 

If the Duke of Vifeo’s liberal ideas of eftablilliing colonies, 
thofe finews of a commercial ftate, or his views of African 
and Indian commerce, were too refined to ftrike the grofs mul- 
titude ; yet other advantages refulting from his defigns, one 
would conclude, were felf-evident. Nature calls upon Portu- 
gal to be a maritime power, and her naval fuperiority over the 
Moors, was, in the time of Henry, the fureft defence of her 
exiftence as a kingdom. Yet though all his labours tended to 
eftablilh that naval fuperiority on the fureft bafis, though even 
the religion of the age added its authority to the cleared po- 

t Unluckily alfo were left on this illand 
two rabbits, whofe young fo increafed, that 
in a few years it was found not habitable, 
every vegetable being deftroyed by the great 
increafe of thefe animals. 

* The difcovery of Madeira by Prince 
Henry, was followed by the firll fettlcment 
of that illand, fince the days of Carthagi- 
nian commerce. The Azores, Canaries, 
and Cape dc Verde illands, were frequented 
by that trading people ; but futh was the 

grolTnefs of the Roman policy, that, after the 
fall of Carthage, the navigation to thefe parts 
ceafed. One Macham, an Englilhman, it 
is faid, (Harris's Voyages,) buried his mif- 
trefs in Madeira, in 134.4. Some veffels 
driven by tempeft, had perhaps, before the 
time of Dot Henry, deferied the Madeira 
illands, but the regular navigation to them 
was unknown, till eftabliihed by this great 
prince. Vid. Faria, tom. 1. c. 1. 




litical principles in favour of Henry ; yet were his enterprizes 
and his expected difc’overies derided with all the infolence of 
ignorance, and all the bitternefs of popular clamour. Barren 
defarts like Lybia, it was faid, were all that could be found, 
and a thoufand difadvantages, drawn from thefe data, were 
forefeen and foretold. The great mind and better knowledge 
of Henry, however, were not thus to be fhaken. Though 
twelve years from the difcovery of Madeira had elapfed in un- 
fuccefsful endeavours to carry his navigation farther, he was 
now more happy; for one of his captains, named Galianezv 
in 1434 palled the Cape of Bojador, till then invincible; an 
addon, fays Faria, in the common opinion, not inferior to the 
labours of Hercules. 

Galianez, the next year, accompanied by Gonfalez Baldaya, 
carried his difcoveries many leagues farther. Having put two 
horfemen on fhore, to difcover the face of the country, the 
adventurers, after riding feveral hours, faw nineteen men armed 
with javelins. The natives fled, and the two horfemen pur- 
fued, till one of the Portuguefe, being wounded, loft the firft 
blood that was facrificed to the new fyftem of commerce. A 
fmali beginning, a very fmall ftreamlet, fome perhaps may ex- 
claim, but which foon fwelled into oceans, and deluged the 
eaftern and weftern worlds. Let fuch philofophers, however, 
be deflred to point out the deflgn of public utility, which has 
been unpolluted by the depravity of the human paffions. To 
fuppofe that Heaven itlelf could give an inftitution which 
could not be perverted, and to fuppofe no previous alteration 
in human nature, is contradidlory in propofltion ; for as hu- 
man nature now exifts, power cannot be equally poflefled by 
all, and whenever the felfilh or vicious paffions predominate, 
that power will certainly be abufed. The cruelties therefore 
of Cortez, and that more horrid barbarian Pizarro *, are no 

* Some eminent writers, both at home 
and abroad, have of late endeavoured to 
{often the chara&er of Cortez, and have 
urged the neceffity of war for the daughters 
he committed. Thefe authors have alfo 

greatly foftened the horrid features of the 
Mexicans. If one, however, would trace 
the true character of Cortez and the Ame- 
ricans, he mull have recourfe to the nu- 
merous Spanilh writers, who were either 




more to be charged upon Don Henry and Columbus, than the 
villainies of the Jefuits and the horrors of the Inquifition are 
to be afcribed to Him, whofe precepts are fummed up in the 
great command. To do to your neighbour as you would wifh. 
your neighbour to do to you. But if it is Hill alledged that 
he who plans a difcovery ought to forefee the miferies which 
the vicious will engraft upon his enterprize, let the objeftor 
be told, that the miferies are uncertain, while the advantages 
are real and fure j and that the true philofopher will not con- 
fine his eye to the Spanifh campaigns in Mexico and Peru, but 
will extend his profpeft to all the ineftimable benefits, all the 
improvements of laws, opinions, and of manners, which have 
been introduced by the intercourfe of univerfal commerce. 

In 1440 Anthony Gonfalez brought fome Moors prifoners to- 
Lifbon. Thefe he took two and forty leagues beyond Cape 
Bojador, and in 1442 he returned to Africa with his captives. 
One Moor efcaped from him, but ten blacks of Guinea and a 
confidcrable quantity of gold duft were given in ranfom for 
two others. A rivulet at the place of landing was named by 

witnefles of the firft wars, or foon after 
travelled in thofe countries. In thefe he will 
find many anecdotes which afford a light, 
not to be found in our modernifed hiftories. 
In thefe it will be found, that Cortez fet 
out to take gold by force, and not by efca- 
blifhing any fyftem of commerce with the 
natives, the only juft reafon of efte&ing a 
fettlement in a foreign country. He was 
afked by various ftates, what commodities 
or drugs he wanted, and was pvomifed a- 
bundant fupply. He and his Spaniards, he 
anlwered, had a difeafe at their hearts, 
which nothing but gold could cure ; and he 
received intelligence, that Mexico abounded 
with it. Under pretence of a friendly con- 
ference, he made Montezuma his prifoner, 
and ordered him to pay tribute to Charles 
V. Immenfe fums were paid, but the 
demand was boundlefs. Tumults enfued. 
Cortez difplayed amazing generalfhip, and 
fome millions of thofe, who in enumerating 
to the Spaniards the greatnefs of Montezu- 
ma, boafted that his yearly facrifices con- 

fumed 20,000 men, were now facrificed to 
the difeafe of Cortez’s heart. Pizarro, how- 
ever, in the barbarity of his foul, far exceed- 
ed him. There is a very bright fide of the 
character of Cortez. If we forget that his 
avarice was the caufe of a raoft unjuft and 
raoft bloody war, in every other relpeft he 
will appear as one of the greatefl of heroes. 
But Pizarro is a character completely de- 
teftable, deftitute of every fpark of gene- 
rofity. He maftacred the Peruvians, he 
faid, becaufe they were barbarians, and he 
liirnfelf could notread. Atabalipa, amazed 
at the art of reading, got a Spaniard to- 
write the word Dios (the Spanifh for God) 
on his finger. On trying if the Spaniards 
agreed in what it fignified, he difeovered 
that Pizarro could not read. And Pizarro, 
in revenge of the contempt he perceived in 
the face of Atabalipa, ordered that prince 
to be tried for his life, for having concu- 
bines, and being an idolater. Atabalipa. 
was condemned to be burned; but on fub- 
mitting to baptifm, he was only hanged. 



Gonfalez, Rio del Oro, or the River of Gold. And the iflands 
of Adeget, Arguim, and de las Gar$as> were now difcovered. 

Thefe Guinea blacks, the firft ever feen in Portugal, and the 
gold duff, excited other paffions befide admiration. A com- 
pany was formed at Lagos, under the aufpices of Prince Henry, 
to carry on a traffic with the new difcovered countries ; and as 
the Poruguefe confidered themfelves in a flate of continual 
hoffility with the Moors, about two hundred of thefe people, 
inhabitants of the iflands of Nar and Tider, in 1444, were 
brought prifoners to Portugal. This was foon revenged. 
Gonzalo de Cintra was the next year attacked by the Moors, 
fourteen leagues beyond Rio del Oro, where v/ith feven of his 
men he was killed. 

Thefe hofiile proceedings difpleafed Prince Henry, and in 
1446 Anthony Gonfalez and two other captains were fent to 
enter into a treaty of peace and traffic with the natives of Rio 
del Oro, and alfo to attempt their converfion. But thefe pro- 
pofals were rejected by the barbarians, one of whom, however, 
came voluntarily to Portugal - } and Juan Fernandez remained 
with the natives, to obferve their manners and the produdfs of 
the country. In the year following Fernandez was found in 
good health, and brought home to Portugal. The account he 
gave of the country and people affords a ffriking in fiance 4 of 
the mifery of barbarians. The land, an open, barren, fandy 
plain, where the wandering natives were guided in their jour- 
neys by the ftars and flights of birds ; their food, milk, lizards, 
locufis, and fuch herbs as the foil produced without culture $ 
and their only defence from the fcorching heat of the fun 
fome miferable tents which they pitched, as occafion required, 
on the burning fands. 

In 1447 upwards of thirty f lips followed the route of traffic 
which was now opened 3 and John de Caftilla obtained the in- 
famy to fland the firfl on the lift of thofe names whofe vil- 
lainies have difgraced the fpirit of commerce, and afforded the 
loudeft complaints againft the progrefs of navigation. Diffa- 
tisfied with the value of his cargo, he ungratefully feized 



twenty of the natives of Gomera, (one of the Canaries) who 
had aflifted him, and with whom he was in friendly alliance, 
and brought them as flaves to Portugal. But Prince Henry 
refen ted this outrage, and having given them fome valuable 
prefents of clothes, reftored the captives to freedom and their 
native country. 

The converfion and redudlion of the Canaries was alfo this 
year attempted ; but Spain having claimed a right to thefe 
illands*, the expedition was difcontinued. In the Canary 
iflands was found a feodal cuftom 3 the chief man or governor 
was gratified with the firft night of every bride in his diftrifr. 

In 1448 Fernando Alonzo was fent ambaflador to the King 
of Cabo Verde with a treaty of trade and converfion, which 
was defeated at that time by the treachery of the natives. In 
1449 the Azores were difcovered by Gonfalo Velio, and the 
coaft fixty leagues beyond Cape Verde was vifited by the fleets 
of Henry. It is alfo certain that fome of his commanders 
pafled the ecpiinodtial line. It was the cuftom of his failors to 
leave his motto, Talent deBienFaire, wherever they came; 
and in 1525 Loaya, a Spanifh captain, found that device carved 
on the bark of a tree in the ifle of St. Matthew, in the fecond 
degree of fouth latitude. 

Prince Henry had now with the moft inflexible perfeverance 
profecuted his difcoveries for upwards of forty years. His 
father, John I. concurred with him in his views, and gave 
him every afliftance 3 his brother, King Edward, during his 
fhort reign, was the fame as his father had been 3 nor was the 
eleven years regency of his brother Don Pedro lefs aufpicious 
to him §. But the mifunderftanding between Pedro and his 
nephew Alonzo V. who took upon him the reins of govern- 
ment in his feventeenth year, retarded the deflgns of Henry, 

* Sometime before this period, John de 
Betancour, a Frenchman, under the king of 
Caftilc, had made a fettlement in the Cana- 
ries, which had been difcovered, it is faid, 
about 1340, by fome Bifcayneers. 

§ The difficulties he furmounted, and the 
afliftance he received, are inconteftible 
proofs, that an adventurer of inferior birth 
could never have carried his defigns into 




and gave him much unhappinefs J. At his town of Sagrez, 
from whence he had not moved for many years, except when 
called to court on fome emergency of ftate, Don Henry, now 
in his fixty-feventh year, yielded to the ftroke of fate, in the 
year of our Lord 1463, gratified with the certain profpedl, that 
the route to the eaftern world would one day crown the enter- 
prizes to which he had given birth. He had the happinefs to 
fee the naval fuperiority of his country over the Moors efta- 
blifhed on the mod folid bafis, its trade greatly upon the in- 
creafe, and what he efteemed his greateft happinefs, he flattered 
himfelf that he had given a mortal wound to Mohammedifm, 
and had opened the door to an univerfal propagation of Chrif- 
tianity and the civilization of mankind. And to him, as to 
their primary author, are due all the ineftimable advantages 
which ever have flowed, or will flow from the difcovery of the 
greateft part of Africa, of the Eaft and Weft Indies. Every 
improvement in the ftate and manners of thefe countries, or 
whatever country may be yet difcovered, is ftriftly due to 
him ; nor is the difference between the prefent ftate of Europe 
and the monkifh age in which he was born, lefs the refult of 
his genius and toils. What is an Alexander || crowned with 
trophies at the head of his army, compared with a Henry con- 
templating the ocean from his window on the rock of Sagrez ! 
The one fuggefts the idea of the evil daemon, the other of a 
tutelary angel. 

From the year 1448, when Alonzo V. affumed the power of 
government, till the end of his reign in 1471, little progrefs 
was made in maritime affairs, and Cape Catharine was only 

t Don Pedro was villainoufly accufed of 
treacherous defigns by his baftard brother, 
the firft duke of Braganza. Henry left his 
town of Sagrez, to defend his brother at 
court, but in vain. Pedro, finding the 
young king in the power of Braganza, fled, 
•and foon after was killed in defending him- 
felf againft a party who were fent to feize 
him. His innocence, after his death, was 
fully proved, and his nephew Alonzo V. 
gave him an honourable burial. 

Ii It has been faid by fome French writers, 

that the conquefts of Alexander were in- 
tended to civilize, and unite the world in 
one grand intereft ; and that for this great 
purpofe he built cities and eftablilhed colo- 
nies in Alia. Thofe, however, who have 
fludied the true character of that vain-glo- 
rious conqueror, the wild delirium of his am- 
bition, and his as wild fondnefs of Afiatic 
manners, will allow this refinement of defign 
to hold no place in the motives of the pre- 
tended fon of Jupiter. 



added to the former difcoveries. But under his fon John II. 
the defigns of Prince Henry were profecuted with renewed 
vigour. In 1481 the Portuguefe built a fort on the Golden 
Coaft, and the King of Portugal took the title of Lord of 
Guinea. Bartholomew Diaz, in i486, reached the river, which 
he named dell Infante, on the eaftern fide of Africa j but de- 
terred by the ftorms of that region from proceeding farther, 
on his return he had the happinefs to be the Difcoverer of the 
Promontory, unknown for many ages, which bounds the 
fouth of Afric. This, from the ftorms he there encountered, 
he named the Cape of ' Tempefls j but John, elated with the pro- 
mife of India, which this difcovery, as he juftly deemed, in- 
cluded, gave it the name of the Cape of Good Hope. The arts 
and valour of the Portuguefe had now made a great impref- 
fion on the minds of the Africans. The King of Congo, a 
dominion of great extent, fent the fons of fome of his prin- 
cipal officers to be inftrudled in arts and religion j and am- 
baffadors from the King of Benin requefted teachers to be fent 
to his kingdom. On the return of thefe his fubje&s, the King 
and Queen of Congo, with 100,000 of their people, were 
baptized. An ambaffador alfo arrived from the Chriftian 
Emperor of Abyffinia, and Pedro de Covillam and Alonzo 
de Payva were fent by land to penetrate into the Eaft, that 
they might acquire whatever intelligence might facilitate the 
defired navigation to India. Covillam and Payva parted at 
Toro in Arabia, and took different routs. The former 
having vifited Conanor, Calicut, and Goa in India, returned to 
Grand Cairo, where he heard of the death of his companion. 
Here alfo he met the Rabbi Abraham of Beja, who was em- 
ployed for the fame purpofe by king John. Covillam fent the 
Rabbi home with an account of what countries he had feen, 
and he himfelf proceeded to Ormuz and Ethiopia, but as 
Camoens expreffes it : 

to his native ftiore. 

Enrich’d with knowledge, he return’d no more. 





Men, whole genius led them to maritime affairs, began 
now to be poffeffed by an ardent ambition to diftinguiffi 
themfelves ; and the famous Columbus offered his fervice to 
the King of Portugal. Every one knows the difcoveries of 
this great adventurer, but his hiftory is generally mifunder- 
ftood *. It is by fome believed, that his ideas of the fphere of 
the earth gave birth to his opinion, that there muff be an im- 
menfe unknown continent in the weftj, fuch as America is now 

• Greatly mifunderftocd, even by the 
ingenious author of the Account of the Eu- 
ropean Settlements in America. Having 
mentioned the barbarous ftate of Europe ; 
“ Mathematical learning, fays he, was little 
“ valued or cultivated. The true fyllem of 
li the heavens was not dreamed of. There 
“ was no knowledge at all of the real form 
61 of the earth, and in general the ideas of 
“ mankind were not extended beyond their 
fenfible horizon. In this Hate of affairs 
4 ‘ Chrifopher Columbus, a native of Genoa, 
“ undertook to extend the boundaries which 
11 ignorance had given to the world. This 
“ man’s defign arofe from the juft idea he 
“ had formed of the figure of the earth.” — 
But this is all a miftake. Nor is the author 
of the Hijloire Philo fophique, &C. lefs un- 
happy. Milled by the common opinion of 
Columbus, he has thus pompoufly cloathed 
it in the drefs of imagination — Un bomme 
ebfcur , fays he, fins avance que fort fecle r 
See. — thus, literally, “An obfeure man, 
“ more advanced than his cotemporaries in 
“ the knowledge of aftronomy and naviga- 
“ tion, propofed to Spain, happy in her in- 
“ ternal dominion, to aggrandife herfelf 
“ abroad. Chriftopher Columbus felt, as 
“ if by inftinft, that there muft be another 
“ continent, and that he was to difeover it. 

The Antipodes, treated by reafon itfelf 
“ as a chimera, and by fuperftition as error 
“ and impiety, were in the eyes of this man 
“ of genius an inconteftible truth. Full of 
“ this idea, one of the grandeft which could 
“ enter the human mind, he propofed, &c. 

“ The minifters of this Princefs 

“ (Ifabel of Spain) efteemed as a vifio- 
“ nary, a man who pretended to difeover a 
•• world But this dream of difeo- 

vering a world never entered the head of 
Columbus. And be it our’s to reftore his 
due honours to the Prince of Portugal. By 
the mod indubitable and concurrent tefti- 
mony of all the Portuguefe Hiftorians of this 
period, Henry had undertaken to extend the 
boundaries which ignorance had given to 
the world, and had extended them much 
beyond the fenfible horizon, long ere Co- 
lumbus appeared. Columbus indeed taught 
the Spaniards the ufe of longitude and lati- 
tude in navigation, but he himfelf learned 
thefe among the Portuguefe. Every altera- 
tion here aferibed to Columbus, had almoft 
fifty years before been e fie died by Henry. 
Even Henry’s defign of failing to India was 
adopted by Columbus. It was every where 
his propofal. When he arrived in the Weft 
Indies, he thought he had found the Ophir 
of Solomon*, and thence thefe iflands 
received their general name. And on his, 
return he told John II. that he had been 
at the iflands of India. When he landed 
in Cuba, he enquired for Cipango, the 
name of Japan, according to Marco Paolo, 
and by the miftake of the natives, who 
thought he faid Cibao, he was informed of 
the richeft mines of Hifpaniola. And even 
on his fourth and laft voyage in i 502, three 
years after Gama’s return, he promifed the 
king of Spain to find India by a weftward 
paflage. But though great difcoveries re- 
warded his toils, his firft and laft purpofe 
he never compleated. It was referved for 
Magalhaens to difeover the weftward route 
to the Eaftern World. 

I Gomara, and other Spanifh writers re- 
late, that while Columbus lived in Madeira, 
a pilot, the only furviver of a fhip’s crew, 
died at his houfe. This pilot, they fay. 

* Peter Martyr, (who lived at that time at the Court of Spain) Dec. 1. 1. 1 . 





known to be j and that his propofals were to go in fearch of it. 
But the fimple truth is, Columbus, who, as we have certain 
evidence, acquired his fkill in navigation among the Portuguefe, 
could be no ftranger to the defign long meditated in that king- 
dom, of difcovering a naval route to India, which they endea- 
voured to find by compafling the coaft of Africa. According 
to ancient geographers and the opinion of that age, India was 
fuppofed to be the next land to the weft of Spain. And the 
idea of difcovering a weftern paflage to the Eaft, is due to the 
genius of Columbus j but no more : To difcover India and the 
adjacent ifiands of fpices, already famous over all Europe, was 
every where the avowed and foie idea of Columbus *. A pro- 
pofal of this kind to the king of Portugal, whofe fleets had 
already paffed the Cape of Good Hope, and who efteemed the 
route to India as almoft difcovered, and in the power of his 
own fubje£ts, could at the court of Lilbon expert no fuccefs. 
And the offered fervices of the foreigner were reje&ed, even 
with fome degree of contempt. Columbus, however, met a 
more favourable reception from Ferdinand and Ifabella, the 
king and queen of Caftile. To interfere with the route or 
difcoveries, opened and enjoyed by another power, was at this 
time efteemed contrary to the laws of nations. Columbus, 
therefore, though the obje£t was one, propofed, as Magalhaens 
afterwards did for the fame reafon, to fteer the weft ward 

courfe, and having in 1492 difcovered fome weftern iflands, in 
1493, on return to Spain, he put into the Tagus with 
great tokens of the riches of his difcovery. Some of the Por- 
tuguefe courtiers, the fame ungenerous minds perhaps who 
advifed the reje&ion of Columbus becaufe he was a foreigner, 
propofed the affaflination of that great man, thereby to con- 

had been driven to the Weft Indies or Ame- 
rica by tempeft, and on his death-bed com- 
municated the journal of his voyage to 
Columbus. But this ftory, as it ftands at 
large, is involved in contradiction without 
proof, and is every where efteemed a fable 
of malice. 

• And fo deeply had ancient geography 

fixed this idea, that Sebaftian Cabot’s pro- 
pofal to Henry VII. 1497, was to difcover 
Cathay, and thence India, by the north-weft. 
See Hakluit, tom. 3. p. 7. And Ramufius, 
Prefat. tom. 3. — Columbus endeavoured, 
firft, to difcover India diredtly by the weft, 
and afterward, by the fouth-weft. 

g 2 



ceal from Spain the advantages of his navigation. Bat John, 
though Columbus rather roughly upbraided him, looked upon 
him now with a generous regret, and difmifled him with ho- 
nour. The king of Portugal, however, was alarmed, left the 
difcoveries of Columbus fhould interfere with thofe of his 
crown, and gave orders to equip a war fleet to protect his 
rights. But matters were adjufted by embaflies, and that ce- 
lebrated treaty by which Spain and Portugal divided the 
Weftern and Eaftern Worlds between themfelves. The eaftern 
half of the world was allotted for the Portuguefe, and the 
weftern for the Spanifh navigation. A line from pole to pole, 
drawn an hundred leagues to the weft of the Azores, was 
their boundary : and thus each nation had one hundred and 
eighty degrees, within which they might eftablifh fettlements 
and extend their difcoveries. And a Papal Bull, which, for 
obvious reafons, prohibited the propagation of the gofpel in 
thefe bounds by the fubjedls of any other ftate, confirmed this 
amicable and extraordinary treaty. 

Soon after this, while the thoughts of king John were intent 
on the difeovery of India, his preparations were interrupted by 
his death. But his earned: defires and great defigns were in- 
herited, together with his crown, by his coufin Emmanuel. 
And in 1497, the year before Columbus made the voyage 
which difeovered the mouth of the river Oronoko, Vafco de 
Gama failed from the Tagus on the difeovery of India. 

Of this voyage, the fubjedl of the Lufiad, many particulars 
are neceflarily mentioned in the notes ; we fliall therefore only 
allude to thefe, but be more explicit on the others, which are 
omitted byCamoens, in obedience to the rules of the Epopceia. 

Notwithftanding the full torrent of popular clamour againft 
the undertaking, Emmanuel was determined to profecute the 
views of Prince Henry and John II. Three floops of war and 
a ftore Chip manned with only 160 men were fitted out ; for 
hoftiiity was not the purpofe of this humane expedition. 
Vafco de Gama, a gentleman of good family, who, in a war 
with the French, had given fignal proofs of his naval fkill, 




was commiffioned admiral and general, and his brother Paul, 
for whom he bore the fincereft affe6lion, with his friend Ni- 
cholas Coello, were at his requefl appointed to command 
under him. All the enthufiafm of defire to accomplifh his end, 
joined with the greatefl heroifm, the quickefl penetration, and 
cooled: prudence, united to form the chara£ler of Gama. On 
his appointment to the command, he declared to the king 
that his mind had long afpired to this expedition. The king 
expreffed great confidence in his prudence and honour, and 
gave him, with his own hand, the colours which he was to 
carry. On this banner, which bore the crofs of the military 
order of Chrifl, Gama, with great enthufiafm to merit the 
honours bellowed upon him, took the oath of fidelity. 

About four miles from Lifbon there is a chapel on the fea 
fide. To this, the day before their departure, Gama conduced 
the companions of his expedition. He was to encounter an 
ocean untried, and dreaded as unnavigablej and he knew the 
force of the ties of religion on minds which are not inclined 
to difpute its authority. The whole night was fpent in the 
chapel, in prayers for fuccefs, and in the rites of their devo- 
tion. On the next day, when the adventurers marched to the 
fhips, the fliore of Belem * prefented one of the mofl folemn 
and affecting fcenes perhaps recorded in hiflory. The beach 
was covered with the inhabitants of Lifbon. A numerous 
proceflion of priefls in their robes fung anthems and offered 
up invocations to heaven. Every one beheld the adventurers 
as brave innocent men going to a dreadful execution, as rufh- 
ing upon certain death ; and the vafl multitude caught the 
fire of devotion, and joined aloud in the prayers for fuccefs. 
The relations, friends, and acquaintance of the voyagers 
wept; all were affedled; the figh v^as general ; Gama himfelf 
fhed fome manly tears on parting with his friends ; but he 
hurried over the tender fcene, and haflened aboard with all 
the alacrity of hope. Immmediately he gave his fails to the 
. wind, and fo much affe&ed were the many thoufands who be- 

* Or Bethlehem, fo named from the chapel. 




held his departure, that they remained immoveable on the 
fliore till the fleet, under full fail, evaniflied from their fight. 

It was on the 8th of July when Gama left the Tagus. The 
flag fhip was commanded by himfelf, the fecond by his brother, 
the third by Coello, and the (tore fhip by Gonfalo Nunio. 
Several interpreters, fkilled in the Ethiopian, Arabic, and other 
oriental languages, went along with them. Ten malefactors, 
men of abilities, whofe fentences of death were reverfed, on 
condition of their obedience to Gama in whatever embaflies or 
dangers among the barbarians he might think proper to em- 
ploy them, were alfo on board. The fleet, favoured by the 
weather, palled the Canary and Cape de Verde iflands ; but had 
now to encounter other fortune. Sometimes flopped by dead 
calms, but for the moft part toft by tempefts, which increafed 
their violence and horrors as they proceeded to the fouth. 
Thus driven far to fea, they laboured through that wide ocean 
which furrounds St, Helena, in feas, fays Faria, unknown to 
the Portuguefe difcoverers, none of whom had failed fo far to 
the weft. From the 28th of July, the day they pafled the ifle 
of St. James, they had feen no fliore ; and now on November 
the 4th they were happily relieved by the fight of land. The 
fleet anchored in a large bay *, and Coello was fent in fearch 
of a river, where they might take in wood and frefh water. 
Having found one convenient for their purpofe, the fleet made 
toward it, and Gama, whofe orders were to acquaint himfelf 
with the manners of the people wherever he touched, ordered 
a party -of his men to bring him lbme of the natives by force 
or ftratagem. One they caught as he was gathering honey on 
the fide of a mountain, and brought him to the fhips. He 
exprefled the greateft indifference for the gold and fine clothes 
which they fhewed him, but was greatly delighted with fome 
glafles and little brafs bells. Thefe with great joy he accepted, 
and was fet on fliore ; and foon after many of the blacks came 
for, and were gratified with the like trifles 5 and for which in 
return they gave great plenty of their beft provifions. None of 

• Now called St. Helen’s. 



Gama’s interpreters, however, could understand a word of 
their language, or receive any information of India. And the 
friendly intercourfe between the fleet and the natives was foon 
interrupted by the imprudence of Velofo*, a young Portuguefe, 
which occasioned a Scuffle, wherein Gama’s life was endan- 
gered. Gama and fome others were on fhore taking the alti- 
tude of the fun, when in confequence of Velofo’s rafhnefs they 
were attacked by the blacks with great fury. Gama defended 
himfelf with an oar, and received a dart in his foot. Several 
others were likewife wounded, and they found their fafety in 
retreat. The fhot from the Ships facilitated their efcape, and 
Gama efteeming it imprudent to wafte his Strength in at- 
tempts entirely foreign to the deflgn of his voyage, weighed 
anchor, and Steered in fearch of the extremity of Afric. 

In this part of the voyage, fays Oforius, the heroifm of 
Gama was greatly difplayed. The waves fwelled like moun- 
tains in height, the Ships feemed now heaved up to the clouds, 
and now appeared as precipitated by gulphy whirlpools to the 
bed of the ocean. The winds were piercing cold, and fo 
boisterous that the pilot’s voice could feldom be heard, and a 
difmal, almoSt continual darknefs, which at that tempeftuous 
feafon involves thefe feas, added all its horrors. Sometimes 
the Storm drove them fouthward, at other times they were 
obliged to Stand on the tack, and yield to its fury, pre- 
ferving what they had gained with the greatest difficulty. 

With fuch mad feas the daring Gama fought 
For many a day, and many a dreadful night, 

Inceflant labouring round the Stormy Cape, 

By bold ambition led Thomson. 

During any gloomy interval of the Storm, the failors, wearied 
out with fatigue, and abandoned to defpair, furrounded Gama, 
and implored him not to fuffer himfelf, and thofe com- 
mitted to his care, to periSh by fo dreadful a death. The 
impoSfibility that men fo weakened lhould Stand it much 

* See the note, p. 195. 



longer* and the opinion that this ocean was torn by eternal 
tempefts, and therefore had hitherto been, and was im- 
paffable, were urged. But Gama’s refolution to proceed was 
unalterable. A formidable confpiracy was then formed againft 
his life ; but his brother difcovered it, and the courage and 
prudence of Gama defeated its defign *. He put the chief 

* The voyage of Gama has been called 
merely a coafting one, and therefore much 
lefs dangerous and heroical than that of Co- 
lumbus, or of Magalhaens. But this, it is 
prefumed, is one of the opinions haftily 
taken up, and founded on ignorance. Co- 
lumbus and Magalhaens undertook to navi- 
gate unknown oceans, and fo did Gama ; 
With this difference, that the ocean around 
the Cape of Good Hope, which Gama 
was to encounter, was believed to be, and 
had been avoided by Diaz, as impaffable. 
Prince Henry fuggefted that the current of 
CapeBojador might be avoided by flanding 
to fea, and thus that Cape was firft paffed. 
Gama for this reafon did not coaft, but 
flood to fea for upwards of three months of 
tempeftuous weather. The tempefts which 
affli&ed Columbus and Magalhaens, are by 
their different hiftorians defcribed with cir- 
cumftances of lefs horror and danger than 
thofe which attacked Gama. All the 
three commanders were endangered by 
mutiny ; but none of their crews, fave 
Gama’s, could urge the opinion of ages, 
and the example of a living captain, that 
the dreadful ocean which they attempted was 
unnavigable. Columbus and Magalhaens 
always found means, after detecting a con- 
spiracy, to keep the reft in hope ; but 
Gama’s men, when he put the pilots in 
irons, continued in the utmoft defpair. Co- 
lumbus was indeed ill obeyed ; Magalhaens 
fometimes little better : but nothing, fave 
the wonderful authority of Gama’s com- 
mand, could have led his crew through the 
tempeft which he furmounted ere he doubled 
the Cape of Good Hope. Columbus, with 
his crew, muft have returned. The expe- 
dients with which he ufed to foothe them, 
would, under his authority, have had no 
avail in the tempeft which Gama rode 
through. From every circumftance it is 
evident that Gama had determined not to 
return, unlefs he found India. Nothing 

lefs than fuch refolution to perifh or attain 
his point could have led him on. But Co- 
lumbus, ill obeyed indeed, returned from 
the mouth of the river Oronoko, before he 
had made a certain difcovery whether the 
land was ifle or continent. When Gama 
met a ftrong current off Ethiopia, he bore 
on, though driven from his courfe. Co- 
lumbus fleering fouthward in fearch of con- 
tinent, met great currents. He imagined 
they were the rifing of the fea towards the 
canopy of heaven, which for aught he 
knew, fay the Authors of the Univerfal 
Hiftory, they might touch towards the 
fouth. He therefore turned his courfe, and 
fleered to the weft. The pafling of the 
ftraits of Magellan, however hazardous, was 
not attended with fuch danger as Gama ex- 
perienced at the Cape. The attempt to 
crofs the Pacific was greatly daring, but his 
voyage in that fea was happy, The navi- 
gation of the ftraits of Magellan and the 
Pacific are in this country little known ; but 
the courfe of Gama is at this day infinitely 
more hazardous than that of Columbns. If 
Columbus found no pilots to conduft him, 
but encountered his greateft dangers in 
founding his courfe among the numerous 
weftern iflands, Gama, though in the In- 
dian ocean affifted by pilots, had as great 
trials of his valour, and much greater ones 
of his prudence. The warlike ftrength, 
and deep treacherous arts of the Moors, were 
not found in the weft. All was fimplicity 
among the natives there. The prudence 
and forefight of Gama and Columbus were 
of the higheft rate ; Magalhaens was in thefe 
fometimes rather inferior. He loft his own, 
and the lives of the greateft part of his 
crew, by hazarding a land engagement at 
the advice of a judicial aftrologer. See the 
note on this line ; 

To match thy deeds Jhall Magalhaens afpire. 

Lusiad X. 



confpirators and all the pilots in irons, and he himfeh 7 , his 
brother, Coello, and fome others, Rood night and day to the 
helms, and dire£ted the courfe. At laft, after having many 
days, with unconquered mind, withflood the temped: and an 
enraged mutiny, ( molem perjidice ) the florm fuddenly ceafed, 
and they beheld the Cape of Good Hope. 

On November the 20th all the fleet doubled that promon- 
tory, and fleering northward, coafled along a rich and beautiful 
fhore, adorned with large forefls and numberlefs herds of cattle. 
All was now alacrity ; the hope that they had furmounted every 
danger revived their fpirits, and the admiral was beloved and 
admired. Here, and at the bay, which they named St. Bias, 
they took in provifions, and beheld thofe beautiful rural fcenes, 
defcribed by Camoens. And here the flore floop, now of no 
farther fervice, was burnt by order of the admiral. On De- 
cember the 8th a violent florm drove the fleet from the fight 
of land, and carried them to that dreadful current * which 
made the Moors deem it impoflible to double the Cape. 
Gama, however, though unhappy in the time of navigating 
thefe feas, was fafely carried over the current by the violence 
of a tcmpefl; and having recovered the fight of land, as his 
fafeft courfe, he fleered northward along the coaft. On the 
10th of January they defcried, about 230 miles from their laft 
watering place, fome beautiful iflands, with herds of cattle 
frilking in the meadows. It was a profound calm, and Gama 
flood near to land. The natives of this place, which he 
named Terra de Natal, were better dreffed and more civilized 
than thofe they had hitherto feen. An exchange of prefents 
was made, and the black king was fo pleafed with the polite- 
nefs of Gama, that he came aboard his fhip to fee him. On 
the 15th of January, in the dulk of the evening, they came to 
the mouth of a large river, whofe banks were fliaded with 
trees loaded with fruit. O11 the return of day they faw feve- 

• This current runs between the Cape from thence named Cornentes, and the fouth-weft 
extremity of Madagafcar. 

h ral 



ral little boats with palm-tree leaves making towards them, 
and the natives came aboard without helitation or fear. Gama 
received them kindly, gave them an entertainment, and fome 
filken garments, which they received with vilible joy. Only 
one of them however could fpeak a little broken Arabic. 
From him Fernan Martinho learned, that not far diftant was- 
a country where fhips, in fhape and fize like Gama’s, fre- 
quently reforted. Hitherto Gama had found only the rudefl 
barbarians on the coafts of Africa, alike ignorant of India and 
of the naval art. The information he here received, that he 
was drawing near to civilized countries, gave the adventurers 
great fpirits, and the admiral named this place The River of 
Good Signs. 

Here, while Gama careened and refitted his fhips, the crews 
were attacked with a violent fcurvy, which carried off feveral 
of his men. liaving taken in frefh provifions, on the 24th 
©f February he fet fail, and on the firfi: of March they defcried 
four iflands on the coaft of Mozambic. From one of thefe 
they perceived feven veifels in full fail bearing toward them. 
Thefe knew Gama’s fhip by the admiral’s enfign, and made up 
to her, faluting her with loud huzzas and their inflruments of 
mufic. Gama received them aboard, and entertained them, 
with great kindnefs. The interpreters talked with them in 
Arabic. The ifland, in which was. the principal harbour and 
trading town, they faid, was governed by a deputy of the king 
of Quiloa j and many Saracen merchants, they added, were 
fettled here, w^ho traded with Arabia, India, and other parts of 
the world. Gama was overjoyed, and the crew with uplifted 
hands returned thanks to heaven. 

Pleafed w’ith the prefents which Gama fent him, and ima- 
gining that the Portuguefe were Mohammedans from Morocco, 
Zacocia the governor, drefied in rich embroidery, came to con- 
gratulate the admiral on his arrival in the Eaft. As he ap- 
proached the fhips in great pomp, Gama removed the fick out 
of fight, and ordered all thofe in health to attend above deck, 
armed in the Portuguefe manner ; for he forefaw what would 




happen when the Mohammedans fhould difcover their mif- 
take. During the entertainment provided for him, Zacocia 
feemed highly pleafed, and alked feveral queftions about the 
arms and religion of the Grangers. Gama fhewed them his 
arms, and explained the force of his cannon, but he did not 
affedt to know much about religion ; however he frankly pro- 
mifed to Ihew him his books of devotion whenever a few 
days refrefhment fhould give him a more convenient time. 
In the meanwhile he intreated Zacocia to fend him fome pilots 
who might condudl him to India. Two pilots were next day 
brought by the governor, a treaty of peace was folemnly con- 
cluded, and every office of mutual friendfhip feemed to pro- 
mife a lafting harmony. But it was foon interrupted. Zacocia, 
as foon as he found the Portuguefe were Chriftians, ufed every 
endeavour to deftroy them. The life of Gama was at- 
tempted. One of the Mooriffi pilots deferted, and fome of 
the Portuguefe, who were on ffiore to get frelh water, were 
attacked by feven barks of the natives, but were refcued by a 
timely affiftance from the fhips. 

Befides the hatred of the Chriftian name, infpired by their 
religion, thefe Mohammedan Arabs had other reafons to wifh 
the deftrudtion of Gama. Before this period, they were almoft 
the only merchants of the Eaft. Though without any empire 
in a mother country, they were bound together by language 
and religion, and like the modern Jews, were united together, 
though fcattered over various countries. Though they e- 
fteemed the current off Cape Corrientes, and the tempeftuous 
leas around the Cape of Good Hope, as impaffable, they were 
the foie mafters of the Ethiopian, Arabian, and Indian feas j 
and had colonies in every place convenient for trade on thefe 
coafts. This crafty mercantile people clearly forefaw the con- 
fequences of the arrival of .Europeans, and every art was foon 
exerted to prevent fuch formidable rivals from effedting any 
fettlement in the Eaft. To thefe Mohammedan traders, the 
Portuguefe, on account of their religion, gave the name 
of Moors. 

h 2. 



Immediately after the fkirmifh at the watering-place, Gama, 
having one Moorifh pilot, fet fail, but was foon driven back 
to the fame illand by tempeftuous weather. He now refolved 
to take in frefh water by force. The Moors perceived his in- 
tention, about two thoufand of whom riling from ambuili, 
attacked the Pcrtuguefe detachment. But the prudence of 
Gama had not been afleep. His Chips were Rationed with art, 
and his artillery not only difperfed the hoflile Moors, but re- 
duced their town, which was built of wood, into a heap of 
afhes. Among fome prifoners taken by Paulus de Gama was a 
pilot, and Zacocia begging forgivenefs for his treachery, fent 
another, whofe! in navigation he greatly commended. 

A war with the Moors was now begun. Gama perceived 
that their jealoufy of European rivals gave him nothing to 
expect but fecret treachery and open hoflility ; and he knew 
what numerous colonies they had on every trading coaft of the 
EaR. To imprefs them therefore with the terror of his arms 
on their firR a6l of treachery was worthy of a great com- 
mander. Nor was he remifs in his attention to the chief pi- 
lot, who had been laR fent. He perceived in him a kind of 
anxious endeavour to bear near fome little iilands, and fuf- 
pedling there were unfeen rocks in that courfe, he confidently 
charged the pilot with guilt, and ordered him to be feverely 
whipped. The punifhment produced a confefiion, and pro- 
mifes of fidelity. And he now advifed Gama to Rand for 
Quiloa, which he affured him was inhabited by ChriRians. 
Three Ethiopian ChriRians had come aboard while at Zacocia’s 
ifland, and the current opinions of PreRor John’s country in- 
clined Gama to try if he could find a port, where he might 
expedl the aflifiance of a people of his own religion. A vio- 
lent Rorm, however, drove the fleet from Quiloa, and being 
now near Mombaze, the pilot advifed him to enter that har- 
bour, where, he faid, there were alfo many ChriRians. 

The city of Mombaza is agreeably fituated on an ifland, 
formed by a river which empties, itfelf into the fea by two 
mouths. The buildings are lofty and of firm Rone, and the 



country abounds with fruit trees and cattle. Gama, happy to 
find a harbour where every thing wore the appearance of civi- 
lization, ordered the fhips to caft anchor, which was fcarcely 
done, when a galley in which were ioo men in Turkifli 
habit, armed with bucklers and fabres, rowed up to the flag 
fliip. All of thefe feemed defirous to come aboard, but only 
four, who by their drefs feemed officers, were admitted ; nor 
were thefe allowed, till ftript of their arms. As foon as on 
board, they extolled the prudence of Gama in refufing admit- 
tance to armed ftrangers ; and by their behaviour feemed defirous 
to gain the good opinion of the adventurers. Their country, 
they boafted, contained all the riches of India, and their king, 
they profefled, was ambitious of entering into a friendly treaty 
with the Portuguefe, with whofe renown he was well ac- 
quainted. And that a conference with his majefty and the 
offices of friendfhip might be rendered more convenient, Gama 
was requeued and advifed to enter the harbour. As no place 
could be more commodious for the recovery of the fick, and 
the whole fleet was fickly, Gama refolved to enter the port; 
and in the meanwhile fent two of the pardoned criminals as 
an embafly to the king. Thefe the king treated with the 
greatefl kindnefs, ordered his officers to fhew them the ftrength 
and opulence of his city ; and on their return to the navy, he 
fent a prefent to Gama of the moft valuable fpices, of which 
he boafted fuch abundance, that the Portuguefe, he faid, if 
they regarded their own intereft, would feek for no other 

To make treaties of commerce was the bufinefs of Gama; r 
one fo advantageous, and fo defired by the natives, was there- 
fore not to be refufed. Fully fatisfied by the report of his 
fpies, he ordered to weigh anchor, and enter the harbour. 
His own fliip led the way, when a hidden violence of the tide 
made Gama apprehenfive of running aground. He therefore 
ordered his fails to be furled and the anchors to be dropt, and 
gave a fignal for the others to follow his example. This 
manoeuvre, and the cries of the failors in executing it, 




alarmed the Mozamfcic pilots. Confcious of their treachery, 
they thought their defign was difcovered, and leapt into the 
fea. Some boats of Mombaza took them up, and refufing to 
put them on board, fet them fafely on fhore, though the ad- 
miral repeatedly demanded the reftoration of the pilots. Thefe 
circumftances, evident proofs of treachery, were farther con- 
firmed by the behaviour of the king of Mombaza. In the 
middle of the night Gama thought he heard fome noife, and 
on examination, found his fhips furrounded by a great number 
of Moors, who, in the utmoft privacy, endeavoured to cut his 
cables. But their fcheme was defeated ; and fome Arabs, who 
remained on board confefied that no Chriftians were refident 
either at Quiloa or Mombaza. The ftorm which drove them 
from the one place, and their late efcape at the other, were 
now beheld as manifeftations of the Divine favour; and 
Gama, holding up his hands to heaven, afcribed his fafety to 
the care of Providence*. Two days, however, elapfed, before 
they could get clear of the rocky bay of Mombaze, and 
having now ventured to hoifi their fails, they fteered for Me- 
linda, a port, they had been told, where many merchants from 
India reforted. In their way thither they took a Moorifh vef- 
fel, out of which Gama felecfied fourteen prifoners, one of 
whom he perceived by his mien to be a perfon of diftindtion. 
By this Saracen Gama was informed, that he was near Me- 
linda, that the king was hofpitable, and celebrated for his 
faith, and that four fhips from India, commanded byChriftian 
mafters, were in that harbour. The Saracen alfo offered to 
go as Gama’s meffenger to the king, and promifed to procure 
him an able pilot to conduct him to Calicut, the chief port 
of India. 

As the coaft of Melinda appeared to be dangerous, Gama 
anchored at fome difiance from the city, and unwilling to 
hazard any of his men, he landed the Saracen on an ifiand op- 

* It afterwards appeared, that the Moorilh king of Mombaza had been informed of 
what happened at Mozambic, and intended to revenge it by the total deftruftion of 
fhe fleet. 




polite to the town. This was obferved, and the fbranger was 
brought before the king, to whom he gave fo favourable an 
account of the politenefs and humanity of Gama, that a pre- 
lent of feveral fheep, and fruits of all forts, was fent by his ma- 
jefty to the admiral, who had the happinefs to find the truth of 
what his prifoner had told him, confirmed by the mailers of 
the four fliips from India. Thefe were Chriftians from Cam- 
baya. They were tranfported with joy on the arrival of the 
Portuguefe, and gave feveral ufeful inftrudtions to the admiral. 

The city of Melinda was fituated in a fertile plain, fur- 
rounded with gardens and groves of orange-trees, whofe 
flowers diffufed a mod: grateful odour. The paflures were 
covered with herds, and the houfes built of fquare flones, were 
both elegant and magnificent. Defirous to make an alliance- 
with fuch a date, Gama requited the civility of the king with 
the mod grateful acknowledgments. He drew nearer the 
fhore, and urged his indrudtions as apology for not landing to 
wait upon his majedy in perfon. The apology was accepted j 
and the king, whofe age and infirmities prevented himfelf, 
fent his fon to congratulate Gama, and enter into a treaty 
of friend fhip. The prince, who had fometime governed under 
the direction of his father, came in great pomp. His drefs 
was royally magnificent, the nobles who attended him dif- 
played all the riches of filk and embroidery, and the mufic of 
Melinda refounded ail over the bay. Gama, to exprefs his re- 
gard, met him in the admiral’s barge. The prince, as foon as 
he came up, leapt into it, and diftinguifhing the admiral by 
his habit, embraced him with all the intimacy of old friend- 
fhip. In their converfation, which was long and fprightly, he 
difcovered nothing of the barbarian, fays Oforius, but in 
every thing fliewed an intelligence and politenefs worthy of 
his high rank. He accepted the fourteen Moors, whom Gama 
gave to him, with great pleafure. He feemed to view Gama 
with enthufiafm, and confeffed that the make of the Portu- 
guefe fliips, fo much fuperior to what he had feen, convinced; 
him of the greatnels of that people. He gave Gama an able 




pilot, named Melemo Cana, to conduct him to Calicut; and 
requefted, that on his return to Europe, he would carry an 
ambaflador with him to the court of Lilbon. During the 
few days the fleet flayed at Melinda, the mutual friendship 
increafed, and a treaty of alliance was concluded. And 
now, on April 22, resigning the helm to his fkilful and 
honeil pilot, Gama hoifled fail and fleered to the north. In 
a few days they paffed the line, and the Portuguefe with 
extacy beheld the appearance of their native fky. Orion, 
Urfa major and minor, and the other flars about the 
northern pole, were now a more joyful difcovery than the 
South * pole had formerly been to them. Having paffed the 
meridian, the pilot now flood direflly to the eafl, through the 
Indian ocean ; and after failing about three weeks, he had the 
happinefs to congratulate Gama on the view of the mountains 
of India. Gama, tranfported with extacy, returned thanks to 
heaven, and ordered all his prifoners to be fet at liberty, that 
every heart might tafle of the joy of his fuccefsful voyage. 

About two leagues from Calicut Gama ordered the Ships to 
anchor, and was Soon Surrounded by a number of boats. By 
one of thefe he Sent one of the pardoned criminals to the city. 
The appearance of unknown veffels on their coaft brought 
immenfe crowds around the flranger, who no Sooner entered 
Calicut, than he was lifted from his feet and carried hither 
.and thither by the concourfe. Though the populace and the 

* A circumftance in the letters of Ame- to mark -them out. — All this is truly cu- 

rigo Vefpucci deferves remark. Defcribing rious, and affords a good comment on the 

his voyage to America, having pad the temper of the man who had 'the art to dc- 

line, fays he, “ e come defiderofo d'ejfere fraud Columbus, by giving his own name 

Autore chsfegnajjl la ftella defirous to be to America, of which he challenged the 

the namer and difcoverer of the pole ftar of difcovery. Near fifty years before -the 

the other hemifphere, I loft my fleep many voyage of Amerigo Vefpucci the Portupuefe 

nights in contemplating the ftars of the other had crofted the line; and Diaz' fourteen, 

pole.” He then laments, that as his in- and Gama near three "years before, had 

ftruments could not difcorer any ftar of lefs doubled the Cape of Good Hope, -had de- 

motion yhan ten degrees, he had not the covered'feven ftars in the conftellation of 
fatisfaftion to give a name to any one- But the fouth" pole, and from the appearance of 

as he obferved four ftars, in form of an al- the four moft luminous, had given it the 

mond, which had but little motion, he name of The Crofs, a figure which it better 

£.oped in his next voyage he foould be able refembles than that of an almond. 



ftranger were alike earned: to be underftood, their language 
was unintelligible to each other, till, happy for Gama in the 
event, aMoorifh merchant accofted his meffenger in the Spanifh 
tongue. The next day this Moor, who was named Monzaid a, 
waited upon Gama on board his fhip. He was a native of 
Tunis, and the chief perfon, he faid, with whom John II. had 
at that port contra&ed for military ftores. He was a man of 
abilities and great intelligence of the world, and an admirer of 
the Portuguefe valour and honour. The engaging behaviour 
of Gama heightened his efteem into the fmcereft attachment. 
He offered to be interpreter for the admiral, and to ferve him 
in whatever befides he could poffibly befriend him. And thus* 
by one of thofe unforefeen circumftances which often decide 
the greateft events, Gama received a friend, who foon rendered 
him the moft critical and important fervice. 

At the firft interview, Monzaida gave Gama the fulled; in- 
formation of the clime, extent, cuftoms, religions, and various 
riches of India, the commerce of the Moors, and the chara6fer 
of the fovereign. Calicut was not only the imperial city, but 
the greateft port. The king or Zamorim, who refided here, 
was acknowledged as emperor by the neighbouring princes ; 
and as his revenue confifted chiefly of duties on merchandife, 
he had always encouraged the refort of foreigners to his 

Pleafed with this promifing profpe6t, Gama fent two of his 
officers with Monzaida to wait on the Zamorim at his palace 
of Pandarene, a few miles from the city. They were admitted 
to the royal apartment, and delivered their embaffy ; to which 
the Zamorim replied, that the arrival of the admiral of fo 
great a prince as Emmanuel, gave him inexpreffible pleafure, 
and that he would willingly embrace the offered alliance. In 
the meanwhile, as their prefent ftation was extreamly dan- 
gerous, he advifed them to bring the fhips nearer to Panda- 
rene, and for this purpofe he fent a pilot to the fleet, 

A few days after, the Zamorim fent his firft minifter, or 
Catual, attended by feveral of the Nayres, or nobility, to con- 

i du£I 


duCt Gama to the royal palace. As an interview with the Za- 
•morim was abfolutely neceflary to compleat the purpofe of 
his voyage, Gama immediately agreed to it, though the trea- 
chery he had already experienced, fmce his arrival in the eaftem 
Teas, fhewecl him the perfonai danger which he thus hazarded, 
lie gave the command of the fhips during his abfence to his 
brother Pa.ulus and his friend Coello ; and in the orders he 
left them he difplayed a heroifm, fuperior to that of Alexander 
when he croffed the Granicus. That of the Macedonian was 
ferocious and frantic, the offspring of vicious ambition ; that 
of Gama was the child of the ftrongeft reafon, and the mo ft 
valorous mental dignity: It was the high pride of honour, a 
pride, which the man, who in the fury of battle may be able 
to rufh on to the mouth of a cannon, may be utterly inca- 
pable of, even in idea. 

The revenue of the Zamorim arofe chiefly from the traffic 
of the Moors j the various colonies of thefe people were com- 
bined in one intereft, and the jealoufy and confirmation which 
his arrival in the eaftern feas had fpread among them, were 
drcnmftances well known to Gama : And he knew alfo what 
he had to expeCt both from their force and their fraud. But 
duty and honour required him to compleat the purpofe of his 
voyage. He left peremptory command, that if he was de- 
tained a prifoner, or any attempt made upon his life, they 
fhould take no ftep to fave him, to give ear to no meffage 
which might come in his name for fuch purpofe, and to enter 
into no negociation on his behalf. Though they were to keep 
fome boats near the fhore, to favour his efcape if he perceived 
treachery ere detained by force ; yet the moment that force 
rendered his efcape impracticable, they were to fet fail, and to 
carry the tidings of the difcovery of India to the king of Por- 
tugal- For as this was his only concern, he would fuffer no 
rifk that might lofe a man, or endanger the homeward voyage. 
Having left thefe unalterable orders, he went afhore with the 
Catual, attended only by twelve of his own men, for he would 
not weaken the naval force, though he knew that the pomp 




of attendance would have been greatly in his favour at the 
court of India. 

As foon as landed, he and the Catual were carried in great 
pomp, in fofas, upon mens fhoulders, to the chief temple j and 
from thence, amid immenfe crouds, to the royal palace. The 
apartment and drefs of the Zamorim were fuch as might be 
expelled from the luxury and wealth of India. The emperor 
lay reclined on a magnificent couch, furrounded with his no- 
bility and minifters of Rate. Gama was introduced to him 
by a venerable old man, the chief Bramin. His majefty, by a 
gentle nod, appointed the Admiral to fit on one of the fteps 
of his fofa, and then demanded his embafiy. It was againft 
the cuftom of his country, Gama replied, to deliver his in- 
ftrudtions in a public afl'embly, he therefore defired that the 
king and a few of his minifters would grant him a private 
audience. This was complied with, and Gama, in a manly 
fpeech, fet forth the greatnefs of his fovereign Emmanuel, the 
fame he had heard of the Zamorim, and the defire he had to 
enter into an alliance with fo great a prince j nor were the 
mutual advantages of fuch a treaty omitted by the Admiral. 
The Zamorim, in reply, profefled great efteem for the friend- 
fhip of the king of Portugal, and declared his readinefs to en- 
ter into a friendly alliance. He then ordered the Catual to 
provide proper apartments for Gama in his houfe ; and having 
promifed another conference, he difmifled the Admiral with all 
the appearance of fincerity. 

The -charadter of this monarch is ftrongly marked in the 
hiftory of Portuguefe Afia. Avarice was his ruling paftioil ; 
he was haughty or mean, bold or timorous, as his intereft rofe 
or fell in the balance of his judgment; wavering and irrefo- 
lute whenever the feales feemed doubtful which to preponde- 
rate. He was pleafed with the profpect of bringing the com- 
merce of Europe to his harbours, but he was alfo influenced 
by the threats of the Moors. 

Three days elapfed ere Gama was again permitted to fee 
the Zamorim. At this fecond audience he prelented the letter 

i 2 and 



and prefents of Emmanuel. The letter was received with 
politenefs, but the prefents were viewed with an eye of con- 
tempt. -Gama beheld it,, and laid he only came to difcover 
the route to India, and therefore was not charged with va- 
luable gifts, ere the friendfhip of the Hate, where they might 
thufe to traffic, was known. Yet that indeed he brought the 
moft valuable of all gifts, the offer of the friendfhip of his. 
fovereign, and the commerce of his country. He then en- 
treated the king not to reveal the contents of Emmanuel’s let- 
ter to the Moors, and the king with great feeming friendfhip 
defired Gama to guard againft the perfidy of that people. And 
at this time, it is highly probable, the Zamorim was fincere. 

Every hour fince the arrival of Gama, the Moors had 
held fecret conferences. That one man might not return 
v/as their purpofe ; and every method to accomplifh this was 
meditated. To influence the king againft the Portuguefe, to 
affaffinate Gama, to raife a general infurrection, to deftroy the 
foreign navy, and to bribe the Catual, were determined. And 
the Catual, the mafter of the houfe where Gama lodged, ac- 
cepted the bribe, and entered into their intereft. Gama, how- 
ever, was apprifed of all thefe circumftances, by his faithful 
interpreter Monzaida, whofe affeftion to the foreign Admiral 
the Moors hitherto had not fufpetfted. Thus informed, and 
having obtained the faith of an alliance from the fovereign of 
the ftrft port of India, Gama refolved to elude the plots of 
the Moors ; and accordingly, before the dawn, he fet out for 
the fea fhore, in hope to efcape by fome of the boats which he 
had ordered to hover about the coaft. 

But the Moors were vigilant. His abfence v/as immediately 
known ; and the Catual, by the king’s order, purfued and 
brought him back by force. The Catual, however, for it was 
neceffary for their fchemes to have the fhips in their power, 
behaved with great politenefs to the Admiral, though now 
detained as a prifoner, and ftill continued his fpecious pro- 
mifes to ufe all his intereft in his behalf. 



The eagernefs of the Moors now contributed to the fafety 
of Gama. Their principal merchants were admitted to a 
formal audience, when one of their orators accufed the Portu- 
guefe as a nation of faithlefs plunderers : Gama, he faid, was 
an exiled pirate, who had marked his courfe with depredation 
and blood. If he were not a pirate, ft ill there was no excufe 
for giving fuch warlike foreigners any footing in a country 
already fupplied with all that nature and commerce could give. 
He expatiated on the great fervices which the Moorifh traders 
had rendered to Calicut, or wherever they fettled j and ended 
with a threat, that all the Moors would leave the Zamorim’s 
ports, and find fome other fettlement, if he permitted thefe 
foreigners to have any fhare in the commerce of his dominions. 

However ftaggered with thefe arguments and threats, the 
Zamorim was not blind to the felf-intereft and malice of the 
Moors. He therefore ordered, that the Admiral fhould once 
more be brought before him. In the meanwhile the Catuai 
tried many ftratagems to get the fhips into the harbour j and 
at laft, in the name of his mafter, made an abfolute demand 
that the fails and rudders fhould be delivered up, as the pledge 
of Gama’s honefty. But thefe demands were as abfolutely re- 
fufed by Gama, who fent a letter to his brother by Monzaida, 
enforcing his former orders in the ftrongeft manner, declaring 
that his fate gave him no concern, that he was only unhappy 
left the fruits of all their labours and dangers fhould be loft. 
After two days fpent in vain altercation with the Catuai, 
Gama was brought as a prifoner before the king. The king 
repeated his accufation, upbraided him with non-compliance 
to the requefts of his minifter ; yet urged him, if he were an 
exile or pirate, to confefs freely, in which cafe he promifed to 
take him into his fervice, and highly promote him on account 
of his abilities. But Gama, who with great fpirit had baffled 
all the ftratagems of the Catuai, behaved with the fame un- 
daunted bravery before the king. Pie aflerted his innocence,, 
pointed out the malice of the Moors, and the improbability 



of his piracy ; boafted of the fafety of his fleet, offered his 
life rather than his fails and rudders, and concluded with 
threats in the name of his Sovereign. The Zamorim, during 
the whole conference, eyed Gama with the keenefl attention, 
and clearly perceived in his unfaultering mien the dignity of 
truth, and the confcioufnefs that he was the Admiral of a great 
Monarch. In their late addrefs, the Moors had treated the 
Zamorim as fomewhat dependant upon them, and he faw that 
a commerce with other nations would certainly leffen their 
dangerous importance. His avarice ffronglv defired the com- 
merce of Portugal ; and his pride was flattered in humbling 
the Moors. After many propofals, it was at laid agreed, that 
of Gama’s twelve attendants, he fliould leave feven as hoftages ; 
that what goods were aboard his veflels fhould be landed, and 
that Gama fliould be fafely conducted to his fhip ; after which 
the treaty of commerce and alliance was to be finally fettled. 
And thus, when the aflaflination of Gama feemed inevitable, 
the Zamorim fuddenly dropt the demand of the fails and the 
rudders, refcued him from his determined enemies, and re- 
ftored him to liberty and the command of his fliips. 

As foon as he was aboard * the goods were landed, accom- 
panied by a letter from Gama to the Zamorim, wherein he 
boldly complained of the treachery of the Catual. The Za- 
morim, in anfwer, promiled to make enquiry, and to punifli 
him if guilty; but did nothing in the affair. Gama, who had 
now anchored nearer to the city, every day fent two or three 
different perfons on fome bufmefs to Calicut, that as many of 
his men as poflible might be able to give fome account of 
India. The Moors, in the meanwhile, every day aflaulted the 
ears of the king, who now began to waver; when Gama, who 
had given every proof of his defire of peace and friendfliip, 
fent another letter, in which he requefted the Zamorim to per- 
mit him to leave a conful at Calicut, to manage the affairs of 
king Emmanuel. But to this requeft, the molt reafonable re- 

• Faria y Soufa. 



fult of a commercial treaty, the Zamorim returned a refufal 
full of rage and indignation. Gama, now fully mailer of the 
character of the Zamorim, refolved to treat a man of fuch an 
inconftant dilhonourable difpolition with a contemptuous fl- 
lence. This contempt was felt by the king, who yielding to 
the advice of the Catual and the entreaties of the Moors, 
feized the Portuguefe goods, and ordered two of the feven 
hoftages, the two who had the charge of the cargo, to be put 
in irons. The Admiral remonftrated by the means of Mon- 
zaida, but the king Hill perfifted in his treacherous breach of 
royal faith. Repeated felicitations made him more haughty; 
and it was now the duty and intereft of Gama to ufe force. 
He took a veflel in which were fix Nayres or n blemen, and 
nineteen of their fervants. The fervants he fet afhore to re- 
late the tidings, the noblemen he detained. As foon as the 
news had time to fpread through the city, he hoifted his fails, 
and though with a flow motion, feemed to proceed on his 
homeward voyage. The city was now in an uproar - x the 
friends of the captive noblemen furrounded the palace, and 
loudly accufed the policy of the Moors. The king, in all the 
perplexed dillrefs of a haughty, avaritious, weak prince, fent 
after Gama, delivered up all the holtages, and fubmitted to 
his propofals ; nay, even folicited that an agent fhould be left, 
and even defcended to the meannefs of a palpable lie. The 
two fa6lors, he faid, he had put in irons, only to detain them 
till he might write letters to his brother Emmanuel, and the 
goods he had kept on Ihore that an agent might be fent to 
difpofe of them. Gama, however, perceived a myfterious 
trifling, and, previous to any treaty, infilled upon the reflora- 
tion of the goods. 

The day after this altercation, Monzaida came aboard the 
Admiral’s lliip in great perturbation. The Moors, he faid, 
had raifed great commotions, and had enraged the kingagainft 
the Portuguefe. The king’s fliips were getting ready, and a 
numerous Moorifh fleet from Mecca was daily expedled.. To 
delay Gama till this force arrived, was the purpofe of the 




court and of the Moors, who were now confident of fuccefs. 
To this information Monzaida added, that the Moors, fufpedb- 
ing his attachment to Gama, had determined to aflaflinate him. 
That he had narrowly efcaped from them; that it was impof- 
fible for him to recover his effedts, and that his only hope was 
in the protection of Gama. Gama rewarded him with the 
Friendlhip he merited, took him with him, as he defired, to 
Lilbon, and procured him a recompence for his fervices. 

Almofl: immediately after Monzaida, feven boats arrived, 
loaded with the goods, and demanded the reftoration of the 
captive noblemen. Gama took the goods on board, but re- 
fufed to examine if they were entire, and alfo refufed to deliver 
the prifoners. He had been promifed an ambaflador to his 
fovereign, he faid, but had been fo often deluded, he could truth 
fuch a faithlefs people no longer, and would therefore carry the 
captives in his power, to convince the king of Portugal what 
snfults and injuftice his Ambaflador and Admiral had fufFered 
from the Zamorim of Calicut. Having thus difmifled the 
Indians, he fired his cannon and hoifted his fails. A calm, 
however, detained him on the coafl: fome days, and the Zamo- 
rim feizing the opportunity, fent what velfels he could fit out, 
twenty of a larger fize, fixty in all, full of armed men, to at- 
tack him. Though Gama’s cannon were well played, confident 
of their numbers, they prefled on to board him, when a fudden 
tempeft, which Gama’s fhips rode out in fafety, miferably dif- 
perfed the Indian fleet, and compleated their ruin. 

After this victory, the Admiral made a halt at a little ifland 
near the fliore, where he ereCted a crofs *, bearing the name 
and arms of his Portuguefe majefty. And from this place, by 
the hand of Monzaida, he wrote a letter to the Zamorim, 
wherein he gave a full and circumflantial account of all the 
plots of the Catual and the Moors. Still, however, he pro- 

* It was the cuftom of the firft difcoverers 
to ereft crofles on places remarkable in their 
voyage. Gama ere&ed fix; one, dedicated 
to St. Raphael, at the river of Good Signs, 

one to St. George, at Mozambic, one to 
St. Stephen, at Melinda, one to St. Ga- 
briel, at Calicut, and one to St. Mary, at 
the ifland thence named, near Anchediva. 




fefled his defire of a commercial treaty, and promifed to re- 
prefent the Zamorim in the bed; light to Emmanuel. The 
prifoners, he faid, fliould be kindly ufed, were only kept as 
ambafladors to his fovereign, and fliould be returned to India 
when they were enabled from experience to give an account of 
Portugal. The letter he fent by one of the captives, who by 
this means obtained his liberty. 

The fame of Gama had now fpread over the Indian feas, and 
the Moors were every where intent on his deftru6tion. As he 
was near the fliore of Anchediva, he beheld the appearance of 
a floating ifle, covered with trees, advance towards him. But 
his prudence was not to be thus deceived. A bold pirate, 
named Timoja, by linking together eight veflels full of men, 
and covered with green boughs, thought to board him by fur* 
prize. But Gama’s cannon made feven of them fly ; the eighth, 
loaded with fruits and provifions, he took. The beautiful 
ifland of Anchediva now offered a convenient place to careen 
his fliips and refreffi his men. While he ftaid here, the firff: 
minifter of Zabajo king of Goa, one of the moft powerful 
princes of India, came on board, and in the name of his maf- 
ter, congratulated the Admiral in the Italian tongue. Provi- 
fions, arms, and money were offered to Gama, and he was en- 
treated to accept the friendfliip of Zabajo. The Admiral was 
ftruck with admiration, the addrefs and abilities of the minifter 
appeared fo confpicuous. He faid he was an Italian by birth, 
but in failing to Greece, had been taken by pirates, and after 
various misfortunes, had been neceflitated to enter into the 
fervice of a Mohammedan prince, the noblenefs of whofe dif- 
pofition he commended in the higheft terms. Yet, with all his 
abilities, Gama perceived an artful inquifitivenefs, that name- 
lefs fomething which does not accompany Ample honefty. 
After a long conference, Gama abruptly upbraided him as a 
fpy, and ordered him to be put to the torture — And this foon 
brought a confeflion, that he was a Polonian Jew by birth, 
and was fent to examine the ftrength of the Portuguefe by 
Zabajo, who was muftering all his power to attack them. 

k Gama 


Gama on this immediately fet fail, and took the fpy along with 
him, who foon after was baptized, and named Jafper deGama, 
the Admiral being his godfather. He afterwards became of 
great fervice to Emmanuel. 

Gama now Rood weflward through the Indian ocean, and 
after being long delayed by calms, arrived off Magadoxa, on 
the coaft of Africa. This place was a principal port of the 
Moors ; he therefore levelled the walls of the city with his 
cannon, and burned and deftroyed all the fhips in the har- 
bour. Soon after this he defcried eight Moorifh veffels bearing 
down upon him ; his artillery, however, foon made them ufe 
their oars in flight, nor could Gama overtake any of them for 
want of wind. He now reached the hofpitable harbour of Me- 
linda. His men, almoft worn out with fatigue and ficknefs, here 
received, a fecond time, every affiftance which an accomplifhed 
and generous prince could beftow. And having taken an am- 
balfador on board, he again gave his fails to the wind, in trufl that 
he might pafs the Cape of Good Hope while the favourable 
weather continued, for his acquaintance with the eaffern feas 
now fuggelfed to him, that the tempeftuous feafon was pe- 
riodical. Soon after he fet fail, his brother’s fhip ftruck on a 
fand bank, and was burnt by order of the admiral. His bro- 
ther and part of the crew he took into his own fhip, the reft 
he fent on board of Coello j nor were more hands now alive 
than were neceffary to man the two veffels which remained. 
Having taken in provifions at the ifland of Zanzibar, where 
they were kindly entertained by a Mohammedan prince of the 
fame fe6t with the king of Melinda, they fafely doubled the 
Cape of Good Hope on April 26, 1499, and continued till 
they reached the ifland of St. lago in favourable weather. But 
a tempefl here feparated the two fhips, and gave Gama and 
Coello an opportunity to fhew the goodnefs of their hearts, in 
a manner which does honour to human nature. 

The Admiral was now near the Azores, when Paulus de 
Gama, long worn with fatigue and ficknefs, was unable to en- 
dure the motion of the fhip. Vafco, therefore, put into the 



illand of Tercera, in hope of his brother’s recovery. And fuch 
was his affection, that rather than leave him, he gave the com- 
mand of his fliip to one of his officers. But the hope of re- 
covery was vain. John de Sa proceeded to Liffion with the 
flag fliip, while the admiral remained behind to foothe the 
death bed of his brother, and perform his funeral rites. 
Coello, in the mean while, landed at Liffion, and hearing that 
Gama was not arrived, imagined he might either be fhipwrecked, 
or beating about in diftrefs. Without feeing one of his fa- 
mily, he immediately fet fail, on purpofe to bring relief to his 
friend and admiral. But this generous deflgn, more the effedt 
of friendfliip than of juft confideration, was prevented by an 
order from the king, ere his fliip got out of the Tagus. 

The particulars of the voyage were now diffufed by Coello, 
and the joy of the king was only equalled by the admiration of 
the people. Yet while all the nation was fired with zeal to ex- 
prefs their efteem of the happy Admiral, he himfelf, the man 
who was fuch an enthufiaft to the fuccefs of his voyage, that 
he would willingly have facrificed his life in India to fecure that 
fuccefs, was now, in the completion of it, a dejedled mourner. 
The compliments of the court and the fliouts of the ftreet 
were irkfome to him, for his brother, the companion of his 
toils and dangers, was not there to fliare the joy. As foon as 
he had waited on the king, he ffiut himfelf up in a lonely 
houfe near the fea fide at Bethlehem, from whence it was 
fometime ere he was drawn to mingle in public life. 

During this important expedition, two years^ and almoft 
two months elapfed. Of 160 men who went out, only 55 re- 
turned. Thefe were all rewarded by the king. Coello was 
penfioned with 100 ducats a year, and made a fidalgo, or 
gentleman of the king’s houffiold, a degree of nobility in 
Portugal. The title of Don was annexed to the family of 
Vafco de Gama; he was appointed admiral of the eaftern feas, 
with an annual falary of 3000 ducats, and a part of the 
king’s arms was added to his. Public thankfgivings to heaven 
were celebrated throughout the churches of the kingdom, and 

k 2 feafts. 



feafts, interludes, and chivalrous entertainments, the tafle of 
that age, demonftrated the joy of Portugal. 

As the prophetic Song in the tenth Lufiad requires a com- 
mentary, we fhall now proceed to a compendious hiftory of 
the negociations and wars of the Portuguefe in India ; a 
hiftory, though very little known, yet of the utmoft impor- 
tance to every commercial ftate, particularly to that nation 
which now commands the trade of the Eaftern World. 







- * 

' ’ 





i mmiiii »m - it 







f /<? ^ C/uvu. 


\Jharuun Jls — 


I / Bisnapar 








' Bf/iln 

Serf ‘ l 


I.r/r 7'/wrrui.r 

Momt aflat 

Zayri 7. 

jQiiilo a 


Jv<war ! i 
LOtrientp s 



pood Hop< 


°BJ Ich'apor 


! 0 d*% 

oS rane/i/ffiar 

SgJt 7 i grip a Pin 

RjzngjL X 

( Ixix ) 








T HE power, intereft, and difpofition of the Moors, the 
mafters of the eaftern feas, pointed out to Emmanuel 
what courfe he ought to follow, if he intended to reap either 
honour or advantage from the difcovery of India. The ac- 
cumulated treachery of the Moors had kindled a war ; force 
was now neceflary 5 a fleet therefore of thirteen fail and 1500 
men was fitted out for India, and the command of it given to 
an experienced officer, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. 

The chief inftru&ions of Cabral, were to enter into a treaty 
of friendship with the Zamorim, and to obtain leave to build 
a fort and faftory near Calicut. But if he found that prince 
ftill perfidious, and averfe to an alliance, he was to proceed to 
hoffilities on the firfl: inftance of treachery. 

Cabral, in this voyage, was driven to America by a tempeft, 
and was the firfl: who difcovered the Brazils. As he doubled 
the fouth of Africa, he encountered a moft dreadful ftorm j 
the heavens were covered with pitchy darknefs for many days, 
and the waves and winds vied with each other in noife and 
fury. Four fhips were loft, and all their crews periflied 
among whom was the celebrated Bartholomew Diaz, the dis- 
coverer of the Cape of Good Hope, which, as if prophetic of 
his fate, he had named the Cape of Tempefts. 




When Cabral reached the coaPc of Zofala, he had only fix 
fhips. Here he engaged and took two Mooriih veffels, laden 
moftly with gold dull. But finding they belonged to the 
Xeque Foteyma, an uncle of the king of Melinda, he not only 
reftored the prizes, but treated the Xeque with the greatefl 
courtefy. At Mozambique he agreed with a pilot to conduct 
him to Quiloa. The king of this place and the admiral had 
a pompous interview. An alliance was folemnly concluded. 
But Homeris, brother to the king of Pvlelinda, was at Quiloa ; 
and by him Cabral was informed of a treacherous preparation 
to attack him. As his deftination was for Calicut, he delayed 
revenge, and proceeded to Melinda. Here he landed the Me- 
lindian ambaffador, who had been fent to Portugal ; and here 
his generous treatment of Foteyma ftrengthened the friend- 
fhip and good offices which had begun with Gama. 

When he arrived at Calicut, whither he was conduced by 
two Melindian pilots, he fent Ayres Correa on flaore to fettle 
the manner how the Zamorim and the admiral were to meet. 
Six principal Bramins, whofe names were brought from Por- 
tugal by the advice of Monzaida, were given as hoftages for 
the fafety of the admiral ; and the Indian noblemen, who had 
been carried away by Gama, were returned. After much de- 
lay with the wavering Zamorim, a commercial alliance, by 
which the Portuguefe veffels were to receive their lading be- 
fore thofe of any other nation, was folemnly confirmed by 
oath, and a houfe was appointed as a factory for the Portu- 
guefe. Of this, Correa, with feventy men under his com- 
mand, in the name of the king his m after, took immediate 

If the fmalleft circumftances in the hiftory of an infant co- 
lony are not attended to, the fecret fprings and principles of 
a6tion efcape us, and we are fure to be led into error. Cabral’s 
fleet was to be laded with fpicery ; but the Moorifh merchants, 
flill intent on the ruin of their rivals the Portuguefe, did every 
thing in their power to retard it, in hope of another rupture. 
While promifes to Cabral trifled away the time, the Zamorim 

deli red 



defired his affiftance to take a large fhip belonging to the 
king of Cochin, who not only intended to invade his domi- 
nions, he faid, but had alfo refufed to fell him an elephant, 
which was now aboard that fhip. There were two Moorifh 
agents with whom Cabral was obliged to tranfadl bulinefs. 
One of thefe named Cemireci, pretending great friendfhip to 
the admiral, advifed him by all means to gratify the Zamorim 
by taking the fhip of Cochin. This vefTel was large and full 
of foldiers, but Cabral appointed one of his fmallefl, com- 
manded by Pedro Ataide, not a fixth part of her lize, to attack 
her. When Ataide firft made towards the enemy, the Indian 
infulted him with every fign of reproach ; but the Portuguefe 
cannon drove her into the port of Cananor, a place forty 
miles to the north of Calicut. Here fhe lay all the night, 
while Ataide watched the mouth of the harbour ; and fearing 
to be burnt in the port, in the morning fhe again took to 
fear But Ataide foon came up with her, and by the dexterous 
ufe of his artillery made her fleer what courfe he pleafed, 
and at lafl drove her in triumph before him into the harbour 
of Calicut. 

This encounter was of great confequence to the Portu- 
guefe. It not only raifed a high idea of their valour and art 
of war, but it difcovered a fcene of treachery, and gave them 
a mofl beneficial opportunity to difplay their integrity and 
honour. When Cabral converfed with the captives, he found 
that the ftory of the elephant and the invafion were falfe, and 
that they had been warned by Cemireci, that the Portuguefe, 
a fet of lawlefs pirates, intended to attack them. On this, 
Cabral not only reflored the fhip to the king of Cochin, but 
paid for what damage fhe had fuflained, and allured him he 
had been abufed by the villainy of the Moors. 

The Zamorim profeffed the greatefl admiration of the Por- 
tuguefe valour, yet while he pretended to value their friend- 
fhip at the higheft rate, he ufed every art to delay the lading 
of their fhips. Twenty days was the time flipulated for this 
purpofe ; but three months were now elapfed, and nothing 




done. Cabral feveral times complained to the Zamorim of 
the infringement of treaty, that many Moorifh veffels had 
been fuffered to lade, while he could obtain no cargo. The 
Zamorim complained of the arts of the Moors, and gave Ca- 
bral an order, on paying for the goods, to unlade whatever 
Moorifh veffels he pleafed, and to fupply his own. Cabral, 
however, was apprehenfive of fome deep delign, and delayed 
to put this order in execution. Correa, upon this, feverely 
upbraided him with negledt of duty, and he at laft feized a 
veffel which happened to belong to one of the richeft of the 
Moors. A tumult was immediately raifed, the Portuguefe 
fadlory was fuddenly befet by four thoufand of that people, 
and before any affiftance could come from the fhips, Correa, 
and the greateft part of his companions, were maffacred. 
Cabral, though greatly enraged, waited fufficient time to hear 
the excufe of the Zamorim ; but he waited in vain. Ten 
large Moorifh veffels burnt in the harbour, the city of Cali- 
cut bombarded one day, and 600 of its inhabitants flain, re- 
venged the death of Correa. 

The king of Cochin, when Cabral returned the Chip which 
he had taken, highly pleafed with his honour, invited him 
to traffic in his port. Cabral now failed thither, and was 
treated in the molt friendly manner. A ftrong houfe was 
appointed for a factory, and a treaty of commerce folemnly 
concluded. Ambaffadors alfo arrived from the kings of Ca- 
nanor, Caulan, and other places, intreating the alliance of the 
Portuguefe, whom they invited to their harbours. 

About eight hundred years before this period, according to 
tradition, Perimal, the fovereign of India, having embraced 
the religion of Mohammed, in which he had been inftru&ed 
by fome Arabian merchants, refolved to end his days as a her- 
mit at Mecca. He therefore divided his empire into different 
fovereignties, but rendered them all tributary to the Zamorim 
of Calicut. From this port Perimal fet fail, and the Arab 
merchants conceived fuch a fuperffitious affection for this har- 
bour, though not fo commodious as many others around, that 




on the arrival of Gama it was the great centre of theMoorifh 
commerce in India. A defire to throw off their dependence 
on the Zamorim, without doubt had its influence in prompt- 
ing the tributary kings to invite the Portuguefe to their har- 
bours. But it was impoflible they fhould have fo adted, unlefs 
they had conceived a high idea of the Portuguefe virtue and 
valour, which was thus rewarded by the friendfhip of fome 
powerful princes, who ever after remained true to the caufe 
of Emmanuel. 

When Cabral was about to fail from Cochin, he received 
information from the king, that the Zamorim, with a large 
fleet, containing 15,000 foldiers, intended to attack him. Ca- 
bral prepared for battle, and the Indian fleet fled. He after- 
wards touched at Cananor, where he entered into a friendly 
alliance. The king, fufpedting from the fmall quantity of 
fpicery which he bought, that the Admiral was in want of 
money, intreated him to give a mark of his friendfhip by ac- 
cepting, upon credit, of what goods he pleafed. But Cabral 
fhewed a conflderable quantity of gold to the king’s meflen- 
gers, politely thanked him, and faid he was already fufflciently 
loaded. Having left fadtors on fhore, and received ambafla- 
dors on board, he proceeded on his homeward voyage. Near 
Melinda he took a large fhip, but finding file belonged to a 
merchant of Cananor, he fet her at liberty, and told the com- 
mander, “ that the Portuguefe monarch was only at war with 
the Zamorim and the Moors of Mecca, from whom he had 
received the greatefl: injuries and indignities.” The king of 
Melinda, and other Mohammedan princes, who had entered 
into alliances with Gama and Cabral, were not of the tribe or 
confederacy of thofe who had in different parts attempted the 
ruin of the Portuguefe. That people were now diftinguifhed 
by the name of the Moors of Mecca, their principal harbour ; 
’and therefore to diftrefs that port became now a principal 
objedt of the Portuguefe. 

Emmanuel, now fully informed by Cabral of the dates and 
traffic of the Indian Teas, perceiving that the reinforcement of 

1 three 

hi xiv 


three veffels, which he had feat under John de Nova *, could 
little avail, fitted out twenty fhips, the command of which 
warlike fleet was given to the celebrated Vafco de Gama. At 
the fame time the Pope iffued a Bull, in which he ftyled Em- 
manuel, Lord of the Navigation, Conquefts and Trade, of 
/Ethiopia, Arabia, Perfia, and India. 

Gama, having doubled the Cape of Good Hope, touched at 
Sofala, and made a treaty with the Mohammedan fovereign of 
that rich country. Mozambic was now governed by a new 
monarch, who entreated an alliance with the Portuguefe, 
which was granted > and the ifle where Gama had the battle 
with the Moors J, became, for long after, a moll convenient 
watering-place for the Portuguefe navies. In revenge of the 
plots againfl: himfelf, and the injuries received by Cabral, he 
battered the city of Quiloa with his cannon, and made the 
king fubmit to pay tribute to Emmanuel. As he proceeded 
for Calicut, he met a large fhip of Mecca, which, with many 
people of diftindrion who were going on a pilgrimage to the 
tomb of their prophet, had lately left that harbour. This 
veil'd, after an obftinate ftruggle, in which 300 Moors were 
killed J-, he took and burnt. And from fome veffels of Cali- 
cut, as he approached that port, he took about thirty pri- 
soners. As foon as he anchored near the city, the Zamorim 
fent a meflage to offer terms of friendfliip, to excufe the maf- 
facre of the Portuguefe under Correa, as the foie abfion of an 
enraged populace, with which government had no concern ; 
and added, that the fate of the fhip of Mecca he hoped would 
fuffice for revenge. Gama, previous to any new treaty, de- 

* This officer defeated a large fleet of the 
Zamorim, but could not be fuppofed to ef- 
fect any thing of permanency. On his re- 
turn to Europe, Nova difcovered the ifle of 
St. Helena. A Portuguefe, who in India 
had embraced Mohammedifm, in contrition 
for his apoflacy became its firfl: inhabitant. 
He defired to be left alhore to do penance 
for his crime. Here he continued four years, 
and by his knowledge of the fprings, and 
the vegetables and fruit-trees which he 

planted, rendered that ifle an ufeful place 
of watering and rendezvous. He was 
named Fernando Lopez. 

X See the firfl: Lufiad. 

f Twenty children were fayed. Thefer 
were fent to Lilbon, where they were bap- 
tized, and educated in the fervice of Emma- 
nuel. The Portuguefe writers mention 
their capture, and the care taken of them, 
as the happieft fortune which could poflibly 
have attended them. 




manded a reftitution of the goods of which the Portuguefe 
faftory had been plundered, and threatened to put his pri- 
foners to death and batter the city in cafe of refufal. After 
waiting fome time in vain for an anfwer, Gama ordered his 
thirty prifoners to be hanged, and their bodies to be fent 
afhore, together with a letter, declaring war againfl the Za- 
morim, in the name of the king of Portugal. And next day, 
having for feveral hours played his cannon upon the city, he 
fleered his courfe for the more friendly port of Cochin. 

Here the fadlors who had been left by Cabral gave Gama 
the highefl chara6ter of the faith of the king, and his earned: 
defire to cultivate the friendfliip of the Portuguefe ; and the 
former alliance was mutually confirmed by the king and the 
Admiral. TheZamorim, who with rage and regret beheld the 
commerce of Europe carried to other harbours, fent a Bramin 
to Gama, while he was lading at Cochin, intreating an obli- 
vion of pad: injuries, and a renewal of the league of amity. 
The Admiral, flill defirous to cultivate friendfliip, gave the 
command of the fleet to his coufin Stephen de Gama, and 
with two fliips only, in order to try the Zamorim’s fincerity, 
failed for Calicut ; yet, led: treachery fhould be intended, he 
ordered Vincent Sodre with five fliips to follow him. On his 
arrival at the city, he found that diflimulation was flill the 
charadler of the fovereign. Four and thirty veflels, full of 
armed men, attacked Gama’s fhip with great fury ; for the 
other veflel he had fent to haflen the fquadron of Sodre. In 
this fituation nothing but a brifk wind could poflibly have 
faved Gama; and a brifk gale in this extremity arofe and car- 
ried him beyond the reach of the fleet of Calicut. But having 
met the reinforcement of Sodre, he immediately returned, and 
totally deflroyed the fleet of the enemy. 

Difappointed in war, the Zamorim now by intreaties and 
threats endeavoured to bring the king of Cochin into his in- 
terefl. But that prince, with the greatefl honour, refufed to 
betray the Portuguefe; and Gama having promifed to leave a 
fquadron to protect his harbour, failed with thirteen loaded 

1 2 fliips, 


fhips for the port of Cananor. On his way thither, as he pa ft 
within a few miles of Calicut, he was again vigoroufly attack- 
ed by twenty-nine veffels, fitted out by the Zamorim, on pur- 
pofe to intercept him. Gama ordered three fhips, which had 
the leaft loading, to begin the engagement, and victory foon 
declared in his favour. He then proceeded to Cananor, where 
he entered into a treaty with the fovereign, who bound him- 
felf never to make war on the king of Cochin, or to affift the 
Zamorim. And Gama, having left fix fhips under the com- 
mand of Sod re, for the protection of Cochin and Cananor, 
failed for Portugal, where, after a profperous voyage, he ar- 
rived with twelve fhips, loaded with the riches of the Eaft. 

As foon as Gama’s departure was known, the Zamorim 
made great preparations to attack Cochin. It was the pur- 
pofe of Emmanuel, that Sodre fhould be left with a fquadron. 
to cruife about the mouth of the Red Sea, and annoy the Moors 
of Mecca; but Gama, whofe power was difcretionary, ordered 
him not to leave Cochin, urdefs every thing bore the appear- 
ance of peace with the Zamorim. Sodre, however, though 
hoftility was every day expedled, prepared to depart. Diego 
Correa, the Portuguefe agent left at Cochin, urged him in the 
flrongeft manner to do his duty and continue at that port ; 
but in vain. While the king of Cochin refolutely refufed, 
though advifed by many of his council, to deliver up the Por- 
tuguefe refidents to the Zamorim, Sodre, contrary to the or- 
ders of Gama, failed for the Red Sea, in hope of the rich 
prizes of Mecca ; and thus bafely defected his countrymen, 
and a prince, whofe faith to the Portuguefe had involved him 
in a war which threatened deftruflion to his kingdom. 

The city of Cochin is ntuated on an ifland, divided from 
the continent by an arm of the fea, one part of which, at low 
water, is fordable. At this pafs the Zamorim began the war, 
and met fome defeats. At laft, by the force of numbers and 
the power of bribery, he took the city, and the king of Cochin 
fled to the ifland of Viopia. Yet, though ftript of his domi- 
nions, he flill retained his faith to the Portuguefe. He took 




them with him to this place, where a few men could defend 
themfelves ; and though the Zamorim offered to reifore him 
to his throne if he tvould deliver them up, he replied, that his 
enemy might firip him of his dominions and his life , but it was not in 
his power to deprive him of his fidelity. 

While Trimumpara, king of Cochin, was thus fliut up on 
a little rock, Sodre buffered a punifhment worthy of his perfi- 
dy. His fliip was beaten to pieces by a tempeff, and he and 
his brother loft their lives. The other commanders confidered 
this as the judgment of heaven, and haftened back to the re- 
lief of Cochin : by ftrefs of weather, however, they were 
obliged to put into one of the Anchidivian iflands. Here they 
were joined by Francis Albuquerque, who, on hearing the 
fate of Cochin, though in the rigour of the tempeftuous fea- 
fon, immediately fet fail for that port. When the fleet ap- 
peared in fight of Viopia, Trimumpara exclaiming Portugal , 
Portugal , ran in an extacy to the Portuguefe ; and they, in re- 
turn, with fhouts of triumph, announced the reftoration of 
his crown. The garrilon left in Cochin by the Zamorim 
immediately fled. Trimumpara was reftored to his throne 
without a battle, and Albuquerque gave an inftance of his 
mafterly policy. Together with the affu ranees of the friend- 
fliip of Emmanuel, he made the king of Cochin a prefent of 
10,000 ducats. An a£t which wonderfully excited the admi- 
ration of the princes of India, and was a fevere wound to the 

Francis and Alonzo Albuquerque and Duarte Pacheco were 
now at Cochin. The princes, tributary to Trimumpara, who 
had deferted to the Zamorim, were feverely punifhed by the 
troops of Cochin, headed by the Portuguefe, and their depre- 
dations were carried into the Zamorim’s own dominions. A 
treaty of peace was at laft concluded, on terms greatly advan- 
tageous to the Portuguefe commerce. But that honour which 
had been of the greateft benefit to their affairs, was now 
ftained. A fliip of Calicut was unjufty leized by the Portu- 
guefe agent at Cochin ; nor would Francis Albuquerque make. 




reftitution, though required by the Zamorim. Soon after 
this, Francis failed for Europe, but gave another inftance of 
his infamy ere he left India. The Zamorim had again declared 
war againft the king of Cochin, and Francis Albuquerque left 
only one fhip, three barges, and about one hundred and fifty 
men, for the defence of Trimumpara; but this fmall body 
was commanded by Pacheco. Francis Albuquerque, and Ni- 
cholas Coello celebrated in the Lufiad, failed for Europe, but 
-were heard of no more. 

Anthony Saldanna and Roderic Ravafco were at this time fent 
from Lifbon on purpofe to cruife about the mouth of the Red 
jSea. The king of Melinda was engaged in a dangerons war 
with the king of Mombaffa, and Saldanna procured him an ho- 
nourable peace. But Ravafco adted as a lawlefs pirate on the 
coaft of Zanzibar. Though the innocent inhabitants were in 
a treaty of peace with Gama, he took many of their fhips, 
for which he extorted large ranfoms, and compelled the prince 
of Zanzibar to pay an annual tribute and own himfelf the 
vaflal of Emmanuel. The Pope’s Bull, which gave all the Eaft 
to the king of Portugal, began now to operate. The Portu- 
guefe efteemed it as a facred charter j the natives of the Eaft felt 
the confequence of it, and conceived a fecret jealoufy and dif- 
like of their new mafters. The exalted policy and honour of 
many of the Portuguefe governors delayed the evil operation 
of this jealoufy, but the remedy was only temporary. The 
Portuguefe believed they had a right to demand the valfallage 
of the princes of the Eaft, and to prohibit them the naviga- 
tion of their own feas. When the ufurpation of dominion 
proceeds from a fixed principle, the wifdom of the ableft Go- 
vernor can only fkin over the mortal wound ; for even the 
grofleft barbarians are moft acutely fenfible of injuftice, and 
carefully remember the breaches of honour. 

Along with thefe ideas of their right to claim dominion and 
to conquer, the Portuguefe brought to India an image of the 
degenerated conftitution of Lifbon. The Governor adted 
under a few general inftrudtions, which contained rather ad- 



vices * than orders, againft what countries he fhould dire6t the 
force-of his arms. And in the executive power he was ar- 
bitrary. The revenue and regulations of commerce were alfo 
left to his difcretion j fuch was the infecure and capricious plan 
of the Portuguefe commercial eftablifhment in India. It was 
(of all, the mold liable to abufe) the world of all Monopolies, 
a Regal one. Every ldiip which failed from Portugal to India 
was the king’s property. Their Indian cargoes were depolited 
in the cuftom-houfe of Lilbon, and managed, for the ufe of 
the crown, by the revenue officers. The tribute paid by the 
vaflal princes of Afia was the king’s j and the fadlories and 
forts were built and fupported at his charge %. In a word, a 
military government was eftablilhed in India, and it was the 
duty of the Governor to fuperintend his majefty’s revenues 
and commercial monopoly. 

The Zamorim had now collected a formidable power for the 
dellrufrion of Cochin. But before we mention the wonder- 
ful victories of Pacheco, it will be neceffary to give fome ac- 
count of the land and maritime forces of the Eaft. And here 
it is to be lamented, that the Portuguefe authors have given ^ 
us but very imperfe£l accounts of the military arts of India. 
Yet it is to be gathered from them, that though fire arms were 
not unknown, they were but very little ufed before the arrival 
of the Portuguefe. Two natives of Milan, who were brought 
to India by Gama on his fecond voyage, deferted to the Zamo- 
rim, and were of great fervice to him in making of powder 
and calling of cannon. The Perfians defpifed the ufe of fire 
arms, as unmanly ; and the ufe of artillery on board of a fleet 
is feveral times mentioned as peculiar to the Moors of Mecca. 
The veflels of the Zamorim were large barges rowed with oars, 
and crouded with men, who fought with darts and other miffile 
weapons. We are told by Oforius, that the pilot of Melinda, 

• See the Commiflion of the Portuguefe Viceroys and the Noticias, in the Appendix. See 
alfo the letters of the king, queen, and prince of Portugal to John de Callro, in Andrada’s 
life of that Governor. 

t See Oforius, Faria, Barros, Caftanneda, Commentaries written by Albuquerque’s fon, 
Andrada’s life of John de Caftro, &c. Sc c. pajfim in locis. 




who conducted Gama to Calicut, defpifed the Aftrolabe, as if 
ufed to fuperior inftruments. We doubt, however, of his fu« 
‘perior knowledge, for v/e know that he coaffced northward to 
a particular limit, and then Rood diredtly for the riling fun. 
We are alfo told by the Jefuits of the perfection of the Chi- 
.nefe navigation, arid that they have had the ufe of the com- 
pafs for 3000 years ; but this is alfo doubtful. Some have even 
fuppofed, that Marco Paolo, or fame of the earlieft mercantile 
pilgrims, carried the ioadftone to China ere its ufe in navi- 
gation was fully known in Europe. Certain it is, that at 
this day the Chinefe cannot arm the needle with the virtues of 
the Ioadftone, and of confequence have the compafs in great 
imperfedtion. In place of hanging the needle, they lay the 
Ioadftone upon cork, and fwim it in water. Vertomannus re- 
lates, that travelling to Mecca, he faw the Arabs ufe the com- 
pafs to diredt them through the fandy defarts of Arabia. But 
of this alfo we doubt ; for there is not a name in any eaftern 
language, except the Chinefe, for that inftrument ; nor do the 
Arabs know how to make one. They purchafe them of Eu- 
ropeans, and the Italian word Bajfola is the name of the com- 
pafs among the Turks, and all the natives of the Eaft, on this 
fide of China. 

While the Zamorim was preparing his formidable armament 
againft Cochin, the fecurity which appeared on the mien of 
Pacheco, prompted Trimumpara to fufpect fome fraud : and 
he entreated that captain to confefs what he intended. Pa- 
checo felt all the refentment of honour, and allured him of 
vidtory. He called a meeting of the principal inhabitants, 
and uttered the fevereft threats againft any perfon who fhould 
dare to defert to the Zamorim, or to leave the iiland*. Every 

* Soon after this order, two fifhermen 
were brought before him, who had been 
following their employment beyond the li- 
mits he had prefcribed. Pacheco ordered 
them to be hanged in prifon. The king 
pleaded for their lives, but Pacheco in pub- 
lic was inexorable. In the night, however, 

he fent the two hffiermen to the king’s pa- 
lace, where he defired they might be con- 
cealed with the greateft fecrefy ; and the ie- 
verity of their fate was publickly believed. 
Such was the humanity and ftridt difcipline 
of this brave officer. 




precaution, by which the paffage to the ifland of Cochin might 
be fecured, was taken by Pacheco. The Portuguefe took the 
facrament, and devoted themfelves to death. The king of 
Cochin’s troops amounted only to 5000 ; the fleet and army 
of the Zamorim confifted of 57,000 men. Yet this great 
army, though provided with brafs cannon, and otherwife af- 
fifted by the two Milanefe engineers, was defeated by Pacheco. 
Seven times the Zamorim raifed new armies, fome of them 
more numerous than the firft, but all of them were defeated 
at the fords of Cochin, by the ftratagems and intrepidity of 
Pacheco. Though the Zamorim in the latter battles expofed 
his own perfon to the greateft danger, and was fometimes 
fprinkled with the blood of his attendants ; though he had re- 
courfe to poifon and every art of fraud, all his attempts, open 
and private, were baffled. At laft, in defpair of revenge, he 
refigned his crown, and fhut himfelf up for the remainder of 
his days in one of his idol temples. Soon after the kingdom of 
Cochin was thus reflored to profperity, Pacheco was recalled 
to Europe. The king of Portugal paid the higheft compli- 
ments to his valour ; and as he had acquired no fortune in 
India, in reward of his fervices he gave him a lucrative go- 
vernment in Africa. But merit always has enemies. Pacheco 
was accufed, and by the king’s order brought to Lifbon in 
irons : and thofe hands which preferved the interefl of Portu- 
gal in India, were in Portugal chained in a dungeon a confi- 
derable time, ere a legal trial determined the juftice of this 
feverity. He was at laft tried, and honourably acquitted j but 
his merit was thought of no more, and he died in an alms- 
houfe. Merit thus repaid, is a fevere wound to an empire. 
The generous ardour of military fpirit cannot receive a colder 
check, than fuch examples are fure to give it. 

Before the departure of Pacheco, a fleet of thirteen fliips, 
commanded by Lopez Soarez, arrived in India. The new Za- 
morim beheld with regret the ruined condition of his king- 
dom, his tributary princes not only now independent, but 
pofTeffed of the commerce which formerly enriched Calicut, 

m the 



the fatal conlequence of his uncle and predeceffor’s obflinacy. 
Taught by thefe examples, he defired a peace with the Portu- 
guefe ; but Soarez would hear nothing till the two Milanefe 
deferters were delivered up. This the Zamorim refolutely re- 
fufed. And Soarez, regardlefs of the fete of feme Portuguefe 
who had been left at Calicut by Cabral, battered the city two 
days, in place of granting an honourable and commercial 
peace. Nor was this his only political error. By fhewing fuch 
eagernefs to fecure the Milanefe engineers, he told the Zamo- 
rim the value of thefe European artifls. And that prince foon 
after applied to the Soldan of Egypt, who fent him four Ve- 
netians, able engineers, and matters of the art of the foundery 
of cannon. 

In the (lately fpirit of conquell Soarez traverfed the Indian 
feas, dettroyed many Calicutian and Moorifh veifels, and made 
various princes pay tribute and confefs themfelves the vattals 
of Emmanuel. But the Soldan of Egypt began now to threaten 
hottilities, and a ftronger force of the Portuguefe was neceffary. 
Francifco d’Almeyda, an officer of diflinguifhed merit, was 
therefore appointed Viceroy of India, and was fent with two 
and twenty fhips to affert his jurifdiftion. And according to 
the uncommercial ideas of Gothic conqueft with which he fet 
out, he continued to aft. On his arrival at Quiloa, a meeting 
between him and the king was appointed. Almeyda attended,, 
but the king did not, for a black cat, as he fet out, happened 
to crofs his way, and intimidated by this evil omen, he de- 
clined the interview. On this, Almeyda levelled his city with 
the ground, and appointed another king, tributary to Emma- 
nuel. Some late treacheries of Mombaffa were alfo revenged 
by the dettruftion of that city and the vaffiallage of its mo- 
narch. When the Viceroy arrived in India, he defeated the 
king of Onor, built forts and left garrilbns in various places. 
Trimumpara, king of Cochin, had now retired to fpend the 
evening of his life in a Brahmin temple, and his nephew, who 
with great pomp was crowned by Almeyda, acknowledged 
himfelf the tributary of the king of Portugal. 




The Soldan of Egypt was at this time one of the greateft 
princes of the world. Much of the lucrative commerce of 
the Eaft had long flowed to the Weft through his dominions. 
His fleets and his armies were thus rendered numerous and 
powerful, and bound by their political religion, every Moham- 
medan prince, in a war with the Chriftians, was his ally. A 
heavy revenge of the Crufades was in meditation, and Europe 
miferably divided in itfelf, invited its own ruin ; when, as it is 
exprefled by the Abbe Reynal, the liberties of mankind were 
faved by the voyage of Vafco de Gama. The arrival of the 
Portuguefe in the eaftern feas entirely unhinged the ftrongeft 
fences of the Mohammedan power ; and the finews of the 
Egyptian and Turkifli ftrength were cut afunder by that de- 
ftrudlion of their commerce which followed the prefence of 
the Europeans. And thus alfo Europe is taught the means 
Which will for ever fecure her againft the ravages of the Sara- 
cens, and other eaftern barbarians, whom fhe has already ex- 
perienced as more cruel invaders, and whom Greece ftill feels 
as more dreadful tyrants, than the Goths and the Vandals*. 

Enraged with the interruption which his trade had already 
received, the Soldan refolved to prevent its utter ruin. He 

* A view of the commerce of the Eaftern 
world, and the channels in which it flowed, 
before the arrival of the Portuguefe, is thus 
accurately given by Faria y Soufa. “ Be- 
fore thefe our difcoveries, the fpicery and 
riches of the Eaftern world were brought to 
Europe with great charge and immenfe 
trouble. The merchandife of the clove of 
Malucca, the mace and nutmeg of Banda, 
the Sandal-wood of Timor, the camfire of 
Borneo, the gold and fllver of Luconia, the 
fpices, drugs, dyes and perfumes, and all 
the various riches of China, Java, Siam, and 
the adjacent kingdoms, centered in the city 
of Malaca, in the golden Cherfonefus. 
Hither all the traders of the countiies as far 
weft as Ethiopia and the Red Sea, reforted, 
and bartered their own commodities for 
thofe they received ; for fllver and gold 
were cfteeined as the leaft valuable articles. 
By this trade the great cities of Calicut, 
Cambaya, Ormuz, and Aden, were enriched; 

nor was Malaca the only fource of their 
wealth. The weftern regions of Afia had 
full pofleflion of the commerce of the rubies 
of Pegu, the ftlks of Bengal, the pearls of 
Calicaic, the diamonds of Narfinga, the 
cinnamon and rubies of Ceylon, the pepper 
and every fpicery of Malabar, and where- 
ever in the eaftern iflands and fliores Nature 
had lavifhed her various riches. Of the 
more weftern commerce Ormuz was the 
great mart, for from thence the eaftern 
commodities were conveyed up the Perfian 
gulph to Bafl’ora on the mouth of the Eu- 
phrates, and from thence diftributed in ca- 
ravans to Armenia, Trebifond, Tartary, 
Aleppo, Damafcus, and the port of Barut 
on the Mediterranean. Suez on the Red 
Sea was alfo a moft important mart. Here 
the caravans loaded and proceeded to Grand 
Cairo, from whence the Nile conveyed their 
riches to Alexandria ; at which city and at 
Barut l'omc Europeans, the Venetians in 
m 2 particular,. 



threatened the extirpation of all the Chriftians in his domi- 
nions, if the court of Rome would not order the king of 
Portugal to withdraw his fleets for ever from the eaftern 
leas. One Maurus, a monk, was his ambaflador to Rome and 
Lifbon, but in place of promifes of compliance, he returned 
with the feverer threats of Emmanuel. War was now deter- 
mined by the Soldan, and a moft formidable fleet, flxty veffels 
of which were larger than the Portuguefe, manned with 
Turks experienced in war, were fent to the afliflance of the 
Zamorim. But by the fuperior naval fkill and romantic 
bravery of Almeyda and his fon Lorenzo, this mighty arma- 
ment was defeated. 

