Skip to main content

Full text of "The North Carolina historical review"

See other formats


Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2012 with funding from 

LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation 



http://archive.org/details/northcarolinahis1934nort 



THE 



North Carolina 
Historical Review 



Volume XI 



ISSUED QUARTERLY 



Numbers 1-4 




JANUARY-OCTOBER 
1934 



Published by 
NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL COMMISSION 

Corner of Fayetteville and Morgan Streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 

Selling Agents: 
F. W. FAXON COMPANY, 83 Francis St., Bach Bay, Boston, Mass. 

[ i ] 

v.f. 



69118 



N 

THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 

Published by the North Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh, N. C. 

EDITORS 

A. R. Newsome, Managing Editor 
D. L. Corbitt, Assistant Editor 
R. D. W. Connor W. C. Jackson 

Adelaide L. Fries 



THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL COMMISSION 
M. C. S. Noble, Chairman 
Heriot Clarkson Nell Battle Lewis 

Mrs. Thomas O'Berry R. D. W. Connor 

A. R. Newsome, Secretary 



This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publi- 
cation and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other 
institutions by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. 
The regular price is $2.00 per year. To members of the State Literary 
and Historical Association there is a special price of $1.00 per year. 



[ ii ] 






The North Carolina 
Historical Review 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



VOLUME XI 



NUMBER 1, JANUARY, 1934 

THE SETTLEMENT OF GRANVILLE COUNTY 1 

Nannie M. Tilley 

HAMBURG : AN EXPERIMENT IN TOWN PROMOTION 20 

Rosser H. Taylor 

RECORDS OF EMIGRANTS FROM ENGLAND AND 

SCOTLAND TO NORTH CAROLINA, 1774-1775 39 

A. R. Kewsome 

BOOK REVIEWS 55 

Greene's and Harrington's American Population Before the 
Federal Census of 1790 — By A. R. Newsome; Pargellis's 
Lord Loudoun in North America — By C. C. Crittenden; 
Dodson's Alexander Spotswood: Governor of Colonial Vir- 
ginia, 1710-1722— By F. W. Clontz. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 62 



NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1934 

NORTH CAROLINA PROHIBITION ELECTION OF 

1881 AND ITS AFTERMATH 71 

Daniel J. Whitener 

THE SEABOARD AIR LINE 94 

Peter S. McGuire 

[ iii ] 



iv Contents 

THE GILMANS AND THE SOUTHERN ROSE 116 

William Stanley Hoole 

RECORDS OF EMIGRANTS FROM ENGLAND AND 
SCOTLAND TO NORTH CAROLINA, 1774-1775, 
continued 129 

A. R. Newsome 

NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1931-1933 144 

Maby Lindsay Thornton 

BOOK REVIEWS 153 

Skinner's Beaver, Kings and Cabins — By Fletcher M. 
Green; Foreman's Indian Removal: The Emigration of 
the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians — By Fletcher M. 
Green. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 159 



NUMBER 3, JULY, 1934 

SOCIAL LIFE OF THE EARLY MORAVIANS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA 167 

Edward M. Holder 

OLD WENTWORTH SKETCHES 185 

Alberta Ratliffe Craig 

SIMEON COLTON'S RAILROAD REPORT, 1840 205 

A. R. Newsome 

BOOK REVIEWS - 239 

Winston's Robert E. Lee: A Biography — By Thomas Robson 
Hay; Sellers's Charleston Business On the Eve of the 
American Revolution — By C. C. Crittenden. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 245 



Contents v 

NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1934 

THE REPRESENTATION CONTROVERSY IN 

COLONIAL NORTH CAROLINA 255 

Lawrence F. London 

RADICAL DISFRANCHISEMENT IN NORTH 

CAROLINA, 1867-1868 271 

William A. Russ, Jr. 

JOHN BROWN'S JOURNAL OF TRAVEL IN 

WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA IN 1795 284 

A. R. ISTewsome 

BOOK REVIEWS 314 

Lonn's Salt as a Factor in the Confederacy — By Benjamin 
B. Kendrick; Sydnor's Slavery in Mississippi — By Ros- 
ser H. Taylor; Bowers's Beveridge and the Progressive 
Era, and Chamberlain's Farewell to Reform — By Charles 
Lee Snyder. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 322 






The North Carolina 
Historical Review 



Volume XI Januaky, 1934 Number 1 



THE SETTLEMENT OF GRANVILLE COUNTY 

By Nannie M. Tilley 

Extending theoretically from the present easternmost bound- 
aries of Franklin and Warren counties 1 to the Mississippi 
River, 2 colonial Granville County had a greatly diversified soil 
and an even climate and temperature. The development of the 
county is not generally associated, however, with the vast west- 
ern stretches because they were cut off in 1752 at the formation 
of Orange County. 3 Granville County was, therefore, a frontier 
county for the short period from 1746 4 to 1752. The inhabitants 
were not even familiar with the governmental machinery of 
their county in 1752. In fact, the section had assumed no form 
as a political unit during the first six years of its existence as a 
county. It was too cumbersome and huge for the inhabitants to 
have a definite conception of the whole. When the sobriquet, 
"Frontier County," was passed on to Orange, Granville became 
much smaller ; though after that it was composed of four of our 
present-day counties: Granville, Vance, Warren, and Franklin. 
In the light of the above facts, it is only necessary to give the 
physical features of colonial Granville after Orange County was 
formed. 

From the eastern edge of the county to the western side there 
is a gradual shading off from the coastal plain to the beginning 
of the Piedmont section. The range in altitude from one hundred 
seventy-five feet at Anderson bridge 5 to five hundred forty-four 



1 Walter Clark (compiler), Act of Assembly, The State Records of North Carolina (1904), 
XXIII, 249. (Hereafter this compilation will be referred to as S. R.) John E. Buck, 
Map of Vance, Warren, Franklin, and Granville (1927). 

2 William L. Saunders (compiler), Prefatory Note, The Colonial Records of North Caro- 
lina (1882), V, xli. (In the future this work will be referred to as C. 72.) 

3 Letter from Governor Dobbs to Board of Trade, C. R., V, 151. 

4 Act of Assembly, S. R., XXIII, 248. 

5 Joseph Hyde Pratt (compiler). "Altitudes in North Carolina," North Carolina Geolog- 
ical and Economic Survey (1917), Bulletin No. 27, p. 78. 

[ 1 1 



2 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

feet at Lewis is more or less indicative of the average gradation 
from east to west. Anderson bridge in the southeastern section of 
Franklin County and on the Tar River is more than one hundred 
feet lower than any other recorded altitude of the section which 
composed colonial Granville. Lewis, which is a few miles north of 
Oxford, is almost the same height as the other places near-by. 
It would really be more to the point to say that the altitude 
ranges from two hundred ninety-five feet at Bunn 7 to five hun- 
dred forty-four feet at Lewis. The actual variability of the ele- 
vations within the boundaries of the county is three hundred 
sixty-nine feet, but for practical purposes a variation of two 
hundred forty-nine feet gives a truer indication of the topog- 
raphy of the county. 

This gently rolling section of North Carolina is remarkably 
well watered. Innumerable creeks form the Tar and Neuse 
rivers within the boundaries of the county, while countless 
others flow toward Virginia into the Roanoke River. Part of the 
Roanoke watershed, one section of the Tar divide, and part of 
the Neuse drainage system lie in Granville. 

Every part of the county is touched directly or indirectly by 
a strong free-running creek. Across the northern section sev- 
eral creeks flow northward. Beginning in the northwestern 
corner and going east, there are Aaron's, Beech, Grassy, Spew 
Marrow, Island, Nutbush, Smith's, Six Pound, and Stonehouse 
creeks. The ones that flow southward into the Tar are hardly 
as large as those flowing into the Roanoke. Most important of 
these are Shelton's, North Fork, Owen, Fishing, Gibbs, Tabb's, 
Buffalo, Toole's, Bear Swamp, Sycamore, and Cypress creeks. 
Adcock, Middle, Jackson, Buffalo, Camp, and Norris creeks 
drain the region south of the Tar. The Neuse River itself 
touches the southwestern corner of the county for a few miles, 
and in that section, flowing into the Neuse, are Knap of Reeds, 
Ledge of Rocks, and Newlight creeks. Aside from these groups 
we find Little Fishing, Great Fishing, and Shocco creeks flowing 
southeasterly and eventually reaching the Tar in eastern Gran- 



6 Joseph Hyde Pratt (compiler), "Altitudes in North Carolina," North Carolina Geolog- 
ical and Economic Siirvey (1917), Bulletin No. 7, p. 80. 

7 Joseph Hyde Pratt, "Altitudes in North Carolina," North Carolina Geological and Eco- 
nomic Survey, Bulletin No. 27, p. 78. 



The Settlement of Granville County 3 

ville. 8 Due to the lack of elevation these creeks and rivers have 
little or no value for water power. The altitude of the county 
foretold a lack of manufacturing, but, at the same time, it pre- 
saged agricultural pursuits for the entire section. The water- 
courses seem to have been planned to facilitate agriculture. 
Fertile soil on their banks, sufficient power for gristmills, and a 
lack of enough power to encourage other forms of industry, all 
contrived to give the occupation of farming to a great number of 
the inhabitants. 

The streams in Granville do not move sluggishly as they do 
farther to the east. In the adjacent counties of Halifax and 
Northampton the lowest elevations are sixty-seven feet 9 and 
fifty-eight feet 10 respectively. Consequently there are swamps 
and slow-moving streams just east of Granville, and the county 
barely escapes being in the poorly drained marshlands. Without 
needing drainage, but with numberless stretches of lowgrounds, 
Granville is doubly fortunate in having the advantages of both 
the coastal plain and the Piedmont section. 

Warren and Franklin counties, which were cut off from Gran- 
ville in 1764 to form old Bute, 11 have soils that are favorable to 
agriculture. Warren is almost level, but gently roiling in some 
portions, with a soil that is not very uniform. Practically ail 
of it has a clay subsoil. Varying from a heavy red and yellow 
clay to a light sandy loam, the land is considered to be excellent 
agricultural soil. 12 Contiguous to Warren and on the south lies 
what is now known as Franklin County, which was formerly 
the southeastern section of Granville. Here, on the edge of the 
rolling uplands, is a greater variety of soils than in Warren. 13 
In the lower part of the county there is a light sandy soil with a 
clay subsoil, but in the middle and upper portions the soil is 
chiefly residual clay or clay loam formed by the decomposition 
of old granite rocks. In several places the old granite rocks 



8 John E. Buck, Map of Vance, Warren, Franklin, and Granville. 

9 Joseph Hyde Pratt, "Altitudes in North Carolina," North Carolina Geological civd Eco- 
nomic Sxirvey, Bulletin No. 27, p. 82. 

10 Ibid., 82. 

" Act of Assembly, S. R., XXIII, 625. 

12 Joseph Hyde Pratt, "Timber Resources of Warren County," North Carolina Geological 
and Economic Survey (1914), Press Bulletin No. 115, p. 1. 

13 W. F. Green, J. J. Davis, A. Arrinerton, Sketch of History avd Resources of Franklin 
County, prepared for North Carolina State Exposition (1881), 7. 



4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

appear above the soil, chiefly in Cedar Rock Township. Sandy 
areas are found in some sections of the county, but a great deal 
of the soil is yellow or red clay of a gravelly texture. 14 

Coming into the central part of old Granville, now known as 
Vance County, we find the same general characteristics : upland 
soil and alluvial lowlands. The upland soils, like much of the 
land in Franklin, have been formed by the decomposition of 
underlying rocks; chief among these rocks is granite, which 
tends to form a fertile soil. Types of soil known as Cecil, Dur- 
ham, Appling, Davidson, Iredell, Wilkes, Georgeville, and Ala- 
mance constitute the varieties which had their origin in rock 
formations. 15 

Of these soils, the Durham sandy loam, lying in the central 
and southeastern parts, is perhaps the most desirable of the 
upland types. It is quite well drained because of its undulating 
surface; 16 cultivation is also easy because the surface soil is a 
light gray, loamy sand of six to eight inches in depth with a 
subsoil of yellow, fairly compact clay. Deep cultivation is un- 
necessary, thus making it especially suitable for pioneer farm- 
ers. 17 Another desirable property of this soil is its quickness to 
gather warmth in the spring, thereby allowing early planting. 
Durham sandy loam also produced a heavy forest growth. 18 

In the northern and southern extremities of Vance is another 
important soil scientifically known as the Appling sandy loam. 19 

The topsoil usually consists of a gray, mellow, sandy loam 
mixed with a little fine gravel, while the subsoil is a heavy, yel- 
lowish, sandy clay. 20 In some places this type of soil is inter- 
spersed with outcrops of granite. Good drainage is naturally 
found in the Appling sandy loam on account of the slightly roll- 
ing topography and the gravel mixed in the topsoil. 21 The Dur- 
ham and Appling sandy loams compose the greatest part of the 
uplands in the region called Vance County. 



1* Joseph Hyde Pratt, "Timber Resources of Franklin County," North Carolina Geological 
and Economic Survey (1914), Press Bulletin, No. 143, p. 1. 

15 S. O. Perkins, Soil Survey of Vance County, North Carolina (1921), 30. 
™Ibid., 31. 

17 S. O. Perkins, Soil Survey of Vance County, North Carolina, 17. 

18 ibid., 18. 

19 Ibid., 18. 

20 Ibid., 18. 

21 Ibid., 21. 



The Settlement of Granville County 5 

Among the alluvial soils there are two varieties, known as the 
Roanoke silt loam and the meadow or Congaree material. 22 
Very little of the former is fit for cultivation, but it has an 
excellent stand of coarse grass which is valuable for cattle graz- 
ing. 23 The Congaree silt loam, though, is suitable for pasturage 
and for the easy production of corn. 24 Congaree silt loams are 
usually on the water-courses and are frequently subject to over- 
flows, but the water seldom remains on the land for any length 
of time. However, crops are occasionally harmed by freshets 
which flood the lowgrounds. As is to be expected, the broadest 
expanses of silt loam are found along Nutbush and Tabb's creeks, 
though stretches of it lie on Tar River, Ruin, Dodson's, Flat, 
Island, and Little Island creeks. 25 Running the gamut, from 
naturally productive lowlands to the Wilkes fine sandy loam, a 
very unproductive soil, the middle section of old Granville could 
furnish practically any type of land desired, The soil of Vance 
is a fair sample of that found throughout colonial Granville. 

In Granville County, as it exists today, the general soil forma- 
tion is somewhat similar to that of Vance, in that it consists of 
uplands and alluvial soils. The lands along the streams corre- 
spond identically with the Roanoke and Congaree varieties on 
the streams of Vance, 26 but the upland soils differ to a greater 
extent. 

