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VOLUME 8, NUMBER 1 



SUMMER 1988 



Journal and Society Organization 

EDITOR: Willard Van Asdall, Arizona State Museum, Building 26, University of 

Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721. 
ASSOCIATE EDITOR: Karen R. Adams, Department of Ecology & Evolutionary 

Biology, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721. 
ASSOCIATE EDITOR: Alejandro de Avila B., Centra de Graduados e Inyestigacion, 

Institute Tecnologico de Oaxaca, A.P. 1378, Oaxaca, Oaxaca 68000, Mexico. 
NEWS AND COMMENTS EDITOR: Eugene Hunn, Department of Anthropology, 

DH-05, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington 98195. 
BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Terence E. Hays, Department of Anthropology and Geo- 
graphy, Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode Island 02908. 
PRESIDENT: Amadeo M. Rea, Curator of Birds and Mammals, San Diego Museum of 

Natural History, P.O. Box 1390, San Diego, California 92112. 
PRESIDENT-ELECT: Elizabeth S. Wing, Department of Natural Science, Florida State 

Museum, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 326 1 1 . 
SECRETARY/TREASURER: Cecil H. Brown, Department of Anthropology, Northern 

Illinois University, Dekalb, Illinois 60115-2854. 
CONFERENCE COORDINATOR: Jan Timbrook, Department of Anthropology, Santa 



Museum 



California 



BOARD OF TRUSTEES 



ROBERT A. BYE, JR., Jardin Botanico, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 

Apdo. Post. 70-614, 04510 Mexico, D.F., Mexico; ethnobotany \ ethnoecology. 

STEVEN D. EMSLIE, Point Reyes Bird Observatory, 4990 Shoreline Highway, Stinson 
Beach, California 94970; ethnozoology, ornithology. 

RICHARD I. FORD, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 
Michigan 48109; aichaeobotany, cultural ecology. 

PAUL MINNIS, Department of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma, Norman, 
Oklahoma 73019; aichaeobotany. 

STEVEN A. WEBER, Department of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania 19104; ethnobotany, aichaeobotany. 

The Editor, President, President-Elect, and Secretary/Treasurer of the Journal and 
Society, as noted above. 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

J ANIS B. ALCORN, Department of Biology, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana 

70118; ethnobotany, traditional agriculture, ethnomedicine. 
BRENT BERLIN, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, 

California 94720; ethnotaxonomies, linguistics. 

im H 1 ?!i f 0HNS > Sch ool of Dietetics and Human Nutrition, Mcdonald College of 
McGill University, 21,111 Lakeshore Road, Ste. Anne de Belle vue, Quebec H9X 
ICO, Canada,- biochemical ethnobiology. 

HARRIET V. KUHNLEIN, Director, School of Dietetics and Human Nutrition, Mac- 
doriald College of McGiU University, 21,111 Lakeshore Road, Ste. Anne de Bellevue, 
Quebec H9X 1C0, Canada, etiinonutrition. 

GAR A^ i !^ RTIN ^ Gmpo de Apoyo d Desarrollo Etnico, A.C. Apdo. Post. 379, 
ri D vV«S a "' Mejdc0j Latm Am ^can ethnobotany, ethnomedicine. 

7JL £S^' ? eSe ? ****** Garden < 1201 N. Galvin Parkway, Phoenix, 
Anzona 85008; cultural ecology, plant domestication. 

^n. "V P °f SEY ' Came 8 ie Museum of Man, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15206; 
ethnoentomology ; tropical cultural ecology. 

M °S^ Tm"" C f t€ ?£ r H b ,° rat0ry for Ethnobotanical Studies, Department of 

2$E2?S2^ Mexico ' Albu ™' New Mexico *38S5K-d 

cE^SS^^ Manuscripts for pubhcarion, information for the "News and 

comments and book rev le w secern should be sent to the appropriate editor on the inside back cover of this issue. 



©Society of Ethnobiology 
ISSN 0278-0771 



Journal of 

Ethnobiology 



MISSOURI 



BOTANtn 




NOV 29 1988 



GARDEN 



UB*A*y 



VOLUME 8, NUMBER 1 



SUMMER 1988 




* 

9 






• 



• # » 



In the opera "Turandot/' with music composed by Puccini, the hero, a 
prince from a far off land, is presented with three riddles. If he failed to answer 
any of them correctly, he lost his life. Three correct answers won him the hand 
of Princess Turandot. Just for fun I present three riddles below. There's no 

risk and, alas, no reward. 

What had two and a half days of serious, scholarly contributed oral and 
poster presentations in English and Spanish with simultaneous translations and 
seven days of friendly rapport, informal learning, and exchange of ideas? 

What had two days of seemingly endless sitting and listening followed 
by a memorable day of browsing through informative poster sessions and an 
amazingly diverse book fair, of festive dining and spirited conversation in 
a garden setting, and of much appreciated entertainment provided by an 
exhilarating performance of the Ballet Folklorico? 

What was capped with one to four days of fascinating field trips, much 
enjoyed by those lucky enough to participate, transforming what was already 

an unqualified success into a triumph? 

Give up? Turn the book upside down to read the answer at the bottom ot 



the 



W.V. 



5fUl!l[l pUV 



SBUIS,, B 30U3I3JUO0 3U1 3>[BUI O* ApiiaSTJIp OS pUF ! 

ipjeW Api?9 in Afto ooixa W 



30U3J3JUO3 ASopiqoumH \vnuuy ipi I 9U.1 :auiBS aqj si sqppu sanp IF °' I3M 



THE PRESIDENTS PAGE 



In July 1988 some of us in the Society of Ethnobiology were fortunate to attend 
the First International Congress of Ethnobiology. The tropical setting in the beautiful 
and modern city of Belem, Para, near the mouth of the Amazon, was idyllic. (The 
Brazilian people must be among the most congenial in the world.) The local commit- 
tee was utterly gracious. The social events they arranged night after night were 
stunning. Dr. Darrell A. Posey, organizer of the congress, seemed indefatigable. 
Approximately 400 attendees representing almost all continents participated. In 
addition to the New World countries, which were well represented, there were 
ethnobiologists from several European and African countries, New Zealand, and a 
delegation from mainland China. Some native peoples were represented by their 
own professionals. Scheduled participants from India were unable to attend, and 
various others who had hoped to attend were unable to make arrangements because 
of the rather short notice of the congress. There were concurrent sessions and as I 
look through the program, I'm disappointed that I had to miss some informative and 
provocative papers. The applications of ethnobiology were stressed throughout. One 
three-day workshop, for instance, focused on "Native Peoples and their Struggle to 
Preserve their Natural Resources." Indigenous people from Portuguese-, Spanish-, 
and English-speaking countries participated in this workshop, along with other 
scientists. 

Congress participants automatically became founding members of a new inter- 
national society, their dues being included in the registration fee. Our existing socie- 
ty was often referred to as the "North American Ethnobiology Society." One South 
American worker criticized our society as being myopic. There are, perhaps, some 
good reasons for this bias. Our membership and conference participation is drawn 
largely from Canada, Mexico, and the United States . We have not been very aggressive 
in our solicitation of members worldwide. (Many working ethnobiologists outside 
North America, I learned, had never even heard of our society or its journal!) The 
Brazilian congress demonstrated what a truly international meeting should be like. 
We are only slowly coming to a realization that we should consider languages in ad- 
dition to English in our journal, at the very least for abstracts of papers dealing with 
Latin America. Our course thus far has been rather provincial. 

But there is another side of the coin. Our by-laws of incorporation give no 
geographic limitations to the society. We have drawn membership, although not 
energetically, from various countries outside North America. The Journal of Ethno- 
biology has published authors from Australia, Germany, the Philippines, England, 
Brazil, Italy, and New Zealand, in addition to a significant number of papers by 
Mexican workers and North Americans working in other countries. 

The Society of Ethnobiology evolved from a nucleus of researchers focused on 
southwestern North America but soon overcame this regional bias by scattering its 
conferences geographically, making it easier for people in other parts of the continent 
to attend. The 1988 Mexico City conference, with its simultaneous translations, proved 
a marvelous exchange of ideas. I want to thank the organizers and the local com- 
mittee for a splendid production. , 

Although it is difficult to second-guess these things, I suspect that _the new y 
founded society and the existing society will evolve somewhat differently, me society 
of Ethnobiology has tended to be scholarly, with journal publication as major goah 
And this is exactly what our by-laws state: "The objectives of this organization snail 



» — ^ 

in 



be to establish and maintain an organization of scientists of high standing with a 



communication 



stimulate 



biology 



soring scientific and professional publications/ 7 The new society seems to be more 
political. One of the primary outcomes of the Brazilian congress was the hammering 
out of the "Declaration of Belem," a position statement calling world attention to, 
among other things, the drastic loss of native and peasant knowledge of the biota as 
well as the concomitant loss of critical habitats themselves. (This disastrous erosion 
of human knowledge is most evident among rain-forest people globally, but extends 



ems 



an 



The congress was covered by newspaper and television people from several coun- 
tries. The media had ample opportunity to digest and take home with them the 
messages in the Declaration. 

Also, the new society will probably continue to draw on a broader constituency 
than does the existing society. It has no plans to initiate a journal but it planning 



some 



timorous about multilingual 



congress 



International Society of Ethnobiology. I have formally suggested to Dr. Brent Berlin, 
interim president of the new group, that a different title would be less confusing since 
the existing Society of Ethnobiology is already international in both membership and 



name 



> agrees, will convey this concern to the by-laws and nominating committee 
society. Meanwhile, if you are interested in learning how to join this associa- 

Miguel Angel Martinez-Alfaro, Director, Jardin Botanico, 



UNAM, Apto. Post. 70-614, Mexico 04510, Mexico 



The next international congres 



China 



Riverside, California. 
There will inevit 



March ethnobiology 



research-it ,s such a rich field. Already there is the Grupo Etnobotanico 



iogy, University 
Ethnobiology, I 



;he Directorio Latinoamericano de 
Javier Caballero, Department of 
CA 94720). As president of the 



They 



T VtrTu ? ,0mt meetm 8' And P erha P s a s P edal multilingual 
Journal of Ethnobiology might result from such a ^thprinc 



groups mi 



M 



History Museu 



IV 



DECLARATION OF BELEM 



Leading anthropologists, biologists, chemists, sociologists, and representatives 
of several indigenous populations met in Belem, Brazil to discuss common concerns 
at the First International Congress of Ethnobiology and to found the International 
Society of Ethnobiology. Major concerns outlined by conference contributors were 
the study of the ways that indigenous and peasant populations uniquely perceive, 
utilize, and manage their natural resources and the development of programs that 
will guarantee the preservation of vital biological and cultural diversity This 

declaration was articulated. 



As ethnobiologists, we are alarmed that: 

SINCE 
tropical forests and other fragile ecosystems are disappearing, 
many species, both plant and animal, are threatened with extinction, 
indigenous cultures around the world are being disrupted and destroyed; 

and GIVEN 

that economic, agricultural, and health conditions of people are dependent 
on these resources 

that native peoples have been stewards of 99% of the world's genetic resources, 
and, 

that there is an inextricable link between cultural and biological diversity; 

We, members of the International Society of Ethnobiology, strongly urge action 
as follows: 

1) henceforth, a substantial proportion of development aid be devoted to efforts 
aimed at ethnobiological inventory, conservation, and management programs; 

2) mechanisms be established by which indigenous specialists are recognized as 
proper authorities and are consulted in all programs affecting them, their resources, 
and their environments; 

3) all other inalienable human rights be recognized and guaranteed, including 
cultural and linguistic identity; 

4) procedures be developed to compensate native peoples for the utilization of their 
knowledge and their biological resources; 

5) educational programs be implemented to alert the global community to the value 
of ethnobiological knowledge for human well-being; 

6) all medical programs include the recognition of and respect for traditional healers 
and the incorporation of traditional health practices that enhance the health status 
of these populations; 



make 



whom 



language; 

8) exchange of information be promoted among indigenous and peasant peoples 



management 



Note — Please see The 



this document. 



Ethnobiology 



v 



J. Ethnobiol. 8(1): 1-5 



Summer 1988 



A CASE FOR TARO PRECEDING KUMARA AS THE 
DOMINANT DOMESTICATE IN ANCIENT NEW ZEALAND 



EDWIN N. FERDON, JR 

Ethnologist Emeritus 

Arizona State Museum 

2141 E. Juanita St. 
Tucson, Arizona 85719 



ABSTRACT. — The assumed function of pre-Columbian earthen pits in New Zealand as 
over-wintering storage facilities for sweet potatoes concomitantly infers a pre-Columbian 
introduction of that American Indian crop. This, in turn, has led to the further assump- 
tion that Ipomoea batatas (L.) Lam., known locally as kumara, was the dominant prehistoric 
domesticate on North Island. In contradistinction to these concepts, a case is presented 
suggesting that the common Polynesian root crop, taro (Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott.), 
may have been more adaptable to northern New Zealand climate than has been assumed, 
and was equally capable of having its seed corms over-wintered in storage pits. Thus, it 
may have been the dominant pre-Columbian domesticate of northern New Zealand, with 
the more productive sweet potato having arrived in post-Columbian times and been readily 
adapted to northern New Zealand environment by applying the field and storage techniques 
already developed by the Maori for taro. 



argument 



having 



Polynesianists 



occurred that it has led to the creation of several dubious cultural interpretations of 
Polynesians' prehistoric past. These have been based not only on Dixon's questionable 
assessment of the historic records, but upon assumptions which, perhaps because they 



hypothesis, remain unchallenged 



Maori 



Columbian 



turn 



suggests a still earlier introduction of that tuber into central Polynesia, if one a 
Yen's assumption that there was a single, prehistoric transfer from South America 
was first implanted in that area of Polynesia (Yen 1974:259-260). 



function of early Maori 



seem 



wrote 



migrating Polynesians, the kumara 



assume that the earliest settlers, like their descendants, 

concentrated their attention on the most successful of their cultigens (Davidson 
1979:234)." 



argue 



reasoning 
successful cultigens. What 



assumption that the sweet potato was one of the crops of the earliest settlers in New 



Zealand. 



2 



FERDON Vol. 8, No. 1 



This idea seems to have been given its strongest support by yet another assumption 
based upon an attempt to interpret the function of a special type of prehistoric struc- 
ture, thought to have been for storage, by applying historic ethnographic analogy. This 
was the rectangular, roofed, semi-pit structure whose function as a sweet potato storage 
facility was originally suggested by Jack Golson in 1959. These had been excavated by 
him at an Archaic site at Sarah's Gully. Since it was known that historic Maori had stored 
sweet potatoes in pits to serve as seed stock for the following spring planting, Golson 
applied ethnographic analogy to suggest a similar function for the Sarah's Gully struc- 
tures. Since the radiocarbon dates for the site fell within the fourteenth century, by 
inference sweet potatoes had to have been in cultivation during that period of time (Golson 
1959:45). This initial interpretation became sufficiently accepted that by 1970 R. G. Law 
found no reason to hesitate in stating in a footnote that "The vast majority of pits 
excavated in New Zealand can have served no other function but kumara storaee 



agriculture being 



remarks he confessed 



time 



another argument for an early pre-Columbian 



climates (O'Brian 



length of time 



While 



must vary in their adaptive capabilities, the time 



have been overly excessive. At least we know that those that were introduced into the 
eastern seaboard of the United States, almost certainly from the Caribbean islands, 
appear not to have required a particularly long time to adapt to those cooler climates. 



founded in 1607, and 



Jamestown 



more than 



1 1 ■,. / ~***v* tt**o nvvuvu 1U1 Lilt OVY^GL UKJLdLKJ 

to adapt to the climatic conditions of the seaboard between the latitudes of 37 and 38 
degrees North By 1764, 122 years later, the tuber was reported as being in general use 



England 
time span of no more than 



environments 



While this is no attempt to equate precisely the environmental factors of the eastern 



™ W ™. Zno u se ( ot Nortn Isl ^, New Zealand, the historically recorded adaptive 

nZ hi ™ m ?? f T er ; egi0n Str ° ngly SUg S ests that no overl y g^at amount of time 
Tttl uZ 8 Vu" i^*™ of the sweet potato to at least the northern portion 

eL lv n f rnl, reg l 0n - re i° re '. the argUment that its adaptation is an indication of its 
Z'^l ^traduction too New Zealand would appear to be doubtful at best. 

in Mw7, ff A l n ° Solld evic ! ence that ^e sweet potato was a pre-Columbian crop 
£ "^S^f ther f remams the possibility of its having been an early post-Columbian 



brought by the earliest agricultural sei 
Of these, historical records would seem 



assume 



a uiat nave allowed it to grow in the warmer 
and south of the equator. For example, in E 

and southern 



nlarpit ;« tV.« i„«.;«. a c ^x T ,^ -°- , "& "** wnugdi mm soutnem itaiy, wmcn wouia 

£^ Mri^^?^ 10 "? 1 ^ 1967:74 »- h was als ° noted as tong cultivated 

zone Th« t er ^ , A '' ^ 'I™ Pr ° b4bly limited to that country's subtropical 

zone. This latter extends north on the east coast of Honshu to about 36°N and on its 

west coast to only about 34WN. (Spencer 1954:403, Fig. 1361 

was hm ted to .'hernr ^ ^^ tbtK appears t0 hav ' »*« a <*>«< tha, taro 

althouTcZ e'^H m ""* °' J N ° rth Island l Groube 1967:21-22). However, 

although Cook recorded sweet potatoes and yams fDioscorea S pp.| growing around Tolaga 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 3 



Bay on the east coast of North Island at about 38°30'S. (Cook 1955, 1:186-87), his 
naturalist, Sydney Parkinson, identified the latter crop not as yams but as taro (Parkin- 
son 1784:96-98). That this was correct is supported by both Parkinson and the other 
expedition naturalist, Joseph Banks, who reported no yams until the Bay of Islands was 
reached at about 34°30'S. In addition, the latter noted "cocos," the early vernacular name 
for taro, growing at Anauru Bay, just north of Tolaga Bay (Banks 1963, 1:417). That some 
unidentified varieties of taro have been known to grow somewhat farther south than 
40°S. is indicated by R. Garry Law who cited E. Dieffenbach as referring to taro being 
grown in Queen Charlotte Sound (Law 1969:26). While this may have represented a 
historically introduced variety, at least it illustrated the adaptive capabilities of the plant. 
Regardless, on the basis of Parkinson and Banks, it would appear that taro was not always 
limited to the northernmost portion of North Island, and thus could have been a far more 
important prehistoric food crop than has been assumed. Accepting this as a possibility, 
it is worth returning to the subject of the pre-Columbian storage structures. 

So well established has been the assumption of an early cultivation and storage of 
sweet potatoes that nobody in recent years seems to have seriously investigated the 
possibility that such facilities might have originally been used for taro. Yet, not only 
did Elsdon Best mention the use of storage pits for the taro cormlets used for seed stock 
(Best 1976:238, 243), but some of Douglas Yen's Maori informants on the east coast of 
North Island confirmed that such a practice had been common until quite recently. 
Furthermore, Yen noted that there were varieties of taro still being grown by the Maori 
in Northland and along the east coast that were capable of over- wintering in the ground 
in favorable locations (Yen 1961:345). 

Though there was knowledge of the former storage of taro corms in pits, it appears 
not to have been applied as a plausible alternative to the presumed sweet potato storage 
function of at least the Archaic pits. Such an alternative would do away with the need 
to assume a warmer climate having had to exist in order for the sweet potato to have 
initially survived early introduction using only traditional tropical agricultural tech- 
niques which did not require storage, as envisaged by Yen (Yen 1974:29, 298-301). In 
other words, had the earliest agricultural settlers arrived on North Island without the 
sweet potato, but with an adaptive variety of taro, such as was still growing in Northland 
in 1961, climatic deterioration need not have had to be a consideration. The initial 
agricultural requirements of what surely was a small founding population could have 
been served by those initial corms and their offspring that had been planted in the more 
favorable locations, not to mention the gourd and the less adaptive yam that may have 
come with them. As the population increased, and the need to grow additional taro beyond 
the limited favorable locations became necessary, the time factor involved in such 
population growth would have been sufficient for the innovative experimentation in 
developing a technique of over-wintering the seed taro in prepared storage pits. Having 
once developed this technique, such knowledge, perhaps accompanied by minor varia- 
tions, would have been available when the sweet potato finally did make its appearance 

in New Zealand at a later date. 

That taro can be stored in subtropical regions has been proven in the United States 
in at least one area. Experiments by the U.S. Department of Agriculture in growing taro 
for commercial purposes in the humid subtropical southern states, found that extended 
storage for such a crop was quite feasible. It was determined that both the corms and 
cormlets, especially the latter, could be stored in ventilated, dry basements for a number 
of months, the cormlets up to six months, without sprouting. However, the temperature 
had to be maintained at around 50°F. (10°C). Lower temperatures, especially those 
approaching freezing, killed the buds. The foremost requirement before undertaking such 
storage was the need to cure the corms and cormlets under conditions of free venti- 
lation for several days at the time of harvest (Young 1924: 1 7). That such open air curing 



4 



FERDON Vol. 8, No. 1 



before storage may have been practiced by the Maori was suggested by a statement by 
Best. He reported that in many cases harvested taro was not stored in food storage pits 
but stacked outdoors in conical heaps and covered with rushes or sedge grass (Best 
1976:238). While this was interpreted by him as an optional storage technique, its real 
purpose may have been to cure the seed stock before final storage. Thus, considering 
the need for ventilation, dryness, and freedom from frost, the New Zealand rectangular, 
roofed, semi-pit structures, especially those with presumed drainage channels, may well 
have originally been made to accommodate the more limited storage time requirements 
for over-wintering taro, rather than sweet potato. 

Adding to this scenario that taro may have been the important early crop is the matter 
of its soil requirements. While wetland taro is best served by alluvial soils in valley floors, 
dryland taro, although adaptable to a variety of soils, is reported to give best results when 
planted in well drained, friable soils (de la Pena 1983:167). This latter condition cor- 
responds quite well with what has been assumed to represent prehistoric sweet potato 
soils in New Zealand, especially those in which sand or gravel has been added (Law 
1970:117; Bellwood 1979:382). Indeed, Best (1976:236) referred to Colenso's observation 
of taro fields covered with white sand, as well as judge J. A. Nilson's account of sand 
or gravel being placed in a layer over the soil (Best 1976:241). He also referred to yet 
another source in which it was claimed that in planting taro in a hole, the cormlets were 
surrounded with gravel (Best 1976:236). In other words, the very soil additives that have 
been used as indicators of former plantings of sweet potatoes, apply equally well in 
assuming the former presence of taro. That both may be correct is a possibility in that, 
with the introduction of the more productive sweet potato, fields formerly used for 
planting taro were turned over to the production of sweet potatoes. 

Based upon the above considerations, it would seem that Groube was indeed 
correct when, in 1967, he warned that the place of taro as a possible significant agricultural 
food had not been sufficiently considered in archaeological interpretation in New Zealand, 
and that the importance of the sweet potato was only based upon ethnographic analogy 
(Groube 1967:21-22). Nonetheless, there cannot be much doubt that when the more 
productive and adaptive sweet potato did arrive, it soon became the more significant 
of the two crops. Again, it is a question of when it arrived in New Zealand, and there 
are as yet no firm indications in the New Zealand archaeological record of when that 
might have taken place. It could have been a post-Columbian introduction from a source 
much closer to New Zealand than the often presumed Society Islands region. Gonzalez 
de Leza, chief pilot of Quiros' 1605-6 colonizing expedition from Peru, specifically stated 
that they had planted potatoes on Espiritu Santo in the New Hebrides (Markham 
1967:387). Although Dixon (1932:43) chose to accept this as a reference to the common 
potato, Solanum tuberosum L., such seems highly unlikely since S. tuberosum is a 
temperate crop of which varieties have only recently been successfully introduced into 
some of the tropical islands of the Pacific (Barrau 1958:58, 87; 1961:61). It thus appears 
more probable, given Quiros' expedition having been victualled on the coast of Peru where 
J. batatas thrived, that de Leza's potatoes were sweet potatoes. Such could have diffused 
southward to New Caledonia and, as with Yen and Wheeler's 42-chromosone form of 
taro (1968:264), been transferred by an intentional or accidental human voyage southward 
to New Zealand. As previously noted, its adaptation to at least the northern portion of 
North Island need not have taken as long as has been conjectured, and with a pit storage 
technique for taro already in place, it would have been but a matter of applying this 
proven procedure to the more productive sweet potato to allow its further spread. 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



5 



LITERATURE CITED 



BANKS, JOSEPH. 1963. The Endeavour Journal 
of Joseph Banks. Angus and Robertson, 
Sydney. (J. C. Beaglehole, ed.), 2 vols. 

BARRAU, JACQUES. 1958. Subsistence agri- 
culture in Melanesia. B. P. Bishop Mus. 
Bull. 219:1-111. 

. 1961. Subsistence agriculture 

in Polynesia and Micronesia. B. P. Bishop 
Mus. Bull. 223:1-94. 

BELLWOOD, PETER. 1979. Man's conquest 
of the Pacific. Oxford University Press, 
New York. 

BEST, ELSDON. 1976. Maori agriculture. 
Dominion Mus. Bull. 9:1-315. Reprint of 
1925 edition with textual alterations. 

CANDOLLE, ALPHONSE DE. 1967. Origin 
of cultivated plants. Hafner Publishing 
Co., New York. Third printing of reprint 
of 2nd edition of 1886. 

COOK, JAMES. 1955-67. The Journals of 
Captain James Cook. Hakluyt Society, 
Extra Series, Nos. 34, 35, 36. (J. C. 
Beaglehole, ed.), 3 vols. 

DAVIDSON, JANET M. 1979. New Zealand. 



ennings 



The prehistory of Polynesia. Harvard 
Univ. Press, Cambridge. 
DE LA PENA, RAMON S. 1983. Agronomy. 
Pp. 167-179 in Jaw-Kai Wang (ed.). Taro: 

A review of Colocasia esculenta and 
its potential. Univ. Hawaii Press, Hono- 
lulu. 

DIXON, ROLAND. 1932. The problem of 
the sweet potato in Polynesia. Am. 
Anthropol. 34:40-66. 

GOLSON, JACK. 1959. Culture change in 
prehistoric New Zealand. Pp. 29-74 in 
J. D. Freeman and W. R. Geddes (eds.) 
Anthropology in the South Seas. Thomas 
Avery and Sons, New Plymouth. 

GROUBE, L. M. 1967. Models in prehistory: 



A consideration of the New Zealand 

evidence. Arch, and Phys. Anthro. in 
Oceania 2:1-27. 

HEDRICK, U. P. (ed.). 1972. Sturtevant's edible 
plants of the world. Dover Publications, 
New York. 

LAW, R. GARRY. 1969. Pits and kumara 
agriculture in the South Island. Polynesian 
Soc. 78:223-251. 

1970. The introduction of 

kumara into New Zealand. Arch, and 
Phys. Anthro. in Oceania 5:114-127. 

MARKHAM, CLEMENTS (trans. & ed.). 1967. 
The voyages of Quiros, 1595 to 1606. The 
Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, Vol. 14. Kraus 
reprint of 1904 edition. 

O'BRIEN, PATRICIA J. 1972. The sweet potato: 
Its origin and dispersal. Am. Anthropol. 
74:342-365. 

PARKINSON, SYDNEY. 1784. A journal of a 
voyage to the South Seas, in His Majesty's 
Ship the Endeavour: Faithfully trans- 
cribed from the papers of the late Sydney 
Parkinson Dilly and Phillips, London. 

SPENCER, JOSEPH E. 1954. Asia, east by 
south: A cultural geography. John Wiley 

and Sons, New York. 
YEN, D. E. 1961. The adaptation of kumara 
by the New Zealand Maori. Polynesian 

Soc. 70:338-348. 
. 1974. The sweet potato and 

Oceania: An essay in ethnobotany. B. P. 
Bishop Mus. Bull. 236:1-389. 
and JOCELYN M. WHEELER. 



1968. Introduction of taro into the Pacific: 
The indications of chromosome numbers. 
Ethnology 7(3):259-267. 
YOUNG, ROBERT. 1924. The dasheen: A 
southern root crop for home use and 
market. U.S. Department of Agriculture, 
Farmer's Bull. 1396. Washington, D.C. 



6 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 1 



MA: Ouarterman Publications 1987. Pd. xvi 



110. $15.00. 



Dr. James Duke's record of publications is full of surprises, but nothing more novel 
has appeared from his pen than this charming and really useful book. As the author points 
out in his introduction: "Hundreds of aromatic herbs have been used in liqueurs, and 
many of these can be grown as perennials in your kitchen window, or backyard . . ." 

The book is a do-it-yourself manual on how to utilize many of our well-know and 
a good number of poorly-known herbs. A total of 50 species are discussed from the point 
of view of culture, uses, and folklore. Each plant is artistically depicted in line drawings 
by the author's wife, Peggy K. Duke. A list of 37 references is appended, as is an exten- 
sive index to folk medicinal uses, with asterisks indicating implications of scientific 
rationales for the uses. There are also three tables: 1) Liqueur ingredients generally 
regarded as safe ; 2) Yields and drying temperatures,- and 3) Ecosystematic data. 



coverage, and authoritative treatment. 



thoroughn 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Professor Emeritus 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 



ethnoscience: Autres regards, autres mots. Daniel Clement, ed. Recherches amerin 



Montreal 



Can. $7 



journal usually has a regional focus, but this 



ethnoscience" is alive and 



Brown, Gerry E. McNulty, and Mary 



with ethnobiological topics 



ethnographic semantics 



involved 



and Pierre Beaucage argue that the cognitive 



standing of Nahua (Mexico) ethnobotany. Daniel Clement advances our understanding 
of the place of the wolf (Canis lupus) in Montagnais (Eastern Canada) life and thought 
by comparing native and scientific perceptions. A critical overview of the work of Cecil 
Brown and his collaborators in ethnobiology is offered by Gilles Brunei, usefully relating 



igms 



warrant 



Terence E. Hays 



Rhode 



of Anthropology and 



Providence, RI 02908 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(1}:7-12 



Summer 1988 



RICHARD SPRUCE: A MULTI-TALENTED 

BOTANIST 



W. ARTHUR SLEDGE 
Department of Plant Sciences 
University of Leeds, Emeritus 

Leeds, England, 



and 



RICHARD EVANS SCHULTES 
Jeffrey Professor of Biology and Din 
ical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge. MA 02138 



nice, one of the greatest of the Victorian traveller-naturalists, was bom 



Ganthorpe 



Castle Howard estate in Yorkshire. 

Spruce sailed for South America in June 1849. His task was to investigate the flora 
of the Amazon valley and send back collections of herbarium specimens to Kew Gardens. 
His journey took him up many of the tributary rivers of the Amazon, and from 1855 
until his return to England in May 1 864 he worked the head waters of the Amazon in 
the northern Andes of Pern and Ecuador. In addition to the many thousands of specimens 
of Angiosperms which he sent back to England he also made copious collections of ferns, 

mosses, liverworts and lichens. 

Although no economic strings were attached to his mission, Spruce 



importance. He laid the botanical 



an 



rubber. After he had reached Peru he was commissioned by the India Office 
and collect seeds and young plants of Cinchona, the so-called Peruvian or Jesi 
and source of the anti-malarial medicine quinine, and send these back to 
succeeded in the face of formidable difficulties in procuring on the western 
Mt. Chimborazo 100,000 seeds and 600 seedling plants which were successfi 
ped to England. It was from these shipments that the Cinchona plantations and 



eastern 



substan 



oncerned but which yielded Spruce 



annual pension of £100 on his return home with his health seriously and permanently 

undermined. 

The identifications of Spruce's huge collections of specimens were made by the 
leading experts of the day. The liverworts, his own favourite group, he worked out himself 
in the cottages at Welbum and Coneysthorpe where, as a chronic invalid, he spent the 
remainder of his life. His monumental Hepaticae Amazonicae et Andinae, published in 
1885, still remains the greatest work in South American bryology. No botanist specializing 
in tropical American floristics and monographic research can afford not to consult Spruce's 
specimens and botanical writings. It is unlikely that his contributions to knowledge of 
tropical South American botanv will ever be equalled by any other one man. 



nice was never a robust man. but his physical limitat 



ndurance 



and unflagging dedication to their mission in the face of prolonged 
ships. The breadth nf hie interests, the detail and accuracy of his ( 



8 



SLEDGE & SCHULTES Vol. 8, No. 1 



cording of all that he saw were phenomenal. His collections ranged from 



minutest liverwort 



amongst whom he stayed, the customs and languages 
)cabularies of 21 Amazonian dialects] and sketched th 



customs of the Amazonian 



villages and the country through which he travelled making maps of previously unex- 
plored rivers. Nothing appears to have escaped his attention and capacity for orderly 
documentation. 

After Spruce's death his friend Alfred Russell Wallace edited from his journal, 
memoranda and voluminous correspondence Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and 
Andes (1908). 1 This two-volume summary of Spruce's travels and botanical investi- 
gations in South America is preceded by a lengthy biographical sketch. Those familiar 
with this work will know that Spruce was not only a distinguished botanist; he was 
also a notable anthropologist, linguist, geologist and geographer, as well as a perceptive 
sociological observer of the political systems and 
Andean tribes amongst whom he journeyed. 

Our present communication is intended to illustrate another and less known facet 
of Spruce's versatile talents. In the biographical sketch referred to above Wallace refers 
to him as "a musician and chess-player" and it is with the former capability that we 
are concerned. We have found no other contemporary references to Spruce's competence 
as a musician or allusion to what instrument or instruments he played. But when one 
of us [R.E.S.] first visited Spruce's house in Coneysthorpe in 1950, it was occupied by 
an elderly lady, Mrs. R. A. Calvert, who entertained him to tea and with whom he had 
a long conversation. Wallace (loc. cit. xlii) has recounted how Spruce "was carefully 
looked after and nursed by a kind housekeeper and a little girl attendant, who were also 
his friends and companions." Mrs. Calvert was the "little girl attendant." She described 
how her mother had been "Mr. Spruce's" housekeeper when she was a young girl and 
told, amongst many interesting anecdotes, how he suffered from the cold and in the winter 
months would often ask her to tighten the woollen fabrics in the window joints to keep 



// 



o / ~"~ **w»» i±^ nuuiu UdVC I1CI or] 

fiddle," which he would then play for a while. 



him his slippers and fetch him 



:s of Spruce's cottage, Mr. and Mrs. William Cross, have become 
Tuce's life and work and Mr. Cross wrote to us some time ago 

Mr. Hardesty brought me a small hymnal which 



Mr 



hymn no. 84 which he named 'Raywood 



ruce 



nice was a composer of hymns 



The small hymnal (Plate 1) is entitled The Welburn Appendix of Oi 
and Tunes. Its compiler was the Rev. James Gabb B.A., Rector of Bulmer 



2 7 Ldne ™ n *m the music was edited by S. S. Wesley, Mus. Doc. The place and 

2* tt TT arC dted * the Preface as " We lbum, Castle Howard: Easter 1875," 
and the acknowledgements include thanks to, amongst others, "Dr. R. Spruce the 

enterT t natm f St ?* resident <* **> village for Tune No. 84 written before he 

flw« ^ 7 m w Uth Ameri ^" T his statement indicates that the tune (Plate 
I) was composed in or before 1849. 

WelhTt^ !?r A PP u endix is now a scarce work but since Bulmer, like Ganthorpe, 
seemed T^uT' * an ° ther Satdlite villa S e on the Castle Howard estate, it 
woTto the t ^ ^ 5f "" ° f Bulmer would have sent «* or more copies of his 
^t^^SiT?" ? n u enqUil 7 t0 Mr - Eevan Hartley, archivist at Castle Howard, 
sme7ha ^Z the u hymnal was ind eed in their library and the Chapel Clerk 

stated that it was in use in the Private Chapel following its publication. We are grateful 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



Q 



THE 



Welburn Appendix 



OF ORIGINAL 



HYMNS AND TUNES. 



BY THE 



REV. JAMES GABB, B.A., 

Rector of Bulmer, and Chaplain to Lord Lanerton. 



THE MUSIC EDITED BY 



S. S. WESLEY, Esq., Mus. Doc. 



" Speaking to yourselves in psalms, and hymns and spiritual songs, singing and making melody in your 
hearts to the Lord." 



LONDON : 

NOVELLO, EWER AND CO., 

i, BERNERS STREET (W.), AND 35. POULTRY (E.C.) 



Plate 1 .—Title page of The Welbum Appendix. 

to Mr. Hartley and Mr. R. A. Robson for their helpful response to our enquiries and for 
sending us on loan the copy of the Welbum Appendix from which the accompanying 

illustrations were prepared. 

Mr. John Montanus of Melrose, Massachusetts, a musicologist, has kindly submit- 
ted the following comments on Spruce's hymn. 

"Dr. Spruce's tune is interesting and certainly as worthy to be preserved and 
sung as many of the better known nineteenth-century hymns. The time would 



10 



SCHULTES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



Ho. 84. 




gnms 






Baywood 





Plate 2.— Tune composed by Spruce for his hymn "Raywood." 



number 



in each line; lme 5 in each stanza is to be repeated. The melody of this is iden- 
tical with that of the first, the only repetition found in this pleasantly varied 
tune. The two lines differ, however, in their closing harmonies; it would be 

ruce's doing or that of S.S. Wesley. 



Wesley, who died at age 66 in 1876, was one of the most distingu 



church musicians of his day. He was the natural son of composer Samuel Wesley 
and grandson of Charles Wesley, co-founder of the Methodist movement. 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 1 1 



Glory. In 



scheme of Spruce's tune, Raywood, is identical inter alia to 
uare, sung usually to the words Angels from the Realms of 



We have no other references to Spruce's love of music or capabilities as a composer 
or instrumentalist save in a work by the American writer on natural history Wolfgang 
von Hagen. In his book entitled South America Called Them (1945), dealing with 
explorers of that Continent, the opening paragraphs of the first chapter on Richard Spruce 



colourful picture of him playing 



// 



bagpipes 



as he sailed up-river to Santarem. We dismiss this as literary licence, perhaps suggested 
by the well known photograph of Spruce as a young man wearing a Scottish glengarry- 
type head dress. Having regard to the severe restrictions imposed on all baggage other 
than that required for his collecting work and essential personal requirements, it is 
unlikely that a musical instrument would have been included in his luggage and least 
of all so cumbrous a one as bagpipes. 

In 1970, we appealed in the international botanical journal Taxon for contributions 
to a fund wherewith to place a memorial plaque over the door of the cottage in Coneys- 
thorpe in which Spruce spent the last 17 years of his life. The late Mr. George Howard 
of Castle Howard, our acquaintance, later to become Lord Howard of Hinderskelf, was 
himself well aware of Spruce's history and achievements and kindly agreed to the pro- 
ject. The appeal was supported by donations from 12 countries and more than covered 



Westmorland 



tion reads: 



Richard Spruce 

1817-1893 

of Ganthorpe, Welburn 

and Coneysthorpe 

Distinguished botanist, fearless 

explorer, humble man, lived here 

1876-1893 






mber 3, 1971, a ceremony 



Mr. Howard at which time 
primarily to attend this dec 



Trust 



and 



We believe that this plaque, unveiled more than a century after Spruce 
America, appropriately commemorates his memory 



rural peace and tranquility to which, after years in the Amazonian wilderness, he returned 



evote his remaining years working on his Dryoiogicai conec 
We later secured the permission of the Reverend Canon W. 3 
errington to emnlov the remainder of the fund in having Spruce 



and 



with its sim 



memorial to an unassuming 



12 



SLEDGE & SCHULTES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 




HH^H^iHHBVH 






' --" ■ ■ ■' 



1 



Plate 3. 



ruce 



Zarucchi 



Ethnobiol. 3(2): 139-147, December 1983, for another paper on Richard 
ethnobotanist of the Amazon and northern Andes. Also, "Richard Spruce 



Northern 



(Autumn 



NOTES 



Amazon 



Ltd IrmHnn l xrrA n onoi n • . ,. l " ie wnazon ana /\naes, Macmuian ana ^u 

R^.t;^Tw?or2 £$g ° new foreword by Richard Evans ^ ,ohnso 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(1): 13-33 



Summer 1988 



GITKSAN TRADITIONAL MEDICINE: HERBS AND HEALING 



LESLIE M. JOHNSON GOTTESFELD 

and 

BEVERLEY ANDERSON 

Gitksan-Wet'suwet'en Tribal Council 

Box 229 
Hazelton B. C. VOJ 1 YO 



ABSTRACT. — The Gitksan people live along the Skeena River in northwest British 
Columbia, Canada. Gitksan traditional medicine is still practiced as an adjunct to modem 
allopathic medicine. Medicinal plants are used as decoctions, infusions, poultices, and 
fumigants, or are chewed for a wide variety of medical conditions. Traditional Gitksan 
life involved seasonal movement to utilize a wide variety of plant and animal resources. 
The Gitksan people viewed their environment as a harmonious interacting whole which 
included people as one of its elements. Maintenance of this balance was crucial to the 
health of the environment and the survival and health of the people. Shamans, bone- 
setters, midwives and herbalists all contributed to maintenance of health and treatment 
of illness in the traditional system. Extensive use was made of plant products as medicines. 



INTRODUCTION AND SETTING 



The Gitksan people of northwestern British Columbia, Canada, live along the Skeena 
River and its tributaries (Fig. 1). The natural environment consists of densely forested 



rugged mountain ranges with alpine meadows 



and rocky cliffs at their summits. The region lies in the transition between the Pacific 
Coast Forest types which extend from Central California to Southeast Alaska and the 
Boreal Forest which extends across Canada and Central Alaska. The Gitksan culture, 
too, is transitional, combining coastal fishing strategies with interior hunting and trap- 
ping. It is part of the North Coast culture area (Drucker 1955; Woodcock 1977) and their 
language is closely related to Tsimshian (Drucker 1955; Garfield 1939; Duff 1959, 1964). 
The neighboring Wet'suwet'en are an Athabaskan speaking group allied to the Carriers 
of the interior of central British Columbia. The Wet'suwet'en have acquired many coastal 
cultural characteristics from prolonged contact and intermarriage with the Gitksan, and 
some diffusion of cultural adaptations and words with Wet'suwet'en roots has occurred 
in Gitksan. The eastward extent of Coastal cultural adaptations into the interior in the 



made possible by the inland 



abundant 



Traditionally subsistence involved seasonal movement 



salmon (Oncorhyncus spp.), steelhead trout, oolachan (Thalicthys 
pacificus, an anadromous smelt), spring greens, berries, edible roots, and caribou, moun- 
tain goat and marmot. Periods of dispersal on the landscape were interspersed with winter 
residence in large centrally located villages. Before European contact, all activities of 
the Gitksan were conducted in the context of this annual cycle of movement (Fig. 2) 
and the people saw themselves as an integral part of the natural system. 

Movement on the land to utilize the resources necessary for survival was shaped 
by the structure of the society which organized people into matrilineal clans and clan 
subdivisions called houses (wilp) (Cove 1982; Adams 1973; Neil Sterrit Jr., Don Ryan, 
personal communication! characterized by crests and governed by hereditary chiefs. These 



14 



GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



houses were the units which controlled access to the resources which were owned by 
the chief on behalf of his [her] people. The chiefs and their houses had specific territories 
which were hunting, gathering, and fishing grounds. The high chie£ controlled harvest 
of the resources and ensured, through sharing, that the needs of all were met. Some 
flexibility in where a family hunted or fished was afforded since either the husband's 
or wife's territory could be exploited, and the father's rights could be used until he died. 




FIG 1 — Gitksan Traditional Territories. 



uniformly disp 



and m time)2. Gathering activities were intensive in season because of the marked 
seasonality of resource availability and the long winters. In past times not only fish and 
meat but also berries were dried and smoked for winter provision. 



m 



Reserves, or m the nearby towns. Subsistence activities are still very important in village 
economy Fish and berries form a significant part of the local diet. Today canning and 
freezing largely replace smoking and drying food for winter storage. Purchased foods 

sunn pmpnt wilH tn^Ac ^o«~«^n__ • _ • . ° 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



15 



TIME 



ACTIVITY 



Feasting 
Purification 

inter 
Trappl ng 

Spring Trapping 
& Fishing 

Oolachan Grease 
Trade 

- J First Salmon 
■ I Feast 

Spring Salmon 

Fishing 



Summer Salmon 
Fishing/Smoking 

Berry Picking 
& Preserving 

Purification 

Fall Hunting 

Fall Salmon 
Fishing/Smoking 



Preparation 
For Winter 



ANIMALS 

consume dried tish 

& meat. oolachan grease 



marten, mink, fox, 
wolverine, weasel, 
wolf, coyote, fisher 

beaver trapping over- 
wintering steelhead trout 

oolachan 8< other 
marine resources 

Chinook salmon 



Chinook salmon 



sockeye salmon 



black bear 



moose, mountain goat, 
caribou, deer, marmot 

coho salmon, steelhead 



moose hunting, 
smoke meat 



PLANTS 

consume dried & 
stored berries, fruits 



MEDICINES 



PLACE 



cow parsnip, red cedar 
bark, pine cambium, soap- 
berries, flreweed stalks 

(saskatoon berries 
nettles for cordage 

huckleberries, lowbush & 
highbush blueberries, 
highbush cranberries 



collect firewood 



purification before 
& during trapping 



gather devils club 
bark, calla stems 



blessing to keep 
fish coming 

gather yellow pond 
lily root 

gather yellow pond 
lily root, 

soapberry leaves 



trapping 
territories 



irease trail 
!& coast 



fish camps 



fish camps 



purify self & gun with 

-rmj/gwtsxw (hunting 

L . _ Iterritories 

gather mulgwssxw, 

valerian root, devil's jf^ cam ps 
club, yellow pond lily 



FIG. 2.— Generalized annual cycle of activities and resource gathering among the Gitksan 
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Travel to the coast for commercial 
fishing and cannery work has been omitted from the present diagram. 



Fishing sites remain 



and 



hunting activities are much 



and ease of access to sites by vehicle. The modem 



territory is the "trapline 



u 



primary nature of a chiefs "traplin 



ping area, but rather a word for his traditional hunting territory. 

Reflecting beliefs about the harmonious interaction of people and the land and the 
balance of natural forces, the fundamental Gitksan approach to health is holistic and 
preventative. When problems arose in pre-contact times, healing was handled by various 
specialists. Halayt (spiritual healers), herbal healers, bone setters, and midwives all 
participated in the maintenance of health and prevention and treatment of disease. 
Extensive use was made of plant products as medicines. In the past sixty years with the 
influence of the missionaries and modem Canadian life, the halayt, bonesetters and mid- 
wives have largely disappeared. However, traditional herbal remedies have continued 
to be employed, and some people who were trained in herbal healing are still living. 

The present study is part of a program to preserve and transmit traditional knowledge 



of plant uses and preparation of indigenous 



among the Gitksan and 



Wet'suwet'en peoples 
cultural emphasis on 



Until very recently, the low status of traditional lore and the 



knowledge made 



m 



interest in learnine about and reviving this knowledge 



16 



ANDERSON Vol. 8, No. 1 



METHODS 



We have conducted interviews with 23 Gitksan elders and other knowledgable 
Gitksan people about medicines and plant use 4 . Interviews were in Gitksan and English, 
and written notes and tape recordings made. Photographs were taken in the field of 
significant plants and herbarium specimens were collected. Identifications were verified 
by informants from growing or fresh material. Supplemental verification of plant 
identity was made from photographs or line drawings. Plant determinations were made 
by Gottesfeld and Gitksan language interviews were conducted by Anderson. Botanical 
specimens, photographs, and tape recordings are housed in the Gitksan-Wet'suwet'en 
Tribal Council Archives and Library in Hazelton British Columbia. A set of voucher 
specimens is housed in the British Columbia Provincial Museum Herbarium in Victoria. 



MEDICINAL PLANTS 



Use of medicinal plant preparations forms an important part of Gitksan traditional 
medicine. Medicinal plant preparations are used as tonics, purgatives and emetics, 
expectorants and demulcents, wound dressings and antiseptics, poultices, opthalmic and 
aural preparations, as skin washes, and as fumigants. Herbal preparations are used to 
prevent illness and promote health, to treat specific symptoms of disease, for purifica- 
tion, and for protection from witchcraft. In the Gitksan concept, illness results from 
an imbalance in the individual or the environment. Purification has as its aim the 
restoration of the disturbed balance, the cleansing of the affected individual. Likewise, 
there is a strong emphasis in treatment of disease by purgatives or emetics, which drive 
out the impurity or illness, leaving the body clean and ready for the return to normal 



body function. 



and at present. Important and 
idum (Smith) Miq. 
>herdia canadensis 



Gitksan for medicinal nurooses in 



um Engelm.), soapberry 



ne fir (Abies lasiocarpa (Hook.) Nutt.) and spruce (Picea engelmannii Parry and 
(Moench) Voss.), False or Indian hellebore (Veratrum viride Ait.) red elderberry 



uniperus communis L. subsp. nana (Willd.) Syme 



lanatum Michx.l. common 



mixtures 



external washes, or as sm 



Devil's Club.-Wa'uumst, Hu'ums [Oplopanax horridum (Smith) Miq.] (Fig. 3). Devil's 
club is a sprawlmg deciduous shrub 1 to 5 m high which grows in moist coniferous and 
mixed forests, and in avalanche tracks. It is common in northwest British Columbia. 
The stems can be gathered after the leaves senesce or when the plant is dormant, but 
not in spring when it is just leafing out. It is not "ripe" or ready then. One elder stated 
it should be gathered after the first snowfall in October. 

The leafless spiny stems are the part used by the Gitksan. For most uses the inner 
bark or cambium layer is scraped off of the stems. The prepared inner bark can be used 
fresh to prepare an infusion or decoction,- it can be chewed, or applied as a poultice for 
dressing woulds (Wilson et al 1984), or dried and stored as "chips" for later use. The 
pliable fresh bark strips are sometimes formed into "pills" for later chewing. Some recipes 
which involve boiling devil's club do not require scraping the inner bark from the stems. 

Some elders boil chunks of fresh, unpeeled devil's club stems to make decoctions of devil's 
club. 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



17 




FIG. 3.— Elder Elsie Morrison gathering Devil's Club (hu'ums, Oplopanax honidum). 



The inner bark of Devil's club is used fresh or dried for rheumatism, respiratory 
ailments, as a general tonic, for stomach ulcers and stomach pain, and for gynecologic 
cancers. The fresh inner bark is used as a dressing for open wounds (Wilson et al. 1984). 
Regular chewing of fresh devil's club inner bark is believed to maintain good health. 
Good health and vigor among older people has been attributed to regul 



An infusion 



An infus 



and ulcers. Devil 



drunk in conjunction with fasting 



J , hunters and trappers to improve their luck and because bathing in a 

solution of devil's club is reputed to remove human scent (Wilson et al. 1984). Regular 
chewing of (preferably fresh) devil's club bark is reported to be helpful in treating 
rheumatism or stiffness of the joints. An elder from Kitwancool reported that he was 
able to cure arthritis in his right shoulder in one month by chewing devil's club every 



The 



Smith 19261. We 



so an ingredient of a number of herbal mixtures (Wilson 
lave collected recipes for tonics which employ devil's c! 
boughs, alder bark (Alnus incana), wild calla stems (Call, 
lasiocarpa), mountain 



and spruce bark (Picea engelmannii or glauca). These 



being 



influenza, respiratory ailment 



18 



GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



The inner stem bark or the root bark of devil's club is widely used by all native groups 
throughout its range for a variety of medicinal purposes (Table 1) (see review by Turner 
1982; andGunther 1973; Turner etal. 1980, 1983; Justice 1966; Smith 1983; Smith 1928; 
MacGregor 1981). It is generally reputed to be helpful in arthritis and rheumatism, 
stomach ailments, wound treatment, childbirth or pregnancy, cancer, and respiratory 
ailments. In addition to the many uses listed in Table 1, it has been reported to control 
blood sugar levels (Justice 1966). Some modern Gitksan have employed it for control 
of diabetes after learning about it from Tsimshian relatives. Devil's club is burned as 
a fumigant to ward off sickness by the Wet'suwet'en or purify a dwelling of bad spirits 
by the Tsimshian. The Niska'a of the Nass Valley also place high value on it for medicine. 

Devil's club was also widely used for its spiritual power in purification rituals and 
for "luck" (Turner 1982). The Wet'suwet'en, whose territory adjoins the Gitksan to the 
south and east, place high value on devil's club for purification and luck. Bathing with 
devil's club, and consumption of devil's club tea formed important parts of the ritual 



hunter who com 



endeavours. 



very 



It appears that no definitive investigation of the chemistry of devil's club stem bark 
has been made. Smith's (1983) review of the pharmacognosy of devil's club states that 
a 1927 study (Kariyone and Morotomi 1927, cited in Smith 1983) of an ether extract of 
devil's club roots and stems isolated two oils, a sesquiterpene named equinopanacene, 
and a sesquiterpene alcohol, equinopanacol. The general constituents of devil's club 
extracts include oleic and unsaturated fatty acids, glycerides, saponins and tannins (Stuhr 
and Henry 1944, cited in Smith 1983). Devil's club is in the Araliaceae, the same family 
as the widely used Panax spp. (ginseng). Like the ginsengs, a major use is as a tonic or 
to promote general health. 



Table 1. 



Indian 



Use 



emetic/cathartic/ 
purgative 



laxative 



Group 



Gitksan 

Tlingit 

Eyak 

Bella Colla 

Southern Carrier 

Wet'suwet'en 
Haida 

Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 
Heiltsuq (Bella Bella) 
Southern Kwakiutl 
Tsimshian 
Gitksan 

Tanaina (Upper Inlet) 
Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 



Source 5 



Smith 1928 

Smith 1973 

Smith 1973 

Turner 1973 ; Smith 1928 

Smith 1928 

Smith 1928; Morice 1893 

Turner 1973 

Justice 1966 

B. Rigsby in Turner 1982 

Turner &. Bell 1973 

MacGregor 1981 

Wilson et al 1984 

Kari 1977 

Justice 1966 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



19 



Table 1. — Uses of Devil's Club by different Indian groups, (continued) 



Use 



Arthritis/rheumatism 



Tonic 



Childbirth 



Fever 



Tuberculosis 



Group 



Bella Coola 

Thompson 

Gitksan 

Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 

Haida 

Bella Coola 

Ohiat Nootka 

Nitinaht 

Sechelt 



Squamish 

Upriver Halkomelem 

Lilloet 

Tsimshian 

Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 

Haida 

Bella Coola (with Ribes) 

Sechelt 
Cowichan/Halkomelem 

Thompson 

Gitksan 

Carrier 

Skagit (with Chimaphila 
and Rhamnus) 

Tanaina 

(Kenai & Upper Inlet) 

Tanaina (Upper Inlet) 

Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 

Southern Kwakiutl 

Nitinaht (with Abies) 

Skagit with Chimaphila 
and Rhamnus) 

Okanagan-Colville 

Sahaptin 

Gitksan 
(alone and in mixture) 



Source 5 



Smith 1928 

Turner et al. In Press 

this study 

Justice 1966; MacGregor 1981 

Turner 1970 

Smith 1928 

Rollins 1972 

Turner et al. 1983; Rollins 1972 

Bouchard 1977; Rollins 1972; 
Turner & Timmers 1972 

Rollins 1979 

Galloway 1979 

Turner 1972 

MacGregor 1981 

Justice 1966 

Turner 1970 

Bouchard 1975 

Bouchard 1977 

Rollins 1972 

Turner et al. In Press 

this study; Wilson et al. 1984 

Morice 1893 



Gunther 1973 
Kari 1977 



Kari 1977 
Justice 1966 
Turner & Bell 1973 
Rollins 1972 



Gunther 1973 

Turner et al. 1980 

D. French in Turner 1982 

this study; Wilson et al. 1984 



20 



GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



Table 1.— Uses of Devil's Club by different Indian groups, (continued) 



Use 



Respiratory ailments/ 
coughs/colds 



Poultice or wound 

dressing/disinfectant/ 
topical analgesic 



Cancer 



General sickness; flu 



Diabetes 



Skin Wash 



Group 



Gitksan 

Tanaina (Upper Inlet) 

Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 

Haida 

Squamish 

Cowichan/Halkomelem 
Cowlitz 

Okanagan-Colville 
Tsimshian 



Tlingit 

Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 

Central Carrier 



Gitksan 
Wet'suwet'en 
Tlingit; Kaigani Haida 
Gitksan 

Tsimshian 
Haida 

Carrier 



Bella Coola 



Thompson 
Kootenay 

Heiltsuq (Bella Bella) 
Sechelt 

Squamish (with Abies) 
Tsimshian 



Mainland Como 
Sechelt 



Source ^ 



this study; Wilson et al. 1984 

Kari 1977 

Justice 1966; MacGregor 1981 

Turner 1970 

Bouchard & Turner 1976 

Rollins 1972 

Gunther 1973 

Turner et al. 1980 

MacGregor 1981 



Gitksan 



Smith 1973 

Justice 1966 

Central Carrier Linguistic 
Comm 1973 

this study; Wilson et al. 1984 

unpublished study of authors 

Justice 1966 

this study 

MacGregor 1981 
Turner 1970 

Central Carrier Linguistic 
Comm 1973 

Bouchard 1975-77 in Turner 
1982 

Annie York in Turner 1982 
Hart et al. 1981 

MacDermott 1949 
Bouchard 1978 
Bouchard & Turner 1976 

Large & Brocklesby 1938; 
unpublished study of authors 

Bouchard 1973 

Rollins 1972; Turner and 
Timmers 1972 

Wilson et al. 1984 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



21 



Table 1. — Uses of Devil's Club by different Indian groups, (continued) 



Use 



Ashes or charcoal 
for sores 
burns or swelling 



Purification 



Amulet (protection) 



Luck (hunting or 
gambling) 



Scent removal 



Fumigant 



Group 



Tlingit 

Southern Kwakiutl 

Sechelt 

Thompson 

Haida 



Gitksan 
Wet'suwet'en 
Tlingit 
Haida 
Bella Coola 



Haida 



Wet'suwet'en 

Tsimshian 

Gitksan 

Gitksan 

Tsimshian 

Bella Coola 
Wet'suwet'en 

Tsimshian 



Source^ 



Krause 1956 

Boas 1966 

Bouchard 1977 

Steedman 1930 

Newcombe unpub. notes ca 
1901 (in Turner 1982) 

this study 

unpublished study of authors 

Krause 1956 

Turner 1970 

Turner 1973 



Newcombe unpub. notes ca 
1901 (in Turner 1982) 

unpublished study of authors 

Boas 1916 

Wilson et al. 1984 

Wilson et al 1984, this study 

M. Seguin in Turner 1982 

Bouchard 1975 

unpublished study of authors 

unpublished study of authors 



Yellow Pond Lily. —Gahldaats [N\ 



and 



emerge in early May 
rhizome, the nortion used bv the Gitksan overwinters 



wx lui^uiuc, LI1C pUILlUIl USCU Uy U1C VjlLJV^aix w v wx »* "i^xw, *~~ , t 

bottom. The rhizome is the portion of the plant used. It is laborious to dig. Because of 



ing rhizomes 



May, or after 
time of gathering during the growing 



The cortex and adhering leaf bases are peeled off of the fresh rhizome, it is sliced, and 
the slices strung on a stick to dry. They are stored in this manner until needed or powdered 
when dry and stored in sealed glass jars. It is necessary to rehydrate the root slices to 
use them; powdered root can be infused in boiling water for use. Powdered root can also 
be sprinkled on food and eaten. 



22 



GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



Table 2. — Uses of Veratrum Viride by different Indian groups. 



Use 



internal use of infusions 
or decoctions of root 
or of fresh root juice 



external use of infusions 
or decoctions or of 
root piece 



snuff 



poultice of the leaves for 
arthritis, sores or 
fractures 



amulet for luck and 
protection; protection 
from witchcraft 



Group 



Haisla 
Lillooet 
Tsimshian 
Bella Coola 
Yakutat Tlingit 



Gitksan 
Bella Coola 
Tsimshian 

Yakutat Tlingit 
Tsimshian 

Okanagan-Colville 



Tsimshian 

Okanagan-Colville 
Bella Coola 



purification with 
infusions or decoctions 
of the root Gitksan 

fumigant for purification 
and spiritual purposes Gitksan 



Haisla 
Bella Coola 



magical uses 



Lillooet 
Haisla 

Gitksan 
Bella Coola 

Okanagan-Colville 



Source 



Lloyd Starr pers. comm. 
Nancy Turner pers. comm 
MacGregor 1981 
Edwards 1980 
de Laguna 1972 



Wilson et ah 1984; this study 
Edwards 1980 
MacGregor 1981 
de Laguna 1972 
MacGregor 1981 
Turner et ah 1980 



MacGregor 1981 
Turner et ah 1980 
Edwards 1980 



this study 



this study 

Lloyd Starr pers. comm 

Edwards 1980 



Nancy Turner pers. comm 
Lloyd Starr pers. comm. 
this study 
Edwards 1980 
Turner et ah 1980 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



23 




FIG. 4.— Dried #ahldaats root slice (Nuphar polysepalum). 



The sliced rootstock of yellow pond lily is used as a poultice for arthritic joints, 
fractures, and skin ulcers, and the decoction of the fresh rootstock is drunk as an 
appetite stimulant for weak and sickly persons such as tuberculosis patients. Yellow 
pond lily has been used along with devil's club in the treatment of tuberculosis victims. 
Several people have reported they were cured of tuberculosis by using this medication. 
An infusion of the Dowdered dried rootstock is said to be useful for cancer and stomach 



com 



informant 



"make a man sterile." Powdered dried rootstock can also be added to warmed spruce 
pitch for application as a hot plaster. 

The rhizome of the yellow pond lily is utilized by the neighboring Wet'suwet^en 
in combination with other ingredients for tuberculosis, and alone as a tonic. The Haida 
use a decoction of yellow pond lily rootstock and common juniper for tuberculosis treat- 
ment (Deagle, unpublished manuscript). An infusion of the rhizome of the yellow pond 
lily is used bv the Nitinaht as a general tonic (Turner 1983). 



Soapberry. -Is [Shepherdia canadensis (L.) Nutt.] Soapberry is present over a wide eleva- 
tion range from low elevations to montane sites except in the immediate coastal area. 
The berries contain saponins which causes their foaming properties and bitter taste. The 
constituents of leaves or branches are not known. 



The 



in lune and earlv Tulv. Some 



make 



a 



yal is, a traditional dessert for feasts (People of Ksan 1980). Soapberries are an important 
item for trade with Coastal peoples as they are rare in the wet coastal forest. 

An infusion of the dried leaves is used for a diuretic and to treat bladder and uterine 
infections. Dried leaves are steeped in about one gallon of water "to make a light tea 
for these purposes. The berries are reported to speed childbirth and act as a uterine 



24 



GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON Vol. 8, No. 1 



stimulant. The leaves are gathered for medicine after the berries dropped off. Smith (1926) 
reports use of a decoction of the whole plant, roots, branches and leaves, for treating 
chronic cough. 

An infusion of soapberry twigs is drunk by the Central Carrier (Carrier Linguistic 
Committee 1973) for relief of constipation. Soapberry tea is also used by the Okanagan- 
Colville as a laxative, tonic or stomach medicine (Turner et al 1980). The Lillooet use 
soapberry for heart attack and indigestion (Turner 1978). Common uses of soapberry decoc- 



urner 



ups include use as a purgative, stomach tonic, skin v 
1981). It is used in a contraceptive mixture among 
treatment for amenorrhea by the Stonev (Turner 1 91 



Conifer Pitch (Skyen) and Comfr 



Dougl. ex Loud],- 



[Abies lasiocarpa (Hook.) Nutt.J; Spruce [Picea engelmannii Parry 



(Moench) Voss and 



>kyt 



nglemann spruce 

— r . ,^„ w „ as wound dressin, 

and grades of pitch are recognized. Pitch from th< 



tree species is used similarly, but informants will usually specify the kind of pitch in 
the recipe. Pine pitch is used as an antiseptic dressing for open wounds and boils. It is 
collected year round as needed and used fresh. Pitch is also an ingredient in medicinal 
mixtures. One such mixture includes spruce pitch, alder bark, or immature female 
catkins, and prne and spruce "tips" (newly expanded terminal buds). This forms a salve 
which is part of an arthritis treatment. Spruce pitch may also be mixed with powdered 



and 



.*, ',S I, "" " ^alpine fc bark blisters fe particularl vaIued „ s Gitksan 

ntah hltr*™'," 3 ",? ! CS aS ' the tears of the balsam Nbalpine fir].' A term for the 
name r th t T b000wxs - ™™ ' ,he ,eats of the ^^ [subline fir)/ The 

oTblemf <L " " 3 W0U ? d , dreSStag "* also m h 1 uid »>*™ for resp ratory 

fa tken^m^^T "?**!* & P " Ch With rendwd *«** «n»™* ««"• Thfs 
is taken internally "for cleaning the insides out " 

medklnefX!^ n t° m y0Ung Spmce and subalpine fir are also ingredients of various 
s™rio o Triv^ hL SmpS n °u main tannins as wdl as a lot of P'«h- Typically, a bark 
HI'S tdtT" W '" bC Tl"" ta a rec, P e - ■"« fresh b «k will then be chop- 

rnnSples SuLlnt ,°f K "£*** *™ " ** Pait ° f a mixture to retee » s medicinal 

fs3to ffi " f P 2 ^ form » S an , in « redie '" of a spring tonic mixture. Spruce bark 
bums n?X snT"^ T? An °' her "* for "P™* bark is as a treatment for serious 
S^TSr" ^ <00tX > " roasttd and PO™ded «o a powder, then sprinkled 



and pitch have non-medicinal uses as well. Snruce 



rute gum m the past. The modem word for chewing "gum in C tksan fa etweT 
on .^rtTfan^S^* *» ?E5 fa SS for^Tm ,une 

not commonly eaten nol l****!". and fa used fresh by the Gitksan. It is 

The ha*; ofXse^rees a P re CH *" T* by "* Carrier todians for s °res or eye injuries. 

The Wet'suwet^en use a dlt? •"" i" ""^^ < Carrier ""W** Committee 1973). 

use fir ai^Lfe^;^^ *• okanaga - coiviiie 

SttZnmEr^; & fc "-°- L, Red elderberry fa an abundant shrub 



more common 



important as a source of food for the Gitksan 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 25 



of the abundance of their fruits. Although they are widely reported in the literature as 
poisonous (e.g. Hulton 1968), they are utilized mixed with other berries at traditional 
Northwest Feasts and we have never observed or heard of adverse reactions to ingestion 
of the fruits of the local populations of elderberries (see Turner 1975 for comments on 
edibility). 

The bark of the red elderberry and its roots are used for medicine. The red elderberry 
root bark is used to prepare an emetic. The inner bark of the root is scraped off, as in 
the preparation of devil's club. A small quantity of the bark shavings are then added 
to boiling water and set to steep. The resulting milky fluid is drunk lukewarm, followed 
by lukewarm water. After the patient vomits, a cup of lukewarm water is given. This 
is repeated until vomiting ceases. Patients were treated with this medicine during the 
1918 flu epidemic. Weakness, general illness and inability to eat were presenting 
symptoms for the use of the emetic preparation. Harlan Smith (1926) reports use of red 
elder roots as an emetic and purgative in the 1920's. Another reported use of elder bark 
is for tuberculosis. It can also be administered as a smudge as part of a medicine to cure 
a victim of evil witchcraft. For this purpose it is used with juniper (funiperus communis) 
and cow parsnip (Heracleum lanatum) root. Red elder is used as purgative by the Nitinaht 
(Turner et al. 1983). 

Chemical constituents of the root or bark have not been well characterized with 
modem techniques. Kingsbury (1964:390) states that the root is the most toxic part, con- 
taining purgative substances. A triterpene, ursolic acid, has been isolated from the roots 
and choline has been isolated from the bark (Borokov and Belova 1967; Yardin 1936). 

Cow parsnip.— Ha'mook, Huukx( Heracleum lanatum Michx.) Cow parsnip is abundant 
in moist and open situations including river floodplains, meadows and avalanche tracks. 



grows from valley bottoms 



Indian 



similarity of the portion eaten, the leaf stalk and flower bud stalk (huukx) 



common introduced European 



They are highly 



collected. After the flowering stalk exceeds about 40 centimeters in height, it is 

considered poisonous. 

Mature cow parsnip contains abundant furanocoumarins which react with sunlight 
to cause blistering of the skin (Camm et al. 1976). Kuhnlein and Turner (1986) have found 
that peeled young cow parsnip stalks contain about half the concentrations of 
furanocoumarins of unpeeled young cow parsnip stalks, demonstrating that preparation 



echniq 



ce root can be gathered for medicine at any time. Medicinal uses 
E the fresh root for rheumatism, and use with red elder bark and iuniper 
smudge treatment to counteract bewitchment. Cow parsnip root is 
iltice for rheumatism by the Central Carrier (Carrier Linguistic 



Committee 



Common Junipei \ -Laxsa laxnok, T'seex [Juniperus communis L. subsp. nana (Willd 
Syme] Juniper is fairly abundant in the central Skeena valley. It is restricted to drier more 
open plant communities of low to mid elevations. It can be gathered fresh when needed. 
A number of studies have been made of the constituents of the foliage and stems 
of common juniper. Flavonoids, benzenoids, lignans, alkenes, diterpenes polyprenoids, 
malic acid, malonic acid, oxalic acid, phenyl pyruvic acid, acomtic acid, tartaric acid, 
vanillic acid, and ascorbic acid have been isolated by a number of different investigators, 
largely from European samples (for example see De Pascual et al. 1980; Lamar-Zarawaka 



26 GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON Vol. 8, No. 1 



1977; Linder and Grill 1978). The fruits show embryotoxic effects in vivo in several studies 
performed on rats and antitumour and antiviral effects in vivo and in vitro (Agrawal et 
al. 1980; Belko et al. 1952; May and Willuhn 1978 and others). 

The juniper has a long history of medicinal use in both Europe and North America. 
Its foliage is employed among the Gitksan. Fresh juniper boughs are chopped and boiled 
as part of mixtures of plants to obtain a decoction which is drunk for medicinal pur- 
poses. These mixtures include devil's club and other ingredients. Juniper boughs can 
also be burned as a fumigant to purify a dwelling. Its name, laxsa laxnok, translates as 

'boughs of the supernatural' which indicates the power attri r 

informants restrict this name to a specific ecotype of juniper growing in rocky places 

in the mountains, calling low elevation plants t'seex, while others call all common juniper 
laxsa laxnok. 



Harlan Smith 



and 



and "to make one strong" (Luke Fowler, in Smith 1926). Fowl 
naxnok which means 'supernatural plant.' 

Juniper is used by the Okanagan-Colville for respiratory il 
and as a tonic before a sweat (Turner et al. 1980). The Wet'si 
a tonic to ward off flu or respiratory ailments. The Central Can 
culosis (Carrier Linguistic Committee 1973). The Haida also u 
culosis and stomach ulcers (Deagle, unpublished manuscript ) 



Wild 



Hisgahldaatsxw [CaUa palustris L] Calla palusths grows in swampy 



and the shallow margins of ponds in wet mucky soil or up to 0.5 m of water. In 



and 



The 



re leaf expansion. Our material was collected in mid 
The entire plant contains irritating saponin-like substa 



nrZT 7 TT n ? mless W Prolonged boiling (Hulten 1968; Kingsbury 1964). The 
preparation of the medicine involves boiling the fresh stems for six hours. Ingestion of 
medicine which has not Wn r*™i^n ~ i_ n , . . . . 



Wild 



swallowing. 



Ingestion 
and 



name 



"shien" for this plant. Uses reported by his informant 
u™ i_ t :0( ; tl0n of calla for cle *ning the eyes of the blind, for h 

i?:X U ' h : f °'l h °". b . re «h and for rreatment of influenza (Smith 



informant 



**h1<1nnt« tK« ii * j , , , his 9 ahldaa tsxw," which means resembles or similar 
^'ffJ' the yeU °r P0nd 1J y- ° u ' informant uses this plant as a Dart of a mixture 



examined 



c The use of Calla palustris for medicinal 
in the herbal and ethnobotanical literature 



Indian Hellebore.— 
hellebore, Veratrum 



Mulgwasxw, Sk'an Ts 'iks [V, 



rj£i !™~* «- t e^V"wSe is fZd 



moist 



bottomland environments "** V "" tmm V '" de dso «""" 

^™ Tt™* *-*"«™> are gathered in the fall after the 1, 



W. is frequently done by men m co^ct^ith h " 



The 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



27 










\ 






X 



m 






10cm 



FIG. 5. 



hisgahldaa tsxw 



rhizome 



hung to dry and 



'Mulgwasxw is the most important herb in use among modem Gitksan 
e rootstock of the Indian hellebore plant, Veratrum viride. The whol 



'Mulgwasxw 



an 



state of mind is required to gather and use it. One should purify oneself before gathering 
"mulgwasxw by fasting and use of devil's club tea, and express proper thanks for the 
gift by saying a prayer and leaving a return gift. 

The smoke of 'mulgwasxw is used to assist the spirit of sleepwalkers in returning 
to the body properly. The grated dried root is used medicinally steeped in bath water 
for skin conditions (Wilson et al. 1984). The grated root can also be added to laundry 
water and used to purify or cleanse clothing. 'Mulgwasxw is used to purify a house ("to 



germs" or 



// 



remove bad spiritual vibrations") by being burned 



confer luck. Use of 'mulgwasxw 



is intimately involved with purification rituals for hunting and trapping, and 
may be carried as an amulet for luck in hunting and in gambling. 'Mulgwasxw i 



valued 



and not left untended 



Turner (personal communication 1986) reports that the Lillooet 
as a powerful medicine and that it is believed to confer luck. 



internally 



arthritis and as a snuff. It is also reportedly used "to jinx people" (Turner 



bru 



and fractures, and for luck. It is used internally with great care (Edwards 1980). The 
a Northern Kwakiutl group, also use Indian hellebore root as an amulet for luc 
the Gitksan the Haisla bum Indian hellebore root as a fumigant to drive away evil 
A dilute infusion of the grated rootstock, mixed with other herbs, is also takei 
nally by some Haisla. Victims of the 1918 influenza epidemic were treated with 



28 



GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON 



Vol. 8, No. 1 





I 



I 

■ 



■ 

■ 



■ 




i* *k 













FIG. 6.— Dried 'mulgwasxw (Veratrum viride wot). 



»ore root infusions (personal communication, Lloyd Starr). The Tsimshian : 
east Alaska (originally from Metlakatla, B.C.) use Indian hellebore ("skookum root 
alp disease and as a snuff for sinus infections. The leaves were used to tre 
tis. The root was used in a treatment for insanity. A decoction of the whole ro 
vidently taken internally, but it is not clear for what purposes (MacGregor 198: 
of Southeast Alaska apparently use Indian hellebore for a tranquilizer and pa 
(MacGregor 1981). Decoctions of "skookum root" were used for treatment of diver 
including menstrual cramps and (with devil's club) pneumonia by the Yakut 



Tlingit (de Lagu 
with "skookum 



r 



and 



Veratrum viride contains a number of toxic alkaloids including veratrine, veratrasine, 
tramine, veratrin (Edwards 1980; Jeger and Prelog I960; Kingsbury 19641. These 



pressure, and can 



5 X7KJKJ, IVlllgO^UXJ XSV^y — 

salivation, prostration, depressed 



heart action, and dyspnea . . . additional subjective symptoms include burning 
tions of the mouth and throat, hallucinations and headache" (Kingsbury 1964 
is an extremely toxic plant, and only knowledgeable persons should use it. 0\ 
can be ratal. It is not normally used internally by the Gitksan. Chemical com 

a* Tu b , Uming Indian hell ebore root have not been investigated nor r 
medical effects of smoke inhalation been rWriW 



It 



DISCUSSION 



in the past on the annual cycle 

>sistence activities determined 



ot movement on the land. The location of seasonal su 

useT , rtT COmmunit 1 i f s were mailable. This exerts some control on medicinal plant 

adiaSm t S 5* t Xample ' different P lants « mailable in floodplain forests 

adjacent to fishing sites and subalpine meadows near berry picking areas. The phenology 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 29 



of desired plants must also be taken into account as the properties and chemical com- 
position of plant parts changes with the stage of maturity. Some plants can be gathered 
when available at the right stage and dried for later use such as yellow pond lily root 
or Indian hellebore, while other plants must be gathered fresh for immediate prepara- 
tion and use. The selection of which plants to utilize to treat a condition is, therefore, 
influenced by what plants are available for use at the time they are needed. Plants which 
have to be used when freshly gathered can only be used if available nearby at the right 
stage, whereas other products can be used from stored supplies at any time. 

As in European and Asian folk medicine, Gitksan medicines are used as tonics or 
for the treatment of specific symptoms of disease. Purification differs from these 
approaches because its goal is the treatment of the whole individual to prevent or over- 
come a diseased state. The role of 'purification' in Gitksan medicine has parallels in the 
medical practices of other indigenous groups in northwestern North America (Vogel 1970; 
Kew & Kew 1981). As the person and the environment are seen as harmoniously 
interacting wholes, imbalance in the individual or environment is believed to have poten- 
tially far-reaching consequences for health. Therefore, purification, the removal of 
impurity and the restoration of the natural balance, is seen as an important aspect of 

maintenance of health. 

Many Gitksan teaching stories warn of the consequences of disturbing the balance 
of nature such as the famous story of the One-Homed Goat of Temlaham (Harris 1974; 
Barbeau-Beynon notes). In this drama failure to respect the mountain goats results in 
overhunting, mistreatment of the animals and subsequent disaster for the village as the 
goats wreak their vengeance. A virtuous man who remembers the proper behavior and 
acknowledges the equality of living things is permitted to survive and teaches the 
remaining people how they must act to maintain the balance and bring prosperity for 

their people. 

Purification in traditional Gitksan society was sought in each season for different 
functions. Men underwent purification before setting out for such important activities 
as trapping and hunting. Women underwent purification in connection with puberty, 
menstruation and childbirth. The springtime was the most important season for purifi- 
cation. This process was accomplished through various means such as fasting, bathing 
in cold water, sweat baths, solitary meditation or use of herbal preparations. Herbs such 
as Indian hellebore and devil's club were utilized for this purpose. Purification was an 
individual matter. Each person sought to resolve conflicts and achieve harmony through 
his or her own efforts. 

Concepts of purification are finding a role in the present particularly in dealing with 
stress and emotional disorders. Purification can provide a means for the stressed individual 
to alleviate or remove the stress and thereby improve mental and physical health. The 
Wilp-si-Satxw (House of Purification) Society, a modem group sponsored by the Gitksan- 
Wet'suwet'en Tribal Council to deal with problems of mental health and substance abuse, 
is investigating ways to integrate traditional approaches to purification with a modem 
drug and alcohol abuse treatment program. 



THE EFFECT OF EUROPEAN CONTACT 
ON GITKSAN TRADITIONAL MEDICINE 



In the period of contact, a systematic disruption of aboriginal culture took place, 
particularly by the agency of Christian missionaries. The Wilp si Satxw (house of puri- 
fication) and the Halayt were banned as pagan. Healing was taken out of the hands of 
the traditional practitioners. The holistic preventative approach of traditional healers 



30 



GOTTESFELD & ANDERSON Vol. 8, No. 1 



was largely supplanted by Western allopathic medicine. New infectious diseases and 
alcohol had arrived with the Europeans, creating previously unknown health problems. 
The outlawing of the potlatch (literally, "the Gift") was a fundamental attack on the 
integrity of the aboriginal culture as the feasthall was the place where all important public 
business and much of the education took place, with the community participants as 
witnesses (Neil Sterrit Jr., personal communication). The so-called "Potlatch Law," which 
came into effect January of 1885, prohibited potlatches and winter ceremonies and 
provided six months imprisonment as the punishment for participation in such activities 
(Raunet 1984). These clauses were finally dropped from the Indian Act in 1951 (Duff 1964). 
As in much of North America, the government and missionaries, from the turn of 
the century until the 1960s, deliberately supplanted the traditional culture by isolating 
the children in residential schools where they were forbidden to speak their language 
(Levine and Cooper 1976). Strong pressure was applied to children to reject their own 
cultures as primitive and backward. This disrupted both the extended family and the 
nuclear family and removed the children from the process of cultural transmission and 
traditional education at about six years of age. The pivotal role of elders in traditional 
education was particularly undermined, especially as the children lost fluency in their 
native tongue. Botanical and healing concepts and spiritual values were difficult for elders 
to express in an unfamiliar tongue. This knowledge has therefore been especially 



vulnerable. 



Gitksan is still widely spoken in 



Gitksan Wet'suwet'en Tribal Council estimates the number of Gitksan speakers at about 
800 people. However, children are rarely fluent speakers in spite of efforts to revive the 
language with the establishment of language programs in the local schools (Powell and 
Stevens 1977; Jensen and Powell 1979). 

Although there have been far reaching changes to Gitksan society in the past one 
hundred years, traditional medicinal practices have survived and are being practiced 
today. A great deal more information on the aboriginal medical practices of the Gitksan 
remains in the minds of elders still living. The paucity of young Gitxsanimx speakers 
makes the interviewing of these elders and the translation of their knowledge of tradi- 



English 



Gitksan traditional medicine 



^^ *» ^* -»■■*■*■* v- v* vv-J VJitlXijClll Li Clvi 1 L lv/1 ldl lilvvllvUAV' ■*■ ***^' 

project is an outgrowth of the renewed interest in Gitksan traditional medicine by the 
Gitksan people, and their desire to preserve their knowledge of medicines and healing. 



CONCLUSION 

Gitksan use of plants for medicines must be seen within the cultural context of views 
of he nature of health and healing. Plant utilization will also reflect availability to poten- 

d?lZZ S u ? C °T ° f thdr annud activ "y P atterns ' ch *nges in plant properties at 
different penological stages, and the storage qualities of the herbal preparation produced. 

helleW fv e 7 St ^.T medici ™l Plants used by the Gitksan today are Indian 
nond m wS , Vmd 1 r ° 0t ' devU ' S Club (Oplopanax horridum) bark, and yellow 
for th %LT,K r P T 6p f Um l r ° 0tSt0ck - Gitksan P lant u «* are similar to uses reported 
™hL Td Y ,? , r BmiSh C ° lumbia ^ &™V*> Particularly those of similar 
f ! °^ \ C ™ d CU1 Ural re ? lons - Hoover, some differences in emphasis are notable, and 



groups 



palustris), do not seem 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



31 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



We would like to acknowledge the staff of the Gitksan-Wet'suwet'en Tribal Council for assistance 
and support during this research effort and to acknowledge and thank all of the Gitksan people 
who have been generous with their time and knowledge making this project possible. We would 
also like to thank several Wetsuweten elders: Charles Austin, Andrew George and Alfred Joseph; 
and Lloyd Starr of Kitamaat Village for sharing their knowledge with us and assisting us with this 
project. We wish to thank Lee Oates for sharing his materials on Northwest plant uses, Nancy Turner, 
Allen Gottesfeld and Ian Anderson for helpful comments on the manuscript, and Phillip Howard 



are the sole responsibility of the authors. 



Any 



LITERATURE CITED 



ADAMS, J. W. 1973. The Gitksan Potlatch: 
Population Flux, Resource Ownership and 
Reciprocity. Holt, Rinehart & Winston of 
Canada, Ltd., Toronto and Montreal. 

AGRAWAL, O. P., J. S. BHARADWAJ and R. 
MATHER. 1980. Antifertility effects of 
fruits of Juniperus communis. Planta 
Medica Suppl. 40:98-101. 

BARBEAU, M. and W. BEYNON. Unpublished 
interview notes in Archives, National 
Museums of Canada. 

BELKIN, M., D. B. FITZGERALD and M. D. 
FELIX. 1952. Plants Used as Diuretics. 
Nat. Cancer Instit. 13:741- . 

BOROKOV, A. V. and N. V. BELOVA. 1967. 
Ursolic acid in certain plants. Khim. Prir 
Soedin 3:62A- . 

CAMM, E. L., W. CHI-KIT and G. H. N. 
TOWERS. 1976. An Assessment of the 
roles of furanocoumarins in Heracleum 
lanatum. Canadian J. Botany 54:2562- 
2566. 

CARRIER LINGUISTIC COMMITTEE. 1973. 
Hanuyeh Ghun 'Utm4, Carrier Linguistic 
Committee, Fort Saint James, British 
Columbia. 

COVE, J. 1982. The Gitksan Traditional Con- 
cept of Land Ownership. Anthropologica. 
24:3-17. 

DEAGLE, G. Haida Medicine, unpublished 
manuscript. 

DE LAGUNA, F. 1972. Under Mount Saint 
Elias: The History and Culture of the 
Yakutat Tlingit, Part Two. Smithsonian 
Institution Press, City of Washington. 

DE PASCUAL, T. J., A. F. BARRERO, L. 
MURIEL, A. SAN FELICIANO and M. 
GRANDE. 1980. New Natural Diterpene 
acids from Juniperus communis Phyto- 
chemistry 19:1153-1156. 



DRUCKER, P. 1955. Indians of the Northwest 
Coast. American Museum of Natural 
History, New York. 

DUFF, W. 1959. Introduction. In Histories, 
Territories and Laws of the Kitwancool 
(W. Duff, ed.). Anthropology in B.C. 
Memoir No. 4. British Columbia Provin- 
cial Museum, Victoria. 

DUFF, W. 1964. Indian History of British 
Columbia Vol. 1: Impact of the White 
Man. Anthropology in British Columbia 
Memoir 5. Provincial Museum of Anthro- 

Natural History, Queen's 



and 



Printer, Victoria, British Columbia. 
fARDS, G. T. 1980. Bella Coola In 
and European Medicines. The B( 
Winter 4-11. 



GARFIELD 



Clan 



Washingt 



GUNTHER, E. 1973. Ethnobotany of 
Western Washington, the Knowledge and 
Use of Indigenous Plants by Native 
Americans, Rev. Edit. Univ. Washington 
Press, Seattle and London. 



HINDLE 



Practical Dictionary of the Gitksan 
Language. Northwest Anthropol. Res. 

Notes 7(1). 



HULTEN 
boring 



Territories, a Manual of the 
Vascular Plants. Stanford Univ. Press, 
Stanford, California. 
•R, O. and V. PRELOG. 1960. Steroid 
Alkaloids, Veratrum Group. Pp. 363-417 
in The Alkaloids, V. VH, (R. H. F. Manse, 
ed.). Academic Press, New York. 
JEN, V. and J. V. POWELL. 1979. Learning 
Gitksan, Book 1, Western Dialect. Kitwan- 
cool, Kitsegukla and Kitwanga Indian 
Bands, Kitwanga, British Columbia. 



32 



ANDERSON 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



JUSTICE, J. W. 1966. Use of Devil's Club 
in Southeast Alaska. Alaska Medicine 

8:36-39. 
KARIYONE, T. and S. J. MOROTOMI. 1927. 
The essential oil of Echinopanax honidus, 
Decne et Planch. J. Pharma. Soc. Japan 
546:671-674. 

KEW, M. and D. KEW. "People need friends, 
it makes their minds strong," a Coast 
Salish curing rite. In The World is as Sharp 
as a Knife, (D. Abott, ed.) 29-36. British 
Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria. 

KINGSBURY, J. M. 1964. Poisonous plants of 
the United States and Canada. Prentice- 
Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. 

KUHNLEIN, H. and N. J. TURNER. 1986. 
Cow Parsnip (Heracleum lanatum 
Michx.): an indigenous vegetable of Native 
People of Northwestern North America. 
J. Ethnobiol. 6(2):309-324. 

LAMER-ZARAWAKA, E. 1977. Flavonoids of 
funiperus communis. Rocz Chem 
51:2131- . 

LEVINE, R. and F. COOPER. 1976. The Sup- 
pression of B.C. Languages: Filling Gaps 
in the Documentary Record. Sound 
Heritage (3&4):43-75. 

LINDER, W. and D. GRILL. 1978. Acids in 

conifer needles. Phyton (Horn, Austria) 
18:137- . 

MACARTHUR, R. H. and E. R. PIANKA. 1966. 
An optimal use of a patchy environment . 
Amer. Natur. 100:603-609. 

MACGREGOR, M. 1981. Native Medicine in 
Southeast Alaska: Tsimshian, Tlingit, 
Haida. Alaska Medicine 23(6):65-69. 

MAY, G. and G. WILLUHN. 1978. Antiviral 
activity of aqueous extracts from 
medicinal plants in tissue cultures. Drug 
Res. 28(1): 1-7. (in German) 

PEOPLE OF 'KSAN. 1980. Gathering What 
the Great Nature Provided. Douglas & 
Mclntyre Ltd, Vancouver British Colum- 

% ■ 4 _ _ 



Washington. 



Washingt 



POWELL, J. V. and R. STEVENS. 1977. 
Gitsanimx. Gitksan Language Book 1. 
Kispiox Band, Hazelton, British Columbia 

RAUNET, D. 1984. Without Surrender, With- 
out Consent. Douglas & Mclntyre, 
Vancouver. 

SIH, A. 1982. Optimal patch use: variation 
in selective pressure for efficient foraging. 
Amer. Natur. HOA^-as^ 



SMITH, G. W. 1983. Arctic Pharmacognosia B. 
Devil's Club, Oplopanax honidus. J. of 

Ethnopharma. 7:313-320. 

SMITH, H. I. 1926. Gitksan Ethnobotany. 
Unpublished manuscript prepared for the 
National Museum of Canada, on file 
National Museums of Canada. 

1928. Materia Medica of the 

Bella Coola and Neighbouring Tribes of 
British Columbia. Pp. 47-68 in 1927 
Annual Report of the National Museum 
of Canada. Kings Printer, Ottawa. 

STUHR, E. T. and E. B. HENRY. 1944. An 
investigation of the root bark of Fatsia hor- 
rida. Pharma. Archives 15:9-15. 

TREASE, G. E. and W. C. EVANS. 1983. 
Pharmacognosy, 12th Edition. Bailliere 
Tindall, Eastbourne. 

TURNER, N. 1975. Food Plants of British 
Columbia Coastal Indians, Part 1 , Coastal 
Peoples. British Columbia Provincial 
Museum Handbook No. 34. British 
Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria. 

1978. Food Plants of British 



Columbia Indians, Part 2, Interior Peoples. 
British Columbia Provincial Museum 
Handbook No. 36. British Columbia Pro- 
vincial Museum, Victoria. 

,1981. Indian Use of Shepherdia 



canadensis, Soapberry, in Western North 
America. Davidsonia 12(1):1-11- 
1982. Traditional Use of Devil's- 



Club (Oplopanax honidus; Araliaceae) by 
Native Peoples in Western North 
America. J. Ethnobiol. 2(1): 17-38. 

TURNER, N, R. BOUCHARD and D. I. D. 
KENNEDY. 1980. Ethnobotany of the 
Okanagan-Colville Indians of British 
Columbia and Washington. British 
Columbia Provincial Museum No. 21, 
Occasional Papers Series. British Colum- 
bia Provincial Museum, Victoria. 

TURNER, N, J. THOMAS, B. F. CARLSON 
and R. T. OGILVIE. 1983. Ethnobotany of 
the Nitinaht Indians of Vancouver Island. 
British Columbia Provincial Museum, 
Occasional Papers Series No. 24. British 
Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria 
and Parks Canada, Western Region. 

VOGEL, V. 1970. American Indian Medicine. 
Univ. Oklahoma Press, Norman. 

WILSON, S. P. PIERRE, M. HOWARD and 
G. RUSSELL. 1984. Some Medicinal 
Remedies of the Gitksan People, unpub- 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 33 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 
manuscript, Kitsegukla Band Coun- Strategies, (B. Winterhalder and E. A. 



gukla 



Smith, eds.). Univ. Chicago Press, Chicago 



WINTERHALDER, B. 1981. Optimal Foraging and London. 

Strategies and Hunter-Gatherer Research YARDIN, H. 1936. Presence of alkaloids in 



Anthropology 



Sambucus species. Compt. Rend. Soc. 



13-35 in Hunter Gatherer Foraging Biol. 122:155-156. 



NOTES 



1 



Alaska and Neighboring Territories, Stanford 



\anax 



2 Patchiness is an ecological concept relating to the distribution of resources in the environment. 
A patchy environment is an environment where the attribute or resource under consideration is 



rmlv or evenlv disnersed. Within 



MacArthur 



& Pianka. 196< 
environments. 



3 Gitksan names are transcribed following the orthography used in the Western Gitksan and Gitx- 
sanimx language text series (Jensen and Powell 1979; Powell and Stevens 1977). Some spellings 
were a"so derived from Lonnie Hindle and Bruce Rigby s Practical Dictionary of the Gitksan Language 
(1973). 



4 



rma 



Anderson 



ims, Fred Johnson, Joanne 



Gertie Morrison, Pete Muldoe, Olive Mulwain, Lilac Russell, Don Ryan, Bertha Starr, Neil Sterrit 



Wilson 



References not included in the citations for this article will be found in Nancy Turner's review 
article on Devil's Club (Turner 1982). 



34 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 1 



A Manual of Ethnobotany. S.K. Jain, ed. Jodhpur, India: Scientific Publishers, 1987. 
Pp. x ; 228. Rs. 125. 



During the past quarter-century, India has been in the forefront of ethnobotany. 

There is hardly another nation that has so many trained young ethnobotanists. 
One of the outstanding leaders in this upsurge of interest in ethnobotany is Dr. S.K. Jain. 
He has many achievements to his credit, principal amongst which is his major influence 
in founding the very active Indian Society of Ethnobotany. The editing of this significant 
A Manual of Ethnobotany is certainly not one of his least contributions to the high 
place that this inter-disciplinary discipline has attained in his country. 

The book fully covers the concepts, scope, practical and academic value, and field 
methodology of ethnobotany and instruction in this aspect of science. Fifteen Indian 
specialists have contributed to the work, which is divided into 16 sections, all of which 
are based on lectures given at a meeting of the Indian Society of Ethnobotany held at 
Lucknow in 1986. The spectrum of topics considered is very wide-ranging, from the scope 
and subdisciplines of ethnobotany to plants in magico-religious beliefs in the Sanskrit 
literature and guidelines to the preparation of scientific and technical papers, reports, 
and popular articles. 

India must be congratulated; Dr. Jain must be thanked; and the contributors must 
receive our gratitude for the effort involved in producing this worthwhile and useful 



manual 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Professor Emeritus 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(l):35-44 



Summer 1988 



NUMERICAL ANALYSIS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

CUCURBITA PEPO SEEDS FROM 
HONTOON ISLAND, FLORIDA 



DEENA S. DECKER 

Department of Botany 

University of Guelph 

Guelph, Ontario 

Canada NIG 2W1 

and 

LEE A. NEWSOM 

University of Florida 

Department of Anthropology 

Gainesville, Florida 32611 



ABSTRACT.— Numerous well-preserved cucurbit seeds were recovered from water- 



Island 



through 



nation as well as numerical analysis of the seeds suggest that while some seeds represent 

a a B 



forms 



ovifera var. texana). Temporal changes in the seed remains suggest in situ developments 
in some cases and introductions in other cases. 



INTRODUCTION 



In 1980, excavations began 



northeastern 



Ceramic chronology 



approximately 500 B.C. to A.D. 1750 (Newsom 1986). Plant remains, including 



from 



uncharred though tannin 



a iic aquasii seeus, laenrmea as \^ucuiuilu ycyu >-.., wtiw uuwimuxw*. — -^ 

Both the quantity and excellent preservation of these seeds provided the opportunity 
to examine temporal variation in C. pepo remains and make comparative analyses with 
modem material, both domesticated (C. pepo ssp. pepo and C. pepo ssp. ovifera (L.) ^ ck j e * 
var. ovifera (L.) Alef.) and wild (C. pepo ssp. ovifera (L.) Decker var. texana (Scheele) 

Decker) (Decker 1986, 1988). . 

Of particular interest was the possible affinity of the Hontoon Island seeds with those 



forms 



rna 



texana 



landraces. The variety texana 



endem 



Alabama 



Arkansas, Illinois, and Missouri) are us 
suggests thev mav represent remnants 



and Wilson 



may represent var. texana could have great impact on this controversy 



36 



NEWSOM Vol. 8, No. 1 



A recent study of modern domesticated and wild C. pepo seeds (Decker and Wilson 1986) 
has provided a methodological framework for testing the affinities between the archa- 
eological and modem material. 



MATERIALS AND METHODS 



Although various units, trenches, and columns have been excavated at Hontoon 
Island, this study focuses on the 1980 Unit and 1982 Column. These had fairly good 
stratigraphic control and together covered the earliest known cultural level at the site 
through the Spanish Period (Newsom 1986). The 1980 Unit was a 3 m square excavated 
stratigraphically to about 150 cm below the surface. The uppermost and lowermost zones, 
one and five respectively, were devoid of cultural artifacts. The Spanish Period is 
represented by Zone 2 and the top of Zone 3 (Newsom 1986). Two radiocarbon dates 
of A.D. 1190 and A.D. 1220 were associated with Zone 4 (Newsom, unpubl. data). The 
1982 Column was excavated to a depth of 140 cm. Levels were arbitrarily defined at 
10 cm intervals from the surface. Levels 1 through 4 lacked cultural artifacts even though 
some cucurbit remains were found in Level 4 (Newsom 1986). The earliest radiocarbon 
date associated with Level 14 was A.D. 800. Level 10 was dated to approximately A.D. 
1470, while 17th century dates begin to appear in Level 8 (Newsom, unpubl. data). 

Most of the complete or nearly complete squash seeds from these two excavations 
were examined. A total of 253 seeds were measured using the digitizing hardware and 
image analysis software previously employed to measure modem seeds (Decker and 
Wilson 1986). Information recorded from the face view of the seed included whole 
image measurements such as length and width, as well as measurements based on divi- 
sion of the seed from bottom (seed scar) to top by 10 equidistant diameters to produce 
partial areas and widths (Decker and Wilson 1986: Fig. 1). 

Data from Decker (1986) and Decker and Wilson (1986) served as modem comparative 
material. Cucuibita pepo cultivars were chosen that represented the range of variation 
in the species, including members from both subspecies. Cucuibita pepo ssp. pepo was 
represented by pumpkins (PJO 71, PSU 72), zucchinis (MBZ 206, MGZ 46), 'Vegetable 
Spaghetti' (UVS 50), Mexican accessions (XCC 163, 172, XV? 225, X?I 124), and one 
ornamental gourd cultivar (OWO 56). Accession codes and corresponding cultivar names 
are listed in Decker (1986) and Decker and Wilson (1986). Infraspecific classification of 
cultivars follows Decker (1986, 1988). Cucuibita pepo ssp. ovifeia var. ovifeia was 
represented by various ornamental gourds (OBB 3, OEN 1, OEW 62, OFS 55, OPB 10, 
OPS 18, OPW 60, OSB 46), a crookneck (CYE 1 18), and a scallop squash (SWB 61). Popula- 
tions of C. pepo ssp. ovifeia var. texana were included in the analyses also (TEX 1, 2, 
3, 4, 5, 6, 10, 17, 31, 36). Ten accessions (10 seeds per accession) from each of the three 
infraspecific taxa were used to establish two canonical discriminant functions. Each 
archaeological seed was subsequently classified to one of the three taxa on the basis of 
the discriminant functions. 