At this time Triflan de Cugna, and the celebrated Alphonfo 
Albuquerque, arrived in the Eaft, and carried war and vidtory. 
from Sofala to India. Allured by the honour and com- 
mercial treaties of Gama and Cabral, feveral princes of India 
invited, thefe ftrangers to their harbours. But the alteration, 
of the behaviour and claims of the Portuguefe, had altered the 
fentiments of the natives. Almoft every port now oppofed 
the entrance of the Portuguefe, and the cargo of almoft every 
{hip they loaded was purchafed with blood. At the fack of 
the city of La mo, fome of the foldiers under Cugna cut off 
the hands and ears of the women, to get their bracelets and 
ear-rings with more expedition. But though thefe mifcreants, 
by overloading their boat with their plunder, were all drowned, 
this ftain on the Portuguefe character made deftrtnftive war 
againft the Portuguefe name and intereft. When Albuquerque 
arrived before Ormuz, he fummoned the king to become the 
vaffal of Emmanuel, and to be happy under the proteftion of 
fo great a prince. The king of Ormuz, who expected fuch a 
viflt, had provided an army of 33,000 men, 6000 of whom 
were expert archers, auxiliaries of Perfia. Yet thefe were de- 

particular, loaded their veftfels with the kingdoms were wonderfully ftrengthened 
riches of the eaftern world, which at im- and enriched by it. By the arrival of the 
menfe prices they diftributed throughout Portuguefe every thing was reverfed, and 
Europe.” While the eaftern commerce the fafety of Europe fecured. 
flowed through thefe channels,, the eaftern 

feated a 



feated by 460 difciplined men, well played cannon, and the 
dauntlefs valour of Albuquerque. And the king of Ormuz 
fubmitted to vaffalage.. Lords of the feas alfo, the Portuguefe 
permitted no fhip to fail without a Portuguefe paffport. Nor 
was this regarded, when avarice prompted that the paffport was 
forged*. A rich fhip of Cananor was on this pretence taken 
and plundered, and the unhappy crew, to conceal the villainy, 
were fewed up in the fail cloths and drowned. Vaz^ it is true, 
the commander of this horrid deed, was broken. But the bo- 
dies of the Moors were thrown on fhore by the tide, and the 
king of Cananor, the valuable ally of Portugal, in revenge of 
this treachery, joined the Zamorim, and declared war againft 
the Portuguefe. Another powerful armament, commanded by 
Mir Hocern, a chief of great valour, was fent by the Soldan.. 
Perfia alfo affifted. And even the mountains of Dalmatia^:,, 
by the connivance of Venice, were robbed of their forefts, to 
build navies in Arabia to militate againft the Portuguefe. 

Almeyda fent his brave fon Lorenzo to give battle to Mir 
Hocern, but Lorenzo fell the victim of his romantic bravery. 
While the father prepared to revenge the death of his fon, his^ 
recall, and the appointment of Albuquerque to fucceed him,, 
arrived from Europe ; but Almeyda refufed to refign till he 
had revenged his fon’s defeat. On this> a difpute between the 
two governors arofe, of fatal confequence to the Portuguefe:- 
intereft in Afia. Albuquerque was imprifoned, and future 
governors often urged this example on both Tides of the queff 
tion, both to protraft the continuance, and prefs the inftant; 
furrender of office. Almeyda, having defeated the Zamorim 
and his Egyptian allies, failed for Europe ||, crowned with mi- 
litary laurels. But though thus plumed in the vulgar eye, 
his eftablilhments were contrary to the fpirit of commerce. 

• Sometimes, in place of a pafs, the Moorifh veflels carried their own letters of con- 
demnation. As thus. The owner of this Jhip is a 'very wicked Moor. I dejire the firfi Por- 
tuguefe Captain to whom this is /hewn may make prize of her. Vid. Faria.' 

I The timber was brought through the Mediterranean to Cairo, and from thence was 
carried by camels to the port of Suez. 



He fought, indeed, and conquered ; but he left more enemies 
of the Portuguefe in the Eaft than he found there. The ho- 
nours he attained were like his, who having extinguilhed a 
few houfes on fire, marches out of a city in triumph, forget- 
ful of the glowing embers left in every corner, ready to burfl 
forth in a general flame. It was left for the great Albu- 
querque to eflablifh the Portuguefe empire in Alia on a furer 
bafis, on adls of mutual benefit to the foreign colonifls and 
native princes. 

Albuquerque, as foon as he entered upon his government, 
turned his thoughts to the folid eflablifhment of the Portu- 
guefe empire. To extinguifh the power of Calicut, and to 
eredl a fortified capital for the feat of government, were his 
firft defigns j and in thefe be was greatly affifled, both by the 
arms and the counfel of Timoja the pirate, who, very much 
injured by the Indian princes, was glad to enter into alliance 
with the Portuguefe. Don Fernando Coutinho, previous to 
the advancement of Albuquerque, had arrived in India, veiled 
with a difcretionary power independent of the will of the go- 
vernor. The natural confequences of this extraordinary po- 
licy foon appeared. With thirty veffels and 2400 men, Albu- 
querque and Coutinho failed from Cochin to befiege Calicut. 
It was agreed, that the troops under Coutinho fliould have the 
honour to land firfl. Thofe under Albuquerque, however, 
galled by the enemy, leapt firfl afliore. Coutinho, on this, 
roughly upbraided him : To conquer the feeble Indians , he faid, 
was no J'uch honour as fome hoofed. And I will tell the king of 
Portugal , he added, that I entered the palace of the Zamorim with 
only my cane in my hand. Albuquerque remonflrated the danger 
of rafhnefs in vain. Coutinho ordered Jafper de Gama, the 
Polonian Jew, to conduct him to the palace ; to which, with 
800 men, he marched in confufed fpeed. Albuquerque, whofe 
magnanimity could revenge no infult when his country’s inte- 
refc was at flake in the hour of battle, followed in good or- 
der with 600 men, and left others properly Rationed, to fecure 
a retreat j for he forefaw deftrudlion. Coutinho, after feveral 



attacks, at laft, with the lofs of many men, entered the palace, 
and gave his foldiers liberty to plunder. All was now diforder 
among them. And Albuquerque, who perceived it, entreated 
Coutinho, by meffage, to beware of a fiercer attack. He was 
anfwered, He might take care of the troops under his own command . 
After two hours fpent in plundering the palace, Coutinho fet 
fire to it, and marched out. But ere he could join Albu- 
querque, both parties were furrounded by enraged multitudes. 
Coutinho and his braved: officers fell ; Albuquerque was 
wounded by arrows in the neck and left arm. At laft, ftruck 
on the bread: by a large ftone, he dropped down, to appearance 
dead. On his fhield he was carried off with great difficulty. 
All was confufion in the retreat, till the body of referve, placed 
by Albuquerque, came up, and repulfed the enemy. Albu- 
querque was carried on board without hope of recovery. His 
health, however, was reftored at Cochin, and the Zamorim al- 
lowed a fort to be built near Calicut, and fubmitted to the 
terms of peace propofed by the Portuguefe governor. 

The idand of Goa, on the coaft of Decan, a mod: commo- 
dious fituation for the feat of empire, and whofe prince had 
been treacherous to Gama, after various defperate engage- 
ments, was at laft yielded to Albuquerque. According to his 
defign, he fortified it in the bed: manner, and rendered it of 
the utmoft confequence to the prefervation of the Portuguefe 
power. He now turned his thoughts to Malaca, the great 
mart of the eaftern half of the oriental world. Under the 
government of Almeyda, Sequeira had failed thither, and while 
about fettling a treaty with the natives, narrowly efcaped a 
treacherous madacre, in which feveral of his men were dain. 
Albuquerque offered peace and commerce, but demanded a- 
tonement for this injury. His terms were rejefted, and this 
important place, won by mod: aftonifhing victories, was now 
added to the Portuguefe dominion. 

Albuquerque now devoted his attention to the grand objedt 
of his wifhes, the permanent eftablidiment of the Portuguefe 
dominion in Ada. His ideas were great and comprehenfive ; 




and his plan, perhaps, the bell: ever produced under an arbi- 
trary government. His predeceffor Almeyda had the fame ob- 
je6l in view, but he thought the conqueft and fettlement of 
cities would weaken and divide the Portuguele ftrength. Su- 
periority at fea he efteemed as the fureft method to command 
all India ; and one fafe Ration, where the fhips might winter, 
was all the eftabliftiment he defiled. Albuquerque, on the 
contrary, deemed the poifeirion of many harbours, and adjoin- 
ing territory, as the only effectual means to enfure the conti- 
nuance of the naval fuperiority. He efteemed the fupply of 
the regal monopoly, fays Oforius, as an inferior confideration ; 
to enlarge and render permanent the revenues of fovereignty 
was his grand defign. As one tempeft might deftroy the 
ftrength of their navy, while there w r as only one harbour to 
afford refuge, he confidered the Portuguefe dominion not only 
as very infecure, but alfo as extremely precarious, while they 
depended upon military and naval fupplies from Lifbon. To 
prevent and remedy thefe apparent evils was therefore his am- 
bition j and for thefe purpofes he extended his fettlements from 
Ormuz in Perfia to the Chinefe fea. He eftablifhed cufcom- 
houfes in every port, to receive the king’s duties on merchan- 
dife j and the waft revenue which arofe from thefe and the 
tribute of the vaflal princes, gave a fandlion to his fyftem. At 
Goa, the capital of this new empire, he coined money, infti- 
tuted a council chamber for the government of the city, and 
here and at all his fettlements he eredled courts of juftice*, 
and gave new regulations to fuch as had been formerly efta- 
blifhed. And that this empire might be able to levy armies 
and build fleets in its own defence, he encouraged the mar- 
riage of the Portuguefe with the natives J. His female cap- 

* Utimwirajah, a native of Java, and one 
of the greateft men of Malaca, was, toge- 
ther with his fon, and fon-in-law, detected 
in a confpiracy againft the Portuguefe. For 
this they were publickly tried in the court 
dlablilhed by Albuquerque ; were con- 
demned, and publickly executed. This is 
sbe firit inflauce of the execution of natives 

tinder the authority of European courts. 

t The defendants of thefe marriages 
people the coafts of the Eaft at this day. 
They are called MeJHccs or, are 
become favages, fpeak a broken Portuguefe, 
called lingua Franca by the failors. Many 
of the black fervants brought to Europe are 
of this race. 




lives he treated with the utmoft kindnefs, and having married 
them to his foldiers, gave them fettlements in the ifland of 
Goa. And hence, during the regency of John de Caftro, little 
more than thirty years after, the iiland of Goa itfelf was able 
to build the fleets and to levy the armies, which, by faying the 
important fort and city of Dio, preferved the Portuguefe inte- 
reft in India. 

In confequence of his plan of empire, Albuquerque confti- 
tuted Malaca the capital of the eaftern part of the Portuguefe 
dominion. Here, as at Goa, he coined money, and by his 
juftice, and affable, generous manner, won the affeflion and 
efteem of the people whom he had conquered. He received 
from, and fent ambaffadors to the king of Siam and other 
princes, to whom he offered the trade of Malaca on more advan- 
tageous conditions than it had hitherto been. And animmenfe 
commerce from China and all the adjacent regions foon filled 
that harbour. For here, as at Ormuz and Goa, the redudtion 
which he made in the cuftoms, gave an increafe of trade which 
almoft doubled the revenue of the king of Portugal. When 
Albuquerque returned to Goa, he was received, fays Faria, as 
a father by his family. The ifland was at this time befieged 
by 20,000 of Hydal Can, the lord of Decan’s troops, yet vic- 
tory declared for Albuquerque. But to difplay the terror of 
the Portuguefe arms was only the fecond motive of this great 
man. To convince the Indian princes of the value of his 
friendfhip was his firft care, and treaties of commerce were 
with mutual fatisfadlion concluded with the king of Bifnagar, 
the king of Narlinga, and other powerful princes. The city 
of Aden, near the mouth of the Red Sea, was of great impor- 
tance to the fleets of the Soldan. Albuquerque twice attacked 
this place, but could not carry it for want of military ft ore's. 
By the veflels, however, which he kept on thefe coafts, he gave 
a fevere wound to the Egyptian and Moorifh commerce-; and 
by the eftablifhments which he made in India, entirely ruined 
it. Mahomet, the expelled tyrant of Malaca, affifted by 20,000 
Javans, attempted to recover his throne ; but the wi'fh of the 

n people 



people was fulfilled, and Albuquerque, who failed to its relief, was 
again victorious. The Perfians, to whom Ormuz had been tri- 
butary, endeavoured to bring it again under their yoke* $ but Al- 
buquerque haftened from Malaca, and totally defeated them, to 
the fincere joy of the inhabitants. Here he fell hck, and being 
advifed by his phyficians to go to India for the recovery of his 
health, the king of Ormuz, who called him his father, parted froru 
him with tears. On his way to India he received intelligence, that 
a fleet, arrived from Portugal, had brought his recall ; that Lopez 
Soarez was appointed to fucceed him, and that Iago Mendez was 
come to be governor of Cochin. When he heard this, he ex- 
claimed, Are thefe whom I fent prifoners toPortugal for heinous crimes , 
are thefe returned to be governors ! Old man , Oh, for thy grave ! Phou 
haf hicurred the kings difpleafure for the fake of the fubje&s, and 
the fubjeffs for the fake of the king ! Old man , fly to thy grave , 
and retain that honour thou haft ever preferved ! A profound me- 
lancholy now feized him ; but finding the certain approaches 
of death, he recovered his chearfulnefs, and with great fervor 
gave thanks to God, that a new governor was ready to fucceed 
him. On the bar of Goa, in the fixty- third year of his age* 
he breathed his laftjj, after a regency of little more than five 
years. Yet, in this fhort fpace, he not only opened all the 
eaftern world to the commerce of Portugal, but by the regu- 

* When the Perfians fent a demand of 
tribute, Albuquerque faid it ffiould be paid ; 
and a large filver bafon, under cover, was 
prefented to the ambaffador. When unco- 
vered, leaden bullets and points of fpears ap- 
peared. There, faid Albuquerque, is the 
tribute which the kings of Portugal pay. 
Admiration of the virtues of their enemies 
was the ancient charafrer of the Peafians. 
Ifmael the SopM from whom Ormuz was 
rent, foon after profeffed the highelt idea of 
the valour of Albuquerque. He courted 
his friendlhip, and fent ambalfadors to Em- 
manuel. In this correfpondence the pro- 
grefs of fire-arms in the Eaft may be traced. 
In 1 5 1 5 he folicited that Portuguefe artifts 
might be fent to teach his fubje&s the art 
of calling cannon. Vid. Ofor. I. x. 

|| A little before he died he wrote this 
manly letter to the king of Portugal. “ Un- 
der the pangs of death, in the dijficidt breathing 
of the lafl hour , 1 write this my lafl letter to 
your Highnefs ; the lafl of many I have written 
to you full of life , for 1 was then employed 
in your fervtce . 1 have a fon. Bias de Albu- 

querque ; I entreat your Highnefs to make him 
as great as my ferviees deferve. The affairs 
of India will anfuser for themfelves , and for 
w.v” Oforius fays, the latter part of the 
Gofpel of John was, at his defire, repeat- 
edly read to him ; and he expired with the 
greateft compofure. Long after his death 
his bones were brought to Portugal ; but it 
was with great difficulty, and after long 
delays, ere the inhabitants of Goa would 
confent to part with his remains. 



lations of his humane and exalted policy, by the ftridt diftri- 
bution of juftice which he eftabliflied, fecured its power on a 
balls, which nothing but the difcontinuance of his meafures 
could fubvert. Under Albuquerque the proud boaft of the 
hiftorian Faria was juftified. '■the trophies of our victories y fays 
he, are not bruifed helmets and 'warlike engines hung on the trees of 
the mountains ; but cities , ijlands , and kingdoms , firft humbled under 
our feet , and then joyfully worf. hipping our government. The princes 
of India, who viewedAlbuquerque as their father, clothed them- 
felves in mourning on his death, for they had experienced the 
happinefs and protedtion which his friendftiip gave them. 
And the fincerity of their grief fhewed Emmanuel what a 
fubjedl he had loft. He was buried at Goa, and it became 
cuftomary for the Mohammedan and Gentoo inhabitants of 
that city, when injured by the Portuguefe, to come and weep 
at his tomb, utter their complaints to his manes y and call upon 
his God to revenge their wrongs. 

Accuftomed to the affable manners of Albuquerque, the re- 
ferved haughty dignity affumed by Soarez gave the Indian al- 
lies of Portugal the firft proof that the mourning which they 
wore for his predeceffor was not without caufe. Now, fay the 
Portuguefe authors, commenced the period when the foldier no 
more followed the didlates of honour, when thofe who had 
been captains became traders, and rapacious plunderers of the 
innocent natives. Hitherto the loading of the king’s veffels 
had been the principal mercantile bufinefs of the Portuguefe. 
They now more particularly interfered with the commerce of 
the Moors and Indians. Many quitted the military fervice, 
and became private adventurers ; and many who yearly arrived 
from Portugal, in place of entering into the king’s fervice, 
followed this example. But their commerce was entirely con- 
fined to the harbours of the Eaft, for it was the foie preroga- 
tive of the king to fend cargoes to Europe. This coafting 
trade in the hands of the Portuguefe increafed the revenue of 
the royal cuftom-houfes. But the fudden riches which it pro- 
mifed, drew into it many more adventurers than, it was feared, the 

n a military 



military government of India could afford to lofe. And thence 
the difcouragement of this trade was efteemed the duty, and 
became a principal objeff of the Portugufe viceroys. And in- 
deed in its befi fiate it was only worthy of tranfported felons. 
It was governed by no certain laws. The couits effabliflied 
by Albuquerque were either corrupted or without power, and 
the petty governor of every petty fort was arbitrary in his 
harbour. Under thefe difaavantages, fo inaufpicious to lionell 
induftry, the Portuguefe adventurers in this coafting trade be- 
came mere pyrates, and it was ufual for them to procure the 
loading of their (hips, fays Faria, in the military way, as if 
upon the forage in an enemy’s country. Nor was this coafting 
trade folely in the hands of private adventurers. The king 
had a large fhare in it, and undoubtedly the moft advan- 
tageous. This is confirmed by Faria (fub. aim. 1540 and 1541) 
who mentions his majefty’s goods as carried from port to port, 
and committed from one officer to the charge of another. 
Such was the miferable ftate of the free trade of the Portu- 
guefe in India, a trade, whofe fuperior advantages, (for faperior 
advantages mu ft be implied in the argument) have lately been 
held forth * as an example and proof of the expediency of de- 
priving the Englifh Eaft India Company of their charter. In 
the conclufion we fliall cite the words of the philofopher to 
whom we allude. And an attention to the faffs of this hiffo- 
ry will prepare the reader for a difcufli.on of that important 

Where there are no fixed laws of fupreme authority, imme- 
diate confufion muff follow the removal of the beft governor. 
Such confufion conffituted the political charaffer of the re- 
gency of Soarez. His military expeditions do him as little 
honour. Having performed the parade of a new governor, in 
vifiting the forts, and in breaking and railing officers, Soarez 
prepared, according to his orders, to reduce the coafts of the 
Red Sea to the obedience of Portugal. Another great Egyp- 

* In Smith’s Inquiry into the Nature and Caufes of the Wealth of Nations . 



tian fleet, commanded by a Turk, named Raez Solyman, had 
failed from Suez ; and Soarez, with twenty-feven fhips, fet fail 
in fearch of it. When he came before Aden, he found that 
flrong city defcncelefs. The governor had offended the court 
of Egypt, and Solyman, by order of the Soldan, had levelled a 
part of the wall. The governor of Aden, thus at his mercy, 
artfully offered the keys to Soarez, and intreated his friend- 
fhip. Secure of the Moor’s honefty, Soarez delayed to take 
poffeflion, till he had given battle to the Soldan’s fleet. This 
he found in the port of Gidda or Jodda, under protection of 
the cannon of the walls. He therefore did not engage it ; 
and after burning a few defencelefs towns, he returned to 
Aden. But the breaches of the fort were now repaired, and 
his own force, which had buffered greatly by tempeftuous 
weather in the Red Sea, was, he deemed, unable to take that 
city, which now refufed to fur-render. While Soarez was em- 
ployed in this inglorious expedition, Goa was reduced to the 
greatefl danger. A quarrel about a Portuguefe deferter had 
kindled a war, and Hydal Can, with an army of 30,000 men, 
laid fiege to that important city. But the arrival of three 
Portuguefe fhips railed the fiege, at a time when famine had 
almofl brought the garrifon to defpair. Nor was Malaca hap- 
pier than Goa. The uncurbed tyranny of the Portuguefe had 
almofl: driven trade from that harbour, and the dethroned king 
once more invaded the ifland with a great army. But Alexis 
de Menezes, appointed governor of that place, arrived, in the 
moft critical time, with 300 men, and faved Malaca. The 
trade with China after this greatly increafed, and the king . 
of Ceylon, with whom Albuquerque had eftablifhed a valuable 
commerce, was compelled by Soarez to pay tribute to the king 
of Portugal. A furveyor of the king’s revenue about this 
time arrived in India, veiled with a power, which interfered 
with, and leflened that of the governor. Hence complaints 
and appeals were by every fleet carried to Europe, and by every 
fleet that returned the removal of officers was brought. . In- 
tegrity now afforded no prote6lion, and to amafs wealth with 




the utmod expedition, was now the bed; way to fecure its pof- 
feflion. Rapacity prevailed among the Portuguefe, and all was 
difcontent among the natives, when in 15.18, after a regency 
of about three years, Soarez was recalled, and in power and 
title of governor fucceeded by lag© Lopez de Sequeyra. Albu- 
querque left Portuguefe Afia in the mod flourifhing condition. 
Soarez left every thing embarraffed, and in the decline. Albu- 
querque was dreadful to his enemies in war, and to his foldiers 
on the lead appearance of difobedience : but at other times, 
his engaging manners won the hearts of alh And his know- 
ledge of human nature, which formed his political conduct, 
was of the fird rate. Soarez, on the contrary, the man who 
.refufed an equitable treaty offered by the Zamorim, and was 
for fuch a£ts of incapacity fent prifoner to Lifbon by Albu- 
querque, betrayed in all his tranfaftions the meaned abilities. 
All his capacity feemed to reach no farther than to preferve that 
folemn face of dignity, that haughty referved importance with 
which men of flender abilities tranfadl the mod trifling affairs ; 
a folemriity of which heavy intelledts are extremely jealous 
and careful, which the ignorant revere, and which the intelli- 
gent defpife. 

Sequeyra, the difcoverer of Malaca, began his regency with 
the relief of that important mart j and the king of Bintam, 
the befieger, after feveral attempts, was compelled to fubmit 
to a treaty didlated by the Portuguefe. Forty-eight fhips, 
under the command of the govenor, failed to reduce the drong 
fort and harbour of Diu or Dio, on the coad of Cambaya, an 
objeft of great importance to the Portuguefe, but nothing was 
attempted. Continual Skirmifhes, however, dyed every fhore 
with blood, while no method of cultivating the friendfhip of 
the hodile natives was even in view. Every thing on the 
contrary tended to inflame them. John deBorba, fhipwrecked 
on the coaft of Achem, was generoufly relieved by the fove- 
reign. George de Brito arrived foon after, and Borba informed 
him, that in the fepulchres of the kings were immenfe trea- 
hires of gold ; and that the prefent king, his benefa&or, had 




* / 

formerly robbed fome Portuguefe veffels. Brito, at the head 
of 200 men, immediately began hoftilities, but was defeated 
and killed, and the kings of Achem became the inveterate ene- 
mies of the Portuguefe, and often gave them infinite trouble* 
TheMalucco iflands were now difcovered. The kings of thefe, 
at ftrife with each other, were each. earned: for the alliance of 
the Portuguefe. But they, led by their ufual ideas, foon in- 
volved themfelves in war and daughter, Ormuz, where Albu- 
querque was beloved as a father, was now unable to bear the 
Portuguefe yoke. The tribute was raifed, and the king com- 
plained that his revenues could not afford to pay it. Sequeyra 
on this fent Portuguefe officers to impofe and colle 6 t the king’s 
cuftoms. This impolitical ftep was foon followed by its na- 
tural confequence. The infolence and oppreflion of the offi- 
cers produced a revolt. Sequeyra, however, defeated the people 
of Ormuz, and almoft doubled the tribute which before they 
were unable to pay. It is truly aftonifhing how men fhould 
expedl that dominion thus fup ported fhould continue long; 
that they could not fee that fuch vi 6 tories both fowed and 
nourifhed the feeds of future war.. Even the Portuguefe 
hiftorians adopted the impolitical uncommercial ideas of their 
governors. Faria y Soufa makes an apology for mentioning, 
the fate of the firft Portuguefe who traded to- China, calls 
it a matter of commerce, a fubje£t unworthy of grave hiftory. 
The political philofopher, however, will effeem it of more im- 
portance, and will draw the beft of precepts from it. The 
king of Portugal defirous of the trade of China, fent an am- 
baffador and one of his captains to propofe a commercial al- 
liance. The ambaffador was gladly received, and fent by land 
to Nankin, and the honourable behaviour of Pedro de Andrade 
gained the important traffic of the harbour of Canton. On 
this officer’s return to India, Sequeyra the governor fent Simon 
de Andrade, brother to Pedro, with five fhips to China ; and 
whatever were his inftru£tions, the abfurdity of his actions 
was only equalled by his grofs infolence. As if he had arrived 
among beings of an inferior order, he affumed . an authority 




like that which is claimed by man over the brute creation. He 
feized the ifland of Tamou, oppofite to Canton. Here he 
.eredled a fort and a gallows j and while he plundered the 
merchants, the wives and daughters of the principal inhabi- 
tants were dragged from their friends to his garrifon, and the 
gibbet punifhed refiftance. Nor did he flop even here. The 
Portuguefe in India wanted Ilaves, and Andrade thought he 
had found the proper nu'rfery. He published his deEgn to buy 
the youth of both fexes, and in this inhuman traffic he was 
fupplied by the moft profligate of the natives. Thefe pro- 
ceedings, however, were foon known to the emperor of China, 
and the Portugufe ambaflador and his retinue died the death 
of fpies. Andrade was attacked by the Chinefe Itao, or ad- 
miral, and efcaped with much lofs, by the favour of a tempeft, 
after being forty days harrafled by a fleet greatly fuperior to his 
own. Next year, Alonzo de Melo, ignorant of thefe tranfadlions, 
entered the harbour of Canton with four vefiels. But his 
ihips were inflantly feized, and the crews maflacred, as fpies 
and robbers, by the enraged Chinefe. And though the Portu- 
guefe afterwards were permitted to fome trade with China, it 
was upon very reftridled and difgraceful * conditions, condi- 
tions which treated them as a nation of pyrates, as men who 
were not to be trufted unlefs fettered and watched. 

While Sequeyra was engaged in a fecond attempt upon Dio, 
Duarte de Menezes arrived in India, and fucceeded him in of- 
fice. Unmeaning daughter on the coafts of Madagafcar, the 

f The Chinefe had too much Dutch po- 
licy utterly to expel any merchandize from 
their harbours. A few years after this, the 
Portuguefe who brought gold from Africa 
and fpicery from India were allowed to pur- 
chafe the filks, porcelain, and tea of China, 
at the port of Sanciam. And an event, 
which refutes all the jefuitical accounts of 
the greatnefs of the power and perfection 
of the Chinefe government, foon gave them 
a better fettlement. A pirate, named 
Tchang-fi-lao, made himfelf mailer of the 
little ifland of Macao. Here he built fleets 
which blocked up the ports of China, and 

laid fiege to Canton itfelf. In this crifis of 
diltrefs the Chinefe implored the aflillance 
of the Portuguefe, whom they had lately 
expelled as the worll of mankind. Two or 
three Portuguefe Hoops effected what the 
potent empire of China could not do, and 
the ifland of Macao was given them by the 
emperor, in reward of this eminent fervice. 
The porcelain of China is not fo brittle, 
nor the figures upon it more awkward, 
than the Chinefe llrength and policy mull 
appear in the light which this event throws 
upon them. 



Red Sea, India, and the Maluco iflands, comprife the whole 
hiftory of his regency. 

About this time died Emmanuel, king of Portugal. If this 
hiftory feem to arraign his government, it will alfo prove how 
difficult it is for the moft vigilant prince always to receive juft 
intelligence. For Emmanuel was both a great and a good 
king. Of great vigilance in council, of great magnanimity in 
the execution of all his enterprizes : Of great capacity in dif- 
tinguifhing the abilities of men, and naturally liberal in the 
reward of merit. If fuch a prince as Emmanuel erred, if his 
adminiftration of Indian affairs in any inftance arraign his 
policy, let it thence be inferred, what exactitude of intelli- 
gence is neceffary to the happy government of a diftant colony. 

The maladminiftration of Indian affairs was now the po- 
pular complaint at the court of Lifbon. The traffic of India, 
which had raifed the Caliphs of Egypt to the height of their 
formidable power, and which had enriched Venice, was now 
found fcarcely fufficient to fupport the military method of 
commanding it, pradlifed by the Portuguefe. A General of the 
firft abilities was wanted, and the celebrated Vafco de Gama, 
old as he now was, honoured with the title of Count de Vi- 
digueyra, was appointed Viceroy by John III. In 1524, Gama 
arrived the third time in India. Cochin, the faithful ally and 
chief trading port of the Portuguefe, was threatened by a 
powerful army of the Zamorim, and the Indian feas were in- 
fefted by numberlefs fleets of the Moors, whom their enemies 
called pirates. To fupprefs thefe Gama fent different fqua- 
drons, which were fuccefsful in executing his orders. But while 
he meditated far greater deflgns, deflgns of the fame exalted 
and liberal policy which had been begun by himfelf, and fo 
glorioufly profecuted by Albuquerque, death, at the end of 
three months, clofed the regency of Gama. It was the cuftom 
of the kings of Portugal to fend commiffions, or writs of fuc- 
ceffion, fealed up, to India, with orders, which fhould be firft 
opened when a fucceffcr to government w^as wanted. Gama, 
who brought with him three of thefe, finding the approach of 

o diffolution. 



diffolution, opened the firft writ of fucceffion. And as Henry d'e 
Menezes, therein named, was at Goa, he appointed Lopez Vaz 
de Sampayo, a man of great abilities, to take the command 
till Menezes arrived. When Menezes arrived at Cochin, he 
prohibited the ufual marks of public joy on his elevation, and was more necejj'ary to mourn for the loj’s of their late Viceroy „ 
Nor did the public condudt of the new governor, the firR,. 
fays Faria, who honoured the memory of his predecelfor, de- 
viate from this generous principle. A Portuguefe veffel at this 
time committed feveral depredations on Rates at peace with 
Portugal. This fhip, by order of Menezes, was taken, and 
the crew were impaled. A noble inRanee of juRice, of more 
political fervice than all the vidtories of a Soarez. The dan^ 
ger of Cochin required war, and Menezes carried it into the 
territories of the Zamorim, whom he feverely humbled. The 
Portuguefe arms cleared the feas of pirates, took the Rrong 
city of Dofar, and reduced fome valuable iflands on. the Red 
Sea. Great preparations were alfo made for the redudfion of 
Dio, when Menezes, after a regency of thirteen months, died 
of a mortification in his leg. That he left the military power 
of the Portuguefe much more formidable than he found it, is 
the leaR of his praife. Every where, at Ormuz in particular, 
he curbed the infolence and rapacity of his countrymen, and 
proved that time was only wanting for him to have reRored 
the fituation of India as left by Albuquerque. He convinced 
the Indian princes that rapacity was not the charadfer of all 
the Portuguefe, for he accepted of no prefent, though many, 
as the cuRom of the country, were offered to him. At his 
death, which happened in his thirtieth year, thirteen reals and 
an half, not a crown in the whole, was all the private property 
found in the poffeffion of this young governor. 

Other tranfadtions now fucceed. The fecond and third 
commiffions, brought by Gama, were unopened, and leR he 
who was firR named fhould be diRant, Menezes, on Ins death- 
bed, appointed Francis de Sa to affume the command till the 
arrival of the proper governor. On opening the fecond com- 



million, Pedro de Mafcarenhas was found named. As this 
officer was at Malaca, a council was held, wherein it was re- 
folved to fet afide Francis de Sa, and open the third commif- 
flon. Sampayo, who in this was appointed, took an oath to 
refign on the arrival of Mafcarene, and immediately he af- 
fumed the power of government. Mafcarene about this time 
performed fome adtions of great military fplendor in defence 
of Malaca. The king of Bintam, with feveral auxiliary 
princes, who with numerous armies threatened deftrudlion to 
the Portuguefe fettlement, were defeated by this brave officer. 
The Spaniards about this time took poffeffion of fome of the Ma- 
luco illands, where the treachery of the Portuguefe had made 
their name odious. Don George de Menezes and Don Garcia 
Enriquez, two captains on this ftation, put one another alter- 
nately in irons. They at laft came to a civil war, wherein 
Garcia was worfted j and Menezes was defeated by the Spani- 
ards, who publickly executed fome of his officers, as traitors 
to Charles V. to whom they owed no allegiance. Oppreffed by 
the tyranny of the Moors, the king of Sunda implored the 
protedlion of the Portuguefe, offered to pay a confiderable tri- 
bute, and entreated them to build a fort in his dominions. Yet 
it was not in the power of Sampayo to reftore the tranquillity 
of the Malucos, or to improve the offers of Sunda. He had 
engaged in a fcheme of policy which fettered his operations. 
One villainy muff be defended by another, and the public in- 
tereft muff be fecondary in the politics of the moft able Ufurper 
of power. Sampayo was refolved to withhold the regency from 
Mafcarene, and therefore to ftrengthen himfelf at Cochin was 
his firft care. Where his own intereft and that of the public 
were one, Sampayo behaved as a great commander ; but where 
they were lefs immediately connected, that of the latter was 
even neceffarily neglected, and even fell into ruin. It was his 
intereft to cruffi the Zamorim, and he gained confiderable vic- 
tories over Cutial, admiral of the moft formidable fleet which 
had hitherto been fitted out from the ports of Calicut. Sam- 
payo then failed to Goa, where Francis de Sa refufed to ac- 

o 2 knowledge 


knowledge him as governor. This difpute was fubmitted to 
the council of the city, and the man in power was confirmed. 
Sa was then fent to build a fort in Sunda, but the politics of 
Sampayo could not fpare a force fufEcient to overawe the 
Moors, and Francis de Sa was unable to effect his defign. 

The artful Sampayo now wrote to the king of Portugal, that 
a mofl formidable hoftile alliance was in meditation. The 
northern princes were ready to affift the king of Cambaya, and 
Solyman, the Turkifh admiral, had promifed the Sultan to 
drive the Portuguefe from India, if he would give him a com- 
petent armament. It was the intereft of Sampayo to make 
every preparation for defence, and every excufe for preparation. 
But he ffill kept near Cochin. The brave Hedtor de Sylveyra 
was fent to Dio and other places, and the reputation of the 
adtions he performed ftrengthened the authority of the Ufurper. 
A fleet of five fhips now arrived from Portugal, and brought 
two new writs of fucceflion. Thefe, according to the royal 
authority, ought not to have been opened while an unrecalled 
governor was alive. But, confcious undoubtedly of their con- 
tents*, thefe, in defiance of the eftablifhed rule, were opened 
by Mexia, irffpedtor of the revenue, and Lopez Vaz de Sam- 
payo, contrary to the former commiffions, was found in thefe 
new writs prior to Pedro de Mafcarene. The fraud of office is 
here evident ; and from the refentment of the king, if we fup- 
pofe he had one idea of juffice, it afterwards appeared that this 
new commiffion was lurreptitioufly obtained. Sampayo, when 
he took the oath to refign to Mafcarene, difpatched a meffage 
to Malaca with the tidings. Mafcarene immediately affirmed 
his power there, and Sampayo, who now expedfed his arrival, 
held a council at Cochin. It is almoft needlefs to name the 
refult. He was prefent, and in power ; and it was refolved 
that Mafcarene fliould not be acknowledged as governor. 
Sampayo then retired to Goa, and left Mexia at Cochin to give 

* The hiftorian Faria exprefsly fays, that Mexia opened them on purpofe to kindle ftrife, . 
and difturb the public tranquillity. 




Mafcarene the reception concerted between them. Immediately 
as Mafcarene landed, Mexia’s fpear run him through the arm, 
feveral of his company were wounded by the armed attendants 
of Mexia, and a retreat to the fleet faved the lives of Mafca- 
rene and his friends. 

When the tidings of this reached Goa, Henry Figuera, fup- 
pofed the friend of the eje£ted governor, was difpoffefTed of the 
command of Coulam, and Mexia was by Sampayo appointed to 
fucceed. Anthony de Sylveyra was fent to take Mafcarene at 
fea, to put him in irons, and to deliver him prifoner to Simon 
de Menezes, commander of Conanor ; all which was performed. 
This haughty tyranny, however, produced loud complaints. 
The murmur was general at Goa. Souza, commander of 
Ghaul, remonflrated, and the brave He£lor de Sylveyra boldly 
upbraided Sampayo for his unworthy treatment of Mafcarene, 
to whom a trial had been refufed. Sampayo, fierce, and refolute 
to perfift, He£tor retired, and fummoned the council of Goa. 
A letter figned by three hundred, who promifed to fupport him 
as governor, was fent to Mafcarene. It was alfo agreed to 
feize Sampayo, but he was no ftranger to this defign, and im- 
prifonment was the fortune of the brave Hedtor. Menezes, 
governor of Cananor, as foon as he received information from 
Goa of the caufe why Mafcarene was in chains, fet him free, 
and, together with Souza, commandant of Chaul, and Anthony 
de Azevedo, admiral of the Indian feas, acknowledged him go- 
vernor. The Portuguefe were now on the eve of a war among 
themfelves, when Azevedo and other leaders propofed to ac- 
commodate difputes by arbitration. Sampayo with great ad- 
drefs managed this affair. He delayed his confent, though on 
the brink of ruin, till he knew who were named as judges, and 
till he had procured a pardon for Alonzo Mexia, his friend, , 
who had attempted the life of Mafcarene. Yet, though the 
defenders of this brave officer had influence to remove one of 
the appointed judges, and to add five others of their own. no- 
mination, the arts of Sampayo prevailed. The chief inhabitants 
of Cochin attended, and confcious of their former vote ini 

council- •: 



council againft Mafcarene, declared, that if his title was pre- 
ferred, they would revolt to the Moors. He who does a man 
an injury, generally becames the rancorous enemy of the in- 
jured man; and even the friends of him whofe power is on the 
decline, cautioufly withdraw from his intereft. The council 
of Goa, who had promifed to fupport, now defected Mafcarene, 
forward to make their peace where they feared to oppofe. 
Sampayo was declared lawful governor, and Mafcarene em- 
barked for Lifbon, where he was honourably received by the 
king, and in reward of his merit, appointed governor of Aza- 
mor in Africa ; on his return from whence he perifhed at fea. 

Sampayo, now undifturbed by a rival, but confcious of the 
accufations which Mafcarene would lay againft him, exerted all 
his abilities to recommend himfelf to his fovereign. But Al- 
meyda, not Albuquerque, was the pattern he imitated. The 
principal leaders of the Turkifti fleet had been affaffinated by 
the friends of each other, and their war fliips were fcattered in 
different places. Sampayo fent Azevedo to deftroy all he could 
find, and Alonzo de Melo was difpatched with a proper force 
to ere6t a fort on the ifland of Sunda. What heavy accufa- 
tion of his former conduct, devoted to his private intereft, 
was this late execution of thefe important defigns ! Other 
captains were fent upon various expeditions. Hedtor de Syl- 
veyra, one of the moft gallant officers ever fent from Portugal 
to India, greatly diftinguifhed himfelf; John Deza deftroyed 
the remains of the Zamorim’s fleets, commanded by Cutiale, a 
Chinefe admiral ; and Sampayo himfelf fpread daughter and 
devaluation over the feas and fhores of India. Every where, 
fays Faria, there was fire and fword, ruin and deftru6tion. In 
the midft of this bloody career, Nunio de Cunha arrived with 
a commiflion to fucceed Sampayo. Sampayo pleaded to finifli 
what he had begun, to clear the feas of pirates ; and Nunio, 
according to the honour of that age, granted his requeft, that 
it might not be faid he had reaped the laurels already grafted 
by another. Some time after this, Nunio, in his way to Co- 
chin, put into the harbour of Cananor. Sampayo, who hap- 



pened to be there, fent his brother-in-law, John Deza, to 
Nunio, inviting him to come afhore and receive the refignation 
of the governor. But Nunio perhaps feared a fnare j he in- 
filled that Sampayo fhould come on board. He came, and 
having refigned with the ufual folemnities, was ordered by 
Nunio to attend him to Cochin, where, by order of the new 
governor, his effedts were feized, and his perfon imprifoned. 
And foon after, amid the infults of the croud, he was put on 
board a fhip, and fent prifoner to Lifbon, where his life and 
his property were left to the determination of the fovereign*, 
by whom he was condemned, and punilhed for ufurpation. 

The a6ts and charadter of this extraordinary man demand 
the attention of every country poflfefied of colonies. Hh abi- 
lities were certainly of the firft rate, but having made on Hep 
of villainy, the neceffity of felf-defence rendered his talents of 
little benefit, rather of great prejudice to his country. The 
Portugufe Writers, indeed, talk in high terms of his eminent 
iervices and military glory. But there is a furer t eft than their' 
opinion. The Indian princes fincerely mourned over the afhes 
of Albuquerque, whom they called their father 5 but there was 
a general joy on the departure of their tyrant Sampayo ; a- cer- 
tain proof that his conduct was of infinite prejudice to the in- 
terefl of Portugal. However high and dreadful they may feem, , 

rounded with his council and judges, his 
long white beard, which covered his ' face, 
and the other tokens of his fuffermgsy fays 
Faria, might have moved Mafcarene him- 
felf to forgivenefs. He made a long maf- 
terly fpeech, wherein- he enumerated his fer- 
vices, pleaded the neceffities of public affairs, 
and urged the examples of others, who had 
been rewarded. His defence daggered the 
king’s refolution againfl him, but his ufur- 
pation could not be forgiven. He was fen- 
tenced to pay Mafcarene io.oco ducats, to 
forfeit his allowance as governor, and to be 
banifhed into Africa. But he was after- 
wards allowed to return in a private ftation 
to Portugal. His friend, Alonzo Mexia, 
the infpe&or of the revenue, was alfo fe- 
verely punifhed, if lefs than his rapacity de-* 
ferved may be called fevere. 

# When Sampayo was arrefted, “ Tell 
Nunio , faid he, 1 have imprifoned ethers, 
and am now itnprijoned, and one will come 
to imprifon him." When this was report- 
ed, “ Tell Sampayo , faid Nunio, that I 
doubt it not ; but there Jhall be this difference, 
bet wet n us ; he defer ojes imprifomnent , but I 
Jhall not deferve it." When the fhip which 
carried Sampayo arrived at the ifle of Ter. 
cera, an officer, who waited his arrival, 
put him in irons. When he landed at Lif- 
bon, he was fet upon a mule, loaded with 
chains, and amid the infults of the populace, 
carried to the caftle, and there confined in 
a dungeon, where not even his wife was per- 
mitted to fee him. Af ter- two years, the 
Duke of Craganza, who admired his military 
exploits, procured his trial. When he was 
brought before the king, who was fur- 




men in his lituation never dare to punifh without refpedf of 
the offender’s connections. The tyranny of George de Me- 
nezes, governor of Maluco, under Sampayo, difgraces human 
nature. He openly robbed the houfes of the Moorifh mer- 
chants, cut off the hands of fome, and looked on, while a ma« 
giftrate, who had dared to complain, was, by his order, devoured 
by dogs *. If the embarraffment of Sampayo was the only 
protection of this mifcreant, others, however, had his fanc- 
tion. Camoens, that enthufiaft of his nation’s honour, in an 
apoftrophe to Mafcarene, thus charaCterifes the regency of the 
Ufurper : “ Avarice and ambition now in India fet their face 
openly againft God and juflice 3 a grief to thee, but not thy 
fhame 1” And Camoens is exceeding accurate in the faCts of 
hiftory, though with the reft of his countrymen, he admired 
the military renown of Sampayo. But if Sampayo humbled 
the Moors, it fhould alfo be remembered, that, according to 
■Faria, thefe people had improved the divifions made by his po- 
litics, greatly to the hurt of the Portuguefe fettlements. And 
when he did conquer, pufhed on by the rage to do fomething 
eminent, every viCfory was truly Gothic, and was in its confe- 
quence uncommercial. Malaca, while governed by the injured 
Mafcarene, was the only divifion of Portuguefe Afia where 
commerce flourifhed. After his departure, all was wretched- 
nefs j Portuguefe againft Portuguefe, piracy and rapine here 
and at the Malucos. In what condition the reft were left by 
Sampayo will foon appear. 

The king of Cochin, the valuable ally and auxiliary of the 
Portuguefe, was confined by the fmall-pox when Nunio arrived. 
Nunio offered to wait upon him, but the king declined the in- 
terview on account of the mfedtion, though a fight of the new 
governor, he added, he was fure would cure his fever. Nunio 
waited upon him, and heard a long lift of the injuries and ra- 
pine committed by Sampayo and Mexia. Thefe, in true po~ 

* This tyrant, on his return to Lifbon, captive. A death proper to awake the re- 
was banifhed to the Brazils, where, in a membrance of his own cruelties. See In- 
jencoui te. with the natives, he was taken troduftion, p. v. 

prifoner, and died the death of an American p C y 



licy, Nunio redrefled ; and the king, who complained that 
he had been kept as a Have in his own palace, was now made 
happy. Nunio vifited the other princes in alliance with Por- 
tugal, and at every court and harbour found oppreffion and in- 
juflice. At Ormuz in particular, tyranny and extortion had 
defied refiflance. Nunio foothed, and relieved the wrongs of 
the various princes. Proclamation was every where made, in- 
viting the injured Moors and Indians to appear before him, and 
receive redrefs. Many appeared, and to the afloniffiment of 
all India, juflice was confpicuoufly diflributed. Raez Xarafo, 
the creature of Sampayo, prime minifler, or rather tyrant of 
the king of Ormuz, flood accufed of the mofl horrid crimes 
of office. His rapine had been defended by murder ; and the 
fpirit of induflry, crufhed to the ground, fighed for fupport 
amid the defolate flreets. Innocence and induflry were now 
protected by Nunio ; and Xarafo, though a native of India, 
was fent in irons to Lifbon to take his trial. Nor was Nunio 
forgetful of the enemies, while thus employed in refloring 
to profperity the allies of Portugal*. Hedlor de Sylveyra, 
with a large fleet, made a line acrofs the gulph at the mouth 
of the Red Sea, and fuffered not a Moorifh or Egyptian veflel 
to efcape. Anthony Galvam, a very enthufiafl in honefly* 
was fent by Nunio to fucceed Ataide, governor of the Malu- 
cos, a tyrant who trod in the fleps of Menezes. All was con- 
fufion when Galvam arrived ; but he had infinitely more dif- 
ficulty, fays Faria, to fupprefs the villainy of the Portuguefe, 
than to quell the hoflile natives. By his wifdom, however, 
refolution, and mofl fcrupulous integrity, the Malucos once 
more became a flourifliing fettlement, and the neighbouring 
kings, fome of whom he had vanquifhed, entreated his conti- 
nuance when he received his recall. Anthony de Sylveyra 
fpread the terror of his arms along the hoflile coafl of 

* Before his arrival, Nunio greatly dif- Melinda and Zanzibar to great diftrefs. 
tinguilhed himfelf on the Ethiopian coaft. Nunio laid Mombaza in allies, and left 
The king of Mombaza, in hatred to the a garrifon at Melinda, which afterwards 
Bcrtuguefe, had again reduced the kings of rendered confiderable fervice to that city. 

p Cambaya, 



Cambaya, and from thence to Bengal. Stephen de Gama v 
fon of the great Vafco, was fent to Malaca, which he effec- 
tually fecured, by the repeated defeats of the neighbouring 
princes in hoftility ; and the governor himfelf attempted Dio. 
But while he was employed in the reduction of the ftrongly 
fortified ifland of Beth, where the brave Hedtor de Sylveyra 
fell, a great reinforcement, commanded by Muftapha, a Turk, 
entered Dio, and enabled that city to hold out againfl: all the 
vigorous attacks of Nunio*. 

While the governor was thus employed in refloring the 
ftrength of the Portuguefe fettlements, fcenes, new to the Por- 
tuguefe, opened, and demanded the exertion of all his wifdom 
and abilities. One of thpfe brutal wars, during which the 
eaftern princes defolate kingdoms and fhed the blood of mil- 
lions, now broke forth. Badur, king of Guzarat or Cambaya, 
one of thofe horrid characters common in oriental hiftory, 
afcended the throne, through the blood of his father and elder 
brothers. Innumerable other murders, adts of perfidy, and 
unjuft invafion of his neighbours, increafed his territories. 
The Mogul, or king of Delhi, fent a demand of homage and 
tribute; but Badur flayed the ambafladors alive, and boafted 
that thus he would always pay his tribute and homage. Ar-. 
mies of about 200,000 men were raifed on each fide, and al«. 
ternately deftroyed, fometimes by the fword, fometimes by 
famine. New armies were repeatedly muftered, inferior king- 
doms were defolated as they marched along, and Badur was at 
laft reduced to the loweft extremity. In his diftrefs he implored 
the afliftance of the Portuguefej and tire Mogul had alfo made 
large offers to the governor; butBadur’s terms were accepted. 

* During this fiege Nunio difcovered the 
greateft perfonal bravery. One day, in at- 
tempting a mod defperate landing, as his 
boat haftened from place to place, he was 
known by the enemy, for he was cloathed 
in red, and flood up in the pofture of com- 
mand. All. their artillery was now directed 
againfl him, and D. Vafco de Lima’s head 
was fevered from his Ihoulders by a cannon , 
ball. A gentleman who had entreated to 

accompany him, fhocked with fuch danger, 
exclaimed, Alas! --was it fir this- 1 came 
hither To whom, and the others, 

Nunio replied, with a fmile of unconcern, 
Humilitate capita vejlra . — This allufion to 
a part of the Rornilh fervice, amid fuch im- 
minent danger, was a handfome rebuke of 
their fears, and in the true high military 
fpirit of Lufian heroifm. 



His territory lay neareft to Goa, and he not only yielded Dio, 
a city among almoft inacceffible rocks, the great objeft of 
the Portuguefe plan of empire, but gave permiffion to Nunio 
to fortify it as he pleafed*. And the king of Delhi’s army 
foon after withdrew from Cambaya. The king of Decan, 
entitled Hydal Can, had about this time laid fiege to Golconda 
with an army of near half a million, but Cotamaluco, the 
prince whom he befieged, found means to defeat him by J fa- 
mine. The Hydal Can died fuddenly, and Abraham, his fon 
by a (lave, one of his principal officers, ufurped the throne, 
and thruft out the eyes of his legitimate fon Mulacham, or 
Mealecan, who was yet in his nonage. Abraham continued 
the war, and Azadacam, an expert Mohammedan, at the 
head of a large army, endeavoured to revenge Mulacham, 
when the people of Decan, defolated by thefe brutal wars, en- 
treated Nunio to take the dominion of their country, and de- 
liver them from utter ruin. As the Decan forms the continent 
oppofite to Goa, the offer was accepted, and ratified by the 
confent of Azadacam. Azadacam now fled to the king of 
Bifnagar, the old enemy of the Decan, and Abraham, now 
aflifled byCotamaluco, the prince who had been befieged in Gol- 
conda, invaded Bifnagar with an army of 400,000 men and 
700 elephants. But while human blood flowed in rivulets, 
Azadacam made his peace with Abraham, and Cotamaluco, 
in difgufl: of the favour fhewn to his enemy, joined the 

* One Iago Botello performed the moll 
wonderful voyage, perhaps, upon record, 
on this occafion. He was an exile in India, 
and as he knew how earneftly the king of 
Portugal defired the pofleflion of Diu, he 
hoped, that to be the melTenger of the 
agreeable tidings would procure his pardon. 
Having got a draught of the fort, and a 
copy of the treaty with Badur, he fet fail 
on pretence for Cambaya, in a veflel only 
iixteen feet and an -hail long, nine broad, 
and four 5nd a half deep. Three Portu- 
guefe, hii fervants, and fome Indian Haves, 
were his crew. When out at fea he difeo- 
vered his true purpofe : this produced a 
.mutiny, in which all that were (jailors were 

killed. Botello, however, proceeded, and 
arrived at Lilbon, where his pardon was all 
his reward, though in confequence of his 
intelligence, a fleet was immediately fitted 
out, to fupply the new acquired garrifon. 
His veflel, by the king’s order, was im- 
mediately burned, that luch evidence of the 
fafety and eafe of the voyage to India might 
not remain. 

X The Afiatic armies, though immenfe in 
number, very feldom come to a general ac- 
tion. To cut off the enemy?s provifions, 
which produces famine and pellilence among 
fuch enormous armies, is one of the greateft 
llrokes of Indian generalfhip. 

P 2 king 


king of Bifnagar. Badur, who owed the pofteffion of his 
crown to the Portuguefe, now meditating their ruin, enter- 
ed into a league with the Hydal Can. And Azadacam, 
who had ratified the treaty, by which the miferable inhabi- 
tants of Decan put themfelves under the protection of the 
Portuguefe dominion, now advifed his matter to recover his 
territory by force of arms. A war enfued, but neither Aza- 
dacam, nor Solyman Aga with his Perfian auxiliaries, could 
expel the Portuguefe. Hydal Can, tired by the groans of the 
people, ordered hoftilities to ceafe, but was not obeyed by 
Azadacam, who, to cover his treafon, attempted to poifon 
Hydal Can. His treachery was difeovered, yet foon after the 
traitor bought his pardon with gold, for gold is omnipotent 
in the fordid courts of the Eatt. Nunio, however, compelled 
Azadacam to a truce, when a new enemy immediately arofe. 
The Zamorim, encouraged by Badur, raifed an army of about 
50,000 men, but was fix times defeated by the Portuguefe. 
Badur had now recourfe to perfidy. He entreated a conference 
with Nunio at Diu, and with Souza, the governor of the fort, 
with intention to affafiinate them both. But ere his fcheme 
was ripe, Souza, one day., in ftepping into Badur’s barge, fell 
into the water. He was taken up in fafety, but fome Portu- 
guefe, who at a diftance beheld his danger, rowed up haftily 
to his afliftance, when Badur, troubled with a villain’s fears, 
ordered Souza to be killed. Four Portuguefe gentlemen, feeing 
Souza attacked, immediately boarded the barge, and ruflied on 
the tyrant. lago de Mefqueta wounded him, but though thefe 
brave men loft their lives in the attempt, they forced Badur to 
leap overboard for fafety. A commotion in the bay enfued, 
and the king, unable to fwim any longer, declared aloud who 
he was, and begged afliftance. A Portuguefe officer held out 
an oar, but as Badur laid hold of it, a common foldier, moved 
with honeft indignation, ftruck him over the face with a hal- 
bert, and repeating his blows, delivered the world of a tyrant, 
whofe remorfelefs perfidy and cruelty had long difgraced hu- 
man nature. 



cl % 

In this abridged view of the dark barbarous politics, un- 
felufhing perfidy, and defolating wars of king Badur, the king 
of Delhi, and the Hydal Can, we have a complete epitome of 
the hiflory of India. Century after century contains only a 
repetition of the fame changes of policy, the fame defolations, 
and the fame deluges of fpilt blood. And who can behold fo 
horrid a picture, without perceiving the ineftimable benefits 
which may be diffused over the Eafl by a potent fettlement 
of Europeans, benefits which true policy, which their own in- 
tereft demand from their hands, which have in part been given, 
and certainly will one day be largely diffufed. Nunio, as much 
as poffibly he could, improved every opportunity of convincing 
the natives, that the friendffiip of his countrymen was capable 
of affording them the furefl defence. Greatly fuperior to the 
grofs ideas of Gothic conquefl, he addrefled himfelf to the rea- 
lon and the interefls of thofe with whom he negociated. He 
called a meeting of the principal inhabitants and merchants 
of Cambaya, and laid the papers of the dead king before them. 
By thefe, the treacherous defigns of king Badur fully appeared, 
and his negociation to engage the Grand Turk to drive the 
Portuguefe from India was detedled. Coje Zofar, one of the 
firfl officers of Badur, and who was prefent at his death, with 
feveral others, witnelfed the manner of it : and Moors and 
Pagans alike acquitted the Portuguefe. Letters to this pur- 
pofe, in Arabic and Perfic, figned by Coje Zofar and the chief 
men of Cambaya, were difperfed by Nunio every where in In- 
dia and the coafts of Arabia. Nor did this great politician flop 
here. Superior to bigotry, he did not look to the Pope’s Bull 
for the foundation of authority. The free exercife of the Mo- 
hammedan and Brahmin religions was permitted in every Por- 
tuguefe territory, and not only the laws, the officers appoint- 
ed, but even the penfions given by king Badur, were continued. 
The Portuguefe fettlements now enjoyed profperity. A pri- 
vateering war with the Moors of Mecca, and fome hoflilities in 
defence of the princes, his allies, were the foie incumbrances 
of Nunio, while India was again fleeped in her own blood. 




While the new king of Cambaya was dethroned, while Omaum 
king of Delhi loft an army of above 400,000 men in Bengal, 
and while Xercham, the king of that country, together with 
his own life, loft almoft as many in the fiege of Calijor, Nu- 
nio preferved his territory in the Decan in a ftate of peace and 
fafety, the wonder and envy of the other provinces of India. 
But the armament of the Turk, procured by Badur, now ar- 
rived, and threatened the deftrudtion of the Portuguefe. Selim, 
Sultan of Conftantinople, a few years before, had defeated 
the Soldan of Egypt, and annexed his dominions to theTurkifh 
empire. The Mohammedan ftrength was now more confoli- 
dated than ever. The Grand Turk was at war, and meditated 
conquefts in Europe. The traffic of India was the mother and 
nurfe of his naval ftrength, and the prefents fent by king Ba- 
dur gave him the higheft idea of the riches of Indoftan. Se- 
venty large veffels, well fupplied with cannon and all military 
ftores, under the command of Solyman, Bafhaw of Cairo, 
failed from the port of Suez, to extirpate the Portuguefe from 
India. The feamen were of different nations, many of them 
Venetian galley-flaves, taken in war, all of them trained 
failors ; and 7000 janifaries were deftined to a6t on fhore. 
Some Portuguefe Renegades were alfo in the fleet ; and * Coje 
Zofar, who had hitherto been the friend of Nunio, with a 
party of Cambayans, joined Solyman. The hoftile operations 
began with the fiege of Dio j but when Nunio was ready to 
fail to its relief with a fleet of eighty veffels, Garcia de No- 
ronha arrived with a commiffion to fucceed him as governor. 
Nunio immediately refigned, and Noronha, in providing a 
greater force, by a criminal lofs of time, reduced the garrifon 
of Dio to the greatcft extremity. Here the Portuguefe fhewed 
miracles of bravery. Anthony de Sylveyra, the commander, 
-was in every place. Even the women took arms. The offi- 

* This officer was by birth an Albanefe, 
of Catholic parents, and had ferved in the 
wars in Italy and Flanders. Having com- 
menced merchant, he was taken at fea by 

the Turks, and carried to Conftantinople, 
from whence he went to Cambaya, where he 
embraced Mohammedifm, and became the 
prime jninifter and favourite Of king Badur„ 




cers ladies went from rampart to rampart, upbraiding the leaft 
appearance of langour. Juan Roderigo, with a barrel of pow- 
der in his arms, palled his companions j Make way, he cried, I 
carry my own and many a man s death. His own, however, he 
did not, for he returned fafe to his Ration : but above a hun- 
dred of the enemy were deftroyed by the explolion of the 
powder, which he threw upon one of their batteries. Of 600 
men, who at firlt were in the garrifon, forty were not now 
able to bear arms ; when Coje Zofar, irritated by the infolence 
of Solyman, forged a letter to the garrifon, which promifed 
the immediate arrival of Noronha. This, as he defigned, fell 
into the hands of Solyman, who immediately hoifted his fails, 
and with the fhattered remains of his formidable fleet, fled ta 
Arabia, where, to avoid a more dreaded punithment, he died 
by his own. hands. 

But while Nunio thus reftored the affairs of India, the un- 
commercial principles of the court of Lilbon accumulated 
their malignity. He did not arriufe the king and nobility with 
the glare of unmeaning. Gothic conquefts, and the wifdom of 
his policy was by them unperceived. Even their hiflorians 
feem infenfible of it, and even the author of the Hijioire Phi - 
lofophique, in his account of Portuguefe India, pays no atten- 
tion to Nunio, though the wifdom and humanity of his poli- 
tics do honour to human nature ; though in the arts of peace, 
he effected more than any of the Portuguefe governors 3 and 
though he has left the nobleft example for imitation, which 
the hiftory of Portuguefe Afla affords. Recalled from his 
profperous government by the mandate of a court blind to 
its true intereft, chains in place of rewards were prepared in- 
Portugal for this great commander j but his death at fea, after 
a happy regency of about ten years, prevented the completion 
of his country’s ingratitude. 

Noronha, the new Viceroy, the third who had been ho- 
noured with that fuperior title *, began his government with 

* Almeyda and Gama were the only two who had been thus honoured before him. 




an infamous delay of the fuccours deftined by Nunio for Dio. 
Coje Zofar, by the fame fpirit of delay, was permitted, long 
after the departure of Solyman, to harrafs the Portuguefe of 
that important place. The Hydal Can, many other princes, 
and even the Zamorim himfelf, awed by the dignity and juftice 
of Nunio’s government, had entreated the alliance of Portugal, 
and Noronha had the honour to negociate a general peace ; a 
peace, which, on the part of the Zamorim, gave the Portu- 
guefe every opportunity to ftrengthen their empire, for it con- 
tinued thirty years. 

Thefe transactions, the privateering war with the Moors ; 
fome fkirmifhes in Ceylon ; the defign, contrary to the king's 
commiffion, to appoint his fon to fucceed him ; his death, and 
the public joy which it occafioned; comprife the hiftory of the 
regency of the unworthy fucceffor of the generous Nunio. 

Both the Portuguefe and the natives gave unfeigned demon- 
ftrations of joy on the appointment of Stephen de Gama, the 
fon of the great Vafco. By his firft a 61 he ordered his private 
eftate to be publicly valued, and by his fecond he lent a great 
fum to the treafury, which by Noronha was left exhaufted. 
He vifited and repaired the forts, and refitted the fleets in 
every harbour. By his officers he defeated the king of Achem, 
who difturbed Malaca. He reftored tranquility in Cambaya, 
where the Portuguefe territory was invaded by a very power- 
ful army, led by Bramaluco, a prince who had been dethroned 
by king Badur; and his brother Chriftoval he fent on an ex- 
pedition into Ethiopia*. The Moors of Mecca, as already 
obferved, were the moft formidable enemies the Portuguefe 
had hitherto found in the Eaff. In naval art they were greatly 
fuperior to the other nations of Afia, and from their numerous 
fleets, which poured down the Red Sea, the Portuguefe had often 
experienced the greateft injury ; and a check to their power was 
now wanted. The Governor himfelf undertook this expedi- 
tion, and failed to the Red Sea with a fleet equipped at his own 

* For his melancholy fate, fee p. 464. 



■private expence. Here he gave a fevere wound to the naval 
ilrength of both the Turks and the Moors j. But while every 
thing was in profperity under the brave and generous Stephen, 
he was fuddenly fuperceded by the elevation of Martin Alonzo 
de Souza. Though no policy can be more palpably ruinous 
than that which recals a governor of decided abilities ere he 
can poifibly complete any plan of importance, yet fuch re- 
cals, ere now, had been frequently iffued from the court of 
Lifbon. But none of them, perhaps, gave a deeper wound to 
the Portuguefe intereft than this. Stephen de Gama trod in 
the fteps of his father, of Albuquerque, and of Nunio. Sou- 
za’s actions were of a different character. He began his go- 
vernment with every exertion to procure witneffes to impeach 
his predeeeffor; but though he pardoned a murderer* on that 
condition, every accufation was refuted, and Stephen de Gama 
was received with great honour at Lifbon. Having refufed, 
however, to give his hand to a bride, chofen for him by 
John III. he found it convenient to banifh himfelf from his 
native country, the country which his father had raifed to its 
higheft honours. And he retired to Venice, his effate 40,000 
crowns lefs than when he entered upon his fhort government 
of two years and one month. 

Wars of a new character now took place. By the toleration 
which Nunio gave to the religions of the natives, he rendered 

felf. He ordered his epitaph to confift of 
thefe words, “ He that made knights upon 
mount Sinai ended, his courfe here ,” Don 
Alvaro, the fon of the great John de 
Caftro, was alfo one of thefe knights, and 
his father thought it fo great an honour, 
that he took for his creft the Catharine- 
w'heel, which his family dill continue. 
There is a chapel dedicated to St. Catharine 
on mount Sinai, faid, by the popifh writers, 
to have been built by .angels. 

* Iago Saurez de Melo, who having fled 
from the fentence of death in Portugal, was 
at this time a pirate in the Indian fleas, com- 
mander of two veffels and . 120 men. Gf 
this adventurer afterwards. v ' ' 

J During this expedition he took the im- 
portant city and flea port of Toro in Arabia ; 
after which he marched to mount Sinai, 
where he knighted fleveral of his officers, a 
romantic honour admired by Charles V. 
D. Luis de Ataide, having behaved with 
great courage as a volunteer, at the battle 
where Charles V. defeated the Duke of 
Saxony, was offered knighthood hy the 
Emperor ; but he replied, he had already 
received that honour upon mount Sinai. 
The Emperor, to far from, being offended, 
declared in prefence of his officers, that he 
more envied that honour than rejoiced in his 
viftory. The fame fpirit of romantic gal- 
lantry, arifing from religious veneration, 
feems to have pofleffed Don Stephen him- 





the Portuguefe fettlements happy and flourishing. But gloomy 
fuperflition now prevailed, and Souza was under the dire£tion 
of priefts, who efteemed the butcheries of religious perfecution 
as the fervice of heaven. The temples of Malabar were laid 
in allies, and thoufands of the unhappy natives, for the crime 
of idolatry, were flaughtered upon their ruined altars. This 
the Portuguefe historians mention as the greateft honour of 
the piety of their countrymen, ignorant of the deteftation 
which fuch cruelty mull certainly bring upon the religion 
which infpires it : ignorant too, that true religion, under the 
toleration of aNunio, poflefles its bell opportunity to conquer 
the heart by the difplay of its fuperior excellence. Nor was 
Souza’s civil government of the Portuguefe lefs capricious. 
Highly chagrined to fee the military rank unenvied, and his 
forces weakened by the great numbers who quitted the fervice 
on purpofe to enrich themfelves in the coafting trade, he en- 
deavoured to render commerce both difadvantageous and infa- 
mous. He laid the Cuftom-houfes under new regulations. 
He confiderably lowered the duties on the traffic of all Moor- 
ilh and Afiatic merchants, and greatly heightened the rates on 
the Portuguefe traders. And felons and murderers, banifhed 
from Lilbon, were by Souza prote&ed and encouraged to be- 
come merchants, as only proper for fuch employ. Yet while 
he thus laboured to render the military fervice as only worthy 
of Portuguefe ambition, he began his regency with a re- 
du£fion of the pay of the military. At the fiege of Batecala, 
the Portuguefe foldiers quarrelled about the booty, and while 
fighting with each other, were attacked by the natives, and 
put to flight. Souza commanded them to return to the charge 
and revenge their repulfe. Let tbofe who are rich revenge it, ex- 
claimed the foldiers, we came to make good by plunder the pay of 
which we are unjufly deprived. — I do not know you , replied Souza, 
you are not the fame men I left in India two years ago. To> this the 
foldiery loudly returned, Tes, the men are the fame , but the go- 
vernor is not the fame. Finding the mutiny violent, Souza re- 
tired to the fhips 5 but the next day he renewed the fiege, and 




the city was taken, and the ftreets ran with blood : fuch was 
the rage of the army to recompenfe themfelves by plunder. 
The yearly tribute impofed by Albuquerque upon the king of 
Ormuz was 12,000 ducats. It was now raifed to 100,000, 
and the king, unable to difcharge fuch an enormous burden, 
was 500,000 ducats in arrear j and a refignation of all the re- 
venues of his crown was propofed, and accepted by Souza. 
Azadacam, now in open war with his mafter the Hydal Can 
Abraham, drew Souza to his party. The defign was to de- 
throne Abraham, who was then in alliance with the Portu- 
guefe, and to place Meaie Can his brother in his dominions. 
The Portuguefe officers murmured at this ftiamelefs injuftice, 
but only Pedro de Faria, trufting to his venerable years, had 
the courage to remonftrate with the governor. Souza, haughty 
as he was, liftened to the man of fourfcore, and confefled that 
he had faved both his life and his honour. The attempt, 
however, was highly refented by the Hydal Can, who gathered 
fuch a ftorm to crufh. the Portuguefe, that Souza, forefeeing 
the tempeft which was hovering over him, threatened to open 
the writs of fucceffion, and refign to the governor next named. 
He complained that he could not govern men who had neither 
truth nor honour : he did not confider, however, that his un- 
juft treatment of the common foldiers occafioned their difor- 
der and difobedience. But while he thus meditated a treache- 
rous and cowardly retreat, treacherous becaufe it was to defert 
his poft in the hour of danger, a fleet from Portugal brought 
the great John de Caftro, the fucceflor of the embarrafled un- 
determined Souza. 

The naval and military ftrength of the Portuguefe in India 
was in a very fickly condition. Great difcontent among the 
few who were honeft j all was villainy and diforder, rapine 
and piracy, among the reft. On the folicitations of Souza, 
Meaie Can took refuge in Goa. When the Hydal Can made 
his formidable preparations for war, he demanded, as the pre- 
vious condition of peace, that Meaie fhould be delivered up 
to him. This Souza refufed, but promifed to fend him to 

q 2 J Malaca* 

CXV 1 


Malaca, where he fhould remain under guard. Immediately 
on the acceffion of Caftro, the Hydal Can renewed his propofal 
for the furrender of Meale, who was yet at Goa ; but the new 
governor rejected this demand with firmnefs. It Was deemed 
good policy by feveral of the Portuguefe governors to efpoufe 
the caufe of * this injured prince. They efteeraed him as an 
engine, which, under their management, would either over-awe 
the Plydal Can, or dethrone him when they pleafed. But the 
event did not juffify this theoretical wifdom. It had been 
pufiilanimity in Caftro, had he furrendered a prince who was 
under protection of the Portuguefe faith ; but the contrary 
conduCf, the confequence of Souza’s policy, produced an in- 
vafion of the Portuguefe continental territory ; and though 
Caftro was victorious, the Hydal Can continued ever ready 
for hoftilities, and occafion was ever at hand. Scarcely 
had Caftro given Hydal Can the firft repulfe, when Ma- 
humud, the nephew of king Badur, the heir of his crown 
and fierce difpofition, inftigated by Coje Zofar, and affifted 
by the Hvdai Can and about 8000 troops from Conftan- 
tinople, among whom were 1000 Janizaries, commenced ho- 
ftilities, and threatened the total extirpation of the Portuguefe. 
their warlike operations began with the fiege of Dio. John 
de Mafcarene, the governor, made a brave defence, and the 
Portuguefe difplayed many prodigies of valour. Azadacam, 
Coje Zofar, and others, of the greateft military reputation, di- 
rected the attacks, and perifhed in their attempts. Whenever 
a breach was made, the Turks and Indians prefled on by ten 
thoufands, but were always repulfed. Nor were the ladies of the 
officers lefs aCtive and courageous than in the former fiege. 
Various reinforcements were fent by the governor, one of 

* The Portuguefe hiltorians difagree in 
their accounts of this Hydal Can Abraham. 
Barro 3 fays, he was not of the blood royal. 
But Faria, who felefted his work from Bar- 
ros, and feveral other authors, calls him the 
brother of Meale ; whom he unjultly de- 
throned. When Souza, on pretence of 
doing juftice, endeavoured to place Meale 

on the throne, the Ufurper in an artful epiflle 
alked him what right the Portuguefe had to 
dethrone the kings of the Eaft, and then 
pretend to do jultice to an exiled prince. 
Polfeflion, hefaid, proved the approbation of 
God ; and the Portuguefe, he added, had no 
Other title to dominion in Alia. 




which was commanded by his Ton Don Fernando. Unnum- 
bered artillery thundered on every fide, and mines were fprung, 
by one of which Fernando was with his battalion blown up in 
the air. When Caftro received the tidings of this difafter, he 
was at Goa. He bore it with the greateft compofure, and 
though it was the tempeftuous feafon, he immediately dif- 
patched his other fon Don Alvaro with another reinforcement 
to Dio. After eight months had elapfed in this defperate 
fiege, the governor arrived with a large fleet, and without op- 
pofition entered the fort. From thence he marched out at the 
head of 2500 Portuguefe, and fome auxiliaries of Cochin. The 
numerous army of Mahumud continued in their trenches, 
which were defended with ramparts and a profuflon of artil- 
lery. But the enemy were driven from their works, and pur- 
fued with incredible daughter through the ftreets of the city. 
Rume Can, the fon of Zofar, rallied about 8000 of his braved 
troops, and was totally defeated by Caftro *. It was neceffary 
to profecute the war ; and the governor, in great want of mo- 
ney to carry it on, meditated a loan of 20,000 pardaos from 
the citizens of Goa. He ordered the grave of Don Fernando 
his fon to be opened, on purpofe to fend his bones as a 
pledge ; but the putrid date of the carcafe prevented this, and 
he fent a lock of his own mudacheos as a fecurity for the 
loan; a fecurity indeed uncommon, but which included in it 
a fignal pawn of his honour. The pledge was refpeftfully re- 
turned, and more money than he required was fent; and even 
the women dript themfelves of their bracelets and other jewels 
to fupply his want. The ladies of Chaul followed the exam- 

* During the heat of! this engagement. 
Father Cazal, with a crucifix on the point 
of a fpcar, greatly animated the Portuguefe. 
Rume Can, notwithftanding all the efforts 
of Caftro, put his troops at laft in great 
diforder. Eut though the General could 
not, the Prieft led them to vidtory. A 
weapon broke off an arm of the crucifix, 
and Cazal exclaiming aloud, facriledge , fa- 
criledge, revenge ihe facriledge, infpired a 
fury which determined the battle, In many 

other engagements the leaders promoted 
their intereft in this manner. They often 
faw' the fign of the crofs in the air, and at 
different times fome Moorifli prifoners en- 
quired after the beautiful young woman, and 
venerable old man, who appeared in the 
front of the Portuguefe fquadrons. And 
the Portuguefe foldicrs, who faw no fuch 
perfonages, were thus taught to believe 
themfelves under the particular care of the 
Virgin and St. Jofeph. 



pie, and by the hands of their little daughters fent him their 
richeft jewels. The jewels, however, he returned, and having 
with great affiduity improved his naval and military ftrength, 
he and his captains carried fire and fword over the dominions 
of the hoflile princes, while Hvdal Can, with an army of 
150,000 men, retired before him. The king of Achem was alfo 
defeated at Malaca, and the ftubborn villainy of the debauched 
Portuguefe foldiers and traders was the only enemy unfubdued, 
‘To prevent the ruin of the fate, fays his hiftorian Andrada, he 
made it unlawful for a foldier to become merchant . But while he 
laboured in this much more arduous war, in correcting the 
abufes of the revenue, and the diftribution of juftice, grief, it 
is faid, impaired Caftro’s health, and haftened his end, at a 
time when Hydal Can and all who had been in arms againft 
the Portuguefe were fuing for peace. On the approach of 
death he appointed a council of feleCt perfons to take the 
management of affairs. And fo poor was the great Caftro, 
that the firft a6t of this committee was an order to fupply 
the expences of his death-bed from the king’s revenue j for a 
few reals, not half a dozen, was all the property found jn 
his cabinet *. 

* Caftro, though he difdained private 
emolument, was fond of public magnifi- 
cence. After his victories he frequently en- 
tered Goa in the manner of a Roman tri- 
umph. That, after his happy return from 
Dio, was fo remarkably fplendid, that the 
queen of Portugal faid, he had conquered 
like a Chriftian, but had triumphed like a 
heathen. The gates and houfes were hung 
with filk and tapeftry. The cannon and 
arms taken from the enemy were carried in 
the front. The officers in armour, with 
plumed helmets, followed : Caftro, crowned 
with laurel, and with a laurel bough in his 
hand, walked upon filk, while the ladies 
from the windows fhowered flowers and per- 
fumes upon him ; and Cazal, with the 
maimed crucifix, walked in his furplice im- 
mediately before him. Military and church 
mufic by turns refounded. And Juxarcan, 
the general of the Indian horfe, and 600 
prifoners guarded and in chains, clofed the 
proceffion When he wrote to the king of 

Portugal the particulars of the relief of Dio„ 
he folicited his recal, but this was rejetted, 
and he was appointed to continne three years 
longer, with the additional honour of the 
title of Viceroy. His fchool-companion, the 
Infant Don Lewis, wrote him an affettionate 
letter requefting his acquiefcence, in which 
he ufes this expreffion. “ After your per- 
formance of the royal ’will, I trujl you ’will 
comer the top s of the rocks of Cintra ’with cha- 
pels and trophies of your ’victories, and long 
enjoy them in profound repofe Cintra, for 
rocky hills, woods, and rivers, the moft ro- 
mantic fituation in nature, was the family 
eftate of Caftro. It is faid he was the firft 
who brought the orange-tree to Europe, and 
that he efteemed this gift to his country, as 
the greateft of his attions. Three orange- 
trees are ftill preferved at Cintra, in memo- 
rial of the place where he firft planted thac 
valuable fruitage. He died, foon after he 
was named Viceroy, in his forty-eighth 
year. His family ftill remain. 




With the eulogium of Caftro, Camoens concludes his pro- 
phetic fong, and here alfo the moll: glorious period of the 
Portuguefe empire in Afia terminates. But the circumftances 
of its fall, and the noble and partly fuccefsful ftruggles which 
it fometimes made, when its total extin&ion feemed inevitable, 
are highly worthy of the attention of the political philofo- 
pher, and form alfo the neceffary conclufion of this hiftory. 

Garcia de Sa, an experienced officer, fucceeded Caftro, and 
concluded the various treaties of peace, procured by the arms, 
and in agitation at the death of that great man, highly to the 
advantage and honour of Portugal. The celebrated St. Francis 
Xavier was now a principal character in Portuguefe Alia. And 
while the converfion of the Eaft was all he profeffed, he ren- 
dered the throne of Portugal the moft political fervices. His 
unremitting diligence, and the danger and toil of his journies 
from kingdom to kingdom, befpeak a great mind, ardently de- 
voted to his enterprize j and the various princes who received 
baptifm from his hands, and the many thoufands who, on his 
preaching, alfumed the Chriftian name, difplayed a fuccefs 
which his admirers efteemed miraculous. Nothing, however, 
could be eafier than fuch converfton. Xavier troubled his new 
converts with no reftraint, and required from them no know- 
ledge of the Chriftian principles. He baptized them, and gave 
them crucifixes to worfhip, and told them they were now fure 
of heaven. But while he was thus fuperficial as an Apoftle, 
as a Politician he was minute and comprehenfive. Several 
friars of different orders had ere now attempted the converfion 
of fome Indians j but a regular fyftem, of the moft extenfive 
operation, was referved for the fons of Ignatius Loyala j and 
Xavier, his friend and arch-difciple, laid the bold and arduous 
plan of reducing the whole Eaft to the fpiritual vaffalage of 
the papal chair. What is implied in this he well knew, and 
every offer of religious inftru&ion which he made, was at- 
tended with the moft flattering propofals of alliances j of al- 
liances, however, which were calculated to render the natives 
dependent on the Portuguefe, and mere tributaries. In this 




plan of operation the great abilities of Xavier were crowned 
with rapid fuccefs. Kings and kingdoms, won by his preaching, 
fued for the friendlMp of the Portuguefe. But while the olive 
of peace feemed ready to fpread its boughs over India, the un- 
relenting villainy of the Portuguefe l'oldiers and merchants 
counteracted "the labours of Xavier; and feveral of the new 
baptized princes, in refentment of the injuries they received, re- 
turned to paganifm and hoffcility. Xavier, who adted as a fpy 
on the military and civil government of India, not only, from 
time to time, laid thefe abufes before the king of Portugal, but 
alfo interefted himfelf greatly both in the military* and civil 
councils of Portuguefe Afia. He was the intimate friend and 
counfellor of the great. Caltro, and his political efforts were only 
baffled by the hardened corruption of the Portuguefe manners. 

While Xavier thus laboured in the direction of the fprings 
of government, Garcia de Sa died fuddenly, and in authority 
was fucceeded by George de Cabral. The Zamorim, the king 
of Pimenta, and eighteen vafflal princes, among whom was the 
late converted king of Tanor, who now had renounced his 
baptifm, joined in a league again!! the king of Cochin, the 
faithful ally of Portugal, and took the field with near 200,000 
men. Cabral bailed to the affiftance of Cochin, and in feve- 
ral expeditions gained conliderable advantages over the enemy. 
The enemy’s main army was now in the ifland of Cochin, and 
Cabral with 100 fail, and an army of 40,000 Cochinians, had 
reduced them to the lowed; extremity ; when, on the very day, 
upon which the eighteen vafflal princes were to have been given 
up as hoftages, a neve viceroy, Don Alonzo de Noronha, ar- 
rived, and inftantly Hopped the operations of Cabral : and by 
the mifunderlfanding between the two governors, the whole 
army of the enemy efcaped. Xavier remonllrated, by letter, in 

* In 1547 Malaca was faved by Xavier. 
The king of Achetn , the inveterate enemy of 
Portugal, fitted out 60 veflels againft that 
port. And when the governor refufed to 
fail in fearch of the enemy, ere they were 
fully equipped, Xavier perfuaded the mer- 

chants to fit out ten veflels. He went on 
board, and by his perfuafions, and prophecies 
of fuccefs, fo encouraged this fmall fqua- 
dron, that they gained a complete victory 
over the fleet of Achem. 




the ftrongeft terms, to the king of Portugal, and advifed the 
feverity of punifhment ; but to thefe falutary warnings no 
attention was paid by the court of Lifbon. 

During Sa’s government, the coafting trade of the private 
adventurers became more and more piratical, and continually 
gave birth to an endlefs fucceflion of petty, but bloody wars. 
Though the king of Cochin had ever been the faithful ally of 
Portugal, Cabral ordered, without even the pretence of com- 
plaint, one of his richeft pagodas* to be plundered. This at- 
tempt, in the true fpirit of the private traders, was defeated; 
but the royal monopoly, already miferably inadequate both to 
its means and objedt, fuffered by this breach of faith. It was 
the caufe, fays Faria, that the homeward fleet, of only three 
fhips, fet out ill laden, and late in the feafon, when the tem- 
pefts were coming on. 

When Noronha opened his patent of commiflion, he found 
that his power had received a limitation unknown before. A 
council was therein nominated, by whofe advice he was enjoined 
to govern. But it does not appear, from his envious and rui- 
nous tranfaction with Cabral, or from any other of his meafures, 
that he was either reftrained or influenced by their controul. 
Petty wars and ufual depredation marked the beginning of his 
regency ; the latter part of it was truly infamous. The Por- 
tuguefe had valuable fettlements in the rich ifland of Ceylon, 
and the king of Cota, their ally, was now treacheroufly in- 
vaded, in breach of a folemn peace, by Madune king of Cey- 
tavaca. In one of the firft battles the king of Cota loft his 
life, and his fuccefior implored the ftipulated aftiftance of the 
Portuguefe. Noronha himfelf haftened to Ceylon, and his 
firft adtion was to- put to the rack fome of the domeftics of 
the king whom he came to defend, in order to make them dif- 

* The Indian pagodas or temples are the 
repofitories of their moll valuable treafures. 
When they intend to build a pagoda, fays 
Faria, they fow the ground with kidney- 
beans. When thefe are green, they bring 
a grey cow to feed among them, and on the 

fpot where Ihe firft dungs, they eredt the 
throne of the idol to whom the pagoda, 
which they build around it, is to be dedi- 
cated. Pythagoras’s veneration for beans, 
together with his inetemplichofis, was per- 
haps borrowed from the Indians. 





cover their prince’s treafures. He then plundered the palace 
of the late king, and demanded 200,000 ducats to defray his 
charges, which fum was immediately given to him. He after- 
wards defeated Madune, and rafed his city in fearch of trea- 
fure, and very confiderable riches were found. By agreement 
one half of the booty was due to the king of Cota, but No- 
ronha paid no regard to the faith of treaty. Nor would he 
leave one Portuguefe foldier to defend his injured ally, though 
earneftly folicited, and though the king of Ceytavaca remained 
in the mountains ready for revenge on the departure of the 
viceroy *. 

The Grand Turk, Hill intent on the extirpation of the Por- 
tuguefe from India, fitted out three formidable fquadrons 
during the regency of Noronha. The firft, commanded by a 
bold pirate named Pirbec, failed from Suez, with an armament 
of 16,000 men. He plundered the Portuguefe fettlement at 
Mafcate, and even the city of Ormuz, though the fort held 
out again ft him. Having alfo plundered other coafts, here- 
turned to Conftantinople with great riches, which he prefented 
to the Sultan. But, as nothing effectual was done towards 
the extirpation of the Europeans, in place of reward, Pirbec’s 
head was ftruck off by order of the Grand Signior. 

The ftrenuous and long continued efforts of the Porte to 
expel the Portuguefe from the eaftern feas, difplay the vaft im- 
portance of the naval fuperiority of the Europeans in Afia. 
Though immediate gain feems to have been the foie motive of 
the Europeans who firft went to India, the Moors and Turks 
perceived the remote political confequences of their arrival, in 
the cleared: light. Diffatisfied with the undecifive expedition 
of Pirbec, two other formidable Turkifh fquadrons were fent 
againft the Portuguefe. But both of thefe were commanded 
by officers of mean abilities, and were totally defeated by fhip- 
wreck and battle. The Zamorim and the king of Pimenta, 

* By order of the king of Portugal, and by means of Xavier, the extortions of Noronha 
were afterwards reftored to the king of Cota. 



whofe combined army Noronha had formerly permitted to 
efcape, had continued, during the war in Ceylon and with the 
Turks, to harrafs the Portuguefe fleets, and the king of Co- 
chin, their ally. Noronha, now at leifure, went in perfon to 
revenge thefe infults, and the rich iflands of Alagada, fubjeCt 
to the king of Pimenta, after a defperate defence, were de- 
ftroyed with fire and fword. Our military poet, Camoens, at 
this time arrived in India, and difcovered his valour as a vo- 
lunteer in this expedition. 

While the royal monopoly and the coafting trade were thus 
reduced and expofed, under the langour and weaknefs of the 
military operations, the aCtive fpirit of Xavier was untired. 
Having vifited almoft every fettlement, every where endeavour- 
ing to infpire political vigour and unanimity, he was now 
bulled in adding the Chinefe language to his other laborious 
acquirements of the oriental tongues ; for the fpiritual do- 
minion of China was the grand objeCt of his ftupendous plan. 
But, alarmed at the fpreading odium raifed by the cruel and 
unjuft aCtions of Noronha in Ceylon, he halted thither, for he 
forefaw the malign influence of the Portuguefe infolence and 
oppreflion. From Ceylon he went to the Malucos and Japan, 
and when ready to enter China, his death in the ille of San- 
cyon clofed his unwearied labours of twelve years in the Eaft. 
To reftrain the Portuguefe injuftice and tyranny, and to win 
the affeCtion of the natives, were the means by which Xavier 
endeavoured to eftablifh his ftupendous plan of the vaflallage 
of the eaftern world. And, had he lived in the more virtuous 
days of Albuquerque, his views would probaby have been 
crowned with fuccels. By the mean artifices and frauds of the 
Jefuits who fucceeded in his million, whole narrow minds were 
earned: for prefent emolument, what good effeCts the fuperior 
mind of Xavier had produced, were foon counteracted, and 
totally loft. 

After a regency of three years, Don Alphonfo de Noronha 
was fucceedcd by Don Pedro de Mafcarenhas, a gentleman in 
his feventieth year. Meale Can was now at Goa. Mafcarene 

r 2 adopted 



adopted the former policy of fupporting Meale’s title to 
the throne of Hydal Can, and proclaimed him king of Vifa- 
por. But Mafcarene’s death, ere he had governed thirteen 
months, clofea his regency, and Francifco Barreto, his fuc- 
-cefl'or, entering into his views, and defirous of the immenfe 
emoluments of an Indian war, profecuted his defigns. The 
great Caftro, by his patronage of Meale, had kept the Hydal 
Can in awe ; but Caftro’s faith and abilities were now want- 
ing. In breach of a treaty of peace with the Hydal Can, and 
on pretence of doing juftice to an exiled prince, Barreto 
kindled a war, which proved highly injurious to the Portu- 
guefe. Meale was defeated and taken priloner in his kingdom 
of Vifapor ; and feveral bloody undecifive campaigns dif- 
played the refentment of the Hydal Can*. Nor were the af- 
fairs of the Malucos lefs unhappy. Deza, the Portuguefe go- 
vernor, treacheroufly imprifoned the king of Ternate and his 
whole family, and ordered them to be ftarved to death. He 
was relieved, however, by the neighbouring princes, who took 
arms in his defence ; and the fubmiffion of the Portuguefe, 
who deprived Deza of his command, ended the war. 

While the military reputation of the Portuguefe had almoft 
loft its terrors, while their empire in the Eaft was thus haften- 
ing to its fall, John HI. was fucceeded by Sebaftian, an infant ; 
and Don Conftantine de Braganza, of the blood royal, was 
appointed Deputy-king of India. Pie governed three years, 
and never performed one action which did honour to his abili- 
ties. The officers he fent out on various expeditions were ge- 
nerally defeated, particularly in a war with the Turks on the 
coafts of Arabia. He himfelf fhared the fame fate, and once 
faved his life, at the city of Jafanapatan, by inglorious flight. 
His views were of no importance. Pie imprifoned Luis de Melo 
for lofing too much time in a victorious expedition on the 
coaft of Malabar. In a defcent on Ceylon, the Portuguefe 
feized the tooth of a monkey, a relick held facred by the Pa- 

* See the note on Barreto, in the Life of Camoens. 

gans 3 . 



gans, for which, according to Linfchoten, 700,000 ducats were 
offered in ranfom ; but Conflantine ordered it to be burned. 
The kings of Siam and Pegu pretended the real tooth was 
faved by a Banian, and each afferting that he was in pofTeffion 
of the genuine one, bloody wars, which much endangered the 
Portuguefe eaflern fettlements, were kindled y and Conflan- 
tine, finding himfelf embarraffed, refigned, contrary to the 
defire of the council of Lifbon. He is celebrated for his great 
politenefs and affability ; and his government is diflinguifhed 
by the effablifhroent of the Inquifition at Goa. 

Don Conflantine was fucceeded by the Count de Redondo. 
Petty wars continued as ufual on every coafl. In 1564, a 
Portuguefe Ihip, contrary to the treaty of peace, was attacked 
by three veffels of Malabar ; Redondo complained, and was 
anfwered by the Zamorim, that fame rebels had done it , whom he 
was welcome to Jeize and chajlife. Irritated by this reply, and on 
purpofe to retort it, he lent Dominic de Mefqaita with three 
lhips to fcour the coafl of Malabar. And Mefquita foon 
murdered above 2000 Malabrians, the greatell part of whom 
he fevved up in their own fail cloths and wantonly drowned. 
Redondo, however, died fuddenly, ere the Zamorim com- 
plained j but fuch was the famenefs of idea among the Portu- 
guefe, that Juan de Mendoza, his fucceflor, in anfwer to the 
Zamorim’s complaint, adopted the intended witticifm of Re- 
dondo, and retorted the Zamorim’s reply ; it was done by rebels , 
whom be was welcome to Jeize and chaftije. A fpirited reprifal is 
often the moll decifive meafure; but this inhuman one, furely, 
was not dictated by wildom. A bold woman of quality, whofe 
hufband had been murdered by Mefquita, with all the fury 
aferibed to an ancient Druidefs, ran from place to place, exe- 
crating the Portuguefe, and exciting to revenge. Many of the 
Moors entered into an oath, never to lay down their arms till 
they had rooted the Portuguefe out of India. They fuddenly 
befet the fort of Cananor, and burned above thirty Portuguefe 
lhips that rode under its cannon y and a tedious war enfued. 
Mendoza, after fix months, was fuperceded by Don Antonio 




de Noronha, who ended the war of Cananor with the defla- 
tion of the adjacent country. Confufion and bloodlhed co- 
vered the rich idand of Cevlon, and the new converts, the 
allies of Portugal, were hunted down by the other natives. 
The king of Achem and other princes began now to meditate 
a general league for the extirpation of the Portuguefe. And 
the Grand Turk, defirous of acquifition in India, became a 
zealous auxiliary. But though the fir ft attempt upon Malaca 
was defeated by the valour of Don Leonis, the commander, 
the league continued in agitation, while the Portuguefe Teem- 
ed to invite and to folicit their own deftrudtion. The rapine 
of individuals became every year more fhamelefs and general. 
While an idolatrous devotion to faints and images rendered 
them inexorable in their cruelty to thofe of a different wor- 
fhip, they abandoned themfelves without redraint to the mod: 
lafcivious luxury, and every officer had his feraglio of five, fix, 
or eight of the fined: women. Indian women of quality were 
publickly dragged from their kindred by Portuguefe raviffiers. 
The inhabitants of Amboina had received the Portuguefe with 
the greated: friendfhip. At a banquet given by the natives, a 
young officer, in the face of all the company, and in prefence 
of her huffiand, attempted to raviffi one of the principal la- 
dies, and was unreproved by his countrymen. The tables 
were inftantly overturned, and the Portuguefe expelled the 
idand. And here, as at Ceylon and other parts of India, the 
popular fury was firft glutted with the blood of thofe na- 
tives, now efteemed as traytors, who had embraced the religion 
of the Portuguefe. Immediately another mod: daring breach 
of humanity called aloud upon the princes of the Eaft to 
unite in the defence of each other. Ayero*, king of Ternate, 

* This is the fame prince whom Deza 
treacherouily imprifoned, and attempted to 
ftarve. He continued, however, faithful to 
the Portuguefe, till his nephew was mur- 
dered by fome of their officers. Three of 
the aggreffiors were feized by the king’s or- 
der, and put to death. On renewing the 

alliance with the Portuguefe, he was trea- 
cheroully murdered by the commandant’s ne- 
phew. As he was ftabbed, he laid hold of 
a cannon which bore the arms of Portugal, 
and exclaimed, Ab l Cavaliers, is it thus 
you reward the viojl faithful fubjett of your 
king , my fovereign! 




had always been friendly and tributary to the Portuguefe, yet 
on renewing a treaty of alliance, after having mutually fworn 
on the arms of Portugal, he was dabbed by order of the Por- 
tuguefe commandant. Nor did this treachery appeafe the mur- 
derer. In prefence of his queen and daughters, who in vain 
implored permiflion to bury him, his body was cut into pieces 
and falted, put into a ched, and thrown into the fea. lie 
had a fon, however, Chil Babu, who, in revenge of this, proved 
the molt formidable enemy the Portuguefe had ever known 
in the Ead. His ambafladors halted from court to court, and 
the princes of India, harraffed by their cruel awful tyrants, who 
trampled on every law of humanity and good policy, combined 
with him in a general league for the utter expulfion of the Por- 
tuguefe ; and fo confident were the natives of fuccefs, that not 
only the divilion of the Portuguefe fettlements, but the pof- 
feffion of the mod: beautiful of their wives and daughters, 
was alfo fettled among them. Five years was this league 
in forming, and eadern politics never produced a better 
concerted plan of operation. The various forts and terri- 
tories of the Portuguefe were allotted to the neighbouring 
princes. Goa, Onor, and Bra9alor were to reward the vi£to- 
ries of the Hydal Can ; Chaul, Damam, and Bacaim were to 
be taken by Nizamaluco, a king of the Decan ; the Zamorim 
was to poflefs himfelf of Cananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and 
Chale ; the king of Achem was to reduce Malaca ; and the 
king of Ternate was to attack the Malucos. Befides thefe, 
many other princes had their appointed lines of a6tion ; and 
this tremendous dorm was to burd, in every quarter, at the 
fame indant. Don Luis de Ataide was governor of India 
when this war began. The Hydal Can, with an army which 
confided of 100,000 infantry, 35,000 horfe, 2140 elephants, 
and 350 pieces of cannon, covered the continent oppolite to 
Goa for feveral leagues, and the difpofition of his extenfive 
pods difplayed great generallhip. Every eminence was for- 
tified, and his batteries, of two leagues in extent, thundered 
upon Goa. The difpofitions of Ataide, however, not only 


CXXV 115 


protected that Aland, but his unexpefred inroads often car- 
ried terror and (laughter through this immenfe encampment. 
The Hydal Can, though greatly difpirited, began to plant 
-gardens and orchards, and build banquetting houfes, as if 
refolved to conquer, at whatever diftance of time. While 
Goa was thus befieged, Chaul, a place of lefs defence, was 
invefted by Nizamaluco, at the head of an army of 150,000 
men, Turks, Moors, Ethiopians, Perfians, and Indians. The 
king of Ternate attacked the Malucos; the queen of Gar- 
zopa carried her arms againft Onor ; and Surat was feized by 
Agalachem, a prince tributary to the Mogul. And even the 
ancient Chriftians of St. Thomas, perfecuted by the inquifttion 
of Goa, for non-fubmiffion to the See of Rome j, joined the 
Pagans and Mohammedans againft the natives of Portugal. 
But where even the embers of haughty valour remain, danger 
and an able general will awake them into a flame. Don Luis, 
the viceroy, was advifed to withdraw the Portuguefe from the 
exterior parts for the fupport of Goa, the feat of their empire. 
But this he gallantly refufed, and even permitted a fleet with 
400 men to fail for Portugal*. The Zamorim and the king 
of Achem, having met fome repulfes at fea, were not pundlual 

4 See Geddes’s Hiftory of the Malabrian 
Church. The Chriftians of St. Thomas, 
according to the Portuguefe hiftorians, 
difturbed the new converts, by telling them 
that the religion the Portuguefe taught them 
was not Chriftianity. This gave great of- 
fence to the Jefuits, who in revenge perfe- 
cuted the Thomifcs with all the horrors of 
the newly eftablilhed Inquifttion. The fol- 
lowing lhort account of the Chriftians of 
the Eaft may perhaps be acceptable. In 
the fouth parts of Malabar, about 200,000 
of the inhabitants profeffed Chriftianity be- 
fore the arrival of the Portuguefe. They 
called themfelves the Chriftians of Saint 
Thomas, by which apoftle their anceftors 
had been converted. For 1300 years they 
had been under the Patriarch of Babylon, 
who appointed their Meterane or archbifhop. 
Dr. Geddes, in his Hiftory of the Church 
of Malabar, relates, that Francifco Roz, a 
Jefuit millionary, complained to Menezes, 

the Portuguefe archbilhop of Goa* that 
when he lhevved thefe people an image of 
our Lady, they cried out, “ Away with that 
filthinefs, we are Chriftians, and do not 
adore idols or pagods.” 

Dorn Frey Aleixo de Menezes, archbilhop 
of Goa, did “ endeavour to thruft upon the 
“ church of Malabar the whole mats of 
“ popery, which they were before unac- 
“ quainted with.” To this purpofe he had 
engaged all the neighouring princes to aftift 
him, “ and had fecured the major part of 
“ the priefts prefent, in all one hundred and 
“ fifty-three, whereof two-thirds were or- 
“ dained by himfelf, and made them abjure 
“ their old religion, and fubfcribe the creed 
“ of pope Pius IV.” — Millar’s Hiftory of 
the Propag. of Chriftianity. 

* This was the trading fleet, or regal 
monopoly, the delay of which might have 
produced his recal. 




in the agreed commencement of hoffility. This favoured 
Ataide ; and no fooncr did he gain an advantage in one place, 
than he fent relief to another. He and the beft troops 
haftened from fort to fort, and victory followed victory, till 
the leaders of this moll formidable combination fued fot 
peace. A fignal proof of what valour and military art may 
do againft the greateft multitudes of undifciplined militia. 

An highly honourable peace was concluded with Nizamalu- 
co; but while the Hydal Can was in treaty, and while the 
Zamorim, who was now in arms both by fea and land, pro- 
pofed conditions to which Ataide would not liften *, that brave 
commander was fuperceded by the arrival of his fucceffor, An- 
tonio de Noronha. When Ataide left India, the Hydal Can 
was hill before Goa, and the new viceroy had the honour to 
conclude the treaty of peace. But the important fortrefs of 
Chale, near Calicut, furrendered to the Zamorim, who was 
flill in arms. And the new commiffion of Noronha involved 
the Eaft in perplexities unknown before. At the very time 
when the league began to exert its apparently invincible 
force, at that very time king Sebaftian, now about his fix- 
teenth year, divided his eaftern empire, as if it had been 
in the mod: flourifhing condition, into three governments, 
independent of each other. Noronha was to command 
from Cape Gardafu, on the mouth of the Red Sea, to the 
coaft of Pegu, with the title of Viceroy of India. From 
Gardafu to Cape Corrientes, below Madagafcar, was given 
to Francifco Barreto, late governor of Portuguefe Afia, now 
entitled Governor of Monomotapa ; and from Pegu to China, 
v/ith the title of Governor of Malaca, was appointed to 
Antonio Moniz Barreto. In this pompous divifion of em- 
pire, Moniz Barreto was to be equipped from India j but 
Portuguefe India could not afford the force which his patent 
appointed, and Moniz refufed to fail to Malaca with an infe- 

* He would male no peace, he fald, but upon fuck terms as the Zamorim might expect, were, 
the Portuguefe in the mojt JlouriJhing condition. 





rior equipment. The celebrated Echebar, the Great Mogul, 
or emperor of Hindoftan, had now poflefled himfelf of the 
throne of Cambaya t, and as Bat^aim and Damam had formerly 
belonged to that kingdom, he meditated the recovery of thefe 
territories from the Portuguefe : but while he was ready to in- 
vert Damam, Noronha entered the river with fo formidable a 
fleet, that Echebar confented to a peace which confirmed the 
Portuguefe right of pofleflion, on condition of their alliance. 
The king of Achem, who according to the league was to have 
invaded Malaca, now performed his part, and reduced that 
fettlement, which had no governor, to the deepeft diftrefs. 
The arms of Ternate were alfo profperous in the Malucos. 
To the relief of thefe Noronha fent fome fupplies, but while 
he was preparing to fend more, an order from Portugal ar- 
rived, which empowered Don Gafper archbifhop of Goa to de- 
pofe Noronha, and invert Moniz with the government of India. 
Don Leonis de Pereyra was at the fame time appointed go- 
vernor of Malaca. Moniz urged him to fail to the relief of 
his fettlement, but Leonis refuled to go thither with lefs than 
the appointed equipment. Though on the private accufations 
of Moniz, Noronha was degraded for a like refufal ; though 
Noronha was then at war, and Moniz now at peace j and 
though Leonis abated in his demand, Moniz was immoveable. 
Leonis therefore failed for Portugal, where his condufl was 
juftified, yet no punifhment allotted to Moniz > fuch was the 
unblufhing partiality with which the minifters of Sebartian 
governed the falling empire of Portuguefe Afia. 