The soils of the more elevated portions of Granville originated 
from three principal rock belts. 27 In the northwestern section 
is the underlying slate formation, 28 but passing to the south, the 
granite and gneiss belt is entered, while the south central por- 
tion of the county lies in the sandstone formation. The residual 
soils, derived from the slates, loams, and rough, stony lands, are 
characterized by a fine, silky texture. Throughout the granite 
belt the soil is a loam, varying from a coarse variety to a very 
fine sandy type. The area in the sandstone formation contains 
the form of soil that is generally termed the Granville coarse 



22 S. O. Perkins, Soil Survey of Vance County, North Carolina, 31. 

2 3 Ibid., 28. 

24 S. O. Perkins, Soil Survey of Vance County, North Carolina, 31. 

25 Ibid., 29. 

2 6 R. B. Hardison and D. D. Loner, Soil Survey of Granville County, North Carolina 
(1912), 19. 

2 7 R. B. Hardison and D. D. Lone, Soil Survey of Granville County, North Carolina, 44. 
2 § Ibid., 17. 



6 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

sandy loam. 29 Of these soils, the Granville coarse sandy loam is 
probably considered as one of the best types of soil in the county 
for easy fertilization. 30 

Along with the desirable soil there is a pleasant climate 
throughout the county. By choosing Henderson, a point very 
nearly in the central part of what was colonial Granville, we 
can get a fair idea of the weather conditions for the area. The 
average annual temperature is approximately fifty-nine degrees 
Fahrenheit, while the average in summer is seventy-eight de- 
grees, and in winter about thirty-nine degrees. These tempera- 
tures give summers that are not too hot and winters that are 
mild. The rainfall is also very nearly ideal ; it is well distributed 
throughout the seasons and averages about forty-eight and one- 
half inches. 31 A heavier precipitation in summer and lighter in 
fall is another physical factor which influenced the establishment 
of agriculture as the leading industry. The first killing frost in 
the fall comes about October 31, while the last one in spring falls 
around April 6. Consequently the area has a growing season of 
two hundred eight days, which is ample for producing practically 
any crop of the temperate belt. 32 The pleasant temperature, 
well distributed rainfall, and long growing season helped to 
establish the farming industry very firmly. 

Being so favored geographically, Granville naturally has a 
wide range of vegetation. The original forest growth was hard- 
wood, consisting of such varieties as oak and walnut. Mixed 
with the oak, and extending practically throughout all sections 
of the county, was a growth of original pine also. 33 In the early 
days there was an excellent growth of canes, reeds, 34 and 
grasses, 35 which is also true in a much less extensive fashion 
today. In 1728 Colonel William Byrd was favorably impressed 
by the "Meadows cloth'd with very rank-Grass, and Branchess 
full of tall Reeds, in which Cattle keep themselves fat good part 
of the Winter." 36 He also noted the fact that many of the streams 



20 R. B. Hardison and D. D. Long, Soil Survey of Granville County, North Carolina, 18. 

30 ibid., 89. 

31 S. O. Perkins, Soil Survey of Vance County, North Carolina, 7. 
32 /bid., 7. 

33 Joseph Hyde Pratt, "Timber Resources of Granville County," North Carolina Geological 
and Economic Survey, Press Bulletin No. 126, p. 2. 

34 William K. Boyd (editor), William Byrd's Dividing Line Histories (1929), 162. 

35 W. K. Boyd. Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 162. 

36 Ibid., 154. 



The Settlement of Granville County 7 

in the vicinity of Nutbush Creek were bordered by an exceed- 
ingly luxuriant growth of reeds. 37 Reports of such bountiful 
forage in the region that later became Granville County were 
not slow in circulating in the neighboring counties of Virginia, 
where they possibly impressed the people as they did Byrd, and 
no doubt proved to be a beacon for leading settlers into Gran- 
ville. 38 

An additional attraction for an earlier and different type of 
settler was the varied and abundant wild life of the county ; many 
of the animals were valuable as food and some for their hides. 
Epaphroditus Bainton, an early settler on the borders of Gran- 
ville, earned his living by ranging the woods for deer ; at the age 
of sixty he generally killed more than one hundred deer annu- 
ally. 39 Bears were not so numerous, but when fat, their flesh 
was considered a very choice meat. To quote William Byrd: 
"The Paw (which when stript of the hair, looks like a Human 
Foot) is accounted a dilicious Morsel by all who are not Schockt 
at the ungracious Resemblance it bears to a Human Foot." 40 Be- 
tween Blue Wing and Grassy creeks there were buffaloes, 41 and 
no doubt they were plentiful in all parts of the county. Byrd 
has left us an excellent description of a buffalo which was killed 
near Blue Wing Creek in 1728. 42 

There were also innumerable flocks of wild turkeys, 43 wild 
geese, 44 and beavers 45 to furnish food and a means of livelihood 
for those pioneers who were the forerunners of more regular 
forms of industry. The beaver, however, furnished the greatest 
inducement to the early settler because of the very profitable 
trade in its fur at that time. 46 According to contemporary re- 
port, they were very numerous in the northern section of Gran- 
ville in 1728 47 and proof of their existence in unusual numbers 
has been left in the names of several creeks in present-day War- 



37 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 162. 

38 Letter from Mr. Byrd to Captain Burrington, C. R., Ill, 195. 

39 W. K. Boyd, op. cit., 157. 

40 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 162. 

41 Ibid., 167. 

42 Captain John Collet, A Complete Map of North Carolina; John E. Buck, Map of Vance, 
Warren, Franklin, and Granville; W. K. Boyd, op. cit., 286-88. 

43 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 168. 178, 293. 
*4 Ibid., 158. 

45 Ibid., 292. 

46 Ibid., 294 ; John Lawson, History of Carolina, Containing the Exact Description and 
Natural History of That Country (1714), 198. 

47 W. K. Boyd, op. cit., 164, 292. 



8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ren, Vance, Franklin, and Granville counties. On the other 
hand, certain animals like the rattlesnake, 48 the wolf, the wild- 
cat, 49 and the squirrel 50 were great pests. In 1773 the As- 
sembly offered bounties of ten shillings, and two shillings six- 
pence proclamation money for the killing of wolves and wildcats, 
respectively, in Granville County. 51 Squirrels, as late as 1762, 
were so numerous as to be pests, and the Assembly, in direct 
contrast to present conservation programs, was constantly devis- 
ing schemes for ridding the county of them. So great was their 
damage to growing crops that they were referred to as vermin 
in the local bills which were passed for their destruction in 
Granville. 52 However, the wild life of the county was so abun- 
dant that it was an excellent source of food supply, and when, 
between Grassy and Island creeks, 53 Byrd was moved to remark 
"that no man need to despair of his daily Bread in the Woods," 
he was referring to the extensive supply of animal life in colonial 
Granville. 54 

The hand of nature was not so lavish in dispensing mineral 
wealth as it was in distributing agricultural favors. There is a 
vein of red hematitic iron ore of commercial value at Knap of 
Reeds, almost on the western boundary of the county. At and 
near Seth Post Office a vein of magnetite iron occurs, 55 while 
both types are found in limited amounts near Oxford. 56 Some 
magnetite also exists in the northwestern part of Old Granville. 
Gold is found at Ransom's Bridge in Warren, 57 and in Granville, 
at Young's Cross Roads, on Tar River near Oxford, and in 
Sassafras Fork Township. 58 In Franklin one of the townships 
has been named Gold Mine Township due to the fact that gold 
has been mined at the Partis Mine 59 on the eastern border of 
Franklin. Lying on the borders of Person and Granville coun- 



ts W. K. Boyd, op. cit., 158. 

^y Act of Assembly, S. R., XXIII, 914. 

50 House Journals, C. R., VI, 941. 

51 Act of Assembly, S. R., XXIII, 914. 

52 House Journals, C. R., VI, 931, 948. 

53 Collet, Map of North Carolina; J. E. Buck, Map of Warren, Vance, Franklin, and 
Granville. 

54 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories. 294. 

55 Henry Nitze. Iron Ores of North Carolina, Bulletin No. 1 of North Carolina Geological 
and Economic Survey (1893), 222. 

56 F. A. Genth and W. C. Kerr, Minerals and Mineral Localities of North Carolina (1881), 
Chap. I of Second Volume of the Geology of North Carolina, 103. 

57 F. A. Genth and W. C. Kerr, Minerals and Mineral Localities of North Carolina, Chap. 
I of Second Volume of the Geology of North Carolina, 119. 

58 Ibid., 103-104. 

59 Ibid., 102. 



The Settlement of Granville County 9 

ties, and the state of Virginia, there is a mining district where 
the chief ore is copper. 60 A number of shafts have been sunk, 
and it is an established fact that the ore is valuable commer- 
cially. 61 There are slight traces of a few other metals in Gran- 
ville, but none of them is of any importance. 

A county so favored agriculturally could not remain long in 
the hands of the Indians, though several tribes, at one time or 
another, lived in the county. An account of the different tribes 
of Indians and how they were gradually pushed out by the whites 
is a familiar story in American history. Granville County's 
development included the same familiar phase of history from 
Indian wars to the ardent desire of the early settler for land. 

Our first knowledge of Granville and vicinity comes from John 
Lawson, the surveyor and historian, who made a trip into the 
interior of North Carolina, either in 1704 or soon after. It is 
doubtful that Lawson did more than skirt through the edge of 
the county on his journey from Hillsboro to the Falls of the 
Neuse. He came from Achonechy town (Hillsboro) to another 
Indian town, Adshusheer, probably north of Durham. 62 From 
there they traveled apparently southeast, and to quote Lawson, 
"the first night we lay in a rich pocoson or lowground that was 
hard by a creek and good dry land." The following day their 
path lay through several tracts of rich and indifferent land. 
Pines were the chief trees. 63 This description fits the south- 
western corner of Granville perfectly, and if Lawson did not 
touch the county itself, his observations on the land and Indians 
are quite as true for Granville at that time as for any near-by 
point. 

Lawson was followed by a more verbose historian in the per- 
son of William Byrd. His account of running the dividing line 
between Virginia and North Carolina in 1728 gives interesting 
particulars of northern Granville, both on the way to the moun- 
tains and on the return. 64 Any unnamed streams that flowed 
toward the Roanoke were named by Byrd's party, or in case they 



60 Francis B. Laney, The Geology and Ore Deposits of the Virgilina District of Virginia 
and North Carolina, North Carolina Geological and Economic Survey, Bulletin No. 26 (1917), 
p. 74. 

61 Ibid., 164. 

62 John Lawson, History of Carolina, 97-98. 

63 Ibid., 99. 

64 W. K. Boyd. Byrd's Dividing Line Histories. 160-167, 286-299. 



10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

were already named, he recorded it. Hawtree Creek in Hawtree 
Township of Warren County was so named when Byrd passed 
over it more than two hundred years ago. He also mentioned 
the Trading path which forded Hawtree Creek. The name by 
which he referred to Smith Creek, however, did not endure long ; 
it was called Great Creek. As he came into what is now Vance 
County, Byrd found Nutbush Creek already so designated on 
account of the hazelnut trees growing on its banks. 05 Island 
Creek was formerly called Massamony or Massamoni Creek, so 
named by the Indians because the name signified ''in their Lan- 
guage, Paint-Creek, . . . because of the great quantity of Red 
ochre found on its banks." An Indian name, Yapatsco or Beaver 
Creek, was given the next stream toward the west, and Grassy 
Creek was then called "in the Saponi Language, Ohimpamoni, 
Signifying Jumping Creek, from the frequent Jumping of Fish 
during the Spring Season." 66 Byrd and his party themselves 
named Blue Wing Creek on account of the many blue-wings, a 
small creek-water duck. 67 In addition to naming and describing 
the creeks, Byrd's account touches on the soil, animals, vegeta- 
tion, and Indians of the section that later became Granville. 

In so far as records indicate, Indians in and around Granville 
County were very numerous. In 1676, due to trouble over beaver 
skins and difficulties with the Susquehannas, the Occaneechi 
Indians moved from Occaneechi Island in the Roanoke River to 
Hillsboro. Therefore, between 1676 and 1701 the entire tribe 
crossed over Granville County to Hillsboro, where Lawson found 
them in 1701. 68 The logical way for them to have made the trip 
would have been over the Trading Path. The Maherrins lived 
east from Granville, 69 and so did the Tuscaroras, 70 but many of 
the latter lived in Granville along the headwaters of the Neuse 
River in the vicinity of Knap of Reeds Creek. 71 A Tutelo tribe 



G5 W. K. Boyd, cp. cit., 162; Henry Mouzon, An Accurate Mo?) of North Carolina and 
South Carolina (1775) ; J. E. Buck, Map of Vance, Warren, Franklin, and Granville. 

66 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividinq Line Histories, 164. 

67 Ibid., 166f. 

68 John Lawson, History of Carolina, 97 ; Frederick Webb Hodge, Handbook of American 
Indians (1910). II, 103. 

69 Council Journals. C. R., 11. 644; Bishop Spaneenburg's Diary, C. R., V, 1. 

70 Bishop Spangenburg's Diary, C. R., V, 1 ; F. W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, 
II, 842. 

71 John Spencer Bassett. "A Journey to Eden," The Writings of Colonel William Byrd of 
Westover in Virginia Esq., 283; W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 290. (Near 
Knap of Reeds Creek there is a hill still known as "Indian Grave Hill" where there was 
evidently an Indian burying ground. ) 



The Settlement of Granville County 11 

and the Saponi were settled barely over the Granville line in 
Virginia; 72 the Nottaway Indians were also near-by, 73 as were 
the Nansemonds. 74 Granville, then, was part of the original 
home of the Tuscaroras and the hunting ground for several 
other tribes. Therefore one may expect that Indians were there 
in great numbers. In 1753 the Assembly appointed commission- 
ers in Granville and three frontier counties to furnish provisions 
for the Indians who were allied with the province against the 
French and Cherokees. 75 Later Andrew Hampton of Granville 
presented a bill to the Assembly for having accommodated one 
hundred sixty Indians in Granville County. 76 In order to con- 
tribute that number of warriors, there must have been a large 
Indian population in the county. As late as 1775 a man who 
murdered his family on Flat Rock Creek spread the alarm that 
the Indians had done it, and the report was generally believed. 77 
The Tuscaroras, no doubt, were the most numerous, especially 
before the Indian Massacre in 1711. Apparently they lived in 
other parts of Granville besides the section around Knap of 
Reeds Creek; they were in the northern part of the county be- 
tween Grassy and Island creeks. After the war they were sup- 
posed not to be so numerous; 78 yet they were still present in 
considerable numbers in 1766. 79 Next in importance were the 
Saponi. In 1728 Byrd had Saponi hunters to supply his men 
with game, 80 and many streams in northern Granville received 
their names from the Saponi. From 1753 to 1758 there was a 
small band of the Saponi living slightly north of Henderson. 
They probably never numbered more than thirty at that particu- 
lar spot, but the tribe as a whole seems to have been much more 
thoroughly acquainted with the surrounding country than any 
other tribe in the vicinity. William Eaton was their mentor 
because they lived on his land and he acted as interpreter for 
them. 81 The fact that he could act as their interpreter indicates 



72 W. K. Boyd, op. cit., 310 ; F. W. Hodee, op. tit., II, 855. 

73 W. K. Boyd, op. cit., 113. 

74 Lieut. Gov. Gooch's Answer to Queries, C. R., Ill, 89. 

75 House Journals, C. R., V, 853. 

76 House Journals, C. R., V, 853. 

77 A. R. Newsome (editor), "Twelve North Carolina Counties in 1810-1811," North Caro- 
lina Historical Review, VI (1929), 172. 