Analyses focused on a small but important subset of the original characters. 
Temporal analysis of the archaeological seeds was based primarily on overall width and 
length measurements. For the discriminant procedure (subprogram DISCRIMINANT in 
SPSS (Klecka 1975)), a stepwise selection technique based on Wilks' lambda (procedure 
STEPDISC in SAS (Ray 1982)) was used to choose five characters that could best 
discriminate the three taxon classes: width (W), length (L), RCPWD, RCRWD, and REPAR 
RCPWD and RCRWD are ratios of the widths CP andCR over the overall width (W), 
respectively. The width CP was measured at 1/9 the length of the seed from the seed 
scar, while CR was measured at 3/9 the length. REPAR is the ratio of the second partial 
area up from the seed scar (EP) over the entire face view area of the seed. Together, these 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



37 



three ratios characterize the size and shape of the small sinuses on either side of the 
seed near the seed scar. 

The discriminating power of the five characters was tested by defining two discrimi- 
nant functions on the basis of nine of ten seeds randomly chosen from each accession. 
The remaining seeds served as a test group. Observations were classified on the basis 
of posterior probabilities of group membership, or P(GIX). For classification of the 
archaeological seeds, the discriminant functions were redefined on the basis of all the 
modern seed material. Four of the original 253 seeds were not classified because of aber- 
rations in these seeds near the seed scar. 



RESULTS 



Width and length statistics are presented in two plots (Fig. 1 and 2) and in Table 
1. Among the seeds recovered from the 1980 unit, one seed from Zone 2 is much larger 
than the other seeds (Fig. 1). The remaining seeds show a decrease in size from older 



QUB-j 



9j0- 



8.5 - 



8.0 



7.5 - 






7-0 " 



6.5 



6.0 - 



5.5- 



5.0- 



4.5" 




QJ0 



LENGTH 



FIG. l.-Width by length plot of the archaeological cucurbit seeds from the 1980 Unit 
at Hontoon Island. Numbers indicate the zone in which a seed was found. Units are mm. 



38 



DECKER & NEWSOM 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



TABLE 



Width and length statistics for the archaeological seeds from Hontoon Island 



var. texana, and 20 cultivais o/C. pepo. Data on modem seeds are f< 
and Decker and Wilson (1986). 



Excavation/ 
Taxon 



Level 1 /Zone/ 
Cultivar 



WIDTH 



LENGTH 



N 



Mean^ 



S.D. 3 



Mean 



S.D 



W/L 



80 
80 
80 
80 
80 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
82 
var. texana 



var. ovi 
var. ovi 
var. ovi 
var. ovi 
var. ovi 
var. ovi 
var. ovi 
var. ovi 
var. ovi 



fera 
fera 
fera 
fera 
fera 
fera 
fera 
fera 
fera 
var. ovifera 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 
ssp. pepo 



2 

2A 
2B 
3 
4 
4 
5 
6 

6A 

6B 

7 

8 

8A 

8B 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

TEX 

CYE 118 

OBB3 
OEN 1 

OEW62 

OFS55 

OPB 10 

OPS 18 

OPW60 

OSB46 

SWB61 

MBZ 206 

MGZ46 

OWO 56 

PJ0 71 

PSU72 

UVS50 

XCC 163 

XCC 172 

XV? 225 

X?I 124 



16 
15 

1 
12 
14 

1 
25 
50 
24 
26 
40 
24 

23 
1 
13 
21 
16 
16 
3 
2 
100 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 
10 



6.05 
5.85 
9.10 
6.13 
6.46 
5.90 
6.11 
7.10 
6.37 

7.76 
6.38 
6.47 
6.42 
7.64 
6.10 
6.14 
6.18 
6.30 
6.10 
6.62 
6.11 
7.05 
5.20 
6.63 
5.91 
5.84 
5.60 
5.53 
5.89 
5.16 
7.87 
8.03 
8.88 
7.03 
8.98 
8.36 
9.01 
9.19 
8.39 
8.95 
8.72 



0.93 
0.46 



0.54 
0.37 



0.45 
0.79 
0.42 
0.33 
0.44 
0.50 
0.45 



0.52 

0.55 

0.44 

0.50 

0.36 

0.18 

0.43 

0.53 

0.29 

0.55 

0.35 

0.56 

0.34 

0.42 
0.67 

0.44 
0.71 

0.39 
0.60 
0.73 
0.81 
0.90 
0.47 
0.65 
0.51 
0.55 
0.59 



9.39 
9.00 

15.22 
9.22 
9.39 
8.93 
9.07 

10.35 
9.28 

11.33 
9.43 
9.63 
9.54 

11.68 

9.55 
9.36 

9.14 
9.07 

9.01 

9.94 

9.44 

11.66 

9.73 

10.80 

9.59 

9.83 

8.97 

8.94 

8.80 

8.13 

12.62 

12.16 

14.06 

12.09 

16.04 

14.37 

13.74 

20.36 

19.52 

19.96 

17.82 



1.63 
0.51 



0.64 
0.46 



0.67 
1.18 
0.71 
0.41 
0.53 
0.85 
0.75 



0.75 
0.51 

0. 53 
0.34 
0.86 
0.04 
0.67 
0.74 
0.63 
0.74 
0.80 
0.69 
0.62 
0.74 
0.85 
0.63 
1.39 
0.48 
0.92 
0.78 
1.40 
1.46 
0.98 
1.99 

1.88 
1.31 
0.83 



0.64 
0.65 
0.60 
0.66 
0.69 
0.66 
0.67 
0.69 
0.69 
0.68 
0.68 
0.67 
0.67 
0.65 
0.64 
0.66 
0.68 
0.69 
0.68 
0.67 
0.65 
0.60 
0.53 
0.61 
0.62 
0.59 
0.62 
0.62 
0.67 
0.63 
0.62 
0.66 
0.63 
0.58 
0.56 
0.58 
0.66 
0.45 
0.43 
0.45 
0.49 






length 



1 



and 2) revealed the presence of outliers or more than one grouping, then values were recalcu 
tor the new groups, designated A and B. 

^Units 
^Standard deviati 



are mm. 



ion. 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



39 



(W/L) 



some 



The 



The plot of the 1982 data (Fig. 2) reveals a small group of seeds somewhat removed 



than 



from 



transition 



some of the smallest seeds from the column are also from the upper strata. Most 



from the column are within the size range 



in this study (width 



mm 



mm 



if era have similar 



mml. Onlv the largest seeds from the column 



pepo seeds (width = 6.15 to ] 
among levels in the column 



mm 



W/L 



and 8 through 10 (Table 1). Among 



have values as high as 0.80, while others from Level 10 have values as low as 0.57 (Fig. 2). 
In both the 1980 Unit and 1982 Column, there appears to be more diversity m seed 
size in the younger deposits. This can be tested by calculating a unitless statistic ot 



e.o 



7.S 



7.0 



, 






6 


66 


6 

6 

6 _ 


6 
6© 




6 


6 




6 a 


ft 6 
6 6 


6 


6 e 6 


8 




6 






8 






6 







c c 



5 



B8 



6' 



7 
2 8 



6 



I 




6.0 



6 



6 9 87 
6 7 B 

5 8 6 _B 7 A 6 

9 _g ^^,# 5 £ 96 



O.O 



B 




8 



8 






8 



B 



SO 



5° =% 7A * A B7 

** c B * 

8 



9 



9 



7.0 



7.6 



B.O 



e.o 



— ■ — I 

0.6 

LENGTH 



mo 



W.6 



no 



— r~ 

116 



tZ-O 



F.G. 2.-W ldt h by .eng* plot of .he ^ «Ed£S ^ZfstZ 
at Hontoon Island. Numbers and letters indicate the level m 
(letters A-E represent Levels 10-14, respectively). Units are mm. 



40 



NEWSOM Vol. 8, No. 1 



variability, called the coefficient of variation (C V. 



100 x S.D./meanl, from 



in Table 1 . In 



, c v = 5 72) and length (C.V. = 4.91), while Zone 2 has the highest values (width C.V. 
- 1**1 leneth CV = 17.36). The highest coefficients of variation in the 1982 

Column are ffr Level 6 (width p= 1U8; length C.V =1139, 

On the basis of width, length, and W/L, the majority of small seeds from Hontoon 
Island most resemble seeds of var. texana. Among the modern accessions reported here, 
nnmnkms esDecially those from Mexico, have the lowest values for W/L, while var. 
texla 'White Pear' (OPW 60), 'Black Zucchini' (MBZ 206), and 'Vegetable Spaghetti' 
(UVS 50) have the highest values (Table 1). Values for most of the archaeological material 



are even 



W/L 



from eastern U.S. sites (King 1985). Among the Hontoon Island seeds, the very large and 
relatively narrow seed in Zone 2 has a much lower value. Its measurements place it within 
ssp pepo In contrast, the large seeds of Levels 6 and 8 are most similar in their dimen- 
o;^c !L *!«» crallnn a member of var. ovifeia. Thus, all three infraspecific taxa appear 



furth 



nant an 



After the discrim 



were re 



modem seeds, both the modern 



were classified (Table 2). The percentage of correctly classified modem 



somewhat 



taxa 



surprising given that seed characters are influenced by human 



pressures 



In 



majority of seeds in all zones ana leveis, except j^eveis h-, d, ana i<+ were pid^e 
var tPicnna eroup. Although the Level 14 seeds were classified as var. ovifeia 



from the centroid actuallv belong 



and 



(Fie 3) They were not identified as var. texana because their positions were sngnuy 
beyond the range for var. texana seeds. In Level 6, the majority of small seeds were 
categorized as var. texana, while most of the larger seeds fell into the var. ovifeia group. 
The larger seeds also exhibited an affinity for ssp. pepo ; the second highest P(GiX) was 
for this subspecies for about 40% of those seeds. One of the seeds was primarily classified 
as ssp. pepo, even though it had a P(GIX) of only 56% and a P(XIG) of 2%. Only one 



from 



Placement 



criminant functions one and two is illustrated in Figure 3. Taxon centroids, as well as 
ranges for each taxon along the discriminant functions, are plotted also. Again, only the 
large seed from Zone 2 (1980 Unit) lies significantly close to the ssp. pepo centroid. Most 
of the other seeds lie well within the ranges of var. ovifeia and/or var. texana. In fact, 
many of the seeds occupy the region between these taxon centroids. A few archaeological 
seeds occur beyond the ranges defined by the modem material. This suggests that they 
may belong to cultivars or wild populations not represented by the modem accessions 



define 



DISCUSSION 



Most of the archaeological cucurbit seeds from the 1980 Unit and 1982 Column 
ontoon Island resemble those of modem C. pepo ssp. ovifeia var. texana (Fig. 4, top 
|. Others are small and narrow like ornamental gourd seeds, some resemble scallop 
Is (Fig 4. center row), and at least one seed approached the dimensions of a pumpkin 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



41 



TABLE 



Classification results for wild populations and cultivars of 
zal seeds from Hontoon Island. 



Taxon/ 
Excavation 



var. texana 



var. ovifera 



ssp. pepo 



80 



82 



Accession 1/ 
Level / Zone 



Summary 
var. texana 
var. ovifera 
ssp. pepo 
Hontoon Island 



TEX 1 
TEX 3 
TEX 5 
TEX 6 
TEX 17 
TEX 36 
CYE 118 
OEN 1 
OFS 55 
OPB 10 
OPS 18 
OPW60 
SWB 61 
OWO 56 
PSU 72 

2 

3 

4 

4 

5 
63 

7 

8 

9 
10 

11 

123 

13 

14 



T 



Predicted Group Membership 

O 



2 



9 
8 
9 
8 
6 
9 



1 
1 
1 
3 
3 



10 

7 

10 



10 
28 
31 
15 

9 
13 
13 
10 

2 



.63) 
.58) 
.71) 



.40) 
.58) 
.77) 
.63) 

.69) 
.62) 

.81) 

•71) 
.67) 



89 
9 


159 (.64) 



1 



Only accessions with misclassified seeds are listed. 



P 



1 

2 
1 
2 
4 
1 
5 
8 
9 
9 
7 
7 
4 

8 



1 



5 
5 
4 
1 

15 
19 
9 
9 
4 
8 
3 
4 
1 
2 



.31) 

.42) 
.29) 

1.0) 
.60) 
.40) 
.23) 
.37) 

.31) 
.38) 

•19) 

.29) 

.33) 
1.0) 



11 

79 
9 

88 1.35) 



5 

1 



6 

2 

9 

1 (.06) 



1 (.021 




12 
91 

2 (.01) 



var. texana, O = var. ovifera, P = ssp. pepo. Percentages are in parentheses 



2 T = 

3 Two seeds with broken margins were not analyzed. 



42 



DECKER & NEWSOM 



Vol. 8, No. 1 




-35 



-25 



-15 



-05 



05 



15 




35 



CANONICAL DISCRIMWANT FUNCTION 2 



FIG. 3.— Plot of the archaeological seeds from Hontoon Island along canonical dis- 
criminant functions 1 and 2. Also shown are centroids and ranges for C. pepo ssp. pepo 
(P), var. ovifeia (O), and var. texana (T). The upper range for ssp. pepo along the first 
discriminant function extends to 5.8. 



seed. Not all of these seed types appear to be in situ developments. Continuity among 
the majority of the small seeds throughout the unit and column suggests that there was 
at least one local and persistant form. Particularly small and narrow seeds, resembling 
those of some ornamental gourds, do not appear until historic times (Zone 3 and Level 
10}. Seeds similar to those of the modem scallop squash are first detected in Level 8 
and are relatively abundant in Level 6. A few seeds in Levels 6 through 9 that appear 
intermediate between the majority of small seeds and the scallop-like seeds indicate that 
the latter could have been an in situ development. Likewise, this type of squash may 
have been traded to Florida Indians from ctouds to the north Tn either case, the historic 



use of scallop squashes by tribes of southeastern U.S. has been documented (Speck 1941). 
A more certain introduction to the Hontoon Site are pumpkin-like seeds. While only 
one such seed was found in the 1980 Unit (Zone 2) and none in the 1982 Column, 1985 
excavations have uncovered many of these, ranging in size from approximately 7 to 10 
mm wide and 12 to 18 mm long (Fig. 4 ; Newsom 1986). All were found in historic strata, 
usually associated with Spanish remains (gold coins, etc.). There is no evidence of any 
intermediate forms. Similar seeds have been found at archaeological sites in Mexico 
(Cutler and Whitaker 1967; Whitaker et al. 1957). Perhaps the Spanish brought pump- 
kins from Mexico to the Hontoon Island inhabitants. 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



43 
























-' 




■ 



* 



"» 





ntm 










FIG. 4.— Archaeological Cucurbita pepo seeds from Hontoon Island. Top row: 1980 Unit, 
Zone 4, small seeds, abundant type ; center row: 1982 Column, Level 6, larger scallop- 
like seeds; bottom row: 1985 Square No. 59, pumpkin-like seeds. Units of scale are cm. 



From 



varieties (var. ovifem and var. texana) coexisted at Hontoon Island, or if a single type 
existed which produced seeds whose varying dimensions covered parts of the ranges of 
„„^„+; M o~~ i„ ,^a nn n ,iidtinn« and some ornamental gourds today. In the latter 



intermediate 



!/- 



taxa 



In 



currently are rrom eacn uuici. m ciuivi ^«ow, wiv ~ , ~ 

to var. texana is evidence that wild, weedy, encouraged, or even cultivated Populations 
of tomiM-like nknts existed in northeastern Florida between approximately AD 800 



and A.D. 1750. The riverine environment at Hontoon Island 



Johns 



supports a hypothesis based on isozyme data that var. texana once inhabited an area north 
and east of its currently recognized distribution in Texas (Decker 1986; Decker and Wilson 



texana 



eastern U.S. Whether or not these remains 



hypotheses concerning 



eastern 



ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 



This study is based on material provided by Lee Newsom and Barbara Purdy ^Umve««y 
iorida, Gainesville. We would like to thank Vaughn Bryant, Jr. and Terrence Walters for their 

ments on an early draft of the manuscript. 

LITERATURE CITED 



CORRELL, D. S. and M. C. JOHNSTON. 1979 
Manual of the Vascular Plants of Texas 
Univ. Texas Press, Austin. 



CUTLER, H. C. and T. W. WHITAKER. 1967. 
Cucurbits from the Tehuacan caves. Pp. 
212-219 in Prehistory in the Tehuacan 



44 



NEWSOM 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



Valley, vol. 1 (D. S. Byers, ed.), Univ. Texas 

Press, Austin. 
DECKER, D. S. 1986. A Biosystematic Study 

of Cucwbita pepo. Ph.D. Dissert. (Biology) 

Texas A&M Univ., College Station. 
1988. Origin(s), evolution, and 



systematics of Cucuibita pepo (Cucur- 
bitaceae). Econ. Botany 42(1):4-15. 
and H. D. WILSON. 1986. 



Numerical analysis of seed morphology in 
Cucuibita pepo . Syst. Botany 11:595-607. 
1987. Allozyme variation in the 



Cucuibita pepo complex: C. pepo var. 
ovifeia vs. C. texana. Syst. Botany 
12:263-273. 



KING 



America 



Prehistoric Food Production in North 
America (R. I. Ford, ed.), Pap. Mus. Anthro- 
pol. 75, Univ. Michigan, Ann Arbor. 
KLECKA, W. R. 1975. Discriminant analysis, 
Pp. 205-237 in SPSS: Statistical Package 



for the Social Sciences, 2nd Ed. (N. H. Nie, 
C. H. Hull, J. G. Jenkins, K. Steinbrenner, 
and D. H. Bent, eds.), McGraw-Hill, New 
York. 

NEWSOM, L. A. 1986. Plants, Human Sub- 
sistence, and Environment: A Case Study 
from Hontoon Island (8-VO-202), Florida. 
Ms. Thesis. (Anthropology) Univ. Florida, 
Gainesville. 

PURDY, B. A. and L. A. NEWSOM. 1985. 
Significance of archaeological wet sites: 
a Florida example. Natl. Geog. Res. 
1:564-569. 

RAY, A. A. 1982. SAS User's Guide: Statistics. 
1982 Ed. SAS Institute, Cary, NC. 

SPECK, F. G. 1941. Gourds of the Southeastern 
Indians. New England Gourd Society, 
Boston. 

WHTTAKER, T. W., H. C. CUTLER and R. S. 
MACNEISH. 1957. Cucurbit materials 
from three cave near Ocampo, Tamauli- 
pas. Amer. Antiq. 22:352-358. 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(l):45-79 



Summer 1988 



ETHNOBOTANY IN A TROPICAL-HUMID REGION: 
THE HOME GARDENS OF BALZAPOTE, VERACRUZ, MEXICO 



ELENA LAZOS CHAVERO 

and 
MARIA ELENA ALVAREZ-BUYLLA 

Labomtoho de Plantas Vasculai 
Departamento de Biologia 

Facultad de Ciencias. UN AM 



Mexico, D.F., Mexico 



ABSTRACT.— In this work, we analyse the home garden's floristic composition ana 
how the peasant families use the plant species in relation to their cultural origin and date 
of establishment at a rural community recently formed in Veracruz. The home garden 
is a production alternative that plays an important role in peasant economy and, at the 
same time, is the family's habitational unit. It has a high floristic richness providing the 
family with numerous products to satisfy various needs: of the 338 species reported, 37.6% 
were used for ornament, 25.4% for nourishment and 39.3% had secondary medicinal usages. 
However, the species with the highest densities and frequencies were the food plants. 
The interchange of plants and knowledge of plants by the families in the community has 
made the home garden more floristically homogeneous. The home garden is a place of 
agricultural experimentation in which all the family participates. 



RESUMEN.— En este trabaio, anal 



establecimiento 



una comunidad recientemente formada 



importante en la economia campesina y es, ademas, la unidad 



una gran 



permite al campesino proveerse de diferentes productos para satisfacer vanas 



un 



menticias y el 39.3% tienen como uso secundario el medicinal. Sin embargo, las especies 
mas frecuentes y abundantes son las alimenticias. El intercambio de plantas y de conoci- 
miento ha ido homogeneizando floristicamente los solares. El solar se constituye como 
un lugar de experimentacion agricola donde toda la familia interviene. 



INTRODUCTION 



Willis 



in Etifier (1985): "I see the mixed gardens in Ceylon as a wild jungle-like mixture of rruit 
trees, creepers, bamboo and useful undergrowth surrounding every house. | herea " er ' 
home gardens of traditional societies in tropical-humid regions have received the atten- 
tion of researchers, e.g. for Africa (Diarra 1975); for Asia (Abdoellah and ^Henky 1979; 
Anderson 1979; Bompard et al. 1980; Friedberg 1971; Sastrapradja etal. 1985; Soemar- 
woto 1975); in the Pacific Islands (Barrau 1954), for the Antilles (Kimber 1973; Konpem 
1978); for Mexico (Alvarez-Buylla et al. 1981; Gonzalez and Gutierrez 1983; Lazos and 
Alvarez-Buylla 1983; Vara 1980; Zizumbo and Colunga 1982). 

In general, these studies define the home garden as an area around the peasants house 
where they cultivate a complex vegetation to satisfy their needs. Many of these | works 
describe only the floristic composition (Sastrapradja et al. 1985), others (Abdoellah md 
Henky 1979 ; Kimber 1973; Peeters 1976) point out the relation between the home garden 



46 



CHAVERO & ROCES Vol. 8, No. 1 



and the cultural factors, while others (Anderson 1979; Brierly 1976; Diarra 1975; Konpem 
1978) emphasize the floristic composition and the species use and management. There 
are few works that depict the home garden as an economic alternative playing an impor- 
tant role in peasant economy (Etifier 1985; Friedberg 1971; Vara 1980; Zizumbo and 
Colunga 1982). We propose that an understanding of the economic importance of the 
home garden in peasant's agricultural production can be a basis upon which one can 
relate with other aspects of the peasant family life. 

The present work is part of a broader study in which we analyzed the relationship 
between socioeconomic and cultural factors and the home garden's spatial organization, 
composition, structure, plant usages and process of production (Lazos and Alvarez-Buylla 
1983). In this article we discuss the analysis of the home garden's floristic composition 
and the familiarity and use of plant species by families coming from different cultural 
origins and with varying length of residence in the community of Balzapote. As new 
plant species are introduced from outside, residents of Balzpote gradually learn their 
growth requirements and possible uses. Such dynamics of trial, acceptance and rejec- 
tance and learning have led some authors to the hypothesis that home gardens were the 
ideal place for the origin of plant domestication and agriculture (Anderson 1979). 



METHODS 



At Balzapote, we collected 414 voucher specimens (deposited m the Herbar 
the Science Faculty, UNAM) from 64 home gardens, and reported their usages. We 
took an ecological census for eight home gardens recording for each sample spe< 
taxonomic identity, structural and ethnobotanical data, and site of origin. We con 
socioeconomical and cultural interviews for each one of the 71 families in Bal 
during November 1980 to December 1982. 



Description of the study site.— Balzapote is located in the southeastern tropical-humid 
region of Los Tuxtlas in the State of Veracruz in Mexico (Fig. 1). It is a recently 
established "ejido" due to the migration, mainly during the 1960s, of peasants from other 
regions and from other communities of the same Los Tuxtlas region (Table 1). 



TABLE 1. Date of settlement of the peasant famili 



Date of Settlement 



Percentage of Families 



1945-1949 
1950-1954 
1955-1959 
1 960- 1 964 
1965-1969 
1970-1974 
1975-1982 



2% 
1% 
23% 
38% 
20% 
14% 

2% 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 47 



main reasons for the migration 



boom 



Veracruz — population increased 



and 1 960 ( Secretaria de Programacion 



1964); and (c) the fragmentation of land and lack of resources in other regions 
Balzapote is made up of families who entered the community at different dates (' 
coming from different regions but mainly (93%) from the same State of Veracruz 



History of 



changed 



In the beginning, the tropical forest was transformed into com and bean plots under a 
shifting cultivation system. This was replaced in importance by livestock raising 
during the 1970s. As hunting and plant collection decreased and since fishing represents 
a marginal production source for only some families, home gardens have always played 
an important role for rural families. Today, pasturelands and home gardens are the two 
most freauentlv managed production alternatives (Table 2). 



TABLE 2. Management of different production alternatives among the peasant families 
in Balzapote, Veracruz (1980-1982). 



Production Alternative Percentage of Families who 

Manage the Production Alternatives 



Home garden 
Cattle raising 
Crop fields 
"Acahual"* 

Fishing 

Hunting and Plant Collection 



97% 
70% 
55% 
39% 
7% 
3% 



•Portions of secondary vegetation from which plant products are obtained for selfconsumpuon 



RESULTS 



Description of the home gardens. 



The home garden is the only dual purpose alternate that peasant ^« u^age 
fers a production option and therefore a means of work where animal and plan specie 
managed and, at the same time, it serves as the peasnat's hab.r tionalumt 8'™u 

peculiar vegetation structure and a physical arrangemen. m three component 

backvard. the aarden. and the orchard, each one fulfilling dlfferen aspects of tto 



home 



perennial 



Lazos and Alvarez 



48 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



A: North of 
Veracruz Hi 



Surroundings of 

Jalapa 371 

Nearby Places 431 



Others 81 




18 30 N 



C. 



A. Geographical localization of Veracruz in Mexico. B. Geographical locali- 
: the native regions of the peasant settlers of Balzapote and percentages of 
coming from those regions. C. Geographical localization of Balzapote and 
laces in Los Tuxlas Re Hon 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



49 




. 



FIG. 2.— Home garden of Balzapote. At right, a typical peasant house and backyard, left 
foreground, garden with ornamental plants and, at left background, an orchard with fruit 
trees and trees for construction and various domestic uses. 



Use and knowledge of home garden's plants. 

In the home gardens of Balzapote a large number of plant species are grown and 
used for a number of different purposes. Furthermore, some species are multi-purpose 
plants; we distinguish a primary and a secondary use. 

In Table 3, we analyse the uses of 338 species in 76 angiosperm families and 3 
pterydophytes and report their primary and secondary uses in Appendix 1 . We note that 



ornamental use and 



majority are fruits 



tgularly distributed among other 
highest densities and the highest 



home 



iit4ucm;ies oi appearance m me numc gaiucno. 

Of the 338 species, 35% have secondary uses, of which 39% are used for medicine 
and the rest to create shade (hereinafter, shadow plants), for construction, for firewood, 
to serve in rituals, as edible fruit, or as seasonings in food. 

Some of the most broadly used species are very common plants^ Such is trie case 
of the "guayaba" (Psidum guajava), naturalized in Balzapote, which is used m eignt 
different ways, the: (a) fruit for human and animal food; (b) stem for construction and 
manufacturing of tools; (c) cortex and leaves for curative purposes: as antidiarrheic ana 
antipiretic and for vaginal washes; (d) leaf as seasoning; (e) whole tree as a shading plant 
and for domestic uses IsuDDort for hammock, hen shelter, etc.). 



50 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



TABLE 3. The primary and secondary use of species in the home gardens of 



Percentage (total number species 



338). 



+ Percentage (total number species with secondary use 



117). 



Coffee was included here (commonly considered as stimulant) because it is used as 
beverage or as complement with meals. 



Category of Use 



SPECIES 



Primary Use 



Secondary Use 



Number Percentage* Number Percent* 



Ornamental 
Nourishment 
Fruit 

Vegetable 
Spice 

Beverage 
Medicinal 
For Shadow 
Domestic Uses 

(dyes, glues 

Construction 
Fences 

Animal Fodder 
Weeds 

Rituals 

Firewood 

Without use 



127 
86 
51 
17 
17 
1 
31 
20 
17 



37.6% 
25.4% 

15.1% 
5.0% 
5.0% 
0.3 % 
9.2 % 
5.9% 
5.0% 



3 

12 

5 

1 

5 

1 

46 

11 

4 



0.9% 
3.5% 

1.5% 
0.3% 

1.5% 
0.3% 
13.6% 
3.2% 
1.2% 



Percent + 

2.6% 

10.3% 
4.3% 
0.8% 
4.3% 
0.8% 

39.3 % 
9.4% 
3.4% 



11 
10 

8 
5 
3 
2 
18 



3.2% 
3.0% 
2.4% 
1.5% 
0.9% 
0.6% 
5.3% 



7 
3 
3 
16 
6 
6 



2. 1 % 
0.9% 
0.9% 
4.7% 
1.8% 
1.8% 



5.9% 
2.6% 
2.6% 
13.7% 
5. 1 % 
5. 1 % 



Ornamental 



Ornamental plants are kept in home 



and/or pink for adults. Most 



funerals 



anes 



;/ 



Hibiscus spp.)^ for their scent ("huele de noche," Oestrum racemosum), 

Rosa gpp ^ ^ w ^ ^ ^ ^ e shape and color of the leaves 



rosasm 



zanita," Malpigh 



stem "nopal," Ovuntia so.) or for the fruit ("man 



and 



common ornamental 



// 



cleansing 



and 



// 



od plan ts . 
sometimes 



In the case of food species, fruits an it< sh, prepared as refreshments 

uni \s vegetables, peasants con- 

'ii, flower (squash, "calabaza" 
Allium cepa; "malanga," 



sume the fruit (tomato, "jitomate," / 
Cucurbita pepo), bulbs, root stalk 
Colocassia esculenta; cassava, "yuea, 



or ii 



ut 



*■ < 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 51 



Many fruit trees have a secondary curative use for which the leaves are generally 
prepared as infusions. Because they are also trees, they are used for construction, as shadow 
trees or for several domestic uses (such as drying places, hen shelters, support for 
hammocks). 



Seasoning plants.— The most common seasoning species grown in the home gardens are 
"oregano" (Lippia sp.), "epazote" (Chenopodium ambiosioides) and "cilantro extranjero" 
(Eryngium foetidum) from which the stem and leaves are used. 



Medicinal plants.— Medicinal species are used to cure mild diseases or to relieve the 
symptoms of serious ones. In this case, the infusion of leaves is the most common prepara- 
tion. These species have no secondary uses because they are too specific. For example, 
a cultivated species "maravillosa," Crassula sp., is only used as an antiseptic and as 
analgesic. Also, a wild species like "hierba martina," Hyptis mutabilis, has only a 
medicinal use, the leaves are used as antispasmodic and the roots are taken to stop 
internal bleedings (for a fuller description see Alvarez-Buylla and Lazos 1983). 

Plants with other ues.— Large trees with permanent foliage, e.g. "nopo," Cordia 
stenododa, are grown to give shadow for the house. Trees used for construction are strong 
and have erect, thick trunks, e.g. "chagane," Dalbergia glomerata. Most of them are 
canopy trees of the mature tropical forest. Some home gardens have living fences of native 
species chosen for their quick regeneration from stumps ("palo mulato," Buiseia 
simaruba). Most trees grown in the home garden protect the house against northern and 



southern winds 



Ocinum basilicum), elde 
muerto" Tagetes electa). 



species which serve strictly for ritual purposes and are 
ansing." The most common ones are basil ("albaca" 
"sauco" Sambucus mexicana), and marigold ("flor de 



Many 



manufacture of brooms and as forage for the animals 



home 



From the detailed analysis of the eight home gardens, 27 species are the most 
mon and were found in four or more of the eight home gardens. Of these 27 species, 
> are food plants, 45% are ornamentals and the rest have other uses (construction 



common 



n 



lens. Of the 993 individuals distributed among these 27 specie: 
1, 36% as ornamental plants and 21% for fences or as shadow 
rnamental plants varies greatly: from a species found in only on 

Lobelia fulgens) to other broadly distributed among 



(Coleus spp.). 

Figure 3 shows the percentage of species, individuals and canopy areas assigned to 
different uses in the eight home gardens. It is clear that food and ornamental species 
are the most dominant plant uses. Although there are a greater number of ornamental 
species, individuals of the fewer food species occur in greater abundance and contribute 
a greater proportion of the total covering. Curative and shadow plants are representee 
by a lower percentage of species, individuals and canopy areas and the rest ot the plant 
uses are renre^nt^H in fcw P r Vinmp gardens and with still lesser percentages. 



52 



CHAVERO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



to 



en 



PERCENT g jd « £ 

100 



90 



80 



70 



60 



50 



40 



30 



20 



10 







a § s 5 E s « 



CO 

oi 

CO 
CO 

cv 



s 



g 



CD 
CO 

CM 



5 CM 



O 



O 

cb 

CD 
O 






o 




CO 



8 g I 




1 



2 



3 



a — Species 

b — Individuals 

c — M2 Canopy Area 



4 5 

HOMEGARDENS 



6 



7 



8 




NOURISHMENT l\'l'l\ MEDICINAL 





AS FENCE 




FOR CONSTRUCTION 



ORNAMENTAL 



RITUAL 




FOR SHADOW 




FIG. 3. 



The numbers 



canopy 



the total of species in column a, to the total of individuals in column b, and to the canopy 
area in column c. 



Familiarity with and knowledge of plants. 

The families of Balzapote are very heterogeneous in their geographical an< 
origin and date of establishment. This is the reason for the striking heterc 
knowledge about plants and their uses among them, reflected, for example in 
sity of names given to the same species and the number of them without a name 

Slightly over half (58.3%) of the species have a name composed of one 
primary lexeme or monomial term). These may be species with a general u 



inhabitant 



and 



known species: "coco" Cocos nucift 



Sida spp. 



more than one name 



of a well known species or somewhat unfamili; 



blanca 



Compound 



o" Astrocaryum mexicanum, "escobilla" 

"l plus the determinants) may be a variety 
ir species that need a modifier for speci- 

rosa 



// 



// 



nina" (R. multiflora) and 



rosa 



named "vara amarilla 



fellov\ sta j l< mil; st 



N u that need a description: 



hrub 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



53 



TABLE 4. Different names given to one and the same species according to the geo- 
graphical origin of the peasant families. 



Scientific Name 



Name from nearby 



N. from Jalapa 



Bryophyllum pinnatum 
Delonix regia 
Erythrina spp. 
Hampea eutricia 
Justicia sp. 
Lippia alba 
Mimulus longiflorus 

Psidum guajava 
Philodendron hederaceum 
Xanthosoma robustum 



Ohuilapan 

siempreviva 
arbol del fuego 



Catemaco 

maravillosa 
cochimbo 



gasparito or iquimite 
caimito or tapaculo 

no name 

salvia 

no name 

guayaba 

mafafa 

apichi 



belladona 

framboyan 

cosquelite 

no name 

anil 
manrubio 
no name 

guayaba 
mafafa 
mafafa 



flowers; Thunbergia tragans, 
unknown to the inhabitants 



// 



copa de oro," a yellow cup flower. Other wild species 



Among the species managed in the home gardens some are known 



families who introduced them 



We 



ant species according to the extent of knowledge and management 



Balzapote, and to their origin 



1. 



and names known by all families 



found 



Exam 



// 



lent 



calabaza" Cucuibita pepo, "jitomate" Lycopersicum escu- 



um, "ajo" Allium sativum 



"rosa" Rosa spp 



2. Plants introduced to Balzapote by the first settling families 



Examples: "guayaba 



guajava, "citricos" Citrus spp., "ninfa 



3. 



from secondary plant communities. Although 



and names 



village. Example: "malva 



or "escobilla," Sida spp. 



4. Wild species from the tropical forest or from secondary vegetation. These were 
familiar to most of the inhabitants coming from nearby places, and unknown to those 
coming from places with contrasting climatic conditions to those of Balzapote. Among 
these species, some are tolerated in the home gardens (e.g. "cascarillo" Croton mtens 
used for construction) and others are brought for curative or ornamental purposes [e.g. 
various species of orchids). 



and 



and 23% food and 



54 



CHAVERO & ROCES Vol. 8, No. 1 



5. Species introduced to Balzapote by peasants from neighboring villages. These plants 
represent 45% of the 338 species. From these, 50% are for ornament, 33% for medicine 
and 22% for nourishment. Examples: "manguito" Codiaeum vanegatum var. pictum, 
"hoja morada" Acalypha sp., "florinfundio" Datura suaveolens. Peasants coming from 
other regions did not know their name or use or they gave them other uses and names. 



6. 



by families from distant regions. Most 



can be found only in home gardens belonging to those families who brought them from 



number 



ornament, and 



amples: coffee, Coffea arabica, is grown by families from Jalapa and Chicontepec although 
its knowledge and cultivation have now diffused. The "acate chichi" Galea zacatechichi, 
brought from Jalapa, is used for medicine. 



analyse the origin of the species in the eight target home 



and 



individuals), but also, there is a significant number of wild species (32% of species and 
21% of individuals). The other plants are from nearby places (27% of species and 20% 
of individuals) and the rest from distant places. 

On the other hand, taking into consideration this analysis, it is worthwhile making 
an attempt to explain the differences in the percentages of species of different origins 
grown in the eight home gardens. First, it is necessary to state two facts: 1) species con- 
sidered as cultivated in Balzapote are those introduced by the first settlers of Balzapote 



families 



nearby Balzapote were pooled with those of group 5. 



inhabitants they were considered 
ght by families whose native villages 



and 



and 4, whose owners come from 



centage of species brought from neighboring places, that as we stated above, can be 
mixed with those brought from their native villages. Furthermore, because they were 
bom m nearby places, the peasants are familiar with the cultivated species there and 



ants 



and/or friends. In home garden 4, the percentage of species brought from Catemaco (the 
native village of the family) is very high. Many of the species introduced by this family 
are now considered as currently grown in Balzapote. 

Another interesting fact regarding these two home gardens is the percentage of wild 
plants, with number 1 having a low and home garden 4 a high percentage of wild species. 
This can be associated with the fact that the first one was established in a very dis- 
turbed site without trees, and far away from any area with wild vegetation. On the 
contrary, the second was established in an 8-year-old secondary vegetation site. These 

sT/nH S 7° nS ?ST ^ ? ercenta S es ° f wild plants present m home gardens 3, 
5, 6, and 7 and the low values for home gardens 2 and 8 

of JX;1! a Sh ° wn j° r h ° me 8 ardens 3 a nd 8 indicate that in both cases the percentage 
te^rfS* . I ° riginal Vilk8e (° huil <'Pan) - also high (in comparison 

near Ral^ A t"" ^^ V** M ** ™^ J h — < ^uilapan is relatively 

Sfes tX^ll T 11 ' 1 eC ° l0glCal C ° ndltlons ■* — »« P«i°dk visits by the 
families to > their vil ages, there is a constant flow of spe ics b,tw, !he two communities. 



?_! ™? 5 ' 6 ' ,"** I. come from P^ce S ne a , a distant town and 



environmental 



II - ' : 



foimd 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



55 



TABLE 5. Different origins of the species found in the 8 home gardens, origin and 
of settlement of the family, and prior vegetation to the establishment of the home gai 



HN 
GO 



Home garden number 



grown in Balzapote; GN = grown in nearby places; 



W 



Wild 



total. 



HN 



1 



2 



3 



4 



5 



6 



7 



8 



GB 



BN 



SPECIES 
GO 



FAMILY 



W 



T 



Origin 



Date 



PRIOR 
Vegetation 



13 

43% 



14 
47% 



11 

92% 

31 

53% 

19 

20% 

37 
65% 



1 

8% 



1 
3% 


0% 



6 

10% 



44 

46% 

2 
4% 



9 

16% 

16 

16% 



2 
7% 


0% 

12 

21% 

17 

18% 



30 



Montepio 



1962 



12 



Puebla 



1966 



58 



Ohuilapan 



1955 



96 



Catemaco 



1954 



2 
4% 



16 

28% 



57 



Jalapa 



1966 



22 
52% 

31 

32% 

13 

45% 



2 
5% 



31 
32% 

6 

21% 



5 
12% 

2 
1% 

8 

27% 



13 
31% 

34 
35% 

2 
7% 



42 



Jalapa 



1963 



98 



Jalapa 



1958 



29 



Ohuilapan 



1959 



Secondary 
1 year) 

Secondary 
(1 year) 

Secondary 
(10 years) 

Secondary 
(8 years) 

Secondary 

(7 years) 

Cropfield 

Primary 
Home garden 

Primary 
Home garden 

Secondary 
(1 year) 



t their original place. Moreover, and in contrast to those coming from nearby pla 
more difficult for these families to travel frequently to their native places and 



species grown in them can hardly be adapted to the conditions or uaizapote. m uicbc 
home gardens the percentage of the so-called species currently grown at Balzapote is high, 
although it should be stressed that in home garden 7 it is lower, because many species 
have been introduced from neighboring places. This can be explained because this 
family is more prosperous than the average at Balzapote and thus has financial resources 
to purchase exotic ornamental plants from nearby villages. 

Finally, in home garden 2 most of the species are those currently grown in Balzapote, 
probably because it belongs to a young family who has not yet completed the establish- 
ment of its home garden and thus have sown only the most common and fastest grow- 
ing species of Balzapote. Also the family's original place (Puebla) is far away from Balzapote 
and has differing environmental conditions. 

The role of the family members in the plant species knowledge and use. 



charg 



family 



and consuming unit 



e 



deciding the management of their different economic options. This manage 



56 



CHAVERO & ROCES Vol. 8, No. 1 



ment is based in a sexual and age work division where the role of each family member 
is stipulated (Alvarez-Buylla and Lazos 1988). 

The family is also the cultural unit. This is reflected in the family's knowledge 
implied in the use and management of plants. This knowledge is not a steady 
phenomenon, instead it is a continuously changing and broadening process according 
to the family's needs. Different aspects of it are undertaken by different members of the 
family. 

The father and the older sons are in charge of acquiring the knowledge involved in 
the handling and use of the cultivated trees. Mother and older children are in charge 
of obtaining the plants for the garden (mostly ornamental, medicinal and seasoning 
species), as well as investigating the way of growing and using them. 

The role played by children is very important, since they introduce to the home 
garden new useful species, mainly fruits. For example, "zapotillo" (Bunchosia lanceolata) 
and "chagalapoli" (Ardisia aff . belizensis) are introduced consciously and unconsciously 
by the children when their seeds are sown or carelessly discarded in the garden. 

In the home gardens, children are early initiated into different agricultural practices 
through the experimentation and the knowledge of their parents that is carefully passed 
on. So, the home garden is a place of agricultural experimentation where all the family 
takes part. The father tests new cultivars that are later introduced to crop fields and, 
the mother generally selects the best food and ornamental varieties. 



DISCUSSION 



Local people consider the house and the garden as a unit called the "solar." All the 
peasant families at Balzapote devote part of their work in the transformation of nature 
to result in a home garden fulfilling two functions: an habitational unit and an economic 
alternative. Other studies have also remarked upon this fundamental characteristic (Bom- 
pard et al. 1980; Etifier 1985; Vara 1980; Zizumbo and Colunga 1982). 

This double purpose is reflected in the spatial organization and in the management 
of a high diversity of plant species with different uses. The home garden floristic richness 
or high diversity, more than 300 cultivated or wild species, perennials or annuals, 
represented by trees, shrubs and herbs, enables the family to satisfy various needs. This 
production ensures the acquisition of food (principally fruits), ornamental and medicinal 
plants, timber for construction, shadow and fence trees, animal fodder, firewood and other 
diverse products in small scale but all year around (for the production analysis, see Alvarez- 
Buylla et al. 1988). Moreover, most plants are cultivated for more than a single purpose, 
most of their parts being utilized for different means, and this diversity is increased by 
the intraspecific variation often found. 

Ornamental species are represented by the highest number of species (38% of the 
338 species), but the food species are the most common and abundant (Fig. 3). This has 
also been found in home gardens of Indonesia (Bompard et al. 1980), of Africa (Diarra 
1975) and of Mexico (Gonzalez and Gutierrez 1983). On the other hand, the home gardens 
of Mome des Esses in Martinique have more medicinal (56%) and ritual species (Etifier 

The low frequency of use of ritual plants among the families and the gradual disuse 
of medicmal plants is interesting. This may be explained, in part, because Balzapote is 
a mestizo population without a strong ethnical cultural background which has been 
greatly influenced and subordinated by the capitalist system, not only from an economic 
pomt of view, but also from a cultural and ideologic :a! one. It ,s also due to the impact 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 57 



migration of certain families that were culturally uprooted. Some could not bring 



ants 



example, "ruda" (Ruta chalepensis) has been introduced, without 



times 



So we have to consider both the number of species and their relative abundances 
conclude that home gardens are not only for ornament, but they are multifunctional 
:ording to the peasant's needs. The way in which different families organize their work 
home gardens, and in general in the rest of the productive alternatives, varies. The 
e daved bv the home garden production in the household economy is therefore peculiar 



family (Lazos and 



and 



Balzapote, the socioeconomic and cultural differentiation originated with the establish- 
ment of the community. The families came from different regions and had different 
economic statuses. In Balzapote the most prosperous residents are those whose produc- 
tion is based on livestock raising; those of more modest means combine several produc- 
tive alternatives (livestock raising, cornfields, "acahual," home garden), while the poorest 
residents have little land and must sell their human labor to earn their living (for a more 
detailed description, see Lazos and alvarez-Buylla 1983). These conditions are reflected 
in the floristic composition and plant ues (Lazos and Alvarez-Buylla 1983) and in the 
home garden management (Alvarez-Buylla et al. 1983). In general terms, the most pro- 
sperous families have home gardens with more exotic ornamental species which are 
bought in nearby villages, and food plant production is more as a complement to their 
diet; while the poorest families have more food plants (fruits, vegetables, tubers) as they 
are basic in their diet (for the variations and the intermediate cases, see Lazos and Alvarez- 
Buylla 1983). This is also studied in the "kampung" of Central Java. Bompard et al. (1980) 
state that for poor people, the home garden food production is a solution for the interval 
between rice harvests. In other research, Lizet (1979) considers ornamental species as 

index of social progress. 

Not all floristic differences among home gardens can be explained by socioeconomic 
conditions; some are related to the cultural origin and the date of settlement of the 
families. The species more related to certain cultural background of the families are those 
used for medicinal, food and ritual purposes. This shows that families have deep roots 
for some food customs and for certain curative and ritual practices. For example, we see 
the influence of cultural habits in the presence of coffee trees only in those home gardens 
belonging to families that come from places where coffee is usually grown and con- 
sumed. The cultural influence is also reOected in the existence of some medicinal species 
Ccoi,,;." r ,• .• j "-„„„♦„ r-Uir-Ui" rnion mrntpchnichi) which are only grown 



an 



home gardens of families 



cultural origin of the family, we can 



families that come from places nearby Balzapote with similar environmental 
know most of the wild species grown in Balzapote and play an important 



the 



grown 



In fact, these families 

in the home gardens, and have also diffused 



some 



Meanwhile, families coming from villages located far away and with climat :ic 
conditions different from those of Balzapote, do not know most of the wild plams ana 
introduce a small number of cultivated species from their native villages. These lamii es 
therefore handle only some of the species at their arrival and as they become familiar 
with Balzapote's wild and cultivated flora start using a larger number ot species. 



58 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



If we relate the place from which plants are introduced and their use, we see that 
the plants brought from nearby places are mainly ornamental and those from far away 
villages are mainly medicinal. While the species domesticated long ago are primarily 
food plants and most of the species found in Balzapote are used for construction. 

The exchange of plants and the knowledge inherent in their use and management 
among the families with different origins are bringing about a homogenization of the 
species compositon of home gardens. In this sense, we can state that a dynamic process 
of use and knowledge of plants grown in the home garden is taking place through an 
exchange of information among peasant families in Balzapote. 

Although a tendency to homogenization exists, we find that the home garden is also 
the place where the family is a cultural unit expreses its peculiar customs and/or tastes. 
In the home garden, families experiment, introducing new wild species in a incipient 
form of domestication or management and in the selection of different varieties. The 
home garden constitutes a product of peasant's work, which becomes the family's habita- 
tional unit, one of its productive options important in their economy and a place with 
rich cultural meaning where their conception of life it reflected. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



We wish to thank the members of the community 



families of Dn Santos 



Dna Rosa Lara, Dn Jose Xolo, Dn Isidoro Trujillo, Dn Juan Sn Gabriel, Dna 1 
Manuel Chang, Dna Pomposa, Dn Gregorio Dolores, Dn Luis Arguellos and 
Balzapote who helped us as we worked. 



We thank 



and 



good ideas to continue this work. We thank the Laboratory of Vascular Plants and the Herbarium 



UNAM 



LITERATURE CITED 



ABDOELLAH, N. and H. HENKY. 1979. Effect 
of culture on homegarden structure. V. 
International Symposium of Tropical 
Ecology. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. 

ALVAREZ-BUYLLA, E. and E. LAZOS CHA- 
VERO. 1983. Un estudio etnobotanico en 
Balzapote, Veracruz: Los Solares y sus 
Plantas Medicinales. I Congreso Internal 
de Medicine Tradicional. Mor., Mexico 

ALVAREZ-BUYLLA, E., E. LAZOS CHAVERO 
and R. GARCIA BARRIOS. Homegardens 
of a Humid Tropical Region in Southeast 
Mexico: an Example of an Agroforestry 
Cropping System in a Recently Estab- 
lished Community. 1988 In preparation. 

E., C. BONFIL, G. 



ALVAREZ 



COLINA, L. GODINEZ, F. JUAREZ 
LAZOS, E. MEZA, G. MURGUIA 
OCAMPO, S. TORRES, I. TREJO, 
ZAMUDIO, E. HERNANDEZ-XO 



COTZI, F. INZUNZA, R. PARRA, y F. 
SOLANO. 1981. Estudio del proceso de 
produccion agricola en Coscatlan de los 



Reyes, 



ngolica, Veracruz. 



Biologia de Campo, Depto de Biologia, 



UNAM 



ANDERSON, J. 1979. Traditional homegardens 
in Southeast Asia. V International Sym- 



BARRAU 



Ecology 



agricultural progress in Melanesia. SPC 
Quart. Bull, Noumea. 

BERLIN, B., D. E. BREEDLOVE and P. H. 
RAVEN. 1966. Folk Taxonomies and 
Biological Classification. Science 154: 

BOMPARD, I, C. DUCATILLON, P. HECKET- 
SWEILER and c; MR HON. 1980. A 
Traditional Agricultural System: Village- 
Forest-Gardens in West lava. Academic of 
Montpellier. Memoire I)EA. 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



59 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



BRIERLY, J. 1976. Kithen Gardens in the West 
Indias with contemporary study from 
Grenada. J. Trop. Geog. 43:30-40. 

DIARRA, N. 1975. Le jardinage urbain et 
suburbain au Mali le cas de Bamako. 
JATBA XXII (10, 11, 12):359-364. 

ETIFIER, M. E. 1985. Etude Descriptive des 
Jardins Traditionnels des Campagnes de 
Sainte-Marie, Martinique. These de Doc- 
torate, Montpellier, Universite du 
Languedoc. 

FRIEDBERG, C. 1971. L' Agriculture des Bunaq 
de Timor et les conditions d'un equilibre 
avec le milieu. JATBA XVIII (12):481-532. 

1986. La classification des objets 

naturels. Cours dans le DEA d'Anthro- 
pologie, EHESS, Paris. 

GISPERT, M. 1981. Les Jardins Familiaux au 

Mexique: leur etude dans une commun- 

aute rurale nouvelle situee en region 

tropicale humide. JATBA XXVIII (2): 159- 
182. 

GONZALEZ, T. and C. GUTIERREZ. 1983. 
Descripcion del uso, manejo y algunos 
aspectos ecologicos de los Huertos Fami- 
liares de la Rancheria Fco Madero, Tabas- 
co, Mexico. Tesis de Ing. Agronomo 
Colegio Superior de Agricultura Tropical. 
Tabasco, Mexico. 

KIMBER, C. 1973. Spatial patterning in the 
dooryard garden in Puerto Rico. Geog. 
Rev. 63:6-26. 

KONPEM, J. 1978. L'Agriculture Traditionnelle 
en Haiti. Fonctionnement des systemes de 
culture et valorisation du milieu. Centre 
Madian Salagnac, Fac d'Agronomie et 
Service de Recherches. 



LAZOS CHAVERO E. and E. ALVAREZ 
BUYLLA. 1983. Un estudio etnobotanico 
en Balzapote, Veracruz: Los Solares. Tesis 
para obtenef el Titulo de Biologia. Facul- 
tad de Ciencias, UNAM, Mexico. 

LEITH ROSS, S. 1939. African women. London 
Publish, (photocopy). 

LIZET, B. 1979. Le jardin, lieu de confronta- 
tion culturelle? Etude du cas d'une vallee 
de la Haute Savoie. JATBA XXVI, 1:9-27. 

PEETERS, A. 1976. Le petit paysannat martini- 
quais et son environnement vegetal. 
JATBA (1, 2, 3):47-56. 

SASTRAPRADJA, D. et al. 1985. Komponen 
Hayati Yang Sering Dijumpaidi Pekaran- 
gan Kasus Teluknaga, Citereup dan-Pacet. 
BERITA BIOLOGI 3(2):25-36. 

SOEMARWOTO, O. 1975. The home garden 
system. Ecological consideration of an 
integrated approach for the prevention 
and rehabilitation of degraded soil. Uni- 
versitas Padjadjora, Bundung. 

SECRETARIA DE PROGRAMACION Y 
PRESUPUESTO. 1964. VIII Censo Gen- 
eral de Poblacion 1960. Veracruz, Mexico. 

VARA, A. 1980. La dinamica de la milpa en 
Yucatan: El Solar. En: Hernandez-Xolo- 
cotzi, E. y R. Padilla y Ortega (ed.). 
Seminario sobre Produccion Agricuola en 
Yucatan. SPP, SARH, CP. Yuc, Mexico. 

ZIZUMBO, D. and P. COLUNGA. 1982. Los 
Huaves, la apropiacion de los recursos 
naturales. Dpto. Sociologia Rural, Cha- 
pingo, Mexico. 



NOTES 



1 



in usufruct by the Mexican State after the Revolut 
cannot rent, mortgage, sell or alienate this land 



60 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1 . Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 



Veracruz 



USES 

A 



C 

D 



E 
F 

I 



O 

R 
S 



= ANIMAL FODDER Species. 

= Species used for CONSTRUCTION. 

= Species with a DOMESTIC use. a = to wrap food, b = to make brooms, ch = children's 

game, f = perfume, g = glue, h = henshelter, i = ink, p = poison, t = to make tools, wc = to 

wash clothes, wd = to wash dishes, wp = to bath. 
= Species used as a FENCE. 

= FOOD species. c = candy, f = fruit, g = beverage, s = spices, t = stimulant, v = vegetable. 
= Species used for FIREWOOD. 



M = MEDICINAL Species, a = antiparasites and anthelmintic, b = anthemorrhagic, c = anti- 
septic, d = antidiarrhoea, db = antidiabetes, f = pharyngitis, g = for grains, h = to make the 
hair grow, i = to cure inflammations, it = testicular inflammation, iv = vaginal inflam- 
mation, k=to disappear spots on the skin, l = to sleep, meas = measles, mr = muscular 
relaxing, o = for cough, p = antipoison, ps = snake antipoison, pp = spider antipoison, 
r = antipyretic, s = antispasmodic, se = ear antispasmodic, ss = stomach antispasmodic, 
t = to calm, tet = antitetanic, th = to take out thorns, v = vitamins, ves = vesicular prob- 
lems, y = eye problems. 

= ORNAMENTAL Species. 

= RITUAL Species, c = cleansing. 

= Species used for SHADOW. 



W = WEEDS. 



PART 



The symbols after the used part refers to the way of use. External: *As cataplasm (poultice). 
** Baths and washes. Internal: + As infusion. + + Taken directlv 



Family and Scientific Name 



ACANTHACEAE 
fusticia sp. 

Spathacanthus parviflorus Leon 
Thunbergia fragans Roxb. 



AGAVACEAE 
Polianthes tuberosa L 



AMARANTFLACEAE 



Iresine celosia L. 
Amamnthus spinosus L. 



AMARYLLIDACEAE 
Hippeastrum equestre Herb. 
Crinum scabrum Herb. 
Himenocallis amehcana Roem 



Common Name 



Anil 

Campanita 

Copa de oro 
(cup of gold) 



Nardo (nard) 



Cyathula achyranthoides (HBK)Moq Cadillo 



Pata de paloma 

Quelite de espinas, 
bisquelite rojo y bianco 



Azucena 
Lirio bianco 
Lirio bianco 



Use 



M mr 

O 

O 



O 



W 
W 

W 



O 

o 
o 

M it 



Part Used 



Leaf* * 
Flower 

Flower 



Flower 



Flower 

Flower 

Flower 
Leaf* 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



61 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



C. amabile Donn. 
Spiekelia formossisima 
Crinum sp. (hybride) 



Agave sp. 

Narcissus poeticus L. 



Lirio rayado 
Lirio rayado 
Lirio salmon 



Maguey 

Narciso (narcissus) 



M it 

Mit 

Mit 

Re 

O 

O 



Leaf* 
Leaf* 
Leaf* 
Leaf* 
Plant 
Flower 



ANACARDIACEAE 
Spondias purpurea L 
Spondias mombin L. 



Ciruela 
Jobo 



Mangifera indica L. 



Mango (mango) 



Ff 

A 

S 

Ff 

S 



Fruit 
Fruit 
Tree 
Fruit 
Tree 



ANNONACEAE 
Annona cherimola Mill. 



Annona muricata L. 



Anona, anonilla, 
chirimolla (anona) 
Guanabana 



Ff 

S 

Ff 



Fruit 
Tree 
Fruit 



APOCYNACEAE 
Nerium oleander L. 
Stemmadenia donnell-smithii 
(Rose)Woods 



Thevetia plumeriaefolia Benth 
T. ahouai (L.) A.D.C. 



Tabernaemontana cithfolia L 



T. alba Mill. 
Vinca rosea L. 
Plumeria rubra L 



Habanera 
Huevo de mono 



Huevo de mono 
Huevo de venado 



Lecherillo, sangrillo 



Lecherillo 

Ninfa 
Totopolote 



O 

Ff 

M 

E 

S 

S 

S 

E 

Ff 

E 

S 

S 

O 

O 



Flower 

Fruit 

Leaf 

Tree 

Tree 

Tree 

Tree 

Tree 

Fruit 

Stem 
Tree 
Tree 
Flower 

Flower 



62 



CHAVERO 



Vol. 8 ; No. 1 



APPENDIX 1 . Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home 
Veracruz, (continued! 



Family and 



Common 



Use 



Part Used 



ARACEAE 

Xanthosoma robustum Schott 
Diaffenbachia maculata N.A.H.B 
(non identified) 

Zantedeschia aethiopica (L)Spr. 
Caladium bicolor (Ait) Vent. 



Philodendion hederaceum (Jq)Scht 



Colocasia esculenta Schott 
(non identified) 



ARALIACEAE 

Dendropanax arboreus (L)Dacna 



ASCLEPIADACEAE 
Asclepias cuiassavica L. 



BALSAMINACEAE 
Impatiens balsamina L 



1. sultanii Hook 

I holstii Engler & Warb. 



Apichi 

Bandera 
Capa de Rey 
Capote 

Hoja pinta, hoja de 
colores, bandera 
Mafafa 



Hogo 



Yerba del sapo 
(milkweed) 



Gachupina 



Gachupina 
Gachupina rellena 



O 
O 
O 
O 
O 



O 

D a 
Malanga F v 

Malanga china, malanguita F v 



C 



M mr 
Dch 



O 

Mg 
Mg 
Mg 



Leaf 
Leaf 
Leaf 
Leaf 
Leaf 



Leaf 
Leaf 
Corm 
Corm 



Stem 



Leaf* * 
Flower 



Flower 
Flower* 
Flower* 
Flower* 



BEGONIACEAE 

Begonia coialhna Carriere 

B. nelumbi folia Schl & Cam 

B. maculata Ruddi 

B. lobulata A.D.C. 

B. patula Haw. 

B. barken Knowl & Westc. 

B. cucullata Willd 



Ala de Angel o 

Begonia, Coralina O 

Begonia, Coralina (begonia) O 

Begonia, Coralina (begonia) O 

Begonia, Coralina (begonia) O 

Begonia, Coralina (begonia) O 

Begonia, Coralina (begonia) O 



Flower 
Flower, Leaf 
Flower, Leaf 
Flower, Leaf 
Flower, Leaf 
Flower, Leaf 
Flower, Leaf 



BIGNONIACEAE 
Tabebuia rosea (Bertol) D.C 



Robl 



S 



Tree 



O 



Flower 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



63 



APPENDIX 1 . Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Crescentia cujete L. 



Jicara 



Dt 
M se 



Fruit 
Flower* 



BIXACEAE 
Bixa orellana L 



Axiote (achiote 



Fs 



Seed 



BOMBACACEAE 

Ceiba pentandra (L.) Geertn. 



Quaiaribea funebxis (Llav) Vis. 



Ceiba, pochote 

(kapoc) 

Molinillo 



C 
S 
C 



Stem 

Tree 

Stem 



BORAGINACEAE 

Cordia stenododa I.M. Johnston 



Tournefortia glabra L 
Cordia alliadora L. 
Cordia spinescens L. 



Nopo 



Palo de agua 
Suchil 
Vara prieta 



S 

Dg 
A 

I 
Dh 

E 

C 

Db 

M pp 

M tet 



Tree 

Fruit 

Fruit 

Branch 

Tree 

Stem 

Stem 

Branch 

Leaf* 

Leaf* 



BROMELIACEAE 

Annanas comosus (L.) Merrill 



Pina (pineapple) 



Ff 



Fruit 



BURSERACEAE 

Bur sera simaruba (L.) Sarg. 



Palo mulato, jiote 
chaca 



E 

M a, s 

M meas 



Stem, Tree 
Stem + 
Leaf* 



CACTACEAE 
(non-identified) 



Cruceta 



Mg 

E 

Fv 



Leaf* 
Plant 
Stem, Fruit 



64 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1 . Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Opuntia lasiacantha 



Nopal 



O 



Plant 



CANNACEAE 
Carina indica L 
Carina sp. 
C. indica L. 



Chilalaga cimarronia 
Mariposa 

Papatla, chilalaga, 



O 
O 
O 



Flower 
Flower 
Flower 



CAPPARIDACEAE 
Cleome serrata Jacq. 



Charamusca 



O 



Flower 



CAPRIFOLLACEAE 

Sambucus mexicana Presl 



Sauco, ramo de novia 
(elderberry) 



O 
Re 
M o, r 
My 
Mh 



Flower 
Flower 
Leaf + 
Leaf* 
Leaf* 



CARICACEAE 
Carica papaya L. 



Papaya 
(papaya) 



Ff 

Ma 



Fruit 
Latex 



CARYPHILLACEAE 
Dianthus cruentus Griseb 



Clavel 



O 



Flower 



CASUARINACEAE 

Casuarina cunninghamiana Miq 



Casuarina 



E 



Tree 



COMMELINACEAE 
Zebrina pendula Schinzl. 



Matalin 



O 



Flower, Leaf 



COMBRETACEAE 
Terminalia catappa L. 



Almendro 



S 



Tree 



Ff 



Fruit 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



65 



APPENDIX 1 . Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



COMPOSITAE 

Simsia sp. 
(non identified) 

Dahlia coccinea Cav 

Tagetes electa L. 



Zinnia elegans Jacq. 
Aitemisa ludoviciana Nutt. 
ssp. mexicana (Willd) Kecq. 
Panudelephantopus sp. 



Bidens pilosa L. var pilosa 



Tagetes lucida Cav. 



Epaltes mexicana Less 



Monanoa sp. 



Montanoa grandiflora (DC) Sch. Bjr 
Veibesina sp. 



Senecia sp. 

Calea zacatechnchi Schl 



Bella Eusebia 

Cardo 

Dalia 

Flor de muerto 

(marigold) 

Girasol, mirasol 
Hierba maestra, 
estafiate 
Lengua de perro 



Mozote 



Pericon 



Sabanon 



Tatuana, tatuaca 



Teresita 
Tres lomos, 
manzanilla 
Vara amarilla 
Zacate chichi 



O 
O 
O 

R 

Ms 
O 
Ms 

M ves 

A 

W 

A 

M pp 

Ms 

Fs 

Db 

Mc 

O 

C 

O 

M ss 



Flower 
Flower 
Flower 
Flower 
Leaf + 
Flower 
Leaf + 
Stem + 

Leaf 



Plant 
Leaf + 
Branch 
Leaf 
Branch 

Leaf* 
Flower 

Stem 

Flower 

Flower 



M erysipela Leaf* 



O 
M ves 

Mk 



Flower 
Branch + 
Branch # 



CONVOLCULACEAE 
Ipomoea batatas (L) Poir ex Lam. 
Quamoclit lederifolia (L) Pom 
Ipomoea fistulosa Mar. ex Choisy 



Camote (sweet potato) 

Campanita 

Cola de gato 



Fv 

O 

O 



Tubercule 

Flower 

Flower 



CRASSULACEAE 
Kalancho sp. 
Crassula sp. 



Siempreviva 
Maravillosa 



O 

Mc ; g 
Ms 



Plant 
Leaf* 
Leaf 



66 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Biyophyllum pinnatum (Kurz) Lam. 



Belladona 

maravillosa, siempreviva 



Mg 



Leaf* 



CUCURBITACEAE 
Cucurbita pepo L. 
C. pepo L. var. melopepo Alef 
Momordica balsamina L. 
Sechium edule S.W. 
Cucumis melo L. 
Cucumis sativus L. 
Citrullus vulgaris Schrad. 



Calabaza (squash) 
Calabaza pipiana 
Cundeamor 
Chayote 
Melon (melon) 
Pepino (cucumber) 
Sandia (watermelon) 



F v 
Fs 

D wc 
Fv 
Fv 
F v 
F v 



Flower, Fruit 

Seed 

Leaf 

Fruit 

Fruit 

Fruit 

Fruit 



CYPERACEAE 

Cyperus hermaphroditus 
(Jack.) Standi. 



Zacate 



A 

W 



Leaf 



CHENOPODIACEAE 
Chenopodium ambrosioides L. 



Ch. botrys L. 

Ch. amaianticoloi Cost & Rey 



EUPHORBIACEAE 
Sapoim macrocarpum Muell. Arg. 
Acalypha wilkesiana Muell. Arg. 
Croton nitens S.W. 



C. glabellus L. 

Codiaeum vanegatum var. pictum M 
Acalypha hispida Burm. 
Euphobia splendens 
Breynia nivosa Small. 



Epazote 



Epazote extranjero 
Epazote vermifugo, 
epazote zorrillo 



Amate capulin, tomatillo 
Arbol Colorado 
Cascarillo 



Cascarillo 
Cola de gallo 
Cola de gallo 
Corona de Cristo 
Hierba pinta, 
arbolito verde 



Fs 
M a 
Ma 
Ma 
Md 



S 

O 

C 

1 
I 
O 

o 
o 
o 



Leaf 
Root + 
Root + 



Leaf + 



Tree 

Leaf 
Stem 
Branch 
Branch 

Leaf 

Leaf, Flower 

Plant 
Leaf 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



67 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Ricinus comunis L. 



Acalypha sp. 

Codiaeum vanegatum var pictum 
Muell. 



Euphorbia pulcherrima Willd 
Euphorbia sp. 
Jatropha crucas L. 



Manihot esculenta Crantz. 
Pedilanthus tithymaloides L. Por 



FLAVOURTIACEAE 

Zuelania guidonia (SW) Britt & Mill 



Common Name 



Higuerilla 



Hoja morada 



Manguito 



Nochebuena (poinsettia 

Pinito 
Pinon 



Yuca (cassava) 
Zapatito, mayorga 



Nopotapeste 



Use 



Ma 
Mr 
Mi 

M birds 
O 



O 

Re 

O 

O 

E 

Mc 

Fv 

O 

Mg 

Mth 



Part Used 



Latex 
Leaf- 
Leaf 
Seed 
Leaf 



M se 



S 



Leaf 

Branch 

Flower 

Plant 

Stem 

Latex 



Flower 

Leaf 

Latex* 



M mumps Latex* 



Leaf* 



Tree 



GERANIACEAE 
Pelargonium zonale Ait 
P. radula L'Her 



Geranio, capote 

Geranio, capote (geranium) 



O 



Flower 
Flowers 



GESNERIACEAE 
Haberna rhodopensis Friv 



Lazo, mono 



O 



Flower 



GRAMINEAE 
Saccharum officinarum L 



Guadua aculeata 

Cynodon plectostachyus (Schum) Pil 



Zea mays L. 
Arundo donax L. 



Caha de Azucar 
(sugar cane 
Cana Otate 
Estrella de Africa 



Maiz (maize, corn) 
Tarro, carrizo 



F v 



C 
A 
W 
Fv 

C 

E 



Stem 



Stem 
Leaf 



Fruit 
Stem 
Stem 



68 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Cymbapogon citratus Stepf. 



Paspalum conjugation Bergius 



Axonopus compressus (Sw.) Beauv 



Te limon 
(lemon grass) 
Zacate grama 



Zacae grama 



Ms 

Fg 
A 

W 

W 



Leaf-*- 
Leaf + 
Leaf 



Leaf 



GUTTIFERAE 

Rheedia edulis Triana ( Planch 



Limoncillo 



Ff 
C 



Fruit 
Stem 



HIPPOCRATACEAE 

Salacia impressifolia (Miers) SM 



IRIDACEAE 

Sisyrinchium johnstonni Standi 



LABIATAE 
Ocimum basilicum L 



Hyptis mutabilis (Rch.) Briq. 



H. verticillata Jacq. 

Coleus blumei Benth. 

Salvia coccinea Juss. ex Mutt. 

Melampodium divahcatum 
Rich ex D.D. 

Pogostemon heyneanus Benth. 



Coleus thyrsoideus Baker 



LAURACEAE 
Persea americana Mill 



P. schiedeana Nees x americana 
Persea schiedeana Nees. 



Tengualala 



Cebollin 



Albaca 
(basil) 



Hierba martina 



Hierba martina 
Hoja pinta 
Mirto 



Mozote amarillo 
Pechulin 



Purpura 



Aquacate morado 
avocado) 

Aguacate negro 
Chinine, pagua 



Ff 



Fs 



Re 



M t 
Ms 
Mb 
W 

w 
o 
o 



Fruit 



Bulb 



Branch 



M s uterus Leaf + 



O 

D wc 
D wp 
O 



Ff 

Md 
Md 
Ff 



Leaf + 

Leaf 

Root* 



Root* 

Leaf 
Flower 



Flower 

Leaf 
Leaf 
Leaf 



Fruit 

Leaf + 
Leaf + 
Leaf + 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



69 



APPENDIX 1 . Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapo 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Hectandia ambigens (Blak) CK. All 
H. loesenerii Mes 



LEGUMINOSAE 

(non identified) 

Caesalpinia pulcherrima (L) Sw 

Arachis hypogaea L. 

Delonix iegia (Boj.) Raf. 



Gliricidia sepium (Jack) Sted. 



Acacia comigeia (L.) Willd. 
Dalbergia glomerata Hemsl. 
Inga punctata Willd. 



Pisum sativum L. 



Diphysa robinoides Benth. 



Pithecellobium sp 
Mimosa pudica L. 



Acacia famesiana (L.) Willd 



Phaseolus vulgaris L 
Clitoria temata L. 
Erythrina sp. 



E. caribeae Krukoff & Bam. 
Leucaena leucocephala (Lam) Wit. 
Pachynhizus eiosus (L.) Urb. 
Lonchocarpus guatemalensis Benth 



Laurel aguacatillo 
Laurel 



Arrocillo 
Caballera 
Carahuate (peanut) 
Cochimbo, framboyan, 
arbol del fuego 
Cocuite 



Comizuelo 

Chagane 

Dhalahuite 



Chicharo 

(pea) 

Chipile 



Chiquipile 

Dormilona 
tapavergenzas 

Flor de aroma 



Frijol (bean) 

Gallito 

Gasparito, iquimite, 

cosquelite 



cosquelite 

Guajillo 

Jicama 

Palo gusano, gallito 



C 

c 

M ps 



E 

O 

F 

O 

Re 

C 

E 
Md 

C 

Ff 

S 
Fv 



C 

Mg 

Dt 

Ml 
W 

O 
Df 

M 

Fv 

O 

E 

Fv 

Dp 
Dp 

Ff 
Fv 

I 



Stem 
Stem 
Leaf + 



Tree 

Flower 
Seed 
Flower 
Flower 

Stem 

Stem 

Leaf + 

Stem 

Seed 

Tree 

Seed 



Stem 
Leaf* 
Branch 
Root 



Flower 
Flower 



Seed 
Flower 

Stem 
Flower 

Seed 
Seed 
Seed 
Root 
Branch 



70 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



L. santaiosanus Dom. 
Dialium swaitizia 
Tamarindus indica L. 



Inga sapindioides Willd. 



J. brevipedicellata Harms. 
/. jinicuil Schlecht. 
Inga sp. 



Palo gusano, gallito 

Paqui 

Tamarindo 



Vaina chica 



Vaina grande 
Vaina grande 
Vaina mediana 



I 

C 

Ff 

S 

E 

Ff 

S 

S 
S 
S 



Branch 

Stem 

Fruit 

Tree 

Tree 

Seed 

Tree 

Tree 
Tree 
Tree 



LILIACEAE 
Allium sativum L. 



Allium cepa L. 

Asparagus sefaceus (Kun) Jess. 
Hemerocallis dumortieri Mill 
Aloe barbadensis Mill. 



LOBELIACEAE 

Lobelia aff. fulgens Willd 



LOGANACEAE 

Buddleja sp. 



LYTHRACEAE 
Lagerstroemia indica L 



MALPIGHIACEAE 
Bunchosia lanceolata Turcz. 
Byrsonima crassifolia (L) HBK 



Malpighia glabra L. 



MALVACEAE 



A jo 

(garlic) 

Cebolla (onion 

Esparrago (asparagus) 
Lirio amarillo 
Sabila 



Cola de gato 



Tepozan 



Astronomica 



Manzanita 



Fs 

M s 
Fs 
F v 
O 



Leaf 
Leaf + 
Bulb 
Stem 
Flower 



M tumours Leaf* 



O 



Mg 



O 



Zapotillo, zapote domingo F f 
Nanche (Nance) F f 

Mr 



Md 
O 



Flower 



Leaf* 



Flower 



Fruit 
Fruit 
Leaf* * 
Stem + 
Flower, Fruit 



Pavonia schiedeana Stendel 



Cadillo 



W 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



71 






APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Cyathula sp. 

Hampea nutricia Fryxell 



Sida rhombifolia L. 



S. acuta Burm 



Robinsonella Mirandae Gomez P 
Hibiscus calcynus Willd. 



H. schizopetalus Hook 
Hibiscus sp. (hybride) 
H. rosa-sinensis L. 



Cadillo 
Caimito, 

tecolixtle, tapaculo 
Escobilla, malva 
de cochino 



Manzanillo 
Tulipan amarillo 

(hibiscus) 
Tulipan canastito 

Tulipan clavelito 

Tulipan rojo 



H. syriacus L. 



Tulipan rosa 



W 

Mb 

Ff 

Db 

A 

W 

w 

M iv 

C 

O 

Mr 

Mr 

Mr 

Mr 

Re 

O 



Latex* 
Fruit 
Branch 
Leaf 



Stem 
Flower 
Flower + 
Flower + 
Flower + 
Flower + 
Flower 
Flower 



MELIACEAE 
Cedrella odorata L 



Guarea glabra Vahl. 
Trichilia lavanensis Jacq. 



MONIMIACEAE 

Siparuna andina (Tul.) A.D.C. 

MORACEAE 

Poulsenia armata (Mig) Standi 

Cecropia obtusifolia Bertol. 



Brosimum alicastrum Sw. 
Pseudolmedia oxyphyllaha Donn. 

MUSACEAE 

Heliconia collinsiana Gelggs. 



Cedro 
(cedar) 

Gaga 

Rama tinaja 



Limoncillo 



Agabasgabi 
Chancarro 



Ojochi 
Tomatillo 



Hoja de berijao 



C 
M mr 

C 

M ves 



S 



Ff 

C 

1 
Mdb 

Dp 

C 



Fs 



Stem 
Cortex* 

Stem 

Leaf + 



Tree 



Fruit 
Stem 



Leaf + 

Fruit 

Stem 



Leaf 



72 



CHAVERO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Musa acuminata (Grupo AA) 



M. acuminata x balbisiana (G. ABB) 

M. acuminata (Grupo AA, Subgrupo 
Cavendish) 

M. acuminata x balbisiana (G. ABB) 

M. acuminata (Grupo AA, Subgrupo 
Cavendish) 

M. acuminata x balbisiana (G. AAB, 
Subgrupo Plantain) 

M. acuminata x balbisiana (G. AAB) 

M. acuminata Colla (G. AAA) 
Simmond 

Heliconia latispatha Benth. 



MYRTACEAE 
Sysygium jambos Alston. 
Pimienta dioica (L.) Merrill 



Psidum guajava L. 



Eugenia capuli Berg. 



MYRSINACEAE 
Ardisia nigropunctata Oerst. 
Ardisia compressa H.B.K. 
Ardisia ail belizensis Lundell 
Parathesis psychotrioides Lund 



Platano ciento en 

boca 

(banana) 



Platano cuadrado 
Platano enano-gigante 



Platano cuadrado 
Platano enano-gigante 



Platano hembra o 
dominico, Platano macho 

Platano manzano 

Platono morado, guineo, 
roatan, injerto, indio. 

Platanillo 



Pomarrosa 
Pimienta 
(pepper) 
Guayaba 
(guava fruit) 



Escobilla 



Capulin 

Capulin de Mayo 
Chagalapoli 
Silling 



Ff 

F s 

Fs 

M r Fruit + 

Mr 

Mr 



Fruit 

Leaf 

Fruit 



Mr 
Mr 



Mr 



Mr 
Mr 



O 

F s 



Ff 

Fs 

Mt 

Ff 

M r, s 

Md 

Mg 
Dt 

Fs 

S 

O 



Ff 
Ff 
Ff 
Ff 



Fruit + 
Fruit + 



Fruit + 
Fruit + 



Fruit + 



Fruit + 
Fruit + 



Flower 
Leaf 



Fruit 
Fruit 
Leaf + 
Fruit 
Stem* 
Leaf + 
Leaf* 
Branch 

Leaf 
Tree 
Flower 



Fruit 
Fruit 
Fruit 
Fruit 



S 



Tree 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



73 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



NYCTAGINACEAE 

Bougainvillea spectabilis Willd 
Mirabilis jalapa L. 



Bugamibilia (bougainvillea) O 



Maravilla 



O 
Mg 



Flower 
Flower 
Leaf* 



OLEACEAE 
fasminum sambac Ait 



Jazmin (jasmin) 



O 



Flower 



ORCHIDACEAE 

Oncidium sphacelatum Lindl 

Epidendrum paniculaum 
Ruiz & Pavon 

Oncidium ascendens Lindl. 
O. luridum Lindl. 

Encyclia cochleata (L) Lemee 



Parasita 



Parasita 
Parasita 
Parasita 
Parasita 



O 



O 
O 
O 

o 



Flower 



Flower 
Flower 
Flower 
Flower 



PALMAE 
Cocos nucifera L 



Astrocaryum mexicanum Liebm 



Coco 

(coconut) 

Chocho 



Ff 

S 

C 



Fruit 
Tree 
Stem 



PEDIALIACEAE 
Sesamum indicum L 



Ajonjolf (sesame 



Fs 



Seed 



PHYTOLACCACEAE 
Rivina humulis L. 



Lluvia 



O 

W 



Flower 



PIPERACEAE 
Piper auritum H.B.K 



Piper amalago L. 



Acuyo 



Cordoncillo 



Fs 
Mp 
M ps 



Leaf 

Leaf* 

Leaf* 



PLUMBAGINACEAE 
Plumbago cape n sis Thumb. 



Lluvita 



O 



Flower 



POLYGONACEAE 
Coccoloba barbadensis Jack 



Uvero 



S 



Tree 



74 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



C 

Ff 

Md 



Stem 

Fruit 
Fruit + 



POLYPODACEAE 
(non identified) 



Palmitas 



O 



Leaf 



PORTULACACEAE 

Portulaca oleracea L. var sativa D.C 



P. grandiflora Hook. 



Mananita, verdolaga 



O 
F v 



Mananita, amor de un rato O 



Flower 

Leaf 
Flower 



PUNICACEAE 
Punica granatum L 



Granada 



Ff 

Md 



Fruit 
Fruit + 



ROSACEAE 

Ehobotrya japonica (Thumb) Lindl 

Rosa moschata Herm. 

R. odorata Sucet. 

R. chinensis Jacq. 



R. multi flora Thumb 
R. damascena Mill. 



RUBIACEAE 

Coffea arabica L 



Hamelia patens Jacq. 
Calycophyllum candidissimum DC 



Ixoia coccinea L. 
Gardenia augusta L 



Nispero 

Rosa blanca chica 

Rosa carton, rosa blanca 

Rosa concha, rosa 

roja y amarilla 

Rosa nina, rosa Carolina 

Rosa roja (roses) 



Crusea hispida (Mill) Rob 



Cafe 
(coffee) 
Coyolillo 
Dagame, agame, 
palo Colorado 
Flor roja 
Gardenia 
(gardenia) 
Nueva cimarrona 



Ff 
O 
O 
O 



O 
O 

Re 



Ft 
M t 

M ps 
C 



O 

o 

Mo 

W 



Fruit 
Flower 
Flower 
Flower 



Flower 
Flower 
Flower 



Seed 

Leaf 

Leaf* 
Stem 



Flower 
Flower 
Flower 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



75 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Dioidia brasiliensis var. 
angulata Benth Stand. 

Richardia scobra L. 
Rondeletia leucophylla HBK 



Romerillo 



Roseta 
Roseta 



Db 

W 

o 

o 



Branch 



Flower 
Flower 



RUTACEAE 

Citrus aurantifolia (Christm) Sw. 



C. limonia Osbeck 



Munaya paniculata (L.) Jack. 
Citrus limon Burm. 



C. limetta Risso 



Citrus sinensis Osbeck 



C. aurantium L. 



C. nobilis Lour 



Citrus paradisi Maaf. 



Ruta chalepensis L. 



Citrus maxima (Burm) Merrill 



Limon agrio chico, 

limon injerto 

(lemon) 

Limon agrio grande, 

limon real 

Limonaria 

Limon canario 

F s 

Limon dulce, lima 

limon, lima 
Naranja dulce 
(orange) 

Naranja mateca, 
naranja agria 



Pomelo 



Ruda 



Toronja (grapefruit 



Ff 
Mo 



Ff 

Fs 

O 

Ff 

Leaf 

Ff 



Ff 

Ms 

Ff 

Ml 

Mo 

Mo 

S 

A 



Naranja reina, mandarina F f 



china, tangerina 



Ma 

Ff 

M mr 
Re 
M s 
Ff 



Fruit 
Leaf + 



Fruit 

Leaf 

Flower 

Fruit 



Fruit 



Fruit 

Leaf + 

Fruit 

Leaf + 
Leaf + 

Leaf + 
Tree 

Fruit 



Fruit 

Leaf + 
Fruit 
Leaf-*- 
Branch 

Leaf* + 
Fruit 



SAPINDACEAE 
Cupania glabra Swart z 



Guacamayo, tronador 



S 



Tree 



76 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



C. macrophylla A. Rich 



Cupania den tat a D.C. 



SAPOTACEAE 

Pouteha mamosa Cronquist 



Chrysophyllum mexicanun Brand & 
Standi. 

Pouteha campechiana (HBK) Baeh. 

SAXIFRAGACEAE 

Hydrangea macrophylla (Thumb) DC 

SCROPHULARIACEAE 

Russelia equisetiformis Schl ( Chm. 

Bacopa procumbens (Mill) Greenm. 



Angelonia ciliaris Rob. 



SOLANACEAE 
Solatium torvum Swarz. 



5- chiapasense Roe 



5. umbellatum Mill 

Capsicum annuum var aviculare 



C- frutescens L. 



C- annuua L. var minium Mill. 



Datura suaveolens Humb. & Bonpl 



Oestrum racembsum R & P 



Common Name 



Guacamayo 



Tronador 



Mamey 



Pistillo, pischahuite 



Zapote agrio 



Hortensia (hydrangea) 



Campanita de Oro 
Chotete, hojita 
de quebranto 
Espuela 



Berenjena 



Berenjenilla 



Berenjenilla 
Chile bolita 

(capsicum, chilli) 
Chile santanera, 
chile veneno 
Chilpaya, chiltepin 



Florinfundio 



Huele de Noche 



Use 



S 
C 

I 



Ff 
M f 
Df 
Ff 



Ff 



O 



o 

M 



Mr, 
O 



D wd 
M mr 
D wd 
W 
W 
Fs 



Fs 



Fs 
M v 
O 

Mo 
O 



Part Used 



Tree 

Stem 

Branch 



Fruit 
Seed 
Seed 
Fruit 



Fruit 



Flower 



Flower 
Plant * * 
Leaf + 
Flower 



Leaf 
Leaf* 

Leaf 



Leaf 
Fruit 



Fruit 



Fruit 

Leaf + + 
Flower 

Leaf + 
Flower 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



77 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Datura stramonium L. 



Lycopersicum esculentum (Doral) 
Gray & Syn 



Common Name 



Toluache, hoja de 
tapa 

Tomate (tomato) 



Use 



Part Used 



Re 
M 



Leaf 
Leaf* 



M paralysis Leaf 



Fv 



Fruit 



STERCULIACEAE 
Guazuma ulmifolia Lam 



TILIACEAE 

Thumfetta semitriloba Jacq. 

Heliocarpus appendiculatus Turcz 



ULMACEAE 

Trema micrantha (L) Blume 



Guasimo 



Cadillo 
Jonote 



Togalapoli 



Ff 
I 

D t 
Me 



W 
C 



Ff 
C 



Fruit 
Branch 
Branch 
Stem 



Stem 



Fruit 
Stem 



UMBELLIFERAE 
Pimpinella anisum L 



Cohandrum sativum L. 
Eryngium foetidum L. 
Petroselinum crispum (Mill) Nym 

URTICACEAE 
Myriocarpa longipes Liebm. 

VERBENACEAE 
Clerodendrum thomsoniae Bait. 
C. aspeciasum D'Ombrain 
Clerodendrum japonicum Sweet 
Duranta repens L. var alba Bail. 

Lippia sp. 



Anis 

(anise 

Cilantro (coriander 

Cilantro extranjero 
Perejil (parsley) 



Palo de agua 



Enredadera, clorodendo 
Enredadera, clorodendo 
Flor roja, copa de oro 
Lluvia 

Oregano (oregano) 



Fc 

Mc 

Fs 

Fs 

Fs 



E 



O 
O 
O 
O 



Fs 

M se 
Mp 



Leaf 
Leaf + 
Leaf 
Leaf 
Leaf 



Stem 



Flower 
Flower 
Flower 
Flower 

Leaf 
Leaf* 

Leaf + + 



78 



CHAVERO & ROCES 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Lippia hypoleia Brig. 



Verbena teucrii folia Mort & Gal 
Lippia graveolens HBK 
Lippia alba (Mill) Brown ex 
Britt & Wilson. 



Holmskioldia sanguinea Retz. 
Petrea volubilis L. 
Duranta repens L. 



VIOLACEAE 

Viola odorata L. Sweet 



ZYNGIBERACEAE 

Hedichium coronarium Koenig. Ret 

Kaempferia rotunda L. 



NON IDENTIFIED 



Common Name 



Palo gusano 



Pizarrina 

Salvia 

Salvia, manrubio, 

hoja de salvia 



Sombrerito chino 
Tachicon 
Tres lomos 



Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (L.) Vahl. Verbena 



Violeta (violet) 



Chilalaga 
Huerfanita 



Cochinilla 
Chichin 
Espino bianco 



Hoja cuchara 
llama 
Lagana 
Matanche 



Olozapote 
Palo dulce 



Use 



Part Used 



S 

I 

Dh 

O 

M tet 

Mo 

Ms 



Tree 
Branch 
Tree 
Flower 

Leaf* 
Leaf + 
Branch + 



M erysipela Leaf* 



O 
O 

s 

A 

Ff 



Flower 

Flower 

Tree 

Fruit 

Fruit 



M toothache Leaf* 



O 



Flower 



O 



Flower 



O 
O 



Flower 
Flower 



Dp 
Di 

S 
M 
C 
Ff 
Dch 
M ves 
M r 
S 
D t 



Flower 

Tree 

Leaf 

Stem 

Fruit 

Leaf, Flower 

Leaf + 
Leaf + 
Tree 
Stem 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



79 



APPENDIX 1 . Uses and parts used of the plant species of the Home Gardens of Balzapote, 
Veracruz, (continued) 



Family and Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Use 



Part Used 



Primavera 
Romero 



Rosablanca 
Sabina 
Taberna 
Veveta 



C 



M cold 

C 

C 

O 

O 



Stem 



M s uterus Leaf + 



Leaf* * 

Stem 
Stem 
Flower 



Fl 



ower 



Viudita 



O 



Flower 



80 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 1 



Santa Ysabel Ethnobotany. Hedges, Ken and Christina Beresford. Illustr. by Rose 
Christensen. San Diego Museum of Man, Ethnic Technology Notes No. 20. 1986. 
Pp. 58. n.p. (paper). 



Santa Ysabel Ethnobotany is based primarily on the testimony of Christina Beresford, 
one of the last Diegueho (Yuman) Indian basketmakers. The information was recorded 
by Ken Hedges as a student project in 1966 and has been circulated informally since 
then. This published version is well illustrated with Rose Christensen' s line drawings. 

A total of 77 botanical species, including 8 of Eurasian origin, are arranged 
alphabetically by Latin name and individually described; an additional 13 unidentified 
taxa are discussed in conclusion. Diegueho names (mostly supplied by Mrs. Beresford) 
are recorded for 33 taxa, incuding 5 named types of oaks (Quercus); these 5 oak taxa 
are not labeled binomially. (By contrast, several species of cacti are lumped under a single 
Diegueno term.) A special section on the key Diegueno staple— acorns— describes 
terminology, methods of preparation of acorn mush, and associated material culture cur- 
rent in 1966. Basketry plants are also detailed separately. A table comparing Diegueno 
plant uses with those reported in the literature for the neighboring Kumeyaay (Yuman: 
Hokan), Luiseuo, Cupeho, and Mountain Cahuilla (all Takic: Yuto-Nahuan) is appended. 

We may be grateful to the authors for their efforts in preserving this tantalizing 
remnant of Diegueno ethnobotanical ethnography. 



Eugene S. Hunn 

Department of Anthropology 
University of Washington 
Seattle, WA 98195 



/. Ethnobiol 8(1):8M29 



Summer 1988 



A SURVEY OF TRADITIONAL METHODS 
EMPLOYED FOR THE DETOXIFICATION OF PLANT FOODS 



TIMOTHY JOHNS 
School of Dietetics and Human Nutrition 
Macdonald College of McGill University 

Ste. Anne de Bellevue 
Quebec H9X1C0, Canada 



and 



ISAO KUBO 
Entomology and Parasitology 
College of Natural Resources 

University of California 
Berkeley, CA 94720, USA 



ABSTRACT.— From a survey of ethnobotanical reports a list of 216 species of lichens, 
fungi, algae and vascular food plants that are detoxified during processing was com- 
plied. Major techniques of detoxification are categorized as heating, dissolution, fermen- 
tation, adsorption, drying, physical processing and pH change, and a classification 
scheme that contains details of the specific ways these techniques are employed is 
presented. An ancillary survey of chemical data indicates that detoxification is used 
to remove a range of potential toxins. The Cycadales, the families Araceae, 
Dioscoreaceae, and Fabaceae, plus Quercus spp. and Manihot esculenta stand out as 
taxa that are detoxified by people worldwide. Dense carbohydrates available in these 
plants may have motivated humans to develop detoxification techniques. Although 
their antiquity is unknown, these techniques may have played a role in the evolution 
of human dietary patterns. 



INTRODUCTION 



human 



ndary compounds) that make 



more palatable and less toxic. Selection for genetic changes during domestication risks 
exposing plants to attack by insects and plant diseases. By eliminating undesirable 
compounds subsequent to maturation of the plant we allow chemicals to play their 
natural role in defense during vegetative and developmental stages, thus ensuring 
a harvest for ourselves. Technological innovations, then, allow humans to circum- 



oevolutionary 
(Harborne 1982). 

The extent to which [ 

predecessors is a concern 



dietary patterns (Milton 1987; Stahl 1984). Processing techniques for detoxifying 



82 



JOHNS & KUBO Vol. 8, No. 1 



and cultivated foods may have played an important role in early human food pro- 
curement by making plant foods more available. Cultural methods for dealing with 
toxins augmented the biological detoxication capabilities we share with other animals. 
Plants were probably always eaten by hominids but processing contributed to 
improving their dietary quality. 



While 



1984), evidence from 



The 



of agriculture, indeed detoxification methods were probably important in allowing 
humans to interact with certain plant foods to the extent that they could begin a selec- 
tion process leading to domestication. Study of processing techniques employed in 



mechanisms 



Modern 



may 



partial function in detoxifying foods; these techniques have their roots in practices 
of the past. 

Traditional detoxification techniques are essential to the subsistence of many 



(Manihot 



instances 
methods 



(Lancaster <rf al 1982). Fewer authors have addressed 



compilation or in 



cases, this study attempts to contribute to the understanding of the overall significance 



While 



activity 



to their efficacy (cf. Christiansen and Thompson 1977; Lancaster <tf al. 1982). Residual 
amounts of toxins may be present even when acute toxicity is eliminated, and their 
effectiveness may be relative. Cyanide poisoning, for example, continues to be a 
problem in many parts of the world in spite of cassava processing (Cock 1982). 



eliminat 



tion from this perspective. In addition to cultural methods, humans have physiological 
ways for avoiding plant toxicity, but little is known about the relationship between 

,/ Ta^A^ 50 ™ 1 enz y me activities may depend on nutritional status (Anderson 
et al. 1986). Where humans subsist on diets of limited diversitv such as those dominated 



needed. 



greater 



SURVEY OF TRADITIONAL PLANT DETOXIFICATION METHODS 

Ethnobotanical reports from around the world were surveyed. One hundred and 

vas^wT f T a . and 216 SpedeS bom 65 families of fchens, fongi- al 8 ae and 
vascular plants that used after some detox . f . cation ^ Hsted . n T l He I while 

this survey is comprehensive it is not exhaustive. Although similar processing techni- 



survey 



bitterness 



*ii m «n*t,wj aiIu ii . r*»"^ vveic wing aetoxmed or bitterness was pen 15 
tlTd^t ? U8 u dimination of toxic and bitter constituents is the focus of 

mlnT^r' T e 2°° gni2ed * at Pressing techniques improve foods by 
making them more digestible or more palatable in several ways (Stahl 1988). For 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 83 



exam 



nutrients 



Table 1 includes known toxic chemicals reported from the plants of interest. It 
should be noted that any particular plant may contain a number of potentially toxic 
allelochemicals, and until more detailed chemical data are available the listed chemicals 
may only provide an approximation of what compounds are the subject of detoxifi- 
cation efforts. 

Of the taxa in Table 1 certain ones are conspicuous. The Cycadales, the families 
Araceae, Dioscoreaceae, and Fabaceae, plus Quercus spp. (Fagaceae) and Manihot 
esculenta (Euphorbiaceae), are notable in their exploitation around the world and this 
because of the role detoxification has played. 

Processing techniques eliminate a large range of allelochemicals representing a 
cross-section of the classes of chemicals found in plants. No pattern is apparent in 
these particular chemicals. Just the important taxa listed above include calcium 
oxalate, alkaloids, MAM (methylazoxymethanol) glycosides, cyanogenic glycosides, 
saponins, tannins, lectins and non-protein amino acids. 

Why do humans bother to process certain plant foods and not others? People 
who utilize toxic plants exploit other plants which require little or no processing. 
Perhaps the answer lies in the fact that the major processed plants are all of widespread 
distribution and produce a reliable, recognizable and abundant food resource. The 
aroids, cycads, yams, acorns, and cassava are all important carbohydrate-supplying 
staples for various cultural groups. The legumes represent another source of abun- 
dant food. However, none of the major exploited legumes (e.g. beans, peas, and 
lentils), except edible lupines, require detoxification (other than cooking). 



TRADITIONAL PLANT DETOXIFICATION METHODS 



Processing methods show marked similarities worldwide and are classifiable 
according to the way in which they function to eliminate toxins. Coursey's (1973) 
classification of cassava processing served as a basis for the more elaborate scheme 
presented in APPENDIX 1. Plants considered in Table 1 were classified according to this 



scheme. The classification codes provide a convenient way to analy 



cases of detoxification. 



rmentation. adsorption, drying 



Many 



involve more than 



ment as to the most important part of the process. The classification is hierarchical and 
designed so that the more important a part of the process is in the overall detoxification 
the higher is its decimal point. For example boiling of a food may involve both detoxi- 
fication by heating and detoxification by solution. Either of the codes 1.12 or 2.27 is 
chosen over the other in specific cases where one function is considered the more crucial. 
The classification might be further complicated if, for example, the material is ground 
before it is boiled and/or if lye, acid, or clay is added to the water. 



METHODS OF PLANT FOOD DETOXIFICATION 



Detoxif; 



energy to drive 



chemical 



ironmental 



oxygen. Toxins may be converted or degraded to less poisonous chemicals. Heat 



84 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol, 8 ; No. 1 



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Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



87 



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88 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



"a 



3 
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jq 


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-a 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



89 



3 



3 
O 

co 
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3 
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cj 



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CO 
CO 



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O 



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90 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



*X3 



3 
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g 



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CO 






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on b4 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



91 



T3 

CO 



3 
O 

co 
CO 

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o 

CO 

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CO 

CO 

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92 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



^3 



3 

O 

CO 
CO 

& 



g 



co 



CO 
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Q 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



93 



t3 

co 



3 
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CO 

CO 

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co 



CO 
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94 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



t3 
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Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



95 






3 
O 

co 
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50 



u 



CO 

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to i-sl 

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cd 
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< 



c/D 



-d 



53 
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i 







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CD 

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ON 



ON 



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PC 



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CS 



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p 



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s 



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co 

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co 
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NO 



ON 



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ON 



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CJ 




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q cd 
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cd 



co 



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I 

53 

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co 

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cd 



2 2 

s i 

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SPC 



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CO 


LD -^ 


r-H LO 


(N <N 








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cS cS 


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X 



XX XX 



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CO 

< 



cyD Ph M-.PL. 