While Malaca was thus deferted by its governor, the king 
of Achem and the queen of Japara, with numerous fleets and 
armies, poured all the horrors of war upon that valuable ter- 
ritory. Time after time, as the fhattered fleets of the one re- 
tired to repair, the new armaments of the other immediately 
filled their ftations. And the king of Ternate, the author of 

t Mahumud, nephew of king Badur, was betrayed into Echebar’s hands by one of his 
officers. The traitor was beheaded by order of Echebar, 




the League, was vi&orious in the ifles of Maluco. The feveral 
fupplies of relief, fent by Moniz, one of which confifted of 
2000 troops, all perilhed by fhipwreck ere they reached their 
deftined ports. The murderer of king Ayero was ftabbed by 
the populace, and the Portuguefe were totally expelled from 
this fettlement, which commanded the fpice iflands. Nor was 
the government of Francis Barreto, in Monomotapa, lefs un- 
happy. He, who had been governor of India, fays Faria, ac- 
cepted of this diminifhed command for three reafons j becaufe 
he 'was, poor , becaufe it was the king’s will, and becaufe it was 
a poll of great danger. His commiflion was to make himfelf 
mafter of the mines which fupply Sofala and the neighbouring 
ports with gold and filver : and one Monclaros, a Jefuit, ac- 
companied him, without whofe concurrence he was prohibited 
to aft. He failed from Lilbon, with only three Ihips and a 
thoufand men, in 1569, and having received fome fupplies 
at Mozambique, together with tools for miners, camels* and 
other beafts of burden, he proceeded to his vifionary govern- 
ment. Hs landed in the river of Good Signs, and propofed to 
march to the mines by the route of Sofala. But to this Mon- 
claros would not content, and by his dire&ion he took a more 
diftant courfe. After a march of ten days along the river 
Zambeze, during which his final 1 army fuffered greatly by ex- 
treme heat and third:, he faw the mountains and valleys covered 
with innumerable multitudes of armed men. Thefe, however, 
were difperfed by his fire-arms 3 and foon after another army, 
as numerous as the former, fhared the fame fate. The Cafres 
now fued for peace, and offered to difcover the mines. But 

• Cortez is jufUy admired for the ready 
dexterity with which he improved every opi- 
nion of the Mexicans to his own advantage. 
Barreto gave an inftance of this art upon 
this expedition. When the Cafres were 
fuing for peace, and Barreto in great want 
of provifions, one of the camels having broke 
ioofe from its keepers, and after running till 
tired, happened to be met by Barreto, to 
whom it inllantly kneeled, as is ufual for that 
creature when it receives its burden. The 

Cafres, who had never before feen fuch an 
animal, thought it fpoke to the governor, and 
earneftly alked what it faid. Thefe creatures, 
replied Barreto, live upon human flefh ; and 
this one has been fent from its brethren to 
beg I would not make peace with you, other- 
wile they mull be flarved. After much en- 
treaty, Barreto promifed to perfuade the ca- 
mels to be contented with the flefh of beeves ; 
upon which the Cafres gladly fupplied him 
with as many herds as he defired. 

f 2 




when now on the eve of fuccefs, Monclaros commanded him 
to defift from his ruinous expedition, and immediately to re- 
turn to Mozambique. And fo deeply was Barreto affected 
with this difappointment and difhonour, that overwhelmed 
with the fever of indignation, without any other fymptom of 
ail, he breathed out his life in fighs, after the violent mental 
agitation of two days. Among his papers was found a corn- 
mi (lion for Vafco Homem, his major, to fucceed him; who, 
perfuaded by the Jefuit, immediately returned to Mozambique. 
But Monclaros having failed for Portugal, Homem, upbraided 
by the officers of that Ration, returned to Monomotapa. He 
landed at Sofala, and from thence, by a ffiort and eafy march, 
arrived at the place where the mines were expended. After 
fome fkirmifbes with the Cafres, the king of Chicanga pre- 
tended to be friendly, and offered to ffiew the mines. Having 
led the Portuguefe from province to province, he at laft brought 
them to a place where he had ordered fome ore to be buried 
and fcattered, and here he told them was a rich filver mine. 
While the Portuguefe were feveral days bulled in digging 
around, the Cafres efcaped ; and flomem, his provifions be- 
ginning to fail, retired to Sofala, leaving a captain named Car- 
dofo, with 200 men, to make farther trial. Fearlefs of this 
fmall party, the Cafres returned, and with confident promifes- 
offered to difcover the richeft and eafieft worked mines in their 
country. Cardofo believed them, and was led into defiles, 
where he and all his men perifhed by the weapons of the art- 
ful barbarians. Such was the end of the government of Mo- 
nomotapa, the golden dream, the ill-concerted and ill-con- 
dudted plan of the weak minifters of a giddy empire haftening 
to its fall. 

Moniz, after he had governed three years, the term now 
ufually named in the writs of fucceffion, was fucceeded by Don 
lago de Menezes, under whom the bloodfhed of the ufual petty 
wars with the Moors and Malabrians continued. His regency 
is diftinguiffied by no warlike event of note : and after he had 
held the fword of command about two years, he was fuper- 




ceded by the brave Ataide Count de Autouguia , whofe art and 
valour had lately triumphed over the moft formidable efforts 
of the General League. 

To fuppofe that Sebaftian or his minifters perceived the 
precarious and ruinous ftate of their Eaftern Empire, when 
they appointed this able officer to that very critical command, 
were to alffiw them a merit, which every other part of their 
conduct relative to India difclaims. Don Sebaftian’s ideas 
were totally debauched by the moft romantic thirft of military 
glory, and it was his ambition from his childhood to diftin- 
guifh himfelf at the head of an army in Africa. Ataide ftre- 
nuoufly oppofed this wild expedition, which, he was juftly 
convinced, was ill-adapted to the ftate of his country. But 
Sebaftian, now in his twenty-fourth year, to be relieved of his 
dif agreeable counfel, ordered him to refume the viceroy fhip of 
India. The fpeech which Sebaftian made to Ataide, upon this 
his fecond appointment, ftrongly charadterifes the frivoloufnefs 
which now prevailed at the court of Lifbon. Don Conftan- 
tine de Braganza, of the blood royal, was one of the weakeft 
governors that ever ruled India. Ataide, on the contrary, had 
performed moft incredible adtions j had faved the Portuguefe 
from the greateft dangers they ever furmounted in Alia. Yet 
Sebaftian did not bid him reign as lie had formerly done. No, 
he bade him reign like Don Conftantine — a man* whofe abili- 
ties reached no farther than perhaps to open a bail gracefully,, 
for his politenels was his only commendation. When errors 
in government begin, the wife fee the fecret difeafe, but it is 
the next generation which feels the worft of its effiedts. Ca- 
moens, whofe political penetration was perhaps uneqnalled in 
his age and country, faw the declenfion of manners, and fore- 
told in vain the fall of empire. Portugal owed its exiftence 
to the fpirit of chivalry and the ideas of liberty, which were 
confirmed by the ftatutes of Lamego. Camoens, in a fine al- 
legory, laments the decay of the ancient virtues. Under the 
character of a huntfman he paints the wild romantic purfuits 
of king Sebaftian, and wifhes that he may not fall the vidtim 



of his blind pafiion. The courtiers he chara&erifes, as the 
moft venal of felf-interefted flatterers : and the clergy, the 
men of letters, he fays, 

— — - trim’d the lamp at night’s mid hour, 

To plan new laws to arm the regal power, 

Sleeplefs at night’s mid hour to raze the laws. 

The facred bulwarks of the people’s caufe. 

Framed ere the blood of hard earn’d vi<5tory 
On their brave fathers’ helm-hackt fwords was dry. 

Unperceived by the unlettered nobility, the principles of the 
conftitution gradually expired under the artful increafe of the 
royal prerogative. If Sebaftian was more abfolute than John I. 
his power was bought by the degeneracy of his fubjedts, and 
weaknefs of the ftate, the certain price with which monarchs 
purchafe their beloved defpotifm. The negle£t of one man of 
merit is the fignal for the worthlefs, if rich, to croud to court. 
Many of thefe fignals were given in the reigns of Emmanuel, 
John III. and Sebaftian, and thus the labours of an Albuquerque, 
a Nunio, a Caftro, and an Ataide, were fruftrated and reverfed. 
Thefe governors, bred in war, enthufiafts in honour, all died 
poor. Xarafo, the creature of Sampayo, the tyrant of his 
mafter the king of Ormuz, juftly accufed of murders and the 
moft unbounded extortion, was fent in irons to Lilbon. But 
he carried his treafures with him, and was reftored to his em- 
ployments. Anthony Galvam, the moft honeft of men, faved 
the Malucos, returned poor to Portugal, and, like Pacheco, 
died in an alms-houfe. But thefe, the errors and crimes of 
former reigns, were of little effect compared to the evil con- 
fequences of the inattention to, and ignorance of Indian af- 
fairs, difcovered by the minifters of Sebaftian. They ordered 
Don George de Caftro, who furrendered the fort of Chale to 
the Zamorim, to be tried and beheaded ; and he died on the 
fcaffold at Goa. Yet a year after this, the court of Lifbon if- 
fued a commiflion appointing him to command on another 




Ration. The poverty of an Albuquerque, a Nunio, and a 
Caftro, was now the public jeft of the Portuguefe * com- 
mandants. Under the fhade of filken umbrellas, fome of 
the late viceroys rode to battle, in chairs carried on men’s 
Ihoulders. All was difunion, grofs luxury, and audacious 
weaknefs in Portuguefe Alia, when Sebaftian loft his crown 
in his African expedition. And what greatly haftened their 
ruin, the natives now perceived their weaknefs, and foretold 
their approaching fall. About fifty years before this period, 
it was the general opinion of India, that the Portuguefe were 
among men what lions are among beafts : and for the fame rea - 
fon , faid an Indian captive to a Portuguefe officer, nature has 
appointed that your fpecies fhould be equally few. But as foon as 
their luxury began to appear, thefe fentiments were changed. 
Let them alone , faid one Indian prince to another, the frauds of 
their revenue , and their love of luxury will foon ruin them. What 
they gain as brave foldiers they will foon lofe as avaritious merchants . 
Lhey now conquer Alia, but Afia will foon conquer them. And a 
king of Perfia afked a Portuguefe captain how many of the 
Indian viceroys had been beheaded by the kings of Portugal. 
None, replied the officer. Lhen you will not long, returned the 
Perfian, be the mafers of India. 

When Ataide failed for India on his fecond viceroyfliip, he 
dreaded the difafters which would follow the precipitate, ill- 
concerted expedition of Sebaftian. And it was his firft care, 
after his arrival in the Eaft, to prevent the evil confequences 
of the unhappy event. He immediately fitted out a fleet which 
ftruck the princes of India with awe and terror. Any par- 
ticular deftination of this armament was never known ; for fo 
formidable did Ataide appear, that the tidings of the death 
and total defeat of Sebaftian in Africa, produced no war in 
India. Sebaftian was fucceeded by an old weak man, his 
grand uncle, the cardinal Henry. Two years clofed Henry’s 

* In particular, Don A. deNoronha, vice- tives of thefe heroes perhaps difplayed the 

roy in i 568, is recorded for publickly brand- trueft policy and higheft magnanity. Of 

ing fuch condudt as madnefs. But the mo- this hereafter. 


ex XXVI 


puiillanimous fway. And Philip II. of Spain foon after made 
liimfelf m after of the kingdom of Portugal. The brave 
Ataide, after having humbled the Plydal Can for a breach of 
treaty, and concluded a peace, fell into a deep melancholy, of 
which he died in the third year of his regency ; fo fincerely 
was he affected with the fall of his country, which he forefaw 
and foretold*. He was fucceeded by Hernan Tellez de Me- 
nezes, appointed by the five regents who governed Portugal 
after the demife of Henry. Under Menezes, Mafcate was 
plundered by the Turks. A fquadron was fitted out to its re- 
lief ; but this the commander never attempted. He avoided the 
Turkifh galleys, but plundered and laid in afhes the rich cities 
of Pefani, Gaudel, andTeis, on the coaft of the Naytaques, near 
Cambaya, with whom the Portuguefe were not at war. After 
a government ©f fix months, Menezes was fuperceded by Don 
Francifco de Mafcarenhas, the firft viceroy appointed by Philip. 
His brave defence of Chaul againft Nizamaluco entitled him 
to this diftin£tion ; and Philip, for obvious reafons, loaded 
him with honours, powers, and emoluments, fuperior to thofe 
enjoyed by any former viceroy. He was commiffioned to pro- 
claim Philip in India; but Menezes, though he loft his re- 
ward, had already performed this confirmation of the ufurper’s 
title But though Mafcarene found Philip peacefully ac- 
knowledged, all was confufion and weaknefs in the Portuguefe 
fettlements. Turks and Moguls, the Zamorim, and other 
princes, in little fquadrons, unconnected with each other, 
fpread all the horrors of piratical war from Melinda to Ma- 
laca. The Portuguefe fquadrons were frequently defeated, 
and their military reputation was in deep decline. Cochin had 
long been the faithful and valuable ally of Portugal ; but the 
prefent king, unable to pay the enormous, ungenerous taxes 

# So clear was his heart from the infec- 
tion of avarice, fays Faria, that while others 
carried immenfe treafures from Afia to Por- 
tugal, he only brought four jars of water, 
filled from the four great rivers, Tygris, 
-Euphrates, Indus, and Ganges, which were 

many years preferved as his trophy in his 
caftle of Penicbe. 

X By the ftatutes of Lamego, the tnagua 
chart a of Portugal, a foreigner cannot hold 
the Portuguefe feeptre. 




demanded by Mafcarene, refigned his revenues to the Portu- 
guefe. Twenty thoufand Cochinians bound themfelves in 
an oath to die in defence of their ancient rights, and Mafca- 
rene was neceflitated to fufpend his acquirement, an acquire- 
ment which was relinquifhed by D. Duarte de Menezes, who, 
after the ufual regency of three years, fucceeded him in com- 
mand. Malaca, inverted by the king of Ujantana, was now 
defolated by famine. About an hundred people died every day, 
and mothers exchanged their children, that they might not 
eat their own offspring. The illand of Ceylon was alfo 
fteeped in blood, and the Portuguefe there reduced to the 
deepeft dirtrefs. But though Don Paulo de Lima difplayed the 
ancient valour of his countrymen in the relief of Malaca and 
the fort of Columbo in Ceylon, the frequent repulfes of the 
Portuguefe emboldened the natives to feize every opportunity 
of hoftility. 

Under the government of Menezes, a court of chancery, in 
1586, was erected at Goa. The citizens, long oppreffed by 
^military tyrants, had requefted Philip for fuch jurifdidtion. 
But what chiefly this period, is the alteration of 
the Royal Monopoly , and the eftablifhment of a Portuguese 
East India Company. The revenues of India, received by 
the exchequer of Lifbon, amounted to little more than a mil- 
lion of crowns. This, yearly fent to Portugal in Indian goods 
on board of his majefty’s rtiips, had long been inadequate to 
the expence of the armaments almoft annually equipped in Por- 
tugal for the fupport of the Indian dominion*. And Philip, 
unwilling to continue fuch prepofterous courfe, farmed the 
trade of India to a company of merchants, under regulations 
of the fame fpirit by which the Spanirti trade to Mexico, and 

* According to Faria, the royal revenues, 
about this time, ftood thus : The cuftoms of 
Dio, above 100,000 crowns; thofe of Goa, 
160,000; thofe of Malaca, 70,000; the 
tribute of princes and territories, 200,000 ; 
which, together with the king’s fhare of the 
prizes taken by his own (hips, amounted to 

above a million of crowns yearly. It ought 
to have been two millions, fays our hillo- 
lian, but was thus reduced by the frauds of 
tfflice, and enormous falaries of the com- 
manders of the various forts, which article 
alone amounted to more than half a million 
per annum. 





the. Portuguefe commerce with * Brazil, have ever been go- 
verned. As in thefe the fovereign is foie m after of the garri- 
fons and territory, which are protected by his fleets and armies, 
fo Philip remained fovereign of Portuguefe India. And as the 
annual floras which fail to Mexico and Brazil are under fevere 
refttidlions, but have the exclufive privilege of trading to thofe 
regions, fo the merchants who undertook the annual equip- 
ment of the Indian fquadron, im reward of the revenue ftipu- 
lated to be paid, received the exclufive privilege of trading with 
India. An eftablifhment upon other principles would have 
been inconftftent with every idea of colonization underftood, 
or ever pradtifed, by the courts of Spain and Portugal. 

When this new commercial regulation was known in India, 
it excited the greateft difcontent. And all the authority of the 
viceroy and of the clergy was hardly fufficient to fupprefs an 
infurredlion at Goa. By its due operation, the lucrative 11 - 
centioufnefs of the private traders would have received fome 
bounds ; and a check upon their immenfe profits gave a gene- 
ral alarm. There were ftated voyages performed under the 
diredlion of the viceroy to colled! the king’s revenues in the 
different fettlements. And the commanders of thefe fqua- 
drons, adled now, without reftraint, as private merchants, and 
their profits were almoft incredible The idea of preventing 
the military to become merchants was now no more. And 
even the viceroys, after Caftro and Ataide, became private 
traders. Befides their yearly falaries, now railed to 18,000 
crowns, fome of them cleared 3, fome 5, and fome 800,000 
ducats, by their own merchandife. And thofe who bore the 
title of Don were not now afhamed to command their own 
piratical merchant fhips. After Caftro, fome of the firPt 

* The trade to thefe places is confined to 
particular ports, annual flotas and regifter 
fillips, and even the quantity of goods li- 
mitted. See Account of the European 
Settlements in America, fifth edit. vol. i. 
p. 234, &c. and 315. 

J According to Faria’s ellimate, the 
voyage from Goa to China and Japan, 

brought the captain 1 00,000 crowns, for 
only the freight of the goods of others 
which he carried ; that from Coromandel to 
Malaca, 20,000 ; from Goa to Mozam- 
bique, 24,000; and the ihort voyage to 
Ceylon, 4000. And the profits of their 
own trade were equally great. 




nobility of Portugal were fent to govern India : and their 
hiftorians bluntly confefs, that they went thither to repair 
their fortunes. But though the new regulations were in the 
fpirit of the Spanifh trade to Mexico, nothing like the regu- 
larity of the flotas was attained in India. The viceroy ftill 
retained the care of fitting out the homeward fiiips, and the 
exigencies of India rendered their number and cargoes ever 

Don Duarte de Menezes was fucceeded, in 1588, by Ema- 
nuel de Souza Coutinno, who in 1590 refigned the fword to 
Matthias de Albuquerque, who governed about feven years. 
In 1597, Don Francifco de Gama, Count de Vidigueyra, and 
grandfon of the Difcoverer of India, afcended the throne of 
Portuguefe Afia. But not more degenerated were the times, 
than were his actions and manners from thofe of his illuftri- 
ous anceftor. He was the moft detefted and moft infulted 
ruler * that ever governed India ; and the meannefs of his 
abilities, the ferocious ungrateful haughtinefs of his carriage, 
and his grofs injuftice, merited the fignal contempt with 
which he was treated. The peninfula of Pudepatam, between 
Goa and Cochin, was at this time poflefled by a Moorifli pi- 
rate named Mahomet Cunnale Marca, who made war alike on 
the Portuguefe and the fubje£ts of the Zamorim. The Za- 
morim and the Viceroy entered into a treaty to crufh this pi- 
rate ; and the former, with an army of 20,000 men, and Don 
Luis de Gama, brother of the latter, with a fleet of above fifty 
veflels, laid fiege to Marca’s peninfula ; but both were ignomi- 
nioufly repulfed ; and the Portuguefe arms under Don Luis 
received the greateft difgrace, fays Faria, they had ever, except 
at Ormuz, experienced in the Eaft. Andreas de Furtado, the 
only Portuguefe officer of this period whofe name is recorded 
with honour, foon after compelled Marca to furrender on con- 
dition of life; a condition which was brutally violated by the 
ungenerous GamaJ. But what principally marks the fatal 

* For inftances of thefe, fee the notes on thejife of Camoens. 

J Yid. ibid. 

t 2 




regency of this count de Vidigueyra, is the arrival of the flrft 
warlike fquadron of the Dutch in India, the heralds of the 
total fubverfion of the Afiatic empire of Portugal. 

For the laft twelve years, the Portuguefe cruelties * in Cey- 
lon had difgraced human nature. And for many years, annual 
fleets had regularly been fent to the coafls of Malabar and the 
north of Goa, to make piratical wars, on pretence of the fup- 
preflion of pirates. Yet, as if all their former cruelties had 
been too little, a Bull of Crolfade, in 1594, arrived in India, 
commanding the Portuguefe to reduce the infidels to the faith 
by the force of arms. This was a new pretence to plunder 
the pagodas, the repofitories of the Gentoo treafures, and was. 
procured by the Jcfuits, who. now governed the fprings of ac- 
tion over all Portuguefe Afia. Though moft adroit in fraud- 
ful cabals, that which bears the difhonefl name of Low Cun- 
ning was their only talent.. Cruel, obftinate, and narrow in 
their minds, the grofleft compulfion, and the horrors of the 
inquifition were the methods by which they endeavoured to 
propagate their religion. Avaritious of power and. riches, and 
eager for immediate pofleflion, they thruft themfelves into* 
every public tranfadlion. The idle luxurious Military eafily 
fuffered themfelves to be guided by them : and their intrigues 
and ignorance of the arts of civil and military government, 
embroiled and perplexed every operation. In almofl every 
expedition was a Monclaros : and it became ufual, for the 
defeated commanders to vindicate themfelves by accufmg the 

* Don Hierome de Azevedo commanded 
in Ceylon during the ruinous wars already 
mentioned. When he kept the field, and 
had gained any advantages, he compelled 
the Indian mothers to cait their children be- 
tween milftones, and to look on while they 
were ground in pieces. At other times he 
ordered his foldiers to hold up the fhriek- 
ing infants on the tops of their pikes. 
This he did for a moft wretched pun. 
The natives of Ceylon call themfelves Ga- 
las, and Gailos is Spanilh for a cock. Hark 
.how young cocks crow— is recorded as 

his ufual fpeech, when the infants fcreamed: 
on the lance. 

I So different from Xavier were the Jefuits 
of this period, that they totally impeded the. 
converfion of the Gentoos, by the moft ab- 
furd topics of conteft. The Gentoos wear a 
Tejfera of three threads, (of which fee p^ 
470.) and are bigotted to the ufe of this 
their ancient badge. But the Jefuits, who 
faid it was inftitutcd by the Devil, obfti- 
nately infilled that it fhould be relinquilhed 
by their new converts. The badge and 
their old religion were therefore continued. 




Jefuits. ImpreR with the enumeration of the fafts from 
which the above conclufions are drawn, and having mentioned 
a difpute amicably adjufted by a Jefuit, fhe Religious , fays the 
hiRorian Soufa, are fuccejsful agents in the promotion of peace 
between Lay Governors ; but when they take upon themfelves the 
government of fecular affairs , they bring every thing to cojfufon 
and ruin. 

While the Jefuits thus cankered and confounded every fpring 
of government, the civil and military officers, intent only on 
their own prefent gain, beheld the public weaknefs with 
the moR languid indifference. AlmoR totally engroffed by 
their immenfe American empire, and the politics of Europe, 
the Spanifh court paid little attention to Portuguefe India. 
The Will of the Viceroy, now more arbitrary than ever, was 
the Supreme Law ; headlong in its operation in his prefence, 
and headlong where his creatures, who fhaped it to their 
pleafure, were armed with power ; but it was feeble and mif- 
interpreted, often contemned and difobeyed, in the diftant 
fettlements. The commanders on the different Rations ceafed 
to aft in concert with each other ^ and their forts were often 
in a Rate of blockade, under all the miferies of famine. It 
was now ufual for commanders and whole bands of the 
Portuguefe, without the confent of their fuperiors, to under- 
take piratical expeditions, and to enter into the fervice of the 
Afiatic princes*: and in many aftions they fought againft 

* About 1586, the Turks with powerful 
armies invaded Perfia. Some years after, 
the immenfe armies of the Mogul invaded 
the regions beyond the Ganges. And the 
great kingdoms of Pegu and Siam were al- 
ternately laid wafte by each other. Portu- 
guefe adventurers diftinguilhed themfelves in 
all thefc wars ; nor did they confult the vice- 
roy when they went off with their fiiipping 
and foldiers. Two of thefe renegadoes, by 
the moft deteftable treachery and cruelty, 
rofe to the fovereign rank ; and, under the 
regal title, negociated with the Portuguefe 
viceroys. Of thefe hereafter. 

The hiftory of one of thefe renegadoes 
throws, light on Portuguefe Afta. Iago 

Soarez de Melo, guilty of murder, fled from 
the fentence of death in Portugal. He was 
feveral years a pirate in the eaftern feas. 
On his promife to accufe Don Stephen de 
Gama, he was pardoned by M. Alonzo de 
Souza, the new governor. He afterwards, 
with above 1 000 Portuguefe, who renounced 
allegiance to their fovereign, went to Pegu, 
where he was appointed general of the 
army, gratified with immenfe treafure, and 
entitled the king’s brother. In this height 
of his fortune, he happened to pafs by the 
houfe of a rich merchant on the day of his 
daughter’s wedding. Pie entered in with 
his armed followers, and was invited to par-*- 
take of the fumptuous entertainment. Struck 




each other with the greateft rancour. Their mother country 
groaned under the yoke of Spain. Moftly natives of the Eaft, 
the Portuguefe in India loft all affetftion for Portugal, and in- 
deed the political chain which bound them together was now 
but a {lender thread. Unreftrained by regular government, 
the will of the captain of the fort was abfolute, and his pro- 
tection of the moft audacious plunderers was the fupport of 
his power. Detefted by the natives, at ftrife among them- 
felves, every circumftance concurred to invite other merchants 
to India. In this wretched condition of Portuguefe Afia, 
Houtman, a Dutch merchant, while in jail for debt at Lifbon, 
planned the eftabliftiment of his countrymen in the Eaft. The 
Hollanders paid his debts ; he failed for Afia, and returned 
with credentials of his promife, which gave birth to the Dutch 
India Company, an inftitution of deep commercial wifdom : a 
regular machine, connected in all its operations, and the very 
reverfe of that blind monfter, that divided Polypus, the Por- 
tuguefe defpotical anarchy. 

The fpice iflands offered the faireft field for the Dutch ope- 
rations. Here the Portuguefe were both weakeft and moft 
detefted. And at Amboina and Ternate the ftrangers were 
gladly received, and conditions of commerce fettled*. In 
1600, Ayres de JSaldanna fucceeded the weak Count de Vidi- 
gueyra j but he was equally remifs, and made no head againft the 
Dutch. One of his captains only, the brave Furtado, for five 

with the beauty of the young lady, he at- 
tempted to take her away hy force ; the 
bridegroom and his kindred who offered re- 
finance, were flaughtered upon the banquet- 
ing tables ; and the frantic bride fled from 
the fcene of horror, and ended her life with 
a cord. Soon after, however, the power of 
Melo, and the thoufand Portuguefe who 
ferved under him, were not fuflicient to pro- 
sed! him from the rage of the people. The 
king delivered him up, and he was torn in 
pieces by the multitude. 

* Nothing but the deep deteftation of the 
Portuguefe could have procured fuch favour ; 
for previous to this, the very firft operation 

of the Dutch had difplayed their charadler. 
They were detedted in offering money of 
bafe metal for the cargo of the firfl: Ihip 
which they loaded with fpicery. Thofe who 
offered it were feized by the natives ; and 
the fquadron which firfl: arrived at Ternate, 
endeavoured to refeue their countrymen at 
Java, by force of arms, but were repulfed, 
and compelled to pay the ranfom which 
the natives demanded. 

t He renewed the treaty of alliance with 
the celebrated Echebar, or Akbar, who was 
now mailer of all India, as far fouth as 



years carried on a petty war with the Hollanders among the 
Malucos but though he gained feveral victories, he was unable 
to expel the new intruders. And new fquadrons from Holland 
arrived yearly, and carried their hoftilities from Mozambique 
to Bengal and other parts of India. The Portuguefe valour 
feemed to revive, and the Dutch, in many engagements, were 
defeated. Their vanquifhed fleets, however, carried rich car- 
goes to Europe, and brought frefh fupplies. The Jefuits 
omitted no device, no fraud, that might inflame the natives 
againft them ; even their republican form of government was 
reprefented as big with ruin to the Indian princes. But the 
deteftation of the Portuguefe name was deep in India; and 
that rooted odium, to which their villainies and cruelties had 
given birth, and had long nourifhed, was now felt to mili- 
tate againft them more than millions in arms. Had the gene- 
ral conduCt of the Portuguefe governors been like that of 
Albuquerque, had the princes of India mourned over their 
graves, no ftrangers had ever eftablifhed themfelves on the 
ruin of fuch allies. Though repeatedly defeated in war, the 
Dutch commerce increafed, the harbours of India received 
them with kindnefs, and gave them afliftance j while the 
friendlefs detefted Portuguefe, though victorious in almoft 
every fkirmifh, were harraffed out and daily weakened. Like 
beafts of prey in their dens, or mountaineer banditti, they 
kept their gloomy fortreffes, their deftruCtion the wifh of the 
natives, who yet were afraid too openly to provoke the rage of 
thefe wolves and tygers. About four years after the arrival of 
the Dutch, the Englifh alfo appeared in India. The Dutch, who 
pleaded the law of nature, without ceremony entered the beft 
harbours, and endeavoured to drive the Portuguefe from their 
lettlements. The Englifh, in 1601, under Sir James Lancafter, 
ereCted feveral factories in India, but they went to ports open 
to all, and offered injury to neither Dutch, Portuguefe, nor- 
Moorifh fcttlement. Twenty Englifh fleets made the voyage to 
India without hoftility with the natives, when the Portuguefe 
Jefuits brought on a rupture, which ended in the lofs of the 



Portuguefe military reputation. Every treacherous art which 
the Moors pradtifed againft Gama was repeated by the Jefuits, 
and the event was the fame : for he who fights with the wea- 
pons of fraud, whenever he his blow, Rands naked and 
weakened, and every wound he receives is mortal. 

In 1604 Saidanna the viceroy was fucceeded in office and 
languid negligence, by Don Alonzo de Caftro; and on Caftro’s 
death, in the third year of his government, Don Frey Alexio 
de Menezes, archbifhop of Goa, was invefted with the autho- 
rity, though not with the title of viceroy. The patronage of 
the Inquifition, and the reduction of the Chriftians of St. 
Thomas, of Ethiopia and Armenia*, to the See of Rome, were 
the foie employments of this governor. In 1609, the brave 
Furtado received the fword of command : he was a foldier ; and 
his firfi: ambition was the expulfion of the Hollanders. He 
called the council and principal citizens of Goa, and urged 
them to affift him in ftriking a decifive blow, which might 
ruin the Dutch. Flis fpeech was heard with joy ; but when 
he had filled the port of Goa with a formidable navy, Ruy 
Lorenzo de Tavora arrived from Portugal, and fuperfeded 
Furtado, in the Third Month of his regency. The only cir- 
cumflance for which Tavora is diftinguifhed is his generous 
acknowledgement, that he thought it was Furtado who go- 
verned, when he faw fuch warlike preparations, and that he 
was unhappy to fuperfede fo worthy a governor. And unhappy 
it was for the Portuguefe intereft. It was now twelve years 
fince the Englifh, and fifteen fince the Dutch, had portended 
the ruin of the Portuguefe; yet, except the armament of Fur- 
tado, no regular plan had ever been concerted for the expulfion 
of fuch formidable rivals. About this time, captain Belt, in a 
large Englifh fhip, and captain Salmon, in a bomb-ketch, lay 
near Surat; Nunno de Cunha, with four large galliots, and 
twenty-five frigates, part of the armament prepared by Fur- 

* For the miferies with which the Jefuits conduit was the fame in Armenia. Thia 
diftrefled Ethiopia, fee the note, p. 470. archbifhop was a molt zealous patron of 
Though attended with lefs bloodlhed, their this method of converfion. Seep, cxxviii. 




tado, was fent by Tavora to take or deftroy them. The Mo- 
gul had an army at this time upon the jfhore. The beach and 
the eminences were covered with fpedlators. And now thofe 
who had deemed the Portuguefe invincible at Tea, with afto- 
nifhment beheld nine and twenty fnips vanquillied and put to 
flight by two veffels *. And a few days after, Thomas Bed, in 

* An Indian, who had been aboard the 
Englifh lhips, told Nunno that they had not 
above a week’s provifion, and that he had 
nothing to do but to prevent them to take 
in frefh water. Nunno replied, that he would 
not fiend a week's prcnjifons upon bis own 
men to purchafe a njiclory that might be 
gained in an hour. And in the fame high 
fpirit he fent Canning, an Englifh prifoner 
in his cuftody, to help his countrymen to 
fight, boafting, that be would foon take him 
again with more company. As Nunno ad- 
vanced, with red banners difplayed, Bert 
weighed his anchors, and began the fight in 
the centre of the four large galliots; and 
Captain Salmon, in the bomb ketch, be- 
haved with equal courage. Withington, a 
writer of king James’s time, thus mentions 
the engagement : “ Captain Salmon, of 
“ the bomb ketch, the Ofiander, was like 
“ a Salamander amid the fire, dancing the 
** hay about the Portuguefe, frifking and 
“ playing like a falmon.” The Portuguefe 
writers aicribe thefe victories to the excel- 
lence of the Englifh, and incapacity of their 
own gunners. Soon after, however, the 
Englifh commerce in India greatly declined. 
The Dutch pretended that their hoftilities in 
India were in revenge of theSpanifh tyranny 
in the Netherlands. Portugal alfo bowed 
down beneath the fame cruel yoke ; yet this, 
in the Dutch logic, was her crime ; and thus, 
becaufe the Portuguefe groaned under Spanifh 
oppreflion, the Spanifh oppreflion in the 
Netherlands was revenged upon them. The 
truth is, the Portuguefe fettlements were 
little regarded by Spain, and the Dutch in- 
truded upon them as the flronger boars in a 
German forell fhoulder the weaker ones 
from the beft fall of acorns. Though beat 
eft by the herdfmen, the flronger boars 
perfift and return ; fo the Dutch perfifted, 
till they fecured poftefton. Every thing, 
however, was different in the firll fertle- 
nient of the Englifh. The Author of the 

Hijloire Philofopbiqtte , fife, feems to decry the 
policy of their firft captains, who made 
themfelves mailers of no port, but bought 
their cargoes of the native merchants. But he 
ought to have owned that the hoftilities of the 
Turks and Moguls, and the treachery of the 
latter in expelling the Englifh faftors, ren- 
dered retribution juft. But with all the fang 
froid of a Materialift, the Englifh perceived, 
fays he, that great riches could not be acquired 
without great injufice. ; and that to attain 
the advantages enjoyed by the Portuguefe and 
Dutch, they muft alfo adopt their meafures, 
and eftablifh themfelves by force of arms. 
But James, he adds, as if he condemned 
fuch narrow policy, was too pufillanimous, 
and too much engaged in controverfial di- 
vinity, to allow warlike operations. The 
treaty of the Englifh with the potent king 
of Perfia, however, he mentions as an ef- 
fort of great political wifdom. But Sir 
D. Cotton’s embafiy into Perfia, in the 
Clarendon Sitate Papers, Vol. I. p. 36. fol. 
throws another light upon this affair. The 
treaty with Perfia was the idleft ftep the 
Englifh could poflibly have taken. Accord- 
ing to this authentic record, the great mo- 
narch of Perfia appears little better than a 
captain of Italian banditti; and his prime 
minifter, railed from the meaneft llation, 
as a greater fhufHer and villain than his 
mafter. The treaty with Perfia, indeed, 
alarmed the Mogul, the Portuguefe, and 
the Dutch, and brought hoftilities upon the 
F.ngliih, which the pufillanimous James 
would not allow them to punifh as juftice 
required. But it was not two months to- 
gether in the mind, nor was it in the power 
of the tyrant of Perfia, to give any effectual 
afliftance to the Englifh. A Pcrfian ftruck 
J.ord Shirley, the Sophi’s ambafl'ador, in the 
prefence of James, and each charged the 
other with iinpofture. The king of Perfia 
and his minifter did nothing but fcruple 
the credentials feat from England, and cn- 
- u deavour 



a harder conflift, was again victorious. Don Hierome de 
Azevedo, whofe cruelties in Ceylon difgraced the name of 
Man, in 1612 fucceeded Tavora in the viceroy fhip of India. 
In every view of importance, the hiftory of Portuguefe Alia 
terminates with his government. And the occurrences of his 
regency are ftrongly chara&eriftic, not of a falling, but of a 
fallen empire. 

The moft fearlefs infolence and treachery were now the cha- 
rafreriftics of the Portuguefe commanders on every Ration. 
Pereyra, captain of the fort of Mombafla, treacheroully bribed 
the Cafres to murder the king, whofe head he fent as a trophy 
to the viceroy Azevedo. The infolence of Don Luis de Gama 
brought the hoftilities of the Turks and Perfians upon Or- 
muz and the adjoining territories. In Ceylon, the common 
foldiers robbed the natives at pleafure, and the commanders 
added rapes and adulteries ; till the people , fays Faria, fought 
refuge among the wild beafs of the mountains , to fhun the more 
brutal outrage of men. Near Surat, a Portuguefe captain, 
in breach of the peace, took a rich Ihip from Mecca, the pro- 
perty of the Mogul, and carried her in triumph into the har- 
bour of Goa. Reftitution was refufed, and the Mogul, whofe 
dominion was now extended from the kingdom of Delhi to 
the confines of Calicut, detained all the Portuguefe fhips in 
his harbours ; and, together with his tributary the king of 
Decan, laid fiege to Damam, Chaul and Ba$aim, and de- 
folated the country around. Even the unwarlike Chinefe 
were exafperated, and the humble iubmiflion of the Por- 
tuguefe to new and fevere laws, preferved their continuance 
at Macao. In 1606, a Dutch fleet had blocked up the 
mouth of the Tagus, and prevented the annual fupplies to 

deavour to extort prefents. While James 
thus amufed himfelf with his Perfian nego- 
tiation, as fagacious and fruitlefs as thofe 
he held with the court of Spain and the 
Prince Palatine, the commerce of his fub- 
jetis languilhed in India. Hopelefs of any 
help from Perfia, they entered into a kind 

of partnerlhip in fome of the Dutch fettle- 
ments. But when the Hollander found his 
opportunity, the Englilh of Amboyna and 
other places experienced injuries and cruel- 
ties which are yet unatoned, and which for 
many years rendered them of little or no 
conference in theEaft. 

India 5 



India ; and their power was now greatly increafed in the 
Eaft. The natives, in hatred of the Portuguefe, in every 
part favoured them : the kings of Achem and Ternate 
often affifted them with powerful armies againft Malaca and 
the Malucos, and the Hollanders were now frequently vic- 
torious. While the eaftern world was thus in arms againft 
the Portuguefe, infurretftions among themfelves raged in every 
fettlement. While the goldfmiths and mercers of Goa had a 
bloody engagement, the peace officers robbed the ffiops of 
both parties. An armament of feven ffiips and 250 foldiers 
was found neceflary to fupprefs the murderous tumults at Me- 
liapor. In the tumults of Chaul, Ba9aim, Trapor, and Tana, 
fome of the Portuguefe were almoft daily flaughtered by each 
other; and while they were murdering one another in Ceylon, 
the natives iffued from the forefts and mountains, and re- 
duced them to the greateft extremity. Iago Simoens, for 
fervices rendered to the emperor of Monomotapa, had received 
a grant of all the mines of that country in favour of the king 
of Portugal, and had built fome forts on the river Zambeze. 
To enfure his fuccefs, he folicited a reinforcement from the 
viceroy, which was fent under the command of Fonfeca Pinto, 
a lawyer. But this reinforcement turned their arms againft 
Simoens, and brought him and his fettlement to utter ruin. 
Fonfeca, who was fent as judge to Mozambique, enriched him- 
felf by the moft flagitious afrs of injuftice and tyranny*, an 
example which was followed by his fucceflors, who without 
the authority of Azevedo, condemned an officer to the gibbet, 
and alternately imprifoned each other. 

* He even fold the provifions, imple- 
ments, and mining tools which he carried 
to Simoens, whom he accufed to the empe- 
ror as a rebel againft the viceroy, and urged 
the emperor to kill him. He feized the 
lands of Simoens, and fold his Haves and 
eft efts. He depofed Ruy de Melo, gover- 
nor of Mozambique, and alfo feized his 
eftate, which he appropriated to himfelf. 
Melo was acquitted at Goa. Iago de Cunha, 
another lawyer, was appointed to authority 

equal with Fonfeca, with command to reftore 
Melo. When they arrived, they imprifoned 
Fonfeca, but an officer named Guerra re- 
lieved him, and imprifoned Cunha. And 
he, as Fonfeca had done, bribed his keepers, 
and efcaped to Mombafia, where Melo then 
was. Melo and Cunha now failed for Mo- 
zambique, and Fonfeca with immenfe wealth 
fled to Goa ; but Guerra, who remained, 
was tried by Cunha, and executed. 

U 2 




By conceffions and prefents the viceroy had now purchafed 
peace with the Mogul, who, influenced by the arts of the Jefuit 
Pereyro, interdicted commerce with the Englifh and Dutch ; 
and the Portuguefe merchant {hips which were detained in 
his harbours were relieved. During the lafl: thirty years, the 
ftrength and commerce of the T urks had conflderably increafed 
on the coafts of xArabiaJ. Their trade with the ports of 
the Mogul was great, and confiderable quantities of the pro- 
duce of India were now again fent to Europe by Egypt and 
Conftantinople. The fubjects of the Mogul refufed commerce 
with the Englifh, and the Turks had offered hoffilities to Sir 
Henry Middleton in the Red Sea. Middleton therefore ap- 
pealed to the force of arms ; but he did not adt as a pirate. 
He feized fome Mogul veffels near Aden, but for the Indian 
traffic which he took from them, he gave them full value in 
Englifh goods, according to the eftimation of the Eaft, pro- 
fefling that he only defired an equitable commerce. Fearful 
of fuch rivals, Azevedo fitted out a fleet of eight fhips, fome 
of 8, fome of 6, 5, and 400 tons, befldes 60 frigates, and 
fome fly boats. But after a faint attack, Azevedo withdrew; 
and though often braved by the Englifh, reinforced only with 
four veffels, to the deeper aftonifliment of India, he declined 
the combat, and buffered the enemy, unmolefted, to proceed, 
homeward with loaded fhips. 

Nor was Miranda, the admiral of the Teas of Malaca, more 
profperous. After a hard engagement with a great fleet of 
Achem, he was totally defeated ^ by a Dutch fquadron of 
eight veffels. The trade with China was now annually inter- 
rupted by the Dutch, who, not fatisfied with the route by the 
Cape of Good Hope, had now paffed the ftraits of Magellan, 
and opened a trade with Japan -f*. A Portuguefe adventurer, 
named Sebaftian Gonfalez Tibao Jf, who, by betraying the In- 

t By this increafe, the cuftoms of Ormuz 
and Mafcate were greatly reduced. Vid. 
Faria, fub Ann. 1616. 

t So completely was he defeated, that he 
Heaped to fliore with only fix men. 

f This country was difcovered by the 
Portuguefe, who opened a trade with it, 
about 1543. 

|| This adventurer went to India a private 
foldicr. He deferted from the fervice, and 




dian princes who favoured him, eftablifhed himfelf in Sundava, 
was there proclaimed king, and became an independent mo- 
narch. Confcious that the king of Arracam, his late ally, 
whom he had treacheroufly deferted when invaded by the 
Mogul, would meditate revenge, he fent an embafly to Aze- 
vedo, to whom he offered alliance, and propofed a war with 
the king of Arracam. Allured by Tibao’s report of the im- 
menfe treafures of that prince, Azevedo, contrary, fays Faria, 
to all laws human and divine, concluded the defired treaty 
with the renegado, and invaded Arracam. But here alfo the 
Portuguefe arms were difgraced, and Tibao, deprived of every 
foot of territory, was reduced to his original meannefs. Even 
more unfortunate was Philip de Brito e Nicote. By the moft 
ungrateful treachery to the king of Tangu and other Indian 
princes, he alfo had raifed himfelf to the fovereign power, had 
been proclaimed king of Pegu, and his name was the terror 
of Siam and the neighbouring regions. The king of Ava, in 
revenge of his vaffal the king of Tangu, with an army of 
120,000 men, and a fleet of 400 veflels, laid flege to Brito in 
his ftrong fort of Siriam. Azevedo, in hope that he might 
prove an aufpicious ally, fent an armament of five galliots to 
the fupport of Brito ; but Brito, ere its arrival, was over- 
powered, after a brave defence*. His wife and foldiers were 
maimed and fent into flaveryj and he himfelf and his male 
kindred were impaled on the ramparts of his garrifon. 

Such were now the civil infurredtions, fuch the wars J of 
the Portuguefe j the fpirit of Azevedo’s treaties are even more 

became a feller of fait in Bengal. His pro- 
fits increafed, till he found himfelf matter 
of a fquadron of ten veifels, with which he 
commenced piratical wars ; and having af- 
fumed regal power, he extended his territo- 
ries, and made treaties with the neighbouring 
princes. The king of Arracam, threatened 
with an invatton from the Mogul, entered 
into a league with Tibao. But, bribed by 
the Mogul, he fuffered his army to pafs 
him ; and while the Moguls plundered one 
part of the rich kingdom of Arracam, he 
plundered the cities of the other fide. 

* Brito had no powder to repel the enemy, 
an officer whom he had fent with money to 
purchafe that article having never returned. 
He was impaled with his face to his houfe,. 
and lived two days, fays Faria, in that 
dreadful condition. 

X Though under the fame monarch, the 
Spanifh governor of the Philippine ifles fent 
a party of men, in 1602, who, in defiance, 
of the remonftrances and threats of the Por- 
tuguefe commander, built a fort at the port 
of Pinal. Some years after, however, the 
increalc of the Dutch power inclined the go- 



chara&eriftic. Won by Middletons gallant behaviour, and 
regardlefs of the viceroy’s refentment, the Mogul, contrary to 
the late treaty, not only admitted the Englifh to free commerce 
with his fubjedts, but the Englifh admiral was entertained, by 
his order, with all the fplemdor of eaftern pomp. The Zamo- 
rim, the king of Cochin, and the king of the little ifland of 
Paru, prepared for hoftilities ; Azevedo fent rich prefents, and 
begged for peace.; the prefents were accepted, but the moil 
contemptuous pretences excufed delay, and the conditions 
were never fettled. An embaffy, with rich prefents, was fent 
to Abas Xa, king of Perfia, who meditated the conqueft of 
Ormuz ; but this was alfo treated with fcorn, and the Perlians, 
affifted by the Englifh, foon after wrefted Ormuz and its ter- 
ritory from the Portuguefe. Idle, undetermined treaties, were 
renewed with the Mogul, and tranfadled with the king of 
Siam, who would not confent to expel the Englifh from his 
harbours. The reafons he urged fpeak the deepeft contempt : 
he excufed the hoftilities of the queen of Patane, his vaffal, by 
faying fhe was mad ; and he liked the Englifh, he faid, becaufe 
they were ufeful to him, and fhewed him great refpedt. The 
prince of Pandar, a kingdom of Ceylon, though the Portu- 
guefe had lately murdered an ambaffador from his neighbour 
the king of Candea, fent propofals of peace and offered tribute 
to the viceroy; but finding the Portuguefe lefs formidable 
than he had efteemed, he recanted ; and Azevedo concluded 
the treaty, on condition of only one half of the tribute firft 
propofed. But the moft contemptuous treatment is yet un- 
mentioned. The king of Ava, alarmed at the treaty with Siam, 
and apprehenfive of revenge for the death of Brito, fent an 
embaffy to the viceroy. Azevedo accepted his propofals, and 
Martinho de Cofta Falcam, his ambaffador, went to ratify the 
treaty at the court of Ava. But the monarch’s fears, and the 

vernor of Manilla to folicit the afliftance of 
Azevedo, to expel the Dutch from the^Ma- 
.lucos. But the viceroy could only afford an 
armament which eonfifted chiefly of tranf- 

ported felons. And thefe wholly deferted 
ere they came to aftion. The admiral 
having, contrary to his orders, touched at 
Malaca, gave them the final opportunity. 




reputation of the Portuguefe valour, were now no more. 
After many days fpent by Falcam in vain felicitations for an 
audience, the hour of midnight was at laft appointed. In the 
dark he was brought to an apartment,, and in the dark alfe 
was ordered to deliver his embaffy, for the king, they faid, was 
there, and liftened. He delivered it, and received no anfwer^ 
Yet, though this haughty filence told him he had been talking, 
to the walls, Falcam dill meanly felieited to fee the fevereign j 
and the former refined contempt was renewed, A day, and a 
place in the ftreet were named, where Falcam might fee his 
majefty as he rode out on his elephant. The day came, but 
the king never deigned to turn his eye to the place where the 
ambaffador Rood. And Falcam, thus loaded with the moll 
contemptuous difgrace, returned to Goa. 

On a voyage to Dio, Azevedo fell in with four Englifh. vef- 
fels. He held a council of war, and it was refelved not to 
fight, becaufe the flate of India, fhould vidtory declare againft 
them, could not fuftain the lofs of the large galleon in which 
the admiral failed. Such was the poverty of the Portuguefe 
cuftom-houfes in the Eaft ; and the exchequer of Lifeon re- 
ceived an equally fmall and precarious revenue from the Com- 
pany of Merchants who were the proprietors of the goods 
brought to Portugal. In feme of the laft fifteen years, not a 
Portuguefe fhip failed from India to Europe j and half of 
thofe which ventured out, were either taken by enemies, or,, 
having failed late in the feafon, were deftroyed by tempeft. 

While thus degraded and broken down, the Spanifh court 
completed the ruin of the Portuguefe Eaftern empire. The 
expence of the fupplies, lately fent againft the Dutch and 1 
Englifh, far exceeded the taxes of the Company, reaped by 
Spain j and Azevedo received an order from the court of Ma- 
drid, to difpofe of every employment, of every office under 
him, by public fale, that money might be raifed to fupport his 
government. We now need add few circumftances more, for 
the hiftory of the fall of the Portuguefe empire in Afia, is here 
elfentially complete. 




While the Indian Rate was fo poor, that it could not afford 
to rifque the lofs of a fingle galleon, Azevedo the viceroy was 
immenfely rich. As he complained one day of the great Ioffes 
fu Rained' by his trading veflels, near the latter part of his 
reign, one of his officers told him he was ftill worth 4 or 
500,000 ducats. To this he replied, I am Jlill worth more than 
that fum in cattle only. 

Though the miniffry of Spain feemed to have abandoned 
India, they beheld the fuccefs of the Dutch with great refent- 
ment. Becaufe he had not defeated the Dutch and Englifh, 
Azevedo was recalled, was ftripped of his riches, and con- 
demned to a dungeon, in which he * ended his life, and in 
which he was maintained by the Jefuits, who afterwards ho- 
nourably buried him : a debt, no doubt, of gratitude for the 
lervices which he had rendered that fociety in India. 

Even deeper declenfion followed the reign of Azevedo. The 
numerous Portuguefe forts, almoff every where ffripped of 
territory, had been long buffered to fall into decay for their 
commanders were only intent on their own fudden aggrandife- 
ment. Shipwrecks and dreadful tempeffs added to the miferies 
of the Portuguefe : and the moR remarkable events of the 
government of John Count de Redondo, who in 1617 fuper- 
leded Azevedo, are the folemn faffs held at Goa. In fome of 
thefe, the citizens lay day and night on the floors of the 
churches, imploring the divine mercy, in the deepeft and moft 
awful filence, while not a found was to be heard in the 
mournful ffreets. 

Though Azevedo was punifhed for not defeating the Dutch 
and Englifh, fo little regard did Spain pay to India, that Her- 
nan de Albuquerque, who after Redondo governed for three 
years, never received one letter from the court of his fove- 

* To the inftances of Azevedo’s cruelties 
already mentioned, let another be added. He 
ufed to amufe himfelf and his foldiers, by 
throwing his prifoners over the bridge of 
Malvana, to fee the crocodiles devour therm 

The crocodiles, fays Faria, were fo ufed to 
this food, that they would lift their heads 
above water and croud to the place, at the 
fight of the vi&ims. 




reign. In 1622, Don Francifco de Gama failed from Lif- 
bon with four fhips, and the commiffion of viceroy. On his 
voyage, the three vefiels which attended, contemptuoufly left 
him ; and, to fave himfelf from a Dutch fquadron, he burned 
his own fhip on the coaft of Mozambique, from whence, in a 
galliot he proceeded to India. After a regency of five years, 
in which he neither executed nor planned one adtion of the 
fmalleft confequence, he refigned the government to Don Luis 
de Brito, the bifhop of Cochim. Malaca, again befieged by 
the king of Achem, was again reduced to the deepeft diftrefs 
but the bifhop would fit out no armament to its relief, jea- 
lous, it was thought, left the commander of it fliould be ap- 
pointed viceroy. On the bifhop’s death, which happened after 
his having benumbed every bufinefs of ftate for near two 
years, the writs of fucceflion were opened, and two governors 
were found named, one for the civil, the other for the military 
department. But fo vague were the terms of expreftion, that 
two gentlemen of different names claimed the fword of com- 
mand. The difpute was fubmitted to the council of Goa, and 
Alvarez Botello was declared governor. By a vigorous effort 
lie relieved Malaca j but he fell foon after in an engagement 
where the Hollanders were vi&orious j and Malaca was again 
invefted by the neighbouring princes, affifted by a fquadron of 
twelve Dutch fhips. Mozambique, Ceylon, various forts of 
the Moluccas and on every coaft of India, were alternately 
loft and recovered, were again repeatedly attacked by the ene- 
my, and at laft finally abandoned by the Portuguefe. In 1632, 
under the viceroyalty of the Count de Linarez, Our European 
enemies fays Faria, roved -over the feas without oppoftion i took many 
of our fhips , and ruined our trade. They alfo every where incesifed 
the Indian princes againjl us > for we -had no agent at a?iy of their 
courts to vindicate our cavfe. Yet, deep as fuch declenfion ap- 
pears, Linarez, on his return to Europe, prefented the king of 
Spain with a hat band, and the queen with a pair of pendants, 
a gift valued at 100,000 crowns. In 1639, while another 
orchbifhop of Goa was governor, a fquadron of nine Dutch 

x veffeLs 




veftels rode in triumph in the river of Goa, and burnt three 
galleons in the harbour, without oppofition f for the fort, fays 
Faria, was deftitute both of ammunition and men. In 1640, 
the kingdom of Portugal, by one of the nobleft efforts upon 
record, threw off the yoke of Spain 3 and the Portuguefe in 
India acknowledged the duke of Braganza as their fovereign. 
And in 1642, a viceroy was Pent to India by John IV. But 
though the new monarch paid attention to India, and though 
the Englifh, during their civil wars, abandoned the commerce 
of the Eaft, the Dutch were now fo formidable, and their ope- 
rations fo well connected, and continued, that every exertion 
to recover the dominion of India was fruitlefs and loft. Soon 
after the civil wars, the Englifh arofe to more power and con- 
fequence, than even the Dutch, in Aft a ; and many of the 
Portuguefe merchants became their agents and naval carriers. 
Towards the end of the feventeenth century, the court of Lif- 
bon turned its attention to the Brazils, and negledted India* 
A fucceftion of viceroys was however continued 3 but of all 
their numerous fettlements on every coaft of the eaftern world,, 
the ports of Goa and Dio in India, and. the ifle of Macao in 
the bay of Canton, only remain in the poffeflion of the Portu- 
guefe. And, according to the information procured by the 
abbs Pveynal (who publiflied his HlJIolre Philofophique^ &c. about 
ten years ago) two fmall veffels, often Chinefe, once in the 
year carry fome porcelaine to Goa and Dio : but thefe muff 
touch at Surat and other ports to complete their return of 
filks and fpicery. And one fhip, with a poor cargo, partly 
furnifhed by the two floops of Macao, and partly purchafed 
from the Englifh, fails once in the year from Goa to Lifbon. 
Such is the fall of that Power, which once commanded the 
commerce of Africa and Alia, from the ftraits of Gibraltar to 
the eaftern fide of Japan. 

But Dio and Goa are unrivalled Rations 3 and the iftand of 
Macao, on the coaft of China, is a poffeffton of the utmoft va- 
lue, a poffeffion which might be envied by the firft power of 
Europe, Would the Portuguefe abolifli the Inquifition of 
... Goa, 



Goa, fays Reynal, and open their ports upon liberal principles, 
the Portuguefe flag might again flow triumphant over the 
eaftern ocean. But though this flourifh cannot be realifed, 
while the power of the Britifh and Dutch continue, there is a 
wide and favourable held open for the increafe of the Portu- 
guefe Indian commerce ; and a beginning that promifes future 
importance has already taken place. In 1773, the late king of 
Portugal new-modelled the government of his Afiatic fettle- 
ments. By the new * laws the power of the governor is al- 
tered, and the title of Viceroy is changed to that of Captain 
General. The Inquifition of Goa, formerly more dreadful in 
its cruelties than even that of Portugal, is utterly abolifhed ; 
and about fix or feven veffels are now annually cleared from 
Lifbon for India, but the commerce of thefe fleets is a Royal 
Monopoly , and regulated in the fame fpirit by which the trade to 
Brazil is now, and has always been, conduced and governed. 

The hiftories of wars, from the earlielf times, are much 
alike j the names of the countries ravaged, the towns deftroy- 
ed, and captains flain, are different ; the motives and conduct 
of the oppreffors, and the miferies of the opprefled, are the 
fame. Portugal raifed the firJf commercial empire of the mo- 
dern world ; the hiftory of her fate therefore opens a new field 
for the molt important fpeculation. The tranfadlions of the 
Portuguefe in India are peculiarly the wars and negociations of 
commerce, and therefore offer inftrudtions to every trading 
country, which are not to be found in the campaigns of a Cae- 
far or a Marlborough. The profperity and declenfion of fo- 
reign fettlements, refulting from the wifdom or errors of the 
fupreme power at home, from the wifdom or imprudence, the 
virtues or vices of governors abroad j The ftupendous effedls of 
unftained honour and faith ; The miferable ruinous embar- 
raffments which attend difhonefl; policy, though fupported by 
the greateft abilities in the field or in the council ; The uncom- 
mercial and dreadful confequences of wars unjuflly provoked* 

* For which fee the Noticias, in the Appendix. 

x 2 though. 




though crowned with a long feries of victories ; The felf-de- 
ftrudlive meafures, uncommercial fpirit, and inherent weaknefs 
of defpotic rule; The power, affluence, and liability which re- 
ward the liberal policy of humane government ; in a word. 
All thofe caufes which nourifli. the infancy, all thofe which as 
a fecret difeafe undermine, or as a violent poifon fuddenly de- 
ll roy the vital llrength of a commercial empire ; all thefe are 
developed and difplayed, in the moll exemplary manner, in the 
hillory of the tranfadlions of Portuguefe Afia„. 

And all thefe combine to afcertain the great principles upon 
which that llupendous Common Wealth the British Eaft India 
Company muft exill or fall The commerce of India; is of 
moll elfential value. to the Britifh nation. By the Indian goods 
diftributed over Europe, the elfential balance of trade is pre- 
ferved in our favour. But whether the Indian commerce 
lhould be conduced by, an Excluiive Company, or laid open to 
every Adventurer, is the queftion of the day, a quellion of the 
very firll importance to the Britifh empire.- And to this 
quellion the example of the Portuguefe is of the firll. confer 
quenee. Both in the Senate, and in the works of fome poli- 
tical Writers, this example has. been appealed to ; an exadt 
knowledge of the commercial principles of Portuguefe Afia is 
therefore highly neceflary ; particularly, if the moll grofsl mif- 
reprefentations of it have already been given, with the pro* 
felled view of influencing the Legiflature. And an authen- 
ticated Hate of the principles of the Portuguefe Afiatic com- 
merce, were it only to guard us againll the vilionary and 
dangerous fchemes of Theory, cannot but be of fome utility 
to that nation which now commands the commerce of India. 

Throughout the foregoing Hillory of Portuguefe Afia, the 
charaflerillics and principles of the Portuguefe military and 
commercial government, have been Hated and authenticated. 
But a retrofpe6l will be necelfary, to bring the Portuguefe 
example decifively home ; and feveral fa6ts, as for their proper 
place, have been hitherto referved for the following 





When Gama arrived in India, the Moors, great matters of 
the arts of traffic, were the lords of the eaftern feas. They 
had fettlements on every convenient ftation, from Sofala to 
China j and though under different governments, were in 
reality one great commonwealth. They clearly forefaw what 
injury their trade would fuftain, were Europeans to become 
acquainted with the Afiatic feas. They exerted every fraudful 
art, that not one man of Gama’s fleet might return to Europe, 
And when thefe arts were defeated, with the moft determined 
zeal they commenced * hoftilities. 

Garrifons and warlike fleets were now abfolutely neceffary 
to the exiftence of a naval commerce between Europe and 
Afia.. And on the return of Gama, Cabral was fent with an 
armed fleet of thirteen veffels. His commiffion was to make 
alliances, to eftablifh forts and factories, and to repel hoftilities. 
His commiffion he executed, and the commanders who fuc- 
eeeded him greatly extended the Portuguefe fettlements, which 
were red-uoed by Albuquerque into a regular plan of empire. 

To increafe the population and riches, and thence the 
ftrength of the mother country, by the exportation of her do- 
meftio manufactures, raifed from her domeftic ftaples, is the- 
great and only real advantage of foreign fettlement. But this 
was not underftood by the Portuguefe. To raife a revenue 
for the king his matter was the idea of Albuquerque. And 
the. ftupendous fabric which he raifed does his genius immortal, 
honour : for it mutt be rememberedj that even had he under- 
ftood the domeftic advantages of a. Free Trade, it was not in 
his power to open it. The king of Portugal was foie merchant, 
every faCtory was his, and the traffic between Portugal and 
India was, in the ftriCteft fenfe, a Regal Monopoly. There was a 
fpecies of free trade indeed allowed in the eaftern feas j but 

• To the above let it be added, that the Soldan of Egypt, and the Grand Turk, for near a « 
century, continued their flrenuous effort* for the utter expulfion of the Portuguefe. 




from this the mother country received no benefit ; and the 
principles upon which it exifted, naturally produced the fall 
of the Portuguefe eaftern empire. We need not repeat its 
piratical anarchy. The greateft and mold accomplifhed of the . 
Portuguefe governors faw its fatal tendency, and every me- 
thod was attempted to reftridt and render it infamous. 

The tribute of the vaffal princes, the territorial levies, and 
the duties of the various cuftom-houfes, produced under fome 
governors a confiderable revenue. But how miferably obvious 
is this fyftem to every abufe ! The foiegoing Hiftory demon- 
ft rates how, period after period, it fell into deeper and deeper 
diforder. The yearly falary of Almeyda, the firft viceroy, was 
only 15,000 rials, (/. e. 1041 /. 13 s. 1 id. fterling) ■> about four- 
fcore or an hundred years after, the falary and profits of three 
years viceroyalty amounted to about one million and an half of 
ducats. Faria y Soufa has given, from the archives of Portugal, 
an exadl lift of all the fhips cleared from Portugal for India, 
from the difcovery of Gama to the year 1640*. During the 
firft fifty years, which was the moft flourifhing period of Por- 
tuguefe Aiia, only nine or ten veflels failed yearly from Portugal 
for India. And from that period to the end of the Spanifh 
ufurpation, only one or two veftels carried the annual traffic 
of India to Portugal. 

Befides the mifcondudt which naturally refults from that 
worft of all monopolies, a Regal one, many were the other cir- 
'Cumftances which included the future ruin of the Portuguefe. 

* From the commencement of the Indian 
commerce under Cabral, in 1500, to the 
death of the greatCaftro, in 1 548, 494 fhips 
failed from Lifbon for India, of which 41 
were loft on the voyage On an average, 
therefore, about 19 fhips in each two years 
arrived in India. As many of thefe were war 
fhips, fent to continue in the Ealt, we cannot 
4uppofe that, making allowance for fhip- 
wrecks, more than five returned annually to 
Portugal. From 1548 to the acceflion of 
Philip, 173 failed from Lifbon for India, of 
which 1 7 were loft. The yearly average is 

therefore near five fhips fent, and the return, 
as above proportioned, about three. During 
57 years under the crown of Spain, only 285 
failed for India, whereof only 236 arrived. 
Some years not one fhip failed* either from 
Lifbon to India, or from India to Lifbon. At 
this period, fay all our authors, the fhips were 
moftly overloaded, and failed at improper 
feafons, by which means many were loft, and 
many were taken by the Dutch and Englifh. 
And thus, upon an average, at leaft, from 
about the year 1 6 1 6, not more than three 
veftels in each two years arrived at Lifbon. 




The vague terms of the viceroy’s commiffion (for which fee 
the Appendix) and his arbitrary power, from which there was 
no appeal to any body of laws of fupreme authority, naturally 
produced the unjufi wars, the infolence, cruelty, and fearlefs 
rapine of the Portuguefe governors and their dependent 

From every circumfiance it appears, that the courts of 
Liffion and Madrid never confidered the commerce of India as 
an obje£t worthy of their attention. Sovereignty and revenue 
were the advantages they expe£ted, and endeavoured to find in 
the Eaft. 

Every hiftorian of Portuguefe Afia complains of the fudden 
recals of the viceroys j and the Rated term of three years 
viceroyalty is mofi apparently abfurd and ruinous. Every hif- 
torian of thefe tranfaRions mentions it as the general pradlice, 
that the new viceroy Ropped and reverfed every preparation 
and plan of his predeceffor. 

Though no velfels but thofe of his majeRy carried the com- 
modities of India to Europe, a contraband traffic of the offi- 
cers and failors had been, moR affuredly, of the earlieR com- 
mencement. By a Ratute palled in 1687, it appears that the 
viceroys had formerly obtained the privilege for themfelves* 
and of granting licences to others, to carry certain articles and 
quantities of their own private traffic, on board of his ma- 
jefiy’s veffels, to Portugal. When this grant commenced, we 
have not been able to determine. Certain it is, however, that 
it muR have been mentioned, had it been in exifience when 
CaRro, At aide, and other viceroys exerted the moR Rrenuous 
efforts to difeourage the mercantile purfuits of the native Por- 
tuguefe. Were we allowed to venture a conjecture, we would 
place this cxclufive grant to the viceroy and his creatures in the 
reign of John IV. who made a faint and vain endeavour to re- 
cover the dominion of India. And it outrages probability to 
fuppofe it older than the extraordinary but uncertified emolu- 
ments recorded as given by Philip II. to the viceroys of India. 
Whenever it commenced, however, in 1687 the legal right to 




this private traffic was aboliffied ; but the contraband practice., 
which certainly began with the firft voyage of Cabral, was as 
certainly continued. 

TheExclufiveCompany of Merchants, who in 1 587 contracted 
to fit out the Indian fleets, appear to have had little influence ill 
the affairs of India. The power of the viceroy and the piratical 
anarchy were ftill predominant. While only one or two failed an- 
nually for Portugal, the floops and other veffels employed in 
the trade of the private adventurers amounted to a confiderable 
number. Captain Beft met fleet of 240 Portuguefe vef- 
fels on the coaft of Cambaya.: and when the Mogul declared 
war agamft the Portuguefe, m 1617, the number of their vef- 
fels detained in his harbours, (vid. Far. fub ann.) was 200. 
Yet were the adventurers in this trade liable to every inconve- 
nience ufually fuffered by fmugglers and freebooters. It is 
true they carried the commodities of Ethiopia and the coaffs 
around Ormuz, to Malaca and China; and in return diftri- 
buted the products of the eaftern over the weftern fhores of 
the Indian ocean. But they had no certain protection of their 
property, and they were furrounded with monopolies. The 
viceroys and commanders of forts had monopolies of their 
own in every ffation between Ethiopia and China. And it is 
eafy to conceive how their creatures muff have lorded it over 
all thofe who dared to interfere with their profits. To render 
a foreign trade profperous, the honeft merchant muff have 
every poffible encouragement. If it is eafy to acquire an hand- 
fome independence in an honourable channel, the fons of men 
©f property and of connexions will adventure ; and where 
capital flock and real abilities are beft rewarded, commerce muft 
greatly increafe. If on the other hand, the merchant is fet- 
tered with difficulties, only men of defperate fortune will fettle 
in a diftant climate. And thefe, confcious of the reftraints 
under which they labour, confcious that they have much to 
gain and little to lofe, will, in the nature cf things, be folely 
influenced by the fpirit of the mere adventurer ; by that fpirit 
which utterly ruined the Portuguefe in India. 




Each of the fleets which failed annually from Lifbon to In- 
dia, carried out, upon an average, about 3000 men. Very few 
of thefe ever returned to fettle in Portugal. They married in 
the Eaft, and became one people with the defendants of thofe 
Portuguefe, who, at various periods, had fettled and married 
with the natives, in the numerous colonies of Portuguefe 
Afia. Their great commonwealth, in the beginning of the 
feventeenth century, was a mere anarchy, and its revenue of 
fo little value to the mother country, that Philip II. abandoned 
India in the moft extraordinary manner : he made an edi6t, that 
every office under the government fliould be fold by public fale, 
an edidt that merit fliould be negledted, and that only the moft 
worthlefs and rapacious fliould be entrufted with the affairs' 
of ftate. 


Of the example of Portuguefe Afia cannot be better enforced 
than by an examination of the popular arguments relative to 
the Britifti commerce with India. A recent Writer on the 
Nature and Caufes of the Wealth of Nations , has flood forth as 
the philofophical champion for the abolition of the Mo?iopoly 
of the Englifli United Eaft India Company. His arguments 
may be reduced to thefe four pofltions. 

I. Exclufive Companies are in every refpedt pernicious. 

II. In the Portuguefe commerce with India, for more than a 
century, there was no Exclufive Company ; fuch monopoly 
is therefore unneceffary for the fupport of the Indian 

III. Under a Free Trade, factors will fettle in India of their 
own accord, and every commercial accommodation of 
felling and purchafing cargo will naturally follow. 

IV. Where forts and garrifons are abfolutely neceffary, thefe 
will be beft under the immediate proteftion of the fove- 
reign, under whofe care his native fubjedts will find 
ihemfelves perfectly fafe and eafy . 

y . 



The fable of Procruftes, and his iron bed, was perhaps de- 
figned by the ancients to fignify a fyftem builder and his 
fyftem. The reader will foon be enabled to form his own 
judgment on the juftice of this explanation. 

The firft pofition is thus maintained by our Author : “ Of 
all the expedients that can well be contrived to Jlunt the na- 
“ tural growth of a new colony, that of an exclufive company 
“ is undoubtedly the mod: effectual.’' Vol. ii. p. lyi. 

Having diftinguifhed monopolies into two kinds, our Author 
thus concludes his chapter; “ Such exclufive Companies, 
£t therefore, are nnifances in every refpeff, always more or lefs 
inconvenient to the countries in which they are eftablifhed, 
“ and deftruffive to thofe which have the misfortune to fall 
“ under their government.” Vol. ii. p. 256. 

Thus, and throughout our Author’s whole work, monopo- 
lies are reprefented as always , every where , and in every refpefit 
pernicious. Yet when fome hifforical faffs, and the manners 
of nations, are put in the other balance, the fcale, loaded with, 
thefe affections, will inftantly fly up and kick the beam. 

However fome men may declaim, there was a time when 
the founding of abbeys and monafteries was the moft political 
method by which the monarchs of Europe could introduce ci- 
vilization among their barbarous fubjeffs. And, however ill 
adapted to the prefent times, that old monopoly, the inffitution 
of corporations, was at one period highly political, and abfo- 
lutely neceflary to fupport infant commerce againft the fur- 
rounding oppreflions and uncommercial fpirit of the feodal 
fyftem. The commerce of the Hans towns began not only 
with incorporated companies, but alfo with a general ftipulateft 
league of thefe companies, for filch union was abfolutely necef- 
fary to proteff the infancy of their naval commercial inter- 
courfe againft the numerous bands of favage pirates, who at that 
time infefted the Baltic, the Danifti, and the German feas. 

When Prince Henry of Portugal, at his own private ex- 
pence, had difeovered Madeira, his brother, king Edward, made 
him proprietor of that ifland. Henry divided it flito diftriffs, 




which he gave to Tome of his captains, who in return paid 
him a revenue. When the fame prince had difcovered the 
coaft of Guinea, the united efforts of a Company appeared 
to him as the moft vigorous method of profecuting his de- 
figns. Under a charter from him, and for which they paid 
him a revenue, feveral of his captains erected a commercial 
Company at Lagos, and the vigour of their purfuits anfwered 
the expectations of Henry. In the third year of their efta- 
blifhment, fourteen fhips failed from that port upon trade and 
farther difcovery j and fifteen were the fame year fitted out 
from Madeira. In 1471, Alonzo V. engroffed by domeftic 
quarrels, and the affairs of Morocco, granted Fernando Gomez 
a monopoly of the Guinea trade, for the fmall fum of 500 
ducats annually, but upon condition that during the firfl five 
years he fhould extend his difcoveries 500 leagues farther 
along the fea coaft. This condition highly vindicates the 
wifdom of this monopoly; as the numerous fleets of Lagos 
and Madeira juftify Henry. Difcovery was a moft unpopular 
meafure, and neither the attention of Alonzo, nor the finances 
of the ftate, could afford to fit out fquadrons on expeditions 
of Hope. Even in 1497, two t ^ ie f° ur iTiips which were 
fent to difcover India, were purchafed from fubje&s, (fee Ap- 
pendix) fo unable were the royal dock-yards of Portugal to fit 
out fleets for difcovery. 

Without the regular connection of a Company, under the 
fanCtion of Legiflative authority, the Dutch might have as 
rationally attempted to eftablifh a commerce with the Moon 
as with India. The natives, it is true, received, at firft, both 
the Dutch and the Englifh with joy. But the Portuguefe were 
infinitely too ftrong for all the unconneCled attempts of all 
the private merchants of Europe, and it was their intereft to 
prevent intruders. Nor did the good will of the natives arife 
from any other caufe than their deep hatred of the Portu- 
guefe. It was the intereft of the Moors, Egyptians, and 
Turks, that no Europeans fhould navigate the eaftern feas; 
and had the Dutch and Englifh been the firft who difcovered 

y 2 India, 



India, they muft have encountered the whole force of the 
Eaft, and all the rage of the Moors. 

A fovereign who defires to open a commerce with a diftant 
country, under the circumftances of India, has only this al- 
ternative: he muft either give exclufive privileges to a Com- 
pany, or he muft put his exchequer to the enormous expence 
of forts and garrifons, and warlike fleets year after year, to 
awe the hoftile natives. In this laft fuppofition, the trade 
with fuch countries may be either referved as a monopoly of the 
crown, or laid open and free to all the fubjedts. Exclufive 
Companies were chofen by the Dutch and Englifti, in their 
profecution of the commerce of India. And a crown mono- 
poly was adopted by the kings of Portugal. But no fovereign 
was ever fo deep a Theorift as to take upon himfelf the enor- 
mous and uncertain expence of conquering and bridling dis- 
tant and warlike nations, in order that, after enriching them- 
felves with the commerce of fuch countries, his fubjedts might 
be better enabled to pay what future taxes he might think 
proper to impofe upon them. 

The fecond pofition afcribed to our Author is deduced from 
thefe fentences : “ The Portuguefe carried on the trade both 
cc to Africa and the Eaft Indies, without any exclufive Compa- 
“ nies.” Vol. ii. p. 248. 

“ Except in Portugal , and within thefe fe in Fraw yearsnce, 
“ the trade to the Eaft Indies has, in every European country, 
<c been fubjedted to an exclufive Company.” Vol. ii. p. 242. 

“ That fuch companies are not in general neceflary for car- 
<c rying on the Eaft India trade, is fufficiently demonjlrated by 
“ the experience of the Portuguefe, who enjoyed almoft the 
<c whole of it for more than a century together , without any ex- 
“ clufive Company.” Vol. ii. p. 246. 

In political philofophy an exclufive Company and exclufive 
tfrade are exadtly the fame. Our Author himfelf gives the 
very worft of charadters of a Regal Monopoly ; but it 
feems to have been utterly unknown to him, that fuch 
ever was, and is, the Portuguefe commerce between Europe 




and India j utterly unknown to him, that the Portuguefe free 
trade in the Indian Teas was a difgrace to commerce, was 
ruinous in every principle, was efteemed infamous, only fit for 
felons, in the days of the Portuguefe profperity ; and in order 
to its fuppreflion, was taxed greatly beyond the trade carried 
on by the natives. The continuance or abolition of the Eaft 
India Company is a matter of the firft importance. If either 
method be adopted upon falfe principles, the confequences will 
be feverely felt. We fhall therefore claim fome merit in holding 
up a conlpicuous example to future philofophers, how im- 
prudent it is to truft to the felf-fujfciency of fpeculaiion , when, 
on the moft important topics, they appeal to hiftorical fa£ts 
as a fufficient demonjt ration of the eafe and fafety of their theo- 
retical fchemes. 

The third pofition afcribed to our Author will be found at 
great length in his Fourth Book. In Sweden and Denmark he 
owns that the encouragement of a monopoly was neceffary to 
their trade with India. But where monopolies are neceffary, 
fuch countries, he fays, ought not to trade directly to the Eaft 
Indies. He takes it for granted, that the fmallnefs of the na- 
tional capital flock, which cannot be fpared in the flow returns 
of fo diftant a trade, produces this neceffity. And it were 
better, he adds, for fuch countries to buy their Indian goods 
£t fomewhat dearer” from other nations. But when a nation 
is rich enough to trade with India, a free commerce, according 
to our Author, would naturally fpring up in the mofl beau- 
tiful order. He flates the objedlion of the impoffibility of 
a private merchant’s capital being able to fupport factors and 
agents in the different ports of India ; to which he thus replies, 
(vol. ii. p. 246.) “ There is no great branch of trade in which 
“ the capital of any one private merchant is fufficient for 
“ carrying on all the fubordinate branches, which muff be 
“ carried on in order to carry on the principal branch. But 
“ when a nation is ripe for any great branch of trade, fome 
“ merchants naturally turn their capitals towards the princi- 
“ pal, and fome towards the fubordinate branches of it. . . 

s €i< 




“ If a nation therefore is ripe for the Eaft India trade, a cer- 
fc tain portion of its capital will naturally divide itfelf among all 
<c the different branches of that trade. Some of its merchants 
£C will find it for their intereft to refide in the Eaft Indies, 
cc and employ their capitals there in providing goods for the 
<c fhips which are to be lent out by other merchants, who re~ 
<c fide in Europe.” 

When this fcheme of commerce with India cannot be ef- 
fe£led, it is a proof, according to our Author (p. 247.) that 
fuch country, at that particular time, was not ripe for that 
trade ; and had better buy their Indian goods, cc even at a 
“ higher price,” from other nations. But had the Portuguefe, 
Dutch, and Englifh, waited for fuch theoretical ripenefs , they 
had never yet fet one foot in India. 

In the moft favourable view of fuch eftablifhment of com- 
merce with the great world of Afia, its perfedlion cannot 
fpring up in a few years, and would be always precarious. 
When the Moors were in force, fuch peaceful eftablifhments 
were impoffible, for they knew their prefent intereft too well to 
Jiften to the promifes of European fpeculation ; and the pre- 
fent character of the Indian nations gives no prophecy when 
forts and garrifons will become unneceffary to the European 
refidents in India. Our Author feems aware of this, in the 
fentence which immediately follows the laft cited, and which 
vindicates the fourth polition into which we have divided his 

But it will be here neceffary to give a fhort Analylis of the 
great principles of our Author’s fyftem. 

The Wealth of Nations, he fays, arifes from labour; the 
value of which, he often tells us, is only to be fixed by the 
higgling of the market. That fhare of land-rent which is 
claimed by the fovereign, is his favourite fource of revenue. 
And were every fubje£f allowed a free trade too, the whole 
nation would be enriched, and this fource of revenue, of 
confequence, greatly enlarged. But monopolies of all 
kinds, by f anting the ufe of ftock and the confequent in- 



creafe of riches, Jiunt the fources of revenue. Monopolies 
are therefore every where and in every refpeCt prejudicial 
to fovereign and people. As the fovereign is chiefly in- 
terefled in the flourifhing Rate of the land-rent revenue, 
it is moll likely to flourifh under his care. And over and 
above , as the population of foreign colonies muff enlarge the 
above natural fource of revenue, for all other fources are 
round about ; fo the population of foreign colonies is the 
chief end of colonization. 

From this analyfis, which challenges the feverefl teft, the 
proportion to put the forts and territory of Britifh India into 
the hands of the fovereign, naturally follows. We fhall give 
it in our Author’s own words : 

“ The fettlements, fays he, which different European 
“ nations have obtained in the Eaft Indies, if they were 
“ taken from the exclufive Companies to which they at 
“ prefent belong, and put under the immediate protection 
tc of the fovereign, would render this refidence” (i.e. of the vo- 
luntary unconnected adventurers before mentioned') cc both fafe and 
“ eafy , at leaft to the merchants of the particular nations to 
“ whom thofe fettlements belong.” 

But ere we examine this bold proportion, our Author’s great 
objections againft the Dutch andEnglifh Eaft India Companies 
require our previous attention. “ Thefe, fays our Author, 
“ though poffeffed of many confiderabie fettlements, both 
“ upon the coaft of Africa and in the Eaft Indies, have not 
“ yet eftabliflied in either of thofe countries fuch numerous 
“ and thriving colonies as thofe in the iflands and continent 
“ of America, (p. 247.) .... In the fpice iflands, the Dutch 
<c burn all the fpicery which a plentiful feafon produces, be- 
“ yond what they expect to difpofe of in Europe with fuch a 

“ profit as they think fufficient They have reduced the 

“ population of feveral of the Moluccas. Under the go- 
4 vernment even of the Portuguefe, however, thofe iflands are 
faid to have been tolerably well inhabited. The Englifti 
“ Company have not yet had time to eftablifh in Bengal fo 

‘ c perfectly 



<c perfeflly defh'u6tive a fyftem. The plan of their govern- 
ec ment, however, has had exaflly the fame tendency. It has 
not been uncommon, I am well allured, for the chief \ that is 
tc the firjt clerk of a factory, to order a peafant to plough up 
“ a rich held of poppies, and fow it with rice or fome other 
<c grain. The pretence was to prevent a fcarcity of provi- 
“ fions j but the real reafon to give the chief an opportunity 
“ of felling at a better price a large quantity of opium, which 
“ he happened then to have upon hand. Upon other occa- 
“ fions the order has been reverfed, and a rich held of rice or 
M other grain has been ploughed up, in order to make room 
cc for a plantation of poppies.” p. 250. And thus, as our 
Author exprelfes it, p. 253, Monopolies “ Jlunt the natural 
cc growth of fome parts, at leaft, of the furplus produce of 
“ the country, to what is barely fufficient for anfwering the 
“ demand of' the Company.” 

Our Author’s abhorrence of commercial purfuits, and his 
keen predilehbion for land rent revenue, are ftrongly marked 
in the following fentence : “A Company of merchants are, 
it feems, incapable of confidering themfelves as fovereigns, 
<c even after they have become fuch. Trade, or buying in or- 
£c der to fell again, they hill conhder as their principal bufi- 
<c nefs, and by a ft range ahfurdity 3 regard the character of the 
“ fovereign as but an appendix to that of the merchant, as 
fomething which ought to be made fubfervient to it, or by 
“ means of which they may be enabled to buy cheaper in In- 
tc dia, and thereby to fell with a better profit in Europe. 
“ They endeavour for this purpofe to keep out, as much as 
“ poffible, all competitors. . . . Their mercantile habits draw 
tC them in this manner, almofl neceflarily, though perhaps 
infenfibly, to prefer, upon all ordinary occafions, the little 
“ and tranjitory profit of the monopolift, to the great and 
“ permanent revenue of the fovereign.” p. 252. 

Such are the evils which attend the Dutch and Englifh Eaft 
India Companies : The advantages which would follow, were 
fuch monopolies to be abolifhed, and the fovereign to be foie 




mailer of Indian acquifition are thefe : all his fubje&s, who 
pleafed, might turn their flock to the commerce of India. 
By fuch means, the population of the colonies, and, of con- 
fequence, the regal fhare of their revenue, would be greatly 

And thus, according to our Author, commerce is of very 
inferior confequencej and the importation of the Sovereigns 
revenue the very fummum bonum of the political wifdom of 
colonization. But thefe very fufpicious data demand a much 
deeper invelligation than our Author has bellowed upon 
them. In many places he expreffes the moll cordial affedlion 
for the kingly power. Becaufe it is the fovereign’s interelt 
that his colonies fhould profper, he fuppofes, therefore, 
that colonies, if under his immediate protection, will and- 
mull * dourilh. And becaufe a monarch, at the head of a 
Handing army, may defpife the rudell and moll licentious* 
libellers, he concludes, p. 311. that a Handing army is 
propitious J to the caufe of Liberty. That perfeClion of 
wifdom, magnanimity, and attention, which is moH eflen- 
tially implied in thefe fuppofitions, is not, however, to be 
found in a Succession of monarchs. No, not in an indi- 
vidual fovereign, if we may believe an alfertion which has 
efcaped from our Author, p. 441. “ The fervants, fays he, 

“ of the moH carelefs private perfon, are, perhaps, more 
“ under the eye of their maHer, than thofe of the moH care- 
“ ful prince.” 

When the Portuguefe Indian commerce was farmed, by a 
Company of merchants, in 1587, about 87 years after its 
commencement, the Regal monopoly was altered, not abo- 
lilhed ; for this commerce was continued, according to every 

* This argument, abfolutely eflcntial to • What arbitrary imprifonments might be 
his fyliem, is fupported by our Author, avoided, and what expence of legions 
Vol. ii. p. 251, &c. &c. &c. of fpies might be faved, could they per- 

4 What a pity it is, that France and ceive our Author’s advantages of a Ihnd- 
Spain have never found out this fecret ! ing army. 

z idea 



idea ever known in the Spanifh or Portuguefe colonies. It 
was carried on in a limitted number of Regifter fhips j and 
the fovereign authority of the Indian viceroys was ftili predo- 
minant. Our Author confeffes, p. 17 1. that the commerce 
of regifter fhips is <c very nearly upon the fame principles as that of 
an exclufive company.” And certainly, with refpedt to his fyftem, 
they are exadly the fame. In defcribing the management of 
trade, where it is the foie property of the fovereign, our Au- 
thor has given, though very undefignedly, a very accurate 
fketch of the regal monopoly of Portugal. Talking of the 
mercantile purfuits of princes ; “ They have fcarce ever fuc- 
<c ceeded, (fays he, p. 414.) The profufion with which the 
et affairs of princes are always managed, renders it almoft 
€ ‘ impoflible that they fhould. The agents of a prince re- 
“ gard the wealth of their mafter as inexhauftible ; are 
£t carelefs at what price they buy ; are carelefs at what price 
££ they fell are carelefs at what expence they tranfport his 
“ goods from one place to another, Thofe agents fre- 
u quently live with the profufion of princes, and, fome- 
4< times too, in fpite of that profufion, and by a proper 
“ method of making up their accounts, acquire the for- 
“ tunes of princes. It is thus, we are told by Machiavel, 
“ that the agents of Lorenzo of Medicis, not a prince of 
ic mean abilities, carried on his trade.” And thus, alfo, the 
corrupted viceroys of India conduced the trade of the kings 
of Portugal. 

But it may be faid, the confequences of the above are in- 
applicable, for a regal monopoly of revenue, and not of trade, 
is our Author’s fyftem. His fyftem is held forth as fuch in- 
deed, yet we apprehend its confequences would be the fame. 
A hoftile country, of vaft extent, bridled and awed, and the 
revenue of an immenfe territory, governed by the troops and 
officers of a diftant fovereign, is fomething exceedingly like 
the Portuguefe plan. The confequences of the Portuguefe 
fyftem, therefore, require our ftridteft attention. 





The Portuguefe viceroys, it may be faid, were arbitrary, and 
governed by no code of known laws : and the officers of a 
Britifh fovereign will not be armed with fuch power. Yet 
our Author is of opinion that the fervants of the India Com- 
pany ajfttme fuch power, and that it is completely foolif to expeft 
they would not. Monopoly, he fays, is the intereft of a Com- 
pany and its fervants. A free trade, and revenue is the inte- 
reft of a fovereign. But does it follow, as our Author’s argu- 
ment implies, that fuch is the intereft of his fervants alfo ?. 
By no means. We may well enquire, what is that wonderful 
virtue, effential to our Author’s argument, which is conferred 
by the royal commiffion j that virtue, which would eorre6t all 
the felfifh paffions which influence the clerks of a counting- 
houfe, and would fave the poppies and the rice of Bengal from 
an untimely plough ? If the territory of Britifh India is to be 
the king’s, he muft have men in office to manage it under him, 
and thefe will have their private interefts to ferve, as well as 
the officers of a Company. Whence, then, are we to expert 
their fuperior virtue ? Not, furely, from their greater oppor- 
tunities of extortion, and of evading enquiry — But we fhall 
here adopt a fentence from our Author, (vol. ii. p. 253.) only 
fubflituting the word King, where he writes Counting Houfe : 
“ Nothing can be more completely foolijh than to expert that 
“ the clerks of a great King, at ten thoufand ?niles dijlance , and 
“ confequently almojl quite out of fight , fliould, upon a Ample 
“ order from their mafter, give up, at once, doing any fort of 
“ bu'finefs upon their own account, abandon forever all hopes 
“ of making a fortune, of which they have the means in their 
“ hands, and content themfelves with the moderate falaries 
“ which their mafter allows them.” — Our Author purfues his 
argument, how the fervants of a Company eftablifh monopo- 
lies of their own; and fuch, attended with every circumftance 
of unreftrained enormity, was the conduct of the crown of- 
ficers of Portuguefe Alia. 

The fuperior opportunities of extortion and rapine enjoyed 
by the military governors of a very diftant and rich country, 

z 2 are 



are felf-evident. The clerks of a crown office have infinitely 
better opportunities of evading detection, and of amaffing per- 
quifites, than thofe of a company. Our Author has already 
been cited to explain how the fervants of a prince abufe their 
miff. “ It is perfectly indifferent,” fays he, vol. ii. p. 255. to 
“ the fervants of the India Company,” when they have carried 
their whole fortune with them, if, the day after they left it, 
“ the whole country was fwallowed up by an earthquake.” 
And, in the name of God, will not fuch difafter be equally in- 
different to a royal general, or a royal cuftomhoufe officer, 
whenever he finds it convenient to retire from India ? 

But this is not applicable, it may be faid, to our Author’s 
fyftem, which is to plant colonies, like thofe of America, in 
India, on purpofe to draw a revenue from them ; and the 
profperity of the country will then be the interefl of the royal 
officers. But a hard queftion here obtrudes itfelf ; Will it be 
the defire of fixed Refidents to export a revenue^ or to be careful of 
it ? Though many of the Portuguefe weife natives of the Eaft , 
war was their harvefl j and, like the favages of Louifiana, who 
cut down the tree when they defire the fruit, their rapacity de~ 
ifroyed the roots and fources of revenue. The nature of their 
fituation, explained by our Author in the cafe of Lorenzo of 
Medicis, vindicates this affertion, and every period of Portu- 
guefe Afia enforces its truth. Though all the artillery of ar- 
guments, drawn from the abufes committed by the fervants 
of a company, may thus, with accumulated force, be turned 
againft the fervants of a prince ; arguments of deeper import 
ftill remain. 

Whenever a fociety emerges from what is called the Jhepherd 
fate , luxuries become its infeparable attendants. And imported 
luxuries, however neglected and undervalued in our Author’s 
eftimate, offer not only a plentiful, but the fafeff: mode of 
taxing the wages of labour, the profits of flock, and the rent 
of land. The induftry of the manufacturer and hufbandman 
can never thus be impeded or injured, which they molt cer- 
tainly are, for a time, by every new tax upon labour and 




land. The luxuries imported by the Eaft India Company 
have afforded a revenue * which has been equal to the land-tax 
of England. The queftion then is, whether would this valua- 
ble revenue be diminifhed or increafed, were every port open, 
and every adventurer free to fit out what fhips he pleafed, to 
traffic with India ? 

. But were this allowed, what an army of cuftomhoufe offi- 
cers, muff there be in waiting at every port of the kingdom ? 
for who knows what port a veffel from India, once in feven 
yeafs, may chufe to enter? What a door for fmuggling the 
luxuries of India would this open ! And we need not add, 
what a diminution of revenue ! 

Befides the great revenue which it pays, the Eaft India Com- 
pany forms one of the moft aftive finews of the Rate. Public 
Funds are peculiar to England. The credit and intereft of 
the nation depend upon their fupport J ; and the Eaft India 
Company is not the leaft of thefe. It has often fupported Go- 
vernment with immenfe loans, and its continuance includes 
the promife of future fupport on the like emergencies. 

And muft this ftupendous and important fabric be demo- 
lifhed, to make way for an -f untried 'Theory 2 

For a free trade, which, while it encreafed our imported 
luxuries, would greatly diminifh the revenue which arifes 
from them : 

* The revenue paid by the goods of 
the company, and the ventures of their 
fervants, together with the former annual 
donation, have been above two millions 
yearly. The land tax falls Ihort of two 

J “ The credit and the intereft of the 
nation depend on the fupport of the pub- 
lic funds — While the annuities, and intereft 
for money advanced, is there regularly paid, 
and the principal infured by both prince and 
people, (a fecurity not to be had in other 
nations) foreigners will lend us their pro- 
perty, and all Europe be interefted in our 
welfare ; the paper of the companies will be 
converted into money and jnerchandifce, and 

Great Britain can never want cafh to carry 
her fchemes into execution. In other na- 
tions, credit is founded on the word of the 
prince, if a monarchy ; or on that of the 
people, if a republic ; but here it is efta- 
blifhed on the interefts of both prince and 

people, which is the ftrongeft fecurity ” 


f “ In the progrefs of fociety, additional 
props and balances will often become necef- 
fary. That of pulling down a whole edifice, 
to ereft a new building, generally ends in 
the deftruftion of the community, and al- 
ways leads to convullions which no one could 
forefee.” See Governor Johollone’s Thoughts 
on our acanii'.ions in the £ajf Indies. 




For a trade which would injure our own || manufa&ures, 
were the prefent reftridtions aboliffied : 

For a trade which could not be eftablifhed in India for many 
years, and which, perhaps, is in its nature impradticable : 

“ For a tranfition, which,, though poffible, muft be attended 
“ with innumerable difficulties, confidering what convulfions, 
“ even the fmallell ffroke of legislative authority upon private 
“ property generally produces, notwitliftanding all the pre- 
" cautions which may be § ufed 

For a fyftem, which mud: render the fovereign the military 
Defpot of an immenfe and rich * territory, and make him the 
foie mafter of an Unconjiitutional revenue. A revenue, which, in 
the hands of a corrupt miniftry, would eafily defeat the nobleft 
check againft arbitrary power provided by the Britiffi Confti- 
tution, the right of taxation in the Houfe of Commons. 

America, paffively fubmiffive at the feet of a junto in power, 
could not, for feveral centuries, afford the means of corrup- 
tion, which India, already deeply enllaved, would freely yield, 
for at lead a few years. 

In every probability, for only a few years — however highly 
our Author may think of the great and permanent revenue of 
the fovereign j and however he may defpife the little and tran- 
Jitory profit of the merchant, we will venture to fupport the 
very oppofite opinions. 

(| Silks, muflins, callicoes,, embroidery, 
cottons, toys,, and many of the Indian ma- 
nufactures, would greatly injure thofe of this 
country, were a free importation allowed . The 
woven manufaCturesof India, imported by the 
Company, arereftriCted to foreign markets. 

§ This fentence in inverted commas is 
from a pamphlet, entitled. Thoughts on our 
acquijitions tn the Baft Indies — written by 
Governor Johnftone. 

* “ The immenfe power which would be 
added to the crown, by our dominions iir the 
Eall falling immediately under its manage- 
ment, mull be a ferious confideration, with 
every one who believes the preponderating 
weight which that part of the conllitution 


already poflefles ; and who wilhe3, at the 
fame time, to preferve the juft balance. 
Every intelligent mind mull forefee the im- 
menfe additional influence that would ac- 
crue, by the command of fuch a number of 
troops, the adminiftration of fuch extenfive 
revenues, and the difpofal of fo many offices. 
The Author of thefe reflections is perfuaded, 
we might expeCt the fame effeCts that fol- 
lowed the annexation of the rich orders of 
St. Iago, Calatrava, and Alcantara, to the 
crown of Spain ; which, a celebrated Spanifh 
hiftorian fays, contributed more towards en- 
flaving that country, than all the other infi- 
dious arts and expedients of Ferdinand and 
Ifabella.’ > Gov. jfohnJ)onc' s Thoughts, &i. 



Our Author laments, that merchants will never conlider 
themfelves as fovereigns, when they have really become fuch. 
Commerce was defpifed, and fovereignty was the ambition of 
the Portuguefe. Immenfe extenfion of dominion, greatly fu- 
perior to the fettlements of both the Dutch and Englilh, be- 
came therefore their objeCt : and uncommercial, often unjuft 
wars, naturally followed this fearch for revenue. And this 
fyftem as naturally produced the deepeft ruin. Wars after 
wars will ever be produced by a fovereignty affumed in a dis- 
tant region. The Spanifh method of extirpation is the only 
preventive. Some territory is neceffary to fettlements in India. 
But fuch extenfion as would deprefs the grand fyftem of the 
Indian commerce, muft, like the Portuguefe fovereignty, end 
in ruin. The plan of fovereignty dire&ly leads to war with 
the jealous natives of India. Such revenue, therefore, cannot 
be permanent , and moft probably will not be great for a length 
of years. Our Author upbraids the India Company, becaufe 
their colonies in India are not fo populous and thriving as thofe 
in America. But were the Indian colonies as fafe from the na- 
tives, as his fcheme of unconnected fettlers requires } as popu- 
lous, and their revenue as greats as his idea of perfection may pof- 
fibly include, how long would he insure the permanency of their 
revenue againft the interruption of a Revolt or Rebellion , or fuch 
colonies themfelves from a fudden and final difmemberment ? — - 
Alas ! at this prefent hour we feel a moft melancholy proof of 
the difficulties and difappointments of railing a revenue in a 
diftant country. May God never curfe Great Britain, by fixing 
her views and hopes on fuch diftant, fuch little and tranfitory 
fupport ! 

If properly watched and defended, if not facrificed to the 
dreams and dotage of Theory, the Grand Machine of her 
Commerce will ever render Great Britain both profperous and 
formidable. In this grand machine the Eaft India Company ' 
forms a principal wheel. The concentered fupport which it 
gives to the public credit ; The vaft and most rational home 
tax which its imported luxuries afford, forms a conjlitutionai 




fource of revenue, ever in our own hands, never to be affedfced 
by the politics of diftant colonies ; the population which it 
gives to the mother country , by the domeftic induftry employed 
upon the ftaple * commodities which it exports ; and the eftential 
balance of Trade given and fecured by the exportation of its. 

* The firft fource of the Wealth of Nar 
tions, however neglected in our Author's 
eftimate, moll: certainly confills in its ftaples ; 
and the plenty of thefe, and the degrees of 
their importance, in adminiftering to the 
wants and defires of mankind, fix the natural 
difference between the riches of countries. 
And to this fource, the labour neceffary to fit 
thefe ftaples to their refpediive ufes, is de- 
pendent and fecondary, if the fruit may be 
called dependent on, and fecondary to the 
root of the tree. It is therefore the great 
duty of the ftatefman to protedt, direft, and 
cherifh the manufacture of ftaples ; and by 
making colonies contribute to this purpofe, 
he produces the natural, advantageous, and 
permanent ufe of foreign acquifition. This, 
however, is fo far from being a part of our 
Author’s fyftem, that he even reprobates 
the idea, that the Legillature fhould give 
any protection or direction to any branch 
of manufacture. He calls it a power with 
which no minifter can fafely be trujied . 
Vol. ii. p. 36. “ It is,” he fays, “ in fome 
meafure to direCt people in what manner 
they ought to employ their capitals,” of 
which, he tells us, p 33. they are much bet- 
ter judges than any ftatefman or lawgiver. 
Nay, he even afferts, p. 37, &c. that w'ere 
any branch of manufacture, for he excepts 
none, to fall into utter decay, by the freedom 
of foreign importation, the country would 
lofe nothing by it. The manufacturers, Re 
owns, might fultain the lofs. of their tools 
and * vvorkfhops, but they would imme- 
diately turn their capitals and induftry into 
other channels, which would be of equal ad- 

vantage to their country. Nay,, farther, go- 
vernment bounty to the introduction of a 
new manufacture is hurtful; for that wiiL 
diminilh the revenue, and, of confequence,. 
the national capital, p. 38. 

Thus fays Theory. But let it be afleed, if 
branches of our manufacture muft thus, for 
the good of the nation, be buffered to fall 
into decay, what muft become of the ftaples, 
for our Author excepts no materials, upon 
which the abandoned manufacture was em- 
ployed ? Their former value muft .be greatly 
diminiftied, if fold unworked to foreigners ; 
and if unfold, annihilated. And thus the 
national capital will be raoft effectually in- 
jured. Our Author talks very confidently 
of the eafe with which individuals will find' 
a proper field for their induftry ; but, furely, 
where a number of the ftaples are thus re- 
duced, the field for domeftic induftry muft ba 
proportionally narrowed ; for it is hard to 
make bricks without Jlrarv. u Every rndi- 
“ vidual, fays our Author, p. 32. is conti- 
“ nuaily exerting himfelf to find out the 
molt advantageous employment for what- 
“ ever capital he can command.” But this 
pofition, abfolutely neceffary to our Author’s 
fyftem, we flatly deny. There is not only 
a torpor on the general mind of fuch diftriCts 
as are ignorant of commerce, which requires 
to be roufed into aCtion by thofe of fuperior 
intelligence ; but there is alfo a ftubborn at- 
tachment in fuch minds to their ancient 
ufages, which half a century can hardly re- 
move. Our Author might have feen both 
this Ituporand obftinacy ltrongiy exemplified 
in the vaft difficulty of introducing modern 

■ Some people are apt to apprehend the greateft ineonveniency, from fetting a number of artificers- 
adrift in fearch of new employment. But this is nothing, according to our Author, who tells us, that 
100,000 foldiers and fearnen, difeharged at the laft peace, immediately found employment. Very true, for- 
the labourer took, to his fpade, the taylor to his needle, the (hoe-maker to his awl, and the feaman to the 
merchant fervice. But were only io,qoq weavers thrown out of employ, the cafe would be widely altered. 
But the certainty of finding an unknown employment, fully as advantageous as the branch perfcRly known , 
forms a part of our Author 's fyftem. It was a filly notion, he tells us, vol. ii. p. to defend Portugal, 
laft war, for the fake of its trade. Had that trade been loft, fays he, it would only have thrown the Por- 
tuguefe merchants out of bufinefs for a year or two, till they found out as' good a method of employing, 
their capitals. Some politicians have thought, the more channels of commerce, the more fuccefs ; but our 
Author does not care how many were fhut up ; for this good reafon, new ones are futc to be found. But 
this is like knocking a man down, becaufe lie is Jure to get up again.: 




imports, are the great and permanent confequences of the 
commercial fyftem, confequences which can never arife from 
the importation of the greateft revenue. And foon would all 
thefe advantages be loft, were the India Company to re- 
linquifli the mercantile character, and, according to our Au- 
thor’s * plan, affume that of the fovereign. Nor can we take 
leave of our Author, without remarking, that he has been ra- 
ther unhappy in fixing upon the Portuguefe as his favourites. 
His three great reafons for this predilection are j obvious 5 and 

agriculture into a certain country. But, “No 
“ regulation of commerce, fays he, p. ib. 
“ can increafe the quantity of indudry in 
“ any fociety beyond what its capital can 
“ maintain.” It is our Author’s great lead- 
ing principle, that no nation ought to attempt 
any branch either of manufafture or com- 
merce, till its capital be ripe for fuch branch ; 
and till fuch time, it is their interelh he fays, 
to buy the articles of fuch branches from their 
neighbours. But here let it be afked, how is 
the capital to be increafed in this date of tor- 
por ? Elizabeth, and fome of her predecef- 
fors, imagined that bounties and regulations 
of commerce would roufe to aftion, and 
thence to the increafe of capital. At great 
expence they introduced the manufactures 
of the continent into their own dominions. 
And hence England became what Ihe now is. 
Bet a view of the (late of our Author’s Na- 
tive Country will bring his Theory to the 
fulled and faired trial. According to his 
fydctn, Scotland ought to be the molt flou- 
rilhing commercial country in Europe ; for 
certain it is, and he himfelf often tells it, 
that the trade of North Britain is under much 
fewer regulations and redriftions than that 
of England, Holland, or any of her com- 
mercial neighbours. There was a time, in- 
deed, before and in the fifteenth century, 
when her Jamefes afTumed the unjafe truji 
of directing the channels of indudry ; when 
they penfioncd foreign artificers to fettle in 
their kingdom, and made regulations of 
commerce. The confequence was, the Scots 
were the mailers of their own fifheries, and 
the fhipping of Scotland were then greatly 
fuperior to their prefent number. Soon 

after, however, our Author’s plan, that 
Government lhould leave every fubjed to 
the courfe of his own indulfry, took place, 
in the fulled latitude. And the confequence 
of Government ceaiing to watch over and 
dired the channels of commerce, as fully 
appeared. The Scottiih navy fell into 
deep decline ; and their filhery, perhaps the 
mod valuable in the * world, was feized 
by thofe monopolijis the Dutch, who now 
enjoy it. A mod excellent proof how the 
unencouraged and tin. dire 'led Scots turned 
their capitals and indudry to the bed advan- 
tage! Negleded by government, theScottidt 
commerce long and deeply languifhed, till 
Mr. Pelham, of late, endeavoured to roufe it 
into adion. But the people dill follow our 
Author’s precept, of buying, from their 
neighbours, the greated part of the manu- 
fadures they ufe. And the confequence of 
all is, mt.ny thoufands of the Scots find a 
field for their ingenuity and indudry in 
every commercial country of the world, 
except in their own. 