78 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 290. 

79 Council Journals, C. R., VII, 300. 
so W. K. Boyd, op. cit., 160. 

81 Report of Committee of Public Claims, C. R., V, 981 ; Item Received with Gov. Dobb's 
Letter, C. R., V, 321 ; Abstracts of Returns from Several Counties, C. R., V, 162. 



12 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that he had been accustomed to dealing with them in great num- 
bers. Likewise, there were a few Maherrin warriors in the 
county in 1753. 82 The warlike Tuscaroras constitute a familiar 
chapter in North Carolina history, but the Saponi, not being so 
important in the colony as in Granville County, have not been 
fully treated. According to Byrd's treatise on the Saponi, they 
lived originally on the Yadkin River, but they fought other 
tribes so often that they were weakened. Then their enemies 
fell on them and they applied to Virginia for protection. In 1703 
they settled at Christiana, ten miles north of the Roanoke, from 
where many of them probably drifted into Granville. The county 
was a hunting ground for the Saponi, who were really a union 
of Saponi, Occaneechi, and Conestoga Indians. Later the Saponi 
moved to the Catawba River, and the Occaneechi to Hillsboro. 

The Saponi had customs and failings that were common to 
Indian tribes. As a rule they were cleaner than the average 
Indian, but, on the other hand, they fell a prey to rum. In fact 
the whites in the vicinity of the Roanoke River sold them so 
much whiskey that the Indians' morals were debauched and 
their health weakened. They were fond of show and loved to 
impress the whites. 83 

By degrees the white settlers wrested from the Indians the 
area which later became Granville. Fear of the numerous 
Indians made the process very slow, and only a few brave spirits 
dared to enter the country for many years. In the gradual 
winning of the land from the Indians there may be seen the 
usual familiar story of pioneer hunters living among the Indians, 
followed by a steady seepage of whites into the Indian territory 
until the tribes suddenly awoke to the realization that their pos- 
sessions were being encroached upon. There is practically no 
evidence of the presence of white settlers in Granville until 
after the strength of the Tuscaroras was broken in 1711. From 
that date on, the arrival of whites in the county was steady. 

An unknown author, writing in 1810, says that a dread of the 
numerous Indians in Warren County prevented its earlier settle- 
ment. 84 As pointed out above, the Indians were numerous and 



82 Prefatory Notes, C. R.. V, xli. 

83 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 308-11. 

84 A. R. Newsome, "Twelve North Carolina Counties in 1810-11," North Carolina Historical 
Review, VI (1929), 172. 



The Settlement of Granville County 13 

there can be no doubt of the truth of the forgotten writer's 
statement. The exact date of Granville's settlement probably 
came soon after the Tuscarora trouble in 1711, when the fiercest 
of the county's Indians had been quieted. In 1728 the most 
westerly settler had not come as far west as Granville on the 
northern boundary. 85 The existence of earlier settlers in the 
southeastern part of the county seems scarcely plausible, because 
pioneers from the East would more naturally follow the Roanoke 
into Granville. They could, however, have followed the Tar 
from the Bath vicinity, but the only such record 86 is veiled in 
uncertainty. The story of old Popcastle, which is one mile west 
of Kittrell on the Linbank Road, agrees with the theory that the 
earliest settlers came from Bath. The section around Kittrell 
was beginning to be settled about 1720, when a large party ar- 
rived at old Bath and made their way toward Granville. They 
settled on Rum Creek near the Linbank Road. Here a myste- 
rious and imposing house was built of enormous hewn logs and 
occupied by two men, the one a tall, elegantly dressed gentleman 
who was never seen except from a distance, and the other a 
Scotch servant who acted as guard and referred to his master 
as "My Lord." The servant paid liberally for what was bought, 
but never answered any inquisitive questions. This state of 
affairs continued until 1734, when a caravan of horses carried 
them off, and they were never heard of again. But in five weeks 
another mysterious character moved in; he built sheds, a race 
track, and a cockpit. Then the sign, "Popcastle Inn — Entertain- 
ment for Man and Beast," appeared. Captain Popcastle spent 
money lavishly and was generally believed to have been a pirate. 
The popularity of the inn drew people from miles around. After 
enjoying this prosperity and independence for nearly fifteen 
years, heavily armed men came and arrested the Captain by 
authority of the King on the charge of being a pirate. Popu- 
larity of the inn continued under other proprietors until it began 
to wane during and after the Revolution. Whether this story 



85 W. K. Boyd, Byrd's Dividing Line Histories, 298. 

8 6 C. W. Raney, Old Popcastle, Its History and Mysteries (1917). The person who gave the 
account was in his nineties, seventy years before the publication of this pamphlet. He heard 
it from his erandfather, who lived to be one hundred years old. The grandfather said that 
he came to the settlement when "the Blue Ridere was not over three feet hieh, and Tar 
River was nothine more than a sorine branch." Hence little credence can be put in it 
except as other records seem to indicate a slieht element of truth. 



14 The JSToeth Carolina Historical Review 

be fact 87 or tradition, it establishes some basis for the assump- 
tion that the earliest settlers entered Granville from the south- 
east. 

Another story which further bears out the theory is based on 
the fact that Granville's settlement began about 1715. 88 "The 
first white woman who came into Granville was Abigail Sugan, 
a French Huguenot. She married a man by the name of Cook, 
who was so improvident that his wife was under the necessity 
of swaddling their first born with old meal sacks hastily gathered 
up at his little mill. Cook having died, she married, the second 
time, a man by the name of Christmas, who lived at the place 
now known as Jones's White Sulphur Springs, in Warren County.'' 
The fact that the first woman was French makes more plausible 
yet the theory that the very earliest Granville settlers came into 
the county from the Bath vicinity. 

Between the years of 1711 and 1746 there came so many 
people from the East and from Virginia 89 that the region be- 
came populous enough to be made into a separate county. In 
the act 90 which authorized Granville's formation, the reason for 
so doing was that Edgecombe County was so extensively settled 
that the transaction of public business had become very difficult. 
It also stated that Edgecombe was a frontier county. Collection 
of county and parish taxes was almost an impossibility due to 
the great size of Edgecombe; militia duty was also difficult to 
handle. 91 Granville became a frontier county in 1746 and the 
steady stream of Virginians into the county continued un- 
abated; 92 so much so that in 1755 the Reverend Hugh McAden, 
on a visit to Granville, was told that the inhabitants were prin- 
cipally from Virginia. 93 



87 Granville County Court Record (1820-1822), 3. (In the office of the Clerk of Court at 
Oxford, N. C.) Further proof of some vestige of truth in the story is found in the fact 
that the name, Pop Castle, lingered as a name for one of the places of election in Granville 
as late as 1820. 

88 Robert I. Devin, A History of Grassy Creek Baptist Church (1880), 22ff. 

89 Granville County Deed Books, Volume A through L. (In Office of Register of Deeds at 
Oxford. N. C.) (Both the name Cook and Christmas were familiar among the names of 
early landholders in Granville.) Granville County Deed Book. A. 245; E, 18; «/, 43. (Here- 
after all references to the deed books will be by volume indicated by a letter, and page, as 
A, 245.) 

90 Act for Dividing Edgecombe, S. R., XXIII. 249-50. 

91 Act of Assembly, S. R., XXIII, 249-50. 

92 "Marriage Bonds at Oxford," William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, 
XIII (July, 1914), 23-24. (Thirty-seven marriage bonds are given, dated from 1756 to 
1773. A footnote states that, "Nearly all these people emigrated from Virginia.") 

93 Rev. Wm. Henry Foote, Sketches of North Carolina (1846). 166. 



The Settlement of Granville County 15 

During the colonial period three hundred two separate regis- 
tered tracts of land were granted to Virginians who came into 
North Carolina as landholders; 94 doubtless many others failed 
to have their holdings registered. Many of the people who 
came certainly were not freeholders, and there is no way to 
ascertain even the approximate number of Virginia settlers other 
than to say that many others came, in addition to those who 
registered grants of land. 

From the neighboring counties of Brunswick, Isle of Wight, 
Surry, Nansemond, Lunenburg, and Southampton poured a con- 
tinuous stream of Virginia farmers into Granville, seeking more 
room and better soil. Settlers from these counties continued to 
arrive in Granville throughout the colonial period. Their prox- 
imity to such a vast unsettled area may possibly help to explain 
their settlement in Granville. These were not, however, the 
only Virginia counties that contributed settlers to the county. 
As early as 1748, now and then, immigrants arrived from Albe- 
marle and Hanover counties. Later Amelia and Culpeper coun- 
ties began to contribute their quota. In the cases of these later- 
mentioned counties, proximity was not the moving influence. 
In 1752 the tide of settlers from Hanover County increased, and 
five years later several others came. This influx from Hanover 
might be distantly connected with the religious disturbances 
which arose there in 1740. 95 Many people were indicted for 
dissenting from the Established Church in Hanover. 96 Having 
heard of the excellent farming lands in Granville, it is presuma- 
ble that many of the settlers from Hanover came into the county 
for economic as well as religious reasons. Evidently some of 
the early colonists in northern Granville were from "humble 
walks of life." 97 In 1769 there were many Baptists settled in 
Granville, and they were considered as great bigots by the min- 
ister of the Established Church, who avowed his intention of 
using every prudent method at his disposal to abolish dissen- 
sion. 98 In the following excerpt 99 from his letter the same 



94 Granville County Deed Books, A-L, furnish with few exceptions the basis for this entire 
discussion relative to the Virginia counties from which the Granville settlers came. 

95 Charles Campbell, History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia (1860), 438. 

96 Ibid., 442. 

97 R. I. Devin, History of Grassy Creek Baptist Church, 26. 

98 Letter from Reverend James McCartney to the Secretary of S.P.G., C.R., VIII, 85. 

99 Ibid., VIII, 85. 






16 The Nokth Carolina Historical Review 

minister gave a summary of the religious life in Granville that 
seems to be borne out by other contemporary records : 

... In the beginning of June, I went to Granville, by the advice of 
Governor Tryon : where I was cordially received by the people, and 
they still continue to render my life as agreeable as the situation of the 
place admits of. Since I settled here I have Baptised 221 whites and 
79 Blacks exclusive of the number above mentioned. There are many 
Presbyterrians in this Parish, and they have a minister settled amongst 
them. There are likewise many Baptists here, who are great Bigots; 
but be well assured, Reverend Sir, that I will (from a sense of my Duty 
and just gratitude to the Society) take every prudent method I am 
capable of to abolish Dissension and make converts to the Church. 

However, the settlement of the county by religious dissenters 
was not very extensive. No such motive can be attributed to 
the numerous settlers already mentioned, nor to those from 
Dinwiddie, Goochland, Bedford, Westmoreland, Chesterfield, 
Louisa, Northumberland, Prince George, Accomac, King and 
Queen, Pittsylvania, and Fauquier counties, all of which con- 
tributed many colonists for Granville's settlement. The Vir- 
ginia settlers cannot be traced to any definite locality of the 
colony. They seem to have come from all sections of Virginia. 
More came from Surry, Mecklenburg, and Hanover than from 
other sections, due to the proximity of the first two to Granville, 
and to a slight religious disturbance coupled with a desire for 
land on the part of the Hanover settlers. It can be definitely 
stated, then, that twenty-eight Virginia counties furnished set- 
tlers for Granville, and that the county drew its settlers from 
practically all sections of Virginia except the Eastern Shore, 
because before the original counties of Virginia were subdivided 
the above mentioned twenty-eight represented a great part of 
the colony. The source of these Virginia settlers can, however, 
largely be limited to the Piedmont section. The Granville County 
family that cannot trace its forbears to some pioneering Vir- 
ginian is an exception. 100 Governor Martin, in 1772, remarked 
that Granville had been settled by people who had migrated 
from Virginia. 101 



100 This conclusion is based on a summary of Granville County Deed Books. 

101 Letter from Governor Martin to Secretary, C. R., IX, 349. (The pronunciation of the 
diphthong ou, which is peculiar to Virsinians. is heard today in Granville as frequently as 
in Virginia. Nor is Granville's proximity to Virginia the cause of this similarity in accent, 
for in other counties of North Carolina, along the border, the same stress is not heard.) 



The Settlement of Granville County IT 

Numerous reflections have been cast on the type of Virginia 
settler who came into North Carolina, but none of those reflec- 
tions can apply to Granville County. As early as 1744 Virgin- 
ians who wished to move into the Granville District applied to 
Lord Granville concerning lands contiguous to Virginia. 102 
Since a trifling and aimless people would not manage business 
in that way, we can feel assured that the Virginia pioneers con- 
sidered the matter of moving into North Carolina as a business 
proposition of sound value. An analysis of all the registered 
land grants made in the county during the colonial period reveals 
the facts that the average size of grants made, including those to 
Virginians, was three hundred forty-four acres, while the aver- 
age size of land grants made to Virginians alone averaged four 
hundred forty-two acres. Thus we have a very clear indication 
that Virginians who came into North Carolina received larger 
grants of land. Such a condition assures us that the Virginians 
were getting larger tracts of land because they were coming to 
make permanent homes. 

Of the fifty-one registered tracts of land exceeding one thou- 
sand acres, granted in Granville County during the colonial 
period, twenty-five were made to native Virginians who had not 
previously lived in the colony of North Carolina. There were 
also many nine-hundred as well as six-hundred-and-forty-acre 
tracts bought by Virginians. The average price paid per acre 
for Granville land by Virginians shows that, as a rule, they paid 
higher prices for land than were current at the time. As a re- 
sult, they surely obtained more fertile tracts of land. The aver- 
age price per acre paid by Virginians was six shillings and 
twelvepence, while an average estimated in the same manner 
reveals the fact that all the citizens paid only four shillings and 
twopence for theirs. 103 

The type of Virginia settler, then, who came into Granville 
investigated the likelihood of obtaining land before he left home, 
bought larger tracts than the average, and, in order to get fertile 
land, paid more for it than was customary. 