53 

g 

53 

CO 

53 
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e 

o 



53 

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96 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



H3 
CO 



3 
O 

co 
CO 

& 



co 



<J 



CO 

C3 

R 

co 

CO 

CO 



o 



t3 
CO 
N 



o 

&0 

CO 



<3 
co 



§• a 



C3 




R 

o 






O 

a 

CD 



a; 



& 



CO 

1 

u 



o 







a. 



o 






cd 







>s 



9 




G 



- u 

Ph Mh co 



CD 

C 

u 



no 



o ^ 



CO 
U «3 



3<n 

8 






a 



a* 



NO 



ON 







H 



<s 



.2 

CO 

< 



oo 



C#5 

C/5 

s 

U 



to 




.a 

s 



CD 
CD 

u 

u 



a 



CD 

CD 
T3 



00 

uo 




00 

On 



CD 



^ 






co 
CD 



co 
O 

u 

-a 



x 






X 



X 



cfl 



2 



CO 



CO 



a, 

CO 

co 
C3 




On 




c 

CO 






X 



X 



X 



X 



6 



c-0 



to 



1 

• 



no 



ON 






u 






<3 H 



On 




u 



uo 



CD 

.a 



On 




rS 



rS 



X 



X 



X 



X 



X 



rO 



C3 



co 



C/} 



PQ 

C3 

CO 

■ 






X 



X 



X 



C3 



2 



co 

5 



NO 



On 







H 



NO 



ro 

oi cS <N (Si 



X X 



en 
co 



H 



-O 




H 



3 



o 

> 

CO 



ro 
oo 

On 



co 

CD 



D 

CD 

PL, 



pq pq 



«N 



<N 






X 



X 



X X XX 






C3 






C7D 



CS 



On 



pl, cn c/} c/D 



cr 



S 




O O 



On 
Os 



CO 

co 



<S 



(N 



ro 



X 



X 



X 



X 



mJ 



C/D 



T3 

a 



CO 

C3 

3 

■a 

u 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



97 




o 



09 

I 

CO 

■a 



N 






3 

co 



Is 














fr 



co 

1 

u 



u 

u 



r^ 



no 



o ^ 






Ti- 



to 

CO 



U CO 



ff 



CO 

co 

o 

Ph 



cN 



o 



c3 
O 

O 







d 



Ph 



0> 



O 

9 



<N 



ON 



as 



o\ 






ON 



CO 

CO 






cN 
cN 



00 
cN co 



X 



X 




W 



H 



p, 

Cm 

co 

o 

CO 

O 



Q Q 



ON 






a 



^5 

»H 

M pq 



X 



CO 

h3 




»l"H 




^O 




13 




j3 




13 




co" 


CO 


1 


.s 


a 


a 








Cm 


Cm 


CO <s 


CO 



X 



C8 

o 

•c 



h 



Q 




CO 

0) 



NO 

On 






On q# 




ON 



S 2 

co C 



a 

o 

o 

CO 



IT) 

00 
On 



ON 



PP 



5 



^> 



3 

* 

Q 



cN ^ 



00 co 
cS cN 



CO 



c4 



u X 

i 

o 
o 

co 



O 

13 

co" 

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d 

o 

Cm 

CO ?s 



u 






H 



X 




H 



a 



<3 



3 




CJ 




•h 




& 




| 




■g 




^ 




s 




5 


2 





• ^v 





£ 


m 


<l> 


Q P 







3 

a 

JU ON 

Q o\ 



1^. 

NO 

On 




ON ^ 
Pi 



CO 

3 

o 

u 



CO 






cN 



ID 

cN 
cS 

rf co 
cS (N 



X 



X 



CO 



Cm 
co" 

^O 

13 

^5 



X 



X 



aj 



'C 



H 




a, 





Q 



98 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



13 



3 
O 






o 



co 

.8 

CO 






6 

Be 
6 



<3 
CO 



O ^ 

8 g 

<a o 



o 



* 



Q ^ 






cu 

V 



cu 

Pi 



fr 



CO 

1 

CD 

u 






00 






o 
U 



*6 £ 

T3 







cu 

O 

U 



Cn 



CO 



NO 






CO 



CO 
^t CN 



(S (NcS (SN (N 



NO 



X 



X 



X 



o ^ 






sj * 

CO 
CO 

era 

U m 

.9 

1) 
a 

O 

H 






X 



X 



X 



X 



o 



o 




CJ 



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h 



H 




a 



Ph 



- C S 

til Ow 
Jil C/3 Ph 



ON 



oo 

ON 



^ > 

CJ cs 

bJO 



6 r3 



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<N 



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O 

PQ 



h 




x 

o 

Pi 

i 




a 




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On 



O 



Os 



CO 


CO 


"2 


T3 


^3 




13 


13 


~* 


i< 


13 


13 


of 


co"' 


1 




c 


£ 


1 


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<3 

CO 



CO 

q 
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cu 



5 



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m 

Q 






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OS *■* >H 

< pa 



X 



X 



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X 



X X 



X 



g 

CO 



03 




i^ cu 
< Ph 



co 
oj cu 

o *S< 

JO ex 

U a. 



H 



H H 



Os 



NO 

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ON 
ON 



O co 




co 
hJ PQ 



CQ 



ro 


NO 




i-H 


CS 


<N 


CS 


(N 


rs 


r-H 






CO 


CO 


ro 


(N 


^-H 


00 


p 


<N 


cS 


<N 


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cS 



X 



X 



X 



u 

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U 



H 



J2 



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cu 

CO 

co 



O 



a 



CO 

CJ 

CO 

s 



9 

Q 



NO 

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IS 




h 



<s 



X X 



C8 

2 



H H 



A 




X 

d 



c 

CI, 



Q Q 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



99 






3 
O 

co 
& 

CO 



CO 

co 

■a 

O 



^3 
N 

q 

o 

3 



s 

CO 



Sir 



*3 



§ 



H 



§Q 




q ^ 

g 

S3 
co 8 

■a -a 



<3 



I 

O 
cj 



s 



3 



■o 




s 







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CU 
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cu 



b 



co 

1 

CO 

U 



i 



O 

u 



NO 



o ^ 



03 

o 



^H Tt 



CO 

en 

03 



U co 



SP 



co 

CO 

o 

o 

a, 



<N 



d 

o 



o 



cu 

6 

OS 



a 



>*■ 



o3 

Pu, 




6 



G 

CU 



a, 



03 U 




^ 



no 

ON 



NO 



ON 



S J2 

CO w 

CO 

g r 




cN 
co <n 
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X 



X 



03 

o 



>H 




• 



H 




PL, 



ON 

CO 

ON 












Os 



CO 



cS 



CO co 

LO CO 

CO cS 



co 

CO 

3 



Q 



X 



CO 



O 



X 






3 X 



a 



H 




co 

CO 

CO 




CO 






43 ON 

co On 



cS 



On 



o3 

CD 

h 



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cS 






CO 

cu 
cu 

43 



a 

oj 

CU 

Ok 

c/T 

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o 

co ?< 



o3 



CO 




CU 




P* 


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O 


CU 


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o 


< 


Vh 




3 


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C/D 



CO 

3 

s 
s 

c 

CJ 




NO 
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cu 

DC 



en 

CU 

a 

o 

I 

o3 



o3 



CU 

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C 




co 

co 

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NO 

ON 



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CN 



o3 

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u 



Mh 



3 

cu 

43 

U 

S 



3 



W Q Q 



a 

o 

1 

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co 



CO 

T3 



O 

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CU 

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T3 



N 



O 



CU 
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CU 


CU 

CO 



W ^ 



CO 

CO 

3 

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LO 

I 



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£ 



IT) 



X 



X 



N 

CU 

z 



u* 




tq 



100 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



_q 



3 
O 

co 
CO 

3 



<0 



o 

CO 

CO 
CO 

CO 

■a 

s 



eg 

O 

be 
co 



C3 
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co 



Is 

k, q 

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o q 






cu 

a 

— 

0) 



CU 

Pi 



fr 



CO 

cu 

u 



o 



o 
U 



r^ 



sO 



o ^ 



C* 

o 



^t 



CO 



U co 



SP 



CO 

CU 

CJ 

O 



CS 



§ 



cd 

o 
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a, 



cu 



- u 

Ph Mh C/D 



cd 



cu 



so 



ON 



cd 




cd 

H 



CS CQ 



cS cS 



X 



CTJ . 



Cd 



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cu 

6 

3 



c/D 



co 

O 








c 



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Os 



On 



S a 

CJ T3 

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XX 



x 






CO 

CU 




cu 



i 

s 

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i 

CO 



c-O 



co 

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1 



so 

so 

Ov SO 



V 

3 cd 

a* 




CU 



CO 

o 

cu 

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CJ 



cu 



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< 

c/5 




LO 



53 

eg 

as 



CO 



SO 



On 



SO 
Os 



^» Cd 
co 2 



Cd 



CS 




— . so 


SO 


rS 


cS 


CS CS 


cS 



X 



X 



X 



o 

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cu 





w to 



H < 



04 <* 

S CO 



c-o en 



C/3 



CO 

53 

! 



J 



S 



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SO 
vO 

O 



cd 



CU 



CU CU 



3 " 






CO 

O 

CJ 



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S 

o 

CJ 



cu 

1 

o 

cu 

CJ 



a 

o 



r3 

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U 



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cu 

n3 



q 



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co 

eg 



O 

CO 

O 



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-q 




cu 

d 



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cu 

bC 

53 



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cS 

00 
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CO 
CO 



CO 



X 



X 



X 



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cd 



cd c 
TO cu 



£ 



o 

o 
U 



H 



H 



' 



Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



101 



T3 



3 
O 

& 

g 

0) 



o 

CO 

co 

CO 



o 



CO 

N 



N 

O 

CO 



C3 
CJ 

co 




N 



§ 



H 



Ifi 



co *<• 




c^ 



CO 

co 9 

O c*j 

■a -a 



co 



o 



C3 



•a 

2 



I 

O 

cj 

<3 



CO 



^ 



i 






& 



CO 



R 



CU 

o 

CU 
CU 



PS 



<u 



b 



CO 

•t-f 
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u 



a 

o 



cu 
o 




cu 

O 

U 



SO 



O ^ 



CO 
J 

U CO 




cu 




Ph 



SO 

SO 

On 



o\ 



On 



*^ 



3. a 

cU Jh 

d 

CD CU 

PC PC 



a 



(N 



<N 



CO 

CD 
T3 



CO 

O 

o 

So 

CJ 



cu 
O 




c^X 



CJ 




co 



C3 

5 

3 



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CD 

o 



Ph 



0> 

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13 



cu 



cu 




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PQ 
co .^ 

cU *-• <*> 

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s 



CO 



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co 



JO 



cU 

co" 

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13 

cu 
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cu 

PQ 



c/D 



co 

o 



cs 
cj 
co 

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l 



cu 

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a 



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X 



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g 






cj 



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CU 



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CO 






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5 



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Q 



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co 
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a 




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cu 

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co 

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13 



cu 



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3 

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CO 

a 

CU 

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00 

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cu ^ 

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HE 



-h (N 
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T3 



O 

13 

13 

cu 



o 

I 




X 



X 



o X X 



cU 



cu 



CO 



IS) 



& 



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CO 

cU 

CU 



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CO 

T3 



cu 

13 

cu 

N 



O 
— 



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co 

C3 



s 



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cu 
I 

g 

cU 

H 






cS 



X 



X 



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cu 

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o 
H 



C73 



> 

co 

cu 

Q 



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s 

CJ 



102 



IOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 






3 
O 

CO 



q 



CO 

CO 



o 



^3 
N 





tic 



<3 
co 



O 



^3 






-5 q 






0> 



<U 



PS 



& 



k 



s 

CD 

u 



a 






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OJ 




v 

B 

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CU u- cr. 



cu 

U 



r^ 



vO 



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CO 
CO 



U ro 



CO ^S 



<U 



a, 



S3 



Cu 



T3 



o 

-73 



IT) 



tf 



a 



3 




r^ xj -o 



Ov 



6 

cu 

S 

CO 

■8 



O 



o 

co 

f 

1 



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X 



-a 



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tf 






NO 



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H 



i 

s 



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to 






a 




y 




1 


CO 

-a 






u 


13 


2 


i< 


6 


Ti 


c« 


g 


| X 


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C 

2 x 





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8- 



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to 



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I 



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ui 



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fO 



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2 s 

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la 

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1 

2 



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rs 



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5 



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-J 



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Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



103 



cj 



O 
CO 

CJ 

CJ 

CJ 



co 

CJ 

CO 

CJ 

*q 



O 



CJ 

N 



O 
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cj 

co 



5 -5 

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H 



k 



Q ^ 

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co 



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cu 



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cu 

u 



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u 



o 



o ^ 



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ff 



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cu 

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104 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 






o 

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Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



105 






3 
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JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



•X3 
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JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



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108 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 






3 
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Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



109 



co 




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110 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



T3 

50 



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Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



111 






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112 



JOHNS & KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 






3 
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Summer 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



113 



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may also denature plant enzymes that are necessary to liberate certain active principals 
from glycosides such as glucosinolates or cyanogenic glycosides. However, in these cases 
liberation of active isothiocyanates and hydrogen cyanide, respectively, may subsequently 
be carried out by bacterial or endogenous enzymes. Proteinaceous toxins such as lectins 
and proteinase inhibitors are usually effectively denatured by heat. 

Boiling and some form of roasting or baking are the most common cooking 
techniques used worldwide. Although many plant foods are eaten raw, most are cooked 
in some way. However, more often than not detoxification is not the explicit function 
of the cooking process. Roasting was perhaps the only cooking method used during most 
of human history since boiling requires watertight and heat-resistant containers. Many 
peoples solved the problem of applying heat to water by placing heated rocks directly 
in the contents of watertight but not heat resistant containers. Clay pots can be used 
for boiling foods, but it was the introduction of metal pots that greatly increased the 
distribution of this technique. 



2. Detoxification by solution.— The use of water to remove toxins basically involves 
the dissolving of compounds in the water and their leaching from the food. The process 
is enhanced in specific and often sophisticated ways and takes many forms as is apparent 
in level 2.2 of APPENDIX 1. Heat accelerates the leaching process. When the solubility 
of a toxin is low a turnover of water, either by repeated pouring off and replacing, by 
placing the object in running water, or by passing water through a food, will help. Salt 
increases the polarity of the aqueous environment and can help in making certain com- 
pounds more soluble. Any process which causes more tissue to be exposed to the water 
or which liberates plant constituents by destroying the integrity of the plant cells will 
speed up leaching. 

3. Detoxification by fermentation. —Simple fermentation techniques are part of the 
repertoire of detoxification of human groups worldwide. Microorganisms are ubiquitous 
and fermentation proceeds spontaneously under appropriate conditions. The metabolism 
of microorganisms alters the chemical composition of food. Basic techniques involve 
burying a food plant in the ground or in swamps, or enclosing it in some kind of 
container so that conditions conducive to fermentation can be achieved. 



De toxif 



bound 



physical and chemical processes to other substances. Charcoal is the standard d< 
fication substance used in cases of acute toxicity in clinical settings in modem mec 
(Gilman et al 1985). Both charcoal and clay are made up of small particles and 
large surface areas. They undergo weak interactions with organic compounds, prin 
through van der Waals and electrostatic forces. Clay mineral lattices may be ch 
(usually negatively) and adsorption of chemicals may also be by ion-exchange (Johns 



Humans deliberately use the adsorpt 



animals (Johns 



involves 



time of ingestion, or soaking the plant product in wet mud 



5. Detoxification by drying. —Drying is likely to be an effective technique for removing 
volatile toxins from food and is usually used in combination with one of the other methods 
of detoxification. More often than not material is simply dried by placing it in the sun, 
although ovens or kilns are used in some circumstances. 

6. Detoxification by physical processing.— Techniques such as grating, grinding, 
pounding, freezing etc. which break down the tissues of plants are collectively termed 



120 



KUBO Vol. 8, No. 1 



comminution (Coursey 1973). Comminution will greatly enhance fermentation, 
solubilization and other processes. In methods that utilize the metabolic machinery of 
the plant cell comminution is a primary means of detoxification. Enzymes contained 
in the same tissue breakdown certain more stable allelochemicals such as cyanogenic 
glucosides or glucosinolates to release compounds which are volatile, water-soluble or 
heat labile. 

Grating of cassava (Manihot esculenta) is a widespread mechanism for detoxifying 
bitter varieties of this important staple. Hydrogen cyanide, enzymatically liberated from 
cyanogenic glycosides, is released into the atmosphere during processing rather than while 
the plant is being chewed or digested. Processes employed with cassava are diverse and 
many are elaborate seemingly beyond necessity since comminution followed by enough 
time for the enzymatic reaction to occur is sufficient (Seigler and Pereira, 1981). 



7. Detoxification by pH change.— Change in pH can affect the solubility of many 

chemicals. In addition acidic and alkaline conditions can lead to the hydrolysis of 
compounds. 



i and acids to foods play important roles in a number of chemical 
change. Although acid hydrolysis will degrade many organic 



pounds including glycosides and amides 



formed during fermentation 



contribute to the breakdown and/or the solubilization of some toxins. Acidic fermented 
products such as vinegar, and organic acids from fruits such as tamarind, are occasionally 
added to foods and may serve some role in detoxification. Pickling is carried out in com- 
bination with other techniques and may play a role in producing a final nontoxic pro- 
duct. Tamarind pulp is widely used in tropical regions as a flavor additive to food, although 
because of its acidity it may play other roles in altering food quality. Tartaric acid which 
makes up 10% of the weight of tamarind pulp (Windholz 1976) is a good organic buffer. 
A concentrated solution of tamarind that we tested had a pH of 2.5 although its buffer- 
ing capacity was not assayed. We are familiar with three cases where tamarind is used 
to detoxify food. Two of these cases involve plants in the Araceae which may have high 
levels of calcium oxalate. Significantly tartaric acid may be effective in increasing the 
solubility of the highly irritating crystals (raphides) of this compound (Oke 1969). The 
third case of tamarind use with toxic plants involves roots of the legume Neomutanenia 
mitis. The genus is characterized by rotenoids and other toxic flavonoid derivatives. 
Alkali materials in the form of lye from plant ash and mineral lime are readily 
available and widely applied. They participate in hydrolysis reactions of common chemical 
linkages such as ester and acetals. Ashes are usually used in solution, often with heat 
which greatly enhances the hydrolysis process. 

It is known that interactions occurring when different chemicals are ingested together 
by animals may reduce the toxicity of one or both of them. The documented cases 
involve interactions of tannins with cyanogenic glucosides (Goldstein and Spencer 1985) 
and saponms (Freeland et al. 1985). There is no indication from the present survey that 
chemical interactions such as these are exploited by humans to detoxify foods. Many 



practicing them. Further research examining 



understood 



crduiuonai processing must recognize the complexity of chemical systems and shou 
be observant for more subtle ways by which humans may have exploited poisonous plan 
to their advantage. 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 121 



THE ORIGIN OF FOOD PROCESSING TECHNIQUES 



The question of how humans learned to detoxify plants in particular ways is 
difficult to answer. The ubiquity of the various techniques and their sophistication 
supports their antiquity. The use of clays for their adsorption properties has antecedents 
in animal behavior (Johns 1986). Heating, leaching, fermentation, and drying of foods 
all have simple cause and effect relationships with change in food pal at ability that could 
be observed in common events. Harris (1977) suggested that plants that are detoxified 
by leaching were originally used for fish poisons. Plants that had been left in streams 
could be subsequently discovered to be acceptable foods. Comminution of plants and 
the use of lve and salt to facilitate detoxification require greater sophistication. However, 



human 



human 



refining the techniques to diminish the foods further is not a great leap for human 
beings. The use of salt in boiling would take place once boiling itself was established. 
Salt water could have been used initially in coastal areas simply because of its availability. 
The use of lye also would follow cooking, and ashes would be readily available from 
cooking sites. Perhaps hot coals or ash co 



substances 
techniques 



improve the food. The use of alkali and 



animal 



trated carbohydrates in fruits, tubers and seeds has characterized the genus Homo (Mil 
1987) and directed our technological achievements over the past 2 million years 
scavenging, hunting and processing plant products. The energetic reward offered by de 
carbohydrate sources would have provided a strong motivation for the developmen 
detoxification processes and once a technology for detoxifying plant foods was establisl 



surprising 



mechanism 



particular plants was a function of human adaptability and 



intelligence. The adaptation of humans 



hniqu 



resources. Where human groups were in intimate 



many 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



We wish to acknowledge financial support from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research 
Council of Canada (Postdoctoral Fellowship and University Research Fellowship to TJ). F. J. Hanke 
made many helpful suggestions during the course of this project and K. V. Milton and D. B. McKey 
made useful comments on an earlier draft. 



LITERATURE CITED 



AHMED, Z. H.. A. M. REZK. F. M. HAM- ANDERSON, K. E., A. H. CONNEY and 

A. KAPPAS. 1986. Nutrition as an 



MOUDA and 



Naturally occurring glucosinolates with environmental influence on chemical 

special reference to those of family Cap- metabolism in man. Pp. 39-54. in Ethnic 

paridaceae. Planta Med. 21:35-60. differences in reactions to drugs and 



122 



KUBO 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



xenobiotics, (W. Kalow, H. W. Goedde, 
and D. P. Agarwal, eds.). Alan R. Liss, New 
York. 

BANDARANAYAKE, W., J. E. BANFIELD, D. 
ST. C. BLACK, G. D. FALLON and B. M. 
GATEHOUSE. 1981. Constituents of 
Endiandia species. I. Endiandric acid, a 
novel carboxylic acid from Endiandia 
intioisa (Lauraceae), and a derived lactone. 
Aust. J. Chem. 34:1655-1677. 

BARRAU, J. and A. PEETERS. 1972. Histoire 
et prehistoire de la preparation des 
aliments d'origine vegetale. J. Societe des 
Oceanistes. 35:141-152. 

BARRETT, S. A. 1952. Material aspects of 
Porno culture. Part One. Bulletin Public 
Museum City Milwaukee 20:1-260. 

and E. W. GIFFORD. 1933. 

Miwok material culture. Bulletin Public 
Museum City Milwaukee 2:117-376. 

BASCOM, W. R. 1965. Ponape: a Pacific 
economy in transition. Anthropol. 
Records, Univ. California Press, Berkeley 
22:1-156. 

BATRA, V. and T. R. RAJAGOPALAN. 1976. 

Alkaloids of Lupinus hirsutus (Legumi- 

nosae). Indian J. Chem. Sect. B. 14B:636- 
637. 

BELL, E. A. 1971. Comparative biochemistry 



amino 



Legum 
andB. 1 



Academic 



BHARGAVA, N. 1983. Ethnobotanical studies 
of the tribes of Andaman and Nicobar 
Islands, India. I. Onge. Econ. Botany 37: 
110-119. 

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APPENDIX 1 
Classification of Traditional Plant Processing Techniques 






2. No special detoxification techniques applied (subdivide as in Coursey, 1973) 
2. Special detoxification techniques applied 

2.1 Detoxification by heat 

2.11 Unspecified cooking 

2.111 Cooking of whole pieces 

2.1111 Cooking without the addition of salt, lye, or acid 

2.1112 Cooking with the addition of salt 

2.1113 Cooking with the addition of lye 

2.1114 Cooking with the addition of acid 

2.1115 Cooking after drying 

2.1116 Cooking after soaking 

2.112 Cooking after comminution (Subdivide as for 2.111) 

2.113 Cooking after peeling (Subdivide as for 2.111) 

2.12 Boiling, stewing, etc. (Subdivide as for 2.11) 

2.13 Roasting, baking (Subdivide as for 2.11) 

2.14 Frying (Subdivide as for 2.11) 

2.15 Steaming (Subdivide as for 2.11) 

2.2 Detoxification by solution 
2.21 Soaking in static water 

2.211 Soaking or leaching of whole pieces 

2.2111 Followed by unspecified cooking 

2.2112 Followed by boiling 

2.21121 Simple boiling (Subdivide as in 2.111) 

2.21122 Repeated boiling in changes of water (Subdivide as for 2.21121) 

2.2113 Followed by roasting or baking 

2.2114 Followed by frying 

2.2115 Followed by steaming 

2.2116 Followed by drying 

2.2117 Followed by fermentation 

2.2118 Followed by pickling 

2.212 Soaking or leaching after comminution (Subdivide as for 2.211) 

2.213 Soaking or leaching after cooking and comminution (Subdivide as for 2.211) 

2.214 Soaking or leaching after cooking (Subdivide as for 2.211) 

2.215 Soaking or leaching after boiling with lye (Subdivide as for 2.211) 

2.216 Soaking or leaching after freezing (Subdivide as for 2.211) 

2.217 Soaking or leaching after drying (Subdivide as for 2.211) 



128 



KUBO Vol. 8, No. 1 



2.218 Soaking or leaching after peeling or cutting (Subdivide as for 2.211) 

2.22 Soaking with change(s) in water (Subdivide as for 2.21) 

2.23 Soaking in running water (Subdivide as for 2.21) 

2.24 Leaching (Subdivide as for 2.21) 

2.25 Soaking in salt water (Subdivide as for 2.21) 

2.26 Soaking with the addition of ashes or lye (Subdivide as for 2.21) 

2.27 Soaking with the addition of acidic substances (Subdivide as for 2.21) 

2.28 Boiling 

2.281 Boiling of whole pieces 

2.2811 Simple boiling 

2.28111 Without salt, lye, or acid 

2.28112 With salt 

2.28113 With lye 

2.28114 With acid 

2.28115 After drying 

2.2812 Repeated boiling in changes of water (Subdivide as for 2.2811) 

2.282 Boiling after comminution (Subdivide as for 2.281) 

2.283 Boiling after peeling (Subdivide as for 2.281) 

2.3 Detoxification by fermentation 

2.31 Spontaneous fermentation 

2.311 Fermentation of whole pieces 

2.3111 Without previous treatment 

2.31111 Followed only by washing 

2.31112 Followed by washing and heat treatment 

2.31113 Followed by heat treatment 

2.31114 Followed by comminution 

2.31115 Followed by drying 

2.3112 After cooking (Subdivide as for 2.3111) 

2.3113 After boiling with lye (Subdivide as for 2.3111) 

2.3114 After soaking (Subdivide as for 2.3111) 

2.3115 With addition of salt (Subdivide as for 2.3111) 

2.312 Fermentation after communition (Subdivide as for 2.311) 

2.32 Fermentation with use of inoculum from earlier preparations (Subdivide as 2.31) 

2.4 Detoxification by adsorption 

2.41 Addition of clay 

2.411 Addition to whole pieces 

2.4111 Addition during soaking 

2.41111 Addition without previous treatment 

2.41112 Addition after cooking 

2.4112 Addition during boiling (Subdivide as for 2.4111) 

2.4113 Addition during cooking (Subdivide as for 2.4111) 

2.4114 Addition during comminution (Subdivide as for 2.4111) 

2.4115 Addition to consumed product (Subdivide as for 2.4111) 

2.412 Addition after comminution (Subdivide as for 2.411) 

2.42 Addition of charcoal (Subdivide as for 2.41) 

2.43 Soaking in wet mud 

2.431 Soaking of whole pieces 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 129 



2.432 Soaking after comminution 

2.5 Detoxification by drying 

2.51 Sundrying 

2.511 Drying of whole pieces 

2.5111 Sundrying followed by cooking 

2.5112 Sundrying followed by soaking 

2.5113 Sundrying followed by fermentation 

2.5114 Sundrying followed by comminution 

2.512 Drying after comminution (Subdivide as for 2.511) 

2.52 Kiln or hot-air drying (Subdivide as for 2.51) 

2.6 Detoxification by physical processing 

2.61 Peeling 

2.62 Grating or rasping 

2.63 Squeezing 

2.64 Pounding 

2.65 Grinding 

2.66 Cutting 

2.7 Detoxification by pH change 

2.71 Lye or lime added 

2.72 Acidic substance added 



130 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 1 



Prehistoric Southwestern Example. Minnis 
a Press. 1985. $8.50 (paper). 



The usefulness of ecological models in archaeology is amply demonstrated in 
Minnis's disquisition on the response of social groups of food stress. Minnis's model, 
outlined in Chapter Two, states that more or less sedentary social groups will resort to 
increasingly drastic and more inclusive social and economic responses when faced with 
progressively severe problems of food provisioning. Three ethnographic examples (two 
from Southeast Asia and one from Africa) indicate the general utility of the model. 

The study is carried out using all 50-year prehistoric sequence (outlined in Chapter 
Three) of the Rio Mimbres region of southwestern New Mexico. Population estimates 
based upon room area indicate a fairly uniform rate of population increase during the 
Early Pithouse and Late Pithouse Periods (the first 800 years), a high rate of increase 
during the succeeding Classic Mimbres Period (150 years), and an abrupt decline in the 
subsequent Animas and Salado Periods (200 years). 

Examination of biotic and abiotic environs of the Rio Mimbres region in Chapter 
Four provides a feeling for the agricultural marginality of the study area. The basis for 
reconstructing the environmental stress experienced by the prehistoric human popu- 
lation is a tree ring-dated precipitation history, which indicates periodic drought condi- 
tions, based upon indices derived from a region 100 km to the north. Archaeological 
evidence, in the form of wood charcoal, documents anthropogenic environmental degrada- 
tion prior to and during the Classic Mimbres Period, when increasingly intense use of 
the floodplain for agriculture largely denuded the local gallery forests. 

Having documented change in population and agricultural intensification in the 
more productive floodplain, attention is directed at estimating the degree and periodiciy 
of food stress in the study area (Chapter Five). As a first step toward estimating the stress 
experienced by the prehistoric Mimbres population, Minnis provides a useful though 
limited discussion of the problems inherent in estimating subsistence economy from 
"raw" archaeological data. Using the generally preferred ubiquity method (percent of 
total samples containing a particular specimen type) for estimating the importance of 
archaeobotanical materials, maize, not surprisingly, is argued to be the most important 
dietary resource during the Late Pithouse and Classic Mimbres Periods. The relative 
contributions of other potential plant resources to prehistoric diet between these two 
time periods is believed to have remained more or less the same throughout the sequence. 
Arguing by analogy to ethnographic and archaeologic examples, the dietary contri- 
bution of maize to the prehistoric occupants is estimated at 35% for the Early Pithouse 
Period and 50% for the later Periods. 

The contribution of agricultural endeavors to subsistence for each period is then 
estimated. Using as analog the Eastern Pueblos, where the per capita amount of 
agricultural land has already been calculated, Minnis estimates that 0.4 hectares/person 
was necessary during the Early Pithouse Period, and 0.6 hectares/person for the later Period 
populations. Projecting these estimates into the past indicated that floodplain agriculture 
would have been insufficient to support the Classic and, perhaps, the Animas Period 
populations. These projections are refined further by assessing from the precipitation 
record whether certain periods had reliable or extremely variable moisture availability 
The insights from these estimates are useful: the early portion of the Classic Mimbres 
Period had a very favorable agricultural climate, but the later (1090-1 149 A.D.) portion 
experienced much less favorable conditions, hence greater stress. 

Estimation of subsistence is completed by calculating net exploitable productivity 
of the entire study area. The relevance of these estimates is that if productivity of the 
prehistoric agricultural system was at any time insufficient to support the population, 
wild food use would be expected to make up the deficit. In estimating exploitable 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 131 



Minnis combines a variety of productivity estimates 



assumptions 



model 



ecosystem 



parameter. Though it would have resulted in an 



After 



during the Late Pithouse and 



outstripped adequate available agricultural lands during a period when insufficient 
moisture would have made it difficult to supplement dietary needs by harvesting wild 

plants and animals. 

Having documented stress, Minnis proceeds to assess the social and economic 
changes his model proposes (Chapter Six). Architectural changes only suggest there might 
have been social system change with increased stress. Economic change is examined 
by assessing the relative difference in intra- and extra-regional exchange that took place 
from Early Pithouse to Classic Mimbres Periods. Though evidence is only suggestive, 
trends in the relative quantities of exotic vs. local products indicate that during the period 
of greatest stress intra-regional exchange increased while extra-regional interchange 
decreased. Hence the model in its original formulation seems more or less correct: with 
increasing subsistence stress, the population's response is to intensify agricultural pro- 
duction, and when this fails the social groups undergo requisite changes in sociopolitical 
organization, and possibly also experience increased intra-regional economic interaction. 

The use of analogy to infer various aspects of prehistoric subsistence is a common 
approach in archaeology. The more attributes shared between analog and subject society 
in, for example, level of sociopolitical integration, subsistence regime and environ- 
mental context, the more direct and appropriate the inference. Minnis relies heavily upon 
analogy to estimate many parameters of agricultural subsistence (percent of cultigens 
[maize only] in diet, necessary per capita agricultural land, maize yield per hectare), but 
in most situations he selects one from a number of quite disparate estimates. One can 
perhaps see the need to focus upon a single estimate, but inclusion of minima and 
maxima, or some other measure of variation for each estimate from the numerous poten- 
tially useful analogs, would have greatly increased the model's resolution. 

The study as a whole is beautifully conceived and executed. No stone is left 
unturned in searching for data useful in describing system variables. Methods of 
estimating system attributes are well reasoned, though each estimate should have 
included some measure of variation to obtain a more robust approximation of systemic 
variation. In Social Adaptation to Food Stress, Minnis gives us an excellent approach 
to problem-oriented archaeological research that will serve as a baseline from which future 
studies in the Southwest and elsewhere can be formulated. 



Bruce F. Benz 

Laboratorio natural Las Joyas de la sierra De Manantlan 

Universidad de Guadalajara 
Apdo. Postal 1-3933 



44100 



Mexico 



132 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



zpflanzen in Deutschland: Biologie und Kultuigeschichte. Korber-Grohne 
Stuttgart: Theiss. 1987. Pp. 490. 29.50 in Great Britain. 



rincipal aim of this book is to chart the history of field crops in Germany, 
fruits but including vegetables, dyeplants, and oilseeds. This aim is achieved 
igh survey of all available archaeological evidence (the author is a distinguished 



and of literary sources such as herbals and 



and (in many 



ution maps, which often extend to mclude 
introductions, such as maize, potatoes, and 



tomatoes, are included, as are even minor ancient domesticates of Europe and 



interested 



and history of farming in 



What makes this book really special, however, is the copious ancillary information 
provided for each of the 60-plus species covered. The section for each species begins with 
a useful description of the appearance of the plant, supported by one of the chief glories 
of the book: its illustrations. These include many clear line drawings of whole plants 
and 132 well-reproduced photographs (many in color) of the ancestral wild plants in their 
original habitats, of the crops in cultivation, and of illustrations in medieval herbals. 
Seeds are also depicted in many photographs and drawings that will be of use to the 
practicing archaeobotanist. In addition, the domestication and spread of each species is 
described, often at length, and again often supplemented by distribution maps. Although 
these sections sometimes lack the most recent literature references, they are very useful 
syntheses. The author concludes with a short period-by-period summary of changes in 
crop use in Germany's past, and a bibliography of some 300 references. 

This book is a remarkable and thorough tour-de-force and it is reasonably priced 
given its size and handsome standard of production. It is botanically accurate, clearly 
written, and comprehensible even to those with only a fair reading knowledge of 
German. In any event, the plates alone are enough to make the book a pleasure to 
handle. Korber-Grohne 7 s work will clearly be a standard source for many years to come 
and should be owned by all ethnobotanists interested in Old World cultivated plants. 



Mark Nesbitt 

British Institute of Archaeology 

Tahran Caddesi 24 

Kavaklidere 

Ankara, Turkey 



ADDENDUM TO "NEWS AND COMMENTS", JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY , VOLUME 8, NUMBER 1 









many 
zonia 



Readers of this journal are familiar with Darrell A. Posey because of 
his publications on the ethnobiology of the Kayapo Indians and his service 
as an editorial board member. Some of you may not know that Darrell and two 
Kayapo Indians (Paulinho Paiakan and Kube-i Kaiapo) have been accused of vio 
lating the Brazilian Foreign Sedition Act which forbids foreigners from in- 
terfering with the internal affairs of the Brazilian republic (Articles 107 
and 105, XI of Law No. 6.815/80). Conviction of these charges may carry a 
penalty of expulsion and/or one to three years in prison. Since complete 
information on the Posey case was received too late to include in Vol 8, No. 
1, this insert will provide the basics in a case which promises to have 

ramifications for scientific and scholarly research in Brazilian Ama- 
and for the well being of Brazilian Indians and their environment. 

The following is modified from a fact sheet prepared by the Washington 
office of the National Wildlife Federation (contact Sheila Crum at 202-/9/- 
6604 or 797-6646 for additional or the most recent information). Posey and 
the two Kayapo Indians were invited to participate in a conference on the 
tropical rainforest in early 1988 in Miami. Posey gave a scholarly paper 
and translated the presentations of the two Kayapo, which focused on de- 
forestation and forest destruction from Brazilian public works projects, 
especially a large hydroelectric dam project. Representatives of the Nat- 
ional Wildlife Federation and Environmental Defense Fund attended this 
conference and, impressed by the testimony, invited Posey and the Kayapo to 
Washington where they spoke to the Treasury and State Departments, several 
committees of Congress and officials of the World Bank. 

The World Bank has delayed a loan of $500 million to Brazil's national 
power company as a result of Brazil's failure to meet the conditions of 
earlier loans. Although the Bank officially states that the presentations 
in Washington by the two Kayapo Indians had no effect in these delays, it 
would appear that officials of the Brazilian government perceive the situ- 
ation otherwise. It appears that the prosecution of Posey and the two Kay- 



apo Indians is motivated by a broadening policy to deny scientists, Bra 
zilian as well as foreigners, research among indigenous populations in 
the Amazon and to discourage Indian leaders from attempts to defend their 
lands and traditonal cultural rights. 

A prelimiary hearing was held on August 26, with a second, final hearing 
scheduled for November 1, 1988. Since the final outcome of this hearing 
will significantly affect the future of ethnobiological studies In Brazil 
and the welfare of Brazilian Indians, we encourage you to lend support in 
two ways Voice your concern and support by writing directly to the Presi- 
dent of Brazil, as follows: EXM0. Sr . Jose Sarney, Presidente da Republica, 
Palacio do Planalto, Brasilia, DF., Brasil and contribute to a defense fund 
in behalf of Posey and the two Kayapo. Make checks payable to "Darrell 
Posey-Kayapo Defense Fund" and mail them to Darrell's father, Henry Addison 
Posey, Rt. 2, Box 186, Henderson, Kentucky, USA or to Dr. Brent Berlin, 
Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, California 
94720, USA. — Brent Berlin, Amadeo M. Rea, Willard Van Asdall 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 133 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



NEWS ITEMS: 



and 



Ethnobiology is embroiled in the issue, as these news items indicate: 

From the Seattle Post-Intelligencer of September 30, 1987 we learn of a pitched 
battle between the American Soybean Association and the Malayasian government. 
The Soybean Association is "playing hardball," labeling palm oil— one of Malaysia's 
primary sources of foreign exchange income, earning that nation $1.3 billion in 1986— a 
"tropical fat." One Soybean Association ad shows a coconut bomb with its fuse burning 
with the warning: "What you don't know about 'tropical fats' can kill you." Soybean 
lobbyists want Congress to enact a labeling law requiring users of palm oils to inform 
consumers of the health risks associated with saturated fats. Malaysia's minister of 
primary industries, Lim Keng Yaik, complains that the Soybean Association's lobbying 
campaign is "highly" discriminatory . . . selective protectionism in disguise . ." It is 
generally conceded that saturated fats raise blood cholesterol levels and that palm oils 
at 51% saturated fat— are high in such fats compared to most vegetable oils. (By 
contrast, soybean oil contains just 15% saturated fats.) However, some recent research 
suggests that "despite its high saturated fatty acid content, palm oil 'does not behave 
as a saturated oil/ " and may even counteract thrombosis, the blood clotting implicated 
in most heart attacks (Nutrition Reviews, July 1987). 

The Washington Post of December 18, 1987 reports on a dispute between the 
Congressional Beef Caucus-spearheaded by Sen. Phil Gramm (R-Texas)-and the 
Japanese government over Japan's slack purchases of American beef. Tsutomo Hata, chair- 
man of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party's Agricultural Committee cited Buddhist restnc- 
tions on eating meat and explained that the Japanese have a "much, much larger" digestive 
system than Americans, making it harder for them to eat beef. Gramm replied: "Open 
your markets and let people see if your intestines are too long, let them see if the teachings 
of Buddha" will keep the Japanese from eating beef! Despite the Buddha and the Japanese 
intestine Japan still imported nearly $500 million worth of U.S. beef last year, making 
Japan our largest overseas market for that commodity. (Thanks to Bill Sturtevant for 

item. , 

Moscow on the arrest of an amateur botanist 

napping"" in* the theft of "Cosmonaut," the only orchid ever grown in outer space. Police 
followed a trail of illeeal rare flower sales for eight days before arresting Vladimir 



Tyurin, 36, for the crime 



a 



ilyut 
and genetic experiments 



during the escapade. (Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 3 April 



CONFERENCES: 



Past: 



Janis Alcorn and Margery Oldfield organized 



and 



// 



and Rocky Moun 



Z fswl^ re ^l' mee.ings °of the American Association for he Ad™ « to 
mce held 29 March to 2 April, 1 988 in Wichita, Kansas. Th ^ymposrum featured 
ipeakers representing the UNESCO-MAB Biosphere Reserve P^^^oTat 
rival, and the World Wildlife Fund. For further rnformafon contact Dr. Alcorn 



134 



NEWS & COMMENTS Vol. 8, No. 1 



Biology, 2000 Percival Stern Hall, Tulane University, New Orleans 



70118. 



Graham Baines and Nancy Williams of the Centre for Resource and Environmental 
Studies. The Australian National University, Canberra organized a workshop on TEK, 
viz., Traditional Ecological Knowledge, designed to "prepare guidelines for the investi- 
gation, documentation and interpretation of traditional ecological knowledge, and to 
promote that interaction between anthropologists and ecologists which will facilitate 
the study of traditional ecological knowledge." Dr. Baines is editor of Tradition, 
Conservation e) Development an occasional newsletter of the International Union for 
Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) Commission on Ecology's 
Working Group on Traditional Ecological Knowledge. For more information contact 
Dr. Nancy Williams at GPO Box 4, Canberra, ACT 2601, Australia or Dr. Eugene Hunn, 



Anthropology, University of Washington, Seattle, WA 



Future: 



The Commission on Ethnobotany of the International Union of Anthropological 
and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES) will meet 21-22 July 1988 just before the IUAES 
biennial Congress at Zagreb, Yugoslavia scheduled for 25-30 July. 

The First International Congress of Ethnobiology is scheduled 19-24 July 1988 in 
Belem, Para, Brazil. The Congress is being organized by Dr. Darrell Posey (a Journal of 
Ethnobiology editorial board member), Head, Nucleo de Etnobiologia (NEB), Museu 
Paraense Emilio Goeldi. A recent addition to the program is a session on ethnoornithology 
being organized by Dr. David Oren of that Museum. For more information write Dr. 
Posey at 66.040 Belem-Para-Brazil Caixa Postal 399. 

An International Symposium on Plant Resources is being organized 4-7 October 1988 
in Kunming, Yunnan Province, People's Republic of China. Sponsors include the 
Kunming Institute of Botany, the Academy of Sciences of China, and the Yunnan 
Association for Science and Technology. Topics to be highlighted include: 1 ) taxonomic 
and floristic basis of plant resources, 2) phytochemistry, 3) plant biotechnology in plant 
resources utilization, 4) ethnobotany, and 5) conservation of plant gene pools and cultiva- 
tion of economic plants. The working language of the symposium will be English. For 
more information contact Mr. Guan Kalyun, Secretariat, International Symposium on 
Plant Resources, Kunming Institute of Botany, The Academy of Sciences of China, 
Heilongtan, Kunming, Yunnan Province, The People's Republic of China. 

The First National Symposium on "New Crops: Research, Development, Economics" 
is scheduled for 23-26 October 1988 at Indianapolis, Indiana. It is sponsored by The Society 
for Economic Botany, the American Society for Horticultural Science, and the U.S. 
Department of Agriculture, among others. Sessions will be devoted to: 1) economics and 
research, 2) technology and development, 3) biotechnology and new crops, 4) status of 
new crops research, 5) unexploited new crops, and 6) germplasm and new crops. For more 
information contact Jules Janick, Department of Horticulture, Purdue University, West 
Lafayette, IN 47907. 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 135 



ANNOUNCEMENT 



The Florutil Conservation Project is a joint effort of the Desert Botanical Gardei 
(Phoenix, Arizona), the Asociacion Ecologica Tamaulipeca (Ciudad Victoria, Tamaulipas 
Mexico), and the Native American Botanical Research and Survey (Santa Fe, Nev 
Mexico). Project goals include developing a data base for rare and endangered useful plant 
of the U.S./Mexico borderlands, promoting the conservation of these resources, am 
promoting the preservation of traditional knowledge about these plants. 



Eugene Hunn 

Department of Anthropology 
University of Washington 
Seattle, WA 98 1 95 



BARBARA LAWRENCE PRIZE ANNOUNCED 



m 



Annual Meeting 



any member who considers themself a student and has not held the PhD 



ding summer session. The 



Journal of Ethnobiology 



Manuscripts submitted for this competition should be single authored only; joint 
forts will not be considered. Manuscripts are judged solely on quality, originality, and 
esentation of research. They should follow the Journal of Ethnobiology format and 
lould be sufficiently precise and documented to enable the reviewing committee to 
dge their merits. Manuscripts are limited to eight double-spaced, typed pages, including 
required abstract but excluding copies of figures, tables, and references. 

Please include a cover letter indicating that you are a Society member and meet 



your paper early enough 



destination 



Annual Ethnobiology Conference Committee, c/o Elizabeth 
Department of Anthropology, University of California, 1 



Sciences. 



SOCIETY NEWS 

1 2th Annual Ethnobiology Conference 

ety of Ethnobiology 12th Annual Conference will be held March 30 to 

at the University of California, Riverside. The conference will be spon- 

Department of Anthropology and the Department of Botany and Plant 

ion and a reception will be on Thursday evening, March 30. Two full days 

March 31 and 



ui presentations are stncuuicu m ii±\xay, i>""^ ~- ■■ - rt „__j a 

and a possible film festival are being planned for Sunday. A more detailed agenda 

be mailed in October. a i c n 

Riverside is in Southern California, one to two hours from Los Angeles, ban u 

Mojave Desert. We are served by Ontano Internati 



'> 



minutes away, and by airports in Los Angeles, Burbank, and San 



Diego, each about ninety minutes away. 



136 



NEWS & COMMENTS 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



We welcome any papers (or poster abstracts) submitted for consideration; the deadline 
ibstracts will be December 15, 1988. For more information, or to get on our mailing 
please contact Elizabeth Lawlor or Sharon Rachele, Department of Anthropology, 
rersity of California. Riverside. CA 92521 / /7141 787-5524 



12 th ANNUAL 
ETHNOBIOLOGY CONFERENCE 

Riverside, California 
March 30 — April 2, 1989 

Please see page 135 
for additional details. 






Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 137 



a 



COMMENT ON LYMAN'S 
ZOOARCHAEOLOGY AND TAPHONOMY: 

A GENERAL CONSIDERATION" 



Kelly R. McGuire 
Far Western Anthropological Research Group, Inc. 

P.O. Box 413, Davis, California 95617 



Lyman 



garding taphonomic methods, principles, and terminology with the stated goal of 
cilitating construction of a "universally applicable" theory of taphonomy. The results 
this effort are then used to evaluate two case studies which Lyman judges to be "good" 
arnosky 1985) and "not so good" (McGuire 1980, 1982) applications of his emerging 
ineral model. As the author of the "not so good" example— a study of natural bone 
isemblages and depositional structure at Mineral Hill Cave— I am compelled to respond 
i its use as the "straw man" in Lyman's search for general theory. While a number 
: issues deserve clarification, my comments are directed primarily at what I consider 



i Lyman's most egregious error, namely, his near dismissal < 
The Mineral Hill Cave program was largely a contextual and 



and 



animals within the Great Basin. Taphonomic information (charcoal, burnt bone, spiral 
fractured long bone, etc.) was therefore evaluated primarily on the basis of its historic 
use in Great Basin Early Man cave studies (e.g., Orr 1956, Harrington 1934, Cressman 
1946, 1966, Gruhn 1961), and only incidentally with an eye toward recent trends in bone 
fracture studies and other ancillary taphonomic issues. Lyman and other faunal parti- 
cularists may object to this focus but it is the evidentiary milieu from which much of 
the case for Great Basin Pleistocene hunters has developed. 



This 



prehistoric tool-kits and their manifestation 
residues of fullv developed flaked stone in 



virtually all Great Basin cave cultural deposits dated from the Pleistocene-Holocene 
contact to the protohistoric period. Lyman ignores this comparative evidence raising 
instead the snecter of bone exnediencv tools in the Mineral Hill assemblage even though 



emblage has ever been documented from 



and paradoxically cites himself 



(p. 104) in acknowledging that no reliable criteria has yet been developed to identify such 
bone tools. Apparently, Lyman feels his point is made by simply citing examples from 
the Great Plains (Johnson 1982, 1985) where presumably bone expediency tools were 
recovered from several Paleoindian butchering localities. Here, again, Lyman ignores 
context, failing to reconcile the fact that most well-documented Great Basin archa- 
eological cave sites were habitation or caching loci, and not butchering localities. 

The issue of Early Man aside, one wonders what Lyman's explanation is for the lack 
of any cultural signatures from more recent prehistoric occupations of Mineral Hill Cave 
when population densities were presumably higher and there is even more overwhelming 
evidence for the use of cave and shelter locations within the Great Basin. The answer 
(which satisfies Lyman's preoccupation with positive evidence but is left unmentioned 
in his critique) probably resides in habitation limitations wrought by a combination of 
extreme humidity and low ambient air temperature within the interior of this active 
limestone solution cave (McGuire 1980:264). While no comparative data were brought 
to bear on this potentially productive research issue, suffice it to say that it provides 
a parsimonious explanation for the lack of both early and late prehistoric occupation 
at Mineral Hill Cave. 



138 



NEWS & COMMENTS 



Vol. 8, No. 1 



On more procedural matters, Lyman offers his impression that the Mineral Hill Cave 
excavation sample was small and leaves it at that. He provides no insight into the 
admittedly troublesome question of what constitutes a representative sample for the 
purpose of demonstrating human groups did not utilize a given space. While most 
archaeologists, including myself, are willing to concede that large excavation samples 
are better than small ones, the estimated 2.3% sample from Mineral Hill resulted in 
the recovery of several thousand large and small faunal elements with no attendant 
evidence of Man, artifactual or otherwise. From a comparative standpoint, this is at 
extreme variance with other reported archaeological cave/occupation sites in the 
Great Basin. 

The Mineral Hill study was conducted over a decade ago and, notwithstanding 
Lyman's notion that it should be held accountable for more recent approaches to 
taphonomic analysis, still provides a cogent contextual backdrop from which to assess 
published claims of Pleistocene hunters at Great Basin cave sites. Lyman's goal of an 
"holistic theory" of taphonomy is laudable, and his summary of general taphonomic 
principles and effects contained elsewhere in his report are thorough. When at such a 
time his program is used in conjunction with a regional contextual approach — and not 
as a substitute— Early Man studies in the Great Basin may benefit. 



LITERATURE CITED 



BARNOSKY, A.D. 1985. Taphonomy and herd 
structure of the extinct Irish elk (Megal- 
oceros giganteus). Science 228:340-344. 

CRESSMAN, L.S. 1946. Studies of early man 
in south-central Oregon. Carnegie Insti- 
tute of Washington Yearbook 39:300-306. 

.. 1966. Man in association with 



extinct fauna in the Great Basin. Ameri 
can Antiquity 31:866-867. 
GRUHN, R. 1961. The archaeology of Wilsor 



Idaho 



Idaho 



HARRINGTON, M.R. 1934. American horse? 
and ancient men in Nevada. Southwesi 
Museum Masterkey 8:165-169. 

JOHNSON, E. 1982. Paleoindian bone exped 
iency tools: Lubbock Lake and Bonefin 
Shelter. Canadian Journal of Anthro 
pology 2:145-157. 



1985. Current developments in 

technology. Pp. 157-235. In advances 



and 



Schiffer 



7 



Orlando 



LYMAN, R.L. 1987. Zooarchaeology and taph- 
onomy: A general consideration. Journal 
of Ethnobiology 7(1):93-117. 

MCGUIRE, K.R. 1980. Cave sites, faunal 
analysis, and big-game hunters of the 
Great Basin: a caution. Quaternary 
Research 14:263-268. 

1982. Reply to Gruhn and 

a rnmmpnt-Q nn "Cave sites, faunal 



Bryan 



and big-game hunters 



Great Basin." Quaternary Research 18: 
240-242. 
ORR, P.C. 1956. Pleistocene Man in Fishbone 
Cave, Pershing County, Nevada. Nevada 
State Museum, Bulletin 2. 



Summer 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 139 



Reply to K.R. McGuire 

R. Lee Lyman 



McGuire's comment grants me the fomm to clarify several points raised in my paper. 
My intent was not to construe the Mineral Hill Cave (MHC) analysis as a "straw man." 
I cited two other studies with identical problems. I chose to focus on MHC because it 
was published in an international journal; the other two studies remain unpublished. 
My intent was to point out where the MHC analysis (and by implication the other two 
studies) might be improved. In his comment McGuire indicates one way to improve that 
analysis: comparative study of the humidity and ambient air temperature in caves. For 

that I applaud; it is clearly good. 

The thrust of McGuire's comment lies in his concern for "archaeological context." 
He uses that term two rather different ways. His second paragraph indicates he studied 
the MHC materials for purposes of elucidating how taphonomic data had been (or might 
be) used within the context of the debate over whether or not people were present in 
the Great Basin during the Late Pleistocene. I did not "dismiss" that context but rather 
enlarged it to encompass the search for evidence of Late Pleistocene people in the 
Americas. My intent in doing so was to show that the problem was not restricted to 

the Great Basin. 

McGuire accuses me of a "preoccupation with positive evidence." Careful reading 
of what I wrote will reveal I never denied the existence of a Pleistocene-Holocene aged 
flaked stone industry in the Great Basin. When McGuire suggests expedient bone tools 
are undocumented in the Great Basin he effectively exposes his own preoccupation with 
positive evidence. Were he to admit that preoccupation, his criticism of my "raising the 
specter" of such tools would lose its force. That I think we lack robust methods for 
identifying such tools is beside the point; that expedient bone tools may have existed 

is enough (Grayson 1986). 

This brings us to the second apparent meaning of "context": the type or function 
of the site which might produce expedient bone tools. McGuire correctly notes those 
Great Plains sites which have produced such tools are functionally distinct from Great 
Basin cave sites. But the former were more than simply "butchering localities," they 
very often were kill loci as well. Most importantly, he uses the Great Plains sites to 
imply Great Basin cave sites are not "butchering localities." That, I think, will surprise 
many archaeologists working in the Great Basin (e.g., Grayson 1988, Miller 1979, Thomas 
and Mayer 1983). Caves served as kill-butchery loci as well as habitation loci in the Great 
Plains (e.g., Dibble and Lorrain 1968), and have produced bone specimens identified as 
expedient tools (Johnson 1982). Not surprisingly, both open sites (Schmitt 1986) and cave 
sites (Miller 1982, Schmitt 1989, Thomas 1983) in the Great Basin have 



a "kill site." 



my knowledge no cave site in the Great Basin has 



My explanation for the absence of evidence of human ocupation of MHC 



McGuire alleees. consider onlv the fact that the sam 



sam 



volume was unknown 



many other Great Basin archaeologists were to search for evidence of people in MHC 



more 



be 



sample space [but] no reasons are given for the sampling design 



used" at MHC. To paraphrase him, McGuire's sampling design 
variance with other reported [samplings of] 
Great Basin" and other reDorted taphonon 



140 



NEWS & COMMENTS 



Vol.8 , No. 1 



Clearly studies such s that of MHC are important. By using it as an example, I sought 
to indicate what I perceive as ways to derive the maximum amount of taphonomically 
useful (and requisite) information from such studies. I stand by my conclusion that the 
data available do not clearly indicate whether or not MHC was ever utilized by people, 
and hope to have shown now such an indication might best be obtained. It is indicative 
of the work we must now do that my statement regarding the key problem here still 
exists 10 years after McGuire's work: "we simply do not know what a fossil assemblage 
deposited by people but without associated tools should look like" (Lyman 1987:104). 



LITERATURE CITED 



DIBBLE, D.S. and D. LORRAIN. 1968. Bonfire 
Shelter: a stratified bison kill site, Val 
Verde County, Texas. Texas Memorial 
Mus. Misc. Paps. No. 1. 

GRAYSON, D.K. 1986. Eoliths, archaeological 
ambiguity, and the generation of "middle- 
range" research. Pp. 77-133. In American 
archaeology past and future. (D.J. Meltzer, 
D.D. Fowler and J.A. Sabloff, eds.) Smith- 
sonian Institution Press, Washington, 
D.C. 

1988. Danger Cave, Last Supper 



Cave, and Hanging Rock Shelter: the 

faunas. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. Anthropol. 
Paps. 66(1). 

JOHNSON, E. 1982. Paleoindian bone exped- 
iency tools: Lubbock Lake and Bonfire 
Shelter. Canadian J. Anthropol. 2:145-157. 

LYMAN, R.L. 1987. Zooarchaeology and taph- 
onomy: a general consideration. J. Ethno- 
biol. 7:93-117. 

MILLER, S.J. 1979. The archaeological fauna 
of four sites in Smith Creek Canyon. 
Pp. 272-329. In the archaeology of Smith 
Creek Canyon, eastern Nev* 
Tuohy and D.L. Rendall. eds 



Anthropol 



a. (E.R. 
Nevada 



■_• 



The archaeology 



geology of an extinct megafauna/fluted- 
point association at Owl Cave, the 
Wasden Site, Idaho: a preliminary report. 



Peopling 



and 



eds.) Ballena Press Anthropol. Paps. 
No. 23. 
HMITT, D.N. 1986. Faunal analysis. Pp. 



The archaeology 



and 



Elston, eds.) Intermountain Research 
Report to Nevada Department of Trans- 
portation, Carson City. 

1989. Bone artifacts and 

human remains. In The archaeology of 
Tames Creek Shelter. (R.G. Elston and E.E. 



Utah Anthropol 



In press. 



THOMAS 



The archaeology 



Amer 



Hist. Anthropol 
and D. MAYER. 



ioral analysis of selected horizons. Pp- 
353-391. In The archaeology of Monitor 

D.H. 



Valley 2: Gatecliff 



(by 



Thomas.) Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. Anthro 
pol. Paps. 59(1). 



NOTICE TO AUTHORS 



The Journal of Ethnobiology accepts papers on original research in ethnotaxonomy 
and folk classification; ethnobotany, ethnozoology, cultural ecology, plant domestication, 
zooarchaeology, archaeobotany, palynology, dendrochronology and ethnomedicine. 
Authors should follow the format for article organization and bibliographies from articles 
in this issue. All papers should be typed double-spaced with pica or elite type on SVi x 1 1 
inch paper with at least one inch margins on all sides. The ratio of tables and figures 
to text pages should not exceed 1:2-3. Tables should not duplicate material in either the 
text or graphs. All illustrations are considered figures and should be submitted reduced 
to a size which can be published within a journal page without further reduction. Photo- 
graphs should be glossy prints of good contrast and sharpness with metric scales included 
when appropriate. All illustrations should have the author(s) name(s) written on the back 
with the figure number and a designation for the top of the figure. Legends for figures 
should be typed on a separate page at the end of the manuscript. Do not place footnotes 
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manuscript. Metric units should be used in all measurements. Type author(s) name(s) 
at the top left corner of each manuscript page; designate by handwritten notes in the 
left margin of manuscript pages where tables and graphs should appear. 

If native language terminology is used as data, a consistent phonemic orthography 
should be employed, unless a practical alphabet or a more narrow phonetic transcription 
is justified. A brief characterization of this orthography and of the phonemix inventory 
of the language(s) described should be given in an initial note. To increase readability 
native terms should be indicated as bold-face italics to contrast with the normal use 
of italic type for foreign terms, such as latin binomials. If necessary, the distinction 
between lexical glosses, i.e., English language approximations of a term's referential mean- 
ing, and precise English equivalents or definitions should be indicated by enclosing the 
gloss in single quotation marks. 

Authors must submit two copies of their manuscript plus the original copy and 
original figures. Papers not submitted in the correct format will be returned to the author. 
Submit your manuscripts to: 

DR. WILLARD VAN ASDALL, Editor 

Journal of Ethnobiology 
Arizona State Museum, Building 26 

University of Arizona 
Tucson, Arizona 85721 

NEWS AND COMMENTS 

Individuals with information for the "News and Comments" section of the Journal 
should submit all appropriate material to Eugene Hunn, Department of Anthropology, 
DH-05, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington 98195. 

BOOK REVIEWS 



We welcome suggestions on books to review or actual reviews from the 
Journal. Please send suggestions, comments 



Hays 



Department of Anthropology and Geography, Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode 
Island 02908. 

SUBSCRIPTIONS 

Subscriptions to the Journal of Ethnobiology should be addressed to Cecil H. Brown, 
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is received within one year of issue. 



CONTENTS 



SKETCHES IN THE SAND ' 

THE PRESIDENT'S PAGE m 

A CASE FOR TARO PRECEDING KUMARA AS THE 
DOMINANT DOMESTICATE IN ANCIENT NEW ZEALAND 

Edwin N. Ferdon, Jr 

RICHARD SPRUCE: A MULTI-TALENTED BOTANIST 

W. Arthur Sledge and Richard Evans Schultes 

GITKSAN TRADITIONAL MEDICINE: HERBS AND HEALING 

Leslie M. Johnson Gottesfeld and Beverley Anderson 13 

NUMERICAL ANALYSIS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

CUCURBTTA PEPO SEEDS FROM HONTOON ISLAND, FLORIDA 

Deena S. Decker and Lee A. Newsom 

ETHNOBOTANY IN A TROPICAL-HUMID REGION: 

THE HOME GARDENS OF BALZAPOTE, VERACRUZ, MEXICO 

Elena Lazos Chavero and Maria Elena Alvarez-Buylla Roces 

A SURVEY OF TRADDTIONAL METHODS EMPLOYED FOR 
THE DETOXIFICATION OF PLANT FOODS 

Timothy Johns and Isao Kubo 

NEWS AND COMMENTS 133 

BOOK REVIEWS 6, 34, 80, 130, 132 



^ 




Journal and Society Organization 

EDITOR: Willard Van Asdall, Arizona State Museum, Building 26, University of Arizona, 
Tucson, Arizona 85721. 

ASSOCIATE EDITOR: Karen R. Adams, Department of Ecology & Evolutionary Biology, 
University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721. 

ASSOCIATE EDITOR: Alejandro de AvUa B., Centro de Graduados e Investigacion, 
Instituto Tecnologico de Oaxaca, A. P. 1378, Oaxaca, Oaxaca 68000, Mexico. 

NEWS AND COMMENTS EDITOR: Eugene Hunn, Department of Anthropology, 
DH-05, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington 98195. 

BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Terence E. Hays, Department of Anthropology and Geography, 
Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode Island 02908. 

PRESIDENT: Amadeo M. Rea, Curator of Birds and Mammals, San Diego Museum of 
Natural History, P.O. Box 1390, San Diego, California 92112. 

PRESIDENT-ELECT: Elizabeth S. Wing, Department of Natural Science, Florida State 

Museum, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32611. 
SECRETARY/TREASURER: Cecil H. Brown, Department of Anthropology, Northern 

Illinois University, Dekalb, Illinois 60115-2854. 
CONFERENCE COORDINATOR: Jan Timbrook, Department of Anthropology, Santa 

Barbara Museum of Natural History, 2559 Puesta Del Sol Road, Santa Barbara, 

California 93105. 



BYE, JR 



BOARD OF TRUSTEES 



04510 



STEVEN D. EMSLIE, Point Reves Bird Observatory, 4990 



California 94970; ethnozoology. 



ogy, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor 



Michigan 48109; archaeobotany , cultural ecology 

PAUL MINNIS, Department of Anthropology, University of Ok 
Oklahoma 73019; archaeobotany. 

STEVEN A. WEBER, Department of Anthropology, University of Pe 
delphia, Pennsylvania 19104; ethnobotany, archaeobotany. 

The Editor, President, President-Elect, and Secretary /Treasurer of the/. 
as noted above. 



Norman 



EDITORIAL BOARD 

JANIS B. ALCORN, Agency for International Development, ANE/TR/ENR 4440 N.S., 
Washington, D.C 20523; ethnobotany, traditional agriculture, ethnomedicine . 

BRENT BERLIN, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, 
California 94720; ethnotaxonomies , linguistics. 

TIM x?^y / OHNS ' Sch ° o1 of Dietetics and Human Nutrition, Mcdonald College of 
McGill University, 21,111 Lakeshore Road, Ste. Anne de Bellevue, Quebec H9X 
1LU, Canada; biochemical ethnobiology. 

HARRIET V. KUHNLEIN, Director, School of Dietetics and Human Nutrition, Macdonald 



H9X 1C0, Canada; ethnonutrition. 



llevue, Q 



J. MARTIN, Grupo de Apoyo al Desarrollo Etnico. A.C. Apdo. Post. 379, 68000 



Oaxaca, Oaxaca, Mexico; latin 



85008; cultural ecology, 



Arizona 



Carnegie Museum of Man 



15206; 



ethnoentomology, tropical cultural ecology. 
MOLLIE S. TOLL, Castetter Laboratory for Ethnobotanical Studies, Department of 
Biology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico 87131; prehistoric 
and historic ethnobotany. 

Commit ^f^ 5 PUWiShed se ™- ann ^lly. Manuscripts for publicat.on, mformation for the "News and 
Comments and book rev,ew sections should be sent to the appropriate editor on the ins.de back cover of th.s .ssue. 



©Society of Ethnobiology 
ISSN 0278-0771 



Journal of 

Ethnobiology 






VOLUME 8, NUMBER 2 



WINTER 1988 



MISSOURI BOTANICAL 



FEB H 1989 



GARDEN LIBRARY 



', • . . 



• • 




• 



• • 



20.10.1988 



MUSEU PARAENSE EMILIO GOELDI 

NUCLEO DE ETNOBIOLOGIA - NEB 
66.040 Belem-Para-Brasil Caixa Postal 399 



Dr. Will Van Asdall 
University of Arizona 
Arizona State Museum 
Tucson, AZ 85721 
EUA 



Dear Will, 



Thanks so much 



Congress. I think 



combined with the criminal 



Indian leaders to prove that ethnobiology can provoke science into taking a signi- 
ficant social stand on critical world issues. 

Looking at the positive side of the criminal prosecution, I am pleased that represen- 
ting indigenous peoples and their knowledge as important human resources has been 
interpreted as "subversive" to the Brazilian government. This means that the language 
of ethnobiology is managing to hit close to the points of power and decision-making. 
Furthermore, the press coverage (both national and international) that has been 
generated by this case has given us an enormous opportunity to reach many people 
with this new, integrative language of humanistic (and "activistic") science. 



Ethnobiology 



think is very significant that the FIRST INTE 



Ethnobiology 



turbulent events. The 



responsibility that provides a charter for ethnobiology to be more than just another 
branch of science." The challenge, of course, is to produce an activist-humanistic 



quality 



that is, afterall, our only 



weapon 




Sincerely, 




Dr. Darrell A. Posey 



This letter from Darrell A. Posey seems tailor-made for Sketches in the Sand for this 



issue. I am pleased to share it with you. 



W 



i 



President's Page . . . 

From opening remarks, 11th Annual Ethnobiology Conference, Mexico City 



The first president of the Society of Ethnobiology, Steve Weber, has described our 
science as "work that draws on both biology and anthropology to make statements 
about the interrelationship between living organisms and human culture, whether 
prehistoric, historic, or contemporary/ 7 

He goes on to note that ethnobiology, this hybrid field, has no unifying theory 
of its own, but this may be a characteristic of many disciplines. I think, for instance, 
of my own field, ornithology, with all of its diverse aspects. 

Perhaps, though, there is some underlying characteristic that pervades much, 
though not all, of what we call ethnobiological research. And this has to do with 
perception. I'll return to this in a moment. 

I think I probably hardly need to point out that the world in our era has been 



With 



Western 



the Industrial Revolution, we have seen an unprecedented sim 
biota; a loss of languages, particularly in the New World; a 
loss of the cultures speaking those languages. 



The homogenization of the biota is truly 



every 



estimate that we lose one thousand unique members of the earth's living organisms 
each year. Since A.D. 1600 only 1% of the extinctions are attributable to natural 



We 



In a recent analysis of biotic diversity (Science 1988, 241:1441-1449), Robert M. May 

summarized the situation this way: 

"If we assume that something like half the extant species evolved in the last 
50 million to 100 million years and that maybe half of all extant species will become 
extinct in the next 50 to 100 years if current rates of tropical deforestation continue, 
then contemporary rates of speciation are of order 1 million times slower than rates 
of extinction. Were speciation rates plotted as the y-axis on a graph 10 cm high, 
then on the same scale extinction rates would require an or-axis extending 100 km 

[62 miles]/ 7 

But not only biological diversity is being simplified. The homogenization is exten- 



languages 



estimated 



World. Of the 800 



America, only 400 remain today- 



surviving 400 



The 



Mexico 



communities of one to a dozen native speakers. 

And with languages go cultures. This loss is something environmentalists have 
been slow to discover because of our traditional dichotomy between the "natural" 



With 



ethnotaxonomic svstem 



depends on these. Stop for a minute to think of how many groups have had just 
their ethnotaxonomies recorded in a comprehensive fashion. Check your bookshelves. 
For the most part you will find a fragment of this and a fragment of that. Our 
ignorance of emic knowledge that has developed over millenia is bewildering. 



• • • 

11! 



The Declaration of Belem (see page v of previous issue) recognized that "there 
is an inextricable link between cultural and biological diversity/ 7 Because of this link 
there is an urgent need to preserve both. 

Of course, this homogenization process includes the loss of ancient genetic strains 
of crops, locally modified land races, among native agricultural peoples. Take for 
instance the Pimans of southern Arizona where I work. Dr. Gary Nabhan tells me 
that seven prehistoric crop species have been lost from the River Pima. That's a loss 
of 50% . Elderly Gila Pima have given me the names and characteristics of seven native 
varieties of maize— all 60-day desert-adapted races. Of these, only one survives 
today. That's a loss of 86% from a major crop. Generic erosion is a frightening 
simplication of another aspect of world diversity. Today on a worldwide scale we 
are growing more and more of less and less. 

What is being lost, in addition to biotic diversity and language diversity and cultural 
diversity and crop diversity, is the different ways humans have of looking at the 
biological world around them, a world that we all depend on. Being lost in this ongoing 
process are the different ways of classifying the flora and fauna and of communicating 
about it— ways of relating to and using the biotic world. Colonization by a few major 
powers has spread a technology that is pervasive and aggressive. It has also resulted 
in a few major languages becoming dominant. I suppose today if you spoke English 
and Spanish, and spoke as well as wrote Chinese, you could go almost anywhere 
in the world and communicate. The world views of Charles Darwin, Adam Smith, 
Karl Marx, and John Locke continue to be evangelized as the one and only true 
"progress." 

Quite often, I think what we as ethnobiologists are attempting to do is to 
characterize and record alternate perceptions of the biotic (and indeed the whole 
external) world. These different perceptions encode different relationships of use or 
abuse of the flora and fauna. Some of these views might produce cultures far more 
sustainable in the long run than those currently touted by either capitalistic or com- 
munistic world views based on consumerism. 

As I flew over the Pyramid of the Sun and the Moon on one of Mexico City's few 
clear days, I thought: If Cortez had arrived in this great Valley of Mexico to collect 
knowledge rather than gold, today's world might be more enriched. But still, in the 
1980s our job is to collect the parts and pieces left of native knowledge about the 
biological world. They are precious parts and pieces. 



Amadeo M. Rea 



IV 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(2):141-148 



Winter 




ESPIRITUS INCORPORADOS: THE ROLES OF PLANTS 
AND ANIMALS IN THE AMAZONIAN MESTIZO FOLKLORE 



MATTI KAMPPINEN 

Institute of Folklore and Comparative Religion 

University of Turku 

SF-20500 Turku 

Finland 



ABSTRACT.— The Mestizo ethnomedicine of the Peruvian Amazon [consists of] a 
group of models which identify the symptoms of illnesses, provide the options of 
therapy and recategorize the natural environment. Models of witchcraft endow animals 
and plants with different roles from [those] they have in everyday life: plants and 
animals "are" embodied spirits controlled by means of power songs (ikaros). Spirited 
animals can function either as illness projectiles or even as their senders, whereas 
the mother spirits of the ayahuasca vine and other plants are the source of all medicinal 
knowledge. 

INTRODUCTION 

The client's perspective of the Mestizo health behaviour system in two Amazonian 
villages (San Rafael and Nuevo Progreso) recognizes various types of evil that can 
cause illness. Intentionally inflicted evil or witchcraft is the most variable of all illnesses. 
Witchcraft (hechiceria, brujeria) may be caused either by evil spirits (tnal de aire), by 
animals and their spirits (mal de agua, mal de monte) or by men (mal de gente), the latter 
being the most dangerous of all illnesses, the [meanest] variety of witchcraft. Evil 
animals and evil spirits are subordinated to evil persons who may use them as 
weapons. Thus the dangerous cases of mal de monte and mal de agua are cases of mal 

de gente. 

The roles of plants and animals from the viewpoint of the cognitive systems utiliz- 
ing them have been studied only recently (Chiappeef al. 1985, Luna 1986), whereas 
the corresponding information from coastal and highland Peru has been available 
for a relatively long time (Valdizan & Maldonado 1922). In what follows I shall 
supply material for reconstructing the Amazonian client's perspective. 



MAL DE AGUA 

e animals and spirits of r 
The most common sympti 



Mal 



There are no other symp- 
The responsible animals 



(b 



a menstruating woman is bathing and follow the smell tracks. They are very power- 
ful animals: dolphins carry projectiles with them whereas boa snakes radiate heat 
which makes people sick. Mal de agua is treated by healers who use tobacco, power 
songs and suction to extract the evil. Here Juan Silbano relates a personal 
account, which suggests that the blood from a woman had activated the pink river 
dolphin: 



142 



KAMPPINEN Vol. 8, No. 2 



I have suffered mal de agua. Afterwards I have never canoed alone, since the 



When 



that there had been a woman bathing in the river and therefore the water 
had harmed me. I had terrible pains, I was about to go crazy. I went to a 
healer in Iquitos and he sang me a power song (me ha cantado). Still I feel 



m 



not in another place. It sticks like a spine. The river dolphin has bewitched 
me. The healer blew tobacco smoke to cure me and he sucked my stomach. 
He searched and found where the pain was and he extracted the spines. 



When 



(TKU 



alimentation 



the 



the river. It "is" (from the perspective of folklore) a large boa snake whose primary 
task is to punish excessive fishing (Regan 1983:89). 



MAL DE MONTE 



The evil may stem from the jungle (monte) instead of the river. Mal de monte is usually 
distinguished from mal de agua. Mal de monte includes snake bites, insect bites, skin 
infections, etc. These are cured by homemade plant remedies or by pills and injec- 
tions. But there are more serious varieties of mal de monte. There are spirits in the 
jungle who can do serious harm. One is shapshico, or chullachaqui, which owns a garden 
in the jungle, and is very jealous about it. It is the guardian of plants and animals. 
The following account by Jose Huaniri suggests that shapshico is a spirit embodied 
in an animal. The apparent contradiction between being an animal and being invisible 
is solved since it is a case oiespiritu incorporado which can have both these properties 
simultaneously: 

This shapshico has his garden in jungle. If you cut a tree in his garden, he 
hurts you. He is a little man living there, an animal, a little demon. Shapshico 
uses projectiles. Healer will extract the projectile (virote) and you calm down. 
You cannot see a shapshico or speak with it. (TKU 87/194) 

However it is in mal de gente [that] plants and animals enact their most complicated 



roles. 



MAL DE GENTE 



Mal 



~ w ~£~-» v**i« ,,ivxi, i*t. Hiving aic luiLdiucicu ctd wiiA.iii.iaii., l/ui uic **iw^ 

ometimes the only) variety of witchcraft is mal de gente (evil of people). Other 
evils are lesser ones and turn really serious only when evil persons are involved. Evil 



inflict 



Mal 



several names: mala gente, brujeria, hechiceria and embrujamiento. In the following, the 



term witchcraft will be used. 
Th 



-V — 1 »■ *~ ^~~~^*«, unutaiQuit pain, L/wi any u*«i*.trt* j 

witchcraft. The pain may be located in the stomach, lungs, chest, head, foot, throa 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 143 



irritation 



is difficult to cure may be due to witchcraft. Also accidents, family or neighbour 
problems and economic setbacks are sometimes seen as signs of witchcraft, especially 
when they co-occur with some persistent illness. The origin of witchcraft is interper- 
sonal envy. The mechanism of witchcraft was explained to me by Hipolyto Lachuma 
as follows: 



For example, gringo, we are here, and you have some good like plantain, 
manioc, meat or fish. Then comes a man, a witch, who asked you to sell or 
donate a kilo of fish, but you don't sell because you need it yourself. The 
man gets furious and returns to his place to make witchcraft. He may harm 
you by snake bite, or by animals that fly. When you go to your garden you 
may encounter a snake and you are frightened, you get fever and you have 
been done harm, this is witchcraft. The snake bite leaves a little wound, and 
you may think that it will heal easily. But no, it will enlarge, and you feel 
like the wound is eating you little by little. You can't sleep, you are not tran- 
quil since you feel like you are being eaten. Then you go to healer who knows 
more. He takes your pulse and says that you have been harmed, since you 
didn't want to donate fish and because of this vengeance you have been 



very quickly. With 



The 



part of your body, pain you cannot resist. It hurts a lot, as if a hot iron was 
stuck into you. And you have to look for a healer. If he knows he will cure 
you. He extracts the evil, for example the evil oichullachaqui. (TKU 87/202) 

Hipolyto's account suggests that a "normal" harm caused by an animal (e.g., a snake 
bite) is recategorized as a "serious" case of witchcraft when the pain turns out to 
be persistent. 

WORMS, BEETLES AND OTHER MICROBIOS 



The 



fairy 



Honko 1967). Small animals like beetles and worms have functioned in causes of 
illness. The Mestizo model of witchcraft attributes illnesses to spirits and projectiles, 
and ascribes various versatile properties to them, which allows them to fulfil multiple 
causal roles: they are able to enter human bodies and intervene with normal bodily 
functions, yet they are invisible to an untrained eye and are seen only by specialists 
who control them by power songs (ikaros). A number of things can function as pro- 
jectiles: fish bones, wooden sticks, animal and plant spines, insects (especially worms 
and beetles), very [small] animals (microbios), and various kinds of phlegm (from trees 
human innards or from water). Microbio seems to be a collective terms for [small] 
animals, ranging from visible beetles and worms to invisible "microbes." They eat 
the victim and if they are not extracted, the victim is bound to die. Different microbios 
have different effects. A beetle that is shot into the victim's head causes madness. 
Here's Juan Silbano's story: 

I was once bewitched because of one girl I was in love with when I was 18 
years old. I was like crazy. I was in pain, I didn't recognize my mother or 



144 



KAMPPINEN Vol. 8, No. 2 



anyone. I went round and round like a madman. My father said to me that 
let's go, since he didn't know what it was. We went to Iquitos. I don't 
remember since I was so desperate (estaba en desperation) but my father told 
me later. Anyway, the healer came to see me. He said that I had been 
bewitched because the girl I was in love with had a husband and there was 
vengeance. It took six or seven days to cure me, that I could stand up again. 
The cost was 250 intis. He extracted spines from my mind (sentido). He 
sucked my head with force and I felt as if he ate me. He extracted beetles 
(papasitos, papasos) from my head. With them the husband had wanted to 
kill me. If I had died, the girl would have returned to her husband without 
further ado. Witchcraft hurts, hurts, hurts, hurts. I was like a madman, ran 
through the jungle and didn't know where to go. The little animals in my 
mind ate me, they itched. The healer extracted beetles from here [forehead], 
here [sides of head] and here [back of the head]. (TKU 87/212) 

A worm or any other microbio that is shot into the victim's muscle eats the victim 
alive. I witnessed the treatment of such a case. Before the treatment it was described 
by Don Pablo as follows: 

All animals can be used to do harm; insects, microbios. The witch studies all 
of them, for example various worms in order to kill us. I have cured many 
cases and I know all the animals. Especially they use microbios. If we didn't 
study these, we would die. Witches use, assisted by demons, also other things 
like trees or spines of different animals. And also the vomit of dogs. Dogs, 
you know, eat grass because it's a purga and then vomit it. Witches study 



grass 



grass 



patient whose leg is about to rot. He was in hospital for two months but it 
just got worse. There are worms (gusanos) in his leg which eat him. It's 
witchcraft, done by means of worms which were placed there to eat the 



means of worms 



worm bv sucking. Worm 



may 



craft has its power song. The witches utilize all kinds of microbios to harm 
us. They study all the microbios to kill us. (TKU 87/215) 

I found out that it was witchcraft. In fact, there were four microbios there. 
I have extracted already one, and tonight I will extract the rest three. Then 
I can prescribe some plant remedies for the wound, since only after the evil 
has been extracted, it makes sense to treat the wound, for then the microbios 
aren't there anymore eating the flesh. Then I will find out what plant remedy 
to use, how to prepare it and so on. The microbios have to be extracted by 
night, for the tobacco (mapachu) will be the strongest then. (TKU 87/218) 

Recently the microbios have become more prevalent, I was told. Earlier the main 
cause of witchcraft was a kind of head-on collision with a powerful witch, whereas 
nowadays the main cause is either a demon or a microbio. According to Don Pablo, 
their presence/absence is relative to the amount of rainfall: 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 145 



The soil contains lots of microbios during the wintertime. They enter us and 
cause ulcers and cancers and all that. They come from the soil. Now it's 
summer and there are hardly any microbios, for the soil is dry. (TKU 87/215) 

In order to do harm by means of an animal, the witch has to know the power song 
(ikaro) of the animal in question, and the power song is also needed in extracting the 
projectile. Curing power songs are received from plants, evil songs are from demons. 

SECOND-LEVEL ETHNOBIOLOGY: CIENC1AS VEGETALES 

The metaphor of ikaro ascribes a power song to each causally interactive entity, 
especially to humans, their illnesses, spirits, projectiles, trees, animals and plant 
remedies. Also houses and paths can be protected from evil by power songs. Power 
songs form the basis for causing and treating illnesses. By learning these songs the 
healer (curandero or medico) learns to cure illnesses, and the witch (brujo) learns to do 
harm. The knowledge obtained by the healer is more powerful than the knowledge 
of the witch, since it takes more time to learn the art of healing. Power songs are 
described by Julio Siri, a young healer, as follows: 

All power songs are dialects. They are songs, but in different ways. There 
are many different power songs. [How do they work?] The medico sings the 
power song of the evil which he tries to cure. He takes his purga and begins 
to sing. The medico has power songs for different evils. Every illness has its 
power song. If it's an illness of witchcraft, the power songs change totally: 
our knowledge of them is on the spiritual level of plant sciences (ciencias 
vegetales). There are lots of power songs and the type of power song you use 
depends on the illness you are going to treat. [When the plants are used in 
curing, do they also have their power songs?] Yes, all plants and trees have 

* i a 1 1 h ^ ~^1 ^h _^h I * ^m ^"^ *^W ^"^k VAT «■ ■ 



When 



With 



with plants, you have to know their power songs. You can cure without 
knowing the power songs, but then you are not a medico. You have to talk 
with the plant, since the plant is a living thing, it has a spirit. The plant dies 
when it's chopped down. You have to talk to it. You ask: "Listen, grand- 



cure 



illnesses which you don't resist and which require that you know the science 
of trees (ciencia de los pahs). You don't treat illnesses alone. If you have an 
illness which you cannot cure, you have to take a diet and cure it together 
with the plant. When vou prepare a cure for the first time, you have to ask 



to them. (TKU 87/208) 



very 



knowledge encapsulated in power 



and witches. Healers and witches tap the same sources of information, but with 



him 



(Banisteridpsis caapi), by far the most widely used hallucinogenic plant in Amazo- 



nian shamanism: 



146 



KAMPPINEN Vol. 8, No. 2 



The brujos study power songs in order to do harm . The medicos learn different 
power songs than the brujos. But the medico has to know the power song of 
the evil done, otherwise he cannot extract it or cure. In order to learn these 
power songs of evil, you take the purga; the mother spirit (madre) oiayahuasca 
appears and says, "Listen, this is the power song of the evil which is done." 
The brujos have to know the power song of the worm in order to do harm 
with it and the medico has to know the power song of the worm in order to 
cure the illness caused by the worm. [Are the power songs of brujos and 
medicos equal?] Well, the medico's power songs are for medicine, and the 
brujo's power songs are for demons. The brujos have power songs of the 
demons, which means that they study the demons, they don't study God. 
Medico vegetalisto studies for God. Thus in order to be a good medico, you 
have to study well, all the brujos of jungle, of people, of animals, and of 
water. Thus you can cure. If you don't study all this, you won't cure. The 
medico has to know the power songs of brujos which are quite similar except 
that they are from demons. Witchcraft is a plant demon (demonio vegetal); the 
demon tells the brujo to take this-and-this to kill somebody. And the demon 
teaches the brujo the power song needed . (TKU 87/215) 



Here Don Pablo characterizes witchcraft as a plant demon, which suggests that the 
ultimate source of knowledge (for both curing and inflicting illnesses) is in the "realm 
of plants." Indeed, Julio Siri had a special word to pick out this slice of realty, espacio 
vegetal or plant space. In general the spirits of nature are neither good nor evil per 
se, but may be used for both purposes by humans. Here Julio Siri sketches the plant 
space: 

There are white and black spirits. The white one is good. I don't know it 



This 



exam 



has this-and-this and should be treated with such-and-such power song, and 
with such-and-such plants. It's not a spirit of the dead, but of the plant space 
(espacio vegetal). It's the spirit of the plants, of the medicinal trees. Here in 
the jungle, there are trees which are curanderos, and trees which are brujos, 
which kill us. Speaking on the level of science (hablamos en el nivel de la 
ciencia), all trees are full of spirits, and you cannot take whatever purga you 
like, since there are too many spirits. A maestro curandero knows how to 
protect himself from evil spirits and how to let the good spirits teach him. 
[...] All spirits are good, if you know how to treat them, how to work with 
them. If you don't know, they are all evil to you. Just as there are good 



(TKU 



What 



ground 



model of spirits and power 
j/wIm ffoatmpnK iust as the 



model of projectiles justifies the use of suction in extracting the illnesses 

THE MULTIPLE USES OF ERYTHROXYLUM CATUABA 



catuaba 



huasi, is another clear example of the plant transformation induced by an espiritu 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



147 



incorporado. Almost every house in San Rafael and Nuevo Progreso has a bottle hanging 
on the wall which contains bark of chuchuhuasi "marinated" in aguardiente, strong 
alcohol distilled from sugar cane. I inquired about its use and I was told that it is 
good for rheumatism and pain (cf. also Manual). Later on, I found out that it would 
be extremely unwise to drink cold drinks when suffering from rheumatism, since 
rheumatism results from the overheating of blood which, in turn, results from an 
excessive exposure to cold. Chuchuhuasi is also used in the prevention of bleeding 
after child-birth: it is mixed either with boiled water or aguardiente. 

In addition to its "common sense use," it was tapped as the source of spiritual 
knowledge. In the village of Indiana I spent some time with a healer named Brahulio 
Tuanama who used chuchuhuasi with aguardiente to treat all sorts of illnesses. He 
called the drink chullachaqui. The word stems from Quechua and it means "unequal 
feet." The guardian spirits of the jungle are thought to have unequal feet when 
embodied in human form (Huaman 1985:345 ff.) Brahulio told me that he "consulted" 
chullachaqui by means of taking little sips of his drink regularly. 



drunk 



me] can learn to cure. You take this to your country and you cure little 
children. [...] Evil animals arebrujo's spines. You drink this and they disap- 
pear. (TKU 87/140) 

Brahulio could have provided an explanation of why chuchuhuasi is effective for 
rheumatic pain, for the model of spirits embodied in the drink would presumably 
give a fine-grained account of the mechanisms of pain. But he had consulted his 
alcohol-based source of knowledge quite frequently, lately. 



CONCLUSION 



The plants and animals interacting with the Amazonian Mestizos seem to have both 
"down-to-earth" and "theoretical" aspects. The former are utilized when witchcraft 
is not suspected, whereas the latter aspects, i.e. spirited animals and plants, are refer- 
red to when an illness is diagnosed as a case of witchcraft. The aspect actualized 
depends on the level of model used in the interaction. The boundaries amid adjacent 
models are not so sharp and a switch from one model to another can take place in 
the course of one consultation. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



This study has been supported by the Academy of Finland and the Finish Cultural Founda 



thank 



LITERATURE CITED 



CHIAPPE, M., M. LEMLIJ and L. MIL- 
LONES. 1985. Alucinogenos y Shama- 
nismo en el Peru Contemporaneo. El 
Virrey, Lima. 

HONKO, L. 1967. Krankheitsprojektile: 
Untersuchung uber eine Urtumliche 
Krankheitserklarung. Folklore Fellows 
Communications No. 178. Helsinki. 



HUAMAN, C. 1985. Los Misterios de la 
Selva: Mitos, Cuentos, Leyendas y 
Narraciones folkloricas de la Amazonia. 
Tipo-Offset, Lima. 

LUNA, L. 1986. Vegetalismo: Shamanism 
among the Mestizo Population of the 
Peruvian Amazon. Almqvist & Wicksell, 
Stockholm. 



148 



KAMPPINEN Vol. 8, No. 2 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 

Manual para Promotores en Salud. 5th edi- Religion, University of Turku, Finland. 

Hon. 1986. CETA, Iquitos. VALDIZAN, H. and A. MALDONADO. 

REGAN, J. 1983. Hacia la Tierra sin Mai: 1922. La Medicina Popular Peruana: 

Estudio de la Religion del Pueblo en la Contribucion al Folklore Medico el 

Amazonia I-II. CETA, Iquitos. Peru MIL Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 

TKU 87/XXX. Tradition Archives at the In- Lima. 

stitute of Folklore and Comparative 



BOOK REVIEW 



The Fascinating World of the Nightshades. Charles B. Heiser, Jr. New York: Dover, 
1987. Pp. ix, 200. $5.95 (paper). 

The "nightshade family" (Solanaceae) has few rivals in the plant kingdom for 
sheer number and diversity of genera and species used by human beings— as foods, 



medicines, poisons, drugs, and ornamentals 

slim 



Rather, the book is 



a selective celebration of the "nightshades," an unabridged and corrected republi- 
cation of his earlier popular work, Nightshades: The Paradoxical Plants (San Francisco: 
W.H. Freeman, 1969). In a new preface, Heiser notes changes in scientific names of 
the plants discussed and refers to the published proceedings of two major Solanaceae 
conferences held since his book was originally published. Otherwise, however, there 
has been no attempt to expand or update the earlier text. For his purposes, this seems 
unproblematic. 

Following a brief prologue that sketches the principal characteristics of the 
family, nine chapters focus on New World "peppers" (Capsicum spp.); the potato; 
eggplant; tomato; black nightshade or "wonderberry" (Solatium nigrum); a variety 
of lesser food plants; several containing powerful alkaloids, such as mandrake, 



jimson 



photographs as well) complement the text. While 



Marilyn Miller 



* ^*^ A f ^""^ ™ *^ * ^» w v— * m w • r V A I 11 v LI \^ L4 11 J I v^- AIL \yl LAI ^^ ^/ %^ ■ ** J I 

varies in detail from chapter to chapter, each is accompanied by selected references 
to refer the reader to the more technical literature. 

For each plant discussed, we are given information on its homeland and tradi- 

L '. ^ ^^ ^ 1 ^ ll_ _ t ■ / / I « - --- m _ * ^ _ J_ ^«.wO 



Westerners 



Western 



cultivation techniques; and general botanical description. Throughout, the emphasis 
is on the "story" of the plant, and the stories told are, indeed, fascinating. The general 
reader is well-served by this accurate compendium and the professional will find much 
of interest, too. The very attractive price should make it a potentially useful supple- 
mentary text in undergraduate courses on Economic Botanv. 



Terence E. Hays 



Department of Anthropology and Geography 



Rhode Island College 
Providence, RI 02908 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(2):149-169 



Winter 1988 



THE ROLE OF MEDICAL ETHNOBOTANY 

IN ETHNOMEDICINE: 
A NEW GUINEA EXAMPLE 



BORUT TELBAN 1 

Department of Anthropology 

Research School of Pacific Studies 

Australian National University 



ABSTRACT.— Medicinal plants are known all over the world. They are indispensable 
as ingredients of many important modern drugs and are sources for the imitation 



nalogu 



300 



47% contained a drug of natural origin and the yearly world market for medicinal 



plants has been established at $300,000,000 (Logan 1978:181). Some people maintain 
that medicinal plants are efficacious; others are skeptical of the plants' curative powers. 
Despite this it has been estimated that from 25 to 50 percent of the non-Western 
pharmacopoeia are empirically effective (Hughes 1978:154). 

In the present paper I am mostly concerned with the Meiwa tribe of the Northern 
Melpa people, and Sau Enga, Kombolo, and some Hagahai groups (Pinai, Mamusi 
and Luyaluya). 2 The area where these people live lies at the border of three provinces: 
Western Highlands, Madang, and Enga in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea. 
During my field research I was able to observe different healing practices in this remote 
area. Extensive bibliographies on traditional healing in Papua New Guinea not dis- 
cussed in my paper are those by Hill (1985) on medicinal plants and Jilek (1985) on 
ethnomedicine. 



THE HISTORY OF MEDICAL 



Some say that pre-literate tribal societies would hardly have continued to use drugs 
for centuries if they possessed no curative properties, a faith, as Evans-Pritchard says, 



story 



ory of magic everywhe 



whether 



medicinal 



Melpa 



Kombolo 



Hagahai groups who are virtually without them, knowledge about medicinal plants 



is found to decrease in the same order. 



curious 



with their own way of life, and if they discover an interesting plant that does not 
grow in their home area, they will take it home. We often carried seeds, or even whole 
plants attached to my backpack, from one hamlet to another and from one group 
to another, and transplanted them. This applied equally to plants of decorative, food, 
and medical value. It is obvious that people with more contacts with other groups 
and the outside world will have developed a richer repertoire of herbal medicine and 
related knowledge through their wider experiences. According to Romanucci-Ross: 



150 



TELBAN Vol. 8, No. 2 



Folk culture is ... a more open system of beliefs and behaviors than societies 
we call primitive, which are characterized by transmission of beliefs and 
behaviors in a closed system lacking the opportunities found in a situation 

of culture contact (1982:5). 
For the Melpa living in Hagahai (Pinai) territory, the leap from primitive to folk 
medicine, which occured after contact with other groups (especially Enga), resulted 
in an extension of medical beliefs and practices, and also had a significant outcome 
for their knowledge of medicinal plants. 

If one asks people about the history of their medicinal plants they will say that 

they inherited their knowledge from their ancestors and that they have used plants 

as medicine for centuries. How is it then, that the majority of the Hagahai and 

Kombolo people, who were considered iost tribes' until 1983, know so little about 

marasin bilong bus (Pidgin term for bush medicine) (see also the scanty reports on 

medicinal plants by Miklouho-Maclay 1886) . If we survey healing practices in other 

parts of the South Pacific, we find parallels in the history of the development of use 

of medicinal plants. Rivers (1927:65) wrote that the medical art of Indonesia presents 

more variety than that of Melanesia or Polynesia. He attributed this to the influences 

to which Indonesia has been historically exposed (Hindu and Chinese in particular). 

Rivers argued that Polynesian medicine (in the sense of plants) could hardly be said 

to exist, and that little use was made of herbs or other internal remedies. Even where 

definite therapeutic remedies were employed in Polynesia, including New Zealand, 

these were of recent introduction (Rivers 1927:63,64). He stressed that herbal medicine 

was much more elaborate in Melanesia than in Polynesia (Rivers 1927:93). When Rivers 

wrote his book nothing was known about the New Guinea Highlands. The area was 

thought to be uninhabited. In Samoa, for example, where medicinal knowledge had 

evolved to a state where an expanded range of causal agencies was acknowledged, 

Macpherson found: 

... [a] greatly increased range of plants and plant compounds used in the 
management of illness. Contemporary Samoan medical practice depends 
heavily on a wide range of indigenous and exotic plant species. This appears 
to be a post contact development, a conclusion supported by examination 
of the record of Samoan plant usages over time. An analysis of early edi- 



very 



number 



(1985:14). 



If we look at what Stair noted in 1897, we can see that there were few Samoan 



medicinal 



(MacPherson 1985:8). Early missionary accounts make little mention of the use of plant 
medicines in Futuna, while today they play an important role in traditional healing 
(Biggs 1985:121). In Nanumea, Tuvalu, herbal medicines are a recent introduction 
and Kennedy reported during his research in the mid 1920s (Chambers 1985:34) tha 
traditional therapies using plants were not known before import from Fiji (for Fijian 
medicinal plants see Cambie 1986). After quoting Martin (1817) who reported tna^ 
in Tonga few medicinal plants were used around 1800, and that the first plan 



Why 



Weiner (1971 



or narcotic plants by the Tongan in his medical or religious rites? Has there 
been less need for these agents than in many areas of South America and 
Asia? Have these Pacific islanders been less inquisitive about their flora. 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 151 



We 



While among the Northern Melp 



(but 



ethnobotany among the Hagahai and Kombolo is still in an initial process of develop- 



ment 



Kombolo, we witness the phenomenon of a dual system: knowledge about medical 
ethnobotany is appearing and disappearing at the same time. But when considering 
the value of plant collection I agree with Parsons (1985:213): 

. . . whatever the truth about the history and the extent of herbal remedies 
being used they do exist today. Indeed, the interest in locating and docu- 



menting such plants is increasing. 



MEDICINAL 



NEW 



1967) 



(1975, 1979, 1986), who have worked for long periods in Papua New Guinea, became 



of 



Johannes 



Eastern Highlands Province, though curers know a great variety 



Johan 



specific plants are important factors in the healing equation 
ahlv PkPwherp' fBrown 1987:6). Welsch (1982a:76, 94) te 



nettles and a few other substances in the traditional Ningerum repertoire are likely 
to have specifically positive effects. Short-term researchers (ethnobotanists usually) 
without knowledge of local people's medical beliefs and magico-religious world view, 
came back full of enthusiasm, with collections of plants that people had told them 
about. On the basis of such reports, an untrained observer can easily be mislead con- 



medicinal 



drugs 



worldview, to examine their professional and non-professional use, and to recognize 
any other medical practices which occur. The medical plants I have documented 
(Table 1) must be considered as part of the whole body of beliefs and practices. 
Once we understand that most serious illnesses are attributed to spirits, sorcery, or 
the breaking of taboos, and are thus principally socio-psychological in nature, then 
we also understand why divination and counter-magic are considered as appropriate 



The Northern Melp 



doctors, or shamans. Their 



ritual specialists who know spells for exorcizing malevolent forces. Plants used in 
such performances have no direct pharmacological effect (but are part of 
psychosomatically effective ritual); and even if they did have some active compounds, 
these would hardly be absorbed through the skin into the body when used exter- 
nally. I call them healing plants in contrast to plants that cure.3 A professionalized, 
indigenous medical system, using medicinal (curing) plants, simply does not exist. 



about 



more difficult to record plants used in counter-magic. Curing plants could be classed 



Kleinman 



It can be thought of as a matrix containing several levels: individuals, 
family, social network, and community beliefs and activities. It is the lay, 
non-professional, non-specialist, popular culture arena (1980:50). 