* Yet, ltrange as it may feem, our Author, 
vol. ii. p. 4.15. condemns the Ead India 
Company for adopting the ideas of fove- 
reigns. It has made them bad traders, he 
there fays, and, he adds, has almod brought 
them to bankruptcy. 

J According to our Author, vol. ii. p. 24S. 
it is owing to the genius of exclufinje compa- 
nies that the colonies of other nations in In- 
dia have been lefs populous than thofe of 
Portugal. He who reads this work , how- 
ever, will find another caufe for the Portu- 
guefe population ; and never were any colo- 
nies fo vexed with monopolies within mouo- 

* Of fuch value is this fifhory, that the arrival of the fir ft fleet of bufles is celebrated in Holland with 
public rejoicings, fi radar to thofe of the Egyptians on the overflow of the Nile. 

a a pciliest 



that thefe reafons were extremely rafh and ill-founded, is alfo 
equally evident. His reafons are — The Portuguefe had no 
Exclufive African or Indian Companies — A mod: unlucky 
midake ! And 

The population and revenue of the Portuguefe colonies are 
.exactly in the lpirit of his fydem. 

But the kingdom of Portugal fuffered the fevered: evils from 
its vain fovereignty of India ; and the Exclufive Companies of 
England and Holland, however reprobated by our Author, 
have long been, and dill are, by their vad commerce , of the 
mod effential advantage to their mother countries. 

Having thus followed our Author’s argument for laying 
open the India trade, through every gradation of his reafon- 
ing, a retrofpeCt may not now perhaps be improper. He 
founds his argument on the abfolute pernicioufnefs of all 
monopolies, in every circumdance : The fafety of laying open 
the Ead India trade, he afferts, is fujficiently demonjirated by the 
experience of the Portuguefe. Were the exclufive India com- 
panies abolifhed, European merchants, he fays, would volunta- 
rily fettle in India, by whom every office of faCtorfhip would 
be difcharged. And where forts are neceffary, thefe and the 
fettlements, he afferts, would be mod advantageous and prof- 
perous under the immediate protection of the fovereign. In 
fupport of this lad argument, he appeals to the abufes com- 
mitted by the fervants of a Company. And the advantages 
which he deduces from his fydem, are, a free trade with 
India, in which every fubjeCt may employ his capital, and the 
importation of a royal revenue ; which lad circumdance he 
edimates as of infinitely more real importance than all the 
benefits refulting from commerce. But we have proved, by 
hidorical evidence, that monopolies and exclufive affociations 

pokes, as thofe of Portuguefe Afia. Our 
Author, with the fame knowledge of his 
fubjett, always reprefents the Portuguefe 
colonies as of more advantage to the mother 
country than thofe of England in America. 
The latter, he fays, “ have been a fource 

“ of expence and not of revenue. But the 
“ Portuguefe colonies have contributed re- 
“ venue towards the defence of the mother 
“ country, or the fupport of her civil go- 
“ vernroent.” Vol. ii. p iqf. 



were abfolutely neceflary in the infancy of trade, and that 
their effects were rapid, extenfive, and highly prosperous. We 
have likewife brought demonftration, both from the hiftory 
and the archives of Portugal, confirmed by every principle of 
Spanifh or Portuguefe commerce, that his appeal to the expe- 
rience of the Portuguefe is founded upon a moft egregious 
and capital error. Every page of the hiftory of Portuguefe 
Aha, and the prefent ftate of India, demonftrate the impoffi- 
bility of the fcheme of unconnected and unprotected fettlers. 
And from the example of the Portuguefe, confirmed by every 
experience, certain it is, that every argument againft the fer- 
vants of a Company, may be turned, with redoubled force, 
againft the officers of a Crown. And were even this fyftem, 
whofe balls is overturned by hiftorical faCts, were it even 
founded on truth, the confequences which he deduces from it 
are neither certain nor advantageous. By an appeal to unde- 
niable principles, we have held up to view the unavoidable 
difadvantages * of laying open the Indian commerce ; and from 
other principles, equally fixed and evident, it amounts to de- 
monftration, that a defpotic revenue, raifed in a diftant country, 
muft ever be productive of war, tranfitory, unconftitutional, 
and dangerous. On the contrary, we have evinced, that the 
benefits arifing from the commerce of India, on the great prin-» 
ciples of its prefent eftablifhment, are important, domeftic, 
and permanent. In an aufpicious trade, therefore, we muft 
fubmit to that neceftity of circumftances which we cannot 
alter ; we muft not fliut our eyes againft the broad glare 
of the light of faCts, and amputate the limbs, and diflocate 
the joints of commerce, in order to fhorten or to lengthen it 
to the ftandard of Theory, as Procruftes is fabled to have fitted 
his unhappy captives to the ftandard of his iron bed. 

Every inftitution relative to Man, is not only liable to cor- 
ruption, but, fuch is the imperfection of human nature, is 

* That the India trade could not be carried on, with advantage to the nation, otherwise- 
than by a Company, is clearly proved by Sir Jofiah Child, whole arguments have had their 
due weight with former Parliaments. 


a a 2 



fare to be corrupted. Both the fervants of a Company, and 
the officers of a king, are liable to the influence of felf-in- 
tereft. But the monarch’s ear is hard of accefs, and often 
guarded ; and the regulations of a regal monopoly, or de- 
spotic revenue, are variable at his will. Appeal here mull be 
hooelefs. But, under a Company, governed by fixed inftitu- 
tions, there exifts not only a legal claim of redrefs, but a le- 
gal right of oppofltion. If errors and corruption, therefore, 
pe natural to every fyftem of human government, let the fyf- 
tem moll open to infpeCtion and correction, be preferved, and 
let its errors and corruptions be corrected. And happily the 
Britifh Parliament is poflefled of the power of fuch infpeCtion 
and correction ; and happily alfo fuch authority is the very 
jeverfe of a regal power to raife a foreign revenue , this par- 
liamentary power is Conflitntional. 

The Abbe Reynal, in his refiedtions on the fate of the Por- 
tuguefe, informs his reader, that while the court of Lilbon 
projected the difcovery of India, and expeCted inexhauftible 
riches, the more moderate and enlightened forefaw and fore- 
told the evils which would follow fuccefs. And time, fays he, 
the fupreme judge of politics, haftened to fulfil their predic- 
tions. He, however, who is acquainted with the Portuguele 
hiftorians, mult perceive the errors of this reprcfentation. 
The objections againfl the voyage of Gama, were by no means 
of the enlightened kind. They were thefe : Nothing but bar- 
ren deferts, like Lybia, were to be found; or, if the difco- 
vered lands were rich, the length of the voyage would render 
it unprofitable : or, if profitable, the introduction of wealth 
would beget a degeneracy of manners fatal to the kingdom. 
Foreign fettlements would produce a depopulation and neglect 
of agriculture ; or, if foreign colonies were neceffary, Ethio- 
pia offered both nearer and better fettlements. And the wrath 
of the Soldan of Egypt, and a combination of all Europe 
againfl; Portugal, compleated the prophecy of the threatened 
evils. But it was neither forefeen nor foretold, that the un- 
exampled mifcondudt of the Portuguefe would render the molt 




lucrative commerce of the world an heavy, and at laft infup- 
portable expence on the treafury of Lilbon or Madrid; nor 
was it foretold, that the fhamelefs villainy, the faithlefs pi- 
racies and rapine of their countrymen would bring down de- 
ftruCtion upon their empire. Of the objections here enume- 
rated, few are named by our Author. Nor does the evil of 
the increafe of wealth, the depopulation and negleCt of agri- 
culture, which he mentions as the confequences of the navi- 
gation to India, do honour to the political wifdom, either of 
thofe who foretold them, or of thofe who adopt the opinion. 
The great population of Holland arifes from its naval trade; 
and had the fcience of commerce been as well underftood at 
the court of Lilbon as at Amfterdam, Portugal, a much finer 
country, had foon become more populous, and every way 
more flourifhing than Holland is now. 

Mines of gold, though moft earneftly defired, are the leaft 
valuable parts of foreign acquifition. The produce of mines, 
like the importation of revenue, neither puts into motion, nor 
cherifhes domeftic induftry. To encreafe the population of 
the mother country is the only real wealth; and this can only 
be attained by increafing the means of employment, in fuch 
manner as will naturally inlpire the fpirit of induftry. The 
ftaple commodities of a country muft therefore be manufac- 
tured at home, and from hence, agriculture will of neceflity 
be improved. He, therefore, who foretels the negleCt of agri- 
culture on the increafe of commerce, foretels an event contrary 
to the nature of things; and nothing but an infatuation, 
which cannot at a diftance be forefeen, may poftibly fulfil the 
prediction. To export the domeftic manufacture, and import 
the commodities of foreign countries, are the great, the only 
real ufes of foreign fettlements. But did Spain and Portugal 
derive thefe advantages from their immenfe acquifitions in the 
Eaft and Weft? Every thing contrary. The gold of Mexico 
and Peru levied the armies of Charles V. but eftablifhed or 
encouraged no trade in his kingdom. Poverty and depopula- 
tion, therefore, were not the natural confequences of the dif- 




covies of Columbus ; but the certain refult of the evil policy 
of Spain. We have feen how the traffic of India was ma- 
naged by Portugal. That commerce, which was the founda- 
tion of the maritime ftrength of the Mohammedan powers, 
and which enriched Venice, was not only all in the power of 
the Portuguefe; but it was theirs alfo to purchafe that traffic 
on their own terms, with the commodities of Europe. But 
fovereignty, with its revenue, and not commerce, was the foie 
objedl of the Portuguefe ambition. 

Many have pronounced, that the fame evils which over- 
whelmed the Portuguefe, are ready to burft upon the Britifh 
empire. Ignorance of the true principles of commerce, that 
great caufe of the fall of the Portuguefe empire, does not at 
prefent, however, threaten the Britifh ; nor is the only natural 
reafon of that fall applicable to Great Britain. The territory of 
Portugal is too fmall to be the head of fo extenfive an empire 
as once owned its authority. Auxiliaries may occalionally af- 
dift ; but permanency of dominion can only be infured by na- 
tive troops. The numerous garrifons of Portugal in Brazil, 
in Africa, and Afia, required more fupplies than the uncom- 
mercial feat of empire could afford, without depriving itfelf of 
defence in cafe of invalion. In the event, the foreign garrifons 
were loff for want of fupplies ; and the feat of empire, on the 
fhock of one difafter, fell an eafy prey to the ufurpation of 
Spain. Great Britain, on the contrary, by the appointment of 
nature, reigns the commercial emprefs of the world. The 
unrivalled ifland is neither too large nor too fmall. Ten mil- 
lions of inhabitants are naturally fufficient to afford armies to 
defend themfelves againft the greateft power ; nor is fuch ra- 
dical ffrength liable to fall afunder by its own weight. Nei- 
ther is nature lefs kind in the variety of the climate of the 
Britifh illes. That variety in her different provinces alike con- 
tributes to the produftion of her invaluable ftaples and hardy 
troops. Won and defended from the Mohammedans in wars 
efteemed religious, the circumftances of Portugal, produced a 
high and ardent fpirit of chivalry, which raifed her to empire ; 




but when fuccefs gave a relaxation to the aftion of this fpirit, 
the general ignorance and corruption of all ranks funk her 
into ruin. The circumftances of the Britifh empire are greatly 
different. Her military fpirit is neither cherifhed by, nor de- 
pendent upon, caufes which exift in one age and not in ano- 
ther. Nor is the increafe of wealth big with fuch evils as fome 
efteem. Portugal did not owe her fall to it, for fhe was not 
enriched by the commerce of India. If Great Britain ever fuf- 
fer by enormous wealth, it muft be by a general corruption of 
manners. This, however, is infinitely more in the power of 
government than the many furmife. To remedy an evil, we 
muff trace its fource. And never was there national corrup- 
tion of manners, which did not flow from the vices and errors 
of government. Where merit is the only paffport to promo- 
tion, corruption of manners cannot be general. Where the 
worthlefs can furchafe the offices of truft, univerfal profligacy 
muff follow. Mankind, it may be faid, are liable to be cor- 
rupted, and wealth affords the opportunity. But this axiom 
will greatly miflead us from the line of truth, if taken in a 
general fenfe. The middle rank of men is infinitely more 
virtuous than the lowed:. Profligacy of manners is not, 
therefore, the natural confequence of affluence ; it is the ac- 
cident which attends a vulgar mind, in whatever external 
iituation. And when vulgar minds are preferred to the high 
offices of church or ftate, it is the negligence or wickednefs of 
government, and not the increafe of wealth, which is the 
fource of the national corruption. Some articles of traffic 
have an evil influence on a people. But neither is this in 
juftice to be charged on the increafe of national trade. The 
true principles of commerce, on the contrary, require the re- 
ftriflion of many*, and perhaps the prohibition of forne ar- 

* That private vices, the luxury and ex- 
travagance of individuals, are public bene- 
fits, has been confidently aflerted, yet no 
theoretical paradox was ever more falfe. 
Luxuries, indeed, employ many hands, but 
all hands in employment conduce not alike 
10 the fervice of the date. Thofe employed 

on the natural ftaples are of the firft rate 
fervice ; but thole engaged on luxuries of- 
ten require materials which contribute to 
turn the balance of trade againd the coun- 
try where they refide ; and as the fale of 
their labours depends upon falhion and ca- 
price, not upon the real wants of life, they 




tides. And ignorance of the true fpirit of commerce, and 
negledl in the legiflature, are therefore the real fources of 
thefe evils. 

While our popular declaimers forefee nothing but ruin in 
the increafe of commerce and wealth, they overlook, or know 
not, the greateft danger to which foreign acquilition lies open, 
and which it even invites. The rapacity of diflant governors, 
fo ftrongly exemplified by the Portuguefe, has a diredl ten- 
dency to the production of every evil which can affeCt a com- 
mercial empire. Every governor feels two objects foliciting 
his attention, objects frequently incompatible, at lead not ea- 
flly to be reconciled — the public, and his own private interelf. 
If inftitutions cannot be devifed to render it the true interelf 

of governors, to make that of the public their firJf care, lia- 
bility cannot be preferved. The voluntary poverty of Albu- 
querque and of Nunio was nobly adapted to the high and ro- 
mantic ideas of Spanifh honour ; and without doubt had a 
wide effedl. But no government has a right to require fuch 
an example ; and in Britifh India it would be ufelefs and 
abfurd, for we have no vifionary principles, on which it 
could poffibly operate. He who devotes his life to the fervice 
of his country, merits a reward adequate to his llation. An 
elfimate of the reward which true policy will give, may be 
drawn from the fate of the Dutch fettlement at Brazil. Prince 
Maurice of NalTau, the general of a Dutch Well India Com- 
pany, expelled the Portuguefe from one half of this rich and 
extenfive country. In reward of his fervice he was appointed 
governor ; but his mercantile mailers, earned for immediate 
gain, and ignorant of what was necelfary for future fecurity, 
were offended at the grandeur in which he lived, the number 

are apt to be thrown out of employ, and to 
become a dangerous burden on the common- 
wealth. Nor" is all which is fpent by indi- 
viduals, gained, as fome aifert, by the pub- 
lic. National wealth confiils of the labour 
of the people, added to the value of the ma- 
terials laboured upon. Every bankruptcy, 
therefore, annihilates the value of as much 

labour as its deficiency of payment amounts 
to ; and thus the public is injured. Nor is 
this all ; where private luxury is cheriihed 
as a public benefit, a national corruption of 
manners, the moil dreadful political difeafe, 
will be fure to prevail, fure to reduce the 
moil'fiouriihing kingdom to the moil critical 




of fortreffes which he built, and the expence of the troops 
which he kept. They forced him by ill treatment to refign, and 
the ideas of the mere counting-houfe were now adopted. The 
expence of troops and of fortreffes was greatly reduced j even 
that of the court of juftice was retrenched ; in their com- 
merce with their new fubjedts, every advantage of the fordid 
trader was taken, and payment was enforced with the utmoft 
rigour. Cent, per cent, was now divided in Holland, and all 
was happy in the idea of the Burgo-mafters, the Lords of this 
colony ; when the Portuguefe, invited by the defencelefs con- 
dition, and joined by the difcontented fubjedts of the Dutch, 
overwhelmed them with ruin. Though the States now inte- 
refted themfelves vigoroufly, all the great expence of their 
armaments was loft. Brazil was recovered by the Portuguefe, 
and this DutchWeft India Company was utterly extinguifhed. 

Nor can we clofe our obfervations without one more. Nunio 
acquired an extcnfive territory in India. Harrafled by the 
horrible wars of their native princes, the regions around Goa 
implored the Portuguefe to take them under protedlion. And, 
fafe and happy, while all around was fteeped in blood, the ter- 
ritory under the dominion of Nunio was the envy and wonder 
of India. Taught by this example, every humane bread: rnuft 
warm on the view of the happinefs which the Britidi India 
Company may diffufe over the Eaftj a happinefs which the 
Britidi * are peculiarly enabled to beftow. Beddes the many 
inftances of Portuguefe tyranny and mifcondud! already enu-* 
merated, there was a defedt in their government, which muft 

* The form of the government, and the 
national character of the Britifh, peculiarly 
enable them to diffufe the bleflings which 
flow from the true fpirit of commerce. The 
Dutch have a penurioufnefs in their manners, 
and a palpable felfifhnefs in their laws, ill 
relilhed by the neighbours of their fettle- 
ments. They want a mixture of the blood 
of gentlemen ; or, to drop the metaphor, they 
want that liberal turn of idea and fentiment 
which arifes from the intercourfe and conr 
verfation of the merchant with the man of 


property, educated in independance. Indiaj 
perhaps the moll fertile country in the 
world, has fuffered more by famine thaii 
any other. For the thoufands who have 
died of hunger in other countries, India has 
buried millions of her fons, who have thus 
perifhed. Amazingly populous, the failure 
of a crop of rice is here dreadful. It is the 
true fpirit of commerce to prevent famine, 
by bringing provilion from one country to 
another. And may this true fpirit of it be 
exerted by the Britifh in India ! 




ever prove fatal to a commercial empire. All the ftupendous 
fabrics of Portuguefe colonization were only founded on the 
lands, on the quick-fands of human caprice and arbitrary 
power. They governed by no certain fyftem of laws. Their 
governors carried to India the image of the court of Lilbon 
and againft the will of the ruler there' was no appeal to a fu- 
preme civil power. Confidence in the high juftice of aNunio 
may give nations habituated to oppreflion a temporary fpirit 
of induftry ; but temporary it mu ft be, as a hafty journey 
made in the uncertain intervals of a tempeft. The cheerful 
vigour of commerce can only be uniform and continued, 
where the merchant is confcious of protection, on his appeal 
to known law's of fupreme authority. On the firm bafis of 
her laws, the colonies of Great Britain have wonderfully pros- 
pered, for fhe gave them an image of her own conftitution. 
And, even where the- government of the natives cannot be 
new modelled, an eafy appeal to the Supremacy of civil laws, 
muft place commerce upon the fureft foundation. It is not 
the fpirit of Gothic conqueft; it is not the little cunning finefTe 
of embroiling the Indian princes among themfelves ; of ca- 
joling one, and winning another ; it is not the groveling arts 
of intrigue, often embarraffed, always fhifting, which can give 
lafting Security. An effential decifive predominancy of the 
juftice of laws like the Britifh, can alone Secure the profperity 
of the moft powerful commercial fyftem, or render its exiftence 
advantageous or even safe to the Seat of Empire. 


( clxxxvii ) 

The LIFE of LUIS de C A M O E N S. 

W HEN the glory of the arms of Portugal had reached its meridian 
fplendor, Nature, as if in pity of the literary rudenefs of that 
nation, produced one great Poet, to record the numberlefs adlions of 
high fpirit performed by his countrymen. Except Oforius, the hilto- 
rians of Portugal are little better than dry journaiills. But it is not 
their inelegance which rendered the poet necelfary, It is the peculiar 
nature of poetry to give a colouring to heroic actions, and to exprefs an 
indignation again!! the breaches of honour, in a fpirit which at once 
feizes the heart of the man of feeling, and carries with it an inilanta- 
neous convidlion. The brilliant adtions of the Portuguefe form the 
great hinge which opened the door to the moll important alteration in 
the civil hiftory of mankind. And to place thefe adtions in the light 
and enthufiafm of poetry, that enthufiafm which particularly aflimilates 
the youthful bread; to its own fires, was Luis de Camoens, the poet of 
Portugal, born. 

Different cities claimed the honour of his birth. But, according to 
N. Antonio, and Manuel Correa his intimate friend, this event happened 
at Lifbon, in 1517. His family was of confiderable note, and originally 
Spanifh. In 1370, Vafco Perez de Caamans, difgufted at the court of 
Caddie, fled to that of Lifbon, where king'Ferdinand immediately admit- 
ted him into his council, and gave him the lordfhips of Sardoal, Pun- 
nete, Marano, Amendo, and other confiderable lands ; a certain proof of 
the eminence of his rank and abilities. In the war for the fucceffion* 
which broke out on the death of Ferdinand, Caamans, fided with the 
king of Cailile, and was killed in the battle of Aljabarrota. But though 
John I. the vidtor, feized a great part of his eflate, his widow, the 
daughter of Gonfalo Tereyro, grand mafler of the order of Chrift, and 
general of the Portuguefe army, was not reduced beneath her rank. She 
had three fons, who took the name of Camoens. The family of the 
eldeft inter-married with the firft nobility of Portugal, and even, accord- 
ing to Caflera, with the blood royal. But the family of the lecond 
brother, whofe fortune was flender, had the fuperior honour to produce 
the Author of the Lufiad. 

Early in his life the misfortunes of the Poet began. In his infancy, 
Simon Vaz de Camoens, his father, commander of a veil'd, was Ihip- 
wrecked at Goa, where, with his life, the greateft part of his fortune 
was loll. His mother, however, Anne de Macedo of Santarene, pro- 

13 b 2 vided 


vided for the education of her fon Luis at the univerfity of Coimbra. 
What he acquired there, his works difcover : An intimacy with the 
claffics, equal to that of a Scaliger, but directed by the tafte of a 
Milton or a Pope. 

When he left the univerfity, he appeared at court. He was hand- 
fome had fpeaking eyes, it .is faid, and the fin eft- complexion. Cer- 
tain it is, however, he was a polifiied fcholar, which, added to the 
natural ardour and gay vivacity of his difpofition, rendered him an ac- 
compiifhed gentleman. Courts are the lcenes of intrigue, and intrigue 
was falhionable at Lifbon. Hut the particulars of the amours of Camoens 
reft unknown. This only appears : He had afpired above his rank, 
for he was banifhed from the court ; and, in feveral of his fonnets, 
he afcribes this misfortune to love. 

He now retired to his mother’s friends at Santarene.. Here he re- 
newed his ftudies,. and began his Poem on the Difcovery of India. 
John III. at this time prepared an armament againft Africa. Camoens, 
tired of his inactive obfcure life, went to Ceuta in this expedition, and 
greatly diftinguifhed his valour in feveral rencounters. In a naval en- 
gagement with the Moors, in the ftraits of Gibraltar, in the conflid: of 
boarding he was among the foremoft, and loft his right eye. Yet neither 
the hurry of adtual fervice, nor the diflipation of the camp, could ftifle 
his genius. He continued his Lvfiadds, and feveral of his moft beautiful 
fonnets were written in Africa, while, as he exprefles it. 

One hand the pen, and one the fword employ’d. 

The fame of his valour had now reached the court, and he obtained 
permiffion to return to Lilbon. But while he folicited an eftablifhment 
which he had merited in the ranks of battle, the malignity of evil 
tongues, as he calls it in one of his letters, was injurioufiy poured upon 
him. Though the bloom of his early youth was effaced by feveral years 
refidence under the fcorching heavens of Africa, and though altered by 
the lofs of an eye, his prefence gave uneafinels to the gentlemen of lbme 
families of the fir ft rank, where he had formerly vifited. Jealoufy is the 
charafteriftic of the Spanifh and Portuguefe ; its refentment knows no 
bounds : and Camoens now found it prudent to banifh himfelf from his 
native country. Accordingly, in 1553, he failed for India, with a refo- 
lution never to return. As the ftiip left the Tagus, he exclaimed, in the 
words of the fepulchral monument of Scipio Africanus, Ingrata pafrr'ni> 

* The French. Tranflator gives us fo fine a Nicolas Antonio, “ Mediocri Jlntura fuit, 
defcription of the perfon of Camoens, that it et came plena, capillis itfpzie ad cruet color em- 

feems to be borrowed from the Fairy Tales. flanjejcentibus, maxirne in jimentute. Ernitu- 
It is uni verfally agreed, however, that he bat ei jrcns, Cf, mcctius nafu.s, cattra lonpi/s, 
was handfome, and had a molt engaging et in fine crajp.-.tfculut 

mien, and adiftefs. He is thus defcribed by 



non pojffidebis ojfa men ! Ungrateful country, thou fhalt not poflefs my 
bones ! but he knew not what evils in the Eaft would awake the re- 
membrance of his native fields. 

When Camoens arrived in India, an expedition was ready to fail to 
revenge the king of Cochin on the king of Pimenta. Without any reft 
on fliore after his long voyage, he joined this armament, and in the 
conqueft of the Alagada Hands, difplayed his ufual bravery. But his 
modefty, perhaps, is his greateft praife. In a fonnet he mentions this 
expedition : We went to punilh the king of Pimenta, fays he, e fuc- 
cedeones hem , and we J'ucceeded well » When it is confidered that the Poet 
bore no inconfiderable fiiare in the vidtory, no ode can conclude more 
elegantly, more happily than this. 

In the year following, he attended Manuel de Vafconcello in an expe- 
dition to the Red Sea. Plere, fays Faria, as Camoens had no ufe for his 
fword, he employed his pen. Nor was his activity confined in the fleet 
or camp. He vifited Mount Felix, and the adjacent inhofpi'cable regions 
of Africa, which he fo ftrongly pidlures in the Lufiad, and in one of his 
little pieces, where he laments the abfence of his miftrefs. 

When he returned to Goa, he enjoyed a tranquility which enabled him 
to bellow his attention on his Epic Poem. But this ferenity was inter- 
rupted, perhaps by his own imprudence. He wrote fome latyrs which 
gave offence, and, by order of the viceroy, Francifco Barreto, he was 
baniflied to China. 

Men of poor abilities are more confcious of their embarraflfment and 
errors than is commonly believed. When men of this kind are in 
power, they affedt great lolemnity ; and every expreflion of the moil 
diftant tendency to leffen their dignity, is held as the greateft of crimes. 
Conlcious alio how feverely the man of genius can hurt their intereft, 
they bear an inftindtive antipathy againft him, are uneafy even in his 
company, and, on the flighted pretence, are happy to drive him from 
them. Camoens was thus fituated at Goa ; and never was there a fairer 
field for fatyr than the rulers of India at this time afforded. Yet, what- 
ever efteem the prudence of Camoens may lofe in our idea, the noble- 
nefs of his diipofition will doubly gain. And, lb confcious was he of 
his real integrity and innocence, that in one of his fonnets he willies no 
other revenge on Barreto, than that the cruelty of his exile fnould ever 
be remembered*. 

* Caftera,who always condemns Camoens, 
as if guilty of facrilege, when the flighted: 
reproach of a grandee appears, tells us, 
“ that pofterity by no means enters into the 
“ reientment of our poet ; and that the Por- 
“ tuguefe hillorians make glorious mention 
“ of Barreto, who Was a man of true merit.” 
The Portuguele hillorians, however, knew 
i.ot what true merit was. The brutal uncom- 

mercial wars of Sampayo are by them men- 
tioned as much more glorious than the lefs 
bloody campaigns of a Nunio, which elta- 
blilhed commerce and empire. But the 
adlions of Barreto lliall be called to witnefs 
for Camoens. 

We have already feen his ruinous treaty 
with Meale Can, which ended in the dil- 
grace of the Portnguefe arms. The king of 




The accomplifhments and manners of Camoens foon found him 
friends., though under the di {grace of banifhment. He was appointed 
commiftary of the eftates of the Defundt in the ifland of Macao, on the 
coaft of China. Here he continued hisLufiad; and here alfo, after 
five years refi deuce, he acquired a fortune, though fmall, yet equal to 
his w Hires. Don Conftantine de Braganza was now viceroy of India, 
and Camoens, defirous to return to Goa, refigned his charge. In a fhip, 
freighted by hi ml elf, he- let fail, but was lliip wrecked in the gufph near 
the mouth of the river Mecon, in Cochin-China. All he had acquired 
was loll in -the waves ; his poems, which he held in one hand, while he 
faved kimfelf with the other, were all he found himfelf poflefled of, 
when he llood friendlefs on the unknown fhore. But the natives gave 
him a moll humane reception : this he has immortalifed in the pro- 
phetic long in the tenth Lufiad* ; and in the feventh he tells us, that 
here he lolt the wealth which fatisfied his willies: 

Agora da efperanfa ja , adquirida , &c, 

Nowhleft with all the wealth fond hope could crave, 

Soon I beheld that wealth beneath the wave 
F orever loll ; 

My life, like Judah’s heaven-doom’d king of yore. 

By miracle prolong’d 

On the banks of the Mecon, he wrote his beautiful paraphrafe of the 
pfalm, where the Jews, in the fineft ftrain of poetry, are reprefented as 
hanging their harps on the willows by the rivers of Babylon, and weep- 
ing their exile from their native country. Here Camoens continued 
fome time, till an opportunity offered to carry him to Goa. When he 
arrived at that city, Don Conftantine de Braganza, whofe charafteriftic 
was politenefs, admitted him into intimate friendfhip, and Camoens was 

Cinde defired Barreto’s affiftance to crufh a 
neighbouring prince, who had invaded his 
dominions. Barreto went himfelf to relieve 
him ; but having difagreed about the re- 
ward he required, (For the king had made 
peace with ins enemy) he burned Tata, the 
royal city, killed above 8000 of the people 
he came to proteft ; for eight days he deftroyed 
every thing on the banks of the Indus, and 
loaded his veffels, fays Faria, with the 
richelt booty hitherto taken in India. The 
war with Hydal Can, kindled by Barreto’s 
treachery, continued. The city of Dabul 
was deftroyed by the viceroy, who, foon after, 
at the head of 17,000 men, defeated Hydal 
Can’s army of 20,000. Horrid defolation 
followed thefe victories, and Hydal Can 

continued the implacable enemy of Portugal 
while he lived. Such was Barreto, the man 
who exiled Camoens ! 

* Having named the Mecon : 

EJte recebera placido , c brando., 

No feu rcgaijO 0 Canto , quetnolhado , &C. 

Literally thus : “ On his gentle hofpitable 
bofom (ftc brando poetice J fhall he receive 
the long, wet from woeful unhappy ftup- 
wreck, efcaped from deftroying tempefts, 
from ravenous dangers, the effeft of the 
unjuft fentence upon him, whofe lyre fhall 
be more renowned than enriched*” When 
Camoens was commiffary, he vifited the 
iflands ofTernate, Timor, &c. deferibed in 
the Lufiad. 



happy till Count Redondo affirmed the government. Thofe who had 
formerly procured the baniffiment of the latyrift, were filent while Con- 
ftantine was in power ; but now they exerted all their arts againft him. 
Redondo, when he entered on office, pretended to be the friend of Ca- 
moens ; yet, with all that unfeeling indifference with which he planned 
his moll: horrible witticifm on the Zamorim, he buffered the innocent 
man to be thrown into the common prifon. After all the delay of bring- 
ing witneffes, Camoens, in a public trial, fully refuted every accufation 
of his condudt, while commiffary of Macao, and his enemies w r ere loaded 
with ignominy and reproach. But Camoens had fome creditors; and 
thefe detained him in prifon a confiderable time,, till the gentlemen of 
Goa began to be affiamed, that a man of his lingular merit ffiouid expe- 
rience fuch treatment among them. He was fct at liberty ; and again 
he affirmed the profeffion of arms, and received the allowance of a. gen- 
tleman volunteer, a character at that time common* in Portuguefe India. 
Soon after, Pedro Barreto, appointed governor of the fort at Sofala, by 
high promifes, allured the poet to attend him thither. The governor 
e>f a diftant fort, in a barbarous country, ffiares, in fome meafure, the 
fate of an exile. Yet, though the only motive of Barreto was, in this 
unpleafant lituation, to retain the converfation of Camoens at his table, 
it was his leal! care to render the life of his gueft agreeable. Chagrined 
with his treatment,, and a confiderable time having elapfed in vain de- 
pendence upon Barreto, Camoens refolved to return to his native coun- 
try. A fhip, on the homeward voyage, at this time touched at Sofala, 
and feveral gentlemen '■* who were on board, were delirous that Camoens 
ffiouid accompany theiru But this the governor ungeneroufly endea- 
voured to prevent, and charged him with a debt for board. Anthony 
de Cabral, however, and Heftor de Sylveyra, paid the demand ; and Ca- 
moens, fays Faria, and the honour of Barreto, were fold together. 

After an abfence of fixteen years, Camoens, in 1569, returned to 
Liffion, unhappy even in his arrival, for the peffilence then raged in 
that city, and prevented his publication for three years. At laft, in 
1572, he printed his Luliach, which, in the opening of the firft book, in 
a moll elegant turn of compliment, he addreffed to his prince, king 
Sebaffian, then in his eighteenth year. The king, fays the French 
tranflator, was fo pleafed with his merit, that he gave the Author a pen- 
lion of 4000 reals, on condition that he ffiouid reftde at court. But this 
falary, fays the fame writer, was withdrawn by cardinal Henry, who 
fnccecded to the crown of Portugal, loft by Sebaffian at the battle of 

|| According to the Portuguefe Life of 
Camoens,' prefixed to Gedron’s, the belt 
edition of his works, Diego de Couto, the 
.".dorian, one of the company in this home- 

ward voyage, wrote annotations upon the 
Lufiad, under the eye of its author. But' 
thefe unhappily have never appeared in 




But this (lory of the penfion is very doubtful. Correa, and other 
cotemporary authors, do not mention it, though fome late writers have 
given credit to it. If Camoens, however, had a penfion, it is highly 
probable that Henry deprived him of it. While Sebaftian was devoted 
to the chace, his grand uncle, the cardinal, prefided at the council board, 
and Camoens, in his addrefs to the king, which clofes theLufiad, advifes 
him to exclude the clergy from date affairs. It was eafy to fee that the 
cardinal was here intended. And Henry, befides, was one of thofc 
liatefmen who can perceive no benefit relulting to the public from ele- 
gant literature. But it ought alfo to be added in completion of his 
character, that under the narrow views and weak hands of this Henry, 
the kingdom of Portugal fell into utter ruin; and on his death, 
which doled a fhort inglorious reign, the crown of Lifbon, after a faint 
druggie, was annexed to that of Madrid. Such was the degeneracv 
of the Portuguefe, a degeneracy lamented in vain by Camoens, and 
whofe observation of it was imputed to him as a crime. 

Though the great ;j; patron of one fpecies of literature, a fpecies the 
reverfe of that of Camoens, certain it is, that the author of the Lufiad 

1 Cardinal Henry’s patronage of learning 
and learned men is mentioned with cordial 
elleem by the Portuguefe writers. Happily 
they alfo tell us what that learning was. 
Is was to him the Romifh Friars of the Eaft 
tranfmitted their childifh forgeries of in- 
fcriptions and miracles (for fome of which, 
fee the note on p. 47 3 -P He correfponded 
with them, directed their labours, and re- 
ceived the firft accounts of their fuccefs. 
Under his patronage it was difeovered, that 
St. Thomas ordered the Indians to wor- 
fhip the Crofs ; and that the Moorilh tra- 
dition of Perimal, (who, having embraced 
Mobammedifm, divided his kingdom among 
his officers, whom he rendered tributary to 
the Zamorim,) was a malicious mifrepre- 
fentation; for that Perimal, having turned 
•Chriftian, refignedhis kingdom, and became 
a monk. Such was the learning patronifed 
by Henry, who was alfo a zealous patron of 
the Inquifition at Lilbon, and the Founder 
of the inquifition at Goa, to which place he 
lent a whole apparatus of holy fathers to fup- 
prefs the Jews and reduce the native Chrif- 
tians to the See of Rome. Nor mult the 
treatment experienced by Buchanan at Lif- 
i»on be here omitted, as it affords a convincing 
proof, that the fine genius of Camoens was 
the true fource of his misfortunes. John III. 
earned: to promote the cultivation of polite 

literature among his fubjedls, engaged Bu- 
chanan, the molt elegant Latinifl, perhaps, 
of modern times, to teach philofophy and 
the belles lettres at Lifbon. But the defign 
of the monarch was foon frullrated by the 
cardinal Henry and the clergy. Buchanan was 
committed to prifon, becaulc it wasatledged 
he had eaten flefh in Lent ; and becaufe, in 
his early youth, at St. Andrew’s in Scotland, 
he had written a fatyr againll the Francif- 
cans ; for which, however, ere he would 
venture to Lifbon, John had promifed abfo- 
lute indemnity. John, with much diffi- 
culty,, procured his releafe from a loathfome 
jail, but could not effedl his refloration as 
a teacher. He could only change his prifon ; 
for Buchanan was fent to a monaflery, to be 
inf rubied by the monks, the men of letters 
patronifed by Henry. Thefe are thus cha- 
rafterifed by their pupil Buchanan, — nee in~ 
humanis, nec mails, Jed omnis religionis 
ignaris. “ Not uncivilized, not flagitious, 
but ignorant of every religion.” A fatyrical 
negative compliment, followed by a charge 
of grofs barbarifm. In this confinement, 
Buchanan wrote his elegant verfion of the 
pfalms. Camoens, about the fame time, 
failed for India. The blefied effedls of the 
fpirit which perfecuted fuch men, are well 
expreffed in the proverb, A Spaniard, flript 
of all his virtues, makes a good Portuguefe. 




was utterly negledled by Henry, under whofe inglorious reign he died, 
in all the mifery of poverty. By fome it is faid he died in an alms-houfe. 
It appears, however, that he had not even the certainty of fublillence 
which thefe houfes provide. He had a black fervant, who had grown 
old with him, and who had long experienced his maftar’s humanity. 
This grateful Indian, a native of Java, who, according to fome writers., 
faved his mailer’s life in the unhappy ihipwreck where he loll his effedls, 
begged in the ftreets of Lilbon for the only man in Portugal on whom 
God had bellowed thofe talents, which have a tendency to eredl the 
fpirit of a downward age. To the eye of a careful obferver, the fate of 
Camoens throws great light on that of his country, and will appear 
llridlly connected with it. The fame ignorance, the fame degenerated 
fpirit, which fuffered Camoens to depend on his fhare of the alms begged 
in the llreets by his old hoary fervant, the fame fpirit which caufed this, 
funk the kingdom of Portugal into the moft abjedt vaffallage ever expe- 
rienced by a conquered nation. While the grandees of Portugal were 
blind to the ruin which impended over them, Camoens beheld it with a 
pungency of grief which haftened his exit. In one of his letters he has 
thefe remarkable words, “ Em fitn accaberey a vida, e verram todos que fuy 
afeicoada a nimho patria , See.” “ I am ending the courie of my life, the 
world will witnefs how I have loved my country. I have returned, not 
only to die in her bofem, but to die with her.” In another letter, written 
a little before his death, he thus, yet with dignity, complains, “ Who 
has feen, on lb final 1 a theatre as my poor bed, fuch a reprefentation of 
the difappointments of fortune ? And I, as if Die could not herfelf 
fubdue me, I have yielded and become of her party ; for it were wild 
audacity to hope to furmount fuch accumulated evils.” 

In this unhappy lituation, in 1579, in his fixty-fecond year, the year 
after the fatal defeat of Don Seballian, died Luis de Camoens, the greatell 
literary genius ever produced by Portugal ; in martial courage, and fpirit 
of honour, nothing- inferior to her greatell heroes. And in’ a manner 
fuitable to the poverty in which he died w r as he buried. Soon after, 
however, many epitaphs honoured his memory ; the greatnels of his. 
merit was univerfally confelfed, and his Luliad was tranllated into various 
languages Nor ought it to be omitted, that the man fo miferablv 
neglected by the weak king Henry, was earneflly enquired after by Philip 

* According to Gedron, a fecond edition 
of the Lufiad appeared in the fame year 
with the firlt. There are two Italian and 
four Spanilh tranfiations of it. An hundred 
years before Caftera’s verlion, it appeared in 
French. Thomas de Faria, bilhop of Targa 
in Africa, tranflated it into Latin, and 
printed it without either his own or the name 
of Camoens : a mean, but vain, attempt to 

pals his verficn upon the public as an ori- 
ginal. Le P. Niceron fays, there were two 
other Latin tranllations. It is tranllated 
alfo into Hebrew, with great elegance and 
fpirit, by one Luzzetto, a learned and inge- 
nious Jew, author of feveral poems in that 
language, and who, about thirty years ago, 
died in the Holy Land. 


c c 



of Spain, when he afifumed the crown of Lilbon. When Philip heard 
that Camoens was dead, both his words and his countenance exprefled 
his difappointment and grief. 

From the whole tenor of his life, and from that fpirit which glow's 
throughout the Lufiad, it evidently appears that the courage and man- 
ners of Camoens flowed from true greatnefs and dignity of foul. Tho* 
his polifhed converfation * w'as often courted by the great, he appears fo 
diftant from fervility, that his imprudence in this refpedt is by fome 
highly blamed. Yet the inftances of it by no means deferve that 
feverity of cenfure wdth which fome writers have condemned him. Un- 
confcious of the feelings of a Camoens, they knew not that a carelefinefs- 
in fecuring the fmiles of fortune, and an open honefly of indignation, 
are almoft infeparable from the enthufiafm of fine imagination. The 
truth is, the man pofferted of true genius feels his greatert happinefs in 
the purfuits and excurfions of the mind, and therefore makes an eftimate 
of things,, very different from that of him whofe unremitting attention 
is devoted to his external intereft.. The profufion of Camoens is alfo 
cenfured. Had he diffipated the wealth he acquired at Macao, his pro- 
fufion indeed had been criminal ; but it does not appear that he ever en- 
joyed any other opportunity of acquiring independence. But Camoens. 
was unfortunate, and the unfortunate mail' is viewed 

• — — — through the dim fhade his fate carts o’er him : 

A fhade that fpreads its evening darknefs o’er 
His brightert virtues, while it fhews his foibles 
Crouding and obvious as the midnight ftars^, 

Which in the funfhine of profperity 
Never had been defcried — — — 

Yet, after the rtridtert difcurtion, when all the caufes are weighed toge- 
ther, the misfortunes of Camoens will appear the fault and difgrace of 
his age and country, and not of the man. His talents would have fe- 
eurcd him an apartment in the palace of Augurtus, but fuch talents are 

* Camoens has not efcaped the fate of 
other eminent wits. Their ignorant ad- 
mirers contrive anecdotes of their humour, 
which in reality difgrace them. Camoens, 
it is faid, one day heard a potter tinging 
fome of his verfes in a miferable mangled 
manner, and, by way of retaliation, broke 
a parcel of his earthen ware. “ Friend, faid 
“ he, you deftroy my verfes, and I deftroy 
“ your goods.” The fame foolifh llory is 
told of Ariofto ; nay, we are even informed, 
that Rinaldo’s fpeech to his horfe, in the 
firft book, 

Ferma Baiardo ttiio, See. 
was the pafifage miftuned ; and that, on the 
potter’s complaint, the injured poet replied, 
“ I have only broken a few bafe pots of 
“ thine, not worth a groat ; but thou haft 
*■* murdered a fine ftanza of mine, worth a 
“ mark of gold.” But both thefe filly tales 
are borrowed from Plutarch’s life of Arcefi- 
laus, where the fame dull humour is told of 
Philoxenus. “ He heard fome brick- 
makers millune one of his fongs, and in 
return he deftroy ed a number of their 



a curfe to their poffeflbr in an illiterate nation. In a beautiful digreflive 
exclamation, at the end of the fifth Lufiad, he gives us a ftriking view 
of the negledt which he experienced. Having mentioned how the 
greatefl: heroes of antiquity revered and cheriflied the Mufe, he thus 
charadterifes the nobility of his own age and country : 

Alas ! on Tago’s haplefs Ihores alone 

The Mufe is flighted, and her charms unknown. 

For this, no Virgil here attunes the lyre. 

No Homer here awakes the hero’s fire. 

Unheard, in vain their native poet fings. 

And cold negledt weighs down the Mufe’s wings. 

And what particularly feems to have touched him 

Even he whofe veins the blood of Gama warms * 

Walks by, unconfcious of the Mufe^s charms : 

# The political evils impending over his 
country, which Camoens almoft alone fore- 
faw, gave not, in their fulfilment, a ftronger 
proof of his fuperior abilities, than his pro- 
phecy of Don Francifco de Gama — 

Nem as Fill; as do Ft jo, que deixajfem 

As tellas douro fino, e que o cantajfem. 

No "Nymph of Tagus //sail leave her golden 
embroidered web, and fing of him — affords 
of his knowledge of men. Camoens was 
fuperior to a mean refentment ; he moll un- 
doubtedly perceived that ignorance, unman- 
ly arrogance, and infignificance of abilities, 
which, 18, and 38 years after his death, 
difgraced the two viceroyalties of his hero’s 
grandfon. Juftice to the memory of Ca- 
moens, and even to the caufe of polite lite- 
rature itfelf, requires fome fhort account of 
this nobleman, who appears to have treated 
our Author with the mod mortifying ne- 
gleft. He was named Don Francifco de 
Gama, Count de Vidigueyra. Fads will 
beft give his character: He had not one 
idea, that the elegant writer who immor- 
talifed his anceftor had the leafl title to his 
countenance. Several years after the death 
of Camoens, he was made viceroy of India, 
by the king of Spain. Here he carried 
himfelf with fuch ftate, fays Faria, that 
he was hated by all men. When he entered 
■upon his government, he bellowed every 
place in his gift upon his parafites, who pub- 
lickly fold them to the beft bidders. And 
though Cunnale, the pirate, who had dif- 

gracefully defeated Don Luis de Gama,, the 
viceroy’s brother, had furrendered, upon the 
foie condition of life, to the brave Furtado, 
Cunnale, his nephew Cinale, and 40 Moors 
of rank, were brought to Goa. But the 
Moors were no fooner landed, than the law- 
lefs rabble tore them in pieces, and Cunnale 
and his n ephew were pub liekly beheaded, by 
order of the viceroy. And thus, fays Faria, 
government and the rabble went hand in 
hand in murder and the breach of faith. 
Over the principal gate of Goa flood a 
marble llatue of Vafco de Gama. This, in 
hatred of the grandfon, the enraged inhabi- 
tants broke down, in the night, and in the 
morning the quarters were found gibbeted 
in the moft public parts of the city. And 
thus the man who defpifed the wreath with 
which Camoens crowned his grandfather, 
brought that grandfather’s effigies to the 
deepeft infult which can be offered to the 
memory of the deceafed. Nor were his own 
effigies happier. On his recal to Europe, 
the firft object that ftruck him, when he 
went on board the fhip appointed to carry 
him, was a figure hanging by the neck at 
the yard arm, exadtly like himfelf in feature 
and habit. He afked what it meant 5 and 
was refolutely anfwered. It reprefents Ton , 
and thefe are the men who hung it up. Nor 
muft another infult be omitted. After 
being a few days at fea, he was neceffitated 
to return to the port from whence he had 
failed, for frefh provifions, for all his live- 
flock, it was found, was poifoned. After 
c c 2 his 


For him no Mufe fhall leave her golden loom, 

No palm fhall blofiom, and no wreath fhall bloom. 

Yet fhall my labours and my cares be paid 
By fame immortal — 

In Inch an age, and among fuch barbarous nobility, what but wretched 
neglect could be the fate of a Camoens ! After all, however, if he 
was imprudent on his firft appearance at the court of John III. if the 
honefty of his indignation led him into great imprudence, as certainly it 
did, when at Goa he fatyrifed the viceroy and the firft Goths in power ; 
yet let it alfo be remembered, that ec The gifts of imagination bring 
“ the heavieft talk upon the vigilance of reafon ; and to bear thole 
<c faculties with unerring redtitude or invariable propriety, requires a 
fC degree of firmnefs and of cool attention, which doth not always at- 
<£ tend the higher gifts of the mind. Yet difficult as nature herlelf 
feems to have rendered the talk of regularity to genius, it is the fu- 
“ preme confolation of dullnefs and of folly to point with Gothic tri- 
(e umph to thofe excefles which are the overflowings of faculties they 
te never enjoyed. Perfectly unconfcious that they are indebted to their 
“ flupidity for the confiflency of their conduct, they plume themfel'ves 
“ on a imaginary virtue, which has it origin in what is really their dif- 
“ grace.-— Let fuch, if fuch dare approach the fhrine of Camoens,.. 
“ withdraw to a refpedtful diflance ; and fhould they behold the ruins 
“ of genius, or the weaknefs of an exalted mind, let them be taught 
to lament, that nature has left the noblefl of her works imperfedt 
And Poetry is not only the noblefl, but alfo not the leaf! ufeful, if 
civilization of manners be of advantage to mankind. No moral truth 
may be more certainly demonflrated, than that a Virgil or a Milton are 
not only the firft ornaments of a ftate, but alfo of the firft confequence, 
if the laft refinement of the mental powers be of importance. Strange 
as this might appear to a j Burleigh or a Locke,, it is philofophically 

his return to Europe,- he ufed all his intereft 
to be reinftated in India, which, in his old 
days, after twenty years folicitation at 'the 
court of Madrid, he at laft obtained. His 
fecond government, however, is wrapped in 
much obfeurity, and is diftinguilhed by no 
important a&ion or event. 

* This paffage in inverted commas is cited, 
with the alteration of the name only, from 
Hr. Langhorne's account of the life of 
William Collins. 

X Burleigh, though an able politician, 
and deep in ftate intrigue, had no idea, that 
to introduce polite literature into the verna- 
cular tongue, was of any benefit to a nation ; 
though her vernacular literature \yas the 

glory of Rome when at the height of em- 
pire, and though empire fell with its de- 
clenfion. Spenfer, the man who greatly 
conduced to refine the Englilh Mufes, was 
by Burleigh efteemed a ballad-maker, un- 
worthy of regard. Yet the Englilh polite 
literature, fo greatly indebted to Spenfer, 
is at this day, in the efteem which it com- 
mands abroad, of more real fervice to Eng- 
land, than all the reputation or intrigues of 
Burleigh, And ten thoufand Burleiglis, ac- 
cording to Sir W. Temple, are born for 
one Spenfer. Ten thoufand are born, fays 
Sir William, with abilities requilite to form 
a great Statesman, for one who is born with 
the talents or genius of a great Poet. 




accounted for by Bacon ; nor is Locke’s opinion either inexplicable or 
irrefutable. The great genius of Ariftotle, and that of his great re- 

Locke’s ideas of poetry are accounted for 
in one ftiort fentence y He knew nothing 
about the matter. An extrafl from 
his correfpondence with Mr. Molyneux, and 
a citation from one of his treatifes, {hall 
demonftrate the truth of this aflertion. 

Molyneux writes to Locke r 

“ Mr. Churchill favoured me with the 
prefent of Sir R. Blackmore’s K. Arthur. 
I had read Pr. Arthur before, and read it 
with admiration, which is not at all lelfened 
by this fecond piece. All our Englijh poets 
(except Milton) have been mere ballad-makers 
in comparifon to him. Upon the publication 
of his firft poem, I intimated to him, through 
Mr. Churchill's* hands, how excellently I 
thought he might perform a philofophic 
poem, from many touches he gave in his 
Pr. Arthur, particularly from Mopas’s fong. 
And I perceive by his preface to K. Arthur 
he has had the like intimations from others, 
but rejefts them, as being an enemy to all 
philofophic hypothefes.” 

Mr. Locke anfwers : 

“ I Ihall, when I fee Sir R. Blackmore, 
difcourfe him as you defire. There is, I with 
pleafure find, a ftrange harmony throughout, 
between your thoughts and mine.” 

Molyneux replies : 

“ I perceive you are fo happy as to be ac- 
quainted with Sir Rich. Blackmore; he is 
an extraordinary perfon, and I admire his 
two prefaces as much as I do any parts of 
his books : The firft, wherein he expofes 
“ the licenticufnefs and immorality of our 
“ late poetry,” is incomparable ; and the 
fecond, wherein he profecutes the fame fub- 
jeft, and delivers his thoughts concerning 
hypothefes, is no lefs judicious; and lam 
wholly of his opinion relating to the latter. 
However, the hiftory and phenomena of 
nature we may venture at ; and this is what 
I propofe to be the fubjeft of a philofophic 
poem. Sir R. Blackmore has exquifite 
touches of this kind, difperfed in many 
places of his books ; (to pafs over Mopas’s 
fong) I’ll inftance one particular in the moft 

profound fpeculations of Mr. Newton’s phi- 
lofophy, thus curioufly touched in King 
Arthur, Book IX. p. 243. 

The eonftellationj fhine at his command, 

He form’d their radiant orbs, and with his hand 
He weigh’d, and put them off with fuch a force 
As might preferve an everlafting courfe*. 

** I doubt not but Sir R. Blackmore, in 
thefe lines, had a regard to the proportion- 
ment of the projective motion of the vis 
cev.tripeta, that keeps the planets in their 
continued courfes. 

“ I have by me fome obfervations, made 
by a judicious friend of mine, on both of Sir 
R. Blackmore’s poems. If they may be 
any ways acceptable to Sir R. I {hall fend 
them to you.” < 

Mr. Locke again replies : 

** Though Sir R. B’s vein in poetry be what 
every body mull allow him to have an ex- 
traordinary talent in ; and though, with you, 
I exceedingly valued his firft preface, yet I 
mull own to you, there was nothing that I 
fo much admired him for, as for what he 
fays of hypothefes in his laft. It feems to 
me fo right, and is yet fo much out of the 
way of the ordinary writers, and practition- 
ers in diat faculty, that it {hews as great a 
{Length and penetration of judgment as his 
poetry has fbevon flights of fancy .” 

As the beft comment on this, let an ex- 
tradl from Locke’s Eflay on Education fully 
explain his ideas. 

“ If he have a poetic vein, ’tis to me the 
llrangeft thing in the world that the father 
Ihould defire or fufter it to be cheriihed cr. 
improved. Methinks the parents fhould 
labour to have it ftifled and fupprefied as 
much as may be ; and I know not what rea- 
fon a father can have to wifh his fon a poet, 
who does not defire to have him bid defiance 
to all other callings or bufinefs ; which is not 
yet the worft of the cafe ; for if he proves a 
fuccefsful rhymer, and gets once the repu- 
tation of a wit, I defire it may be confide r- 
ed, what company and places he is like to 
fpend his time in, nay, and eftate too ; fer 
it is very’ feldom feen that any one difeovers 
mines of gold or filver in Parnalfus. ’Tis 

1 ;.cf<i lines, however, are a dull wretched jferap hrafe of feme parts of the Pfalms. 

a pleafant 



fembler, Sir Francis Bacon, faw deeper into the true fpirit of poetry and 
the human affections than a Burleigh. In ancient Greece, the works of 

a pleafant air, but barren foil, and there 
are very few inftances of thofe who have 
added to their patrimony by any thing they 
have reaped from thence. Poetry and 
Gaming, which ufually go together, are 
alike in this too, that they feldom bring 
any advantage but to thofe who have no- 
thing elfe to live on. Men of eftates almolt 
conftancly go away lofers ; and ’tis well if 
they el'cape at a cheaper rate, than their 
whole eftates, or the greateft part of them. 
If therefore you would not have your fon 
the fiddle to every jovial company, without 
whom the fparks could not relilli their wine, 
nor know how to fpend an afternoon idly ; 
if you would not have him wafte his time 
and eftate to divert others, and contemn 
the dirty acres left him by his anceftors, I 
do not think you will much care he fhould 
be a poet.” 

This ignorance of poetry is even worfe 
than the Dutch idea of it. But this, and 
his opinion of Blackmore, fully prove, that 
Locke, however great in other refpefts, 
knew no difference between a Shakefpeare, 
that unequalled philofopher of the paffions, 
and the dulleft Grub-llreet plodder ; be- 
tween a Milton and the tavern rhymers of 
the days of the fecond Charles. But Milton’s 
knowledge of the affections difcovered in 
the cultivation of the Mufes an ufe of the 
firft importance. A tafte formed by the 
great poetry, he efteems as the ultimate re- 
finement of the underftanding. “ This (fays 
he, in his Tractate on the Education of 
Youth) would make them foon perceiye, 
what defpicable creatures our common rhy- 
mers and play writers be ; and fnew them 
what religious, what glorious and magnifi- 
cent ufe might be made of poetry, both in 
divine and human things. From hence, 
and not till now, will be the right feafon of 
forming them to be able writers and com- 
pofers in every excellent matter . . . whether 
they be to fpeak in parliament or council, 
honour and attention would be waiting on 
their lips. There would then alfo appear 
in pulpits other vifages, other gdtures, and 
fluff othewife wrought, than what we now 

fit under” Milton evidently alludes to 

the general dulnefs of the furious fettaries 
of his own time. The furious bigots of 
every fctl have been as remarkable for 

their inelegance as for their rage. And 
the cultivation of polite literature has ever 
been found the beft preventive of gloomy 
enthufiafm, and religious intollerance. 
In Milton, and every great poet, the 
poet and fublime philofopher are united, 
though Milton was perhaps the only man 
of his age, who perceived this union or 
famenefs of character. Lord Clarendon 
feems to have confidered poetry merely as 
puerile fmg-fong. Waller, he fays, addict- 
ed himfelf to poetry at thirty, the time when 
others leave it off. Nor was Charles I. lefs 
unhappy in his eftimate of it. In the dedi- 
cation of Sir John Denham’s works to 
Charles II. we have this remarkable paf- 
fage : “ One morning, waiting upon him 
“ (Charles I.) at Caujham, fmiling upon me, 
“ he faid he could tell me fome news of my- 
“ felf, which was that he had feen fome 
“ verfes of mine the evening before, and 
“ afking me when I made them, I told him 
“ two or three years fince ; he was pleafed 
“ to fay, that having never feen them be- 
“ fore, he was afraid I had written them 
“ fince my return into England, and though 
“ he liked them well, he would advife me 
“ to write no more, alledging, that when 
“ men are young, and have little elfe to do, 
“ they might vent the overflowings of their 
“ fancy that way ; but when they were 
“ thought fit for more ferious employments, 
<c if they ftill perflfted in that courfe, it 
“ would look as if they minded not the way 
“ to any better.” Yet this monarch, who 
could perceive nothing but idle puerility in 
poetry, was the zealous patron of architec- 
ture, fculpture, and painting ; and his fa- 
vourite, the duke of Buckingham, laid out 
the enormous fum of 400,0001. on paint- 
ings and curioflties. But had Charles’s 
bounty given a Shakefpeare or a Milton to 
the public, he would have done his king- 
doms infinitely more fervice than if he had 
imported into England all the pictures and 
all the antiques in the world. 

The reader who is defirous to fee a phi- 
lofophical character of the natural and ac- 
quired qualifications neceflary to form a 
great poet, will find it delineated, in a maf- 
terly manner, in Raffelas, prince of Abyfli- 
nia, an Eafteni tale, by Dr. Johnfon. 




Homer were called the leflon or philofophy of kings ; and Bacon de- 
Icribes the effedls of poetry in the molt exalted terms. What is defi- 
cient of perfection in hiftory and nature, poetry fupplies ; it thus ereCts 
the mind, and confers magnanimity, morality, and delight ; “ and there- 
fore, fays he, it was ever thought to have fome participation of divine- 
nefs The love of poetry is fo natural to the ftronger affections, that 
the molt barbarous nations delight m it. And always it is found, that 
as the rude war fong and eulogy of the dead hero refine, the manners of 
the age refine alfo. The hiftory of the ftages of poetry is the philoso- 
phical hiftory of manners ; the only hiftory in which, with certainty, we 
can behold the true character of paft ages. True civilization, and a 
humanifed tafte of the mental pleasures, are therefore fynonimous terms. 
And moft certain it is, where feeling and affeCtion refide in the breaft, 
thefe rnuft be moft forcibly kindled and called into aCtion by the 
animated reprefentations, and living fire, of the great poetry. Nor 
may Milton’s evidence be rejected, for though a poet himfelf, his 
judgment is founded on nature. According to him, a true, tafte for the 
great poetry gives a refinement and energy to all other ftudies, and 
is of the laft importance in forming the Senator and the gentleman. 
That the poetry of Camoens merits this high character, in a lingular 
manner, he that reads it with tafte and attention muft own : A Difler- 
tation on it, however, is the duty of the Tranflator 

* His high idea of poetry is thus philoso- 
phically explained by the great Bacon : 

“ So likewife I finde, Some particular 
writings of an elegant nature, touching 
fome of the affeftions, as of anger, of com- 
fort, upon aduerfe accidents, of tendernefte 
of countenance, and other. But the poets 
and writers of hiftories are the belt doctors 
of this knowledge ; where we find painted 
forth with the life, how affeftions are kin- 
dled and incited, and how pacified and re- 
ftrained : and how againe contained from 
aft and farther degree : how they difclofe 
themfelves, how they worke, how they 
vary, how they gather and fortify, how 
they are inwrapped one within another, and 
how they doe fight and encounter one with 
another, and other the like particularities ; 
nmongft the which this laft is of Special ufe 
in moral and civile matters.” 

Here poetry is ranked with hiftory ; in 
the following its effeft on the paflions is 

“ The ufe of this fained Hiftory ( Poetry ) 
hath been to give fome fhadowe of fatis- 
faftion to the mind of man in thofe points 
in which nature doth deny it ; the world 

being in proportion inferior to' the foul: 
By reafon whereof there is agreeable to the 
Spirit of man a more ample greatnefle, a 
more exaft goodnefte, and a more abfolute 
variety than can be found in the nature of 
things. Therefore, becaufe the events of 
true hiftory have not that magnitude which 
fatisfieth the mind of man, Poefy fayneth 
afts and events greater and more heroicall ; 
becaufe true hiftory propoundeth the fiic- 
ceffes and iffues of aftions not fo agreeable 
to the merits of virtue and vice ; therefore 
Poefy faynes them more juft in retribution, 
and more according to revealed Providence ; 
becaufe true Hiftory reprefenteth aftions and 
events more ordinary and lefs interchanged ; 
therefore Poefy endueth them with more 
rarenefle, and more unexpected and alterna- 
tive variations. So then it appeareth that 
Poefy ferveth and conferreth to magnani- 
mity, morality, and deleftation ; and there*- 
fore it was ever thought to have fome par- 
ticipation of divinenefte, becaufe it doth 
raife and ereft the mind, by Submitting the 
fhewes of things to the defires of the mind ; 
whereas reafon doth humble and bow the 
mind unto the nature of things.” 


( cc ) 




V OLTAIRE, when he was in England, previous to the publica- 
tion of his Henriade, publilhed in * Englilh. an Effay on the Epic 
Poetry of the European nations. In this he highly praifed and feverely 
attacked the Lufiad. Yet this criticifm, though molt fuperficial and 

* In his French editions of this Effay, he 
has made various alterations, at different 
rimes, in the article of Camoens. The ori- 
ginal Englilh, however, lhall be here cited, 
and the French alterations attended to as they 
occur. Nor is it improper to premife, that 
fome molt curious falfities will be detedt- 
ed ; the grofs mifreprefentation of every ob- 
jection refuted ; and demonltration brought, 
rhat when Voltaire wrote his Englilh Effay, 
his knowledge of the Lufiad was entirely 
borrowed from a very flight acquaintance 
with the bald, harflr, unpoetical verfton of 

“ While Triflino, fays Voltaire, was 
clearing away the rubbilh in Italy, which 
barbarity and ignorance had heaped up for 
ten centuries, in the way of the arts and 
fciences, Camouens in Portugal fleered a 
new courfe, and acquired a reputation which 
lafts ftill among his countrymen, who pay 
as much refpedt to his memory, as the Eng- 
lilh to Milton. 

“ He was a ftrong inftattde of the irre- 
fiftible impulfe of nature, which determines 
a true genius to follow the bent of his ta- 
lents, in fpight of all the obftacles which 
would check his courfe. 

“ His infancy loll amidft the idlenefs and 
ignorance of the court of Lilbon ; his youth 
fpent in romantic loves, or in the war againft 
the Moors ; his long voyages at fea, in his 
riper years ; his misfortunes at court, the re- 
volutions of his country, none of all thefe 
could fupprefs his genius. 

“ Emanuel the fecond king of Portugal, 
having a mind to find a new way to the Ealt 
Indies by the ocean, fent Velafco de Gama 

with a fleet in the year 1 497, to that under- 
taking, which being new, was accounted ralh 
and impracticable, and which of courfe gain- 
ed him a great reputation when it fucceeded. 

“ Camouens follow’d Velafco de Gama 
in that dangerous voyage, led by his friend- 
Ihip to him, and by a noble curiofity, which 
feldom fails to be the character of men born 
with a great imagination. 

“ He took his voyage for the fubjeCt of 
his poem ; he enjoy’d the fenfible pleafure, 
which nobody had known before him, to ce- 
lebrate his friend, and the things he was an 
eye-witnefs of. 

“ He wrote his Poem, part on the Atlan- 
tic Sea, and partly on the Indian Ihore. I 
ought not to omit, that on a lhipwrack on 
the coafts of Malabar, he fwam a Ihore, 
holding- up his poem ftr one hand, which 
otherwife had been perhaps loft for ever. 

“ Such a new fubjeCt, manag’d by an un- 
common genius, could not but produce a 
fort of Epic Poetry unheard of before. 
There no bloody wars are fought, no heroes 
wounded in a thoufand different ways ; no 
woman enticed away, and the world over- 
turn’d for her caufe ; no empire founded ; in 
Ihort, nothing of what was deem’d before 
the only fubjeCt of poetry. 

“ The Poet Conducts the Pdrtuguefe fleet 
to the mouth of the Ganges, round the 
coafts of Africk. He takes notice in the 
way, of many nations who live upon the 
African ihore. He interweaves artfully the 
hiftory of Portugal. The fimplicity of his 
fubjeCt, is rais’d by fome fictions of different 
kinds, which I think not improper to ac- 
quaint the Reader with. 

“ Whctt 



erroneous, has been generally efteemed throughout Europe, as the true 
character of that Poem. The great objections upon which he condemns 
it, are, an abfurd mixture of Chriftian and Pagan mythology, and a want 
of unity in the adtion and condudt. For the mixture of mythology, a 
defence fhall be offered, and the wild exaggerations of Voltaire expofed. 
And an examen of the conduCt of the Lufiad will clearly evince, that the 
Eneid itfelf is not more perfect in that connection, which is requifite to 
form One whole, according to the ftriCteft rules of Epic Unity. 

•* When the fleet in failing in the fight of 
the Cape of Good Hope, call’d then the 
Cape of the Storms, a formidable fhape ap- 
pears to them, walking in the depth of the 
fea ; his head reaches to the clouds, the 
ftorms, the winds, the thunders, and the 
lightnings hang about him ; his arms are ex- 
tended over the waves. ’Tis the guardian 
of that foreign ocean unplow’d before by 
any (hip. He complains of being oblig’d 
to fubmit to fate, and to the audacious un- 
dertaking of the Portuguefe, and foretells 
them all the misfortunes which they mull un- 
dergo in the Indies. I believe, that fuch a 
fittion would be thought noble and proper, 
in all ages, and in all nations. 

“ There is another, which perhaps would 
have pleas’d the Italians as well as the Portu- 
guefe, but no other nation befides : It is the 
inchanted ifland, call’d the Ifland of Blifs, 
which the fleet finds in her way home, juft 
rifing from the fea, for their comfort and for 
their reward : Camouens defcribes that place, 
as Tafl'o did fome years after, his ifland of 
Armida. There a fupernatural power, brings 
in all the beauties, and prefents all the plea- 
fures svhich nature can afford, and which the 
heart may wifh for; a Goddefs enamour’d 
with Velafco de Gama, carries him to the 
top of an high mountain, from whence fhe 
Ihews him all the kingdoms of the earth, 
and foretells the fate of Portugal. 

“ After Camouens hath given loofe to his 
fancy, in the lafcivious defcription of the 
pleasures which Gama and his crew enjoy’d 
in the ifland, he takes care to inform the 
Reader, that he ought to underftand by this 
fittion, nothing but the fatisfa&ion which the 
virtuous man feels, and the glory which ac- 
crues to him by the praftice of virtue ; but the 
belt excufe for fuch an invention , is, the charm- 
ing ftile in which it is deliver’d (if we believe 
the Portuguefe) for the beauty of the elocution 
makes fometimes amends for the faults of 
the poets, as the colouring of Rubens makes 

fome defefls in his figures pafs unregarded. 

“ There is another kind of machinery 
continued throughout all the Poem, which 
nothing can excufe, in any country what- 
ever ; ’tis an injudicious mixture of theHea- 
then Gods with our Religion. Gama in a 
ftorm addrefles his prayers to Chrift, but ’tis 
Venus who comes to his relief ; the heroes are 
chriftians, and the poet heathen. The main 
defign which the Portuguefe are fuppos’d to 
have (next to promoting their trade) is to 
propagate Chriftianity; yet Jupiter, Bac- 
chus, and Venus, have in their hands all the 
management of the voyage. So incongru- 
ous a machinery, cafts a blemilh upon the 
whole Poem ; yet Ihews at the fame time, 
how prevailing are its beauties, ftnce the 
Portuguefe like it with all its faults. 

“ Camouens hath a great deal of true 
wit, and not a little Ihare of faife ; his ima- 
gination hurries him into great abfurdities. 
I remember, that after Velafco de Gama, 
hath related his adventures to the king of 
Melinda, now, fays he, O king, judge if 
Ulyfles, and Aineas, have travell’d fo far, 
and undergone fo many hardlhips. -As if 
that barbarous African was acquainted with 
Homer and Virgil. 

“ His poem, in my opinion, is full of 
numberlels faults and beauties, thick fown 
near one another ; and almoft in every page 
there is fomething to laugh at, and fome- 
thing to be delighted with. Among his moll 
lucky thoughts, I mull take notice of two, 
for the likenefs which they bear to two moll 
celebrated paflages of Waller, and Sir John 

“ Waller fays, in his Ispiftle to Zelinda; 
Thy matchlefs form will credit bring, 

To all the wonders I can fing. 

“ Camouens fays, in fpeaking of the 
voyages of the Argonautes, and of Ulyfles, 
that the undertaking of the Portuguefe lhall 
give credit to all thofe fablesj in furpalfing 

d d 

“ Sir 



The term Epopceia is derived from the Greek ’'Erne, difcourfe, and hence 
the Epic, may be rendered the narrative poem. In the full latitude of 
this definition, fome Italian critics have contended, that the poems of 
Dante and Ariofto were Epic. But thefe confift of various detached 
actions, which do not conftitute one whole. In this manner Telemachus 
and the Faerie Queene are alfo Epic poems. A definition more reftrifr- 
ed, however, a definition defcriptive of the nobleft fpecies of poetry, has 
been given by Arifiotle ; and the greateft critics have followed him, in 

“ Sir John Denham, in his Poem on Coo* 
per’s-Hil], fays to the Thames; 

O could I flow like thee, and make thy ftream, 

My great example, as it is my theme ; 

Tho deep, yet clear, tho’ gentle, yet not dull, 

Strong without rage, without o’erflowing full. 

“ Camoens addreffes the Nymphs of Ta- 
gus in the like manner; “ O Nymphs, if 
ever i fung of you, infpire me now with 
new and ftrong lays ; let my ftile flow like 
your waves ; let it be deep and clear, as 
your waters, &c.” 

Such is the original criticifm of Voltaire 
©n the Lufiad. And never, perhaps, was 
there fuch a random reverie, fuch a mafs of 
mifreprefentations and falfities as the whole 
of it exhibits. The moft excufeable parts 
of it are fuperficial in the higheft degree. 
Both the poet and the hero are mifnamed 
by him. The name of the hero has been 
correfted, that of Catnouens remains flill in 
Voltaire, the only author who ever fpelled it 
in this manner. There never was an Em- 
manuel the fecond of Portugal. Camoens 
was not fhipwrecked on the coaft of Mala- 
bar, but on the river Mecon in Cochin-Chi- 
na. “ That Gama went a new way to the 
Eaft Indies by the ocean though correfted 
in the edition of 1768, affords a moft 

ftriking proof of Voltaire’s very carelefs 
perufal of the Lufiad, at the time when he 
firft prefumed to condemn it. For it is 
Often repeated in the poem, that there was 
no way to India by the ocean before. That 
the infancy of Camoens was !ofi amidfl the 
idlenefs and ignorance of the court of Lijbon , 
is certainly falfe. His youth could not have 
been fpent in idlenefs or ignorance, for hre 
works difplay a moft mafterly accuracy in 
every branch of ancient literature. 

Though Voltaire has correfted his error 
in fending Camoens to the Eaft Indies along 
with Gama, fuch an original unparallelled 
romance ought to be recorded. G ama failed 
on the diftovery of India in 1497. Ca- 
moens was born in 1517, and was not feven 
years of age when Gama died. Thefe fafts 
were immediately objefted to Voltaire, but, 
at firft, he would not yield. Contrary to the 
teftimony of Camoens himfelf, and every 
circumftance of his life, an * hypothecs muft 
defend this favourite fuppofition. In his 
Amfterdam edition of 1738, Voltaire boldly 
afferts that Camoens was a Spaniard, born 
in the reign of Ferdinand and Ifabel, that 
he came to Lifbon in the firft year of Emma- 
nuel, and was in intimate friendfhip with 
Gama, whom he accompanied in his firft 
voyage. Certain it is, however, by the ar- 

* This hoeeft hypothecs, which makes Camoens a Spaniard, is of a piece with another of the fame inge- 
nious Author. In his unhappy f Eflay on Epic Poetry, he aflerted, that Miltou built his Paradife Loft upon 
an Italian Comedy, written by one Andreino. This was immediately denied, and even fome Italian Literati 
declared, that no fuch Author or Comedy was known in Italy. Voltaire, however, would not yield, and 

very gravely he tells the reader, “ II deft pm dormant it is not at all aftonifhing, that having carefully 

fearched in England for whatever related to that gieat man ( Milton ) I fhould difeover circumftances of his 

life, of which the public were ignorant.” This, therefore, is the authority from which we are to believe 

that Milton borrowed his Paradife Loft from a Comedy which nobody ever faw. From the fame refearches 
in England, Voltaire alfo learned other circumftances, of which the public were totally ignorant. The 
writing by which Milton fold his Paradife Loft to one Simmonds, a Bookfeller, is flill extant. But Voltaire 
difeovered, that he fold it to Tompfon for thirty piftoles, “ enfhi Tompfon lui donna treat e piftolcs dc cet ouvrage." 
Lord Sommers and Dr. Atterbury, he adds, refolding that England fhould have an Epic poem, prevailed on' 
the heirs of Tompfon (He means Tonfon, pci haps) to print a fplendid edition of it. And Addifon wrote, 
fays fic, and the Englifh were perfuaded, that they had am Epic Poem.” 

f Yet, in the fame Eftiiy, he gives a true Vo l- fays he, “ought to he flatly denied ’Tis juft 

iairifm ; he condemns this very aftertion : talking “ as fome people fay Milton hath ftolcn his poem 

of the plagiaries aferibed to Virgil, “ All .that,” “ from au Italian ftrolkr cuil d Andreino." 



appropriating to this fpecies the term of Epopoeia, or Epic. The fub- 
jedt of the Epopoeia, according to that great father of criticifm, raufi be 
One. One adtion muft be invariably purfued, and heightened through 
different ftages, till the Cataftrophe clofe it in fo complete a manner, that 

chives of Portugal, that CamOens was in the 
Eaft about feventy-two years after this voy- 
age ; and that, according to this hypothefis of 
Voltaire, he muft have been near an hundred 
years old when he publifhed his Lufiad. 
Voltaire, however, at laft, confefles that 
Camoens did not accompany Gama. Yet 
fuch is his accuracy, that even in the edition 
of 1768, in an eflay which he calls Idee de 
la Henriade , a few pages before this confef- 
fion, the old afiertion is ftill retained. “ Le 
Camouens, qui eft le Virgile de Portugal s a 
celebre un evenement dont il avail etc temoin 
lui-meme. Camouens, the Portuguefe Vir- 
gil, has celebrated an event of which he 
himfelf had been witnefs.” 

No anecdotes ever threw more light upon 
3 character than thefe throw upon that of 
Voltaire. The afiercion that the Epic Poet 
enjoyed the fenfible pleafure, which nobody 
hud known before him , to celebrate his friend 
and the things he was an eyc-witttefs of, can 
only be accounted for by the fuppofhtiofi, 
that Voltaire was pleafed with the idea, and 
in a little time millook his ftrong imprefiion 
for the remembrance of a fadt. The la- 
boured abfurd hypothefis, which would de- 
fend this fanciful error, canned be placed in 
fo fair a light. And the error confefied, 
and ftill retained, is a true Voltdirifm . Yet 
the idea of his accuracy which thefe ac- 
counts of the Poet muft infpire, will even 
be heightened by the examination of his 
criticifm on the poem. The narrative of a 
voyage conllitutes great part of the OdyfTey, 
and of the Eneid ; and forms the body of the 
Lufiad. Yet the Luliad, fays Voltaire, con- 
tains n thing of what was deemed before the 
only fubjett of poetry. It forms, indeed, a 
fort of Epic poetry unheard of before : But 
here Voltaire’s objedtion points out its 
true praife. No heroes, fays he, are wounded 
a thoufand different ways, no woman enticed 
away and the world overturned for her 
raufe — And muft the fate of Helen, and the 
thoufand different wounds deferibed by Ho- 
mer, be copied by every Epic Poet ? If this 
fentence has any meaning, this is included. 
Yet what is this puerility of criticiiin in 
rc-mparifon of Voltaire’s aflmions, that in 

the Lufiad no bloody wars are fought, no cm •* 
pire founded . — If the deltruftion of Troy be 
allowed to be in the Eneid, there are wars 
enough in the poem of Camoens. The ef- 
fedl of fire-arms on people who never before 
beheld thofe dreadful engines, and a heftile 
town burnt by a fleet, are finely deferibed 
in that part which is called the adtion of the 
Epic Poem. But Voltaire ivas as utter a 
ftranger to the firft book of the Lufiad, as 
to the One fubjedt of the poem, The found- 
ing of the Portuguefe empire in the Eaft. — 
No battle fought, no empire founded ! What 
infult to the literary world is this ! A late 
corredtion will never difprove his ignorance 
when he wrote this. Should a pretended 
critic on Virgil tell his reader that the poet 
condudted Eneas to the mouth of the Thames, 
could we believe he was acquainted with his 
Author. Yet Voltaire teils us, that Ca- 
moens conduEls the Portuguefe fleet to the 
mouth of the Ganges round the coafls of Jfrir. 

Camoens, indeed, condudls his fleet to 

Calicut on the coall of Malabar. But 
though the feene of the adtion of the four 
laft books lies upon this coaft, Voltaire was 
not happy enough to dtp into any of the 
numerous paflages which fix the geography. 
He has, therefore, given the voyage of 
Gama a dimenfion almoft as much beyond 
the real one given by Camoens, as the Weft 
Indies are diftant from England. Such er- 
rors are convincing proofs that Voltaire only 
dipt here and there into the Lufiad, even 
after the critics let him right in fome places ; 
for this grofs error is ftill retained. But a 
mifreprefentation, not founded on ignorance, 
now offers itfelf. Gama, in a form, fays 
Voltaire, addreffes his prayers to Chrifl, but 
’ tis Venus who comes to his relief . — A bold 
afiertion ftill alfo retained, but there is no 
fuch pafi’age in the Lufiad. Gama, in a 
tempeft, prays to “ the holy Power, to whom 
“ nothing is impofiible, the fovereign of 
“ earth, fes, and land, who kd Ifrael through. 
“ the waves, who delivered Paul, and who 
“ protedled the children of the fecond father 
“ of the world from the deluge.” But 
Chrift is not once mentioned in the whole 
paflage. To fay that Gama was a good 
2 Catholic, 



any farther addition would only inform the reader of what he already 
perceives. Yet in purfuing this One End, collateral Epifodes not only 
give that variety, fo effential to good poetry, but, under judicious ma- 
nagement, affiit in the mod pleafing manner to facilitate and produce 

Catholic, and intended Chrjfl under thefe 
appellations, is unworthy of poetical criti- 
cilm, for the whole ridicule confifts in the 
oppofition of the names of Chrifl and Venus. 
Such is the candour of Voltaire ! Nor is it 
difficult to trace the fource of this unfair re- 
presentation. Fanffiaw thus tranflates the 
mention of Paul, 

Thou who didfl keep and fave thy fervar.t Paul — 

Monfieur Voltaire wanted no more. Thy 
fervant Paul was to him enough to vindicate 
the ridicule he chufed to beflow. But un- 
happily for the mifguided critic, the original 
fays only, Tie que livrafe Paulo — thou 
who deliveredft Paul. — -And thus we are 
furnifned with a fure hint of the medium by 
which our critic fludied the Lufiad. To this 
lafl unbluffiing falfity, that Gama prays to 
Chriji , is added, in the edition of 1768, 
“ Bacchus If la Vierge Marie fe trouveront 
tout naturellement enfemble. Bacchus and the 
Virgin Mary are very naturally found toge- 
ther.” If words have meaning, this informs 
the reader, that they are found together in 
the Lufiad. Yet the truth is, in the whole 
poem there is no fuch perfonage as the Vir- 
gin Mary. 

After thefe grofs falfities, Voltaire adds, 

A parler ferieufement , un merveilleux Ji 
abfurde , defigure tout l' outrage aux yeux de 
lefteurs fenfs. To fpeak ferioufly, fuch an 
abfurdity in the marvellous, disfigures the 
whole work in the eyes of fenfible readers.” 
— To fuch as take Voltaire’s word for it, it 
mufl indeed feem disfigured ; but what lite- 
rary murder is this ! Nor does it end here. 
A fimile mull enforce the ffiamelefs mifre- 
prefentation. “ It is like the works of Paul 

Veronefe , who has placed Benedicliiie fathers 
and Swifs foldiers among his paintings from 
the Old Tejiament .” And to this alfo is 
added, “ he Camouens tomhe prefque toujours 
dans de telles difparates. Camouens almoft 
continually falls into fuch extravagancies.” 
Yet with equal juftice may this fentence be 
applied to Virgil; and peculiarly unhappy 
is the inflance which Voltaire immediately 
gives : ' I remember , fays he, Vafco de Gama 
Jays to the king of Melinda , O king, judge if 
UJjJfies and Eneas have travelled Jo far, and 
undergone fo many hardjhips : as if that bar~ 
barous African was acquainted with Homer 
and Virgil J' This fentence is Hill retained ia 
Voltaire’s lafl edition of his works. But, 
according to hiflory, the Melindians were a 
humane and poliffied people ; their build- 
ings elegant, and in the manner of Spain. 
The royal family and grandees were Mo- 
hammedan Arabs, defcended of thofe tribes, 
vvhofe learning, when it fuits his purpofe, is 
the boafl of Voltaire. The prince of Me- 
linda, with whom Gama converfed, is thus 
defcribed by the excellent hiflorian Oforius : 
“ In omni autem fermone princeps ille non ho- 
“ minis barbari fpecimen dab at, fed ingenium 
“ et prudentiam eo loco dignam pree fe fere- 
“ bat — In the whole con verfation the Prince 
“ betrayed no fign of the barbarian ; on the 
“ contrary, hecarried himfelf with a polite- 
“ nefs and intelligence worthy of his rank.” 
— It is alfo certain, that this Prince, whom 
Voltaire is pleafed to call a barbarous Afri- 
can, had fufficient opportunity to be ac- 
quainted with Homer, for the writings of 
Homer are tranflated into the Syriac, in a 
dialedt of which the interpreters of Gama 
talked with the prince of Melinda f. 

f The Arabs have not only innumerable volumes of their own, but their language is alfo enriched with 
trail fiations of feveral Greek writers. The fate of Euclid is well known. And to mention only two of 
their authors, Ben-Shohna, who died in 1478, a little before the arrival of Gama, wrote an univerfal hiflory, 
which he calls Ravikhat a'menailhir fi ilm alawail ■walawachir; that is, the meadow of the eye of antient and 
modern knowledge. And Abul Pharajius, who lived in the thirteenth century, wrote an hiflory in Arabic, 
in ten chapters, the firft of which treats of the Patriarchs, from Adam to Moles; the fecond of the Judges 
and Kings of Ifirael; the third of the Jewilh Kings; the fourth of the Kings of Chaldea; the fifth of the 
Kings of the Magi; the fixth of the ancient Pagan Greeks; the feventh of the Romans; the eighth of 
the Conflantinopolitan Emperors; the ninth of the Arabian Mohammedan Kings; and the tenth of the 
Moguls. The fame author acquaints us, that Blomer’s two Works are elegantly tranflated into the Syriac ; 
which language is filler to that fpoken by the Arabs of Melinda. Camoens, who was in the country, knew 
the learning of the Arabians. Voltaire, led by the defire to condemn, was hurried into abfurdities, from 
which a moment s confideration would have preferved him. 



the Unravelment, or Cataflrophe. -Thus the anger of Achilles is the 
fubjedl of the Iliad. He withdraws his affiftance from the Greeks* 
The efforts and diftreffes of the Grecian army in his ab fence, and the 
triumphs of Hehlor, are the confequences of his rage. In the utmoft 
danger of the Greeks, he permits his friend Patroclus to go to battle. 
Patroclus is killed by Hedtor. Achilles, to revenge his fall, rufhes to 
the field. Hector is killed, the Trojans defeated, and the rage of Achilles 
is toothed by the obfequies of his friend. And thus alfo the fubjedt of 

“ The Lufiad, in my opinion, faysVoltaire, 
is full of numberlefs faults and beauties , thick 
fown near one another, and ahnoft in every 
page there is fomething to laugh at, and 
J'omething to be delighted with.” This fen- 
tence, though omitted in the French edi- 
tions, had Tome fource, and that fource we 
fhall eafily trace. Nor is the character of 
the king of Melinda fo grofsly falfified by 
Voltaire, as the character of the Lufiad of 
Camoens is here mifreprefented. Except 
the polite repartee of Velofo, ( of which fee 
p. \qp.J there are not above two or three 
paffages in the whole poem which even bor- 
der upon conceit. The moll uniform fim- 
plicity of manly di&ion is the true charafter 
of the Portuguefe Lufiad : Where then did 
Voltaire find the faljewit, and J'omething to 
laugh at almoji in every page ? If there be 
a tranflation which flridtly deferves this cha- 
racter, we cannot fuppofe that Voltaire hit 
this character, and at the fame time was fo 
wide of the original, merely by chance. 
No, he dipt into Fanfhaw’s Lufiad, where, 
in every page, there are puns, conceits, and 
low quaint expreffiohs, uncountenanced by 
the original. Some citations from Fanfhaw 
will foon juflify this character of his work. 
Yet, however decifive this proof may be, it is 
not the only one. The refemblance found by 
Voltaire between Sir John Denham’s addrefs 
to the Thames, and that of Camoens to the 
nymphs of the Tagus, does not exift in the 
original. This fentence, Let my file flow like 
your waves, let it be deep and clear as your 
waters — contains indeed the fame allufion as 
that exprefTed in the lines cited by Voltaire 
from Denham. But no fuch idea or allufion 
exifts in the Portuguefe. Though Voltaire 
Hill retains this fentence, its want of authen- 
ticity has been detected by feveral critics. 
But it was left for the prefent Tranflator to 
difeover the fource of this wide miftranfla- 
tion. He fufpeCted the allufion might be in 
Fanfhaw, and in Fafhaw he found it. The 

nymphs of the Tagus are in Sir Richard’s 
verfion thus addreffed : 

If I in low, yet tuneful verfe, the praife 
Of your fweet river always did proclaim, 

Infpire me now with high and thundering lays, 
Give me them clear and fio-wing like his Jlream. 

He who has read Camoens and Fanfhaw, 
will be convinced where Voltaire found the 
fomething to laugh at in every page. He 
who has read neither the original nor that 
tranflation, will now perceive that Voltaire’s 
opinion of the Lufiad was drawn from a 
very partial acquaintance with the unfaith- 
ful and unpoetical verfion of Fanfhaw. 

And, as if all his mifreprefentations of 
the Lufiad were not enough, a new and moll 
capital obje&ion is added in the late editions 
of Voltaire. “ Mais de tous les defauts de 
ce poeme, &c. But of all the faults of this 
poem, the greateft is the want of connection, 
which reigns in every part of it. It refem- 
bles the voyage which is its fubjeCt. The 
adventures fucceed one another, (a wonder- 
ful objection ) and the poet has no other art, 
than to tell his tales-well.” Indeed! but 
the reader cannot now be furprifed at any of 
our Critic’s mifreprefentations, a critic, who 
in many inflances has violently condemned 
the Lufiad upon circumstances which. 


After publication of the firft edition of 
the Lufiad, the Tranflator was informed of 
the following anecdote : when Voltaire’s- 
EJfay on Epic Poetry was at the prefs in Lon- 
don, he happened to fhew a proof-fheet of 
it to Colonel Bladon, the tranflator of Cs- 
far’s Commentaries. The colonel, who had 
been in Portugal, afked him if he had read 
the Lufiad ; Voltaire confeffed he had never 
feen it, and could not read Portuguefe. The 
colonel put Fanfhaw’s tranflation into his 
hands, and in lefs than a fortnight after,. 
Voltaire’s Critique made its appearance. 




the Eneid is One. The remains of the Trojan nation, to whom a feat 
of empire is promifed by the oracle, are reprefented as endangered by a 
temped at fea. They land at Carthage. Eneas, their leader, relates the 
fate of Troy to the hofpitable queen ; but is ordered by Jupiter to fulfil 
the prophecies, and go in fearch of the promifed feat of that empire, 
which was one day to command the world. Eneas again fets fail, many 
adventures befal him. He at laft lands in Italy, where prophecies of 
his arrival were acknowledged. His fated bride, however, is betrothed to 
Turnus. A war enfues, and the poem concludes with the death of 
the rival of Eneas. In both thefe great poems, a machinery fuitable to 
the allegorical religion of thofe times is preferved. Juno is the guardian 
of the Greeks, Venus of the Trojans. Narrative poetry without fidtion 
can never pleafe. Without fiction it muft want the marvellous, which 
is the very foul of poefy ; and hence a machinery is indifpenfible in the 
Epic poem. The condudt and machinery of the Lufiad are as follow: 
The poem opens with a view of the Portuguefe fleet before a profperous 
gale on the coafl of Ethiopia. The crews, however, are worn with la- 
bour, and their fafety depends upon their fortune in a friendly harbour. 
The Gods of ancient or poetical mythology are reprefented as in coun- 
cil. The fate of the Eaftern world depends upon the fuccefs of the 
fleet. But as we trace the machinery of the Lufiad, let us remember 
that, like the machinery of Homer and Virgil, it is alfo allegorical. 
Jupiter, or the Lord of Fate, pronounces that the Lufians fhall be prof- 
perous. Bacchus, the evil daemon or genius of Mohammedifm, who 
was worfhipped in the Eaft, forefeeing that his empire and altars 
would be overturned, oppofes Jove, or Fate. The celeftial Venus, or 
heavenly Love, pleads for the Lufians. Mars, or divine Fortitude, en- 
courages the Lord of Fate to remain unaltered ; and Maia’s fon, the 
Meflenger of Heaven, is fent to lead the navy to a friendly harbour. 
The fleet arrives at Mozambic. Bacchus, like Juno in the Eneid, raifes 
a commotion againfl the Lufians. A battle enfues, and the victorious 
fleet purfue their voyage, under the care of a Mooriflr pilot, who advifes 
them to enter the harbour of Quiloa. According to hiftory, they at- 
tempted this harbour, where their deftrutftion would have been inevitable ; 
but they were driven from it by the violence of a hidden tempefl. The 
poet, in the true fpirit of Homer and Virgil, afcribes this to the cc- 
ieftial Venus, 

— — whofe watchful care 

Had ever been their guide 

They now arrive at Mombafla. The malice of the evil daemon or genius 
of Mohammedifm, hill excites the arts of treachery againfl them. 
Hermes, the meflenger of heaven, in a dream, in the fpirit of Homer, 
warns the hero of the poem of his danger, and commands him to fleer 




for Melinda. There he arrives, and is received by the prince in the 
moft friendly manner. Here the hero receives the firft certain intelli- 
gence or hope of India. The prince of Melinda’s admiration of the 
fortitude and prowefs of his guefts, the firft who had ever dared to pafs 
the unknown ocean by Cape Corrientes, (fee p. 213.) artfully prepares 
the reader for a long epifode. The poem of Virgil contains the hiftory 
of the Roman empire to his own time. Camoens perceived this, and 
trod in his fteps. The hiftory of Portugal, which Gama relates to the 
king of Melinda, is not only neceflary to give their new ally an high 
idea of the Lufian prowefs and fpirit, but alfo naturally leads to, and ac- 
counts for the voyage of Gama : the event, which, in its confequences, 
furns up the Portuguefe honours. It is as requifite for Gama to tell the 
rife of his nation to the king of Melinda, as it is for Eneas to relate to 
Dido the caufe of his voyage, the deftrudtion of Troy. Pleafed with the 
fame of their nation, the king of Melinda vows lafting friendfhip with 
the Lufians, and gives them a faithful pilot. As they fail acrofs the 
great Indian ocean, the machinery is again employed. The evil daemon 
implores Neptune and the powers of the fea to raife a tempeft to deftroy 
the fleet. The failors on the night watch fortify their courage by re- 
lating the valiant adts of their countrymen ; and an epifode, in the true 
poetical fpirit of chivalry, is introduced. Thus Achilles in his tent is re- 
prefented as finging to his lyre the praifes of heroes. And in the Epic 
conduct, this narrative and the tales told by Neftor, either to reftrain or 
inflame the rage of the Grecian chiefs, are certainly the fame. 

The accumulation of the tempeft in the meanwhile is finely defcribed. 
It now defcends. Celeftial Venus perceives the danger of her fleet. 
She is introduced by the appearance of her ftar, a ftroke of poetry which 
would have ihined in the Eneid. The tempeft is in its utmoft rage. 

The fky and ocean blending, each on fire. 

Seem’d as all nature ftruggled to expire. 

When now the filver ftar of Love appear’d ; 

Bright in her eaft her radiant front fhe rear’d ; 

Fair through the horrid ftorm the gentle ray 
Announced the promife of the cheerful day. 

From her bright throne Celeftial Love beheld 
The tempeft burn 

And in the true fpirit of Homer's allegory ( See the note , p. 258.) fhe calls 
her nvmphs, and by their miniftry ftills the tempeft. Gama now arrives 
in India. Every circumftance rifes from the preceding one ; and, as 
fully pointed out in the notes, the conduct in every circumftance is as; 
exactly Virgilian, as any two tragedies may poflibly be alike in adherence 
to the rules of the drama. Gama, having accomplifhed his purpofe in 




India, fets fail for Europe, and the machinery is for the laft time em- 
ployed. Venus, to reward her heroes, raifes a Paradifaical ifland in the 
fea. Voltaire, in his Englifh Elfay, has faid, that no nation but the Por- 
tuguefe and Italians could be pleafed with this fidtion. In the French he 
has fuppreffed this fentence, but has compared it to a Dutch brothel al- 
lowed for the failors. Yet this idea of it is as falfe as it is grofs. Every thing 
in the ifland of Love refembles the flatue of Venus de Medicis. The de~ 
fcription is warm indeed, but it is chafle as the firfl loves of Adam and Eve 
in Milton; and entirely free from that grolfnefs, {See the note , p, 408.) 
often to be found in Dante, Ariofto, Spenfer, and in Milton himfelf. After 
the poet has explained the allegory of the ifland of Love, the Goddefs 
of the ocean gives her hand and commits her empire to Gama, 
whom Are conducts to her palace, where, in a prophetic fong, he hears 
the adtions of the heroes who were to eftablilh the Portuguefe empire in 
the Eaft. In Epic condudt nothing can be more mafterly. The funeral 
games in honour of Patroclus, after the Iliad has turned upon its great 
hinge, the death of Hedtor, are here moft happily imitated, after the 
Lufiad has alfo turned upon its great hinge, the difcovery of India. 
The condudt is the fame, though not one feature is borrowed. Ulyfles 
and Eneas are lent to vifit the regions of the dead; and Voltaire’s hero 
mult alfo be conveyed to Hell and Heaven. But how fuperior is the 
fpirit of Camoens ! He parallels thefe ftriking adventures by a new 
fidtion of his own. Gama in the ifland of Blifs, and Eneas in Hell, 
are in Epic condudt exadtly the fame ; and in this unborrowing fame- 
nefs, he artfully interweaves the hijlory of Portugal: artfully as Voltaire him- 
felf confefles. The epifode with the king ol Melinda, the defcription of 
the painted enfigns, and the prophetic long, are parallel in manner and 
purpofe with the epifode of Dido, the fliield of Eneas, and the vilion in 
Elyfium. To appeafe the rage of Achilles, and to lay the foundation 
of the Roman empire, are the grand purpofes of the Iliad and Eneid ; 
the one effedted by the death of Hedtor ; the other by the alliance of 
Latinus and Eneas, rendered certain by the death of Turnus. In like 
manner, to eftablilh the Portuguefe Chriftian empire in the Eaft, is the 
grand defign of the Lufiad, rendered certain by the happy Return of 
Gama. And thus, in the true fpirit of the Epopceia, ends the Lufiad, 
a poem where every circumftance rifes in juft gradation, till the whole is 
fummed up in the moft perfedt unity of Epic adtion. 

The machinery of Homer, ( Seethe note , p. 258.) contains a moft 
perfedt and mafterly allegory. To imitate the ancients was the pre- 
vailing tafte when Camoens wrote ; and their poetical manners were 
every where adopted. That he efteemed his own as allegorical, he 
allures us in the end of the ninth book, and in one of his letters. But 
■a proof, even more determinate, occurs in the opening of the poem. 
Caftera, the French Tranflator, by his over refinement, has much mifre- 




prefented the allegory of the Lufiad. Mars, who never appears but 
once in the firft book, he tells us, fignifies Jefus Chrift. This explana- 
tion, fo open to ridicule, is every way unneceflary ; and furely never en- 
tered the thought of Camoens. It is evident, however, that he intended 
the guardian powers of Chriftianity and Mohammedifm under the two 
principal perfonages of his machinery. Words cannot be plainer : 

Where’er this people fhould their empire raife. 

She knew her altars ftiould unnumber’d blaze ; 

And barbarous nations at her holy ftirine 
Be humanifed and taught her lore divine : 

Her fpreading honours thus the one infpir’d. 

And one the dread to lofe his worftiip fir’d. 

And the fame idea is on every opportunity repeated and enforced. Pa- 
gan mythology had its Celeftial, as well as Terreftrial Venus *. The 
Celeftial Venus is therefore the moft proper perfonage of that mythology 
to figure Chriftianity. And Bacchus, the conqueror of the Eaft, is, in 
the ancient poetical allegory, the moft natural protedtor of the altars of 
India. Whatever may be faid againft the ufe of the ancient machinery 
in a modern poem, candour rauft confefs, that the allegory of Camoens 
which arms the genius of Mohammedifm || againft the expedition of 
his heroes, is both fublime and moft happily interefting. Nor muft his 
choice of the ancient poetical machinery be condemned without exami- 
nation. It has been the language of poetry thefe three thoufand years, 
and its allegory is perfectly underftood. If not impoffible, it will cer- 
tainly be very difficult to find a new, or a better machinery for an Epic 
poem. That of Tafifo is condemned by j Boileau, yet, that of Camoens 
may plead the authority of that celebrated critic, and is even vindicated, 
undefignedly, by Voltaire himfelf. In an elfay prefixed to his Henriade, 

* The celeftial Venus, according to Plato, 
was the daughter of Ouranus or Heaven, and 
thence called Urania. The paffage ftands 
in the Sympofion of that author as follows : 
Flails; yap sxpisy on UK srn ctysv E^Jlo; Atp^oini]’ 
rat/lx; 3s fua; pity uart<;, ei; av nv E^w; - ettsi it 
ivo troy, i'll o aiayxr) xai Emails tivct t. true, i ov 
in o %a 9sa ; ij pit yt mov, irgtafivltgx, xai 
a/xtlup, Ov^xw Svyxlnp, *!» iv xai ov^anay 
«fTG!opa£ofxE» x is uultga, Ato; jgJ At uyi){, r,y iri 
rrayit)fn o» xaXufAty. 

This Urania-Venus, according to Pau- 
fanius and other writers, had fumptuous 
temples in Athens, Phoenicia, & c. She 

was painted in complete armour ; her prieft- 
effes were virgins ; and no man was allowed 
to approach her Ihrine. Xenophon fays, 

Ihe preftded over the love of wifdom and 
virtue, which are the pleafures of the foul, 
as the terreftrial Venus preftded over the 
pleafures of the body. 

|{ For feveral collateral proofs, fee the 
note, p. 205. and text, in Luftad VIII. 
where Bacchus, the evil daemon , takes the 
form of Mohammed, and appears in a 
dream to a prieft of the Koran. 