102 Granville District Papers, "Granville's Instruction for Corbin's going to North Carolina" 
(1744). (In the Office of the North Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh, N. C. ) 

103 These estimates are based on fierures and facts found in Granville County Deed 
Books, A - L. 



18 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

In addition to the families that came to Granville after its 
formation, there were many who settled there before 1746. No 
doubt a great number came before that date, because it was due 
to their arrival in great numbers that a necessity arose for divid- 
ing Edgecombe. It has been stated that Granville was filled by 
an overflow from Virginia in 1755, 104 but it seems more credible, 
in the light of records, that the county received a great deluge 
of Virginians slightly prior to 1746. The Williams, 105 Per- 
son, 106 and Henderson 107 families all came before that date. 
It is true, no doubt, that stories told by members of the William 
Byrd expedition and by the Virginia traders fired the instinctive 
love of land and adventure in the colonial Virginian. 

Apparently after the county had been formed and prosperity 
established to some degree, a number of Scottish families found 
their way into Granville. The Alstons and Millers were of 
Scotch origin; other Scotch were the Venables, Youngs, Hamil- 
tons, and Steeds. 108 

In 1754 there were seven hundred seventy-nine white taxables 
in the county; 109 by 1765 the number had increased to nine hun- 
dred seventy-four; 110 while in 1767 the number was one thou- 
sand and twenty-two. 111 A white taxable was any white man 
above eighteen years of age who was capable of bearing arms, 
but he did not have to own any property; hence these figures 
reveal the steady growth of the county, if we assume that all 
increased in the same proportion as the taxables. At the close 
of the colonial period in 1775, thirty-five North Carolina counties 
were called on to raise Minute Men. Only four of the more 
populous ones, including Granville, were required to raise as 
many as three companies. 112 The remaining counties had to 
raise only one or two companies. Growing from a thinly popu- 
lated frontier county to one of the most populous in the colony, 
within a period of thirty years, was a phenomenon which can 
be understood only when one takes into account the great num- 



104 s. A. Ashe, Biographical History of North Carolina (1905), III, 427. 

105 Ibid., Ill, 427. 

iocs. A. Ashe, op. cit.. Ill, 381. 

107 Ibid., Ill, 300. 

108 S. A. Ashe, Bioaraphical History of North Carolina, I. 218. 

109 General List of Taxables, C. R., V, 320. 
HO/bzU, C. R., VII, 145. 

in Ibid., C. R.. VII, 539. 

H2 Journal of the Proceedings of the Provincial Concress of North Carolina, held at 
Hillsborough 20th August, A. D. 1775, C. R., X, 207. 



The Settlement of Granville County 19 

ber of Virginians who flocked into Granville in the colonial 
period. During that same time Bute was cut off from Granville, 
and that fact made the tremendous growth in population yet 
more phenomenal. In spite of its growth the county remained 
without towns. Judging from the sizes of the tracts of land 
sold, there were no towns in Granville prior to 1759 unless they 
were built on one man's estate, as in the case of the develop- 
ment of Oxford somewhat later. 113 Harrisburg was referred 
to earlier 114 than any other town, and in commenting on it in 
1778, James Iredell said that it was "a burlesque upon a town," 
consisting of half a dozen straggling houses. If that were the 
case in 1778, 115 it could not have been a very imposing town in 
1766, when it was first mentioned. 110 Perhaps the next settle- 
ment that could be called a town was Williamsboro, which sprang 
from an ordinary and a store on the crossroads that led to Tay- 
lor's Ferry and Halifax. 117 The settlements surrounding Nut- 
bush and Grassy creeks were populous, but Williamsboro was 
the nearest approach to a town. 

As a generalization, it is safe to say that the Indians of early 
Granville, especially the Tuscaroras, were so numerous that 
settlement by the whites was discouraged until somewhat later 
than 1711. There were several tribes in Granville, but the 
Saponi seem to have left the most lasting impression. Settle- 
ment of the county probably began about 1720, when an occa- 
sional settler pushed up from eastern Carolina. This phase of 
Granville's settlement was negligible in comparison with the 
tremendous influx of Virginians, both before 1746 and during 
the entire colonial period. The number of Scotch who came in 
after 1746 was also meager w T hen compared with the numerous 
Virginia settlers. Despite these newcomers, Granville did not 
have a town with more than a dozen houses in it during the 
entire colonial period. Granville was, therefore, an extension 
of the Virginia farming area. 



H3 K, 204. 

H4 H, 94. 

115 John Griffith McRee, Life and Correspondence of James Iredell (1857), I, 378. 

H6 F. 412; H, 207; Collet, Map of North Carolina; J. E. Buck, Map of Vance, Warren, 
Franklin, and Granville. 

H7 F, 412; H, 207; Collet, Map of North Carolina; J. E. Buck, Map of Vance, Warren, 
Franklin, and Granville. 



HAMBURG: AN EXPERIMENT IN TOWN 
PROMOTION 

By Rosser H. Taylor 

As a result of the disastrous floods in the Savannah River 
Valley in August and September of 1929, the Red Cross an- 
nounced that it had come to the relief of Hamburg for the last 
time. The Negroes living in Hamburg were forthwith moved 
to high ground a short distance up the river, and thus was ad- 
ministered the coup de grace to the languishing existence of what 
was for many years the leading interior market of South Caro- 
lina. 

Hamburg, South Carolina, situated on the Savannah River 
just opposite the city of Augusta, Georgia, owes its existence 
and early development to the industry, perseverance, and un- 
doubted promotive ability of a German immigrant, one Henry 
Shultz. This remarkable man, born in Hamburg, Germany, 
came to Augusta, Georgia, in 1806, and engaged as a boatman 
on the Savannah River for ten dollars per month. 1 He was then 
a young man without money and influential friends and wholly 
unfamiliar with the English language. Notwithstanding these 
handicaps, Shultz, with great energy of mind and purpose, be- 
came within a few years one of the outstanding business men 
of Augusta. He constructed a wharf at Augusta ; and with his 
partner, John McKinne, established a bank known as the "Bridge 
Bank," and erected a tollbridge over the Savannah which stood 
about fifty years. 2 Besides, Shultz was one of the thirty-two 
incorporators of the Steamboat Company of Georgia, which 
enjoyed the exclusive privilege of navigating the rivers and other 
waters of Georgia with boats propelled by steam. 3 The bridge, 
which was chartered by the legislature of South Carolina in 1813 
and by the legislature of Georgia in 1814, was opened to traffic 
in 1815 and operated in connection with the Bridge Bank. In 
May, 1819, holders of the bridge bills 4 presented so many of 



1 From a brief sketch of Henry Shultz reprinted in the Greenville Mountaineer of Oct. 1, 
1847, from the Hamburg Republican. 

2 Scott, E. J.. Random Recollections of a Long Life (Columbia, 1844), p. 26. There is a 
statement in the Greenville Mountaineer of June 5. 1840, to the effect that the Lower 
Bridtre was washed away May 27, 1840. The Lower Bridee was erected by Shultz and 
McKinne, and it is therefore possible that Scott was in error. 

3 Jones, C. C. Memorial History of Augusta, Georgia (Syracuse, 1890), p. 473. 

4 Bank notes issued by the Bridge Bank. 

[ 20 ] 



Hamburg: An Experiment In Town Promotion 21 

them for redemption at one time that the bank was unable to 
meet the demand, and, accordingly, closed its doors. 5 Shortly 
thereafter Shultz was sued by his creditors, and his property, 
including the bridge, was seized and sold. The taking of the 
"Dutchman's Bridge" by what Shultz derisively called the 
"monied aristocrats of Augusta" embittered the remainder of his 
long life and determined in large measure his subsequent con- 
duct. Two immediate results of the seizure of the bridge by the 
Bank of the State of Georgia and others were, first, the initia- 
tion of a long and bitter lawsuit, 6 wherein Shultz endeavored to 
recover the bridge or its equivalent; and second, the founding 
of the town of Hamburg as the commercial rival of Augusta. 
Shultz repeatedly asserted in his communications to the news- 
papers that "the taking of the bridge was the founding of Ham- 
burg." With pitiless emphasis he wrote: "Had not this [the 
bridge] been taken there would have been, I am sure, no Ham- 
burg at the present day, and perhaps no railroad . . . and this 
taking Augusta will repent to the end of time, for I shall be able 
with permission of the Great Ruler to teach that once great city 
a lesson ever to be remembered how to tamper with common 
sense and the hard earnings of an honest man." 7 

Chagrined by the loss of his property and armed with the 
resolution to humble Augusta, Shultz, on June 6, 1821, entered 
into a written agreement with John B. Covington, in behalf of 
himself and wife and as guardian for Carolina Fair and John 
H. Fair, to rent and lease from Covington "a certain tract and 
plantation of land containing 330 acres more or less situate oppo- 
site the city of Augusta." This tract of land was described as 
originally belonging to the Chickasaw Indians, but by 1821 it 
had passed into the hands of John B. Covington and wife, Cov- 



5 Edgefield Advertiser, May 13, 1841. 

6 Case of Christian Breithaupt and Henry Shultz vs. the Bank of the State of Georgia et al. 
United States Supreme Court Reports, 1 Peters. 238. The "Bridsre Case" was first tried in 
the Circuit Court in Savannah, June, 1821. The case was sent therefrom to the Supreme 
Court of the United States on "a certificate of division of opinion." Because the record 
did not show that the defendants were citizens of Georgia, the case was dismissed by the 
Supreme Court for want of jurisdiction ; whereupon Shultz took possession of the South 
Carolina end of the bridere and proceeded to collect tolls until enjoined by a federal court 
from so doiner. Thus thwarted, Shultz made an unsuccessful attempt to commit Buicide. 
The case was reopened in the Court of Equity for the Edeefield District, June. 1842 ; and. 
the decision aeainst him, Shultz carried his case to the Court of Appeal at Columbia, where 
he was once more defeated. The case was brouerht to the Supreme Court aarain in 1848 ; but 
a final decision was not reached until after Shultz's death, Oct. 13, 1851. Considerable pub- 
licity was erained by this litication because it involved the boundary line between South 
Carolina and Georgia. 

7 Edgefield Advertiser, Nov. 5, 1840. 



22 The Nokth Carolina Historical Review 

ington acting- as guardian for the heirs of Isaac Fair. Shultz 
engaged to pay rent in the sum of five hundred dollars per year 
for six years, and, in addition, he was to drain the swamp, lay 
off the premises into lots, squares, and streets, and "to build 
thereon houses for groceries, goods, cotton, tobacco, and other 
produce ... to erect wharves and to lease lots to others." 
Upon the expiration of the lease, the interested parties were to 
divide "the improved value or improvements made into four 
parts" and Shultz was to receive a fourth part of the improve- 
ments, together with a fourth part of said tract of land by pay- 
ing for said lands at the rate of $7,000. 8 It is obvious that 
Shultz and Covington were mutually interested in the project of 
erecting a town. It was a speculative enterprise, the success of 
which depended upon Shultz's ability to borrow money with 
which to develop the swamp site selected for the future rival 
of Augusta. Failure to secure the necessary money and to make 
the improvements specified in the agreement before the expira- 
tion of the lease would ipso facto cause the land to revert to its 
former status. Shultz succeeded in borrowing some money from 
private sources and began on July 2, 1821, to build the town of 
Hamburg. 9 In a card inserted in the Charleston City Gazette, 
May 20, 1822, he stated that he had succeeded through the aid 
of friends in erecting seventy-eight buildings — "among them a 
warehouse 50x300 feet for cotton and tobacco — a public house 
50 x 70 feet, several stores all safe from freshets and from two 
to three feet above the level of the streets of Augusta. ... As 
Hamburg will attract the attention of the citizens of South Caro- 
lina, North Carolina, and Tennessee, and nature having done 
much for it . . . the undersigned has not the smallest doubt it 
will become a place of importance." 10 

In furtherance of his undertaking, Shultz then presented a 
memorial to the General Assembly of South Carolina in which 
he asked for a loan of money, an appropriation to improve the 



8 Register of Mesne Conveyances for the Edgefield District (1822), p. 71, Judge of Pro- 
bate's Office, Ederefield. S. C. (Hereafter cited as Register of Mesne Conveyances ) This 
agreement was subsequently chanced so as to permit Shultz to possess in fee simple one- 
fourth part of the 330 acres upon payment of $4,750. Ibid. (1822), p. 373. 

9 According to old settlers around Hamburg:, Shultz employed a large force of hands and 
erected overnight the fronts of several buildings. Such procedure was entirely in keeping 
with Shultz's flair for the dramatic. 

10 By the way of impressing the public with the auspicious beginning of Hamburg, Shultz 
pointed out that 25,000 bales of cotton were stored in the warehouse between Oct. 29 and 
Nov. 23. Charleston City Gazette, May 20, 1822. 



Hamburg : An Experiment In Town Promotion 23 

inland navigation between Hamburg and Charleston, for leave 
to open two roads and for the establishment of a bank at Ham- 
burg. 11 The memorial was referred to a joint committee 12 and 
Mr. Hamilton 13 for the joint committee reported bills em- 
bracing Shultz's essential requests. Concerning the loan from 
the State, Shultz on January 26, 1822, executed a mortgage to 
John Cunningham and David Ramsay, commissioners for the 
State, and their successors in office, for $50,000 with interest at 
6 per cent payable at the end of each year five years after the 
execution of the bond. He further gave to the State his personal 
bond with security for the sum of $25,000 ; but the record shows 
that Shultz received only $50,000 from the State. 14 For secur- 
ity Shultz pledged "one undivided fourth part of all that tract 
and parcel of land containing 330 acres," leased from Coving- 
ton, 15 together with "one-fourth part of the houses and improve- 
ments of whatever nature or kind in said town of Hamburg." 16 
By what means did this German immigrant, resident of South 
Carolina for only a few months, secure from the State a substan- 
tial loan on rather questionable security? The answer is at 
hand. Shultz, in his capacity as the founder and promoter of 
Hamburg, convinced the General Assembly that with its assist- 
ance he could develop a market at Hamburg which would absorb 
the trade of Upper South Carolina and provide, with the co- 
operation of Charleston, facilities for forwarding the cotton and 
other products of the Up-Country, which had previously been 
marketed in Augusta, to Charleston by water. According to 
W. A. Clark, Shultz represented to the General Assembly that by 
routing trade to Charleston by way of the Savannah River, the 
commerce of Charleston would grow, while the farmers and 
planters of the Up-Country would effect a great saving in bridge 
tolls by patronizing the Hamburg market. 17 At the time Henry 
Shultz memorialized the General Assembly, Charleston was seek- 



11 Southern Chronicle (Camden, S. C), Dec. 18, 1822. The text of the memorial does not 
appear in either the House or Senate Journals. 

12 Journals of the House of Representatives of South Carolina, Dec. 13, 1822, p. 151. 

13 Probably James Hamilton, sometime governor of South Carolina. 

14 See House Journal, 1826, p. 231. 

1 5 See supra, r>. 21. 

16 This aereement is found in the Eeaister of Mesne Conveyances (1822), p. 367. At the 
same time John B. Covinsrton executed a mortsrajre to the State Commissioners for $20,000 
and erave as security another undivided fourth of the same tract of land. Ibid. (1822), 
p. 370. 