152 



TELBAN Vol. 8, No. 2 



482) says that an individual Zande will 



Frake 



Mindanao 



remedies 



my own expe 
small number 



employed medicinally could be explained partly by their perception of the cosmos, 
including medical beliefs, and their lack of anatomical and physiological knowledge. 
One could say that quality is much more important than quantity and that it is 
better to have a small number of highly effective drugs than a large number of 
ineffective ones. Let us note first how Evans-Pritchard doubts the effectiveness of 

plants used by the Azande: 

The enormous number of drugs which Azande employ and the variety of 
herbal products they bring to bear on a single disease at once demonstrate 



pharmacology 



really implies (1972:494). 



Melpa at least deserve 



the 



injury. These medicines cannot compete with Western medicines and usually do not 
show any potency in the modern pharmaceutical sense. In cases of serious illness, 
a person usually receives no relief (if he does not employ a ritual specialist, or does 
not go to an aid post or hospital) and waits for the self-limiting system of the 
organism to win or lose. But with the combination of traditional and Western 
knowledge individuals can enjoy a reasonably good state of health. 



information 



and 



around the Yuat and Lai rivers, there are no real recipes or prescriptions for self- 
treatment by individuals. They never prepare complicated mixtures or extractions; 
nor do they make tinctures, solutions, suspensions or emulsions; they do not prepare 



infusions either (Panoff 1970:76 for Maenge) 
are a special medicine. They merely chew le< 



them 



medicinal plants is poor and no individual could really be called a specialist. Everyone 
knows how to use stinging nettles and ginger and perhaps a further five to ten more 
useful medicinal plants. In his discussion of Gimi plant use in the Eastern Highlands 



44-5) 



trying to explain their use by noting their qualities u 

sometimes heard the same name given for differen 

al npr»r»lp h^fnrp T rnnlH rnllprt the correct one (Weine 



1971:426 for Tonga). It was often the case that those who went collecting with me 



from 



informant 



and why a plant is used. A curious observer will ask to be shown the whole process, 
and during his stay with the people he will often attend curing sessions. Bu 



more 



the dose to be mentioned, but doses do vary from time to time, according to me & 
of the patient, the stages of illness, as a result of individual differences between 
practitioners, and because today is different from yesterday. 

People will often tell a researcher about plants used for treatments which, 



in 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 153 



reality, they do not use. In fact, he will be surprised to find that people do not use 
plants once they are injured, however enthusiastic they might have seemed about 
the power of plants just a couple of days before. When I arrived in the field and 
asked people if they used plants as medicine, the answer was: 'A lot, even more than 
a lot.' The picture changed towards the end of my field work and I came to agree 
with Lewis, who said that among the Gnau only nettle leaves are commonly used 
in serious illness, and that they use no specific herbs in the sense of plants whose 
medicinal use depends on the clinical signs observed (Lewis 1975:144). Murdock 
(1980:6-7) argued that infectious diseases in isolated small-scale societies could spread 
only with difficulty and tended therefore to be localized in particular areas. He went 
on to say that human beings develop a relative immunity through a process of natural 
selection, while the disease micro-organisms undergo an opposite evolutionary 
development; the more lethal strains kill their carriers and thus tend to be eliminated . 
This dual process would help to explain why medicine men in pre-literate societies 
have more often been specialists in magical therapy than herbalists or bone setters. 
On the other hand, once we accept that curing plants are part of lay treatment, we 
can see that people use them as medicine from time to time, after the physical aspects 
of illness are recognized. Unfortunately for ethnopharmacologists searching for new 
powerful drugs, however, in the majority of cases these are lesser maladies. From 
my own observation, and my own use, I can say that these medicinal plants are not 
very effective, or are not even consistently used by people. Such is the case, for 
example, with Kui bono (Melpa) (Buchnera tomentosa) which was claimed to be used 
as a contraceptive; but when at the end of my stay I repeatedly asked about it, 
people (especially women) admitted that it does not really work. 4 Likewise, external 
injuries, if they do not fester (and many times even if they do), will usually remain 
untreated. The only powerful plant is stinging nettle which is somewhat surprising 
for a region with a rich flora. I must agree once again with Lewis, when he states: 
If we look at treatment in tribal societies, hoping to learn from it, it is in their 
skill at meeting expectations and at providing social and psychological 



than in the possibility that v\ 
we do not know (1979:237). 



mary 



PLANTS THAT CURE 



ryday 



(these are not mentioned in Table 1). Sore and cuts are covered with the oily juice 
of Pandanus, smeared with latex of breadfruit. People moisten tobacco leaves with 
saliva, or heat them over the fire and press them on lesions. Quite often, after 
chewing Areca nut, they spit the red juice over the sores. People give little attention 
to this treatment, it does not require continuity of practice, and it is simply part of 
everyday life. Sores and cuts usually fester, before or after the treatment. Leaves of 
tanget (Pidgin) (Cordyline sp.) or banana are stuck into the lower part of bark belts 



When 



(Nicotiana 



oidaka (Pidgin) (Piper betle) and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), and leaves for rolling 



insulana). These 



ripening 



common 



154 



TELBAN 



Vol. 8, No. 2 







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160 



TELBAN Vol. 8, No. 2 



The 



steamed 



The main nutritive value of aibika lies in its high protein-to-calorie ratio and high 
mineral and vitamin content (Powell 1976:124). Pain in the mouth including the 
tongue, palate, gums and teeth, can be alleviated by chewing wild or cultivated A reca 
nut with leaves, fruits or bark of daka (Piper betle) and lime. Although the practice 
of chewing betel nut turns the teeth black (mouth cancer is not yet known in this 



them 



Laportea 



What aspirin and antibiotics are to Western 



medicine, stinging nettles are to New Guineans in the bush. Nettles are used in cases 
of major illness and minor ailments, but mostly as an analgesic and antirheumatic. 
They are used in headache, backache, stomach complaints, diarrhoea, fever and 
general weakness. In such treatments innumerable small lumps appear after the 
rubbing, but they disappear within half an hour. Nettles work as a rubefacient and 
stimulate the circulation of the blood in that part of the body. Injected histamine leads 
to hyperemia in the treated area and gives relief to pain resulting from ishemic con- 
ditions, while the acute pain it causes is superimposed so that the deep and heavy 
pain the patient was complaining about is not felt to the same degree as before 
(Schiefenhoevel 1971:143). If the skin is itchy because of fleas, for instance, nettle 
leaves are rubbed over the body in the evenings before going to bed. In serious 
illness L. decumana is used together with spells against sorcery or malevolent spirits. 
The plant is common on trail sides and it is planted around houses. Leaves are kept 
in bundles in people's homes and are carried around in their bilutns (string bags in 
Pidgin). 

Another universal plant is ginger (Zingiber officinale). Although rarely used among 



Meiwa, the last Northern Melpa 



When 



rhizomes 



and spat over the wound, while the leaves are used as a dressing, and bandaged 
with a creeper. People use chewed ginger when they cut their hands or legs with 



When somebody 



a bit of ginger is 



masticated, spat onto the leaf, and the eyes are then washed with the saliva. In the 
case of a cough, people eat and inhale rhizome of ginger. Since ancient times this 
species, cultivated in the tropics, has had varied therapeutic uses, and it is widespread 
(Perry 1980:443; Ayensu 1981). The effects of gingers have been tested for a number 
of different pharmacological activities, and Zingiber specimens have been chemically 
analysed (Perry 1980:443; Reutrakul et al. 1986:197). 

As the whole collection is given in Table 1 and the uses of individual plants are 
described in my thesis (Telban 1988), I do not intend to discuss the particular use 
of each plant here. I also omit in this paper all those plants that are used as poisons, 
whether fishing or for homicide. Melpa people are not experienced sorcerers (Strathern 
1979b:80), but fear of poisoning is present all the time. In a discussion that follows 
I exclude nettle and ginger, because of their wide use, and those plants which are 



Mamusi 



Melpa 



healing plants) for exorcizing malevolent powers, sorcery or spirits, out of the body 

fPinai and Mamnsi 179M Rofi*ro^« n -*~a q ~~ * j ;~ ^i,'m;orc Earache, 



toothache), for cough (7-8%), for eye inflammation (7-8%), and 9% for animal treat- 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 161 



ment. The rest are single plants used as contraceptives or emetics (poison antidotes), 
for leprosy and scabies, and for repelling mosquitos .5 Twenty percent of medicinal 
plants shown in Table 1 were known to only one or two people, and were not used 
at all in practice. 



PLANTS THAT HEAL 



Healing plants are used only by ritual specialists in cases where sorcery or spirits 
are suspected as the main cause of illness. As there is insufficient space here to discuss 
how and why spirits or sorcerers bring illness to the patient, how people perform 
divination, sorcery, and how they sacrifice (A. Strathern 1968, 1969, 1979b; Strathern 
A. and M. 1968; M. Strathern 1968; Bulmer R. and S. 1962; Telban 1988), I will just 
mention some cases of treatment known and performed by Meiwa, the last Northern 
Melpa tribe, to show how healing plants are used. 



When 



sorcery 



groaned, cried and screamed. He immediately 



for a man whose name was always mentioned with respect and fear, as people knew 



command of magical practices. But only a mi 



When 



the ritual specialist arrived at Reka's hamlet he ordered Reka's relatives to prepare 
food for a mumu (earth oven). He went into the bush and collected branches with 
leaves of (all terms in Melpa) bapa (Premna obtusifolia), which is often used as the green 
component in earth ovens, kengana (Elatostema beccarii), and muripamp (Geunsia 
farinosa), and one big leaf of banana, be. 6 A pig was killed with a blow to its head 
and its blood was collected in the banana leaf. Reka and the ritual specialist went 
to the nearest stream with a small pool, while all the relatives stayed waiting in the 
house. The blood was mixed with a little water. A bunch of leaves (bapa, kengana, 
muripamp) was first dipped into the stream and then the specialist gently struck Reka's 
shoulders, back, stomach, arms and legs. After a while, he started whis- 
pering an incantation to expel the sorcery. He moistened the leaves with the pig s 
blood and beat the patient's skin, smearing the blood all over his body, still uttering 
the spell. In the spell he called the names of two Pinale sorcerers (one of the Hagahai 



groups) 



preventive 



sorcery 



skin alternately, washing away all of the pig's blood from his body, and thus washing 
away all the illness. All the leaves were then thrown away into the stream, including 
the banana leaf with the rest of the pig's blood. Then the two men returned to the 



Meanwhile 



pretending that they did not have any interest in what was going on near the stream 



They 



and after a couple of days had totally recovered. The only sign that he had been 
attacked by 'eye' sorcery were the scars (which looked like dead flesh excrescences) 



on his back. 



sorcerized 



specialist went to the stream and made an artificial pool7 Dunng the ritual she sat 
in the middle of the pool, which was broken up when the ritual ended. For a week 
she was not allowed to come close to water, and the place of ritual was also taboo 



162 



TELBAN Vo1 - 8, No. 2 



for others from the village. If the other people were present during the ritual, or if 
thev visited the place later, they could get sick and die. Some months later I was 



Melp 



difference was that she did not mention bapa leaves. 



sorcery 



a sorcerer who has changed into an animal, insect or stone, has entered the victim' s 



him 



takes kilip (Melpa) 



from coming 



telling kutn to stay in its own place. In the spell a specialist shoots into the armpit 
of a cassowary and throws the kutn towards the junction of the Jimi and Lai rivers. 
With the leaves he rubs the patient's skin, eyes, head, neck, and testicles, and throws 
the leaves into the stream in the forest. This practice is not performed anymore as 
people do not go to the place of kutn, and because they now follow the church. 

If a person is possessed by a bush spirit demon, or by a ghost, a ritual specialist 
collects four different types of leaves (all names in Melpa): qui (Syzigium pteropodum), 
bandji (Ficus adenosperma) , and the indispensable kura (Setaria palmifolia) and koke (Piper 
wichmannii) . 8 He binds them together at the stem with some bush rope or a vine and 
cooks them over glowing embers. He rubs the skin of the sick person with these hot 
leaves using an incanatation at the same time. Many specialists use only leaves of 
the last two species, or koke together with pombukma leaves (Angiopteris sp.) or with 
kengana (Elatostema beccarii). Pig's blood is often smeared over the patient's skin, and 
then washed with water and leaves (just as described in the first case for 'eye' sorcery). 

Almost all of the practices are accompanied by pig sacrifice to please spirits, and 
the stick which is used to kill the pig is taken far away into the bush and thrown 
into the river Lai or buried. I describe all the plants used in these practices as 'plants 
that heal' (as they are not supposed to have any pharmacological or chemical activity 
on the patient's body) as distinct from 'plants that cure'. 'Plants that heal' are said 



spirit 



J. and M 



lmi 



spirits belong. 



PLANTS USED FOR ANIMAL TREATMENT 



References concerning animal treatment are very rare in the literature. Ihis 
surprising as we know how important pigs, dogs, cassowaries and even chicke 
are to the people of Papua New Guinea. Counter magic is not performed for anima 
treatment. People use magical incantations for piglets' birth and growth, but I nav 
never heard of sorcery against pigs, or that they were spiritually possessed. w 
a pig disappears in the bush, people will say: 'Maybe a rotten tree killed it, or i 
into a hole or cave; maybe somebody stole it; but the most likely event is that bus 
spirits— demons— killed and ate it.' Pigs fight among themselves and with dogs. W 
pigs attack dogs during hunting, and so wounds occur quite often. When a pig 
suddently dies, people examine its liver and usually eat it. But when it is sic 
wounded, they will feel sorry for it and will try to relieve its discomfort. When a 
poisonous snake bites a pig or a dog, people will usually cut the animal s ear 
let the blood run. They say that all the bad blood will pour out. . 

The red oil liquid of Pandanus fruit, known as tnarita in Melanesian Pidgi > 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 163 



pig's fat, ashes and clay are often applied to animal wounds and sores. Some 



Melpa 



clemensiae) 



and mashed mixture onto purulent sores and wounds of their pets (all names in 

Melpa). 

When Parka's (a boy around 16 years of age) dog was wounded fighting with 
a wild pig, and its wounds subsequently festered, he heated some leaves oiwataly 
(Melpa), (Ficus pungens) over the fire, and when they were soft and hot he crushed 
them with his hands and rubbed them into the dog's wounds. He repeated this for 
a couple of days and the dog recovered almost completely. Ficus pungens was reported 
for different purposes also in other parts of Papua New Guinea (e.g. Clark 1971: 
Appendix; Holdsworth 1977:31) and Indonesia (Perry 1980:274). 

For animal wounds and sores Parka used some other leaves mashed with a bush 
knife and a stone, bound in a banana leaf and cooked in the ashes for an hour. Leaves 



(Melpa), (Calanthe arfakana) 



Wh 



was approximately 10 years old, told me that he had done the same thing when his 
father's dog lost almost all its hair. He did not cook the leaves, but simply hung a 
bundle high over the fire during the night. In the morning he rubbed juice and leaves 
over the dog's naked skin. Both dogs yelped, because the leaves and the juice were 
hot (both in temperature and symbolically 'hot') when applied. People avoid getting 
this juice in their eyes. Gris told me that the dog's hair grew again with the same 
speed as his hair after his mother shaved his head. I saw two men during my field work 
who applied this juice to infected sores which developed from scabies under the bark 

belts. The treatment was unsuccessful. 

When a pie's lees bend and shake, or it falls to the ground, people rub leaves 



(Melpa) 



Manus island the fruit is scraped and 
When domestic pies fight and their v 



inner part of the bark of uya (M 



apply the scrapings to sores and wounds where pus occurs. This bark is not used 
for fresh wounds, but as they say: 'When "animals" (maggots) are in the injured 
parts.' The bark of this tall tree, known as mus in Pinai vernacular (whose fruits are 
prized locally as the most delicious food after Pandanus [Miklouho-Maclay 1886:349]), 
is smashed and applied to sores among all Hagahai groups. The sliced fruit is used 
for sores and cuts in Northern Province (Holdsworth 1977:46). Pangium edule is found 
all over South East Asia and has an exceptionally large quantity of hydrocyanic acid, 



(Perry 



infusion 



erry 



When 



(Melpa 
-v. The 



pot (Ophiuros tongealingii) . Asplenium nidus (syn. Neottopteris nidus J.Sm.) is considered 
to be depurative. In the Malay Peninsula, one tribe is reported to give an infusion 
to ease labor pains; a lotion obtained by pounding the leaves in water is applied to 

cool the feverish head (Perry 1980:323). 

Leaves of a shrub with violet flowers, which is planted around the houses as 
decoration, are used for the opposite purpose. When pigs do not bear piglets, 



164 



TELBAN Vol. 8, No. 2 



(M 



from 



Mount 



The 



cure skin eruptions on these animals (Stopp 1963:18). Among the Kukukuku, leaves 
of Begonia sp. are h 



abdominal 



Eastern Highlands, cru 



in a hollow bamboo and eaten with other food to give relief to stomach aches 
(Holdsworth and Giheno 1975:191). The Pinai use leaves oimanana (Acorus calamus) 
to rub on the bellies of sows that have already carried piglets and have difficulty in 
breathing. They then cook withered leaves together with sweet potato and cassava, 
and give the food to the pigs. I have never witnessed these practices for contra- 
ception and fertility. 



A SHORT REVIEW OF OTHER TREATMENTS 



What do people do then, if they do not use medicinal plants? Besides healing 
practices known to specialists where healing plants are used, experts also perform 
rituals where the emphasis is on spells and the extraction of objects from the patient's 
body; plants are not used at all in these cases. In societies such as the Meiwa 
(Northern Melpa), social conceptions of illness play an important role. Wrong- 
doings and 'wrongtalkings', breaches of taboos, and moral or social transgressions 
are considered important causes of illness. People and ghosts can both experience 
anger and frustration. Because of people's wrongdoings ghosts can send illness either 
as punishment or because they feel sorry for a sufferer (A. Strathern 1968, 1977; M. 
Strathern 1968; Telban 1988). In such psychosocial illness only special treatments like 
sacrifice, compensation, and confession (to 'speak out') will remove the source, 
allowing the patient to recover. 

Good food, especially pork, fresh greens or the oily juice of Pandanus fruit, is 
almost always included in treatment. A very sick patient usually refuses all food and 
just sits or lies quietly, with grief on his face. There are also a number of common 
'lay' treatments that require no plants. Everyday practice is to bathe in the stream, 
to wash away illness. Drinking cold water is also considered a useful treatment. 
Pinai people, when covered with festering sores and skin ulcers, would often go to 
the Mina river. Its water is considered curative and people would stay and sleep there 
for two or three days, washing everyday in the river, until all the skin lesions dried. 
Water from pig wallows is recognized as health-giving and is recommended quite 
often as an externally applied treatment (sometimes together with soil from the wallow) 
(or otitis media in children and for boils and abscesses. Among the Kombolo this soil 
is rubbed above the navel in the case of diarrhoea. Northern Melpa, but Hagahai and 
Kombolo even more so, recognize the importance of soot, ashes, earth, soil, and clay 
in the treatment of illness to much the same extent that they recognize medicinal 
curing plants. Small cuts and sores are sometimes covered with pig's or cow's fat 
(they obtain the latter from the Ruti Cattle Station in the Jimi valley). In the case of 
cystitis/nephritis a patient will cook a stone in the fire, take it into the bush and urinate 
on it. 

As there is no space in this paper to discuss all the practices, why these treatments 
are performed, and how people explain them, I would just like to mention a treat- 
ment which was recommended after I suffered recurrent abscesses. I was told to take 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 165 



a hard piece of wood and make a digging stick approximately one meter long. Then 
I was to press the pus out of the abscess onto a leaf and smear it over that part of 
the stick which I had previously sharpened. I should thrust this stick into the ground 
beside the path, or even on the path, so that the sharpened end was pointing up. 
Somebody, whether man, woman, or child, would then pass by and see this nice 
digging stick. He or she would fancy using it for digging sweet potato, sowing corn 
or peanuts, and would take it away, together with the pus. All the boils and abscesses 
would thus go away and never return to me again. 

CONCLUSION 



What I have suggested in this paper is that indigenous medical ethnobotany in 
the New Guinea Highlands cannot be shown to have great antiquity of practice, 
anymore than elsewhere in the South Pacific. As I stayed with isolated populations 
in the bush, I was able to observe the dual process of adoption and loss of different 
portions of this knowledge. I agree neither with the majority of medical anthropologists 
who neglect the existence of medical ethnobotany, nor with those who sing its praises. 
I distinguish plants that heal from plants that cure, arguing that the latter constitute 
the corpus of lay, non-professional medical knowledge. People living in remote 
areas use these practices, but their medical beliefs are more oriented towards moral, 
social, magical, and spiritual causes of illness (which are natural for them, but not 
so for us), for which treatment is offered in kind, rather than with the aid of detailed 
medical ethnobotanical knowledge. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



During 18 months of ethnomedical research in Papua New Guinea, between June 1986 and 
December 1987, I carried out 7 months field work in a remote area at the border of Western 
Highlands, Enga, and Madang Provinces, among Northern Melpa, Sau Enga, and some Hagahai 
and Kombolo groups of people. I am most grateful to many individuals, but most of all to Kela, 
Krai, Olyua (Melpa), Iwat (Pinai), Bidali (Mamusi), and Mokome (Luyaluya). This work could 
not have been undertaken without the generous support of my parents and the Slovenian- 
Australian Association from Canberra, especially two of its members: Roman Bizjak and 
Erik Fras. A grant from the World Wide Fund For Nature and the financial support of the 
Research School of Pacific Studies at the Australian National University enabled me to write 
up my results. Both the Biology Department at University of Papua New Guinea and Depart- 
ment of Anthropology in the Research School of Pacific Studies at Australian National Univer- 
sity provided me with excellent working conditions. I am most grateful to all of them. 

My voucher specimens are stored in two places: one collection in the National Herbarium 
in Lae (Department of Forests, Division of Botany), and an identical one in the Herbarium of 
the University of Papua New Guinea. I am grateful to Paul Katik and Jim Croft of the Herbarium 
in Lae for their identification of my specimens, to Dr. Helen Hopkins for 'supervising' my 
botanical collection, and to Dr. Topul Rali for friendship and consultations. 

Many thanks to Drs. Lance Hill, Helen Hopkins, and Diane Turner who patiently read 
Chapter 5 of my thesis which constitutes the largest part of this paper, to Dr. Paul Gorecki 
for consultation and access to manuscripts before I left Papua New Guinea, and to Professors 
Ole Hamann and Richard Evans Schultes for their constant moral support before, during, and 
after my fieldwork. I cannot sufficiently express my gratitude to Chris Ballard, Dr. Gerald 
Haberkorn, Professor Roger Keesing, and Dr. Michael Young for all their help, for guiding 
me throughout my writing, and for their comments on previous drafts. 

This paper was presented as a Departmental Seminar at the Research School of Pacific 
Studies, the Australian National University, in April 1988. 



166 



TELBAN Vol. 8, No. 2 



NOTES 



^Present address: Periceva 7, 61ooo Ljubljana, YUGOSLAVIA 



2 I have adopted from Dr. Carol Jenkins (1987, pers. comm.) the term Hagahai when referring 
to the people who comprise the following parishes: the Aramo, the Miamia, the Luyaluya, 
the Mamusi, the Pinale and the Pinai. 'Hagahai' is their own word for 'people' although the 
Pinai, the Mamusi and the Luyaluya have, to my knowledge, never grouped themselves under 
this name. As significant differences exist among the languages within the same sub-family, 
I must point out that the local Hagahai names used in the text and Table 1 are in the Pinai 
language, which is understood by the other groups. A short note on orthography is included 
at the end of Table 1. 



3 



When referring to medicinal plants, I distinguish between 'plants that cure' and 'plants that 
heal' in the same way that researchers have accepted the distinction between 'disease' and 
'illness' drawn by Fabrega (1972:213; 1974). This distinction has been followed by a majority 
of workers (Colson and Selby 1974:246; Kleinman 1980:72; Young 1982:270), and, in Papua 
New Guinea for instance, by Lewis (1975:149) and Frankel (1986:2-3). The distinction is also 
valid for the terms 'curing' and 'healing.' 



^Buchnera tomentosa Bl., Scrophulariaceae is the only plant known as a contraceptive to the 
population around the Lai and Yuat rivers. Family limitation is controlled by socially deter- 
mined norms (abstinence) or, in individual cases by magical contraceptive practices (Telban 
1988). In addition we may observe that prolonged breast-feeding of infants is known to retard 
the return of ovulation (Schaefer 1985:318; Wirsing 1985:308-9). Postpartum amenorrhoea can 
prevent conception in excess of 18-24 months in breast feeding women in traditional societies, 
regardless of any cultural taboos on sexual intercourse (Schaefer 1985:318). 



5 Among the Maenge, according to Panoff (1970:81), half are employed for wounds, sores, and 
the like, about a quarter for pains, and another quarter for digestive disorders. Stopp (1963:21) 
noted for the Central Melpa people that about 60% of medicinal plants are used externally, 
but if we include so-called 'magic' (healing) plants, the figure rises to 80%. 



Strathern (1970:581), in describing performances associated with the female and male spirit 
cults, says that earth ovens are covered at the bottom with kengana (Elatostema beccarii) leaves. 
An expert explained to him that kengana is a cool thing, which grows in watery forest places 
and stays fresh after it is picked. To put it together with pork in an earth oven, means that 
their crops will grow well and the men will be healthy and live long. 



'The dead aspect of still lake, however, is contrasted with the life of running water, which 
has primarily beneficial attributes' (Strathern, A.J. and M. 1968:195). 



8 Strathern (1979a:63) noted that Ongka had explained to him that very young children, whose 
skin was soft and tender, were put in net bags where their bed was prepared with the soft 
round leaves of, as he called it, the koki. I think that this was done to protect a child from 
the spirits. Stratern states that nowadays, leaves of koki are also used for chewing together 

m 4 * 



with Areca nut. 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



167 



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Ethnology 



PARSONS, C.D.F. 1985. Tongan healing 
practices. Pp. 87-108 in Parsons, C.D.F. 
(ed.): Healing Practices in the South 
Pacific. The Institute for Polynesian 
Studies, Univ. Hawaii Press. 

PERRY, L. M. and I. MFT7CFR iQsn Medi- 



cinal Plants of East and Southeast Asia: 
Atributed Properties and Uses. The MIT 
Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 



POWELL 



183 in Paijmans, K. (ed.): New Guinea 
Vegetation. Canberra, ANU Press. 
REUTRAKUL, V. et al. 1986. Zingiberaceus 
Plants. Pp. 191-204 in Steiner, R.P. 



The 



Science. Washing 
Chemical Society. 



RIVERS, W.H.R. 1927. Medicine Magic and 
Religion. Kegan Paul, New York (2nd 

ed.). 

ROMANUCCI-ROSS, L. 1982. Folk Medicine 
and metaphor in the context of medi- 
calization: syncretics in curing practices. 
Pp. 5-19 in Romanucci-Ross, L. et al. 
(eds.): The Anthropology of Medicine: 
From Culture to Method. Mass., Bergin 
and Garvey Publishers, Inc. 

SCHAEFER, 0. 1985. Comments on Wirsing. 
Current Anthropology 26(3):318. 



SCHIEFENHOEVEL, W. 1971. Aspects ot 
the medical system of the Kaluli and 
Waragu language-group, Southern 
Highlands District. Mankind 8:141-145. 

STOPP, K. 1963. Medicinal plants of the 
Mt. Hagen people (Mbowamb) in New 
Guinea. Econ. botany 17:16-22. 

STRATHERN, A. J. 1968. Sickness and 
frustration: variations in two New 
Guinea Highlands societies. Mankind 

6(2): 545-551. 

. 1969. Kor-Nga Poklambo or 

Ui Mbo? Hagen magic stones. Archa- 
eology and Physical Anthropology in 

Oceania 2:91-96. 

. 1970. The female and male 

spirit cults in Mount Hagen. Man 5(4): 

571-585. 

1977. 'Why is the shame on 



the skin?' Pp. 99-110 in Blacking, J. (ed.;- 
The Anthropology of the Body. Aca- 
demic Press, London. 
1979a. Ongka: A Self- Account 

by a New Guinea Big-Man. Duckworth, 

London. 

. 1979b. The Rope of Moka: Big- 
Man and Ceremonial Exchange in 
Mount Hagen, New Guinea. Cambridge 
Univ. Press. 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



169 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



STRATHERN, A. J. and M. 1968. Marsupials 
and magic: a study of spell symbolism 
among the Mbowamb. Pp. 179-207 in 
Leach, E.R. (ed.): Dialectic in Practical 
Religion. Cambridge Univ. Press. 

STRATHERN, M. 1968. Popokl: the question 
of morality. Mankind 6(2):553-562. 

TELBAN, B. 1988. People, Illness and Plants: 

Ethnomedicine in the Highlands fringe 

of New Guinea. M.Sc. Thesis, Univ. of 

Zagreb. 
WEINER, M. A. 1971. Ethnomedicine in 

Tonga. Econ. Botany 25(4): 423-450. 



WELSCH, R. L. 1982. The Experience of 
Illness among the Ningerum of Papua 
New Guinea. Ph.D. Thesis, Univ. of 
Washington. 

WIRSING, R. L. 1985. The health of tradi- 
tional societies and the effects of accul- 
turation. Current Anthrop. 26(3):303- 
315, 319-322. 

YOUNG, A. 1982. The anthropologies of 
illness and sickness. Pp. 257-286 in 
Siegel, B.J. (ed.): Annual rev. Anthrop. 
California. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Pharmacopees traditionnelles en Guyane: Creoles, Palikur, Wayapi. Pierre Grenand, 
Christinan Moretti, and Henri Jacquemin. Collection memoires No. 108. Paris: 
Institut Francais de recherche scientifique por le Developpment. 1987. Pp. 569 



+ 76 colored plates, n.p. 



Moretti 



com 



language. Pharmacopees traditionelles 



en Guyane is an ethnobiological achievement as well as a superb scientific contri 
bution to our understanding of native and Creole knowledge and use of medicinal 
plants. 



groups 



Wayap 



linguistic details of plant names and variations in names between groups. In addi- 
tion, ethnographic detail is provided for each entry in the pharmacopoeia, including 
data on plant selection and medicinal preparations. To make this work even more 
distinct, pharmacological data are also provided for many of the major species. 
Complementary bibliographic data on the plants and pharmacological sources also 
contribute to the scientific quality and value of the volume. Numerous magnificently- 
done colored plates not only enhance the utility of the work by providing visual guides 
to many of the plants discussed, but they also mark the exceptional quality of 

production of the book. 

Botanists, ecologists, anthropologists, physicians, and pharmacologists interested 
in traditional medical and pharmacological knowledge must have this book, which 



serve 



to come. 



Darrell Addison Posey 
Nucleo de Etnobiologia 
Museu Paraense Emilio Gc 
Pesquisador Titular, CNPq 
Brasilia, Brazil 



170 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 2 



BOOK REVIEW 



Amazon Frontier. John Hemming. Cambridge, MA 
Pp. 647. $29.95 (cloth). 



If tropical rainforest ecosystems are to be preserved for future generations and 
managed to provide a sustained economic return, then more emphasis must be 
placed on the utilization of non-timber products. Almost every important tropical 
food, medicine, oil, fiber, etc., was first learned of from local aboriginal peoples. 
Consequently, in the search for new and useful forest products, we must continue 
to expand ethnobotanical research efforts. 

The absence of a thorough overview of the history of Amazonian Indians has 
been a stumbling block for ethnobotanists for many years. In 1978, John Hemming 
published his classic, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indian, which covered the 
years 1500-1850 in a scholarly, yet accessible, format. Amazon Frontier is essentially 
a companion volume which picks up where Red Gold left off. Hemming has once again 
done an extraordinary job of pulling together a wide variety of information to tell 
a difficult story. This history of the Indians of the Amazon Basin is not confined to 
Brazil, but also involves Portuguese royalty, German clergymen, French diplomats, 
Peruvian rubber barons, Dutch traders, and British botanists, and it is, for the most 
part, an extremely depressing tale. 

I do have a few minor criticisms. The book is entitled Amazon Frontier, yet many 
of the events described take place outside the Amazon. For example, the book's 
attractive cover is adorned with the famous Richter painting of Prince Maximilian 
zu Wied-Neuwied, best known as an explorer of eastern Brazil, and the Indian guide 
at Maximilian's side is generally believed to be from the Botocudo tribe of Brazil's 
Atlantic forest region; as far as I know, neither Prince Maximilian nor his guide ever 
set foot in the Amazon. 

My other concern has to do with the use of Latin names for plants mentioned 



in the text. Though it may be somewhat unfair to expect an anthropologist 

T -.«.;.* ^^^,^r, -.«__:_«. l • 1 • r .» . . • 111 J - •.!-_ 



to use 



Latin names, consistent inclusion of this terminology would have made the book a 
more useful scientific tool. The author uses scientific names in some instances but 
not in others (e.g., on p. 44 the scientific name is included for "cravo" but not for 
Brazil nuts or ipecac). 

There are two sections of the book which will be of special interest to the economic 
botanist. The first is an intriguing section on the rubber boom, and the second an 
Appendix which gives excellent capsule biographies and itineraries of over sixty 
travellers, scientists, and artists who visited Brazilian Indians. This latter is parti- 
cularly useful for those of us who know these people only as authors, and lack the 
biographical data to understand them in a historical context. 

I consider this to be an excellent book which will serve as an indispensable 
reference for the ethnobotanist or anyone who is interested in conservation, Indians, 
and the Amazon. One can only hope that Hemming will write the next chapter at 
a time when there will be happier tales to tell. 



M.J. Plotkin 

World Wildlife Fund 

1250 Twenty-Fourth St., NW 

Washington, DC 20037 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(2):171-184 



Winter 1988 



BOTANICAL LIFE-FORMS IN EUROPEAN ROMANY 



F. DAVID MULCAHY 

Department of Social Sciences 

Polytechnic University 

Brooklyn, New York 11201 



ABSTRACT.— Fifty European Romany (Gypsy) lexicons are examined. The typical 



The 



ggest two alternative reconstructions of the Romany life- form lexicon at ca. 1000 
D. when the Gypsies left India. The first reconstruction contains only a "tree" term 



The 



The 



bilingualism on plant life-form lexicons are discussed. Finally data from two closely 
related varieties of Romany are evaluated regarding the effect of urbanization on 
wood/tree polysemy. 



INTRODUCTION 



form 



Gypsies. The 



related varieties oiKalderasitska, the Romany spoken by the Kalderasa or "Copper- 



serve as primary data whicn will De evaluated in 

(hereinafter 



a general statement concerning the development of European Gypsy botanical life- 
form lexicons will be proposed. 
During recent years linguistic 



construction of theoretical models which clarify 

i-cultural regularities i 



been 



with regard to the ways in which human languages add plant life-form labels to their 



immediately 



generic labels in folk taxonomies. In North American English, for example, beech, 
oak and maple are all genera classified under the English botanical life-form label 



"tree." 



Brown (1984) has demonstrated that for plants: 

1 . The occurrence of life-form labels in languages is implicational : certain life-form 
labels are regularly encoded in languages before others. Thus, plant life-form labels 
are added to languages in a relatively fixed sequence. 

2. This sequence is strongly associated with societal complexity. Languages spoken 
in large-scale, state-level societies commonly have many life-form labels, while 
languages spoken in small-scale societies have relatively few such labels. As 
technology and urban life increasingly distance humans from their natural 
environments, the numerous generic and specific labels which small-scale societies 
have for plants decrease. This decrease favors a concomitant increase in number 



172 



MULCAHY Vol. 8, No. 2 



languages 



nomenclatural 



3. The sequence apparent in the growth of life-form labels can be understood by 
the application of pan-human principles of naming behavior and marking. 



THE STUDY OF GYPSY NOMENCLATURAL SYSTEMS 



The linguistic behavior of Gypsies presents us with data relevant to the study 
of how developmentally constrained nomenclatural systems such as life-form inven- 
tories behave. Around 1000 A.D., the Gypsies left India and during much of the 
ensuing millennium, lived in and traveled through numerous European countries. 
The vast majority of Gypsies are at least bilingual. They speak the language of the 
country in which they have settled, or the languages of the countries through which 
they travel most heavily. They also usually speak a variety of Romany, which is 
classified as an Indie language belonging to the Indo-Iranian branch of Indo-European. 
By definition, Gypsies are always in symbiosis with the culture and language of the 
host states in which they live and/or through which they travel. The collective term 
with which Gypsies label the non-Gypsy citizens of these states, is gaze or outsiders. 

During the ten centuries of Gypsy-Gaze symbiosis, there has been ample oppor- 
tunity for items of linguistic and non-?inguistic culture to be transferred from one group 
to the other. Even with regard to extremely conservative Gypsy communities, one 
should not underestimate the degree of Gaze cultural influence. Likewise, several 
regions and subcultures of modern state societies, such as Spain, have been rather 
profoundly affected by Gypsy language and culture (see Claveria 1951: chapt. 1). 

In view of the foregoing, the status of life-form nomenclatures in Gypsy com- 
munities poses itself as a theoretically interesting question. Have Gypsy communities, 
because of their symbiosis with European state societies, adopted the life-form 
nomenclatures of their Gaze neighbors? Put another way, are the structure and 
content of Gypsy botanical life-form lexicons best explained by processes of language 
contact and bilingualism, or has an indigenous nomenclature been retained? 



THE DEVELOPMENT OF BOTANICAL LIFE-FORM TERMS 
Brown (1984:24) found the following sequence for the development of botanical 



language 



[no 
[life-forms] = => [tree] 



[grerb] 



vine 

grass 
bush 



[grass] ==> 



grerb 
vine 
bush 



Stage 1 



2 3 4-6 



languages have no life-form terms 



have only one life-form term (always "tree") and thus occupy Stage 2. Two term 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 173 



systems (either "tree" and "grerb" or "tree" and "grass") comprise Stage 3. If the 
Stage 3 term is "grerb," then Stages 4, 5, and 6 involve the addition of "vine," "grass" 
and "bush" in no particular order. If the Stage 3 term is "grass/' Stages 4, 5, and 
6 involve the additon of "grerb," "vine," and "bush," again, in no particular order 
(Brown 1984:23-24). 



The five life-form terms are defined as follows: 

"tree," Large plant (relative to the plant inventory of a particular environment) 
whose parts are chiefly ligneous (woody). 

"grerb," Small plant (relative to the plant inventory of a particular environment) 
whose parts are chiefly herbaceous (green, leafy, nonwoody). 

"bush," Plant of intermediate size (relative to the plant inventory of a particular 
environment) which is characteristically bushy (shows much branching and lacks 
a single, main support). 

"vine," Elongated plant exhibiting a creeping or twining or climbing stem habit. 

"grass," A flowerless, herbaceous plant with narrow, often bladelike or spear- 
shaped leaves (Brown 1984:13-14). 



KALDERASITSKA 



great 



category 



speak a form of Romany which, in terms of basic vocabulary and grammatical features, 
is strongly Indie, but which at the same time has adopted as many as 1,500 Ruma- 



The 



century 



They 



or travel through North, Central and South America, Europe, and Australia. 

Gjerdman and Ljungberg (1963, hereinafter G&L) have published an excellent 
descriptive grammar and 3,600 item vocabulary of "Swedish" Kalderasitska based 
on the language of Mr. Johan Dimitri Taikon, or Milos (ca. 1879-1950). The book has 
become a classic in the area of Gypsy linguistics and is the definitive work on 
Kalderasitska. Beginning in 1972, in the course of various field trips to Spain, I have 
been able to spend approximately a year and a half living and working in a community 



in 



life-form categories will be drawn from both the Taikon vocabulary and from my own 
field observations among the "Spanish" Kalderasa. 

Swedish and Spanish Kalderasitska are closely related varieties of the same 



instructive 



Welch 



form 



Gypsy communities I have relied upon Wolf2 (1960) who provides data concerning 
the distribution of 3,862 words in 47 Romany lexicons with the following geographical 
distribution: 17 (36%) from Germany, 13 (28%) from Western and Northern Europe 
and 17 (36%) from Eastern and Southern Europe (Wolf 1960:34). The total number 
of lexicons in our sample, then, comes to 50. 



174 



MULCAHY Vol. 8, No. 2 



BOTANICAL LIFE-FORM TERMS OF THE SWEDISH KALDERASA 

Botanical life-form categories cited in G&L are: 

1. "tree/' G&L (256a) claim an Indie etymology for the "tree" termfcas, referring 
the reader to Sampson (1968:pt. iv:138-139) who cites the Sanskrit kastha "piece 
of wood, log" as an etymon. In addition, G&L (256a) note that in Taikon's speech 
kas also means "wood." 

2. "grass," G&L (368b) gloss tsar as "grass." They give an Indie derivation for the 
word citing Sampson (1968:pt. iv:56) who cites the Sanskrit radical car I carati 
meaning "to roam, graze" as its etymon. G&L (281a-b) also list luludzi "flower" 
<Modern Greek luludi "flower," a secondary meaning of which is "herb," or 
perhaps "flower-plant." Cognates of luludzi occur in three of the Romany 
lexicons listed by Wolf (entry 1815), where they mean only "flower." 

3. "bush," tufa, according to G&L (374a) means, in the variety of Kalderasitska 
spoken by Taikon, "bush" or "shrub." They cite the Rumanian tufe "bush, 
shrub" as its etymon. 



BOTANICAL LIFE-FORMS OF THE SPANISH KALDERASA 
Spanish Kalderasa plant life-forms are: 



1. 



van 



term 



term 



below) which is small and has no woody parts. G&L (337a) list the same form 
(salka) in the Swedish Kalderasitska vocabulary where it means "sallow, willow" 
or "osier" and relate it to the Rumanian and Transylvanian salke. Although salka 
came into Kalderasitska as a Rumanian-Transylvanian loan word, it has a wide 
distribution and a long history in South Central and Western Europe. The Castilian 
sarga "a kind of osier or willow" (Velazquez de la Cadena, 1970:576) is also a 
cognate. Corominas and Pascual (1983:v:176) relate that, in Spain, sarga signifies 
several species of the genus Salix, and also suggest that the Castilian form, as 
well as its Catalan cognate, came into Romance from the Celtic *SALICA (which 
corresponds to an attested form SALICO-) by way of the Proto-Basque *SARICA. 

2. "grerb," Spanish Kalderasa informants equate their "grerb" term tsar with the 
Castilian "grerb" term hierba which means "any small plant without rigid, woody 
parts, that generally germinates and dies during the same year" (Moliner 
}f¥^:*}): Castilian does not distinguish between "grass" and "grerb." Moliner 

. terms of /j^rbfl: "a short and 



(1984 



3. 



^^ ^^ ^^ T^ ^^ ^ ^ <" ^^ WW ^ ^ M ^ f J WWW ^^ ™ ^^ m* w m 

dense 'herb' (hierba) which covers the ground ..." 

"bush," The Spanish Kalderasitska "bush" term is bozi. G&L (216b) list the 
Swedish Kalderasitska cognate bozo "elder-shrub," (genus Sambucus,) which is 
derived, they note, from the Rumanian boz "elder bush." Again the word has 
a wide distribution and considerable history in South Central and Western Europe. 
The Castilian sauco "elder" is a cognate, derived according to Corominas and 
Pascual (1983:v:176-177), from the classical Latin SAMBUCUS, via an intermediate 
form SABUCUS. Corominas and Pascual also note that the clasical form survives 
m "Italian, and in various Sardinian, Rhaeto-Romanic and Occitanian dialects." 






Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 175 



DISCUSSION 



Both Swedish and Spanish Kalderasitska have three botanical life- form terms. 
Both languages have "tree" and "bush," but have taken somewhat different 
developmental routes, in that the Swedish Gypsies encoded "grass," while the 
Spanish Gypsies encoded "grerb" at Stage 3. According to Brown (1984:13-14 and 
above) "grass" is distinguished from "grerb" in that its leaves are bladelike, and 
it bears no flowers. "Grerbs" then, have broader leaves and can have flowers. In 
his book, Brown (1984:14) employs the English "herb" to mean "grerb." We have 
seen that the Spanish Kalderasa tsar incudes both grasses and herbs. The Swedish 
Kalderasa perhaps distinguished between these two concepts by the use of flower to 
label herb, hence, this use of flower might be an incipient "grerb" label. 

The data presented by Wolf do not provide a label for label translation for each 
Romany life-form term. Hence, in entry 3438, W blf collectively glosses the many forms 
of tsar which he compiled as "grass, lawn, pasture-land" and "herb (Kraut)/' In 
the development of life-form lexicons, however, "grass" and "grerb" are not totally 
exclusive categories. Brown (1984:14) maintains: "Grerb, when encoded, always 
includes nongrass herbaceous plants (denoted by herb in this work). However, it is 
frequently extended to grasses ..." This broader Stage 3 category includes both 
herbs and grasses. This being the case, Stage 3 in E.R. seems to be a "grass-grerb" 
stage in its most inclusive sense, i.e., as including herbaceous and sometimes grass- 
like small plants— but also at times representing purely grass-like small plants, and 
only such plants. 



ADDITIONAL BOTANICAL LIFE-FORMS IN EUROPAN ROMANY 



The botanical life-form lexicons for 47 varieties of E.R. (compiled from Wolf, 1960) 
are listed in Table 1. The first column of this table contains Wolf's code letter or number 
for each of the 47 varieties he investigated. The third column lists the author of each 
vocabulary or lexicon, while the life-form labels in each Gypsy lexicon follow each 
author's name. The last column gives the stage of life-form development of each 
lexicon. Since the vocabularies represented in the table vary greatly in length, sampling 



length 



Wolf 



ocabulary of origin. The 



items selected from each lexicon, divided by the total number of items (1,110), and 



bulary 



two 



mos 



representative of E.R. The initial 19 lexicons, which individually represent <1% of 



Wolf 



followed with a question mark to indicate their probable incompleteness. 



Inspection of the Table indicates the following: 

1 . The Typical Life-form Lexicon in Romany. Of the last 16 and most complete lexicons 
in Table 1 (3 through 0), 12 encode for "tree" + "grass-grerb" + "bush. 
These referents are represented in the table by the numbers 2, 3, and 4 respec- 



176 



MULCAHY Vol. 8, No. 2 



The 



be recalled that the two Kalderasitska lexicons also encoded for "tree" + "grass- 
grerb" + "bush." Welch Romany (see below) also encodes for this sequence. 
Thus 15 of the 19 Romany varieties discussed (79%) encode for "tree" + "grass- 
grerb" + "bush." 



2. Itnplicational 



grass 



Brown 



(1984:25) found this sequence in 4% of the world-wide sample of 188 languages 
which he investigated. This encoding sequence is violated (signified by * in the 
table), only three times in the E.R. data. 



EUROPEAN ROMANY 



Wolf (3438) 



glosses tsar as "grass, lawn, pasture- 
term in 24 European Gypsy language 



sar meaning "grass" in Welch Romany. Other possible labels for the grass-gre 
egory are contained in the following entries given by Wolf. 

(3181) storo (and variants) "herb" in one lexicon (2, after Uhlik) < Unclear. 



grasa(n) "grass 



WOOD/TREE POLYSEMY 



Witkowski, Brown and Chase (1981) have shown that approximately two thirds 
of the world's languages have a common term for wood and "tree," while Brown 
(1984:60-62) has found that of a world-wide sample of 188 languages, 93 languages 
(49%) exhibit wood/tree polysemy. He presents a strong argument "that tree usually 
develops through referential expansion from 'wood' " as a response to increase in 
societal scale. Such growth in scale would involve a speech community's distancing 
itself from the natural environment to the point where a "tree" label would be a 
convenient device to refer to a class of objects, the individual members of which have 
lost a degree of adaptive importance and therefore salience. 

The Kalderasitska case is instructive concerning changes in societal scale an 
wood/tree polysemy. According to Gjerdman (G&L, 1963:v-xi), their informant, Mr. 
Taikon traveled through Sweden, Norway, Finland, Russia, the Baltic States, Poland, 
Germany and France. At least some of his travels took place during horse and wagon 
days, as is indicated by the considerable emphasis in his lexicon on items having , o 
do with horses and their care. It is certain that these journeys took him and nis 
people to many rural campsites, where they came in contact with a great variety o 
plant life. G&L (1963) list the following "tree" names (with probable etymologies 
in Taikon's vocabulary: anlno "alder(-tree)" <Rumanian anin (197b); pendexin "hazel 
bush/tree" < Persian, Kurdish permxa (309b); dudulin "mulberry tree" < Rumanian 
dud (230a); palmo "palm tree" < "European" (304a); mestetitn "birch tree" < R" m ^ 
nian tnestedken (290a); o kas le kritsunosko "Christmas-tree" (256a); brddo "fir, spruce 
<Rumanian brad (216b); salka "sallow, willow, osier"< Rumanian salke (337a), 
peduretitsa "crab(-tree)" [sic] < Rumanian pedurets (310b); lika "linden tree" < Rus- 
sian liko (278b); phabelin "apple tree" < Sanskrit p'abai (311b); plopo "popular, 
aspen" < Rumanian plop (319a); pruitn "plum tree" <Rumanian prune (327a); 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 177 



(346b) 



an Indie form 

46) 



(194a); rekita "sallow, osier, willow 

that the suffix -in is placed on names of fruits to form the name of the tree upon which 
a particular fruit grows. 

The Spanish Kalderasa present a rather different case in their relationship to 
the natural environment. By their own admission they are "city Gypsies" rather than 
"country Gypsies." Even the best informants know little of the horse and wagon 
days, and of the vocabulary related to horses. They are sedentary and their domestic 
and work environment is urban and has been urban for fifty years. They have little 
interest in plant life. When I went over the above list of "tree" names with 
knowledgeable informants they recognized very few of the non-fruit "tree" labels 
and they knew nothing of the-m suffix used by Taikon. They did recognize pa Into, 
"palm tree" for which they use the Castilian label palma. Salka was, of course, 
recognized, but only as the life-form label "tree." They knew "pine tree," but only 
as "Christmas tree," salka kretsunoski. "Apple tree" was glossed as salka phabaiengi. 
"Fruit trees" could, in general, be glossed by combining salka with a genitive form 
of the fruit which they bear (as in the last example). 

Taikon's people made their living by doing metalwork on a contractual basis for 
the Gaze, as do the Spanish Kalderasa. Hence, the appellation "Coppersmith." 
The technological vocabularies of the Swedish Kalderasa and the Spanish Kalderasa 
are very similar. It is highly probable that there is little technological difference 
between the two groups in the area of metal working process. The difference between 
the two groups lies in their typical life ways. First, the Spanish Coppersmiths adopted 
the automobile. Second, they opted, years ago, to use the urban center in which they 
live as a permanent base of operations for their business. The Spanish Coppersmiths 
have become urban businessmen, who have only sporadic contact with a rural 
environment— hence, they have been distanced enough from the world of natural 
things to have lost many individual "tree" names, and, as part of the same process, 
to have expanded a particular "tree" name into a "tree" life-form, eschewing the 
wood/tree polysemy of their Swedish predecessors who had a more rural lifestyle. 3 

In Swedish Kalderasitska salka is restricted in meaning to "sallow, willow" or 
"osier." Languages often innovate life-form labels by expanding the reference of folk 
generic labels (Brown 1984:71 et seq.) and frequently "tree" terms develop from 
extension of the referential range of the label for a tree which is particularly impor- 
tant in a local environment (Brown 1984:60). Sallow, willow and osier trees belong 
to the genus Salix of the cosmopolitan family Salicacae. The genus Salix contains about 
300 species and is of economic importance for materials used in tanning, the manufac- 
ture of charcoal, small wooden implements and baskets (cf. Lawrence 1951:447-448). 
Such activities would certainly have been important with regard to the estate 
economies in Rumania prior to the 1850s, which is the approximate date of large- 
scale Rom out-migration from that country. 



WOOD AND TREE LABELS IN EUROPEAN ROMANY 



In Table 1, forms of kas (entry 1334) meaning "wood, tree, stick" and "staff" 
appear in all but eight of the 47 lexicons searched. These lexicons represent the 
smaller and therefore least complete vocabularies. Another lexicon (d, after Etzler) 
lists hultrutn "wood," a German loanword. We have seen that kas has its etymon 
in the Sanskrit kastha which means "piece of wood" or "log." It is unlikely that 



178 



MULCAHY Vol. 8, No. 2 



from Sanskrit but it is interesting 



Sanskrit wood/ tree polysemy 



kastha 



■ • 



and "tree" - vrksa (Burrow 1959:161; Sampson 1968 pt. iv:321). 

The foregoing is important because it compels one to entertain the hypothesis 
that all, or some of the ancestors of the Gypsies came out of India, a millennium or 
so ago, speaking a variety of Romany with separate wood and "tree" terms, the wood 
term being ancestral to the modern kas and the ' 'tree' ' term consisting of some other 
Indie word or words. An excellent candidate would be the form ancestral to ruk and 
its variants which denote "tree" in 24 of the Gypsy lexicons summarized by Wolf 
(2801). Of the 16 most complete lexicons searched by Wolf, 12 hadrwfc terms for "tree" 
(see Table). Ruk also glosses "tree" in the Welch variety of Romany studied by Samp- 
son (1968: pt. iv:321). Sampson (1968) traces ruk to the Sanskrit vrksa or ruksa, both 
denoting "tree" and gives the Prakrit rukkha and the Hindi rukh as cognates. Wolf 
(444) gives only one other Romany "tree" label of Indie origin: daro, daru < Hindi 
taru; < Persian daraxt, which appears in just one lexicon (5, after Serboianu, in the 



Wolf 



(1784). The 



term: chopacho, involved the direct borrowing of a European "tree" label. For the 

gives a tentative Eastern and Southeastern European 
►anian lis, and its cognates in Serbo-Croatian, Slovak, 



second label, lithi, Wolf 



tymology 



and 



Wolf 



We 



Wratislaw 



(1984:67), plant parts sometimes 



life- forms. 



EUROPEAN ROMANY STAGE 4 AND THE INNOVATION OF BUSH 

Bor at its cognates represent a frequent label for the life-form "bush" in E.R. Wolf 
(328) records variants of the label meaning "hedge, bush, grove, wood, forest" and 
"undergrowth" from 13 varieties of E.R. (11 of which appear in the 16 most represen- 
tative lexicons), and cites Hindi buta "bush, shrub;" Persian bote "bush, shrub" and 
Polish bor "forest" as cognates. The primary meaning of the label is "hedge" which 
signifies a "fence or boundary formed by a row of shrubs or small trees planted close 
together . . ." (WTNID 1976:1048). The secondary meaning "bush" is clear. The 
tertiary denotation, the (Ger.)Ham means "grove" but also a "sylvan glade" as well 
as a "bosket" = "thicket" and "boscage" = "a growth of trees or shrubs" (NCGD 
1958:213; WTNID 1976:257). Clearly, the term signifies referents along two continua, 
viz., size: (small to large plant) and density: (single plant to assemblage of P lan * s) h 
It would not be imprudent to approach the primary and secondary meanings (wnic 
largely coincide with those of the word's Oriental cognates) as being the usua 
meanings of bor in E.R. 

Wolf (2801) also gives the diminutive of ruk "tree," rukoro "little tree," hence 
"shrub," which appears in one variety of Romany (6, after Colocci (Balk.)),_wh e 
Sampson records a similar "bush" label for Welch Romany— bita or xuredo ruK 
"little tree," beside buros. 4 Two additional "bush" terms of low representation are 
cited by Wolf: 

(3555) tufa "bush, shrub, green oak branch" from one lexicon (5, after 
Serboianu) < Rumanian tufe "bush, heath, briar patch" < Latin tufa (Cioranescu 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 179 



1960:863, and identical to the "bush" term in Swedish Kalderasitska, qv., 
above) . 

(2799) rugo, from two lexicons. In one it means "blackberry, bramble, rasp- 
berry and wild rosebush," while in the other "bush," (lexicon 2, beside hrgo, 
after Uhlik)< Rumanian rug "bramble" (Rubus caesius) "any thorny bush or 
shrub" < Latin rubus "bramble or blackberry bush" (Cioranescu 1960:708; 
Leverett 1895:783). 

Thus, three European loanwords for "bush" found their way into E.R.; one of 
which (tufa, above) involved direct borrowing, while two involved lexical expansion 
of a European generic term (zugo, above and bozi in Spanish Kalderasitska). But let 
us return to the etymological status of bor. Could it have a European origin? Pro- 
ponents of this point of view might stress the Polish bor, "forest" as a form phonetically 
close to the modern Romany bor and would suggest a Slavic origin for the term. 
Sampson (1968:pt. iv:48-49) gives the origin of the Welch Romany buros, "bush," 
as "somewhat obscure," but finally doubts a Slavic origin in favor of its being a cognate 
of the Hindi buta, "bush," as does Pott and Miklosich (Sampson 1968:pt. iv:49). This 
is also the view of Wolf (see above). The Hindi cognate is certainly close to bur a (a 
variant of bor, which occurs in five of the lexicons in the table). 



THE SPANISH KALDERASITSKA BUSH TERM 



It will be recalled that the Swedish Kalderasitska cognate for the Spanish 
Kalderasitska "bush" label bozi, is bozo meaning "elder bush." According to G&L 
(63; 216b) bozo forms its nominative plural in Romany through the addition of the 
(Rumanian) ending -urea, hence bozurea "elder bushes." Spanish Kalderasa infor- 
mants, however, state that bozi is the same in both singular and plural and equate 



it with the Romany sulutnd "straw(s)," the plural oisulum "straw. 



// 



Brown (1984:62), in discussing the innovation of "grerb" terms, remarks that in 
both genetically and geographically separate Mayan and Polynesian language groups, 
"grerb" terms have evolved from the referential expansion of words denoting 
"rubbish, garbage, trash, litter, rotten stuff, and the like." A common colloquial 
meaning of Castilian paja "straw" is "a thing of little importance or interest" or "the 
useless part of something . . . that which remains when what is of value has been 
selected" (Moliner 1984:ii:604). The climate of the city in which the Spanish Kalderasa 
live is dry and the vacant lots in its working-class— residential and industrial districts 
are densely covered with low, dry, straw-colored bushes for a good part of the year. 
The ground cover of this "worthless" vegetation provides the Gypsies with their 
primary and enduring notion of "bush". Two processes seem to be going on here. 
First we see an example of life-form/plant assemblage polysemy and second, we note 
a reversal of the process of expansion noted by Brown. Instead of a useless and 
"bothersome" entity expanding to include neutral and even useful plant material, 
neutral or even useful entities have begun to take on negative meanings due to the 
special social and ecological environment in which the Spanish Kalderasa speech 
community finds itself. 



MARKING AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF BUSH 



traighforward 



180 



MULCAHY Vol. 8, No. 2 



terms of binary 



dimension 



items in a language are shorter, used more frequently, and are implied in implica- 
tional relationships rather than being the impliers in said relationships. Regarding 
the growth of "bush" terms when "tree" and "grerb" labels are already present 
in a language Brown (1984:107) contends: 

Usually only after the tree/grerb distinction is made and biggest plans are dis- 
tinguished from smallest ones, will a bush class be recognized which consists of those 
botanical organisms that are smaller than the largest plants and larger than the smallest 
plants in any given environment. Thus tree, grerb, and bush form a marking sequence 
based on size in which tree is least marked, bush is most marked, and grerb is in 
between in marking value. 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 



Earlier in this paper I posed the question: Have Gypsy communities, because of 
their symbiosis with European state societies, adopted the life-form nomenclatures 
of their Gaze neighbors? Put another way, are the structure and content of Gypsy 
botanical life-form lexicons best explained by processes of language contact and 
bilingualism or has an indigenous nomenclature been retained? The answer to this 
question has several parts: 

(1) Regarding the botanical life-form development of E.R., we found that the typical 
lexicon has three terms viz. "tree," "grass-grerb," and "bush." While there was 
a "vine" term in Sanskrit (Sampson 1968:pt. iv:88), it appears not to have survived 
as such in any of the Romany varieties examined. The Stage 4 status of E.R. would 
seem to be more in accord with the relatively small-scale orientation of Gypsy 
society than with the Stage 5 or 6 status that tends to occur in large-scale urban 
societies. 



The 



pean Gypsies left India with native terms for wood and "tree" and less surely for 



grass 
graze 



of this radical had not consolidated into a nominal label for "grass." Proponents ot 
this point of view might stress the Polish bor, "forest" as a form phonetically close 
to the modern Romany bor and would suggest a Slavic origin for the term. However, 
one could also follow Sampson and doubt a Slavic origin for bor and stress the view 
that it is a cognate of the Hindi buta, "bush." Another interpretation, then, would 
favor the position that a millennium ago the Gypsies left India with fully consolidated 



terms for "tree," "grass," and "bush." 



European loanword for "wood" found its way into only one Romany lexicon (hultrutn 
in lexicon d, after Etzler). The rest of the terms have been somewhat less stable in 
that European synonyms, on occasion, have passed into Romany lexicons. Such was 



(Swedish Kalderasitska; 5, after Serboianu); and the Rumanian copac 
Serboianu) . 



tufe "bush 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



181 



However, if one considers the percentage of Indie terms (including the terms for 
wood) which survive in E.R. life-form lexicons, the effect of European contact on E.R. 
is less important than is the persistence of an indigenous Gypsy life-form nomen- 
clature. If we consider the most complete population of lexicons, i.e., the last 16 cases 
in the Table, as well as the Kalderasitska and Welch cases, and if we count bor items 
as being European loanwords, then 68% of the terms in this population are of Indie 
origin. If we count the bor terms as being Indie, then the percentage increases to 84%. 5 
If we do not count wood terms in our calculations, the figures are 61% and 81%, respec- 
tively. Moreover, although European synonyms were incorporated into the E.R. life- 
form lexicon, other loanwords were not, but rather represented lexical expansions 
of European terms. Thus, in Spanish Kalderasitska, the term salka was not bor- 
rowed with its European meaning "willow, osier, etc." intact, rather, the European 
term was expanded to signify "tree in general." Likewise the Spanish Kalderasitska 
"bush" term bozi, resulted from an expansion of a Rumanian loanword meaning 
"elder bush." Other examples of European terms which underwent lexical expan- 
sion when they were borrowed by Romany were lithi "leaf," which expanded to 
"tree" in three lexicons described by Wolf (8, after Jesina; 10, after Wratislaw; and 
13, after Puchmayer); as well as rugo "bramble," which expanded into "bush" 
(2, after Uhlik). Here, the effects of language contact were indirect. 

(4) Two closely related varieties of Romany were found to differ in that one, Swedish 
Kalderasitska possessed wood/tree polysemy while the other, Spanish Kalderasitska, 
had separate terms for wood and "tree." These two Gypsy societies differ in that 
the Swedish community led a primarily rural life-style, while the Spanish group are 
urban Gypsies. This finding from Kalderasitska is in agreement with Witkowski, 
Brown and Chase (1981) who maintain that presence of wood/tree polysemy correlates 



with societal scale. 



LITERATURE CITED 



BROWN, C.H. 1984. Language and Living 
Things: Uniformities in Folk Classifi- 
cation and Naming. New Brunswick: 
Rutgers Univ. Press. 

BURROW, T. 1959. The Sanskrit Language. 
Faber and Faber, London. 

CIORANESCU, A. 1958-1960. Diccionario 
Etimologico Rumano. Fasciculos 1-5. 
(Biblioteca Filologica: Universidad de 
la Laguna). Gredos, Madrid. 

CLAVERIA, C. 1951. Estudios sobre los 
Gitanismos del Espanol. Revista de 
Filologia Espanola 53. Madrid. 

COROMINAS, J. and PASCUAL, J. A. 1983. 
Diccionario Critico Etimologico Castel- 
lano e Hispanico. 5 vols. Gredos, 
Madrid. 

GJERDMAN, O. and LJUNGBERG, E. 1963. 
The Language of the Swedish Copper- 
smith Gypsy Johan Dimitri Taikon. A.- 
B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, Uppsala. 

LAWRENCE, G.H.M. 1951. Taxonomy of 



Vascular Plants. The Macmillan Com- 
pany, New York. 

LEVERETT, F. (ed.) 1895. A New and 
Copious Lexicon of the Latin Language. 
J.B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia. 

MOLINER, M. 1984. Diccionario del Uso 
del Espanol. 2 vols. Gredos, Madrid. 



The 



Wagnalls 



and Harold 



Betteridge, eds.). 

SAMPSON, J. 1968. The Dialect of the 
Gypsies of Wales. Oxford Univ. Press, 
Oxford. (Originally published in 1924). 

VELAZQUEZ de la CADEN 



y of the Spanish and English 

Languages. Appleton/Century/Crofts, 

New York. 
WITKOWSKI, S.R., C.H. BROWN and P.K. 

CHASE. 1981. Where Do Trees Come 

From? Man (N.S.) 16:1-14. 
WOLF, S.A. 1960. Grosses Worterbuch der 



182 



MULCAHY 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



"tree:" ruk (Sampson 1968:pt. iv:321). "grass:" car (Sampson 1968:pt. iv:56-57). "bush:" buros 
(Sampson l%8:pt. iv:48), beside bita or xuredo ruk lit. "little tree" (Sampson 1968:pt. iv:321). 



5 In the calculation of these figures, multiple variants of a term (e.g. rugo, hrgo) were counted 
as only one term. 



TABLE 1.— Botanical life-forms in 47 varieties of European Romany (after Wolf, 1960). 



15 
17 

16 

e 

i 

n 

G 

g 
R 

1 

b 

12 

14 

f 

L 

a 

k 

M 

P 

11 

1 

m 

4 
h 

J 
K 

C 

7 
c 

Q 

A 

3 

d 

13 

F 

9 

H 

N 

E 



0.00] 

0. 09] 

0.09] 

0.18] 

0.18] 

0.18] 

0.27] 

0.36] 

0.36] 

0.36] 

0.45] 

0.45] 

0.45] 

0.54] 

0.72] 

0.81] 

0.81] 

0.09] 

0.90] 

0.99] 

1.17] 

1.26] 
1.35] 
1.53] 
1.53] 
1.62] 
1.89] 
2.16] 
2.16] 
2.16] 
2.16] 
2.34] 
2.79] 
2.79] 
2.97] 
3.33] 
4.14] 
4.50] 
4.50] 



1? 



Ludolfus: — 

Van Ewsum: 2. raeck 2? 

Vulcanius: kascht *» 

Miskow: khas " 

Barrere-Leland: — 1- 



Ganander: — 
Pischel: gast 



1? 
1? 



Winstedt: — *' 

Beschreibung: gascht 



Febvre (Romanes): 3. tchar, cear 
Febvre (Calo): 2. carchta 3. cha 



1? 
*? 

3? 



Kruse: kascht *' 

Grellmann: karscht, kazht 2. ruk *■• 

Palm: kast *' 

Tielich: — " 

Calvet: kas " 

3? 

2? 

2? 

" 3? 

2 



Francis: 2. kosh 3. chaw 



Blankenburg: gasch 2. ruck 

Rudiger: gascht, karscht 2. rukkes 

Borrow (Hung. & Trans.): karscht 2. rook 3. char 
Colocci (Ital.): khast(e), kuast 2. rue 



Smart: 2. rook 3. chor 

Kopernicki: 2. kast 3. ciar 4 bur 

Thesleff: 2. kast, kacht 3. car ? 

Graffunder: gascht 2. ruk 

Frenckel: kascht 2. ruk 



2 



Juhling: gast 2. ruk 4. bur 
v. Sowa (Slovak.): kast .. 



Iversen: 2. kasjt, kasj 3. it/Vir 

Beytrag: kasht, kaahsd 2. n«* 3. tschaar 



1 

3 

3 

Wolf: gascht 2. rwcit ~ 

Rozwadowski: 2. fcasf 3. car 4. fri/r J 

3 

4 

3 

4 

.4 



Etzler: fcas/f, hultrum 2. ruckan, rubban 3. tjar, grasa(n) 
Puchmayer: kaszt 2. lithi 3. czar 4. b«ra 



v. Sowa (E): kast 2. ruk 3. car 

v. Wlislocki: kast 2. n/Zc 3. car 4. fwra . 
Liebich: gascht 2. n/fcjt 3. tschar 4. porr 
Bischoff : gascht 2. rwit 4. porr 



v. Sowa (W): kast 2. ruk 3. c«r 4. bor 



4 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



183 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



Zigeunersprache (romani tsiw). Biblio- 
graphisches Institut, Manheim. 
WTNID. 1976. Webster's Third New Inter- 



national Dictionary of the English 
Language (Unabridged). G.&C. Merrian 
Company. Springfield, Massachusetts. 



NOTES 



*I would like to thank the National Endowment for the Humanities for a Summer Stipend which 
funded some of the field work upon which this paper is based. A grant from the Mellon 
Foundation, which was administered by Polytechnic University, also aided my fieldwork. 
I would also express my gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their careful critique of an 
earlier draft of this paper. Finally, I thank Chuli. 



^The data from Wolf must be used with care. The data collected from the Spanish and Swedish 
Kalderasa as well as from the Welch Gypsies should be considered as representing the "best" 
data for our purposes, since they were collected under rigorous field conditions from Gypsy 
informants in three separate communities. Hence, the probability of cross-contamination of 
these sources is near zero. According to Wolf (p. 36-43), some of the authors of the 47 lexicons, 
to a greater or lesser degree, copied from each other. This possibility must then be kept in mind 
when interpreting these data. One way of minimizing the probable effects of copying is to use 
lexicons from geographically distinct areas. The most important data from Wolf are the last 
16 (entries 3 through in the Table) and most complete lexicons. These lexicons represent, 
according to their titles and Wolf's commentary (1960), the speech of Gypsies in: East 
Germany (F), West Germany (E), Germany (H, N, D, O), Germany and Eastern Europe (B), 
Rumania (5), Sweden (d), Poland (3), Czechoslovakia (8, 13), Transylvania (9), Austria (10), 
the Balkans (6), and Serbia and Croatia (2). Except for the German cases, a reasonably wide 
geographic spread is evident. Further, the probability of copying can be assessed by the similarity 
of each lexicon to the other lexicons in terms of the life-form labels themselves, their orthography, 
and the diacritical marks they carry. In general, copying should engender great similarity 
among lexicons. I have not found any two lexicons which are alike in all of these three features. 
In fact, with a few exceptions, the lexicons are rather dissimilar. Combined with the Kalder- 
asitska and Welch cases the data from Wolf seem sufficient to get a good idea of a typical life- 
form lexicon in E.R. and a rough idea of the relative contributions of Indie vs. European labels 
to that lexicon. 



3 A claim could be made that wood/tree polysemy and its lack could be shaped in Gypsy 
langauges by its presence or lack in the languages of host-states in which Gypsies live. 



Witkowski 



time 



_ — _^ _ — _ — _ w j 

is said to have spoken fluent Russian, and imperfect Swedish (G&L 1963: V- VI). A claim has 



— / — ^ — £~y r w — — 

of Taikon and his tribesmen 'was mixed with Russian words and constructions. 
this, because Slavic words constituted less than 2% of the 3,600 word vocabular) 
Mr. Taikon. Manv Kaldprasa rommunities have Russian backgrounds; they like 



t if 



language 
G&L doubt 



This 



Quite a few of their now deceased forebearers, the contemporaries of Taikon, spent time in 



both 



wood 



4 



form labels are as follows: wood 






184 



MULCAHY Vol. 8, No. 2 



TABLE 1.— Botanical life-forms in 47 varieties of European Romany (after Wolf, 1960). 
(continued) 

5 [5.14] Serboianu: chdsh 2. daro, daru, chopacho 3. cear 4. tufa 4 

D [5.14] Finck: kast 2. ruk 3. tsar 4. bor 4 

10 [5.23] Wratislaw: kast 2. ruk, lithi 3. car 4. porr, pore, bura 4 

6 [5.23] Colocci (Balk.): kasht, kash 2. ruk 3. tchar 4. rukoro 4 

8 [5.59] Jesina: kast 2. ruk, lithi 3. car 4. bura 4 

B [5.68] Hrkal: kast 2. ruk 3. car 4. bor, bur, ban? 4 

2 [5.86] Uhlik: 2. fcas 3. car, sforo, staro, sturo 4. bur, rugo, hrgo ... 4 

o [5.95] Kraus: kascht 2. n/fc 3. fcc/wr, tscharr 3 



[99.98% total] 



BOOK REVIEW 



The Peyote Book: A Study of Native Medicine. G. Mount. Areata, CA: Sweethght 
Books, 1987. Pp. 80, $7.50. 

The American Indian has consistently had to fight for his religious right to use 
the peyote cactus, a completely unaddictive psychoactive drug basic to a cult that 
has done wonders against alcoholism and other problems and for native respect among 
American Indians through the Native American Church. Some of our western and 
southwestern states have enacted oppressive laws against the native religious use 
of peyote, quite against Federal laws that permit its ceremonial use. 

This little book should be had by anyone interested in the ethnobotany of peyote 



based on an inoffensive plant. 



ty 



Richard Evans Schultes 
Professor Emeritus 
Botanical Museum of Harvard 
Cambridge. Massachusetts 021 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(2):185-194 



Winter 1988 



ETHNOBOTANY OF LADAKH (INDIA) 
PLANTS USED IN HEALTH CARE 



G. M. BUTH and IRSHAD A. NAVCHOO 

Department of Botany 
University of Kashmir 
Srinagar 190006 India 



ABSTRACT.— This paper puts on record the ethnobotanical information of some plants 

used by inhabitants of Ladakh (India) for medicine. A comparison of the uses of these 

-plants in Ladakh and other parts of India reveal that 21 species have varied uses while 

19 species are not reported used. 



INTRODUCTION 



Ladakh (elev. 3000-5900m), the northernmost part of India is one of the most 
elevated regions of the world with habitation up to 5500m. The general aspect is of 
barren topography. The climate is extremely dry with scanty rainfall and very little 
snowfall (Kachrooef al. 1976). The region is traditionally rich in ethnic folklore and 
has a distinct culture as yet undisturbed by external influences. The majority of the 
population is Buddhist and follow their own system of medicine, which has been 
in vogue for centuries and is extensively practiced. It offers interesting insight into 
an ancient medical profession. 

The system of medicine is the "Amchi system" (Tibetan system) and the practi- 
tioner, an "Amchi." The system has something in common with the "Unani" (Greek) 
and "Ayurvedic" (Indian) system of medicine. Unani is the traditional system which 
originated in the middle east and was followed and developed in the Muslim world; 
whereas the Ayurvedic system is that followed by Hindus since Rig vedic times. Both 
are still practiced in India. Though all the three systems make use of herbs (fresh 
and dry), minerals, animal products, etc., the Amchi system, having evolved in its 
special environment, has its own characteristics. A prescription in the system usually 
consists of 2 to 5 herbs combined in various ways, supplemented by certain unique 
rituals. The individual expertise (or whim) of the Amchi is often the deciding factor 
for the dose and supplementary advice. In actual practice, the system is complicated 
and has to be learned after long years of study and training under experienced 
Amchis. The profession of an Amchi is a family affair and the knowledge passes from 
father to son. There are no institutions and no formal Amchi education. When an 
apprentice wants to be declared a full-fledged Amchi and practice independently, 
his guide, who is often his own father, calls a few experienced Amchis who conduct 
a sort of viva-voce examination. If the performance is satisfactory the apprentice is 

declared fit for practicing as an Amchi. 

In view of the importance of the Amchi system over a vast tract of J&K state 
(India), efforts were made to collect and collate all available information on it to assess 
its relevance to the changing socio-cultural scenario in these highlands. This paper 
records medicinal uses of 40 plant species growing in the region. 



186 



BUTH 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



METHODS 



Periodic surveys of ethnic groups in remote areas of Ladakh have been conducted 
during a two and a half year period ending in October, 1986. The areas surveyed 
include: 

1. Leh and adjoining villages l-15th Aug. 1985 

2. Diskit (Nubra valley) 16th-30th Aug. 1985 

3. Lungna 15th-30th Sept. 1985 

4. Panamik (Nubra valley) 15th May-2nd June 1986 

5. Numa (Changthang) 5th-15th June 1986 

6. Chumathang lst-14th July 1986 

7. Khalsi 16th-31st July 1986 

8. Likir and Tamisgam Ist-lOth Aug. 1986 

9. Himis 12th-30th Aug. 1986 

10. Himia 21st-30th Sept. 1986 

11. Dumkhar lst-7th Oct. 1986 

12. Khardungla and Khardung 8th, 9th, 10th Oct. 1986 

13. Pullu 12th, 13th Oct. 1986 

14. Saspul and Nimu 14th, 15th, 16th Oct. 1986 

15. Durbung 18th-25th Oct. 1986 

The ethnobotanic information was gathered on fresh as well as dried plant 
specimens in the field through field interviews, conducted daily. On the final day 
of a survey, group discussions with knowledgeable old people, local priests (Lamas) 
and village heads were conducted to check uniformity of opinion regarding various 
uses of plants. Final confirmation was made by discussions with Amchis (local 
medicine men) and also through visits to the Amchi Research Center Leh (Ladakh). 

After completion of field data, the dried specimens were identified in KASH 
(Kashmir University herbarium) using Hooker (1872-97), Kachroo et al. (1976), and 
Stewart (1917 and 1972). Voucher specimens are deposited in KASH. 



ETHNOBOTANY 



The species used medicinally in Ladakh (India) are arranged alphabetically. 
For each species the botanical name, family, voucher number, localname (in quota- 



Alliaceae (IN 21) 



tion marks) and curative use(s) are given. 
Allium stoliczkai Regel 

"Skotse." The decoction of the dried bulb is given to women after deln 
energy. A decoction of the leaves is considered a remedy for constipation. 

Anthriscus nemerosa Spreng. 



Apiaceae (IN 1130) 



The sun-dried plants are powdered. It is claimed 



the powder, when inhaled, cures rheumatism and inflation. 

Aster diplostephoides Benth. 



Asteraceae (IN 168) 



The decocti 
respiration. 



Dry or fresh flower heads are boiled in milk 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 187 



Astragalus zanaskariensis Benth. Papilionaceae (IN 39) 

"Chisigma." The sun-dried roots are powdered. The powder is dissolved in luke 



milk o r 

to be effective against ring worm. 

Berberis ulicina HK.f.&T 



Berberidaceae (IN 146) 



"Sinskingnama." The dried fruits are administered orally against ring worm. 



Capparis spinosa Lamk. 



Capparidaceae (IN 77) 



"Kabra." The leaves are placed in water for 2-3 days with continuous changing 
of water. Then leaves are boiled in fresh water with a little salt and given against 
hyperacidity and other stomach troubles. 



>/* 



Papilionaceae (IN 55) 



// 



Takay vonpo." Fresh leaves are boiled in milk and cooled. Taken in the morning 
for a week, it is claimed to act as a blood purifier. The dry leaves are used as an 
antiseptic in powdered form. 

Carduus nutans Linn. Asteraceae (IN 51) 

"Jangchar." Fresh leaves and roots are chewed to initiate vomiting in cases of 
indigestion. 

Carum carvi Linn. Apiaceae (IN 34) 

"Kajnut." Leaves and fruits are boiled in water and cooled. The extract is taken 
as an antiacid and against digestive ailments. Bath in extract is claimed to cure 
rheumatism. 



Centauria depressa M.Bieb. 



Asteraceae (IN 12) 



"Vasaka." Luke warm extract of fresh leaves and seeds is used against cough, 



chest pains and fever. 
Chenopodium album Linn. 



Chenopodiaceae (IN 14) 



"Janchikarpo." Leaves are boiled in water and cooled overnight. It is given against 
gastric troubles. An extract from seeds is used as a diuretic. 



Delphinium brunonianum Royle 



Ranunculaceae (IN 62) 



"Chargosposz." Fresh leaves are crushed in a little water and made into a paste. 



the paste is given with bread against malaria. 



D. viscosum Hk.f.&T. 



Ranunculaceae (IN 1261) 



"Bilamonokh." The fresh shoots and leaves are made into a paste. The paste is 
applied as a poultice on inflamed joints to relieve pain and edema. 



Ephedra gerardiana Wall. 



Ephedraceae (IN 5) 



"Sephat." The decoction of aerial parts is used against bronchial troubles and 
liver diseases. It is also claimed to cure irregularities of menustration. 



Hippophae rhamnoides Linn. 



Elaegnaceae (IN 2) 



fruits 



against asthma. 



188 



BUTH and NAVCHOO Vol. 8, No. 2 



Jaeskea 



Gentianaceae (IN 1189) 



sometimes 



claimed to act as a blood purifier. 



J 



Juglandaceae 



dry 



constipation. Bark in powder form is used as tooth powder. 



Junip 



Cupressaceae (IN 1168) 



"Shukpa." The extract of fresh seeds along with seed extract of Polygonum 



hydropiper is used as diuretic. 
Lactuca sativa Linn. 



Asteraceae (IN 41) 



"Dums." Leaves are boiled in water with salt and allowed to cool. They are 



crushed 



latifoli 



Brassicaceae (IN 1261) 



/ / 



Seoji." The plants are crushed and made into a paste and applied as a poultice 



to cure rheumatism. 

Morina longifolia Wall. 

"Agzaima." Seeds are cms] 
for children of 3-6 years of age. 

Myricaria germanica (Linn.) Desr 



Morinaceae 



claimed 



• . • 



Tamaricaceae (IN 166) 



(IN 



"Umboo." A decoction of leaves is taken as a blood purifier. 

Nepeta brachypetala Benth. L 

"Tiyanko." Seeds are dried, powdered and boiled in water. On cooling, the 
extract is used against hyperacidity. 

Onosma hispidum Wall. Boraginaceae (IN 61) 

"Deemok." Fresh roots and leaves are boiled in milk and stored overnight. 
The decoction, if taken before breakfast, is claimed to stop blood vomiting and ac 
as a blood purifier. 

Oxyria digyna (Linn.) Hill. Polygonaceae (IN 1199) 

"Chumcha." The shoots are kept in lukewarm water and taken in the morning 

as an appetizer. 

Pedicularis oederi Vahl. 



Scrophulariaceae (IN 108) 

"Lugrusserpo." The fresh seedlings are consumed raw in case of food poisoning. 



Plantago asiatica Linn. 



Plantaginaceae (IN 1197) 



"Karache." The cooked or boiled leaves are used as a blood purifier 



P. Hitnaliaca Linn. 



Plantaginaceae (IN 106) 



"Tharum." Dried seeds in powdered form is dissolved in curds and used to 



cure diarrhoea. 
Polygonum Hydropiper Linn. 



Polygonaceae 'IN 301) 



"Chumerche." The seeds are placed in water and boiled for 2-3 days, vjn 



ing, the extract is used as a diuretic and to decrease obesity. 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 189 



Prunus aremeniaca Linn. 



Rosaceae (IN 431) 



"Phating." Oil extracted from the seeds (kernals) is given to women after delivery 
for energy. It is also used to stimulate growth of long, healthy hair. 

Saussurea taraxicifolia Wall. Asteraceae (IN 171) 

"Psangijarpachan." The sundried rhizomes are powdered and added to preboiled 
milk. It is kept as such for 1-3 days and then used against fever. 



Saxifraga flagellaris Willd. 



Saxifragaceae (IN 166) 



// 



Teetasarzing." Fresh aerial parts are crushed on a stone, a little water is added 



so that a paste is formed. It is applied on cuts and wounds as an antiseptic. 



Scutellaria heydei Hk.f 



Lamiaceae (IN 113) 



"Jimthiglae." Aerial parts are dried near fire and then powdered. An extract of 
the powder in water is used against eye trouble. The powder with curds is used as 
a diuretic. 



Hk. f. & T. 



(IN 



"Sholo." Dry leaves in semicrushed form are used with curds as diuretic. It is 



also used to decrease obesity. 
Senecio kraschenninkovii Schich. 



Asteraceae (IN 1193) 



"Unarswah." Fresh leaves are crushed and made into a paste. The paste is 
applied on the forehead to relieve headache and is sometimes used as a poultice on 
inflamed parts to relieve pain. 

Sisymbrium orientale Linn. 



/ / 



Brassicaceae (IN 1150) 

Staga." The powdered seeds are rolled into small tablets with butter or milk 
and used as an appetizer and carminative. 

Swertia petiolata Royal ex. D. Don Gentianaceae (IN 1139) 

"Zantik." The decoction of whole plant in milk is used against headache and 
body ache. 



Thalictrum minus Linn. 



Ranunculaceae (IN 42) 



"Chak-achoo." The aerial parts are kept in water for several days and boiled. 
The cooled extract is used as an eye sterilizer, also to cure gout and rheumatism. 



Waldhemia stoliczkai (CI.) Ostenf. 



Asteraceae (IN 1175) 



/ / 



Solo-marpo." The decoction of shoots and leaves is used in headache, fever 



and bronchial troubles. The extract is claimed to act as a blood purifier. 



W 



Asteraceae (IN 160) 



/ / 



Solo-kerpo." Achenes are consumed raw in acidity. The crushed, fresh leaves 



are applied as a poultice in arthritis. 



DISCUSSION 






Amchi System.-The region is rich in ethnic folklore and has its own deep rooted 
traditions which have been protected through centuries and are still practiced. 
The Amchi system is one of these traditions. It has been derived from the original 



190 



BUTH 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



Tibetan system of medicine and whatever has been noted centuries ago is practiced 



modifications 



language and is not printed. 



The 



Moorcraft 



(1864) 



Modern 



introduced in the region which gradually initiated a change in the way of the life 



Ladakhis. Medical 



the demands of the people scattered over such a vast track of land. The people are 



almost 



more 



from the headquarters of the region. 

The Amchis enjoy more confidence than modern allopathic doctors, who are 
usually non-residents and cannot speak the Ladakhi language. Even though all the 



Muslims 



tify 



There 



these experiences are authentic (Kachroo 1980), which probably accounts for the 
Ladakhi people not having fully accepted the allopathic system as an alternative to 
the Amchi system. 



carry 



the middle of which is fixed a broad strip of leopard skin. It is believed that this 
strengthens the potency and efficacy of the drugs inside. The case usually contains 
different drug preparations in small leather bags which are provided to patients free, 
thus the treatment becomes cheaper and drugs easily available. 



HERBAL MEDICINE 



A large number of herbs, usually in combinations of 2-5, are used in the Amchi 
system of medicine. Often minerals, mineral water, treatment with water from hot 
water springs, brandings with red hot metals or burning vegetable matter (cauteri- 
zation or moxibustion), puncturing of veins and mysticism (prayers) are recommended 
along with these herbs either to supplement their effect or to correct the undesirable 
effect. It, therefore, becomes difficult to distinguish physical effects of plant medicine 



ment of a particular ailment is known as "yoga." 



The 



The 



so 



familiar with these herbs that it becomes easy for them to collect and prepare desired 



rved 



every household to be prescribed or used for ailments 



common 



preparations from these plants are administered to patients without consulting 



Capn 



Plantago himaliaca. 



Lactuca 



Carduus 
and 



Comparison of plant use in Ladakh with other parts of the country are given 



in 



The studv revealed that onlv 6 snerips are used for the same or similar ailments 

Carvi, Ephedra gerardiana, Juglans regia, 
I Thalictrum minus. Some herbs used 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



191 



medicinally in Ladakh are used for other than medicinal purposes elsewhere in the 
country. These are Chenopodium album, Juniperus macropoda, Lactuca saliva, Lepidium 
latifolium, Morina longifolia , Myricaria germanica, Oxyria digyna, Prunus armeniaca, and 
Sedum tibeticum. 

These studies also reveal that 10 species, although found in neighboring coun- 
tries (e.g., Pakistan, China (Tibet) and Soviet Central Asia), are restricted to Ladakh 
only. Of course, four species are specifically used for diseases like ringworm, con- 
stipation, food poisoning and arthritis. These include Berberis ulicina, Allium stolic- 
zkai, Pedicularis oederi and Waldhemia tomentosa. The remaining six species have varied 
medicinal use. 

A perusal of the literature also revealed that nine species are exclusively used 
in Ladakh as herbal medicine. These are: Aster diplostephoides, Anthriscus nemerosa, 
Delphinium viscosum, Jaesckea olgosperma, Plantago himaliaca, Saxifraga flagellaris , Scutellaria 
heydei f Senecio kraschennikovii , Sisymbrium orientale, Swertia petiolate and Waldhemia nivea. 



Table 1. Comparison of uses of plants in Ladakh and other parts of India. 



(1) 
Plant Species 



Allium stoliczkai 



(2) 
Use in Ladakh 

(Present study) 



For energy and as a 
remedy for constipa- 
tion 



(3) 

Use in other 
parts of India 



Not reported 



(4) 
Reference 



Anthriscus nemerosa 



Against rheumatism 
and inflation 



Not reported 



Aster diplostephoides 



Astragalus 
zanaskariensis 



Against cough and 
low rate of respiration 

Against worms 



Not reported 



Not reported 



Berberis ulicina 



Capparis spinosa 



Caragana moorcraftiana 



Carduus nutans 



Carum carvi 



Centauria depressa 



Chenopodium album 



Against ringworm 
Against hyperacidity 



As a blood purifier 
and antiseptic 

To initiate vomiting 



Against digestive ail- 
ments & rheumatism 



Against cough and 
chest pains 

Against gastric trouble 



Not reported 

As a vegetable 
in western India 
diuretic & expectorant 

Not reported 



Flowers as a blood 

purifier 

Against rheumatism 
As a spice 

Not reported 



Vertak, 1980 
Ann. Vol. II, 1950 



Ann. Vol. II, 1950 



Vishnu-Mittre 1980 
Ann. Vol. II, 1950 



Seed as substitute for Dam & Hajra, 1980 
rice. Leaves as a Ann. Vol. II, 1950 

vegetable 



192 



BUTH and NAVCHOO 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



Table 1. Comparison of uses of plants in Ladakh and other parts of India, (continued) 



(1) 

Plant Species 



(2) 
Use in Ladakh 

(Present study) 



(3) 

Use in other 
parts of India 



(4) 
Reference 



Delphinium 
brunonianum 



D. viscosum 



Ephedra gerardiana 



Hippophae rhamnoides 



Jaesckea oligosperma 
Juglans regia 



Juniperus macropoda 



Lactuca saliva 



Lepidium latifolium 



Morina longifolia 
Myricaria germanica 



Nepeta brachypetala 



Onosma hispidum 



Oxyria digyna 
Pedicularis oederi 



Plantago asiatica 



Against malaria 



To relieve pain and 
oedema 



As a cardiac and 
respiratory depressant 

Not reported 



Against bronchial and Against bronchial 



liver diseases 



trouble in Northern 
India 



Against Asthma 



As a blood purifier 



Against lung com- 
plaints. Against cuta- 
neous eruptions 

Not reported 



As tooth powder and Leaves for cleaning 



treatment of consti- 
pation 

As a diuretic 



As a appetizer and 
against fever 

Against rheumatism 



As a tonic 



As a blood purifier 



Against hyperacidity 



As a blood purifier 



As an appetizer 

Against food 
poisoning 

As a blood purifier 



teeth, wood for furni- 



ture 



Wood for building 
construction works 



As a salad plant 



As a fodder in 
Kashmir 



As an incense 



As fuel/fodder in 
Northern India 



Against hyperacidity 
in Eastern India 



Cardiac stimulant 
For coloring food 
stuffs 



As a salad plant 
Not reported 



Against inflamatory 
conditions of urine/ 
genital tract 



Ann. Vol. Ill, 1952 



Jain, 1980 

Ann. Vol. Ill, 1952 



Gupta, 1980 
Ann. Vol. V, 1959 



Ann. Vol. V, 1959 



Ann. Vol. V, 1959 



Ann. Vol. VI, 1962 



Ann. Vol. VI, 1962 



Ann. Vol. VI, 1962 



Jain, 1980 



Vishnu-Mittre 1980 
Gupta, 1980 

Ann. Vol. VIII 
1969 



Ann. Vol. VII 1966 



Ann. Vol. VIII 
1969 



P. himaliaca 



Against diarrhoea 



Not reported 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



193 



Table 1. Comparison of uses of plants in Ladakh and other parts of India, (continued) 



(1) 

Plant Species 



(2) 
Use in Ladakh 

(Present study) 



(3) 
Use in other 

parts of India 



(4) 
Reference 



Polygonum hydropiper 



Prunus armeniaca 



Saussuria taraxicifolia 
Saxifraga flagellaris 
Scutellaria heydei 



Sedum tibeticum 



Senecio kraschennikovii 



Sisymbrium orientale 



Swertia petiolata 



Thalictrum minus 



Waldhemia stoliczkai 



W. foment osa 



As a diuretic and to 
decrease obesity 



For energy and to 
stimulate growth of 
long hair 



As an antiseptic 

Against eye trouble 
and as a diuretic 



As a diuretic 



To relieve pain and 
headache 



For fishing in Eastern Joseph & Khar- 



India 

As a diuretic 



As a fruit and for 
extraction of oil 



As a remedy for fever Not reported 



As a carminative and 
appetizer 

Against headache 
and bodyache 

As an eye sterilizer 
and against gout and 
rheumatism 



Against headache, 
vomiting, fever, cold, 
cough and a blood 
purifier 

Against acidity and 
in arthritis 



Not reported 
Not reported 



As a pot herb 
Not reported 



Not reported 



Not reported 



As a source of dye 
As a conjuctivitis 

in several parts 

Not reported 



Not reported 



kongor, 1980 
Ann. Vol. VIII, 

1969 



Ann. Vol. VIII, 
1969 



Ann. Vol. IX, 1972 



Vishnu-Mittre 1980 



CONCLUSION 



The 



this system than the allopathic system of medicine. Large numbers of herbs are used 
for the purpose and are often accompanied by certain specific rituals. The herbs listed 
in this paper give a mere indication of the association of a particular herb with a 
particular ailment. Like other systems, the Amchi system of medicine may have its 
merits and demerits, but it is very rich and offers an interesting study. Some of its 



194 



BUTH and NAVCHOO 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



more important aspects may be tested in the light of modern scientific knowledge. 
Botanists can play an important role in establishing the correct identity of drugs. This 
may bring to light some very rare and unknown medicinal plants which grow wild 
here. The development, conservation and utilization on a scientific basis can help 
in socio-economic development of the region. 



LITERATURE CITED 



ABROL, B.L. and CHOPRA, I.C. 1962. Some 
vegetable drug resources of Ladakh 
(Little Tibet). I. Curr. Sci. 31. 324. 

ANONYMOUS. 1950-1972. Wealth of India 
Vol. I-XII, CSIR, New Delhi. 

DAM, D.P. and HAJRA, P.K. 1980. Obser- 
vation on ethnobotany of Monpas of 
Kameng, Pp. 107-114. In Glimpses of 
Indian Ethobotany. (S.K. Iain, ed.). IBH 
New Delhi. 

GUPTA, S.P. 1980. Folklore about medicine 
with reference to Munda. Culture, Pp. 
199-207. In Glimpses of Indian Ethno- 
tany. (S.K. Iain, ed.). IBH New Delhi. 

HOOKER, J.D. 1872-1897. Flora of British 
India, Vol. 1-7. L. Reeve & Co., London. 

IAIN, S.K., ed. 1980. Glimpses of Indian 
Ethnobotany, IBH New Delhi. 

JOSEPH, J. and KHARKONGOR, P. 1980. 
A preliminary ethnobotanical survey 
in the K. Khasi and laintia Hills, Pp. 
115-123. In Glimpses of Indian Ethno- 
botany. (S.K. Jain, ed.). IBH New Delhi. 

KACHROO, P., SAPRU, B.L. and DHAR, U. 
1976. Hora of Ladakh. BSMS Dehradnn 



KACHROO, P., ed. 1980. Ladakh-an inte- 
grated survey, University of Kashmir, 
Sringagar (INDIA). 

STEWARD, R.R. 1917. Flora of Ladakh and 
Western Tibet, Bull. Tor. Bot. Club. 
43:571-590. 

1972. Flora of West Pakistan 



and Kashmir. An Annonated Catalogue 
of Vascular Plants of West Pakistan and 
Kashmir. Fakhri Press, Karachi. 

VARTAK, V.D. 1980. Observation on wild 
edible plants from hilly regions of 
Maharashtra and Goa, Pp. 261-271. In 
Glimpses of Indian Ethnobotany. (S.K. 
Jain, ed.). IBH New Delhi. 

VISHNU MITTRE. 1980. Wild plants in 
Indian folk-life a historical perspective, 
Pp. 37-58. In Glimpses of Indian Ethno- 
botany. (S.K. Jain, ed.). IBH New Delhi. 

1983. The uses of wild plants 

and the process of domestication in 
Indian subcontinent, Pp. 281-291. Proc. 
Intt. Symp., IBH New Delhi. 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(2):195-202 



Winter 1988 



THE UTILIZATION OF INSECTS 
IN THE EMPIRICAL MEDICINE OF ANCIENT MEXICANS 



DRA. JULIET A RAMOS-ELORDUY DE CONCONI 
M. EN C. JOSE MANUEL PINO MORENO 

Instituto de Biologia 
Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico 

Apartado Postal 70-153 
04510 Mexico 20, D.F. CP. Mexico 



ABSTRACT.— Since early times humanity has been concerned with the medicinal 
properties of animals in its surroundings. With the passage of time, many animals 
along with their presumed medicinal attributes have been registered in various post- 
conquest historical writings, e.g., codices. Many species of insects form part of the 
materia medica of some Mexican cultures, in some cases have mystical and magical 
properties. To date we have noted 43 species of insects employed in traditional medicine 
as ointments, pomades, or infusions. They have also been prepared and applied, in 
various ways in order to alleviate such ailments as stomach distress, kidney and liver 
disorders, nervous breakdowns, and urogenital, inmunological, and glandular diseases. 



INTRODUCTION 



Mexico 



of species of plants, have been recognized as possessing curative properties. The 
Aztecs and several other indigenous groups had knowledge of what might be 
termed "medicinal insects" (De Asis 1982; Meza 1979; Sahagun 1980). Many species 
of insects have played important roles in the mysticism and magic inherent in many 
Mexican cultures as well as in the treatment of a variety of illnesses. (Aguirre 1947; 
Clavijero 1980). 