J On account of his magic. But magic 
was the popular belief of Taflo’s age, and 
has afforded him a fine machinery, though 
his ufe of it is fometimes highly blameable ; 
as where he makes on enchanter oppofe the 
arch-angel Michael, armed with the autho- 
rity of the True God, &c. &c. 

e e 




Le mot d’ Amphitrlte , fays he, dans notre pete fie, ne fignifie que la Mer, & non 
/ ? Epoifie de Neptune — te the word Amphitrite in our poetry fignifies only 
t£ the Sea, and not the wife of Neptune.” And why may not the 
word Venus in Camoens fignify divine Love, and not the wife of Vul- 
can ? “ Love,” fays Voltaire, in the fame eftay, ££ has his arrows, and 

“ Juftice a balance, in our molt chriftian writings, in our paintings, in 
“ our tapeftry, without being efteemed as the leaft mixture of Paganifm.” 
And if this criticifm has juftice in it, why not apply it to the Lufiad, 
as well as to the Henriade ? Candour will not only apply it to the 
Lufiad, but will alfo add the authority of Boileau. He is giving rules 
for an Epic poem : 

Dans le vafie fecit d’une longue a El ion, 

Se foutient par la fable, et vit de fiction. 

Ld pour nous enchanter tout efi mis en ufiage : 

Tout prend un corps, une ame, un efiprit, un vifage ; 

Chaque vertu devient une divinite ; 

Minerve efi la prudence, & Venus la beaute. 

Ce n’efi plus la vapeur qui produit le tonnere, 

C’efi Jupiter arme pour effrayer la terre. 

Un or age terrible aux yeux des matelots, 

C efi Neptune, en courroux, qui gourmande les fiots .... 

Sans tous ces ornemens le vers tombe en langueur ; 

La poefiie efi morle, ou rampe fans vigueur : 

Le poete n’efi plus qu’un orateur timide, 

§hfun froid h 'lfiorien d’une fable infipide. 

Every idea of thefe lines ftrongly defends the Lufiad. Yet, it mult not 
be concealed, a difiindfion rollows which may appear againfl iu 
Boileau requires a profane fubjedl for the Epic Mufe. But his reafon 
for it is not juft : 

De la foi d’un Chretien les myfieres terribles 
D’ ornemens egayes ne font point fufceptibles. 

f Thus, when the Henriade is to be de- 
fended, the arrows of Cupid convey no mix- 
ture of Paganifm. But when the ifland of 
Love in the Lufiad is to be condemned, our 
honnete critic muft ridicule the ufe of thefe 
yery arrows — Cep la que Venus , at dee des 
eonfeils du Pere Eternel, et fecondee en meme 
terns des flee he s de Cupidon. — It is there that 
Venus, aided by the counfels of the Eternal 
Father, and at the fame time, feconded by 
the arrows of Cupid, renders the Nereides 
amorous of the Portuguefe.” — But this, 
one of his lateft additions, is as unlucky a» 

all the reft. The Eternal Father is the fame 
Jove, who is reprefented as the fupreme Fa- 
ther in the iirft book, (St. 22. Portuguefe.’) 
and in book 9.. ft. 18. is only faid to have 
ordained Venus to be the good genius of the 
Lufitanians. There is not a word about the 
afpfance of his counfel ; that was introduced 
by Voltaire, folely to throw ridicule upon 
an allegory, which, by the bye, when ufed 
in the Henriade, has not the leaft fault, in 
his opinion ; but is there every way in the 
true ftyle of poetry. 





L'evangile a Fefprit n off re de tons cotes 
f)ue penitence a faire, & tourmens merites : 

Ei de vos fictions le melange coupable 
Meme a fes verites donne V air de la fable. 

The myjleres terribles afford, indeed, no fubjetfl for poetry. But the Bible 
offers to the Mufe fomething befides penitence and merited torments. The 
Paradife Loft, and the works of the greateft Painters, evince this. Nor 
does this criticifm, falfe as it is, contain one argument which excludes 
the heroes of a Chriftian nation from being the fubjedb of poetry. Mo- 
dern fubie&s are indeed condemned by Boileau ; and ancient fable, with 
its Ulyffes, Agamemnon, Sec. — — noms beureux femblent nes pour les vers — • 
are recommended to the poet. But, happy for Camoens, his feelings 
directed him to another choice. For, in contradiction of a thoufand 
Boileaus, no compofitions are fo miferably uninterefting as our modern 
poems, where the heroes of ancient fable are the perfonages of the 
adtion. Unlefs, therefore, the fubjedt of Camoens may thus feem con- 
demned by the celebrated French critic, every other rule he propofes is 
in favour of the machinery of the Lufiad. And his own example proves, 
that he thought the pagan machinery not improper in a poem where the 
heroes * are modern. But there is an eifential diftindtion in the method 
of ufing it. And Camoens has ftridtly adhered to this effential differ- 
ence. The condudt of the Epic poem is twofold ; the hiftorical and 
allegorical. When paganifm was the popular belief, Diomed might 
wound Mars or Venus; but when the names of thefe Deities became 
merely allegorical, fuch alfo ought to be the adtions aferibed to them. 
And Camoens has ftridtly adhered to this rule. His heroes are Chrifti- 
ans ; and Santa Fe, Holy Faith, is often mentioned in the hiftorical parts 

• He ufes the Pagan mythology in his 
poem on the paft'age of the Rhine by the 
French army in 1672. 

t Thus it was the belief of the firft ages 
of Chriftianity, that the Pagan Gods were 
fallen angels. Milton, with admirable 
judgment, has adopted this fyftem. His 
Mammon, the architect of Pandaemonium, 
he alfo calls Vulcan : 

Nor was his name unheard or unador’d 
In antient Greece, and in Aufonian land. 

Men call’d him Mulciber ; and how he fell 
From hcav’n, they fabled, thrown by angry 

On Lemnos, th’ Egean ifle : Thus they relate 
Erring ; for he with this rebellious rout 
Fell long before. 

Moloch and Vulcan are therefore mentioned 
together with great propriety in the Para- 

dife Loft. The belief of the firft Chrif- 
tians, with refpeft to daemons, was una- 
bated in the age of Camoens ; for the oracles 
of thePagan deities were then believed to have 
been given by evil fpirits. Bacchus might 
therefore in a Chriftian poem of fuch ages, 
reprefent the Evil dxmon ; and it was on 
this principle thatTalfo felt no impropriety- 
in calling Pluto his king of hell, the grand 
foe of mankind , and making him talk of the 
birth of Chrift. In like manner, when 
Camoens fays that the Chriftian altar raifed 
(book 11 .) to deceive the Lufians, was the 
illufion of Bacchus ; he fays no more than 
what was agreeable to the popular belief 
of the heathen oracles, and no more than 
what poetry allows when a ftorm is aferibed 
to Neptune, or arrows given to Cupid. 


e e 2 



where his heroes fpeak, and adt. But it is only in the allegorical parts 
where the pagan or the poetical mythology is introduced. And in his 
machinery, as in his hiftorical parts, there is no mixture of Pagan and 
Chriftian perfonages. The deliverance of the Lufian fleet, aferibed to 
the celeftial Venus, fo ridiculed by Voltaire, is exadtly according to the 
precepts of Boileau. It is the hiftorical oppofition or concert of 
Chriftian and Pagan ideas which forms the abfurd, and disfigures a 
poem. But this abfurd oppofition or concert of perfonages has no place 
in the Lufiad, though it is found in the greateft of modern poets. 
From Milton both the allowable and blameable mixture of Chriftian and 
Pagan ideas may be fully exemplified. With great judgment, he ranks 
the Pagan Deities among the fallen angels. When he alludes to Pagan 
mythology, he fometimes fays, “ as fables feign and fometimes he 
mentions thefe deities in the allegory of poetical ftyle ; as thus, 

When Bellona ftorms, 

With all her battering engines bent to rafe 
Some capital city 

And thus, when Adam fmiles on Eve ; 

■ as Jupiter 

On Juno fmiles when he impregns the clouds 
That fhed May flower's 

Here the perfonages are mentioned exprefsly in their allegorical capa- 
city, the ufe recommended by Boileau. In the following the blameable 
mixture occurs. He is deferibing Paradife 

Univerfal Pan 

Knit with the Graces and the Hours in dance 
Fed on th’ eternal fpring. Not that fair field 
Of Enna, where Proferpin, gathering flowers, 

Herfelf a fairer flower, by gloomy Dis 
Was gathered : which coft Ceres all that pain 

To feek her through the world 

might with this Paradife 

Of Eden ftrive ■■■ ■ — 

The mention of Pan, the Graces and Hours, is here in the pure alle- 
gorical ftyle of poetry. But the ftory of Proferpin is not in allegory ; 
it is mentioned in the fame manner of authenticity as the many Scripture 
hiftories introduced into the Paradife Loft. When the angel brings 
Eve to Adam, flte appears 


in naked beauty more adorn’d 

More lovely than Pandora, whom the Gods 
Endow’d with all their gifts, and O too like 
In lad event, when to th’ unwifer fon 
Of Japhet brought by Hermes Ihe enfnar’d 
Mankind with her fair looks, to be avenged 
On him who had Hole Jove’s authentic fire. 

Here we have the heathen Gods, another origin of evil, and a whole 
firing of fables, alluded to as real events, on a level with his * fubjedt. 

Nor is poetical ufe the only defence of our injured author. In die 
age of Camoens, Bacchus was efleemed a real daemon : and celeflial 
Venus was confidered as the name by which the Ethnics exprefted the 
divine Love. But if the cold hyper-critic will flill blame our author 
for his allegory, let it be repeated, that of all Chriftian poets, Camoens 
is in this the leaf! reprehenfible. The Hell, Purgatory, and Paradife of 
Dante, form one continued unallegorical texture of Pagan and Scriptural 
names, defcriptions, and ideas. Ariofto is continually in the fame faults 
And, if it is a fault to ufe the ancient poetical machinery in a poem 
where the heroes are Chriflians, Voltaire himfelf has infinitely more of 
the melange coupable than Camoens. The machinery of his Henriade is, 
as confelled by himfelf, upon the idea of the Pagan mythology. He 
cites Boileau, 

Cejl d'un fcrupule vain f' attar mer fottement , 

Et vouloir aux lefteurs plaire fans agrement, 

Bien-tot ils defendront de peindre la prudence, 

De donner a Themis ni bandeau , ni balance 

Et par-tout des difcours , comme un idolatrie , 

Dans leur faux zele iront chaffer Vattegorle. 

But he fupprefTes the verfes which immediately follow, where the intro* 
dudtion of the true God is prohibited by the critic, 

Et fabuleux Chretiens , Gallons point dans nos fonges, 

Du Dieu de verite fake un Dleu de menfonges . 

Yet, the God of truth according to the Chriftian idea, in diredt viola- 
tion of this precept, is a confiderable perfonage in the Pagan allegorical 
machinery of the Henriade. But the couplet laft cited, though as diredt 
againft the Henriade as if it had been written to condemn it, is not in- 
the leaft degree applicable to the machinery of the Lufiad ; a machinery 

• Nor are thefe the only inftanees ; the death of Hercules, and feveral others in Milton,, 
tall under the cenfufc of an injudicious mixture of facred and profane mythology and hiftory. 



infinitely fuperior in every refpedt to that of '* Voltaire, though Camoens 
wrote at the revival of learning, ere criticifm had given her bed rules to 
the modern Mufe. 

The poem of Camoens, indeed, fo fully vindicates itfelf, that this 
defence of it perhaps may feem unneceffary. Yet one confideration will 
vindicate this defence. The poem is written in a language unknown in 
polite literature. Few are able to judge of the Original, and the unjuft 
clamour raifed againft it by Rapin || and Voltaire, has been received in 

* The machinery of theHenriade is briefly 
thus : The foul of St. Louis adts the part of 
Venus in the Eneid, and always prote&s the 
hero. When D’Aumale is wounded, and in 
danger of being killed, La Difcorde fees it, 
and covering him with her iron immenfe im- 
penetrable buckler, flies away with him to 
the gates of Paris, where file cures his 
wounds. She then comforts Mayenne, the 
chief of the League againft Henry. She 
then flies in a whirlwind to the Vatican, 
wheie fhe meets La Politique. They then 
find Humble Religion in a defert, and 
cloathing themfelves in her facred veftments, 
return to Paris, where they ride about in a 
bloody chariot, alohg with the authors of 
the League. Thefe foon after are repre- 
fen ted as at a magical facrifice, an obvious 
imitation of that of Camoens, Lufiad VIII. 
where they have a Jew for their prieft ; and 
Henry appears to them riding in a chariot 
of vidory. St. Louis then takes Henry, in 
a dream, through Heaven and Hell. La 
Difcorde goes in fearch of Love, who is her 
brother ; and Love takes a journey to France, 
where, by the charms of Madamoifelle 
D'Etree, he entices Henry to negled the 
war. St. Louis then fends the genius of 
France to roufe Henry. He returns to the 
fiege of Paris, but, on the point of carrying 
the city by Form, the angel of France pre- 
vents him. D’Aumale, on the part of the 
League, fights a duel ; and all the monfters 
of hell fly to his aflillance. But the heavens 
now open, and an angel defeends on the 
throne of the air, with the olive of peace, 
and the fword of God’s vengeance. D’Au- 
male falls, and the infernal monfters fly 
away. But St. Louis will not allow Henry 
to take the city. The Saint goes to the 
throne of God, and prays for Henry’s con- 
verfion. The Eternal confents ; Truth de- 
feends from heaven to the Hero, who turns 
Roman Catholic. St. Louis then appears, 
with an olive bough in his hand, and leads 

Henry to the gates of Paris, which now 
open at his call, and receive him in the 
name of God. And thus the machinery 
and the poem conclude together. 

Nor is the ridicule of this machinery more 
evident, than the want of unity of attion 
which charafterifes the Henriade. Henry’s 
journey to England, though it fills near 
three parts of the poem, has no connexion 
with the other parts of the adtion ; and the 
events do not arife from each other ; for St. 
Louis prevents the effedts of every victory. 
And the cataftrophe is brought about by 
Henry’s converfion, independent of every 
exertion of his generallhip or valour, which 
are properly the fubjefl of the poem. 

|| It is an unhappy thing to write in an 
unread tongue. Never was author fo 
mifreprefented by ignorance as the poet of 
Portugal. Rapin, that cold-blooded critic, 
tells us, that to write a good Epic, “ 11 faut 
obferver de la proportioti dans le defteiu, it is 
neceflary to obferve proportion in the defign, 
juftnefs in the thought, and not to fall into 
rambling.” — He then aflerts, that Camoens 
trefpaflcs againft all thefe rules — that he 
wants difeernment and condudt — that he 
thought of nothing but to exprefs the pride 
of his nation, for his ftyle, he fays, eft fier 
dff faftueux, fierce and ftilted. In another 
place he fays, “ poetical didtion ought to 
be clear, natural, and harmonious, and 
obfeurity is its greateft blemilh,” — to 
which, having named Camoens, he adds, 
“ fes vers font ft obfeurs, qidils fourreient 
p after pour des myftcrcs — his verfes are fo ob- 
feure that they may pafs for myfteries.”- — 
Perhaps the old French verfion may deferve 
this character; but certain it is from hence, 
that Rapin never read the original. Per- 
fpicuity, elegant flmplicity, and the moft 
natural unilrained harmony, is the jull 
charafleriftic of the ftyle of Camoens. The 
appeal is to the world. And the firft Lin- 
guift of the age, has given the ftyle of Ca- 



Europe as its true character. Lord Kaimes-f-, and other authors, very 
.cordially condemn its mixture of Pagan and Chriftian mythology ; even 
condemn it in terms, as if the Lufiad, the poem which of all other 
modern ones is the mod unexceptionable in this, were in this mixture 

moens a very different charaiter from thi-s 
of Rapin : Camoenfum Lujitanum,, cujus poefis 
adeo venufia ef, adeo polita, ut nihil effe pojjit 
jucundius ; interdum verb, adeo elata, grandi- 
loqua, ac fonora , ut nihil fingi pojjit magnifi- 
centius, Jone.s, Poefeos Afiat. Comment. 

Montefquieu’s high idea of the Lufiad i3 
cited p. 2i i. We Ihall only add the fuf- 
frage of the great Cervantes, who, in his 
Don Quixote, C. iv. 1 . 6. moll warmly ex- 
preffes his idea of the excellence of the 
genius of Camoens. 

f Lord Kaimes thus follows Voltaire : 

Portugal was riling in power and fplendor 
( it was haftening to the very lajl Jiages 
of declenfon) “ when Camoens wrote the 
“ Lufiad, and with refpeit to the mulic of 
“ verfe it has merit.. The author however 
“ is far from ihining in point of tafte (moji 
maferly defcription , and boundlefs variety , 
however , are his charaflerijlics. He has 
given the two fneji f diions in poetry. 
And according to V oltaire the fiory of Inez 
is equal to the hef written parts of V irgil. ) 
“ He makes a ftrange jumble of Heathen 

and Chriftian Deities. “ Gama,” ob- 
“ ferves Voltaire, “in a ftorm addreffes 
“ his prayers to Chrift, but it is Venus who 
“ comes to his relief.” Voltaire’s obfer- 
“ vation is but too well founded (and is it 
indeed , in the name of truth!) “ In the 
** firft book, Jove fummons a council of 
“ the Gods, which is defcribed at great 
“ length, for no earthly purpofe but tolhew 
“ that he favoured the Portuguefe: Bac- 
“ chus, on the other hand, declares againft 
«* them on the following account, that he 
“ himfelf had gained immortal glory as 
“ conqueror of India, which would be 
“ eclipfed if the Indies Ihould be conquered 
“ a fecond time by the Portuguefe. A 
“ Moorilh commander having received 
“ Gama with fmiles, but with hatred in 
“ his heart, the poet brings down Bacchus 
“ from heaven to confirm the Moor in his 
“ wicked purpofeS, which would have been 
“ perpetrated, had not Venus interpofed in 
“ Gama’s behalf. In the fecond canto 
“ Bacchus feigns himfelf to be a Chriftian, 

“ in order to deceive the Portuguefe, but 

“ Venus implores her father Jupiter to pro- 
“ teit them.” 

Such is the view of the Lufiad given by a 
profeffed Critic. It is impoflible to make 
any remark on it without giving offence to 
Falfe Delicacy. But to that goddefs the 
Tranflator of the injured Camoens will offer 
no facrifice. We have fully proved, and Ba- 
con has been cited to explain the philofo- 
phical reafon of it, that the fpirit of poetry 
demands fomething fupernatural. Lucan 
has been feverely cenfured, by the greatell 
of ancient and modern critics, for the want 
of poetical cloathing or allegory. The fpi- 
rit of poetry exifts in perfonification ; 

Tout prend un corps, une ame, un efprit, uti 
v if age — • ■■ 

and an allegorical machinery is effential to 
the Epopceia. In this manner Virgil and 
Homer conduit their poems. (See the note 
p. 258.) But our critic perceives nothing 
of this kind in Camoens. Though the 
whole conduit of the Lufiad depends upon 
the council held by Jove, upon the allegori- 
cal parts taken by the perfonages of the 

Her fpreading honours thus the one infpir’d. 

And one the dread to lofe his woi lhip fir'd— 

and though this allegory is finely fuftained 
throughout the whole poem, where Celeftial 
Love is ever mindful ( 5 ^B. 9.) that Jove or 
fate had decreed that her altars Ihould- 
be reared in confequence of the fuccefs of 
her heroes ; though all this is truly Homeric, 
is what the world ever efteemed the true 
Epic conduit, our critic can fee no earthly 
purpofe in the council of Jove, but to lhew v 
that he favoured the Lufians ; no reafon for 
the oppofition of Bacchus, but that he had 
been conqueror of India, and was averfe it 
Ihould be conquered a fecond time. In the 
fame ignorance of the Epic conduit is the 
vacant account of Bacchus and the Moor. 
But let our critic be told, that through the 
fides of Camoens, if his blow will avail, he 
has murdered both Homer andVirgil, What 
condemns the council of Jove in the Lufiad, 
condemns the councils of Jove in thefe mo- 


the molt egregioully unfufferable- — Befides, whatever has the fandlion of 
the celebrated name of Voltaire will be remembered, and unlefs circum- 
ftantially refuted, may one time, perhaps, * be appealed to, as decifive, 
in the controverfies of literary | merit. 

dels of the EpopceIa||. What condemns 
Bacchus and the Moor, condemns the part 
of Juno in die Eneid, and every interpofition 
of Juno and Neptune in Homer. To make 
the Lufians believe that Mombaffa was inha- 
bited by Chriftians, the Moors took the Am- 
bafladors of Gama to a houfe, where they 
Jhewed them a ChriiHan altar. This is 
hiftory. Camoens, in the true fpirit of the 
Epic poetry, afcribes this appearance to the 
illufion of Bacchus. Heflor and Turnus 
are both thus deceived. And Bacchus, as 
already proved, was efteemed a fallen angel 
when our poet wrote. Nor are the ancients 
alone thus reprobated in the fentence pafled 
upon Camoens. If his machinery mull be 
condemned, with what accumulated weight 
muft his fentence fall upon the greateft of 
our modern poets ! But the myftery is eafily 
explained : There are a race of Critics, who 
cannot perceive the noble profopopoeia of 
Milton’s angels, who prefer Voltaire's Hen- 
ri ad e to the Paradife Lojl, who would reduce 
a Virgil to a Lucan, a Camoens to a mere 
hiftorian ; who would ftrip poetry of all her 
ornaments, becaufe they cannot fee them, 
of all her paffions, becaufe they cannot feel 
them ; in a word, who would leav£ her 
nothing but the neatnefs, the cadence, and 
the tinkle of verfe. 

* Voltaire’s defcription of the apparition 
near the Cape of Good Hope, is juft as 
wide of the original as bombaft is from the 
true fublime : yet it has been cited by feve- 
ral writers. In Camoens a dark cloud ho- 
vers over the fleet, a tremendous noife is 
heard, Gama exclaims in amazement, and 
the apparition appears in the air, 

rifing thro’ the darken'd air. 

Appall’d we faw an hideous Phantom glare.— 
Every part of the defcription in Camoens is 
fublime and nobly adapted for the pencil. 
In Voltaire’s laft edition, the paflage is thus 
rendered — “ C’ejl une fantome que f'eleve 

— it is a phantom which rifes from the 
bottom of the fea, his head touches the 
clouds ; the tempefts, the winds, the thun- 
ders are around him, his arms are ftretched 
afar over the furface of the waters” — Yet 
not one piflurefque idea of this is in the 
Original. If the phantom’s arms are 
ftretched upon the furface of the waters, his 
lhoulders, and his head, which touches the 
clouds, muft only be above the tide. Yet, 
though this imagerie, with tempefts, winds, 
and thunders banging around him, would be 
truly abfurd upon canvas, a celebrated Ita- 
lian writer has not only cited Voltaire’s de- 
fcription, as that of the Original, but has 
mended that of the Frenchman by a ftroke 
of his own. The feet of the Phantom, fays 
Signor Algarotti, are in the unfathomable 
abyfs of the fea.” (See his treatife on New- 
ton's Vheory of Light and Colours) And 
certainly, if his lhoulders and head reached 
from the furface of the waters to the clouds, 
the length which the Signor has given to his 
parts under the water was no bad calculation. 
Nor is Algarotti the only abfurd retailer of 
Voltaire’s mifreprefentations. An Englilh 
Traveller, who lately publiihed an account 
of Spain and Portugal, has quite compleated 
the figure. “ Ses bras f'etendent au loin fur 
la furface des eaux , fays Voltaire ; and our 
Traveller thus tranflates it, “ His arms ex- 
tend over the whole furface of the waters.” 
And thus the burlefque painter is furnilhed 
with the fineft defign imaginable for the 
mock fublime. A figure up to the arm-pits 
in the water, its arms extending over the 
whole furface of the fea, its head in the 
clouds, and its feet in the unfathomable 
abyfs of the ocean ! Very fine indeed, it is 
impoflible to mend it farther. 

f As we have paid attention to the ftric- 
tures of Voltaire, fome is alfo due to the 
praifes which he beftows upon the Lufiad. 
Though he falfely afterts that it wants con- 

(1 It is truly aflonifbing, that one who has read the Epic poets (hould have made this objection. A School* 
boy needs not to be told how often a council of the Gods occurs in the Iliad, OdylTey, and Encid. A part 
of Mr. Pope’s note on the fifth Odylley, may with propriety be here cited. “ This book, as well as the 
“ firft,” fays he, “ opens with an aflembly of the Gods. This is done to give an air of importance to his 
M poem, and to prepare the mind of the reader to expcft every thing that is great and noble, when Heaven 
is engaged in the care and proteftien o! his heroes.” 




Other views of the conduct of the Lufiad now offer themfelvcs. Be- 
fides the above remarks, many obfervations on the machinery and 
poetical condudt, are in their proper places fcattered throughout the 
notes. The exuberant exclamations of Camoens are there defended. 
Here let it only be added, that the unity of adtion is not interrupted by 
thefe pareiithefes, and that if Milton’s beautiful complaint of his blind- 
nefs be not an imitation of them, it is in the fame manner and fpirit. 
Nor will we fcruple to pronounce, that fuch addreffes to the Mufe would 
have been admired in Homer, are an interefting improvement on the 
Epopoeia, and will certainly be imitated, if ever the world fhall behold 
another real Epic poem. 

The Lufiad, fays Voltaire, contains a fort of Epic poetry unheard of 
before. No heroes are wounded a thoufand different ways ; no woman enticed 
away and the world overturned for her caufe. — But the very want of thefe, 
in place of fupporting the objection intended by Voltaire, points out the 
happy judgment and peculiar excellence of Camoens. If Homer has 
given us all the fire and hurry of battles, he has alfo given us all the 
uninterefting tirefome detail. What reader but muft be tired with the 
deaths of a thoufand heroes, who are never mentioned before nor after- 
ward in the poem. Yet in every battle we are wearied out with fuch 
Gazette returns of the flain and wounded 

,v Ev0<x Ttvot 'srg&Tov, rivet Fvtrlotlov ZZsvotgiZev 
r/ Ex]oc(o U^iotptiS'vjc,- ore ol Z svg xv$og tfaxsv ; 

’A acrcuov Ttouroty A vrovoov, Jtj O mrt]y 9 

K oil AoXonot K Xvh'fyvj X) ’Otpsfliov, ’A ysXotov, 

A lovfjtvov r Gl^ov rs, 'imtovoov pLSVSXxgptw 
Txg oto oy y\yz^kowLQ Aotvctuv sXsr ocvrccg 
n Arjfluy ug o'Ur or £ y &c. 

Ih Lib. XI. lin. 299. 

Thus imitated by Virgil, 

Csdicus Alcathoum obtruncat, Sacrator Hydafpem : 
Parthcniumque Rapo, & praedurum viribus Orfen : 

Mefl'apus Cloniumque, Lycaoniumque Ericetem : 

ne&ion, he immediately adds, “ Tout cela 
prouve enfin, que t’ouvrage ejl plcin des 
grandes bcautes — This only proves, in fine, 
that the work is full of grand beauties, fince 
thefe two hundred years it has been the de- 
light of an ingenious nation.” — Thefi&ion 

of the apparition, he owns, will pleafe in 
every age ; and of the epifode of Inez, he 
fays, II y a peu d'en droits dans Virgite plus 
attendrijjdnts (ft mitux ecrits — There are 
few parts of Virgil more tender or better 

f f 



Ilium, infrsenis equi lapfu tellure jacentem ; 

Hunc, peditem pedes. Et Lycius procefferat Agis, 

Quem tamen haud expers Valerus virtutis avitre 

Dejecit : Atronium Salius ; Saliumque Nealces 

JEn. 1 . x. 747. 

With fuch catalogues is every battle extended ; and what can be more 
tirefome than fuch uninterefting deferiptions and their imitations ! If 
the idea of the battle be raifed by fuch enumeration, dill the copy and 
original are fo near each other, that they can never pleafe in two fepa- 
rate poems. Nor are the greater parts of the battles of the Eneicl 
much more diftant from thofe of the Iliad. Though Virgil with great 
art has introduced a Camilla, a Pallas, and a Laufus, frill in many parti- 
culars, and in the fights there is, upon the whole, fuch a fameneis with 
the Iliad, that the learned reader of the Eneid is deprived of the plea- 
fure inlpired by originality. If the man of tafie, however, will be 
pleafed to mark how the genius of a Virgil has managed a war after a 
Homer, he will certainly be tired with a dozen of Epic poems in the 
fame llyle. Where the fiege of a town and battles are the fubject of an 
Epic, there will of neceffity, in the characters and circumftances, be a 
relemblance to Homer ; and fuch poem mult therefore want originality. 
Happy forTaflo, the variation of manners, and his m after ly fuperiority 
over Homer in deferibing his duels, have given his Jerufalem an air of 
novelty. Yet with all the difference between Chriftian and Pagan he- 
roes, we have a Priam, an Agamemnon, an Achilles, &c. armies flaugh- 
tered, and a city befieged. In a word, we have a handfome copy of the 
Iliad in the Jerufalem Delivered. If fome imitations, however, have 
been fuccefsful, how many other Epics of ancient and modern times 
have hurried down the ft ream of oblivion ! Some of their authors had 
poetical merit, but the fault was in the choice of their fubjedts. So 
fully is the ft r i fie of war exhaufted by Ho-mer, that Virgil and Tafi'o 
eould add to it but little novelty ; no wonder, therefore, that fo many 
Epics on battles and fieges have been fuffered to fink into utter negledt. 
Camoens, perhaps, did not w'eigh thefe circumftances ; but the ftrength 
of his poetical genius directed him. He could not but feel what it was 
to read Virgil after Homer; and the original turn and force of his mind 
led him from the beaten track of Helens and Lavinias, Achillefes, and 
HeCtors, fieges and daughters, where the hero hews down and drives to 
flight whole armies with his own fword. To conftitute a poem worthy 
of the name of Epic in the higheft and ftrifiteft fenfe, fome grand cha-. 
raCteriftics of fubjeCl and conduct, peculiarly its own, are abfoluteiy 
neceffary. Of all the moderns, Camoens and Milton have alone attained 
this grand peculiarity in an eminent degree. Camoens was the firfl ge- 
nuine and fuccefsful poet who wooed the Modern Epic Ivlufe, and ihe 




gave him the wreath of a firft Lover : A fort of Epic Poetry unheard of 
before ; or, as Voltaire calls it in his laft edition, une nouvelle efpece d' Epo- 
pee. And the grandeft fubjebt it is (of profane hiftory) which the 
world has ever beheld A voyage efteemed too great for man to dare ; 
the adventures of this voyage, through unknown oceans, deemed unna- 
vigable ; the Eaftern World happily difcovered, and for ever indifi'olubly 
joined and given to the Weftern ; the grand Portuguefe empire in the 
Ealt founded ; the humanization of mankind, and univerfal commerce 
the confequence ! What are the adventures of an old fabulous hero’s 
arrival in Britain, what are Greece and Latium in arms for a woman, 
compared to this ! Troy is in alhcs, and even the Roman empire is no 
more. But the effedts of the voyage, adventures, and bravery of the 
Hero of the Luliad, will be felt and beheld, and perhaps increaie in im- 
portance, while the world fhall remain. 

Happy in his choice, happy alfo was the genius of Camoens in the 
method of purfuing his fubjedh He has not, like Taffo, given it a 
total appearance of fidtion ; nor has he, like Lucan, excluded allegory 
and poetical machinery. Whether he intended it or not, for his genius 
was fufficient to fugged: its propriety, the judicious precept of Petronius 
is the model of the Luliad. That elegant writer propofes a poem on 

the civil war ; Ecce Belli Chilis, fays he, ingens opus Non enim res gejlee 

verfibus comprehendenda funt ( quod longe melius hiftorici faciunt) fed per am- 
bages Deor unique minijleria, & fabulofum fententiarum tormentum pr cecipitandus 
ef liber fpiritus : ut pot/us furentis animi vaticinatio appareat, quam religiofa 

orationis Jub tefibus fides No poem, antient or modern, merits this 

character in any degree comparative to the Luliad, A truth of hiftory 
is preferred, yet, what is improper for the hiftorian, the miniftry of 
heaven is employed, and the free fpirit of poetry throws itfelf into fic- 
tions, which make the whole appear as an effufion of prophetic fury, 
and not like a rigid detail of fadfs given under the fandtion of witnefles. 
Contrary to Lucan, who, in the above rules drawn from the nature of 
poetry, is feverely condemned by Petronius, Camoens conducts his poem 
per ambages Deorumque minijleria . The apparition, which in the night 
hovers athwart the fleet near the Cape of Good Hope, is the gran deft 

* The Drama and the Epopceia are in 
nothing fo different as in this : The fubje&s 
of the Drama are inexhauftible, thole of 
the Epopceia are perhaps exhaufted. He 
who chufes war and the warlike characters, 
cannot appear as an original. It was well 
for the memory of Pope, that he did not 
write the Epic poem he intended. It would 
have been only a copy of Virgil. Camoens 
and Milton have been happy in the novelty 
of their fubjeCts ; and thde they have ex- 

haulted. There cannot poflibly he fo im- 
portant a voyage as that which gave the 
Ealtern World to the Weftern. And did 
even the ftory.of Columbus afford materials 
equal to that of Gama, the adventures of 
the hero, and the view of the extent of his 
d'fcoveries, mufl now appear as fervile copies 
of the Lufiad. The view of Spanifh Ame- 
rica, given in the eturacsMa, is not only, a 
mere copy, but is introduced even by the 
very machinery of Camoens, 

f f 2 





fi&ion in human compofition ; the invention his own ! In the Iiland 
of Venus, the ufe of which fiction in an Epic poem is alfo his own, 
he has given the compleateft aflemblage of all the flowers which have 
ever adorned the bowers of love. And never was the furenth animi va- 
tkinatio more confpicuoufly difplayed than in the prophetic fong, the 
view of the fpheres, and of the globe of the earth. TafTo’s imitation 
of the Iiland of Venus is not equal to the original; and though “ Vir- 
gil’s myrtles * dropping blood are nothing to Taffo’s inchanted forefl,” 
what are all Ifmeno’s inchantments to the grandeur and horror of the 
appearance, prophecy, and evanifhment of the fpeCtre of Camoens ! | — 
It has been long agreed among the critics, that the folemnity of religious 
obfervatices gives great dignity to the hiflorical narrative of the Epopoeia. 
Camoens, in the embarkation of the fleet, and in feveral other places, 
is peculiarly happy in the dignity of religious allufions. Manners and 
charaCler are alfo required in the Epic poem. But all the Epics which 
have appeared, are, except two, mere copies of the Iliad in thefe. 
Every one has its Agamemnon, Achilles, Ajax, and Ulyffes, its calm, 
furious, grofs, and intelligent hero. Camoens and Milton happily left 
this beaten track, this exhaufted field, and have given us pictures of 
manners unknown in the Iliad, the Eneid, and all thole poems which 
may be claffed with the Thebaid. The Lufiad abounds with pictures 
of manners, from thofe of the higheft chivalry, to thofe of the rudeft, 
fierceft, and molt innocent barbarifm. In the fifth, fixth, and ninth 
books, Leonardo and Velofo are painted in flronger colours than any of 
the inferior characters in Virgil. But ftriking character, indeed, is not 
the excellence of the Eneid. That of Monzaida, the friend of Gama, 
is much fuperior to that of Achates. The bafe, felfifh, perfidious, and 
cruel character of the Zamorim and the Moors, are painted in the 
ftrongeft colours ; and the character of Gama himfelf, is that of the fi- 
niflied hero. His cool command of his paflions, his deep fagacity, his 
fixed intrepidity, his tendernefs of heart, his manly piety, and his high 
enthufiafm in the love of his country, are all difplayed in the fuperlative 

degree. And to the novelty of the manners of the Lufiad, let the 

novelty of fire-arms alfo be added. It has been laid, that the buckler, 
the bow, arid the fpear, mult ever continue the arms of poetry. Yet, 
however unfuccefsful others may have been, Camoens has proved that 
fire-arms may be introduced with the greateft dignity and finelt effeCt in 
the Epic Poem, 

As the grand intereft of commerce and of mankind forms the fubjeCt 
of the Lufiad, fo with great propriety, as neceffary accompaniments to 

• See Letters on Chivalry and Romance, 
t The Lufiad is alfo rendered poetical by 
®ther fidions. The elegant fatyr on king 
Sebaftian, under the name of Adeon ; and 
the profopopoeia of the populace of Portu- 

gal venting their murmurs upon the beach 
when Gama fets fail, difplay the lichnefs 
of our Author’s poetical genius, and are 
not inferior to any thing of the kind in 
the daffies. 




die voyage of his Hero, the Author has given poetical pictures of the 
four parts of the world. In the third book a view of Europe ; in the 
fifth a view of Africa ; and in the tenth, a pidture of Alia and America. 
Homer and Virgil have been highly praifed for their judgment in their 
feledtion of fubjedts which interefted their countrymen ; and Statius has 
been as feverely condemned for his uninterefting choice. But though 
the fubjedt of Camoens be particularly interefting to his countrymen, it 
has alfo the peculiar happinefs to be the Poem of every trading nation. 
It is the Epic Poem of the Birth of Commerce. And in a particular 
manner the Epic Poem of that country which has the controul and pof- 
fefiion of the commerce of India. 

An unexhaufted fertility and variety of poetical defcription, an unex- 
haufted elevation of fentiment, and a conftant tenor of the grand fim- 
plicity of didtion, complete the charadter of the Lufiad of Camoens : A 
poem, which, though it has hitherto received from the public moll un- 
merited negledt, and from the critics moft flagrant injuftice, was yet 
better underftood by the greateft poet of Italy. Taflo never did his 
judgment more credit, than when he confefled that he dreaded Camoens 
as a rival ; or his generolity more honour, than when he addrefled this 
elegant Sonnet to the Hero of the Lufiad : 


Vafco, le cui felici, ardite antenne 
In contro al fol, che ne riporta il giorno 
Spiegar le vele, e fer cola ritorno, 

Dove egli par che di cadere accenne ; 

Non pin di te per afpro mar foftenne 
Quel, che fece al Ciclope oltraggio, e fcorno ; 

Ne chi torbo l’Arpie nel fuo foggiorno; 

Ne die piu bel foggetto a colte penne. 

Et hor quella del colto, e buon’ Luigi, 

Tant’ oltre ftende il gloriofo volo 

Che i tuoi fpalmati legni andar men lunge. 

Ond’ a quelli, a cui s’alza il noftro polo, 

Et a chi ferrna in contra i fuoi veftigi. 

Per lui del corfo tuo la fama aggiunge* 


Vafco, whofe bold and happy bowfprit bore 
Againft the rifing morn ; and, homeward fraught, 

Whofe fails came weftward with the day, and brought 
The Wealth of India to thy native Ihore ; 




Ne’er did the Greek fuch length of Teas explore. 

The Greek, who forrow to the Cyclop wrought; 

And he, who, Victor, with the Harpies fought, 

Never fuch pomp of naval honours wore. 

Great as thou art, and peerlefs in renown, 

Yet thou to Camoens ow’ft thy nobleft fame ; 

Farther than thou didft fail, his deathlefs fong 
Shall bear the dazzling fplendor of thy name ; 

And under many a Iky thy adlions crown, 

While Time and Fame together glide along. 

It only remains to give fome account of the Verfion of the Lufiad, 
which is now offered to the Public. Befides the Tranflations men- 
tioned in the life of Camoens, M. Duperron De Caftera, in 1735, 
gave in French profe a loofe unpoetical paraphrafe * of the Lufiad. 
Nor does Sir Richard Fanfhaw’s Englifn verfion, publilhed during the 
ulurpation of Cromwell, merit a better character. Though ftanza be 
rendered for ftanza, though at firft view it has the appearance of being 

* Callera was every way unequal to his 
talk. He did not perceive his author’s 
beauties. He either fupprefles or lowers the 
molt poetical palfages, and fubilitutes French 
tinfel and impertinence in their place. In 
the neceflary illuftrations in the notes, the 
citations from Caltera will vindicate this 

Soon after the firft publication of the 
Englilh Lufiad, a new French profe tranf- 
lation of Camoens was publilhed by M. 
de La Harpe. He confefles that he re- 
ceived a literal tranfiation of his Author, 
from a perfon well acquainted with the Ori- 
ginal. This, he fays, he propofed to ani- 
mate with the fire of poetry ; and he owns 
he has fometimes abridged his text. His 
ityle, however, is much lefs poetical than 
evenCaftera’s, whom he feverely condemns. 
A literal profe tranfiation of poetry is an 
attempt as abfurd as to tranfiate fire into 
water. What a wretched figure do the moll 
elegant odes of Horace make in a literal 
profe tranfiation ! And no literal tranfiation 
for the ufe of fchools was ever more unlike 
theOriginal, in fpirit, vigour, and elegance, 
than the fometimes literal, and fometimes 
mangled verfion of M. de La Harpe, which 
feems to be publilhed as a facrifice to the 
wounded vanity of his admired Voltaire. 
La Harpe Hands forth, againll Callera, as 

the defender of Voltaire’s criticifm on the 
Lufiad. Callera, indeed, has fometimes 
abfurdly defended his Author ; but a tranf- 
lator of the Lufiad, who could not perceive 
the many grofs mifreprefentations of Vol- 
taire, mull have hurried over his Author 
with very little attention. He adopts the 
fpirit of all Voltaire’s objections, and com- 
mends only where he commends. Want of 
unity in the Epic conduit is Voltaire’s very 
rafh character of Camoens. And La Harpe 
as rafhly afierts, that the poem ends in the 
feventh book, when Gama arrives in India. 
But he might as well have afierted, that tha 
Eneid ends with the landing of Eneas in 
Italy. Both heroes have much to accom- 
plilh after their arrival in the defired coun- 
try. And the return of Gama, after having 
fubdued every danger, is exactly parallel to 
the death of Turnus. And this Return, 
without which Gama’s enterprize is incom- 
plete, is managed by Camoens, at the 
clofe of his poem, in the concile and true 
fpirit of Virgil. A tranllator of the Lufiad, 
who could not perceive this, is indeed moji 
ingenioujly fuperficiah But La Harpe’s fen- 
tence on the I’aradife Loll, which he cal's 
“ d-igne d'un ftcclc de barbaric — worthy ot 
an age of barbarity,” will give the Englilh 
reader a juft idea of his poetical tafte. 




exceedingly literal, this verfion is neverthelefs exceedingly unfaithful. 

Uncountenanced by his original, Fanfhaw teems with many a dead-born 

jefi * Nor had he the lead: idea of the dignity of the Epic ftyle, or 

of the true fpirit of poetical tranflation. For this, indeed, no definite 
rule can be given. The Tranflator’s feelings alone muft direft him ; 
for the fpirit of poetry is fure to evaporate in literal tranflation. 

J Pope, Ody/T. xx. 

f Richard Fanfhaw, Efq; afterwards Sir 
Richard, was Englifh Ambaflador, both at 
Madrid and Lifbon. He had a tafte for 
literature, and tranflated from the Italian 
feveral pieces, which were of fervice in the 
refinement of our poetry. Though his Lu- 
fiad, by the dedication of it to IVilliam 
Earl of Strafford, dated May I, 1655, feems 
as publifhed by himfelf, we are told by the 
Editor of his Letters, that “ during the 
“ unfettled times of our Anarchy, fome of 
“ his MSS. falling by misfortune into un- 
“ fleilful hands, were printed and publifhed 
“ without his confent or knowledge, and 
“ before he could give them his laft finifh- 
“ ing ftrokes : Such was his tranflation of 
“ the Luflads 

The great refpedl due to the memory of 
a gentleman, who, in the unpropitious age 
of a Cromwell, endeavoured to cultivate 
the Englifh Mufes, and the acknowledge- 
ment of his friend, that his Lufiad received 
rot his finifhing flrokes, may feem to de- 
mand that a veil lhould be thrown over its 
faults. And not a blemifh fhould have been 
pointed out by the prefentTranflator, if the 
reputation of Camoens were unconcerned, 
and if it were not a duty he owed his reader 
to give a fpecimen of the former tranflation. 
We have proved that Voltaire read and drew 
his opinion of the Lufiad from Fanlhaw. 
And Rapin moil probably drew his from 
the fame fource. Perfpicuity is the charac- 
teriflic of Camoens ; yet Rapin fays, his 
verfes are fo obfeure they appear like myf- 
teries. Fanfhaw is indeed fo obfeure, that 
the prefent Tranflator, in dipping into 
him, into parts which he had even then 
tranflated, has often been obliged to have 
recourfe to the Portugucfe, to difeover his 
meaning. Sancho Panza was not fonder 
of proverbs. He has thrufl many into his 
verfion. He can never have enough of con- 
ceits, low nllufions, and expreflions. When 

gathering of flowers, “ as loninas apan- 
hando is limply mentioned (C. 9. ft. 24.) 
he gives it, gather' d flowers by pecks. And 
the Indian Regent is avaricious (C. 8. ft. 95.) 

Meaning a better penny thence to get. 

But enough of thefe have already appeared 
in the notes. It is neceflary now to give a 
few of his ftanzas entire, that the reader 
may form an idea of the manner and fpirit 
of the old tranflation. Nor lhall we feledi 
the fpecimens. The noble attitude of Mars 
in the firft book, is the firft ftriking deferip- 
tion in the poem, and is thus rendered; 

Lifting a little up his Helmet-fight 
(Twas adamant) with confidence enough. 

To give his vote himfelf he placed right 
Before the throne of Jove, arm’d, valiant, tough : 
And (giving with the butt-end of his pyke 
A great thumpe on the floor of puieft fluffe) 

The heavens did tremble, and Apollo’s light 
It went and came, like colour in a fright. 

And the appearance of Indians in canoes 
approaching the fleet, is the very next de- 
feription which occurs ; 

For (freight out of that Ifie which feem’d moftneer 
Unto the continent, Behold a number 
Of little Boats in companie appeer, 

Which (clapping all wings on) the long Sea funder ! 
The men are rapt with joy, and with the meer 
Excefs of it, can only look, and wonder. 

What nation’s this, (within themfelves they fay) 
What rites, what laws, what king do- they obey l 

Their coming thus : Tn boats with fins; nor flat, 
But apt t’ o’ie-1'et (as being pincht and long) 

And then they'd fwim like rats \ The fayles, of mat 
Made of palm-leaves wove curioufly and (trong. 
The mens complexion, the felf-fame with that 
Her gave the earth’s burnt parts (from heaven flung) 
Who was more brave than wile; That this is true 
The I’o doth know andLampetufa rue. 

It may be neceflary to add, the verfion 
of Fanlhaw, though the Lnfiid very parti- 
cularly requires them, was given to the 
Public without one note. 


' Jk 

■* Not in the Original. 



Literal trail flaticjn of poetry is in reality a folecifm. You may con- 
ftrue your author, indeed, but if with fome Tranflators you boaft that 
you have left your author to fpeak for himfelf, that you have neither 
added nor diminilhed, you have in reality grofsly abufed him, and deceived 
yourfelf. Your literal tranflation can hare no claim to the original feli- 
cities of expreffion, the energy, elegance, and fire of the original 
poetry. It may bear, indeed, a refemblance, but fuch a one as a corpfe 
in the fepulchre bears to the former man when he moved in the bloom 
and v igour of life. 

Nec verbum 'verbo curahh reddere , fidcs 
Interpres — 

Was the tafte of the Auguftan age. None but a Poet can tranflate a Poet. 
The freedom which this precept gives, will, therefore, in a poet’s hands, 
not only infufe the energy, elegance, and fire of his author’s poetry into 
his own verfion, but will give it alfo the fpirit of an original. 

He who can con fir ue may perform all that is claimed by the literal 
Tranflator. He who attempts the manner of tranflation preferibed by 
Horace, ventures upon a talk of genius. Yet, however daring the 
undertaking, and however he may have failed in it, the Tranflator 
acknowledges, that in this fpirit he endeavoured to give the Lufiad in 
Engliflt. Even farther liberties, in one or two infiances, feemed to him 
advantageous But a minutenefs * in the mention of thefe will not, 

* Soma liberties of a lets poetical kind, 
however, require co be mentioned. In 
Homer and Virgil’s lilts of (lain warriors, 
Dryden and Pope have omitted feveral 
names which would have rendered Englilh 
verification dull and tirefome. Several al- 
lufions to antient hiltory and fable have for 
this reafon been abridged, e g. In the prayer 
of Gama (Book 6.) the mention of Paul, 
“ thou who delivered!! Paul, and defended ft 
him from quickfands and wild waves — 

Das feyrtes arenefas iff ondas feas 

is omitted. However excellent in the ori- 
ginal, the prayer in Englilh, fuch is the 
difference of languages, would lofe both its 
dignity and ardour, if burthened with a 
farther enumeration. Nor let the critic, if 
he find the meaning of Camoens in fome 
inftances altered, imagine that he has 
found a blunder in the Tranflator. He 
who chufes to fee a flight alteration of this 
kind, will find an inftance, which will give 
him an idea of others, in Can. 8. ft. 48. 
and another in Can. 7. ft. 41. It was not 
to gratify the Dull Few, whofe greatelt plea- 

fure in reading a tranflation is to fee what 
the author exaCtly fays ; it was to give a 
poem that might live in the Englilh lan- 
guage which was the ambition of the Tranf- 
lator. And for the fame reafon he has 
not confined himfelf to the Portuguefe or 
Spanifh pronunciation of proper names. It 
is ingenioufly obferved in the Rambler, that 
Milton, by the , introduction of proper 
names, often gives great dignity to his 
verfe. Regardlefs, therefore, of Spanifh 
pronunciation, the Tranflator has accented 
Granada, Evora, &c. in the manner which 
feemed to him to give moft dignity to Eng- 
lifh verfifi cation. In the word Sofala he has 
even rejected the authority of Milton, and 
followed the more fonorous ufage of Fan- 
fhaw. Thus Sir Richard : “ Again]} So • 
fala's batter'd fort." And thus Milton : 
“ And Sofala thought Ophir — ” Which 

is the molt fonorous there can be no difpute. 
If the Tranflator, however, is found to have 
trefpafTcd againlt good tafte in thele liber- 
ties in the pronunciation of proper names, 
he will be very willing to acknowledge and 
correct his error. 



in thefe pages, appear with a good grace. He {hall only add, in this 
new Edition, that fome of the moft eminent of the Portuguefe Literati, 
both in England, and on the Continent, have approved of thefe free- 
doms ; and the Original is in the hands of the world. 

It is with particular pleafure that the Tranflator renews his acknowl- 
edgments to thofe Gentlemen who have patronifed his work. On his 
firft propofals to give the Lufiad in Englilh, the ingenious Mr. Magellan, 
of the family of the celebrated Navigator, w r as zealous to promote its 
fuccefs. To many Portuguefe Gentlemen he owes the affiftance of books 
and information, conferred in the moft liberal manner : and their ap- 
probation of his firft Edition reconciles him to a review of his labours. 
Both to public and private libraries he is much indebted ; particularly to 
the valuable collection of Thomas Pearfon, Efq; of the Eaft India Com- 
pany's fervice. The approbation exprefled by feveral Gentlemen of the 
Eaft India Company, on the appearance of the poem on the Difcovery 
of India in its Englilh drefs, gave theTranflator the fincereft fatisfac- 
tion. To Governor Johnftone, whofe anceftors have been the hereditary 
patrons of the anceftors of the Tranflator, he is under every obligation 
which the w'armeft zeal to promote the fuccefs of his undertaking can 
poffibly confer. To this Gentleman, in a great meafu re, the appearance 
of the Lufiad in Englilh is due. To the friendlhip of Mr. Hoole, the 
elegant Tranflator of TalTo, he is peculiarly indebted. To James 
Bofwell, Efq; he confefles many obligations. And while thus he recol- 
lects with pleafure the names of many Gentlemen from whom he has 
received affiftance or encouragement, he is happy to be enabled to add 
Dr. Johnfon to the number of thofe, whofe kindnefs for the man, and 
good wilhes for the Tranflation, call for his fincereft gratitude. Nor 
muft a tribute to the memory of Dr. Goldfmith be neglected. He faw 
a part of this verfion ; but he cannot now receive the thanks of the 
Tranflator. The manner in which his Grace the Duke of Buccleugh 
took the Englilh Lufiad under his patronage, infinitely inhanced the 
honour of his acceptance of the Dedication. 

But, though previous to publication the Tranflator was thus flattered 
with the approbation of fome names, for whom the Public bear the 
greateft refpedt ; though he introduced to the Englilh Reader a Poem, 
truly Virgilian, he confefied he had his fears for its fate. And however 
the approbation of fome of the greateft names in the Englilh polite lite- 
rature may have fince gratified his faultering hopes, the confcience of his 
inability, and the character of the age, gave no falfe foundation to his 
uneafy apprehcnfions. We are not, indeed, in the condition of ancient 
Rome, when, in the declenfion of her literature, the Latin tongue w^as 
defpifed, and the Greek only admired. Yet, though a mafterly treatife 
in fome branches of literature would immediately receive the reward 
due to merit ; ere the juft reputation of his poetry be fixed, the 

g g Author 



Author perhaps may be where the applaufe of the world cannot come. 
Long after Shakefpeare wrote, and thirty years after the Paradife Loft 
was publilhed, Shaftfbuty pronounced that the Engliih Mufes were 
lifping in their cradles. And Temple, a much greater authority in 
poetical tafte, efteems Sidney the greateft of all modern poets. Nor 
was his negledt of Milton Angular. Even though that immortal Au- 
thor’s reputation be now fixed, I have known a learned gentleman who 
could not endure a line of the Paradife Loft ; who yet, with feeming 
rapture, would repeat whole pages of Ovid. There is a charm in the 
found of a language which is not debafed by familiar ufe. And as it 
was in falling Rome, nothing in his vernacular tongue will be highly 
efteemed by the Scholar of dull tafte. A work which claims poetical 
merit, while its reputation is uneftablilhed, is beheld, by the great ma- 
jority, with a cold and a jealous eye. The prefent age, indeed, is happily 
aufpicious to Science and the Arts ; but Poetry is neither the general 
tafte, nor the faihionable favourite of thefe * times. Often, in the 
difpirited hour, have thefe views obtruded upon the Tranflator. While 
he has left his Author upon the table and wandered in the fields, thefe 
views have cloathed themfelves almoft imperceptibly in the ftanza and 
allegory of Spenfer. Thus connected with theTranflation of Camoens, 
unfinilhed as they are, they ftiall clofe the Introdu&ion to the Englilh 

Hence, vagrant Minftrel, from my thriving farm, 

Far hence, nor ween to fhed thy poifon here : 

My hinds defpife thy lyre’s ignoble charm ; 

Seek in the Sloggard’s bowers thy ill-earn’d cheer : 

There while thy idle chaunting foothes their ear. 

The noxious thiftle choaks their fickly corn ; 

Their apple boughs, ungrafif’d, four wildings bear. 
And o’er the ill-fenced dales with fleeces torn 
Unguarded from the fox, their lambkins ftray forlorn. 

* “ Poetry makes a principal amufement 
among unpolilhed nations ; but in a country 
verging to the extremes of refinement. 
Painting and Mufic come in for a fhare. 
As thefe offer the feeble mind a lefs labo- 

rious entertainment, they at firft rival Poetry, 
and at length fupplant her; they engrofs all 
that favour once (hewn to her, and though 
but younger fillers, feize upon the elder’s 
birthright.” — Goldfmitb. 



Such ruin withers the negle&ed foil. 

When to the fong the ill-flarr’d Twain attends. 

And well thy meed repays thy worthlefs toil; 

Upon thy houfelefs head pale want defcends 
In bitter fhower : And taunting fcorn flill rends. 

And wakes thee trembling from thy golden dream : 

In vetchy bed, or loathly dungeon ends 

Thy idled life What fitter may befeem, 

Who poifons thus the fount, fhould drink the poifon’d flream. 

And is it thus, the heart-flung Minflrel cry’d. 

While indignation fhook his filver’d head. 

And is it thus, the grofs-fed lordling’s pride. 

And hind’s bafe tongue the gentle Bard upbraid ! 

And mufl the holy fong be thus repaid 
By fun-bafk’d ignorance, and chorlifh fcorn ! 

While lifllefs drooping in the languid fhade 
Of cold negledt, the facred Bard mufl mourn. 

Though in his hallowed breafl heaven’s purefl ardours burn ! 

Yet how fublime, O Bard, the dread behefl. 

The awful trull to thee by heaven affign’d ! 

’Tis thine to humanife the favage breafl. 

And form in Virtue’s mould the youthful mind ; 

Where lurks the latent fpark of generous kind, 

’Tis thine to bid the dormant ember blaze : 

Heroic rage with gentlefl worth combin’d 
Wide through the land thy forming power difplays. 

So fpread the olive boughs beneath Dan Phoebus rays. 

g 2 





When Heaven decreed to foothe the feuds that tore 
The wolf-eyed Barons, whofe unletter’d rage 
Spurn’d the fair Mufe ; Heaven bade on Avon’s fhore 
A Shakefpeare rife and foothe the barbarous age : 

A Shakefpeare rofej the barbarous heats afwage— — 

At diftance due how many bards attend ! 

Enlarged and liberal from the narrow cage 
Of blinded zeal new manners wide extend. 

And o’er the generous breafl the dews of heaven defcend. 

And fits it you, ye fons of hallowed power. 

To hear, unmoved, the tongue of fcorn upbraid 
The Mufe neglected in her wintery bower ; 

While proudly flourishing in princely fhade 

Her younger lifters lift the laurel’d head 

And fhall the pencil’s boldeft mimic rage. 

Or fofteft charms, fore-doom’d in time to fade. 

Shall thefe be vaunted o’er th’ immortal page. 

Where paflion’s living fires burn unimpair’d by age ! 

And fhall the warbled drain or fweeteft lyre, 

Thrilling the palace roof at night’s deep hour * 

And fhall the nightingales in woodland choir 
The voice of heaven in fweeter raptures pour ! 

Ah no, their fong is tranfient as the flower 
Of April morn : In vain the Ihepherd boy 
Sits liftening in the filent Autumn bower ; 

The year no more reftores the fhort-lived joy ; 

And never more his harp fhall Orpheus’ hands employ. 



Eternal Silence in her cold deaf ear 
Has clofed his ftrain ; and deep eternal night 
Has o’er Apelles’ tints, fo bright while-ere. 

Drawn her blank curtains — never to the fight 

More to be given But cloath’d in heaven’s own light 

Homer’s bold painting fhall immortal fhine ; 

Wide o’er the world fhall ever found the might. 

The raptured mufic of each deathlefs line : 

For death nor time may touch their living foul divine. 

And what the ftrain, though Perez fwell the note, 
High though its rapture, to the Mufe of fire ! 

Ah what the tranfient founds, devoid of thought, 

To Shakefpeare’s flame of ever-burning ire. 

Or Milton’s flood of mind, till time expire 
Foredoom’d to flow; as heaven’s dread energy 
Unconfcious of the bounds of place 





( ccxxx ) 

P P E N D I 

Copia das Patentes dos Vice Reis, e da India, conforme fe acbdo no 
Concelbo Ultramarino em LiJbo,a. 

“ T"\ N.... por gr?-9a de Deos Rey de 
I 3 ® Portugal e dos Algnrves, d’aquem 
e d’alem-mar em Africa, Senhor de Guine, e 
da Conquifta, Navega9ao e Commercio da 
Ethiopia, Arabia, Perfia, e da India, &c. 

“ Fa90 faber aos que efta minha Carta- 
Patente virem, que atendendo a qualidade, 
merecimento, e mais partes que concorrem 
na peffoa de N.... Hei por bem de o no- 
mear (como por efta nomeio) no emprego 
de Vice-Rey, e Capitao-general de mar e 
terra, dos Eftados da India, e fuas depen- 
dencias, por tempo de trez annos, e o mais 
que Eu for fervido, em quanto lhe nao no- 
mear fucceffor ; e com o dito governo avera o 
foldo de 24,000 cruzados pagos em cadahum 
anno na forma das minhas ordens : e gozara 
de todas as honras, poderes, mando, jurif- 
dh^ao, e a^ada, que tern, e deque gozarao 
os providos no dito Governo ; e do mais que 
por minhas ordens lhe for concedido, como 
Vice-Rey e Capitao-general, meu Lugar- 
tenente, e imediato a minha Real Peffoa. 
Peloque mando ao Vice-Rey feu anteceffor, 
ou a peffoa que eftiver governando, de pofle 
do finefmo Governo geral do Eftado da In- 
dia ao dito N.... E outrofim ordeno a todos 
osOfliciais de Guerra, Juft^a, e Fazenda, que 
em tudo lhe obede9'io, e cumprao fuas or- 
dens, e mandados, como a feu Vice-Rey e 
Capitao-general : e o Tizoureiro, ou Rece- 
bedor da minha Fazenda, a quern o recebi- 
mento das rendas da India tocar, lhe fara 
pagamento do referido foldo aos quarteis, 
por efta Carta-Patente fomente, fem para 
ifto fer neceffaria outra Provizao minha, a 
qual fe regiftara para o dito efteito nos livros 
da fua defpeza, para fe lhe levar em conta. 
E 0 dito F... juraraem minha Chanceilaria, 
na forma coftumada, deque fe fara affento 
nas coftas defta minha Carta-Patente ; e an- 
tes de partir defta Corte, fara em minhas 

Reaes maos preito e omenagem pelo dito 
Governo do Eftado da India, e fuas Con- 
quiftas dependentes. E por firmeza de tudo 
lhe mandei paffar efta Carta-Patente por 
mim aflignada, e fellada com 0 Sello Grande 
de minhas Armas, &c. 

Dada na cidade de Lilboa, &c. 

El Rey. 

N O T 1 C I A S. 

1. Os Vice-Reys da India tinhao hums 
jurifd^ao fuprema, como fe ve das fuas 
Patentes : e erao unicamente fujeitos, no fim 
do feu governo, a hurrta deva9a de reziden- 
cia, que El Rey mandava tirar do feu pro- 
cedimento, por hum Miniftro civil. Nefta 
deva9a deviao jurar todas as Ordens do Efta- 
do ; principiando-fe pela Camera (ou feja 
Concelbo Municipal ) ; e continuando-fe pe- 
los Ofiiciaes das mais repart^oens civis, co- 
mo aRela9ao de Goa, osMiniftros e Ofiiciaes 
da Fazenda, os Generais e Ofticiais Miiitares, 
fem excep9ao de peffoa alguma. 

Efta deva9a era remetida em direitura a 
Lilboa. Porem, fe o novo Vice-rey [tendo 
precedido queixas a Corte do feo anteceffor] 
trazia ordens particulares ; podia mandalo 
logo prezo a Lilboa, achando-o culpado. 

2. Na India avia alem do Vice-Rey e de 
dous Secretaries de Eftado, os Tribunaes fe- 
guintes em Goa : a Inquiz^ao para as couzas 
da Religiao : o Tribunal do Ordinario para 
os mais Negocios Eccleziailicos : uma Junta 
das Miffoens, independente do Bifpo, mas 
fujeita a infpecao dos Vice-Reys, na qual 
Junta prezidia o Superior dos Jezuitas : hu- 
ma Rela9ao (tribunal fuperior de Judicatura) 
Com hum Chanceller-mor para os negocios 
civis, com appela9ao para o Tribunal fu- 
premo do Reino (em Portugal) : hum Con- 
celho da Fazenda, e o Senado da Camera. 

3. O Vice- Rey era Regedor dasjuft^as, & 
como tal eraPrezidente da fobredita Rela9ao, 
& do referido Concelho da Fazenda : ntio fe 
podendo difpender couza alguma fem hum 
defpacho, ou portaria do mefmo Vice-Rey. 




Elle, como Lugar-tenente d’EI Rey, gover- 
nava fem Jimitafao fobre os Militares ; con- 
feria Patentes ate o polio de Capitaens inclu- 
five : nomeava interinamente todos os mais 
Polios fuperiores ; e conferia todos os Go- 
vernos da fua dependencia, que n o vin- 
hio providos pela Corte. Nos cazos crimi- 
naes, affim civis, como militares, a Relafio 
e o Concelho de Guerra da India tinhao o 
direito fupremo de vida e morte : e o Vice- 
Rey, como Prezidente, tinha o direito de 
dezempate nos cazos de igoaldade de votos. 

4. Alem dos referidos ellablecimentos, o 
Senado da Camera tinha os mefmos direitos 
de policia, que tem todos os do Reino : e 
alem diflo o direito de reprezenta^o a o 
mefmo Vice-Rey ; e de fe-queixar, em Corpo 
de Tribunal, em direitura a fua Magellade a 

5. Quando avia vacancia de Vice-Reys, 
por cauza de morte, o Arcebifpo, o Chan- 
celer da Rela^io, e 0 Official Militar de maior 
Patente, tomavao o governo do Ellado ; e 
exercitavao promifcuamente todas as fun- 
joens, affignando todos jnntos as ordens 
que davao. 

6. O Commercio da Afia pertencia in- 
teiramente a El Rey, e tudo le fazia por con- 
ta da Coroa, em navios proprios : para o que 
tinh o ellabelecido, por parte de mefma 
Coroa, e a fuaculla, diflerentes Feitorias em 
todos os Ellabelecimentos da Afia, admini- 
iltados por Feitores e Officials da Fazenda 
Real, debaixo da jurifdifao dos Vice-Reys ; 
os quai6 davao contas no fim de 3 annos da 
fua adminiflraijao, ao Concelho da Fazenda 
da India : e elle as dava ao Concelho-Ultra- 
marino de Lilboa, na fequinta mon$ao. Elle 
comercio fe fazia em frotas, que partiao da 
India, edepozitavao tudonos ArmazaensReaes 
da Caza affim chamada (da India) em Lilboa: 
donde fe vendia por conta da Fazenda Real, 
aos nacionaes, e aos ellranjeiros. 

7. Os Vice-Reys obtiverio aliberdade de 
fazerem comercio para o Reino; porem n:o 
podi o exceder de huma por<j o limitada, 
que fe lhes arbitrou. A mefma faculdade 
fe ellendeo aodepois dilfo a muitas outras 
pelToas, tanto civis, como militares; porem 
com grandes limita^oens e rezervas ; excep- 
tuando fempre as pedras preciozas, perolas 
e aljofar, cujo comercio fe deu excluziva- 
menfe as Rainhas de Portugal, para feo patri- 

monio : affim como tiobem 0 da pimenta. 
O comercio dos outras efpeciarias, do fa- 
litre, fandalo, e porcelana, fempre foi re- 
zervado a Coroa. 

8. Prohibio-fe em hm aos Vice-Reys e 
a todos os Officiaes Civis e Militares de fa- 
zerem commercio algum por huma Lei 
que foi promulgada no anno de 1687. 

9. O governo da India foi alterado no 
anno de 1773. Abolio-fe o Vice-Reynado, 
ficando em Capitaens Generaes. Deu-fe uma 
nova forma a arrecada5ao da Fazenda, ella- 
belecendo-fe hum Erario Regio, no forma do 
Erario de Lilboa. Abolio-fe a Inquiz^ao, 
e o Tribunal de Relacao : ficando a admi- 
niltrafao da Jultiga, nas maos dos Ouvidores 
Geraes, com appella^ao para Lilboa. Man- 
dou-fe ellabelcer no mefmo Ellado o mefmo 
regulamento militar, que fe pradlica em 
Portugal : e pagar as tropas por conta da 
Coroa em dinheiro ; por quanto ella defpeza 
era feitad’antes pelos Capitaens que exercifo 
monopolios onerozos, pagando aos folda- 
dos o fuliento e o fardamento por fua conta.. 

Copy of the King's Letters Patent, given to 
the Vice-Roys, fupreme Commanders of 
Fortuguefe Eaji India, according to the 
original kept in the King's Office, called 
Concelho Ultramarino, in Lifhon. 

*• Don N. by the grace of God King 
of Portugal and Algarves, on this fide of the 
lea, and on that of Africa; Lord of Guinea, 
and of the Conquell, Navigation, and Com- 
merce of Ethiopia, Arabia,. Perlia, and 
India, See. 

“ Be it known to all to whom this my 
Letter Patent may come, that, attentive to 
the qualities, meats, and talents of N. Iam 
pleafed to name him (as I do hereby) to the 
office of Vice-Roy and Generaliffimo of the 
fea and land, in the States of India, and de- 
pendencies thereon, for the fpace of three 
years, and till fuch time after asl (hall appoint 
another to fucceed him ; and on account of 
this government I appoint him a falary of 
24,000 * cruzados, to be paid to him every 
year according to this my commiffion : and. 
he fhall enjoy all the honours, powers, com- 
mand, juril'diftion, and authority, which 
now holds the prefent Vice-Roy, and for- 
merly did his predecelfors in the fame go- 
vernment, and befides whatever further grants. 

I may 

* Two thoufiwd fix hundred and fixty-fix pounds fterling. 


A P P E 

N ? D I X, 

I may allow to him as Vice-Roy, Gene- 
raliiTimo, and my- Locum-tenens immediate 
to my Royal Perfon. On account of which 
1 order the till now Vice-Roy of India, or 
whofoever holds in his Head the government 
of that State, to' deliver up to the faid 
N. the fame government at his arrival. And 
moreover I order all the officers of War, of 
the Iving’s-bench, and of the Exchequer, to 
obey him in every refpeft, and execute his 
orders or commands, as their Vice-Roy and 
Generaliflimo : and the Lord Treafurer or 
high Receiver of the Revenue in that State, 
fhall make him payment of the aforefaid 
Salary quarterly, according to this prefent 
Letter Patent, without waiting for any fur- 
ther orders of mine; which payment being 
regiltered in the book of the expences of 
State, ihall be reckoned as one of them. 
And the faid N. fhall fwear in the High 
Court of my Chancery in the accuflomed 
form ; an atteftation of which fhall be taken 
on the back of this Letter Patent : And be- 
fore his departure from fhore, he fnall fwear 
obedience, and do homage on my Royal 
hands, for the faid government of India and 
its dependencies : and as a tell and con- 
firmation of the whole, I have ordered this 
my Letter Patent to be palled, which (hall 
be figned by me, and fealed with the Great 
Seal of my Arms, &c. 

Given at Lilbon, &c. 


i . The Vice-Roys of India held a fupreme 
jurifdiction, as appears by their Letters Pa- 
tent, and were only fubjeit at the end of 
their government to an Inquefl on the 
difcharge of their official duty and perfonal 
behaviour, which the King always ordered 
to be made by a Civil Magiflrate, Into 
this Inquefl were to be fworn all ranks of 
the State, the Members of the Supreme 
Council of the India adminiflation, and 
thofe of all the other Councils and Courts, 
the King’s Bench of Judges at Goa, the 
Miniflers and Officers of the India Exche- 
quer and King’s Revenue, as well as all the 
Generals and Military Officers of the State, 
without exception of any perfon foever. 

The refult of this general inquefl was to 
be fent direftly to the King’s Council at 
Lifbon : and there to be judged accordingly. 
But if the new Vice-Roy, in confequence of 
any complaints having been made to the 

King’s Privy Council againfl his predeceffo r, 
had got particular orders from the king, he 
then could, on finding him guilty by the 
aforefaid inquefl, commit him to prifon, and 
fend him under confinement to Lifbon, to 
be judged by the King’s Privy Council, or 
by the King himfelf. 

2. There were in India, befides the Vice- 
Roy and two Secretaries of State, who adled 
with him as a kind of Privy Council, the 
following Tribunals in Goa, viz. The In- 
quifition of the affairs of Religion : An 
Ecclefiaflical or Spiritual Court, with the 
Biffiop at their head, for the affairs which 
fall under the cognizance of the Church : A 
Board or Council for the Propagation of the 
Gofpel, without any dependence upon the 
Biffiop, but only fubje&ed to the infpedlion 
of the Vice-Roys, of which Council the 
Superior of the Jefuits was Prefident : The 
King’s Bench, confuting of a Chancellor 
and a certain number of high Judges, named 
by the King, for the Civil affairs, from 
whom there could be no appeal but to 
the fupreme King’s Bench of the high 
Judges at Lifbon : A Council or Court of 
the Exchequer, for the King’s Revenue : 
And a kind of a Court, [like the Common 
Council of London ] but very few in num- 
ber, for the police of Goa. 

3. The Vice-Roy being, on account of 
his office, a kind of High Chancellor of the 
State, was in confequence thereof Prefident 
of the fupreme King’s Bench of high or 
great Judges, and of the Court of the 
Exchequer already mentioned : nor could 
any expence or difburfement be made by 
this laft, without confent and permiffion 
figned by himfelf. He, as a Locum-tenens 
of the King, had an unlimitted authority 
and command over the whole military de- 
partments : he conferred all the military 
Commiffions in the Army, not above thofe 
of Captains; and even appointed any fu- 
perior Officers, till thefe offices were filled 
up by the King’s nomination ; and, finally, 
he nominated and gave all other commiffions 
and charges under him, which were not 
provided by the King. In all criminal cafes, 
both civil and military, the above King’s 
Bench of high Judges, and the Council 
of War, or Court Martial, held the decifive 
authority of Life and Death : But the Vice- 
Roys had the calling- vote, as Piefidents of 
both, in cafe of an equality of votes. 

4. Befides 

A F P E 

N D I X; 

4. Befides the aforefaid civil eftablifh- 
ments, the Municipal Court, under the 
name of Senate of the Camera , [which 
was like the Common Council of London, 
though compofed of much fewer members ] 
was veiled with the fame authority and ex- 
duufive power, in regard to matters of po- 
lice, as that of Portugal ; it had alfo the 
right of addrefling and petitioning the Vice- 
Roys, and even of applying by common 
confent, as a civil body, for redrefs, to the 
King himfclf, at Lilbon. 

5. On the death of the Vice-Roy, during 
his government, the Archbilhop of Goa, the 
Chancellor of the King’s Bench or Council 
ofjuftice, and the Military Officer ofhigheft 
rank and of oldeft commifiion, were to take 
the government of the State, and. to exercife 
conjointly all its funttions ; all. three figning 
together whatever orders they gave. 

6. The whole Commerce of Alia belong- 
ed folely to the King ; and was carried on, 
on account of the Crown, in the King’s 
Ihips. To this end there were eftablilhed 
different faftories, by the authority and at 
the expence of the Crown, in all the fettle - 
ments of Alia, with proper Officers and 
Clerks, under the jurifdi&ion of the Vice- 
Roys ; who at the end of every three years 
were to render an account of their manage- 
ment to the India Exchequer, by. which it 
was fent to the high Council Ultramarine at 
Lilbon in the next || monsoon. This Com- 
merce was carried on by fleets, which failed 
from India, and depofited their cargoes in 
the Royal warehoufes of the Eaft India 
Houfe at Lilbon ; from whence they were 
fold on behalf of the Royal Revenue, both 
to the Portuguefe and to foreigners §. 

7. In courfe of time the Vice -Roys ob- 
tained leave to trade, on their own account, 
from India to Portugal ; but they were not 
allowed to exceed a Emitted and determined 
portion. Afterwards the fame power was 
extended to many other perfons, both of 


the civil and of the military profeffion : but 
this was to be done within great limitations 
and reftri&ions. The commerce of precious 
Hones, and pearls of every fize, was always 
excepted. The trade of thefe, and of pep- 
per, was the exclufive right of the Queens 
of Portugal, as a part of their patrimony f . 
The trade of the other fpices, of nitre, 
fandalo *, and that of porcelaine, always 
was referved to the Crown. 

8. In fine, the Vice-Roys of India, and 
all Officers, both civil and military, were 
prohibited carrying on any kind of com- 
merce between India and Portugal, by a la W 
which was publifhed in the year 1687. 

9. The government of the Portuguefe 
Eaft India was lately altered, in the yea$ 
1773. The title of Vice-Roy was abo- 
lilhed, and changed into that of Captain- 
General. A new form of levying the Du- 
ties, and managing the King’s Revenue was 
eftablilhed. A new Royal Treafury or Ex- 
chequer was erefted, like that of Lifbon* 
known by the name of Royal Erarium. The 
court of Inquifition was aboliffied, as well 
as the fupremeTribunal of the King’sBench, 
the adminiftration of Juftice being put into 
the hands of Auditors-General, from whom 
there may be an appeal to the High Tri- 
bunal at Lilbon. The fame military regu- 
lations, ^ as now pradtifed in Portugal, were 
extended to India : and the troops were or- 
dered to be paid in ready money, on account 
of the Crown; the pay of the Soldiers 
having formerly paffed through the hands 
of the Captains, who exercifed confiderable 
mononolies in the management of it, by 
paying them in provifions and cloaths, &c„ 
from their own warehoufes. 

Ambitious of giving his hiftorical nar- 
rative the laft confirmation, the Tranflator 
applied for affiftance to fome gentlemen, 
who, on the appearance of the Englifh 

1| Moiccon means here the Anted times in -which’ the Portngucfe India fhips tried to fail to Liibon. 

§ Befulcs the Eaft-India ware-houfes at Lilbon, there were other ware-hciries at Antwerp, with a conftrl, 
and at Rotterdam and Amftcrdam, with two refpeftive factors, for the difpofal of the India goods fent to 
them from Lilbon. 

4 The Queens of Portugal have a kind of patrimony affigned to them by the State : it eonfifts of different 
cities, towns, and villages, whofe duties and cuftoms belong to the Queen's houfhold or revenue. They 
have a Secretary of State, with a council of their own, an exchequer for their own revenue : and all the 
juftices of peace, judges, and officers of the Queen’s State, aie of her majefty's nomination. 

* A kind of red wood, for dying with, like the Brazil wood. 

h h 



N D I X. 

A P P E 

Lufiad, honoured him with their correfpon- 
dence. He entreated that, if pofiible, a 
copy of the commiffion of the Viceroys, 
might be procured, together with an abftradt 
of the laws and conftitution of Portuguefe 
Alia. And the foregoing papers, of which 
he has given a tranflation, were remitted to 
him from the Continent. During the Spanifh 
tifurpation, the affairs of India fell into the 
deepeft anarchy. When John IV. afcended 
the throne of Portugal, he endeavoured to 
reftore regularity to the government of his 
eaftern empire ; and from the regulations 
of that monarch and his fuccelfors the above 
Noticias were carefully extrafled. There is 
no copy of the Viceroy’s commiffion of 
older date than the beginning of the reign 
of John IV. the former papers relative to 
the government of India having probably 
been removed to Madrid. But the commif- 
fion itfelf bears a proof that it was in the 
■ufual form ; and the regulations of John, 
which remain upon record, appear, by the 
teftimony of hiftory, to be only a confirma- 
tion of the former government of India, 
with a great diminution of the Viceroy’s 
falary, and perhaps fome few novel efla- 
blifhments which did not affedi the fpirit of 
the conftitution. By the lateft alterat ; ons, 
it appears, that the conftitution of Lilbon, 
ever was, and is, the grand model of the 
government of Portuguefe Afia. 

Whatever circumftances have a ten- 
dency to elucidate the manners and policy 
of former times, or to give us an accurate 
idea of the energy and ftrength of her va- 
rious governments, when Europe began to 
emerge fromthe inactivity of the Gothic ages, 
are highly worthy of the careful inveftigation 
of the philofopher and politician. Roufed 
into aCtion by Prince Henry of Portugal, 
the end of the fifteenth and beginning of 
the fifteenth century became the great a;ra 
of maritime difcovery. The three grand 
expeditions were thofe of Gama, Columbus, 
and Magal'haens. And the objeCt of all 
was the fame, the Difcovery of India. The 
force of the various fleets which attempted 
this arduous undertaking, will give us an idea 
of the ftate of maritime affairs in the reigns 
when they were fitted out. In 1486, Bar- 
tholomew Diaz, a Portuguefe captain, with 
three fhips, attempted the Difcovery of In- 
dia by the coaft of Africa ; but, harraffed 
by tempefls, his crew mutinied, and having 

difcovered die river del Infante , on the 
eaflern fide of Africa, he returned to Europe. 
About 14 years after, this expedition was 
happily completed by Gama ; and the force 
with which he went out is thus circum- 
ftantially defcribed by Hernan Lopez de 
Caftaneda, a cotemporary writer, and care- 
ful journalift of faris. 

“ Emmanuel, earneft to profecute what 
“ his predeceffor Don John had begun for 
“ the difcovery of India, ordered Eernan 
“ Lorenzo, Treafurer of the houfe of the 
“ Myna ( on the golden ooafl) to build with 
“ the timber that was bought in kingjohn’s 
<£ time, two fhips, which, after they were 
“ finifhed, he named, the Angel Gabriel, 
“being of one hundred and twenty tons 
“ burthen, and the Saint Raphael, of one 
“ hundred tons. And to accompany thefe 
“ fhips, the king bought of a pilot who was 
bom in Lagos, named Berrio, a caravel 
“ of fifty tons, which bore the name o£ 
“ the pilot. Beflde thefe, he bought a 
“ fhip of two hundred tons of one Ayres 

“ Correa The king alfo appointed 

“ Bartholomew Diaz to go along with 
“ them in a caravel to the Myna. And 
“ becaufe the fhips of war could not 
“ carry provifions fufficient for the voyage, 
“ the king gave orders that the fhip of 
“ Correa fhould be laden with provifions, 
“ and accompany the fleet to the bay of St. 
“ Blafs, where it would be neceffary to take 
“ in frefh water ; and the ftore fliip was to 
“ be there unloaded and burnt. The Cap- 
“ tain General went in the fhip called St. 
“ Gabriel, having for pilot one Pedro de 
“ Alanquer, who had been pilot to Bartho- 
“ lomew Diaz, when he difcovered the river 
“ called El ryo del Tnfante. Paulus de 
“ Gama, brother of the Captain General, 
“ went in the fhip called St. Raphael ; Ni- 
“ colas Coello went in the caravel named 
“ Berrio; and Gonfalo Gomez commanded 
“ the ftore fhip.” The number of the crews 
of this fquadron, according to Caftaneda, 
was 148 men; according to others, 160. 
Gama and his brother, and the ten male- 
factors who were on board, were perhaps 
not included in Caftaneda’s account. 

The voyage of Columbus has been called 
the moft daring and grand ever attempted 
by man. Columbus himfelf, however, 
feems to have had a very different idea of 
it ; for certain it is, he expeCted to reach 


A P P E 

N D I X. 

India by the weftward paflage in the fpace 
of not many weeks. The fquadron with 
which he attempted this difcovery, confifted 
of only three vefiels. Dr. Robertfon calls 
the large!! which Columbus commanded, 
“ of no confiderable burden and the two 
others, “ hardly fuperior in burden or force 
“ to large boats.” The crew confifted of 
ninety men, and a few adventurers. And 
the expence of fitting out this equipment 
did not exceed 4000 1. fterling, for which 
queen Ifabella pawned her jewels. 

The enterprize of Magalhaens was infi- 
nitely more daring than that of Columbus. 
India and the continent of America were now 
both difcovered, and now known to be at 
vaft diftance from each other. To find a 
rout to India beyond the great American 
continent was the bold defign of Magal- 
haens ; which he attempted, according to 
Faria, with 250 men and five Ihips; which, 
with refpeft to its purpofe. Dr. Robertfon 
calls, “ a proper fquadron.” 

When Gama failed from Lilbon, it was 
unknown that a great and potent Common- 
wealth of Mohammedan merchants, deeply 
fkilled in all the arts and views of Com- 
merce, were fcattered over the eaftern world. 
Gama, therefore, did not fail to India with 
a warlike fleet, like that which firft fol- 
lowed him, under Cabral, but with a fqua- 
dron every way proper for difcovery. The 
Portuguefe hiftorians aferibe the Ihipwreck 
of many Portuguefe veflels on the voyage 
between Europe and India to the avarice of 
their owners, in building them of an enor- 
mous bulk, of 4, 5, and 600 tons. The 
fleet of Gama was therefore not only of 
the molt perfeft fize which the art of ihip- 
building could then produce, but was alfo 
fuperior in number, and nearly of the 
draught * of water with the veflels which 
at this day are fent out on voyages of dif- 
covery. The difpofition of Gama’s voyage 
is alfo worthy of notice : the captain who 
had already pad the great fouthern pro- 
montory of Africa, to accompany him to a 
certain latitude ; the pilot who had failed 
with that captain, to go the whole voyage ; 
the fize of Coello’s caravel, proper to enter 
creeks and rivers ; and the appointment of 


the ftore-fliip ; are circumftances which dif- 
play a knowledge of and attention to mari- 
time affairs, greatly fuperior to any thing dif- 
covered by the court of Spain in the equip- 
ments of Columbus and Magalhaens. The 
warlike ftrength of Gama’s fleet was greatly 
fuperior to that of the firft voyage of Co- 
lumbus, and little inferior to that of Ma- 

f alhaens ; though Magalhaens, who had 
een in India, well knew the hoftile difpo- 
fition of the natives. In the art of war 
the Indians were greatly inferior to the 
Moors, and the Moors were as inferior 
to the Portuguefe. And the fquadron 
of Gama not only defeated the whole 
naval force of the firft maritime ftate of 
India, but in every attack was victorious 
over the fuperior numbers of the Moors. 
Thefe circumftances are clearly evinced in 
our hiftory of the Difcovery of India ; and 
this comparative difeuflion will not only give 
an accurate idea of the progrefs which the 
Portuguefe had made in navigation, but is 
alfo, perhaps, neceflary in fupport of the 
reputation of this work. Had an Author 
of ordinary rank reprefented the fquadron of 
Gama as extremely feeble , confifing only of 
' Three J "jrJJels, of neither burthen ncr force 
adequate to the fcrvice — fuch condemnation 
of our narrative had been here unnoticed. 
But when a celebrated and juftly admired 
hiftorian, in a work publilhed about one 
year and an half after the firft appearance 
of the Lufiad, has given fuch reprelentatjon 
of the equipment of Gama, dire&ly con- 
trary to the light in which it is there 
placed, the foregoing detail, will not ap- 
pear, it is hoped, an unneceflary or rude 
vindication. We have followed the ample 
and circumftantial accounts of the Portu- 
guefe writers, and not the imperfedt and 
curfory abftradts of the Spanilh hiftorians 
when they allude to the affairs of their 
filler kingdom. 

*„* To our former accounts of Portuguefe 
Literature let the following be added ; In 
1741, an Heroic poem was publilhed in 
Portuguefe by the Count de Ericeyra. It 
is named .Henriqueida , and celebrates the 
,eftablilhment of the kingdom of Portugal. 
Though it has foine extravagancies, it 

* Capt. Cooke's tiro veffcli have, by the latefl experience, been found the fitted: for difcovery. The one 
was of 46a tons burthen, the other of 336; and built to draw little water. And certain it is that veflels 
of fnch burthen arc now built, which draw as little water as thofe of 120 tons in the infancy of modern 

1 See Hid. Americ. vol. i. p. 145. 




contains an ardent fpirit of true poetry. 
And in the preface and notes the author 
has given many judicious criticifms, and by 
his opinion of Milton difcovers a lirength 
of mind greatly fuperior to that frivolouf- 
nefs, that poverty of tafce, which the French 
generally betray, when they criticife the 
works of that great Poet. The Tranilator 
has been favoured with the following ac- 
count of this noble author by a learned and 
ingenious gentleman of Portugal ; for whofe 
favours he here returns his acknowledge- 

“ Dom Francifco Xavier de Menezes, 
“ fourth Count of Ericeyra, was one of the 
“ moll: learned men of this age, and a great 
“ ornament to Portugal ; he was born at 
“ Lilbon the 29th of January, 1673, and 
“ died in the fame city the 21ft of Decem- 
“ ber, 1743. To the qualities of a foldier, 
“ a politician, a philofopher, a mathema- 
“ tician, anhiftorian, and a poet, he joined 

that of a man of honour and probity. 

“ He was director and cenfor of the royal 
“ academy of Portuguefe Hiftory ; he 
“ fpoke the Latin, French, Italian, and 
“ Spanilh languages w'ith as much eafe and 
“ elegance as his own, and wrote in them 
“ all with accuracy. Although he never 
“ went out of Portugal, he was known and 
“ admired in all Europe, and obtained 
“ the efteem and the praifes of Pope In- 
** nocent XIII. and Lewis XIV. of France, 
“ as well as fome of the moll eminent men 
“ of that age, fuch as Muratori, Bianchini, 
“ Crefcimbeni, Dumont, Garelli, Le 
“ Clerc, Bayle, Defpreaux, Renaudot, 
“ Bignon, Salazar, Feijoo, Mayans, &c. 
“ With all thefe he appears to have kept a 
“ literary correfpondence ; was member of 
“ the Arcadian academy of Italy, and of 
“ the Royal Society of London, and much 
“ refpefled by the Ruffian academy. He 
“ compofed a great number of excellent 
“ pieces in profe and verfe, many of which 
“ have been publilhed.” 

The Reader is defired to correct the following 

In p. clxi. line 9. in place of Philip II. read Philip III.— — P. clxxv. line ult. in place of ■which its imported 

luxuries afford, forms, read -which its imported luxuries afford, A tax which forms. And in p. 223. in the 

fccond line of the firft note, in place of Camcms was miffed, read Camocns was not miffed. 

1 .... . 




A RMS and the Heroes, who from Lilbon’s fhore. 
Thro’ Seas k where fail was never fpread before. 
Beyond where Ceylon lifts her fpicy bread:. 

And waves her woods above the watery wade. 

3 The Lufiad ; in the original, Os Lufi- 
adas , The Lufiads, from the Latin name 
of Portugal, derived from Lufus or Lyfas, 
the companion of Bacchus in his travels, 
and who fettled a colony in Lufitania. See 
Plin. 1. iii. c. i. 

b Thro ’ Seas 'where fail was never fpread 
before. — M. Duperron de Caltera, the 
French Tranflator of the Lufiad, has given 
a long note on this paflage, which he tells 
us, mull not be underftood literally. His 
arguments are thefe : Our author, fays he, 
could not be ignorant that the African and 
Indian Oceans had been navigated before the 
times of the Portuguefe. The Phoenicians, 

whofe fleets palled the ftraits of Gibraltar, 
made frequent voyages in thefe feas, though 
they carefully concealed the courfe of their 
navigation that other nations might not 
become partakers of their lucrative traffic. 
It is certain that Solomon, and Hiram king 
of Tyre, fent Ihips to the Eall by the Red 
Sea. It is alfo certain that Hanno, a Car- 
thaginian captain, made a voyage round 
the whole coaft of Africa, as is evident from 
the hiftory of the expedition, written by 
himfelf in the Punic language ; a Greek 
tranflation of which is now extant. Be- 
fides, Pliny, Pomponius Mela, Ptolomy and 
Strabo, allure us, that Mozambic and the ad- 


T H E 

L U S I A D, 

Book I 

With prowefs more than human forc’d their way 
To the fair kingdoms of the riling day : 

What wars they wag’d, what feas, what dangers paft. 
What glorious Empire crown’d their toils at laft, 
Vent’rous I fing, on foaring pinions borne. 

And all my Country’s wars the fong c adorn ; 

jacent iflands, and fome parts of India, were 
known to the Romans : and thefe words of 
Macrobius, Sed nec monfruofs carnibus ab- 
ji metis, infer entes poculis tejliculos Caflorum 
et 'venenata corpora Viper arum ; quibus ad- 
rnifcetis quidquid India nutrit, fufnciently 
prove that they carried on a confiderable 
traffic with the Eaft. From all which, fays 
M. Caftera, we may conclude that the Por- 
tuguefe were rather the Reftorers than the 
Difcoverers of the navigation to the Indies. 

In this firft book, and throughout the 
whole Poem, Camoens frequently deferibes 
his Heroes as palling through feas which had 
never before been navigated ; and 

ifie Jo dos fey os focas fe navega. 

Where hut Sea-monjiers cut the waves before. 

That this fuppofrtion afforded our author a 
number of poetical images, and adds a fo- 
lemn grandeur to his fubjeft, might perhaps 
with M. Caftera be efteemed a fufficient a- 
pology for the poetical licence in fuch a vio- 
lation of hiftorical truth. Yet whatever li- 
berties an Epic or Tragic Poet may com-, 
mendably take in embellilhing the attions 
of his heroes, an affertion relative to the 
feene where his Poem opens, if l'alfe, mull 
be equally ridiculous as to call Vefpafian the 
firft who had ever affumed the title of 
Caefar. But it will be found that Camoens 
bas not fallen into fuch abfurdity. The 
Poem opens with a defeription of the Lufi- 
tqnian fleet, after having doubled the Cape 
of Hope, driving about in the great Ethio- 
pian Ocean, fo far from land that it required 
the care of the Gods to conduit it to 
fome hofpitable fhore. Therefore, though 
it is certain that the Phoenicians palled the 
Ne plus ultra of the antients; though it is 
probable they traded on the coaft of Corn- 
wall, and the ifles of Scilly ; though there 

is fome reafon to believe that the Madeira} 
and Carribees were known to them ; and 
though it has been fuppofed that fome of 
their Ihips might have been driven by ftorm 
to the Brazils or North-America ; yet there 
is not the leaft foundation in hiftory to fup- 
pofe that they traded to the Indies by the 
Cape of Good Hope. There is rather a 
demonftration of the contrary ; for it is 
certain they carried on their traffic with 
the Eaft, by a much nearer and fafer way, 
by the two ports of Elath and Eziongeber 
on the Red Sea. Neither is it certainly 
known in what particular part, whether in 
the Perftan gulph, or in the Indian Ocean, 
the Tarlhilh and Ophir of the ancients are 
lituated. Though it is certain that Hanna 
doubled the Cape of Good Hope, it is alfo 
equally certain that his voyage was merely a 
coafting one, like that of Nearchus in Alex- 
ander’s time, and that he never ventured' 
into the great Ocean, or went fo far as 
Gama. The citation from Macrobius proves 
nothing at all relative to the point in quef- 
tion, for it is certain, that the Romans re- 
ceived the Merchandife of India by the way 
of Syria and the Mediterranean, in the fame 
manner as the Venetians imported the com- 
modities of the Eaft from Alexandria before 
the difeoveries of the Portuguefe. It re- 
mains, therefore, that Gama, who failed 
by the Compafs, after having gone further 
than his cotempoiary Bartholomew Diaz, 
was literally the firft who ever fpread fail in 
the great fouthern Ocean, and that the Por- 
tuguefe were not the Reftorers, but literally 
the Difcoverers of the prefent rout of Na- 
vigation to the Eaft Indies. 

c And all my Country's wars. — “ He in- 
terweaves artfully the hiftory of Portugal.”' 
V ilt air e. 


Book I. 



What Kings, what Heroes of my native land 
Thunder’d on Afia’s and on Afric’s flrand : 

Illuftrious (hades, who levell’d in the duft 
The idol-temples and the (hrines of luft ; 

And where, erewhile, foul demons were rever’d. 

To Holy Faith unnumber’d altars d rear’d: 

Illuftrious names, with deathlefs laurels crown’d, 

"While time rolls on in every clime renown’d ! 

Let Fame with wonder name the Greek no more. 
What lands he faw, w'hat toils at fea he bore ; 

No more the Trojan’s wandering voyage boaft. 

What dorms he brav’d on many a per’lous coaft : 

No more let Rome exult in Trajan’s name. 

Nor eadern conqueds Ammon’s 

A To Holy Faith unnumber'd altars rear'd. 

In no period of Hiftory does Human 

Nature appear with more Ihocking features 
than in the Spanilh Conqueft of South A- 
merica. To the immortal honour of the 
jirjl Portuguefe Difcoverers, their conduft 
was in every refpeft the reverfe. To efta- 
blifh a traffic equally advantageous to the 
natives as to themfelves, was the principle 
they profefled, and the ftri&eft honour, and 
that humanity which is ever infeparable 
from true bravery, prelided over their tranf- 
adlions. Nor did they ever proceed to hof- 
tilities till provoked, either by the open 
violence or by the perfidy of the Natives. 
Their honour was admired, and their friend- 
fliip courted by the Indian Princes. To 
mention no more, the name of Gama was 
dear to them, and the great Albuquerque 
was beloved as a father, and his memory 
honoured with every token of affe&ion and 
refpeft by the people and princes of India. 

It was owing to this fpirit of honour and 


pride proclaim ; 

humanity, which in the heroical days of 
Portugal charafterifed that nation, that the 
religion of the Portuguefe was eagerly em- 
braced by many kings and provinces of Af- 
rica and India ; while the Mexicans with 
manly difdain rejected the faith of the Spa- 
niards, profeffing they would rather go to 
hell to efcape thefe cruel Tyrants, than go 
to heaven, where they were told, they 
ffiould meet them. Zeal for the Chriftian 
religion was efteemed, at the time of the 
Portuguefe grandeur, as the moft cardinal 
Virtue, and to propagate Chriilianity and 
extirpate Mohammedifin were the moft cer- 
tain proofs of that zeal. In ali their expe- 
ditions this was profeftedly a principal mo- 
tive of the Lufitanian Monarchs ; and Ca- 
moens underftood the nature of Epic poetry 
too well to omit, That the defign of his 
Hero was to deliver the Law of heaven to 
the eaftern world ; a eircumftance which 
gives a noble air of importance and of in- 
tereft to the bufinefs of his Poem. 


A. nobler 


Book. I. 


A nobler Hero’s deeds demand my lays 
Than e’er adorn’d the fong of ancient days ; 
Illuftrious Gama, whom the waves obey’d, 

And whofe dread fword the fate of Empire fway’d. 

And you, fair Nymphs of Tagus, parent ftream. 
If e’er your meadows were my pafloral theme. 
While you have liftened, and by moonfhine feen 
My footfteps wander o’er your banks of green, 

O come aufpicious, and the fong infpire 
With all the boldnefs of your Hero’s fire : 

Deep and majeftic let the numbers flow. 

And, rapt to heaven, with ardent fury glow ; 
Unlike the verfe that fpeaks the lover’s grief. 

When heaving fighs afford their foft relief. 

And humble reeds bewail the fhepherd’s pain : 

But like the warlike trumpet be the flrain. 

To roufe the Hero’s ire; and far around. 

With equal rage, your warriors’ deeds refound* 

And thou, f O born the pledge of happier days, 
To guard our freedom and our glories raife. 

r And thou , O born — King Sebaltian, 
who came to the throne in his minority. 
Though the warm imagination of Camoens 
anticipated the praifes of the future Hero, 
the young monarch, like Virgil’s Pollio, 
had not the happinefs to fulfil the prophecy. 
His endowments and enterprifing genius 
promifed indeed a glorious reign. Ambi- 
tious of military laurels, he led a powerful 
army into Africa, on purpofe to replace 

Muley Hamet on the throne of Morocco, 
from which he had been depofed by Muley 
Molucco. On the 4th of Auguft, 1578, 
in the 25 th year of his age, he gave battle 
to the Ufurper on the plains of Alcazar. 
This was that memorable engagement, to 
which the Moorilh Emperor, extremely 
weakened by ficknefs, was carried in his 
litter. By the impetuofity of the attack, 
the firft line of the Moorilh infantry was 


Boole I. 



Given to the world to fpread Religion’s fway, 
And pour o’er many a land the mental day. 

Thy future honours on thy fhield behold. 

The crofs, and victor’s wreath, emboli in gold : 

broken, and the fecond d Bordered. Muley 
Molucco on this mounted his horfe, drew 
his fabre, and would have put himfelf at 
the head of his troops, but was prevented 
by his attendants. On this adt of violence, 
his emotion of mind was fo great that he 
fell from his horfe, and one of his guards 
having caught him in his arms, conveyed 
him to his litter, where, putting his linger 
on his lips to enjoin them filence, he im- 
mediately expired. Hamet Taba Hood by 
the curtains of the carriage, opened them from 
time to time, and gave out orders as if he 
had received them from the Emperor. Vic- 
tory declared for the Moors, and the defeat 
of the Portuguefe was fo total, that not 
above fifty of their whole army efcaped. 
Hieron de Mendo9a, and Sebaftian de Mefa 
relate, that Don Sebaftian, after having two 
horfes killed under him, was furrounded and 
taken ; but the party who had fecured him 
quarrelling among themfelves whofe pri- 
foner he was, a Moorifh officer rode up and 
ftruck the King a blow over the right eye, 
which brought him to the ground ; when, 
defpairing of ranfom, the others killed him. 
Faria, y Soufa, an exaft and judicious hif- 
torian, reports, that Lewis de Brito meeting 
the King with the royal ftandard wrapped 
round him, Sebaftian cried out, “ Hold it 
“ faft, let us die upon it.” Brito affirmed, 
that after he himfelf was taken prifoner, he 
faw the King at a diftance unpurfued. Don 
Lewis de Lima afterwards met him making 
towards the river ; and this, fays the hif- 
torian, was the laft time he was ever feen 
alive. About twenty years after this fatal 
defeat there appeared a ftranger at Venice, 
who called himfelf Sebaftian, King of Por- 
tugal. His perfon fo perfectly refembled 
Sebaftian, that the Portuguefe of that city 
acknowledged him for their Sovereign. 
Philip II. of Spain was now Maftcr of the 
crown and kingdom of Portugal. His am- 
baffador at Venice charged this ftranger 
with many attrocious crimes, and had in- 
tereft to get him apprehended and thrown 

into prifon as an impoftor. He underwent 
twenty-eight examinations before a com- 
mittee of the nobles, in which he clearly 
acquitted himfelf of all the crimes that had 
been laid to his charge ; and he gave a diftindt 
account of the manner in which he had 
paffed his time from the fatal defeat at Al- 
cazar. It was objected, that the fucceflor of 
Muley Molucco fent a corpfe to Portugal 
which had been owned as that of the King 
by the Portuguefe nobility who furvived the 
battle. To this he replied, that his valet de 
chambre had produced that body to facilitate 
his efcape, and that the nobility afted upon 
the fame motive : and Mefa and Baena con- 
fefs, that fome of the nobility, after their 
return to Portugal, acknowledged, that the 
corpfe was fo disfigured with wounds that it 
was impoffible to know it. He Ihewed na- 
tural marks on his body, which many re- 
membered on the perfon of the King whofe 
name he affirmed. He entered into a 
minute detail of the tranfadlions that had. 
paffed between himfelf and the republic, 
and mentioned the fecrets of feveral conver- 
fations with the Venetian ambaffadors in the 
palace of Lilbon. The Committee were 
aftonifhed, and fhewed no difpofition to de- 
clare him an Impoftor ; the Senate however 
refufed to difeufs the great point, unlefs re- 
quefted by fome Prince or State in alliance 
with them. This generous part was per- 
formed by the Prince of Orange, and an 
examination was made with great folemnity, 
but no decifion followed, only the Senate 
fet him at liberty, and ordered him to depart 
their dominions in three days. In his flight 
he fell into the hands of the Spaniards, 
who conducted him to Naples, where, they 
treated him with the moft barbarous indig- 
nities. After they had often expofed him, 
mounted on an afs, to the cruel infults of 
the brutal mob, he was ftiipped on board a 
galley as a Have. He was then carried to 
St. Lucar, from thence to a caftle in the 
heart of Caftile, and never was heard of 
more. The firmnefs of his behaviour, his 




L U S I A D. 

Book X. 

At thy commanding frown we truft to fee. 

The Turk and Arab bend the fuppliant knee : 
Beneath the g morn, dread King, thine Empire lies* 
When midnight veils thy Lufitanian Ikies ; 

And when defcending in the weftern main 
The Sun h ftill rifes on thy lengthening reign ; 

Thou blooming Scion of the nobleft hem. 

Our nation’s fafety, and our age’s gem, 

O young Sebaftian, haften to the prime 
Of manly youth, to Fame’s high temple climb : 

Yet now attentive hear the Mufe’s lay 
While thy green years to manhood fpeed away : 

The youthful terrors of thy brow fufpend. 

And, O propitious-, to the fong attend. 

The numerous fong, by Patriot-paffion fir’d. 