1 7 Clark, W. A., The History of Bankina Institutions Organized in South Carolina Prior 
to 1860 (Columbia, 1922), p. 113. 



24 The JNToeth Carolina Historical Review 

ing to capture the trade of the upper Savannah River Valley, 
and the State, convinced of the feasibility of Shultz's plans, 
made the cause of Charleston its own. 18 To insure success, 
Shultz pointed out that it would be necessary for the State to 
improve the navigation of the Savannah River so as to make it 
boatable at all seasons, and to establish a bank in Hamburg 
which would provide at all times sound money for purchasing 
cotton. Shultz and his supporters in Charleston and Hamburg 
would do the rest. The State not only appropriated money for 
improving the inland navigation between Hamburg and Charles- 
ton and established a bank in Hamburg, but it also showed fur- 
ther evidence of its favor by exempting "all lots of land, Negro 
slaves, stock in trade, and all other taxable property" within the 
town from taxation for five years. 19 

For improving inland navigation between Hamburg and 
Charleston the General Assembly of South Carolina appropriated 
$15,000 and appointed three commissioners, of which Henry 
Shultz was one, to have charge of letting contracts and of testing 
the work. 20 There were probably other appropriations; but 
due to an agreement between South Carolina and Georgia re- 
garding the navigation of the Savannah River, which required 
the assent of Congress, the Committee on Internal Improve- 
ments recommended to the General Assembly of South Carolina 
in 1827 that the State "do not legislate further on the navigation 
of the Savannah River until Congress approves the agreement 
between South Carolina and Georgia." 21 Notwithstanding the 
difficulty of navigating the river in seasons of low water, a line 
of steamboats was put in operation between Charleston and 
Hamburg on or before 1823. 22 The Charleston line, which in 
time operated fifteen boats, met the competition of the Steam- 
boat Company of Georgia by reducing the carrying charge be- 
tween Hamburg and Charleston. The share of the river traffic 
secured by pole-boats, low water in dry seasons, the sinking and 
explosion of steamboats, together with the destruction in 1824 



18 Phillips, U. B., History of Transportation in the Eastern Cotton Belt (New York, 1908), 
p. 77. 

19 McCord, South Carolina Statutes at Large, VI, 172. 

20 House Journal, 1827, p. 164. 

21 Ibid., p. 278. 

22 Jones, op. cit., p. 471. The Steamboat Company of Georgia was operating a line 
of steamboats between Augusta and Savannah when Hamburg was founded. Ibid., p. 471. 



Hamburg : An Experiment In Town Promotion 25 

of the steamboat monopoly of the Steamboat Company of Geor- 
gia, which opened the river traffic to all comers, seriously cut 
into the business of the Charleston line. In 1833 it was operat- 
ing only two steamboats and seventeen towboats. 23 In a memo- 
rial to the General Assembly of South Carolina in 1826, Shultz 
noted an increase in the trade of Savannah. He declared that 
the pole-boats do the business of the Savannah River while the 
steamboats "lie on the sand banks." "Savannah gets the trade 
instead of Charleston." For remedy, Shultz, in the same memo- 
rial, proposed that the General Assembly place in his hands 
$65,000 for improving the navigation of the Savannah River. 
The General Assembly declined to supply the money. Despite 
the reverses suffered by the original Charleston line, a new line 
of steam packets with lighters for the accommodation of passen- 
gers and freight was inaugurated from Hamburg and Augusta 
to Savannah and Charleston by a Charleston company in Octo- 
ber, 1831. 24 In the light of frequent complaints of interrupted 
service, this company probably led a precarious and unprofitable 
existence. 

The Bank of Hamburg, established in 1823, proved to be one 
of the soundest and best-known institutions in the country. 
Henry Shultz was the first president and J. M. Tillman the first 
cashier. 25 The notes issued by this bank were receivable by the 
treasurers 26 and tax collectors of South Carolina in payment of 
taxes and circulated widely in the East. Parents sending their 
sons to northern colleges supplied them with notes of the 
Bank of Hamburg for the payment of college bills. Since the 
trade of Hamburg depended in large measure upon the sound- 
ness of the bank notes given in payment for produce, the 
citizens of the town were extremely sensitive to any rumors 
calculated to impair public confidence in the bank. Such a rumor 
was circulated in 1844. 27 The result was a public meeting of 
the citizens of Hamburg and the appointment of a committee of 
citizens to wait on the bank officials and get a report. The re- 
port of the bank officials, which was given a conspicuous place 



23 Phillips, op. cit., p. 77. 

24 Greenville Mountaineer, Nov. 12, 1831. 

25 The history of the bank is recorded in Clark, op. cit., p. 110 ff. 

26 There were two treasurers in South Carolina in the ante-bellum period. 

27 Edgefield Advertiser, Sept. 4, 1844. 



26 The ISToeth Carolina Historical Review 

in the public prints, indicated that the bank was sound. It con- 
tinued to flourish and to command the confidence of the public 
until the War for Southern Independence. 

After a brief period of rapid growth, Hamburg was chartered 
in 1827. 28 Shultz circularized South Carolina and parts of 
Georgia in the interest of the Hamburg market. At times he 
could not pay his printers' bills; 29 but, sustained by an uncon- 
querable faith in the destiny of his town, he moved forward, 
selling lots, borrowing money, and improving trade facilities. 
The fanfare and propaganda attending these transactions served 
to focus attention on Henry Shultz and to advertise the advan- 
tages of Hamburg. The success of his financial maneuvers was 
predicated upon the growth of the town. The town flourished, 
it is true; 30 but Shultz plunged too deeply into the financial 
whirlpool, and by 1827 he was a bankrupt. 31 

The satisfactory sale of fifty lots with the consent of the State, 
January 18, 1825, netted Mr. Shultz the sum of $37,370 and 
caused the editor of the Camden (South Carolina) paper to re- 
mark "that the practicability of the visionary scheme of Mr. 
Shultz (as it is called) to found and rear a town near a city so 
long established, so wealthy, and populous as Augusta, will now 
be no longer doubted. Hamburg stands on a solid foundation. 
The trade of South Carolina and Georgia is Going! Going!! 
Gone!!! by Savannah to Charleston/' 32 Notwithstanding this 
"puff" to the town, Shultz was overwhelmed by obligations he 
could not meet. The Fire Insurance Company of Savannah threat- 
ened to sell him out "bag and baggage." His property as listed 
for sale at this time embraced thirty-three acres of land lying on 
the Savannah River opposite Augusta, another tract of 369 
acres adjoining Hamburg (known as the Leigh land), 33 sundry 
Negroes, three cannon, the steamboat Commerce, and a quarter 
of the steamboat Hamburg. ** Shultz apparently managed to 



28 McCord. South Carolina Statutes at Large, VI, 327. 

29 Edgefield Advertiser, Sept. 4, 1844. 

30 The Hamburg Directory for 1825 lists fourteen principal wholesale merchants in Ham- 
burg. The Directory was published in the South Carolina Republican (Pottersville, S. C), 
Oct. 22, 1825. 

31 Shultz made an assignment in bankruptcy in 1828. See his signed statement in the 
Edgefield Advertiser of Dec. 29, 1841. 

32 Southern Chronicle and Camden /Egis, Jan. 29, 1825. 

33 Shultz acquired the Leich land in 1825. See Register of Mesne Conveyances (1826), 
p. 48. Shultz's business relations were so much involved that it is difficult to determine his 
assets at any siven period. 

34 Southern Chronicle and Camden Literary and Political Register, Feb. 12, 1825. 



Hamburg : An Experiment In Town Promotion 27 

forestall this sale, but in 1826 he had to bow to a more serious 
blow from another quarter. In that year the comptroller was 
authorized in a resolution passed by the House of Representa- 
tives to obtain judgment against Henry Shultz and his securities 
on the bond given by them to the State in the sum of $25,000, 
and also to procure a foreclosure on the mortgage given by 
Henry Shultz for his loan of $50,000. After obtaining said 
judgment and foreclosure, the comptroller was to suspend fur- 
ther proceedings pending the action of the next General Assem- 
bly. 35 It appears that the State foreclosed, for in 1827 the 
town of Hamburg was advertised for sale by order of court, the 
sale to take place at Edgefield Court House on the first Tuesday 
in December, 1827. 36 Whether or not the sale took place at 
the appointed time, it is clear that some time in 1827 or 1828 
the State purchased, at a sale under a decree in equity, the whole 
town of Hamburg and forthwith appointed three commissioners 
to administer its affairs. 37 After making some improvements, 
the commissioners by authority of the State conducted a sale of 
real property in Hamburg in August, 1830, to realize on the 
mortgages given to the State in 1822 by Henry Shultz and John 
B. Covington. For some reason the sale was suspended after 
B. J. Earle, acting for the State, purchased a few lots. 38 The 
commissioners for the State continued to administer the affairs 
of Hamburg until 1833, when Shultz redeemed fifty-five town 
lots by paying over to the comptroller-general, in accordance 
with an act of the General Assembly, 39 the sum of $16,225. 

Shultz did not take his financial reverses philosophically. 
From the depths of the Edgefield jail, where he was serving a 
six-months sentence for manslaughter, 40 he gave vent to his 



35 House Journal, 1826, p. 231. It was further stipulated in the Resolution that when 
the interest and principal for the loan of $50,000 was obtained, the bond for $25,000 was to 
be returned to Shultz without the payment of principal or interest, "as the Treasurer has 
bonds for $75,000 eriven by him TShultzl and his personal securities when there was only 
$50,000 loaned and to become due." Ibid., p. 231. 

36 South Carolina State Gazette, Nov. 28, 1827. 

37 Greenville Mountaineer, Aug. 27, 1830. 

38 Old Court Papers, file number 779. Judere of Probate's Office, Edeefield, S. C. The 
title to the lots purchased for the State by B. J. Earle was vested in himself. The title to 
these lots was transferred to Shultz in 1838. Ibid. 

39 McCord, South Carolina Statutes at Large, VI, 477. Shultz raised $16,225 by a sale of 
lots, the State eiviner title, and by borrowing from Amory Sibley. 

40 In 1827. Mr. Shultz, then Intendant of Hambure, in order to get a Negro boy to con- 
fess to the crime of stealine a trunk from two young ladies, ordered him whipped. As a 
result of the whippiner and subsequent complications, the Neero died and Shultz was tried 
and condemned to serve six months in the Edgefield jail. Reprint from the Georgia Courier 
in the South Carolina State Gazette, Oct. 20, 1827. 



28 The jSForth Carolina Historical Review 

chagrin and disappointment. In a signed statement in the South 
Carolina State Gazette he declared: "A half century have I 
worked for name and fame — the other half I shall go for money." 
He then called attention to his achievements: the Bridge Bank, 
"grand in appearance"; the wharf; the bridge, "a highway by 
day and by night" ; the town, "a pillar to the State." All these 
monuments to his industry and foresight had passed or were 
passing from his grasp. "Reflect," he wrote, "upon the mind 
of the builder." 41 Upon his release from the Edgefield jail 
Shultz and the people of Hamburg, resentful of the conduct of 
the General Assembly, held a mass meeting and resolved to re- 
taliate by diverting the trade of Hamburg from Charleston to 
Savannah. 42 This mood, however, was temporary. After 
Shultz settled with the State in 1833, he returned again and again 
to the General Assembly of South Carolina for assistance in the 
furtherance of his plans and in the settlement of his difficulties. 
As a matter of fact, Shultz was never hostile to Savannah, but 
Augusta he could never countenance — to him it was anathema. 
There is a tradition that Shultz in his old age expressed the de- 
sire to be buried upright, facing Augusta. He had fought 
Augusta all of his life and did not wish to turn his back in 
death. 

Never did the future of Hamburg appear more promising than 
in 1833, when it became the western terminus for the Charleston 
and Hamburg Railroad. Henceforth the town had two com- 
petitive markets for its exports, Savannah and Charleston ; and 
the merchants of Hamburg made the most of this trade rivalry. 
A Hamburg "booster" declared : "Charleston and Savannah must 
be 'up and doing' if they want the Hamburg trade. Whichever 
will do the best for us as regards money matters will get the 
most of our cotton." 43 By 1835 Hamburg had established itself 
as the leading interior market of South Carolina, focusing the 
wagon trade of Upper South Carolina, Western North Carolina, 
and Eastern Tennessee. The weekly market report of Ham- 
burg, carried by the leading State papers, contained in April, 
1847, the following item: "Receipt of freight at Hamburg depot 



41 South Carolina State Gazette, Nov. 28, 1827. 

42 Phillips, op. cit., p. 80. 

43 Reprint from the Hamburg Journal in the Edgefield Advertiser, Aug. 27, 1840. 



Hamburg : An Experiment In Town Promotion 29 

on Apr. 20 for Charleston — 900 bales of cotton, 3,000 bushels of 
corn and wheat, 50,000 pounds of bacon from Tennessee, and 600 
bales of yarn." 44 This was probably an extraordinary amount 
of freight for one day, but it serves to indicate that Hamburg 
was a shipping point of the first importance. 

During the fall long lines of wagons were seen daily moving 
towards Hamburg. A familiar sight along the countryside, 
they were known as the "Hamburg waggons." The lines were 
formed as the scattered wagons from the by-roads entered the 
main highway, and they remained unbroken until the train en- 
tered Hamburg. Wagoners on long journeys liked to travel in 
company for the sake of companionship and for protection 
against the hazards of the road. At night the wagoners "made 
camp" by some roadside spring and waxed hilarious over many 
a meriy joke and many a measure of brandy. According to 
William C. Sibley of Augusta, Georgia, during the fall months 
there were wagons from four states in the wagon yard at Ham- 
burg, while the streets were the scene of the liveliest trading 
and speculation. 45 Flour and bacon were sold from the wagons, 
and cotton was delivered in the rush season much faster than 
it could be shipped. 46 When Hamburg was at the high tide of 
its career, from fifty to sixty thousand bales of cotton were 
marketed there annually. 47 Freight was assembled in the Ham- 
burg warehouses for the Up-Country and hauled to destinations 
whenever wagons were available. The reporter for the Ham- 
burg market stated in April, 1847, that freight was plentiful 
and wagons scarce, and that the great bulk of the freight was 
for North Carolina. 48 

A surveyor's map of Hamburg in the office of the secretary 
of the South Carolina Historical Commission in Columbia indi- 
cates that the town had an elevation of thirty to forty feet above 
the level of the river in "common summer water." Its northern 
boundary terminated in a beautiful bluff rising from seventy to 
one hundred feet above the same level. 49 The principal streets 



44 Reprint from Charleston Mercury in the Greenville Mountaineer, Apr. 30, 1847. 
4o Chapman, J. A., History of Edgefield County, p. 237. 