Knowledge of medicinal insects and their uses has persisted in many rural areas 
today, having been passed down from earlier practitioners of this healing art. Insects 
are sold in the markets of some towns and various insects parts are said to be useful 
as diuretics, analgesics, anaesthetics, aphrodisiacs, etc. Considering that the number 
of rural areas where this knowledge survives is reduced each year and that in some 
regions the diversity of insects is available only during certain seasons of the year, 
it is important to study the insects associated with the empirical medicine of past and 



Mexican cultures. We 



minimal 



side effects. 



MATERIALS AND METHODS 



The majority of the insects mentioned in the present work are reported in the 
Florentine Codex (Sahagun 1980). Others are found in Hernandez (1959) and De Asis 
(1982). The insects in these historical sources were indentified by comparing their 
descriptions with the specimens deposited in the Scientific Collection of the Biology 



196 



CONCONI and MORENO Vol. 8, No. 2 



Institute of the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UN AM). Behavioral 
characteristics, nest type, location, and other details described in the codices are also 
considered. Since many of the descriptions in the codices were incomplete, we 
encountered some difficulty with this means of identification. 

We solicited supplemental information and made collections of insects in the field 
among different cultures as Nahoas, Otomies, Mixtecos, Zapotecos, Mayas, Lacan- 
dones, Tarascos, Purepechas, Mazahuas, etc. in several states of Mexico. A number 
of people living in different rural communities were interviewed about the types of 



medicinal 



specimens 



collected were identified at the Laboratory of Entomology, Institute of Biology, UNAM. 
They were deposited in the Scientific Collection of the Institute of Biology, along with 
the collections of edible insects of Mexico. 



RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 



The 43 species of medicinal insects were identified, based upon the studies of 
the codices and field work. They belonged in 16 families in six orders and include 
grasshoppers, locusts, crickets, bugs, mealybugs, beetles, butterflies, ants, and bees. 
The number of insects per order varies from nine in the Hymenoptera (bees, wasps, 
and ants) to only three in the Lepidoptera (butterflies). Although, for the most part, 
insects were used in the adult stage, it must be mentioned that usually only certain 
parts of any given species of insect were considered efficacious and were employed 
in the medicinal preparation. In the case of bees, honey, the propolis, and royal jelly 
were all used. 

In the following section, various insects will be discussed regarding parts used, 
preparation, administration, and illnesses treated. In many cases information recorded 
by other authors was verified by us in the field. 

Grasshoppers, Sphenarium spp. f Taenipoda sp. Melanoplus sp. (Orthoptera, Acrididae) 



drunk as a powerful 



crushed 
ises. The 



wditrr, men arunx as a powerful diuretic to treat kidney diseases, ine inrubiuii, ***«-- 
is said to have refreshing properties, reduces swelling (De Asis 1982). Rural people 
in the State of Oaxaca today use grasshoppers to treat certain intestinal disorders. 



dietary 



fortify 



also reported to be helpful in cases of postchildbirth anemia and in lung diseases, 
e.g., asthma and chronic cough. 

Crickets, Acheta domestica. (Orhoptera, Gryllidae). Crickets legs were prepared like those 



Conconi 1982; De Asis 1982). 



»yed 



(Hemiptera, Coreidae), Acanthocephala spp., (Leaf-footed bugs) (Xomitl-J untiles in NahuaW- 
The oil of the bugs obtained in these four taxa was applied externally in treating 

Scrofula 3nH nfV-ior fnhoT-rtilir Jiaaua. ~ n A ,.,->o ~i^~ *.„„a c~~ v.A^™, \i\ror and stomacn 



tubercular 



When 



toothache and rheumatic and arthritic pain or to alleviate gastrointestinal diseases 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 197 



It was also used to treat goiter and was recommended for those with a weak 
constitution and as an aphrodisiac (Ancona 1933; De Asis 1982; Taylor 1975). 
Contemporary people of rural areas in the State of Guerrero use them against Bocio 
disease, perhaps because of the large amount of iodine they contain. 



(Leaf-footed 



(Meza 1979), eating the entire body. This 



be because of their nutritional value and the quantity of vitamins they contain. 

Mealybugs, Coccus axin. (Homoptera coccidae). Known as "Aje," mealybugs can be con- 
sidered a multi-purpose medicinal and useful insect. In addition to their use as an 
ointment (Jenkins 1964), varnish, or perfume, whole insect bodies were boiled to 
produce a sticky mass which was placed over lesions of leprosy and other skin con- 
ditions and to treat muscular pain, chronic itching, mange burn, or scars. It aids in 
the healing of burns through reducing excessive swelling and inflammation and thus 
is said to be helpful in heat strokes and diseases of fluid imbalance such as dropsy. 
The mass of boiled mealybugs was sometimes ingested to alleviate the affects of 
poisonous mushrooms and other fungi, or diarrhea and to clean the teeth (Herrera 
1871). Dactylopius coccus, known as "grana" mealybug, is mostly used as an agent 
to color or redden tissue or foods. It, too, can be boiled to produce a sticky mass and 
used, as discussed above, as a skin treatment, a tooth powder to clean teeth and in 
the treatment of caries (Lopez 1971; Mexa 1979). 

Beetles, Coleoptera, Meloidea, Buprestidae. Derived from the Nahuatl Tetl (fire) and 
Ocuillin (worm), several species have been used in Mexico as an aphrodisiac in a 
manner similar to that of the well-known Spanish fly (Lytta vesicatoria). Larvae of these 
beetles are roasted or crushed, mixed with water then drunk to treat urogenital 
disorders. It is equally well-known as a stimulant (love potion) for lovers (Asis 1982; 
Meza 1979; Robelo 1904). 

Tlalomitl, a corruption of the Nahuatl Haiti (bone) and Omitl (worm), are actually 
larvae of several species in the Elateridae. Before being eaten alive or roasted (Lopez 
1972), they are hard, rigid and worm-like in appearance. They never bend and are 
used to alleviate impotence in men and are said to strengthen a faint penis. One 
species, Strategus julianus, ( Scarabeidae , Dynastinae) known as a little bullfight because 
the male has three horns on its head, is prepared as a drink to increase sexual 
performance (Hernandez 1959). 

Butterflies, Lepidoptera. "Meocuilin" is the common name for Aegiale (Acentrocneme) 
hesperiaris, (Megathymidae), the white agave worm. It comes from the Nahuatl terms 
Metl (Agave) and Ocuilin (worm). Having an appearance of white worms, they are 
eaten alive for their reputed aphrodisiac properties as well as for stomach disorders 
and rheumatic diseases. 

Phasus spp. (Hepialidae), known as "gusanillo" (little worm), are said to have 
aphrodisiac properties. In Oaxaca, Veracruz and Chiapas states where it is eaten alive 
or roasted, it is used against gastrointestinal diseases such as dysentery, especially 
in children (Conconi 1982). Also, in rural areas it is used as an ointment for cracked 
lips or for dry skin. 

Bombyx mori (Bombycidae). The boiled larvae were used in a variety of ailments, e.g., 



198 



CONCONI and MORENO Vol. 8, No. 2 



apoplexy, aphasy, bronchitis or pneumonia, and convulsions. The boiled pupae were 
used to treat hemorrhages and to alleviate polyuria or frequent urination. Excrements 
of the pupae are eaten to alleviate vomiting and diarrhea brought on by cholera, and 
to improve circulation. 

Hymenoptera, several species of ants (Formicidae). Honey ants, Myrmecosistus spp. or 
necauzcatl, derived from the Nahuatl terms for Necu (honey) and azcatl (ants), are 
important because of the healing qualities of its honey. Produced and stored in the 
bodies of certain classes of the worker caste of these ants, the honey was fermented 
and drunk for its anti-inflammatory and anti-fever properties. The honey was also 
applied directly as a pomade for eye diseases, cataracts or growths over the iris 
called pterigions. The fermented drink was considered a sacred drink in religious 
ceremonies among many cultures, e.g., the Aztecs and Toltecs (Brygoo 1946; Kunckell 
de Herculais 1885-1886). 

The mandibles of worker caste adults Atta spp. were used after surgery to close 
wounds. Several ants were positioned so their bites would pierce the skin on either 
side of the wound. The heads were then separated with the mandibles acting as 
sutures. Secretions from the salivary glands were reputed to have antibiotic pro- 
perties, preventing infections. 

Pogonomymex sp. The venom of these ants was used to cure rheumatic diseases. Ants 
were positioned on the afflicted part of the body, and allowed to sting. The venom 
penetrated directly into the bloodstream and in this respect resembled an intra- 
muscular injection. Its efficacy in treating rheumatism, arthritis, and poliomyelitis 
is related to its immunological reaction. Even today in rural areas of Mexico with arid 
zones, this ant is used with the same purpose. 

Bees, (Apidae) several species in three genera of Apidae. Melipona spp. The bees in this 

•tant to the Maya that they created a god, named A Much Keba, 



Maya 



known as "Water of Youth/' After fermentation, the honey was drunk and used 
against internal parasites such as intestinal worms (Favre 1968). 

Trigona sp. The honey produced by this species was known as "virgin honey." 
It was used (and still is in Huejutla, Hidalgo) for regulating menstruation, decreas- 
ing post-childbirth aches, and as a health restorative in the elderly. 