And by the glories of thy race infpir’d : 

Angular modefty and heroical patience, are 
mentioned with admiration by Le Clede. 
To the laft he maintained the truth of his 
affertions ; a word never flipt from his lips 
which might countenance the charge of Im- 
pofture, or juftify the cruelty of his perfe- 
cutors. All Europe were aftonifhed at the 
Miniftry of Spain, who, by their method of 
conducing it, had made an affair fo little 
to their credit, the topic of general conver- 
fation ; and their affertion, that the unhap- 
py fufferer was a magician, was looked 
upon as a tacit acknowledgement of the 
truth of his pretenfions. 

g Beneath the morn, dread King, thine 
Empire lies.— -When we confider the glorious 
fuccelfes which had attended the arms of 
the Portuguefe in Africa and India, and 
the high reputation of their military and 
naval prowefs, for Portugal was then Em- 

prefs of the Ocean, it is no matter of won- 
der that the imagination of Camoens was 
warmed with the view of his Country’s 
greatnefs, and that he talks of its power 
and grandeur in a flrain, which muft appear 
as mere hyperbole to thofe whofe ideas of 
Portugal are drawn from its prefect broken 
fpirit, and diminifhed date. 

h The Sun — Imitated perhaps from Ruci- 
lius, fpeaking of the Roman Empire, 

V ilvitur ipfe tili, qui confpicit omnia , Phoebus, 
Jtque tuis ortos in tua condit equos. 

or more probably from thefe lines of Bu- 
channan, addreffed to John III. king of Por- 
tugal, the grandfather of Sebaftian. 

Inque tuis Phasbus regnis orienfque cadenfque 
Fix longum fejfo conderet axe diem. 

Et quacunque <vago fe circunvvolvit Olyrnpo 
Afulget raiibus jflamma minijlra tuis. 


Book I. 



To be the Herald of my Country’s fame 
My firft ambition and my deared aim : 

Nor conquers fabulous, nor a&ions vain. 

The Mufe’s padime, here adorn the drain : 

Orlando’s fury, and Rugero’s rage. 

And all the heroes of th’ Aonian page, 

The dreams of Bards furpafs’d the world fhall view,. 

And own their bolded fictions may be true ; 

Surpafs’d, and dimm’d by the fuperior blaze 

Of Gama’s mighty deeds, which here bright Truth difplays.. 

Nor more let Hidory boad her heroes old ; 

Their glorious rivals here, dread Prince, behold : 

Here fhine the valiant Nunio’s deeds unfeign’d, 

Whofe fingle arm the falling date fudain’d ; 

Here fearlefs Egas’ wars, and, Fuas, thine,, 

To give full ardour to the fong combine j. 

But ardour equal to your martial ire 

Demands the thundering founds of Homer’s lyre. 

To match the Twelve 1 fo long by Bards renown’d. 

Here brave Magricio and his Peers are crown’d 
(A glorious Twelve !) with deathlefs laurels, won 
In gallant arms before the Englifh throne. 

Unmatch’d no more the Gallic Charles fhall ft'and. 

Nor Caefar’s name the fird of praife command : 

» To match tie Twelve fo long by Bards mances. For the Epifode of Magricio ami 
renown' d — The Twelve l’ecrs of Charle- lus eleven companions, fee the fixth. Lufiad, 
magne, often mentioned in the old Ro- 



Book I. 

Of nobler acts the crown’d Alonzos fee. 

Thy valiant Sires, to whom the bended knee 
Of vanquifh’d Afric bow’d. Nor lefs in fame. 

He who confin’d the rage of civil flame. 

The godlike John, beneath whofe awful fword 


Rebellion crouch’d, and trembling own’d him Lord. 
Thofe Heroes too, who thy bold flag unfurl’d, 

And fpread thy banners o’er the eaflern world, 
Whofe fpears fubdued the kingdoms of the morn, 
Their names, and glorious wars the fong adorn : 
The daring Gama, whofe unequall’d name 
Proud monarch fhines o’er all of naval fame : 

Caflro the bold, in arms a peerlefs knight. 

And {tern Pacheco, dreadful in the fight : 

The two Almeydas, names for ever dear. 

By Tago’s nymphs embalm’d with many a tear ; 

Ah, ftill their early fate the nymphs fhall mourn. 
And bathe with many a tear their haplefs urn : 

Nor fhall the godlike Albuquerk reftrain 
The Mufe’s fury ; o’er the purpled plain 
The Mufe fhall lead him in his thundering car 
Amidft his glorious brothers of the war, 

Whofe fame in arms refounds from fky to fky. 

And bids their deeds the power of death defy. 

And while, to thee, I tune the duteous lay, 

A flume, O potent King, thine Empire’s fway $ 


Book I. 



With thy brave hoft through Afric march along. 
And give new triumphs to immortal fong : 

On thee with earneft eyes the nations wait. 

And cold with dread the Moor expetts his fate ; 
The barbarous Mountaineer on Taurus’ brows 
To thy expedted yoke his ihoulder bows : 

Fair Thetis wooes thee with her blue domain, 

Her nuptial fon, and fondly yields her reign j 
And from the bowers of heaven thy Grandfires k fee 
Their various virtues bloom afrefh in thee ; 

One for the joyful days of Peace renown’d. 

And one with War’s triumphant laurels crown’d : 
With joyful hands, to deck thy manly brow. 

They twine the laurel and the olive-bough ; 

With joyful eyes a glorious throne they fee. 

In Fame’s eternal dome, referv’d 1 for thee. 

Yet while thy youthful hand delays to wield 
The fcepter’d power, or thunder of the held. 

Here view thine Argonauts, in feas unknown. 

And all the terrors of the burning zone. 

Till their proud ftandards, rear’d in other Ikies, 

And all their conquefts meet thy wondering m eyes. 

k Thy Grandfres — JohnIII. King of Portu- 
gal, celebrated for a long and peaceful reign ; 
and the Emperor Charles V. who was en- 
gaged in almoft continual wars. 

1 referv'd for thee. 

Anne novum tardis ftdus te mcnftbus addas, 
e>un locus Erigonen inter chejafque fcquentes 
Pandit vr : ipfc tibijam bracbia contrahit as dens 
Scorpios, et coeli jujlaplus parte reliquit. Vikc. 

. thy 'wondering eyes — Some Critics 

have condemned Virgil for Hopping his nar- 

rative to introduce even a fhort obfervation 
of his own. Milton’s beautiful complaint 
of bis blindnefs has been blamed for the 
fame reafon, as being no part of the fub- 
jedt of his Poem. The addrefs of Camoens 
to Don Sebaftian has not efcaped the fame 
cenfure ; though in fome meafure undefer- 
vedly, as the Poet has had the art to inter- 
weave therein fome part of the general ar- 
gument of his poem. 




L U S I A D. 

.Book L 

Now far from land, o’er Neptune’s dread abode 
The Luiitanian fleet triumphant rode ; 

Onward they traced the wide and lonefome main. 
Where changeful Proteus leads his fcaly train ; 

The dancing vanes before the Zephyrs flow’d. 

And their bold keels the tracklefs Ocean plow’d j 
Unplow’d before the green-ting’d billows rofe. 

And curl’d and whiten’d round the nodding prows. 
When Jove, the God who with a thought controuls 
The raging feas, and balances the poles. 

From heav’n beheld, and will’d, in fovereign ftate, 

To fix the Eaftern World’s depending fate : 

Swift at his nod th’ Olympian herald flies. 

And calls th’ immortal fenate of the fkies 

Where, from the fovereign throne of earth and heaven,, 

Th’ immutable decrees of fate are given. 

Inftant the Regents of the fpheres of light. 

And thofe Who rule the paler orbs of night. 

With thofe, the gods whofe delegated fway 
The burning South and frozen North obey ; 

And they whofe empires fee the day-ftar rife. 

And evening Phcebus leave the weftern ikies ; 

All inftant pour’d along the milky road. 

Heaven’s chryftal pavements glittering as they trode : 
And now, obedient to the dread command, 

Before their awful Lord in order ftand. 


Book I. 


Sublime and dreadful on his regal throne. 

That glow’d with ftars, and bright as lightning {hone, 
Th’ immortal Sire, who darts the thunder, fate. 

The crown and fceptre added folemn ftate ; 

The crown, of heaven’s own pearls, whofe ardent rays 
Flam’d round his brows, outfhone the diamond’s blaze 
His breath fuch gales of vital fragrance died, 

As might, with fudden life, infpire the dead : 

Supreme Controul throned in his awful eyes 
Appear’d, and mark’d the Monarch of the Ikies* 

On feats that burn’d with pearl and ruddy gold. 

The fubjedl Gods their fovereign Lord enfold. 

Each in his rank, when, with a voice that {hook 
The towers of heaven the world’s dread Ruler fpoke : 

Immortal Heirs of light, my purpofe hear. 

My counfels ponder, and the Fates revere : ' 

Unlefs Oblivion o’er your minds has thrown 
Her dark blank {hades, to you, ye Gods, are known 
The Fate’s Decree, and ancient warlike Fame 
Of that bold race which boafts of Lufus’ name ; 

That bold advent’rous race the Fates declare, 

A potent empire in the Eaft {hall rear, 

Surpafling Babel’s or the Perfian fame. 

Proud Grecia’s boaft, or Rome’s illuftrious name. 



L U S I A D. 

Book I 

Oft from thefe brilliant feats have you beheld 
The foils of Lufus on the dufty field. 

Though few, triumphant o’er the numerous Moors, 
Till from the beauteous lawns on Tago’s fhores 
They drove the cruel foe. And oft has heaven 
Before their troops the proud Caflilians driven ; 
While Victory her eagle-wings difplay’d 
Where-e’er their Warriors waved the fhining blade. 
Nor refts unknown how Lufus’ heroes flood 

When Rome’s ambition dy’d the world with blood ; 
What glorious laurels Viriatus n gain’d. 

How oft his fword with Roman gore was Rain’d ? 

n What glorious laurels Viriatus gain'd . 

* This brave Lufitanian, who was firft a 

Ihepherd and a famous hunter, and after- 
wards a captain of banditti, dxafperated at 
the tyranny of the Romans, encouraged his 
countrymen to revolt and fhake off the yoke. 
Being appointed Genera], he defeated Veti- 
lius the Prastor, who commanded in Lufita- 
nia, or farther Spain. After this he de- 
feated in three pitched battles, the Praetors 
C.PIautius Hypfieus, and Claudius Unima- 
nus, though they led againft him very nu- 
merous armies. For fix years he continued 
victorious, putting the Romans to flight 
wherever he met them, and laying wafle 
the countries of their allies. Having ob- 
tained fuch advantages over the Proconful 
Servilianus, that the only choice which was 
left to the Romm army was death or fla- 
very ; the brave Viriatus, inftead of putting 
them all to the fword, as he could eafily have 
done, fent a deputation to the General, of- 
fering to conclude a peace with him on this 
fingle condition, That he Jhould continue 
Mafer of the Country now in his power, and 
that the Romans Jhould remain pofjjfed of 
the ref of Spain. 

The Proconful, who expefted nothing 
but death or llavery, thought thefe very 

favourable and moderate terms, and without 
hefitation concluded a peace, which was foon 
after ratified by the Roman fenate and peo- 
ple. Viriatus, by this treaty, compleated 
the glorious defign he had always in view, 
which was to eredt a kingdom in the vaft 
country he had conquered from the Republic. 
And had it not been for the treachery of 
the Romans, he would have become, as 
Florus calls him, the Romulus of Spain : 
He would have founded a monarchy capable 
of counterbalancing the power of Rome. 

The Senate, Hill defirous to revenge their 
late defeat, foon after this peace ordered 
Q^Servilius Caepio to exafperate Viriatus, 
and force him by repeated affronts to com- 
mit the firft a£ts of hoffility. But this mean 
artifice did not fucceed. Viriatus would not 
be provoked to a breach of the peace. On 
this the Confcript Fathers, to the eternal 
difgrace of their Republic, ordered Ca;pio 
to declare war, and to proclaim Viriatus, who 
had given no provocation, an enemy to 
Rome. To this bafenefs Crepio added ffill 
a greater ; he corrupted the ambaffadors 
which Viriatus had fent to negociate with 
him, who, at the inftigation of the Roman, 
treacheroufly murdered their Protestor and 
General while he flept. Univ. Hist. 


Book I. 



And what fair palms their martial ardour crown’d, 

When led to battle by the Chief renown’d. 

Who 0 feign’d a daemon, in a deer conceal’d. 

To him the counfels of the Gods reveal’d. 

And now ambitious to extend their fway 
Beyond their conquefts on the fouthmoft bay 
Of Afric’s fwarthy coaft, on floating wood 
They brave the terrors of the dreary flood. 

Where only black-wing’d mifts have hover’d o’er. 

Or driving clouds have fail’d the wave before ; 

Beneath new fkies they hold their dreadful way 
To reach the cradle of the new-born day : 

And Fate, whofe mandates unrevok’d remain,. 

Has will’d, that long fhall Lufus’ offspring reign 
The lords of that wide fea, whofe waves behold 
The fun come forth enthroned in burning gold. 

But now the tedious length of winter paft r 
Diftrefs’d and weak, the heroes faint at laft. 

What gulphs they dared, you faw, what ftorms they braved^ 
Beneath what various heavens their banners waved ! 

Now Mercy pleads, and foon the rifing land 
To their glad eyes fhall o’er the waves expand. 
As welcome friends the natives fhall receive. 

With bounty feaft them, and with joy relieve. 

0 Who feign' d a danton. — Sertorius,. who 
was invited by the Lufitanians to defend 
them againft the Romans. He had a tame 
white Hind, which he had accuilomed to 

fellow him, and from which he pretended 
to receive the inftrudtions of Diana. By 
this artifice he impofed upon the fuperftitiou; 
of that people.— —Vid. Plut,. 



Book I. 


And when refrefhment fhall their ftrength renew. 
Thence ihall they turn, and their bold rout purfue. 

So fpoke high Jove : The Gods in filence heard. 
Then riling each, by turns, his thoughts preferr’d : 
But chief was Bacchus p of the adverfe train ; 

Fearful he was, nor fear’d his pride in vain, 

Should Lufus’ race arrive on India’s Ihore, 

His ancient honours would be known no more; 

No more in Nyfa q Ihould the native tell 
What kings, what mighty hofts before him fell. 

The fertile vales beneath the rifmg fun 
He view’d as his, by right of victory won. 

And deem’d that ever in immortal fong 
The Conqueror’s title Ihould to him belong. 

Yet Fate, he knew, had will’d, that loos’d from Spain 
Boldly advent’rous through the polar main, 

A warlike race Ihould come, renown’d in arms. 

And Ihake the Eaftern World with war’s alarms, . 
Whofe glorious conquefts and eternal fame 
In black Oblivion’s waves Ihould whelm his name. 

p But chief was Bacchus .■ ■—■The French 
Tranflator has the following note on this 
place : Le Camoens n a pourtant fait eti cela 
que future Pexemple de PEcriture, comme on 
le voit dans ces paroles du premiere chapitre 
de Job. Quidam autem die cum venifient, 

See. Vn jour que les enfans du Seigneur 
s’etoient ajfemble dev ant Jon trone , Satan y 
vint aujf, id c. 

<! No more in Nyfa. — An antient city in 
India, facred to Bacchus. 


Book I. 



Urania- Venus r , Queen of facred Love, 

Arofe, and fixt her alking eyes on Jove : 

Her eyes, well pleas’d, in Lufus’ fons could trace 
A kindred likenefs to the Roman race. 

For whom of old fuch kind regard the s bore ; 

The fame their triumphs on Barbaria’s fhore. 

The fame the ardour of their warlike flame. 

The manly mufic of their tongue the * fame. 

Affe&ion thus the lovely Goddefs fway’d. 

Nor lefs what Fate’s unblotted page difplay’d ; 

Where’er this people fhould their empire raife. 

She knew her altars would unnumbered blaze, 


And barbarous nations at her holy fhrine 
Be humaniz’d, and taught her lore divine. ' 

Her fpreading honours thus the One infpired. 

And One the dread to lofe his worfhip fired. 

Their flruggling factions £hook th’ Olympian Hate 
With all the clamorous temped of debate. 

r Urania- Venus. We have already ob- 

ferved, that an allegorical machinery has 
always been efleemed an effential requifite 
of the Epopceia, and the reafon upon which 
it is founded has been pointed out. The al- 
legorical machinery of the Lufiad has now 
commenced ; and throughout the Poem the 
Hero is guarded and conducted by the Celef- 
tial Venus, or Divine Love. The true poeti- 
cal colouring is thus fupported and preferv- 
ed: but in illuftration of this, fee the pre- 
face, and the note on the allegory of Ho- 
mer, near the end of the Sixth Lufiad. 

* for ’whom of old , — See the note in the 

Second Book on the following paffage : 

As ’when in Ida's bower Jhe food of yore, &c„ 

1 The manly mufc of their tongue the fame , 
Camoens fays, 

E na lingoa, na qual quando imagina. 
Com pouca cbrrupqao ere que he Latina. 

Qualifications are never elegant in poetry. 
Fanfliaw’s tranflation, and the original, both 
prove this. 

— their tongue 

Which foe thinks Latin with fmall drofs 





Book I. 

Thus when the ftorm with fudden guft invades 
The antient foreft’s deep and lofty fhades. 

The burning whirlwinds tear their rapid courfe, 

The Shatter'd oaks crafh, and with echoes hoarfe 
The mountains groan, while whirling on the blaft 
The thickening leaves a gloomy darknefs call:. 

Such was the tumult in the blefl abodes. 

When Mars, high towering o’er the rival Gods, 

Stept forth ; Hern lparkles from his eye-balls glanc’d ; 

And now, before the throne of Jove advanc’d. 

O’er his left fhoulder his broad fhield he throws. 

And lifts his helm above his dreadful brows : 

Bold and enrag’d he Hands, and, frowning round. 

Strikes his tall fpear-fiaff on the founding ground ; 

Heaven trembled, and the light turn’d pale r — Such dread 
His fierce demeanour o’er Olympus fpread : 

When thus the Warrior,— O Eternal Sire, 

Thine is the fceptre, thine the thunder’s fire. 

Supreme dominion thine ; then. Father, hear. 

Shall that bold Race which once to thee was dear. 

Who, now fulfilling thy decrees of old. 

Through thefe wild waves their fearlefs journey hold. 

Shall that bold Race no more thy care engage. 

But fink the vi&ims of unhallowed rage ! 

,J and the light turn'd pale The the happieft manner of Camoens, 

thought in the Original has fomething in it O Ceo tremeo, e Apollo detoi <vado 

jvildly great, though it is not exp re fled in Hum pouco a Iuz per dec, como infiado. 


Book I. 



Did Bacchus yield to Reafon’s voice divine, 

Bacchus the caufe of Lufus' Tons would join ; 

Lufus, the lov’d companion of his cares. 

His earthly toils, his dangers, and his wars : 

But Envy ftill a foe to worth will prove. 

To worth though guarded by the arm of Jove. 

Then thou, dread Lord of Fate, unmov’d remain, » 

Nor let weak change thine awful counfels Rain, 

For Lufus’ Race thy promis’d favour fhew : 

Swift as the arrow from Apollo’s bow 
Let Maia’s fon explore the watery way. 

Where fpent with toil, with weary hopes, they ftray ; 

And fafe to harbour, through the deep untried. 

Let him, impower’d, their wandering veftels guide j 
There let them hear of India’s wifh’d-for fhore. 

And balmy reft their fainting ftrength reftore. 

He fpoke high Jove aftenting bow’d the head. 

And floating clouds of nedtar’d fragrance fhed : 

Then lowly bending to th’ Eternal Sire, 

Each in his duteous rank, the Gods retire. 

Whilft thus in Heaven’s bright palace Fate was weigh’d, 
Right onward ftill the brave Armada ftray’d : 



1 8 


L U S I A D. 

Book I. 

Right on they fteer by Ethiopia’s flrand 
And paftoral Madagafcar’s b verdant land. 

Before the balmy gales of cheerful fpring, 

With heav’n their friend, they fpread the canvas wing ; 
The flcy cerulean, and the breathing air. 

The lalling promife of a calm declare. 

Behind them now the Cape of Prafo bends. 

Another Ocean to their view extends. 

Where black-topt iflands, to their longing eyes. 

Lav’d by the gentle waves c , in profpedt rife. 

But Gama, (captain of the vent’rous band. 

Of bold emprize, and born for high command, 

Whofe martial fires, with prudence clofe allied, 

Enfured the fmiles of fortune on his fide) 

Bears off thofe fhores which wafte and, wild appear’d. 
And eaflward {fill for happier climates fleer’d : 

When gathering round and blackening o’er the tide, 

A fleet of fmall canoes the Pilot fpied 
Hoifling their fails of palm-tree leaves, inwove 
With curious art, a fwarming crowd they move : 

Long were their boats, and fharp to bound along 
Through the dafh’d waters, broad their oars and flrong : 

b And pajloral Madagafcar — Called by 
the ancient Geographers Menuthia, and 
Cerna Ethiopica ; by the natives, the Ifland 
of the Moon ; and by the Portuguefe, the 
I fie of St. Laurence, on whofe feftival they 
difeovered it. 

c Lav'd by the gentle waves — The Origi- 
nal fays, the Sea fhewed them new iflands, 
which it encircled and laved. Thus rendered 
by Fanfhaw, 

Neptune dif clos’d new ijles which he did play 
About , and with his billows danc't the hay. 


Book I. 



The bending rowers on their features bore 
The fwarthy marks of Phaeton’s d fall of yore ; 

When flaming lightnings fcorch’d the banks of Po, 
And nations blacken’d in the dread o’erthrow. 

Their garb, difcover’d as approaching nigh. 

Was cotton ftrip’d with many a gaudy dye : 

’Twas one whole piece ; beneath one arm, confin’d ; 
The reft hung loofe and flutter’d on the wind ; 

All, but one breaft, above the loins was bare, 

And fwelling turbans bound their jetty hair : 

Their arms were bearded darts and faulchions broad. 
And warlike mufic founded as they row’d. 

With joy the failors faw the boats draw near. 

With joy beheld the human face appear : 

What nations thefe, their wondering thoughts explore, 
What rites they follow, and what God adore ! 

And now with hands and kerchiefs wav’d in air 
The barb’rous race their friendly mind declare. 

Glad were the crew, and ween’d that happy day 
Should end their dangers and their toils repay. 

d of Phaeton’s fall — 

• f crunt lu flu Cycnum Phaetonis amati, 

P opuleas inter frondes umbramque fororum 
Dum canit, iff tncrjlum inufa Jolatur amorem : 
Canentem molli pluma duxiffe feneflam , 
Linquentem terras , et Jidera <voce fequentem. 

Vi rg. ^En. 

1 he hiflorical foundation of the fable of 
Phaeton is this : Phaeton was a young en- 
terprifing Prince of Libya. Crofiing the 
Mediterranean in quell of adventures, he 


landed at Epirus, from whence he went to 
Italy to fee his intimate friend Cygnus. 
Phaeton was fkiiled in aftrology, from whence 
he arrogated to himfelf the title of the fon 
of Apollo. One day in the heat of fummer, 
as he was riding along the banks of the Po, 
his horfes took fright at a clap of thunder, 
and plunged into the river, where, together 
with their mailer, they perifhed. Cygnus, 
who was a Poet, celebrated the death of his 
friend in verfe, from whence the fable. 

Vid. Plutar. in vit. Pyrr. 

2 The 



L U S I A D. 

Book L 

The lofty mads the nimble youths afcend. 

The ropes they haule, and o’er the yard-arms bend 5 
And now their bowfprits pointing to the fhore, 

(A fafe moon’d bay,) with Hacken’d fails they bore 
With cheerful fhouts they furl the gather’d fail 
That lefs and lefs flaps quivering on the gale 
The prows, their fpeed ftopt, o’er the furges nod. 
The falling anchors dafh the foaming flood : 

When fudden as they flopt, the fwarthy race 
With fmiles of friendly welcome on each face r 
The fhip’s high fides fwift by the cordage climb : 
Uluftrious Gama, with an air fublime, 

Soften’d by mild humanity, receives. 

And to their Chief the hand of friendfhip gives ; 
Bids fpread the board, and, inflant as he faid. 

Along the deck the feflive board is fpread : 

The fparkling wine in chryflal goblets glows. 

And round and round with cheerful welcome flows. 
While thus the Vine its fprightly glee infpires. 

From whence the fleet, the fwarthy Chief enquires. 
What feas they pafl, what vantage would attain. 
And what the fhore their purpofe hop’d to gain ? 
From farthefl weft, the Lufian race reply. 

To reach the golden eaftern fhores we try. 

Through that unbounded fea whofe billows roll 
From the cold northern to the fouthern pole y 


Book I. 


2 I 

And by the wide extent, the dreary vail 
Of Afric’s bays, already have we part ; 

And many a fky have feen, and many a fhore. 

Where but fea-monfters cut the waves before. 

To fpread the glories of our Monarch’s reign. 

For. India’s fhore we brave the tracklefs main. 

Our glorious toil, and at his nod would brave 
The difmal gulphs of Acheron’s black wave. 

And now, in turn, your race, your Country tell. 

If on your lips fair truth delights to dwell. 

To us, unconfcious of the falfehood, fhew. 

What of thefe feas and India’s fite you know- 

Rude are the natives here, the Moor reply 'd. 

Dark are their minds, and brute-defire their guide : 

But we, of alien blood and Grangers here. 

Nor hold their cuftoms nor their laws revere. 

From Abram’s e race our holy Prophet fprung. 

An Angel taught, and heaven infpir’d his tongue; 

His facred rites and mandates we obev. 

And diftant Empires own his holy fway. 

From ifle to ifle our trading veffels roam, 

Mozambic’s harbour our commodious home. 

If then your fails for India’s fhores expand, 

For fultry Ganges or Hydafpes’ flrand, 

* From Abram's race our holy Prophet fprung.*-— Mohammed, who was defended from 
Iflunael, the fon of Abraham by Hagar. 




Book L 

Here (hall you find a Pilot (kill’d to guide 
Through all the dangers of the per’lous tide. 
Though wide fpread (helves and cruel rocks unfeen. 
Lurk in the way, and whirlpools rage between. 
Accept, mean while, what fruits thefe ifiands hold, 
And to the Regent let your wifh be told. 

Then may your mates the needful (lores provide. 
And all your various wants be here fupplied. 

So fpake the Moor, and bearing fmiles untrue. 
And figns of friendfhip, with his bands withdrew. 
O’erpower’d with joy unhoped the Sailors flood. 

To find fuch kindnefs on a (hore fo rude. 

Now (hooting o’er the flood his fervid blaze. 

The red-brow’d fun withdraws his beamy rays ; 

Safe in the bay the crew forget their cares. 

And peaceful reft their wearied (Irength repairs. 
Calm Twilight f now his drowfy mantle fpreads. 

And (hade on (hade, the gloom dill deepening fineds. 

f Cabn Twilight now Camoens, in 

this paflage, has imitated Homer in the 
manner of Virgil : by diverfifying the fcene 
he has made the defcription his own. T he 
paflage alluded to is in the eighth Iliad : 

£2$ ^ or’ Iv xgccvu) cermet (pcizivw ceT^yjVY) 

tyctivsr cc^i7r^7recc, &C. 

Thus elegantly tranflated by Pope : 

As when the moon , refulgent lamp of night , 
O'er heaven's clear azure fpreads her f acre 

When not a breath dijlurls the deep ferene , 
And not a cloud o' ercafls the folemn fcene ; 
Around her throne the vivid planets roll , 
And Jlars unnumber' d gild the glowing pole, 
O’er the dark trees a yellower verdure Jhed, 
And tip with fiver every mountain' s head ; 
Then Jhine the vales, the rocks in profpecl rife , 
A flood of glory burfls from all the flies : 
The confcious fwains rejoicing in the fight , 
Eye the blue vault, and blcfs the ufeful light. 


2 3 


The Moon, full orb'd, forfakes her watery cave. 

And lifts her lovely head above the wave. 

The fnowy fplendors of her modeft ray 
Stream o’er the gliflening waves, and quivering play : 
Around her, glittering on the heaven’s arch’d brow. 
Unnumber’d liars, enclofed in azure, glow. 

Thick as the dew-drops of the April dawn. 

Or May-flowers crouding o’er the daify-lawn : 

The canvas whitens in the fllvery beam. 

And with a mild pale red the pendants gleam : 

The malls’ tall lhadows tremble o’er the deep ; 

The peaceful winds an holy fllence keep ; 

The watchman’s carol echo’d from the prows. 

Alone, at times, awakes the Hill repofe. 

Aurora now, with dewy lullre bright. 

Appears, afcending on the rear of night. 

With gentle hand, as feeming oft to paufe, 

The purple curtains of the morn Ihe draws ; 

The Sun comes forth, and foon the joyful crew. 

Each aiding each, their joyful talks purfue. 

Wide o’er the decks the fpreading fails they throw ; 
From each tall mall the waving llreamers flow; 

All feems a fellive holiday on board 
To welcome to the fleet the illand’s Lord. 



L U S I A D. 

Book I. 


With equal joy the Regent fails to meet. 

And brings frefh cates, his offerings, to the fleet : 
For of his kindred Race their line he deems. 

That lavage Race who rufh’d from Cafpia’s ftreams. 
And triumph’d o’er the Eaft, and. Aha won. 

In proud Byzantium fixt their haughty throne. 

Brave Vasco hails the chief with honed fm'ilps. 

And gift for gift with liberal hand he piles. 

His gifts, the bo aft of Europe’s arts difclofe. 

And fparkling red the wine of Tagus flows. 

High on the fhrouds the wondering failors hung, 

To note the Moorifh garb, and barbarous tongue : 

Nor lefs the fubtle Moor, with wonder fired. 

Their mien, their drefs, and lordly fhips admired : 
Much he enquires, their King’s, their Country’s name. 
And, if from Turkey’s fertile fhores they came ? 

What God they worfhipp’d, what their facred lore. 
What arms they wielded, and what armour wore ? 

To whom brave Gama ; -Nor of Hagar’s blood 
Am I, nor plow from Izmael’s ftiores the flood ; 

From Europe’s ftrand I trace the foamy way. 

To find the regions of the infant day. 

The God we worfhip ftretch’d yon heaven’s high bow. 
And gave thefe fwelling waves to roll below ; 

The hemifpheres of night and day he fpread. 

Fie fcoop’d each vale, and rear’d each mountain’s head : 


Book I. 


2 5 

His Word produced the nations of the earth, 

And gave the fpirits of the iky their birth. 

On Earth, by Him, his holy lore was given. 

On Earth he came to raife mankind to heaven. 

And now behold, what mod: your eyes defire, 

Our fliining armour, and our arms of fire ; 

For who has once in friendly peace beheld. 

Will dread to meet them on the battle-field. 

Straight as he fpoke the warlike Stores difplay’d 
Their glorious Aiew, where, tire on tire inlaid. 
Appear’d of glittering Aeel the carabines ; 

There the plumed helms, and ponderous brigandines ; 
O’er the broad bucklers fculptur’d orbs emboft. 

The crooked faulchions dreadful blades were croA : 
Here clafping greaves, and plated mail-quilts ftrong. 
The long-bows here, and rattling quivers hung. 

And like a grove the burnifii’d fpears were feen. 

With darts, and halberts double-edged between ; 

Here dread grenadoes, and tremendous bombs. 

With deaths ten thoufand lurking in their wombs ; 
And far around of brown, and duficy red. 

The pointed piles of iron balls were fpread. 

The Bombadeers, now to the Regent’s view 
The thundering mortars and the cannon drew ; 




T H E 

L U S I A' D. 

Book. I. 

Yet at their Leader’s nod, the Tons- of flame 
(For brave and generous ever are the fame) 
Withheld their hands, nor gave the feeds of fire 
To roufe the thunders of the dreadful tire. 

For Gama’s foul difdain’d the pride of fhew 
Which adds the lion o’er the trembling roe. 

His joy and wonder oft the Moor expreft. 

But rankling hate lay brooding in his bread: ; 
With fmiles obedient to his will’s controul. 

He veils the purpofe of his treacherous foul : 

For Pilots, confcious of the Indian flrand. 

Brave Vasco fues, and bids the Moor command 
What bounteous gifts fhall recompenfe their toils 
The Moor prevents him with affenting fmiles, 
Refolved that deeds of death, not words of air, 
Shall firft the hatred of his foul declare : 

Such fudden rage his rankling mind polked:. 
When s G ama’s lips Meffiah’s name confeft. 

S When Gamas Ups MeJJiah' s name confejl. 

■ — This, and of confequence, the reafon of 
the Moor’s hate, together with the line de- 
fcription of the armoury, is entirely omitted 
by Cailera. The original is, the Moor 
conceived hatred, “ knowing they were 
“ followers of the truth which the Son 
“ of David taught.” Thus rendered by 

Knowing they follow that unerring light , 
The Son of David holds out its his Book . 

By this Solomon muft be underftood, not 
the Meffiah, as meant by Camoens, 

“ Zacocia (governor of Mozambic) made 
no doubt but our people were of fome Mo- 
hammedan country — The mutual exchange 
of good offices between our people and thefe 
illanders promifed a long continuance of 
friendlhip, but it proved otherwife. No 
fooner did Zacocia underftand the llrangers 
were Chriftians, than all his kindnefs was 
turned into the moll bitter hatred ; he began 
to meditate their ruin, and fought by every 

means to deltroy the fleet. Oforius 67/- 

aienfis Epifi. de Rebus Eman. Regis Lufir. 


Book I. 



Oh depth of heaven’s dread will, that rancorous hate 
On heaven’s bed; lov’d in every clime fhould wait ! 

Now fmiling round on all the wondering crew, 

The Moor attended by his bands withdrew : 

His nimble barges foon approach’d the land. 

And fhouts of joy received him on the ftrand. 

From heaven’s high dome the Vintage-God beheld, 

(Whom h nine long months his father’s thigh conceal’d) 
Well-pleafed he mark’d the Moor’s determined hate. 

And thus his mind revolved in felf-debate : 

Has heaven, indeed, fuch glorious lot ordain’d ! 

By Lufus’ race fuch conquefts to be gain’d 
O’er warlike nations, and on India’s fhore. 

Where I, unrival’d, claim’d the palm before ! 

I, fprung from Jove ! and {hall thefe wandering few, 

What Ammon’s fon unconquer’d left, fubdue ! 

Ammon’s brave fon, who led the God of war 
His {lave auxiliar at his thundering car ! 

Mufl thefe poffefs what Jove to him deny’d, 

Poffefs what never footh’d the Roman pride ! 

h Whom nine long months his father' s thigh a cave of Mount Meros, which in Greek 

conceal'd. According to the Arabians, fignifies a thigh. Hence the fable. 

Bacchus was nourilhed during his infancy in 

E 2 




L U S I A D. 

Book I. 

Muft thefe the Vidor’s lordly flag difplay 
With hateful blaze beneath the riling day. 

My name difhonour’d, and my victories ftain’d, 
O’erturn’d my altars, and my fhrines profaned ! 

No— -be it mine to fan the Regent’s hate ; 

Occafion feized commands the adion’s fate. 

’Tis mine- — this Captain now my dread no more, 
Shall never fhake his fpear on India’s fhore. 

So fpake the Power, and with the lightning’s flight 
For Afric darted thro’ the fields of light. 

His form 1 divine he cloath’d in human lhape. 

And rulh’d impetuous o’er the rocky cape : 

In the dark femblance of a Moor he came 
For art and old experience known to fame : 

Him all his peers with humble deference heard. 

And all. Mozambic and it’s prince rever’d : 

The Prince in hafte he fought, and thus expreft 
His guileful hate in friendly counfel drefl: : 

And to the Regent of this ifle alone 
Are thefe Adventurers and their fraud unknown ? 

1 His form divine be cloath'd in human Jhape—- 

Jlletto tor v am facietn et furialia membra 
Exuit : in vultus fefe transformat aniles, 
Et front em obfccenum rugis arat *— — — — •« 


■ViR. Mu. y. 

Book I. 



Has Fame conceal’d their rapine from his ear ? 

Nor brought the groans of plunder’d nations here ? 

Yet ftill their hands the peaceful olive bore 
Whene’er they anchor’d on a foreign fhore : 

But nor their feeming, nor their oaths I trull. 

For Afric knows them bloody and unjuft. 

The nations fink beneath their lawlefs force, 

And fire and blood have mark’d their deadly courfe. 

We too, unlefs kind heaven and Thou prevent, 

Muft fall the victims of their dire intent. 

And, gafping in the pangs of death, behold 
Our wives led captive, and our daughters fold. 

By Health they come, ere morrow dawn, to bring 
The healthful beverage from the living fpring : 

Arm’d with his troops the Captain will appear y 
For confcious fraud is ever prone to fear. 

To meet them there, felecft a trufty band. 

And in clofe ambufh take thy filent ftand ; 

There wait, and fudden on the heedlefs foe 
Rufti, and deftroy them ere they dread the blow. 

Or fay, fhould fome efcape the fecret fnare 
Saved by their fate, their valour, or their care,. 

Yet their dread fall fhall celebrate our ifle. 

If fate confent, and thou approve the guile. 

Give then a Pilot to their wandering fleet,. 

Bold in his art, and tutor’d in deceit y 



L U S I A D. 

Book I. 


Whole hand adventurous fhall their helms mifguide 
To hoftile fhores, or whelm them in the tide. 


So fpoke the God, in femblance of a fage 
Renown’d for counfel and the craft of age. 

The Prince with tranfport glowing in his face 
Approved, and caught him in a kind embraces 
And inftant at the word his bands prepare 
Their bearded darts and iron fangs of war. 

That Rufus’ fons might purple with their gore 
The chryftal fountain which they fought on fhore : 
And ftill regardful of his dire intent, 

A fkilful pilot to the bay he fent. 

Of honeft mien, yet pradtifed in deceit. 

Who far at diftance on the beach fhould wait. 

And to the ’fcaped, if fome fhould ’fcape the fnare. 
Should offer friendfhip and the pilot’s care ; 

But when at fea, on rocks fhould dafh their pride. 
And whelm their lofty vanes beneath the tide. 

Apollo now had left his watery bed. 

And o’er the mountains of Arabia fpread 

His rays that glow’d with gold ; when Gama rofe. 

And from his bands a trufty fquadron chofe : 

Three fpeedy barges brought their cafks to fill 
From gurgling fountain, or the chryftal rill : 


Book I. 


3 r 

Full-arm’d they came, for brave defence prepared. 

For martial care is ever on the guard : 

And fecret warnings ever are impreft 
On wifdom fuch as waked in Gama’s bread:. 

And now, as fwiftly fpringing o’er the tide 
Advanced the boats, a troop of Moors they fpy’d ; 

O’er the pale fands the fable warriors crowd. 

And tofs their threatening darts, and fhout aloud. 

Yet feeming artlefs, though they dared the fight. 

Their eager hope they placed in artful flight, 

To lead brave Gama where unfeen by day 
In dark-brow’d fhades their filent ambufli lay. 

With fcornful geftures o’er the beach they flride. 

And pufh their levell’d fpears with barbarous pride ; 

Then fix the arrow to the bended bow. 

And flrike their founding fhields, and dare the foe. 

With generous rage the Lufian Race beheld. 

And each brave bread: with indignation fwell’d. 

To view fuch foes like fnarling dogs difplay 
Their threatening tulks, and brave the fanguine fray : 

Together with a bound they fpring to land. 

Unknown whofe ftep firft trode the hoflile flrand. 

Thus \ when to gain his beauteous Charmer’s fmile. 

The youthful Lover dares the bloody toil, 

k Thus, ’when to gain his beauteous Char- This fimilie is taken from a favourite ex~ 
mer's/mile, ercife in Spain, where it is ufual to fee 

The youthful Lover dares the bloody toil young Gentlemen of the belt families, adorn- 

ed 1 

3 ^ 

Book I. 


Before the nodding Bull’s ftern front he ftands. 

He leaps, he wheels, he Ihouts, and waves his hands ; 
The lordly brute difdains the ftripling’s rage. 

His noftrils imoke, and, eager to engage, 

His horned brows he levels with the ground. 

And Ihuts his flaming eyes, and wheeling round 
With dreadful bellowing rufhes on the foe. 

And lays the boaftful gaudy champion low. 

Thus to the fight the fons of Lufus fprung, 

Nor flow to fall their ample vengeance hung : 

With fudden roar the carabines refound. 

And burfting echoes from the hills rebound j 
The lead flies hifling through the trembling air. 

And death’s fell daemons through the flafhes glare. 
Where, up the land, a grove of palms enclofe. 

And caff their fhadows where the fountain flows. 

The lurking ambufh from their treacherous hand 
Beheld the combat burning on the ftrand : 

They fee the flafh with fudden lightnings flare. 

And the blue fmoke flow rolling on the air : 

They fee their warriors drop, and, ftarting, hear 
The lingering thunders burfldng on their ear. 

ed with ribbons, and armed with a javelin or 
kind of cutlas, which the Spaniards call 
Machete, appear the candidates of fame in 
the lifts of the bull-fight. Though Ca- 
moens in this defcription of it has given 
the vittory to the Bull, it very feldom fo 

happens, the young Caballeros being very 
expert at this valorous exercife, and am- 
bitious to difplay their dexterity, which is 
a fure recommendation to the favour and 
good opinion of the Ladies. 


Book I. 



Amazed, appall’d, the treacherous ambufh fled. 

And raged ', and curft their birth, and quaked with dread. 
The bands that vaunting fhew’d their threaten’d might. 
With {laughter gored, precipitate in flight ; 

Yet oft, though trembling, on the foe they turn 
Their eyes, that red with luff of vengeance burn : 

Aghafl with fear and flern with defperate rage 
The hying war with dreadful howls they wage. 

Flints®, clods, and javelins hurling as they fly. 

As rage and wild defpair their hands fupply. 

And foon difperft, their bands attempt no more 
To guard the fountain or defend the fhore : 

O’er the wide lawns no more their troops appear : 

Nor fleeps the vengeance of the Vidtor here; 

To teach the nations what tremendous fate 
From his dread arm on perjur’d vows fliould wait. 

He feized the time to awe the Eaftern World, 

And on the breach of faith his thunders hurl’d. 

From his black fhips the fudden lightnings blaze. 

And o’er old Ocean flafh their dreadful rays : 

1 e maldizia 

O velbo inerte, e a may , que o Jilbo cria. 
Thus tranflated by Fanlhaw, 

curji their ill luck , 

Tb' old Devil, and the Dam that gave them 

m Flints , clods, and javelins hurling as they 

fly » 

As rage, &c. 

Jamque faces et faxa volant, furor arma 
minijlrat. ViRG. I. 

The Spanilh Commentator on this Place 
relates a very extraordinary inftance of the 
furor arma minifrans. A Portuguefe Sol- 
dier, at the fiege of Diu in the Indies, being 
furrounded by the enemy, and having no 
ball to charge his mulket, pulled out one of 
his teeth, and with it fupplied the place of 
a bullet. 




Book I. 


White clouds on clouds inroll’d the fmoke afcends. 
The burning tumult heaven’s wide concave rends : 
The bays and caverns of the winding fhore 
Repeat the cannon’s and the mortar’s roar : 

The bombs, far-flaming, hifs along the fky. 

And whirring through the air the bullets fly : 

The wounded air with hollow deafen’d found. 

Groans to the direful llrife, and trembles round. 

Now from the Moorifh town the flheets of fire, 
Wide blaze fucceeding blaze, to heaven afpire. 

Black rife the clouds of fmoke, and by the gales 
Borne down, in ftreams hang hovering o’er the vales 3 
And flowly floating round the mountain’s head 
Their pitchy mantle o’er the landfcape fpread. 
Unnumber’d fea-fowl riling from the lliore, 

Beat round in whirls at every cannon’s roar : 

Where o’er the fmoke the malls’ tall heads appear. 
Hovering they fcream, then dart with fudden fear ; 

On trembling wings far round and round they fly. 
And fill with difmal clang their native fky. 

Thus fled in rout confus’d the treacherous Moors 
From field to field, then, haft’ning to the fhores. 

Some trull in boats their wealth and lives to fave. 

And wild with dread they plunge into the wave ; 



Some fpread their arms to fwim, and fome beneath 
The whelming billows, ftruggling, pant for breath, 
Then whirl’d aloft their noftrils fpout the brine ; 

While fhowering ftill from many a carabine 
The leaden hail their fails and veflels tore. 

Till ftruggling hard they reach’d the neighb’ring fhore : 
Due vengeance thus their perfidy repay’d. 

And Gama’s terrors to the Eaft difplay’d. 

Imbrown’d with dull a beaten pathway fhews 
Where ’midft umbrageous palms the fountain flows ; 
From thence at will they bear the liquid health ; 

And now foie matters of the ifland’s wealth. 

With cottly fpoils and eattern robes adorn’d. 

The joyful vi&ors to the fleet return’d. 

With hell’s keen fires, ftill for revenge athirtt, 

The Regent burns, and weens, by fraud accurtt. 

To ftrike a furer, yet a fecret blow. 

And in one general death to whelm the foe. 

The promifed Pilot to the fleet he fends. 

And deep repentance for his crime pretends. 

Sincere the Herald feems, and while he fpeaks. 

The winning tears fteal down his hoary cheeks. 

Brave Gama, touch’d with generous woe, believes. 
And from his hand the Pilot’s hand receives : 

F 2 

A dreadful 


Book I 

3 6 

A dreadful gift ! inftrudted to decoy. 

In gulphs to whelm them, or on rocks deftroy. 

The valiant Chief, impatient of delay, 

For India now refumes the watery way ; 

Bids weigh the anchor and unfurl the fail. 

Spread full the canvas to the riling gale j 
He fpoke ; and proudly o’er the foaming tide. 

Borne on the wind, the full-wing’d velfels ride ; 
While as they rode before the bounding prows 
The lovely forms of fea-born nymphs arofe. 

The while brave Vasco’s unfufpedting mind 
Yet fear’d not ought the crafty Moor defign’d : 
Much of the coal! he alks, and much demands 
Of Afric’s Ihores and India’s fpicy lands. 

The crafty Moor, by vengeful Bacchus taught, 
Employ’d on deadly guile his baneful thought ; 

In his dark mind he plann’d, on Gama’s head 
Full to revenge Mozambic and the dead. 

Yet all the Chief demanded he reveal’d, 

Nor ought of truth, that truth he knew, conceal’d : 
For thus he ween’d to gain his eafy faith. 

And gain’d, betray to llavery or to death. 

And now fecurely trufting to dellroy. 

As erf; falfe Sinon fnared the fons of Troy, 


Book I. 



Behold, difcloiing from the Iky, he cries. 

Far to the north, yon cloud-like iile arife : 

From ancient times the natives of the ihore 
The blood-ilain’d Image on the Crofs adore. 

Swift at the word, the joyful Gama cry’d. 

For that fair iiland turn the helm afide, 

O bring my veifels where the Chriflians dwell. 

And thy glad lips my gratitude (hall tell : 

With fullen joy the treacherous Moor comply'd. 

And for that iiland turn’d the helm aiide. 

For well Quiloa’s fwarthy race he knew. 

Their laws and faith to Hagar’s offspring true ; 

1’heir ilrength in war, through all the nations round. 
Above Mozambic and her powers renown’d ; 

He knew what hate the Chriflian name they bore. 
And hoped that hate on Vasco’s bands to pour. 

Right to the land the faithlefs Pilot fleers. 

Right to the land the glad Armada bears ; 

But heavenly Love’s fair Queen n , whofe watchful care 
Had ever been their guide, beheld the fnare. 

n But heavenly Love's fair Queen — When 
Gama arrived in the Eaft, the Moors were 
the only people who engrofled the trade of 
thofe parts. Jealous of fuch formidable 
rivals as the Portuguefe, they employed 
every artifice to accomplifh the deftruttion 
of Gama’s fleet, for they forefaw the con- 
fequences of his return to Portugal. As the 
Moors were acquainted with thefe feas and 

fpoke the Arabic language, Gama was 
obliged to employ them both as Pilots and 
Interpreters. The circumftance now men- 
tioned by Camoens is an hiftorical truth. 
The Moorilh Pilot, fays De Barros, in- 
tended to conduct the Portuguefe into Qui- 
loa, telling them that place was inhabited 
by Chriflians'; but a fudden ftorm arifing, 
drove the fleet from that Ihore, where death 


Book I. 


A fudden ftorm fhe rais’d : Loud howl’d the blaft. 
The yard-arms rattled, and each groaning mail; 
Bended beneath the weight. Deep funk the prows. 
And creaking ropes the creaking ropes oppofe ; 

In vain the Pilot would the fpeed reftrain ; 

The Captain Ihouts, the Sailors toil in vain ; 

Allope and gliding on the leeward fide 
The bounding velfels cut the roaring tide : 

Soon far they pad: ; and now the flacken’d fail 
Trembles and bellies to the gentle gale : 

Till many a league before the tempeft toil 
The treacherous Pilot fees his purpofe croft : 

Yet vengeful ftili, and ftill intent on guile. 

Behold, he cries, yon dim emerging ifle : 

There live the votaries of Meffiah’s lore 

In faithful peace and friendlhip with the Moor. 
Yet all was falfe, for there Meffiah’s name. 
Reviled and fcorn’d, was only known by fame. 
The groveling natives there, a brutal herd. 

The fenfual lore of Hagar’s fon preferr’d. 

or flavery would have been the certain fate 
of G a m a and his companions. The villany 
of the Pilot was afterwards difcovered. As 
Gama was endeavouring to enter the port 
of Mombaze his lhip (truck on a fand bank, 
and finding their purpofe of bringing him 
into the harbour defeated, two of the 
Moorilh Pilots leaped into the fea and (warn 
alhore. Alarmed at this tacit acknowledge- 
ment of guilt, Gama ordered two other 

Moorilh Pilots who remained on board to be 
examined by whipping, who, after fome 
time, made a full confeflion of their in- 
tended villany. This difcovery greatly en- 
couraged Gama and his men, who now in- 
terpreted the fudden ftorm which had driven 
them from Quiloa as a miraculous interpo- 
lation of the Divine Providence in their fa- 


Book I. 



With joy brave Gama hears the artful tale. 

Bears to the harbour, and bids furl the fail. 

Yet watchful ftill fair Love’s celeftial Queen 
Prevents the danger with a hand unfeen ; 

Nor paft the bar his vent’rous veflels guides j 
A nd fafe at anchor in the road he rides. 

Between the ifle and Ethiopia’s land 
A narrow current laves each adverfe flrand ; 

Clofe by the margin where the green tide flows, 
Full to the bay a lordly city rofe : 

With fervid blaze the glowing Evening pours 
It’s purple fplendors o’er the lofty towers ; 

The lofty towers with milder luftre gleam, 

And gently tremble in the glafly fliream. 

Here reign’d an hoary King of ancient fame ; 
Mombaze the town, Mombaze the ifland’s name. 

As when the Pilgrim, who with weary pace 
Through lonely waftes untrod by human race, 

For many a day difconfolate has flray’d, 

The turf his bed, the wild-wood boughs his (hade, 
O’erjoy’d beholds the cheerful feats of men 
In grateful profpe<ft riling on his ken : 

So Gama joy’d, who many a dreary day 
Ilad trac’d the vail;, the lonefome watery way. 


the l u: s i aid. 



Had feen new Fars, unknown to Europe, rife. 

And brav’d the horrors of the polar Ikies : 

So joy’d his bounding heart, when proudly rear’d. 
The fplendid City o’er the wave appear’d. 

Where heaven’s own lore, he truFed, was obey’d. 
And Holy Faith her facred rites difplay’d. 

And now fwift crowding through the horned bay 
The Moorifh barges wing’d their foamy way : 

To Gama’s fleet with friendly fmiles they bore 
The choiceF products of their cultured Fiore, 

But there fell rancour veil’d its ferpent-head. 
Though feFive rofes o’er the gifts were fpread. 

For Bacchus veil’d, in human fhape, was here. 

And pour’d his counfel in the Sovereign’s ear. 

O piteous lot of Man’s uncertain Fate ! 

What woes on life’s unhappy journey wait ! 

When joyful hope would grafp it’s fond deflre. 

The long-fought tranfports in the grafp expire. 

By fea what treacherous calms, what ruFiing Forms, 
And death attendant in a thoufand forms ! 

By land what Frife, what plots of fecret guile. 

How many a wound from many a treacherous frnile 1 
O where Fiall Man efcape his numerous foes. 

And reF his weary head in fafe repofe ! 


— r 

T H E 

U S I A D. 


I | ' H E fervent luftre of the evening ray 
'*■ Behind the weftern hills now died away. 

And night afcending from the dim-brow’d eaft. 

The twilight gloom with deeper fhades increaft ; 

When Gama heard the creaking of the oar. 

And markt the white waves lengthening from the fhore. 
In many a dciff the eager natives came. 

Their femblance friendship, but deceit their aim. 

And now by Gama’s anchor’d Ships they ride. 

And, Hail illuflrious Chief, their Leader cried. 

Your fame already thefe our regions own. 

How your bold prows from worlds to us. unknown 




Book II. 


Have braved the horrors of the fouthern main. 

Where ftorms and darknefs hold their endlefs reign, 
Whofe whelmy waves our weftward prows have barr’d 
From oldeft times, and ne’er before were dar’d 
By boldeft Leader : Earned; to behold 
The wond’rous Hero of a toil fo bold. 

To you the Sovereign of thefe iflands fends 
The holy vows of peace, and hails you Friends, 

If friendfhip you accept, whate’er kind heaven 
In various bounty to thefe fhores has given, 

Whate’er your wants, your wants fhall here fupply. 
And fafe in port your gallant fleet fhall lie ; 

Safe from the dangers of the faithlefs tide, 

And fudden burfting ftorms, by you untry’d ; 

Yours every bounty of the fertile fhore, 

’Till balmy reft your wearied ftrength reftore. 

Or if your toils and ardent hopes demand 
The various treafures of the Indian ftrand, 

The fragrant cinnamon, the glowing clove. 

And all the riches of the fpicy grove ; 

Or drags of power the fever’s rage to bound. 

And give foft langour to the fmarting wound; 

Or if the fplendor of the diamond’s rays. 

The fapphire’s azure, or the ruby’s blaze. 

Invite your fails to fearch the Eaftern world, 

Here may thefe fails in happy hour be furl’d ; 


Book II. 



For here the fplendid treafures of the mine. 

And richefl offspring the field, combine 
To give each boon that human want requires. 

And every gem that lofty pride defires : 

Then here, a potent King your generous friend. 

Here let your per’lous toils and wandering fearches end. 

He faid : Brave Gama fmiles with heart fincere, 
And prays the herald to the king to bear 
The thanks of grateful joy : But now, he cries. 
The blackening evening veils the coafl and fkies, 
And through thefe rocks unknown forbids to fleer 
Yet when the flreaks of milky dawn appear 
Edging the eaflern wave with filver hore. 

My ready prows fhall gladly point to fhore ; 

Allured of friendfhip, and a kind retreat. 

Allured and proffer’d by a King fo great. 

Yet mindful flill of what his a hopes had cheer’d. 
That here his nation’s holy flirines were rear’d. 

* What his hopes had cheer'd — — 

After Gama had been driven from 
Quiloa by a fudden ftorm, the aflurances of 
the Mozambic pilot that the city was chiefly 
inhabited by Chriftians, ftrongly inclined 
him to enter the harbour of Mombaze ; 
“ Nec ullum locum (fays Oforius) magisop- 
portunum curandis atque reficiendis asgrotis 
pofle reperiri. Jam eo tempore bona pars 
corum, qui cum Gama confcenderant, variis 
morbis confumpta fuerat, et qui evaferant, 

erant gravi invaletudine debilitati 

Tellus abundat fru&ibus et oleribus, et fru- 

gibus, et pecorum et armentorum gregibus, 
et aquis dulcibus. Utitur praeterea mira cx~ 
litemperie. Homines vivunt admodum laute, 
et domos more nollro asdificant. — Mifit rex 
nuncios, qui Gamam nomine illius faluta- 
rent. . . . Aiunt deinde regionem illam 
efle opulentiflimam, earumque rerum om- 
nium pleniflitnam, quarum gratia multi in 
Indiam navigabant. Rcgem adeo efle in 
illos voluntate propenfum ut nihil eflet tarn 
difficile, quod non fe eorum gratia fa&urum 
pollicerctur.” O/cr. 

G 2 



Book IX, 

44 - 

He afks, if certain as the the Pilot told, 

Meffiah’s lore had flourifh’d there of old. 

And flourifh’d ftill ? The Herald mark’d with joy 
The pious with, and watchful to decoy, 

Meffiah here, he cries, has altars more 
Than all the various fhrines of other lore. 

O’erjoyed brave Vasco heard the pleafing tale. 

Yet fear’d that fraud its viper-fting might veil 
Beneath the glitter of a fhew fo fair ; 

He half believes the tale, and arms againft the fnare. 

With b Gama fail’d a bold advent’rous band, 
Whofe headlong rage had urg’d the guilty hand : 
Stern Juftice for their crimes had afk’d their blood. 
And pale in chains condemn’d to death they flood ; 
But fav’d by Gama from the fhameful death. 

The bread of peace had feal’d 

b Erant enim in ea claffe decern ho- 
mines capite damnati, quibus fuerat ea lege 
vita concefla, ut quibufcunque in locis a 
Gama reli&i fuilfent, regiones lultrarent, 
hominumque mores et inliituta cognefce- 
rent. O/or. 

During the reign of Emmanuel, and his 
predeceffor John II. few criminals were exe- 
cuted in Portugal. Thefe great and politi- 
cal princes employed the lives which were 
forfeited to the public in the mod dangerous 
undertakings of public utility. In their fo- 
reign expeditions the condemned criminals 
were fent upon the molt hazardous emer- 
gencies. If death was their fate, it was the 
punilhment they had merited : if fuccefsful 
in what was required, their crimes were 
expiated ; and often, as in the voyage of 

teir plighted faith. 

Gama, they rendered their country the 
greatell atonement for their guilt, which 
men in their circumftances could polfibly 
make. Befides the merit of thus rendering 
forfeited lives of fervice to the community, 
the Portuguefe Monarchs have the honour 
of carrying this idea Itill farther. They 
were the firft who devifed that molt political 
of all punifhments, tranfportation to fo- 
reign fettlements. India and the Brazils 
received their criminals ; many of whom 
became afterwards ufeful members to fo- 
ciety. When the fubjedt thus obtrudes 
the occafion, a lhort digrelfion, it is hoped, 
will be pardoned. While every feeling 
bread mult be pleafed with the wifdom and 
humanity of the Portuguefe monarchs, in- 
dignation and regret mult rife on the view 

Book II. 



The defolate coaft, when ordered, to explore, 

And dare each danger of the hoftile Ihore : 

From this bold band he chofe the fubtleft two, 

The port, the city, and its ftrength to view. 

To mark if fraud its fecret head betrayed. 

Or if the rites of heaven were there difplayed. 

With coftly gifts, as of their truth fecure. 

The pledge that Gama deem’d their faith was pure, 
Thefe two his Heralds to the King he fends : 

The faithlefs Moors depart as fmiling friends. 

Now thro’ the wave they cut their foamy way. 

Their chearful fongs refounding through the bay : 
And now on fhore the wondering natives greet. 

And fondly hail the Grangers from the fleet. 

The Prince their gifts with friendly vows receive?'. 
And joyful welcome to the Lufians gives ; 

Where’er they pafs, the joyful tumult bends. 

And through the town the glad applaufe attends. 

But he whofe cheeks with youth immortal fhone. 
The God whofe wondrous birth two mothers own, 
Whofe rage had ftill the wandering fleet annoyed. 
Now in the town his guileful rage employed. 

of the prefent Hate of the penal laws of 
England. What multitudes every year, in 
the prime of their life, end their days by 
the hand of the executioner ! That the 
Legiflature might devife means to- make 

the greateft part of thefe lives ufeful’to fo- 
ciety, is a fa£l, which furely cannot be dis- 
puted ; though perhaps the remedy 

of an evil fo Ihocking to humanity, may 
be at fome diftance. 

A Chriftiaii 

L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

46 THE 

A Chriftian prieft he feem’d ; a fumptuous c fhrine 
He rear’d, and tended with the rites divine : 

O’er the fair altar waved the crofs on high. 

Upheld by angels leaning from the iky ; 

Defcending o’er the Virgin’s facred head 
So white, fo pure, the Holy Spirit fpread 
The dove-like pictured wings, fo pure, fo white ; 
And, hovering o’er the chofen twelve, alight 
The tongues of hallowed fire. Amazed, oppreft. 
With facred awe their troubled looks confeft 
The infpiring Godhead, and the prophet’s glow. 
Which gave each language from their lips to flow. 
Where thus the guileful Power his magic wrought, 
De Gama’s heralds by the guides are brought: 
On bended knees low to the earth they fall. 

And to the Lord of heaven in tranfport call; 
While the feign’d Pried; awakes the cenfer’s fire. 
And clouds of incenfe round the fhrine afpire. 

With chearful welcome here, carefs’d, they flay. 
Till bright Aurora, meffenger of day. 

Walk’d forth; and now the fun’s refplendent rays. 
Yet half emerging o’er the waters, blaze. 

c On it, the picture of that Jhape he plmd’t. 
In which the Holy Spirit did alight , 
fhe pi Slur e of the Dove, fo white, fo chafe, 
On the blef Virgin's head,fo <hafe,fo white. 

In thefe lines, the belt of all Fan/haw, 
the happy repetition “ fo chafte, fo white,” 
is a beauty which, though not contained in 
the original, the prefent translator was un- 
willing to lofe. 


Book II. 



When to the fleet the Moorifh oars again 

Dafh the curl’d waves, and waft the guileful train : 

The lofty decks they mount. With joy elate. 

Their friendly welcome at the palace-gate. 

The King’s fincerity, the people’s care. 

And treafures of the coad the fpies declare : 

Nor paft untold what mod; their joys infpired. 

What mod to hear the valiant Chief defired. 

That their glad eyes had feen the rites divine. 

Their country’s wordiip, and the facred fhrine. 

The pleafing tale the joyful Gama hears ; 

Dark fraud no more his generous bofom fears : 

As friends fincere, himfelf fincere, he gives 
The hand of welcome, and the Moors receives. 

And now, as confcious of the dedin’d prey. 

The faithlefs race, with fmiles and gedures gay. 
Their fkifrs forfaking, Gama’s fhips afcend. 

And deep to drike the treacherous blow attend. 

On fliore the truthlefs Monarch arms his bands. 

And for the fleet’s approach impatient dands ; 

That foon as anchor’d in the port they rode 
Brave Gama’s decks might reek with Luflan blood : 
Thus weening to revenge Mozambic’s fate. 

And give full furfeit to the Moorifh hate 9 
And now, their bowfprits bending to the bay, 

The joyful crew the ponderous anchors weigh, 



Book II. 


Their fhouts the while refounding. To the gale 
With eager hands they fpread the fore-maft fail. 
But Love’s fair Queen the fecret fraud beheld ; 
Swift as an arrow o’er the battle-field. 

From heaven fhe darted to the watery plain. 

And call’d the fea-born Nymphs, a lovely train. 
From Nereus fprung ; the ready Nymphs obey. 
Proud 0 of her kindred birth, and own her fway. 
She tells what ruin threats her fav’rite race j 
Unwonted ardour glows on every face ; 

With keen rapidity they bound away, 

Dafh’d by their filver limbs, the billows grey 

e Proud of her kindred birth — The French 
translator has the following note on this 
place, “ Cet endroit eji I’un de ceux qui 
“ montrent combien l' Auteur eft habile dans 
“ la mythologie, et en meme terns co7nbien 
“ de penetration fon allegorie demande. Il 
“ y a lien peu de gens, qui en lifant ici, 

“ &c. This is one of the places which 

“ difcover our Author’s intimate acquaint- 
“ ance with Mythology, and at the fame 
time how much attention his allegory re- 
“ quires, Many readers, on iinding that 
“ the protedlrefs of theLulians fprung from 
“ the fea, would be apt to exclaim, Be- 
“ hold, the birth of the terreftrial Venus ! 
“ How can a nativity fo difgraceful be 
' k ‘ afcribed to the celeftial Venus, who re- 
“ prefents Religion ? 1 anfwer, that Ca- 

“ moens had nqt his eye on thofe fables, 
“ which derive the birth of Venus from 
“ the foam of the waves, mixed with the 
“ blood which flowed from the difhoneft 
“ wound of Saturn ; he carries his views 
“ higher; his Venus is from a fable more 
“ noble. -Nigidius relates, that two fifties 
“ one day conveyed an egg to the fea 
“ fliore : This egg was hatched by two 
“ pigeons whiter than fnovv, and gave 
“ birth to the Affyrian Venus, which, in 

“ the Pagan theology, is the fame with the 
“ celeftial : She inftru&ed mankind in Re- 
“ ligion, gave them the leflons of virtue 
“ and the laws of equity. Jupiter, in re- 
“ ward of her labours, promifed to grant 
her whatever (he defired. She prayed 
“ him to give immortality to the two fifties, 
“ who had been inftrumental in her birth, 
“ and the fifties were accordingly placed 

“ in the Zodiac This fable 

“ agrees perfeftly with Religion, as I could 
“ clearly fliew ; but I think it more proper 
“ to leave to the ingenious reader the plea- 
“ fure of tracing the allegory.” Thus Caf- 
tera . — Befides the above, Mythology gives 
two other accounts of the origin of the fign 
Pifces. When Venus and Cupid fled from 
the rage of Typhon, they were faved by 
two fifties, who carried them over the river 
Euphrates. The fifties, in return, were 
placed in the Zodiac. Another fable fays 
that, that favour was obtained by Neptune 
for the two Dolphins, who firft brought him 
his beloved Amphitrite. This variety in 
the Pagan Mythology is, at leaft, a proof 
that the allegory of a Poet ought not, with- 
out full examination, to be condemned on 
the appearance of inconfiftency. 


Book II. 


L U S I A D. 


Foam round : Fair Doto, fir’d with rage divine. 

Darts through the wave ; and onward o’er the brine 
The f lovely Nyfe and Nerine fpring 

With all the vehemence and the fpeed of wing. 
The curving billows to their breafts divide. 

And give a yielding pafiage through the tide. 
With furious fpeed the Goddels rufli’d before ; 
Her beauteous form a joyful Triton bore, 

Whofe eager face, with glowing rapture fired. 
Betray’d the pride which fuch a talk infpired. 
And now arriv’d, where to the whittling wind 
The warlike Navy’s bending malls reclin’d. 

As through the billows rulh’d the fpeedy prows, 
The nymphs, dividing, each her llation chofe. 

f Doto, Nyfe, and Nerine — — Cloto, or 
Clotho, as Caftera obferves, has by fome 
error crept into almoft all the Portuguefe 
editions of the Lufiad. Clotho was one of 
the Fates, and neither Hefiod, Homer, nor 
Virgil have given fuch a name to any of the 
Nereides ; but in the ninth iEneid Doto is 

Magnique jubeio 

JEqitoris effe Deas, qualis Nere'ia Doto 
Et Galatea fecat fpumantem pedore pontu/n. 

The Nereides, in the Lufiad, fays Caftera, 
are the virtues divine and human. In the 
firft book they accompany the Portuguefe 
fleet ; 

before the bounding prows 

The lovely forms of fea-born nymphs arofe. 

“ And without doubt, fays he, this allegory, 
in a lively manner, reprefents the condi- 
tion of mankind. The virtues languifh in 
repofe; adverfities animate and awake them. 
1 lie fleet failing before a favourable wind 
is followed by the Nereides, but the Ne- 
reides are fcattered about in the fea. When 
danger becomes imminent, Venus, or Re- 


leligion, aflembles them to its fafety.” That 
this manner of allegory is in the true fpirit 
of Homer, fee the note on the allegorical 
machinery of that great father of poetry, 
near the end of the fixth Lufiad. The fol- 
lowing, from Caftera, is indeed highly pe- 
dantic. “ Doto, continues he, is derived 
“ from the verb Ai$upi f I give. Accord- 
“ ing to this etymology Doto is Charity. 
“ Nyfe is Hope, and Nerine Faith. For 
“ the name Nyfe comes from Nw, I fwim. 
“ For the aftion of Hope agrees with that 
“ of fwimming, and is the fymbol of it. 
“ Nerine is a term compofed of wVk, an 
“ old word, which fignifies the waters of 
“ the fea , and of pirn, a fie ; as if one 
“ (hould fay, the file of the fea waters , a 
“ myfterious expreflion, applicable to Faith, 
“ which is the file of our foul, and which 
“ is rendered perfect by the water of bap- 
“ tifm.” Our French Paraphrift wifely 
adds, that perhaps fome perfons may defpife 
this etymology, but that for his part, he is 
unwilling to rejedt it, as it tends to unravel 
the allegory of hb author. 


T H E 

L U S I A D. 

Book II. 


Againft the Leader’s prow, her lovely bread: 

With more than mortal force the Goddefs preft ; 

The fhip recoiling trembles on the tide, 

The nymphs in help pour round on every fide. 

From the dread bar the threaten’d keels to fave ; 

The fhip bounds up, half lifted from the wave. 

And, trembling, hovers o’er the watery grave. 

As when alarm’d, to fave the hoarded grain. 

The care-earn’d ftore for Winter’s dreary reign. 

So toil, fo tug, fo pant, the labouring Emmet train. 
So toil’d the Nymphs, and ftrain’d their panting force 
To turn § the Navy from its fatal courfe : 

Back, back the fhip recedes ; in vain the crew 
With fhouts on fhouts their various toils renew j 
In vain each nerve, each nautic art they ftrain, 

And the rough wind diftends the fail in vain : 

Enraged, the Sailors fee their labours croft; 

From fide to hde the reeling helm is'toft; 

High on the poop the ikilful mafter ftands ; 

Sudden he fhrieks aloud, and fpreads his hands — 

A lurking rock its dreadful rifts betrays. 

And right before the prow its ridge difplays ; 

Loud fhrieks of horror from the yard-arms rife. 

And a dire general yell invades the fkies. 

s Imitated from Virgil. 

Cymothce Jimul, et 'Triton adnixus acuto 
Detrudunt naves fcopulo, — -Virc. JEn, I. 


5 1 

Book II. THE L U S I A D. 

The Moors Hart, fear-ftruck, at the horrid found, 
As if the rage of combat roar’d around. 

Pale are their lips, each look in wild amaze 
The horror of detected guilt betrays. 

Pierc’d by the glance of Gama’s awful eyes 
The confcious Pilot quits the helm and flies. 

From the high deck he plunges in the brine; 

His mates their fafety to the waves confign ; 
Dafh’d by their plunging falls on every fide 
Foams and boils up around the rolling tide. 

Thus h the hoarfe tenants of the fylvan lake, 

A Lycian race of old, to flight betake ; 

At every found they dread Latona’s hate. 

And doubled vengeance of their former fate ; 

* Thus the hoarfe tenants - — ■ Latona, 
fays the fable, flying from the ferpent Py- 
thon, and faint with thirft, came to a pond, 
where fome Lycian peafants were catting 
the bulrufhes. In revenge of the infults 
which they offered her in preventing her to 
drink, fhe changed them into frogs. This 
fable, fays Caftera, like almoft all the reft, 
is drawn from hiftory. Philocorus, as cited 
by Boccace, relates, that the Rhodians 
having declared war again!! the Lycians, 
were aflifted by fome troops from Delos, 
who carried the image of Latona on their 
ftandards. A detachment of thefe going to 
drink at a lake in Lycia, a croud of pea- 
fants endeavoured to prevent them. An en- 
counter enfued ; the peafants fled to the lake 
for fhelter, and were there (lain. Some 
months afterwards their companions came 
in fearch of their corpfes, and finding an un- 
ufual quantity of frogs, imagined, accord- 
ing to the fuperftition of their age, that the 
fouls of their friends appeared to them under 
rhat metamorphofis. 

Is it allowable in Epic Poetry to introduce 
a comparifon taken from a low image ? This 
is a queftion which has exercifed the abilities 
of Critics and Tranflators, till criticifm has 
degenerated into trifling, andlearninginto pe- 
dantry. To fome it may perhaps appear need- 
lefs to vindicate Camoens, in a point wherein 
he is fupported by the authority of Homer 
and Virgil. Yet as many readers are infedied 
with the fang froid of a Rollin or a Perrault, 
an obfervation in defence of our Poet cannot 
be thought impertinent. If we examine the 
fineft effufions of genius, welhall find, that 
the moft genuine poetical feeling has often 
dictated thole fimilies which are drawn from 
familiar and low objedts. The Sacred Wri- 
ters, and the greateft Poets of every nation, 
have ufed them. We may therefore con- 
clude, that the criticifm which condemns 
them is a refinement not founded on Nature. 
But, allowing them admiflible, it mull be 
obferved, that to render them pleafing re- 
quires a peculiar happinefs and delicacy of 
management. When the Poet attains this 
H 2 indifpenfible 


L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

5 2 

All fudden plunging leave the margin green. 

And but their heads above the pool are feen. 

So plung’d the Moors, when, horrid to behold ! 

From the bar’d rock’s dread jaws the billows roll’d. 
Opening in inftant fate the fleet to whelm, 

When ready Vasco caught the daggering helm : 

Swift as his lofty voice refounds aloud 

The ponderous anchors dalh the whitening flood. 

And round his velfel, nodding o’er the tide. 

His other {hips, bound by their anchors, ride* 

And now revolving in his piercing thought 
Thefe various fcenes with hidden import fraught ; 

The boaflful Pilot’s felf»accufing flight. 

The former treafon of the Mooriih fpight ; 

How headlong to the rock the furious wind, 

The boiling current, and their art combin’d, 

Yet though the groaning blaft the canvas fwell’d. 

Some wondrous caufe, unknown, their fpeed witheld : 
Amaz’d, with hands high rais’d, and fparkling eyes, 

A 1 miracle ! the raptur’d Gama cries. 

indifpenfible point, he gives a linking proof 
of his elegance, and of his malterlhip in his 
art. That the fimilies of the Emmets and 
of the Frogs in Camoens are happily ex- 
prelfed and applied, is indifputable. In 
that of the Frogs there is a peculiar proprie- 
ty, both in the comparifon itfelf, and in the 
allufion to the fable ; as it was the intent of 
the Poet to reprefent not only the flight, 
but the bafenefs of the Moors. The flmilie 
he feems to have copied from Dante, Inf. 
Cant. 9. 

Come le rane innanzi a la nentica 
Bifcia per Vat qua fi dileguan ' tutte 
Fin che a la terra ciafcuna s'abbic.u 

And Cant. 22. 

E come a Vorlo de Vacqua d'uti fojfo 
Stan ’ li ranocchi pur col mufo j'uori 
SV che celano i piedi , e Valtro grojfo. 

5 A miracle Oforius gives the follow- 

ing account of this adventure. Talking of 
the two Exiles whom Gama had fcnt on 
Ihore ; Rex lata et hilari fronte exules ac- 
cepit, imperavitque domefticis fuis, ut illis 


Book II. 



A miracle ! O hail thou facred fign. 

Thou pledge illuftrious of the Care Divine ! 

Ah ! fraudful Malice ! how fhall Wifdom’s care 
Efcape the poifon of thy gilded fnare ! 

The front of honefty, the faintly fhew. 

The fmile of friendfiiip, and the holy vow ; 

All, all conjoin’d our eafy faith to gain. 

To whelm us, fhip wreck’d, in the ruthlefs main; 
But where our prudence no deceit could fpy. 
There, heavenly Guardian, there thy watchful eye 
Beheld our danger : ffcill, O ftill prevent. 

Where human forefight fails, the dire intent. 

The lurking treafon of the finding foe; 

And let our toils, our days of lengthening woe, 
Our weary wanderings end. If ftill for thee. 

To fpread thy rites, our toils and vows agree. 

On India’s ftrand thy facred fhrines to rear. 

Oh, let fome friendly land of 

urbis fitum ct pulchritudinem demonftra- 
rent. Ubi vero reverfi funt, Rex multa 
aromatum genera, quas ex India deportari 
folent, illis oftentat, et quantulum vifum 
eft donat, ut Gamte monftrare pofient, et 
admonere, quanto eflet utilius apud Regem 
amicum rcm gerere, quam vitam tarn peri- 
culofae navigationi committere. Cum his 
mandatis redcunt exules in claflem, Gama 
mirifice laetatus eft, et poftridie anchoras 
tolli jubet, et naves prope urbem conftitui. 
Cum verb illius navis aeftus incitati vi ce- 
lerius, quam commodum eflet, inveheretur, 
timens ille ne in vadum incideret, velacon- 
trahere et anchoras demittere confeftim 

juftit Quo fatto Mozambiquenfes 

gubernatores metu repentino perculfi,. fe 

reft appear ! 

praecipites in mare dejiciunt, et ad lintres 
quafdam, quae non procul aberat, nando 

confugiunt At Gama magnis vocibus 

ad eos, qui in lintribus erant, inclamavit, 
ut fibi fuos gubernatores redderent : at illi 
clamores illius afpernati, gubernatores in 
terram expofuerunt. Hie Gama cum et 
conjeftura, et aliquo etiam Arabis guberna- 
toris indicio, et multis praeterea fignis, per- 
fpexiflet e quanto periculo fuiftet auxilio 
divino liberatus, manus in coelum fuftulit. 
Barros and Caftaneda, in relating this part 
of the voyage of Gama, fay, that the fleet, 
juft as they were entering the port of Mom- 
bafl'a were driven back, as it were, by an 
inviftble hand. The fafety of the Armada 
depended upon this circumftance. 



Book II. 


If for thine honour we thefe toils have dar’d, 
Thefe toils let India’s long-fought fhore reward ! 

So fpoke the Chief : the pious accents move 
The gentle bofoni of CeleEial Love : 

The beauteous Queen to heaven now darts away; 
In vain the weeping nymphs implore her Eay : 
Behind her now the morning Ear fhe leaves. 

And the k fixth heaven her lovely form receives. 
Her radiant eyes fuch living fplendors caE, 

The fparkling Ears were brighten’d as fhe paE; 
The frozen pole with fudden Ereamlets flow’d. 
And as the burning zone with fervor glow’d. 

And now, confeE before the throne of Jove, 

In all her charms appears the Queen of Love : 
Flufh’d by the ardour of her rapid flight 
Through fields of aether and the realms of light. 
Bright as the blufhes of the rofeate morn. 

New blooming tints her glowing cheeks adorn 
And all that pride of beauteous grace fhe wore. 
As 1 when in Ida’s bower fhe Eood of yore. 

k As the planet of Jupiter is in the fixth 
heaven, the Author has with propriety there 
placed the throne of that God. Caltera. 

1 As when in Ida s bower Jhe flood of yore. 

“ f Intends les cenfeurs, fays Caftera, 

“ je recrier que cet endroit-ci ne convient 
• ‘ nullement d la V enus celefle. — I am aware 
“ of the obje&ion, that this paflhge is by 
“ no means applicable to the celeftial 
“ Venus. I anfwer once for all, that the 

“ names and adventures of the Pagan Di- 
“ vinities are fo blended and uncertain in 
“ Mythology, that a Poet is at great li- 
“ berty to adapt them to his allegory as he 
“ pleafes. Even the fables, which to 
“ thofe who penetrate no deeper than the 
“ Rhind, may appear as profane, even 
“ thefe contain hiftorical, phyfical, and 
“ moral truths, which fully attone for the 
“ feeming licencioufnefs of the letter. 

“ cou 

Book II. 



When every charm and every hope of joy 
Enraptured and allured the Trojan boy. 

Ah ! m had that hunter, whofe unhappy fate 
The human vifage loft by Dian’s hate. 

Had he beheld this fairer goddefs move 

Not hounds had flain him, but the fires of love. 

Adown her neck, more white than virgin fnow. 

Of fofteft hue the golden trefles flow ; 

Her heaving breafts of purer, fofter white, 

Than fnow hills gliftening in the moon’s pale light. 
Except where covered by the fafh, were bare. 

And n Love, unfeen, fmil’d foft, and panted there. 
Nor lefs the zone the god’s fond zeal employs; 

The zone awakes the flame of fecret joys. 

“ could prove this in many inflances, but 
“ let the prefent fuffice. Paris, fon of 
“ Priam, king of Troy, fpent his firlt 
“ years as a fhepherd in the country. At 
“ this time Juno, Minerva, and Venus dif- 
“ puted for the apple of gold, which was 
“ deftined to be given to the mod beautiful 
“ goddefs. They confented that Paris 
“ fhould be their judge. His equity daim- 
“ ed this honour. He faw them all naked. 
“ Juno promiled him riches, Minerva the 
“ fciences, but he decided in favour of 
“ Venus, who promifed him the pofleflion 
“ of the mod beautiful woman. What a 
“ ray of light is contained in this philofo- 
“ phical fable ! Paris rcprefents a iludious 
“ man, who, in the filence of folitude, 

“ feeks the fupreme good. Juno is the 
“ emblem of riches and dignities, Minerva, 

“ that of the fciences purcTy human, Venus 
“ is that of Religion, which contains the 
“ fciences both human and divine ; the 
“ charming female, which (he promifes to 
“ the Trojan fhepherd, is that Divine Wif- 

“ dom which gives tranquility of heart. 
“ A Judge fo philofophical as Paris would 
“ not hefitate a moment to whom to give 
“ the apple of gold.” 

m Ah, bad that hunter “ The alle- 

“ gory of Camoens is here obvious. If 
“ Adleon, and the flaves of their violent 
“ paflions could difeover the beauties of 
“ true religion, they would be aftonifhed 
“ and reclaimed ; according to the expref- 
“ fion of Seneca, Si <virtus cerni pojjet 
** cadis corporeis, omnes ad amorem Juum 
“ pelliceret. Caftera. 

* And Love, unfeen “ That is Divine 

“ Love, which always accompanies Reli- 
“ gion. Behold how our Author infinuat^s 
“ the excellence of his moral !” Cnficra. 

Camoens, as obferved in the preface, 
has twice arterted, that his machinery is al- 
legorical. The Poet’s aflertion, and the 
talle of the age in'which he wrote, fufficient- 
ly vindicate the Endeavour to unravel and 
explain the allegory of the Lufiad. 


L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

56 T H E 

As ivy tendrils, round her limbs divine 

Their fpreading arms the young defires entwine : 

Below her waift, and quivering on the gale. 

Of thinnefi: texture flows the filken veil : 

(Ah ! where the lucid curtain dimly fhows. 

With doubled fires the roving fancy glows !) 

I’he hand of modefty the foldings threw. 

Nor all conceal’d, nor all was given to view. 

Vet her deep grief her lovely face betrays. 

Though on her cheek the foft fmile faultering plays. 

All heaven was mov’d— as when fome damfel coy. 

Hurt by the rudenefs of the amorous boy. 

Offended chides and fmiles ; with angry mien 
Thus mixt with fmiles, advanc’d the plaintive queen ; 

And 0 thus : O Thunderer ! O potent Sire ! 

Shall I in vain thy kind regard require ! 

Alas ! and cherifli ftill the fond deceit. 

That yet on me thy kindeft fmiles await ! 

Ah heaven ! and muff that valour which I love 
Awake the vengeance and the rage of Jove i 
Yet mov’d with pity for my fav’rite race 
I fpeak, though frowning on thine awful face 
I mark the tenor of the dread decree. 

That to thy wrath configns my Sons and Me. 

0 And thus, 0 ’Thunderer ——The fol- iEneid, and do great honour to the Claffical 
lowing fpeech of Venus and the reply of tafte of the Portuguefe Poet. 

Jupiter, are a fine imitation from the firfi 


Book II. 



Yes! let hern Bacchus blefs thy partial care. 

His be the triumph, and be mine defpair. 

The bold advent’rous fons of Tago’s clime 
I loved — alas ! that love is now their crime : 

O happy they, and profp’rous gales their fate. 

Had I purfued them with relentlefs hate ! 

Yes ! let my woeful fighs in vain implore. 

Yes ! let them perilh on fome barb’rous fhore. 

For I have loved them — Here, the fwelling figh 
And pearly tear-drop rufhing in her eye. 

As morning dew hangs trembling on the rofe. 

Though fond to Ipeak, her farther fpeech oppofe — 

Her lips, then moving, as the paufe of woe 
Were now to give the voice of grief to flow ; 

When kindled by thofe charms, whofe woes might move, 
And melt the prowling Tyger’s rage to love. 

The thundering God her weeping forrows ey’d. 

And fudden threw his awful hate afide : 

With that mild look which hills the driving horm. 

When black roll’d clouds the face of heaven deform ; 


With that mild vilage and benignant mien 
Which to the Iky rehores the blue ferene. 

Her fnowy neck and glowing cheek he preh. 

And wip’d her tears, and clafp’d her to his breah : 

Yet Hie, hill fighing, dropt the trickling tear. 

As the chid nurfling mov’d with pride and fear, 





Book II. 

Still fighs and moans, though fondled and cared: 3 
Till thus great Jove the Fates’ decrees confefl : 

O thou, my daughter, ftill belov’d as fair. 

Vain are thy fears, thy heroes claim my care : 

No power of gods could e’er my heart incline. 

Like one fond fmile, one powerful tear of thine. 

Wide o’er the Eaftern fhores fhalt thou behold 
The flags far dreaming, and thy thunders roll’d 3 
While nobler triumphs fhall thy nation crown. 

Than thofe of Roman or of Greek renown. 

If by mine aid the fapient Greek could brave 
The Ogycian feas, nor p fink a deathlefs Have 3 
If through th’ Illyrian fhelves Antenor bore. 

Till fafe he landed on Timavus’ fhore 3 
If, by his fate, the pious Trojan led. 

Safe through Charibdis’s barking whirlpools fped : 

Shall thy bold Heroes, by my care difclaim’d. 

Be left to perifh, who, to worlds unnam’d 
By vaunting Rome, purfue their dauntlefs way ? 

No- — foon fhalt thou with ravifh’d eyes furvey. 

From dream to dream their lofty cities fpread. 

And their proud turrets rear the warlike head : 

f - Nor fink a deathlefs fa-ve i. e. The flave of Calypfo, who offered UlyfTes im- 

mortality on condition he would live with her. 



Book II. 


The ftern-brow’d Turk fliall bend the fuppliant knee. 
And Indian Monarchs, now fecure and free. 

Beneath thy potent Monarch’s yoke fhall bend, 

Till thy juft Laws wide o’er the Eaft extend. 

Thy Chief, who now in Error’s circling maze, 

For India’s ftiore through ftielves and tempefts ftrays ; 
That Chief fhalt thou behold, with lordly pride. 

O’er Neptune’s trembling realm triumphant ride. 

O wondrous fate ! when not a breathing q gale 
Shall curl the billows, or diftend the fail. 

The wave fhall boil and tremble, aw’d with dread. 
And own the terror o’er their empire fprejad. 

That hoftile coaft, with various ftreams fupplied, 
Whofe treacherous fons the fountain’s gifts deny’d ; 
That coaft flialt thou behold his Port fupply, 

Where oft thy weary fleets in reft fhall lie. 

Each fliore which weav’d for him the fnares of death. 
To him thefe fhores fhall pledge their offer’d faith ; 
To him their haughty Lords fhall lowly bend. 

And yield him tribute for the name of friend. 

1 When not a breathing gale J, hall curl 

the billows — After the Portuguese had made 
great conquefts in India, Gama had the 
honour to be appointed Viceroy. In >524, 
as he failed thither to take poil'eflion of his 
government, his fleet was becalmed on the 
coaft of Cambaya, and the fhips flood 
motionlefs on the water : inftantly, with- 
out the lead change of weather, the 
waves were fhaken with the moll violent 
agitation. The fhips were tolled about ; 

the failors were terrified, and in the utrnoft 
confufion, thinking themfelves loft ; when 
Gama, perceiving it to be the effedl of an 
earthquake, with his wonted heroifm and 
prudence, exclaimed, “ Of what are you 
afraid? Do you not fee how the Ocean 
trembles under its Sovereigns /” Barros, 
L. 9. C. 1. and Faria (tom. 1 C. 9.) who 
fays, that fuch as lay lick of fevers were 
cured by the fright. 

I 2 




Book II. 

The Red-fea wave fhall darken in the f hade • 

Of thy broad fails in frequent pomp difplay’d ; 

Thine eyes fhall fee the golden Ormuz’ fhore, 

Twice thine, twice conquered, while the furious Moor, 
Amazed, fhall view his arrows backward r driven. 

Showered on his legions by the hand of heaven. 

Though twice affailed by many a vengeful band, 

Unconquered ftill fhall Dio’s ramparts ftand; 

Such prowefs there fhall raife the Lufian name 
That Mars fhall tremble for his blighted fame ; 

There fhall the Moors, blafpheming, ftnk in death. 

And curfe their Prophet with their parting breath. 

Where Goa’s warlike ramparts frown on high. 

Pleas’d fhalt thou fee thy Lufian banners fly ; 

The Pagan tribes in chains fhall crowd her gate. 

While fhe fublime fhall tower in regal date. 

The fatal fcourge, the dread of all who dare 
Againfl: thy fons to plan the future war. 

Though few thy troops who Conanour fuftain. 

The foe, though numerous, fhall aflault in vain. 

Great Calicut, for potent hofts renown’d. 

By Lifboa’s fons aflail’d fhall drew the ground : 

t u., . his arrows backward driven by the violence of a fudden wind the ar- 

Both Barros and Caftaneda relate this fatt. rows of the latter were driven back upon 

Albuquerk, during the war of Ormuz, hav- themfelves, whereby many of their troops 

ing given battle to the Perfians and Moors, were wounded. 


Book II. 


6 1 

What floods on floods of vengeful hofts {hall wage 
On Cochin’s walls their fwift repeated rage \ 

In vain : a ’ Lufian Hero {hall oppofe 
His dauntlefs bofom, and difperfe the foes,. 

As high-fwell’d waves, that thunder’d to the {hock,. 
Difperfe in feeble flrreamlets from the rock. 

When ' blackening broad and far o’er Adtium’s tide 
Auguftus’ fleets the Slave of love defy’d. 

When that fallen Warrior to the combat led 
The braved: troops in Badtrian Scythia bred, 

With Afian legions, and, his fhameful bane. 

The Egyptian Queen attendant in the train j 
Though Mars raged high, and all his fury pour’d,. 
Till with the dorm the boiling furges roar’d 
Yet {hall thine eyes more dreadful fcenes behold, 

On burning furges burning furges roll’d. 

The fheets of fire far billowing o’er the brine. 

While I my thunder to thy fons refign. 

Thus many a fea {hall blaze, and many a {hore 
Refound the horror of the combat’s roar. 

A Lufan Hero Pacheco ; in XJna omnes ruere , ac totum fpumare redufiu 

the fiege of Cochin he defeated fucceflively Convulfum remis rofrifque tridentibus aquor . 
feven numerous armies raifed by the Zamo- Alta petunt : pelago credas innate revuljas 

rim for the reduction of that city. 

Cycladas , aut mantes concurrere montibus altos : 
< Tanta mole viri turritis puppibus infant. 
Stupea flamma manu, telifque 'volatile ferrum 
Spargitur : arva nova Neptunia cade rubef- 

1 When blackening broad and far o'er 
Ailium's tide 

Hinc ope barbarica variifque Antonias armis 

Viflor, ab Aurora populis & lit ore rubro 

cunt , 

AEgyptum, virefque Orientis, fcs? ultima fecum 

Bahra vehit : Jequiturque nefat ! AEgyptia 

Vine, JEx. viii. 



T H E 

L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

While thy bold prows triumphant ride along 
By trembling China to the illes unfung 
By ancient bard, by ancient chief unknown, 
Till Ocean’s utmoft fhore thy bondage own. 

Thus from the Ganges to the Gadian ftrand. 
From the moll northern wave to fouthmoft land ; 
That land decreed to bear the injur’d name 
Of Magalhaens, the Lufian “ pride and fhame ; 
From all that Vaft, tho’ crown’d with heroes old. 
Who with the gods were demi-gods enroll’d ; 
From all that Vaft no equal heroes fhine 
To match in arms, O lovely Daughter, thine. 

So fpake the awful Ruler of the Ikies, 

And Maia’s fon fwift at his mandate flies : 

His charge, from treafon and Mombafla’s king 
The weary fleet in friendly port to bring, 

And while in fleep the brave De Gama lay, 
To warn, and fair the fhore of reft difplay. 
Fleet through the yielding air Cyllenius glides. 
As to the light, the nimble air divides. 

u The Lt/fian pride and Jhame. — Magal- 
haens, a moll celebrated navigator. Ne- 
glefted by John II. king of Portugal, he 
offered his fervice to the kingdom of Spain, 
under whom he made mod important dis- 
coveries round the Stiaits, which bear his 

name, and in the back parts of South Ame- 
rica ; acquirements, which at this day are 
of the utmoft value to the Spanifh Empire. 
Of this hero fee farther, X. Lufiad, in 
the notes. 

Book II. 


6 3 

The myftic helmet on his head he wore, 

And in his right the fatal rod he w bore ; 

That rod, of power to wake the filent dead. 

Or o’er the lids of care foft (lumbers (lied. 

And now, attended by the herald Fame, 

To fair Melinda’s gate conceal’d he came ; 

And foon loud Rumour echoed through the town. 

How from the weftern world, from waves unknown, 

A noble band had reach’d the iEthiop (hore. 

Through feas and dangers never dared before : 

The godlike dread attempt their wonder fires. 

Their generous wonder fond regard infpires. 

And all the city glows their aid to give. 

To view the heroes, and their wants relieve. 

’Twas now the folemn hour when midnight reigns. 

And dimly twinkling o’er the ethereal plains 
The (larry hod, by gloomy filence led. 

O’er earth and fea a glimmering palenefs (lied 
When to the fleet, which hemm’d with dangers lay. 

The filver-wing’d Cyllenius darts away. 

Each care was now in foft oblivion deep’d. 

The Watch alone accuftom’d vigils kept; 

w — ■ Tie fatal rod be bore — — Pallentes , alias fub trifiia Tar tar a mittit. 

Turn ‘virgam tap it : bac animus ills t'vocat Dat fomnos admit que , If lumina morte re- 

0r " fignat, Virg. JEn. iv. 




L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

E’en Gama, wearied by the day’s alarms. 

Forgets his cares, reclined in Humber’s arms. 
Scarce had he clofed his careful eyes in reft. 
When Maia’s fon in vifion Hood confeft : 

And fly, he cried, O Lufitanian, fly 3 
Here guile and treafon every nerve apply : 

An impious king for thee the toil prepares. 

An impious people weave a thoufand fnares : 

Oh fly thefe (bores, unfurl the gather’d fail, 

Lo, heaven, thy guide, commands the riling gale 3 
Hark, loud it ruffles, fee, the gentle tide 
Invites thy prows 3 the winds thy lingering chide. 
Here fuch dire welcome is for thee prepared 
As * Diomed’s unhappy (Grangers fhared 3 
His haplefs guefts at filent midnight bled. 

On their torn limbs his fnorting courfers fed. 

Oh fly, or here with ftrangers’ blood imbrew’d 
Bufiris’ altars thou (halt find renew’d : 

Amidft his flaughter’d guefts his altars ftood 
Obfcene with gore, and bark’d with human blood : 
Then thou, beloved of heaven, my counfel hear 3 
Right by the coaft thine onward journey fteer. 

x As Diomed’s unhappy grangers — Dio- 
mede, a tyrant of Thrace, who fed his horfes 
with human flefh ; a thing, fays the grave 
Caftera, prefque incroyahle, almoft incredible. 
Bufiris was a king of Egypt, who facrificed 

£>uis Mandat t nefeit Bufiridis aras ? 

Virg. Geor. iii. 

Hercules vanquilhed both thefe tyrants, and 
put them to the fame punifiiments which 
their cruelty had inflicted on others. Ifo- 
crates compofed an oration in honour of 
Bufiris ; a maftevly example of Attic raillery 
and fatire. To this Caftera wifely appeals, 
to prove the truth of the hiftory of that 


Book II. 


6 5 

Till where the fun of noon no fhade begets. 

But day with night in equal tenor fets. 

A Sovereign there, of generous faith unftain’d, 

With ancient bounty, and with joy unfeign’d 
Your glad arrival on his fhore fhall greet. 

And foothe with every care your weary fleet. 

And when again for India’s golden ftrand 
Before the profperous gale your fails expand, 

A fkilful Pilot oft in danger try’d. 

Of heart fincere, fhall prove your faithful guide. 

' Thus Hermes fpoke, and as his flight he takes 
Melting in ambient air, De Gama wakes. 

Chill’d with amaze he flood, when through the night 
With fudden ray appear’d the burfting light ; 

The winds loud whizzing through the cordage figh’d- 
Spread, fpread the fail, the raptured Vasco cried ; 
Aloft, aloft, this, this the gale of heaven ; 

By heaven our guide th’ aufpicious fign is given ; 

Mine eyes beheld the Meffenger divine ; 

O fly, he cried, and gave the favouring lign. 

Here treafon lurks.* ■ Swift as the Captain fpake 

The mariners fpring bounding to the deck. 

And now with fhouts far-ecchoing o’er the fea, 

Proud of their ftrength the ponderous anchors weigh. 





L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

When y heaven again its guardian care difplay’d ; 

o . J-r.'p- '\1' L QfT noon IV IKir »i*J 3IP11W 111 A 


Above the wave rofe many- a Moorish head — 

• t/jn JL - ' 1' * . O ' 

Conceal’d by night they gently fwam along. 

And with their weapons fawed the cables ftrong. 

That Dy the fwelling currents whirl’d and toft. 

The navy’s wrecks might ftrew the rocky coaft : 

But now difcover’d, every nerve they ply. 

And dive, and fwift as frighten’d vermin fly. 

JaVai lognjsb nl fto Jolift luiiidi A 

Now through the filver waves that curling rofe, ■ g 3lJ 

<j • ■ * . - 

And gently murmur’d round the doping prows. 

The gallant fleet before the fteady wind 

Sweeps on, and leaves long foamy tracks behind ni gni 

While as . they fail the joyful crew relate s , : 

Their wondrous fafety from impending fate * — 1 rL 

* o ' O * - * 

And every bofom feels how fweet the joy 

When dangers paft.thc grateful tongue employ. ,, 

• d lo slfi-o ftrij .fioft ajioIA 

The fun had now his annual journey run, 

V ^ CJ. ^ A - i ^ w 

And blazing forth another courfe begun. 

When fmoothly gliding o’er the- hoary tide 
Two Hoops afar the watchful mafter fpied j 

t r f - r f - f r ' 

:: . OJ \ gr;nul 2T- • M: i 

y heaven again its guardian care bus anchoralia node praeciderenf. Quod 

di/play'd Having mentioned the efcape nifi fuiffet a noftris fingulari Gamse indultria 

of the Moorifh pilots, Oforius proceeds: vigilatum, et infidiis fcelerati illius regis oc- 

Rex deinde homines magno cum filentio curium, nodri in fummdm vitse difcrimen 
fcaphis & lintribus fubmittebat, qui fecuri- incidiffent. 


Book II. THE L U S I A D. 

Their Mooriih make the feaman’s art difplay’d ; 
Here Gama weens to force the Pilot’s aid : 

One, bafe with fear, to certain fliipwreck flew ; 
The keel dafh’d on the fhore, efcap’d the crew. 

The other bravely trufts the generous foe. 

And yields, ere daughter Aruck the lifted blow. 

Ere Vulcan’s thunders bellowed. Yet again 
The Captain’s prudence and his wifh were vain ; 

No Pilot here his wandering courfe to guide. 

No lip to tell where rolls the Indian tide ; 

The voyage calm, or perilous, or afar. 

Beneath what heaven, or which the guiding Aar : 

» * * **■ 

Yet this they told, that by the neighbouring bay 
A potent monarch reign’d, whofe pious fway 
For truth and nobleA bounty far renown’d. 

Still with the Stranger’s grateful praife was crown’d 
O’erjoyed brave Gama heard the tale, which feal’d 
The facred truth that Maia’s fon reveal’d ; 

And bids the Pilot, warn’d by heaven his guide. 
For fair Melinda turn the helm aflde. 

’Twas now the jovial feafon, when the morn 
From Taurus flames, when Amalthea’s horn 
O’er hill and dale the rofe-crown’d Flora pours. 
And fcatters corn and wine, and fruits and flowers. 



L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

Right to the port their courle the fleet purfued, 

And the glad dawn that facred day renewed. 

When with the fpoils of vanquifh’d death adorn’d 
To heaven the Vidor of the tomb return’d. 

And foon Melinda’s fliore the failors fpy ; 

From every mail the purple dreamers fly; 

Rich-figured tap’ftry now fupplies the fail. 

The gold and fcarlet tremble in the gale ; 

The ftandard broad its brilliant hues bewrays. 

And floating on the wind wide-billowing plays ; 

Shrill through the air the quivering trumpet founds. 
And the rough drum the roufmg march rebounds. 

As thus regardful of the facred day 
The feftive Navy cut the watery way, 

Melinda’s fons the fhore in thoufands crowd. 

And offering joyful welcome fhout aloud : 

And truth the voice infpired. Unawed by fear. 

With warlike pomp adorn’d, himfelf fincere,. 

Now in the port the generous Gama rides j 
His ftately veflels range their pitchy fides 
Around their chief ; the bowfprits nod the head. 

And the barb’d anchors gripe the harbour’s bed. 

Strait to the king, as friends to generous friends, 

A captive Moor the valiant Gama fends. 

The Luflan fame the king already knew. 

What gulphs unknown the fleet had labour’d through, 


Book II. THE L U S I A D. 69 


What Ihelves, what tempells dared : His liberal mind 
Exults the Captain’s manly trull to find ; 

With that ennobling worth, whofe fond employ 
Befriends the brave, the Monarch owns his joy. 

Entreats the Leader and his v/eary band 
To talle the dews of fweet repofe on land. 

And all the riches of his cultured fields 
Obedient to the nod of Gama yields. 

His care meanwhile their prefent want attends. 

And various fowl, and various fruits he fends 
The oxen low, the fleecy lambkins bleat. 

And rural founds are ecchoed through the fleet. 

His gifts with joy the valiant Chief receives. 

And gifts in turn, confirming friendlhip, gives. 

Here the proud fcarlet darts its ardent rays. 

And here the purple and the orange blaze : 

O’er thefe profufe the branching coral fpread. 

The r coral wondrous in its watery bed : 

Soft there it creeps, in curving branches thrown j 
In air it hardens to a precious Hone. 

With thefe an Herald, on whofe melting tongue 
The a copious rhet’ric of Arabia hung, 

z The coral 'wondrous in its 'watery led 

Vi men erat dum Jiagna fubit, procejfcrat undis 

Gemma fuit. Claud. 

Sic et coralium, quo primum contigit auras , 

Tempore durefcit, mollis fuit herb a fub undis. Ovid. 

* Tie copious rhetoric of Arabia There were on board Gama’s fleet feveral perfons 

{killed in the Oriental Language*. Ofor . 


7 o 

Book IL 

T H E 1 ' L U S I A D. 

He fends, his wants and'purpofe to reveal. 

And holy vows of lafting peace to feal. 

The Monarch fits amid his fplendid bands. 

Before the regal throne the Herald ftands. 

And thus, as eloquence his lips infpired, 

O King ! he cries, for facred truth admired, 

Ordain’d by heaven to bend the ftubborn knees 
Of haughtieft nations to thy juft decrees ; 

Fear’d as thou art, yet fet by heaven to prove 
That Empire’s ftrength refults from Public love : 

To thee, O King, for friendly aid we come ; 

Nor lawlefs Robbers o’er the deep we roam : 

No luft of gold could e’er our breafts inflame 
To fcatter fire and daughter where we came ; 

Nor fword, nor fpear our harmlefs hands employ 
To feize the carelefs, or the weak deftroy. 

At our moft potent Monarch’s dread command 
We fpread the fail from lordly Europe’s ftrand : 
Through feas unknown, through gulphs untry’d before, 
We force our journey to the Indian fhore. 

Alas, what rancour fires the human breaft ! 

By what ftern tribes are Afric’s fhores pofleft ! 

How many a wile they try’d, how many a fnare ! 
Not wifdom fav’d us, ’twas the heaven’s own care : 

Book II. 

THE bL U S I A D. 

7 1 

Not harbours only, e’en the barren fan ds 
A place of reft deny’d our weary bands : 

From us, alas, what harm could prudence fear ! 

From us fo few, their numerous friends fo near ! 

While thus from fhore to cruel fhore long driven. 

To thee conducted by a guide from heaven. 

We come, O Monarch, of thy truth allured. 

Of hofpitable rites by heaven fecured ; 

Such 1 rites as old Alcinous’ palace graced. 

When lorn Ulyffes fat his favour’d gueft. 