46 Edgefield Advertiser, Nov. 2. 1842. 

47 Ibid., March 6, 1840. In 1842 the South Carolina Railroad charered twenty-five cants 
per cwt. for transporting cotton from Hamburg to Charleston, while boats transported 
cotton from Hamburg to Savannah for fifty cents a bale. 

48 Greenville Mountaineer, April 9, 1847. 

49 Mr. Shultz's home crowned this bluff, which is still known as "Shultz's Hill." 






30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

were 100 feet wide, while Market Street, near the river, was 150 
feet wide. A bridge spanned the river as an extension of the 
Columbia Road, and two wharves projected from the river front 
of 2,800 feet. 50 "Hamburg," wrote a correspondent of the 
Charleston Courier, "a few years since an unsightly marsh, send- 
ing forth its pestiferous exhalations, is now covered with stately 
buildings and is a great emporium of trade." 51 A committee of 
public-spirited citizens of Charleston, in commenting on the state 
of Hamburg, asserted that chiefly through the efforts of Henry 
Shultz a town "has been built in which the value of the real 
estate approaches $400,000. It pays annually into the coffers 
of the State a tax of $1,400 and upwards and transacts a com- 
mercial business requiring a capital of nearly two million dol- 
lars." 52 While the population of Hamburg probably never ex- 
ceeded 1,500, 53 it sustained a reputation for commercial energy 
out of all proportion to numbers. A correspondent of DeBow's 
Review as late as 1859 referred to Hamburg as "the best interior 
cotton market in the South, or, at least, is held so by all South 
Carolinians." In explanation of this claim the correspondent 
wrote : 

One cause of this is perhaps the close competition with Augusta, 
another the plucky character of the people . . . ; but doubtless the 
main reason is the cheapness of freight and the facilities of transporta- 
tion to the seaboard by means of the Savannah River, the South Caro- 
lina and the Augusta and Savannah railroads. The merchants are 
willing to work for small profits. There are some daring cotton specu- 
lators in the town, many of whom have realized large fortunes, while 
others have lost. Probably there is no other town of equal size in 
America where more or larger commercial vicissitudes and successes 
occur. 54 

Hamburg was essentially a market town, and its very exist- 
ence depended upon the ability of its citizens to draw trade; 
accordingly, the factors and commission merchants advertised, 
not only in the local paper, 55 but in the press of the State as well, 



50 The map was made by order of Henry Shultz in 1835. 

51 Reprint in the Edgefield Advertiser, Dec. 27, 1838. 

52 Jbid., March 6, 1840. 

53 The population of Hamburg- in 1850 was 1,070. Compendium of the Seventh Census, 
p. 357. 

54 DeBow's Review, XXVI, 607. 

55 The first paper published in Hamburg was the Hamburg Gazette. The Hamburg 
Journal was founded in 1840 and published until 1849. The Hamburg Republican, founded 
in 1844. seems to have continued publication until the War for Southern Independence. 



Hamburg : An Experiment In Town Promotion 31 

their facilities for storing and forwarding cotton and supplies 
for the planters. The hotels, of which there were two in 1839, 
eulogized the choice quality of their liquors and their accommo- 
dations for man and beast, while the retail merchants described 
in fulsome detail their stocks of imported goods for the "fall 
trade." 

Not content with being merely a domestic market, Hamburg 
from 1835-40 supported Henry Shultz in his endeavor to estab- 
lish direct trade between Hamburg, S. C, and the kingdoms of 
Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and the Free Republic of 
Hamburg by way of Charleston. It was Shultz's plan to ship 
cotton directly from Hamburg, S. C, to Hamburg, Germany, 
and import, doubtless, cotton bagging, German linens, and 
wines. 56 For the accomplishment of this plan, Henry Shultz, 
Charles Lamar, and Edward Delius organized the American and 
German Trading and Insurance Company, which was chartered 
by the General Assembly of South Carolina in 1835. The author- 
ized capital stock of $500,000 was to be divided into shares of 
$1,000 each and the shares were to be sold one-half in Germany 
and the other half in the United States. In connection with 
this project Shultz announced his intended departure for Ger- 
many from time to time between 1835 and 1840, but due to 
pecuniary embarrassment he failed to make the trip. Van 
Deusen asserts that 208 shares of stock were sold in the United 
States and that the corner-stone of a large warehouse was laid 
in Hamburg, 57 but withal the company never engaged in trade. 
In a signed statement in the Edgefield Advertiser of February 1, 
1839, Shultz claimed that he should have the credit for initiating 
the movement for establishing direct trade between Southern 
ports and Europe : 

I presume it will not be denied that South Carolina was the first 
State and I the first man that brought this great enterprise to the view 
of the Southern people, for on the 19th. of Dec. 1835 the legislature 
granted me an act of incorporation to carry on this important object. 



56 See Van Deusen. J. G., Economic Bases of Disunion in South Carolina (New York, 
1928), dp. 193-194, for an account of this project. There is reason to believe that in 1837 
Shultz contemplated establishing direct trade with Europe by way of Savannah or Bruns- 
wick. See infra, p. 35 (footnote). 

ST Ibid., p. 194. 



32 The Nokth Carolina Historical Review 

. . . This enterprise was followed up by Mr. Dearing 58 and others 
which brought about the first convention which was held in Augusta 
Oct. 17, 1837 two years after I received my charter. 

The trade of Hamburg seems not to have suffered any appre- 
ciable diminution prior to 1848. The first considerable threat 
to the progress of Hamburg came in 1840, when the City Council 
of Augusta purchased both bridges across the Savannah River 
and made them free to all wagons and carts carrying produce 
to Augusta. Shultz and his associates began to devise means 
of counteracting Augusta's bid for the South Carolina trade. 
Shultz went to Charleston and in an address to a group of dis- 
tinguished Charleston citizens he pointed out that Charleston 
must adopt measures for retaining the trade of Hamburg. 59 
In particular, he suggested: (1) that the South Carolina Rail- 
road erect additional warehouses for the storage of cotton on 
its property in Hamburg; (2) that agencies of the banks of the 
State be established in the town and supplied with sufficient 
funds to purchase cotton and to advance sums on stored cotton 
equal to three-fourths of its value; (3) that a line of boats be 
established on the Savannah River for exclusive employment in 
the transportation of produce to Charleston. The Charlestonians 
were evidently impressed by Mr. Shultz's propositions, for a 
committee was appointed which subsequently recommended that 
they be adopted and supported. The reception of Mr. Shultz 
at the hands of his fellow-townsmen in honor of his successful 
mission proved to be premature, for Charleston was then vastly 
more interested in the Charleston and Cincinnati railway project 
and, consequently, gave little or no support to the recommenda- 
tions of the committee. Shultz, however, had not exhausted all 
expedients. He next endeavored to discredit the notes of the 
Georgia banks, given in exchange for South Carolina produce, 
by pointing out that they circulated "at a large and ruinous 
discount," while the Bank of Hamburg notes were receivable at 
par. Realizing, however, that Augusta would continue to draw 
trade across the free bridges, the people of Hamburg (not 



58 William Dearintr of Athens, Georgia. For his work in behalf of direct trade with 
Europe, Mr. Dearine was awarded a silver cup ; whereupon Mr. Shultz, with some show of 
jealousy, wrote. "I suppose the erolden cup is very properly reserved for me." Edgefield 
Advertiser, Feb. 21, 1839. 

59 Charleston Courier, Jan. 31, 1840. 



Hamburg : An Experiment In Town Promotion 33 

Shultz) sought to turn this circumstance to account by announc- 
ing to their customers that by trading in Hamburg they would 
have the advantage of two markets. Customers were urged to 
test first the Hamburg market and, if not satisfied, to cross the 
bridge to Augusta, "where stocks will compare favorably in 
every point with any city in the South." 60 

Aside from the superior commercial advantages of Augusta, 
Hamburg had to combat the menace of freshets in the Savannah 
River. The town was guarded against ordinary freshets by a 
dyke and floodgates, but these devices proved wholly inadequate 
against what Shultz termed "a young Noah." During the dis- 
astrous flood of 1840 the entire town was submerged, goods from 
the stores floated up against the railroad, and cotton from the 
warehouses floated through the adjacent cotton fields. Thirty 
business firms were listed as having suffered losses. 61 There 
was another flood of lesser magnitude in 1847 and still another 
in 1850. After each flood the plucky merchants would raise 
their warehouses a few feet above the high-water mark and an- 
nounce that their establishments were ready for the reception 
of goods. 

Recurring floods with resultant damage to goods, no doubt, 
contributed to the decline of Hamburg ; but a more potent factor 
in the premises was a canal which the city of Augusta con- 
structed from a point on the Savannah River above Augusta to 
the vicinity of Augusta's business district. This canal removed 
the danger of navigating the rapids between the canal locks and 
Hamburg, and thus served to divert much of the upper river 
traffic from Hamburg to Augusta. 62 The Aiken correspondent 
of the Charleston Netus remarked sardonically that "Hamburg 
does not promise to fulfil the hope or follow up the energy and 
despatch which presided at her birth. The Augusta Canal has 
already drawn off a considerable portion of her cotton trade and 
the Columbia and Greenville Railroad will in a few years perhaps 
place her among the enterprises that were but are not." 63 In 
refutation of the prediction that Hamburg was destined at no 



60 Edgefield Advertiser, Oct. 25, 1848. 

61 Charleston Courier, May 29, 1840. Auerusta was flooded at the same time. 

62 Chapman, ov. cit., v. 104. 

63 Edgefield Advertiser, Auer. 22, 1849. Aiken was at that time becoming a rival of 
Hamburg. 



34 The North Carolina Historical Review 

distant date "to relinquish possession to the original proprietors, 
the Bull Frogs," the Hamburg Republican opined that "as Dutch 
energy ousted the original croakers, there will be found enough 
of the same ingredient to thwart the designs of those who now 
hypocritically mourn the fate that they seem to imagine awaits 
the town." 64 Nevertheless, the town was doomed. Two de- 
velopments sealed her fate. The first was the extension of the 
South Carolina Railroad across the Savannah River to Augusta 
in 1853, whereby Hamburg was made a way station, 65 and the 
second was the completion of the railroad from Columbia to 
Greenville in the same year. After the completion of the rail- 
road, the products of the Up-Country, which had previously found 
a market in Hamburg and Augusta, were deflected in large 
measure to Columbia and Charleston. 66 In vain did Hamburg 
try to offset these developments so detrimental to her life by 
constructing, in the early 'fifties a plank road from Hamburg to 
Edgefield, 67 and by promoting the construction of the proposed 
Savannah Valley Railroad from Anderson, S. C, to Ham- 
burg. 68 So patent were the signs of Hamburg's decline that 
the editor of the Edgefield Advertiser announced in 1852 
that the prosperity of Hamburg "is at a stand. It is thought 
that the great upper railroad will effect what the canal did not 
effect — the downfall of Hamburg. Hamburg's hope lies in the 
prestige which has been established by her through the years as 
a market, and in the fact that the habit of going to Hamburg as 
a market is a firm one with the planters." 69 

Hamburg continued to be a place of importance until the War 
for Southern Independence, and even after the war did a small 
cotton trade. 70 Gradually, however, the white families moved 
away, leaving Hamburg a settlement of about 150 lazy, shiftless 
Negroes. 71 In 1876 Hamburg, with its overwhelming Negro 



6* Ibid., Aug. 22, 1849. 

65 Derrick, S. M., Centennial History of the South Carolina Railroad (Columbia, 1930), 
p. 202. 

66 A railroad from Charleston to Columbia was completed in 1842. See Phillips, &p. cit., 
p. 174. 

67 Edgefield Advertiser, July 3. 1851. 

68 The road was chartered in 1852 and surveyed, but when it was found that it could be 
built only by abandonine the Hamburg connection, Edeefield and Hambure withdrew sup- 
port. See Edgefield Advertiser, Nov. 21, 1852. 

69 Edgefield Advertiser, Jan. 8, 1852. 

70 Chapman, op. cit., p. 104. 

71 Ibid., p. 236. 



Hamburg: An Experiment In Town Promotion 35 

population, was the scene of a serious race riot in which one 
white man and seven Negroes were killed. 72 This was the last 
act in the spectacular drama of a town whose increasingly un- 
happy situation led at last to commercial stagnation. 

Somewhat more remains to be recorded concerning Henry 
Shultz, who very properly, but no doubt proudly, called himself 
"Founder of Hamburg." He was unquestionably one of the 
most daring and resourceful promoters that ever resided in South 
Carolina. The boldness of his schemes and the measure of his 
success in the face of great financial and personal difficulties 
constitutes an epic in the field of business enterprises without a 
parallel in the Palmetto State. In him the ego was pronounced. 
He was constantly boasting of his achievements and benefactions 
and reminding his readers that he had played his part well "on 
the stage of life." In 1839 he wrote : 

What signifies the building of a town if the builder does not know 
how to enjoy his success? I have told you that I have accomplished 
great designs and others were fattening on the fruits of them, and that 
an overhauling might be indispensable. Many years experience have 
given me full proof that I can plan and execute great works, but not 
enjoy the benefits of them myself. . . . The world will have it that 
were I to live fifty more years the course of my pursuits would be the 
same — the world will find itself mistaken. 73 

Shultz appreciated the value of advertising. Probably no 
contemporary in the South made more extensive use of the press 
for airing his business projects, as well as personal difficulties. 
Indeed, he dramatized his personal grievances before the people 
of South Carolina from the press and platform so convincingly 
that he finally persuaded the generality of the people that he was 
a persecuted man, a victim to the cupidity of the money-changers 
of Augusta. Shultz, doubtless, labored increasingly under a 
sense of injury. To right a grievous wrong, whether fancied or 
real, he devoted the last thirty years of his life, and when in 
1848 he recovered from South Carolina the franchise to the 
bridge, 74 the editor of the Edgefield Advertiser was moved to 



72 A vivid description of the Hambure Riot by Senator B. R. Tillman, a participant, is 
contained in a pamphlet. The Struggles of 1876, privately printed. 

73 Edgefield Advertiser, Feb. 21, 1839. Shultz was then intent upon promoting direct 
trade with Germany. 

74 See Jones, op. cit., p. 476. 



36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

remark: "Verily there is not another man in Christendom who 
would have manifested such dogged perseverance, such an un- 
yielding determination to have his rights or die in the at- 
tempt." 75 

Shultz was a good showman. He recognized the appeal of 
the sensational and spectacular and artfully utilized this knowl- 
edge in the interest of Hamburg. Elaborate entertainment was 
provided for himself and other distinguished characters at his 
residence and park on "Shultz's Hill." For example, when Shultz 
returned to Hamburg from what appeared a successful mission 
to Charleston in 1840, 76 his arrival was announced by an artil- 
lery salute, and he was escorted through the principal streets, 
seated in a coach drawn by four white horses and accompanied 
by the Hamburg Band. 77 Upon the celebration of the anniver- 
sary of Hamburg in 1827, "a splendid fete was given by Mr. 
Shultz." Among the invited guests was the Hon. George Mc- 
Duffie, who addressed the citizens at some length and a number 
of toasts were drunk. "A single circumstance occurred to cast 
a gloom over the celebration. One of the artillerists employed 
in firing the cannon had his arm shattered by the premature dis- 
charge of the piece." 78 The cannon which Shultz stationed on 
"Shultz's Hill" served not only as a colorful feature of the show, 
but also to remind the citizens of Augusta that Hamburg was 
not asleep. 