ellif 



and 



is applied to the skin for such conditions as excessive scar tissue, rash, and burns. 
In addition, it was prepared as a plaster or poultice for eye infections. It was con- 
sumed as a food supplement, for digestive problems, and as a general health 

~~~ L **" heated, it was takpn for hpaH mirk ratarrh roueh. throat infec- 



When 



tions, laryngitis, tuberculosis, and lung diseases. 



The 



century 



muscularly through direct stings of live bees to the part or me Douy ai*»— -* 
arthritis, rheumatism, and polineuritis. The frequency, dosage and duration of the 
treatment varies according to the disease and degree of development, for example, 
arthritic pain requires large dosages while asthma needs only a small one. Venom 
is gathered from both snakes and bees in much the same way; it is prepared m 



necessary 



— ..^.inmiwuo cnu cjpj^iicu uy injection, nowever u is ncicaji"; -~ 

before-hand if the patient is allergic because this preparation is a powerful medicine 



(Partheniu 1981). 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 199 



Propolis is a resinous, adhesive substance elaborated by bees to serve as a 
cementing material. It is often deposited on the buds of trees and other plant sur- 
faces. The substance is now known to contain many hormones and, together with 
enzymes from bee saliva is thought to have antibiotic, bactericidal, and bacteriostatic 
properties. It can be employed as an anaesthetic and for all kinds of inflammations, 
even those resulting from tumors (Donadieu 1980). 

Royal jelly is a white gelatinous product derived from pharingeal glands of worker 
bees of 5 to 14 days of age. The ancient Mexicans used it to re-establish healthy con- 
ditions in cases of anaemia. Today it is ingested in very small quantities when it is 
pure or in capsules or spoon if diluted, and is used for the following diseases: asthenia, 
anorexia, gastrointestinal ulcers, arteriosclerosis, anaemia, hypo- or hypertension, 
neurasthenia or inhibition of sexual libido (Donadieu 1979). 

Pollen is the male gametophyte of flowers of plants. The pollen of many species 

is collected by bees and is referred to as "bee pollen." It is reputed to be a general 

health restorative and to be useful in treating internal and external infections by 
ingesting it. 

Today these products are available in tablet or capsule form through the health 
food and wholistic health industries. Certain clinics and hospitals which have 
Apitherapy" programs use these products by physiotherapy, ionizations, inhala- 
tions, electrophoresis and other treatments (Pochinkova 1981). 

Wasps, Vespidae. Three species in three genera were studied. Polistes instabilis, known 
as "guitarre wasps," roasted or boiled or eaten alive are used to cure nervous 
breakdowns (Conconi 1982). Although this wasp has a powerful venom, people, 
usually women of menopause age, ate their brood. It could be the quantity of hor- 
mones immature stages of insects contain, steroid type compounds and/or by their 
high nutritive value, or the quantity and quality of their proteins that help in this 
physiological change of woman. Today in all Pacific coast areas of Mexico, especially 
in Oaxaca State, rural folks use them for the same purpose. 

Polybia occidentalis nigratella. The little black wasp are used in the case of urinary 
diseases (Conconi 1982). The people of Tlaxiaco, Oaxaca eat the brood alive directly 
from the hive. 



/ / 



Brachygastra mellifica, known as "Castilla hive" in the state of Oaxaca or "Panal de 
OUa" in Hidalgo, is used for such eye diseases as cataracts or cloud formation. Two 
or three drops of this honey is applied to the eye daily and then the eye is to remain 
closed for a half an hour. 



DISCUSSION 



As is often the case with other forms— either plant or animal— which have been 
used in empirical medicine, the use of insects seems to be allied with the Doctrine 
of Signatures, which is based upon a complete or partial resemblance between the 
plant or animal and the specific organ or part of the human body or bodily function 
which it is capable of healing, e.g., the femur of the last leg of grasshoppers, that 



similar 



larvae and their use to alleviate impotence 



Some species of insects had, and still have, demonstrated medicinal value. These 



namic 



200 



CONCONI and MORENO 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



of effecting physiological or other changes in the human body, eg., the iodine 
content of jumiles bugs used against bocio; the effect of the bee venom over the 
inflammation of articulations; of honey bee in the treatment of respiratory diseases; 
the effect of antibiotic substances in the salivary glands of Atta, ants that promote 
healing of wounds; or the re-establishment a healthy condition in women of 



immatu 



minimal 



men 



and administered, but this has received little attention. If the true role of medicinal 
insects is known in the traditional medicine of an indigenous group— knowledge based 

these organisms, and the 
active principles within them, can more effectively be evaluated as prototype drugs. 

Bees were emphasized not only because venom may be effective for treating 
certain conditions (although this seems more directly associated with wasps), but also 
because of the several medicinal products from them. These are now available in 
pharmacies, health food stores, and wholistic health outlets under commercial names 
such as Melitin, Oftalmosept, Apinen, Apicosan, Apiuroset, etc. 

Finally, it is well to mention again that insects have played an important role in 
the traditional medicine of a number of indigenous groups in Mexico, eg., the Nahuas, 
Mazahuas, Mixtecas, Zapotecos, Mayas, Otomies, Olmecas, etc. and may prove a 
valuable source of prototype drugs. 



CONCLUSIONS 



first time, a group 



and scientific names were provided. The review included former classifications dated 
before and after the Conquest. This field of investigation provides a promising research 
topic due to the importance to man in various fields (eg., ethnobiology, medicine, 
pharmaceutical, etc.) and because of its historical significance. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



^ „» u w ca F i»& uur gratitude to Drs. W. Van Asdall and Margarita Kay of the univer- 
sity of Arizona, Tucson and to Dr. R. Bye of Botanical Gardens (UNAM MEXICO) for their 
help in the translation and suggestions to this manuscript. 



APPENDIX 1 

TAXONOMIC RELATION OF THE INSECTS UTILIZED IN THE 
EMPIRICAL MEDICINE BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 



Order 



Family 



Orthoptera 



Acrididae 



Sphenarium 

Sphenarium 

Sphenarium 

Melanoplus 

Taeniopoda 

Schistocerca 

Schistocerca 



Species 



purpurascens Ch 
histrio G. 

magnum M. 

mexicanus 

sp. 

sp. 

paranensis B. 



Common Name 



[Grasshoppers] 

(Chapulines) 
(Chapulines) 
(Chapulines) 
(Chapulines) 

[Locusts] 

(Langostas) 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



201 



TAXONOMIC RELATION OF THE INSECTS UTILIZED IN THE 
EMPIRICAL MEDICINE BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 



Order 



Hemiptera 



Coleoptera 



Lepidoptera 



Hymenoptera 



Family 



Gryllidae 



Pentatomidae 



Coreidae 



Margarodidae 



Dactylopidae 



Buprestidae 



Meloidae 
Scarabaeidae 



Elateridae 
Megathymidae 



Hepialidae 
Bombycidae 



Formicidae 



Apidae 



Euchistus 



Euchistus 



Euchistus 



Euchistus 



A ttztes 



Edessa 



Acantocqjhala 
Acantocephala 
Pachilis 



Coccus (Llauea) 



Dactylopius 



Datylopius 



Datylopius 



Dactylopius 



Th rincopyge 

Chrysobothris 

Meloe 

Strategus 

Canthon 



Copris sp. 



Aegiale 
(Acentrocneme) 

Phasus 

Bombyx 



Myrmecosistus 

Mymecosistus 

Atta 

Atta 

Pogonomyrmex 

Apis 
Trigona 



Species 



Common Name 



Gryllus (Acheta) domesticus L 



strennus D. 



egglestoni R 



crenator S. 



lineatus W. 



taxcoensis A. 



petersii D. 



decliuis S. 
sp. 
gigas B. 



axin de la LL 



coccus C. 



| Crickets) 
(Grillos) 

[Stink bugs] 
(Jumiles) 

[Stink bugs] 

(Jumiles) 

[Stink bugs] 
(Jumiles) 

[Stink bugs] 
(Jumiles) 

[Stink bugs] 
(Jumiles) 

[Stink bugs] 
(Jumiles) 

[Leaf-footed] bugs 

[Leaf-footed] bugs 

Xamoes 
[Mealybugs] 

Axim, Axe, Aje, 
Aji, Age 

"Cochinilla de la 



/ r 



indicus Gr. 



confusus Cock. 



tomentosus L. 



grana 

"Cochinilla de la 
grana" 

"Cochinilla de la 
grana" 

"Cochinilla de la 

grana 

alacris Le Conte [Worms] Teocuilin 
basalis 
sp. 

julianus B. 
sp. 



9 f 



sp 



hesperiaris K. 



sp. 

mori L. 



melliger W. 
mexicanus W. 
cephalotes L. 
mexicana S. 
barbatus 
mellifera L. 

sp. 



[ Worms J leocuiiin 
Tlaxiquipillin 

Temoli 

Escarabajos 
estiercoleros 

Escarabajos 
estiercoleros 

Tlalomitl 

Gusano bianco de 
maguey 

"Gusanillo" 

Gusano de seda 
[Ants] 

Honey ants 

Honey ants 

Gardening ants 

Gardening ants 

Harvesting ants 

[Bees] 
Stingless bees 



202 



MORENO 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



TAXONOMIC RELATION OF THE INSECTS UTILIZED IN THE 
EMPIRICAL MEDICINE BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 



Order 



Family 



Vespidae 



Melipona 
Polybia 



Polistes 

B rachygastra 



Species 



beeckei B. 
occiden talis 
nigra tella B. 
instabilis S. 
mellifica S. 



Common Name 



Stingless bees 
[Wasps] 
Black Wasp 
Yellow jacket 
Castilla Hive 



LITERATURE CITED 



AGUIRRE 



America Indigena, VII N°2 107-127. 
ANCONA, L. 1933. Los jumiles de Cuautla, 

An. Inst, de Biol. UNAM, 4:103-108. 
BARAJAS, C.L.E. 1951. Los Animates usados 

en la medicina popular mexicana. Tesis 



UNAM 



1946 



Entomologique. Les Insectes Comes- 
tibles These Doctorat, Bergerac. 233 p. 

CLAVIJERO, F.J. 1880. General History of 
Things of New Spain, Paris, 320 p. 

CONCONI, J.R.E. de 1982. Los insectos 
como una fuente de proteinas en el 
futuro. Ed. Limusa Mexico, 142 p. 

DE ASIS, F. y T. 1982. Historia de la Medi- 
cina en Mexico. Ed. Fascimilar, IMSS 
IV Vols. 2819 p. 



unguent. XXXV. Congreso Internacional 
de Americanistas (1962). Mexico, p. 625- 

636. 
KUNCKELL DE HERCULAIS. 1885-1886. 

Observaciones de la Hormiga de miel 
(Myrmecosisus melliger). La Naturaleza, 
VIM-10. Trad, de A. Herrera. 

LOPEZ, A.A. 1971. De las plantas medici- 
nales y de otras cosas medicinales. Est. 
de Cultura nahuatl IX:125-230. 

LOPEZ, A. 1972. Textos acerca de las partes 
del cuerpo humano y de las enferme- 
dades y medicinas de las primeras 
memorias de Sahagun. Est. de Cultura 
Nahuatl IX:135-230. 

MEZA, C. 1979. La utilizacion de los insectos 
en la farmacopea mexicana. Tesis Prof. 
Fac. de Ciencias, UNAM, 67 p. 



DONADIEU. 1979. La jalea real terapeutica PARTHENIU, A. 1981. El veneno de abejas 

y la dinamica informational normal y 
patologica del organismo humano. 
XXVIII Congreso Internal. Apicultura 

_. OJ _. _^ — „ 105-106 p. , . 

ments, FAO Nutrition meetings, Report POCHINKOVA, A. 1981. Metodos Fisio- 



natural, 3a. Ed. Paris, 32 p. 
1980. La propolis terapeutica 



natural. Ed. Malonine, S.A. Paris, 47 p. 
F.A.O. 1973. Energy and Protein require- 



Series N°52 Food and Agriculture 
Organization, Rome, 12 p. 



xxviii 



Congreso Internal. Apicultura p. 1» 
FAVRE, H. 1968. Historic Ethnographie et ROBELO, C.A. 1904. Diccionario de Azte- 

quismos, Mexico. 708 p. 

SAHAGUN, F.B. de 1980. Codice Floren mo 
Ed. Fascimilar Ed. Archivo General de 
la Nacion, Libro XI. p. 221-261. 

TAYLOR, R. 1975. Butterflies in my stom 
or insects in human nutrition Woo 
bridge Press Publishing Co., California, 

p. 135. 



folklore, Traite de Biologie de L'Abeille. 

Mason Ed. Paris, 978 p. 
HERNANDEZ, F. 1959. Obras Completas 

Historia Natural de la Nueva Espana, 

Vol. II. Tratado Cuarto, p. 384-395. 
HERRERA, A. 1871. "Aje." Gaceta Medica=6 

N° 23: 283- 284. 

JENKINS, J.K. 1964. Aje or ni-in (The fat of 
a scale insect), painting medium and 



/. Ethnobiol. 8(2): 203-204 



Winter 1988 



SHORT COMMUNICATIONS 



YUCATECAN MAYAS KNOWLEDGE OF 
POLLINATION AND BREEDING SYSTEMS 



In a study of the composition and structure of Mayan homegardens in Tixca- 
caltuyub and Tixpeual, Yucatan, Mexico (March-April and July, 1988) special effort 
was made to determine the amount of knowledge possessed by the gardeners in regard 
to pollination and breeding systems of the garden's common trees and shrubs. 
In interviews with the homegarden owners, questions were designed to test their 
knowledge of plants regarding names and functions of flower parts, pollination, 
breeding systems in general, etc. The questions seemed pertinent as many of the 
homegarden trees and shrubs are planted for fruit production involving native and 
introduced plant species. Information of this type is lacking in ethnoecological or 
ethnobotanical studies of native cultures (Bawa, per. comm.). Do contemporary Mayans 
utilize knowledge of plant reproductive systems in managing their gardens? 



interviewed 



There 



ovary as feminine 



Homegarden owners recognized hermaphrodite and dioecious plants but did not 
recognize flowers with different sexes in one plant. The most surprising finding was 
lack of knowledge of the pollination process. Although many homegarden owners 
keep honeybee hives, the connection between bee foraging visits (whether for pollen 



fruit 



information 



the pollination process. Several homegarden plants are dioecious, i.e., papaya 
(Carica papaya: Caricaceae), kutnche (Jacaratia mexicana: Caricaceae), chaka (Bursera 
simaruba: Burseraceae), abal (Spondias sp.:Anacardiaceae), uaya (Melicoccus bijugatus: 
Sapindaceae); all are highly esteemed fruit trees (except chaka) requiring pollination 
for fruit set. Since these plants are grown for their fruit production, only females are 
important; male plants are considered worthless and usually eliminated from the 
garden unless they possess alternative values, as shade (M. bijugatus) or nectar for 
honeybees (Spondias sp.). Male individuals are considered to be the result of "bad 
seed" or having experienced some problem during development; many are eliminated 



needed 



observations: How is fruit 



seemin 



affect 



populations? Several possibilities should be considered in the future: (1) the present 
male to female plant ratio is sufficient to insure proper pollination; (2) the bees could 
obtain pollen in the surrounding forest patches (but we have seen only abal and chaka 
in the wild); (3) the Maya may have selected for parthenocarpic races of dioecious 
trees, but we have no evidence for or against this process; and (4) as a result of manage- 
ment pressure (cutting out male trees), some plants may undergo sex reversal. All 
possibilities should be explored, but we think that emphasis should be placed on 
number four, because of the relative ease whereby breeding systems can change 



204 SHORT COMMUNICATIONS Vol. 8, No. 2 



(Richards 1986). Papaya is a good example of these changes, plants of this species 
may undergo sex reversal (Crane & Walker 1984; McGregor 1976). Is it possible that 
the long history of manipulation has produced changes in the homegarden plants 
breeding systems? 

Presumably the ancient Maya carefully manipulated plants in the forest (i.e., pet 
kot, succession) and in homegardens. Is it possible that the knowledge of the rela- 
tionship between insect vectors and fruit production has been lost because the 
gardeners no longer need to worry about breeding systems or pollination? At 
present, most of the fruit producing species are hermaphroditic and were introduc- 
ed after the Spanish conquest (i.e., citrus, tamarindo, mango), and now the Italian 
honey bee is the main pollinator. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



We wish to thank L.B. Thien 



World Wildlife 



to VRG. The paper was written while the senior author was a visiting research scientist at the 
Missouri Botanical Garden supported by a fellowship from the Tinker Foundation. 



REFERENCES 



CRANE, E. & P. WALKER. 1984. Pollination Directorv for World 



Research Association, London. 



Wash 



Agricultural Handbook 



RICHARDS, A.J. 1986. Plant Breeding Systems. Georee Allen 



V. Rico-Gray, J.G. Garcia-Franco, and A. Chemas 

Moreles 3-1 

Xalapa, Veracruz 91000 Mexico 



J 



Winter 1988 



RECENT DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS OF INTEREST 

TO ETHNOBIOLOGISTS: 
FALL 1987 - FALL 1988 



TERENCE E. HAYS 
Department of Anthropology and Geography 

Rhode Island College 
Providence, Rl 02908 

and 



JOSEPH E. LAFERRIERE 
Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology 

University of Arizona 
Tucson, AZ 85721 



RESUMEN.— En este bibliografta se incluyen disertaciones recientes de interes a los 
etnobiologos. Por cada uno se da el numero de la pagina donde se halla el resumen 
en Dissertation Abstracts (D.A.), y el numero de encargar un ejemplero de la diserta- 
cion de University Microfilm International, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 
USA (telephono: 800-521-3042; desde Alaska, Hawaii y Michigan, 313-761-4700; desde 
Canada 800-343-5299). 



This is the sixth in an annual series, begun in 1983, of bibliographies listing selected 
doctoral dissertations drawn from the pages of Dissertation Abstracts (D.A.). All 
listings were constructed by scanning the titles and abstracts published in D.A. and 



making subjective decisions as to 



relevant 



ethnobiology or related disciplines such as ecological anthropology. 



and 



August 1988; Volume B (Sciences and Engineer 



August 1988; Volume C (European Dissertations): Fall 1987-Summer 1988. It should 
be noted that these are the dates for the issues of D.A. in which the abstracts appear, 
rather than the dates of acceptance of the dissertations themselves. A few older disser- 
tations only recently abstracted in D.A. have also been incorporated. 

Included in the current list are dissertations categorized in D.A. under Agricultural 
Chemistry, Agricultural Economics, Agriculture, Agronomy, American Studies, 
Analytical Chemistry, Animal Culture & Nutrition, Anthropology, Biology, Botany, 
Ecology, Entomology, Environmental Science, Folklore, Food Science & Technology, 
Forestry & Wildlife, General Chemistry, Genetics, Geography, Language, Linguistics, 



Pharmacology, Pharmacy, Public He 
Zoology. The compilers attempted to be 



Palaeoecology, Paleontology 



Management, Sociology, and 



welcome for items to include in next year's edition. 



suggestio 



The 



number( 



206 



HAYS and LAFERRIERE Vol. 8, No. 2 



may be found, University Microfilms 



number 



Most 



from 



r — r — 

Microfilms International. Those listed here with UMI 



be ordered by calling 800-521-3042; (collect) 313-761-4700 from Alaska, Hawaii, and 
Michigan; or 800-343-5299 from Canada. Further information and current prices may 
be obtained bv writing to UMI Dissertations Information Service, 300 North Zeeb Road, 



MI 



ACAMOVIC, THOMAS 



legumes 



'/« 



80440 



ADELSKI, ELIZABETH. 1987. Ejidal agriculture in northern Sinaloa, Mexico; agricul 
rural resources, production and household well-being. University of Kentucky 
325 pp. Director: Billie R. DeWalt. D.A. 48(4): 967-968- A. Order no. DA8715911 

ADEOLA, MOSES OLANREWAJU. 1987. Utilization of wildlife resources in Nigeria 
Colorado State University, 327 pp. D.A. 48(8):2162-B. Order no. DA8725614. 

AL-DARAZI, FARIBA ABDULLWAHAB. 1987. Assessment of Bahraini women': 
health and illness cognitions and practices. University of Illinois at Chicago, Healtl 
Sciences Center, 241 pp. Adviser: Beverly McElmurry. D.A. 48(3):701-B. Orde 



no. DA8712355. 

WOHAIBI, FAHED ABDULLRAHMAN. 1987. Survey 



WolfW 



48(5): 1241-1242- A. Order no. DA8717781. 

, ABU MUHAMMAD SHAJAAT. 1987. Changes in near-saturated agro-eco- 
systems: a comparison of paddy agriculture in six villages in Bangladesh. Clark 
University, 673 pp. Chief Instructor: B.L. Turner, II. D.A. 48(11): 2952- A. Order 
no. DA8722513. 
FINSON, SCOTT FLEMING. 1987. The prehistory of the Prairie Lake region 



Minnesota 



Order no. DA8713066. 



BADEN, WILLIAM WALTER. 1987. A dynamic model of stability and change in 
Mississippian agricultural systems. University of Tennessee, 188 pp. Major 
Professor: Gerald F. Schroedl. D.A. 48(11):2914-A. Order no. DA8802649. 

BAIZERMAN, SUZANNE. 1987. Textiles, traditions, and tourist art: Hispanic 
weaving in northern New Mexico. University of Minnesota, 341 pp. Adviser. 
Joanne B. Weicher. D.A. 48(9):2621-B. Order no. DA8726028. 

BARTON, DAVID. 1987. Draught animal power in Bangladesh. University of East 
Anglia, U.K., 350 pp. D.A. 49(1):3-B. Order no. BRD-80393. 

BELLANTONI, NICHOLAS FRANK. 1987. Faunal resource availability and prehis- 
toric cultural selection on Block Island, Rhode Island. University of Connecticut, 
273 pp. Major Adviser: Robert E. DeWar. D.A. 48(11):2914-2915-A. Order no. 
D A8800206 . 

BOLIN, INGE. 1987. The organization of irrigation in the Vilcanota Valley of Peru: 
local autonomy, development and corporate group dynamics. Universi y 
Alberta (Canada). D.A. 48(5):1243-A. 

BOWEN, WALTER TRUMAN. 1987. Estimating the nitrogen contribution of legume 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 207 



to succeeding maize on an oxisol in Brazil. Cornell University, 194 pp. D.A. 
48(4):922-B. Order no. DA8708990. 

BOURFIA, MOHAMED. 1987. Evaluation of three Moroccan breeds of sheep. 
University of Minnesota, 182 pp. Adviser: R.W. Touchberry. D.A. 48(8):2153-B. 
Order no. DA8723810. 

BROOKS, ROBERT LEE. 1986. Catchment analysis revisited: a critique and appli- 
cation of a test case. University of Kentucky, 296 pp. Director: Thomas Dillehav. 
D.A. 48(7):1812-A. Order no. DA8718396. 

BROWER, BARBARA ANNE. 1987. Livestock and landscape: the Sherpa pastoral 
system in Sagarmatha (Mt. Everest) National Park, Nepal. University of California, 
Berkeley, 354 pp. D.A. 48(9): 2420-2421- A. Order no. DA8726151. 

BROWN, THEODORE MAX. 1987. The cultural ecology of agriculture in Caldwell 
County, Texas. University of Texas at Austin, 523 pp. Supervisor: Richard P. 
Schoedel. D.A. 48(5): 1243-1 244- A. Order no. DA8717375. 

BRUSETH, JAMES EDWARD. 1987. Late Holocene environmental change and human 
adaptive strategies in Northeast Texas. Southern Methodist University, 332 pp. 
Adviser: Anthony Marks. D.A. 48(7):1812-A. Order no. DA8721365. 

BYRD, BRIAN FRANKLIN. 1987. Beidha and the Natufian: variability in Levantine 
settlement and subsistence. University of Arizona, 408 pp. Director: Arthur J. 
Jelinek. D.A. 48(4):966-A. Order no. DA8715711. 

CARNEY, JUDITH ANN. 1986. The social history of Gambian rice production: an 
analysis of food security strategies. University of California, Berkeley, 366 pp. 
D.A. 48(5):1284-A. Order no. DA8717920. 

CASTILLO-GONZALEZ, FERNANDO. 1987. Agronomic evaluation of Latin Ameri- 
can maize populations. North Carolina State University, 157 pp. Director: Major 
N. Goodman. D.A. 48(5):1190-B. Order no. DA8717283. 

CATLIN, MARK ALAN. 1986. Regional research designs in the study of prehistoric 
culture change: an analysis of Late Archaic adaptations in the Middle Atlantic Pied- 
mont. University of Virginia, 362 pp. D.A. 48(5):1242-A. Order no. DA8715118. 

CHAN, KYUNG JUNG. 1987. Characterization of the arabinogalactan from tepary 
bean (Phaseolus acutifolius var. latifolius). University of Arizona, 113 pp. Director: 
James W. Berry. D.A. 48(3):608-B. Order no. DA8712866. 

COGIL, BRUCE. 1987. The effects on income, health, and nutritional status of 
increasing agricultural commercialization in south-west Kenya. Cornell University, 
561 pp. D.A. 48(7) : 1942-B . Order no. DA8724192. 

CONKLIN, NANCY-LOU. 1987. The potential nutritional value to cattle of some 
tropical browse species from Guanacaste, Costa Rica. Cornell University, 348 pp. 
D.A. 48(6):1558-B. Order no. DA8715626. 

CUEVAS-SUAREZ, SUSANA. 1987. The Amuzgos' zoological world: an ethno- 
scientific approach. State University of New York at Albany, 262 pp. D.A. 
48(4):968-A. Order no. DA8715349. 

DALOZ, CHARLES ROLAND. 1987. Productivity of vegetable legumes in the Special 
Territory of Aceh, Indonesia. Cornell University, 317 pp. D.A. 48(7):1862-B. 

Order no. DA8724128. 
DA MOTA, CLARICE NOVAES. 1987. As Jurema told us: Kariri-Shoko and Shoko 
mode of utilization of medicinal plants in the context of modern Northeastern 
Brazil. University of Texas at Austin, 403 pp. Supervisor: James B. Brow. D.A. 

48(5): 1244- A. Order no. DA8717395. 
DENNIS, JOHN VALUE, JR. 1987. Farmer management of rice variety diversity in 



208 



HAYS and LAFERRIERE Vol. 8, No. 2 



northern Thailand. Cornell University, 386 pp. D.A. 48(10):2826-B. Order no 
8725764. 

DOWNIE, STEPHEN ROY. 1987. A biosystematic study of Arnica subgenus Arctica. 
University of Alberta (Canada). D.A. 48(5):1225-B. 

DWYER, PHILIP MATTHEW. 1987. Herbalism and ritual: folk medical practices 
among Asian immigrants in Southern California. University of California, Los 
Angeles, 228 pp. Chair: Donald Ward. D.A. 48(6):1518-A. Order no. DA8719926. 

GOODWIN, CONRAD MC CALL. 1987. SiiPar HmP anH Fn<r1i«hTr.Pn- a «t,,rlv nt 



University 



m^^^ mm ■ — ^^ ^^ ^^ ^mmr ^^r ^*mr ^ -^_-^ ^ » 

Major Professor: Mary C. Beaudry. D.A. 48(7):1812-1813-A. C 
iEN, WILLIAM. 1987. Between Hopewell and Mississippian: Late Woodland 
in the Prairie Peninsula as viewed from the western Illinois uplands. University 
of Wisconsin-Madison, 478 pp. Supervisor: lames B. Stoltman. D.A. 48(9):2368- 
2369- A. Order no. DA8720800. 

LLSDOTTIR, MARGRET. 1987. Pollen analytical studies of human influence on 
vegetation in relation to the Landnam tephra layer in southwest Iceland. Lunds 
Unversitet, Sweden, 45 pp. D.A. 49(1):71-C. 



BURKE 



•radiograph 



populations from the Lower Illinois Valley. Cornell University, 287 pp. D.A. 
48(12):3146-A. Order no. DA8804636. 
HIGUCHI, NIRO. 1987. Short-term growth of an undisturbed tropical moist forest 



Order no. DA8714334. 



Michigan 



HOFFMAN 



stresses: ecological relationships in the genus Cucurbita. University of Texas at 

Austin, 203 pp. Supervisor: Beryl B. Simpson. D.A. 48(10) :2860-B. Order no. 
DA8728571. 

HOFFMAN, ROBERT W. 1987. Taphonomy and zooarcheology of rockshelters of 

the Big South Fork area of the Cumberland Plateau, Tennessee and Kentucky. 

University of Tennessee, 220 pp. Major Professor: Walter Klippel. D.A. 48(7): 

1813- A. Order no. DA8721276. 
HOGAN, PATRICK FRANCIS. 1987. Prehistoric agricultural strategies in west- 

™h.,i m-„ Mexico. Washington State University 279 pp. Chair: William D. Lipe. 



D.A. 48(8):2091-A. Order no. DA8724296. 



KATHLEEN 



346 



48(5) 



CHON, BRIGETTE. 1987. Vinca minor L.: usage ancestral et source de vincamine 
IVtnca minor: ancient use and vincamin source.] Universite de Dijon, France 
98 pp. D.A. 49(10):109-C. [Dissertation and abstract in French.] 



DOMINIQUE 



Media 



48(7):1816-A. Order no. DA8720400 
SIMONENA, CARMEN. 1987. Poblamiento rural 



William 



Middle Ages: Archaeological Bases: The 



de Navarra, Spain, 838 pp. D.A. 49(2):190-C. [Dissertation in Spanish.] 



JOHNSON, DAVID JOHN 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 209 



University of Utah, 168 pp. D.A. 48(9):2369-A. Order no. DA8726539. 
EPH, REBECCA M. 1987. Diffused batik production in Central Java. University 
of California, San Diego, 283 pp. Chairperson: David K. Jordan. D.A. 49(2):286-A. 
Order no. DA8804771. 

\G, FRANCES B. 1987. Prehistoric maize in eastern North America: an evolu- 
tionary evaluation. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 189 pp. D.A. 
49(1):107-108-A. Order no. DA8803089. 



KIRKMAN. WILLIAM 



University 



205 pp. Directors: James R. Ballington & Arthur W. Cooper. D.A. 
Order no. DA8712540. 

KOONS, ADAM SURLA. 1987. Communication in the agricultural development 
process: a Cameroonian example. The American University, 387 pp. D.A. 49(2): 
286-287- A. Order no. DA8805459. 

KRUGER, HESTER. 1987. A study of the floral ontogeny, androgeny, and gynology 
of Securidaca longepedunculata Fresen (Polygalaceae) . University of Pretoria, South 
Africa. Promoter: P.J. Robbertse. D.A. 48(3):632-B. [Dissertation in Afrikaans. J 

LA BIANCA, OYSTEIN SAKALA. 1987. Sedentarization and nomadization: food 
system cycles at Hesban and vicinity in Transjordan. Brandeis University, 411 pp. 
Chairperson: Judith Zeitlin. D.A. 48(4):969-A. Order no. DA8715746. 

LEONARD, WILLIAM ROWE. 1987. Nutritional adaptation and dietary change in 
the southern Peruvian Andes. University of Michigan, 299 pp. Chair: A. Roberto 
Frisancho. D.A. 48(12):3146-A. Order no. DA8801361. 

LUDEKE, AARON KIM. 1987. Natural and cultural physical determinants of anthro- 
pogenic deforestation in the Cordillera Nombre de Dios, Honduras. Texas 
A & M University, 316 pp. Chair: Leslie M. Reid. D.A. 48(12): 3467- B. Order 
no. DA8802109. 

MANOLESCU, KATHLEEN MARIE. 1987. An approach to the ethnography of 
farming as a culturally structured technological system. University of Pennsyl- 
vania, 528 pp. Supervisor: Ward H. Goodenough. D.A. 48(4):969-970-A. Order 
no. DA8714086. 

MATHEWSON, KENT. 1987. Landscape change and cultural persistence in the 
Guayas wetlands, Ecuador. University of Wisconsin-Madison, 544 pp. Directors: 
William Maxfield Denevan & Carl O. Sauer. D.A. 48(9):2422-A. Order no. 
DA8720818. 

MC ANANY, PATRICIA ANN. 1986. Lithic technology and exchange among wetland 
farmers of the eastern Maya lowlands. University of New Mexico, 321 pp. 
Chairperson: Jeremy A. Sabloff. D.A. 48(4): 966-967- A. Order no. DA8713297. 

MEARNS, LINDA OPAL. 1988. Technological change, climatic variability, and 
winter wheat yields in the Great Plains of the United States. University of 
California, Los Angeles, 223 pp. Chair: Werner H. Terjung. D.A. 49(2) :31 9- 
320- A . Order no. DA8805341 . 

MITCHELL, LOIS PATRICIA. 1987. "Making it pay": a study of the organization 
and operation of the Deer Island weir fishery. The University of New Brunswick 

(Canada). D.A. 49(2):355-356-A. 
MOCHTAR, MOHAMMAD. 1987. Drying and storage of paddy rice in Indonesia. 

University of New South Wales, Australia. D.A. 48(11):3171-B. 
MOODY, JENNIFER ALICE. 1987. The environmental and cultural prehistory of 

the Khania region of West Crete: Neolithic through Late Minoan III. University 



210 



HAYS and LAFERRIERE Vol. 8, No. 2 



of Minnesota, 773 pp. Adviser: Fred E. Lukermann. D.A. 48(8):2091-A. Order 

no. DA8723836. 

MORDI, RICHARD. 1987. Public attitudes toward wildlife in Botswana. Yale Uni- 
versity, 248 pp. D.A. 48(10) :2836-B. Order no. DA8729122. 

MOST, RACHEL. 1987. Reconstructing prehistoric subsistence strategies: an example 
from east-central Arizona. Arizona State University, 343 pp. Chairperson: Sylvia 
Gaines. D.A. 48(4):967-A. Order no. DA8713671. 

MROZO WSKI, STEPHEN ALBERT. 1987. The ethnoarchaeology of urban gardening. 
Brown University, 282 pp. Chair: Richard Gould. D.A. 48(4):967-A. Order no. 

DA8715538. 
MULHOLLAND, SUSAN COLLINS. 1987. Phytolith studies at Big Hidatsa, North 

Dakota. University of Minnesota, 415 pp. Adviser: George Rapp, Jr. D.A. 

48(9):2369-2370-A. Order no. DA8727427. 
MUTORO, HENRY WANGUTUSI. 1987. An archaeological study of the Mijikenda 

Kaya settlements on hinterland Kenya Coast. University of California, Los Angeles, 

320 pp. Chair: Merrick Posnansky. D.A. 48(6):1484-A. Order no. DA8721047. 
NEWSTROM, LINDA EILEEN. 1986. Studies in the origin and evolution of chayote, 

Sechium edule (Jacq.) Sw. (Cucurbitaceae). University of California, Berkeley, 

159 pp. Chair: Herbert Baker. D.A. 48(5):1226-B. Order no. DA8718102. 
OGUNBIYI, ADETOKUNBO OLAMALE. 1987. Aspects of the toxicology of the 

bracken fern (Pteridium aquilinum) . University of Surrey, U.K., 230 pp. D.A. 

49(1):82-B. Order no. BRD-80047. 
PERLOV, DIANE CATHERINE. 1987. Trading for influence: the social and cultural 

economics of livestock marketing among the highland Samburu of northern 

Kenya. University of California, Los Angeles, 313 pp. Chair: Walter Goldschmidt. 

D.A. 48(6):1488-A. Order no. DA8721050. 
RAMIREZ, JUAN FERNANDO. 1987. Biochemical studies on a Mexican fermented 

corn food-pozol. Cornell University, 193 pp. D.A. 48(9):2511-B. Order no. 

DA8715597. 
SALAZAR, ROBERT CRISOL. 1987. The implementation of an agroforestry project 

in a Philippine village: a study in directed change. Ohio State University, 244 pp. 

Adviser: Chung-Min Chen. D.A. 48(5):1249-A. Order no. DA8717715. 
SCHEPARTZ, LYNNE ALISON. 1987. From hunters to herders: subsistence pattern 

and morphological change in eastern Africa. University of Michigan, 155 pp- 

Chair: Milford H. Wolpoff. D.A. 48(11):2919-A. Order no. DA8801413. 
SOWERS, FREDERICK WALTER. 1986. Moving on: migration and agropastoral 

production among the Fulbe in southern Burkina Faso. University of California, 

Berkeley, 368 pp. Chairman: Michael Watts. D.A. 48(5):1285-A. Order no. 

DA8718167. 
SPERLING, CALVTN ROSS. 1987. Systematics of the Basellaceae. Harvard University, 

291 pp. D.A. 48(11):3186-B. Order no. DA8800889. 
SPRIGGS, MATTHEW JAMES THOMAS. 1981. Vegetable kingdoms: taro irrigation 

and Pacific prehistory. Australian National University, 516 pp. D.A. 48(3):683- 

Order no. DA8710524. 
STOCKTON, JAMES HAROLD. 1984. The prehistoric geography of northvves 

Tasmania. Australian National University, 544 pp. D.A. 48(3): 683- A. Order n • 



DA8710525. 



SUELO, LUCITA G. 1987. Utilisation of the Australian jellyfish Calostylus sp. 



as a 



food product. University of New South Wales, Australia. D.A. 48(H):3- U > - 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 211 



SVENSON, G. 1987. Studies on fossil plant communities, stratigraphy and develop- 
ment of peatlands in South Sweden. Lunds Universitet, Sweden, 5 pp. D.A. 



48(3):520-C. 
SW ANSON, MARILYN 



Madeleine E. Mitchell. D.A. 48f8):2271 



Washington State University, 200 



SWETNAM, THOMAS WILLIAM. 1987. A dendrochronological assessment of 



Western 

Rocky Mountains. University of Arizona, 226 pp. Director: Malcolm J. Zwolmski. 

D.A. 48(3):637-B. Order no. DA8712915. 
SWISHER, MICHAEL JAMES. 1987. Wood and water terminology in Old High 

German literature: a contribution to the study of Old High German nature 

vocabulary. Ohio State University, 457 pp. Adviser: Johanna Belin. D.A. 48(5): 

1195-A. Order no. DA8717735. 
THOMASSON, GORDON CONRAD. 1987. Indigenous knowledge systems, sciences, 

and technologies: ethnographic and ethnohistorical perspectives on the educa- 



ty 



D.A. 48(7):1818-A. Order no. DA8724146. 
TJITRADJAJA, IWAN. 1987. Drawdown farming at Jatiluhur Dam, West Java: a case 

study of local responses to new conditions. Rutgers The State University of New 

Jersey-New Brunswick, 204 pp. Director: Andrew P. Vayda. D.A. 49(2):289-A. 

Order no. DA8803522. 
TRIERWEILER, WILLIAM NICHOLAS. 1987. The marginal cost of production in 

subsistence economies: an archaeological test. University of California, Los 

Angeles, 416 pp. Chair: James N. Hill. D.A. 48(7):1814-1815-A. Order no. 

D A872321 1 . 
WANNAN, BRUCE STEWART. 1987. Systematics of the Anacardiaceae and its 

allies. University of New South Wales, Australia. D.A. 48(11):3186-B. 
WATSON, GRETA A. 1987. The human ecology of rice farming in an Indonesian 

coastal wetland. Rutgers The State University of New Jersey-New Brunswick, 

453 pp. Director: George E.B. Morren, Jr. D.A. 49(1):109-A. Order no. DA8803526. 
WHELAN, MARY KATHRYN. 1987. The archaeological analysis of a 19th century 



Minnesota 



Order no. DA8723859. 



WHITE, JOHN PETER. 1968. Taim bilong bipo: investigations towards a prehistory 

of the Papua-New Guinea Highlands. Australian National University, 872 pp. 

D.A. 48(3): 683- A. Order no. DA8710527. 
WILEN, RICHARD NEAL. 1987. The context of prehistoric food production in the 

Khorat Plateau piedmont, N.E. Thailand. University of Hawaii. Chairman: 

Wilhelm G. Solheim, II. D.A. 48(7):1815-A. 
WINDER, N. 1986. Faunal analysis: studies in the analysis and interpretation of 



animal 



Southampton, U.K. D.A. 48(4):650-C. 
WYMER, DEE ANNE 



100 



to A.D. 800: subsistence continuity amid cultural change. Ohio State University, 



William 



212 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 2 



BOOK REVIEW 



Late quaternary Mammalian Biogeography and Environments of the Great Plains 
and Prairies. Russell W. Graham, Holmes A. Semken, Jr., and Mary Ann Graham 
(eds.). Springfield, IL: Illinois State Museum Society. 1987. Pp. xiv, 491. $20.00. 
(paper). 



This volume, dedicated to Ernest L. Lundelius, Jr., is an anthology of 12 papers 
by 15 authors focusing primarily on the Northern Plains and Midwestern prairies. 
It contains general (3), regional (4), and local (5) discussions on late Pleistocene and 
Holocene mammalian records (primarily for micromammals), an appendix on scien- 
tific and common names of the animals discussed, and an index to the localities 
discussed. 

The initial paper, by Graham and Semken, is on philosophy and procedures in 
paleoenvironmental studies, and it acts as an introduction and guide for the volume. 
It also is the most important contribution in its attempt to solidify methodological 
underpinnings for paleoenvironmental studies. An array of concepts are brought 
together in a well-stated synthesis. The major topics are problems in interpretation 
and methods of analysis. A number of important points are made that frequently 
have been overlooked or not considered, e.g., that interpretation is based on the 
identification of the skeletal remains and is only as good as the quality of the identi- 
fication work. In most cases, identifications need to be on the specific level to be useful. 
This can be difficult at times given the material recovered and the identification of 
some modern species on non-osteological traits. Their point is the need to document 
and thereby establish osteological criteria which everyone can agree to use. A point 
not made but equally important concerns the training and competence of the iden- 
tifier. Far too many remains from far too many sites have been identified from books 
or inadequate comparative collections by people not equipped to conduct the analysis. 

Another problem area in interpretation is that of chronology. A rigorous chrono- 
logical framework is mandatory for interpreting temporal changes in faunas and 
reconstructing paleoenvironments. A point well made is the time-transgressive nature 
of cultural stages coupled with relative or imprecise dating. This same problem is 
prevalent in paleontological faunas where biostratigraphic age is used. Taphonomic 
problems are of major importance to paleoecologic interpretation. The reader is 
cautioned to compare only local faunas that have undergone similar taphonomic 
pathways. Concomitant with that cautionary note is the plea to collect faunal samples 
by comparable methodologies. Furthermore, while the need for analogs is clear, 
modern analogs may not be the most appropriate to use. Faunal community members 
react independently to climatic and environmental changes and not as a whole 
community. This independent reaction is part of the basis for the concept of dis- 
harmonious faunas. This concept, pioneered by Semken, concerns ecologically 
incompatible species found as community members in fossil assemblages. The point 
is that no one area today duplicates the conditions of the late Pleistocene or for some 
time into the Holocene. 

The section on methods of analysis focuses primarily on determining the area 
of sympatry and species composition. The area of sympatry is that geographic region 
where the modern ranges of all or most of the taxa overlap. The method provides 
evidence of environmental change when an area does not include the fossil location. 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 213 



The more distant the sympatry from the fossil location, the greater the degree of 
change. If the fossil fauna contains allopatric species (i.e., they have exclusive ranges), 
then the fossil fauna is a disharmonious one. Frequently, the late Pleistocene and 
early Holocene faunas, because they are disharmonious, have at least two areas of 
sympatry. Once again, the point is that no modern analog exists: no one place or 
location duplicates or comes close to the conditions during those times. 

Species composition is a complementary concept and analytical tool that relies 
primarily on environmental parameters that control the modern distribution of a 
species. Primary differences between area of sympatry and species composition 
include the importance of limiting factors and disjunct distributions to species 
composition. Microenvironmental data are particularly valuable in the analysis of 
species tolerances as limiting factors, while these aspects are not useful in deter- 
mining area of sympatry. Species composition analysis leads to the creation of environ- 
mental mosaics and the concept of patchy vegetation. 

Wendland, Benn, and Semken attempt to evaluate climatic changes based on 
faunal evidence. They focus on Holocene climates based on the data presented in 
the volume and infer paleoclimates from changes in faunal distribution. The premise 
is that the record of plains biotic history is a direct expression of climatic results and 
that mammals provide good insight into the nature of the grasslands. The temporal 
fluctuations are based on Wendland's major climatic episodes. The post-Atlantic 
periods are lumped together because of insufficient faunal data, with the focus primari- 
ly on the Atlantic period (8,500-5,000 BP) on the Northern Plains and Midwestern 
prairies. An important point made is that while climatic changes may be abrupt, 
environmental changes lag and may be both time and spatially transgressive. 

The last paper, by Semken and Graham, is presented as a summary but it is more 
a summary of their previous statements than of the volume. Five major points are 
discussed in relationship to the philosophy and methodology presented in the 
introductory paper. In determining the nature of the climatic signal provided by the 
faunal data, both the overall composition and the number of allopatric species are 
important. Reliability is based on accurate identification, documentation, and 
systematic guidelines. Given the bandwagon effect in zooarchaeology over the past 
decade or so, this point cannot be stressed too often. Finally, collecting methodologies 
which greatly influence the usefulness and comparability of the faunal data must 
become standardized. Their plea is to go beyond the "one-liter sample syndrome" 
to employ well-controlled collecting on a bulk or spatial basis. "Bulk" is interpreted 
as stratigraphic column sampling adjacent to excavation areas, whereas "spatial" 
apparently means collecting within the excavation areas. 

This volume makes two major contributions. First, it is a solid presentation of 
paleoenvironmental methodology as applied to the Quaternary record and sugges- 
tions for the further development of that interdisciplinary study. Second, as a 
synthesis of a large body of faunal data, it is a source book for the Northern Plains 
and Midwestern prairies to complement earlier (1983) syntheses by Lundelius and 
Semken in the 2-vol. Late Quaternary Environments of the United States. 

The volume is not without problems. The "Plains" are divided up unusually, 
with northeastern Colorado considered with the "Southwestern Plains" while 
Oklahoma is considered to be Central Plains. The "Southwestern Plains" appears 
primarily to focus on Central Texas and the Val Verde area (Texas) where Lundelius 
has done most of his North American research. 

In general the Southern Plains receives limited treatment, with some out-of-date 



214 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 2 



or not pertinent references being used. For example, in the general paper on evaluating 
climatic changes based on faunal evidence, the Southern Plains data are not con- 



summarized for the Late 



Midwestern 



The Val Verde and Trans Pecos (Texas) data for the post-Atlantic period are sum- 
marized and then generally extended to cover the "Southwestern Plains." Wendland 
et al. (p. 469) make the statement that after 5,000 BP "more moist conditions returned 
to the northern plains while in the southern plains the climate apparentlv continued 



to become more xeric, perhaps occasionally punctuated by short intervals of moisture." 

Data from the Southern Plains demonstrate that this extension is not valid. The 

Southern Plains experienced a two-drought altithermal between 6,400-4,500 BP with 

a return to moisture and an ameliorated climate by 4,500 BP. That situation began 

to change towards more xeric conditions after 700 BP (Holliday 1985; Hall 1988). 

Furthermore, Dillehay's model of the presence/absence of bison was used despite 

demonstrations that the model is not valid for the Southern Plains and Northcentral 
Texas. 

A great deal of "finger- wagging" occurs aimed at archaeologists and their field 
methods and collecting techniques. While the admonishments are well deserved and 
heartily endorsed by this reviewer, paleontologists deserve the same treatment. 
Far too many cave localities have been quarried-out with litle regard for associational 
and taphonomic relationships or, at times, even stratigraphy. A more constructive, 
even-handed review of collecting problems and solutions would be beneficial. Both 

■ v _ _i 



very 



in well-dated context related to natural 



eological sites, those units must be related back to both the natural and cultural 
stratigraphies without crosscutting boundaries and mixing samples. 

All in all, this volume is a thought-provoking and solid contribution to Quater- 
nary studies. It is a fitting tribute to Ernest Lundelius, his unquestionable influence 
on the development and direction of Pleistocene and Holocene vertebrate paleon- 
tology and paleoenvironmental studies on the Plains and Midwestern prairies, and 



greats" such as Claude Hibbard and John 



References Cited: 



Hall, Stephen A. 1988. Environment and archaeology of the Central Osage Plains. Plains 



Anthrop. 33(120) :203-218. 

liday, Vance T. 1985. Archaeological geology of tht 

Plains of Texas. Bull. Geol. Soc. Am. 96:1483-1492. 



Eileen Johnson 

The Museum of Texas Tech University 

Lubbock, Texas 79409 



/. Ethnobioi 8(2):215-218 



Winter 1988 



RALPH N.H. BULMER 

(1928-1988) 



TERENCE E. HAYS 
Department of Anthropology /Geography 

Rhode Island College 
Providence, RI 02908 



Ethnobiology has lost one of its most valued practitioners and advocates with 
the death of Ralph N.H. Bulmer in Auckland (New Zealand) on July 18, 1988. 

As a schoolboy in England, Ralph once told me, he detested cricket, so he would 
escape the playing fields by wandering off into surounding woods and fields, where 
a lifelong love of natural history was formed. Much of his life would be spent in the 
field, observing, collecting, and conducting ethnographic research. His anthropological 
fieldwork began while he was still an undergraduate at Cambridge University, when 
he spent six months in 1950-51 as part of a research team among the Reindeer Same 
(Lapps) of Northern Sweden and Norway. He will be remembered best, however, 
for his work in Papua New Guinea. 

Following his undergraduate degree in 1953, Ralph was trained in Social Anthro- 

polo y at the Australian National University; his thesis, based on 17 months' fieldwork 

with the Kyaka Enga of the Baiyer Valley of the Western Higlands, was completed 

in 1960 and his Ph.D. conferred in 1962. His work with the Kyaka focused on political 

and social organization, in conformity with his supervisors' preferences, but early 

publications dealt with Kyaka bird knowledge, lore, and utilization (Bulmer 1957) and 

involvement in the regional bird of paradise plume trade (1962). Later papers would 

incorporate Kyaka folk biology data, but Bulmer's true flowering as an ethnobiologist 

came with his fieldwork with the Kalam (formerly, Karam) of the northern Highlands 
fringe. 

While Lecturer and then Senior Lecturer in Social Anthropology at the University 
of Auckland, Ralph initiated what would be a life-long enterprise, the Kalam Project. 
Between 1960 and 1985, he spent 28 months in the Kaironk Valley in 14 field trips, 
long and short, until he had become a regular part of the human and natural 
environment of the Kalam. Appreciating the importance of team research since his 
early experiences with the Same, Ralph always stressed collaboration in his work, 
and the Kalam Project would eventually include two anthropologists, two linguists, 
and more than 20 zoologists, botanists, and other scientific colleagues. While himself 
a gifted amateur naturalist, Bulmer always deferred to his professional colleagues, 
who co-authored with him numerous papers on the fauna and flora of the Kaironk 
Valley, from both scientific and Kalam perspectives (see Bibliography). 

Ralph's most notable collaborator was Ian Saem Majnep, a Kalam who began as 
a teenaged field assistant and developed over the years into a knowledgeable and 
articulate full participant in Bulmer's work. Still unparalleled in ethnobiology, the 
collaboration resulted, in 1977, in the remarkable book, Birds of My Kalam Country, 
with Majnep as senior author. There, Majnep recounts in detail the traits, habits, 
and Kalam lore concerning 180 bird species, with Bulmer providing commentary from 
the Western scientific point of view. Including drawings by Chris Healey (one of 



216 



HAYS Vol. 8, No. 2 



Buhner's first students), the book is a tour deforce in ethnobiology. (See accompany- 
ing book review for a more detailed consideration.) A second collaborative effort, 
Animals the Ancestors Hunted, dealing with Kalam knowledge of animals and hunting 
techniques, was seen through final revisions just before Bulmer's death, and on his 
final visit to Auckland to work with Ralph, Majnep brought along a draft of a third 
book, on Kalam ethnobotany, which will now be completed with the assistance of 
Andrew Pawley, long-time linguist on the Kalam Project. 

Buhner's gifts as a naturalist and his intimate knowledge of the Kalam gained 
through fieldwork that has been both intensive and extensive were combined with 
his collaborators' specialist contributions to result in a series of meticulously-crafted 
papers that have been enormously influential in ethnobiology. As a careful and 
thoughtful ethnographer, Ralph was always wary of the "general principles" and 
universals" proposed by others. Moreover, he was always concerned with the 
cosmological dimensions of folk biology, demonstrating again and again that, for the 
Kalam, the salience of animals and plants derives not only from their economic 
importance or the compelling perceptual features they might possess, but also from 
their symbolic significance. These same concerns appeared again in his most recent 
work, as in his last years he began to publish his long-term investigations into the 
birds of the Bible— a new direction, with regard to the data examined, but a continu- 
ation of his determination to understand folk biological classification systems in their 
fullest context. 

In addition to the intellectual problems related to folk biology, human problems 
and concerns were always important to Ralph. As Foundation Professor of Social 
Anthropology at the new University of Papua New Guinea, Bulmer served the- Umm 



$ 4 



time 



ethno 



teaching 



lm 



conservation efforts. Always generous with his time 



teaching, 



energy to the training of students, and, whether in Papua New Guinea or New 
Zealand, welcomed visitors and itinerant fieldworkers to his homes with warm 

lm n riMfclli ,1*1 *• 1 • • - m - ft ^t*% 



hospitality 

birds to sugar gliders. 



modest 



gifted, erudite, versatile, amiable, gentle, generous, yet 



knew him. Just before his death, in the middle 



100 papers for a 



Manukau 



versity of Auckland, where fam: 
amidst speeches of reminiscence 



taken to the Maori 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF RALPH N.H. BULMER 



Bulmer, Ralph N.H. 



1957 A primitive ornithology. Australian Museum Magazine 
1962 Chimbu plume traders. Australian Natural History 14:1 



Winter 1988 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



217 



1964 



1965 a 



1966 



1967 



1970 



1971 



1976 



1978 



1982a 



1982b 



1985b 



Edible seeds and prehistoric stone mortars in the Highlands of East New 

Guinea. Man 64:147-150. 

Beliefs concerning the propagation of new varieties of sweet p 



Soc 



237-239. 



1965b Review of Leland C. Wyman & Flora L. Bailey, Navaho Indi.in Ethno- 

entomology. American Anthropologist 67:1564-1566. 
Birds as possible agents in the propagation of the sweet-potato. The Emu 

65:165-182. 

Why is the cassowary not a bird? A problem of zoological taxonomy among 

the Karam of the New Guinea Highlands. Man, N.S., 2:5-25. 

1968a Karam colour categories. Kivung 1:120-133. 

1968b 



The strategies of hunting in New Guinea. Oceania 38:302-318. 



1968c Worms that croak and other mysteries of Karam natural history. Man- 
kind 6:621-639. 

Which came first, the chicken or the egg-head? In Echanges at communica- 
tions: melanges offerts a Claude Levi-Strauss. Jean Pouillon & Pierre 
Maranda, eds. The Hague: Mouton. pp. 1069-1091. 
Science, ethnoscience and education. Papua New Guinea Journal of Educa- 
tion 7:22-33. 

1974a Folk biology in the New Guinea Highlands. Social Science Information 

13:9-28. 
1974b Memoirs of a small game hunter: on the track of unknown animal 

categories in New Guinea. Journal d 'Agriculture Tropicale et de Botanique 
Appliquee 21: :(4-4):79-99. 

Selectivity in hunting and in disposal of animal bone by the Kalam of the 
New Guinea Highlands. In Problems in economic and social archaeology. 
G. de G. Sieveking et al., eds. London: Ducksworth. pp. 169-186. 
Totems and taxonomy. In Australian aboriginal concepts. L.R. Hiatt, ed. 
Conberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, pp. 1-19. 



1979a Mystical and mundane in Kalam classification of birds. In Classifications 

in their social context. R.F. Ellen & D. Reason, eds. London: Academic 

Press, pp. 57-79. 
1979b Tameness and mystical associations of wild birds. In Birds of a feather: 

osteological and archaeological papers from the South Pacific in honor of 
R.J. Scarlett. Atholl Anderson, ed. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. 

pp. 67-73. 

Traditional conservation practices in Papua New Guinea. In Traditional 
conservation in Papua New Guinea. Louise Morauta et al., eds. Boroko: 
Institute for Applied Social and Economic Research, pp. 59-77. 
Crop introductions and their consequences in the Upper Kaironk Valley, 
Simbai area, Madang Province. In Proceedings of the Second Papua New 
Guinea Food Crops Conference. R.M. Bourke & V. Kesavan, eds. Port 
Moresby: Department of Primary Industry, pp. 282-288. .... 



1985a Comment on 



Mode 



Anthroplogy 



Society 



Article: Trees, grerbs, wugs, snurms and quammals: The 
il natural history of Cecil H. Brown. Journal of the Polym 



218 



HAYS Vol. 8, No. 2 



n.d.a The uncleanness of the birds of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. (In press, 

Man), 
n.d.b The unsolved problems of the birds of Leviticus. (Under review). 

Buhner, Ralph N.H. & Bryant Allen 
1987 Pigs and pitpit. Science in New Guinea 13:97-99. 



Bulmer, Ralph N.H. & J.I. Menzies 

1972-73 Karam classification of marsupials and rodents. Journal of the Polynesian 

Society 81:472-499; 82:86-107. 



Bulmer, Ralph N.H., J.I. Menzies & F. Parker 

1975 Kalam classification of reptiles and fishes. Journal of the Polynesian 

Society 84:267-308. 



Bulmer, Ralph N.H. & Michael J. Tyler 
1968 Karam classification of frogs. Journal of the Polynesian Society 77:333-385. 

Bulmer, Susan & Ralph N.H. Bulmer 

1964 The prehistory of the Australian New Guinea Highlands. In New Guinea: 

The Central Highlands. James B. Watson, ed. American Anthropologist 



66(4, 2): 39-76. 



Majnep 
1982 



un me importance of conserving traditional knowledge of wildlite ana 
hunting. In, Traditional conservation in Papua New Guinea. Louise 
Morauta et al., eds. Boroko: Institute of Applied Social and Economic 
Research, pp. 79-82. 



Maj 



1977 



try(M 



University Press and Oxford University Press. 



M.J 



1966 Observations 



Museum 



[Ed. note: The following book review originally appeared in the Folk Classification Bulletin, 
precursor of the Journal of Ethnobiology , in 1978, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 7-8. It is reprinted here, 
with minor corrections, to bring the attention of a wider readership to a remarkable work 
in ethnobiology. TEH. J 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 219 



BOOK REVIEW 



is of my Kalam country / Mnmon yad Kalam yakt. Ian Saem Majnep and Ralph 
Bulmer. Illustrations by Christopher Healey. Auckland: Auckland University 
Press and Oxford University Press, 1977. Pp. 219. 



Ian Saem Majnep is Professor Bulmer's informant, native consultant, and 
colleague. This work is truly collaborative both in its organization and in its text. 
It is a winning combination: Bulmer has had over twenty years field experience in 
the East New Guinea Highland region: Majnep's experience is life-long, raised on 
the forest edge in the Schrader Range above the Kaironk Valley, home of the Kalam 
language group, and learning the forest fauna as a child in the company of his 
widowed mother. 

The book's most outstanding quality follows from its authorship; it is not only 
an account of the native viewpoint but also by a sophisticated native participant 
(Majnep's contributions are pinted in Bodoni type), though by virtue of Bulmer's com- 
mentary and clarification (printed in Univers type) and Healey' s fine drawings, for 
a broad audience of English-speaking cultural anthropologists and natural historians. 
Majnep is truly a folk scientist, comparable as an observer of pattern in nature to a 
Darwin or a Wallace, if not destined to design a revolutionary theoretical perspec- 
tive. Consider the following account (p. 60): 

"Although we call ksks and Won [(adult male and unmarked, respectively) Princess 
Stephanie's Bird of Paradise] by different names you can say that ksks are a kind of 
bdon, because some Won grow into ksks, and these are the males. We know that this 
is so, for we see birds with their plumage changing. First the head changes; then 
the striped brown breast of the bdon is replaced by the dark green and blue breast 
of the ksks; and lastly the long black tail grows. In the first year that it changes it does 
not grow a full tail— only sip ['shoots']: In the second year its tail is complete. 

"... ksks stay hidden in the mountain forest, but bdon quite often come into 
old gardens at the forest edge. They eat many kinds of fruit in trees and shrubs and 
vines and in low vegetation, and we believe that they propagate klmn [Trema orien- 
talis], slwal [a tree rather similar to Trema], and sanep [Alocasia, the wild taro] 
. . . They choose different sorts of display trees from those of the Sicklebills, ones 
with a long straight bare branch with no foliage or epiphytes on it for a considerable 
distance, and coming out at an angle, not horizontal, from the trunk. First the bdon 
come, and call out, then the ksks. If five or six ksks come, then two or three station 
themselves at each end of the display-branch and dance there, then they change 
places, those from one end going to the other, and so on." 

This account might have been quoted from Bent's Life Histories of North American 

Birds or any comparable treatise of avian natural history. Note the care in establishing 

u«^T*r fkaf fViic ic en fnr wp see . . ." and 



We 



"we believe that they propagate . . ." As Majnep notes by way of introduction: 
"To tell you what you yourself have seen and know to be true is easy; to fit together 
all the things that other men tell you, and decide which of the things they say are 
true, is much more difficult" (44) A KT ~ - ^" ^"° "" f fr ™ 1 fhp " rake or custom " 



speaking! In addition these quotes neatly clarify the relationship of nomenclature to 
classification (in an instance of overdifferentiation) and of the native view of mtra- 



cultural variation. 
Yet Majnep 



220 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 2 



ksks at a dance-tree they perform rituals to drive away the goblins— one of them 
involves shooting a stem of kapyeed [Phragmites karka] over the top of the display 
tree— and there are spells recited at the base of the tree, so that the ghosts both get 



members 



from 



testimonial 



I am now a Christian, I believe in this ritual, for I have seen it work. I have seen 
a man, one of my mother's brothers from Simbai, perform this ritual, and strike the 
ground with his heel, and make a sorcery stick . . . jump right up out of the ground, 

where it had been concealed." 

At this point the "natural historians" among us scratch their heads while the 
"cultural anthropologists" among us perk up their ears. Majnep is a scientist operating 
without an axiom of strict mechanical causation, but a scientist nonetheless. 

Bulmer's contribution is low key, just enough to clarify what Majnep takes for 
granted yet no more than is necessary to highlight the accuracy of Kalam observa- 
tion. The value of an ethnographer who is also an accomplished amateur natural 



Majnep 



wing 



bone-ooints' and some of them 



animal 



carefully informed by a keen interest in all aspects of natural history that illuminates 
Bulmer's commentary. 

The book is in three parts, an ethnographic-ecological introduction, then 18 short 
chapters on each major "covert category" of birds recognized by Majnep (including 
bats and the cassowary for completeness), followed by 6 Kalam stories about birds. 
Appendices list all recorded bird species with their Kalam designations in scientific 
and Kalam alphabetic order as well as all plants mentioned in the text. Bulmer here 



himself 



quently of his partnership with nature. 



Eugene S. Hunn 
Department < 



Washington 



WA 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 221 



BOOK REVIEW 



Quest: Entheoeens and the 



Wasson 



Kramrisch 



Press, 1988. Pp. 257, illustr. $30.00 (cloth). 



This book is a group of essays, several by Wasson and others by three of his 
collaborators. The first is a charming summary of Wasson's discoveries with his wife, 
Valentina Pavlovna, regarding Vedic Soma, Aztec teonanacatl, a shamanic velada, the 



like 



The 



Rig 



Wasson produced a seemingly endless series of fascinating insights into the 
ethnological significance of various mushrooms and other mycological phenomena. 
Another valuable insight is Wasson's use of the flower-covered statue of Xochipilli 
as a Rosetta Stone for identifying Aztec hallucinogens. 

The second essay by Wasson, identifying the thunder-lightning engenderment 
of mushrooms (a folk belief found in both the Old and New Worlds) is in the reviewer's 
opinion another sound demonstration of relationship, accompanied as it is in each 
case by the same mushroom species, the connection with the same high good 
Thunderbird-Eagle in both hemispheres, etc. Other conjectures, often framed as 
tentative queries, are not so impressive. For example, the first part of "Mycenae" 
as the mu-upsilon-kappa root for "mushroom" is provocative, but not proven. The 
burial in earth of the seed of Ceres, goddess of grain, imprisonment by the god of 
the underworld, the wailing of winter winds, and the resurrection of Persephone 
("against death") in the Spring— all this sounds like a transparent parable of the 
planting and growth of winter wheat (or an alternate explanation, the Greek custom 
of underground winter storage of baskets of seed grain). That the Greek Mysteries 
included the eating of the ergot of grain (probably barley) has convincing support 
in classifical references. 

But mycological enthusiasm perhaps leads sometimes into the quite unlikely. 
The Biblical "Tree of Knowledge" is probably not related to Soma or A. tnuscaria. 
I am not convinced that the swastika and other grecas (Greek frets seen in visions) 
are a plausible source of the Platonic "Ideas." Soma is surely not the sole or even 
principal source of historic religions, for all the important part it had in a forerunner 
of Christianity. The use of red ochre in prehistoric graves more likely symbolized 
blood-fire-life than the red color of the fly agaric." The "one-sided man" of folklore, 
like the one-footed humans of Herodotus, may imply the one-footed mushroom or 
Soma, but Satan is not so much "one-legged" as he is provided with a goat's hoof 



on one of his two feet 

sometimes grows in its dung is a very tenuous thesis alsc 
native Indie symbolisms from Mohenjo-dara onward. 

Kramrisch' s essay on putika as a surrogate for Soma 
connection with the Mahavira Vessel (head of Indra, oi 



cubensis 



the Journal of the American Orient 
hnrnncrhlv published. Wasson 



Her thesis, 



last meal of the Buddha as a pyschotropic mushroom, is carefully argued, but the 
final judgment must be left to experts. Tonathan Ott has a brief essay on the disem- 



Mexico 



222 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 8, No. 2 



The second half of the book consists of three learned essays by the classicist Carl 

. Ruck. The first is a captivating explanation of the "shade-foot men" of Herodotus 

others as the one-legged mushroom "parasol" of Soma; Socrates as the profaner 

tie Mysteries (convincing); and Prometheus as Shade-Foot and thief of fire. The 



discovery 



guably 



revealing in the book. 



Strong objections, however, must be launched against the proposed neologism 



// 



term 



find 



sufficiently 



// 



nor do classic peoples conceptualize hallucinogens in this way. And third, the term 



hallucinations 



engenders water when oxidized, then entheogen must engender gods within: itself. 



the user? Wasson's violi 

essence of 'hallucinogen' " (p. 30)— or a term 



"a lie is the 



// 



Cannabis indica, favorite of the god Shiva, be flatly pro- 



The 



officially uses the impersonal term "psychotropic," as indeed does Kramrisch in her 
study. "Psychotropic" is to be recommended for all properly objective usage. 



The 



Wasson 



Weston LaBarre 



James B. Duke, Professor of Anthropology Emeritus 
Duke University 
Durham, NC 27706 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 223 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



NEW BULLETIN — GARDENS FOR DEVELOPMENT 

Volume 2, Issue 1 of Gardens for Development is now available. Gardens for Develop- 
ment is a bulletin for professionals concerned with the improvement of household- 
level food production worldwide. It presents articles, discussions, and news on all 
aspects of small-scale food production in distinct socio-economic settings for improved 
health, nutrition, and income. 

Subscription rates in US Dollars are: $20 for libraries and other institutions; 
$10 for professionals and students from developed countries; and $5 for students from 
less developed countries. 

Current subscriptions entitle individuals for membership in the Gardens for Develop- 
ment network with the right to actively participate in information exchange through 
the GfD Bulletin (printed articles, news items, printed discussions, information 
requests, etc.). 

Send all correspondence to: The Editor, Gardens for Development, Sun Station 
Box 41243, Tucson, AZ 85717 USA. 



MEETING ANNOUNCEMENT 

The Midwest Archaeological Conference is set for October 13-15, 1989 in Iowa 
City, Iowa. This event will be hosted by the Office of the State Archaeologist (OSA), 
The University of Iowa. Abstracts for symposia (and all symposium paper abstracts) 
are due by August 4, 1989. Abstracts for contributed papers are due by the 8th 
of September 1989. For further information, please contact William Green or Stephen 
Lensink, OSA, Eastlawn, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA 52242 - Telephone: 
(319) 335-2389. 



SOCIETY NEWS 

The Twelfth Annual Conference of the Society of Ethnobiology will be helc 
March 30-April 2, 1989, at the University of California at Riverside. For additiona 
information please refer to page 135 of the previous issue of the Journal of Ethno- 
biology or contact Sharon J. Rachele or Elizabeth J. Lawlor, Department of Anthro 
pologv. University of California. Riverside. California 92521; (714) 787-5524. 



DARRELL POSEY ON TRIAL 



As reported in an addendum to this column inserted in Volume 8, No. 1 of the 
Journal of Ethnobiology, anthropologist/ethnobiologist and JEB editorial board member 
and contributor, Dr. Darrell Posey, has been accused of violating the Brazilian Foreign 
Sedition Act by "interfering with the internal affairs of the Brazilian republic." 
Dr. Posey and two Kayapo Indian colleagues, Paulinho Paiakan and Kube-i Kaiapo, 
were charged after returning from the United States where the Indians had testified 
as to the destructive potential of current and proposed hydropower developments 
on the Xingu River near their homeland. They spoke at a meeting of the World Wildlife 



World Bank (which has bankrolled 



congress 



Berlin reports the following developments through November, 1988 



minary 



224 



NEWS AND COMMENTS Vol. 8, No. 2 



hearing August 26, 1988 but responded to an order to appear at the court in Belem 
on October 14 supported by a contingent of 400 Kayapo dressed in traditional attire. 
The judge refused to hear Kube-i, declaring his traditional clothing "an insult" to 
the Ministry of Justice. The defense petitioned to have the judge removed for prejudice. 

The case has attracted international attention. Paulinho Paiakan completed a tour 
of Europe, Canada, and Washington, D.C., sponsored by Friends of the Earth. 
A substantial sum has been raised by benefit concerts in support of their Native Peoples 
Conference, planned for January, 1989 near Altamira, and the site of the proposed 
Xingu dam. The congress is a grassroots effort designed to organize strategies for 
protesting Brazilian Amazonian development policies. The participants hope to build 
a protest village just above the site of the proposed dam. 

Contributions to the Darrell Posey-Kayapo Defense Fund may be sent to Brent 
Berlin, the fund coordinator, at the Department of Anthropology, University of 
California, Berkeley, CA 94720, U.S.A. Additional and current information is available 
from the National Wildlife Federation (contact Sheila Crum at 202-797-6604/6646). 



CONFERENCES 



Past: Plants and Man 



Hawaii 



1988 



Co-organizers: Paul Allen Cox, Department of Botany, Brigham Young 



Jerry 



UT 84602 



Hawaii, Laie, Hawaii 96762 
Future: Twelfth Annual Ethnobiology Confi 



submitting 



ersity of California, Riverside / March 30- April 2, 

: The deadline for submission of abstracts has bet 

h of January, 1989. This is also the new deadline foi 

the Barbara Lawrence Award competition. 

act: Sharon J. Rachele, Ethnobiology Conference Committee, Depart- 

nt of Anthropology, University of California, Riverside, C A 92521-0418 . 

International Conference of the ICAZ (International Council for Archaeozoology) 



Melinda 



Washington, D.C. / May 21-25, 1990 



Anthropology, NMNH, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 

Theme: The nature and implications of human/animal interactions < 

distribution, behavior, morphology, and survival of animal species 

fyikiit-i A-m. ^ ^ — ^ — II i « ft « ■ .« ft r _* -^ 1 ^ ft T% 



examine the role of animals 



economies 



GRANTS OFFERED 

DESERT BOTANICAL GARDEN 
RECEIVES CONSERVATION GRANTS 



conserve rare useful plants of the U.S. /Mexico 



FLORUTIL' a 

,^« th e WorW 



Wildlife Fund and the U.S. National Park Service ... The Garden envisione 
cross-cultural, binational research team that would develop and promote pi 
conservation alternatives among the 75 ethnic groups and tribes living in states 



a 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 22 



both sides of the U.S. /Mexico boundary. . . The FLORUTIL project will . . . include 
native people's insights in the conservation and management planning for a plant 
. . . By comparing the impact of traditional and commercial harvesting on the status 
of protected, unmanaged populations of the same rare species, the group can offer 
guidelines to harvesters and park rangers that will help with the management of these 



future 



imi 



Mexico . . . "A significant benefit of our research design is the collaboration betwe 



Mexican and 



We 



For information, write: Desert Botanical Garden, 1201 N. Galvin Parkway, 



1225 



THE JACOBS RESEARCH FUNDS 

Small Grants Program 

The Jacobs Research Funds invite applications for small grants (maximum $1200) 
for research in the field of social and cultural anthropology among living American 
native peoples. Preference will be given to the Pacific Northwest as an area of study, 
but other regions of North America will be considered. Field studies which address 
cultural expressive systems, such as music, language, dance, mythology, world view, 
plastic and graphic arts, intellectual life, and religion, including ones which propose 
comparative psychological analysis, are appropriate. 

Funds will not be supplied for salaries, for ordinary living expenses, or for major 
items of equipment. Projects in archaeology, physical anthropology, applied anthro- 
pology, and applied linguistics are not eligible, nor is archival research supported. 

For information and application forms, contact the Jacobs Research Funds 
(formerly the Melville and Elizabeth Jacobs Research Fund), Whatcom Museum of 
History and Art, 121 Prospect St., Bellingham, WA 98225 / Phone: (206) 676-6981. 
Applications must be postmarked on or before February 15, 1989. 



l 



ITEMS IN THE NEWS 

om the Wall Street Journal, August 16, 1988: 

Global warming and threat of repeats of this past summer's drought has added 
ipetus to a growing market for information on water conserving landscaping, for 
which the term // Xeriscape ,/ has been invented (and copyrighted as a trademark by 
the Denver Water Department). The interested public now can turn to the NXCI 
(National Xeriscape Council, Inc., 940 E. 51st St., Austin, TX 78751-2241) for enlighten- 
ment. As Patti Hagen notes in her Journal article, the movement has spawned a new 
vocabulary of "x-rated" terms: for example, "xerigation" is water efficient irrigation; 
"xeric" (from the Greek for dry, xeros) is familiar to botanists, but "xericity," 
xerophily," and "xerophilous" may require some practice before they can be 



// 



guzzl 



Lantana 



Will 



PLANTS IN SPACE: 

From the Seattle Post-Intelligencer 

NASA scientists have discovered that a number of common 



ornamental 



226 



NEWS AND COMMENTS Vol. 8, No. 2 



chemicals 



carry 



exposure to carcinogens and other health risks associated with living in a tightly sealed 
environment (such as that found in many modern, energy-efficient buildings). The 
NASA researchers determined that chrysanthemums were superior in the capacity 
of filter benzene, a known carcinogen from the air. Two varieties of philodendron 
(P. domesticum and P. oxycardium) and aloe vera were found to remove large quan- 
tities of formaldehyde while the green spider plant (Chlorophytum elatum) removed 
carbon monoxide. The value of toxic-swallowing plants as air cleansers in the normal 
home environment, however, is questionable as the rates of absorption are but a frac- 
tion of the normal atmospheric turnover due to ventilation. (August 2, 1988: byline: 
John Noble Wilford, The New York Times). 



POLITICIANS SLUG IT OUT 

SACRAMENTO-With a swift stroke of his veto pen, Gov. George Deukmejian 
squashed a much-ballyhooed bill that would have declared the lowly banana slug 
the official state mollusk of California. 

"I think the governor has thoughtlessly missed the point on this one," said 
crestfallen Assemblyman Byron Sher, D-Palo Alto. 

Sher quoted the veto message as saying banana slugs are not indigenous to 
California and not "representative of the international reputation that California 
enjoys. 



// 



Sher was quick to dispute the governor's statements. 

"Four of the five banana slug species are found only in California. As for banana 
slugs' representative qualities, we have repeatedly shown that these animals are an 
excellent example of the unique diversity of California's wildlife." (August 31, 1988: 



UPI) 



NATIVE GRAIN FEATURED 



dietary discovery is quinoa 



aka 



This fine grain can 



many 



Q 



\). The force behind the quinoa marketing 
Quinoa Corporation, Boulder, Colorado, foi 



$3 



in bulk 



Aficionados are fascinated by the unique sensations quonoa provides, both visua 
and gustatorial. "Tawny, round and seedlike when raw, quinoa undergoes a sur- 
prising transformation when cooked. The protein-rich germ (rated at 16.2% protein) 
unusual in being on the outside of the grain— turns white and forms a thin ring ^ oU *\ 
the starchy, translucent center. The effect is of a tiny Saturn." The taste is describe 
as "slightly nutty, . . . reminiscent of bulgar wheat, ..." It is "among the mos 
versatile of foods . . . steamed or boiled . . . served as breakfast cereal, made in 



stuffing, paired with fruits 01 
to croquettes ..." Quinoa 



vegetables to 



make a salad, soup or stew, formed into croquettes ..." Quinoa also p» 
edible greens, a source of fuel, and for soap which Andean peoples extract from 
saponin-rich seedcoats (which require careful rinsing to remove this bitter substance/. 
The author of the P.I. article, Wanda A. Adams sueeests several recipes; here s o 



try 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 227 



CRUNCHY QUINOA SALAD 

1 cup quinoa 

1 cup water 

1/4 cup finely chopped sweet red or green onion 

1/2 cup red pepper and 1/2 cup green pepper 

3/4 cup celery 

1/2 cup water chestnuts 

1/2 cup slivered almonds 

1/8 cup lemon juice 

1/8 cup soy sauce 

1/2 cup brown rice vinegar (plain or seasoned) 

1/4 cup water 

2 cloves garlic, pressed 

1 tablespoon olive oil, fresh-ground pepper to taste 

Bring 1 cup water to a boil, add quinoa, quickly stir. Cover and turn off heat. Allow to 
steam for 10 minutes without lifting cover. Finely chop onion, peppers, celery, water 
chestnuts. Combine lemon juice, soy sauce, vinegar, water, garlic, olive oil and pepper 
for salad dressing. Toss with salad. Chill or serve at room temperature. Serves 6. 



READERS WRITE 

Williams, graduate fellow at the Institute 



Society 



Meeting in Mexico City last March: "... Those were the best 



I have ever attended. Having the meetings in Mexico was a real coup for the Society, 
establishing direct contact with what we have seen to be a very large and active 
community of Mexican ethnobiologists. The participation of the Mexicans in our 
Society is an asset, and should be encouraged ... I think that both the Mexican and 
North American participants came away from the meetings with good impressions 
of each other, and in this an important step for international scientific cooperation 
was achieved ..." 

Beatrice M. Beck, librarian of the Rancho Santa Ana Botanical Garden, Claremont, 
California, USA, takes us to task for misspelling Victor K. Chesnut's name as 



/ / 



(JEB 8(1): 122). We 



228 



Vol. 8, No. 2 



Winter 1988 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 229 



ELEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING 
SOCIETY OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 

9-12 March 1988 
Mexico City, Mexico 

ROBERT A. BYE, JR. 
Conference Chairperson 



ABRIDGED MINUTES OF BUSINESS MEETING 

The business meeting took place on March 12 between 1300 and 1400 h., with 
Amadeo M. Rea presiding. The meeting was open to all registrants at the conference. 
Reports were offered by President-elect Elizabeth S. Wing; Willard Van Asdall, Editor, 
Journal of Ethnobiology; Secretay/Treasurer Cecil H. Brown; Conference Coordinator 
Jan Timbrook; and President Amadeo M. Rea. 

Elizabeth S. Wing announced this year's winner of the Barbara Lawrence Prize 
for best paper submitted by a student for presentation at the 11th Annual Meeting. 
Darrel L. McDonald won the award. Dina Sandberg came in second. 

Willard Van Asdall extended an invitation to those who presented papers and 
posters to submit related papers for consideration for publication in the Journal of 
Ethnobiology. He also discussed the possibility of publishing papers in Spanish in 
upcoming issues. 

Jan Timbrook announced that next year's conference (Twelfth Annual Meeting) 
will be held in Riverside, California from March 30 to April 2, 1989. 

The assembled members voted to change the bylaws of the Society so that the 

Secretary/Treasurer's term is extended from two years to three years. The measure 
passed. 

President Rea noted that a questionnaire will be sent to members in the near future 
to assess their opinions on a number of questions that have been discussed by the 
Board of Trustees. 



SOCIETY OF ETHNOBIOLOGY SECRETARY/TREASURER'S REPORT 

March 7, 1988 



Date of Last Report: March 7, 1987 

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Not yet closed out. 












NOTICE TO AUTHORS 



The Journal of Ethnobiology accepts papers on original research in ethnotaxonomy and 
folk classification, ethnobotany, ethnozoology, cultural ecology, plant domestication, 
zooarchaeology, archaeobotany, palynology, dendrochronology and ethnomediane. 
Authors should follow the format for article organization and bibliographies from articles 



The 



typ 



text pages should not exceed 1:2-3. Tables should not duplicate material in either the text 



be 



without 



graphs should be glossy prints of good contrast and sharpness with metric scales included 
when appropriate. All illustrations should have the author(s) name(s) written on the bad 



typed 



figu 



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If native language terminology is used as data, a consistent phonemic orthography 
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is justified. A brief characterization of this orthography and of the phonemix inventory 
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Authors must submit two copies of their manuscript plus the original copy and original 
figures. Papers not submitted in the correct format will be returned to the author. Submit 
your manuscripts to: 



WILLARD 



Ethnobiology 



Arizona State Museum 



University of Arizona 
rucson. Arizona 85721 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



Individuals with information for the "News and Comments 



9 f 



Journal 



all aDoroDriate material to Eueene Hunn, Department of Anthropology 



Washington, Seattle, Washingt 



REVIEWS 



We welcome suggestions on books to review or actual reviews from the readership 
he Journal. Please send suggestions, comments, or reviews to Terence E. Hays, 
•artment of Anthropology and Geography, Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode 
nd 02908. 



SUBSCRIPTIONS 



Department of Anthropology, North 



Journal of Ethnobiology should be addressed to Cecil 



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written request 



CONTENTS 



SKETCHES IN THE SAND i 

PRESIDENT'S PAGE ® 

ESPIRITUS INCORPORADOS: THE ROLES OF PLANTS 
AND ANIMALS IN THE AMAZONIA MESTIZO FOLKLORE 

Matti Kamppinen 141 

THE ROLE OF MEDICAL ETHNOBOTANY IN 
ETHNOMEDICINE: A NEW GUINEA EXAMPLE 

Borut Telban 149 

BOTANICAL LIFE-FORMS IN EUROPEAN ROMANY 

F. David Mulcahy 171 

ETHNOBOTANY OF LADAKH (INDIA) PLANTS 
USED IN HEALTH CARE 

G.M. Buth and Irshad A. Navchoo *° 

THE UTILIZATION OF INSECTS IN THE EMPIRICAL 
MEDICINE OF ANCIENT MEXICANS 

Dra. Julieta Ramos-Elorduy de Conconi 

M. En C. Jose Manuel Pino Moreno 

SHORT COMMUNICATIONS 203 

RECENT DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS OF INTEREST 

TO ETHNOBIOLOGISTS: FALL 1987-FALL 1988 „, 

Terence E. Hays and Joseph E. LaFerriere 

RALPH N.H. BULMER (1928-1988) ^ 

Terence E. Hays 

NEWS AND COMMENTS ^ 3 

ELEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING MINUTES ^ 9 

BOOK REVIEWS 148, 169, 170, 184, 212, 219, 221 



Journal and Society Organization 

EDITOR: Willard Van Asdall, Arizona State Museum, Building 26, University of Arizona, 
Tucson, Arizona 85721. 

ASSOCIATE EDITOR: Karen R. Adams, Department of Ecology & Evolutionary Biology, 



University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721 
ASSOCIATE EDITOR 



68000, Mexico 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



University of Washington, Seattle, Washingt 



Anthropology 



BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Terence E. Hays, Department of Anthropology and Geography, 
Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode Island 02908. 

PRESIDENT: Elizabeth S. Wing, Department of Natural Science, Florida Museum of 
Natural History, University of Florida, Gaines ville, Florida 32611. 

PRESIDENT-ELECT: Paul Minnis, Department of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma, 
Norman, Oklahoma 73019. 

SECRETARY/TREASURER: Cecil H. Brown, Department of Anthropology, Northern 
Illinois University, Dekalb, Illinois 60115-2854. 

CONFERENCE COORDINATOR: Jan Timbrook, Department of Anthropology, Santa 



California 93105. 



2559 



BOARD OF TRUSTEES 



botany, ethnoecology . 



JR., Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico 



haeology 



EDELMIRA LINARIS, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, MEXICO; ethnobot any. 
Ex officio: Past Presidents Steven A. Weber and Amadeo M. Rea, Permanent board member 

Steven D. Emslie; The Editor, President, President Elect, Secretary/Treasurer, and 

Conference Coordinator. 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

JANIS B. ALCORN, Agency for International Development, USA; cthnobotany, traditional 
agriculture, ethnomedicine. 

BRENT BERLIN, University of California, Berkeley, USA; ethnobiological classification, 



medical ethnobotany . 

DAVID R. HARRIS, University College London, ENGLAND; ethnoecology, sul 
systems, archaeobotany . 

TIMOTHY JOHNS, McGill University, CANADA; chemical ecology, ethnobotany. 
HARRIET V. KUHNLEIN, McGill University, CANADA; ethnonutrition, human m 
GARY J. MARTIN, Grupo de Apoyo al Desarrollo Etnico. Oaxaca, MEXICO 



classifi 
NABHAN 



domestication. 



Museu Goeldi, Belem, BRAZIL 



AMADEO M. REA, San Diego Natural History Museum 
eology, ethnotaxonomies. 

MOLLIE S. TOLL, University of New Mexico, USA; pre 
Feature editors Terence E. Hays and Eugene Hunn (see 



Journal of Ethnobiology is published semi-annually. Manuscripts for publication, information for the ''New* i and 
Comment and book review sections should be sent to the appropriate editor on the inside back cover of this «ssue. 






Society of Ethnobiology 
* ISSN 0278-0771 






Journal of 

Ethnobiology 



VOLUME 9, NUMBER 1 



SUMMER 1989 



MJS90URJ BOTANKKL 



0C T 24 1989 










"Sketches in the Sand" for this issue is devoted, in one way or another, 
directly or indirectly to strawberries. Botanically speaking, strawberries are 
aggregrate fruits and not berries at all. With that technical detail disposed of, 
let us now turn to appreciation of that gastronomic delight, the straw-aggregate 
fruit. Having mentioned appreciation, I must commend the local committee ot 
the 12th Annual Ethnobiology Conference in Riverside especially for the seem- 



enormous 



break 



on to other vignettes (an interesting word which you might wish to investigate). 
On April 29th, my 39th (don't I wish) birthday, I was in Bisbee, Arizona 
and my friends, in commenting that I seeemed a somewhat atypical Taunan, askea 
about my rising this and descending that, all of which is dependent upon the 
time and place of birth. Well, I know exactly where I was born (plus or minus 
a square foot or two) but I don't know with any precision the time of my buth. 
Some twenty years ago, when another set of friends were having their astrological 
charts prepared, I asked my mother about the time of birth and after think ng 



minutes 



It must have been in the late afternoon. Yes, it had to be^ You had to be the 
one who was born on the day the strawberries were in full flower. I ^ember 

. - J , * .i • a *k^ cfr^whprnes to bloom. 



some nice warm 



we nau naa some nice wciim uav 3 «nv* ***— , -i ACPr 

You see, the house was then on the north side of the maple trees ^ dose' 



strawberry 



moving 



whole area in flowers. If you'll rememoer, we P cm«~ &•«- - ~ win dow 

your youngest sister was bom ^^"^J^J^ZSZ 

admiring the strawberry patch and thinking 
the weather suddenly began to turn cold. 
I wasn't about to lose those early berries. 

1 / * 



There 



rural 



summer 



strawberries plant 



boards 



im it was time 



no, it was your Aunt 



rai rum it was time to get uut uca «»« 7 — , w - ^ n i. hprause 

Maud because Eva, who usually helped was living m West Vu-gima because 



l 



had finally gotten a job with that railroad bridge over the Ohio River. Anyhow, 
the strawberry plants got covered and after Doc Bell and Maud arrived, you were 
born lickity split. So it had to be late afternoon that you were born. 

Yes, it had to be your Aunt Maud who helped bring you into the world 
because that's why you don't have a middle name. We decided that your first 
name should be your Dad's middle name and we couldn't decide upon a middle 
name for you. Finally your Aunt Maud (who was an immensely practical 
woman— herself a mother of many children and a widow) announced that Willard 
Van Asdall is a long enough name for anyone. (You know, she was correct.) 

So you can see there is a connection, however tenuous, between straw- 
berries and my birthday other than I often enjoy strawberry shortcake or pie on 
this occasion. 

Although I have several other vignettes about strawberries I shall allow these 
tales to illustrate several points that we ethnobiologists can bear in mind. Many 



same 



America before World War 



are 



associate unusual events that occur in nature with events in their families— births 
deaths, Mnesses, etc. If we can develop a genuine interest in the families of the 
communities in which we work, then make interested, unobtrusive inquiries abou 
family events, this may trigger all sorts of information about past climatic or othe: 
events. An ethnobotanist may have no inkling about a flood of 50 years ago, bu 
it may be mentioned in connection with some event in the family, if we ask ir 
a lovmg, gentle, genuinely interested way. 

Thus, in asking about the time of my birth I not only found out about a latt 
trost that year, I also was given information allowing me to hypothesize thai 
everbearing strawberry varieties were not common then and was told about i 
cnange in land use as well. Clues of this type can be of great help in making sense 
!"! °„f UZZ gIy contem P<>rary situations in our field studies. Undreamed of con- 

an be revealed when we learn to better relate with those with whom 



we work. 



W.V. 



^e 



accomodate ho*h tk D ITi w «nout a Dasement. A basement was dug large enougn n> 

and exteriors wp ° ]d A house and a large, entirely new section of house. Both the interiors 
"Sketch^ " v^?,!. C< f r ? nat . ed ^8 the a PPearance that the entire structure was new. See 



Sketches," Volume 3, Number 2. 



2 

Gladiolus 



1974. Th^el?dTl e^ c e f!! in ? , eaSlIy understood ac count of the strawberry, please see: Wilhelm 

garden strawberry: A study of its nriain a™^™ c~JLL <™**.<^ w 



ii 



Past President's Page . . . 

from remarks opening the 12 annual conft 



Ethnobiology in Brazil 



committee prepared a formal statement now known as the Declaration of Mem. 
This was published in the Journal of Ethnobiology two issues back (see 8(1) :v). One 
of the resolutions made was this recommendation: "The Declaration of Belem 
strongly urges that ethnobiologists make available the results of their research 



whom 



semination 



are entitled to share the results. Of the many 



I will highlight just a few. 



the Journal 



in languages other than English. We hope this may be of some help to non-English 
speaking researchers. I feel another major goal of this policy is that some published 
information may come back to native peoples who may speak as their second 



languages such as Spanish 



our individual 



They 



ystem, their folk knowledg 



are other exam 



[W 



Americans 



c WK accuo w _ in this listing and to their descendants who shared them 

with us. In appreciation for this heritage, we offer seeds free to all Native 
Americans on an as-available basis. We will also send our newsletter to any 



American 



// 



Columbia, ethnonutritionist Dr. Harriet Kuhnlein 



ram 



Kuhnlein and the group 



(1984) 



harvest 



team 



themselves 



produced me i\uxuik ixtxipc ~— \ P t u v, 
.arKe.ea rooas nave been prepared by this group. Both of *e*e books 
in non-technical language and are intended for use by the people 

Ete Ann Berlin, Brent Berlin, and associates have launched ^an intensive 
ethnomedical program among 15 highland Mayan ^apws U .Chiapas, MexKa 

This is truly a community profect. Plant <^^t^^^^Z 
are being made by native Tzeltal and Tzotzil. Tbe Berlu« are tne coo * u. ™^ 

and technical advisors. Interviews are in Mayan, as 



all 



Mayan Medicinal Plants Herbarium 



uts. a nigniana mayan ""*"»»" * — : , p „ hine center in Mayan country, 
collections will be a permanent research and teaching center my 

During the course'of their studies of te**£»^ 



Linares 



medicines, and foods. While 



^«i CU vw**^, w . -- — ----- - Tll „ nn D r Gary Nabhan wrote di 

Meals for Millions Foundation in T»^ *• Jo'odham (Papago) 
strated booklets on native agriculture tor tne 



• • ■ 



111 



in each of these examples the researchers are working with current 



ethnographic problems, there are 
zoologists can bring their findings 



enrollments 



most important at the elementary and secondary levels. Giving workshop 
programs for adults can be mutually rewarding. The staffs of tribal museums 



exhibits 



mi 



Although the colonial mentality dies a slow death, scientists are begmning 
to recognize that there is often considerable wisdom in folk knowledge and 
practice. And it is most valuable when preserved in situ. Ethnobiologists can play 
an important role in the transmission of information between generations. 

Returning the results of our ethnobiological research to the people is a 
challenge to all of us working in this field. Sometimes it requires imagination. 
Our efforts must not end with just the production of technical papers, even though 
this is generally what aids our professional advancement. We must also make 
the results of our research available in forms that are accessible to the people 
among whom we work, the people who are so generous with their own fund 



knowledg 



Amadeo M. Rea, Past President 
Natural History Museum 
San Diego, California, USA 



1 X7 



/. Ethnobiol. 9(1): 1-24 



Summer 1989 



NOMENCLATURAL PATTERNS 
IN KA'APOR ETHNOBOTANY 



WILLIAM 



Departamento de Programas e Projetos 



Museu 



66040 



Brazil 



ABSTRACT. -A long history of horticulture appears to have affected plant nomen- 
clature in Ka'apor and other Tupi-Guarani languages of lowland South America. The 
Ka'apor language displays patterns of and for the construction of primary productive 
and unproductive lexemes denoting plants. Such lexemes account tor about one-third 



known 



to these lexemes distinguish names for traditionally cultivated plants from names for 
traditionally non-cultivated plants. These patterns conform to an underlying principle: 
productive and unproductive primary lexemes in Ka'apor ethnobotany refer to tradi- 
tionally non-cultivated plants. 

RESUMEN.-Una larga historia en horticultura parece haber afectado la nomenclature 
de las plantas en lenguas de la familia Tupi-Guarani, habladas en las tierras bajas 
de Sudamerica; una de ellas, la lengua Ka'apor. La lengua Ka'apor muestra patrones 
productivos e improductivos que son utilizados en la formacion de . Iex j m f .^ e .^ 
refieren a plantas. Dichos lexemas aparecen en cerca de un tercio de todos los 
nombres genericos folkloricos de plantas. Cinco de los patrones en los que P^'P a " 
estos lexemas, sirven para distinguir entre nombres de plantas *f C1 ™ J^s 
cultivadas, de aquellos nombres que se remiten a plantas no cultivadas. Estos 
patrones obedecen a un principio: los lexemas productivos o improduc ™s en a 
etnobotanica de Ka'apor hacen referenda a plantas tradic.onalmente no cultivadas. 



RESUME.— II semble que l'histoire longu 



KtbUMh.— 11 semDle que i nistoire iunguc « c t .«._--_- u^p* terres 

des plantes chez les Ka'apor et chez autres ^^^P^^J^^ 
de 1'Amerique du Sud. La langue des Ka'apor montre des ^^^^^.^^X? 
productifs et non-productifs qui denotent des plantes, et la ~ ns *™^^ X ^ s 
Ces mots expliquent a peu pres un troisieme des noms genenqu es popula a s connu 
des Ka'apor Cinq modeles nomenclature^ qui se rapportent a ^ ^*^ n ^ n . 
les noms des plantes traditionellement cultivees des plante ^rtic^em^t non 

cultivees. Ce S P modeles se conforment avec un P^^P^^^d e sent aux 
productifs et non-productifs chez 1'ethnobotanique des Ka apor s adressent 

m 1 * . ■ VI m _ — I _L * m W *""^ y"V f^ 



plantes traditionellement non-cultivees. 



INTRODUCTION 



o *« v. aV p influenced ethnobotanical 
A long history of plant cultivation i appears to have ~ of the tropica l 



nomenclature 



America 



These 



ultimately distinguish names 



2 



BALEE Vol. 9, No. 1 



from names for traditionally non-cultivated plants. This finding should be of 

^ _ -* - ^ ■ T>*# 1 ■ J . ^ II 1 ■ _. 1_ _ J 



in 



major life forms 



from 



non-cultivated plants. 
Primary analyzable 



some primary analyzable lexemes 



plants that the Ka'apor are now cultivating, none refers to a species traditionally 
cultivated by the Ka'apor. In the Ka'apor botanical lexicon, productive primary 
lexemes denote only non-cultivated plants. Unproductive primary lexemes may 
designate either non-cultivated plants or introduced cultivated plants, but not 
plants that have been traditionally cultivated by the Ka'apor. Unproductive 
nrimarv Wpttips in Ka'anor ethnobotanv include names modeled by analogy on 



form 



omena ai 
5 meanin 



.. — j /r — — j___ ^ v 

and 'divinity.' Although the compound (analyzable) nature of virtually all these 

m *t *i - - ~ * m 4 it" 1 1 . I . - — -» 1. *-^ I 



lexemes 



lexeme 



plant 



compound names for traditionally cultivated plants are basically distinct in struc- 
ture from compound names for other plants. 



primary 



ants 



names 



Similar 



ems 



TUPI-GUARANI SOCIETIES AND HORTICULTURE 
The Ka'apor Indians of extreme eastern Amazonian Brazil (Fig. 1) speak 

itmaap of tho Tiir-*;.^.!-.,".^; c^m^a— tu«„ u -,.,«. -.i^^. u. >,>,-. roforrpH In as tl 



a 



Urubus 




footprints 



-x « luicjicu icserve ur 3ou,dz<* necrares in me uasnia ui «>^ r 

Rivers. Like manv other Tupi-Guarani speaking peoples (see Grenand 



swamps 



and Haxaire 1977), the Ka'apor are not exclusively a "forest" people 

they depend on game, fish, and fruits from unmanaged fo ' 

and streams, they have also, since remote times, intensively managed plants anu 

swidden fields (Balee and Gely 1989, Ribeiro 1955). 

Intensive plant management is a key cultural factor shared by diverse societies 

affiliated with thp Tiir.i_n„„,^„; t — a., m c iu„ v..~: r-.,^i»r»i «nrieties ot 



family 



-.- ^uai lllL ^udM or ^outn America in the 16th century was reporteu iu ..« — 
been without horticulture, even though some non-Tupian speakers of the coast 
evidently were hunter-gatherers (Balee 1984:249, Cardim 1939:174). The coastal 
Tupmamba cultivated numerous species, including 28 named varieties of manioc 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



3 



55° W 



1/^ "*^"*v 


J, « ,. * 


Suriname 

' 1 


\ French 

\ Guiana 
$ 

*\ 

i i 

^ / ' WAYAPL 



5°N 



Kilometers 



200 



400 



fc' ■ 



■ 4 



> 



$ 



Atlantic Ocean 



o 



Brazil 



» i 



lL° n 



I 1 



& 



ASURINI 



TEMBE 

$J KA'APOR 

* -£* 

GUAJA 






ARAWETE 



FIG. 1. 



Map of several Tupi-Guarani peoples of Eastern Amazonia 



(M 



exam 



«-whihji. m.\ji cAcJiiipie, nicy suvuy ucivjuitu i*-«» *-_....«-» ~ _, 

swiddens by scattering useless leaves along blind trails (Sousa 1974:89). 



known 



i upi-^juarani societies, it may seem lunuw mm i^ui ^ ^^ *»^.. v — - . ° 
languages of Tupi-Guarani are associated with exclusively foraging societies 
(Rodrigues 1986:33). These are the Heta of extreme southern Brazil, the Ache of 



extreme 



Brazil. Yet ethnohistorical and "inferential" linguistic evidence (Sapir 1949) 



and 



is a 



from previously horticultural society. The 



/ / 



some 



maize (w ate) 



is cognate with words for maize in other Tupi-Guarani languages (Clastres 
1968:51-52). The Guaja lived in settled villages in the 1760s rather than camps 
(Noronha 1856:8-9), which nearly always implies intensive plant management 
at least in lowland South America. The Guaja word for maize is wact (3526) which 
is also coenate with words for maize in other Tupi-Guarani languages. At an earlier 



4 



BALEE Vol. 9, No. 1 



maize 



term for which is avasi (Rivet 1924:177), also a Tupi-Guarani cognate. These maize 
words in modern Tupi-Guarani languages reconstruct in PTG (Proto-Tupi- 
Guarani) as *abati (Lemle 1971:121). Such linguistic and ethnohistorical data 



modern 



They 



more 



(Balee 1988:158). 



Lemle 



imply that horticulture was associated with PTG society of pre-Columbian times. 
The age of PTG has been estimated at 2000 BP (Migliazza 1982:502). Indeed, words 
for cultivated plants, swidden fields, and agricultural tools reconstruct in Proto- 
Tupi, the mother language of Tupi stock, of which Tupi-Guarani is one language 
family (Rodrigues 1988). The age of Proto-Tupi has been estimated at 4000 BP 
(Migliazza 1982:502). My purpose is to show that this archaic practice, horticulture, 
has affected the naming systems for plants in Ka'apor and evidently other Tupi- 
Guarani languages in highly regular, patterned ways. 



METHODS 



During 1984 



meters in diameter at breast height) on two one-hectare plots of high forest (cf. 
Balee 1986, Prance et al. 1987). On one of these plots, I surveyed all vegetation 
in five sub-plots of 5 square meters each, collecting all species therein. I also con- 

J I 1 1 * • — ^ ^ ^ _ _ - — — 11 1 * _ * 



all 



ventory 



ma 



aens oi various ages, high forest, fallow, swamp forest, and riverine roresi 
? region. The total number of individual plants I collected in the immediate 
ity of the Ka'apor was 1704, represented by voucher specimens and duplicates 



These plant collections were made 



specimens) 



Gurupiuna (415 voucher specimens), Soani (42 voucher specimens), and 
Simo-rena (16 voucher specimens). I am confident that the vast majority of tree, 
palm, and liana species greater than 10cm dbh of the Ka'apor habitat is represented 
m these collections. All cultivated species of the Ka'apor have been identified 
and nearly all have been actually collected. Many non-cultivated grasses " "*" 
were also collected. ~ 

approximately 800. 

Ka'apor informants were initially selected for their reputed knowledge of 
plants. In fact, all adults are ideally ethnobotanists. Ka'apor society is egalitarian, 
with distinctions of status adhering mainly to age/sex criteria, not to ranks. Adults 



The 



particular. 



Who knows about trees here?' (Azva mira-ta pe ukwa ko?) , 
ponds with something like 'The elders do' (Tamiit-ta ukwa) 
e name of someone, such as a headman or shaman, in 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 5 



Names, uses, and habitat data for all collected plants were elicited from 
23 adult Ka'apor informants (17 men and 6 women). The responses to ten of these 
informants, divided among the four villages where collections were processed, 
tended very much toward agreement. These were the principal informants for 
Ka'apor plant nomenclature and classification. In the event of discrepancies 
between principal informants concerning a plant's name, I recorded the most cited 
name as the plant's valid name. If the main informants and/or most other infor- 
mants insisted that two different names were valid responses for an individual 
plant (usually by saying 'It has two names'— Makoi herr), then both names, 
considered as synonyms, were recorded. There were no cases in which three or 
more plant names were synonymous. 

Almost all interviewing was conducted in the Ka'apor language itself, in 
which I am reasonably fluent. With the exceptional bilingual informant, whose 
Portuguese (in which I am fluent) was superior to my Ka'apor, interviews were 
in Portuguese, but Ka'apor words for plants and uses were always obtained and 
recorded. With reeard to each collected plant, informants were first asked, 'What 



name?' (Ma'e herr?) 



1 also 



em 



(U'u awa?), 'Is it a remedy?' (Awa-puhan?) , and 'Is it good for firewood?' (Yape'a- 

katu?) [cf. Balee 1986]. 

Establishing the folk categories of Ka'apor botanical classification was based 
on techniques described in Berlin et al. (1974:51-54). Once life-form terms were 
discovered from discussions about the plant domain in general, the generic 



members 



example, I requested informants 



ta) 



principal 



informants, including* three men and one woman. Folk specitic terms (secondary 
lexemes) were determined by eliciting the members of each folk generic taxon 
in like manner. In calculating the number of folk generics in Ka'apor (see below), 

synonyms were included. , . 

In addition to research with the Ka'apor, I collected a total of 1804 voucher 
specimens with the Tupi-Guarani speaking Arawete (October-November 1985 and 
March-April 1986), Asurini of the Xingu (June 1986), Guaja (May-July 1987), 
and Tembe (July- August 1985). Names and uses for the plants collected among 
each of these groups were also elicited from several informants^ Ethnobotamca 
classification was not thoroughly investigated among these other groups, as it 
was with the Ka'apor, but certain patterns of plant nomenclature in their language- 
appear to correspond closely with those of Ka'apor, as I describe below 



Th 



names 



comm., 1988). 



LIFE-FORM 



The class 'plant' is unnamed in the Ka'apor language In the useful terminolo^ 
of Brent Berlin and his colleagues (Berlin et al. 1973, 1974), which I adopt n part 
here, the botanical "unique beginner" is "covert." Numerous words that per- 
tain exclusively to plants and plant products in Ka'apor and other Tupi-Guaran. 



6 



BALEE 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



languages suggest that this covert category is real (cf. Berlin 1976:383-384, Berlin 
et al. 1973:214, 1974:30). Table 1 shows some of these terms in Ka'apor and four 
other Tupi-Guarani languages of eastern Amazonia, with the reconstructed forms 

inPTG. 

In the Ka'apor language, the plant domain is subdivided into life-form classes 
(see Table 2). The semantic ranges of the labels for these classes correspond 
roughly to those of folk English 'tree/ 'herb/ and 'vine/ They do not corres- 
pond precisely with these partly because of polysemy. Mira ('tree') is polysemous 
with 'wood' and numerous finished wood products. The noun^ ka'a ('herb') is 
polysemous with 'forest/ And sip o ('vine') covers both herbaceous vines and 



TABLE 1.— Terms associated with the plant domain in several Tupi-Guarani 
languages with reconstructed forms in Proto-Tupi-Guarani (PTG). 



Gloss 



Ka'a 



por 



Arawete 



Asurini 



Guaja 



Tembe 



*PTG 



stem 



'i 



resin 

leaf 

root 



spine 



hik 

ho 

hapo 



'i 



hi 



hawe 



nva 

hik 

haba 



r * 



apo 

y u 



tapu 

yu 



hik 
hawe 
hapo 

V u 



'iw 



hik 
giver 
hdpd 



zu 



'i(3a 
hik 

*hapo 
yu 



a. See Lemle (1971). 



form labels in 



(PTG) 



Language 



Ka'apor 

A ra wete 

A surini 

Guaja 

Tembe 

Wayapi 

PTG 



'Tree' 



mtra 



twira 



*w*ra 



zvtra 



w*ra 

wila 
%Qirab 



Gloss 
'Herb' 



ka'a 
ka'a 
ka'a 
ka'a 
ka'a 
ka'a 
ka 'ab 



'Vine' 



sipo 
ihipa 



• ♦ 



up a 
wipo 
wipo 



ipo 



*.• 



twtpo 



c 



a. Wayapi botanical life-form labels are from Grenand (1980) 

b. See Lemle (1971). 

c. Aryon Rodrigues (pers. comm., 1988). 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



7 



TABLE 3.— Productive primary lexemes denoting plants in Ka'apor. 



Ka'apor 



'Trees' (mira) 
agwa-yar-mira 



atnutmr-mtra 



akusi-mira 



arakwa-mira 
arapasu-mira 



arapuha-mira 



ayag-ara-tmra 



tnamu-mtra 



kagwaruhu-mira 



maha-mira 

makahi-mira 

tnira-hozvi 

m4ra-pirer-he 'e 

m4ra-fritag 

mira-tawa 

tnira-wawak 



tmra-wewt 



tnttu-mira 



mot-m*ra 
pa'i-mira 



sawiya-tnira 



takwa-mira 
takwari-mira 
tatnari-mira 
tarara-mira 



teremu-mira 



Coll 

No. (a) 



Gloss 



Botanical Referent 



1017 drum-owner-tree 



3044 hummingbird-tree 



3031 agouti-tree 



Pseudima frutescens 
(Sapindac.) 

Bauhinia viridiflorens 
(Caesalpiniac.) 

Hirtella racemosa 
(Chrysobalanac.) 



2208 Little chachalacha-tree Eugenia sp. (Myrtac.) 



92 woodpecker-tree 



280 brocket deer-tree 



(b) 2259 divinity-hair-tree 



326 tinamou-tree 



2159 paca-tree 



3539 white deer-tree 

2665 collared peccary-tree 

693 tree-blue 

956 tree-bark-sweet 

957 tree-red 
2775 tree-yellow 
1279 tree-spin 



613 tree-light 

2878 curassow-tree 



2795 snake-tree 
5 priest-tree 



2708 rat-tree 



2922 toucan-tree 

2206 arrow-tree 

2302 saki-tree 

593 shred-tree 



937 masc. personal name 



Pithecellobium pedicellare 
(Mimosac.) 

Conceveiba guianensis 
(Euphorbiac.) 

Solatium surinamensis 

(Solanac.) 

Exellodendron barbatum 
(Chrysobalanac.) 

Agonandra brasiliensis 
(Opiliac.) 

Ocotea opifera (Laurac.) 
Duguetia yeshidah (Annonac.) 
Sapotac. indt. gen. 
Glycoxylon sp. (Sapotac.) 
Brosimum rubescens (Morac.) 
Casearia sp. 1 (Flacourtiac.) 

Sagotia racemosa 
(Euphorbiac.) 

Parkia sp. 1 (Mimosac.) 
Erisma uncinatum 



oc 



effu 



(Euphorbiac.) 



ifoli 



grandifl 



tree 



(Violac.) 
Virola carinata (Myristicac.) 
Coccoloba sp. 1 (Polygonac.) 
Diospyros sp. 1 (Ebenac.) 

Matayba spruceana 
(Sapindac.) 
Anaxagorea dolichocarpa 
(Annonac.) 



8 



BALEE 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



TABLE 3.— Productive primary lexemes denoting plants in Ka'apor. (continued) 



Ka'apor 



tatu-mira 



tayahu-mira 



tupiyarima-mira 



wakura-mira 
ivari-mira 
yakamt-mira 
yanu-mira 



yapu-tmra 



yazva-mira 



yupara-mira 



'Vines' (sipo) 
akusi-sipo 



arapuha-sipo 
irai-sipo 



kurupW i-sipo 



maha-sipo 
misik-sipo 



musu-s4po 



parawa-sipo 

sipo~ata 

sipo-hu 



sipo-memek 
sipo-nem 



sipo-pihun 
sipo-pirag 



Coll. 

No. (a) 



Gloss 



Botanical Referent 



437 armadillo-tree 



Thyrsodium spruceanum 
(Anacardiac.) 



363 white lipped peccary- Tapirira pekoltiana 



tree 



(Anacardiac.) 



101 Long tailed tyrant-tree Talisia cf. micrantha 



2227 nighthawk-tree 

2305 howler monkey-tree 

3034 trumpeter-tree 

3542 spider-tree 



938 oropendola-tree 



1002 jaguar-tree 



2961 kinkajou-tree 



(Sapindac.) . 

Sapium sp. 1 (Euphorbiac.) 

Clarisia racemosa (Morac.) 

Coussarea paniculata (Rubiac.) 

Myciaria cf. pyriifolia 
(Myrtac.) 

Tovomita brasiliensis 
(Clusiac.) 

Protium aracouchini 
(Burserac.) 

Coumarouna micrantha 
(Fabac.) 



2873 agouti-vine 



943 brocket deer-vine 



Alloplectus coccineus 
(Gesneriac.) 

Coccoloba sp. 2 (Polygonac.) 



1024 masc. personal name- Schubertia grandiflora 



vine 



3048 divinity-little-vine 



612 white deer-vine 
432 roast-vine 



886 eel-vine 



3423 Mealy parrot-vine 
2717 vine-hard 
960 vine-big 



618 vine-weak 
3037 vine-fetid 



685 vine-black 
30 vine-red 



(Asclepiadac.) 

Cordia multispicata 
(Boraginac.) 

Connarac. indt. gen. 

Moutabea guianensis 
(Polygonac.) 

Styzophyllum riparium 

(Bignoniac.) 

Uncaria guianensis (Rubiac.) 

Combretum sp. (Combretac.) 

Cyclanthus funifer 
(Cyclanthac.) 

Bignoniaceae indt. gen. 

Cydista aequinoctialis 

(Bignoniac.) 

Forsteronia sp. 1 (Apocynac.) 

Hippocratea volubilis 
(Hippocrateac.) 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



9 



TABLE 3.— Productive primary lexemes denoting plants in Ka'apor. (continued) 



Ka'apor 



sipo-sisik (b) 



sipo-tawa 



sipo-te (b) 



sipo-tuwir 



so oran-sipo 



tayahu-sipo 



tiriri-sipo 
yahi-sipo 



* m 



yast-s*po-pe 



yawapitag-sipo 
yikiri-sipo 



wa-me-sipo 

'Herbs' (ka'a) 

akusi-ka'a 
ayag-ara-ka'a (b) 



ipe-ka 'a 
ira-hu-ka'a 



irakahu-ka'a 



ka'a-pisi'u 



ka 'a-riru 



ka'a-ro 



ka'a- 



yu 



ka 'a-yuwar 
kururu-ka'a 



kuyui-ka'a 



Coll. 
No. (a) 



Gloss 



859 vine-smooth 



2970 vine-yellow 



859 vine-true 



1013 vine-white 



885 rabbit-vine 



3540 white lipped peccary- 



vine 



2785 crawl- vine 
987 moon-vine 
2750 tortoise-vine-flat 



632 puma-vine 
2738 sensitive-vine 



2299 fruit-inside-vine 



996 agouti-herb 
2666 divinity-hair-herb 



3058 flat-herb 
940 bird-big-herb 



2967 weasel-herb 



2667 herb-fishy (in smell) 



896 herb-container 



2668 herb-leaf 
1039 herb-yellow 



923 herb-itch 
3088 toad-herb 



2235 Blue throated piping 



guan 



-herb 



Botanical Referent 



Heteropsis longispatacea 
(Arac.) 

Humirianthera sp. 1 
(Icacinac.) 

Heteropsis longispatacea 

(Arac.) 

Amphilophium paniculatum 

(Bignoniac.) 

Stigmaphyllon hypoleucum 

(Malpighiac.) 

Ipomoea sp. 1 (Convolvulac.) 



Dauilla nitida (Dilleniac.) 
Dioclea reflexa (Fabac.) 

Bauhinia rubiginosa 
(Caesalpiniac.) 

Coccoloba sp. 3 (Polygonac.) 

Acacia multipnnnata 

(Mimosac.) 

Monstera cf. pertusa (Arac.) 



Celtis iquanea (Ulmac.) 

Solatium surinamensis 

(Solanac.) 

Psychotria ulviformis (Rubiac 

Lomariopsis japurensis 
(Lomariopsidac.) 

Schiekia orinocensis 
(Haemodorac.) 

Siparuna guianensis 
(Monimiac.) 

Phytolacca rivinoides 

(Phytolaccac.) 

Ischnosiphon (Marantac.) 

Eupatorium macrophyllum 

(Asterac.) 

Solarium rugosum (Solanac.) 

Amaranthus spinosus 

(Amaranthac.) 

Bertiera guianensis (Rubiac.) 



10 



BALEE 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



TABLE 3.— Productive primary lexemes denoting plants in Ka'apor. (continued) 



Ka'apor 



Coll. 

No. (a) 



Gloss 



Botanical Referent 



parawa-ka'a 



pirapist-ka' a 
purake-ka'a 
suruwi-ka'a 
tapi'i-ka'a 
teyu-ka 'a 
wari-ruwai-ka 'a 



yagivate-ka'a 

yakaml-ka'a 

yakare-ka'a 



yawaru-ka'a 



yu f i-ka 'a 



888 Mealy parrot-herb 

976 Characin fish-herb 

815 electric eel-herb 

2297 catfish-herb 

2222 tapir-herb 

3066 skink-herb 

(b) 761 howler monkey-tail- 
herb 

858 jaguar-herb 

3069 trumpeter-herb 

3070 caiman-herb 



973 black jaguar-herb 



1033 frog-herb 



Ficus sp. (Morac.) 

Justicia pectoralis (Acanthac.) 

Laportea aestuans (Urticac.) 

Calathea fragilis (Marantac.) 

Psychotria racemosa (Rubiac.) 

Rania sp. (Rutac.) 

Lomariopsis japurensis 
(Lomariopsidac . ) 

Selaginella sp. (Selaginellac.) 

Psychotria racemosa (Rubiac.) 

Pteridium aguilinium 
(Dennstaedtiac.) 

Psychotria poeppigiana 
(Rubiac.) 

Melastomatac. indt. gen. 



a. 



Collection numbers refer to voucher specimens on the series Balee, deposited at the 

\!oi«r y/nr-V C^V-..,;,-~l Z" 1 - 1 8.1- J !• . . .. . m »» n •!•_ i—> 1 JI 



b. Synonym. 



with duplicates at the Museu 



as (i.e., woody vines) as well as lashing material u 
and-beam construction . Similar polysemous lif e-f orm 
my other languages (Alcorn 1984:265, Hunn 1982:837 



in 



in mind. 



botanical life-form 



The 



asically only non 
herb, ' and 'vine 



Lemle 1971:118), which 



grasses, sedges, and other small succulent plants, seems, on initial 
to be a life-form label also. This is because kapi encompasses a large 
►tanical species and Ka'apor informants consider *:<*/>*' not to be a con- 
he other three life-form classes. The taxon katri. however, is monotypic 



is an empty taxon" (Hunn 1982:834, Turner 1974:34-35, 40). Folk botanical life- 
torm labels, on the other hand, are polytypic, harboring a plurality of folk generic 
198W> f d R efiniti ° n (Atran 1985:3 <>7, Berlin et al. 1973:215, Randall and Hunn 



an 



1977:319-320). The term kapi, therefore, may 

ric name which is unaffiliated with anv of the life-form 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 11 



KA'APOR BOTANICAL GENERICS 



I take as an hypothesis that "nomenclature is often a near perfect guide to 
folk taxonomic structure" (Berliner al. 1973:216, 1974:27, cf. Bulmer 1974, Hays 
1983). I have thus far collected 404 Ka'apor generic plant names^, of which 330 
(82%) are classified by informants as being members of one of the three life-form 
classes labeled by tnira ('tree'), ka'a ('herb'), and sipo ('vine'). These names are 
distributed in the following ways: 221 (67%) as 'trees', 47 (14%) as 'vines,' and 
62 (19%) as 'herbs.' Of the 74 known folk generic names not so classified, 48 (65%) 
denote intensively managed plants and 26 (35%) refer to certain uncultivated 
grasses and/or morphologically unusual plants, such as bamboos and palms (for 
which no separate life-form label exists, in contrast to the Aguaruna of Peruvian 
Amazonia— Berlin 1976:385). 

Berlin et al. (1974:28) define a productive primary lexeme as an expression in 
which one of the constituents (usually the head) refers to a taxon superordinate 
to the lexeme in question. Hence, in folk English, a 'pine tree' is a kind of 'tree.' 
An unproductive primary lexeme, although also compound, contains no con- 
stituents that label a superordinate taxon. For example, a 'hog plum,' in folk 
English, is not a kind of 'plum' (cf . Berlin et al. 1974:28). Of the 404 folk generic 
plant names in Ka'apor, 86 are productive primary lexemes and 45 are unproduc- 
tive primary lexemes. In other words, these 131 productive and unproductive 
primary lexemes account for 32% of the 404 botanical folk generics thus far deter- 
mined in Ka'apor. The other 273 (68%) Ka'apor generic plant names are simple 
primary lexemes, i.e., composed of single, linguistically unanalyzable stems 
and/or are superficially binomial (see Hunn and French 1984:77). 

Many superficially binomial generics in Ka'apor incorporate the bound suffix 
'* as the head term (e.g., kanei-'i, a folk generic referring to many but not all 
Protium spp. in the Burseraceae). The term '* is perhaps most accurately glossed 
as 'erect stem.' It should not be conflated with tnira ('tree'), even though many 
organisms classified as 'trees' by Ka'apor informants incorporate this suffix. This 
is because in addition to constituting the head term in many 'tree' names, % is 
also the head term in many palm names. The stemwood of palms, when present 
as such, usually differs from that of most dicotyledonous trees since it does not 
serve as lumber or fuel, for the Ka'apor. Also, palms are not classified under the 
life-form termmira by Ka'apor informants. Insofar as '* is a bound suffix, whereas 
ntira is a free morpheme (occurring usually, although not always, as a head term 
in folk generic names), tnira more closely approximates the status of life-form 
label than does '*. One does not ask in Ka'apor, "What are the kinds of *. . 
Another bound morpheme is rimo, which is incorporated as the head term in 
several 'vine' names. For essentially the same reasons that '# does not replace 
tnira as the label for 'tree,' rimo does not substitute for sipo as the label for vine. 
All folk generic names incorporating either '4 ox rimo as the head term therefore, 
are here considered to be superficially binomial, i.e., the same as simple primary 
lexemes for the purposes of analysis. In the Ka'apor botanical lexicon, these 
simple primary lexemes may designate both cultivated plants (such as kara f which 
covers yams) and non-cultivated plants (such as kanei'i, which denotes many 
but not all Protium spp.). 



12 



BALEE Vol. 9, No. 1 



dichotomize 



traditionally non-cultivated plants are perceptible in the corpus of productive and 
unproductive primary lexemes in the Ka'apor botanical lexicon. All 87 known 
Ka'apor productive primary lexemes referring to plants are given in Table 3. These 
denote folk taxa that the Ka'apor classify as 'trees/ 'vines/ and 'herbs.' Three 
pairs of synonyms (denoting a total of three botanical species) are included 
and counted as six different productive primary lexemes. One of these pairs 
(ayag^ara-mira and ayag-ara-ka'a), which refers to Solan um surinamensis, exhibits 



the plant itself (see below). 



morphological ambiguity 



primary lexemes (Table 3) immediately 



names 



incorporate life-form heads. I qualify this with the phrase traditionally cultivated, 
because five names for cultivated plants do incorporate them. These are 1) orna- 
mental hibiscus (Hibiscus rosa-sinensis , no coll. no.), called tupa-ka'a ('thunder- 



ssum 



mules 



foetidum, 941, called ka'a-piher ('herb- 



ka aye ('herb-flat'); and 5) lemon grass (Cymbopogon citratus, 955), called 



term 



whose status as a life-form is dubious (see above), it is here included precisely 
because of this uncertainty and to ensure full presentation of the data. 

It is noteworthy that all these plants have been recently introduced to the 



grass 



government 



The Summer 



moreover 



exam 



Wayapi 



comm., 1988). Lemon grass is from 
Willis 1985:328). Ornamental hil 



native to tropical Asia (Bailey et al. 1976:562).' 



named 



form heads or attributives because, at the moment 



mana 



mese plan s remain under cultivation for a long time, perhaps the Ka'apor would 
^TY f ° rm constitu ents of these names for terms more appropriate 

to the domain of cultivated plants. In any case, all these names are unproductive 
primary lexemes, since they were not mentioned under any of the major life-forms 
fnrV^ nC1 S f T F mformants d uring general elicitation. In addition to names 
are ZTrl 1 ft"? cultivated P^nts that incorporate life-form terms, there 
several other kinds of unproductive primary lexemes in Ka'apor ethnobotany. 

PLANT NAMES FORMED BY ANALOGY 

m^S^STf (198 ° :43) described * cognitive barrier between cultivated and 
non-cultivated plants m Wayapi ethnobotany as an "uncrossable frontier." The 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



13 



Wayapi, he pointed out, distinguish no genealogical relationship between 
cultivated manioc and non-cultivated manioc, which are in the genus Manihot, 
occupy the same habitat, and outwardly appear similar (a chief difference being 
that the non-cultivated species are dispersed by non-human agents). Likewise, 



(Manihot 
incorporate the generic head Marti 



(M. quinc 
Table 4] . 



are. in 



informants 



When 



manioc was an 'herb' (ka'a) 



manioc is not an herb; manioc is manioc." This is a typical 



same informant 
primary 



mani'i (see Hunn and French 1984 for parallels). The name of non-cultivated 



manioc is modeled by analogy 



attributive is preposed (also see Berlin et d. 1974:38). Six other names of pre- 

same structure occur in the Ka'apor botanical lexicon. These are shown 



TABLE 4.-Plants names modeled by analogy on cultivated plants exhibiting 
animal attributives in Ka'apor. 



Ka'apor 



a 'ihu-pako 



ara-ki'i 



arapuha- 
mani'i 



tapi'i-kanami 



tayahu- 
manuzui 

teyu-pitdm 



yurusi-kt'i 



Coll No. 
(a) 



882 



2822 



2221 



973 



1045 



952 



990 



a. See note a, Table 3. 



Gloss 



sloth-banana 



macaw-chili 
pepper 



brocket deer- 
manioc 



tapir-cunami 



white lipped 
peccary-peanut 

skink-tobacco 



Ruddy quail 

dove-chili 

pepper 



Botanical 
Referent 



Botanical 
Model 



Orchidac. 
(indt. gen.) 

Aparisthmium 

cordatum 
(Euphorbiac.) 

Manihot quinque- 

partita 
(Euphorbiac.) 

Psychotria poep- 
pigiana (Rubiac.) 

Marantac. (indt. 
gen.) 



Musa paradisiaca 
(Musac.) 

Capsicum spp. 
(Solanac.) 



Manihot esculenta 
(Euphorbiac.) 



Clibadium 
sylvestre (Asterac.) 

Arachis hypogaea 
(Fabac.) 



Conyza banariensis Nicotiana tabacum 

(Asterac.) (Solanac.) 

Geophila repens Capsicum spp. 

(Rubiac.) (Solanac.) 



14 



BALEE Vol. 9, No. 1 



in Table 4, together with their glosses, referents, and models. In all except one 
case (teyu-pitim, which refers to Conyza banariensis) , the animal denoted by the 
preposed attributive is ecologically associated with the referent, according to 
informants. Although ara-ki'* ('macaw-chili pepper') is not a kind of 'chili 
pepper,' macaws eat its fruits. Tay ahu-manuwi ('white lipped peccary-peanut') 
is not a peanut, but white lipped peccaries eat its rhizomes in the high forest. 
The arboreal orchid a'ihu-pako ('sloth-banana') is not a banana, but sloths eat 
its leaves and flowers. Yurusi-ki'i ('Ruddy quail dove-chili pepper') is not a chili 
pepper, but Ruddy quail doves eat its small red fruits on the forest floor. Tapi'i- 
kanami ('tapir-cunami') is not the cultivated fish poison known as kanami (nor 
is it any other kind of fish poison), but tapirs are said to eat its leaves. Regarding 
the one apparent exception to this pattern, although 'skinks' (teyu) are not 
ecologically associated with teyu-pitim ('skink-tobacco'), the two organisms do 
occur frequently together in the same habitat, namely, young swiddens. Other 
than arapuha-mani'i, which, like its model mani'i, is in the family Euphorbiaceae, 
these analogous names refer to plants that are in different botanical families than 
their models. In one case, a plant analogously named and its model are of 
fundamentally different stem habits (ara-kVi denotes the tree Aparisthmium 
cordatum, whereas its model, ki'i, refers to shrubby chili pepper plants). With 
the exception of teyu-pitim, these names connote ecological relationships as well. 
These analogous names are unproductive primary lexemes, not secondary 
lexemes. In terms of Ka'apor botanical classification, they are folk generics, not 
folk specifics. Two of these generics actually contain subordinate taxa. For 
example, tayahu-manuwi-ran ('white lipped peccary-peanut-false'), which refers 
to an indeterminate species of Marantaceae (665), is classified as a kind of tay ahu- 
manuwi and teyu-pitim-ran ('skink-tobacco-false'), which denotes Phyllanthus 
mtruri (3085), is considered to be a kind of teyu-pitim. Both species are non- 
cultivated. The models forming the head terms in the analogous generic names 
that incorporate animal attributives all refer to traditionally cultivated plants of 
the Ka'apor. These analogous names, therefore, evince a lexical opposition 
between cultivated and non-cultivated plants. A similar opposition is seen in the 
botanical lexicon of the Tupi-Guarani speaking Arawete. The Arawete cultivate 
seven named folk species of yam (Dioscorea trifida, 2086). All these names incor- 
porate the folk generic head kara. These are classificatorily distinguished from 
an uncultivated species of Dioscorea (2081) called tatetu-kara ('collared peccary- 
yam ). Both species commingle in swidden fallows, but Arawete informants do 
not consider 'collared peccary-yam' to be a 'yam' (kara) and it is not elicited as 
such. Collared peccaries consume and disperse this species, however, according 
to Arawete informants. 

Although a name modeled by analogy on another plant name to which 
an animal attributive is preposed tends to refer to a plant that is ecologically 
associated with the animal, this is not so with names for cultivated plants. Names 
or cultivated plant varieties may incorporate preposed animal attributives, but 
me animals are not ecologically associated with the plants themselves. Such names 
ror cultivated varieties are, incidentally, secondary lexemes, in contrast to the 
analogous names, which are unproductive primary lexemes. For example, five 
ot the 16 varieties of bitter manioc named by the Ka'apor (Balee and Gely 1989) 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 15 



incorporate preposed animal attributives, while the other 11 are modified by 



terms 



attributives are yararak-mani'i ('fer de lance-manioc'), yasi-tnani'i ('tortoise- 
manioc')/ sarakur-mani'i ('Wood rail-manioc'), araru-mani'i ('Hyacinthine 
macaw-manioc'), and simokape-mani'i ('Black vulture-manioc'). Fer de lances, 
rails, tortoises, macaws, and vultures do not feed on manioc in swiddens (cf. Balee 
1985:496-501) and, excluding fer de lances, are rarely encountered there. Hence, 
folk specifics for cultivated plants do not evoke ecological relationships as do most 



anim 



unproductive lexemes incorporate animal attributies in semantically different ways 
than do secondary lexemes referring to cultivated varieties. This is evidently not 
only so in Ka'apor, but in other Tupi-Guarani languages. For example, the only 
name for a cultivated yam modified by an animal attributive among the Tupi- 