Nor deem, O King, that cold fufpicion taints 
Our valiant Leader, or his wifh prevents : 

Great is our Monarch, and his dread command 

'*'• ■ * *» -U..S n . .o ...j 4 'j4.. /;•/ .■ tit ’j j . 

To our brave Captain interdicts the land 

• J ' 'LO.jf .... .... r.'.o. 

Till Indian earth he tread : What nobler caufe 

i - ■ J - • - • - * ; • '■ < .. . * . . . • • • 

Than loyal faith can wake thy fond applaufe, 

’l " " * . * . 1 lift - ■ - c. . 4 . _ 4 ' j 

O thou, who knoweft the ever-preffing weight 


Of kingly b office, and the cares of hate ! < 

And hear, ye. confcious heavens, if Gama’s heart 
Forget thy kinanefs, or from truth depart. 

* See the Eighth Odyffey, Sec. 
b Of kingly office — Camera’s note on this 
place is To chara&eriftical of a Frenchman, 
that the Reader will perhaps be pleafed to. 
fee it tranfcribed. In his text he fays, 
•I To, qui occupcs fi dignement le rang fu~ 
prema — In the note he thus apologifes,. 
“ Le Poete dit, ( Tens de Rey o officio, Toi qui 
“ fats le metier de Roi — The Foot fays, thou 
“ who holdefl the bufinefs of a king. “ I 
“ confefs I found a ftrong inclination to 
“ tranflate this fentencc literally. I find 
“ much noblenefs in it. However, I fub- 
“ mitted to the opinion of fome friends, 

ce who were afraid that the ears of French- 
“ men would be fhocked at the word buji- 
“ nefs applied to a King. It is true, ne- 
“ verthelefs, that Royalty is a bujinefs. 
“ Philip II. of Spain was convinced of it, 
“ as we may difcern from one of his letters. 
lt Hallo, fays he, me muy embnracado, &c. 
“ / am Jo entangled and incumbered < with 
“ the multiplicity of bufinefs , that I have 
“ not a moment to myfelf In truth,- we 
“ kings hold a laborious effee, there is little 
“ reafon to envy us." May the politenefs 
of England never be difgufted with the word 
bufinefs applied to a king ! 



Book II. 



The facred light £hall perifh from the Sun, 

And Rivers to the fea fhall ceafe to c run. 

He fpoke ; a murmur of applaufe fucceeds. 

And each with wonder own’d the val’rous deeds 
Of that bold race, whofe flowing vanes had wav’d 
Beneath fo many a Sky, fo many an Ocean brav’d. 
Nor lefs the King their loyal faith reveres. 

And Lifboa’s Lord in awful fliate appears, 

Whofe leaft command on fartheft fhores obey’d. 
His fovereign grandeur to the world difplay’d. 

Elate with joy, uprofe the royal Moor, 

And, fmrling, thus, — O welcome to my fhore ! 

If yet in you the fear of treafon dwell. 

Far from your thoughts th’ ungenerous fear expel : 
Still with the brave, the brave will honour find. 
And equal ardour will their friendfhip bind. 

c The Herald's fpeech — — The propriety 
and artfulnefs of Homer’s fpeeches have 
been often and juftly admired. Camoens 
is peculiarly happy in the fame department 
of the Epopaeia. The fpeech of Gama’s 
herald to the King of Melinda is a ftriking 
inftance of it. The compliments with 
which it begins have a direct tendency to 
the favours afterwards to be afked. The 
aiTurance of the innocence, the purpofe of 
the Voyagers, and the greatnefs of their 
king, are happily touched. The exclama- 
tion on the barbarous treatment they had 
experienced, “ Not vvifdom faved us, but 
heaven’s own care,” are mafterly infinua- 
tions. Their barbarous treatment is again 
repeated in a manner to move compaffion : 
Alas ! what could they fear, Sec. is reafon- 

ing joined with the pathos. That they 
were conducted to the King of Melinda by 
heaven, and were by heaven affured of his 
truth, is a mod delicate compliment, and 
in the true fpirit of the Epic Poem. The 
allufion to Alcinous is well timed. The 
apology for Gama’s refufal to come on 
Ihore, is exceeding artful. It conveys a 
proof of the greatnefs of the Portuguefe 
Sovereign, and affords a compliment to 
Loyalty, which could not fail to be accept- 
able to a Monarch. In fhort, the whole of 
the fpeech fupplicatcs warmly, but at the 
fame time in the moll manly manner ; and 
the adjuration concludes it with all the ap- 
pearance of warmth and fincerity. Eufta- 
thius would have written a whole chapter 
on fuch a fpeech in the Iliad or Odyffey. 


Book II. 



But thofe who fpurn’d you, men alone in fhew. 

Rude as the beflial herd, no worth they know; 

Such dwell not here : and fince your laws require 
Obedience ftridt, I yield my fond defire. 

Though much I wifh’d your Chief to grace my board. 
Fair be his duty to his fovereign Lord : 

Yet when the morn walks forth with dewy feet 
My barge fhall waft me to the warlike fleet ; 

There fhall my longing eyes the heroes view. 

And holy vows the mutual peace renew. 

What from the bluftering winds and lengthening tide 
Your fhips have fuffer’d, fhall be here fupply’d. 

Arms and provifions I myfelf will fend. 

And, great of fkill, a Pilot fhall attend. 

So fpoke the King : And now, with purpled ray, 
Beneath the fhining wave the god of day 
Retiring, left the evening fhades to fpread ; 

And to the fleet the joyful herald fped : 

To find fuch friends each bread: with rapture glows, 
The feaft is kindled, and the goblet flows j 
The trembling comet’s imitated rays 
Bound to the fkies, and trail a fparkling blaze : 

The vaulting bombs awake their ileeping fire. 

And like the Cyclops’ bolts, to heaven afpire : 



T H E 

L U S I A D. 

Book IL 


The Bombadeers their roaring engines ply. 

And earth and ocean thunder to the iky. 

The trump and fyfe’s fhrill clarion far around 
The glorious mufic of the fight refound. 

Nor lefs the joy Melinda’s fons difplay, 

The fulphur burils in many an ardent ray* 

And to the heaven afcends in whizzing gyres. 

And Ocean dames with artificial fires. 

In feftive war the fea and land engage. 

And ecchoing iliouts confefs the joyful rage. 

So pail: the night : and now with filvery ray 
The Star of morning uihers in the day. 

The ihadows fly before the rofeate hours. 

And the chill dew hangs glittering on the flowers : 
The pruning hook or humble fpade to wield. 

The chearful labourer hailens to the field ; 

When to the fleet with many a founding oar 
The Monarch fails ; the natives croud the ihore. 
Their various robes in one bright fplendor join. 

The purple blazes, and the gold-ftripes iliine y 
Nor as ilern warriors with the quivering lance. 

Or moon-arch’d bow, Melinda’s fons advance ; 
Green boughs of palm with joyful hands they wave, 
An omen of the meed that crowns the Brave. 

Fair was the ihow the royal Barge difplay ’d. 

With many a flag of gliftening filk array’d. 


Book II. 



Whofe various hues, as waving thro’ the bay. 
Return’d the luftre of the rifing day : 

And onward as they came, in fovereign ftate 
The mighty King amid his Princes fate : 

His robes the pomp of eaftern fplendor fhew* 

A proud Tiara decks his lordly brow : 

The various tiflue fliines in every fold. 

The filken luftre and the rays of gold. 

His purple mantle boafts the dye of Tyre, 

And in the fun-beam glows with living fire. 

A golden chain, the fldlful Artift’s pride. 

Hung from his neck ; and glittering by his fide 
The dagger’s hilt of ftar-bright diamond fhone. 

The girding baldric burns with precious ftone ; 

And precious ftone in ftuds of gold enchafed. 

The lhaggy velvet of his bufkins graced : 

Wide o’er his head, of various filks inlaid, 

A fair umbrella caft a grateful fhade. 

A band of menials, bending o’er the prow. 

Of horn-wreath’d round the crooked trumpets blow j 
And each attendant barge aloud rebounds 
A barbarous difcord of rejoicing founds. 

With equal pomp the Captain leaves the fleet, 
Melinda’s Monarch on the tide to greet : 

His barge nods on amidft a fplendid train, 

Himfelf adorn’d in all the pride of Spain : 

L 2 


L U S I A D. 

Book IT. 

7 6 T I-I E 

With fair embroidery d Ihone his armed breaft, 

For polifh’d Heel fupply’d the warrior’s veld 3 
His fleeves, beneath, were filk of paly blue. 

Above, more loofe, the purple’s brightcft hue 
Hung as a fcarf, in equal gatherings roll’d. 

With golden buttons and with loops of gold : 

Bright in the Sun the polifh’d radiance burns. 

And the dimm’d eye-ball from the luftre turns. 

Of crimfon fattin, dazzling to behold. 

His calToc fwell’d in many a curving fold; 

The make was Gallic, but the lively bloom 
Confelt the labour of Venetia’s loom : 

Gold was his fword, and warlike trowfers laced 
With thongs of gold his manly legs embraced : 

With graceful mien his cap allant was turn’d 3 
The velvet cap a nodding plume adorn’d. 

His noble afpeft, and the purple’s ray, 

Amidft his train the gallant Chief bewray. 

The various veftments of the warrior train, 

Like flowers of various colours on the plain. 

Attract the pleafed beholders wondering eye. 

And with the fplendor of the rainbow vie. 

* With fair embroidery Jhone his armed “ edged with velvet, all fl allied, through 

breaf Camoens feems to have his eye “ which appears the crimfon lining, the 

on the picture of Gama, which is thus de- “ doublet of crimfon fattin, and over it 

fcribed by Faria y Soufa . “ He is painted “ his armour inlaid with gold.” 

“ with a black cap/ cloak and breeches 


Book II. 



Now Gama’s bands the quivering trumpet blow, 

Thick o’er the wave the crowding barges row. 

The Moorifh flags the curling waters fweep. 

The Luflan mortars thunder o’er the deep ; 

Again the fiery roar heaven’s concave tears. 

The Moors afionifla’d Hop their wounded ears : 

Again loud thunders rattle o’er the bay, 

And clouds of fmoke wide-rolling blot the day ; 

The Captain’s barge the generous King afcends. 

His arms the Chief enfold; the Captain bends, 

A reverence to the fcepter’d grandeur due : 

In lilent awe the Monarch’s wondering view 
Is fixt e on Vasco’s noble mien ; the while 
His thoughts with wonder weigh the Hero’s toil. 

Efteem and friend (hip with his wonder rife. 

And free to Gama all his kingdom lies. 

Though never fon of Lufus’ race before 
Had met his eye, or trod Melinda’s fhore. 

To him familiar was the mighty name. 

And much his talk extols the Lufian fame ; 

How through the vafl: of Afric’s wildefi: bound 
Their deathlefs feats in gallant arms refound ; 

When that fair land where Hefper’s offspring reign’d. 
Their valour’s prize the Lufian youth obtain’d. 

c The Monarch's •wondering •view is imitation of Virgil’s Dido. In 

Jixt on Vafco's noble mien — The admiration fuch preparation was neceflary t 

and friendlhip of the king of Melinda, fo the long epifodes which follow, 
much infilled on by Camoens, is a judicious 

both cafes 
i introduce 


L U S I A D. 

Book II. 

78 THE 

Much fHll he talk’d, enraptured of the theme, 
Though but the faint vibrations of their fame 
To him had ecchoed. Pleafed his warmth to view, 
Convinced his promife and his heart were true* 

The illuflrious Gama thus his foul exprefl. 

And own’d the joy that laboured in his bread: : 

Oh Thou, benign, of all the tribes alone. 

Who feel the rigour of the burning zone, 

Whofe piety, with mercy’s gentle eye 
Beholds our wants, and gives the wifh’d fupply ; 
Our navy driven from many a barbarous coafl. 

On many a tempefl-harrowed ocean tod:. 

At lad: "with thee a kindly refuge finds. 

Safe from the fury of the howling winds. 

O generous King, may He whofe mandate rolls 
The circling heavens, and human pride controuls. 
May the Great Spirit to thy bread: return 
That needful aid, bellowed on us forlorn ! 

And while yon Sun emits his rays divine. 

And while the dars in midnight azure fhine. 
Where’er my fails are flretch’d the world around. 
Thy praife fhall brighten, and thy name refound. 

He fpoke ; the painted barges fwept the food. 
Where, proudly gay, the anchored navy rode ; 
Earned: the King the lordly fleet furveys j 
The mortars thunder, and the trumpets raife 



Book II 


Their martial founds Melinda’s Tons to greet; 
Melinda’s fons with timbrels hail the fleet. 

And now no more the fulphury temped: roars; 

The boatmen leaning on the relied oars 
Breathe Ihort ; the barges now at anchor moor’d. 

The King, while fllence liflen’d round, implored 
The glories of the Lufian wars to hear, 

Whofe fainted: ecchoes long had pleafed his ear : 
Their various triumphs on the Afric Ihore 
O’er thofe who hold the fon of Hagar’s lore. 

Fond he demands, and now demands again 
Their various triumphs on the weftern main : 

Again, ere readied: anfwer found a place. 

He afks the ftory of the Lufian race ; 

What God was founder of the mighty line. 

Beneath what heaven their land, what Ihores adjoin ; 
And what their climate, where the finking day 
Gives the lad: glimpfe of twilight’s filvery ray. 

But mod:, O Chief, the zealous Monarch cries. 

What raging feas you braved, what louring Ikies ; 
What tribes, what rites you faw ; what favage hate 
On our rude Afric proved your haplefs fate : 

Oh tell, for lo, the chilly dawning liar 
Yet rides before the morning’s purple car ; 

And o’er the wave the fun’s bold courfers raife 
Their flaming fronts, and give the opening blaze ; 



T H E 

L U S I A D , 

Book. II 

Soft on the glaflfy wave the zephyrs lleep. 

And the Hill billows holy filence keep. 

Nor lefs are we, undaunted Chief, prepared 
To hear thy nation’s gallant deeds declared ; 

Nor think, tho’ fcorch’d beneath the car of day, 

Our minds too dull the debt of praife to pay; 

Melinda’s fons the ted: of greatnefs know. 

And on the Lillian race the palm bellow. 

If Titan’s f giant brood with impious arms 
Shook high Olympus’ brow with rude alarms ; 

If Thefeus and Perithous dared invade 
The difmal horrors of the Stygian fhade. 

Nor lefs your glory, nor your boldnefs lefs* 

That thus exploring Neptune’s lafb recefs 
Contemn his waves and tempells ! If the thirll 
To live in fame, though famed for deeds accurll, 

Could urge the caitiff, who to win a name 
Gave Dian’s temple to the walling flame : 

If fuch the ardour to attain renown. 

How bright the lullre of the hero’s crown, 

Whofe deeds of fair emprife his honours raife. 

And bind his brows, like thine, with deathlefs bays ! 

f For a defence of the king of Melinda’s learning, ignorantly objected to by Voltaire, 
Fee the Preface. 



L U S I A D. 


H now. Calliope, thy potent aid ? 

What to the King th’ illuftrious Gama faid 
Cloath in immortal verfe. With facred fire 
My breaft, if e’er it loyed thy lore, infpire : 

So may the patron of the healing art. 

The God of day to thee confign his heait j 
From thee, the Mother of his darling a Son, 

May never wandering thought to Daphne run : 

* Calliope — the Mufe of Epic Poefy, and 
mother of Orpheus. Daphne, daughter of 
the river Peneus, flying from Apollo, was 
turned into the laurel. Clytia was meta- 
jnorphofed into the Sun-flower, and Leu- 

cothoe, who was buried alive by her Father 
for yielding to the felicitations of Apollo s 
was by her Lover changed into an Incenfe 
tree. The phvficaJ meaning of thefa fables- 
is obvious. 






Book III. 

May never Clytia, nor Leucothoe’s pride 
Henceforth with thee his changeful love divide. 
Then aid, O faired: Nymph, my fond defire. 

And give my verfe the Lufian warlike fire : 

Fired by the Song, the liftening world fihall know 
That Aganippe’s ftreams from Tagus flow. 

Ch, let no more the flowers of Pindus fhine 
On thy fair bread:, or round thy temples twine : 
On Tago’s banks a richer chaplet blows. 

And with the tuneful God my bofom glows : 

I feel, I feel the mighty power infufe. 

And bathe my fpirit in Aonian dews ! 

Now filence wooed th’ illuflrious Chief’s reply* 
And keen attention watch’d on every eye ; 

When flowly turning with a modeft grace. 

The noble Vasco raifed his manly face; 

0 mighty King, he cries, at thy b command 
The martial ftory of my native land 

1 tdl ; but more my doubtful heart had joy’d 
Had other wars my praifeful lips employ’d. 

When men the honours of their race commend. 
The doubts of ftrangers on the tale attend : 

O mighty king., he cries — — — The pre- 
face to the fpeech of Gama, and the de- 
scription of Europe which follows, are happy 
imitations of the manner of Homer. When 
Camoens defcribes countries, or mufters an 

army, it is after the example of the great 
models of antiquity : By adding fome cha- 
rafteriftical feature of the climate or people, 
he renders his narrative pleafing, piftu- 
refque, and poetical. 


Book III. 



Yet though relu&ance faulter on my tongue. 

Though day would fail a narrative fo long, 

Yet well allured no fi&ion’s glare can raife. 

Or give my country’s fame a brighter praife ; 

Though lefs, far lefs, whate’er my lips can fay, 
Than truth muft give it, I thy will obey. 

Between that zone, where endlefs winter reigns. 
And that, where flaming heat confumes the plains ; 
Array’d in green, beneath indulgent Ikies, 

The Queen of arts and arms fair Europe lies. 

Around her northern and her weftern Ihores, 
Throng’d with the finny race old Ocean roars ; 

The midland fea, where tide ne’er fwell’d the waves, 
Her richefl: lawns, the fouthern border, laves. 
Again!! the rifing morn, the northmofl: bound 
The whirling Tanais parts from Allan ground, 

As tumbling from the Scythian mountains cold 
Their crooked way the rapid waters hold 
To dull Maeotis’ lake : Her eaftern line 
More to the fouth, the Phrygian waves confine ; 
Thofe waves, which, black with many a navy, bore 
The Grecian heroes to the Dardan Ihore ; 

Where now the feaman rapt in mournful joy 
Explores in vain the fad remains of Troy. 

M 2 



Book HI. 


Wide to the north beneath the pole fhe fpreads ; 
Here piles of mountains rear their rugged heads. 
Here winds on winds in endlefs tempefts rowl. 

The valleys figh, the lengthening echoes howl. 

On the rude cliffs with froffy fpangles grey, 

Weak as the twilight gleams the folar ray ; 

Each mountain’s bread: with fnows eternal £hines, 
The ffreams and feas eternal froff confines. 

Here dwelt the numerous Scythian tribes of old, 

A dreadful race ! by vidtor ne’er controul’d, 

Whofe pride maintain’d that theirs the facred earth. 
Not that of Nile, which firft gave man his birth.' 
Here difmal Lapland fpreads a dreary wild. 

Here Norway’s waftes where harveft never fmil’d, 
Whofe groves of fir in gloomy horror frown. 

Nod o’er the rocks, and to the temped: groan. 

Here Scandia’s clime her rugged fhores extends,. 
And far projected, through the Ocean bends ; 
Whofe fons’ dread footdeps yet Aufonia c wears. 
And yet proud Rome in mournful ruin bears. 

c Whofe Jons’ dread footfeps yet Aufonia 
‘wears — In the year 409 the city of Rome 
was lacked, and Italy laid defolate by Ala- 
ric, king of the Scandian and other northern 
tribes. In mentioning this circumilance 
Camoens has not fallen into the common 
error of little Poets, who on every occafion 
bewail the outrage which, the Goths and 
Vandals did to the Arts and Sciences. ^Thofe 
arts and fciences, hoyvever, which give 
vigour to the mind, long ere the irruption of 

the northern tribes, were in the moft languid 
hate. The Southern nations of Europe were 
funk into the moft contemptible degeneracy. 
The Sciences, with every branch of manly 
literature, werealmoft unknown. For near 
two centuries no Poet or Writer of note 
had adorned the Roman Empire. Thofe 
arts only, the abufe of which have a certain 
and fatal tendency to enervate the mind, the 
artsofMuftc and Cookery, were pallionately 
cultivated in all the refinements of effemi- 



When fummer bunds ftern winter’s icy chain* 
Here the bold Swede, the Prudian^ and the Dane 
Ho ill the white fail, and plough the foamy way,. 
Chear’d by whole months of one continual day.. 
Between thefe fhores and Tanais’ rufhing tide 
Livonia’s fons and Ruflia’s hords relide.. 

Stern as their clime the tribes, whofe lires of yore 
The name, far dreaded, of Sarmatians bore. 
Where, famed of old, th’ Hircinian forefl: lour’d,. 

Oft feen in arms the Polilh troops are pour’d 
Wide foraging the downs. The Saxon race, 
The Hungar dextrous in the wild-boar chace^ 

nate abufe. The art of war was too labo- 
rious for their delicacy, and the generous 
warmth of heroifm and patriotifm was in- 
compatible with their effeminacy. Who- 
ever reads the hiilory of the later emperors 
of Rome will find it hard to explain how 
minds illuminated, as it is pretended, by 
letters and Science, could at the fame time 
be fo broken as to fuffer the b a fell fubje&ion 
to fuch weak and wanton tyrants. That 
the general mind of the empire did fuffer, 
for feveral centuries, the weakeft and moll 
capricious tyranny is a fa£t beyond difpute, 
a faft, which moll llrongly marks their de- 
generated charafter. On thefe defpicable 
Sybarites * the North poured her brave and 
hardy fons, who, though ignorant of polite 
literature, were poffeffed of all the manly b 
virtues of the Scythians in a high degree. 
Under their conquelts Europe wore a new 
and a vigorous face ; and which however 
rude, was infinitely preferable to that lan- 
guid, and fickly female countenance, which 
it had lately worn. Even the ideas of civil 
liberty were loll. But the rights of man- 

kind were claimed, however rude their 
laws, by the Northern invaders. And 
however Ignorance may talk of their bar- 
barity, it is to them that England owes her 
conllitution, which, as Montefquieu ob- 
ferves, they brought from the woods of 
Saxony. The fpirit of gallantry fand ro- 
mantic attachment to the fair fex, which dif- 
tinguilhed the Northern Heroes* will make 
their manners admired, while, confideredin 
the fame point, the polilhed ages of Greece 
and Rome excite our horror and detellation. 
To add. no more, it is to the irruption of 
thefe brave barbarians that modern Europe 
owes thofe remains of the fpirit of Liberty, 
and fome other of the greatell advantages, . 
which Ihe may at prefent poffefs. They 
introduced a vigour of mind, which under ' 
the confequences of the Crufades, and a va- 
riety of other caufes, has not only been 
able to revive the arts, and improve every 
fcience, but has alfo inveltigated and afeer- • 
tained the political interell and rights of 
mankind, in a manner unknown to the 
brightelt ages of the ancient world. 

a S^haris, a city in Grecia Magna, whofe inhabitants were fo effeminate, that thty ordered all the cocks 
to be killed, that they might not be difhirbed by their early crowing, 
b See Wartou’s Hill. Eng. Poetry. Differt. II. p. 3. 



Book III, 

The various nations whom the Rhine's cold wave 
The Elbe, Amafis, and the Danube lave, 

Of various tongues, for various princes known. 

Their mighty Lord the German emperor own. 

Between the Danube and the lucid tide 
Where haplefs Helle left her name, and died. 

The dreadful god of battles’ kindred race.. 

Degenerate now, poflefs the hills of Thrace. 

.Mount Haemus here, and Rhodope renown’d, 

And proud Byzantium, long with empire crown’d $ 

Their ancient pride, their ancient virtue fled, 

Dow to the Turk now bend the fervile head. 

Here fpread the fields of warlike Macedon, 

And here thofe happy lands where genius Ihone 
In all the arts, in all the Mufe’s charms. 

In all the pride of elegance and arms. 

Which to the heavens refounded Grecia’s name. 

And left in every age a deathlefs fame. 

The ftern Dalmatians till the neighbouring ground i 
And where Antenor anchor’d in the found. 

Proud Venice as a queen majeflic towers, 

And o’er the trembling waves her thunder pours. 

For learning glorious, glorious for the fword, 

While Rome’s proud monarch reign’d the world’s dread lord, 
Here Italy her beauteous landfcapes Ihews $ 

Around her fides his arms old Ocean throws j 


Book III. 



The dafhing waves the ramparts aid fupply ; 

The hoary Alps, high towering to the iky. 

From Ihore to fhore a rugged barrier fpread. 

And lour deftrudtion on the hoftile tread. 

But now no more her hoflile fpirit burns 5 
There now the faint in humble vefpers mourns ; 

To heaven more grateful than the pride of wai> 

And all the triumphs of the Victor’s car. 

Onward fair Gallia opens to the view 
Her groves of olive, and her vineyards blue : 

Wide fpread her harvefts o’er the fcenes renown’d. 
Where Julius proudly ftrode with laurel crown’d. 

Here Seyn,' — how fair when gliftening to the moon !. 
Rolls his white wave ; and here the cold Garoon i. 

Here the deep Rhine the flowery margin laves j 
And here the rapid Rhone impervious raves. 

Here the gruff mountains, faithlefs to the vows 
Of loft Pyrene d rear their cloudy brows ; 

Whence, when of old the flames their woods devour’d. 
Streams of red gold and melted fil.ver pour’d. 

And now, as head of all the lordly train 
Of e Europe’s realms, appears illuflrious Spain.. 

d Faithlefs to the njonxs of lojl Pyrene , &c. 
— She was daughter to Bebryx, a king of 
Spain, and concubine to Hercules. Hav- 
ing one day wandered from her lover, (he 
was deftroyed by wild bealis, on one of the 
mountains which bear her name. Diodorus 
Siculus, and others, derive the name of the 
Pyreneans from nlf, fire. To fupport which 
etymology they relate, that bv the negli- 

gence of fome Ihepherds the antient forelts 
on thefe mountains were fet on fire, and 
burned with fuch vehemence, that the melt- 
ed metals fpouted out and ran down from 
the fides of the hills. The allufion to this 
old tradition is in the true fpirit of Homer 
and Virgil. C. 

e Of Europe's realms — It is remarkable, 
that in this defeription of Europe, England 


Book IIL 

$3 THE L U S 1 A D. 

, /* 

Alas, what various fortunes has die known ! 

Yet ever did her fons her wrongs atone ; 

Short was the triumph of her haughty foes. 

And hill with fairer bloom her honours rofe. 

Where, lock'd with land the ftruggling currents boil. 
Fam’d for the godlike Theban’s lateft f toih 
Againft one coafl the Punic brand extends. 

And round her bread: the midland ocean bends : 
Around her fhores two various oceans fwell, 

And various nations in her bofom dwell j 
Such deeds of valour dignify their names. 

Each the imperial right of honour claims. 

Proud Arragon, who twice her ftandard reared 
In conquer’d Naples j and for art revered, 

Galicia’s prudent fons j the fierce Navar s 
And he far dreaded in the Moorifh war, 

The bold Afturian s nor Sevilia’s race, 

Nor thine, Granada, claim the fecond place. 

Here too the heroes who command the plain 
By Beds water’d j here, the pride of Spain, 

The brave Caftilian paufes o’er his fword. 

His country’s dread deliverer and lord. 

fhould be entirely omitted 5 of fo little con- the political fcale did ihe then 
feem. The time when Camoens wrote this 
may be eftiroated from the beginning of the 
feventh Book, which appears to have been 
written in the reign of Henry VIII. though 
the Lufiad was not publiihed till the four- 
teenth of Elifttbeth, 

1 The Theban's l at eft to!!.*- Hercules, fays 
the fable, to crown his labours, feparated 
the two mountains Calpe and Abyla, the 
one now in Spain, the other in Africa, in 
order to open a canal for the benefit of 
commerce. Upon this opening, the ocean 
ruihed in, and formed the Mediterranean, 
♦he Egean, and Eusin fens. 


Book III. 



Proud o'er the reft, with fplendid wealth array’d, 

As crown to this wide empire, Europe’s head. 

Fair Lufitania fmiles, the weftern bound, 

Whofe verdant breaft the rolling waves furround. 

Where gentle evening pours her lambent ray. 

The laft pale gleaming of departing day : 

This, this, O mighty King, the facred earth. 

This the loved parent-foil that gave me birth. 

And oh, would bounteous heaven my prayer regard, 

And fair fuccefs my perilous toils reward. 

May that dear land my lateft breath receive. 

And give my weary bones a peaceful grave. 

Sublime the honours of my native land. 

And high in heaven’s regard her heroes (land ; 

By e heaven’s decree ’twas theirs the firft to quell 
The Moorifh tyrants, and from Spain expel ; 

Nor could their burning wilds conceal their flight. 

Their burning wilds confeft the Luflan might. 

From Lufus famed, whofe honour’d name we bear, 

(The fon of Bacchus or the bold compeer,) 

The glorious name of Lufltania rofe, 

A name tremendous to the Roman foes, 

e By hea'v'ns decree This boaft is ac- of the favour with which heaven had 

cording to the truth of hiftory. In the crowned their defence of the Catholic faith, 

days of Portuguefc heroifm, this firft expul- See the Preface. 

Aon of the Moors was efteemed as a mark 





When her bold troops the valiant fhepherd led. 

And foul with rout the Roman eagles fled ; 

When haughty Rome atchiev’d the treacherous f blow. 
That own’d her terror of the matchlefs foe. 

But when no more her Viriatus fought. 

Age after age her deeper thraldom brought ; 

Her broken fons by ruthlefs tyrants fpurn’d. 

Her vineyards languifh’d, and her paftures mourn’d ; 
Till time revolving raifed her drooping head. 

And o’er the wondering world her conquefts fpread. 
Thus rofe her power : the lands of lordly Spain 
Were now the brave Alonzo’s wide domain ; 

Great were his honours in the bloody fight. 

And Fame proclaim’d him champion of the right. 

And oft the groaning Saracen’s proud creft 
And fhatter’d mail his awful force confefi:. 

From Calpe’s fummits to the Cafpian fhore 
Loud-tongued Renown his godlike atddons bore. 

And many a chief from diflant regions £ came 
To fhare the laurels of Alonzo’s fame , 

! — the treacherous blow——— The 

affaflination of Viriatus. See the note on 
Book i. p. 12. 

g And. many a chief from difant regions 

came Don Alonzo, king of Spain, ap- 

prehenfive of the luperior number of the 
Moors, with whom he was at war, de- 
manded affiltance from Philip I. of France, 
and of the duke of Burgundy. According 
to the military fpirit of the nobility of that 
age, no fooner was his defire known than 
numerous bodies of troops thronged to his 
ftandard, Thefe, in the courfe of a few 

years, having fhewn fignal proofs of their 
courage, the king difiinguifhed the leaders 
with different marks of his regard. To 
Henry, a younger fon of the duke of Bur- 
gundy, he gave his daughter Terefa in mar- 
riage, with the fovereignty of the countries 
to the fouth of Galicia, commiffioning him 
to enlarge his boundaries by the expulfion of 
the infidels. Under the government of this 
great man, who reigned by the title of 
Count, his dominion was greatly enlarged, 
and became more rich and populous than 
before. The two provinces of Entro Minho 

e Douroy 

Book III. 



Yet more for holy Faith’s unfpotted caufe 
Their fpears they wielded, than for Fame's applaufe. 
Great were the deeds their thundering arms difplay’d. 
And ftill their foremofl fwords the battle fway’d. 

And now to honour with diflinguifhed meed 
Each hero’s worth, the generous king decreed. 

The firft and braved: of the foreign bands 
Hungaria’s younger fon brave Henry h flands. 

To him are given the fields where Tagus flows. 

And the glad King his daughter’s hand bellows ; 

The fair Terefa fhines his blooming bride. 

And owns her father’s love, and Henry’s pride. 

e Dcure, and Fra lot Montes, were fubdued, 
with that part of Beira which was held by the 
Moorifh king of Lamego, whom heconftrain- 
ed to pay tribute. Many thoufands of Chrif- 
tians, who had fled to the mountains, took 
Ihelter under the protettion of Count Henry. 
Great multitudes of the Moors alfo chofe 
to fubmit and remain in their native country 
under a mild government. Thefe advan- 
tages, added to the great fertility of the 
foil of Henry’s dominions, will account for 
the numerous armies and the frequent wars 
of the firft fovcreigns of Portugal. 

h Hungaria' s younger fon Camoens, in 

making the founder of the Portuguefe mo- 
narchy a younger fon of the King of Hun- 
gary, has followed the old chronologift 
Galvan. The Spanifti and Portuguefe his- 
torians differ widely in their accounts of 
the parentage of this gallant ftranger. Some 
bring him from Conllantinople, and others 
from the houfe of Lorain. But the cleared 
and mod probable account of him is in the 
chronicle of F/eury, wherein is prcfervcd 
a fragment of French hiftory, written by a 
Bencditline monk in the beginning of tire 
twelfth century, and in the time of Count 

Henry. By this it appears, that he was a 
younger fon of Henry, the only fon of 
Robert, the firft duke of Burgundy, who 
was a younger brother of Henry I. of France, 
Fanlhaw, having an eye to this hiftory, has 
taken the unwarrantable liberty to alter the 
fatt as mentioned by his author. 

A/nongfl tbefe Henry, faith the hiflory, 

A younger fon of France, and a brave prince , 

Had Portugal in lot. 

And the fame king did his ovon daughter tie 
To him in wedlock, to infer from thence 
His frmer love 

Nor are hiftorians agreed on the birth of 
Donna Terefa, the fpoufe of Count Henry. 
Brandam, and other Portuguefe hiftorians, 
are at great pains to prove that Are was the 
legitimate daughter of Alonzo and the beau- 
tiful Ximena de Gnzrrian. But it appears 
from the more authentic chronicle of Fleury , 
that Ximena was only his concubine. And 
it is evident from all the hiftorians, that 
Donna Urraca, the heirefs of her father’s 
kingdom, was younger than her half-fifter, 
the wife of Count Henry. 

N 2 


Book IlL 


With her, befides, the fire confirms in dower 
Whate’er his fword might refcue from the Moor 
And loon on Hagar’s race the hero pours 
His warlike fury— -foon the vanquish ’d Moors 
To him far round the neighbouring lands refign, 
And heaven rewards him with a glorious line. 

To him is born, heaven’s gift, a gallant fon. 

The glorious founder of the Lufian throne. 

Nor Spain’s wide lands alone his deeds atteft, 
Delivered Judah Henry’s might 1 confeft.. 

On Jordan’s bank the vicftor-hero ftrode, 

Whofe hallowed waters bathed the Saviour-God ? t - 
And Salem’s gate her open folds difplay’d, 

When Godfrey conquer’d by the hero’s aid* 

But now no more in tented fields oppofed. 

By Tagus’ ffream his honoured age he clofed 5 
Yet ftill his dauntlefs worth, his virtue lived. 

And all the father in the fon furvived. 

And foon his worth was proved ; the parent k dame 
Avowed a fecond hymeneal flame. 

5 Deliver'd ‘Judah Henry' s might cmfeji 

His expedition to the Holy Land is men- 
tioned by fome monkifh writers, but from 
the other parts of his hiftory it is highly 
improbable. Camoens, however, fhews his 
judgment in adopting every traditionary 
circumftance that might give an air of fo- 
lemnity to his poem. 

k — — the parent dame Don Alonzo 

Enriquez, fon of Count Henry, was only 
entered into his third year when his father 
died. His mother affumed the reins of 

government, and appointed Don Fernando 
Perez de Praha to be her minifter. When 
the young prince was in his eighteenth year, 
fome of the nobility, who either envied the 
power of Don Perez, or were really of- 
fended with the reports that were fpread of 
his familiarity with the prince’s mother, of 
his intention to marry her, and to exclude 
the lawful heir, eafily perfuaded the young 
Count to take arms, and alfume the fove- 
reignty. A battle enfued, in which the 
prince was victorious. Terefa, it is faid, 


Book III. 



The low-born fpoufe aflumes the monarch’s place, 
And from the throne expels the orphan race. 

But young Alphonfo, like his fires of yore, 

(His grandfire’s virtues as his name he bore) 

Arms for the fight, his ravifti’d throne to win. 

And the laced helmet gralps his beardlefs chin^ 
Her fierceft firebrands Civil Difcord waved. 

Before her troops the luftful mother raved ; 

Loft to maternal love, and loft to ftiame. 

Unawed the faw heaven’s awful vengeance flame ; 
The brother’s fword the brother’s bofom tore. 

And fad Guimaria’s meadows blufh’d with gore ; 
With Lufian gore the Peafant’s cot was ftain’d. 

And kindred blood the facred ftirine profaned. 

Here, cruel Progne, here, O Jafon’s wife. 

Yet reeking with your childrens’ purple life. 

Here glut your eyes with deeper guilt than yours ; 
Here fiercer rage her fiercer rancour pours. 

Your crime was vengeance on the faithlefs fires. 
But here ambition with foul luft confpires. 

retired into the caftle of Legonafo , where 
fhe was taken captive by her fon, who 
condemned her to perpetual imprifonment, 
and ordered chains to be put upon her legs. 
That Don Alonzo made war againft his 
mother, van^uilhed her party, and that fhe 

died in prifon about two years after, A. D. 
1130, are certain. But the caufe of the 
war, that his mother was married to, or in- 
tended to marry Don Perez, and that fhe 
was put in chains, are uncertain. 




L U S I A D. 

.Book III. 

’Twas rage of love, O 1 Scylla, urged the kmfe 
That robb’d thy father of his fated life ; 

Here grofier rage the mother’s bread; inflames. 
And at her guiltlefs foil the vengeance aims j 
But aims in vain; her daughter’ d forces yield. 
And the brave youth rides Vidtor o’er the held. 
No more his lubjedts lift the thirdly fwora. 

And the glad realm proclaims the youthful Lord. 
But ah, how wild the noblefl tempers run ! 

His filial duty now forfakes the fon ; 

Secluded from the day, in clanking chains 
His rage the parent’s aged limbs conftrains. 

Heaven frown’d — Dark vengeance lowring on his brows. 
And dheath’d in brafs the proud Caftilian rofe, 

Refolved the rigour to his daughter dhewn. 

The battle dhould avenge, and blood atone. 
A numerous hod againfi: the prince he fped. 
The valiant prince his little army led : 

Dire was the dhock ; the deep 
And foes with foes lie grapplin 
Yet though around the Striplin 
By angel hands etherial dhields 

1 ’7 'was rage of love, O Scylla — — The 
Scylla here alluded to was, according to 
fable, the daughter of Nifus king of Me- 
gara, who had a purple lock, in which lay 
the fate of his kingdom. Minos of Crete 
made war againll him, for whom Scylla con- 

-iven helms refound, 
l on the ground, 
g’s facred head 
were fpread ; 

ceived fo violent a paflion, that fhe cut off 
the fatal lock while her father flept. Minos 
on this was victorious, but rejected the love 
of the unnatural daughter, who in defpair 
flung herfelf from a rock, and in the fall 
was changed into a lark. 


Book III. 

THE L U $ I A D. 


Though glorious triumph on his valour fmiled. 
Soon on his van the baffled Foe recoil’d : 

With bands more numerous to the field he came. 
His proud heart burning with the rage of fhame. 
And now in turn Guimaria’s lofty wall. 

That faw his triumph, faw the hero fall : 

Within the town immured, diflreft he lay. 

To flern Caflilia’s fword a certain prey. 

When now the guardian of his infant years. 

The valiant Egas, as a god appears y 
To proud Cafteel the fuppliant noble bows. 

And faithful homage for his prince he vows. 

The proud Cafteel accepts his honour’d faith. 

And peace fucceeds the dreadful fcenes of death- 
Yet well, alas, the generous Egas knew 
His high-foul’d Prince to man would never fue. 
Would never ftoop to brook the fervile ftain. 

To hold a borrow’d, a dependent reign. 

And now with gloomy afpedt rofe the day. 
Decreed the plighted fervile rites to pay ; 

When Egas to redeem his faith’s difgrace 
Devotes himfelf, his fpoufe, and infant race. 

In gowns of white, as fentenced felons clad. 
When to the flake the fons of guilt are led. 

With feet unfhod they flowly moved along. 

And from their necks the knotted halters hung. 


Book III. 

9 6 THE L U S I A D. 

And now, O King, the kneeling Egas cries. 
Behold my perjured honour’s facrifke : 

If fuch mean victims can atone thine ire, 

Here let my wife, my babes, myfelf expire. 

If generous bofoms fuch revenge can take. 
Here let them perifh for the father’s fake : 

The guilty tongue, the guilty hands are thefe. 
Nor let a common death thy wrath appeafe ; 
For us let all the rage of torture burn. 

But to my Prince, thy fon, in friendfhip turn. 

He fpoke, and bow’d his proftrate body low. 

As one who waits the lifted fabre’s blow. 

When o’er the block his languid arms are fpread. 
And death, foretafted, whelms the heart with dread. 

So great a Leader thus in humbled Bate, 
So firm his loyalty, and zeal fo great. 
The brave Alonzo’s kindled ire fubdued. 

And loft in filent joy the Monarch flood ; 

Then gave the hand, and fheath’d the hoftile fword. 

And to fuch m honour honour’d 

m And to fuch honout The Authors 

■of the Univerfal Hiftory having related the 
ftory of Egas, add, “ All this is very plea- 
fant and entertaining, but we fee no fuf- 
ficient reafon to affirm that there is one 
iyllable of it true.” 

JSut though hiftory afford no authentic 

peace reftored. 

document of this tranfa&ion, tradition, the 
Poet’s authority, is not filent. And the 
monument of Egaz in the monaftery of 
Pa5o de Souza gives it countenance. Egaz 
and his family are there reprefented, in bas 
relief, in the attitude and garb, fays Caf- 
tera, as defcribcd by Camoens. 


Book III. 



Oh Lulian faith ! oh zeal beyond compare ! 
What greater danger could die Perlian dare. 

Whofe prince in tears, to view his mangled woe. 
Forgot the joy for Babylon’s " o’erthrow. 

And now the youthful hero fhines in arms. 

The banks of Tagus eccho war’s alarms : 

O’ er Ourique’s wide campaign his enfigns wave. 

And the proud Saracen to combat brave. 

Though prudence might arraign his fiery rage 
That dared, with one, each hundred fpears engage. 
In heaven’s protecting care his courage lies. 

And heaven, his friend, fuperior force fupplies. 

Five Moorilli Kings againft him march along, 

Ifinar the nobleft of the armed throng y 

Yet each brave Monarch claim’d the Soldier's name,. 

And far o’er many a land was known to fame. 
In all the beauteous glow of blooming years, 
Befide each King a warrior ° Nymph appears ; 

* Babylon's o'er throw — When D arias 

laid feige to Babylon, one of his Lords, 
named Zopyrus, having cut off his nofe and 
ears, perfuaded the enemy that he had re- 
ceived thefe indignities from the cruelty of 
his mafter. Being appointed to a chief 
command in Babylon, he betrayed the city 
to Darius. Vid. Juftin. 

° Bejide each King a warrior Nymph ap- 
peal s The Spanifh and Portuguefe his- 

tories afford fevcral inftances of the Moorifh 
Chiefs being attended in the field of battle 
by their miftrcfles, and of the romantic 
gallantry and Amazonian courage of thefe 
ladies. Where this is mentioned, the name 
of George de Sylveyra ought to be record- 

ed. When the Portuguefe aflifted the king 
of Melinda againft his enemy of Oja, they 
gave a fignal defeat to the Moors in a foreft 
of palm trees. In the purfuit Sylveyra faw 
a Moor leading off a beautiful young wo- 
man through a bye path of the wood. He 
purfued, and the Moor perceiving his dan- 
ger, difeovered the moft violent agitation 
for the fafety of his miftrefs, whom he en- 
treated to Hy while he fought his enemyt 
But fhe with equal emotion refufed to leave 
him, and perfifted in the refolution to ihare 
his fate. Sylveyra, ftruck with this tender 
ftrife of affection, generoufly left them, ex- 
claiming, God forbid thus sue /word Jhould 
interrupt t'aih love / 



Book III. 

Each with her fword her valiant Lover guards. 

With fmiles infpires him, and with fmiles rewards. 

Such was the valour of the beauteous p Maid, 

Whofe warlike arm proud Ilion’s fate delay’d:. 

Such in the held the virgin warriors fhone. 

Who drank the limpid wave of q Thermodon, 

’Twas morn’s hill hour, before the dawning grey 
The liars’ bright twinkling radiance died away y 
When lo, refplendent in the heaven ferene. 

High o’er the Prince the facred Crofs was feen ; 

The godlike Prince with faith’s warm glow inflamed. 

Oh, not to me, my bounteous God, exclaim’d. 

Oh, not to me, who well thy grandeur know. 

But to the Pagan herd thy wonders Ihew ! 

The Luiian holf, enraptured, mark’d the fign 
That witnefs’d to their Chief the aid divine : 

Right on the foe they fhake the beamy lance. 

And with firm ftrides, and heaving breafls, advance 
Then buril the filence. Hail, O King, they cry ; 

Our King, our King, the ecchoing dales reply. 

Fired at the found, with fiercer ardour glows 
The heaven-made Monarch j on the warelefs foes 

p 7 'be beauteous maid ■ Penthefilea, was killed by Achilles. 

Queen of the Amazons, who, after having t Tbermodou, — A river of Scythia in the 
fignalized her valour at the feige of Troy, country of the Amazons. 


Book III. 



Rufhing, he fpeeds his ardent bands along : 

So when the chace excites the ruftic throng, 

Roufed to fierce madnefs by their mingled cries. 

On the wild bull the red-eyed maftiff flies : 

The ftern-brow’d tyrant roars and tears the ground. 
His watchful horns portend the deathful wound ; 
The nimble maftifF, fpringing on the foe. 

Avoids the furious fharpnefs of the blow : 

Now by the neck, now by the gory fides 
Hangs fierce, and all his bellowing rage derides : 

In vain his eye-balls burn with living fire. 

In vain his noftrils clouds of fmoke refpire ; 

His gorge torn down, down falls the furious prize 
With r hollow thundering found, and raging dies. 
Thus on the Moors the hero rufh’d along, 

Th’ aftonifh’d Moors in wild confufion throng ; 
They fnatch their arms, the hafty trumpet founds, 
With horrid yell the dread alarm rebounds ; 

The warlike tumult maddens o’er the plain. 

As when the flame devours the bearded grain : 

The nightly flames the whiffling winds infpire. 
Fierce through the braky thicket pours the fire : 

r It may, perhaps, be agreeable to the 
Reader to fee Homer's defcription of a Bull 
overpowered, as tranfiated by Pope. 

As when a lion , rujbing from bis den, 

Amidfl the plain of feme wide-water'd fen, 

( Where num'rous oxen, as at eafe they feed. 
At large expatiate o'er the ranker mead ■,) 

Leaps on the herds before the herdfmans eyes ; 
The trembling herdfman far to difiance flies ; 
Some lordly bull ( the rejl difpers'd and fled) 
He fingles out, arrefls, and lays him dead. 
Thus from the rage of Jove-like He A or flew 
All Greece in heaps ; but one he J'eiAd, and Jlew 
Mycenian Per ip has. Pope. II. XV. 

O 2 Rous’d! 

’ IOO 


Book III. 

Rous’d by the crackling of the mounting blaze. 

From fleep the fhepherds ftart in wild amaze ; 

They fnatch their cloaths with many a woeful cry. 

And fcatter’d devious to the mountains flv. 

Such fudden dread the trembling Moors alarms. 

Wild and confufed they fnatch the neared; arms; 

Yet flight they fcorn, and eager to engage 

They fpur their foamy heeds, and trail their furious rage : 

Amidfl the horror of the headlong fhock. 

With foot unfhaken as the living rock 
■Stands the bold Lufian firm ; the purple wounds 
Gufh horrible, deep groaning rage refounds ; 

Reeking behind the Moorifh backs appear 
The fhining point of many a Lufian fpear ; 

The mail-coats, hauberks, and the harnefs heel’d. 

Brais’d, hackt, and torn, lie fcatter’d o’er the field ; 
Beneath the Lufian fweepy force o’erthrown, 

Crufh’d by their batter’d mails the wounded groan ; 
Burning with thirh they draw their panting breath. 

And curfe their Prophet as they writhe in death. 

Arms fever’d from the trunks hill grafp the 5 heel. 

Heads gafping rowl ; the fighting fquadrons reel ; 

s — — JUll gmfp the Jieel. — There is a 
pafTage in Xenophon, upon which perhaps 
C'amoens had his eye. E7 te1 S)e etogi* n 

<wa fvv i^Eiy, r^y f/.ev yyjt alkali &C. 

“ When the battle was over one might be- 
“ hold, through the whole extent of the 
“ field, the ground purpled with blood, 
“ the bodies of friends and enemies ftretch- 

“ ed over each other, the ihields pierced', 
“ the fpears broken, and the drawn fwords, 
“ fome fcattered on the earth, fome plunged 
“ in the bofoms of the fiain, and fome yet 
“ grafped in the hands of the dead foldiers.” 
As it was neceflary in the Preface to give 
a charafter of the French tranflation of the 
Lufiad, fome fupport of that charadler is 


Book III. 



Fainty and weak with languid arms they clofe. 
And daggering grapple with the ftaggering foes. 
So when an oak falls headlong on the lake. 

The troubled waters, flowly fettling, fhake : 

So faints the languid combat on the plain. 

And fettling daggers o’er the heaps of flain. 
Again the Luflan fury wakes its fires. 

The terror of the Moors new ftrength infpires ; 
The fcatter’d few in wild confufion fly. 

And total rout refounds the yelling cry. 

Defiled with one wide fheet of reeking gore. 

The verdure of the lawn appears no more : 

In bubbling ftreams the lazy currents run. 

And fhoot red flames beneath the evening fun. 

With fpoils enrich’d, with glorious trophies * crown’d 
The heaven-made Sovereign on the battle ground 

neceflary in the notes. To point out every 
inftance of the unpoetical talle of Caftera, 
were to give his paraphrafe of every fine 
pafTagc in Camoens. His management of 
this battle will give an idea of his manner ; 
it is therefore tranfcribed. “ Le P or ruga is 
beurte impetuefement les foldats d'lfmar, Its 
venverfe et leur ouvre le /tin a coups de lance ; 
on fe rencontre, on Je choque azec une fureur 
qui ebranlcroit It Jotnmet de montagnes. La 
terre tremble fous les pas des courfers fou- 
gueux ; 1 ’imJ.itoyable Erinnys voit des blef- 
Jjres enormes et de coups digues d’elles : les 
guerritrs de Lufus bri/ent, coupent, taillent, 
enfoncent plaflrons, armurcs, boucliers, cui- 
raffes et turbans ; la Parque ttend fes ailes 
ajfreufes fur les IWauritams, I'un expire en 
mordant la poujjiere, I’autre implore le fecours 
de Jon propbete ; tetes jambes et bras vclent 
et bondiffent de toutes parts, l’ ail rdapper- 
ffit qut v if ages converts d'une paleur livide , 

que corps dechires et qidcnt rallies palpit antes .' * 
Had Caftera ferioully intended to burlefque 
his Author he could fcarcely have better fuc- 
ceeded. As tranflation cannot convey a per- 
fect idea of an author’s manner, it is there- 
fore not attempted. The attack vs as with 
fuch fury that it might fhake the tops of the 
mountains : This bombaft, and the wretched 
anticlimax ending with turbans, are not in 
the original ; from which indeed the whole 
is extremely wide. Had he added any po- 
etical image, any flower to the embroidery 
of his Author, the increafe of the richnefs of 
the tiflue would have rendered his work 
more pleafing. It was therefore his intereft 
to do fo. But it was not in the feelings of 
Caftera to tranflate the Lufiad with the fpirit 
of Camoens. 

‘ with glorious trophies crown'd 

This memorable battle was fought in the 
plains of Ourique , in 1139. The engage- 



Book Ill- 

Three days encaropt, t© reft his weary train, 

Whofe dauntlefs valour drove the Moors from Spain. 
And now in honour of the glorious day. 

When five proud Monarchs fell his vanquish'd prey. 

merit laded fix hours - ; the Moors were to- 
tally routed with incredible daughter. On 
the field of battle Alonzo was proclaimed 
king of Portugal. The Portuguefe writers 
have given many fabulous accounts of this 
victory. Some affirm, that the Moorifh 
army amounted to 38o, - ooo; others, 4So,-ooo, 
and others fwell it to 600.000; whereas Don 
Alonzo’s did not exceed 23,000. Miracles 
mull alfo be added, Alonzo, they tell us, 
being in great perplexity, fat down to com- 
fort his mind by the perufal of the Holy 
Scriptures. Having read the ilory of Gi- 
deon, he funk into a deep fleep, in which 
he faw a very old man in a remarkable drefs 
come into his tent, and affine him of vic- 
tory. His chamberlain coming in, waked 
him, and told him there was an old man 
very importunate to fpeak with him. Don 
Alonzo ordered him to be brought in, and 
no fooner faw him than he knew him to be 
the old man whom he had feen in his dream. 
This venerable perfon acquainted him, that 
he was a filherman, and had led a life of 
penance for fixty years on an adjacent rock, 
where it had been revealed to him, that if 
the Count marched his army the next morn- 
ing, as foon as he heard a certain bell ring, 
he fhould receive the ftrongeft aflurance of 
victory. Accordingly, at the ringing of 
the bell, the Count put his army in motion, 
and fuddenly beheld in the eaftern fky, the 
figure of the Crofs, and Chrifl: upon it, who 
promifed him a complete viftory, and com- 
manded him to accept the title of King, if 
it was offered him by the army. The fame 
writers add, that as a Handing memorial of 
this miraculous event, Don Alonzo changed 
the arms which his father had given, of a 
crofs azure in a field argent, for five efcut- 
cheons, each charged with five bezants, in me- 
mory of the five wounds of Chrifl. Others 
affert, that he gave in a field argent five ef- 
cutcheons azure, in the form of a Crofs, 
each charged with five bezants argent, placed 
falterwife, with a point fable, in memory 
of five wounds he himfelf receiyed, and of 

five Moorifh kings fiain in the battle. There 
is an old record, faid to be written by Don 
Alonso, in which the flory of the vifion is 
related upon his Majefty’s oath. The Spaniih 
Critics, however, have difeovered many in- 
confiltencies in it. They find the language 
intermixed with phrafes not then in ufe : 
it bears the date of the year of our Lord, 
at a time when that rera had not been in- 
troduced into Spain ; and John, Bifhop of 
Coimbra, figns as a witnefs before John, 
Metrapolitan of Braja, which is contrary to 
ecclefialKcal rule. Thefe circumftances, 
however, are not mentioned to prove the 
falfehood of the vifion, but to vindicate the 
charadter of Don Alonzo from any fhare in 
the oath which paffes under his name. The 
truth is, the Portuguefe were always un- 
willing to pay any homage to the King of 
Caftile. They adorned the battle which 
gave birth to their Monarchy, with mira- 
cle, and the new Sovereignty with a 
command from heaven, circumftances ex- 
tremely agreeable both to the military 
pride and the fuperftition of thefe times. 
The regal dignity and conftitution of the 
Monarchy, however, were not fettled till 
about fix years after the battle of Onrique. 
For mankind, fay the Authors of the Univer- 
fal Hiftory, were not then fo ignorant and 
barbarous, as to fuffer a change of government 
to be made without any farther ceremony, 
than a tumultuous huzza. An account of the 
coronation of the firll: king of Portugal, and 
the principles of liberty which then pre- 
vailed in that kingdom, are worthy of our 
attention. The arms of Don Alonzo having 
been attended with great fuccefs, in 1145 
he called an affembly of the Prelates, No- 
bility, and Commons, at Lamcgo. When 
the affembly opened, he appeared, feated 
on the throne, but without any other marks 
of regal dignity. Laurence de Viegas then 
demanded of the affembly, whether, accord- 
ing to the eleftion on the field of battle at 
Onrique, and the briefs of Pope Eugeni us 
III, they chufed to have Don Alonzo Enri- 

Book III. THE L U S I A D. 103 

On his broad buckler, unadorn’d before. 

Placed as a Crofs, live azure Ibields he u wore,. 

In grateful memory of the heavenly fign. 

The pledge of conquefl by the aid divine. 

Nor long his faulchion in the fcabbard llept. 

His warlike arm increaling laurels reapt : 

From Leyra’s walls the baffled Ifmar flies. 

And ftrong Arroncha falls his conquer’d prize y 
That honour’d town, through whofe Elyfian groves 
Thy fmooth and limpid wave, O Tagus, roves. 

quex for their king ? To this they anfwered 
they were willing. He then demanded, if 
they delircd the Monarchy (hould be elec- 
tive or hereditary. They declared their in- 
tention to be, that the crown (hould de- 
fcend to the heirs male of Alonzo. Laurence 
de Viegas then alked, “ Is it your pleafure 
that he be inverted with- the enligns of Roy- 
alty ? He was anfwered in the affirmative ; 
and the Archbifhop of Braga placed the 
crown upon his head, the king having 
his fvvord drawn in his hand. As foon 
as crowned, Alonzo thus addrefled the af- 
fembly ; “ Blerted be God, who has al- 
“ ways aflifted me, and has enabled me, 
“ with this fword, to deliver you from all 
“ your enemies. I lhall ever wear it for 
“ your defence. You have made me a 
“ king, and it is but juft that you (hould 
“ fliare with me in taking care of the ftate. 
“ I am your king, and as fuch let us make 
“ laws to fecure the happinefs of this king- 
“ dom.” Eighteen rtiort ftatutes were then 
framed, and aflented toby the people. Lau- 
rence de Viegas at length propofed the great 
queftion, Whether k was their pleafure 
that the king (hould go to Leon , to do 
homage and pay tribute to that prince, or 
to any other. On this, every man drawing 
his fword, cried with a loud voice, “ We 

“ are free, and our king is free ; we owe 
“ our liberty to our courage. If the king 
“ (hall at any time fubmit to fuch an aft, 
“ he deferves death, and (hall not reign 
“ either over us, or among us.” The king 
then riling up, approved this declaration, 
and declared. That if any of his depen- 
dents confented to fuch a fubmiflion, hs 
was unworthy to fucceed, (hould be reputed 
incapable of wearing the crown, and that 
the eleftion of another fovereign (hould im- 
mediately take place. 

11 five azure Jhields Fanfhaw’s 

tranflation of this is curious. He is literal 
in the circumftances, but the debafements 
marked in italic are his own : 

In thde five, fhields he paints the recommence 

(Os trinta Dinbeiros ; the thirty Denarii, 
fays Camoens.) 

For which the Lord was fold, in various ink 

IF tit trig his hijiory , who dill difpenfe 

Such favour to him, more then heart could think-. 

(Writing the remembrance of him, by whom 
he was favoured, in various colours. Camccns.) 

In every of the five he paints (\\c-pcnce 
So fums the thirty by a cinque-fold cinque 
Accounting that which is the center, twice, 

Of the five cinques, which he doth place crofs-wifc. 



Book III. 


Th’ illuftrious Santarene confefl his power, 
iVnd vanquifii’d Mafra yields her proudeft tower. 

The Lunar mountains faw his troops difplay 
Their marching banners and their brave array ; 

To him fubmits fair Cintra’s cold domain. 

The Toothing refuge of the Nayad train. 

When Love’s fweet fnares the pining Nymphs would Ihun : 
Alas, in vain from warmer climes they run : 

The cooling fhades awake the young defires. 

And the cold fountains cherifli love’s foft fires. 

And thou, famed Lifboa, whofe embattled wall 

Rofe by the " hand that wrought proud Ilion’s fall ; 
Thou queen x of Cities, whom the Teas obey. 

Thy dreaded ramparts own’d the Hero’s fwav. 

Far from the north a warlike navy bore 

From Elbe, from Rhine, and Albion’s mifty fhore. 

To refcue Salem’s long-polluted fhrine j 

Their force to great Alonzo’s force they join : 

w Re/e by the hand The tradition, 

that Lilbon was built by Ulyfies, and thence 
called Olyffipolis, is as common as that 
(and of equal authority with it) which fays, 
that Brute landed a colony of Trojans in 
England, and gave the name of Britannia 
to the ifland. 

x Thou queen of cities The conquell of 

Lilbon was of the utmoft importance to the 
infant Monarchy. It is one of the fined 
ports in the world, and ere the invention of 
cannon, was of great ftrength. The old 
Moorifh wall was flanked by feventy-feven 
towers, was about fix miles in length, and 
fourteen in circumference. When befieged 
by Don Alonzo, according to fome, it was 
garrifoned by an army of 200,000 men. 

This, not to fay impoflible, is highly in- 
credible. That it was ftrong, however, 
and well garrifoned, is certain. It is alfo 
certain, that Alonzo owed the conqueft of 
it to a fleet of adventurers, who were go- 
ing to the Holy Land, the greateft part of 
whom were Englifh. One Uda! up Rhys, 
in his tour through Portugal, fays, that 
Alonzo gave them Almada, on the fide of 
the Tagus oppofite to Lilbon, and that 
Villa Franca was peopled by them, which 
they called Cornualla, either in honour of 
their native country, or from the rich mea- 
dows in its neighbourhood, where immenfe 
herds of cattle are kept, as in the Englilh 


Book III. 


I0 5 

Before Ulyffes’ walls the navy rides. 

The joyful Tagus laves their pitchy fides. 

Five times the moon her empty horns conceal’d, 

Five times her broad effulgence {hone reveal’d. 

When, wrapt in clouds of duff, her mural pride 

Falls thundering, — black the fmoaking breach yawns wide. 

As when th’ imprifon’d waters burfl the mounds. 

And roar, wide fweeping, o’er the cultured grounds ; 

Nor cot nor fold withftand their furious courfe ; 

So headiong rufh’d along the Hero’s force. 

The thirft of vengeance the affailants fires. 

The madnefs of defpair the Moors infpires ; 

Each lane, each ftreet refounds the conflict’s roar, 

And every threfhold reeks with tepid gore. 

Thus fell the City, whofe unconquer’d K towers 
Defy’d of old the banded Gothic powers, 

Whofe harden’d nerves in rigorous climates train’d 
The favage courage of their fouls fuftain’d ; 

Before whofe fword the fons of Ebro fled. 

And Tagus trembled in his oozy bed ; 

Aw’d by whofe arms the lawns of Beds' fhore 
The name Vandalia from the Vandals bore. 

* XJnconquer'd towers — This aflertion of was by treachery that Keruneneric, the 
Catnoens is not without foundation, for it Goth, got poflefTion of Lifton, 



Book III. 

106 THE L U S I A D. 

When Lifboa’s towers before the Lufian fell, 

What fort, what rampart might his arms repell ! 

Eftremadura’s region owns him Lord, 

And Torres-vedras bends beneath his fword ; 

Obidos humbles, and Alamquer yields, 

Alamquer famous for her verdant fields, 

Whofe murmuring rivulets cheer the traveller’s way. 

As the chill waters o’er the pebbles ftray. 

Elva the green, and Moura’s fertile dales. 

Fair Serpa’s tillage, and Alcazar’s vales 
Not for himfelf the Moorilh peafant fows ; 

For Lufian hands the yellow harveft glows : 

And you, fair lawns, beyond the Tago’s wave. 

Your golden burdens for Alonzo fave ; 

Soon lhall his thundering might your wealth reclaim, 

And your glad valleys hail their monarch’s name. 

Nor deep his captains while the fovereign wars % 

The brave Giraldo’s fword in conquefi: fhares ; 

Evora’s frowning walls, the caftled hold 
Of that pro-ud Roman chief, and rebel bold, 

Sertorius dread, whofe labours ftill z remain ; 

Two hundred arches, ftretch’d in length, fuflain 
The marble dud, where, gliftening to the fun, 

Of filver hue the Ihining waters run. 

z — whofe labours fill remain — The aquedudt of Sertorius, here mentioned, is one of the 
grandeit remains of antiquity. It was repaired by John III. of Portugal, about A. D. 1540. 


Book III. 



Evora’s frowning walls now {hake with fear. 

And yield obedient to Giraldo’s fpear. 

Nor refts the monarch while his fervants toil. 

Around him ftill increafing trophies fmile. 

And deathlefs fame repays the haplefs fate 
That gives to human life fo Ihort a date. 

Proud Beja’s caftled walls his fury ftorms. 

And one red {laughter every lane deforms. 

The ghofts, whofe mangled limbs, yet fcarcely cold, 

Heapt fad Trancofo’s ftreets in carnage roll’d, 

Appeafed, the vengeance of their {laughter fee. 

And hail th* indignant king’s fevere decree. 

Palmela trembles on her mountain's height, 

And fea-laved Zambra owns the hero’s might. 

Nor thefe alone confeft his happy liar. 

Their fated doom produced a nobler war. 

Badaja’s king, an haughty Moor, beheld 
His towns befieged, and hailed to the field. 

Four thoufand courfers in his army neigh’d. 

Unnumber’d fpears his infantry difplay’d ; 

Proudly they march’d, and glorious to behold. 

In filver belts they {hone, and plates of gold. 

Along a mountain’s fide fecure they trod j 
Steep on each hand, and rugged was the road ; 

When as a bull, whofe luftful veins betray 
The maddening tumult of infpiring May; 

P 2 If, 



Book III 

If, when his rage with fierceft ardour glows. 

When in the fhade the fragrant heifer lows. 

If then perchance his jealous burning eye 
Behold a carelefs traveller wander by, 

With dreadful bellowing on the wretch he flies ; 

The wretch defencelefs torn and trampled dies. 

So rufh’d Alonzo on the gaudy train. 

And pour’d victorious o’er the mangled flam; 

The royal Moor precipitates in flight ; 

The mountain ecchoes with the wild affright 
Of flying fquadrons ; down their arms they throw. 
And dafh from rock to rock to £hun the foe. 

The foe ! what wonders may not virtue dare ! 

But lixty a horfemen waged the conquering war. 

The warlike monarch ftill his toil renews ; 

New conqueft ftill each victory purfues. 

To him Badaja’s lofty gates- expand, 

And the wide region owns his dread command. 


When now enraged proud Leon’s king beheld 
Thofe walls fubdued which faw his troops expell’d ; 
Enraged he faw them own the victor’s fway. 

And hems them round with battalous array. 

With generous ire the brave Alonzo glows. 

By heaven unguarded, on the numerous foes 

» But Jixty horfemen The hiftory of this battle wants authenticity. 


Book III. 

THE L U $ I A D. 


He rufhes, glorying in his wonted force. 

And fpurs with headlong rage his furious horfe ; 

The combat burns, the fnorting courfer bounds. 

And paws impetuous by the iron mounds : 

O’er gafping foes and founding bucklers trod 
The raging jfteed, and headlong as he rode 
Dafh’d the fierce monarch on a rampire bar — 

Low groveling in the dull, the pride of war. 

The great Alonzo lies. The captive’s fate 
Succeeds, alas, the pomp of regal ftate. 

" Let iron dafli his limbs,” his mother cried, 

“ And fleel revenge my chains fhe fpoke, and died j 
And heaven afiented — Now the hour was come. 

And the dire curfe was fallen Alonzo’s b doom. 

No more, O Pompey, of thy fate complain. 

No more with forrow view thy glory’s ftain ; 

Though thy tall ftandards tower’d with lordly pride 
Where northern Phafis rolls his icy tide ^ 

b Alonzo's doom — As already obfcrved, 
there is no authentic proof that Don 
Alonzo ufed fuch feverity to his mother as 
to put her in chains. Brandan fays it was 
reported that Don Alonzo was born with 
both his legs growing together, and that he 
was cured by the prayers of his tutor Egas 
Nunio. Legendary as this may appear, this 
however is dcduceable from it, that from his 
birth there was fomething amifs about his 
legs. When he was prifoner to his fon-in- 
law Don Fernando king of Leon, he reco- 
vered his liberty ere his leg, which was frac- 

tured in the battle, was reflored to ftrength, 
on condition that as foon as he was able to 
mount on horfeback, he Ihould come to Lear , 
and in perfon do homage for his dominions. 
This condition, fo contrary to his corona- 
tion agreement, he found means to avoid. 
He would never more mount on horfeback, 
but on pretence of lamenefs, ever after af- 
fefted to ride in a calafh. This, his natural, 
and afterward political, infirmity, the fuper- 
ftitious of thofe days aferibed to the curfes 
of his mother. 




Book III. 

Though hot Syene, where the fun’s fierce ray 
Begets no ihadow, own’d thy conquering fway ; 
Though from the tribes that fhiver in the gleam 
Of cold Bootes’ watery gliftening team. 

To thofe who parch’d beneath the burning line. 

In fragrant fhades their feeble limbs recline. 

The various languages proclaim’d thy fame. 

And trembling own’d the terrors of thy name ; 
Though rich Arabia, and Sarmatia bold. 

And Colchis, famous for the fleece of gold ; 
Though Judah’s land, whofe facred rites implored 
The One true God, and, as he taught, adored ; 
Though Cappadocia’s realm thy mandate fway’d, 
And bafe Sophenia’s fons thy nod obey’d ; 

Though vext Cicilia’s pirates wore thy bands, 

And thofe who cultured fair Armenia’s lands. 
Where from the facred mount two rivers flow. 

And what was Eden to the Pilgrim fliew ; 

Though from the vaft Atlantic’s bounding wave 
To where the northern tempefts howl and rave 
Round Taurus’ lofty brows : though vaft and wide 
The various climes that bended to thy pride; 

No more with pining anguifh of regret 
Bewail the horrors of Pharfalia’s fate : 

For great Alonzo, whofe fuperior name 
Unequal’d victories confign to fame, 


Book III. 



The great Alonzo fell — like thine his woe j 
From nuptial kindred came the fatal blow. 

When now the hero, humbled in the duft. 

His crime atoned, confeft that heaven was juft. 

Again in fplendor he the throne afcends : 

Again his bow the Moorifh chieftain bends. 

Wide round th’ embattled gates of Santareen 
Their Ihining fpears and banner’d moons are feen. 

But holy rites the pious king preferr’d ; 

The Martyr’s bones on Vincent’s Cape interr’d* 

(His fainted name the Cape fhall ever e bear) 

To Lifboa’s walls he brought with votive care. 

And now the monarch, old and feeble grown* 

Refigns the faulchion to his valiant fon. 

O’er Tago’s waves the youthful hero paft. 

And bleeding hofts before him fhrunk aghaft : 

Choak’d with the flain, with Moorifh carnage dy’d* 

Sevilia’s river roll’d the purple tide. 

Burning for vi&ory the warlike boy 
Spares not a day to thoughtlefs reft or joy. 

Nor long his wifh unfatisfied remains : 

With the befiegers’ gore he dyes the plain® 

* Tu quoque lit tor Hus nofiris, JEne'ia nutrix, 

JELttrnam moritns f amain , C diet a dedijli . 

ViRC. 4iN. VM. 


I 12 


Book ITI. 

That circle Beja’s wall : yet Hill untamed. 

With all the fiercenefs of defpair inflamed. 

The raging Moor collects his diflant might; 

Wide from the fhores of Atlas’ {tarry height, 

From Amphelufia’s cape, and Tingia’s bay. 

Where hern Antasus held his brutal fway, 

The Mauritanian trumpet founds to arms. 

And Juba’s realm returns the hoarfe alarms; 

The fwarthy tribes in burnifh’d armour fhine. 

Their warlike march Abeyla’s fhepherds join. 

The great d Miramolin on Tago’s fhores 
Far o’er the coaft his banner’d thoufands pours ; 

Twelve kings and one beneath his enfigns Hand, 

And wield their fabres at his dread command. 

The plundering bands far round the region hafte. 

The mournful region lies a naked wafle. 

And now enclofed in Santareen’s high towers 
The brave Don Sanco fhuns th’ unequal powers ; 

A thoufand arts the furious Moor purfues. 

And ceafelefs flill the fierce affault renews. 

Huge clefts of rock, from horrid engines whirl’d. 

In finouldering volleys on the town are hurl’d; 

The brazen rams the lofty turrets fhake. 

And, mined beneath, the deep foundations quake; 

* Miramolin , — not the name of a perfon, it Emir-Almoumini, the Emf trer of the 
bat a title, quaf, Soldan. The Arabs call Faithful. 


Book III. 


But brave Alonzo’s fon, as danger grows. 

His pride inflamed, with rifing courage glo'ws ; 
Each coming ftorm of miflile darts he wards. 
Each nodding turret, and each port he guards. 

lr 3 

In that fair city, round whofe verdant meads 
The branching river of Mondego fpreads. 

Long worn with warlike toils, and bent with years 
The king repofed, when Sanco’s fate he hears. 

His limbs forget the feeble fteps of age. 

And the hoar warrior burns with youthful rage. 

His daring Veterans, long to conquefl: train’d. 

He leads — the ground with Moorifh blood is ftain’d ; 
Turbans, and robes of various colours wrought. 

And fhiver’d fpears in ftreaming carnage float. 

In harnefs gay lies many a weltering fteed. 

And low in dull; the groaning mailers bleed. 

As proud Miramolin in horror fled, 

Don Sanco’s javelin ftretch’d him with the dead. 

In wild difmay, and torn with gufhing wounds 
The rout wide fcatter’d fly the Lufian bounds. 

Their hands to heaven the joyful vidors raife. 

And every voice refounds the fong of praife ; 

“ Nor was it (tumbling chance, nor human might* 

“ ’Twas guardian heaven,” they fung, “ that ruled the fight.” 



u 4 

T H E 

L U S 1 A D. 

Book III. 

This blifsful day Alonzo’s glories crown’d ; 

But pale difeafe gave now the fecret wound ; 

Her icy hand his feeble limbs invades, 

And pining languor through his vitals fpreads. 
The glorious monarch to the tomb defcends, 

A nation’s grief the funeral torch attends. 

Each winding £hore for thee, Alonzo, * mourns, 
Alonzo’s name each woful bay returns ; 

For thee the rivers figh their groves among. 

And funeral murmurs wailing, roll along ; 

Their fwelling tears o’erflow the wide campaign ; 
With floating heads, for thee, the yellow grain. 
For thee the willow bowers and copfes weep. 

As their tall boughs lie trembling on the deep $ 
Adown the ftreams the tangled vine-leaves flow. 
And all the landfcape wears the look of woe. 

Thus o’er the wondering world thy glories fpread. 
And thus thy mournful people bow the head ; 
While ftill, at eve, each dale Alonzo fighs. 

And, Oh, Alonzo ; every hill replies; 

And ftill the mountain ecchoes trill the lay. 

Till bluftiing morn brings on the noifeful day. 

* Each winding Jhore for thee, Alonzo, 
mourns — In this poetical exclamation, ex- 
preffive of the forrow of Portugal on the 
death of Alonzo, Camoens has happily imi- 
tated fome palfages of Virgil. 

— Jpfce te, Tityre, pintts , 

Jpjl tefontes , ipfa kccc arhufa vocabant. 

. Ecl. l. 

Eurydicen vox ipfa it frigida lingua T 

Ah miferam Eurydicen, anima fugiente , vo- 
cabat : 

Eurydicen toto referebant fuming ripec. 

G. iv. 

■ ■ ■ ■ littus, By l a, Hy/a , omne fonaret. 

Ecl. vr. 


Book III. 


1 r S 

The youthful Sanco to the throne fucceeds, 
Already far renown’d for valorous deeds ; 

Let Betis tinged with blood his prowefs tell. 

And Beja’s lawns, where boaftful Afric fell. 
Norlefs, when king, his martial ardour glows, 
Proud Sylves’ royal walls his troops enclofe : 

Fair Sylves’ lawns the Moorifli peafant plough’d. 
Her vineyards cultured, and her valleys fow’d ; 

But Lifboa’s monarch reapt. The winds of heaven 
Roar’d high — and headlong by the tempeft driven, 
In Tago’s breaft a gallant navy fought 
The (heltering port, and f glad affiflance brought. 
The warlike crew, by Frederic the Red, 

To refcue Judah’s proftrate land were led ; 

When Guido’s troops, by burning third: fubdued. 
To Saladine 1 the foe for mercy fued. 

* — and glad ajfiftance brought — — 
The Portuguese, in their wars with the 
Moors, were feveral times aflifted by the 
Englilh and German crufaders. In the pre- 
fent inftance the fleet was moftly Englilh, 
the troops of which nation were, according 
to agreement, rewarded with the plunder, 
which was exceeding rich, of the city of 
Silves. Nuniz. de Leon as cronicas das Reis 
de Port. 

e To Saladine the foe for mercy fued. 

In the reign of Guido, the lafl Chriftian 
king of Jerufalcm, the flreams which fup- 
plied his army with water were cut off by 
Saladine, the vi&orious Mamaluke ; by 
which means Guido’s army was reduced to 
fubmiflion. During the Crufades, the foun- 
tains which fupplied the Chriftians had been 
often perverted and poilbned ; and it was 
believed that feme lepers, who had been 
turned out of the Chriftian camp, aflifted 

the enemy by magical arts, in thus deftroy- 
ing them. Hence it was alfo believed, that 
every wretch affli&ed with the leprofy was 
a magician, and that by magic they held an 
univerfal intelligence with one another over 
the whole world, on purpofe to injure the 
Chriftian caufe. On this opinion thefe un- 
happy objefts of compaflion were perfecuted 
throughout Europe : Several of them were 
condemned, and burnt at Paris ; and where 
they experienced lefs feverity, they were 
turned out of the hofpitals eretted for their 
reception. It ftands upon authentic record, 
that the poor old lepers of St. Bartholomew’s 
hofpital in the vicinage of Oxford, were 
feverely perfecuted for poifoning the foun- 
tains near Jerufalem. Such were the grofs 
opinions of mankind, ere enlightened and 
civilized by the intercourfe of commerce. — 
Fox, Martyr, p. 364. Anna!.. Mon. Brin- 
ton. Ox. p. 1 3. 

2 Their 


Book III. 

1 j6 

Their vows were holy, and the caufe the fame. 

To blot from Europe’s Ihores the Moorifh name. 

In Sanco’s caufe the gallant navy joins. 

And royal Sylves to their force refigns. 

Thus fent by heaven a foreign naval band 
Gave Lifboa’s ramparts to the Sire’s command. 


Nor Moorish trophies did alone adorn 
The Hero’s name j in warlike camps though born. 
Though fenced with mountains, Leon’s martial race 
Smile at the battle-fign, yet foul difgrace 
To Leon’s haughty fons his fword atchieved ; 

Proud Tui’s neck his fervile yoke received ; 

And far around falls many a wealthy town, 

O valiant Sanco, humbled to thy frown. 

While thus his laurels flourifh’d wide and fair. 

He dies : Alonzo reigns, his much-loved heir. 
Alcazar lately conquer’d by the Moor, 

Reconquer’d, ftreams with the defenders’ gore. 

Alonzo dies : Another Sanco reigns : 

Alas, with many a figh the land complains ! 

Unlike his Sire, a vain unthinking boy. 

His fervants now a jarring fway enjoy. 

As his the power, his were the crimes of thofe 
Whom to difpenfe that facred power he chofe. 

Book III. 



By various counfels waver’d and confufed. 

By Teeming friends, by various arts abufed ; 

Long undetermined, blindly rafh at lafl. 

Enraged, unmann’d, untutor’d by the paid. 

Yet not like Nero, cruel and unjufl. 

The Have capricious of unnatural luft : 

Nor had he fmiled had flames confumed his Troy ; 

Nor could his people’s groans afford him joy; 

Nor did his woes from female manners fpring. 

Unlike the h Syrian, or Sicilia’s king. 

No hundred cooks his coflly meal prepared. 

As heapt the board when Rome’s proud tyrant 1 fared ; 

Nor dared the artifl hope his ear to gain. 

By new-form’d arts to point the k flings of pain. 

But proud and high the Lufian fpirit foar’d. 

And afk’d a godlike hero for their Lord. 

To none accuflom’d but an hero’s fway, 

Great mull he be whom that bold race obey. 

Complaint, loud murmur’d, every city fills. 

Complaint, load ecchoed, murmurs through the hills. 

Alarm’d, Bolonia’s warlike Earl 1 awakes. 

And from his lifllefs brother’s minions takes 

h Unlike the Syrian Sardinapalus. 1 Bolonia’s 'warlike Earl Ca- 

' When Rome’s proud tyrant far'd. — moens, who was quite an enthufiaft for the 

Heliogabalus, infamous for his gluttony. honour of his country, has in this inftance 

k By new form'd arts to point the ftings oj difguifed the truth of hiftory. Don Sancho 

pain — Alluding to the ftory of Phalaris. was by no means the weak Prince here re- 



Book III. 

i 1 8 

The awful fceptre.— -Soon was joy reftored. 

And foon, by juft fuccefiion, Lifboa’s Lord, 
Beloved, Alonzo named the bold, he reigns ; 

Nor may the limits of his Sire’s domains 
Confine his mounting fpirit. When he led 
His fmiling Confort to the bridal bed, 

Algarbia’s realm, he cried, fhall prove thy dower. 
And foon Algarbia conquer’d own’d his power. 
The vanquish'd Moor with total rout expell’d. 

All Lufus’ Shores his might unrivall’d held. 

And now brave Diniz reigns, whofe noble fire 
Befpoke the genuine lineage of his Sire. 

Now heavenly peace wide waved her olive bough. 
Each vale difplay’d the labours of the plough 

prefented, nor did the miferies of his reign 
proceed from himfelf. The clergy were 
the foie authors of his and the public cala- 
mities. The Roman See was then in the 
height of its power, which it exerted in the 
moil tyrannical manner. The ecclefiaftical 
courts had long claimed the foie right to 
try the ecclefiaftics ; and to prohibit a Prieft 
to fay mafs for a twelvemonth, was by the 
brethren his judges, efteemed a fufficient 
punilhment for murder, or any other capital 
crime. Alonzo II. the father of Don San- 
cho, attempted to eltablilh the authority of 
the King’s courts of juftice over the offend- 
ing Clergy. For this the Archbilhop of 
Braga excommunicated Gonzalo Mendez , 
the Chancellor ; and Honorius the Pope ex- 
communicated the King, and put his do- 
minions under an interdict. The exterior 
offices of Religion were fufpended, the vul- 
gar fell into the utmoft diffolutenefs of man- 
ners ; Mahommedifm made great advances, 
and public confufion every where prevailed. 
By this policy the Holy Church conftrained 
the nobility to urge the King to a full fub- 

miffion to the Papal chair. While a ne- 
gociation for this purpofe was on foot 
Alonzo died, and left his fon to ftruggle 
with an enraged and powerful Clergy. Don 
Sancho was juft, affable, brave, and an en- 
amoured hufband. On this laft virtue fac- 
tion firft fixed its envenomed fangs. The 
Queen was accufed of arbitrary influence 
over her hufband, and, according to the fu- 
perflition of that age, fhe was believed to 
have difturbed his fenfes by an enchanted 
draught. Such of the nobility as declared 
in the king’s favour were ftigmatized, and 
rendered odious, as the creatures of the 
Queen. The confufions which enfued were 
fomented by Alonzo, Earl of Bologne, the 
King’s brother, by whom the King was ac- 
cufed as the author of them. In fhorr, by 
the affiffance of the Clergy and Pope Inno- 
cent IV. Sancho was depofed, and foon after 
he died at Toledo. The beautiful Queen, 
Donna Mencia , was feized as a prifoner, 
and conveyed away by one Raymond Por- 
tncarrero, and was never heard of more. 
Such are the triumphs of Fa&ion ! 


Book III. 



And fmiled with joy : the rocks on every fhore 
Refound the dafhing of the merchant-oar. 

Wife laws are form’d, and conflitutions weigh’d. 

And the deep-rooted bafe of Empire laid. 

Not Ammon’s fon with larger heart bellow’d. 

Nor fuch the grace to him the Mufes owed. 

From Helicon the Mufes wing their way ; 

Mondego’s flowery banks invite their Hay. 

Now Coimbra fhines Minerva’s proud abode > 

And fired with joy, Parnafliis’ bloomy God 
Beholds another dear-loved Athens rife. 

And fpread her laurels in indulgent fkies ; 

Her wreath of laurels ever green he twines 
With threads of gold, and Baccaris m adjoins. 

Here caflle walls in warlike grandeur lour. 

Here cities fwell and lofty temples tower : 

In wealth and grandeur each with other vies ; 

When old and loved the parent-monarch dies. 

His fon, alas, remifs in filial deeds, 

But wife in peace and bold in fight, fucceeds, 

The fourth Alonzo : Ever arm’d for war 
He views the flern Cafleel with watchful care. 

Yet when the Lybian nations crofl the main, 

And fpread their thoufands o’er the fields of Spain, 

m Bacearit or Lady’s glove, an • - • ■■■ — ■ - Baccare front cm 

herb to which the Druids and ancient Poets Cingitt, ne ’vati noteat mala lingua futuro. 
afcribcd magical virtues. Virg. Eel. VIL 




Book III. 

The brave Alonzo drew his awful fteel 
And fprung to battle for the proud Cafteel. 

When Babel’s haughty Queen unfheath’d the fword. 
And o’er Hydafpes’ lawns her legions pour’d ; 

When dreadful Attila, to whom was n given 
That fearful name, the Scourge of angry heaven. 

The fields of trembling Italy o’er-ran 
With many a Gothic tribe and northern clan ; 

Not fuch unnumber’d banners then were feen. 

As now in fair Tartefia’s dales convene ; 

Numidia’s bow and Mauritania’s fpear. 

And all the might of Hagar’s race was here ; 
Granada’s mongrels join their numerous hoft. 

To thofe who dared the feas from Lybia’s coaft. 
Awed by the fury of fuch ponderous force 
The proud Caftilian tries each hoped refource; 
Yet not by terror for himfelf infpired. 

For Spain he trembled, and for Spain was fired. 
His much-loved bride his meifenger he 0 fends, 
And to the hoftile Lufian lowly bends. 

The much-loved daughter of the King implored. 
Now fues her father for her wedded Lord. 

* When dreadful Attila A king of 

the Huns, furnamed The Scourge of God. 
He lived in the fifth century. He may be 
reckoned among the greateft of barbarous 

0 His much-loved bride — — The Princefs 

Mary. She was a Lady of great beauty 
and virtue, but was exceedingly ill ufed by 
her hulhand, who was violently attached to 
his miftreffes, though he owed his crown to 
the alfiftance of his father-in-law, the king 
of Portugal. 


Book III. 


I 2 1 

The beauteous dame approach’d the palace gate. 
Where her great Sire was throned in regal date : 
On her fair face deep-fettled grief appears. 

And her mild eyes are bathed in glidening tears ; 
Her carelefs ringlets, as a mourner’s, flow 
Adown her fhoulders and her breafls of fnow : 

A fecret tranfport through the father ran. 

While thus, in fighs, the royal bride began : 

And know’d thou not, O warlike King, die cry’d. 

That furious Afric pours her peopled tide. 

Her barbarous nations o’er the fields of Spain ? 

Morocco’s Lord commands the dreadful train. 

Ne’er fince the furges bathed the circling coad. 

Beneath one dandard march’d fo dread an hod : 

Such the dire fiercenefs of their brutal rage. 

Pale are our braved youth as palfied age : 

By night our fathers’ fhades confefs their 0 fear. 

Their flirieks of terror from the tombs we hear : 

To flem the rage of thefe unnumber’d bands. 

Alone, O Sire, my gallant hufband dands ; 

His little hoft alone their breads oppofe 
To the barb’d darts of Spain’s innumerous foes : 

n By night our fathers' Jhadet confefs their were troubled in their graves, on the ap- 

fear Camoens fays, “ A mortos faz proach of fo terrible an army. The French 

efpanto,” to give this elegance in Englith tranflator, contrary to the original, aferibes 

required a paraphrafe. There is fomething this terror to the ghoft of only one Prince ; 

wildly great, and agreeable to the fuper- by which, this ftroke of Camoens, in the 

ftition of that age, to fuppofe that the dead fpirit of Shakefpcare, is greatly reduced. 

R Then 



L U S I A D. 

Book III. 

Then hafte, O Monarch, thou whofe conquering fpear 
Has chill’d Malucca’s fultry waves with fear ; 

Hade to the refcue of diftrefs’d Cafteel, 

(Oh 1 be that fmile thy dear affection’s feal !) 

And fpeed, my father, ere my hufband’s fate 
Be fixt, and I, deprived of regal Hate, 

Be left in captive folitude forlorn. 

My fpoufe, my kingdom, and my birth to mourn. 

In tears, and trembling, fpoke the filial queen : 

So loft in grief was lovely Venus 0 feen. 

When Jove, her Sire, the beauteous mourner pray’d 
To grant her wandering fon the promifed aid. 

Great Jove was moved to hear the fair deplore. 

Gave all fhe afk’d, and grieved fhe afk’d no more. 

So grieved Alonzo’s noble heart. And now 
The warrior binds in fteel his awful brow ; 

The glittering fquadrons march in proud array. 

On burnifh’d fhields the trembling fun-beams play : 
The blaze of arms the warlike rage infpires, 

And wakes from flothful peace the hero’s fires. 

With trampling hoofs Evora’s plains rebound. 

And fprightly neighings eccho far around ; 

Far on each fide the clouds of duft arife. 

The drum’s rough rattling rowls along the fkies $ 

* So lojl in grief — See the'firft ^Eneid. 


I2 3 


The trumpet’s fhrilly clangor founds alarms. 

And each heart burns, and ardent pants for arms. 
Where their bright blaze the royal enfigns pour’d. 
High o’er the reft the great Alonzo tower’d } 

High o’er the reft was his bold front admired. 

And his keen eyes new warmth, new force infpired. 
Proudly he march’d, and now in Tarif’s plain 
The two Alonzos join their martial train : 

Right to the foe, in battle-rank updrawn. 

They paufe — the mountain and the wide-fpread lawn 
Afford not foot-room for the crowded foe : 

Awed with the horrors of the lifted blow 

Pale look’d our braveft heroes. S well’d with pride. 

The foes already conquer’d Spain divide. 

And lordly o’er the field the promifed victors firide. 

So ftrode in Elah’s vale the towering height 
Of Gath’s proud champion ; fo with pale affright 
The Hebrews trembled, while with impious pride 
The huge-limb’d foe the fhepherd boy defy’d : 

The valiant boy advancing fits the firing. 

And round his head he whirls the founding flings 
The monfter ftaggers with the forceful wound. 

And his vaft bulk lies groaning on the ground. 

Such impious fcorn the Moor’s proud bofom fwell’d. 
When our thin fquadrons took the battle-field ; 

R 2 



L U S I A D. 

Book III. 


Unconfcious of the Power who led us on. 

That Power whofe nod confounds th’ infernal throne j 
Led by that Power, the brave Caftilian bared 
The fhining blade, and proud Morocco dared ; 

His conquering brand the Lulian hero drew. 

And on Granada’s fons refiftlefs flew ; 

The fpear-ftaffs crafh, the fplinters hifs around. 

And the broad bucklers rattle on the ground. 

With piercing fhrieks the Moors their Prophet’s name. 
And ours their guardian Saint aloud acclaim. 

Wounds gufh on wounds, and blows refound to blows. 

A lake of blood the level plain o’erflows j 
The wounded gafping in the purple tide. 

Now find the death the fword but half fupplied. 
Though 9 wove and quilted by their Ladies’ hands. 
Vain were the mail-plates of Granada’s bands. 
With fuch dread force the Lufian rufh’d along, 
Steep’d in red carnage lay the boaftful throng. 

Yet now difdainful of fo light a prize. 

Fierce o’er the field the thundering hero flies. 

1 Though wove — It may perhaps be ob- 
jedled, that this is ungrammatical. But 


Quem penes arbitriumeft, etjus et norma loquendi. 

and Dryden, Pope, &c. often ufe wove as 
a participle in place of the harfh-founding 
woven, a word almoft incompatible with 
the elegance of verification. The more 
harmonious word ought therefore to be 

ufed ; and ufe will afcertain its definition in 
grammar. When the fpirit of chivalry pre- 
vailed, every youthful warrior had his mif- 
trefs, to whofe favour he laid no claim, till 
he had diftinguifhed himfelf in the ranks of 
battle. If his firft addrefles were received, 
it was nfual for the Lady to prefent her 
Lover with fome weapon or piece of ar- 
mour, adorned with her own needle-work ; 
and of the goodnefs of whofe metal and 
fabric, it was fuppofed, fhe was confident. 



And his bold arm the brave Cadilian joins 
In dreadful conflict with the Moorilh lines. 


The parting Sun now pour’d the ruddy blaze. 

And twinkling Vefper (hot his filvery rays 
Athwart the gloom, and clofed the glorious day, 

When low in dull the drength of Afric lay. 

Such dreadful (laughter of the boadful Moor 
Never on battle-field was heap’d before. 

Not he whofe childhood vow’d eternal hate 
And defperate war againd the Roman date. 

Though three drong courfers bent beneath the weight 
Of rings of gold, by many a Roman Knight, 

Erewhile, the badge of rank didinguifh’d, worn, 

From their cold hands at Cannae’s (laughter torn ; 

Not his dread fword befpread the reeking plain 
With fuch wide dreams of gore, and hills of (lain ; 

Nor thine, O Titus, fwept from Salem’s land. 

Such floods of ghofls roll’d down to death’s dark drand j 
Though ages ere (he fell, the Prophets old 
The dreadful fcene of Salem’s fall foretold 
In words that breathe wild horror : Nor the (hore. 

When carnage choak’d the dream, fo fmoak’d r with gore, 

1 fo fmcak 1 J with gore, when Marius' 

fainting legions When the foldiers of 

Marius complained of thirft, he pointed to 
a river near the camp of the Ambrones ; 
There, fays he, you may drink, but it muft 

be purchafed with blood. Lead us on, they 
replied, that we may have fomething liquid, 
though it be blood. The Romans forcing 
their way to the river, the channel was filled 
with the dead bodies of the flain. Vid. Plut. 


Book ill. 

326 THE L U S 1 A D, 

' i 



While glory thus Alonzo’s name adorn’d, 

To Lifboa’s fliores the happy Chief return’d. 

In glorious peace and well-deferved repofe. 

His courfe of fame, and honoured age to clofe. 

When now, O king, a Damfel’s fate 1 fevere, 

A fate which ever claims the. woeful tear. 

When Marius’ fainting legions drank the flood. 

Yet warm and purpled with Ambronian blood ; 

Not fuch the heaps as now the plains of Tarif ftrew’d. 

Difgraced his honours-- On the Nymph's lorn head 

Relentlefs rage its bitterefl rancour fhed : 

Yet fuch the zeal her princely lover bore. 

Her breathlefs corfe the crown of Lifboa wore. 

’Twas thou, O Love, whofe dreaded fliafts controul 
The hind’s rude heart, and tear the hero’s foul ; 
Thou ruthlefs power, with bloodshed never cloyed, 
’Twas thou thy lovely votary destroyed. 

* — — a Damfel’s fate fevere This 

unfortunate lady, Donna Itiez. de Caflro, 
was the daughter of a Cafilian gentleman, 
who had taken refuge in the court of Portu- 
gal. Her beauty and accomplilhments at- 
tradled the regard of Don Pedro, the king’s 
eldeli fon, a prince of a brave and noble dif- 
pofition. La Neufville, Le Clede, and other 
hiftorians, aflert, that {lie was privately mar- 
ried to the prince ere !he had any !hare in his 
bed. Nor was his conjugal fidelity lefs re- 
markable than the ardour of his paffion. 
Afraid, however, of his father’s refen t- 
ment, the feverity of whofe temper he well 
knew, his intercourfe with Donna Inez 
pafled at the court as an intrigue of gallan- 
try. On the acceflion of Don Pedro the 

Cruel to the throne of Cafile , many of the 
difgufted nobility were kindly received by 
Don Pedro, through the intereft of his be- 
loved Inez. The favour fhewn to thefe 
Callilians gave great uneafinefs to the poli- 
ticians. A thoufand evils were forefeen 
from the Prince’s attachment to his Caf- 
tilian millrefs : even the murder of his 
children by his deceafed fpoufe, the prin- 
cefs Confantia, was furmifed ; and the ene- 
mies of Donna Inez finding the king will- 
ing to lillen, omitted no opportunity to in- 
creafe his refentment again!! the unfortu- 
nate lady. The prince was about his 28th 
year when his amour with his beloved Inez 


J3ook III. 



Thy thirft ftill bjurning for a deeper woe. 

In vain to thee the tears of beauty flow ; 

The breaft that feels thy pureft flames divine. 

With fpouting gore muft bathe thy cruel fhrine. 

Such thy dire triumphs ! — Thou, O Nymph, the while. 
Prophetic of the god’s unpitying guile. 

In tender fcenes by love-flck fancy wrought. 

By fear oft fhifted as by fancy brought. 

In fweet Mondego’s ever-verdant bowers, 

Languifh’d away the flow and lonely hours : 

While now, as terror waked thy boding fears. 

The confcious ftream received thy pearly tears; 

And now, as hope revived the brighter flame. 

Each eccho figh’d thy princely lover’s name. 

Nor lefs could abfence from thy prince remove 
The dear remembrance of his diftant love : 

Thy looks, thy fmiles, before him ever glow. 

And o’er his melting heart endearing flow : 

By night his {lumbers bring thee to his arms. 

By day his thoughts ftill wander o’er thy charms : 

By night, by day, each thought thy loves employ. 

Each thought the memory or the hope of joy. 

Though faireft princely dames invok’d his love. 

No princely dame his conftant faith could move : 

For thee alone his conftant paflion burn’d. 

For thee the proffer’d royal maids he fcorn’d. 



Book III. 


Ah, hope of blifs too high — the princely dames 
Refilled, dread rage the father’s breaR inflames ; 

He, with an old man’s wintery eye, furveys 
The youth’s fond love, and coldly with it weighs 
The peoples’ murmurs of his fon’s delay 
To blefs the nation with his nuptial day. 

(Alas, the nuptial day was part unknown. 

Which but when crown’d the prince could dare to own.) 
And with the Fair One’s blood the vengeful lire 
Refolves to quench his Pedro’s faithful fire. 

Oh, thou dread fword, oft Rain’d with heroes’ gore. 
Thou awful terror of the profirate Moor, 

What rage could aim thee at a female breafi. 

Unarm’d, by foftnefs and by love pofieR ! 

Dragg’d from her bower by murderous ruffian hands, 
Before the frowning king fair Inez Rands ; 

Her tears of artlefs innocence, her air 
So mild, fo lovely, and her face fo fair. 

Moved the Rern Monarch ; when with eager zeal 
Her fierce Defiroyers urged the public weal j 
Dread rage again the Tyrant’s foul pofieR, 

And his dark brow his cruel thoughts confeR : 

O’er her fair face a fudden palenefs fpread. 

Her throbbing heart with generous anguilh bled, 

Anguilh to view her lover’s hopelefs woes, 

And all the mother in her bolom rofe. 


Book III. 



Her beauteous eyes in trembling tear-drops drown’d, 
To heaven Ihe lifted, but her hands were ‘ bound ; 
Then on her infants turn’d the piteous glance. 

The look of bleeding woe ; the babes advance. 
Smiling in innocence of infant age. 

Unawed, unconfcious of their grandfire’s rage ; 

To whom, as burning forrow gave the flow. 

The native heart-fprung eloquence of woe. 

The lovely captive thus : — O Monarch, hear. 

If e’er to thee the name of man was dear. 

If prowling tygers, or the wolf’s wild brood, 

Infpired by nature with the luft of blood. 

Have yet been moved the weeping babe to fpare. 

Nor left, but tended with a nurfe’s care. 

As Rome’s great founders to the world were given ; 
Shalt thou, who wear’ll the facred llamp of heaven, 
The human form divine, fhalt thou deny 
That aid, that pity, which e’en bealls fupplyl 
Oh, that thy heart were, as thy looks declare. 

Of human mould, fuperfluous were my prayer; 

Thou could’ll not then a helplefs damfel flay, 

Whofe foie offence in fond affetftion k lay, 

1 A d ccclum tendens ardent ia htmina fruflra, 
Lumina nam tcneras arccbant •vincula palm as. 

Virg. yEr.'. 2 . 

k Wbnft foie offence in fond ajftttien lay—* 
It has been obferved by fome critics, that 
Milton on every occafion is fond of cxprefl*- 
ing his admiration of mufic, particularly of 
the fong of the Nightingale, and the full 

woodland choir. If in tha fame manned 
we are to judge of the favourite tafte of Ho- 
mer, we fhall find it of a lefs delicate kind. 
He is continually deferibing the feait, tli« 
huge chine, the favoury viands on the glow- 
ing coals, and the foaming bowl. The 
ruling paflion of Camoens is alfo ftrongly 
marked in his writings. One may venture 
S to 


L U S I A D 

Book III. 

J 3° 

In faith to him who firlt his love confeft. 

Who firft to love allured her virgin bread:. 

In thefe my babes fhalt thou thine image fee,. 

And dill tremendous hurl thy rage on me ? 

Me, for their fakes, if yet thou wilt not fpare. 

Oh, let thefe infants prove thy pious care ! 

Yet Pity’s lenient current ever flows 

From that brave bread where genuine valour glows i 

That thou art brave, let vanquifh’d Afric tell, 

Then let thy pity o’er mine anguifh dwell ; 

to affirm, that there is no poem of equal 
length which abounds with fo many im- 
paffioned encomiums on the fair fex, and 
the power of their beauty, as the Lufiad. 
The genius of Camoens feems never fo 
pleafed as when he is painting the variety 
of female charms ; he feels all the magic of 
their allurements, and riots in his defcrip- 
tions of the happinefs and miferies atten- 
dant on the paffion of love. As he wrote 
from his feelings, thefe parts of his works 
have been particularly honoured with the 
attention of the world. Taffo and Spender 
have copied from his Ifland of Blifs, and 
three tragedies have been formed from this 
Epifode of the unhappy Inez. One in Eng- 
Liffi, named Elvira — The other two ar.e by 
M. de la Motte, a Frenchman, and Luis 
Velez de Guevara, a Spaniard. How thefe 
different writers have handled the fame fub- 
jedt is not unworthy of the attention ©f the 
critic. The tragedy of M. de la Motte, 
from which Elvira is copied, is highly cha- 
rafteridic of the French drama. In the 
Lufiad the beautiful viftim expreffes the 
ffirong emotions of genuine nature. She 
feels for what her lover will feel for her ; 
the mother rifes in her bread, die implores 
pTty for her children ; die feels the horrors 
of death, and would be glad to wander an 
exile with her babes, where her only folace 
would be the remembrance of her faithful 
paffion. This however, it appears, would 
not fait the tade of a Paris audience. On 

the French dage the ftern Roman heroe? 
mud be polite Petits-Maitres, and the tender 
Inez, a bludering amazon. Lee’s Alexan- 
der cannot talk in a higher rant. She not 
only wilhes to die herfelf, but deiires that 
her children and her hulband Don Pedro 
may alfo be put to death. 

He bien, feigneur, fuive 2 vos bnrfcares maximes, 
On vons amene encor de ncuvelles vTftimes, 
Immolez fans remords, et pour nous punir raieux, 
Ces gages d un Hymen fi coupable a vos yieux. 

IIs ignorent le fang, dont le del les a fit naitre, 

Par l'arret de leur mort faites les reconnaitre, 
Confommez votre ouvrage, et que lesmemes coups 
Rejoignent les enfans, et la femme, et 1 epoux. 

The Spaniard, however, has followed nature 
and Camoens, and in point of poetical me- 
rit his play is infinitely fuperior to that of 
the Frenchman. Don Pedro talks in the 
abfence of his midrefs with the beautiful 
fimplicity of an Arcadian lover, and Inez 
implores the tyrant with the genuine ten- 
dernefs of female affeftion and delicacy. 
The reader, who is acquainted with the Spa- 
nidi tongue, will thank me for the following 

Lies. A mis hijos me quitais ? 

Rey Don Alonfo, fenor, 

Porque me quereis quitar 
La vida de tantas vezes ? 

Advertid, fencr mirad, 

Que el cora$on a pedajos 
Dividido me arancais. 

Rej. Llevaldos, Alvar Goncalez, 


Book III. 