Among Shultz's outstanding faults was his disposition to bor- 
row heavily and spend recklessly; consequently he was con- 
stantly besieged by creditors. 79 By 1842 Shultz was so heavily 
encumbered with debt again 80 that he was forced to a sale of his 
property, 81 in consequence of which he died without substantial 
means. 



75 Edgefield Advertiser, March 29, 1848. 
7(5 See supra, p. 32. 

77 Charleston Courier, Jan. 31, 1840. 

78 Southern Chronicle (Camden). Sept. 24, 1823. 

79 Chapman relates that on one occasion Shultz had about twenty Irishmen at work in 
front of his store, when one of his creditors approached and remarked : 

"Mr. Shultz, I don't see how you can afford to hire these men when you owe me 
and everybody else." 

"Well, Sir," said the German, "I sacrifice my private interests to the public good." 
Chapman, op. cit., p. 238. 

80 He made an assignment in 1828. See supra, p. 26. 

81 The total amount of Mr. Shultz's indebtedness in 1843 was $15,298.79, a sum which his 
creditors alleered was not covered by his assets. Old Court Records, file No. 779, Judge of 
Probate's Office, Edgefield. S. C. In a letter in this file, Shultz admitted that he had to 
give up his trip to Europe because of legal proceedings brought against him by his creditors. 



Hamburg : An Experiment In Town Promotion 37 

While the "Founder of Hamburg" was impulsive, eccentric, 82 
and dilatory in the payment of debts, he, nevertheless, enjoyed 
in South Carolina a reputation for benevolence, kindness, and 
patriotism. George McDuffie, 83 who was for a time his legal 
counsellor, vouched for his enterprise, sagacity, perseverance, 
and public spirit. 84 At the trial of Shultz for murder in 1827, 85 
several prominent citizens of Hamburg testified that benevo- 
lence, kindness, and charity were his characteristics. Only once, 
so far as the knowledge of the writer extends, was Shultz's 
honor impugned. In 1842 he was accused of seeking to defraud 
his creditors in the interest of his three illegitimate children. 86 
In answer to a complaint filed against him in the premises, 
Shultz acknowledged that he gave to Oliver Simpson power of 
attorney and some deeds signed in blank. In the event of 
Shultz's failure to return from Europe, Simpson was authorized 
to sell his property and, after making certain deductions, to send 
the remainder of the money and the three children to him in 
Europe. Shultz sought to extenuate his conduct by alleging that 
he gave to Simpson only a few deeds and that he was motivated 
by the sole desire to protect his children while he was in Europe 
or in case of death. 87 

Only fragmentary descriptions of Shultz's person are avail- 
able, and these portray him in senility. E. J. Scott wrote: "I 
saw him frequently while autocrat of Hamburg and afterwards 
when he haunted the halls of the legislature vainly seeking re- 
dress for his losses in Augusta. A tall, erect old man, wearing 
a heavy Waterloo coat that reached to his heels and bearing, as it 
were, the mark of Cain on his forehead." 88 He was described 
by a traveler, in the Montgomery (Alabama) Metropolitan, as "a 



82 It is said that durine a season of low water in the Savannah River Shultz had his 
Negroes plant turnips on the exposed river bed, in defiance of Aueusta's river trade. 

83 Sometime governor of South Carolina. 

84 This statement is contained in a pamphlet entitled. The Contemplated Commercial 
Intercourse between the Town of Hamburg, S. C, North America, and the City of Hamburg, 
the Kingdoms of Prussia, Denmark, Holland, and Sweden in Europe via Savannah or 
Brunswick, Georgia. Printed by Benjamin Brantley (Augusta, 1837) and nsw in the pos- 
session of H. L. Watson of Greenwood, S. C. 

85 See supra, p. 27. 

86 Shultz was a bachelor. 

87 Old Court Records, file No. 779. Judee of Probate's Office, Edgefield, S. C. 

88 Scott, op. cit., p. 27. 



38 The North Caeolina Historical Review 

remarkable man, about seventy years of age, straight as a youth, 
with the tread and carriage of a military man." 89 

His life was a struggle against tremendous odds. He gave 
unsparingly of his time and energy to Hamburg, but conditions 
which he could not possibly foresee when he founded the town 
encompassed the defeat of his cherished project. 



89 Reprint from the Hambura Republican in the Greenville Mountaineer, Oct. 1, 1847. 
Shultz died Oct. 13, 1851, at his residence on Shultz's Hill. See Edgefield Advertiser, Oct. 16, 
1851. 



RECORDS OF EMIGRANTS FROM ENGLAND AND 
SCOTLAND TO NORTH CAROLINA, 1774-1775 

Edited by A. R. Newsome 

I 

INTRODUCTION 

Pursuant to a letter from John Robinson, secretary of the 
Treasury, December 8, 1773, customs officials in England and 
Scotland supplied lists of persons who took passage on ships 
leaving Great Britain during the years 1773-1776, giving names, 
ages, quality, occupation, employment, former residence, reasons 
for emigrating, and the name of the vessel and master. These 
records, somewhat incomplete as now preserved in the Public 
Record Office of Great Britain under the classification Treasury 
Class 47, Bundles 9-12, contain many thousands of names and 
important information on a remarkable population movement 
which was of great significance to America and of arresting 
attention to the landed and manufacturing interests and the 
government of Great Britain. 1 They have been printed in part 
in The New England Historical and Genealogical Register (1908- 
1911). 

The largest group consisted of indented servants bound for 
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia ; and the next 
largest, of emigrants sailing from ports in northern England to 
Nova Scotia, Virginia, and New York. The emigration practi- 
cally ceased after September, 1775. The movement from Scot- 
land was due chiefly to the oppressive rent policy of the High- 
land proprietors and middlemen of the region extending from 
Ayr County to the Shetland Islands. A traveler on an emigrant 
ship in 1774 wrote: "It is needless to make any comment on 
the conduct of our Highland and Island proprietors. It is self- 
evident what consequences must be produced in time from such 
numbers of subjects being driven from the country. Should 
levies be again necessary, the recruiting drum may long be at 
a loss to procure such soldiers as are now aboard this vessel." 2 



1 Acts of the Privy Council of England, Colonial Series, V. 340. 

2 Charles M. Andrews, Guide to the Materials for American History, to 1783, in the Public 
Record Office of Great Britain, II, 224-5. 

[ 39 ] 



40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

However, in the war which began a year later between England 
and the American colonies, many of the Highlanders were loyal 
to England and from them was recruited the Royal Highland 
Regiment. Economic conditions were of paramount importance 
in driving the emigrants from England and Scotland and in lur- 
ing them to the New World. 

With less attractive economic conditions, North Carolina did 
not receive so large a share of the new settlers, particularly those 
from England, as did Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, or New 
York. The mass movement to North Carolina was more pro- 
nounced among the Scotch Highlanders, due partly to the fact 
that since about 1739 many of their kinsmen had already settled 
on the Cape Fear in the counties of Cumberland, Bladen, and 
Anson. In 1770 the General Assembly, in behalf of about six- 
teen hundred Highlanders who had landed in the province dur- 
ing the past three years, passed an act exempting settlers who 
came direct from Europe from the payment of all taxes for a 
term of four years. 3 At the outbreak of the Revolution, the 
estimated number of Scotch Highlanders in North Carolina was 
15,000. 4 

The compilation here printed is from transcripts in the North 
Carolina Historical Commission of the selected records of those 
emigrants whose destination was North Carolina. 

The list of emigrants from England to North Carolina con- 
tains about one hundred names. There are nearly three times 
as many males as females, and the average recorded age of the 
entire group is twenty-five years. Twenty-three are listed as 
indented servants, of whom three are women, nine are indented 
for four years, and two for two years. The chief group consists 
of artisans from the cities of England. Several pleasure-seekers 
and six family groups are noted. 

Nearly five hundred names are in the lists from Scotland. 
There are nearly one hundred family groups. The males exceed 
the females in the ratio of about three to two, and there are 
seventy children without sex designation. The average recorded 
age is twenty-five years. The majority consists of farmers and 
laborers from the Highland counties of Argyle, Sutherland, and 



3 Acts of the Privy Council of Enpland, Colonial Series, V. 340. 

4 R. D. W. Connor, Race Elements in the White Population of North Carolina, 67. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 41 

Caithness. Low wages, high rents, low prices of cattle, high 
prices of bread due to distilling, the conversion of farm lands 
into sheep pastures, and the exactions of landlords at home, 
added to the reputation of Carolina for high wages, cheap land, 
and plentiful provisions, account largely for the emigration. 

RECORDS OF EMIGRANTS FROM ENGLAND s 

An Account of all Persons who have taken their passage on Board any 
Ship or Vessel, to go out of this Kingdom from any Port in England, 
with a description of their Age, Quality, Occupation or Employment, 
former residence, to what Port, or place they propose to go, & on 
what Account, & for what purposes they leave the Country 6 

From January 15 to January 23, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

William Wilson, 38, Planter, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. 
Besnard, as a planter. 

Benjamin Blackburn, 28, Clergyman, London, Carolina, Carolina, 
Jn°. Besnard, to settle there. 

Robert Rose, 20, Planter, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. Bes- 
nard, as a planter. 

George Ogier, 15, Planter, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. Bes- 
nard, as a planter. 

Rob 1 . Knight, 26, Planter, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. Bes- 
nard, as a planter. 

Henry Chapman, 30, Jeweller, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. 
Besnard, to work at his Business. 

Henry Maskal, 19, Clerk, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. Bes- 
nard, as a Clerk. 

John Williams, 30, Cabinet Maker, London, Carolina, Carolina, 
Jn°. Besnard, for Employment. 

Thomas Vernan, 22, Silk Throwster, London, Carolina, Carolina, 
Jn°. Besnard, for Employment. 

Embarked from the Port of Falmouth 1 

Colin Campbell, , , Carolina, Le De Spencer 

(Packet Boat), Capt. Pond, no further Account. 
Custom House London, 15 th February 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns. 8 



5 These records are compiled from transcripts in the North Carolina Historical Commission 
of selections from emigration lists in Treasury Class 47, Bundle 9, in the Public Record 
Office of Great Britain. 

6 The information concerning each emigrant, in the order given, is classified in the 
original reports under the following headings : names ; age ; quality, occupation or employ- 
ment ; former residence ; to what port or place bound ; by what ship or vessel ; master's 
name ; for what purposes they leave the country. 

7 A port in Cornwall in southwest England. 

8 Endorsed : "Sixth Week Account of the Emigration." 



42 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

From February 20 to February 27, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

William Scott, 21, Malster, Scotland, North Carolina, Margaret 

& Mary, Sam 1 . Tzatt, for Employment. 
Margaret Scott, 16, Spinster, Scotland, North Carolina, Margaret 

& Mary, Sam 1 . Tzatt, for Employment. 
William Sim, 24, Husbandman, Scotland, North Carolina, Mar- 
garet & Mary, Sam 1 . Tzatt, for Employment. 
Jane Sim, 24, Wife to William Sim, Scotland, North Carolina, 

Margaret & Mary, Sam 1 . Tzatt, for Employment. 
David Marshal, 24, Clerk, Scotland, North Carolina, Margaret & 

Mary, Sam 1 . Tzatt, as a Clerk. 
James Blakswik, 21, Clerk, Scotland, North Carolina, Margaret 

& Mary, Sam 1 . Tzatt, as a Clerk. 
David Wilson, 38, Merchant, London, Carolina, Union, W m . Combs, 

on Business. 
John Macklin, 24, Gentleman, Oxford, Carolina, Union, W m . 

Combs, to Settle. 
Mary Macklin, 23, Wife to John Macklin, Oxford, Carolina, Union, 

W m . Combs, to Settle. 
Lewis Ogier, 47, Weaver, London, Carolina, Union, W m . Combs, 

to Settle. 
Catherine Ogier, 40, Wife to the above, London, Carolina, Union, 

W m . Combs, to Settle. 
Thomas Ogier, 20, Silk Throwster, London, Carolina, Union, W m . 

Combs, to Settle. 
Lewis Ogier, 19, Silk Throwster, London, Carolina, Union, W m . 

Combs, to Settle. 
Catherine Ogier, 16, Spinster, London, Carolina, Union, W m . 

Combs, to Settle. 
Lucy Ogier, 13, Spinster, London, Carolina, Union, W m . Combs, 

to Settle. 
Charlotte Ogier, 9, Spinster, London, Carolina, Union, W m . Combs, 

to Settle. 
John Ogier, 8, School Boy, London, Carolina, Union, W m . Combs, 

to Settle. 
Mary Ogier, 6, Spinster, London, Carolina, Union, W m . Combs, 

to Settle. 
Peter Ogier, 5, School Boy, London, Carolina, Union, W m . Combs, 

to Settle. 
Custom House London, 22 d April 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns. 9 



9 Endorsed : "The Eleventh Week's Emigration Account.' 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 43 

From March 21 to March 28, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of Liverpool 

John Edward, 26, Farmer, Cheshire, South Carolina, Polly, , 

To Farm. 
Jane Edward, 27, his Wife, Cheshire, South Carolina, Polly, 

, going with her Husband. 

William Simpson, 43, Cooper, B Lincolnshire, South Carolina, 

Polly, , To Trade. 

James Wilson, 18, Sadler, Bedfordshire, South Carolina, Polly, 

, To Trade. 

James Clark, 42, Butcher, Middlesex, South Carolina, Polly, 

, To Trade. 

William Walker, 37, Merchant, Yorkshire, South Carolina, Polly, 

, To Trade. 

Custom Ho: London, 28 th May 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns. 10 

From April 19 to April 26, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

Janet Belton, 20, Spinster, London, Carolina, Magna Charta, R d . 

Maitland, going to her Friends. 
Tobiah Blackett, 25, Spinster, London, Carolina, Magna Charta, 
R d . Maitland, going to her Friends. 
Custom H. London, 22 d . June 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns. 11 

From May 10 to May 17, 1774 

Embarked from the Port of London 

John Grafton, 25, Drawing Master, London, Carolina, Briton, 

Alex r . Urquhart, on Business. 
Nathaniel Worker, 25, Gentleman, London, Carolina, Briton, 
Alex r . Urquhart, on Pleasure. 
Custom H°. London, 5 th July 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns. 12 

From May 17 to May 24, 1774 

Embarked from the Port of London 

Mary Bands, 35, Widow, Herts, Worth Carolina, Friendship, John 
Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

Mary Kenneday, 21, Spinster, Scotland, Worth Carolina, Friend- 
ship, John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

John Brown, 21, Book keeper, Birmingham, Worth Carolina, 
Friendship, John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

George Taverner, 21, Groom, Southwark, Worth Carolina, Friend- 
ship, John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

!0 Endorsed : "The Fifteenth Week of the Emigration Account." 