Guarani speaking Tembe is yowoi-kara ('boa constrictor-yam') [1552]. Thi 
carnivorous boa constrictor, ostensibly, does not consume yams and no other 
ecological relationships between these two organisms exist. 

MISLEADING LIFE-FORM CONSTITUENTS 

OF FOT K GENERIC NAMES 



In Ka'apor, a few plant names incorporate life-form constituents that do not 
well describe the stem habit of the organisms denoted (some of these names 
correspond with Type 3 unproductive lexemes in Berlin et al. 1974:39). These 



names 



es invariably denote non-cultivated plants. For example, tapuru-ka a (grub- 
herb') is classified by the Ka'apor as a 'vine,' not an 'herb,' as the head term 
ka'a misleading^ indicates. For this reason, tapuru-ka'a is an unproductive 
lexeme. Morphologically ambiguous plants may be named by synonyms dis- 
playing different head terms. For example, dyag-ara-m4ra ('divinity-hair-herb ), 
which denotes Solarium surinamensis , is synonymous with ayag-ara-ka a ( diviruty- 
hair-herb') [see Table 3]. This shrub is tall, reaching more than two meters, 
but not woody. .. t . . . 44-Milll 

Two names incorporate the life-form label mira as an attribute to head terms 
designating traditionally cultivated plants. The shrubby Myrow* tmella (947) of 
the high forest is called mira-kli ('tree-chili pepper"). An unproduct.ve exeme, 
its status as a kind of 'tree' or any other life-form is uncertain among 'nformants 
Although mallow (Urem lobata, 947) was introduced to the Ka apor _as a ^commer- 
cial crop in the 1930s, it now grows spontaneously in clearings an ^ s ™ ^ r 
cultivated by them . The Ka'apor name for mallow is «Hra-k«aw<, < **£" 
variegatar The head constituent, kirawa, denotes a tradit, onally ciUt.vated 
bromeliad that the Ka'apor use for making bowstrings and rope Mallow also 
possesses excellent fiber from which the Ka'apor ^""^'"f^'Zl 
in the shortage of kirawa. The name mira-kirawa is modeled by ana logy on he 
name of a cultivated plant that incorporates a preposed ^f^*££<£ 
Berlin et al. 1974:38) . It is interesting that mallow is not woody and In the habrtat 
of the Ka'apor it attains only infrequently two meters (cf. Atran "«^» ^ 
not elicited as a member of any of the three life-forms. Regard es s whether he 
attributive mira ('tree') would be more aptly substituted by ka«( herb ) m the 



16 



BALEE 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



construction or the word tor mallow, the incorporation or tmra may connote the 
traditionally non-cultivated status of mallow in Ka'apor culture. 5 

The use of a 'tree' word to label uncultivated herbs appears to be fairly 
common in other Tupi-Guarani languages. The Tupi-Guarani speaking Guaja, 
for example, refer to at least three species of non-cultivated, succulent herbs 
(Dulacia sp. [3421], Ludwigia sp. [3368], and Conyza sp. [3374]) by the life-form 
label for 'tree' (zvira), even though the Guaja language has a word for 'herb' (ka'a). 
There appear to be no folk generic names in Guaja for these species. The Arawete 
also name several small, succulent herbs, including Scoparia negleta (2048), with 



Words 



(izvira) 



Witkowski 



Trees are "semantic primitives" (Friedrich 1970:8). With 



vines 



The Arawete, for example, call the rubiaceous Uncaria guianensis (2097), which 
is clearly a vine (and is so lexically encoded by the Ka'apor-see Table 3) by the 

term iwira-'ati ('trc>0-Mr,*r,iUTr,->u\~ hi m tl.- ■ i •. . <■ i • ./ 



(ihipa) in the Arawete langu 
collections of forest nlants in \ 



This is so despite a term 



vines 



zvira-riwe ('tree-foliage') [cf. Berlin 



for 'tree,' hence, seem not to be merely polysemous with 'wood' and its pro- 



The label for 'tree 



Witkowski et 

poly 



an incipient kingdom label, under which traditionally cultivated plants are 
conspicuously absent in folk classification. 



OBSCURE PLANT NAMES 



- r ™-»u, 5 pxundry lexemes reternng to plants at once denote, in their 
entirety, non-botanical phenomena as well. Although these (usually) compound 
expressions are single lexemes (see Hunn and French 1984:76), I call them 

rn°rr! CUre a P ^ ^^ because of their potential semantic ambiguity (these 
correspond with Type 4 unproductive primary lexemes in Berlin et al. [1974:39]). 

rnlH^T'i 'If' 6 15 Such names ( Table 5 >- Four of these names denote a 
rbTd Sr r^! eSe are 1)flU ""' ('Person-little') for Carina indica; 2)pu'i-risa 
(C^rnlT \ J ?.f teafS <C0iX kchr yma); 3) tawa ('yellow'), referring to turmeric 
cvUnZl**' 4) M '^ M -™* ('arrow-big-blood'), denoting bath sponge (Luffa 
AhhoH' ft C ° mpOUn * structure is noted in all these names except one, tawa. 
other ,mn a I ". 0nomial tawa is ^erefore not technically analyzable, as are all 
here bZ° f! ^^^ kxemeS in the Ka ' a P or b °tanical lexicon, it is included 
1™ SemamiC Similarit y to the oth er terms, that is, because of 

pTl^ 6 Same W ° rd f ° r turmeric occurs also in the Wayapi language 
poraTin; Tfp'f^' C ° mm ' 1988) ' As with names for cultivated plants incor- 
appa entllt 7h 'T^T*' theSe names refer to P ,ants th ai have been 
a rt y rrnBrlzH (T 'K ^ ^ * ^^ °' ^ *tl 



Job 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



17 



TABLE 5.— Obscure plant names in Ka'apor. 



Ka'apor 



Coll. 
No. (a) Gloss 



akusi-nami 
awa-i (b) 
dyag-nami 
ira-hu-ra-wi 
ira-kiwa 



3024 agouti-ear 

799 person-little 

3065 divinity-ear 

3097 bird-big-down-light 

987 bird-comb 



irapar-pukwa-ha 



2301 bow-grip-generator 



ka'uwa-pusan 



945 insanity-remedy 



kure-nami 



V • 



ma e-zwa-pust 



3072 pig-ear 

2794 some-bird-feces 



pu'i-risa (b) 
suruku-yu-rasi 



tatu-ruwai 
tawa (b) 
u'4-hu-ruzv* (b) 
u'i-tima 



928 bead-cold 

3073 bushmaster-yellow- 

spine 

806 armadillo-tail 

823 yellow 

965 arrow-big-blood 

847 arrow-leg 



a. See note a, Table 3. 

b. Name refers to a cultivated species. 



Botanical Referent 



Psychotria sp. (Rubiac.) 

Carina indka (Cannae.) 

Ipomoea setiflora (Convolvulac.) 

Bromeliac. indt. gen. 

Asclepias curassovica 
(Asclepiadac.) 

Desmoncus polyacanthos 
(Arecac.) 

Siparuna amazonica 
(Monimiac.) 

Kalanchoe sp. (Crassulac.) 

Struthanthus marginatus 
(Loranthac.) 

Coix lachryma (Poac.) 

Pithecellobium foliolosum 
(Mimosac.) 

Polygonac. indt. gen. 
Curcuma sp. (Zingiberac.) 
Luff a cylindrka (Cucurbit ac.) 
Myrcia sp. (Myrtac.) 



from tropical Asia (Willis 1985:271), as did turmeric (Bailey et ^976:346-347). 
Bath sponge also originated in Asia, probably in India (Heiser 1979:50). Obscure 
names in Ka'apor ethnobotany, then, encompass traditionally non-cuHiyated 
plants and evidently do not constitute a deviation from the proposed dichotomy 
between naming patterns for traditionally cultivated and non-cultivated plants. 



FALSE PLANTS, DIVINE PLANTS 



In Ka'apor, the postposed attributive ran ('false') tends to be incorpo ted 

only in generic names for traditionally non-cultivated plants. Preposed ***^ 
that denote any deity, spirit, or soul, which are all best glossed as divinity 

(Viveiros de Castro 1986:209-215), are not incorporated into generic names for 

traditionally cultivated plants. The models for all these names are cu va ed 
species, only two of which, coffee and sugarcane, are not traditionally cu vated 
species of the Ka'apor. All 13 folk generic names based on analogy in thes .ways 
are presented in Table 6. In contrast to the analogous names m Table 4, whose 



18 



BALEE 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



TABLE 6. 
in Ka'apor. 



names incorporating 



Ka'apor 



Coll No 
(a) 



Gloss 



Botanical 
Referent 



Botanical 
Model 



'False' Plant Names: 



kase-ran 



3059 



kawasu-ran 



830 



mama-ran 



2158 



mamt-ran 



2691 



murukuya-ran 



2657 



nana-ran 



2680 



w *wa-ran 



784 



uruku-ran 



3101 



yitik-ran 



879 



'Divine' Plant Names: 



ayag-ruku 



807 



kurupir-nana 



2680 



kurupir-pitim 



537 



kurupir-ka 



1011 



coffee-false 



gourd-false 



papaya-false 



manioc-false 



passion fruit- 
false 

pineapple-false 



arrow cane-false 



annatto-false 



sweet potato- 
false 



divinity-pine- 
apple 



Casearia javitensis Coffea arabica 



(Flacourtiac.) 

Gurania eriantha 
(Cucurbitac.) 

Jacaratia spinosa 
(Caricac.) 

Stryphnodendron 

polystachyum 

(Mimosac.) 

Passi flora aranjoi Passi flora edulis 



(Passiflorac.) 

Ananas nanas 
(Bromeliac.) 

Imperata 

brasiliensis 

(Poac.) 

Bixa orellana 
(Bixac.) 

Ipomoea 

phyllomega 

(Convolvulac.) 



divinity-annatto Vismia sp. 1 



(Clusiac.) 



Ananas nanas 
(Bromeliac.) 



divinity-tobacco Renealmia 

floribunda 



divinity- 
sugarcane 



(Rubiac.) 

Lagenaria siceraria 
(Cucurbitac.) 

Carica papaya 
(Caricac.) 

Manihot esculenta 
(Euphorbiac.) 



(Zingiberac.) 



(Passiflorac.) 

Ananas comosus 
(Bromeliac.) 

Gynerium 
sagittatum 

(Poac.) 

Bixa orellana 
(Bixac.) 

Ipomoea batatas 
(Convolvulac.) 



Bixa orellana 
(Bixac.) 



Ananas comosus 
(Bromeliac.) 

Nicotiana tabacum 
(Solanac.) 



(Zingiberac.) 

Renealmia alpinia Saccharum 



officinarum 
(Poac.) 




a. See note a, Table 3. 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 19 



referents and models tend to be in different botanical families, the majority of 
the names in Table 6 refer to plants in the same families as their models. Never- 
theless, these names are unproductive primary lexemes, not secondary lexemes 
or folk specifics for cultivated plants. In listing folk specifics of bottle gourd 
(kawasu), for example, principal informants cited kazvasu-ra'i ('bottle gourd- 
little'), kawasu-puku ('bottle gourd-long'), and kawasu-te ('bottle gourd-true'), 
which are all phenotypically distinct varieties (in terms of fruit size and shape) 
of the cultivated Lagenaria siceraria (906). They did not include kawasu-ran (Gurania 
eriantha), a non-cultivated cucurbit of secondary forest. Likewise, when queried 
about the folk specifics of nana ('pineapple'), informants cited nana-te ('pine- 
apple-true') and nana-tikir ('pineapple-unanalyzable constituent'), both of which 
are phenotypic varieties (in terms of the leaves) of Ananas comosus (1019), but not 
the non-cultivated nana-ran (Ananas nanas). This pattern holds true also for generic 
names of the other non-cultivated plants based on analogy with names for 
cultivated plants that incorporate constituents meaning 'false' and 'divinity.' 
Three seeming exceptions are not listed in Table 6 because they concern 
secondary lexemes, not unproductive primary lexemes. These secondary lexemes 
denote, nonetheless, cultivated plants and incorporate the postposed attributive 
ran ('false'). These are 1) taya-ran ('cocoy am -false') [Xanthosoma sp. 2, 3083]; 2) 
warasi-ran ('watermelon-false') [Cucumis anguria, 895]; and 3) kaka-ran ('cacao- 
false') [Theobroma speciosum, 2261]. The first two names refer to introduced 
cultivated plants. Taya-ran, whose botanical model is a traditionally cultivated 
species of cocoyam (Xanthosoma sp. 1, 3554), was introduced by the Summer 



mi 



West 



342 



Willis 



occasionally cultivated tree (which is classified as 'tree' by informants). This is 



pnmary forest as wen 
i thp rppion. The term 



this species, kaka-ran, is a folk specific of kaka (Theobroma cacao, no coll. no.), 



commerce. 
Amazonia 



1825 



term kaka, moreover, appears to be a direct borrowing from Portuguese cacao 
which is in turn ultimately a borrowing from Nahuatl cacahuatl (Berlin et al. 
1974:279-280). Given the facultative nature of Theobroma speciosum, and that cacao 
may once have superseded it as a cultivated tree crop of the Ka'apor, one may 
better comprehend the apparent anomaly of its name, which incorporates the 
postposed attributive meaning 'false.' No other secondary lexemes referring 
to traditionally cultivated plants do so. 



Wayapi 



names 



referring to useless plants instead of their presumably 



true' models, that the Wayapi 



The 



May 



however, is best treated as a matter of degree. Useful 'false' plants abound in 



20 



BALEE Vol. 9, No. 1 



Ka'apor ethnobotany (cf. Balee 1986), even with regard to those denoted by 
unproductive primary lexemes (Table 6). For example, although the Ka'apor do 
not use the fruits of kazvasu-ran ('bottle gourd-false') for gourd bottles, as with 
its cultivated model kawasu, they apply white sap from the stem of kazvasu-ran 
to remedy lacerations of the eye. The nan a-r an ('pineapple-false') is considerably 
smaller than its cultivated congener, nana ('pineapple'), but the Ka'apor eat the 
succulent fruits of both species. Many Ka'apor also eat the fruits of mama-ran 
('papaya-false') [Table 6], although these are somewhat bitter in taste compared 
to the 'real' papaya (mama, 918). 'False' is not incorporated as an attributive in 
names for useless plants per se, but far more systematically in names denoting 
traditionally non-cultivated plants. Further evidence is seen in the variable treat- 
ment of a single species, the annatto dye tree (Bixa orellana). The Ka'apor name 
for individuals of this species that they cultivate in dooryard gardens is uruku 
(801). Non-cultivated individuals of the same species, however, encountered in 
swamp forest, are called uruku-ran ('annatto-false') [see Table 6]. 



evince 



kurupir and ayag (which both may 



and 



primary lexemes. 7 For example, kurup 



language shows a similar 



\aziovia 



This is distinguished from an uncultivated bromeliad of rock outcroppings (Vriesta 
sp., 2037), which is called ani-kirawa. Both exhibit the same potential uses, 
according to Arawete informants, the chief non-morphological differences between 
them being their habitat and state of cultivation. Ani-kirazva can be glossed as 
' divinity-Neoglaziovia variegata' (cf. Viveiros de Castro 1986:209-215). In addition, 
the Arawete language also lexically differentiates between cultivated and non- 
cultivated annatto (Bixa orellana), as with Ka'apor. In Arawete, cultivated annat- 
to is called irikd (2054), whereas non-cultivated annatto, of swamp forests, is 
named karuwa-nata'i ('divinity-unanalyzable constituent') [2096]. This lexical 
distinction is not a priori related to a difference in potential utility between 
cultivated and non-cultivated individuals of this single botanical species. Both 
Arawete and Ka'apor informants recognize that cultivated and non-cultivated 
varieties of annatto proffer dye from the pod for both clothing and the body in 
addition to combustible lignin used for making fire drills. In other words, con- 
stituents of unproductive primary lexemes meaning 'false' and 'divinity' do not 
connote an absolute measure of utility or lack thereof concerning plants, but rather 
the state of being traditionally non-cultivated. 



The 



mal 



named 



unproductive primary lexemes are incorporated into names for plants that the 
Ka'apor did not traditionally cultivate. 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 

Linguistic evidence for horticulture in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, which dates from 
about 2000 BP. indirafpc *w *n mn A™~ r.,~i r : i ™^ c a rP descended 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 21 



from a language spoken by a horticultural people. Even contemporary hunting- 
and-gathering societies affiliated with the Tupi-Guarani family display linguistic 
and other relics of a horticultural past. Plant nomenclature in Ka'apor and other 
modern Tupi-Guarani languages has been apparently affected in patterned ways 
by this ancient cultural heritage. 



In Ka'apor ethnobotany, five specific and complementary patterns of nomen- 
clature suggest a lexical dichotomy between traditionally cultivated and non- 
cultivated plants. This dichotomy is affirmed by Ka'apor folk classification. These 
patterns are: 1) Primary productive lexemes refer only to traditionally non-culti- 
vated plants. These lexemes are of the type 'hummingbird-tree' wherein the head 
constituent ('tree' in this case) labels a superordinate taxon, viz., a botanical 
life-form. Some names for cultivated plants incorporate life-form heads seemingly 
appropriately, but the plants denoted are introduced, not traditional cultigens. 

are unproductive primary lexemes. 2) Unproductive primary 



names 



lexemes incorporating a folk generic head for a cultivated plant with an animal 
attributive refer to traditionally non-cultivated plants. Six of the seven such names 
refer to plants that are ecologically associated with the animals denoted in the 



exam 



family than are bananas. These are 



(pako) 



not folk 



(secondary 



semantically different way. The 
animals referred to by these attributives are not ecological associates of the 
cultivated varieties whose names incorporate them. 3) Misleading life-form con- 
stituents (heads and attributives that do not designate superordinate taxa or the 
superordinate taxon to which the plant belongs) are incorporated into some 



primary lexemes 



names 



The 



por 



include four introduced species). 5) Folk generic names that are based on analogy 



names 



and 'divinity' refer to traditionally non-cultivated plants. 



be subsumed under one principle: Productive and unproductive primary lexemes 

in Ka'apor ethnobotany refer to traditionally non-cultivated plants of the Ka apor. 

This principle applies, mutatis mutandis, to the ethnobotanical systems of several 

other Tupi-Guarani speaking peoples. It evidently derives from a long history 
„c i_ _ .. ,. - . J ° .. . _**•!. *u« lovirnn^ associated with the 



concomitant 



Many 



indicate stem habit or even cultural utility, but rather imply the state ot cultiva- 
tion of these plants. 'Tree' words in Tupi-Guarani languages are not exhaus- 
tively glossed as 'woody plants/ 'plants of tall stem habit,' and woody com- 
modities.' Trees seem to be 'traditionally non-cultivated plants' before any th.ng 
pUp «, v,'. n^w^., ^a o,h,WIv in that of other Tupi-Guarani peoples. 



22 



BALEE 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



A CKNOWLED G EMENTS 

I am grateful to the Edward John Noble Foundation for financial support of my fieldwork 
during 1984-87. Research in Brazil was facilitated by the collaboration of the National 
Indian Foundation (FUNAI), National Council on Science and Technological Development 
(CNPq), and the Goeldi Museum. I am indebted to the botanists who made determina- 
tions of many of the plants cited herein: P. Acevedo Rodriguez, W. Anderson, R. Barneby, 
C.C. Berg, B. Boom, R. Callejas, L. Constance, D. Daly, A. Gentry, C. Jeffrey, J. Kallunki, 
R.J.M. Maas, A. Mennega, J. Mickel, J. Mitchell, M. Nee, G.T. Prance, J. Pruski, and C. 
Sastre. I gratefully acknowledge helpful comments on an earlier version of this article 
offered by W. Van Asdall, B. Berlin, P. and F. Grenand, E. Hunn, D. Moore, A.D. Rodrigues 

and one anonymous reviewer. I am alone responsible for any possible errors of fact or 
interpretation. 



NOTES 



specimens 



cited in Tables 3-6 are not reproduced in the text. 

2 A phonemicized orthography, adapted with minor modificatio 



Museum 



apor speech sounds. Plain stops and affricates are p,t,k,kw,m,n,g,giv t 



s,s,h,r[r]. The glottalized stop is '. Semi- vowels are w and y. Oral vowels are i, *, u, e, a, and o, 
all of which have nasalized and phonemically distinct counterparts (i, *, u, e, a, and 6). Primary stress 
tends to fall on the final syllable and is indicated here only in an exception. 

3 As a verb, ka'a means 'defecate.' English 'bush,' which covers both 'shrub' and 'forest' (Sykes 
1983:104), may seem to be a more appropriate gloss for ka'a than 'herb'; on the other hand, 'bush' 
may be considered to be even more polysemous than 'herb' and ka'a, since the semantic range of 
^bush' includes non-botanical phenomena as well, such as 'luxuriant growth of hair' (Sykes 1983:104). 
'Herb' refers only to botanical phenomena (Sykes 1983:104). 

About 5% of these names are synonymous with other folk generic names. I include all such synonyms 



arriving at the sum total of 404 known 



5Th 



— i ■& '«•« maiw; ■cuHnacauy me same distinction: ituruwu m>i 

vanegata, no coll. no.) vs. wira-kurawa ('tree-Neoglaziovia variegata') [Urena lobata, 1628]. 



(which, 



Although the Ka'apor referred to my collections of trees, vines, and herbs as ka'a-ro (whicn, on 
one level of analysis, means 'herb-leaves'), ka'a-ro is also a word for leaves in general, regardless 
of provenience or stem-habit of the organisms in question. 

It is significant that the particular divinity denoted by the word kurupir is a dwarf who putatively 
controls game supplies and whose home range is exclusively in high forest. The decidedly evil divinity 
ayag is also not associated with areas under cultivation 



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ALCORN 



TR 



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The 



a 



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JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



23 



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HAYS, T.E. 1983. Ndumba folk biology and 
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HUNN, E. 1982. The utilitarian factor in folk 
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- , and D.H. FRENCH. 1984. Alter- 

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J w 

, P. 1971. Taxonomy and semantic con- 
trast. Language 47:866-887. 
KOZAK, V., D. BAXTER, L. WILLIAMSON, 
and R.L. CARNEIRO. 1979. The Heta 
Indians: Fish in a Dry Pond. Anthro- 
pological papers of the American Museum 
of Natural History, Vol. 55, Part 6. Amer- 
ican Museum of Natural History, New 

York. 
LEMLE, M. 1971. Internal classification of the 

Tupi-Guarani linguistic family. Pp. 107-129 
in Tupi Studies I (D. Bendor- Samuel, ed.). 
Summer Institute of Linguistics Publica- 
tions in Linguistics and Related Fields, 
Publication No. 29. Summer Institute of 
Linguistics, Norman, Oklahoma. 

METRAUX, A. 1928. La Civilisation Materielle 
des Tribus Tupi-Guarani. Librairie Orien- 
taliste Paul Geuthner, Paris. 

MIGLIAZZA, E.C. 1982. Linguistic prehistory 
and the refuge model in Amazonia. Pp. 
497-519 in G.T. Prance (ed.), Biological 
Diversification in the Tropics. Columbia 
Univ. Press, New York. 

NORONHA, J.M. de. 1856. Roteiro da Viagem 
da Cidade do Para ate as Ultimas Colonias 
dos Portuguezes em os Rios Amazonas e 
Negro. Noticias para a Historia e Geo- 



Ultramarinas 



Lisbon. 



PRANCE 



R.L. CARNEIRO. 1987. Quantitative 
ethnobotany and the case for conserva- 
tion in Amazonia. Conservation Biol. 

1(4):296-310. 

RANDALL, R.A. and E.S. HUNN. 1984. Do 
life-forms evolve or do uses for life? Some 
doubts about Brown's universal hypoth- 
eses. Amer. Ethnol. 11:329-349. 

RIBEIRO, D. 1955. Os indios Urubus: Ciclo 
anual das atividades de subsistencia de 
uma tribo da floresta tropical. Anais do 
XXXI Congresso Internacional de Ameri- 

canistas, Vol. 1:125-157. 

1970. Os Indios e a Civilizagao. 
Editora Civilizagao Brasileira, Rio de 
Janeiro. 



RIVET 



Americanistes de Paris, n.s., 16:169-181. 
RODRIGUES, A.D. 1985. Relates internas na 
familia lingiiistica Tupi-Guarani. Rev. 
Antropol. 27/28:33-53. 



24 



BALEE 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



. 1986. Linguas Brasileiras. Edigoes 



Loyola, Sao Paulo. 

. 1988. Proto-Tupi evidence for 

agriculture. Paper read at First Inter- 
national Congress of Ethnobiology, Belem . 

SAPIR, E. 1949. Time perspective in aboriginal 
American culture: A study in method. 
Pp. 389-462 in Selected Writings of Edward 
Sapir (D. Mandelbaum, ed.). Univ. 
California Press, Berkeley. 

SOUSA, G.S. de. 1974. Noticia do Brasil. 
Departamento de Assuntos Culturais do 
M.E.C., Sao Paulo. 

SYKES, J.B. (ed.) 1983. The Pocket Oxford 
Dictionary of Current English, 6th ed. 
Clarendon Press, Oxford. 

TORAL, A. 1986. Situagao e perspectivas de 
sobrevivencia dos Ava-Canoeiro. Xerox. 



Centro Ecumenico de Documentagao e 

Inform agao, Sao Paulo. 
TURNER, N.J. 1974. Plant taxonomic systems 

and ethnobotany of three contemporary 

Indian groups of the Pacific Northwest 

(Haida, Bella Coola, and Lilloet). Syesis 7 

(Suppl. 1):1-104. 
VIVEIROS DE CASTRO, E. 1986. Arawete: 

Os Deuses Canibais. Jorge Zahar, Rio de 

Janeiro. 
WILLIS, J. C. 1985. A Dictionary of the Flowering 

Plants and Ferns, 8th ed. Revised by 

H.K. Airy Shaw. Cambridge Univ. Press, 

Cambridge. 
WITKOWSKI, S.R., C.H. BROWN, and P.K. 
CHASE. 1981. Where do tree terms come 
from? Man (N.S.) 16:1-14. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Medicine in Northern Thailand 



$48 



The medical ethnobotanist's task in interpreting traditional herbal practices 



may 



Western counterparts. Second, the success of a treatment is often a matter of 
subjective evaluation, influenced largely by the cultural context. Third, just as 
there are many species of organisms in a biota, there also is diversity in potential 
preparations and applications: prescriptions are often a composite of many 



may 



combinations 



in a prescription may not be a simple linear sum of the ingredients. They may 



from 

n perhaps administered in a particular ceremony, 
oited. Thus, to efficiently obtain leads on phar- 
at a time when both herbal traditions and their 

mary 



macologically active botanicals 

i j "nuangered itv^uuo an iiiitriuiSLiuniiciiy icam tixwxv. — 

needed are those of a linguist, anthropologist, botanist, and physician or other 
specialist who can observe, describe, and verify the interpretation of herbalists' 
diagnoses. 



Medicine 



ciphnary approach to the translation of one very different culture into terms 

understandable by ours. The authors and contributors include a lecturer in Thai 

Brun) a medical doctor and botanist (Schumacher), and a chemist and botanist 



terviewed 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 25 



manu 



plemented 



a time-consuming 



endeavor, but the only way to document the relationship between stated and 
actual practice. This first publication of their work is devoted to the ethnomedical 
results, with future volumes planned for botanical and chemical results. Here 
they explicate the local disease classification system, draw analogies between local 
and cosmopolitan disease concepts, compile information on the ethnomedical uses 
of over 300 individual plant species, and suggest remedies most promising for 

pharmacologic research. 

One chapter is devoted to examination of the urban variant of Thai traditional 
medicine, the Royal Tradition of Wat Pho, whose texts were written about 1900. 
The authors extract "basic theories" (the four elements, the tridosa, and the taste 
theory) and "connective statements" in order to deduce the theoretical framework 
of this tradition, but conclude (p. 32) that "the theory of the royal medical school 
. . . is not integrated with practice, and functions only as a frame of reference 
or an explanatory model." General characteristics of rural Thai herbalism in 
practice, its position in relationship to other traditional methods, and personal 
histories of the main informants are then presented. A "cognitive map" of disease 
concepts is built by grouping diseases with common characteristics, viz., location 
on the body or involvement of wind and blood, concepts central to the tradition . 
While other traditional concepts were not used as criteria in forming the disease 
map, they are discussed, and it is claimed that they generally reinforce the 

final map. 

The creation of the map from interview data is admittedly subjective to a 
degree, but it is a creditable attempt to systematically organize the folk medical 
concepts. In addition, the authors attempt to validate it against an organization 
of disease concepts that can be extracted from written manuscrips of herbal 
prescriptions. In doing so, they assume that diseases treated by the same prescnp- 



This 



cosmoDolitan medicine 



more 



diseases. In any event, based on this assumption that the prescriptions yield valid 
classificatory criteria, they suggest a statistical approach to correlating diseases 
that occur together in the prescription headings. A correlation matrix of diseases 
thus formed would logically lead to cluster analysis, grouping the variables 
(diseases) according to the relationships of their correlation coefficients. 

While thousands of prescriptions can be obtained quickly and they are 



format 



many 



would then be another "cognitive map" based not on whether diseases share 
prescriptions but on which characteristics are shared among all the descriptions 
of a given disease. Nonetheless, the use of prescriptions as a data base ^ organize 
disease concepts may be most practicable, and I agree with the authors that 
looking to statistical analysis is the next logical step in sorting the confusion, be 
it due to inadequate data or the non-cohesiveness of the tradition itself. 

One chapter describes specific Northern Thai disease concepts in depth- 
concepts which turn out, for the most part, to be "collective diseases or 



26 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 9, No. 1 



syndromes. The data for this section are apparently based on interviews, sup- 
plemented at times with clinical observations. The authors have made an attempt 
to match traditional disease concepts to cosmopolitan concepts, cautiously 
pointing out the incongruities of the two systems and the lack of precise transla- 
tions. Despite this absence of isomorphism, the information provided, e.g., in 
a table of Northern Thai concepts for sexually transmitted diseases and their 
probable Western counterparts, would be of great value to Western health care 
providers in a clinical setting. 

Under the title "Drugs and Diseases," the authors explore some logical ways 
to make sense out of their 1500 prescriptions and 500 medico-botanical single 
plant specimens (of which, one assumes, proper voucher specimens will be 
deposited in an herbarium in the future). In their attempt to present groups of 
the plants most promising for future investigation, the task proves to be formid- 
able. For instance, they found that the rate of recurrence of a single ingredient 
in multiple prescriptions against the same disease was extremely low. Moreover, 
of the plants which in isolation were said to cure a specific disease, only a few 
were actually recorded in independently obtained prescriptions for the disease! 
They conclude (p. 214) that "information about medical properties of plants in 
isolation should be regarded with utmost skepticism"- that "prescriptions . . . 
reflect the complex reality of praxis"-and elsewhere (p. 225) point to the 
problems of homonymy and synonymy as adding to the confusion. 

Since more than one answer mav freauentlv be found to the same Question, 



maintains 



They recommend 



make their theoretical framework more 



conclude that on a national level the tradition is dying, but that sufficient numbers 
of students are being trained to keep it alive in the North. While the World Health 



some integration of traditional and mod 



m 



may paradoxically 



example they point to the education of Traditional Birth Attendants as a way to 
spread Western ideas rather than as a program where traditional and modern 
partners learn from each other. They also chastise those whose actions would 
take anthropological findings out of context and offend the sensibilities of those 



medicine is 

not just an overripe orange to be sucked for valuable pharmaceutical components 
for the immediate benefit of the Western pharmaceutical industry. It is a system 
belonging to a cultural tradition, and should be studied, appreciated, and used 
as such" (p. 239). KK 

Particular strengths of the book include the authors' use of Thai words for 
medical concepts in their table of herbal medicines and throughout the book, rather 
than settling for an inadequate English translation. For readers who are unfamiliar 
with Thai, this slows comprehension, but by using one of several extensive 
indexes the reader can easily look to the section of the book that describes the 
disease concept in context. This work is an uncommon contribution because of 
its interdisciplinary nature, in-depth coverage of historical/cultural context, use 
ot intensive interviews followed up with clinical observations, and attempts to 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 27 



employ a statistical approach to finding patterns in the data. Problems include 
the need to clarify who provided what data for which analysis, i.e., how much 
overlap was there among the three herbalists interviewed, those who donated 
manuscripts of prescriptions, and those who assisted with collecting plant 
specimens? 



Catherine Pake 

Department of Ecology & Evolutionary Biology 

University of Arizona 
Tucson, AZ 85721 



Nutricomp (software). Joseph E. Laferriere. Nutricomp Program, $35.00; Data- 
base CULTIV, $25.00; Database SW, $60.00. (Order from the author at the 
Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, University of Arizona, 
Tucson, AZ 85721.) 

This is new for both of us: writing a software review for publication. Pooling 



we offer our first software review. 



Perry 



The Nutricomp software is a series of ten programs and seven databases allow- 
ing storage, retrieval, and analysis of nutritional information on plants, animals, 



came 



references, nutrients, and taxa, including more analytical data than Duke and 
Atchey's CRC Handbook of Proximate Analyses Tables of Higher Plants (Boca Raton, 
FL: CRC Press, 1986). Nutricomp can accommodate proximate analyses (including 
ethanol), 13 vitamins, 17 minerals, 28 lipids, 18 carbohydrates, and 22 amino acids 



000 



material). 



MS 



Written in interpreted BASIC, the software runs on a computer with an 



performs a specific task (such as indexing, deleting, menu operations, reporting, 
etc.), each database stores certain information, e.g., nutrient compositions, 



names 



(MB) 



tested the software on a Compaq 386/20 microcomputer, three megabytes 

of memory, a 130 MB harddisk, GW-BASIC, and the DOS 3.32 operatmg sy^c... 

General operation of the software was fine. After initial orientation, menus 
and prompts were easy to follow. Although the 15-page NC.DOC file containing 
documentation did not easily orient the non-nutritionally-focussed user to the 
overall arrangement of software operation, it did provide most of the intorma- 
tion that was needed for software operation. 

After entering the program by using a batch file which loads BASIC and the 
programs and then runs the initial menu program, the user can add, change, 
view, delete, report, calculate meal composition, alphabetize (sort the taxa and/or 
references), link or change databases, and index common names. After either 
selecting an existing database or creating a new one, information can be added. 



28 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 9, No. 1 



Function keys can be used throughout the software to type in the key words 
list, any, or add— each of which will display the information under investigation. 
All functions work well with the appropriate means of stopping when listing. 
References, taxa, sample preparation techniques, organism part, reporting basis, 
nutrients, and kilocalories and protein score can be added/modified. When 
adding new records for each type of information, the reference and taxon 
information is protected against a code value meaning two different things, but 
this protection is not present for the nutrients. We added several different nutrients 
with the same name and were unable to differentiate among them in the list. 
A very nice feature of the software concerns the units for the nutrients. The 
software will automatically check the units for certain nutrients and prompt the 
user for additional information for specific ones, such as vitamins A, D, and E. 
Older units can be used and will be converted by the program. Similar actions 
occur with proteins, lipids, and carbohydrates. 

Reasonably nice editing is possible before newly entered information is 
actually written to the disk, but editing of previously entered information by the 
program is not quite as neat as data entry. If something is wrong with part of 
the taxon or reference entry, that part must be retyped; however, these two files 
can be modified with ASCII text editing software outside of Nutricomp. Various 
modifications of numerical data will naturally change other data that were 
calculated by the program. The author clearly states the results of these changes 
in the documentation. 



examined 



Prompts are 



JT ~ »»*»»* «w ** "v/lillUVlV/l ft LJVIWVIVW, X lV/llipiJ C4I ^ LSI VJ V X\*C*~W* XV^X »m^<% M/ J r 

preparation techniques, and nutrients. Selection of these is easy with the use of 
code numbers and the ability to list the values of the codes. 

Printing appropriate information was most difficult. The program provides 
options for listing all information in the databases by taxon or reference, or allows 



selection of information 



umerical 



information 



...~ .^».i,_.„_^ „, lvl ioauii vjpuuius print an mis mrormanon witn nu piuviaiw •-■• 

stopping the listing. We were unable to get the program to eject a page correctly; 
it always printed ten lines on the next sheet of paper and then ejected, but only 
when printing reference lists. We also tried to select only the data in the database 
by nutrients. The documentation indicated that only those records that have 
information for the nutrients selected will be printed. We found several species 
listed that did not have data for our selected nutrients, and not all of the taxa 
for which we knew data were available were listed. When printing, we en- 



messa 



indicating that printing is underway would be informative. 

Laferriere warns us to take his numbers with a grain of salt. Checking his 
data against Agriculture Handbook Number 8 (AH-8), we found his transcrip- 
tion of AH-8 data to be more accurate than our own. Laferriere converted AH-8 



our own transcription. 



m 



ocumen^tirm- with 



some general deficiencies. There are no help screens to assist if the user gets stuck 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 29 



and does not know what to do. Also, the software is slow, even on the excep- 
tionally fast machine on which it was tested. Still, this is a better buy for the money 
than Duke and Atchley's book. 



James A. Duke 

U.S.D.A. 

Building 001, Room 133 

BARC-West 

Beltsville, MD 20705 



Mark C. Perry 

U.S.D.A. 

Building 001, Room 139 

BARC-West 

Beltsville, MD 20705 



30 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



/. Ethnobiol. 9(l):31-46 



Summer 1989 



A SURVEY OF PUBLIC PLANTINGS IN THE FRONT YARDS 

OF RESIDENCES IN GALVESTON, TEXAS, U.S.A. 



DARREL L. McDONALD 

Social Sciences 

University of Texas at Tyler 

3900 University Boulevard 

Tyler, Texas 77501 



ABSTRACT.— The cultural plantscapes (planted landscapes) of urbanized Galveston are 
the result of historical events, plant introductions, and habitat modifications. Since Galveston 
was chartered in 1837, residents have been continually altering and sculpturing private and 
public property. This study identifies significant native species and plant introductions which 
have resulted in tropical and European garden patterns. Several 19th century introduced 
exotics such as oleanders (Nerium oleander L.), palms (Washingtonia spp. and Phoenix spp.), 
and Chinese tallow (Sapium sebriferum (L.) Roxb.) still are plantings of choice, although 
plant introductions have continued. Because of human intervention, more colorful cultivated 



communities 



The 



influenced 



RESUMEN.-Los sembrados tradicionales del Galveston urbano son la consequencia de 
eventos historicos, de introducciones de plantas, y de modificaciones del medio ambiente. 
Desde que Galveston se constituyo oficialmente, los residentes han estado alterando y escul- 
piendo continuamente la propiedad publica y privada. Este estudio identifica importantes 
introducciones de plantas nativas de Norteamerica y extranjeras, lo que ha resultado en 
patrones tropicales y Europeos en los jardines. Algunas plantas exoticas introduces en 
el siglo XIX como adelfas (Nerium sp.), palmas, y arboles de sebo de China (Sapium sebriferum 
(L.) Roxb.) siguen siendo siembras escogidas, aunque las introducciones de plantas han 
continuado. A causa de la intervencion humana, los sembrados pintorescos han reemplazado 
las comunidades de plantas indiginas de la costa del Golfo, reflejando preferences 
individuals, comunales e institucionales. Esta perspectiva tambien sugiere que cambios 
en el estilo de vida entre los residentes han influido sobre los designios de sembrados en 
jardines residenciales. 



RESUME.-Les jardins d'agrement (platnations paysagistes) du perimetre urbanise de 
Galveston sont le resultat d'evenements historiques, de l'acclimation de plantes • nouvelles 
et de modifications de l'habitat. Depuis que Galveston fut elevee au rang de cite en iw/, 
ses habitants n'ont cesse de modifier et de remodeler les proprietes pnvees et la domaine 
public. La presente etude inventorie les principals especes locales et etrangeres que ont 



servi a dessiner des 



palmie 



introduites au XVIII erne siecle, telles que la Nerium, i< , ,..„„,.„„.- 

chees, bien que 1'on continue a' importer de nouvelles especes Grace a 1 jnteiventom 
humaine, des paysages cultives richement colores ont remplace les ensembles vegetaux 
typiques de la cote du Golfe du Mexique: ils refletent le gout de partners, et les cho.x 
des communautes et institutions. Le present inventaire fait allusion anx ch angements ^d lans 
les modes de vie qui ont influence la conception des plantations dans les jardins pnves. 



32 



MCDONALD Vol. 9, No. 1 



INTRODUCTION 



new 



The documentation of landscape change and transformation is an exciting area 
for cultural plant geography research. Schmid (1975:1), in his treatment of the 
urban vegetation of Chicago, states that city planting preferences in North America 
have largely been ignored in the literature because of the cross discipline approach 
that is necessary to address these problems. Schmid (1975:218) goes on to sug- 
gest planting preferences are used by residents to accentuate built structures and 
produce planted landscape themes. Hugill (1986:423) adds that these designed 
themes develop from the frequency and intensity of social contact between 

ly settled areas and established cultures. Thus, cultural plantscapes (planted 
landscapes) can be seen as a separate but important aspect of the total landscape. 
These plant associations have economic functions as well as express conscious 
garden designs of citizens (Jellicoe and Jellicoe 1987:7). 

In The Landscape of Man (1987) the Jellicoes suggest the most complete expres- 
sion of cultural preferences for plants and built structures is contained within the 
cultural landscape. Indeed, since earliest explorers and traders began moving 
plants, resources, and ideas about the earth, the selection process for cultural 
favorites has continued as a dynamic process resulting in landscape transfor- 
mation. Crosby's (1986) discourse on the impact of European expansion on world 
cultures supports this assertion. Although landscape tastes in North America have 
been strongly influenced by European contact, over the centuries an American 
landscape tradition has emerged (Czeslochowski 1982; Leighton 1986:162). 

Public plantings, those situated where people can readily observe them, repre- 
sent an individual's effort to fit into the local cultural community (Schmid 
1975:219). And yet, the individual's garden, the private planting space, may 
remain aloof from cultural pressures simply because it represents a personal, not 
collective expression of design preference (Jellicoe 1987:7). 

The purpose of this study is to investigate changing planting preferences in 
front yards of Galveston residences in areas of the city that developed at different 
times. A further object is to determine the affect of location (habitat zone) on 
plantings in Galveston front yards. 

Galveston Island has long been an important contact point for diverse cultural 
traditions. Since the 1830s immigrants, visitors and artisans have frequently passed 
through the port; during the late 1890s Galveston was recognized as one of the 
most prosperous coastal cities in the New World (Dexter 1900; Marinbach 1983). 
This flow continues today. Most people continued onward to settle inland or 
return to their homes, but many have taken up residence, endured and enriched 
the cultural diversity of this barrier island. Along with these people have come 
gardening traditions and plants. 



HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 



Physical environment.- Galveston is a low-lying subtropical barrier island located 
near the upper Texas Gulf Coast (Fie. 1). It is comoosed of water deposited sands 



imentary rocks. The island extends some 50 km 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



33 



— ^ 






> / r^ / Matogor6a Island 

" ! ^T^^jS!j 7^M Bayou 

PATRICIO +f*MtA& / 




CAU«OU 



m Maragoca SNo C^ann«i 
Pass Cavatio 



* ** • 



^^.,. \/ 1/ Son Jos« is 

\<Sr^" / ^-'^ Aransas Pass 



land 




Musrong Island 



^acxerv Channel 







o v 



<: 



c 



5c 



* 



% 



V 



v 



C 







PADRE ISLAND 
NATIONAL 

SEASHORE 



1 



s 



8- 

o 



Manjl*o Channel 



Soofh Podne IsJond 



MEXICO 



Srazos Santiago 

Brazos Island 



FIG. 1.— Texas Gulf Coast (From: Morton, R. et al, 1983). 



in length with the width varying from .8 km to more than 3 km (.5 to 2 \W lies). 
Galveston Island is a dynamic physical environment; wave action and storm 
surges regularly and significantly change its configuration (Davis ^^ 

The island is geographically exposed to many environmental extreme^ 
Summers are long and hot, many of which are accompanied by prolonged dry 



34 



MCDONALD Vol. 9, No. 1 



spells. Additionally, continental cold air masses, fondly referred to as "northers" 
by residents, occasionally descend upon the island reducing temperatures well 
below freezing (Bomar 1983:74). Historical records indicate infrequent 19th 
century cold spells were intense enough to freeze over Galveston Bay (Carson 
1952). Snow accumulations have been recorded (Galveston Daily News 1886). Salt- 
laden sea breezes regularly add to the physical stresses plants must endure to 
survive. In addition, tree trimming to protect power lines appears to weaken some 
woody plants. 



Natural vegetation.— in near shore or low inundated areas native salt marsh 
communities are dominated by Spartina patens (Ait.) Muhl. and Distichlis spicata 
(L.) Greene. Coastal prairie associations including Andropogon gerardi Vitm., 
Muhlenbergia capillaris (Lam.) Trin. and Uniola paniculata L. occupied higher beach 
ridges (Correll and Johnston 1979:3). Scattered shrubs, particularly Prosopis 
glandulosa torreyana (L. Benson) M.C. Johnst., the mesquite, provided the principal 
woody component. Trees were rare. Early 19th century historians and travellers 
to the island reported only one small motte of Quercus virginiana Mill, (live oak) 



Lafitte's Grove (Mueller 



estimated 



communities 
communities 



eliminated from 



Cultural component.— The island's resource base attracted early Amerindian groups. 
In particular, the Karankawa Indians seasonally exploited the island for tubers, 
berries and animals, but made few permanent alterations to the vegetation because 



1964 



mos 



Early settlement and population growth. 



tany settlement and population growth.-ln the early 1800s, privateer Jean Lafitte 
made Galveston his home base, erecting structures on the east end of the island. 

His cohorts practiced eardpnina in J-»oHa^o« *™~.,^ ;~ a,,, r-«u ~( \A av im fRaker 



Menard 



, in the Gulf of Mexico 
permanent settlement was established on 
lature charted a tract of land to Col. Michael 



anchorage and the mouth of Galveston Bay (Nesbitt 1976:79; Sandusky Map 1845 
Rosenberg Library: Galveston Texas History Center [RL,GTHC]). 

Population growth was sporadic in the early years but by 1843 nearly 600 homes 
had been built (McComb 1986:68). Population increases continued into the 20th 
century with several major fluctuations resulting from natural calamities such as 
yellow fever and hurricanes (Nesbitt 1985:53). Today Galveston's ethnic popula- 



century 



1985 the population was estimatd at 63,000: comoosed of anoroximatelv 70% 



with 17% black and 12% 



Department of the Navy 



pan 



ded 



es since initial settlement. Residents have altered siz 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 35 



portions of the original vegetation by enriching planted areas with imported top- 
soil and diversifying the flora by introducing exotics from Mediterranean and 

tropical regions. 

By the end of the 19th century Galveston had grown to be one of the richest 
cities in the United States and was a garden spot along the Texas Gulf Coast. 
Stately homes lined the streets adorned with palms, oleanders and oaks. These 
plantings gave a tropical look to the landscape (Galveston Daily News 1907). 

Sources of plants.— Earliest plant introductions to Galveston included shade trees 
Sapium sebiferum (L.) Roxb., flowering shrubs, most notably Nerium oleander L. 
and tropical trees including Phoenix spp., Washingtonia spp. andMusa sp. (Mueller 
1935:43; Fornell 1961:96). Flower and vegetable seeds were obtained from a variety 
of sources, such as New England Shaker communities, retail catalogs from the 
south of France, and from eastern U.S. seed suppliers (The Civilian and Galveston 
Gazette 1842; Samuel May Williams Papers 23-0867 RL,GTHC). The vast majority 
of introduced plant materials arrived on sailing vessels calling upon the most 
important port along the Texas Gulf Coast. Plants were viewed as a "filler" item 
by barque captains. They were more concerned about the lumber and food staples 



commanded 



mainland 



of Galveston. 



climb 



(Weems 



and planted landscapes were laid to waste. Following one of the worst catas- 
trophes in United States history, the island level was raised behind a concrete 
harrW mncfn.rtoH t« nro,mnt a™, ciirh fntiirp devastation (Davis 1981). Although 



maj 



from the mainland (McComb 1986:142) 



The planted landscape of urbanized Galveston had to be totally replanted, 
with the exception of Borden's oak, which was the only cultivated plant known 



survive the storm 



e Women's Health Protection Association (WH1 , 

to its pre-storm beauty. Initially, the WHPA 

storm victims. After helping many citizens reco 

id calamities, the women turned their attentioi 

WHPA 



oleanders, to help return the planted landscape of Galveston to its pre-storm floral 
diversity (Kenamore 1987). Community and individual efforts to further enhance 
the beauty of the island continue today. 

METHODS 

The study area sampled for this survey included the original platted city 
(Sandusky Map 1945). It is essentially a grid pattern. Generally, city develop- 
ment has progressed east to west, with housing development replacing dairy and 
gardening landscapes surrounding the previous city "edge." Occasional outliers 
such as the exclusive 1930s Cedar Lawn subdivision were exceptions. 



36 



MCDONALD 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



Within this pattern of development, sampling 



includes 



gnated East End and Silk Stocking Historical districts. West of 25th Street, 
ch bounded the early business district, is the middle sector (Sector 2). Most 
ses date from the 1930s to 1960s in this sector, with major exceptions being 
Samuel May Williams (1839) and Michael Menard (1838) homes. The west 



more recent developments, most 



from the 1950s to 1970s. 



Sampling Procedures. 



randomly selected extending from 



surv 



from 



Street. In all, the front yard woody plantings of 1,088 residences were recorded 
From the population examined a random subset of 270 yards was selected; thirty 
(30) sampling sites from each of the nine (9) street transects. A total of 97 woody 



families were observed in 



in Appendix A. 



purposes of this survey, front yards were 
acing the street or avenue. The boundary of 
>m fence lines or a olane extending from th 



from 




FIG. 2.— City sectors based on time of development. 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



37 



sam 



a frequency value of ten. A hedge was defined as a continuous planting of a single 



more than six feet. Means 



from 



areas of urbanized Galveston. This made possible the separation of different 
planting preferences. Differences in means between areas were interpreted as 
illustrating changing patterns and preferences in residential plantings. 



RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 



The west end sector had the highest total plantings per yard. Plantings were 
nearly balanced between trees and shrubs. Hedges were frequently found in 



anting 



The 



number 



mi 



most common shrubs were com 



quihoui Carriere, and Ilex vomitoria Ait. (a native) were known from the 19th 
century as favored plantings. Pittosporum tobira (Thunb.) Ait. is a more recent 
introduction (Fig. 4). Ligustrum is hardy and most commonly used as a hedge 



in 



vomitoria, more common in the 19th century 

become a more 



Oleanders have been a perennial favorite of Galveston residents. Galveston 
is often referred to as the oleander city (Pleasants 1966:1). Oleander shows a 
frequency increase in newer areas, often because gardeners prefer its long lasting 



While 



The 



FRONT YARD WOODY PLANTING MEANS: GALVESTON 



in 



5 

Q. 
Ik 

o 



§ 




__ Total Plants 

E2 Total Shrubs <^iqm*0 

Total Trees 




East End 



FIG. 3. 



Middle Sector 

n time ot 



West End 



means 



38 



MCDONALD 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



FRONT YARD WOODY PLANTING MEANS: GLAVESTON 



2.0 




Nerium 
Llgustrum 

Pittosporum 
Ilex vomlloria 



1.0- 



0.0 




CO 




East End (85) 



Middle (98) 



West End (87) 



FIG. 4.— City sectors based on time of development. Front yard shrub planting 



means: Galveston. 



most manipulated by residents. The oleander was 
141 by Joseph Osterman (National Oleander Society 
Is some 65 horticultural variants or cultivars were 
>n the island. Presently over 40 named cultivars are 
tl are rare or endangered (Head Ders. comm. 1987). 



Almost all of these are indigenous Galveston cultivars. 



When comparing the most common trees, Q 



become 



sp 



shifted from slower growing oaks to faster growing softer wood trees. Washington 



ms have remained 
lantscape theme. 



an attempt 



environment 



sam 



Mexico (Fig. 6.). Results from this comparison are shown in Fig. 7. In general 
means for total plantings. shrnhQ *nH trp^c rAr^onnnHoH wifh Qprtor means. 



j^^.w^i^, allium aniu u cca Luiiespunutru wnn ^t^iv^ ---- 

But there are notable deviations. In particular, Sector 3 abuts the warehouse 

rzkWmiA \r~ki-A *.-. ~ 1^ • ...... . — . . *- % ^nn/.1Cl 



railroad yard in a 

saline 



economic neighborhood (McComb 



In 



reducing the soil texture and fertility, thereby affecting plant growth. 
Furthermore, the low value for trees in Sector 5 is related to increased e 
There is less structural protection in this sector than the more established 
and the more affluent 9,prtnr « 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



39 



a 



3 

a. 



cc 

UJ 



3 
Z 



06 



05" 



0.4 



03- 



02- 



0.1 



00 



FRONT YARD WOODY PLANTING MEANS: GALVESTON 




EAST END 



MIDDLE SECTOR 



WEST feNO 



FIG. 5. -City sectors based on time of development. Front yard tree planting 



means: Galveston. 




FIG. 6.-Habitat zones based on exposure to Gulf of Mexico 



40 



MCDONALD 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



FRONT YARD MEAN TOTAL PLANTINGS: GALVESTON 



10 




a. 
u. 

o 

DC 
UJ 

00 



TOTAL PLANTS 
TOTAL SHRUBS 
TOTAL TREES 



(Weighted) 




1 



3 



4 



6 



7 



8 



FIG. 7. 

total plantings: Galveston. 



Mexico 



FRONT YARD MEAN SHRUB PLANTINGS: GALVESTON 



s 



3 

Q- 
U. 

O 

£ 
m 

2 

i 




NERIUM 
LIGUSTRUM 
PITTOSPORUM 
ILEX VOMITORIA 




1 



2 



4 



5 



6 



7 



8 



FIG. 8. 



shrub plantings: Galveston. 



Mexico 



common 



(Fig. 8). The survival of oleander in Sector 3 indicates that it is more hardy than 
other plants that have been tried there. Although a more recent introduction, 
the frequencv of Pittosvnrum inHiratPQ rpdHonfc oe^o^aih, ^nnrpriatp the shrub 



as part of their gardens. In particular, the variegated Pittosporum adds variety to 
yards not readily found in the more established Ligustrum plantings. 

Fig. 9 indicates changes in planting preference by island residents, from oaks 
to tallow and ash (almost exclusively Fraxinus velutina glabra Rehd.). However, 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



41 



FRONT YARD MEAN TREE PLANTINGS: GALVfcSlUN 



6 




FIG. 9.— Habitat zones based on exposure to Gulf of Mexico. Front yard mean 



tree plantings: Galveston. 



storm 



hardy, native trees such as the southern Magnolia (Magnoli 



grandifolia) because the debris from 



maintenance and occasionally causes mechanical 



for lawn mowers. Interviews with G 
requiring fewer hours of maintenance 
are working. 



CONCLUSION 



plantscapes since the 1830s. Pre-1900 
1900 storm. But preferences for early 



prefe 
species introductions are found in front yards today. Planting pattern 



themes of tropical and turopean tastes,. ■ uvi^ 
>e components. Galveston island continues to 



plantings represent a blend of these components. Galveston island continues to 
be altered by residents and by civic institutions. Down island developments reflect 
little of the urbanized patterns. Analysis of the new horticultural style emerging 
in residpnHal nianfino- ^for^r^ will be useful in understanding the con- 



process 



rban planted landscape evolution. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



I wish to thank Sammy Ray, Jim McCloy, James Webb, and Pat Wallace of Texas A&M 
at Galveston for facility use and support during field work. Thanks are extended to Clarissa 
Kimber for guidance in the study and Galveston residents for their cooperation. The 
Rosenberg Library Galveston Texas History Center staff were a great help. Abstract 
translations were provided by Janice Glascock, Joseph Velo and Jean-Jacques Blancnot. 



42 



MCDONALD 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED 



BAKER, D.W.C. 1935. A Texas scrap book. 

The Steck Company, Austin, TX. 
BANDLIER, F. (trans.) 1964. The journey of 

Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. Rio Grande 

Press, Chicago, IL. 
BOMAR, G.W. 1983. Texas weather. Univ. 

Texas Press, Austin, TX. 

CARSON, E. 1952. U.S. Department of Com- 
merce Meteorologist letter to Walter Grover 
8-21-1952 in archieves of Rosenberg 
Library, Galveston Texas History Center, 
Galveston, TX. 

Civilian and Galveston Gazette, The. 1842. 
Galveston, TX. 

CORRELL, D.S. and M.C. JOHNSTON. 1972. 
Manual of Vascular Plants of Texas. Univ. 
Dallas Press, Richardson, TX. 

CROSBY, A. 1986. Ecological Imperialism: 
The biological expansion of Europe 
900-1900. Studies in environment and 
history. Cambridge Univ. Press, West- 
port, CT. 

CZESLOCHOWSKI, J.S. 1982. The American 
landscape tradition. Dutton. New York, 
NY. 

DAVIS, A. 1981. Galveston's Bulwark Against 
the Sea: History of the Galveston Seawall. 
Corp. of Army Engineers, P.O. Box 1229, 



TX 



DEXTER 



TX 



Flakes Bulletin. 1868. March 29, 1868. 



Galveston, TX. 



The 



The Texas crescent on the eve of se 
sion. Univ. Texas Press, Austin, TX 

Galveston City Directory. 1886. 1-13. 

Galveston Daily Nexvs. 1886. 1-13. 

1907. 5-3. 

GATSCHET, A.S. 1891. "The Karanl 



The 



ethnograph 



the Peabody Museum, Vol. 1:2. Harvard 



Kraus 



NY 



GROVER, WALTERS PAPERS. Rosenberg 
Library, Galveston Texas History Center 
Archives. Galveston, TX. 

HAYES, C. 1879. History of the Island and 
City of Galveston. Vol. 1. Cincinnati, Ohio. 



Austin, TX. 



Jenkins 



HEAD, E. 1987. pers. comm. Corresponding 



Secretary. International Oleander Society. 
Galveston, TX. 
HUGILL, P. 1986. English landscape tastes 
in the United States. Geographical Review, 
76:4. American Geographical Society of 

New York, NY. 

JELLICOE, SIR G. and S. JELLICOE. 1987. 
The landscape of man: Shaping the en- 
vironment from prehistory to the present 
day. Thames and Hudson. New York, NY. 

KENAMORE, J. 1987. Crusaders for health 
and beauty: The Women's Health Pro- 
tective Association. Rosenberg Library. 
Galveston Texas History Center. Galves- 
ton, TX. 

LEIGHTON, ANN. 1986. Early American 
Gardens. Univ. Massachusetts Press. 

Amherst, MS. 
MCCOMB, D. 1986. Galveston: A history. 

Univ. Texas Press. Austin, TX. 

MORTON, R. et a. 1983. Living with the Texas 
Shore. Duke Univ. Press. Durham, NC. 

MUELLER, O. (trans.) 1935. Dr. Ferdinand 
Roemer. Texas: With particular reference 
to German immigration and the Physical 
appearance of the country. Standard 
Printing Company. San Antonio, TX. 

National Oleander Society Brochure. Elizabeth 
Head Corresponding Secretary, P.O. Box 

3431. Galveston, TX. 
NESBITT, R. 1985. Bob's Reader. Letter Shop. 

Galveston, TX. 
. 1976. The Port of Galveston 

bicentennial appointment calendar and 

compedium for 1976. Galveston, TX. 
PLEASANTS, C. 1966. Galveston: The Oleander 

City. Exposition Press. New York, NY. 
SANDUSKY MAP. 1985. Rosenberg Library. 

Galveston Texas History Center. Gal- 



TX 



SCHMID 



and Chicago case study. Univ. Chicago 
Geography Research paper No. 161. 

Chicago, IL. 
STEENBERGHEN, T.M. 1988. The spontaneous 

vegetation in urban residential g arde ™j 
of Galveston, TX. MS thesis. Texas A&M 
Univ. Geography. College Station, TX. 
WILLIAMS, S.M. Papers. 23-0867. Rosenberg 
Library. Galveston Texas History Center. 

Galveston, TX. 
WEEMS, J.E. 1957. A Weekend in September. 
Texas A&M Univ. Press. College Station, 
TX. 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 43 



APPENDIX A 



AGAVACEAE 

Yucca carnerosana (Trel.) McKelv. 
Yucca spp. L. 

ANACARDIACEAE 
Mangifera indica L. 
Rhus glabra L. 

APOCYNACEAE 
Carissa grandifolia (E.H. Mey) A. DC. 
Nerium Oleander L. 

AQUIFOLIACEAE 
Ilex cornuta Lundl. & Paxt. 
Ilex decidua Walt. 
Ilex vomitoria Ait. 

ASTERACEAE 
Iva frutescens L. 

BERBERIDACEAE 
Nandina domestica Thunb. 

BIGNONIACEAE 
Campsis radicans (L.) Seem, ex Bur. 
Catalpa bignoniodes Walt. 

BUXACEAE 
Buxus microphylla Siebold & Zucc. 
Buxus sempervirens L. 

CAPRIFOLACEAE 
Abelia Graniflora 'Edward Groucher' (Andre) Rehd 

Lonicera japonica Thunb. 
Sambucus canadensis L. 

CELASTRACEAE 

Euonymus japonica Thunb. 

Euonymus japonica 'aureomarginata' Thunb. 

Euonymus japonica 'dwarf Thunb. 

CONVOLVULACEAE 

Ipomoea alba L. 

CUPRESSACEAE 
Juniperus communis L. 
Juniperus spp. L. 
Thuja sp. L. 

CYCADACEAE 
Cycas circinalis L. 



44 



MCDONALD Vol. 9, No. 1 



Appendix A (continued) 



ELAEGNACEAE 
Elaegnus angustifolia L. 

ERICACEAE 
Rhododendron sp. L. 

EUPHORBIACEAE 
Sapium sebiferum (L.) Roxb. 

FABACEAE 

Mimosa bracaatinga Hoehne. 

Wisteria floribunda (Willd.) DC 
Wisteria sinensis (Sims) Sweet 



FAGACEAE 
Quercus nigra L. 
Quercus virginiana Mill. 

Quercus spp. L. 

HAMAMELIDACEAE 
Liquidambar styraciflua L. 

JUGLANDACEAE 
Carya illinoinensis (Wang.) K. Koch. 

LABIATAE 
Salvia leucophylla Greene. 

LAURACEAE 

Cinnamomum camphora (L.) J. Presl 
Persea americana Mill. 



LYTHRACEAE 
Lagerstroemia indica L. 

MAGNOLIACEAE 
Magnolia grandiflora L. 

MALVACEAE 

Hibiscus rosa-sinensis L. 
Hibiscus syriacus L. 

MELIACEAE 
Melia azedarach L. 

MORACEAE 
Ficus carica L. 

Ficus elastica Roxb. ex Hornem 
Morus alba 'striblingii' L. 
Morus nigra L. 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 45 



Appendix A (continued) 



MUSACEAE 
Musa acuminata Colla 

MYTACEAE 
Callistemon citrinus R. Br. 
Psidium guajava L. 

OLE ACE AE 
Forsythia suspensa (Thunb.) Vahl 
Fraxinus arizonica Torr. 
Jasminum humile L. 

Ligustrum quihoui Carriere 

Oleo europaea L. 

ONAGRACEAE 
Fuschia magllanica Lam. 

PALMAE 
Phoenix canariensis Hort. ex Chabaud. 
Phoenix dactylifera L. 
Phoenix reclinata Jacq. 
Sabal mexicana Mart. 

Sabal texana (Cook) Becc. 

Washington filifera (L. Linden) H. Wendl. 

Washington robusta H. Wendl. 

PLANTANACEAE 
Plantanus occidentalis L. 

PINACEAE 
Pinus taeda L. 

PITTOSPORACEAE 
Pittosporum tobira (Thunb.) Ait. 
Pittosporum tobira 'variegated' (Thunb.) Ait 
Pittosporum tobira 'dwarf (Thunb.) Ait. 

PODOCARPACEAE 
Podocarpus macrophyllus (Thunb.) D. Don 

POLYGONACEAE 
Antignon leptopus Hokk & Arn. 

ROSACEAE 
Malus pumila Mill. 
Photinia fraseri 'Red Robin' Dress. 
Prunus americana Marsh. 
Prunus laurocerasus L. 
Prunus persica (L.) Batsch. 
Prunus serotina J.F. Ehrh. 



46 



MCDONALD Vol. 9, No. 1 



Appendix A (continued) 



M.J. Roem 



Raphiolepis indica (L.) Lindl. 



Michx 

RUTACEAE 

Citrus limonia 'Meyer' Os 
Citrus sinesis (L.) Osbeck. 
Zanthoxvlum americanum 



SALICACEAE 
Populus sargentiii Dode. 
Salix nigra L. 

SOLANACEAE 
Brunfelsia australis Benth. 

THEACEAE 
Camellia japonica L. 

ULMACEAE 
Celtis laevigata Willd. 
Ulmus parvifolia Jacq. 
Ulmus rubra Muhleng. 
Ulmus sp. Mirb. 

VERBENACEAE 

Callicarpa americana L. 

Lantana montevidensis (K. Spreng.) Briqu 
Vitex trifolia L. 

VITACEAE 



Vitis labrusa L 



BOOK REVIEW 



Beyond Domestication in Prehistoric Europe: Investigations in Subsistence 
Archaeology and Social Complexity. Graeme Barker & Clive Gamble, eds. 
Studies in Archaeology Series. New York: Academic Press, 1985. Pp. xx, 282. 
$58.50. 

The stated objective of this volume is "to investigate how subsistence theones 
and techniques that were developed for the earlier periods of prehistory up to 
the first farmers, can be applied to more complex societies in later prehistoric 
Europe" (p. 2), a goal that is admirably accomplished, to a greater or lesser extent, 
by each contributor. Virtually all of the authors are well steeped in scientific 
archaeology, demonstrating an extensive knowledge of scientific procedures an 
the application of relevant material and studies from non-archaeological sources 
in their analyses. 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 47 



In addition, these studies are noteworthy for a variety of reasons. First of all, 
they deal with a period and a geographical area which are poorly understood 
and often neglected in the archaeological literature. Second, the scope of each 
contribution is broad and/or regional— there is not a single site report here; rather, 



com 



and unpublished reports and studies for data and analyses. Each brings together 



many 



Third 



most focus on the relationships between subsistence and aspects of social com- 
plexity, particularly social stratification and the roles of elites, important subjects 



8 



statements 



monumen 



by the extent to which the authors demonstrate familiarity with the ethnographic 
and ethnological literature and their ability to utilize the ethnographic analogy 
in their analyses. All of this and more is covered in the editors' introductory essay, 



/ / 



Domestication 



quence of Social Complexity." 



M. Maltby 



hensive look at factors affecting the variability of animal bone assemblages in 
archaeological collections. Maltby correctly points out the consistent neglect of 
food exchanges by archaeologists otherwise concerned with trade, and he calls 
for greater attention to the implications of animal bones for trade. In a critique 
of existing studies he argues persuasively that many interpretations are far too 



sim 



more lm 



model 



com 



certainly yield valuable results. In his enumeration of problems facing the bone 
specialist he mentions several which appear insurmountable, but overall his 



makes 



remains 



of social organization and culture rarely linked to such data: settlement pattern 



modes 



and even value systems 



Roger Cribb's "The Analysis of Ancient Herding Systems: An Application 
of Computer Simulation in Faunal Studies" is also concerned with faunal remains 
but it is much narrower in scope. Cribb describes a computerized simulation mode 
for the study of ancient herding systems, demonstrating it with several sets ot 



model 



aspects of herding strategies on the basis of animal bones and teeth recovered 
archaeologically. Although there are serious limitations to this model- which may 
be addressed in Cribb's planned refinement- and a full understanding of it 
requires some knowledge of higher mathematics and the fundamentals of com- 
puter simulation, it represents a fascinating new departure and shows considerable 



promise. 



Of all the contributions, perhaps the one of most interest to the readers of 
^ s ial is Martin Jones's "Archaeobotany Beyond Subsistence Reconstruc- 



48 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 9, No. 1 



tion." Although he is primarily concerned with demonstrating that the pi 
unit of archaeological analysis should be the total environment of a site r; 
than just the immediate area of settlement, Jones bases his arguments on sti 
of botanical remains recovered from the excavation of fields and other 
traditional contexts usually overlooked by archaeologists. He maintains 



determined from 



human 



Thames 



material 



Among 



highlights of this chapter is a useful sketch of a cereal plant showing those 
components which survive carbonization and are identifiable in archaeological 
analyses. 



Systems 



more 



famous work of Arensberg and Kimball 



Ireland. It is also a highly quantitative analysis. Using archaeological data from 
a sizeable region in southern England, Fleming shows how aspects of land use 



ms 



makes 



collective farming in late Neolithic Britain and suggests that later cultural develop- 



ments 



by this efficient cooperative economy, rather than as a result of outside influences. 
By examining the role of internal social (as opposed to cultural) factors in 
the transition from the Neolithic to the Iron Age in northeastern Europe (a region 
often considered a social and cultural backwater in this period), Marek Zvelebil 
attempts to fill an important gap in the archaeological literature with "Iron Age 
Transformations in Northern Russia and the Northeast Baltic." He divides the 
period under consideration (500 B.C.-A.D. 1200) into four segments and develops 
a profile of social and economic structure for each, based on aspects of subsistence 
suggested by the archaeological record. The result clearly illustrates major evolu- 
tionary developments and suggests that core-periphery factors (with the excep- 
tion of the introduction of iron), including the occasional presence of the Romans, 
were of less significance than internal factors, such as social complexity and 
economic intensification, for such developments as craft specialization, surplu 

production, regional markets, and, ultimately, social and 
all hallmarks of later Iron Age society. 



pol 



In "Regional Survey 
Mills recognizes 



Mills 



ci^iacuiugy in wnicn rne distinction between simple and complex suucu^ 
subordinated to a regional approach where emphasis is placed on understanding 



ironment 



studies: a group of Neolithic sites in southern France, and a set of Iron Age sites 
in central France. In the first case he is able to show that demographic and cultural 
variations conventionally attributed to environmental changes are more likely to 
have occurred as a result of internal social and cultural developments unrelated 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 49 



to changes in climate and other environmental factors. In case two he clarifies 
the issues and provides new explanations for the appearance of large political/ 
social/economic centers in the later Iron Age. In both cases he draws extensively 
from the modern ethnographic and scientific records and suggests that modern 
demographic and other cycles have clear parallels in antiquity. 

"Social Factors and Economic Change in Balearic Prehistory, 3000-1000 B.C.," 
by James Lewthwaite, looks at the "marginal" area of the Balearic Islands, 
evaluating the utility and validity of four models of social differentiation and 
population increase. Lewthwaite reviews virtually all the archaeological research 
carried out in the islands and constructs an impressive profile of settlement 
evolution there. In the end he rejects most of the features of the four models, 
arguing that equal attention must be paid to subsistence and on-subsistence 
factors in any analysis. Of particular importance, in Lewthwaite' s opinion, are 
maritime connections with the rest of southern Europe (including such islands 
as Sardinia and Sicily) as well as entrepreneurial activities, both internal and 
external. 

Working with very sparse data (animal bone fragments and carbonized grains), 
Klavs Randsborg, in "Subsistence and Settlement in Northern Temperate Europe 



Millennium A.D 
:he environment 



Romans 



most of northern and part of central 



determine 



grains— wheat, barley, rye, oats, and millet— and correlates each with various 



environments 



are linked to subsistence strategies and environmental factors such as climatic 
change and soil types. He also reviews briefly some of the problems related to 
differential preservation of botanical remains in archaeological contexts. 



lm 



and well- written. Th 



tables, graphs, and drawings throughout, as well as a comprehensive and very 
useful index. Although its appeal is limited, this volume should prove invaluable 
to archaeologists working in western and northern Europe, and it is a model of 
good synthetic analysis. 



Peter S. Allen 



Department of Anthropology and Geography 
Rhode Island College 
Providence, RI 02908 



50 



Vol. 9, No. 1 






SOCIETY OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 

THIRTEENTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE 



March 21-24, 1990 
Arizona State University 

Tempe, Arizona 
Desert Botanical Garden 

Phoenix, Arizona 



Please see pages 129-131 for additional details. 



/. Ethnobiol. 9(l):51-63 



Summer 1989 



SPECIAL PROBLEMS IN AN ETHNOBOTANICAL 
LITERATURE SEARCH: CORDYLINE TERMINALIS (L.) 

KUNTH, THE "HAWAIIAN TI PLANT" 



CELIA EHRLICH 

Department of Anthropology 
State University of New York at Buffalo 

Amherst NY 14261 



ABSTRACT.— The different kinds of references to plants used by botanists, ethnographers 
and linguists may confuse ethnobotanists who are trying to follow species through the 
literature. Changes in botanical nomenclature, use of unfamiliar local and common names, 
and inadequate differentiation of varieties cause difficulties for researchers looking for 
references to particular plants. Problems encountered in a search for Cordyline terminate 
(L.) Kunth, the "Hawaiian ti plant/' illustrate these difficulties and point to some ways 
of resolving them. 

RESUMEN.— La diversidad de las alusiones a plantas que emplean los botanicos, los 
etnografos y los linguistas tiende a confundir a los etnobotanicos que procuren rastrear ciertas 
especies en las publicaciones cientificas. Los cambios de nomenclatura botanica, el uso de 
terminos locales y raros y nombres propios y la distincion insufiente entre las subdiviones 
dificultan la busca de referencias a plantas determinadas de parte de los investigadores. 
Los problemas encarados en la exploracion de Cordyline terminate (L.) Kunth, "Hawaiian 
ti plant," demuestran esos obstaculos a la vez que indican ciertos metodos para superarlos. 



RESUME.-Les 



ethnographes et les linguistes se servent peuvent rendre perplexe l'ethnobotaniste occupe 
a suivre des especes a travers la litterature. Les changements de nomenclature botanique, 
l'emploi de noms locaux ou populaires peu familiers, et la differentiation insuffisante 
entre varietes posent des problemes a ceux qui sont en train de chercher des references 
a une plante determinee. Les problemes rencontres au cours de recherches sur Cordyline 



terminalis y 

de les resoudre. 



INTRODUCTION 



difficulties of i 
observations 



Botanists, ethnographers and 



terminalis 



I have recognized sources of confusion arising from this diversity 



difficulties 



similar search. My 



study of the species as a constant with variations in names, uses and contexts. 
Plants like ti, easily propagated from cuttings, have furnished the staple foods 
of Oceanic peoples (Sauer 1952). By detailing some of the difficulties in following 
the ti plant, I hope to help others identify plants in the writings of different kinds 
of specialists. 

Plant literature searches and their uses,- Economic botanists, prehistorians, ethno- 
graphers and linguists all use native names of plants from published sources (e.g. 



52 



EHRLICH Vol. 9, No. 1 



Burkill 



vidence of migration 
themselves. Merrill (1 



names 



Conklin 
: human 



naming 



make 



their work on proto-languages (e.g. Blust 1983); a dictionary of Austronesian 
words summing up several studies of Proto-Oceanic, Proto-Melanesian, Proto- 
Polynesian etc., includes names for ti and other plants (Wurm and Wilson 

1975:45). 

Several authors have offered guidelines for keeping the records straight. Mead 
(1970) advises anthropologists to collect specimens and have them classified both 
by natives and by taxonomists rather than introduce errors into the literature. 
Whistler (1985) prompts botanists to check the accuracy of native names they add 
to herbarium specimens. But little has been written about ways and means of 
usine or correctine the literature as it is. 



Appearance of tiA —Common names like "cabbage palm" or "victory palm" 
probably refer to the superficial resemblance between ti and small palm trees, 
with leaves clustering at the ends of uniform stalks marked by regularly spaced 
leaf scars (Fig. 1) . The color varies from bright cherry red to blood-red to purplish, 
and from light yellowish green to dark green. The finely parallel-veined leaves 
may be striped or plain, varying greatly in length and width according to variety. 
The first Hawaiian ti was green. The height of the plant at maturity varies from 
1-4 m. Individual plants in Tonga live to be 40 years old or more. Ti flowers 
infrequently, with a sweet-smelling terminal inflorescence followed by small 
baccate fruits. 



among 



Why study ti't 
in ceremonials of very 

greatest use in the ritual of Polynesia' ' (Oliver 1974: 108) . It had general applicability 
in all the rites of the New Guinea Kapauku (Pospisil 1964:34). Tsembaga Maring 
people, in Papua New Guinea, planted or uprooted it to signal change in the 
stages of their ritual cycle (Rappaport 1968). 2 Rappaport (1968:231) quotes per- 
sonal communication with H.f CrmWlin tn Hip pffWt that H was important in 



(1946) and Leenhardt (1946) 



commented about uses of ti by 



and 



Malaysia, Southeast Asia, Indonesia, New Guinea, the Philippines and Melane- 
sian islands. Sauer mentions it as an example of early multipurpose domesticates 
nurtured in his Southeast Asian "cradle of agriculture" (1952:27). 

In Hawaii, there is ". . . continuing belief that fresh leaves of green ti possess 
some mystical quality that can protect against spirits, lift kapus (taboos) and call 
down the blessing rather than the wrath of the gods" (Pukui, Haertig and Lee 
1972:190). Micronesian magicians chanted to ti plants, naming various causes of 
death and expecting the plant to tremble in resDonse to the rieht cause (Brower 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



53 









(Photographs by Paul Ehrlich.) 



FIG. 1. 



op Museu 
Waimea S 



54 



EHRLICH Vol. 9, No. 1 



ymbolized 



Malay 



to the red varieties (Burkill 1935:662). Toradja of Sulawesi treated the plant as 
holy, ". . • the magic herb par excellence" (Adriani and Kruyt 1951:35). 

Ti leaves were a source of leaf girdles in western and central Poly- 
ugh the Hawaiian hula skirt may have been introduced late by Gilbert 
landy and Handy 1972:225). The plant furnished food-the cooked 
ich in fructosans (Barrau 1961:60). For unknown reasons, most Melane- 



>/ 



m 



sorcery made it appear dangerous. Fiji is like Polynesia; some 



rhizomes. Ti makes 



make wrappers for small articles 
ti are ideal swatters for mosquil 



Mundane 



remains a m 



III lilt UlUCU^ WA J\-> XM.LKAXIJ *MM««>. <*~ •• J- J- /* l^ 1 

the plant had acquired a reputation for efficacy with spirits even before the Peoples 



names, varieties 



some 



BOTANICAL IDENTIFICATION 

Distribution. -Van Balgooy (1971:179) summarizes the places in the Pacific from 
which Cordyline is "reliably recorded," "doubtfully indigenous" and not 
reported." The former include the Mascarene islands, East Asia, Southeast Asia, 
Malesia, the Philippines, New Guinea, Australia, New Caledonia, Norfolk island, 
the Kermadecs, New Zealand and South America. The genus is "doubtfully 
indigenous" in the Bismarcks, Solomons, New Hebrides, Loyalties, Carolines 
and Polynesia. It has not been reported from Eurasia, Santa Cruz, the Chatham 
Islands, the Bonins or the Marianas. 

O rigin .- Uncertainly , experts say that ti is probably native to Southeast Asia 
(Baker 1875:538; Smith 1979:151). However, Yen (1987:8) has suggested recently 



in 



proposed a New Guinea origin, maintaining that ti on the Malay Peninsula w»> 
always cultivated. I have seen no opinion as to how one Cordyline species g 
to Brazil. The plant grows easily from stem cuttings or from rhizomes, and, i 
some varieties, from seed. In Hawaii, where the earliest known variety is gr ' 
ti seeds are apparently infertile, however (Yen 1987:10). It would be interesting 



Botanical status. 



he South American species produces fertile seeua. 

nerly placed in the family Liliaceae (e.g. Brown 1914), the 
itly has been classed in the Agavaceae by most botan \ h 
The Agavaceae differ from the Liliaceae primarily in gro ^ 

other 



habit (Cronquist 1981:1220). Dracaena, Nolina, Sansevieria and probably 

differ from Yucca and Agave on serological grounds, but resemble them in """■ 

ways, so the classification of these groups is difficult (Conquist 1981:1 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 55 



Dracaena 



(1973:664). Dahlgren, Clifford and Yeo (1985:147-49) put Cordyline into the 
Asteliaceae because the genus Cohnia forms a link between As telia and Cordyline. 
However, the spinulose pollen that characterizes the Asteliaceae is not present 

in Cordyline. 

Morphologically, Cordyline differs from Dracaena. Tomlinson and Fisher (1971) 
conclude that Cordyline is a natural genus, with embryo growth markedly dif- 



from that of most monocots 



axis 



from the bottom 



not have such taproots but, like Cordyline, has another characteristic unusual for 



monocots 



stem 



more 



man. however, these differences are msi 



lump the two genera, and it is not surprising that the general public should do 



same 



name 



specimens that fit the species concept, but botanists ao not agree d* iu mc 
correct species epithet for this plant. Table 1 shows that the plant Smith calls C. 
terminalis was once called C. fruticosa A. Chev., and before that, Taetsia fruticosa 
Merr. Kunth usually is credited for first using the name Cordyline terminalis (which 
he applied to the plant Linnaeus had called Asparagus terminalis), but Fosberg (1985) 
has questioned this attribution because the type specimen was a garden plant, 
not collected in the wild, and concludes that Cordyline fruticosa A. Chev. is 
correct after all. Only a botanist well versed in nomenclature is likely to be 
current with such fine points of taxonomy. While the genus Cordyline has 
achieved the status of conserved name among professional botanists, the species 
designation terminalis has not. I am using Cordyline terminalis for the present 



Congres 
fruticosa 



terms 



would have to search the literature for all the names the plant had been called, 

correctlv or incorrectly. I have 15 references to C fruticosa; 10 to Dracaena terminalis 

?en varieties); 

I also found 
the name Rumphius used in the 



Dracaena ft 



fru ticosa 



Term 



manuscript he sent to Europe from Amboy Island in 1696 (Merrill 
Rumphius named four varieties of Terminalis (1741, 1755). 

PROBLEMS OF AN ETHNOBOTANICAL SEARCH 

Synonyms.-The objective of a botanical synonymy is to provide a minimal 
historical run-down on the nomenclature of the plant. A synonymy for botanists 
should list older names which have been applied incorrectly and dKcardecL 
"Synonymy" to a botanist does not imply, of course, that it is proper to sutetitute 
one species name for another. An ethnobotanist should realize that an author 
may have written about Terminalis, Charlwoodia or Calodracon, and recognize tnese 



56 



EHRLICH 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



Terminalis 



(Adapted from A.C. Smith 1979:149) 



Genus: 
Species: 



terminalis Commerson ex Juss. 

terminalis (L.) Kunth in Abh. Konigl. Akad. Wiss 



Berlin 1842. 



Derivation: Convallaria fruticosa L. Herb. Amb. 16, 1754, Amoen. Acad. 4:126. 



1759. 



5 terminalis L. Sp. PI. ed. 2. 45( 
terminalis Lamm. Encvcl. Meth 



Parham in Agr. J 



Wiss 



1842. 



Cordyline sp. Seem, in Bonplandia 9:260. 1861, Viti, 443. 1862. 

Cordyline jacquinii Kunth ex Seem. Fl. Vit. 311. 1868. Drake, 111. 
Fl. Ins. Mar. Pac. 319. 1892. 

Dracaena sepiaria Seem. Fl. Vit.t. 94. 1868. 

Cordyline terminalis var. sepiaria Baker in J. Linn. Soc. Bot. 14:540. 
1875; Engl, in Bot. Jahrb. 7:488. 1886. 

Taetsia fruticosa Merr. Interpret. Rumph. Herb. Amb. 137. 1917. 
A.C. Sm. in Sci. Monthly, 73:14. Fig. 1951. 

Cordyline fruticosa A. Chev. Cat. PI. Jard. Bot. Saigon, 66. 1919; 
non Goepp. (1855). 



as pre-Linnaean names for ti. Dictionaries and encyclopedias are necessary 
adjuncts to floras and most other botanical works. Anthropologists, however, 
may not know where to look for proper synonymies. Species designations always 
refer to herbarium specimens, and change when scholars discover that earlier 
classifications of those specimens have been inappropriate. Different names then 
refer to the same plant, but again, the earlier names persist in the literature. 
I have learned to look for all the names botanists have called ti plants, 
correctly or incorrectly. The maze of names referring to ti may be a "worst case 
in that a common name of the plant, "dracaena," is the botanical name for a 
closely related genus, but otherwise, it is probably typical. 

Common names/native names.— I had difficulty identifying ti when described by 



descript 



taxonomists 



sed common 



names 



I 



sometimes 



names 



penally 



when pronunciation is unambiguously indicated. Now that linguists arc - 
identify cognates in different languages with considerable sophistication, lists o 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 57 



native names offer a good deal of information. Many ethnobotanists have pro- 
fited from the writings of linguists in analyzing such lists. Even when diacritical 
marks or exact phonetic transcriptions are lacking, a list of native names may be 
useful. Translated, they may reveal the native attitude towards the plant. 

Native names may reflect classification systems different from the Linnaean 
may indicate interests taxonomists find irrelevant (Brown 1982). A plant with many 
varieties, like ti, may have names that denote different paradigmatic levels 
(Dentan 1988). Categorization may depend on perceived resemblance to basic 
members rather than the exclusive characteristics botanists look for (Rosch 1978: 
35-41). But linguists also have problems identifying plants in the literature. Before 
analyzing native categories, linguists must find out whether the plant an author 



mentions is or is not ti. 



Why don 't they 



7. 



Dracaena 



com 



mean 



not wild there. If plants of these genera do not grow there, references to them 



are 



cultivated plants, that is relevant information. Authors help when they say 
whether or not their works include feral plants. 

Varieties.— Part of an ethnobotanist's task is to find all the cultivated varieties 
(more properly "cultivars") in each locality. Smith (1979:152) judges that the 
existence of "innumerable cultivars" make infraspecific classification of ti varieties 
pointless. Herbarium labels on specimens of the plant may or may not cite the 
color of the plant when it was living, which would matter little if anthocyanin 
pigments did not tend to vanish in herbarium specimens. The information is not 
often germane to the taxonomist's task, but it is important because ethnic uses 
of plants are often specific to particular varieties distinguished by leaf color. In 
Tonga, where many ornamental varieties have been introduced recently, the "old" 
ones were probably the green si futu, the reddish si kula, and the two-tone 
si tongotongo. The first has especially good, sugary rhizomes for cooking in earth 
ovens; the second adds red color to leis and dance skirts; and the last has especially 
long leaves for the same purpose. These varieties all persist around abandoned 
house sites and plantations. An ethnobotanist has to ask why each variety of the 
species was cultivated. People probably had a culturally defined reason for 
perpetuating each variety (R.I. Ford pers. comm. 1986). 

PROBLEMS IN IDENTIFYING TI IN THE LITERATURE 

Dracaena terminate .- In his work on the Lau Islands of Fiji, Hocart (1929:107) 
refers many times to dracaena and Dracaena, once to Dracaena terminal* I his last 
occurs under a subheading "Sugar Cane," and continues with information 
about making sugar from the root. How many other ' 'sugar canes m the literature 
are ti is hard to say, but Dracaena terminate here identifies Hocart s dracaena 
as Cordyline terminate. If Codrington (1891:20-21) had given this much informa- 
tion, one could identify the "kind of sugar cane" that "gave rise to humans 



58 



EHRLICH Vol. 9, No. 1 



Melanesian myth. On the Polynesian island of Niue (Thomson 



myths do have humans or 
t that arose from a human 



1928:421). 



"Crotons," "dracaenas" and "cordylines."— Besides ti, 



common 



terminalis 



Dracaena. Hocart's "dracaena" (1929:107) refers only to Cordyline. Plants in the 



ornamentals 



genus Dracaena, also in the Agavaceae, are tropical 

some parts of the Pacific as well as in Africa. The original Socotra "dragon's blood 
tree" was Dracaena cinnabari Balf., while the Teneriffe "dragon's blood tree," 
which supposedly lived to be 6000 years old, was Dracaena draco L. (Willis 



dracaena' ' in 



// 



When Williamson [1924(1) :320] wrote of a "Hi" plant and called it a dracaen; 
he probably meant a ti; "Hi " is Proto-Oceanic for "CORDYLINE (SPECIES)" 
(Wurm and Wilson 1975:45). 

Some British writers appear to have used "croton," another tropical genus, 
as an all-purpose term for tropical plants with colorful leaves. "Croton" may refer 
to Dracaena, Pleomele or Cordyline as well as to true Croton (L.) or Codiaeum variegatum 
Blume. To Fortune (1963:114), working on the island of Dobu, off Papua New 
Guinea, a green ti was apparently C. terminalis, while a red one was a "croton. 
Fortune identified the greens pies plant collected by an old women magician, 
as C. terminalis "... commonly known by its Polynesian name, the ti plant. 
Trobrianders used to travel to Dobu to collect it for use in garden magic. But then 
he says that ti is " . . . allied to the crotons planted over graveyards amongst the 
Massim, although the Massim use colored crotons in preference to the green 
Cordyline terminalis. " He continues, complaining that Codrington (1891) referred 
repeatedly to the use of crotons by the Solomon Islands, but did not say • 
whether he meant Cordyline terminalis or one of the the colored varieties 
(1963:115). Possibly Fortune was confused because the original Hawaiian ti 






green 



anthropologist 






group which 



includes Cycas as well as Codiaeum and Cordyline and is used for magico-religious 
purposes in Melanesia. Berndt (1962) worked among the Fore of Highland New 

ahrmt arHvitfos n«m<r unidentified "red and green 



information 



Whether 



problematic 



(1983-84:108) confirms that "croton" has been used as a generic term tor wruy 
line, Pleomele and Dracaena. 

Mead (1947:409-412), while walking around a New Guinea Arapesh village 
with two young boys, recorded what they told her about plants. In her text, s 
gives the native names, but also "croton" and "dracaena," the latter sometimes 
in italics and sometimes not. By and large, she avoids guessing at scientific names 
and gives both common and native ones. Was "dracaena" a common name tor 
Cordyline? Tuzin (1976:9) mentioned "crotons, cordylines and flowers" being use 
by Arapesh at a later date, describing the "crotons" as "marbled," wnic 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 59 









probably meant that he did distinguish Codiaeum or Croton from Cordyline. Tuzin 
apparently substituted "cordyline" for Mead's "dracaena." 



Austronesian/ native names.— Wurm and Wilson (1975) list "CORDYLINE 
(SPECIES)" with its names in Proto-Oceanic (ntiRi and tii), Proto-Malaitan (dili) 
and Proto- Polynesian (tii), and also "DRACAENA (Cordyline)" as Proto-Oceanic 
(ntiRi) and Proto-Malaitan (dili), suggesting that while "DRACAENA" could be 
Cordyline, "CORDYLINE" could not be Dracaena. 

The missionary ethnographer, W.G. Ivens, who lived for many years in the 
Solomon Islands, wrote extensively about native use of "dracaena" without 
giving a scientific name. However, he also gave his own translation of a lullaby 
about a "little bird of dracaena" in which the native word for "dracaena" was 
dili (1927:105). Since "dili" is Proto-Malaitan for ti, Ivens apparently meant 
Cordyline, not Dracaena, by the word "dracaena." Kwara'ae, another group of 
people in the Solomons, use dili not only for C. terminalis, but as "a religious 
term for applying magic" (Whitmore 1966:120). That the same word should be 
used for the plant by chance seems unlikely. "Dilly" appears elsewhere as an 
alternative native name for the red nahogle, one of two plants always found near 
the altars where natives of Santa Ysabel in the Solomons carried out human 
sacrifice (Lagasu 1986:49). Nahogle was probably a variety of ti. 

Pidgin English.— Pidgin English names are helpful insofar as they cover a wide 
area and have the same referent. New Guinea pidgin for cordyline appears as 
"tanker," "tanget," "tangget," "tangket" or "tanked." In a brief encyclopedia 



terminalis 



Dracaena angustifolia, which Brown (1914:277) 



Most 



term to Cordyline. althoueh Mead 



m 



/ / 



magic, especially sorcery. C. terminalis in Tagalog is "tungkod," which means 
cane of priests" (Co and Teguba 1984:272). Native names for ti in several 
other languages refer to "priests." Native names together with pidgin can 
provide good identification. There may be several native names for a single pidgin 
one, often distinguishing different varieties or uses. The native name is the more 
specific. 

Asian names.— \ looked for references toC. terminalis in Asia, since many botanists 
point to Southeast Asia as its probable point of origin. The Chinese common name 
in Pinyin notation is tie shu (Chung 1924:11; Ch'en 1937:104). The most valuable 
sources give the name of the plant in Latin, in English and in Chinese characters, 
from which a skilled linguist can sometimes infer hidden meanings. For unknown 
reasons, the characters for C. terminalis translate as "iron tree." There are various 
forms of the names, both in Chinese and in English, but Lin ( per s. com. 
has determined that they are all fundamentally the same. The character tor 
Cordyline also denotes "vermilion," which is odd because all the plants . J [saw 
growing along the coast between Shaghai and Canton were green, 
common in Hong Kong (pers. obs.). 



1986) 



Red ones are 



60 



EHRLICH Vol. 9, No. 1 



A "common-name problem" arises in that the palm-like (but totally unrelated) 
cycad, Cycas revoluta Thunbg., is also "iron tree" in several Chinese sources. Even 
the Chinese characters say "iron tree," with slight variations. Once source gives 
an entirely different Chinese name for Cycas in Goa, without providing the 
characters (Soares 1963). I suspect that reports oiCordyline and Cycas have been 



from 



mention 



names 



and tie tsiao [1898(1) :271. Bretschneider was citing Rumphiu 



much 



(Merrill 1917) 



a "croton group" may have been that 
some very early Asian culture. I am h< 
v the Chinese association of vermilion 
mblv of uses and names. 



Names and varieties. -Tongans I interviewed (Sept.-Jan. 1987-88), did not recognize 
all of the dictionary names (e.g. si tauvalu) mentioned by Churchward (1949). 
One "variety" of ti listed in Churchward, si matale'a (meaning "tiny"), may 
be si futu growing under poor conditions, e.g. shortly after people have removed 
the root or horses have eaten all the leaves. Si melo has brown leaves— naturally 
dried brown leaves. Several recently imported varieties have names not in the 
dictionary. Tongans recognize that specimens of Dracaena in their gardens are 
recent introductions. 

Variable spelling.- -In the Fijian Dictionary Project, Geraghty (pers. comm. 1987) 
has carefully mapped the names for varieties of different color separately, 
indicating where each one is used for what. Churchward (1959) mentions three 
spellings for the Tongan name, usually si, but sometimes chi (Martin 1827) or 
ji (West 1865). But is rau tea (Firth 1967:154, 174, 216, 243, 360, 434) the same 
as rau ti, the name for Cordyline fruticosa/ terminalis (Firth 1985:521)? Few authors 
have written extensively enough for such apparent errors to show up. 

Human Relations Area Files, Category 824, Ethnobotany.— Under "Ethnobotany, " this 
collection of excerpts from the writing of many ethnographers (Murdock et a . 

information about plants, subject to the limitations jus 

imnrnuP nn tV»P mialiftv nf Hip original material. CheCK- 



improve on the quality 



5 Category 824 allows i 

primary interest. However, it may 



unim 



Human 



mention 



CONCLUSIONS 



terminalis in the literature, botanical, Unguis i 

II Uaan ucoAil In^rm^tmn fmm each CtlSClpU 



Information from 



has helped solve puzzles that arise because of the specialized style 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 61 



:hers. Anthropologists and other non-botanists may have no 
lently scientific names change. Common names also cause confusio 
literature from all these specialists, ethnobotanists must know both 
methods of reporting of each; words like "type" and "synoi 



t / 



for 



mislead 



names 



mentioned 



not published in the recent flora. 

Botanists could help by noting the appearance of living plants and recording 



common names 



exam 



make 



kinds of information about plants- descriptions as well as English common, native 



names 



Lexicographers could help a great deal by pinpointing the venue of varietal 



in the field, noting the most 



to which they refer. Like botanists and ethnographers, they need to exercise 



common names 



Practically speaking, ethnobotanists have to work with materials that are full 
of errors of different kinds, but sometimes, by combining information from several 
disciplines, they can correct the errors. The expectations and conventions of those 
who write about plants in specialized disciplines are different. The records they 
leave are different. So anyone looking for all possible references to a particular 
plant needs special skills and strategies in order to find them. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



Museum 



for his generous help. My advisor, Dr. Robert Dentan, and Frada Naroll read the paper 



J 



Raymond 



Pe, CT Stevens. I .hank Lin Zi-yu for the _ana,ysis of Chinese charters. Ed. or W. V, 



Nancy Turner 



_ v ^, -«^ H _ w . - _ — f 

gestions, which I have tried to take. 



NOTES 



^or convenience, 1 refer to Cordyline terminate as ti except for d.rect quotes or discussion of taxo- 



nomic matters. 



2 A footnote in this work (Rappaport 1968:213) first prompted me to investigate ti. 

LITERATURE CITED 



~« n.vEp ir 1875 Mr I.Cj. BaKeronrtspoi-fto- 
ADRIANI, N. and A.C. KRUYT. 1951. The BAKER, J.G. 18/5. MM ^^ ^ 

Bare's-speaking Toradja of Central Celebes ceae- h ™- bsistence agri culture in 

(the East Toradja). Transl. J.K. Moulton. ^^jj^ , nd Micrones.a. B.P. Bishop 
N. Holland. Uit. Maatschappi, Amster- P^new a 



62 



EHRLICH 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



1963. Witnesses of the past. Pp. 

282-294 in Plants and the migrations of 
Pacific peoples; a symposium (J. Barrau, 
ed.) B.P. Bishop Mus., Honolulu. 

BERLLIN, B., D. BREEDLOVE and P.H. 
RAVEN. 1974. Principles of Tzeltal plant 
classification: an introduction to the 
botanical ethnography of a Mayan- 
speaking people of Highland Chiapas. 
Academic, New York. 

BERNDT, R.M. 1962. Excess and restraint: 
social control among a New Guinea moun- 
tain people. Univ. Chicago Press, Chicago. 

BLUST, R. 1983-84. Austronesian etymologies 
I, II. Oceanic Ling. 19:1-18; 22-23:29-149. 

BRETSCHNEIDER, E. 1898. European botanical 
discoveries in China. Vol. I. Sampson, Low 
and Marston, London. 

BROWER, K. 1974. With their islands around 
them. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New 
York. 

BROWN, C.H. 1982. Growth and development 
of folk botanical life-forms in Polynesian 
languages. J. Polynes. Soc. 91:213-243. 

BROWN, N.E. 1914. Notes on the genera Cor- 
dyline, Draceana, Pleomele, Sansevieria and 
Taetsia. Kew Bull. 1914:273-279. 

BURKILL, 1. 1935. A dictionary of the economic 
products of the Malay Peninsula. Crown 
Printers, London. 

CH'EN, J. 1937. Illustrated manual of Chinese 
trees and shrubs. Ag. Assoc. China, 
Nanking. 

CHOWNING, A. 1963. Proto-Melanesian plant 
names. Pp. 39-44 in Plants and the migra- 
tions of Pacific peoples, a symposium (J. 
Barrau, ed.) B.P. Bishop Mus., Honolulu. 

CHUNG, H.H. 1924. A catalogue of trees and 
shrubs of China, I. Mem. Sci. Soc. China, 
Shanghai. 

CHURCHWARD, CM. 1959. Tongan diction- 
ary. Oxford Univ. Press, New York. 
CO, L.L. and M. TEGUBA. 1984. Common 



Publication no. 21, Indiana Univ. Res. 
Center in Anthrop. and Ling. (F.W. 
Householder and S. Saporta, eds.). 
Bloomington. 

. . 1967. Ifugao ethnobotany, 1905- 

1965: the 1911 Beyer-Merrill report in 
perspective. Econ. Botany 21:243-272. 

CRONQUIST, A. 1981. An integrated system of 
classification of flowering plants. Colum- 
bia Univ. Press, New York. 

DAHLGREN, R.M., H.T. CLIFFORD and P. 
YEO. 1985. The famililes of the monocoty- 
ledons: structure, evolution and taxonomy. 
Springer, Berlin. 

DENTAN, R.K. 1988. Ambiguity, synecdoche 
and affect in Semai medicine. Soc. Sci. 
Med. 27(8):857-877. 

FIRTH, R. 1967. The work of the gods in 
Tikopia. Second edition. Humanities Press, 

New York. 
1985. Tikopia-English Dictionary. 



Oxford Univ. Press, New York. 

FORD, R.I. 1978. Ethnobotany: historical diver- 
sity and synthesis. In The nature and status 
of ethnobotany. (R.I. Ford, ed.) Univ. 
Michigan Press, Ann Arbor. 

FORTUNE, R. 1963. Sorcerers of Dobu. E.F. 

Dutton, New York. 

FOSBERG, F.R. 1985. Cordyline fruticosa (L.) 
Chevalier (Agavaceae). Baileya 22:180-181. 

GAJDUSEK, D.C., ed. 1976. Correspondence on 
the discovery and original investigations on 
kuru: Smadel-Gajdusek correspondence, 
1955-1958. DHEW Publ. 76-1168. NIH, 



Bethesda 



PUKUI 



1972. Native planters of old Hawaii, their 
life, lore and environment. B.P. Bishop 
Mus. Bull. 223, Honolulu. 
HENRY, T. 1928. Ancient Tahiti. B.P. Bishop 

Mus. Bull. 48, Honolulu. 
HOCART, A.M. 1929. Lau Islands, Fiji. B.P. 

— -.. Bishop Mus. Bull. 62, Honolulu. 

medicinal plants of the Cordillera region HUTCHINSON, J. 1973. The families of flower 



(Northern Luzon), Philippines. Chestcore, 
Baguio City. 



The 



studies in their anthropology and folklore. 
Reprint Dover, New York. First publ. 1891. 



IVENS 



ing plants.' 3rd. edition. Vol. 2, The 
monocotyledons. Clarendon, Oxford. 



CONKLIN 



ment of folk taxonomies. Pp. 119-141 in 
Problems in lexicography: report of the 
Conference on Lexicography held at In- 
diana University, November 11-12, 1960. 



east Solomon Islands. Kegan Paul, Trench 
and Trubner, London. 
LAGUSU, H. 1986. Smoke and ashes for h 
Knabu gods. Pp. 48-55 in Pacific rituals: liv- 
ing or dying. (G. and B. DevereU, eds.;. 



Inst. Pac. Studies, Suva. 



LATUKEFU 



in 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



63 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



Tonga. Australian Nat. University Press, 

Canberra. 
LAWRENCE, P. 1972. Tangket. P. 1110 in Ency- 
clopedia of Papua and New Guinea (P. 



Ryan, ed.). 
Melbourne. 



Melbourne Univ. Press, 



LEENHARDT, M. 1946. Le ti en Nouvelle- 

Caledonie. J. de la Societe des Oceanistes 

2:192-193. 
LIN, Z-y. n.d. Analysis of Chinese characters 

for two plants. 
MARTIN, J. 1981. Tonga Islands: William 

Mariner's account. 4th ed. Vava'u Press, 

Tonga. 
MEAD, G.R. 1970. On the improper usage of 

common names when giving botanical 

data. Am. Antiq. 35(1):108-109. 
MEAD, M. 1940-1947. The Mountain Arapesh. 

Anthrop. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. 

37:409-410; 40:398. 
MERRILL, E. 1946. On the significance of 

certain Oriental plant names in relation to 

introduced species. Chron. Bot. 10.(3-4): 

295-315. First publ. 1937. 
1917. An interpretation of 

Rumphius' Herbarium Amboinense. Dept. 

of Ag. and Nat. Resources, Manila. 
MURDOCK, G.P. et. al. 1967. Outline of cultural 

materials. 4th ed. Human Relations Area 

Files: New Haven. 
OLIVER, D.L. 1974. Ancient Tahitian society, 

I., Univ. Hawaii Press, Honolulu. 
PETARD, P. 1946. Cordyline terminate: Ethno- 

botanique et medecine Polynesienne. J. de 

la Societe des Oceanistes 2:194-208. 
POSPISIL, L. 1951. Kapauku Papuans and their 

law. Yale Univ. Press, New Haven. 
PUKUI, M., E.W. HAERTIG and C.A. LEE. 

1972. Nana I ke kuma. I, II. Queen 

Lil'uokalani Children's Center, Honolulu. 
RAPPAPORT, R. A. 1968. Pigs for the ancestors. 

Yale Univ. Press, New Haven. 
RIDLEY, H. 1924. Flora of the Malay Peninsula 

IV. London. 
ROSCH, E. 1978. Principles of categorization. 

Pp. 35-41 in Cognition and categorization. 

Erlbaum: Hillsdale, N.J. 
SMITH, A.C. 1979. Flora Vitiensis nova. Vol. I. 

Pacific Trop. Bot. Gard. Honolulu. 
SOARES, F.A. 1963. Common Chinese names 

of some Macao plants. Garcia de Orta, 



2(3):573-591. 

STURTEVANT, W. 1964. Studies in ethno- 
science. In Transcultural studies in cogni- 
tion. (A.K. Romney and R.G. Andrade, 
eds.) Am. Anth. 66 (pt. 2):99-131. 

THOMSON, B. 1901. Note upon the natives of 
Savage Island or Niue. J.A.I. 31:86. 

TOMLINSON, P.B. and J.B. FISHER. 1971. 
Morphological studies in Cordyline 
(Agavaceae): introduction and general 
morphology. J. Arnold Arbor. 52:459-478. 

TUZIN, D. 1976. The Ilaheta Arapesh: dimen- 
sions of unity. Univ. Calif. Press, Berkeley 
and Los Angeles. 

VAN BALGOOY, M.M.J. 1971. Plant geography 
of the Pacific. Blumea Supplement, Vol. 4. 

Leyden. 
VOSS, E.G., ed. 1983. International code of 

botanical nomenclature. Bohn, Scheltema 

and Holkema, Utrecht. 
WAGNER, R. 1972. Habu: the innovation of 

meaning in Daribi religion. Univ. Chicago 

Press, Chicago. 

WEST, T. 1865. Ten years in South-central 
Polynesia: being reminiscences of a per- 
sonal mission to the Friendly Islands and 
their dependencies. London. 

WHISTLER, W.A. 1984. Annotated list of 
Samoan plant names. Econ. Botany 

38:464-489. 

WILLIAMSON, R.E. 1924. The social and politi- 
cal systems of Central Polynesia, I, II. Cam- 
bridge Univ. Press, New York. 

WHITMORE, T.C. 1966. Guide to the forests 
of the British Solomon Islands. Oxford 
Univ. Press, New York. 

WILLIS, J.C. 1919. A dictionary of the flowering 
plants and ferns. Cambridge Univ. Press, 

Cambridge. 
WURM, S. and B. WILSON. 1975. English 
finderlist of reconstructions in Austrone- 
sian languages (Post-Brandstetter). Series 
C no. 33, Pac. Ling. Australian Nat. Univ., 

Canberra. 
YEN D. 1974. The sweet potato and Oceania: 
an essay in ethnobotany. B.P. Bishop Mus. 



Bull. 236. 



The 



dyline fruticosa) (L.); some ethnobotanical 
notes. Waimea Arb. and Bot. Gard., 
14(1):8-11. 



64 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 65 



BOOK REVIEW 



Numerical Methods in Quaternary Pollen Analysis. H.J.B. Birks & A.D. Gordon. 
Orlando, FL: Academic Press, 1985. Pp. viii, 317. $70.00. 



In 1986, I reviewed Birks and Gordon's book for Geoarchaeology (Davis 1986). 
I concluded then that it was "an excellent summary of the pre-1983 literature 
on quantitative pollen analysis," but I faulted its lack of microcomputer implemen- 
tations of the numerical techniques treated in the text. Since then I have used 
the book in my own research and as a reference for an introductory pollen class, 
and now I have an even higher opinion of the text than in 1986. Partly, this is 
due to the availability of the appropriate software— but more about that later. 

Numerical Methods is clearly-written and relatively error-free, but it is not 
particularly easy to read. The "journal article" style of the text is broken up by 
long lists of references. Although these are used appropriately and their value 
is obvious, the references are very distracting for beginning readers. Furthermore, 
the authors assume familiarity with mathematical and statistical techniques. 
Without advanced preparation and guidance, the book would be difficult for 
students in an introductory palynology class. I use it as a reference, not as a 
primary text. 

The book begins with a succinct introduction to Quaternary pollen analysis 
and the preparation of the pollen diagram. Chapter Two treats the basic statistics. 
The remaining four chapters deal with the areas of palynology that have been 
the focus of numerical inquiry: diagram zonation, sequence matching, analysis 
of surface samples, and quantitative interpretation of fossil sequences. Each topic 
is thoroughly discussed, and examples are provided using data sets from Scotland 
and North America. The authors compare the relative merits of various approaches 
to each problem without unfair bias toward the many techniques they have 

developed. 

The field of numerical analysis is an active one, and many valuable papers 
have been written since Numerical Methods was published. The book is not 
out-of-date in its general coverage, but many recent papers, e.g., Overpeck et 
al (1985) and Hill (1979), should be included in the second edition 

Sadly, numerical methods in general and Birks and Gordon's book in parti- 
cular have not evoked much interest from archaeological penologists. Despite 
the great number of samples that have been analyzed, I know of very few papers 
containing numerical analyses of pollen samples from archaeologica sites 
(Ackerly's dissertation [1986] is an example), yet surely the interpretations of these 
reports would have benefitted from such analyses. Both the penologists and 
the contractors are to blame. The vast majority of papers on archaeo log ca 
palynology are unpublished site reports, and often the goals of * r ™ ae °} &™ 
pollen analysis do not lend themselves to numerical analysis. In the Sou hwes , 
many samples are studied only to establish the presence of distinctive cu'Ogens. 
However, numerical analyses could be very beneficial in prob ems nuchas the 
'interpretation of the age and season of occupation of archaeological sites, and 



of the functions of site structures and features. 



66 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 9, No. 1 



numerical 



problem 



must 



situation is much better than it was when I first reviewed the book. All of the 
nroerams mentioned in the text now have been adapted for the microcomputer 



limited 



Maher 



Wisconsin-Madison), who also has made the programs available to interested 

persons. , 

As an example of the potential applications, I will use some of Maher s pro- 
grams to analyze two data sets collected from two stratified cultural middens near 
El Portal in Yosemite National Park (Davis 1984) . These neighboring sites are in 
similar environmental settings and cover roughly the same time period. An 
example of a use of numerical techniques would be to pool the two sets to 
produce a combined pollen diagram, using the program SLOTSEQ. In Figure 1, 
the samples from MRP 250 are marked with asterisks in the deteriorated pollen 
column; the other samples are from MRP 382. The solution is based on 16 pollen 
types (4 not shown in Fig. 1), and a different sequence results if deteriorated pollen 
is not included. Note that the program correctly positions sample 16 (95 cm depth 
from MRP 250, 2360+140 yr B.P., BETA 8747), above sample 17 (80 cm depth 
from MRP 382, 2430 + 90 yr B.P., BETA 8752). 

Another question one might ask of these data is, "When did the major changes 
take place in the environment?" This is the problem addressed by zonation, and 
two general approaches exist. One tactic is to plot dissimilarities between adja- 
cent samples (p. 52). Larger values indicate greater change. This is illustrated a 
the extreme right of Figure 1. The greatest change is between samples 20 and 
21, with a secondary peak between samples 17 and 18. A second tactic is to group 
samples into homogeneous clusters. The results of the program CONSLINK are 
shown in the left margin of Figure 1. The major groups are samples 1-17 and 18-2 , 
with minor divisions of samples 1-5 and 6-17, and 18-20 and 21-24. These could 
be labeled, e.g., the "historic" (1-5), "main occupation and early historic" (6-1/)/ 
"early occupation" (18-20), and "pre-occupation" (20-34) zones. The greatest 
change coincides with the beginning of site occupation, with a relatively smoo 
transition from Indian to Park Service occupation. 

Other clustering techniques such as SPLITINF and SPLITLSQ emphasize 
different aspects of the data and produce different cluster diagrams, and within 
CONSLINK one can choose from three different measures of dissimilarity an 
two kinds of amalgamation. Each technique may suggest interpretations that may 
not have occurred to the investigator. As these tools become more accessible, r3ir 
and Gordon's text will become increasingly valuable to the archaeologica 
palynologist, as a guide, as a reference, and as an inspiration. 



REFERENCES CITED 



ACKERLY, N.W. 1986. Toward the discrimination of economic and non-economic pollen 
spectra from archaeological sites. Ph.D. dissertation, Arizona State University. 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



67 




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BOOK REVIEW Vol. 9, No. 1 



^VIS, O.K. 1984. Pollen analysis of two archaeological sites at El Portal, Yosemite 
National Park. Report to Linn Riely and Scott Carpenter. 

. 1986. Review of: Numerical Methods in Quaternary Pollen Analysis by 



H.J.B. Birks and A.D. Gordon. Geoarcheology 1:393-394. 



TT 



Ms 



DECORANA 



and reciprocal averaging. Cornell University, Department of Ecology and Systematics. 



Quantitative 



fossil pollen spectra: dissimilarity coefficients and the method of modern analogs. 



Quaternary 



Owen K. Davis 
Department of Geosciences 

University of Arizona 

Tucson, AZ 85721 



/. Ethnobiol. 9(1):69-110 



Summer 19W 



"ALL BERRIES HAVE RELATIONS" 

MID-RANGE FOLK PLANT GROUPINGS IN 

THOMPSON AND LILLOOET INTERIOR SALISH 



NANCY J. TURNER 

Research Associate 

Botany Unit 

Royal British Columbia Museum 

Victoria, B.C. V8V 1X4 



ABSTRACT. 



Thorn pso 



and 38 in Lillooet, two Interior Sahsh language groups or ormsn ^oiumow, arc 
inventoried and discussed within the context of "intermediate taxa" as defined by 
Berlin, Breedlove and Raven (1973) in their General Principles of folk biology. These 
mid-range groupings are more restricted than general "life-form" level categories in 
their application but broader and more inclusive than basic "generic" level taxa 
pertaining to perceptually distinct types of plants. Between Thompson and Lillooet, 
and among them and other northwestern North American native groups studied, the 
mid-range groupings exhibit similarities in quality and scope. 

Some would qualify as true "intermediate" taxa sensu Berlin and his coworkers, 
but many are defined primarily by utilitarian or other special purpose traits and are 
related through affiliation rather than inclusion. Some are overlapping, both amongst 
themselves and with reference to the superimposing general classes. Some contain 
members which, while perceptually distinct, are unnamed at a more restricted level. 
This is especially true for plants of low cultural significance. A number of the mid- 
range groupings show evidence of recent expansion or semantic alteration to accom- 
modate new plants and plant products following contact of traditional native and 
European cultures. 



RESUMEN. 



vu 



plantas in Thompson y 38 en Lillooet, dos grupos linguistics ae sausn inwuu. uc 
Columbia Britanica, se inventarian y se discuten en el contexto de "grupos inter- 
medios" como definidos por Berlin, Breedlove, y Raven (1973) en su Principios 



Generales de la biologia vulgar. Estas agrupaciones del nivel medio son 
gidos en sus empleos que las categorias generales de "forma de vida, ^ f 



pero son mas 



anchas y mas inclusivas que los grupos fundamentals del nivel del generos, cuaies 



pertenecientes a grupos de plantas perceptualmente distintas. Entre Ihompson y 
Lillooet, y entre ellos y otros grupos indigenos estudiados del noroeste de America 
del Norte, las agrupaciones del nivel medio presentan semejanzas de talidaa y ae 



alcance. 



calificarian 



Berlin y sus colaboradores, pero muchas se definen principalmente por "racteres 
utilitarios o de otros usos especiales, y se relatan por afiliacion en vez de ihcIusmmv 
Unas sobreponen otras agrupaciones del mismo nivel y tambien los grupos ^nerales 
del nivel mas alto. Unas tienen miembros que no tengan nombres en el mvel 
restringido aunque se perciben como distintas. Este es de veras espec «l™«*«p«a 
plantas de baja significacion cultural. Unas de las agrupaciones del n»elmed» 
muestran evidencia de expancion reciente o de alteracion semantica para indu -nuevas 
plantas y productos de plantas despues del contacto de las culturas mdigenas y 



europeas. 



RESUME.-On inventorie un total de 79 divers groupes P°P^.*!™*j"^ 
des plantes dans Thompson et 38 dans Lillooet, deux groupes lmguistiques du Col- 



70 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



umbie Britannique, et les discute dans le contexte des "groupes intermediaires" comme 
defini pour Berlin, Breedlove, et Raven (1973) dans ses Principes Generaux de la 
biologie populaire. Ces groupes du rang moyen sont plus restreindus que les categories 
generause des "formes de la vie/' mais sont plus large et plus inclusifs que les groupes 
du rang de "genre," qui ont rapport au types des plantes qui on percevoit comme 
distincts. Entre Thompson et Lillooet, et entre elles et autres groupes linguistiques 
etudies du Nord-ouest de l'Amerique du Nord, les groupes du rang moyen exhibent 
des ressemblances de qualite et de portee. 

Quelques groupes qualifierient vraiment comme groupes "intermediaires" 
suivant Berlin et ses collaborateurs, mais plusieurs se definent principement par des 
traits utilitaires ou d' autre usage special et sont apparentes par 1' affiliation au lieu 
de l'inclusion. Quelques-uns se chevauchent, aussi bien avec ses memes qu'avec les 
classes generaux du rang superieur. Quelques-uns ont des membres que sont sans 
nom au rang plus restreindu, quoique Ton les percevoit comme distincts. C'est 
particulairement vrai chez les plants de moins importance culturel. Quelques-uns des 
groupes du rang moyen montrent de l'evidence de l'aumentation recente ou de change- 
ment semantique apres le contacte des cultures natives et europeene. 



INTRODUCTION 



. . . The sx w usum [soapberry] is a relative of iaVase 
sticky, red berries. It's got the same kind of wool w 
I don't know if it has any other relatives. That's the only 



similar 



all 



That's sx w usum's relative." 

Spuzzum, B.C., 



transcript 



Thompson 



specialist, is representative of a perceived, apparently traditional, relationship 
between two distinct types of plants— soapberry and squaw currant— in the 



termed "mid 



Mid 



Thomp 



plant classifications. Viewed in a broadly interpreted hierarchical scheme, these 
groupings are more general than basic "generic" taxa denoting individual kinds 
of plants (e.g., soapberry and squaw currant) and less inclusive than the general 
categories at the "life-form" level (e.g. "berry"), as described previously 
(Turner 1987). 



taxonomic svstems of midlevel 



was first noted by Berlin, Breedlove and Raven (1968) who identified them 



as 



taxa. Mid-range groupings 



studies (as cited by Berlin 1986; also, Turner 1974; Turner^ al. 1983). According 



ems 



form 



intermediate 



1974; 



Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1968, 1973, 1974). At first, such categories were 



almost 



// 



amed 



. • • We have found such [intermediate] taxa to be invariably rare in natural 
folk taxonomies, and . . . the classes are not linguistically labeled . . • 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 71 



The rarity of intermediate taxa in folk taxonomies, but more importantly, 
the fact that they are not named, leads us to doubt whether one is 
empirically justified in establishing an absolute ethnobiological category 
for taxa of this rank. This question can only be resolved by further 
research. (Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1973:216). 

However, Berlin and his colleagues identified over 70 midlevel covert plant taxa 
in their research on Tzeltal ethnobotany, and, despite their initial doubts about 
establishing such taxa as an absolute category type, they later stress (1973:226) 



midlevel 



fundamental 



not be ignored ..." In a later paper, Berlin (1976) identifies as many as 40 such 



from 



evidence, Berlin (1986) again stresses his conviction that, "... taxa of inter- 



mediate rank are common and fundamental 



In his research on folk biological classification Brown (1984, 1986) has so far 
iven little recognition to mid-range groupings in describing ethnobiological ranks: 
There is a sixth ethnobiological rank not represented [in Brown's Figure, based 



framework] 



taxonomies." (Brown 1984 



Hunn (1982) and Randall (Randall and Hunn 1984), who are critical of Brown s 
"life-form universals" as being unrealistic reflections of actual folk taxa, recognize 
that there is a "welter of utilitarian and ecologically defined supregenenc taxa 

■ •# t l U:^U »v»r»cl- nnnn PC 



most of which do not meet 



rely on to organize their knowledge of the natural world" (Hunn 1982). They 
describe several taxa, including two named, rather major category in ^ ah ^ 



salmon/steelhead 



Hunn 1984), which can be interpreted broadly as taxa of a mid-range leveL 

7 ' _ r , ., i ot^ Rriaht and Bneht 1965 



Morris 1984) 



irice i?o/; iviorris iycy± nave preset mot* ~—» u;««rrViiral 

less certain the contentions of Berlin and his «*r!*^E!TSZ 



ms 



similarities are 



auiiiiciiiiieb cire universal ctiiu ai*: u» ^^j . ~.tf;i;-*finn 

Classes based on utilitarian features, and relationsh.ps through , a fi.at.on, 
association, and "sphere of influence" <f^Jtt£ES£Z 



onomies. As will 



many 



and 



important components of folk plant classi «c««°^Sn North American 

In previous ethnobotanical research in Northwestern """ 
languages, I have noted in several different language, , the existence of ,nter 



mediate 



Some of these groupings 
elv aDolied terminology 



i 



ntermediate" categories 



lm 



named in any formal way. Some 



possi 



72 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



Furthermore 



mid 



unnamed but perceptually distinct included members) 
nme could almost be considered at the level of "life-fo 



categories, since they are quite broad and are not actually included within any 



tegory 



term 



forms 



(cf. 1973), namely being "labelled by linguistic expressions which are lexically 
analyzed as primary lexemes . . ." and they may not contain many, or any, 
named members. Some mid-range groupings may actually encompass other, less 
inclusive mid-range groupings in a tiered hierarchical situation. Some could be 
considered as broad "generic" complexes, but, again, they do not conform to 



incor 



more restricted folk taxa which are themselves 



lexemes. 2 



groupin 



included within them 



Wakashan 



names 



generally to broader categories for which they are core representatives: "berries 
and "edible roots" respectively. Similarly, the name for "any prickly or thorny 
plant" is also used in a more restricted sense for "thistles." In the first two cases, 



from 



assumed. However 



it is unclear whether the name for thistles was derived from the more j 
term through restriction of reference, or vice versa; the term itself means 
plant' (Turner et al 1983). 4 



PRESENT RESEARCH 



examples of mid 



ems of Lillooet and Thompson 
Salish language family. This worl 



Thomp 



comparing many 



Th 



were based on hunting, fishing and gathering of plant products. Except 



trolled burning for habitat maintenance. 



gricultural 



rs 



most of them 



many years— since 



peake 



-» years oiaj. «"«;~ 
1972 for Lillooet and Y)i* 



v * ■*-* ** (/vttvu wx limn V ^tCIlC? 311I\_C JLSi *- LVJL u***^-'-' — - 

for Thompson (see Turner 1987 for a list of people interviewed, as well as a map 
of the study area). Earlier ethnobotanical accounts, especially by James Tei 
(1906; Steedman 1930; unpubl. research notes. 1896-1918). were also incorporated. 



Descript 



categor 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 73 



but these are reviewed in light of more recent investigations. Thompson folk plant 
classes are discussed in Turner et al (1988, in press), which represents a com- 
pilation of ethnobotanical data for Thompson. Turner et al. (1985) contains a similar 

compilation for Lillooet. 

Work on this project was done in collaboration with several linguists specializ- 
ing in these languages (see Turner 1987). Interviews were carried out in English, 
but plant taxa were usually referred to by their native names, or simply by using 
growing or freshly picked specimens as samples for discussion. Mid-range plant 
groupings were identified and inventoried by various means, primarily through 
informal conversations about plants (growing and provided as fresh samples), 
discussions about their native names and associated terminology with native 
speakers, and questions to native speakers about the relationships and attributes 
of individual plant species and folk plant taxa at all levels of generality.5 Secon- 
darily, analyses of folk plant names, with input by collaborating linguistic 
specialists, perceptions of native categories by these linguists, particularly J. van 
Eijk and L. C. Thompson (pers. comm. 1972-1986)6 and literature surveys were 

also used. 

One Thompson speaker, Annie York (AY), has demonstrated an unusually 
detailed and insightful knowledge of traditional plant categories, arising from 
many years of intense study as a young woman with several native plant 
specialists, coupled with her own gifted intelligence, experience and recollective 
capacity. She was interviewed on many occasions by myself and Dr. Thompson 
over a more than ten-year period concerning her perception of Thompson folk 
plant classification. Much of her knowledge has been corroborated by other 
Thompson people and by information reported by Teit, but, especially for mid- 
range groupings, her evaluation of traditional perceptions seems unequalled at 
present. She contributed much to the data presented here; the assumption is made 
that at least a substantial portion of her taxonomic beliefs were derived from 
cultural teachings rather than being individual and restricted to her alone. Her 
remarks were often accompanied, as in the introductory quotation, by an asser- 
tion that "That's what the old people say." Our conversations with AY and other 
native consultants were taped and transcribed; hence any quotations by them 



are word-for-word. 



HON OF MID 
THOMPSON , 



Thomps 



lant classification systems seem iu c«.w» 
similar in general form to the framework 
stems as described by Berlin, Breedlove anc 

Thompson and Lillooet folk groupin 



(cf. 1973). As will be seen, however, Thompson and Liiiouei iuu, 6 .^ K ». & - 
this general structure do not always conform to the folk taxa of Berlin and his 
collaborators. General plant categories in Thompson and Lillooet, at trie re- 