Ah, let my woes, unconfcious of a crime. 
Procure mine exile to fome barbarous clime : 
Give me to wander o’er the burning plains 
Of Lybia’s defarts, or the wild domains 
Of Scythia’s fnow-clad rocks and frozen ftiorc ; 
There let me, hopelefs of return, deplore. 
Where ghaftly horror fills the dreary vale. 
Where fhrieks and bowlings die on every gale. 
The lions roaring, and the tygers yell. 

There with mine infant race, confign'd to dwell 
There let me try that piety to find, 

Jn vain by Me implored from human kind : 
There in fome dreary cavern’s rocky womb, 
Amid the horrors of fepulchral gloom, 


bits. Hijos mios, donde vais ? 
Donde vais fin vueftra madre f 
Falta en los hombres piedad i 
Adonde vais luzes mais ? 

Como, que afli me dexais 
En el mayor defconfuelo 
En manos de la cxueldad. 

Nine Alfon. Confuelate madre mia, 

Y a Dios tc puedas quedar, 

Que vamos con nueftro abuelo, 

Y no querra hazernas mal. 

Ines. Poflible es. Tenor, Rey mio. 

Padre, que anfi me cerreis 
La puerta para el perdon ? 

• • • • 

Aora, Fenor, aora, 

Aora es tiempo de monllrar 
El mucho poder que dene 
Vueftra real Mageftad. 

• * * • 

Como, Tenor ? vos os vais 
Y a Alvar Gonzalez, y a Coello 
Inhumanos me entregais ? 

Hijos, hijos de mi vida, 

Dexad me los abrafar ; 

AlonTo, mi vida hijo, 

Dionis, a mores, tomad, 

Tornad a ver vueftra madre ; 

Pedro mio, donde eftas 
Que anfi te olvidas de mi ? 

Poflible es que en tanto mal 
Me Talta tu vifta, eTpoTo ? 

Quien te pudiera aviTar 
Del peligro en que afligida 
Dona Ines tu eTpoTa efta. 

The drama, Trom which theTe extrafts art 
taken, is entitled, Reynar defpues de mortr. 
And as they are cited for the tendernefs of 
the original exprellion, a traniladoa of them 
is not attempted. 

T H E 

L U S I A D. 

Book III. 


For him whofe love I mourn, my love fhall glow, 
The figh {liall murmur, and the tear fhall flow : 
All my fond wifh, and all my hope, to rear 
Thefe infant pledges of a love fo dear, 

Amidfi: my griefs a foothing, glad employ, 

Amidfi: my fears a woful, hopelefs joy. 

In tears fhe utter’d — as the.frozen fnow 
Touch’d by the fpring’s mild ray, begins to flow. 

So juft began to melt his ftubborn foul 
As mild-ray’d Pity o’er the Tyrant ftole 3 
But deftiny forbade : with eager zeal, 

Again pretended for the public weal. 

Her fierce accufers urged her fpeedy doom 3 
Again dark rage diffufed its horrid gloom 
O’er Item 1 Alonzo’s brow : fwift at the fign, 

Tneir fwords unfheathed around her brandifh'd fhine. 

1 O'er Jiern Alonso's bro<vj — To give the 
chara&er of Alphonfo IV. will throw light 
on this inhuman tranfa&ion. He was an 
undutiful fon, an unnatural brother, and a 
cruel father ; a great and fortunate warrior, 
diligent in the execution of the laws, and a 
Machiavilian politician. That good might 
be attained, by villainous means,, was his fa- 
vourite maxim. When the enemies of 
Inez had perfuaded him that her death was 
necelfary to the welfare of the hate, he took 
a journey to Coimbra , that he might fee the 
lady, when the prince his fon was abfent on 
a hunting party. Donna Inez with her 
children threw herfelf at his feet. The king 

was moved with the dilhrefs of the beautiful 
fuppliant, when his three counfellors, Al- 
varo Gonfalez, Diego Lopez Pacheco, and 
Pedro Coellc, reproaching him for his difre- 
gard to the hate, he relapfed into his former 
refolution. She was dragged from his pre- 
fence, and brutally murdered by the hands 
of his three counfellors, who immediately 
returned to the king with their daggers 
reeking with the innocent blood of the prin- 
cefs his daughter-in-law. Alonzo, fays La 
Neufville, avowed the horrid afiaffination, 
as if he had done nothing fcr which he 
ought to be alhamed. 

O foul 

Book III. 



O foul difgrace, of knighthood laRing Rain, 

By men of arms an helplefs lady flain ! 

Thus Pyrrhus, burning with unmanly ire. 

Fulfill’d the mandate of his furious lire; 

Difdainful of the frantic matron’s prayer,' 

On fair Polyxena, her laft fond care, 

He rufh’d, his blade yet warm with Priam’s gore. 

And dafh’d the daughter on the facred floor ■, 

While mildly (he her raving mother eyed,. 

Refign’d her bofom to the fword, and died. 

Thus Inez, while her eyes to heaven appeal, 

Refigns her bofom to the murdering Reel : 

That fnowy neck, whofe matchlefs form fuRain’d 
The lovelieR face where all the Graces reign’d, 

Whofe charms fo long the gallant Prince inflamed. 

That her pale corfe was Lifboa’s queen proclaimed > 

That fnowy neck was Rained with fpouting gore. 

Another fword her lovely bofom tore. 

The flowers that gliRen’d with her tears bedew’d,. 

Now Ihrunk and languifli’d with her blood imbrew’d. 

As when a rofe, erewhile of bloom fo gay. 

Thrown from the carelefs virgin’s breaR away. 

Lies faded on the plain, the living red. 

The fnowy white, and all its fragrance fled ; 


Book III. 


134 THE L U 8 I A D. 

So from her cheeks the rofes dy’d away, 

And pale in death the beauteous Inez lay : 

With dreadful fmiles, and crimfon’d with her blood. 

Round the wan vidtim the hern murderers flood. 

Unmindful of the fure, though future hour. 

Sacred to vengeance and her Lover’s power. 

O Sun, couldfl thou fo foul a crime behold. 

Nor veil thine head in darknefs, as of old 
A fudden night unwonted horror call 
O’er that dire banquet, where the fire’s repaft 
The fon’s torn limbs fupplied !— -Yet you, ye vales ! 

Ye diflant forefls, and ye flowery dales ! 

When pale and finking to the dreadful fall. 

You heard her quivering lips on Pedro call > 

Your faithful echoes caught the parting found. 

And Pedro ! Pedro ! mournful, figh’d around. 

Nor lefs the wood-nymphs of Mondego’s groves 
Bewail’d the memory of her haplefs loves : 

Her griefs they wept, and to a plaintive rill 
Transform’d their tears, which weeps and murmurs flill. 

To give immortal pity to her woe 

They taught the riv’let through her bowers to flow. 

And flill through violet beds the fountain pours 
Its w plaintive wailing, and is named Amours. 

w _ Still the fountain pours its plaintive dego, there is a rivulet called the fountain of 
‘Trailing — At an old royal caitle near Mon- Amours. According to tradition, it was 


Book III 


r 35 

L U S I A D. 

Nor long her blood for vengeance cry’d in vain : 

Her gallant Lord begins his awful reign- 
In vain her murderers for refuge fly, 

Spain’s wildeft hills no place of reft fupply. 

The injur’d Lover’s and the Monarch’s ire. 

And ftern -brow’d juftice in their doom confpire : 

In hiding flames they die, and yield their fouls in x fire- 

here that Don Pedro refided with his beloved 
Inez. The fiftion of Camoens, founded on 
the popular name of the rivulet, is in the 
fpirit of Homer. 

* — and yield their fouls in fre. — When 
the Prince was informed of the death of his 
beloved Inez, he was tranfported into the 
moll violent fury. He took arms againft his 
father. The country between the rivers Minho 
and Doura was laid defolate : but by the 
interpofition of thcQueen and the Archbilhop 
of Braga the Prince was foftened,. and the 
further horrors of a civil war were prevented. 
Don Alonzo was not only reconciled to his 
fon, but laboured by every means to oblige 
him, and to efface from his memory the in- 
jury and infult he had received. The Prince, 
however, Hill continued to difcover the 
flrongdl marks of affection and grief. When 
he fucceeded to the crown, one of his firil 
a£ts was a treaty with the King of Caftile, 
whereby each Monarch engaged to give up 
fuch malecontents, as fhould take refuge in 
each other’s dominions. In confequence of 
this, Pedro Coello and Alvaro Gonfalez, who, 
on the death of Alonzo, had fled to Caftile, 
were fent prifoners to Don Pedro. Diego 
Pacheto, the third murderer, made his efcape. 
The other two were put to death with the 
moll exquifite tortures, and moll juftly me- 
rited, if exquifite torture is in any inftance 
to be allowed. After this the King, Don 
Pedro, fummoned an aflembly of the Hates 
at Cantanedes. Here, in the prefence of the 
Pope’s nuncio, he folemnly fwore on the 
holy Gofpels, that having obtained a dif-' 
penfation from Rome, he had fecretly, at 
Braganza, efpoufed the Lady Inez de Caflro, 
in the prefcnce of the Biftiop of Guards, 

and of his mailer of the wardrobe; both of 
whom confirmed the truth of the oath. The 
Pope’s Bull, containing the difpenfation, 
was publilhed ; the body of Inez was lifted 
from the grave, placed on a magnificent 
throne, and with the proper Regalia, was 
crowned Queen of Portugal. The nobility 
did homage to her fkeleton, and killed the 
bones of her hand. The corps was then 
interred at the royal monaftery of Akohaca, 
with a pomp before unknown in Portugal,, 
and with all the honours due to a Queen. 
Her monument is ftill extant, where her 
ftatue is adorned with the diadem and the 
royal robe. This, with the legitimation of 
her children, and the care he took of all 
who had been in her ferv-ice, confoled him 
in fome degree, and rendered him more con- 
verfable than he had hitherto been ; but the 
cloud which the death of his Inez brought 
over the natural cheerfulnefs of his temper^ 

was never totally difperfed. A circum- 

liance ftrongly charadteriftic of the rage of 
his refentment mull not be omitted : When 
die murderers were brought before him, he 
was fo tranfported with indignation, that he- 
Jllruck Pedro Coello feveral blows on the face 
with the fhaft of his whip. Some grave 
writers have branded this a ft ion as unworthy 
of the Magillrate and the Hero; and thofe- 
who will, may add, of the Philofopher too: 
Something greater however belongs to Don 
Pedro : A regard which we do not feel for 
any of the three, will, in every bofom, cap- 
able of genuine love, infpire a tender fym-„ 
pathy for the agonies of his heart, when. 
the prefence of the inhuman murderers pre- 
fented to his mind the horrid feene of the 
butchery of his beloved fpoufe. 


Book III. 

136 THE L U S I A D. 

Nor this alone his ftedfaft foul difplay’d : 
Wide o’er the land he waved the awful blade 
Of red -arm’d Juftice. From the fhades of night 
He dragg’d the foul adulterer to light: 

The robber from his dark retreat was led. 

And he, who fpilt the blood of murder, bled. 
Unmoved he heard the proudeft Noble plead ; 

Where Juftice aim’d her fword,. with ftubborn fpeed 
Pell the dire ftroke. Nor cruelty infpired, 

Nobleft humanity his bofom fired. 

The Caitiff, ftarting at his thoughts, repreft 
The feeds of murder lpringing in his breaft. 

His outftretch’d arm the lurking thief withheld. 

For fixt as fate he knew his doom was feal’d. 

Safe in his Monarch’s care the Ploughman reapt. 

And proud Opprefilon coward diftance kept. 

Pedro y the juft the peopled towns proclaim. 

And every field refounds her Monarch’s name. 

The impreffion left on the philofophical 
mind by thefe hiftorical faXs, will naturally 
fuggeft fome reflexions on human nature. 
Every man is proud of being thought ca- 
pable of love ; and none more fo than thofe 
who have the leaft title to the name of Lover ; 
thofe whom the French call Les bommes de 
Galanterie, whofe only happinefs is in va- 
riety, and to whom the greateft beauty and 
mental accompliftiments lofe every charm 
after a few months enjoyment. Their fa- 
tiety they fcruple not to confefs, but are not 
aware, that in doing fo, they alfo confefs, 
that the principle which infpired their paf- 
fion was grofs, and felfilh. To conftitute a 
genuine Love, like that of Don Pedro, re- 

quires a noblenefs and goodnefs of heart, 
totally incompatible with an ungenerous 
mind. The youthful fever of the veins 
may, for a while, infpire an attachment to 
a particular objeX ; but an affeXion fo un- 
changeable and fincere as that of the Prince 
of Portugal, can only fpring from a bofom 
poflefled of the fineft feelings and of every 

y Pedro the jujl — Hiftory cannot afford 
an inftance of any Prince who has a more 
eminent claim to the title of juft than Pedro. 
His diligence to correX every abufe was in- 
defatigable, and when guilt was proved, 
his juftice was inexorable. He was dread- 
ful to the evil, and beloved by the good ; 


Book. III. 



Of this brave Prince the foft degenerate fon, 
Fernando the remifs, afcends the throne. 

With arm unnerved the liftlefs foldier lay 
And own’d the influence of a nervelefs fway ; 

The flern Caftilian drew the vengeful brand, 

And ftrode proud vidtor o’er the trembling land. 
How dread the hour, when injur’d heaven in rage. 
Thunders its vengeance on a guilty age ! 

Unmanly floth the King, the nation ftain’d ; 

And lewdnefs, fofler’d by the Monarch, reign’d : 
The Monarch own’d that firft of crimes unjuft. 
The wanton revels of adulterous luft : 

Such was his rage for beauteous * Leonore, 

Her from her hufband’s widow’d arms he tore ; 

for he refpefted no perfons, and his inflex- 
ible feverity never digrefled from the line of 
drift juftice. An anecdote or two will throw 
fome light on his character. A Pried having 
killed a Ma/on, the king diflembled his 
knowledge of the crime, and left the iJTue 
to the Ecclefiaftical Court, where the Pried 
was punilhcd by one year’s fufpenfion from 
faying mafs. Pedro upon this privately 
ordered the Mafon’s fon to revenge the mur- 
der of his father. The young man obeyed, 
was apprehended, and condemned to death. 
When his fentence was to be confirmed by 
the king, he enquired, what was the 
you ig man’s trade. He \yas anfwered, that 
he followed his father’s. Well then, faid the 
monarch, I fliall commute his punifliment, 
and interdict him from meddling with 
Hone or mortar for a year. After this he 
fully eftablifhed the authority of the king’s 
courts over the Clergy, whom he punifhed 
witli death when their crimes were capital. 
When folicited to refer the caufes of fuch 
criminals to a higher tribunal, by which 
they tacitly meant that of the Pope ; he 

would anfwer very calmly, That is what I 
intend to do : I will fend them to the highejl of 
all tribunals, to that of their Maker and mine * 
Againd Adulterers he was particularly fe- 
vere, often declaring it his opinion, that 
conjugal infidelity was the fource of the 
greated evils, and that therefore to redraia 
it was the intered and duty of the Sovereign. 
Though the fate of his beloved Inez cha- 
grined and foured his temper, he was fo far 
from being naturally fullen or paflionate, that 
he was rather of a gay and fprightly difpo- 
fition, affable and eafy ofaccefs ; delighted 
in malic and dancing ; a lover of learning, 
was himfelf a man of letters, and an elegant 
Poet. Vide Le Cledc, Mariana , Faria. 

z beauteous Leonore This lady, 

named Leonora de Tellez, was the wife of 
Don Juan Lorenzo d'Acugna , a nobleman 
of one of the mod diftinguifhed families in 
Portugal. After a fham procefs this mar- 
riage was diffolved, and the king privately 
efpoufed her, though at that time he was 
publickly married by prozy to Donna Leo- 
nora of Arragon.. A dangerous infurreftion, 
'1' headed 

Book III, 

138 THE L U S I A D. 

Then with unbleft, unhallowed nuptials ftained 
The facred altar, and its rites profaned. 

Alas ! the fplendor of a crown how vain. 

From heaven’s dread eye to veil the dimmed; ftain ! 
To conquering Greece, to ruin’d Troy, what woes. 
What ills on ills, from Helen’s rape arofe ! 

L,et Appius own, let banifti’d Tarquin tell 
On their hot rage what heavy vengeance fell. 

One female ravifh’d Gibeah’s ftreets 3 beheld. 

O’er Gibeah’s ftreets the blood of thoufands dwell’d 
In vengeance of the crime ; and ftreams of blood 
The guilt of Zion’s facred bard b purfued. 

Yet Love full oft with wild delirium blinds. 
And fans his bafeft fires in nobleft minds : 

The female garb the great Alcides wore. 

And for his Omphale the diftaff c bore. 

For Cleopatra’s frown the world was loft. 

The Roman terror, and the Punic boaft. 

headed by one Vda/que* , a taylor, drove 
the king and his adulterous bride from 
LifDon. Soon after he caufed his marriage 
to be publickly celebrated in the province 
between the Dcuro and Minho. Henry king 
of Caftile, informed of the general dif- 
content that reigned in Portugal, marched 
a formidable army into that kingdom, to 
revenge the injury offered to fome of his 
fubjedts, whofe ffiips had been unjuftly feized 
at Lifbon. The defolation hinted at by 
Camoens enfued. After the fubjetts of both 

kingdoms had feverely fuffered, the two 
kings ended the war, much to their mutual 
fatisfaftion, by an intermarriage of their 
baftard children. 

2 Giheah’s Jlreets -See Judges, 

chap, xix and xx. 

b The guilt of Zion' s facred hard 

David — See z Samuel, chap. iii. io. “ The 
fword fhall never depart from thine houfe.” 

£ The great -Alcides — Alcidcm lanas nere 
coegit amor . Ovid. 


Book III. 



Cannae’s great vidlor, for a harlot’s fmile, 

Refign’d the harveft of his glorious toil. 

And who can boaft he never felt the fires. 

The trembling throbbings of the young defires. 
When he beheld the breathing rofes glow. 

And the foft heavings of the living fnow ; 

The waving ringlets of the auburn hair. 

And all the rapturous graces of the Fair ! 

Oh ! what defence, if fixt on him, he fpy 
The languid fweetnefs of the ftedfaft eye ! 

Ye who have felt the dear luxurious fmart. 

When angel charms opprefs the powerlefs heart. 

In pity here relent the brow fevere, 

And o’er Fernando’s weaknefs drop the tear. 

To conclude the notes on this book, it 
may not be unneceflary to obferve, that Ca- 
moens, in this Epifode, has happily ad- 
hered to a principal rule of the Epopceia. 
To paint the manners and chara&ers of the 
age in which the adlion is placed, is as re- 
quifite in the Epic Poem, as it is to preferve 
the unity of the charadler of an Individual. 
That gallantry of bravery, and romantic call: 
of the military adventures, which charac- 
terifed the Spaniards and Portuguefe during 
the Moorifh wars, is happily fupported by 
Camoens in its moll juft and linking co- 
lours. In hiftory we find furprifing vic- 

tories obtained over the Infidels: In the 
Lufiad we find the heroes breathing that en- 
thufiafm which led them to conqueft, that 
enthufiafm of military honours fo ftrongly 
exprefled by Alonzo V. of Portugal, at the 
liege of jlrzila. In ftorming the citadel, 
the Count de Marialva, a brave old officer, 
loft his life. The King leading his only 
fon, the Prince Don Juan, to the body of 
the Count, while the blood yet ftreamed 
from his wounds, “ Behold, he cried, 
that great man ! May God grant you, my 
fon, to imitate his virtues. May your ho* 
nour, like his, be complete!” 




L U S I A D. 


\ S the toft veflel on the ocean rowls, 

'*■ When dark the night, and loud the temped; howls. 

When the lorn mariner in every wave 

That breaks and gleams, forbodes his watery grave ; 

But when the dawn, all filent and ferene, 

With foft-paced ray difpels the fhades obfcene. 

With grateful tranfport fparkling in each eye. 

The joyful crew the port of fafety Ipy. 

Such darkling tempeds and portended fate. 

While weak Fernando lived, appall’d the date; 

Such when he dy’d, the peaceful morning role. 

The dawn of joy, and footh’d the public woes. 



As blazing glorious o’er the fhades of night. 

Bright in his eaft breaks forth, the Lord of light. 

So valiant John with dazzling* blaze appears. 

And from the dull his drooping nation rears. 

Though fprung from youthful Paftlon’s wanton loves,, 
Great Pedro’s fon in noble foul he proves ; 

And heaven announced him king by right divine,, 

A cradled infant gave the wondrous a fign : 

Her tongue had never lifp’d the mother’s name,- 
No word, no mimic found her lips could frame. 
When heaven the miracle of fpeech infpired ;• 

She raifed her little hands, with rapture fired. 

Let Portugal, the cried, with joy proclaim 

The brave Don John, and own her monarch’s name.- 

The burning fever of domeftic rage 
Now wildly raved, and mark’d the barbarous age y- 

3 A cradled infant gave the vjcndrettt 

fgn No circumftance has ever been more 

ridiculed by the ancient and modern pe- 
dants than Alexander’s pretenfions to di- 
vinity. Some of his courtiers expoftulating 
with him one day on the abfurdity of fuch 
claim, he replied, “ I know the truth of 
M what you fey, but thefe,” (pointing to a 
croud of Perfians) “ thefe know no better.” 
The report that the Grecian army was com- 
manded by a fon of Jupiter fpread terror 
through the Eaft, an 3 greatly facilitated the 
operations of the Conqueror. The miracu- 
lous fpeech of the infant, attefted by a few 
monks, was adapted to the fuperftition of 

the age of John I. and as he was a baftard,' 
was of infinite fervice to his caufe. The 
pretended fatt, however, is differently re-- 
lated. By fome, thus : When Don John, 
then regent of Portugal, was going to 
Coimbra, to affift at an aflembly. of the 
ftates, at a little diftdnce from the city he 
was met by a great number of children 
riding upon fticks, who no fooner faw him 
than they cried out, “ Blefled be Don John 
“ king of Portugal j the king is coming, 
“ Don John fhall be king.” Whether this 
was owing to art or accident, it had a 
great effeft. At the affembly the regent 
was elefted king. 



Book IV. 

1 42 

Through every rank the headlong fury ran. 

And fird red daughter in the court began. 

Of fpoufal vows, and widow’d bed defiled. 

Loud fame the beauteous Leanore reviled. 

The adulterous noble in her prefence bled, 

And torn with wounds his numerous friends lay dead. 
No more thofe ghadly deathful nights amaze. 

When Rome wept tears of blood in Scylla’s days j 
More horrid deeds b Ulyfles’ towers beheld : 

Each cruel bread; where rankling envy dwell’d, 
Accufed his foe as minion of the queen 5 
Accufed, and murder clofed the dreary fcene. 

All holy ties the frantic tranfport braved. 

Nor facred priedhood nor the altar faved. 

Thrown from a tower, like Hedtor’s fon of yore. 
The mitred c head was dafhed with brains and gore. 
Ghadly with fcenes of death, and mangled limbs. 
And black with clotted blood each pavement fwims. 

With all the fiercenefs of the female ire. 

When rage and grief to tear the bread confpire. 

b . Ulyjfes * /outers— —See the note w , 

pag. 104. 

c The mitred head Don Martin, bi- 

fh op of Lilbon, a man of an exemplary 
life. He was by birth a Caitilian, which 

was efteemed a fufficient reafon to murder 
him, as of the queen’s party. He was 
thrown from the tower of his own cathe- 
dral, whither he had fled to avoid the po- 
pular fury. 


Book IV. 


L U S I A D, 

The queen beheld her power, her honours d loft. 
And ever when Ihe flept th’ adulterer’s ghoft. 

All pale, and pointing at his bloody ftiroud. 
Seem’d ever for revenge to fcream aloud. 


Cafteel’s proud monarch to the nuptial bed 
In happier days her royal daughter led : 

To him the furious queen for vengeance cries. 
Implores to vindicate his lawful prize. 

•* The queen beheld her fewer, her honours 
left — PofTeffed of great beauty and great 
abilities, this bad woman was a difgrace to 
her fex, and a curfe to the age and country 
which gave her birth. Her fifter, Donna 
Maria, a lady of unblemilhed virtue, had 
been fecretly married to the infant Don 
Juan, the king’s brother, who was paffion- 
ately attached to her. Donna Maria had 
formerly endeavoured to diffuade her fifter 
from the adulterous marriage with the 
king. In revenge of this, the queen Leo- 
nora perfuaded Don Juan that her fifter was 
unfaithful to his bed. The enraged huf- 
band hafted to his wife, and without en- 
quiry or expoftulation, fays Mariana, dif- 
patched her with two ftrokes of his dagger. 
He was afterwards convinced of her in- 
nocence, and was compleatly wretched. 
Having facrificed her honour and her 
firft hufband to a king, fays Faria, Le- 
onora foon facrificed that king to a 
wicked gallant, a Caftilian nobleman, 
named Don Juan Fernandez de Andeyro. 
An unjuft war with Cadile , wherein the 
Portuguefe were defeated by fea and land, 
was the firft fruits of the policy of the new 
favourite. Andeyro one day having heated 
himfelf by fome military exercife, the queen 
tore her veil, and publicly gave it him to 
wipe his face. The grand mafter of Avis, 
the king’s baftard brother, afterwards John 
I. and fome others, expoftulated with her 
on the indecency of this behaviour. She 
diffembled her refentnient, but foon after 

they were feized and committed to the caftle 
of Evora, where a forged order for their 
execution was fent ; but the governor fuf- 
pefting fome fraud, fhewed it to the king, 
and their lives were faved. Yet fuch was her 
afcendency over the weak Fernando, that, 
tho’ convinced of her guilt, he ordered his 
brother to kifs the queen’s hand, and thank 
her for his life. Soon after Fernando died, 
but not till he was fully convinced of the 
queen’s conjugal infidelity, and had given 
an order for the affafiination of the gallant. 
Not long after the death of the king, the 
favourite Andeyro was ftabbed in the palace 
by the grand mafter of Avis, and Don Ruy 
de Pereyra. The queen exprefled all the 
tranfport of grief and rage, and declared 
fhe would undergo the trial ordeal in vindi- 
cation of his and her innocence. But this 
fhe never performed : in her vows of re- 
venge, however, fhe was more punftual. 
Don Juan, king of Caftile, who had mar- 
ried her only daughter and heirefs, at her 
earneft entreaties invaded Portugal, and was 
proclaimed king. Don John, grand mafter 
of Avis, was proclaimed by the people 
Protestor and Regent. A defperate waren- 
fued. Queen Leonora, treated with indif- 
ference by her daughter and fon-in-law, 
refolved on the murder of the latter ; but 
the plot was difeovered, and fhe was fent 
prifoner to Caftile. The Regent was be- 
fieged in Lifbon, and the city reduced to the 
utmoft extremities, when an epidemical dis- 
temper broke out in the Caftilian army, and 



Book IV. 

The Lufian fceptre, his by fpoufal right: 

The proud Caftilian arms and dares the fight. 

To join his ftandard as it waves along. 

The warlike troops from -various regions throng : 
Thofe who pofTefs the lands by Rodrick e given. 
What time the Moor from Turia’s banks was driven ; 
That race who joyful fmile at war’s alarms. 

And fcorn each danger that attends on arms ; 

•made fuch devaluation, that the king fud- 
denly raifed the liege, and abandoned his 
views in Portugal. The happy inhabitants 
afcribed their deliverance to the valour and 
vigilance of the Regent. The Regent re- 
proved their ardour, exhorted them to re- 
pair to their churches, and to .return thanks 
to God, to whofe interpolition he folely 
afcribed their fafety. This behaviour in- 
creafed the admiration of the people; the 
nobility of the firlt rank joined the Regent’s 
party ; and many garrifons in theintereft of 
the king of Caftile opened their gates to 
him. An alfembly of the ftates met at 
Coimbra, where it was propofed to invert 
the Regent with the regal dignity; This 
he pretended to decline. Don John, fon of 
Pedro the Juft, and the beautiful Inez de 
Caftro, was by the people efteemed their 
lawful fovereign, but was, and had been 
long detained, a prifoner by the king of 
Caftile. If the ftates would declare the 
infant Don John their king, the Regent 
profefled his wiilingnefs to fwear allegiance 
to him ; that he would continue to expofe 
himfelf to every danger, and ad as Regent, 
till providence reftored to Portugal ker law- 
ful fovereign. The ftates however faw the 
neceflity that the nation Ihould have an 
head. The Regent was unanimoully eleded 
ting, and fome articles in favour of liberty 
were added to thofe agreed upon at the 
.coronation of Don Alonzo Enriquez, the 
firft king of Portugal. 

Don John I. one of the greateft of the 

Portuguefe monarchs, was the natural fon 
of Pedro the Juft, by Donna Tere/a Lorenza, 
a Galician lady, and born fome years after the 
death of Inez. At feven years of age he 
was made grand mafter of Avis, and by his 
father’s particular care he received an excel- 
lent education ; which, joined to his great 
parts, produced him early on the political 
theatre. He was a brave commander, and 
a deep politician, yet never forfeited the 
charader of candour and honour. To be 
humble to his friends, and haughty to his 
enemies, was his leading maxim. His pru- 
dence gained him the confidence of the wife, 
his fteadinefs and gratitude the friendlhip of 
the brave ; his liberality the bulk of the 
people. He was in the twenty- feven th year 
of his age when declared protedor, and in 
the twenty-eighth when proclaimed king. 

The following anecdote is much to the 
honour of this prince when Regent. A Caf- 
tilian officer having fix Portuguefe gentle- 
men his prifoners, cut off their nofes and 
hands, and fent them to Don John. Highly 
incenfcd, he commanded fix Caftilian 
gentlemen to be treated in the fame 
manner. But before the officer, to whom 
he gave the orders, had quitted the room, 
he relented. “ I have given enough to 
“ refentment, faid he, in giving fuch a 
“ command It were infamous to put it 
“ in execution. See that the Caftilian 
“ prifoners receive no harm.” 

1 — - by 'Rodrick given — The celebrated 
hero of Corneille’s tragedy of the Cid. 


Book IV. THE L U S I A D. 1 , 

Whofe crooked ploughfliares Leon's uplands tear, 

Now cafed in deel in glittering arms appear, 

Thofe arms erewhile fo dreadful to the Moor : 

The Vandals glorying in their might of yore 
March on ; their helms and moving lances gleam 
Along the flowery vales of Betis’ dream : 

Nor flaid the Tyrian c iflanders behind, 

On whofe proud enfigns floating on the wind 
Alcides’ pillars tower’d ; Nor wonted fear 
Withheld the bafe Galician’s fordid fpear ; 

Though dill his crimfon feamy fears reveal 
The fure-aim’d vengeance of the Lufian deel. 

Where tumbling down Cuenca’s mountain fide 
The murmuring Tagus rolls his foamy tide. 

Along Toledo’s lawns, the pride of Spain, 

Toledo’s warriors join the martial train: 

Nor lefs the furious lud of war infpires 
The Bifcayneer, and wakes his barbarous fires. 

Which ever burn for vengeance, if the tongue 
Of haplefs dranger give the fancy’d wrong. 

Nor bold Aduria, nor Guifpufcoa’s fliore. 

Famed for their deely wealth, and iron ore, 

Delay’d their vaunting fquadrons ; o’er the dales 
Cafed in their native deel, and belted mails, 

e — — thi Tyrian ijlandtri — The inhabitants of Cadiz; of old a Phoenician colony. 





Book IV* 

Blue gleaming from afar fhey march along, 

And join with many a fpear the warlike throng. 

As thus, wide fweeping o’er the trembling coaft. 

The proud Cafcilian ieads his numerous hoft. 

The valiant John for brave defence prepares. 

And in himfelf collected greatly dares : 

For fuch high valour in his bofom glow’d, 

As Samfon’s locks by miracle beftow’d : 

Safe in himfelf refolved the hero Hands, 

Yet calls the leaders of his anxious bands : 

The council fummon’d, fome with prudent mien. 

And words of grave advice their terrors fcreen 5 
. By doth debafed, no more the ancient lire 
Of patriot loyalty can now infpire ; 

And each pale lip feem’d opening to declare 
For tame fubmiffion, and to fhun the war j 
When glorious Nunio, llarting from his feat. 

Claim’d every eye, and clofed the cold debate : 

Singling his brothers from the daftard train. 

His rowling looks, that flafh’d with Hern difdain. 

On them he fixt, then fnatch’d his hilt in ire. 

While his bold fpeech bewray’d the foldier’s lire. 

Bold and f unpolifh’d ; while his burning eyes 
Seem’d as he dared the ocean, earth, and Ikies r 

f Bold and unpolijh' d This fpeech in quence. The critic, it is hoped, will per- 

the original has been much admired by the ceive that the Tranflator has endeavoured to 

foreign critics, as a model of military elo- fupport the character of the Speaker. 

Heavens 1 

Book IV. 



Heavens! lhall the Lufian nobles tamely yield ! 

Oh lliame ! and yield untry’d the martial field ! 

That land whofe genius, as the God of war. 

Was own’d, where’er approach’d her thundering car ; 

Shall now her Tons their faith, their love deny, 

And, while their country finks, ignobly fly ! 

Ye timorous herd, are ye the genuine line 
Of thofe illuflxious fhades, whofe rage divine 
Beneath great Henry’s ftandards awed the foe. 

For whom ye tremble, and would ftoop fo low ! 

That foe, who, boaftful now, then bafely fled. 

When your undaunted fires the Hero led. 

When fcven bold Earls in chains the fpoil adorn’d. 

And proud Cafteel through all her kindreds mourn’d, 

Cafteel, your awful dread — yet, confcious, fay. 

When Dinez reign’d, when his bold fon bore fway, 

By whom were trodden down the braveft bands 
That ever march’d from proud Caftilia’s lands ? 

*Twas your brave fires — and has one languid reign 
Fix’d in your tainted fouls fo deep a ftain. 

That now degenerate from your noble fires. 

The laft dim fpark of Lufian flame expires ? 

Though weak Fernando reign’d in war unlkill’d, 

A godlike king now calls you to the field — 

Oh ! could like his your mounting valour glow. 

Vain were the threatening^ of the vaunting foe. 

U 2 Ntft 

L U S I A D. 

Eook IV, 

148 THE 

Not proud Called, oft by your fires o’ertbrown. 
But every land your dauntlefs rage fhould own. 
Still if your hands benumb’d by female fear, 
Shun the bold war, hark ! on my fword I fwear, 
Myfelf alone the dreadful war fhall wage— 

Mine be the fight— -and trembling with the rage 
Of valorous fire, his hand half-drawn difplay’d 
The awful terror of his fhining blade — 

I and my vaffals dare the dreadful fhoek ; 

My fhoulders never to a foreign yoke 

Shall bend j and by my Sovereign’s wrath I vow. 

And by that loyal faith renounced by you. 

My native land unconquer’d fhall remain. 

And all my. Monarch’s foes fhall heap the plain. 

The hero paufed — ’Twas thus the youth of Rome, 
The trembling few who ’fcaped the bloody doom 
That dy’d with daughter Cannae’s purple field, 
Aflembled flood, and bow’d their necks to yield ; 
When nobly rifing with a like difdain 
The young h Cornelius raged, nor raged in vain : 

h The young Cornelius — This was the fa- 
mous P. Corn. Scipio Afrieanus. The fa&, 
fomewhat differently related by Livy, is 
this. After the defeat at Cannae, a con- 
iiderable body of Romans fled to Canufium, 
and appointed Scipio and Ap. Claudius their 
commanders. While they remained there, 
it was told Scipio, that fome of his chief 
officers, at the head of whom was Coecilius 
Metellus, were taking meafures to tranfport 
themfelves out of Italy. He went imme- 
diately to their affembly, and drawing his 

fword, faid, I fwear that I will not defert 
the Commonwealth of Rome , nor fujfer any 
other citizen to do it. The fame oath 1 re- 
quire of you, Caci Hits, and of all prefent ; 
whoever refufes, let him know that this 
fword is drawn againf him . The Hiftorian 
adds, that they were as terrified by this, as 
if they had beheld the face of their conque- 
ror Hannibal. They all fwore, and fub- 
mitted themfelves to Scipio. Vid. Liv. 
B. 22. C. 53. 


Book IV. 



On his dread fword his daunted peers ho fwore, 

(The reeking blade yet black with Punic gore) 

While life remain’d their arms for Rome to wield. 

And but with life their conquer’d arms to yield. 

Such martial rage brave Nunio’s mien infpired; 

Fear was no more : with rapturous ardour fired. 

To horfe, to horfe, the gallant Lufians cry’d ; 

Rattled the belted mails on every fide. 

The fpear-flaffs trembled ; round their heads they waved 
Their fhining faulchions, and in tranfport raved. 

The King our guardian — loud their fhouts rebound,, 
And the fierce commons ecchoe back the found. 

The mails that long in ruffing peace had hung. 

Now on the hammer’d anvils hoarfely rung: 

Some foft with wool the plumy helmets line. 

And fome the breaff-plate’s fcaly belts entwine : 

The gaudy mantles fome, and fcarfs prepare. 

Where various lightfome colours gaily flare j 
And golden tiffue, with the warp enwove, 

Dilplays the emblems of their youthful love. 

The valiant John, begirt with warlike ffate. 

Now leads his bands from fair Abrantes’ gate ; 

Whofe lawns of green the infant Tagus laves. 

As from his fpring he rolls his cooly waves. 



Book IV 

* 5 ° 

The daring van m Nunio’s care could boafl 
A General worthy of the unnumber’d hoft, 
Whofe gaudy banners trembling Greece defy’d. 
When boaftful Xerxes lafh’d the Seftian tide : 
Nunio, to proud Cafteel as dread a name. 

As erft to Gaul and Italy the fame 
Of Atilla’s impending rage. The right 
Brave Roderic led, a Chieftain train’d in fight : 
Before the left the bold Almada rode, 

And proudly waving o’er the centre nod 
The royal enfigns, glittering from afar. 

Where godlike John infpires and leads the war. 

'Twas now the time, when from the ftubbly plain 
The labouring hinds had borne the yellow grain $ 

The purple vintage heapt the foamy tun, 

And fierce and red the fun of Auguft fhone j 
When from the gate the fquadrons march along: 

Crowds preft on crowds, the walls and ramparts throng : 
Here the fad mother rends her hoary hair. 

While hope’s fond whifpers ftruggle with delpair : 

The weeping fpoufe to heaven extends her hands : 

And cold with dread the modefi: virgin hands ; 

Her earned: eyes, fuffufed with trembling dew. 

Far o’er the plain the plighted youth purfue : 


Book IV. 


And prayers and tears and all the female wail. 

And holy vows the throne of heaven aflail. 

Now each ftern hoft full front to front appears. 
And one joint fhout heaven’s airy concave tears : 

A dreadful paufe enfues, while confcious pride 
Strives on each face the heart-felt doubt to hide : 
Now wild and pale the boldett face is feen ; 

With mouth half open and difordered mien 
Each warrior feels his creeping blood to freeze. 

And languid weaknefs trembles in the knees. 

And now the clangor of the trumpet founds. 

And the rough rattling of the drum rebounds : 

The fife fhrill whittling cuts the gale ; on high 
The flourifh’d enfigns fhine with many a dye 
Of blazing fplendor : o’er the ground they wheel 
And chufe their footing, when the proud Catteel 
Bids found the horrid charge ; loud burtts the found. 
And loud Artabro’s rocky cliffs rebound : 

The thundering roar rolls round on every fide,. 

And trembling finks Guidana’s rapid tide : 

The flow paced Durius rufhes o’er the plain. 

And fearful Tagus haftens to the main. 

Such was the tempeft of the dread alarms. 

The babes that prattled in their nurfes’ arms 



Book IV. 


Shriek'd at the found : with fudden cold impreft. 
The mothers flrain’d their infants to the bread:. 

And fhook with horror— -now, far round, begin 
The bow firings whizzing, and the brazen k din 
Of arms on armour rattling ; either van 
Are mingled now, and man oppofed to man : 

To guard his native fields the one inspires. 

And one the raging lull of conqueft fires : 

Now with fixt teeth, their writhing lips of blue. 
Their eye-balls glaring of the purple hue. 

Each arm flrains fwiftefl to impell the blow 1 
Nor wounds they value now, nor fear they know. 
Their only paffion to offend the foe. 

In might and fury, like the warrior God, 

Before his troops the glorious Nunio rode : 

That land, the proud invaders claim’d, he fows 
With their fpilt blood, and with their corfes flrew-s. 
Their forceful volleys now the crofs-bows pour. 

The clouds are darken’d with the arrowy fhower j 
The white foam reeking o’er their wavy mane. 

The fnorting courfers rage and paw the plain ^ 

k . the brazen din — Homer and Virgil 
have, with great art, gradually heightened 
the fury of every battle, till the laft efforts 
of their genius were lavilhed in defcribing 
the fuperior prowefs of the Hero in the de- 
cifive engagement. Camoens, in like man- 
ner, has bellowed his utmoft attention on this 

his principal battle. The circumftances pre- 
paratory to the engagement are happily ima- 
gined, and folemnly conducted, and the fury 
of the combat is fupported with a poetical 
heat, and a variety of imagery, which, one 
need not heiltate to affirm, would have done 
honour to an ancient claflic. 


Book IV. 

.THE L U S I A D. 


Beat by their iron hoofs, the plain rebounds. 

As diftant thunder through the mountains founds : 
The ponderous fpears crafh, fplintering far around ; 
The horfe and horfemen flounder on the ground ; 
The ground groans with the fudden weight opprefl, 
And many a buckler rings on many a crefl:. 

Where wide around the raging Nunio’s fword 
With furious fway the braveft fquadrons gored, 

The raging foes in clofer ranks advance. 

And his own brothers fhake the hoftile 1 lance. 

Oh ! horrid fight ! yet not the ties of blood. 

Nor yearning memory his rage withfiood ; 

1 And his cion brothers Jbake the hojltle 
lance — The juft indignation with which Ca- 
moens treats the kindred of the brave Nunio 
Alvaro de Pereyra , is condemned by the 
French Tranflator. “ Dans le fond , fays 
“ he, les Pereyras ne meritoient aucune fle- 
“ trijjure, Sec. — The Pereyras deferve no 
“ ftain on their memory for joining the 
“ king of Caftile, whofe title to the crown 
“ of Portugal was infinitely more juft and 
“ folid than that of Don John.” Caftera, 
however, is grofly mjftaken. Don Alonzo 
Enriquez , the firft king of Portugal, was 
elefted by the people, who had recovered 
their liberties at the glorious battle of Ou- 
rique. At the eleilion the conftitution of 
the kingdom was fettled in eighteen ftiort 
ftatutes, wherein it is exprefsly provided, 
that none but a Portuguese can be king of 
Portugal ; that if an Infanta marry a foreign 
Prince, he (hall not, in her right, become 
king of Portugal : and a new election of a 
king, in cafe of the failure of the male 
line, is by thefe ftatutes declared to be legal. 
By the treaty of marriage between the king 
of Caftile and Donna Beatrix , the heirefs 
of Fernando of Portugal, it was agreed. 

that only their children ftiould Succeed to 
the Portuguefe crown ; and that, in cafe 
the throne became vacant ere Such children 
were born, the queen-dowager Leonora 
(hould govern with the title of Regent. 
Thus, neither by the original conftitution, 
nor by the treaty of marriage, could the king 
of Caftile Succeed to the throne of Portugal. 
And any pretence he might found on the 
marriage- contrail was ( already forfeited ; 
for he caufed himfelf and his queen to be 
proclaimed, added Portugal to his titles, 
coined Portuguefe money with his buft, 
depofed the queen Regent, and afterwards 
fent her prifoner to Caftile. The lawful 
heir, Don Juan, the Son of Inez de Caftro, 
wa^ kept in prifon by his rival the king 
of Caftile ; and, as before obferved, a 
new eleilion was, by the original ftatutes, 
declared legal in cafes of emergency. 
Thefe fails, added to the consideration of 
the tyranny of the king of Caftile, and the 
great Services which Don John had rendered 
his country, upon whom its exiftence as a 
kingdom depended, fiflly vindicate the in- 
dignation of Camoens againft the traiterous 



With proud difdain his honed eyes behold 
Whoe’er the tray tor, who his king has fold. 

Nor want there others in the hoftile band 
Who draw their fwords againft their native land 3 
And headlong driven, by impious rage acdurd. 

In rank were foremod, and in fight the firft. 

So Tons and fathers, by each other flain. 

With horrid daughter dyed Pharfalia’s plain. 

Ye dreary ghofts, who now for treafons foul, 
Amidd the gloom of Stygian darknefs howl j 
Thou Cataline, and, dern Sertorius, tell 
Your brother {hades, and foothe the pains of hell 3 
With triumph tell them, fome of Lufian race 
Like you have earn’d the Traytor’s foul difgrace. 

T ... ' , - . 

As waves on waves, the foes encreadng weight 
Bears down our foremod ranks and fhakes the fight 
Yet firm and undifmay’d great Nunio dands. 

And braves the tumult of furrounding bands. 

So, from high Ceuta’s rocky mountains dray’d. 

The raging Lion braves the fliepherd’s {hade j 
The fhepherds hadening o’er the Tetuan plain. 
With fhouts furround him, and with fpears redrain 
He dops, with grinning teeth his breath he draws. 
Nor is it fear, but rage, that makes him paufe 3 

Book IV. 


? 5 $ 

His threatening eye-balls burn with fparkling fire. 

And his ftern heart forbids him to retire : 

Amidfl the thicknefs of the fpears he flings. 

So midfl; his foes the furious Nunio fprings : 

The Lufian grafs with foreign gore diflain’d, 

Difplays the carnage of the hero’s hand. 

< vi' • i ’ c 

“ An ample fhield the brave Giraldo bore, 

* ( Which from the vanquifh’d Perez’ arm he tore j 
<( Pierced through that fhield, cold death invades his eye. 

And dying Perez faw his Vidor die. 

“ Edward and Pedro, emulous of fame, 

t( The fame their friendfhip, and their youth the fame, 

* ( Through the fierce Brigians hew’d their bloody m way, 

«* Till in a cold embrace the ftriplings lay. 

“ Lopez and Vincent rufh’d on glorious death, 

*' And midfl their flaughter’d foes refign’d their breath. 

<c Alonzo glorying in his youthful might 
“ Spurr’d his fierce courfer through the daggering fight : 
t( Shower’d from the dafhing hoofs tfie fpatter’d gore 
** Flies round ; but foon the Rider vaunts no more : 

** Five Spanifh fwords the murmuring ghofls atone, 
tf Of five Caflilians by his arms o’erthrown. 

m Through the fierce Brigiant ' - The the Monkifli fabulilts call the grandfonof 

Caftilian*, fo called from one of their an- Noah, 
dent king*, named Brix, or Brigus, whom 

X 2 


Trans fix’d' 


Book IV. 

J 5 6 

“ Transfixt with three Iberian fpears, the gay. 

“ The knightly lover, young Hilario lay : 
s< Though, like a rofe, cut off in opening bloom, 

(s The Hero weeps not for his early doom ; 
ss Yet trembling in his fwimming eye appears 
“ The pearly drop, while his pale cheek he rears; 

“ To call his loved Antonia’s name he tries, 

“ The name half utter’d, down he finks, and n dies.” 

Now through his Blatter’d ranks the Monarch ftrode^ 
And now before his rally' d fquadrons rode : 

Brave Nunio’s danger from afar he fpies. 

And inftant to his aid impetuous flies. 

So when returning from the plunder’d folds. 

The Lionefs her emptied den beholds. 

Enraged the Bands, and liftening to the gale. 

She hears her whelps low howling in the vale ; 

The living fparkles flafhing from her eyes, 

To the Maffylian fhepherd-tents fhe 0 flies ; 

She groans, fhe roars, and ecchoing far around 
The feven twin-mountains tremble at the found : 

n Thefe lines marked in the text with 
turned commas, are not in the common 
editions of Camoens. They confift of three 
ftanzas in the Portuguefe, and are faid to 
have been left out by the author himfelf in 
his fecond edition. The tranflator, how- 
ever, as they breathe the true fpirit of Vir- 
gil, was willing to preferve them with this 

acknowledgement. In this he has followed 
the example of Caftera. 

° Vo the Ms-ffylian d tents — Maf- 
fylia, a province in Numidia, greatly in- 
fefted with lions, particularly that part of 
it called Os fete mentes irtnaos , the feven 
brother mountains. 


Book IV. 



So raged the king, and with a chofen train 
He pours refiftlefs o’er the heaps of flain. 

Oh bold companions of my toils, he cries. 

Our dear-loved freedom on our lances lies ; 

Behold your friend, your Monarch, leads the way. 
And dares the thickest of the iron fray. 

Say, fhall the Lufian race forfake their king. 
Where fpears infuriate on the bucklers ring ! 

He fpoke; then four times round his head he whirl’d 
His ponderous fpear, and midft the foremoft hurl’d ; 
Deep through the ranks the forceful weapon part. 

And many a gafping warrior ligh’d his p lad:. 

P And many a gafping warrior figh'd his 
lafl— This, which is almoft literal from 

Muitos lanrarao o ultimo fufpiro — 
and the preceding circumftance of Don 
John’s brandifhing his lance four times 

E fopefando a lanca quatro vezes — 
are truly poetical, and in the fpirjt of Homer. 
They are omitted, however, by Caftera, who 
fubftitutes the following in their place, “ 11 
“ dit , et d’un hras, & c — He faid, and with 
“ an arm whofe blows are inevitable, he 
“ threw his javelin againft the fierce Maldo- 
“ nat. Death and the weapon went toge- 
“ ther. Maldonat fell, pierced with a large 
“ wound, and his horfe tumbled over him.” 
Eefides Maldonat, Caflera has, in this battle, 
introduced feveral other names which have 
no place in Camoens. Carrillo, Robledo, 
John of Lorca, Salazar of Seville were 
killed, he tells us: And, “ Velafques and 
“ Sanches, natives of Toledo, Galbes, fur- 
“ named the Soldier without Fear, Mon- 
“ ranches, Oropefa, and Mondonedo, all 

“ fix of proved valour, fell by the hand of 
“ young Antony, qui porte dans le combat ou 
“ plus d'adreffe ou plus de bonheur qu’eux , 
“ who brought to the fight either more ad- 
“ drefsor better fortune than thefe.” Not a 
word of this is in the Portuguefe. 

The fate of another hero fhall conclude the 
fpecimens of the manner of Caftera. The 
following is literally tranflated : “ Guevar, 
“ a vain man, nourifhed in indolence, ftained 
“ his arms and face with the blood of the 
“ dead whom he found ftretchedon theduft. 
“ Under the cover of this frivolous impof- 
“ ture, he pretended to pafs himfelf for a 
“ formidable warrior. Hepublifhed, with 
“ a high voice, the number of the enemies 
w he had thrown to the ground. Don Pe- 
“ dro interrupted him with a blow of his 
“ fabre : Guevar loft his life ; his head, full 
“ of fumes of a ridiculous pride, bounded 
“ far away from his body, which remained 
“ defiled with its own blood ; a juft and ter- 
“ rible punifhment for the lies he had told.” 
It is almoft unneceflaiy to add, that there is 
not ore word of this in the original. 


Book IV, 

i 5 .8 THE L U S I A D. 

With noble lhame infpired, and mounting rage, 

His bands rufti on, and foot to foot engage; 

Thick burfling fparkles from the blows afpire; 

Such flafhes blaze, their fvvords feem dipt in q fire; 
The belts of Heel and plates of brafs are riven. 

And wound for wound, and death for death is given. 

The firft in honour of Saint Jago’s r band, 

A naked ghoft now fought the gloomy flrand ; 

And he, of Calatrave the fovereign knight. 

Girt with whole troops his arm had flairi in fight, 
Defcended murmuring to the fhades of night. 
Blafpheming heaven, and gafh’d with many a wound 
Brave Nunio’s rebel kindred gnaw’d the ground, 

And curd their fate, and dy’d, Ten thoufands more 
Who held no title and no office bore. 

And namelefs nobles who, promifcuous fell. 
Appeas'd that day the foaming dog of helh 
Now low the proud Caifihan ifandard lies 
Beneath the Lufian flag, a vanqulfh’d prize. 

7 heir fiwords /sent dipt }n firo-^- This is 
as literal as the idiom of the two languages 
would allow. Dryden has a thought life 
this of Camoens, hut which is not in his 
original s 

The!? bucklers clafh 5 thick Wows cUfcend hom high. 
And hakes, ol fire from their hard helmets fly, 

Dr?p, Vmc, JEn, JC!I, 
’ l Tho firft In honour oj Saint Jagq's hand 
^•Grand Maher of the order of St, James, 
aamed Don Pedro Nunio, He was not 
killed, however, in this battle, which was 

fought on the plains of Aljuharota. , but In 
that of V alverda,, which immediately fol- 
lowed, The Reader may perhaps be fur- 
prifed to find, that every foldxer mentioned 
jn thefe notes is 3 Don, a lord, The fol- 
lowing piece of hiftory will account for the 
number of the Porteguefe nobler Don 
dkn%o Enriquez, Count of Portugal, when 
laloted king by hi? army at the battle of Q«. 
rip? 1 in return, dignified every man in 
his army with the rank of nobility, Vid, 
the 9th Star, of lamege. 

Book IV. THE L U S I A D. 15-9 

With furious madnefs fired, and item difdain. 

The fierce Iberians to the fight again 

Ruth headlong ; groans and yellings of r defpair 

With horrid uproar rend the trembling air. 

Hot boils the blood, third: burns, and every bread 
Pants, every limb with fainty weight oppred 
Slow now obeys the will’s dern ire, and flow 

From every fword defcends the feeble blow; 

Till rage grew languid, and tired daughter found 
No arm to combat, and no bread to wound. 

Now from the field Cadeel’s proud monarch * flies. 

In wild difmay he rowls his maddening eyes. 

And leads the pale-lipt flight : Swift wing’d with fear* 
As drifted tmoke, at didance difappear 
The dudy fquadrons of the fcatter’d rear; 

r — groans and yelUngs of defpair — The 
iaft efforts of rage and defpair are thus de- 
fcribed in Pope’s tranflation of the fifth 
battle at the Ihips . II. XV. 

Thou -would]} have thought, fo furious -was their fire, 
No force could tame them, and no toil could tire ; 

As if new vigour from new fights they won. 

And the long battle was hit then begun. 

Greece yet unconquer'd kept alive the war , 

Secure of death, confiding in defpair. 

Troy in proud hopes already view'd the main. 

Bright with the Haze, and red with heroes fiain ; 
Like firength is felt from hope and from defpair, 

And each contends as his were all the war. 

’ Now from the field CafictYs proud Mo- 
narch flies This tyrant, whofc unjuft pre- 

tenfions to the crown of Portugal laid his 
own and th ' kingdom in blood, was on his 
final defeat overwhelmed with all the frenzy 
of grief. In the night after the decifive 
battle of Aljubarota, he fled upwards of 
thirty miles upon a mule. Don Laurence , 
archbilhop of Braga, in a letter written in 
old Portuguefe to Don John, abbot of Al- 
tobaqa, gives this account of his behaviour. 

“ O condefiralre a me far faber ca o rey de 
“ Cafiella fe •viera a Santaren como homen 
“ trefqjaliado, quern maldeszia feu Oliver, e 
“ puxava polas barbas ; e d bo fe, bom 
“ amigo, melhor e que o faga ca non fager- 
“ molo nos, ca homen, quern fuas barbas ar- 
“ repela mao la-vor faria das alheas. i. e, 
“ The conftable has informed me that he 
“ faw the king of Caftile at Santaren, who 
“ behaved as a madman, curfing his ex- 
“ iftence, and tearing the hairs of his 
“ beard. And in good faith, my good. 
“ friend, it is better that he fhould do fo to 
“ himfelf than to us; the man who thus 
“ plucks his own beard, would be much 
“ better pleafed to do fo to others.” The 
writer of this letter, though a prelate, fought 
at the battle of Aljubarota, where he re- 
ceived on the face a large wound from a 
fabre. Caftera relates this anecdote of him : 
The flattery of a fculptor had omitted the 
deep fear : when the archbilhop faw the fta~ 
tue, he laid hold of an attendant’s fword,.. 
with which he disfigured the face. I have 
now, faid he, fupplied what it wanted. 




Book IV. 

Blafpheming heaven, they fly, and him who firft 
Forged murdering arms, and led to horrid wars accurfl. 

The feilive days by heroes old ‘ ordain’d 
The glorious vidtor on the field remain’d. 

The funeral rites and holy vows he paid : 

Yet not the while the reftlefs Nunio ftaid ; 

O’er Tago’s waves his gallant bands he led. 

And humbled Spain in every province bled: 

Sevilia’s ftandard on his fpear he bore. 

And Andalufia’s enfigns fteept in gore. 

Low in the dufl: diftrefh Caftilia mourn’d. 

And bathed in tears each eye to heaven was turn’d ; 

The orphan’s, widow’s, and the hoary fire’s ; 
And heaven relenting quench’d the raging fires 
Of mutual hate : from England’s u happy fliore 
The peaceful feas two lovely fillers bore. 

t 'The fejlive days by heroes old ordain'd. 
_ — As a certain proof of the vi&ory, it 
was required, by the honour of thefe ages, 
that the viftor fhould encamp three days on 
the field of battle. By this knight-erran- 
try, the advantages which ought to have 
been purfued were frequently loft. Don 
John, however, though he complied with 
the reigning ideas of honour, fent Don 
Nunio, with a proper army, to reap the 
fruits of his viflory. 

“ -two loosely JiJlers Caftera’s note 

on this place is literally thus : “ They were 
« the daughters of John duke of Lancafter, 
“ fon of Edward IV. of England, both of 
“ great beauty : the eldeft, named Cathe- 
“ rine, was married to the king of Caftile, 

the youngeft, Ifabel, to the king of Por- 
“ tugal,” This is all a miftake. John of 
Portugal, about a year after the battle of 
AUubarota ; married Philippa, eldeft daugh- 

ter of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancafter, 
fon of Edward III. who aflifted the king, 
his fon-in-law, in an irruption into Caftile, 
and at the end of the campaign promifed to 
return with more numerous forces for the next. 
But this was prevented by the marriage of 
his youngeft daughter Catalina with Don 
Henry , eldeft fon of the king of Caftile. 
The king of Portugal on this entered Ga- 
licia, and reduced the cities of Tuy and Sal- 
vaterra. A truce followed. While the ty- 
rant of Caftile meditated a new war, he was 
killed by a fall from his horfe, and leaving 
no ilTue by his queen Beatrix, the king of 
Portugal’s daughter, all pretenlions to that 
crown ceafed. The truce was now prolong- 
ed for fifteen years, and though not ftridtly 
kept, yet at laft the influence of the Englifh 
queen Catalina prevailed, and a long peace, 
happy for both kingdoms, enfued. 


Book IV. 


The rival monarchs to the nuptial bed 
In joyful hour the royal virgins led. 

And holy Peace attum’d her blifsful reign. 

Again the peafant joy’d, the landfcape fmiled again. 


But John’s brave bread: to warlike cares inured. 
With confcious fhame the doth of eafe endured. 
When not a foe awaked his rage in Spain 
The valiant Hero braved the foamy main ; 

The firft, nor meaneft, of our kings who bore 
The Lufian thunders to the Afric fhore. 

O’er the wild waves the vidtor-banners flow’d. 

Their filver wings a thoufand eagles fhew’d ; 

And proudly dwelling to the whittling gales 
The feas were whiten’d with a thoufand fails. 

Beyond the columns by Alcides placed 
To bound the world, the zealous warrior patt:. 

The fhrines of Hagar’s race, the fhrines of lull, 

And moon-crown’d mofques lay fmoaking in the dufl. 
O’er Abyla’s high deep his lance he raided. 

On Ceuta’s lofty towers his ftandard blazed : 

Ceuta, the refuge of the traitor 0 train. 

His vattal now, endures the peace of Spain. 

u Ceuta, the refuge of the traitor train — importance to the Portuguese, during their 

Ceuta is one of the ftrongeft garrifons in frequent wars with the Moors. Before its 

Africa ; it lies almoft oppofite to Gibraltar, reduftion, it was the azylum of Spanilh and 

and the pofieflion of it was of. the greatell Portuguefe Renegades and Traytors. 



j i 6 z THE LUSIAD. Book IV. 

But ah, how foon the blaze of glory dies ! 

Illuftrious w John afcends his native Ikies. 

His gallant offspring prove their genuine {train* 

And added lands increafe the Lufian reign. 

Yet not the firfl of heroes Edward (hone j 
His happieft days long hours of evil own. 
He faw, fecluded from the chearful day. 

His fainted brother pine his years away. 

O glorious x youth in captive chains, to thee 
What fuiting honours may thy land decree ! 

Illuftrious Jr bn The character of 

this great prince claims a place in thefe 
notes, as it affords a comment on the en- 
thufiafm of Camoens, who has made him 
the hero of this epifode. His birth, excel- 
lent education, and mafterly condudf when 
Regent, have already been mentioned. The 
fame juftice, prudence, and heroifm always 
accompanied him when king. He had the 
art to join the moll winning affability with 
all the manly dignity of the fovereign. To 
thofe who were his friends, when a private 
man, he was particularly attentive. His 
nobility dined at his table, he frequently 
made vifits to them, and introduced among 
them the take for, and the love of letters. 
As he felt the advantages of education, he 
took the utmoft care of that of his chil- 
dren. He had many fons, and he himfelf 
often inftrudted them in folid and ufeful 
knowledge, and was amply repaid. He 
lived to fee them men, men of parts and of 
aftion, whofe only emulation was to fhew 
affedlion to his perfon, and to fupport his 
adminiftration by their great abilities. One 
of his fons, Don Henry, duke of Vifeo , was 
that great prince whofe ardent paffion for 
maritime affairs gave birth to all the mo- 
dern improvements in navigation. The 
clergy, who had difturbed almoft every other 
reign, were fo convinced of the wifdom of 
his, that they confeffed he ought to be fup- 

ported out of the treafures of the church, 
and granted him the church plate to be 
coined. When the Pope ordered a rigour- 
ous enquiry to be made into his having 
brought ecclefiaftics before lay tribunals, 
the clergy had the fingular honefty to defert 
what was filed the church immunities, and 
to own thatjuflice ha,d been impartially ad- 
miniflered. He died in the feventy-fixth 
year of his age, and in the forty-eighth of 
his reign. His affeftion to his queen Phi- 
lippa made him fond of the Englifh, whofe 
friendfhip he cultivated, and by whom he 
was frequently affifled. 

x O glorious youth Camoens, in this 

inflance, has raifed the character of one 
brother at the other’s expence, to give his 
poem an air of folemnity. The fege of 
Tangier was propofed in council. The 
king’s brothers differed in their opinions : 
that of Don Fernand, tho’ a knight errant 
adventure, was approved of by the young 
nobility. The infants Henry and Fernand, 
at the head of 7000 men, laid fiege to Tan- 
gier, and were furrounded by a numerous 
arnw of Moors, as fome writers fay of fx 
hundred thoufand. On condition that the 
Portuguefc fhould be allowed to return 
home, the infants promifed to refore Ceuta. 
The Moors gladly accepted of the terms, but 
demanded one of the infants as an hoflage. 
Fernand offered himfelf, and was left. 


Book IV. 



Thy nation proffer’d, and the foe with joy 
For Ceuta’s towers prepared to yield the boy; 
The princely hoftage nobly fpurns the thought 
Of freedom and of life fo dearly bought. 

The raging vengeance of the Moors defies. 

Gives to the clanking chains his limbs, and dies 
A dreary prifon death. Let noify fame 
No more unequaU’d hold her Codrus’ name ; 

Her Regulus, her Curtius boaft no more. 

Nor thofe the honour’d Decian name who bore. 
The fplendor of a court, to them unknown. 
Exchang’d for deathful Fate’s moft awful frown. 
To diftant times through every land {hall blaze 

The felf-devoted Lufian’s nobler praife. 

The king was willing to comply with the 
terms to relieve his brother, but the court 
confidered the value of Ceuta, and would 
not confent. The Pope alfo interpofed his 
authority, that Ceuta fhould be kept as a 
check on the infidels, and propofed to raife 
a Crufade for the delivery of Fernand. In 
the meanwhile large offers were made for 
his liberty. Thefe were rejefted by the 
Moors, who would accept of nothing but 
Ceuta, whofe vaft importance was fuperior 
to any ranfom. When negotiation failed, 
king Edward aflembled a large army to 
effetl his brother’s releafe, but juft as he 
was fetting out, he was feized with the 
plague, and died, leaving orders with his 
queen to deliver up Ceuta for the releafe of 
his brother. This, however, was never 
performed. Don Fernand remained with 
the Moors till his death. The magnani- 
mity of his behaviour gained him their 
efteem and admiration, nor is there good 
proof that he received any extraordinary 
rigorous treatmertt ; the contrary is rather 
to be inferred from the romantic notions of 
military honour which then prevailed among 


the Moors. Some, however, whom Caftera 
follows, make his fulferings little inferior 
to thofe, without proof likewife, afcribed 
to Regulus. Don Fernand is to this day 
efteemed as a faint and martyr in Portugal, 
and his memory is commemorated on the 
fifth of June. King Edward reigned only 
five years and a month. He was the molt 
eloquent mar. in his dominions, fpoke and 
wrote Latin elegantly, was author of fe- 
veral books, one on horfemanfhip, in which 
art he excelled. He was brave in the field, 
active in bufinefs, and rendered his country 
infinite fervice by reducing the laws to a 
regular code. He was knight of the order 
of the Garter, which honour was conferred 
upon him by his coufin Henry V. of Eng- 
land. In one inftance he gave great offence 
to the fuperftitious populace. He defpifed 
the advice of a Jew aftrologer, who entreated 
him to delay his coronation, becaufe the 
ftars that day were unfavourable. To this 
the misfortune of the army at Tangier was 
afcribed, and the people were always oij 
tlie alarm while he lived, as if (otne terrible 
dilaller impended over theui, 




Book IV. 


Now to the tomb the haplefs king defcends, 

His fon Alonzo brighter fate attends. 

Alonzo ! dear to Lubas’ race the name j 
Nor his the meaneft in the rolls of fame. 

His might refiftlefs proftrate Afric own’d. 

Beneath his yoke the Mauritinians groan’d. 

And Hill they groan beneath the Lufian fway. 
’Twas his in vidtor pomp to bear away 
The golden apples from Hefperia’s fhore. 

Which but the fon of Jove had fnatch’d before. 
The palm and laurel round his temples bound, 
Difplay’d his triumphs on the Moorifh ground; 
When proud Arzilla’s ftrength, Alcazer’s towers. 
And Tingia, boaftful of her numerous powers. 
Beheld their adamantine walls o’erturn’d. 

Their ramparts levell’d, and their temples burn’d. 
Great was the day : the meaneft fword that fought 
Beneath the Lufian flag fuch wonders wrought 
As from the Mufe might challenge endlefs fame. 
Though low their ftation, and untold their name. 

Now ftung with wild Ambition’s madning fires. 
To proud Caftilia’s throne the king y afpires. 

y To proud Cajlilia’ s throne the king af- 
pires — When Henry IV. of Caftile died, he 
declared that the infanta Joanna was his 
heirefs, in preference to his filter, Donna 
Ifabella , married to Don Ferdinand, fon to 
the king of Arragon. In hopes to attain 

the kingdom of Caftile, Don Alonzo, king 
of Portugal, obtained a difpenfation from 
the pope to marry his niece, Donna Joanna ; 
but after a bloody war, the ambitious views 
of Alonzo and his courtiers were defeated. 


Book IV. 


The Lord of Arragon, from Cadiz’ walls. 

And hoar Pyrene’s fides his legions calls 
The numerous legions to his ftandards throng, 

And war, with horrid ftrides, now ftalks along. 
With emulation fired, the * prince beheld 
His warlike fire ambitious of the field ; 

Scornful of eafe, to aid his arms he fped. 

Nor fped in vain : The raging combat bled ; 
Alonzo’s ranks with carnage gored, Difmay 
Spread her cold wings, and ihook his firm array ; 
To flight flie hurried ; while with brow ferene 
The martial boy beheld the deathful fcene. 

With curving movement o’er the field he rode, 

Th ’oppofing troops his wheeling fquadrons mow’d 
The purple dawn and evening fun beheld 
His tents encampt aflert the conquer’d field. 

Thus when the ghofl: of Julius hover’d o’er 
Philippi’s plain, appeafed with Roman gore, 
Odtavius’ legions left the field in flight. 

While happier Marcus triumph’d in the fight. 

When endlefs night had feal’d his mortal eyes. 
And brave Alonzo’s fpirit fought the flues. 

The fecond of the name, the valiant John, 

Our thirteenth monarch, now afcends the throne. 

* The Prince of Portugal. 


Book IV. 


To feize immortal fame, his mighty mind. 

What man had never dared before, defign’d ; 

That glorious labour which I now purfue. 

Through feas unfail’d to find the fhores that view 
The day-ftar, rifing from his watery bed. 

The firft grey beams of infant morning fhed. 

Selected meflengers his will obey ; 

Through Spain and France they hold their vent’rous way : 
Through Italy they reach the port that gave 
The fair z Parthenope an honour’d grave ; 

That £hore which oft has felt the fervile chain. 

But now fmiles happy in the care of Spain. 

Now from the port the brave advent’rers bore. 

And cut the billows of the Rhodian fhore ; 

Now reach the ftrand where noble Pompey a bled; 

And now, repair’d with reft, to Memphis fped ; 

And now, afcending by the vales of Nile, 

Whofe waves pour fatnefs o’er the grateful foil. 

Through Ethiopia’s peaceful dales they ftray. 

Where their glad eyes Meffiah’s rites b furvey r 
And now they pafs the famed Arabian flood, -j 

Whofe waves of old in wondrous ridges flood, > 

While Ifrael’s favour’d race the fable bottom trode : J 

z Parthenope was one of the Syrens. a — Where noble Pompey bled — The coaft 

Enraged becaufe fhe could not allure Ulyfles, of Alexandria. 

fhe threw herfelf into the fea. Her corps " b MeJJiati s rites furvey'd — Among the 
was thrown alhore, and buried where Naples Chriflians of Prefer John, or Abyfiynia. 

now Hands. 


Book IV. 



Behind them gliftening to the morning ikies. 

The mountains named from Izmael’s offspring b rife ; 

Now round their Steps the bleft Arabia fpreads 
Her groves of odour, and her balmy meads. 

And every bread:, infpired with glee, inhales 
The grateful fragrance of Sabsea’s gales : 

Now pad the Perfian gulph their rout afcends 
Where Tygris wave with proud Euphrates blends ; 
Illustrious dreams, where dill the native Shews 
Where Babel’s haughty tower unfiniflht’d rofe : 

From thence through climes unknown, their daring courfe 
Beyond where Trajan forced his way, they c force i 
Carmanian hords, and Indian tribes they faw. 

And many a barbarous rite, and many a law 
Their fearch explored but to their native fhore. 

Enrich’d with knowledge, they return’d no more. 

The glad completion of the Fate’s decree. 

Kind heaven referved, Emmanuel, for thee. 

The crown, and high ambition of thy d fifes. 

To thee defcending, waked thy latent fires; 

And to command the fea from pole to pole. 

With redlefs wiSh inflamed thy mighty foul* 

b The mountains nam'd from IzmaePs c]f- 

fpring The Nabathean mountains ; 

fo named from Nabaoth, the fon of Ifh- 

c Beyond where Trajan The Emperor 

Trajan extended the bounds of the Roman 
Empire in the Eaft, far beyond any of his 
predeceffors. His conquefts reached to the 
river Tigris, near which hood the city of 

Ctehphon, which he fubdued. The Roman 
Hiftorians boaited that India was entirely 
conquered by him ; but they could only 
mean Arabia Foelix. Vid. Dion. Calf. 
Eufeb. Chron. p. 206. 

* The crown, and high ambition of thy 

fres Emmanuel was coufin to the late 

king John IT. and grandfon to king Edward, 
fon of John I. 


1 6 8 

.THE L U S I A D. Book TV, 

Now from the fky the facred light withdrawn. 

O’er heaven’s clear azure fhone the ftars of dawn, 
Deep Silence fpread her gloomy wings around. 

And human griefs were wrapt in fleep profound. 

The monarch flumber’d on his golden bed. 

Yet anxious cares pofleft his thoughtful head ; 

His generous foul, intent on public good. 

The glorious duties of his birth review’d. 

When fent by heaven a facred dream infpired 
His labouring mind, and with its radiance fired : 

High to the clouds his towering head was rear’d. 

New worlds, and nations fierce and ftrange, appear’d ; 
The purple dawning o’er the mountains flow’d. 

The foreft- boughs with yellow fplendor glow’d j 
High from the fleep two copious glafly ftreams 
Roll’d down, and glitter’d in the morning beams. 
Here various monfters of the wild were feen. 

And birds of plumage, azure, fcarlet, green : 

Here various herbs, and flowers of various bloom j 
There black as night the foreft’s horrid gloom, 

Whofe fhaggy brakes, by human flep untrod, 
Darken’d the glaring lion’s dread abode. 

Here as the monarch fix’d his wondering eyes. 

Two hoary fathers from the flreams aiile; 

Their afpe<5t ruflic, yet a reverend grace 
Appear’d majeftic on their wrinkled face : 




Book IV. 

Their tawny beards uncomb’d, and fweepy long, 
Adown their knees in (haggy ringlets hung ; 

From every lock the chrydal drops didill. 

And bathe their limbs as in a trickling rill ; 

Gay wreaths of flowers, of fruitage, and of boughs, 
Namelefs in Europe, crown’d their furrow’d brows. 
Bent o’er his ftaff, more filver’d o’er with years. 
Worn with a longer way, the One appears ; 

Who now flow beckoning with his wither’d hand. 

As now advanced before the king they dand ; 

O thou, whom worlds to Europe yet unknown. 
Are doom’d to yield, and dignify thy crown j 
To thee our golden (bores the Fates decree ; 

Our necks, unbow’d before, (hall bend to thee. 
Wide through the world refounds our wealthy fame ; 
Hade, fpeed thy prows, that fated wealth to claim. 
From Paradife my hallowed waters fpring ; 

The facred Ganges I, my brother king 
Th’ illuftrious author of the Indian name : 

Yet toil (hall languid), and the fight (hall flame; 
Our faired lawns with dreaming gore fliall fmoke, 
Ere yet our dioulders bend beneath the yoke ; 

But thou (halt conquer : all thine eyes furvey. 

With all our various tribes, (hall own thy fvvay. 




Book IV. 


He fpoke ; and melting in a filvery dream 
Both difappear’d when waking from his dream. 
The wondering monarch thrill’d with awe divine. 
Weighs in his lofty thoughts the facred fign. 

Now morning burding from the eadern fky 
Spreads o’er the clouds the blulhing rofe’s dye ; 
The nations wake, and at the fovereign’s call 
The Luiian nobles crowd the palace hall. 

The vifion of his deep the monarch tells ; 

Each heaving bread with joyful wonder fwells ; 
Fulfil, they cry, the facred fign obey. 

And fpread the canvas for the Indian fea. 

Indant My looks with troubled ardour burn’d, 
When keen on Me his eyes the monarch turn’d : 
What he beheld I know not j but I know. 

Big fwell’d my bofom with a prophet’s glow : 

And long my mind, with wondrous bodings fired. 
Had to the glorious dreadful toil afpired : 

Yet to the king, whate’er my looks betrayed. 

My looks the omen of fuccefs difplayed. 

When with that fweetnefs in his mien expred. 
Which unrefided wins the generous bread. 

Great are the dangers, great the toils, he cried. 
Ere glorious honours crown the vidtor’s pride. 


Book IV. 


If in the glorious ftrife the hero fall. 

He proves no danger could his foul appall ; 

And but to dare fo great a toir, fhall raife 
Each age’s wonder, and immortal praife. 

For this dread toil new oceans to explore. 

To fpread the fail where fail ne’er flow’d before, 
For this dread labour, to your valour due. 

From all your peers I name, O Vasco, you. 

Dread as it is, yet light the talk fhall be 
To you my Gama, as perform’d for Me. — —— «- 

My heart could bear no more Let Ikies on fire. 

Let frozen feas, let horrid war confpire, 

I dare them all, I cried, and but repine 
That one poor life is all I can refign. 

Did to my lot Alcides’ labours fall. 

For you my joyful heart would dare them all ; 

The ghaflly realms of death could man invade. 

For you my fleps fliould trace the ghaflly fhade. 

♦ \ * r 

While thus with loyal zeal my bofom fwell’d. 
That panting zeal my Prince with joy beheld : 
Honour’d with gifts I flood, but honour’d more 
By that efteem my joyful Sovereign bore. 

That generous praife which fires the foul of worth. 
And gives new virtues uncxpedled birth. 


Book IV. 


That praife even now my heaving bofom fires. 
Inflames my courage, and each wifh infpires. 

Moved by afifedtion, and allured by fame, 

A gallant youth, who bore the dearefi: name, 

Paulus my brother, boldly fued to fhare 
My toils, my dangers, and my fate in war; 

And brave Coello urged the Hero’s claim 
To dare each hardfhip, and to join our fame ; 

For glory both with reftlefs ardour burn’d. 

And filken eafe for horrid danger fpurn’d j 
Alike renown’d in council or in field. 

The fnare to baffle, or the fword to wield. 

Through Lifboa’s youth the kindling ardour ran. 
And bold ambition thrill’d from man to man 5 
And each the meanest of the venturous band 
With gifts flood honour’d by the Sovereign’s hand. 
Heavens ! what a fury fwell’d each warrior’s bread:. 
When each, in turn, the finding King addrefi ! 
Fired by his words the direft toils they fcorn’d. 
And with the horrid luft of danger fiercely burn’d. 

With fuch bold rage the youth of Mynia glow’d, 
When the firft keel the Euxine furges plow’d ; 


Eook IV. 



When bravely venturous for the golden fleece 
Orac’lous Argo fail’d from wondering f Greece. 
Where Tago’s yellow dream the harbour laves. 
And flowly mingles with the ocean waves, 

In warlike pride my gallant navy rode. 

And proudly o’er the beach my foldiers drode. 
Sailors and land-men marfhall’d o’er the drand. 
In garbs of various hue around me Hand, 

Each earned; fird to plight the facred vow. 
Oceans unknown and gulphs untry’d to plow : 
Then turning to the fhips their fparkling eyes. 
With joy they heard the breathing winds arifej 
Elate with joy beheld the flapping fail. 

And purple dandards floating on the gale ; 
While each prefaged that great as Argo’s fame. 
Our fleet fliould give fome flarry band a name. 

Where foaming on the fhore the tide appears, 
A facred fane its hoary arches rears : 

Dim o’er the fea the evening fhades defcend, 
And at the holy fhrine devout we bend : 

There, while the tapers o’er the altar blaze. 

Our prayers and earned: vows to heaven we raife. 

1 Orac’Jous Argo — “ According to fable, 
** the veflel of the Argonauts fpoke and pro- 
“ phecied. The ancients, I fuppofe, by this 
“ meant to infinuate, that thofe who trull 

“ their lives to the caprice of the waves 
“ have need of a penetrating forefight, that 
“ they may not be furprifed by fudden tem- 
“ pelts. Cajlera . 





Book IV. 

Safe through the deep, where every yawning wave 
ef Still to the Sailor’s eye difplays his grave ; 

“ Through howling tempefts, and through gulphs untry’d, 
O ! mighty God ! be thou our watchful guide.” 

While kneeling thus before the facred fhrine. 

In Holy Faith’s mo ft folemn rite we join. 

Our peace with heaven the bread of peace confirms. 

And meek contrition every bofom warms : 

Sudden the lights extinguish'd, all around 

Dread filence reigns, and midnight gloom profound ; 

A facred horror pants on every breath. 

And each firm breaft devotes itfelf to death. 

An offer’d facrifice, fworn to obey 
My nod, and follow where I lead the way. 

Now proftrate round the hallow’d fhrine we z lie. 

Till roly morn befpreads the eaftern fkyj 
Then, breathing fixt refolves, my daring mates 
March to the Ships, while pour’d from Lifboa’s gates, 
Thoufands on thoufands crowding, prefs along, 

A woeful, weeping, melancholy throng. 

g Now proftrate round the h allow'd Jhrine 
nve lie — This folemn fcene is according to 
hiltory : Aberat Olyfippone prope littus 
quatuor paffuum millia templum fane reli- 
giofum et fanftum ab Henrico in honorem 

fanftiffimae virginis edificatum 

In id Gama pridie illius diei, quo erat na- 
ve m confcenfurus, ferecepit, ut noftem cum 
religiolis hominibus qui in redibus templo 
conjun&is habitabant, in precibus et votis 

confumeret. Sequenti die cum multi non 
illius tantum gratia, fed aliorum etiam, qui 
illi comites erant, conveniffent, fuit ab om- 
nibus in fcaphis dedudtus. Neque folum 
homines religioli, fed reliqui omnes voce 
maxima cum lacrymis a Deo precabantur, 
ut bene & profpere ilia tarn periculofa navi- 
gatio omnibus eveniret, & univerfi re bene 
gefta incolumes in patriam redirent. 

A thoufand 

Book IV. .T H E L U S I A D. 

A thoufand white-robed priefts our Steps attend. 
And prayers, and holy vows to heaven afcend. 

A fgene fo folemn, and the tender woe 
Of parting friends, constrained my tears to flow. 

To weigh our anchors from our native Shore-— 

To dare new oceans never dared before — 

Perhaps to fee my native coaft no more — 

Forgive, O king, if as a man I feel, 

I bear no bofom of obdurate heel — 

(The godlike hero here fuppreft the figh. 

And wiped the tear-drop from his manly eye ; 
Then thus refuming — ) All the peopled Shore 
An awful, filent look of anguiSh wore; 

Affedion, friendship, all the kindred ties 
Of fpoufe and parent languish'd in their eyes : 

As men they never Should again behold, 

Self-offer’d vidims to deftrudion fold. 

On us they fixt the eager look of woe. 

While tears o’er every cheek began to flow 3 
When thus aloud, Alas ! my fon, my fon. 

An hoary Sire exclaims ! Oh, whither run, 

My heart’s foie joy, my trembling age’s flay. 

To yield thy limbs the dread fea-monSler’s prey ! 
To feek thy burial in the raging wave, 

And leave me cheerlefs finking to the grave ! 




Book IV. 

ij6 THE L U S I A D. 

Was it for this I watch’d thy tender years. 

And bore each fever of a father’s fears ! 

Alas ! my boy ! — His voice is heard no more. 

The female fhriek refounds along the fhore : 

With hair difhevell’d, through the yielding crowd 
A lovely bride fprings on, and fcreams aloud j 
Oh ! where, my hufband, where to feas unknown. 
Where would’fl thou fly me, and my love difown ! 
And wilt thou, cruel, to the deep confign 
That valued life, the joy, the foul of mine : 

And muff our loves, and all the kindred train 
Of rapt endearments, all expire in vain ! 

All the dear tranfports of the warm embrace. 
When mutual love infpired each raptured face 1 
Mud: all, alas ! be fcatter’d in the wind. 

Nor thou bellow one lingering look behind ! 

Such the lorn parents’ and the fpoufes’ woes. 
Such o’er the flrand the voice of wailing rofe ; 
From bread: to bread: the foft contagion crept. 
Moved by the woeful found the children wept ; 
The mountain ecchoes catch the big-fwoln dghs. 
And through the dales prolong the matron’s cries j 
The yellow fands with tears are filver’d o’er, 

Our fate the mountains and the beach deplore. 


Book IV, 


1 77 

Yet firm we march, nor turn one glance afide 
On hoary parent, or on lovely bride. 

Though glory fired our hearts, too well we knew 
What foft affedtion and what love could do. 

The laft embrace the bravefi: worfl: can bear : 

The bitter yearnings of the parting tear 
Sullen we fhun, unable to fuftain 
The melting paflion of fuch tender pain. 

Now on the lofty decks prepared we ftand. 

When towering o’er the crowd that veil’d the ftrand, 
A reverend h figure fixt each wondering eye. 

And beckoning thrice he waved his hand on high. 

h A reverend figure By this old man 

is perfonified the populace of Portugal. The 
endeavours to difeover the Eaft-Indies by 
the Southern ocean, for about eighty years 
had been the favourite topic of complaint ; 
and never was any meafure of government 
more unpopular than the expedition of 
Gama. Emmanuel’s council were almoft 
unanimous again ft the attempt. Some dread- 
ed the introduction of wealth, and its at- 
tendants, luxury and effeminacy ; while 
others affirmed, that no adequate advantages 
could arife from fo perilous and remote a 
navigation. Others, with a forefight pe- 
culiar to Politicians, were alarmed, left the 
Egyptian Sultan, who was powerful in the 
Eaft, fhould fignify his difpleafure ; and 
others forefaw, that fuccefs would combine 
all the Princes of Chriftendom in a league 
for the deftruflion of Portugal. In fhort, 
if glory, intereft, or the propagation of the 
golpel, were defired, Africa and Ethiopia, 
they faid, afforded both nearer and more 
advantageous fields. The expreffions of the 
thousands who crouded the fhore when Gama 
gave his fails to the wind, are thus expreffed 
by Oforius, from whom the above faffs are 


felefled. — A multis tamen interim is fletus 
atque lamentatio fiebat, ut funus efferre vi- 
derentur. Sic enim dicebant : En quo mi- 
feros mortales provexit cupiditas et ambitio ? 
Potuitne gravius fupplicium hominibus iftis 
conftitui, fi in fe fceleftum aliquod facinus 
admififfent ? Eft enim illis immenfi maris 
longitudo peragranda, fluftus immanes dif- 
ficillima navigatione fuperandi, vitae diferi- 
men in locis infinitis obeundum. Non fuit 
multo tolerabilius, in terra quovis genere 
mortis abfumi, quam tarn procul a patria 
marinis fluftibus fepeliri. Haec et alia 
multa in hanc fententiam dicebant, cum 
omnia multo triftiora fingere prae metu co- 

gerentur. The tender emotion and fixt 

refolution of Gama, and the earned paffion 
of the multitudes on die fhore, are thus 
added by the fame venerable hiftorian : 
Gama tamen quamvis lacrymas fiuorum de- 
fiderio funderet, rei tamen bene gerendae 
fiduciaconfirmatus, alacriterin navem fauftis 

omnibus confcendit Qui in litcore 

confiltebant, non prius abfeedere voluerunt, 
quam naves vento fecundo pleniffimis velis 
ab omnium confpeftu remota; fuut. 



Book IV 

i 7 8 THE L U S I A D. 

And thrice his hoary curls he dernly fhook. 

While grief and anger mingled in his look ; 

Then to its height his faultering voice he rear’d. 

And through the fleet thefe awful words were heard : 

O frantic third: of honour and of fame. 

The crowd’s blind tribute, a fallacious name ; 

What dings, what plagues, what fecret fcourges curd. 
Torment thofe bofoms where thy pride is nurd ! 

What dangers threaten, and what deaths dedroy 
The haplefs youth, whom thy vain gleams decoy ! 

By thee, dire Tyrant of the noble mind. 

What dreadful woes are pour’d on human kind ; 
Kingdoms and Empires in confuflon hurl’d. 

What dreams of gore have drench’d the haplefs world ! 
Thou dazzling meteor, vain as fleeting air, 

What new-dread horror dod thou now prepare ! 

High founds thy voice of India’s pearly fhore. 

Of endlefs triumphs and of countlefs dore : 

Of other worlds fo tower’d thy fwelling boad. 

Thy golden dreams, when Paradife was lod. 

When thy big promife deep’d the world in gore. 

And Ample innocence was known no more. 

And fay, has fame fo dear, fo dazzling charms ? 

Mud brutal flercenefs and the trade of arms, 


Book IV. 

THE L U S I A Di, 


Conqueft, and laurels dipt in blood, be prized. 

While life is fcorn’d, and all its joys defpifed ! 

And fay, does zeal for holy Faith infpire 
To fpread its mandates, thy avow’d defire ? 

Behold the Hagarene in armour Hands, 

Treads on thy borders, and the foe demands ; 

A thoufand cities own his lordly fway, 

A thoufand various fhores his nod obey. 

Through all thefe regions, all thefe cities, fcorn’d 
Is thy religion, and thine altars fpurn’d. 

A foe renown’d in arms the brave require ; 

That high-plumed foe, renown’d for martial fire. 

Before thy gates his (hining fpear difplays, 

Whilfi: thou wouldfi: fondly dare the watery maze. 

Enfeebled leave thy native land behind. 

On fhores unknown a foe unknown to find. 

Oh ! madnefs of ambition ! thus to dare 
Dangers fo fruitlefs, fo remote a war ! 

That Fame’s vain flattery may thy name adorn,. 

And thy proud titles on her flag be borne : 

Thee, Lord of Perfia, thee, of India Lord, 

O’er Ethiopia’s Vaft, and Araby adored ! 

Curfl: be the man who firft on floating wood, 

Forfook the beach, and braved the treacherous flood 1. 

Oh 4 

A a *2 


Book IV. 


Oh ! never, never may the facred Nine, 

To crown his brows, the hallowed wreath entwine; 

Nor may his name to future times refound. 

Oblivion be his meed, and hell profound ! 

Curd; be the wretch, the lire of heaven who Hole, 

And with ambition firffc debauch’d the foul ! 

What woes, Prometheus, walk the frighten’d earth ! 

To what dread daughter has thy pride given birth ! 

On proud Ambition’s pleafing gales upborne. 

One 1 boafts to guide the chariot of the morn : 

And one on treacherous pinions foaring high. 

O’er ocean’s waves dar’d fail the liquid Iky: 

Dafh’d from their height they mourn their blighted aim; 
One gives a river, one a fea the name ! 

Alas ! the poor reward of that gay meteor Fame ! 

Yet fuch the fury of the mortal race. 

Though Fame’s fair promife ends in foul difgrace. 
Though conquell Hill the vidlor’s hope betrays. 

The prize a fhadow, or a rainbow blaze. 

Yet dill through fire and raging feas they run 
To catch the gilded fhade, and fink undone ! 

* One loafls to guide the chariot of the 
mom , Sec. Alluding to the fables of Phae- 
ton and Icarus. 

' The departure of the fleet from the Tagus. 
- — In no circum ftance does the judgment 
and art of Homer appear more confpicuous, 
than in the conftant attention he pays to his 
propofed fubjetts, the wrath of Achilles, 
and the fufferings of Ulylfes. He bellows 

the utmoll care on every incident that could 
poffibly imprefs our minds with high ideas 
of the determined rage of the injured hero, 
and of the invincible patience of the ■ctoAiItA a; 

Virgil throughout the Eneid has 
followed the fame courfe. Every incident 
that could polfibly tend to magnify the 
dangers and difficulties of the wanderings of 
iEneas, in his long fearch for the promifed 


Book IV. 


1 1 8 

Italy, is fet before us in the fulled magni- 
tude. But, however, this method of en- 
nobling the Epic, by the utmoft attention 
to give a grandeur to every circumftance of 
the proposed fubjeCt, may have been neg- 
lected by Voltaire in his Henriade, and by 
fome other moderns, who have attempted 
the Epopoeia ; it has not been omitted by 
C'amoens. The Portuguefe Poet has, with 
great art, conducted the voyage of Gama. 
Every circumftance attending it is repre- 
fented with magnificence and dignity. 
John II. defigns what had never been at- 
tempted before. Meffengers are fent by 
land to difcover the climate and riches of 
India. Their rout is defcribed in the man- 
ner of Homer. The palm of difcovery, 
however, is referved for a fucceeding mo- 
narch. Emmanuel is warned by. a dream. 

which affords another ftriking inftance of th« 
fpirit of the Grecian Poet. The enthufiafm 
which the king beholds on the afpeCt of 
Gama is a noble ftroke of poetry ; the fo- 
lemnity of the night fpent in devotion ; the 
fullen refolution of the Adventurers when aboard the fleet; the affeCting grief 
of their friends and fellow-citizens, who 
viewed them as felf-devoted viflims, whom 
they were never more to behold ; and the 
angry exclamations of the venerable old man, 
give a dignity and interefting pathos to the 
departure of the fleet of Gama, unborrowed 
from any of the dallies. In the ASneid, where 
the Trojans leave a colony of Invalids in 
Sicily, nothing of the awfully tender is at- 
tempted. And in the Odyffey there is no 
circumftance which can be called fimilar. 




L U S I A D. 


TTTHILE on the beach the hoary father flood 
* * And fpoke the murmurs of the multitude, 
We fpread the canvas to the riling gales ; 

The gentle winds dihend the fnowy fails. 

As from our dear-loved native fhore we fly 
Our votive Ihouts, redoubled, rend the fky ; 

4C Succefs, fuccefs,” far ecchoes o’er the tide. 

While our broad hulks the foamy waves divide. 
From Leo now, the lordly flar of day, 

Intenfely blazing, fhot his fiercefl ray 
When flowly gliding from our wifhful eyes. 

The Luflan mountains mingled with the fkies ; 


Book IV. 



Tago’s loved dream, and Cyntra’s mountains cold 
Dim fading now, we now no more behold ; 

And dill with yearning hearts our dyes explore, 

Till one dim fpeckof land appears no more. 

Our native foil now far behind, we ply 

The lonely dreary wade of feas and boundlefs Iky. 

Through the wild deep our venturous navy bore. 

Where but our Henry plough’d the wave 3 before : 

The verdant idands, drd by him defcry’d. 

We pad; and now in profped: opening wide. 

Far to the left, increadng on the view, 

Rofe Mauritania’s hills of paly blue : 

Far to the right the redlefs ocean roared, 

Whofe bounding furges never keel explored; 

If bounding b fhore, as Reafon deems, divide 
The vad Atlantic from the Indian tide. 

, t ’ f , * . 1 . e '\ f * 

Named from her woods, with fragrant bowers adorn’d. 

From fair Madeira’s purple coad we turn’d - : 

Cyprus and Paphos’ vales the fmiling loves 
Might leave with joy for fair Madeira’s groves ; 

1 Where but our Henry Don Henry, till 1498. The fleet of Gama failed from 

Prince of Portugal, of whom, fee the Pre- the Tagus in 1497. 

raC b e ‘ , ,. . _ ... . c _ Madeira's purple coajl — Called by the 

If bounding Jhore The difcovery of ancients InJuU Purpuraria. Now Madeira 

fome of the Weft-Indian iflands by Colum- and Porto Santo. The former was fo 

bus was made in 1492 and 1493. His dif- named by Juan Gonzales, and Triftan Vaz, 

covery of the continent of America was not from the Spanifh word Madera, wood. 

A ihore 

Book V. 

,,84 T H £ L U S I A D. 

A fliore fo flowery, and fo fweet an air, 

Venus might build her deareft temple there. 

Onward we pafs Maflilia’s barren ftrand, 

A wade of wither’d grafs and burning fand 5 
Where his thin herds the meagre native leads. 

Where not a rivulet laves the doleful meads ; 

Nor herds nor fruitage deck the woodland maze 
O ’er the wild wade the ftupid oftrich ftrays. 

In devious fearch to pick her fcanty meal, 

Whofe fierce digeftion gnaws the temper’d fteel. 

From the green verge, where Tigitania ends. 

To Ethiopia’s line the dreary wild extends. -3 

Now pafl: the limit, which his courfe divides. 

When to the North the Sun’s bright chariot rides. 

We leave the winding bays and fwarthy fhores. 

Where Senegal’s black wave impetuous roars ; 

A flood, whofe courfe a thoufand tribes furveys. 

The tribes who blacken’d in the fiery blaze, 

When Phaeton, devious from the folar height. 

Gave Afric’s fons the fable hue of night. 

And now from far the Lybian cape is feen. 

Now by my mandate named the Cape of c Green. 

Where midfl: the billows of the ocean fmiles 


A flowery fifter-train, the happy d files. 

Cape of Green— Called by Ptolemy, J the happy ijles Called by the 

Caput JftnariutM. antients, In/ulaFortunata , now the Canaries. 


Book V. 



Our onward prows the murmuring furges lave ; 

And now our veflels plough the gentle wave. 

Where the blue iflands, named of Hefper old. 

Their fruitful bofoms to the deep unfold. 

Here changeful Nature fhews her various face. 

And frolicks o’er the dopes with wildeft grace : 

Here our bold fleet their ponderous anchors threw. 

The flckly cherifli, and our ftores renew. 

From him the warlike guardian power of Spain, 

Whofe fpear’s e dread lightning o’er th’ embattled plain 
Has oft o’erwhelm’d the Moors in dire difmay. 

And fixt the fortune of the doubtful day ; 

From him we name our ftation of repair. 

And Jago’s name that ifle fhall ever bear. 

The northern winds now curl’d the blackening main. 
Our fails unfurl’d we plough the tide again : 

Round Afric’s coaft our winding courfe we fleer. 
Where bending to the Eaft the fliores appear. 

Here r Jalofo its wide extent difplays. 

And vaft Mandinga fhews its numerous bays ; 

c Whofe /pear's dread lightning It was 

common for Spanifh and Portuguefe com- 
manders to fee St. James in complete ar- 
mour fighting in the heat of battle at the 
head of their armies. The General and 
fome of his officers declared they faw the 
Warrior Saint beckoning them with his fpcar 
to advance ; Sanlago, logo, was immediately 
ecchoed through the ranks, and vidtory 
ufually crowned the ardour of enthufiafm. 

1 Here Jalofo The province of Jalofo 

lies between the two rivers, the Gambca 

and the Zanago. The latter has other 
names in the feveral countries through which 
it runs. In its courfe it makes many iflands,. 
inhabited only by wild beafts. It is navi- 
gable 150 leagues, at the end of which it 
is croffed by a flupendous ridge of perpen- 
dicular rocks, over which the river rulhes 
with fuch violence, that travellers pafs un- 
der it without any other inconveniency than 
the prodigious noife. The Gambea, or 
Rio Grande runs 1 80 leagues, but is not fo 
far navigable. It carries more water, and 
B b runs 


Book V. 

1 86 

Whofe g mountains’ Tides, though parch’d and barren, hold. 
In copious ftore, the feeds of beamy gold. 

The Gambea here his ferpent journey takes. 

And through the lawns a thoufand windings makes ; 

A thoufand fwarthy tribes his current laves. 

Ere mix his waters with th’ Atlantic waves. 

The h Gorgades we pad, that hated fhore. 

Famed for its terrors by the bards of yore ; 

Where but one eye by Phorcus’ daughters fhared. 

The lorn beholders into marble dared;. 

Three dreadful fiders ! down whofe temples roll’d 
Their hair of fnakes in many a hiding fold. 

And fcattering horror o’er the dreary drand. 

With fwarms of vipers fow’d the burning fand. 

Still to the fouth our pointed keels we guide. 

And through the Audral gulph dill onward ride. 

Her palmy foreds mingling with the Ikies, 
Leona’s 1 rugged deep behind us flies : 

runs with lefs noife than the other, though 
filled with many rivers which water the 
country of Mandinga. Both rivers are 
branches of the Niger. Their waters have 
this remarkable quality ; when mixed to- 
gether they operate as an emetic, but when 
feparate they do not. They abound with 
great variety of fifties, and their banks are 
covered with horfes, crocodiles, winged fer- 
pents, elephants, ounces, wild boars, with 
great numbers of other animals, wonderful 
for the variety of their nature and different 
forms. Faria y Sou/a. 

s JVbofe mountains' Jides Fombotu , the 

mart of Mandinga gold was greatly reforted 
to by the merchants of Grand Cairo, Tunis, 
Oran, Tremifen, Fez, Morocco, &c. 

h The Gorgades Contra hoc promon- 

torium (Hefperionceras) Gorgades infulae 
narrantur, Gorgonum quondam domus, bi- 
dui navigatione diftantes a continente, ut 
tradit Xenophon Lampfacenus. Penetravit 
in eas Hanno Pcenorum imperator, prodi- 
ditque hirta foeminarum corpora viros per- 
nicitate evafifie, duarumque Gorgonum cu- 
tes argumenti et miraculi gratia in Junonis 
templo pofuit, fpeftatas ufque ad Carthagi- 
nem captam. Plin. Hift. Nat. 1 . 6. c. 31. 

1 Leona's rugged Jleep This ridge of 

mountains, on account of its great height, 
was named by the antients ©iuv oj^a, the 
chariot of the Gods. Camoens gives it its 
Portuguefe name, Serra Lioa, the Rock »f 
Lions . 


Book V, 



The Cape of Palms that jutting land we. name. 
Already confcious of our nation’s fame. 

Where the vext waves againft our bulwarks roar. 
And Lufian towers o’erlook the bending there : 
Our fails wide fwelling to the conftant blaft. 
Now by the ifle from Thomas named we pad; ; 
And Congo’s fpacious realm before us rofe. 
Where copious Zayra’s limpid billow flows j 
A flood by ancient hero never feen. 

Where many a temple o’er the banks of green. 
Rear’d by the Lufian k heroes, through the night 
Of Pagan darknefs, pours the mental light. 

O’er the wild waves as fouthward thus we ftray. 
Our port unknown, unknown the watery way ; 

k Rear'd by the Lufian heroes During 

the reign of John II. the Portnguefe eredted 
feveral forts, and acquired great power in 
the extenfive regions of Guinea. Azambuja, 
a Portuguefe captain, having obtained leave 
from Caramanfa, a Negro Prince, to eredt 
a fort on his territories, an unlucky acci- 
dent had almoft proved fatal to the difeo- 
verers. A huge rock lay very commodious 
for a quarry ; the workmen began on it ; 
but this rock, as the Devil would have it, 
happened to be a Negro God. The Por- 
tuguefe were driven away by the enraged 
worlhippers, who were afterwards with dif- 
ficulty pacified by a profufion of fuch pre- 
fents as they molt efteemed. 

The Portuguefe having brought an Am- 
baflador from Congo to Lilbon, lent him 
back inllrudtcd in the faith. By his means 
the King, Queen, and about 100,000 of 
the people were baptized ; the idols were 

dellroyed, and churches built. Soon after, 
the Prince, who was then abfent at war, 
was baptized by the name of Alonzo . His 
younger brother, Aquitimo , however, would 
not receive the faith, and the father, be- 
caufe allowed only one wife, turned apof- 
tate, and left the crown to his Pagan fon, 
who, with a great army, furrounded his 
brother, when only attended by fome Por- 
tuguefe and Chriftian Blacks, in all only 
thirty-feven. By the bravery of thefe, how- 
ever, Aquitimo was defeated, taken, and 
flain. One of Aquitimo ' s officers declared, 
they were not defeated by the thirty-feven 
Chriflians, but by a glorious army who 
fought under a Ihining crofs. The idols 
were again dellroyed, and Alonzo fent his 
fons, grandfons, and nephews, to Portugal 
to ftudy ; two of whom were afterwards 
bilhops in Congo. Extrafled from Faria 
y Sou/a. 


B b 2 

Each , 

1 88 


L U S I A D. 

Book V. 

Each night we fee, impreE with folemn awe. 

Our guiding Ears and native Ikies withdraw : 

In the wide void we lofe their cheering beams : 
Lower and lower Eill the Pole-Ear gleams. 

Till pad; the limit, where the car of day 

Roll’d o’er our heads, and pour’d the downward ray. 

We now difprove the faith of ancient lore ; 

Bootes’ fhining car appears no more : 

For here we faw CaliEo’s lhar 1 retire 

Beneath the waves, unawed by Juno’s ire. 
Here, while the Sun his polar journeys takes. 
His viflt doubled, double feafon makes ; 

Stern winter twice deforms the changeful year. 

And twice the fpring’s gay flowers their honours rear. 
Now prefling onward, paft the burning zone. 

Beneath another heaven, and Ears unknown. 
Unknown to heroes, and to fages old. 

With fouthward prows our pathlefs courfe we hold : 
Here gloomy night aflumes a' darker reign. 

And fewer Ears emblaze the heavenly plain ; 

1 Califto’s Jtai According to fable, 

Califto was a nymph of Diana. Jupiter, 
having affirmed the figure of that goddefs, 
compleated his amorous defires. On the 
difcovery of her pregnancy, Diana drove 
her from her train. She fled to the woods, 
where fhe w