form" and "unique beginner" levels of inclusion, have been discussed in a 
previous paper (Turner 1987). Subordinate to these broad classes, bu still more 
general than the hundreds of basic "generic" level taxa in these 'languages, 
are a multitude of associations and linkages among plants, some of which cor- 
respond with the intermediate taxa of Berlin et al (1973). 



74 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



enumerate or describe completely all of these mid 



groupings 



many 



from 



or over time. Like the covert categories of Berlin et al. (1968; Berlin 1976) and 
Randall (1976), many are unnamed. However, some seem quite enduring, being 
recognized by at least two members of the language community interviewed 
independently, or by one person, such as AY, during two or more well-spaced 
interviews. Many are encoded in the languages by simple or complex terms (see 
Tables 1 and 2). 



TABLE 1— Examples of broad mid-range plant groupings in Thompson. Where one 
member is dominant, it appears in boldface. Recently expanded categories with introduced 
members are indicated by an asterisk*.) 



Associated 
native terml 



pe/peyie tak 
q w zetn ('frog 
moss') (generic for 
green peltigera) 

q w zem~eyq w 

('tree-moss') 



n/q w zem-uymx w 3 
( 'ground-moss') 



kds-t td(k) 



q'afnes (generic 
for pine mush- 
room); tm'kqi? 
(generic for 

"cotton wood mush- 
room") (NV)* 



English 
approximation 
(given by NT) 



"thallose 
lichens" (or 
sometimes any 
lichens) 



// 



tree mosses 



and lichens" 



"ground 
mosses and 
lichens" 



// 



inedible 



qathes ('bad (pine) mushrooms" 
mushroom') 



"edible 
mushrooms" 



Botanical 

equivalent 

(criteria for 
recognition)^ 



none 



(6) 



none 



(6) 



none 
(4a) 



mostly basidio- 

mycetes 
(4a) 



Plants included 
(according to native 
consultants) 



thallose lichens lung lichen, dogtooth 

(1) lichens, rock tripe, 

parmelia, wolf lichen 



black tree lichen 
(to some), tree hair, 
stolon moss, and other 
bryophytes and 
lichens growing on 
trees 

reindeer lichen, 
rhacomitrium, hair- 
moss and other bryo- 
phytes and lichens 
growing on the 
ground 

lactarius, russula, and 
other species con- 
sidered inedible or 
poisonous 

pine mushroom, 
"cottonwood" mush- 
room, "slimy mush- 
room; commercial 
mushrooms 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



75 



TABLE 1.— Examples of broad mid-range plant groupings in Thompson. (Where one 
member is dominant, it appears in boldface. Recently expanded categories with introduced 
members are indicated by an asterisk*.) (continued) 



Associated 
native terml 



s/kel-ule ? -eyq w 

( ' great-horned-owl- 
wood') 



none 



wtnex tdk -ke 7 kthix 
tdk syep ('it lives 
forever tree') 

k dth-y-eke 7 

('conifer needles') 



matpeke? u?ex tdk 
syep ('it's stripped 
off tree') 

7 estdkqinke? tdk 
syep ('it has 
catkins tree') 



none 



q w lewe( 7 ) generic 
for nodding onion) 



English 
approximation 
(given by NT) 



"tree fungi" 



~kux w n (generic for "horsetails" 
E. hyemale) 



"ferns" 



/ / 



evergreen 



trees 



/ / 



"needle- 
bearing trees 



// 



"deciduous 



trees 



/ / 



' 'catkin-bearing 



trees 



1 1 



i i 



potatoes 



" 



"onions" 



Botanical 
equivalent 

(criteria for 
recognition)^ 



Plants included 
(according to native 
consultants) 



Polyporaceae 
(7) 



Equisetum spp 
(7) 



various fern 
families 



Gymnospermae 
(1) 



Pinaceae, 
Taxaceae (1) 



none 



(2) 



Betulaceae, 
Salicaceae 

(2) 



none 
(4b) 



Allium spp. and 
other Liliaceae 
(plus 1 Carex) 
(4b) 



bracket, or shelf fungi 
(espec. larger types) 



common and giant 
horsetails, scouring 
rushes 

bracken, sword fern, 
lady fern, spiny wood 
fern, and others 

red cedar, junipers, 
pines, spruces, firs, 
and other evergreens 

true firs, larch, pines, 
spruces, hemlocks, 
yew 

maples, alders, 
dogwood, willows, 

larch 

alder, birch, willow, 
cottonwood 



wapato ("swamp 
potato"), yellow 
avalanche lily, spring 
beauty ("Indian 
potato"), garden 
potato and other corm 
or tuber producing 
edible plants 

nodding onion, 

Hooker's onion, 
cluster lily, cultivated 
onion, small indet. 
sedge 



76 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



TABLE 1. 



if broad mid-range plant groupings in Thompson. (Where 



boldft 



ty 



Associated 
native terml 



English 
approximation 

(given by NT) 



kflwet (generic "false 

for false Solomon's- Solomon's-seal 

seal) 



$clentx w (generic 
for tule) 



s/hPx-ans tak 
s tuyt-uymx w 

('ground-growth 

food')* 



keiv-k w u (generic 
for big sagebrush) 



none 



esnti-uythx w 
tdk $tuyt-uymx w 
'trailing-on-the- 
ground ground- 
growth' 



none 



and relatives 



"bulrushes" 



green 
vegetables" 



"sagebrushes" 



"balsamroot 
and relatives" 



"ground 



creepers 



t f 



"highbush 
cranberry and 
relatives" 



nk-&p (generic for "kinnikinnick 



for kinnikinnick) 



and relatives" 



Botanical 
equivalent 

(criteria for 
recognition)^ 



Smilacina spp., 
Streptopus spp., 
Disporum spp. in 
Liliaceae (4a) 



none 



(6) 



none 

(4b) 



Artemisia spp. 

and 
Chrysothamnus 

(4a) 



various members 
of Asteraceae 

(i) 



none 



(2) 



none 



(2) 



none 



(2) 



Plants included 
(according to native 
consultants) 



false and star-flowered 
Solomon's-seal, 

twisted stalk, fairybells 



tule, cattail, scouring 
rushes, round-stem 
rushes 

cow-parsnip, burdock 
and rhubarb (both 
introd.), fireweed, 
salmonberry, thimble- 
berry, "Indian celery 



ff 



big sagebrush, pasture 
and field wormwoods, 
wild tarragon, western 
sage, rabbitbrush 

balsamroot, woolly 
sunflower, arnicas, 
brown-eyed Susan, 
sunflowers 

orange honeysuckle, 

trailing wild 

blackberry, 

kinnikinnick, 

twinflower 

highbush cranberry, 

snowball bush 
(introd.), red-osier 
dogwood, ninebark 

kinnikinnick, 

twinflower, false box, 
prince's-pine, pyrolas 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



77 



TABLE 1.— Examples of broad mid-range plant groupings in Thompson. (Where one 
member is dominant, it appears in boldface. Recently expanded categories with introduced 
members are indicated by an asterisk*.) (continued) 



Associated 
native term! 



English 
approximation 
(given by NT) 



Botanical 
equivalent 

(criteria for 
recognition)^ 



Plants included 
(according to native 
consultants) 



none 



"Labrador-tea 
and relatives" 



none 



"bush-size 

huckleberry 

relatives" 



7 imix zv (generic for "low-growing 



dwarf mountain 
blueberry) 



n-tat/tt-uymx w 

( ' trailing-over-the 
ground') 

s/xskPt (generic 
for fireweed) 



s/qU>uqWyep 
(generic for wild 
strawberry)* 



none 



none 



stx-atp (generic 
for various willows) 



blueberry 



relatives 



ff 



i i 



peavmes 



// 



"fireweed 
and relatives" 



"strawberry 
and relatives 



// 



"cherries 



// 



"raspberry 
and relatives 



1 1 



"willows 



// 



various members Labrador-teas, swamp- 



of Ericaceae 
(1) 



Vacctntum spp. 
(taller types) 
(4a) 



Vaccimum spp. 
(low types) 

(4a) 



various members 
of Fabaceae 

(4a) 



none 



(2) 



Fragaria spp. 
and one Rubus 

(4b) 



Prunus spp., 
Oemleria, and 
Rhamnus 

(4b) 

Rubus spp. 
(4a) 



Salix spp., plus 
Elaeagnus (7) 



laurel, false azalea, 

white-flowered 

rhododendron 

black huckleberry, red 

huckleberry, Alaska 
and oval-leaved blue- 
berries, commercial 
blueberries 

dwarf mountain blue- 
berry, grouseberry, 
Cascade, velvet-leaved 
and bog blueberries 

vetches, milk-vetches, 
wild peas, clovers, 
garden peas 

fireweed, willowherbs, 
evening-primrose, 
goldenrods, louseworts 

wild strawberries, 
trailing wild raspberry, 
domesticated 
strawberry 

choke cherry, bitter 
cherry, cultivated 
cherry, cascara (for 
some), Indian-plum 

wild and garden 
raspberries, blackcap, 
salmonberry, logan- 
berry 

willows, silverberry 



78 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



)f broad mid-range plant groupings in Thompson. (Where 



by 



boldfc 



Associated 
native terml 



none 



s/ciith-ms-s e 

paske 7 

('hummingbird's 
sucking-substance') 



n-k w a/k w axth-us 

('spring-salmon 
eye')(generic for 
various buttercups) 

s-w dl/wl-iqt 

('rash-causing') 



mla-mn (tak 
stuyt-uythx w ) 

('medicine (ground- 
growth')) 

mla-mn-s e x 
k w is-it ('medicine 
for childbirth') 

mtol-t-uythx w tak 
s/tuyt-uymx w 

( 'clotted-substance- 

under-the-water 

ground-growth') 

n tuyt-uymx w 

('water ground- 
growth') 



English 
approximation 

(given by NT) 



"poisonous 
plants" 



"hummingbird 
flowers" 



"buttercup-like 
flowers" 



"rash-causing 
plants" 



"medicinal 
plants" 



"childbirth 
medicines" 



"(fine) water 
plants" 



"(broad-leaved) 
water plants" 



Botanical 

equivalent 

(criteria for 
recognition)^ 



none 



(3) 



none 
(4b) 



none 



(2) 



none 



(3) 



none 



(3) 



none 



(3) 



none 



(6) 



none 



(6) 



Plants included 
(according to native 
consultants) 



Indian-hellebore, 
water hemlock, 
mountain bells, rein 
orchid, death camas, 
baneberry, anemone 

shrubby penstemon, 

penstemons, orange 
honeysuckle, campan- 
ulas, collomia, colum- 
bine, Indian paint- 
brushes 

buttercups, large- 
leaved avens, cinque- 
foils, yellow monkey- 
flower 

poison-ivy, stinging 
nettle, clematis, 
buttercups, devil' s-club 

Indian-hellebore, 
devil's-club, goat's- 
beard, and many 
others 

rattlesnake plantain, 
prince' s-pine, pyrolas 



green algae, pond- 
weeds, (marine algae); 
(some overlap with 
next class) 



skunk-cabbage, yellow 
pond-lily, water knot- 
weed, and other 
aquatic plants 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



79 



TABLE 1.— Examples of broad mid-range plant groupings in Thompson. (Where one 
member is dominant, it appears in boldface. Recently expanded categories with introduced 
members are indicated by an asterisk*.) (continued) 



Associated 
native terml 



English 
approximation 
(given by NT) 



Botanical 
equivalent 

(criteria for 
ecognition)2 



Plants included 



(according to native 
consultants) 



pas/pes pet 
s/tuyt-uythx w 

('swamp ground- 
growth') 

qapux w ('nut') 
(orig. generic for 
hazelnut)* 

cq-ap ('it sticks')* 



swamp 
grasses" 



none 



(6) 



/ / 



nuts 



// 



none 

(4b) 



"burr-fruited 
plants" 



none 
(4b) 



JcaqAaq-t ('spines') "spiny (low) 
(generic for thistles) plants" 



none 
(4b) 



qa/qe?n-etp 
('thorn plant') 



"thorny (large) 
bushes or trees 



// 



none 
(4b) 



"cut-grass/' sedges, 
reed canary grass, 
rushes (sometimes tule, 
cattail and horsetails) 

hazelnut (orig.). plus 
many types of imported 
nuts, espec. walnuts 

hackelia, stickseed, 
burdock (introd.), 
(bedstraw, by some) 

devil's-club, thistles, 
rose, spruce, gooseberry 

black hawthorn, Pacific 
crabapple, holly, locust, 
maytree (last 3 introd.) 



Th 



Turner et al., 1984), but some of the markings showing word analyses are omitted here tor simplici- 
ty. Botanical equivalents for common English names used are given in Appendix 1. Abbreviates, 
equiv. - equivalent; espec. - especially; excl. - excluding; introd. - introduced; orig. - °"gmally, spp. 
- species; LT - Lower Thompson dialect; UT - Upper Thompson dialect; NV - Nicola Valley Thomp- 
son. (Unless specified, terms occur in all dialects). 

2 A description and summation of these values is given in Table 4. 

3Annie York, and some other Thompson speakers, also recognize named categories of "long ; mow," 
"short moss," "rock moss," "water moss" and "swamp moss," or < creek moss (Turner f al 
-iooo: \ , ., L u„„u v^, ^nciHpred as mid-ranee or genenc level 



different 



The 



long' ' types were preferred for use in chinking log 



examples of some of the mid-range 



Thompso 



For convenience these are 






more general groupings 



typ 



smaller, more 



Tables 1 
generic' ' level 



The 



troductory quotation provides an example of the 



80 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



>/ 



(Where 



by 



boldft 



Associated 
native terml 



(s-)qaths-alq w 

('tree/wood-(pine-) 
mushroom') 

qams-ulnt3X w 

('ground-(pine-) 
mushroom 7 ) 

(s-)qams (generic 
for pine mushroom 
P); (s-)ntdTt-aqa 7 

(FR) 



(s-)cdk w a 7 (generic 
for spiny wood 
fern) 

q w lazva 7 (generic 
for nodding onion, 
also called 'real/ 
original onion')* 



siixWdtn (generic 
for balsamroot) 



approx. kaw-k w u 
(generic for big 
sagebrush) 



none 



piys-iipvza? ('pea- 
shoots'; borr. fr. 
English "peas")* 



English 
approximation 



"tree fungi" 



"inedible 
mushrooms 



// 



"edible 
mushrooms" 



"lacy ferns" 



/ / • t f 

onions 



"sunflower- 
like flowers" 



// 



sagebrushes" 



"blueberries and 
huckleberries" 



// 



pea-vines 



/ / 



Botanical 
equivalent 
(recognition 
category no.) 



Plants included 



Polyporaceae, 
plus Pleurotus 
("type") (4a) 



none 
(4a) 



mostly basidio- 

mycetes 

(4a) 



Aspleniaceae 
(1) 



Allium spp., 



bracket or shelf fungi 
(many types); oyster 
mushroom 

lactarius species, 
russula species, and 
many others 

pine mushroom, 
" cottonwood" mush- 
room, "slimy mush- 
room"; commercial 
mushrooms 

lady fern, spiny wood 
fern, oak fern, 
(bracken) 

nodding and Hooker's 



plus some other onions, garden onions, 
liliaceous spp. mariposa lily ("sweet 

(4a) onions"), death camas 

("poison onions") 

various members balsamroot, arnicas, 
of Asteraceae 

(i) 

Artemisia spp., 
Chrysothamnus 
(4a) 



Vaccinium spp., 
excl. V. oxy coccus 
(4a) 



climbing spp 
of Fabaceae 
(4a) 



brown-eyed Susan, 
sunflowers 

big sagebrush, pasture 
wormwood, field 
wormwood, rabbit- 
brush 

red and black huckle- 
berries, Alaska, dwarf, 
bog and oval-leaved 
blueberries, commer- 
cial blueberries 

wild peas, vetches, 
garden peas, sweet- 
peas 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



81 



TABLE 2. 



of broad mid-range plant groupings 
appears in boldface. Recently expanded 
by an asterisk*.) (continued) 



(Where 



Associated 
native terml 



English 
approximation 



kdlq-az (generic 
for large-flowered 
wild rose spp.)* 



cicq-az (edible 
shoots) 



txatp-az (generic 
for several willow 
species) 

max-max ('sharp'; 
sometimes generic 
for thistles - P) 

qapxw 'nut' 
(orig. generic for 
hazelnut)* 



approx. spacan 
(generic for 
Indian-hemp)* 



ivap ax-Umax™ 

('plant-growing- 
under-the-water') 



m 

kalzvat (P); or 
mlomn (FR) 



prtpifWckza? 

('frog-leaves') 



"roses" 



"raspberry-like 
plants" 



"willows" 



"thorny or 
prickly plants 



f t 



"nuts" 



"twine plants" 



"water-plants" 



"medicines 



// 



"round-leaved 

herbaceous 

plants" 



Botanical 
equivalent 
(recognition 
category no.) 



Rosa spp. 
(4a) 



Rubus spp. 
(4a) 



Salix spp., plus 
Cornus sp. 
(4b) 



none 
(4b) 



none 
(4b) 



Apocynum spp. 
plus unrelated 

types 
(4b) 



none 



(6) 



none 



(3) 



none 



(2) 



Plants included 



Nootka wild rose, 
swamp wild rose, 
dwarf wild rose, 
garden roses 

salmonberry, rasp- 
berry, (blackcap), 
thimbleberry 

all true willow species; 
red-osier dogwood 
("red willow") 

thistles, gooseberries, 
devil' s-club, rose, 
black hawthorn 

hazelnut (orig.), plus 
imported nuts (e.g. 
walnuts, almonds, 
cashews, peanuts) 

Indian-hemp, spread- 
ing dogbane, stinging 
nettle, (sometimes 
milkweed), commercial 

fibres (e.g., hemp) 

wild forget-me-not, 
monkeyflower, water 
knotweed, and many 
others 

Indian hellebore, bane- 
berry, anemone, black 
twinberry, and many 
others 

wild lily-of-the-valley, 
pyrola, broad-leaved 
plantain 



1 



c\^u u c XT r»L /iQ«q\ ^nsed in Turner rt al. (1985). Abbreviations 

Orthography for native names is from Van Eijk (1985), as usea in iur« 

re as in T*K1« 1- p . P^mUrtnn t nioriPfr dialect: FR - Fraser River dialect. 



82 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



TABLE 3.— Examples of restricted 



(Where one member is more dominant, it appears in boldft 



'/ 



defined categories, arising from introduction of 
Recognition criteria category numbers, descrih 



Thompson: 



/ / 



/ / 



sword fern type" (sword fern, deer fern) (1) 

bracken fern type" (bracken, lady fern, spiny wood fern) (1) 



/ / ! • 9 9 



junipers" (Rocky Mountain juniper, common juniper, sometimes 

western red cedar (fullsize), vellow cedar, krummholtz red 



// 



grand fir, amabilis fir— LT only) (4a) 



"pines" (whitebark pine, lodgepole pine, white pine, ponderosa pine) (1) 

"avalanche lily type" (yellow avalanche lily, white fawn lily, queenscup, bog 

orchid) (2) 

"rice-roots" (chocolate lily, missionbells, yellowbells) (4a) 

"rhubarb"* (cow-parsnip, domesticated rhubarb) (4b) 

"celery"* ("Indian celery," domesticated celery) (4b) 



" ~~~~^l.r*"it 



/ / 



carrots"* ("wild carrot," domesticated carrot) (4b) 
"twine plants" (Indian-hemp, spreading dogbane, milkweed) (4b) 
"large-bitter-taprooted plants" (balsamroot, chocolate-tips) (4b) 
"Oregon-grapes" (LT only) (tall Oregon-grape, common Oregon grape) (4a) 

alders" (red alder, mountain alder) (4a) 
"black twinberry type" (black twinberry, mock orange) (4b) 
"elderberries" (blue elderberry, red elderberry) (4a) 
"dogwood type" (flowering dogwood, bunchberry; not red-osier dogwood) (1) 

soapberry type" (soapberry, squaw currant) (2) 

"heathers" (red mountain heather, white mountain heather, crowberry) (6) 

"shiny-leaved, broad-leaved evergreen shrubs" (pink rhododendron, salal, 

snowbrush) (2) 



/ / 



"currants"* (northern black currant, trailing currant, stink currant, red- 
flowering currant, domesticated red and black currants) (4a) 

"gooseberries"* (coastal and interior wild gooseberries, domesticated 

gooseberry) (4a) 

"swamp parsnips" (water-hemlock, water-parsnips, silverweed, bugleweed) 

(4b) 

"spring beauty type" (spring beauty, Siberian miner' s-lettuce, ?broomrape) (6) 
"bitterroot type" (bitterroot, Columbia and dwarf bitterroots, miner's-lettuce, 

?twayblade) (6) 

"oceanspray type" (oceanspray, buckbrush) (2) 

"raspberries"* (wild raspberry, domesticated raspberry) (4a) 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 83 



TABLE 3.— Examples of restricted, mostly two- or three-membered mid-range groupings 
in Thompson and Lillooet. (Where one member is more dominant, it appears in boldface. 
Recently defined categories, arising from introduction of new types, are indicated by an 
asterisk*. Recognition criteria category numbers, described in Table 4, are shown at the 
end of each listing.) (continued) 



Lillooet 



'thimbleberry type"* (thimbleberry, wineberry) (4a) 

'blackberries"* (trailing wild blackberry, Himalayan and domesticated black- 
berries) (4a) 
'mountain-ash"* (mountain-ash, rowan) (1) 
'spiraeas" (hardhack, pyramid and flat-topped spiraeas) (1) 

- 

'alumroot type" (small-flowered alumroot, cylindrical alumroot, foamflower) 



(1) 



commercial 



fungi) 



mountain iuniper, common 



cedar 



pines" (whitebark pine, lodgepole pine, white pine, ponderosa pine; 

unidentified pinelike tree of high elevations - P) (1) 
true firs" (subalpine fir, grand fir, amabilis fir - P only) (4a) 



mission 



'bulrushes" (tule, cat-tail, (horsetails)) (7) 

'sweet potatoes"* (yellow avalanche lily, silverweed, commercial sweet 

potatoes) (3) 
'maples" (vine maple, Rocky Mountain maple, broadleaved maple) (1) 

'rhubarb"* (cow-parsnip, domesticated rhubarb) (4b) 

'celery"* ("Indian celery," domesticated celery) (4b) 

'carrots"* ("wild carrot," domesticated carrot) (4b) 

'parsnips"* (sweet cicely, water-parsnip, domesticated parsnip) (4a) 

'alders" (red alder, mountain alder) (1) 

'currants"* (northern black currant, trailing currant, stink currant, red- 
flowering currant, domesticated red and black currants) (4a) 

'gooseberries"* (coastal and interior wild gooseberries, domesticated goose- 
berry) (4b) 

'potatoes"* (spring beauty, tiger lily, domesticated potatoes) (4b) 

'evergreen low shrubs" (false box, snowbrush) (4b) 

'strawberries"* (wild strawberries - 2 spp., domesticated strawberry) (4a) 

'raspberries"* (wild raspberry, domesticated raspberry) (4a) 

'blackberries"* (trailing wild blackberry, Himalayan and domesticated black- 
berries) (4a) 



84 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



latter, few-membered grouping or complex. This type of grouping is also described 
for Sahaptin by Hunn and French (1984). 

Altogether, 79 mid-range plant groupings are identified for Thompson and 
38 for Lillooet. The considerably higher number of Thompson mid-range associ- 
ations is partly a result of the existence of a more detailed ethnobotanical inven- 
tory for Thompson, especially due to the wealth of information recorded earlier 
by James Teit (cf . Turner 1987; Turner et ah 1988, in press), and the substantial 
input of Annie York. However, it may also reflect a greater real botanical diversity 
within Thompson territory which is reflected in turn in the complexity of the 
system devised to organize botanical information. The number of basic, or 
"generic" level folk taxa in Thompson and the general level of cultural significance 



com 



with other neighboring languages (Turner 1988a). 

Except for the greater numbers and generally more detailed and defined group 
ings of Thompson, the mid-range groupings of Thompson and Lillooet ar< 
generally similar and often virtually identical. This is not surprising considering 
the close geographical, ecological, cultural and linguistic ties between these nativi 
groups. Except for specific examples, the two languages are considered togethe 
in the following description and discussion. 



names 



many of the Thompson and Lillooet mid-range groupings are derived through 
expansion of reference of a name for a particularly salient folk "genus" and are 
polysemous with the "generic" name. In fact, Hunn (pers. comm. 1988) sug- 
gests that many such cases could as well be treated as generics with type-specific 
polysemy. Others are named through some modification of more general termi- 



name 



mor 



nation of these characteristics. Some of those not actually named are impl 
common application of specialized terminology. For example, in Thompson 



term 



in 



"pines." Pines are, however, recognized as a discrete and related group, at least 
by AY and some others. 



common kind of mid-range grouping is the "mem 



ii 



or "sphere of influence" type (cf. also Hunn and French 1984; Bright and Bright 



primary 



group 



having a "generic 

way identified with it, usually either by appearance or function, o/both. AY calls 
this primary plant the "boss" or "chief" of the group. This is the usual situation 
when the name for the mid-range grouping is polysemous with a "generic" level 
name. Hence, qwlawa? in Lillooet and q w lewe( 7 ) in Thompson is both the 

" level name for nodding onion (often called q w lawaP]- ? ul 'real/ original 



onion 



7 



name 



and domesticated. In Lillooet, even death camas, which is toxic, and mariposa 
lily, which has no onion odour, are included, at least at the present time. In 
Thompson, a small unidentified sedge was included in this taxon. At present, 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 85 



native people less familiar 

only for domesticated onic 

Other examples of "ty 

formed (occurring in more 



son) include: big sagebrush, as the "type" for the "sagebrush" class; black 
huckleberry as the "boss" of the "blueberries and huckleberries," (as well as 
of the entire "life-form" level taxon "berries/fruits;" Turner 1987); balsamroot 
as the "boss" of a group of "balsamroot-like flowers;" Indian hemp as the "type" 
of a small group of stem-fibre "twine" plants; hazelnut as the "type" for "nuts;" 
and false Solomon's-seal as the "type" for a group of similar looking liliaceous 
plants in related genera (Smilacina, Streptopus, Disporum). 

The secondary members within such taxa, if they are named at all, are often 



* the primary member, freqi 
term, s/nuk w e ? -s e . . . (lit. ' 

oe" olant. If it is a smaller 



ety in Thomp 



The other plants in the class of "kinnikinnick and relatives" (i.e., prince's-pine, 
false box, pyrolas, and twinflower) are often called s/nuk w e>-s e 7 ik-etp ('friend/ 
relative of kinnikinnick'). In this case, all of these "satellite" species also have 



more 



comm 



are very frequently noted in many diverse ethnobioiogies. 

Another commonly applied term of association in Thompson is the suffrx 
-upe">, meaning 'tail end,' 'bottom,' or 'root.' Not only can it refer to the root 
of any plant, but also, in some contexts it seems to imply 'grows together with 
or 'related to.' Burdock, for example, is called 'cow-parsnip root/tail end,' and 
queenscup is called 'yellow avalanche lily root/tail end.' 

Berlin (1972) notes that association categories such as those described here are 



common at all taxonomic 



similar 



Mid 



may 



importance of various plants. Their versatility is demonstrated by the rapidity 
with which introduced weeds and domesticated plants have been incorporated 
into native taxonomic schemes. In some cases, such as with "potatoes, onions 
and "parsnips," the taxa have apparently merely expanded from existing tradi- 
tional mid-ranee erouoines incorporating a number of native members ot varying 



lm 



class (see Table 3 for examples). 



Many mid 



members 



family 



in Aguarana folk botany. In Thompson and Lillooet, however, 



some 



exam 



willows" category 
level names, but it 



includes a variety of Salix species, several having "generic level name,, uu » 
also includes silverberry and/or red-osier dogwood (widely known as red 
willow" among native oeoole^ (see Fig. 1). Similarly, in Thomps 



86 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



General category: "tree" 
s 7 ep (' that- which-is-put- 

upright') 



General category: "bushes" 
(incipient) 



Mid-range grouping: "wil- 
lows" txaip-az (stem 
unanalyzable; -ai 'plant') 



"Generic" category: Pacific 



az 



match-plant') 



"Generic"category: sandbar 
willow nax w tin-az ('rope- 
plant') 



"Generic" category: "bushy 
willows of low to medium 



elevation"** txa*p-az 



"Generic category: 
"mountain willows"*** 
(s-)x w a-fcrmam*ap 
(stem unanalyzable), OR 
wafcca? txa*p-ai ('upland 
willow') 



"Generic" category: red- 
osier dogwood, or "red 
willow" cax w -cx w -az 
(stem unanalyzable) 

*The Thompson "willows" category is similar, but, at least according to AY, red-osier dogwood, 
or "red willow" is recognized as not actually being a kind of willow. However, silverberry, or "silver 
willow," in Elaeagnaceae, is considered to be a type of willow. This species is not common in Lillooe 
territory. There is an additional midlevel category between "trees" and Pacific willow in Thompson: 
ma+peke 7 u'ex tak sirep ('it's stripped off tree') "deciduous trees." 

"Including Scouler's willow, Sitka willow, Hooker's willow, and many other Salix spp. of lower 
elevations. 



***Including Salix glauca, S. barclayi, S. scouleriana (when growing at upper elevations). 

FIG. 1.— Schematic diagram of mid-range folk grouping, "willows," in Lillooet. 



avens is usually grouped with "buttercup-like flowers" and AY, at least, co 
siders cascara with the "cherries" and trailing raspberry with "strawberries. 

The suggested criteria for recognizing and distinguishing the various mid-range 
groupings 10 are summarized in Table 4. These are seldom simple. As the ta e 

shows, the majority of the mid-range classes listed (63% in Thompson; 76 h in 

6 characters. 

> 6. and 7 



common 



numbers 



The largest groups, in fact, reflect common 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



87 



milarity 



numbers 



track classification based on one type of feature (e.g., having edible nuts, or 



numbers 



rn 



true, a closer examination reveals at least a partial association of membe 



more 



TABLE 4.- Criteria for recognition of mid-range plant groupings in Lillooet and Thomp 
son. (For detailed inventory of groupings, see Tables I, 2 and 3.) 



Criteria for recognition 



Number of Taxa 



Examples (from Tables 1, 



Thompson 
(Total: 79) 



Lillooet 2 and 3) 
(Total: 38) 



1. morphological similarity 
(reflecting close botanical 
relationships) 

2. morphological similarity 
(perceived but not 
necessarily reflecting 
botanical relationships) 

3. similar "use or function" 
only 

4. combination of common 

morphological and "use" 
traits: 



a. where morphological 
similarity reflects botanical 
relationship 

b. where morphological 
similarity does not reflect 
botanical relationship 



14 



11 



4 



37 



19 



18 



6 



1 



2 



27 



17 



10 



Li and Th: "pines ; 

Li: "maples"; 

Th: "balsamroot relatives 



9 I 



Li: "evergreen low shrubs"; 
Th: "highbush cranberry 
relatives" 



Li: "medicines ; 

Th: "poisonous plants 



t r 



Li and Th: "inedible 
mushrooms, 



/ r 



" "onions ; 



Th: "true firs" 

Li: "potatoes," "thorny 
. . . plants"; Th: "green 
vegetables," "hummingbird 

flowers" 



5. common habitat type 
only 

6. combination of common 
habitat and morphological 
similarity 

7. combination of common 
habitat, use and 
morphological traits 







10 



3 







1 



1 



Li: "water-plants", 
Th: "spring beauty rela- 
tives"; "saprophytic plants 



t 9 



Li: "bulrushes ; 

Th: "tree fungi," "willows 

(mostly) 



t 9 



88 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



numbers in particular— Indian-hellebore, 



mountain 



being 



similar, being herbaceous monoco 
h flowers in a terminal cluster am 



mor 



Similarly, the "childbirth medicines 



prince' s-pine and pyrolas, although defined on the basis of use and hence 
included in Criteria number 3, do share similar morphological features and habitat, 
although again, this similarly is not necessarily specified by native speakers as 

a reason for the plants being related. 

Some mid-range groupings are definite subsets of more general categories. 
For example, the Lillooet and Thompson classes of "inedible mushrooms" are 
in each case readily perceivable subcategories of the general class "mushrooms," 
and the mid-range category name actually incorporates the more general name.H 
Similarly, the Lillooet classes, "junipers," "cedars" and "pines," and the Thomp 



son classes, "evergreen trees," "junipers," "cedars" and "needle-bearing trees 



// 



are 



in 



for the common juniper, which has a shrubby habit, the members of these mid- 
range groupings are considered in both languages to be the "core," or ideal 
representative taxa for the major "tree" class which includes them (Turner 1987, 
1988b). Figures 2 and 3 show the relationship of the various mid-range group- 
ings within the general classes of "mushrooms" and "trees." The trees 



example of "tiering," or hierarchical 



grouping 



mid 



(e.g., "onions," "sweet potatoes," and "parsnips" in Lillooet, and "potatoes 



plant 



in Thompso 



most Thompson 



sta?xdns tdk k w mPx w ep ('root food') for it, and said that this was a subclass of 
another class of food, sta 7 xdns tdk stuytuymx™ ('food ground-growth'), which 
is in turn apparently a subclass of a broadly inclusive taxon, 'ground-growth 
(described in Turner 1987). Perhaps this situation is reflective of an earlier, original 
taxonomic system in Thompson, before the 'ground-growth' taxon evolved to 
its present, generally held perception as "weeds," or "low herbaceous, broad- 
leaed plants of low cultural importance." From AY's perspective, "medicines, 
too, should be considered within the major 'ground-growth' class; her defini- 
tion is much broader than that usually given by most present day Thompson 
speakers, who equate stuytuythx™ ('ground-growth') with "weeds." AY once 
said, in a discussion of false Solomon' s-seal, "... kdlwet ... is counted as 
medicine, so it' s stuytuymx™ ." This original, broad 'ground-growth' class ^did 
not seem to include the "berries/fruits" category. Even "strawberries," which 
are herbaceous, were not considered to be in this class, according to AY: • • • 
strawberries don't come under stuytuymx™ ... A strawberry is sq w iyt ['fruit J. 
That's why . . . sqwiyt is the first key word, and then sq w uq w yep ['straw- 
berry']." Hunn (pers. comm. 1988) points out that this statement implies a ran 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 89 



ordering of distinctions, with 'fruit,' a largely utilitarian category, taking 
precedence [see also Hunn (1982) for further discussion]. 

Examples of other mid-range groups included within broader, more exten- 
sive groupings include (in Thompson; boldface denotes major plant class - see 
Turner 1987): "hummingbird flowers" and "buttercup-like flowers . . ."in 
"flowers"; "thallose lichens," "tree mosses . . ." and "ground mosses 
in "mosses"; "deciduous trees" (including "catkin-bearing trees") in "trees"; 
"ground-creepers," "peavines," "water-plants" (2 taxa) and (sometimes) 
"swamp grasses" in "low, herbaceous, broad-leaved plants . . ."; "highbush- 
cranberry and relatives," "Labrador-tea and relatives," and "bush-size huckle- 



m 



similar exam 



groupings 
all within I 



Some are excluded from general taxa (as described in Turner 1987) altogether, 
some traverse the boundaries between two or more such general taxa, and some 
are identified with one to another general taxon depending on their life cycle stage 
or the cultural context in which they are viewed. It is debatable, for example, 
whether the Thompson mid-range grouping "green vegetables" is actually 
included within anv more eeneral taxon except at the highest level, the unique 



parsnip 



me, are 



general taxon, even though the class name, 'ground-growth food,' implies 
inclusion in the "low. herbaceous, broad-leaved plants ..." category (lit. 'ground- 



Turner 1987) 



be considered as "flowers," since they have relatively conspicuous blooms, but 
in fact at the stage when they have the highest cultural salience, their edible stage, 



blooming 



green 



salmonberry and thimbleberry 



members of the "berries/fruits" "life 



edible 



with cow-parsnip and 



mid 



in 



none of the "life- 



form"/"suprageneric" groupings is purely morphological (Criteria numbers 1 and 
2, per Table 4) or purely utilitarian (Criteria number 3) but almost all reflect some 

compromise between the two types of criteria. 

Several other of the groupings in Tables 1, 2 and 3 show a similar overlapping 
of category boundaries, with some included members being referable to one 
major taxon, some to another, and some excluded altogether. This duality or 
classification is reflected in comments of native speakers themselves For example, 
in commenting on yarrow, MJ said, "That's good for anything. R s a ."° w * r - 
It's a medicine too." Perhaps this statement alone is indicative that the 



// 



included (Table 1) as a broad "mid 



"•^Mivuic CldSa, WHICH IS IIC1C Uiuuu^w v *~ -/ "fViirt fhp 

category on the basis of AY's previously cited inclusion of me j d,cl " es ^ thl " ! ™ 

growth' category, should actually be considered at the same 



ground 



omic 



comparable in scope to "tree" and "grass" (T 
complex relationship can be shown as follows: 



1987) 



90 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



General category: 
' 'bushes" muyx 



General category: 
"trees" S7ep 
('upright') 



Mid-range groupings: Mid-range grouping 



"deciduous trees" 
maipeke 7 u 7 ex tak 
S7ep ('it's stripped 
off tree') 



"evergreen trees" 
wmex tak Xe ? kmix 
tak S7ep ('it lives 
forever tree') 



Mid-range grouping: 

"cedars" kWaMp 
(stem unanalyzable: 

generic for red-cedar) 



• • 



(see FIG. 2B) 



"Generic" category 
western larch 
caqw-alx (cf . caqW 

'red') 



Mid-range grouping: 
"needle-bearing trees 
term kam-y-eke 7 
('conifer needles') 
applied exclusively 



Mid-range grouping: 
"junipers" pun^p 
(stem unanalyzable). 

(see FIG. 2B) 



§t 



Mid-range grouping: 
"pines" term 
?'az- ?az-ups 
('clustered needles') 
applied exclusively. , 
(see FIG. 2B) 




Mid 



e*p 



(stem unanal; 
(see FIG. 2B) 



"Generic" category 
spruces cxa 7 x-eip 

(?'rustling-plant'). . 
(see FIG. 2B) 



"Generic category: 

hemlocks 

x wikw es tn-e*p (LT) 
('scrubber-plant'). . 

(see FIG. 2B) 



"Generic" category: 
Douglas-fir cq-aip 
('sticky-tree'). . . 
(see FIG. 2B) 



Th 



i-i luwci munipsun; umessotnerwise^ K wn«.v*, uuuvc rc* U ft « u «~ w *T V ». 

son. Due to restrictions of space and page format, the various groupings are spread over two figures. 
A and B. Position on the page is not necessarily representative of relative position in a hierarc y. 



although A includes the more general groupings, B the more restricted groupings. 



diagram 



n 



a 



mid 



complex, in Thompson 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



91 



Mid-range grouping: 

"pines" term 
9az-9az-ups 

('clustered needles') 

applied exclusively 

"Generic" category: 

lodgepole pine 
q w *it(-e*p)(stem 

unanalyzable) 

"Generic" category: 
whitebark pine 
s/c£-e?i*p (UT) 
(pinenut-plant) 

"Generic" category: 

ponderosa pine 
s/?etqw_*p (stem 

unanalyzable) 

"Generic" category: 
white pine 
zix w e, zix w eh-eip 

(stem unanalyzable) 



Mid-range grouping: 
"true firs" 



Mid-range grouping 



"Generic" category: 

spruces 

cxa?x-eip 

(?'rustling-plant') 

"Specific" category: 
Sitka spruce 
cxa?x-eip-?uy (LT) 
('original-spruce') 

"Specific" category: 
Engelmann spruce 
x?-uymx w pei 
cxa?x-etp (LT) 
('upland spruce') 

"Specific" category: 
"silver spruce" 
?est/piq-ayqw tak 
cxa?x-eip 

('silver spruce') 



-&s-elp (stem 
unanalyzable) 



"Generic category: 

grand^ fir 

-&ax-*x-eke? ('sweet 
branch')(and other 

names) 



"Generic category: 
subalpine fir (and 
amabilis fir - LT) 
4*s-etp 



"Generic category: 

hemlocks 

x w ik w estn-e*p (LT) 
('scrubber-plant') 

"Specific" category: 
western hemlock 
x w ik w estn-eip (LT) 

"Specific" category: 
mountain hemlock 
x ? -uymx w pel 
x w ik w estn-eip (LT) 
('upland hemlock') 



"Generic' category: 
Douglas-fir cq-alp 
('sticky-tree') 

"Specific" category: 
coastal Douglas-fir 
(LT) cq-aip 



"Specific" category: 
ordinary interior 
Douglas-fir 
cq-aip 

"Specific" category: 
sugar-bearing interior 
Douglas-fir 

s-qa-qe 7 m-elp 

('breast-tree') 



junipers 
pun4p (stem 
unanalyzable) 

"Generic" category 
Rocky Mt. juniper 
pun-tp 

"Generic" category 
common juniper 
cicx-cax-t (stem 
unanalyzable) 

"Generic" category 

western yew 
te'xw-elp (LT), OR 

ck-inek 

(?'hew-weapon') 



Mid-range grouping: 
"cedars" k w at-ip 
(stem unanalyzable; 
generic for red-cedar) 

"Generic" category: 
yellow-cedar (called 
k w at-ip; "real" name 
not recalled)(LT) 

"Generic" category: 
western red-cedar 
k w at-ip (or variants) 

"Specific" category: 
ordinary red-cedar 

k w at-tp 

"Specific" category: 
krumholtz form of 
red-cedar (no special 

name) 



92 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



General category: 
"mushrooms and fungi' ' 
qames ('pine mushroom') 
(LT. UT); OR maAqi? 
('cottonwood mushroom') 



(NV) 



Mid-range grouping: 
' 'edible mushrooms" 
(basidiomycetes) 
qames ('pine mushroom') 

(LT. UT); OR ma-fcqi? 

('cottonwood mushroom') 



(NV). 



• • 



(see FIG. 3B) 



Mid-range grouping: 



"poisonous mushrooms" 
kas-t ta(k) qames 

('bad (pine mushroom') . 
(see FIG. 3B) 



General category: 

"low herbaceous plants" 

stuyt-iiymx w 

('ground-growth') 



Mid-range grouping: 
"saprophytic plants" 
(no special name) 



Mid-range grouping: 
"puffballs" s/neyi 7 
pet cq w ustn (ghost's 
face-powder'); OR 
s/neyi ? pefr qames 
('ghost's (pine-) 
mushroom'). . . 
(see FIG. 3B) 



Mid 



"tree fungi" 
s/kel-ule ? -eyq w 



tree/ wood'). . . 
(see FIG. 3B) 



f)- 



(unclassified substance) 



"Generic" category: 
witch's butter 

?s/-XraqWp-eyqW-tn 

('product-of-tree-coming 

to-be-split open') 



"Generic" category: 
coral fungi 

(no special name) 

"Generic" category: 
Indian-pine 
s/qawm pe* tkay (U. 

('wolf's urine') 



UT - Upper Thompson: NV - Nicola Vallev Th 



specified, native terms are known in all dialects of Thompson. See also format note, FIG. 2. 

Schematic diagram of folk categories for mushrooms and fungi 



FIG. 3 A, 3B. 



and more restricted classes.* 



mid 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



43 



Mid-range grouping: 
"edible mushrooms" 
(basidiomycetes) 
qames ('pine mush- 
room')(LT. UT); OR 
ma-fc-qi 7 ('cotton- 
wood mushroom') 

(NV) 

"Generic" category: 
pine mushroom 



» ^ * 



qames 

(stem unanalyzable) 

"Generic" category: 
"cottonwood" 
mushroom ma-fc-qi? 
(unanalyzable) 

"Generic" category: 
"slimy-top" mush- 
room iatx-e? 

('slimy-thing') 

"Generic" category: 

chanterelle 
q w aqwi x w e ? 

('little-fish-gills') 

"Generic" category: 
?St. George's mush- 
room n/ki?ki*x-qin 

('thunder-(storm)- 
head') 



Generic" category: 
commercial field 
mushroom 

qames pet seme 7 , OR 
ma-Jeqi? pel seme? 

('whiteman's mush- 
room') 

"Generic" category: 
shaggy mane (no 
special name; or 
sometimes same as 
?St. George's 
mushroom 



Generic" category: 

oyster mushroom 
qames-eyqW 

('tree/wood-(pine-) 
mushroom') 

"Generic" category: 
residual unnamed 
edibles** qames 
('pine mushroom') 
(LT. UT); OR ma-S-q 

( cottonwood mush- 
O(NV) 



Mid-range grouping: 
"poisonous mush- 
rooms" 

kas-t ta(k) qames 
('bad (pine) mush- 
room') 



"Generic" category: 
Lactarius Iresimus 
n/kapx w -qin 
('hole-in-the-top') 

"Generic" category: 
russula (unidentified) 
n/caq-qin (?'red-top') 

"Generic" category: 
residual unnamed 
medibles** 
kas-t ta(k) qames 

('bad (pine) mushroom') 



Mid-range grouping: 
"tree fungi" 
s/kel-ule?-eyq w 

('great-horned-owl- 

(of)-tree/wood') 



"Generic ' category: 
unidentified willow 
fungus kel-ule ? -eyq w 
e s/tx-aip ('willow's 
owl-wood') 

"Generic" category: 
Indian paint fungus 
kel-ule ? -eyq w e 
x wikw es tn4ip (LT) 

('hemlock's owl- 
wood') 



"Generic category: 
oyster mushroom 

qames-eyq w 

('tree/wood-(pine-) 

mushroom') 



:* * 



"Generic" category: 
residual class of tree 

bracket fungi 

s/kel-ule*-eyq w 

( 'great-horned-owl- 

(of)-tree/wood') 



Mid-range grouping: 
"puffballs" s/neyP 
pel cq w ustn ('ghost's 
face-powder'); OR 
s/neyi ? pe* qames 
('ghost's (pine-) 
mushroom') 



" Generic category: 
giant puffball 
(no special name) 

"Generic" category: 
various smaller puff- 
balls s/neyi ? pet 
cq w ustn ('ghost's 
face-powder'); OR 
s/neyi 7 pel qames 
('ghost's (pine-) 
mushroom') 



••Residual unna m ed inedible* **^ <2«££fa£ 



bolete 



named edibles incluae i^m. » "?"■"■' hr . c]ixi funE j mostly Poly- 
include many different ^^^^JT^,**^ spp", 



sulfur fungus, Pofyporus 



if< 



94 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



flower ground-growth tree grass 

i 



yarrow 



medicine 



"Willows" in both languages contain one member, Pacific willow, which is 
classed as a "tree," whereas most other members are considered "bushes" 
(Fig. 1). Similarly, the Thompson classes "junipers" and "dogwood type," both 
bi-typic, each contain a "tree" member, Rocky Mountain juniper and flowering 
dogwood respectively. The other members, however, are referable to different 
"life-form" level taxa: "bush" in the case of common juniper, and 'ground- 
growth' for bunchberry. AY commented about the dogwoods: "Yes, the little 
one's stuyt-uymx w ['ground-growth'], [But not] the big one. No, that's syep 
['tree'], . . . because it's got a big tree. "14 

Among the mid-range groupings themselves are several examples of dual 
membership of individual types of plants, not just inclusion in two hierarchically 
related mid-range groupings but joint membership in two otherwise mutually 
exclusive taxa. Western larch in Thompson (this tree does not grow in Lillooet 
territory) is at once classed as a "needle-bearing tree" and a "deciduous tree," 
just as it is in English folk taxonomy. It is known as an anomaly; AY once com- 
mented, "The one [needled tree] that's by itself is [larch] ... it has no relations 
. . . because she sheds her pins. No other trees [i.e., "(typical coniferous) tree"] 
does that." Similarly, in both languages, oyster mushroom, a gilled species which 
commonly grows in tiers on cotton wood trunks, is considered both an "edible 
mushroom" and a "tree fungus." In Thompson, water-hemlock is classed both 
as a "swamp parsnip" (and is in fact the "boss" of this class) and a "poisonous 
plant." Orange honeysuckle is both a "ground-creeper" and a "hummingbird 
flower," and burdock, an introduced species, is classed both as a "cow-parsnip 
relative" and a "burr-fruited plant." Balsamroot is the "boss" of a group of look- 
alike flowers, "balsamroot and relatives," but is also classed together with 
chocolate-tips on the basis of the morphological similarity of their edible taproots 
and the similar harvesting and cooking techniques used for them. 

Although these relationships are often represented by synonymous names for 
such species as orange honeysuckle and burdock, one cannot always discern the 
nature of a perceived taxonomic relationship from a name. Just as few people 
would consider "skunk-cabbage" in English folk taxonomy to be "a kind of 
cabbage, so Thompson people would not consider bracken and other lacy ferns, 
which are sometimes called "red-cedar-boughs" to be "a kind of" red-cedar. The 
affiliation between "skunk-cabbage" and "cabbage," and between "lacy ferns 
and "red-cedar" is real, but is not one of inclusion. Rather, a semantic relation- 
ship of "like cabbage," "like a skunk," or "like red-cedar" is implied. One must 






Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 95 



use a combination of questions to native speakers such as, "Is X a kind of Y?" 
to determine whether a hierarchical relationship or some other type association 
is implied by the nomenclature. Linguistic analysis is nevertheless a useful tool 
because it may identify the existence of a relationship, without necessarily 
specifying its character. 

Plants within a given association or complex are not always considered to be 
related to the same degree. Red huckleberry is included in the Thompson class 
of "bush-size huckleberry relatives," but is not considered by AY to be as 
closely related as the other members: "Those [red huckleberries] are related to 
[oval-leaved and Alaska blueberries] ... but just the same, it's really a lonely 
bush, that. You can't class it with [high-bush cranberry] either, because [that's] 
a different thing. It's more of a big bush. So red huckleberry is by itself." Within 
the class of "pines," lodgepole pine is said to be more closely related to ponderosa 
than it is to white pine, and white pine more closely related to ponderosa than 
to lodgepole pine. Whitebark pine is perceptually separated slightly from the 
other three. 15 

There are also plants which are regarded as "links" between two different 
taxa, neither of which is seen to be related to the other. Hence, B is related to 
A, and also to C, but A and C are unrelated, except through B. There are several 
examples of these "linking plants," most provided by AY. Commenting on black 
twinberry, AY said, "She's related to the [black huckleberry] and she's also related 
to the [mock-orange] . It [mock-orange] doesn't have any berries, but the stick 
looks alike and it's used the same way ... [as medicine for bleeding hemor- 
rhoids]." Flat-topped spiraea is also perceived to be related to black huckleberry 
and is called "little huckleberry plant" in both languages. However, AY also 
believes it to be a relative of hardhack, which she calls "monkeybush." Hardhack, 
she maintains, is related to sweet gale. Neither is seen to be related to huckleberry, 
and sweet gale is not related to flat-topped spiraea. (Flat-topped spiraea is also 
seen to be "similar to" but "not really related to" waxberry, which is a bush 
that "stands by itself.") 16 Schematically, this complex can be shown as follows: 



mock-orange black hardhack 



huckleberry 



black 



> Xilat-topped / g ale 



twinberry ^ spiraea _ 

waxberry 




sweet 



similar case exists for common 



kalwet 



Solomon 



Solomon's-seal and its relatives), or s/nu 
e Solomon's-seal'). or s/nuk™e?-s efnfp 



kalwet ('friend/relative of false Solomon's-seal'). or s/nuK^-s eq «-v * - 
relative of Indian-hellebore'). If the last name is used, Indian-hellebore can be 
rof _ii- ., „ -i._j ^.ifc.') and twistedstalk can be 



placed 



peiq w n-etp ('upland q w n-e*p 



pe* q™n-(*p ('lowland q^n-Hp 



larly, Indian-plum is said to "stand between" saskatoon ana ".«. '"' ?. 

blueberry between kinnikinnick and other "low-growing blueberry relatives 
(AY). 



96 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



DISCUSSION 



The various criteria perceived in this study for delineating mid-range folk 
groupings are similar to those demarcating the general taxa of Thompson and 
Lillooet I reported earlier (Turner 1987). In both cases, they represent a basic 
discrepancy of views on the nature of folk taxa amongst various researchers. Berlin 
and his colleagues strongly believe that "... there universally exist in all phytotax- 
onomic systems a basic, fundamental hierarchic organization of taxa based on 
overall habit of growth or gross morphology" (pers. comm., letter from B. Berlin, 
September 1973). They would not consider some of the various "life-form" level 
and mid-range groupings described in Turner (1987) and in the present report, 
nor some of those described in Turner (1974) for Haida, Bella Coola and Lillooet, 
as true taxonomic categories. Any taxa based on utilitarian, rather than strictly 
morphological, criteria they would refer to as "quasi-taxonomic" categories that 
should be treated separately and not as part of the basic taxonomy. Hence, they 



form 



underground 



// 



and other categories based on gross morphological characters. Nor would they 
acknowledge as true taxa such mid-range categories in Thompson as "inedib 
mushrooms," "potatoes," "onions," "green vegetables," "poisonous plants, 
"hummingbird flowers," "rash-causing plants," "medicinal plants," "nuts, 
"burr-fruited plants," "spiny (low) plants," and "thorny (large) bushes or trees, 
because all of these are defined, at first sight, by single features. 



// 



// 



,/ 



indeed 



as 



opposed to "general purpose" categories directly underlaid by discontinuities 



examination 



morDholoeical similarities 



intertwined 



in 



in Thompson and "thorny or prickly pi; 
es in Nitinaht, Bella Coola and Haida, si 
edium heieht. often woodv and armed 



superim 



not be immediately obvious. Almost all of the members in these cultures are 
associated with protection from evil spirits, sickness, death, ghosts and malevolent 
people (cf. Turner 1974, 1982; Turner et al. 1983). 

From my observations, these non-conforming classes are perceived by native 
people in the same way, at the same time, and in conjunction with "real 
intermediate taxa (sensu Berlin; i.e. those based on the perception of overall 
morphological similarities among a set of folk generic taxa) . To regard them as 
"not belonging" to a "real" folk taxonomic system would result, in my opinion, 
in an artifact of the researcher's creation (cf. Hunn 1982). If we are trying to 
understand the complex organizational strategies used by peoples belonging to 
a particular cultural group, we should be considering all the puzzle pieces, not 
just those that fit into a structure we can readily identify with. 



sp 



ecial 



purpose 



u general purpose categories is illustrated in naiud uy «~ 
simultaneously 'leaf and 'medicine.' Incorporated into many plan 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 97 



names in Haida, it is also a "life-form" level term for leafy, herbaceous plants. 
A similar, though somewhat more obscure, situation can be seen for a mid-range 
grouping in Thompson and Lillooet. The Thompson term, kdlwet, is both a basic, 
"generic" level name for false Solomon's-seal and a mid-range name for a class 
of "false Solomon' s-seal and relatives." AY and other Thompson speakers know 
the plant as "having a root . . . but counted as medicine . . . stuyt-uymx w 
('ground-growth')." The Thompson term mla-tnn and Fraser River Lillooet tnlomn 
both mean 'medicine/17 However, in the Pemberton Lillooet dialect, the general 
name for medicine is kalwat, a cognate form of the Thompson name for false 
Solomon's-seaL Incidentally, the Lillooet name for this plant is completely dif- 
ferent from and unrelated to the term for 'medicine.' The plant was used as a 
good luck charm, especially in fishing, but was apparently not as important 



Thomps 



is significant because it is another illustration of a close cognitive relationship 
between a plant used for medicine, on the one hand, and a general class of 
medicinal plants on the other. Where does one draw the line between the 
taxonomic and utilitarian features of this plant, given the apparent evolution of 
the Pemberton Lillooet term for "medicine" from the folk taxon name? 

Even with the "general purpose" mid-range groupings, as has been shown, 



embership 



This 



trary 



his colleagues. Hunn (1976) argued that strict taxonomic inclusion would be ex- 
pected to be the exception rather than the rule in a classification based on diverse 
criteria. The data presented here conform to his theoretical expectation in this 
regard. 



Many of the mid 
e, like a number c 



members 



Sometimes 



inamed (e.g. "ground mosses and lichens" in Thompson), or only one or 
prominent members are named at a more basic, restricted level (e.g. "tree 



mosses 



Thompson 



named, but the others are not)18. "Inedible mushrooms," "swamp grasses 



are similar 



are named even though many kinds are distinguished. In virtually all or tne*e 
cases there is a positive correspondence between cultural significance of a plant 
and naming at a basic, "generic" level. 19 

The features of mid-range plant groupings described for Thompson and Lillooet 



milar 



range groupings of Nuxalk (Bella Coola), Haida, and Nitinaht (DitidantMna 
Hesquiat (both Nuu-chah-nulth, or Nootkan), for example, seem to exhibit tne 



mixing 



referencing 



categories 
oup members 



-— «i C llul culturally signincant. m-mm 

In terms of historical development, Thompson and Lillw * ^t^S^T 
*ngs may well, in most cases, be among the last types to develop in a language, 



98 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



some may 



fundamental and older than the "generic" level categories they encompass at 
present. This would be particularly true for the classes that do not contain nam- 
ed members even when many "kinds" are recognized by native speakers. Another 
class that seems both widespread and basic and may well have developed early 



taxonomies 



category. Even my young daughter, who at 18 months was barely talking i 
developed her own class of "spiny and prickly plants," which she called "ow, 



name 



f f 

ow 



included thistles, blackberries, roses and cactus, each of which she recognized 
as different; thistles have seed fluff to blow, blackberries have fruit to eat, and 
roses have flowers to smell. She recognized "ow" members both growing and 
illustrated in books. As an interesting parallel, in recent ethnobotanical work on 
Chilcotin, I was told, quite spontaneously, by a native speaker looking at prickly- 



ground: "That is in 



family 



hawthorn. 



ms 



means thev have developed for classifying the plant kingdom. Anomalies 



matter 



sions people jump readily and effortlessly from one level of generality to another, 
using polysemous terminology, synonymous names, drawing multi-dimensional 
linkages among plants, developing new taxa and expanding and adjusting 



The 



taxonomies 



acculturation is unfortunate, but the changes can be regarded as evolutionary 
developments, and from them can be learned what the nature of past changes 
and developments in folk classification systems would have been like. 

In his discussion on utilitarian/adaptationist perspectives in folk biologica 
classification, Hays (1982, p. 93) summarizes his views, which seem to fit well 
the multi-faceted nature of the Thompson and Lillooet mid-range groupings I 
have described: "My own belief is that we will ultimately understand folk 
classification systems as products of a number of complex, interacting factors, 
biological discontinuities in nature, chance historical events, 'utilitarian' human 
concerns, human cultural concerns in a broader sense, intellectual curiosity, an 
constraints deriving from the nature of human perception and cognition. 
Morris (1984), too, states that "... it is important to recognize that functional 
criteria are intrinsically linked to taxonomic ordering, ' ' and stresses that func- 
tional classes are an integral part of folk biological classification, and Hunn (19 ) 
points out that even the "classic" Tzeltal life-forms are not defined without regar 
for utilitarian factors. 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 



mid 



more 



restricted than general classes at the "life-form" level, are common 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 99 



In all, 79 of these groupings have been inventoried for Thompson and 38 for 
Lillooet. There are undoubtedly many more yet to be described. They are 
categories of convenience, established probably in many cases quite spontaneous- 
ly, and based on observed similarities of many different types and dimensions. 
Many of the groupings exhibit similar traits to the intermediate folk taxa describ- 
ed by Berlin and his colleagues, in level of inclusiveness, in being delineated largely 
by overall morphological similarities and, sometimes, in being unnamed, or 
"covert." The groupings are quite variable, even amongst individual speakers 
within the groups and do not seem to have as high a level of salience or usagf 
as either the general "life-form" level categories (cf. Turner 1987) or basic 
"generic" level categories. Many exhibit features (i.e., incorporation of English 
nomenclature and/or introduced or cultivated members) indicating recent change 
or expansion following European contact and the collateral introduction of new 
plants and plant products. 

However, like some Thompson and Lillooet general, "life-form" level 
categories (cf . Turner 1987), many of the mid-range groupings in these languages 
differ in significant ways from the intermediate taxa described by Berlin, Breedlove 
and Raven in their folk taxonomic model (cf. Berlin et al. 1973). The majority are 
named, although often these names are polysemous with the "generic" level 
name for the most salient member or are "binomial" terms with a "life-form" 
level name as head. Some are defined mainly, but not usually exclusively, by 
utilitarian rather than morphological criteria. Many "overlap," both among each 
other and within the more inclusive "life-form" level classes which contain their 
members. Many contain recognized but unnamed members, and this lack of 
"generic" level names is usually correlated with low cultural significance of the 
plants involved. These characteristics are generally similar to those of mid-range 
groupings described for other northwestern North American native languages 
(Turner 1974; Turner and Efrat 1982; Turner ef al. 1983), and follow a pattern similar 
to more general "life-form" level categories in Thompson and Lillooet (Turner 
1987). 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

I am indebted to the members of the Thompson and Lillooet speech communities, who 
shared their knowledge and experience and made this research possible. Annie York ot 
Spuzzum, B.C. is particularly acknowledged. The others are mentioned by name in 
Appendix 1 of Turner (1987). Salishan linguists Dr. Laurence C. Thompson, M. lerry 
Thompson, Dr. Jan van Eijk and Randy Bouchard were extremely helpful in proving 
information and accurate transcriptions of plant names. I am grateful to Drs. Eugene Miin , 
Gary Palmer, and Cecil Brown for their critical reading of the manuscript and many heiprui 
suggestions, and to Dr. Brent Berlin for his continuing help and interest in mv researc n. 

This work was funded by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Researcn 
Council of Canada (No. 410-84-0146). 



NOTES 



Mi* A 

^n previous writings (cf. Turner 1974), I have referred to these groupings using |^™V . 
mediate/' as defined by Berlin and his colleagues. However, as has t«" po.n£ ou by H „ ,pe . 
comm. 1988), Brown (pers. comm. 1987) and Palmer (pers. comm. 1988), .t is contusing 
curate to use this term for the mid-range groupings described here. 



100 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



2Brown (1987), who does not recognize many bona fide intermediate categories, has proposed a new 
ethnobiological rank, the folk subgenus. His suggested scheme would render at least some of the 
mid-range groupings categories here as folk generics, which have expanded in reference to incor- 
porate two or more "folk subgenera." 

^Scientific names for plant species mentioned are given in Appendix 1. 

4There is a similar "prickly or thorny plants" category in Sahaptin, with thistles as the "type." Deriva- 
tion of the term, from restricted to general or vice versa, is also unclear (E. Hunn, pers. comm. 1987). 



it specimen 
These ernes 



negative response, with examples and descriptions: "Yes, X is close to Y because . . .," or "X stands 



There 



This 



to be done carefully and over an extended period in order to maintain interest and prevent fatique. 



Thompson are both 



Thomps 



and Lillooet speakers are highly relevant. 



7 Note that the use of single quotation marks for native categories denotes a literal translation of a 
native term, whereas double quotations are used when an English approximation or interpretation 
is given, or if there is no original native equivalent. 



8 E. Hunn (pers. comm. 1987) argues that these groupings of "relatives of X" do not necessarily con- 
stitute a taxon despite the common linguistic designation, as they have in common primarily their 
separate linkages to the "boss". He would call such a cluster, at best, a complex or chain. Still, in 



)hological similarity (e.g., low growing; smal 
kinnikinnick and relatives" group) that links 



in a perceptual category. 



9 The origin of the name "red willow" is unknown, and may be post-contact, since many rural non- 
native people also use it. Hence, the inclusion of red-osier dogwood within the "willow" taxon may 
be a recent concept. Hunn (pers. comm. 1988) points out that in Sahaptin, red-osier dogwood is no 
regarded as "willow," although the folk English "red willow" is applied for this plant. 



lOjh 



*"»■«" ""tua aic ouiiicuiiics iiiuit: lllltrlltfU lllclll SUCLUItU ill s\J many wuiuj %s j *•— — - 

and in the case of the botanical relationships (in a scientific sense) referred to in Criteria num ers 
1, 2, 4a, and 4b, these are superimposed by the researcher. One might argue that a botanist s^ 
is inevitable in such a scheme, but every effort was made in this study override personal preju 



dices 



Thomps 



11 The "life-form" names for "mushroom," in Lillooet (Pemberton dialect) and Thompson (Low^ 
dialect), (s-)qmi's and /qdmes respectively, are in turn derived through expansion of refere ^ t h 
the "generic" level term for the most salient type of mushroom in the lower dialect regions o 
languages, the pine mushroom. 

12 ln Sahaptin, the difference between a plant which is classed as a "flower" and any flowenng p^' 
is indicated by statements translating, '"ft is a flower" versus, "It has a flower" (E. Hunn, pers. co 
1987). 



Summer 1989 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



101 



l^This -situation is also true in some other Northwestern languages. In Hesquiat Nootka, for exam- 
ple, a salmonberry plant can be called either mas-mapt ('salmonberry-shoots-plant') or qaivas-mapt 
('salmonberry- fruit-plant'), depending on the context (Turner and Efrat 1982). 



l^Hunn (1976) described precisely this type of situation. 



l^This situation fits well the model based on degrees of similarity and difference as described by Hunn 
(1976). 

16 Hunn (1977) describes exactly this "chaining" situation in Tzeltal folk zoology, and first analysed 
this phenomenon in 1973 in a working paper on Gull Classification. Hays (1974) also notes "chain- 
ing" in Ndumba plant classification. 

17 Thompson mla-mn and Lillooet mlomn are related to Shuswap "melomn" and Okanagan-Colville 
"merimstn," also meaning "any medicine" (Palmer 1975; Turner, Bouchard and Kennedy, 1980). 
Apparently, at some stage of Interior Salish language development, the name(s) for subalpine fir 
developed from the general name(s) for "medicine." 

18 Some might argue "ground mosses and lichens," having no named members, should be considered 
a folk generic. Perceptually, however, native people view it as the same type of category as "tree 
mosses and lichens" which does contain named members, and place it in opposition to the latter 
grouping. 



unn 



in Tzeltal folk zoology, e.g. "butterfly," in which a heterogenous folk generic is divided in a rather 
ad hoc fashion by simple criteria. Hunn suggested treating these monotypic divisions of the generic 
as "varietals" directly included in generics. The case cited here for different types of mosses (see 
also Table 1, Note 3) might be construed as a "life-form" with directly included "varietal" taxa. In 
this interpretation, Hunn suggests, a "varietal" taxon is not simply a first order subdivision of a folk 
specific but rather a type of taxonomic division with definitive psychological properties. 



LITERATURE CITED 



BERLIN, B. 1972. Speculations on the growth 
of ethnobotanical nomenclature. Lang. 
Soc. 1:51-86. 

1974. Further notes on covert 



BRIGHT, J. and W. BRIGHT. 1965. Semantic 
structures in northwestern California and 
the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis. Amer. 
Anthropol. 67(5):249-258. 



categories and folk taxonomies: a reply to BROWN, C.H. 1984. Language and Living 

Brown. Amer. Anthropol. 76(2): 327-331. Things. Uniformities in folk classification 

F and naming. Rutgers Univ. Press, Neu 

Brunswick, N.J. 



The concent of rank 



ethnobiological classification: some 
evidence from Aguaruna folk botany. 
Amer. Ethnol. 3:381-399. 

. __. 1986. Comment on: The growth 



1986. The growth ot etnnooiuiu- 

gical nomenclature. Curr. Anthropol. 



27(1):M9. 



of ethnobiological nomenclature by Cecil 
H. Brown. Current Anthropol. 27(1):12-13 



The 



RAVEN 



D.E. BREEDLOVE and P.H. 



• '• 



77 



taxonomies. Amer. Anthropol. 70:290-2 

. 1973. General principles of class- 
ification and nomenclature in folk biology. 
Amer. Anthropol. 75(l):214-242. 

. 1974. Principles of Tzeltal Plant 
ation. Academic Press, New York. 



theological rank. J. Ethnobiol. 7(2): 

181-192. 
HAYS T.E. 1974. Mauna: explorations in 
Ndumba ethnobotany. Unpubl. Ph.D. 
dissert. (Anthrop.), Univ. Washington. 

1982. Utilitarian/adaptationist 
explanations of folk biological classification: 
some cautionary notes. J. Ethnobiol. 2(1): 
89-94. 



102 



TURNER 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED (continued) 



HUNN, E.S. 1976. Toward a perceptual model 

of folk biological classification. Amer. 

Ethnol. 3:508-524. 
. 1977. Tzeltal Folk Zoology: The 

classification of discontinuities in nature. 

Academic Press, New York. 
1982. The utilitarian factor in folk 



biological classification. Amer. Anthropol. 

84(4):830-847. 

and D.H. FRENCH. 1984. Alter- 



natives to taxonomic hierarchy: the Sahap- 
tin case. J. Ethnobiol. 4(l):73-92. 

MORRIS, B. 1984. The pragmatics of folk 
classification. J. Ethnobiol. 4(l):45-60. 

PALMER, G. 1975. Shuswap Indian Ethno- 
botany. Syesis 8:29-81. 

PRICE, P. 1967. Two types of taxonomy: a 
Huichol ethnobotanical example. Anthro- 
pol. Linguist. 9(7):l-28. 

RANDALL, R. A. 1976. How tall is a taxonomic 
tree? Some evidence for dwarfism. Amer. 
Ethnol. 3:543-553. 

and E.S. HUNN. 1984. Do life- 



forms evolve or do uses for life? Some 
doubts about Brown's universals hypothe- 
sis. Amer. Ethnol. 11(2) .329-349. 

STEEDMAN, E. V. (ed.) 1930. The ethnobotany 
of the Thompson Indians of British Col- 
umbia. Based on field notes of J. A. Teit. 
Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 30th Annu. Rpt, 
1908-1909:445-522, Washington, D.C. 

TEIT, J. A. 1896-1918. Plant names of Thompson 
Indians. Unpubl. field notes, microfilm. 
Amer. Philosoph. Soc., Boas Coll., S lb.s. 
Philadelphia, PA. 

« — . 1906. The Lillooet Indians. Mem. 

Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II, Pt. 5. G.E. 
Stechert, New York. 



TURNER 



Ethnobotany 



Three Contemporary 



Indian Groups of the Pacific Northwest. 
(Haida, Bella Coola and Lillooet). Syesis, 



Vol. 7, Suppl. 1. British Columbia Prov. 

Mus., Victoria. 

1982. Traditional use of devil's- 



club (Oplopanax horridus; Araliaceae) by 
native peoples in western North America. 
J. Ethnobiol. 2(l):17-38. 
, R. BOUCHARD, D.I.D. KEN- 
NEDY & J. VAN EIJK. 1985. Ethnobotany 
of the Lillooet Indians of British Columbia. 
Unpubl. rpt., Royal B.C. Mus., Victoria. 
1987. General plant categories in 



Thompson and Lillooet, two Interior Salish 
languages of British Columbia. J. Ethno- 
biol. 7(l):55-82. 

. 1988a. "The importance of a 



rose": evaluating cultural significance of 
plants in Thompson and Lillooet Interior 
Salish. Amer. Anthropol. 90(2) -.272-290. 

19S8h Fthnnbotanv of coniferous 



trees in Thompson and Lillooet Interior 
Salish of British Columbia. Econ. Bot. 

42(2):177-194. 

, R. BOUCHARD & D.I.D. KEN- 



NEDY. 1980. Ethnobotany of the Okana- 
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and B.S. EFRAT. 1982. Ethno- 



botany of the Hesquiat Indians of Van- 
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, J. THOMAS, B.F. CARLSON 



and R.T. OGILVIE. 1983. Ethnobotany of 
the Nitinaht Indians of Vancouver Island. 
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No. 24, Victoria. 

L.C. THOMPSON, M.T. THOM- 
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Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 103 



APPENDIX 1. Scientific names of plant species mentioned in this paper (in 
alphabetical order of English common names) 



alder, mountain (Alnus crispa) 

alder, red (Alnus rubra) 

algae, green (Spirogyra spp. and other species) 

almond (Prunus dulcis) 

alumroot, cylindrical (Heuchera cylindrica) 

alumroot, small-flowered (Heuchera micrantha) 

anemone, Pacific (Anemone multifida) 



rnica 



avalanche lily, yellow (Erythronium grandiflor 

avens, large-leaved (Geum macrophyllum) 

balsamroot (Balsamorhiza sagittata) 

baneberry (Actaea rubra) 

bedstraw (Galium triflorum, G. aparine) 

birch (Betula papyrifera) 

bitterroot (Lewisia rediviva) 

bitterroot, Columbia (Lewisia columbiana) 

bitterroot, dwarf (Lewisia pygmaea) 

blackberries (Rubus spp.) 

blackberry, Himalayan (Rubus procerus) 

blackberry, trailing wild (Rubus ursinus) 

blackcap (Rubus leucodermis) 

blueberry, Alaska (Vaccinium alaskaense) 

blueberry, bog (Vaccinium uliginosum) 

blueberry, Cascade (Vaccinium deliciosum) 

blueberry, commercial (Vaccinium spp.) 

blueberry, dwarf mountain (Vaccinium caespit 

blueberry, oval-leaved (Vaccinium ovalifolium) 



erry 



(mushroom) 



iquilinum) 



broomrape (Orobanche fa 
brown-eyed Susan (Gaillardia aristata) 
buckbrush (Ceanothus sanguineus) 



chberry (Corn 



ifL 



burdock (Arctium minus) 



buttercups (Ranunculus glaberrimus, R. repens, R. sceleratus and other Ranunculus 



spp.) 



104 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Scientific names of plant species mentioned in this paper (in 
alphabetical order of English common names), (continued) 

camas, death (Zigadenus venenosus) 

campanulas (Campanula rotundifolia, C. media) 

carrot, domesticated (Daucus carota) 

cascara (Rhamnus purshiana) 

cashew (Anacardium occidentale) 

cat-tail (Typha latifolia) 

cedar, western red- (Thuja plicata) 

cedar, yellow- (Chamaecyparis nootkatensis) 

celery, domesticated (Apium graveolens) 

cetraria (lichen) (Cetraria spp. and related spp.) 

chanterelle (Cantharellus Icibarius) 

cherry, bitter (Prunus emarginata) 

cherry, choke (Prunus virginiana) 

cherry, domesticated (Prunus avium, P. cerasus) 

chocolate lily (Fritillaria lanceolata) 

chocolate-tips (Lomatium dissectum) 

cinquefoils (Potenilla gracilis, P. glandulosa, P. anserina) 

clematis, white (Clematis ligusticifolia) 

clovers (Trifolium pratense, T. repens, and other Trifolium spp.) 

cluster lily (Triteleia hyacinthina) 

collomia (Collomia linearis) 

columbine, red (Aquilegia formosa) 

cottonwood, black (Populus balsamifera spp. trichocarpa) 

"cottonwood" mushroom (Tricholoma populinum) 

cow-parsnip (Heracleum lanatum) 

crabapple, Pacific (Malus fusca) 

cranberry, highbush (Viburnum edule) 

crowberry (Empetrum nigrum) 

currant, domesticated black (Ribes nigrum) 

currant, domesticated red (Ribes rubrum) 

currant, northern black (Ribes hudsonianum) 

currant, red-flowering (Ribes sanguineum) 

currant, squaw (Ribes cereum) 

currant, stink (Ribes bracteosum) 

arrant, trailing (Ribes laxiflorum) 

cut-grass" (Scirpus microcarpus) 
devil's-club (Oplopanax horridus) 



it 



androsaemifolium) 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



105 



APPENDIX 



names of plant species mentioned in this paper 



common 



dogwood, flowering (Cornus nuttallii) 

dogwood, red-osier (Cornus stolonifera; syn. C. sericea) 

Douglas-fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii) 

Douglas-fir, coastal (Pseudotsuga menziesii var. menziesii) 

Douglas-fir, Interior (Pseudotsuga menziesii var. glauca) 

elderberry, blue (Sambucus cerulea) 

elderberry, red (Sambucus racemosa) 

evening-primrose (Oenothera perennis) 

fairybells (Disporum spp.) 

false azalea (Menziesia ferruginea) 

false box (Paxistima myrsinites; also spelled Pachystima) 

false Solomon's-seal (see Solomon 's-seal, false) 

fawn lily, white (Erythronium oreganum) 

fern, bracken (see bracken) 

fern, deer (Blechnum spicant) 

fern, lady (Athyrium filix-femina) 

fern, oak (Gymnocarpium dryopteris) 

fern, spiny wood (Dryopteris assimilis and related spp.) 

fern, sword (Polystichum munitum) 

fir, amabilis (Abies amabilis) 

fir, "balsam" (Abies spp.) 

fir, grand (Abies grandis) 

fir, subalpine (Abies lasiocarpa) 

firs, true (Abies spp.) 

fireweed (Epilobium angustifolium) 



ifoliata) 



me- not (Myosotis 



fungi, coral (Clavaria spp. and related spp.) 
goat's-beard (Aruncus dioicus) 
goldenrods (Solidago canadensis, S. spathulata) 
gooseberry, coastal (Ribes divaricatum) 
gooseberry, domesticated (Ribes uva-crispa) 
gooseberry, interior (Ribes irriguum, R. inermt 
grouseberry (Vaccinium scoparium) 



Ganoderma 



?diffusa) 



moss 



hardhack (Spiraea douglasii) 



106 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Scientific names of plant species mentioned in 
alnVmhPtical order of English common names), (continued) 



hawthorn, black (Crataegus douglasii) 

hazelnut (Corylus cornuta) 

heather, red mountain (Phyllodoce empetriformis) 

heather, white mountain (Cassiope mertensiana) 

hemlock, mountain (Tsuga mertensiana) 

hemlock, western (Tsuga heterophylla) 

highbush cranberry (Viburnum edule) 

holly (Ilex aquifolium) 

honeysuckle, orange (Lonicera ciliosa) 

horsetail, common (Equisetum arvense) 

horsetail, giant (Equisetum telmateia) 

horsetails (Equisetum spp.) 

huckleberry, black (Vaccinium membranaceum) 

huckleberry, red (Vaccinium parvifolium) 

Indian-hellebore (Veratrum viride) 

Indian-hemp (Apocynum cannabinum) 

Indian-pipe (Monotropa uniflora) 

Indian-plum (Oemleria cerasiformis) 

"Indian celery" (Lomatium nudicaule) 

Indian paint fungus (Echinodontium tinctorium) 

Indian paintbrush (Castilleja spp.) 

inky cap (mushrooms) (Coprinus spp.) 

juniper, common (Juniperus communis) 

juniper, Rocky Mountain (Juniperus scopulorum) 

kinnikinnick (Arctostaphylos uva-ursi) 

knot weed, water (Polygonum amphibium) 

Labrador-tea (Ledum groenlandicum; L. glandulosum also included) 

iactarius (mushroom) (Lactarius ?resimus. L. ?torminosus and relat* 



(La 



f« 



lichen, lung (Lobaria pulmonaria) 

lichen, reindeer (Cladina spp.) 

lichen, wolf (Letharia vulpina) 

lily-of-the- valley, wild (Maianthemum dilatatu 

locust (Robinia pseudoacacia) 

loganberry (Rubus ursinus var. loganobaccus) 

louseworts (Pedicularis bracteosa, P. racemosa) 



spp 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 107 



APPENDIX 1. Scientific names of plant species mentioned in this paper (in 
alphabetical order of English common names), (continued) 

maple, broadleaved (Acer macrophyllum) 

maple, Rocky Mountain (Acer glabrum) 

maple, vine (Acer circinatum) 

mariposa lily (Calochortus macrocarpus) 

maytree (Crataegus oxyacantha) 

milk-vetches (Astragalus miser and related spp.) 

milkweed (Asclepias speciosa) 

miner's-lettuce (Claytonia perfoliata) 

miner's-lettuce, Siberian (Claytonia sibirica) 

missionbells (Fritillaria camschatcensis) 

mock-orange (Philadelphus lewisii) 

monkeyflower, yellow (Mimulus guttatus) 

moss, stolon (Isothecium stoloniferum) 

mountain bells (Stenanthium occidental) 

mountain-ash (Sorbus sitchensis) 

mushrooms (see under individual types) 

mushrooms, commercial (Agaricus campestris) 

ninebark (Physocarpus capitatus) 

oceanspray (Holodiscus discolor) 

onion, domesticated (Allium cepa) 

onion, Hooker's (Allium acuminatum) 

onion, nodding wild (Allium cernuum) 

orchid, bog (Habenaria dilatata) 

orchid, rein (Habenaria stricta) 

Oregon-grape, common (Mahonia nervosa) 

Oregon-grape, tall (Mahonia aquifolium) 

oyster mushroom (Pleurotus ostreatus) 

parmelia (lichen) (Parmelia spp. and related spp.) 

parsnip, domesticated (Pastinaca sativa) 

peanut (Arachis hypogaea) 

peas, garden (or field) (Pisum sativum) 

peas, wild (Lathyrus nevadensis, I. ochroleucus, I. latifolius) 

penstemon, shrubby (Penstemon fruticosus) 

penstemons (Penstemon confertus, P. procerus, P. serrulatus) 

pine, lodeepole (Pinus contorta) 



pine, ponderosa (Pinus ponderosa) 
pine, white (Pinus monticola) 
pine, whitebark (Pinus albicaulis) 



108 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Scientific names of plant species mentioned in this paper 
alphabetical order of English common names), (continued) 

pine mushroom (Tricholoma magnivelare , syn. Armillaria ponderosa) 

pinesap (Hypopites monotropa) 

plantain, broad-leaved (Plantago major) 

poison-ivy (Rhus radicans) 

pond-lily, yellow (Nuphar polysepalum) 

pond weeds (Potamogeton spp.) 

potato, domesticated (Solatium tuberosum) 

prince' s-pine (Chimaphila umbellata) 

puffballs, smaller types (Lycoperdon spp., Bovista spp.) 

puffball, giant (Calvatia gigantea) 

pyrolas (Pyrola spp.) 

queenscup (Clintonia uniflora) 

rabbitbrush (Chrysothamnus nauseosus) 

raspberry, garden (Rubus idaeus) 

raspberry, trailing (Rubus pedatus) 

raspberry, wild (Rubus idaeus) 

rattlesnake plantain (Goodyera oblongifolia) 

reed canary grass (Phalaris arundinacea) 

rhacomitrium (moss) (Rhacomitrium canescens) 

rhododendron, pink (Rhododendron macrophyllum) 

rhododendron, white-flowered (Rhododendron albiflorum) 

rhubarb (Rheum rhabarbarum) 

rock tripe (lichen) (Umbilicaria spp. and related spp.) 

rose, dwarf wild (Rosa gymnocarpa) 

rose, Nootka wild (Rosa nutkana) 

rose, swamp wild (Rosa pisocarpa) 

roses, wild and domesticated (Rosa spp.) 

rowan (Sorbus aucuparius) 

rush, round-stem (Juncus ensifolius) 

rushes (Juncus spp.) 

rushes, scouring (see scouring rushes) 



m 



mushroom 



sage, western (Artemisia ludoviciana) 
sagebrush, big (Artemisia tridentata) 
salal (Gaultheria shallon) 
salmonberry (Rubus spectabilis) 
saskatoon berry (Amelanchier alnifolia) 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY UN 



APPENDIX 1. Scientific names of plant species mentione 
alphabetical order of English common names), (continued) 

scouring rushes (Equisetum hyemale and related spp.) 

sedges (Carex spp.) 

shaggy mane mushroom (Coprinus comatus) 

silverberry (Elaeagnus commutata) 

silverweed (Potentilla anserina spp. anserina) 

silver weed, Pacific (Potentilla anserina spp. pacifica) 

skunk-cabbage (Lysichitum americanum) 

' 'slimy' ' mushroom (Hygrophorus sp.) 

snowball bush (Viburnum opulus var.) 

snowbrush (Ceanothus velutinus) 

soapberry (Shepherdia canadensis) 

Solomon's-seal, false (Smilacina racemosa) 

Solomon's-seal, star-flowered (Smilacina stellata) 

silverberry (Elaeagnus commutata) 

spiraea, flat-topped (Spiraea betulifolia) 

spiraea, pyramid (Spiraea pyramidata) 

spring beauty (Claytonia lanceolata) 

spruce, Engelmann (Picea engelmannii) 

spruce, ' 'silver' ' (unidentified; possibly P. glauca X) 

spruce, Sitka (Picea sitchensis) 

stickseed (Lappula redowskii, L. echinata) 

stinging nettle (Urtica dioica) 

strawberry, domesticated (Fragaria X ananassa) 

strawberries, wild (Fragaria vesca, F. virginiana) 

sunflower (Helianthus annuus) 

swamp-laurel (Kalmia microphylla) 

sweet cicely (Osmorhiza chilensis) 

sweet gale (Myrica gale) 

sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) 

sweet-pea (wild) (Lathyrus latifolius) 

tarragon, wild (Artemisia dracunculus) 

thimbleberry (Rubus parviflorus) 

thistles (Cirsium spp.) 

tiger lily (Lilium columbianum) 

tobacco, commercial (Nicotiana tabacum) 

tobacco, wild or native (Nicotiana attenuata) 

tree hair (Alectoria sarmentosa complex) 

tule (Scirpus acutus) 



110 



TURNER Vol. 9, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Scientific names of plant species mentioned in this paper (in 
alphabetical order of English common names), (continued) 

twayblade (Listera cordata) 

twinberry, black (Lonicera involucrata) 

twinflower (Linnaea borealis) 

twistedstalk, common (Streptopus amplexifolius) 

vetches (Vicia sativa, V. americana var. truncata) 

walnut, English (Juglans regia) 

wapato (Sagittaria latifolia) 

water-hemlock (Cicuta douglasii) 

water-parsnip (Sium suave) 

waxberry (Symphoricarpos albus) 



/ / 



wild carrot" (Lomatium macrocarpum) 



willow, Hooker's (Salix hookeriana) 
willow, Pacific (Salix lasiandra) 
willow, "red" (see dogwood, red-osier) 
willow, sandbar (Salix exigua) 
willow, Scouler's (Salix scouleriana) 
willow, Sitka (Salix sitchensis) 

willowherbs (Epilobium ciliatum and related spp.) 
willows (Salix spp.) 

wineberry (Rubus phoenicolasius) 
witch's butter (fungus) (Tremella mesenterica) 
woolly sunflower (Eriophyllum lanatum) 
wormwood, field (Artemisia campestris spp. borealis) 



yarrow (Achillea millefolium) 
yellowbells (Fritillaria pudica) 
yew, western (Taxus brevifolia) 



frigida) 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 111 



BOOK REVIEW 



Medicine 



NY: Redgrave, 1986. Pp. xi, 366. $24 



Most 



the biological sciences; rarely do workers have adequate training in both sides 



Much 



uninformed 



naive." Botanists often m 



without exploring further the cultural roles these plants play. Pharmacologists 
tend to view medicinal plants as they would modern pharmaceuticals, assuming 
that one particular constituent of a plant must be responsible for its apparent 
efficacy. Anthropologists frequently regard medicinal plants and animals as mere 
cultural objects, ignoring physiological effects of native treatments. 

In an excellent and inspiring introductory chapter, Etkin reviews some of the 
exceptions, studies that address the interactions among culture, environment, 
and physiology. She discusses the false dichotomy between food and medicine, 
how differences between native and Western theories of disease causation affect 
treatment, and how plant components considered inert by pharmacologists may, 
indeed, have significant physiological effects. She also reviews various ideological 
bases for plant selection, e.g., the hot/cold and yin/yang balance theories, and 
the Doctrine of Signatures. 

Unfortunately, the rest of the book does not meet the high standards set forth 
in the introduction. All of the 16 papers are interesting, and most make valuable 
contributions to the literature. A few, however, are extremely broad, superficial 
reviews, or summaries of longer works published elsewhere. A few of these 
latter cannot be fully understood without referring to the longer publications. 
In others, the data are too raw or anecdotal. Some of the papers even exhibit 
the same kind of narrowly focused approach decried by the editor in the intro- 



duction 



made 



misgivings 



Compounds") and Elwin-Lewis ("Therapeutic Rationale of Plants Used to Treat 
Dental Infections"). She is quick to point out, of course, that these types of studies 



are 



such as these have been made for years and constitute nothing new, and cer- 
tainly not the "biobehavioral" approach as outlined by Etkin. 

There are a few glaring methodological problems in a few of the papers. 
For example, the article by Trotter and Logan ("Informant Consensus: A New 



Medicinal 



methodology 



macological insight. The authors state that in their study of medicinal herbs sold 



Mexican-American 



identified by looking up the common names in standard reference works. One 



(1979) lists 16 different plants in four botanical families known by this name (or 



112 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 9, No. 1 



a compound of it) in Mexico. One of these (Lippia berlandieri) has even been sold 
as oregano in the United States (Robert Bye, pers. comm.). The specimens in ques- 
tion may indeed be O. vulgare, but anyone interested in following up on their 
results cannot be certain of this. 

The central thrust of Trotter and Logan's paper is also open to criticism. They 
suggest that by interviewing hundreds of informants and selecting those plants 
most consistently recommended for a specific ailment, one can predict that these 
species will be most likely to have demonstrable physiological efficacy. The point 
is that the choice of which plant to use is based at least in part on empirical obser- 
vations by the users, and that the sum total knowledge of a broad cross-section 
of the population may be greater than the knowledge of any one individual. This 
is likely to be correct. It is important to note, however, that all of the species so 
identified in their study are very well-known species, and most have already been 
analyzed rather thoroughly. This will likely be the case wherever their technique 
is applied. Any plant so well-known to the large number of people required by 
their statistical methods will probably already have attracted the attention of 
researchers. It is extremely unlikely that a local endemic could be singled out by 
their methods. 

The question of differences between Western and native concepts of disease 
causation appears in several of the papers. For example, Ortiz de Montellano 



Medicinal 



treatment 



effective by biomedical standards, more than 90% are successful in producing 



emic etic 
medicine 



a 



blood, but the bloodletting itself was ineffectual in alleviating the patients' 
symptoms. The question arises of which definition is more useful. I think the 
answer depends on the circumstances and on the goal of the investigator. Should 
the pharmacologists in search of new plant-derived medicines test only those 
species reported to be used in the treatment of the illness under study, or should 



Most 



form 



more promising. 



On the other hand, a health worker attempting to improve the health care 



must 



tive treatments from the standpoint of Western concepts of disease etiology. 
Some writers have shown a tendency to attribute more efficacy to native healing 
systems than they deserve. Some native treatments are of little or no value, while 
others are detrimental to the patients' health. While the study of such remedies 
can be valuable in helping us understand various cultures, a health worker must 
be able to draw upon centuries of clinical studies in order to gauge effectiveness 



scnoe improvements in treatment. This is not to say that all nauvc 

are usless; biomedical researchers sometimes dismiss native remedies 

as ineffective because practitioners of biomedicine fail to understand the 



mechanisms of action. Western medicine has learned a ereat deal from 



as well. 



ily true 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 113 



Elwin-Lewis relies too heavily on "phylogenetic groups" as an organizing 
scheme without adequately explaining what these groups are or why they an 
used. It is true that species that are closely related frequently share the same or 
similar chemical constituents, but the author takes this idea a bit too far. Con- 
vergent evolution has often produced similar compounds in members of taxa only 
distantly related. 

As a reviewer, I should point out that I discovered numerous minor typo- 
graphical errors in the book and one table which was completely mislabelled. The 
title of the table on p. 49 should read "Plants Used to Treat Dental Caries Ordered 
by Phylogenetic Group." 

In summary, I wholeheartedly applaud the interdisciplinary approach out- 
lined in the introduction, but I am disappointed that some of the papers do not 
represent ideal examples of this methodology. 



REFERENCE CITED 



MARTINEZ, MAXIMINO. (1979). Catalogo de nombres vulgares y cientfficos 
de plantas mexicanas. Mexico: Fondo de Cultiva Economica. 



Joseph E. Laferriere 

Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology 

University of Arizona 
Tucson, AZ 85721 



114 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 9, No. 1 



BOOK REVIEW 



Peyote Religion: A History. Omer C. Stewart. Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1987. Pp. xvii, 454. $29.95. 



There has been a vast literature published on peyote. Only a few of the items 
have gone even superficially into the history of the growing religious use among 
American Indians of the peyote cactus (Lophophora williamsii) . Stewart, a student 
of the religious use of peyote for half a century, offers us for the first time a 
thorough historical evaluation of the rapid spread north of the Mexican border 
of this native cult. He not only considers the history of the use of the cactus in 
North America north of its normal distribution (mostly in Mexico and Texas), but 
he examines the efforts of some of the backward states of the west and southwest 
to legislate against the Indians' right to utilize this non-addictive and physically 
more or less harmless hallucinogenic plant in their worship services. 

The book is readable, yet thorough. It is based not only on Stewart's personal 
studies of the peyote cult but on many unpublished and obscure documents 
relative to various aspects of the history of the sacramental Indian use of the plant. 
It is a book that every scientist interested in plants or phytochemicals, as well 
as sociologists, anthropologists, historians, and others, should read. 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Professor Emeritus 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, MA 02138 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 1 15 



In Memoriam 
C. EARLE SMITH, JR 



C. Earle Smith, Jr. was born on March 8, 1922 in Boston, Massachusetts. 
His sudden death as the result of an automobile accident occurred on the 19th 



children. 



in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. He is survived 



Smith 



eobotany/Paleoethnobotany and he was undoubtedly among the most active 
of its researchers. 

He was educated at Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, where 
he received his B.A. (cum laude, 1948), M.A. (1951) and Ph.D. (1953). 

Between 1946 and 1953 he was an assistant in the Gray Herbarium and the 
Botanical Museum of Harvard University. From 1953 to 1958 he was Assistant 
Curator of the Botany Department, Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences, 
as well as Acting Director of the Taylor Memorial Arboretum, Chester, Pen- 
nsylvania. From 1959 to 1961 he was Assistant Curator in the Botany Department 
of the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago, and from 1962 until 1969, 
he held the position of Senior Research Botanist in the Agricultural Research 
Service of the United States Department of Agriculture, Beltsville, Maryland 
From 1970 until his death, he was Professor of Botany and Anthropology at 
the University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, where he also served as 
Chairman of the Anthropology Department between 1981 and 1986. 

Dr. Smith's contribution in research and field work was extensive as his 
bibliography of publications and unpublished manuscripts indicates. His field 
experiences took him to Mexico, Central America, South America (especially 
Colombia and Peru), Europe, the U.S.S.R., Southeast Asia, Africa, Australia, the 
Pacific, as well as the United States. His archaeobotanical research in Mexico 
includes projects carried out in the Sierra de Tamaulipas, the Tehuacan Valley, 
the Valley of Oaxaca, the Nochixtlan Valley, the Basin of Mexico, and the Puuc 
region of Yucatan. 

Dr. Smith's direct collaboration with the Institute for Anthropological 
Research, National Autonomous University of Mexico, began in 1978, when he 
collaborated in the development of what was at that time an incipient paleo- 
ethnobotanical laboratory. His participation over the years included the creation 
of comparative collections, training of qualified research personnel and orienting 
projected research programs. 

Those of us in Mexico who had the opportunity to work closely with him 
in the field and laboratory, join our colleagues elsewhere in the world in 
remembering him for his enthusiasm, patience, good humor and generosity. 



Emily McClung de Tapia 
Laboratorio de Paleoetnobotanica 
Instituto de Investigaciones Antropologicas 
xt • •j.jM^m«i A ntnnoma de Mexico 



116 



MINUTES Vol. 9, No. 1 



ABRIDGED MINUTES OF THE EDITORIAL BOARD MEETING 

OF THE SOCIETY OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 

RIVERSIDE, CA 
30 MARCH 1989 



The meeting, called to order at 10:00 a.m., was attended by Willard Van Asdall 
(Chair), Alejandro de Avila B., Brent Berlin, Cecil Brown, Timothy Johns, Gary 
Martin, Gary Nabhan, Darrell Posey, Amadeo Rea, Jan Timbrook, Mollie Toll, 
and Elizabeth Wing. Alejandro de Avila B. was added to the editorial board in 
1988, then made Associate Editor. He has greatly assisted with manuscripts written 
in Spanish. David Harris, Department of Environmental Studies, University of 

Inndnn was added to the board in 1988. 



Languages of Abstracts 



Volume 9, Number 1 (Summer 



Journal will be accompanied by abstracts in English, Spanish, and French. We 



submitting 



( llLUHUOVliL/lO l-V/ AIM**- "ivw w* — w-— 

will arrange for translations; it must be emphasized 



responsi 



tyl 



are still trying to find someone 



Languages of Published Papers 

During 1988 Cecil Brown circulated a questionable asking the membership: 
(1) Would you approve of the occasional publication of articles in the Journal of 
Ethnobiology in the Spanish language if they were accompanied by an abstract 
in English? and (2) Would you approve of having Spanish abstracts for all 
articles published in English? For Question 1, of 166 responding, 145 (74%) 
answered yes and 43 (26%) answered no. For Question 2, of 169 responding, 145 
(86%) answered yes and 21 (12%) answered no. 



ANNOUNCEMENT 

The Journal of Ethnobiology is now accepting manuscripts in Spanish. 

Effective immediately, the Journal will accept manuscripts in Spanish. A 
manuscripts in Spanish should be submitted ' A ----- r ^~- A ,aJ9nHm de 



them 
The a 



supervise their review, and, if accepted for publication, w 



and French and of articles in 



length articles in other languages in 
B of the Journal. 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 1 17 



Contributors Please Note 



Authors are encouraged to include a note on what taxonomic authority they 
are following, e.g., Index Kewensis. Please give complete scientific names, which, 
for plants at least, includes the authors of the names. 



118 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 119 



TIMOTHY CHARLES PLOWMAN 
17 November 1944 - 7 January 1989 



''Now cracks a noble heart. Good night, sweet prince, 



and flights of angels sing thee to thy rest. 



r r 



Hamlet 



Ethnobotany has lost one of its most 



Timothy Plowman 
s untimely death \ 



immense promise 



our century, Tim was a gentleman, a friend of everyone 



traordinary 



demanding 



whoever sought his advice. 



man 



temperat 



collector even as a boy, his passion for plants grew into the central metaphor 
of his life. After attending college at Cornell University he went as a graduate 



Museum of Harvard 



promise 



Tim 



Amazon 



Tim 



fully 



committed 



Master 



Brunfelsia 



as 



com 



months 



and the Caribbean. . A A .„ 

By the time his Ph.D. was officially conferred in 1974, Tim was already deeply 
involved in the project for which he will always be remembered-a 15 yea 
effort to decipher the complex taxonomy of Erythroxylum and to study tn 
ethnobotany of coca, the sacred leaf of the Andes and fhenotonous source of 



Tim's 80 oublished scientific papers, 46 



Erythroxyl 



trytnroxylum and his position as tne woria s duuiumj *». -.- - 

to speak eloquently and powerfully in defense of the traditional use of coca Dy 

beleaguered indigenous peoples of the Andes and Northwest A ™ zo ", 

Tim left Harvard for the Field Museum of Natural History ^ ^^ 
became tenured in 1983, and was appointed curator in 1988 It nm gr J 
the Botanical Museum at Harvard, he came into his own at the f F.eld INfaseum 
and his years there were both the happiest and most productive of his *™^™ 
career. Hi* h^Hi^linarv interests in svstematics, ethnobotany and ethno 



pharmacology led him to interact with an increasingly ™«»~a nh vt«chemists 

which included not only fellow botanists but also archaeologists P^^ 

^i , , , J , _ ^ t- „aamm tn carrying out an active suen 



pharmacologists 



120 



Vol. 9, No. 1 




Photograph by Wade Davts 



while on a botanical expedit 



princ 



dation Projeto Flora Amazonica, he served on the editorial boards of numerous 
journals including Flora Neotropical Monographs, Advances in Economic Botany, Journal 
of Psychoactive Drugs and Journal of Ethnpharmacology . Between 1984-1988 he was 
Co-Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Ethnopharmacology and the Scientific Editor 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 121 



of Fieldiana. He was vice president of the Beneficial Plant Research Association, 
a Fellow of the Linnean Society, and a member of many professional societies 
including the American Society of Plant Taxonomists, Society of Economic Botany, 
Council of Biology Editors, Society of Ethnobiology and the New England 
Botanical Club. As chairman of the Botany Department of the Field Museum of 
Natural History (1986-1988) Tim secured a substantial increase in National Science 
Foundation funding for the herbarium and developed a new facility tor the 
curation of economic collections. His enthusiasm, spirit of cooperation, profes- 
sional rigor and passionate commitment to botany proved infectious and under 
his leadership, morale at the Botany Department soared. 

Credentials alone, however, present but a shadow of the man who affected 
so many lives in such profound ways. For Tim, life was but a vehicle for seeking 
understanding and for expressing freedom. If there is a word to describe Timothy 
Plowman it would be freedom, and he lived with the conviction that every 
person had the right to pursue his or her own path unshackled of the burdens 
of social convention. Equally at ease in the tranquil world of plants or amidst 
the society of people, Tim had a charisma hot to the touch, and those privileged 
to have spent time with him often developed a respect that bordered on reverence. 
For he was a true renaissance scholar, a man out of time, whose breadth of 
interests and passions went far beyond the boundaries of his beloved field of 
botany. 

But it is as a botanist and intrepid plant explorer that Tim will be best 
remembered. He spent over five years of his life in the most remote and inhos- 
pitable regions of the Andes and Amazon, making over 15,000 collections of 
unsurpassed quality. Typically he always considered his time in the field as a 
privilege, and he never failed to remember his fellow botanists toiling away in 
the less romantic confines of the herbaria. Tim seemed to have a roladex in his 
head that recorded the name of every specialist in every group of plants and 
he constantly was on the lookout for specimens that might prove useful to a 
distant colleague. He collected everything. His voucher specimens were not 
only complete, but aesthetically beautiful and whenever possible he augmented 
them with invaluable collections of live material. Living plants, many new to 
science and collected first by Tim, may be found in botanical gardens throughout 
the world. „ . 

In the rainforests of the Amazon Tim felt the fullness of life. He ™rveiiea 
at the thousand themes, the infinitude of form, shape and texture that woeay 
mocked the terminology of temperate botany. He always travelled in the rorest 
as a student and his commitment to ethnobotany grew in part from nis 
experience with the indigenous peoples who understood, the plants in y 
he believed he could only hope to emulate. To be in the forest he sad, w« M» 
be in Eden, and to say the names of the plants was to recite the names ottne 
Gods. He believed that all forms of life were manifestations of the s^J 
for Tim biological and cultural diversity represented far more than j he ou 
tion of stability, they were articles of faith, fundamental truths that indicated 
way things were supposed to be. , ... . •_ t u e ; r 

Tim had a special affinity for Indians, and his u" t^r .C -v 
trust and confidence was one measure of the deep respect he had for the* way 






122 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



man 



element inextricably linked to the whole of creation. It was this unique 
cosmoloeical perspective, he believed, that enabled the Indians to comprehend 



lm 



with pain, dismay and increasing anger 



man 



mieht ultima 



veen these two worldviews such that folk wisdom might temp 
vitable development processes that today ride roughshod over 
The many of us who loved him as a brother and respected 1 



memory 



dream 



Wade Davis 



Publications of Timothy C. Plowman: 



Economic 



2. Latua pubiflora: magic plant from southern Chile. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard 
Univ. 23:61-92. 1971. 

3. Four new Brunfelsias from northwestern South America. Bot. Mus. Leafl. 



Harvard Univ. 23:245-272. 1973. 



World 



Hafner Press. New York. Pp. 134-138. 1973. 



5. Two new Brazilian species of Brunfelsia. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ 



24:37-48. 1974. 



example of taxonomic neelect. Bot. Mus 



W 



Mus 



(with J.A. Duke & D. Aulik). 



8. Cannabis: an example of taxonomic neglect. In V. Rubin, ed. Cannabis ana 
culture. World Anthropology Series. Mouton Publishers. The Hague, Pp. 21- 
38. 1975. (with R.E. Schultes, W.E. Klein & T.E. Lockwood). 

9. Orthography of Erythroxylum. Taxon 25:141-144. 1976. 

10. Tommie Earl Lockwood, an obituary. Solanaceae Newsletter 3:22. 1976. 

11. Systematics and biogeography of Brunfelsia, abstract. The Biology and 
Taxonomy of the Solanaceae Abstract Volume. University of Birmingham, 



40 



The Biology c 
Birmingham 



mansia, a summary 



New York. P. 185. 1976. 



m. ed. Hortus Third. MacmUlan Co. 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 123 



14. Determination of cocaine in some South American species of Erythroxylum 
using mass fragmentography. Phytochemistry 16:1753-1755. 1977. (with B. 
Holmstedt, E. Jaatmaa & K. Leander). 



Ethnomedicine. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 25 



1977. 



16. Book Review: Cocaine: a drug and its social evolution. The Apothecary 
90(1):44. 1978. 

17. Virola as an oral hallucinogen among the Boras of Peru. Bot. Mus. Leafl. 
Harvard Univ. 25:259-272. 1978. (with R. E. Schultes & T. Swain). 

18. Chromosome numbers in neotropical Erythroxylum (Erythroxylaceae). Bot. 
Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 26:203-209. 1978. (with L. Rudenberg & C.W. 
Greene). 

19. IOPB Chromosome Report LX: Erythroxylaceae. Taxon 27:224. 1978. (with 
L. Rudenberg & C.W. Greene). 

20. Cocaine in blood of coca chewers. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 26:199- 
201. 1978. (with B. Holmstedt, J.E. Lindgren & L. Rivier). 

21. A new section of Brunfelsia: Section Guianenses Plowman. In J.G. Hawkes, 
ed. Systematic notes on the Solanaceae. Bot. J. Linn. Soc. 76:294-295. 1978. 

22. Cocaine in blood of coca chewers. J. Ethnopharmacol. 1:69-78. 1979. (with 
B. Holmstedt, J.E. Lindgren & L. Rivier). 

23. The genus Brunfelsia: a conspectus of the taxonomy and biogeography. In 
J.G. Hawkes, R.N. Lester & A.D. Skelding, eds. The biology and taxonomy 
of the Solanaceae. Academic Press. New York. Pp. 475-491. 1979. 

24. Coca pests and pesticides. J. Ethnopharmacol. 1:263-278. 1979. (with A.T. 
Weil). 

25. Botanical perspectives on coca. J. Psychedelic Drugs 11:103-118. 1979. 

26. IOPB Chromosome Reports LXIII. Brunfelsia (Solanaceae). Taxon 28:268-269. 

27. The ethnobotany of Brugmansia by T.E. Lockwood. J. Ethnopharmacol. 
1:147-164. 1979. (ed. with R.E. Schultes). 

28. The identity of Amazonian and Trujillo coca. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard 
Univ. 27:454-468. 1979. 

29. Aspectos botanicos de la coca. In F.R. Jeri, ed. Cocaina 1980: Actas del semi- 
nario interamericano sobre aspectos medicos y sociologies de la coca y 
cocaina. Pacific Press. Lima. Pp. 100-117. 1980. 

30. Botanical perspectives on coca. In F.R. Jeri, ed. Cocaine J^ 1 *"*^ 
of the interamerican seminar on medical and sociological aspects of coca 
cocaine. Pacific Press. Lima. Pp. 90-115. 1980. 

31. Letter from Brazil. Field Museum Bulletin 51(7):24-25. 1980. 



Museum 
Mussatia 



^acinthina, an admixture "£-"—„ qm 
Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 28:253-262. 1980 



124 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



34. Indole alkaloids in Amazonian Myristicaceae: field and laboratory rese 
Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 28:215-234. 1980. (with B. Holmstedt 
Lindgren, L. Rivier, R.E. Schultes & O. Tovar). 

35. Amazonian coca. J. Ethnopharmacol. 3:195-225. 1981. 



from South America 



Botany, n.s., No. 8:1-16. 1981. 



mansia (Baum-Datura) in Sudamerika. In G. Vol 
itat: Drogren in Kulturvergleich. Materialienband 
Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museums fur Volkerkund d 



443 



38. Fate of cocaine in the Lymantriid Eloria noyesii, a predator of Erythroxylum 
coca. Phytochemistry 20:2499-2500. 1981. (with M.S. Blum & L. Rivier). 

39. The identification of coca (Erythroxylum supp.): 1860-1910. Bot. J. Linn. 
Soc. 84:329-353. 1982. 

40. Heliconia zebrina: a new name for a handsome Peruvian Heliconia (Musa- 
ceae). Baileya 21:149-157. (with W.J.E. Kress & H. Kennedy). 

41. Biosystematics and evolution of cultivated coca (Erythroxylaceae). Systematic 
Botany 7:121-133. 1982. (with B.A. Bohm & F.R. Ganders). 

42. The effects of field preservation on alkaloid content of fresh coca leaves. 
(Erythroxylum spp.). J. Ethnopharmacol. 6:287-291. 1982. (with M.J. Balick 



& L. Rivier). 



urn 



from 



442 



44. Cocaine and cinnamoylcocaine content of thirty-one species of Erythroxylum 
(Erythroxylaceae). Ann. Bot. (London) 51:641-659. 1983. (with L. Rivier). 

45. Collecting in the Upper Amazon. Field Museum Bulletin 54(3): 8-13. 1983. 

46. Erythroxylaceae. In S.A. Mori, B.M. Boom, A.M. de Carvalho & T.S. dos 
Santos. Southern Bahian Moist Forests. Bot. Rev. 49:214-215. 1983. 

47. The effects of field preservation on alkaloid content in fresh coca leaves 
(Erythroxylum spp.). Atti del II Seminario Internazionale sulle Piante Medi- 
cinali ed Aromatiche. Citta de Castello. Pp. 81-86. 1983. (with M.J. Balick & 
L. Rivier). 

48. New species of Erythroxylum from Brazil and Venezuela. Bot. Mus. Leafl. 
Harvard Univ. 29:273-290. 1983. 

49. Morphological studies of archaeological and recent coca leaves (Erythroxylum 
spp.). Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 29:297-341. 1983. (with P.M. Rury)- 

50. Useful plants of the Siona and Secoya Indians of eastern Ecuador. Fieldiana 
Botany n.s., 15:1-63. 1984. (with W.T. Vickers). 

51. The ethnobotany of coca (Erythroxylum spp., Erythroxylaceae). In G.T. 
Prance & J.A. Kallunki, eds. Ethnobotany in the Neotropics. Advances in 
Economic Botanv 1:62-111. 1984. 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 125 



52. The origin, evolution and diffusion of coca (Erythroxylum spp.) in South 
and Central America. In D. Stone, ed., Pre-Columbian Plant Migration. 
Papers of the Peabody of Archaeology and Ethnology 76:125-163. 1984. 

53. Alkaloids of some South American Erythroxylum species. Phytochemistry 
24:2285-2289. 1985. (with Y.M.A. El-Imam & W.C. Evans). 

54. Brunfelsamidine: a novel convulsant from the hallucinogenic plant Brun- 
felsia grandiflora. Tetrahedron Letters 26:2623-2624. 1985. (with H.A. Lloyd, 
H.M Fales, M.E. Goldman, D.M. Jerina & R.E. Schultes). 

55. A new species of Erythroxylum (Erythroxylaceae) from Suriname and Vene- 
zuela. Phytologia 58:172-177. 1985. 

56. Cocaine in herbal tea. J. Amer. Med. Assoc. 255(1):40. 1986. (with R.K. 
Siegel, M.A. Elsohly, P.M. Rury & R.T. Jones). 

57. New taxa of Erythroxylum (Erythroxylaceae) from the Amazon Basin. Suple- 
mento, Acta Amazonica 14(1/2): 117-143. 1984. (appeared in 1986). 

58. A new species of Lasiadenia (Thymelaeaceae) from Venezuela. Brittonia 



J 



(Erythroxyl 



America. Pp. 5-33. In D. Pacini & C. Franquemont, eds. 1986. Coca and 
Cocaine: Effects on people and policy in Latin America. Co-published by 



Survival, Cambridge, Massachusetts 



ram 



ylum 



189-200. 1986. 



Museum 



1986. (with W 



62. Ten new species of Erythroxylum (Erythroxylaceae) from Bahia, Brazil. 
Fieldiana, Botany, n.s., 19:1-41. 1987. 

63. Book review: Economic and medicinal plant research, edited by H. Wagner, 
H. Hikino & N.R. Farnsworth. American Scientist 75(2):207-208. 1987. 

64. Type photographs at Field Museum of Natural History (reprinted). Taxon 
36:425-428. 1987. (with W.E. Grime). 

65. Book review: Cocaine: a drug and its social evolution, revise ^/^°"' b _ y 
L. Grinspoon & J.B. Bakalar. Quarterly Review of Biology 62:224-225. 1W. 



Mimsoid 



ystematique, Morpholog 
Economic Botany. 40(4): 



mistry 



68. Erythroxylaceae. In R.A. Howard, ed. Flora of the Lesser Antilles^ Harvard 
University Press. 4:543-551. Harvard University, Cambridge, ivao. 

69. New species and a new combination of Erythroxylum (Erythroxylaceae) from 



126 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



Amazonian Peru. Contribution to the study of the flora and vegetation of 
Peruvian Amazonia. XIV. Candollea. 43(1):421-431. 1988. 

70. New taxa of Erythroxylum (Erythroxylaceae) from the Venezuelan Guayana. 
Brittonia 40(3): 256-268. 1988. 

71. Erythroxylaceae. In G. Harling & L. Andersson, eds. Flora of Ecuador. 44 pp. 



J. A. Steyermark 



Missouri 



73. Erythroxylaceae. In W.D. Stevens, ed. Flora de Nicaragua. Missouri 
Garden. 18 pp. Accepted for publication 12 Feb 1987. 

74. Erythroxylaceae. In B. Hammel & M. Graham, eds. Manual 



Missouri Botanical Garden. 12 pp. Submitted for publication 22 May 



1987. 



75. Erythroxylaceae. In W. Burger, ed. Flora Costaricensis. Fieldiana Botany, 
n.s. Submitted to editor 22 May 1987. 

76. A revision of the South American species of Brunfelsia (Solanaceae). 434 pp., 
115 figs. In preparation. 

77. The Ethnobotany of Chinchero, an Andean Community in Southern Peru, 
(with Christine Franquemont, et a\.), 148 pp., 36 figs. Fieldiana Botany, n.s. 
Submitted for publication. 






Slimmer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 127 



NEWS and COMMENTS 



NEWS: 



POSEY AND KAYAPO RELEASED 

The Brazilian Supreme Court ha; 



Thus 



biology 



them under the Brazilian Foreign Sedition Act (Journal of 



Mendes 



22 December 1988, however, bring 



Wildlife 



Achievement Award posthumously to Mr 



Mendes Filho 



t 9 



The 



Nations recognized his efforts on behalf of tropical forest conservation in 1987. 

—Anthropological Newsletter April 1989, pg. 15 
International Wildlife 19(2):29-30, March-April 1989 

OREGON SCHOOLGIRL'S "ARREST" A CASE OF SOUR GRAPES 

Eleven-year-old Sally Johnson was surprised when Oregon State trooper Rod 
Beach pulled her school bus over and demanded that she identify herself. She 
was shocked when he boarded the bus and asked, "Can I have your lunch?" 
"Am I going to be arrested?" she asked. No, but he confiscated the grapes her 
mother had packed for her that morning. Sally's mother heard of the federal 
warning about cyanide contaminated Chilean grapes too late that morning, so 
had called the state patrol to intercept the bus carrying Sally and the Pleasant 
Valley School choir en route to a concert engagement. 

-UPl, Seattle Post-Intelligencer March 16, 1989, pg. C-l 

52 MILLION TREES IN GUATEMALA 

EQUAL ONE POWER PLANT IN CONNECTICUT 

Applied Energy Resources, Inc., of Arlington, Virginia, in cooperation with 
the World Resources Institute purposes to invest $16 million to plant 52 million 
trees in Guatemala over the next 40 years to mitigate the atmospheric CO2 load 
to be generated over the life span of a power plant they plan to build m Con- 



necticut. 



Wildlift 



Ironic given Guatemala's despicable human rights record: Ed. 

THE TEXAS PEYOTE HARVEST, A THRIVING MICRO-INDUSTRY 

National Public Radio on March 8, 1989 aired a feature by John Burnett on 
the state-licensed harvest of peyote cacti (Lophophora williamso nOm south lexas, 

*u .__ ._ r , r ^ f .1 olant for the 200,000 members 



primary 



e American Church. The harvest is concentrate* ,n ere ™T*~ 
«uu oranae City, Webb Co., Texas and is tightly regulated by * e r ?S£!*P^ 
ment of Public Safety which "accounts for each button in triplicate. Pickery earn 
«t.o« ^ J j -j :_ *u« en nn n vwood sheets in 



$80-$90 



in the sun on plywood 



128 



NEWS and COMMENTS Vol. 9, No. 1 



Ornaldo Reynosa's backyard. Reynosa also mainatains a peyote shrine in his yard 
that draws a steady stream of peyotists. Free-lance pickers risk arrest for a third 
degree felony. 



ANNOUNCEMENTS 

WORKSHOP IN ETHNOBOTANY to be conducted by Dr. Richard I. Ford, Dean 
of Research and Professor of Anthropology, University of Michigan at Southern 
Methodist University's Fort Burgwin Research Center, Taos, New Mexico July 
30- August 5, 1989. The course will provide intensive instruction in modern 
techniques of archaeobotany using the Taos area as a laboratory. For more infor- 
mation contact Dr. Patricia Crown, Department of Anthropology, Southern 
Methodist University, Dallas, TX 75275 (505-983-5342). 

THIRTEENTH ANNUAL ETHNOBIOLOGY CONFERENCE of the Society of 
Ethnobiology will be in Phoenix, AZ, March 21-24, 1990 (see pages 129-131). The 
Desert Botanical Garden and the Department of Anthropology of Arizona State 
University will co-host the meetings. For information contact Gary Nabhan at 
the Garden, 1201 N. Galvin Pkwy., Phoenix, AZ 85008 (602-941-1225). 



SOCIEDAD ARGENTINA DE BOTANICA announces the third Argentinian and 
sixth Latin American symposium on pharmacological botany, to be held May 6-12, 
1990 at Corrientes, Argentina. A session on "Botany and Ethnobotany" is 
planned. For further details contact Ing. Agr. Gustavo C. Giberti, Comision 
Organizadora del III Simposio Argentino y VI Latinoamericano de Farmaco- 
botanica, Colegio Oficial de Farmaceuticos y Bioquimicos de la Capital Federal, 
Rocamora 4045, 1184-Buenos Aires, ARGENTINA. 



TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND RENEWABLE RESOURCE MANAGE- 
MENT in Northern Regions, edited by Milton Freeman and Ludwig N. Carbyn, 
has been published recently by the Boreal Institute for Northern Studies. The 
volume is based on a Boreal Institute workshop on "Knowing the North.' 
Contributions cover the environmental ethics of the Chisasibi Cree, reindeer 
pastoralism in Norway, self-regulation of an Athapaskan salmon fishery in Alaska, 
and Canadian and Alaskan co-management arrangements involving traditional 
and Western scientific resource management strategies. The volume is available 
for US$24 from the Boreal Institute at CW401, Biological Sciences Bldg., Univer- 
sity of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta T6G 2E9, CANADA (403-432-4999/4512). 



WORLD 



Indigenous Survival International (ISI), the World 



m 



(IUCN), the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), and the United Nations Environment 
Programme (UNEP) has been revised to recognise a significant role for indigenous 
peoples in conservation and sustainable development. A draft chapter for this 
World Conservation Strategy was published in "Tradition, Conservation and 
Development, Occasional Newsletter of the Commission on Ecology's Working 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 129 



Group on Traditional Ecological Knowledge," No. 6, October 1988. Contact 
Dr. Graham Baines, Chairman, IUCN/COE Traditional Ecological Knowledge 
Working Group, at 32 Nargong Street, The Gap, Brisbane 4061, AUSTRALIA 
(07-300-1167) for more details. 



CONSERVATION OF ZULU MEDICINAL PLANTS SUBJECT OF STUDY. 
Dr. A.B. Cunningham of the Institute of Natural Resources, University of Natal, 
Pietermaritzburg, Republic of South Africa, writes in the "Tradition, Conserva- 
tion and Development" newsletter of a recently completed two-year study to 
develop a conservation policy on commercially exploited Zulu medicinal plants, 
a study jointly funded by herbalists, herb traders, and government conservation 
departments. Dr. Cunningham calls for drafting and implementing international 
ethical guidelines relating to the acquisition and exploitation of customary 
knowledge. He cites the example of bee soporifics developed by native bee-keepers 
as having potential application to the control of aggressive African bees. He argues 
that any patent agreements derivative of this traditional discovery should 
"include a clause ensuring that a proportion of the financial returns should go 
into a fund for educational or legal resources of the group who had the knowledge 
in the first place." 

C. EARLE SMITH, JR. MEMORIAL ISSUE 

Volume 10, Number 1 (Summer 1990) is planned as a dedication to the memory 
of C. Earle Smith, Jr. ("Smitty"). The Society of Ethnobiology has established 
a special fund to receive voluntary contributions in Smitty's name to underwrite 
this issue. Please send checks payable to the Society of Ethnobiology to Cecil 
H. Brown (Secretary/Treasurer), Department of Anthropology, Northern Illinois 

University, DeKalb, IL 60115, USA. 

At the same time, the Journal welcomes papers to be considered for publi- 
cation in the memorial issue. Send manuscripts to the Editor by December 1, 1W 
to allow time for review and revision (see inside front cover for address). 



SOCIETY OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 
THIRTEENTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE 

CALL FOR PAPERS - FILMS - REGISTRATION 

March 21-24, 1990 

Arizona State University 

Tempe, Arizona 
Desert Botanical Garden 

Phoenix, Arizona 

SCHEDULE 

We A n ft:?„ a L MarCh . 21 Registrar and EehnobiCogica, Ftas 



Evening 



Reception 



130 



NEWS and COMMENTS Vol. 9, No. 1 



Thursday, March 22 

All Day Plenary and Technical Sessions 

Evening ASU Open House and Ethnobiological Films 

Friday, March 23 

All Day Technical Sessions and Workshops 

Evening Banquet and Desert Botanical Garden Open House 

Saturday, March 24 

All Day Field trips to Tonto Basin Digs and Agave Fields, or 

Half Day Hispanic Medicinal Herb Markets and Gardens 

REGISTRATION FEES: Preregistration (before February 15) — $25 Student, 
$30 Regular. Late Registration (after February 15) — $30 Student, $40 Regular. 

DEADLINE FOR ABSTRACT SUBMISSIONS FOR PRESENTED PAPERS, 
POSTER PAPERS, FILMS AND VIDEOS: January 15, 1990 (early submissions 
encouraged). 

INSTRUCTIONS/GUIDELINES: In order to present a paper, poster or film, one 
or more authors must be members of the Society. For regular membership, please 
send $20 checks payable to the Society to: Dr. Cecil Brown, Society of Ethno- 
biology, c/o Dept. of Anthropology, Northern Illinois University, DeKalb, IL 60115. 
Oral presentations will be 20 minutes plus questions, except for novel inter- 
disciplinary papers selected for the plenary session. Films and videos should state 
format (16mm, 35mm, VHS % or %, BETA, etc. and time length). All films and 



biological. 



topics clearly 



LAWRENCE AWARD 



The Society of Ethnobiology will offer an award in honor of Barbara Lawrence 
for the best paper submitted by a student for presentation at the annual meeting. 
Papers on any subject within the realm of ethnobiology are eligible for the com- 
petition. The prize will be a significant honor for the recipient and comes with 
a substantial monetary award. 

The prize honors Barbara Lawrence who was curator of Mammals at the 
Museum of Comparative Zoology. She was one of the first to recognize the poten- 
tial of collections of animal remains associated with human habitation sites and 
was on the forefront of advocating analysis of these assemblages. Her work on 

and her studies of faunal remains excavated from sites in Turkey 



are particularly well kr 

The high standards held by Barbara Lawrence will be the guiding principal 
in choosing the award-winning paper. The competition is open to any member 
who is a student (or has held the Ph.D. degree less than one year). Papers sub- 
mitted for this competition can be presented in orally or in a poster session. 

Manuscripts submitted for this competition must be single authored; joint 
efforts will not be considered. Manuscripts are judged solely on quality, originality, 
and presentation of research. They should follow the Journal of Ethnobiology 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBILOGY 131 



format and should be sufficiently precise and documented to enable the review- 
ing committee to judge their merits. Manuscripts are limited to eight double 
spaced, typed pages including a required abstract but excluding copies of figures, 

tables, and references. 

Papers submitted for this competition should be acompanied by a cover 
letter indicating that the author is a Society member and he/she meets the criteria 
listed above. The deadline for receipt of papers is 15 January 1990. 



REGISTRATION AND ABSTRACT FORMS 

Registration and abstract forms will be mailed to the Society of Ethnobiology 
membership and to others on our mailing list. If you do not receive them, they 
may be obtained by writing to the address given below. Please direct all cor- 
respondence regarding the Thirteenth Annual Conference, including the Lawrence 
Award, to: Ethnobiology Conference, c/o Dr. Gary Nabhan, Desert Botanical 
Garden. 1201 North Galvin Parkwav, Phoenix, AZ 85008, U.S.A. 



HOTEL AND TRAVEL OPTIONS 

Phoenix and Tempe are in the Salt River Valley of the Son( 
We are served by Sky Harbor International Airport, AMTRAK, and 
Bus Lines. 

A block of rooms has been reserved for "The Desert Botanical 
the Howard Johnson, Tempe. Call (602) 967-9431 for reservations. 

A group travel rate by train from Chicago has been arranged by 
Call (309) 274-5254 if vou are interested. 



132 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



January 27, 1989 



Dr. Willard Van Asdall, Editor 
Journal of Ethnobiology 
Arizona State Museum 
The University of Arizona 
Tucson, Arizona 85721 



Dear Will, 



I am pleased to see my paper in print. The Journal did a nice job of typesetting 
and reproduction of the photographs. One problem arose because of a change 
suggested by one of the reviewers. The order of two figures was changed since 
the paper and figures were first submitted: figures four and five were reversed 
in order. Unfortunately, the original photographs were not marked with the new 
figure numbers as they were not returned to me. In the printed paper figure four 
appears with the photograph for figure five and the caption for figure four, and 
figure five appears with the photograph which should be figure four. I would 
appreciate it if the Journal could print an erratum to clarify this in the next issue. 



Regards, 

Leslie M. Johnson Gottesfeld 



E RRATUM 



I regret the errors in the paper by Gottesfeld and Anderson, "Gitksan traditional 



medicine: Herbs and 



occur 



"Freshly gathered wild calla hisgahldaatsxw (Calla palustris). " and the caption 

(Nuphar poly 



. w should 

epalum). " Please make the corrections in your copies of the Journal 



Summer 1989 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 1 



134 



Vol. 9, No. 1 



NOTICE TO AUTHORS 






The Journal of Ethnobiology accepts papers on original research in ethnotaxonomy and 
folk classification, ethnobotany, ethnozoology, cultural ecology, plant domestication, 



haeology, archaeobotany, palynology 



and 



Authors should follow the format for article organization and bibliographies from articles 
in this issue. All papers should be typed double-spaced with pica or elite type on 8V2 x 11 
inch paper with at least one inch margins on all sides. The ratio of tables and figures to 
text pages should not exceed 1:2-3. Tables should not duplicate material in either the text 



figur 



without 



be 



when appropriate. All illustrations should have the author(s) name(s) written on the back 
with the figure number and a designation for the top of the figure. Legends for figures 
should be typed on a separate page at the end of the manuscript. Do not place footnotes 
at the bottom of the text pages; list these in order on a separate sheet at the end of the 
manuscript. Metric units should be used in all measurements. Type author(s) name(s) at 
the top left corner of each manuscript page; designate by handwritten notes in the left 
margin of manuscript pages where tables and graphs should appear. 

If native language terminology is used as data, a consistent phonemic orthography 
should be employed, unless a practical alphabet or a more narrow phonetic transcription 
is justified. A brief characterization of this orthography and of the phonemix inventory 
of the language(s) described should be given in an initial note. To increase readability native 
terms should be indicated as bold-face italics to contrast with the normal use of italic type 
for foreign terms, such as latin binomials. If necessary, the distinction between lexical glosses. 



approximation 



>rm's referential meaning 



definitions 



marks. 



manuscript plus the original copy and 



figures. Papers not submitted in the correct format will be returned 
your manuscripts to: 

DR. WILLARD VAN ASDALL, Editor 

Journal of Ethnobiology 
Arizona State Museum, Building 26 



University of Arizona 



Arizona 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



information 



// 



News and Comments 



/ / 



Journal 



Hunn, Department of Anthropology 



University of Washington, Seattle, Washingt 



REVIEWS 



We welcome suggestions on books to review or actual reviews rrom me r 

of the Journal. Please send suggestions, comments, or reviews to iere ■ ^ 

Department of Anthropology and Geography, Rhode Island College, Providence, Rhode 
Island 02908. 



SUBSCRIPTIONS 



Journal of Ethnobiology 



60115 



i^epdnment ot Antnropoiogy, i\onnem u.u.u» «.-.— ,- Canada, am 

Subscription rates are $40.00, institutional; $20.00 regular members, toru . .. 

Mex ic o ; foreign subscribers add ».00. "~**^2E2£ is receivec 



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CONTENTS 



SKETCHES IN THE SAND 



PRESIDENT'S PAGE 



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NOMENCLATURAL PATTERNS IN KA'APOR ETHNOBOTANY 

William Balee 



A SURVEY OF PUBLIC PLANTINGS IN THE FRONT YARDS 
OF RESIDENCES IN GALVESTON, TEXAS, U.S.A. 

Darrel L. McDonald 



SPECIAL PROBLEMS IN AN ETHNOBOTANICAL 
LITERATURE SEARCH: CORDYUNE TERMINALIS (L.) KUNTH, 

THE "HAWAIIAN TI PLANT" 

Celia Ehrlich 



"ALL BERRIES HAVE RELATIONS" MID-RANGE 

FOLK PLANT GROUPINGS IN THOMPSON AND LILLOOET 

INTERIOR SALISH 

Nancy J. Turner 

In Memorium - C. EARLE SMITH 115 

ABRIDGED MINUTES OF THE EDITORIAL BOARD MEETING I* 6 

In Memorium - TIMOTHY CHARLES PLOWMAN 119 

NEWS AND COMMENTS 127 

BOOK REVIEWS 24, 27, 46, 64, 111, ^ 4 



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