11 Endorsed : "The Nineteenth Week of the Emigration Account." 

!2 Endorsed : "The Twenty-Second Week of the Emigration Account." 



44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From May 17 to May 24, 1774 — continued 
Embarked from the Port of London 

Edward Gilks, 22, Leather dresser, Coventry, North Carolina, 
Friendship, John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

John Forster, 24, Printer, London, North Carolina, Friendship, 
John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

Thomas Winship, 26, Clockmaker, Beading, North Carolina, 
Friendship, John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

John Darby, 40, Baker, London, North Carolina, Friendship, 
John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 

William Andrews, 31, Carpenter, Surry, North Carolina, Friend- 
ship, John Smith, Indented Servant for Four Years. 
Custom H°. London, 13 July 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns. 13 

From May 24 to May 31, 1774 

Embarked from the Port of London 

Miss Tong, 16, Spinster, London, Carolina, Pallas, J. Turner, 

going on Pleasure. 
M r . Ginnings, 25, Clerk, London, Carolina, Pallas, J. Turner, as 
Clerk to a Merchant. 

M rs . Molley, 30, , London, Carolina, Pallas, J. Turner, 

going to her Husband. 
Custom H°. London, 13 th . July 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns. 14 

From July 10 to July 17, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

Sarah White, 56, Merchant, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. 

Besnard, going on Business. 
John Detlaf, 30, Taylor, London, Carolina, Carolina, Jn°. Bes- 
nard, going to Settle. 
Sarah Detlaf, 25, Wife of John Detlaf, London, Carolina, Caro- 
lina, Jn°. Besnard, going to Settle. 
Custom H°. London, 15 August 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns Assist: 
Insp r . Gen 1 . 15 

From July 31 to August 7, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

John Butler, 25, Gentleman, London, Carolina, Carolina Packet, 

John White, going to Settle. 
Ann Butler, 25, Wife of John Butler, London, Carolina, Carolina 
Packet, John White, going to Settle. 



13 Endorsed : "The Twenty-Third Week of the Emigration Account." 

14 Endorsed : "The Twenty-Fourth Week of the Emigration Account.' 

15 Endorsed : "The Thirty-First Week of the Emigration Account." 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 45 

Erom July 31 to August 7, 1774 — continued 
Embarked from the Port of London 

Thomas Andrews, 35, Potter, London, Carolina, Carolina Packet, 

John White, going to Settle. 
William Templeman, 28, Jeweller, London, Carolina, Carolina 

Packet, John White, going to Settle. 
John Smith, 22, Cabinet Maker, London, Carolina, Carolina 
Packet, John White, going to Settle. 
Custom H°. London, 31 st . August 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns, Assist : 
Insp r . Gen 1 . 16 

Erom August 14 to August 21, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

David Adkins, 22, Cooper, Lincoln, Carolina, William, Philip 
Wescott, Indented Servant. 

James Nichols, 24, Silver Caster, London, Carolina, William, 
Philip Wescott, Indented Servant. 

Thomas Winter, 21, Husbandman, Leicester, Carolina, William, 
Philip Wescott, Indented Servant. 

John Rixon, 22, Brazier & Copper Smith, Birmingham, Carolina, 
William, Philip Wescott, Indented Servant. 

Benjamin Evans, 22, Sail Cloth Weaver, Cornwall, Carolina, Wil- 
liam, Philip Wescott, Indented Servant. 

John Anthony, 21, Baker, Middlesex, Carolina, William, Philip 
Wescott, Indented Servant. 

James Smith, 21, Painter & Glazier, Nottingham, Carolina, Wil- 
liam, Philip Wescott, Indented Servant. 

Michael Delancy, 21, Husbandman, Ireland, Carolina, William, 
Philip Wescott, Indented Servant. 
Custom House London, 24 th Octob- 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns Assist : 
Insp r . Gen 1 . 17 

Erom October 3 to October 10, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

Rachael L'Eabuere, 40, Lady, London, Curling, going for 

Pleasure. 
Jane Bignell, 47, Servant of Rachael L'Eabuere, London, Carolina, 

London, Curling, going with M rs L'Fabeure. 

Ann Bowie, 36, Servant of Rachael L'Fabeure, London, Carolina, 

London, Curling, going with M rs L'Fabeure. 

Eliz a . Batty, 16, a native of Carolina, London, Carolina, London, 

Curling, going home. 

Ann Weston, 30, Lady, London, Carolina, London, Curling, 

going for pleasure. 

16 Endorsed : "The Thirty-Fourth Week of the Emigration Account." 
W Endorsed : "Emigration Account. No. 36." 



46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From October 3 to October 10, 1774 — continued 
Embarked from the Port of London 

John West, 28, Gentleman, London, Carolina, London, 

Curling, going for pleasure. 
John Auldjo, 15, Gentleman, London, Carolina, London, 

Curling, going for pleasure. 
Alex r . Auldjo, 16, Gentleman, London, Carolina, London, 

Curling, going for pleasure. 
Robert Dee, 33, Gentleman, London, Carolina, London, 

Curling, going for pleasure. 
Henry Houseman, 35, Gentleman, London, Carolina, London, 

Curling, going for pleasure. 

Embarked from the Port of Newcastle 

Thomas Stead, 17, Butcher, Hull, Cape Fear, Rockingham, Rich- 
ard Hopper, going to his Father, who lives there. 
Custom H°. London, 10 th Novemb. 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns Assist : 
Insp r . Gen 1 . 18 

From October 17 to October 24, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

Stephen Eglin, 25, Draper, London, Carolina, Newmarket, Gilbert 
Wilson, going to settle. 

Jasper Scouler, 30, Carpenter, London, Carolina, Newmarket, Gil- 
bert Wilson, going to settle. 

Rob*. Maxwell, 18, Clerk, Scotland, Carolina, James, Isaac Thomp- 
son, going to settle. 

Willson Dabzall, 25, Jeweller, Scotland, Carolina, James, Isaac 
Thompson, going to settle. 

Bezabeer Forsyth, 22, Gentleman, Scotland, Carolina, James, Isaac 
Thompson, going to settle. 

Sarah Eastwood, 16, Spinster, London, South Carolina, Lowther, 
Tho s . Cowman, Indented Servant. 

Joseph Dyer, 21, Waiter, London, South Carolina, Lowther, Tho s . 
Cowman, Indented Servant. 

William Kenneday, 25, Peruke Maker, London, South Carolina, 
Lowther, Tho s . Cowman, Indented Servant. 

Ralph Richardson, 35, Gardener, Surry, South Carolina, Lowther, 
Tho s . Cowman, Indented Servant. 
Custom H°. London, 5 th Decemb. 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns, Assist: 
Insp r . Gen 1 . 19 

!8 Endorsed : "Emigration Account. No. 43." 
19 Endorsed : "Emigration Account. No. 45." 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 47 

Erom November 7 to November 14, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

William Ripley, 22, Farmer, York, Carolina, Mary & Hannah, 

Henry Dixon, going to Settle. 
John Sanderson, 45, Farmer, York, Carolina, Mary & Hannah, 

Henry Dixon, going to Settle. 
John Blythe, 32, Gentleman, London, Carolina, Mary & Hannah, 

Henry Dixon, on Pleasure. 
James Flatt, 25, Taylor, London, Carolina, Mary & Hannah, 

Henry Dixon, Indented Servant for two years. 
James Trenham, 22, Butcher, York, Carolina, Mary & Hannah, 

Henry Dixon, Indented Servant for two years. 

Custom H°. London, 5 th December 1774. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns Assist : 
Insp r . Gen 1 . 20 

From November 28 to December 6, 1774 
Embarked from the Port of London 

John Mackenzie, 16, Clerk & Bookkeeper, Scotland, Carolina, 

Briton, Alex r . Urquhart, going to settle. 
Alexander Douglas, 22, Husbandman, Scotland, Carolina, Briton, 

Alex r . Urquhart, going to settle. 
Christopher Smith, 49, Husbandman, Switzerland, Carolina, 

Briton, Alex r . Urquhart, going to settle. 
Esther Smith, 35, Wife to the above, Switzerland, Carolina, Briton, 

Alex r . Urquhart, going to settle. 
Andrew Milborn, 7, Child, Switzerland, Carolina, Briton, Alex r . 

Urquhart, going to settle. 
Christopher Milborn, 2, Child, Switzerland, Carolina, Briton, 

Alex r . Urquhart, going to settle. 
Custom H°. London, 13 th Janry 1775. Ex d . Jn°. Tomkyns Assist: 
Insp r . Gen 1 . 21 



20 Endorsed : "Emigration Account. No. 48.' 

21 Endorsed: "Emigration Account. No. 51.' 



48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

RECORDS OF EMIGRANTS FROM SCOTLAND 22 

R. E. Philips to John Robinson 
Sir 

In obedience to jour Letter of the 8 th . of December 1773, I am di- 
rected to enclose to You, Lists of Persons, who have taken their Passage 
from the Ports of Port Glasgow 23 and Kirkaldy, 24 for North America 
on board the Ships Commerce and Jamaica Packet, for the Informa- 
tion of the Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's 
Treasury. 

Customhouse Edinburgh R. E. Philips 

20 th . June 1775 

Port Kirkaldy An Account of Emigration from this Port and pre- 
cinct to America or other Foreign Ports from the 5 th . of June 1775, to 
the 11 th . d°. both inclusive. 

Emigrants on board the Jamaica Packet of Burntisland 25 Thomas 
Smith master for Brunswick North Carolina. 

Miss Elizabeth Mills & her servant going to reside in S°. Carolina 

from Dundee. 26 
John Durmmond & John Marshall Coopers from Leith, 27 goes out 

because they get Wages than in their own Country. 
John Douglas Labourer from Dundee, goes out for the above Occa- 
sion John Mills and Thomas Hill Joiners from D°. go to settle 
in S°. Carolina. 
Andrew Williamson, James Jamaison & William Mitchell Farmers 
& Fishermen from Schetland 28 with their Wives & seven Chil- 
dren. 
Farmers and Fishermen go abroad because the Landholders in Schet- 
land have raised their rents so high that they could not live without 
sinking the little matter they had left. Total 20 Passengers. 

N.B. no other Emigration from this Port or precinct in the Course 
of this week. 

q . , / Robert Whyt Coll r : 
g \ Philip Paton Comp r : 



22 These records are compiled from transcripts in the North Carolina Historical Commis- 
sion of selections from emigration lists in Treasury Class 47, Bundle 12, in the Public Record 
Office of Great Britain, under the title, "Lists of Emigrants from Scotland to America with 
letters from Comers, of Customs in Scotland touching the sailing of the Emigrant Ships, 
1774-5." 

23 In Renfrew County on the River Clyde. 

24 In Fife County across the Firth of Forth from Edinburgh. 

25 Near Kirkcaldy. 

26 In Forfar County on the eastern coast. 

27 Near Edinburgh. 

28 The Shetland Islands off the northern coast of Scotland. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 49 

Port Stranraer, 29 An Account of Emigrants shipped at Stranraer the 
31 st May 1775 on board the Jackie of Glasgow James Morris Master 
for New York in Worth America, with a Description of their Age, 
Quality, Occupation, Employment, Eormer Residence, On what Ac- 
count and for what purposes they leave the Country. 30 

25, Ja s . Matheson, 38, Labourer, New Luce, 31 North Carolina, 
In hopes of good Employment. 

26, Jean McQuiston, 27, , New Luce, North Carolina, 



27, Marg 1 . Matheson, 4, , New Luce, North Carolina, 



28, Jn°. McQuiston, 46, Labourer, Inch, 31 North Carolina, In 
hopes of better Employm 1 . 

29, Cathr : Walker, 46, , New Luce, North Carolina, For a 

better way of doing. 

36, Ja 8 . McBride, 38, Farmer, New Luce, North Carolina, The 
High rent of Land. 

37, Janet McMiken, 39, , New Luce, North Carolina, 



38, Arch d . McBride, 7, , New Luce, North Carolina, 

39, Eliz : McBride, 5, , New Luce, North Carolina, 

40, Jenny McBride, 4, , New Luce, North Carolina, 

61, Ja s . Steven, 27, Farmer, Inch, N°. Carolina, In hopes of 
better Bread. 

62, Chr n . Steven, 23, , Inch, N°. Carolina, with her 

Brother. 

63, Sarah Steven, 16, , Inch, N°. Carolina, with her 

Brother. 

64, Tho 3 . Steven, 11, , Inch, N°. Carolina, with his 

Brother. 

65, Jn°. Dalrymple, 40, Farmer, New Luce, N°. Carolina, The 
High Rent of Land. 

66, Marg. Gordon, 39, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

67, Mary Dalrymple, 19, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

68, Jn. Dalrymple, 17, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

69, Arch d . Dalrymple, 15, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

70, Ja s . Dalrymple, 11, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

71, Ann Dalrymple, 9, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

72, Janet Dalrymple, 7, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

73, Jean Dalrymple, 5, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 

74, W m . Dalrymple, 2, , New Luce, N°. Carolina, 



29 On Loch Ryan in Wiertown County in southwestern Scotland. 

30 In the order here eiven. the information is classified in the original report under the 
following: headings : number, emigrants' names, ages years, occupation or employment, 
former residence, to what port or place bound, on what account and for what purposes they 
leave the country. 

31 Near Stranraer. 



50 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

Port Stranraer — continued 

75, Alex r . McBride, 22, Labourer, New Luce, N"°. Carolina, In 
hopes of better Employment. 

78, John Duff, 20, A Herdsman, New Luce, N°. Carolina, In 
hopes of good Employ*. 

79, W m Eckles, 40, Shoemaker, Inch, N°. Carolina, In hopes of 
good Business. 

80, Martha McKenzie, 45, , Inch, NT°. Carolina, 

81, John Eckles, 12, , Inch, N°. Carolina, 

Customh . Stranraer 5 June 1775. 
N.B. As all the Married Women follow their Husbands and the 
Children their parents, We have inserted no Reason, for their leaving 

the Country, after their Names. T . ^ _ _. 

John Clugston Collr. 

Polk Mclntire 

Comp. 

o- R. E. Philips to John Robinson 

In obedience to your Letter of the 8 th . of December 1773, I am di- 
rected to inclose to you, a List of Persons who have taken their Passage 
from the Port of Greenock, 32 for North America, on board the Ship 
Christy Hugh Rellie Master bound to New York, and Georgia, and 
the Ship Ulysses James Wilson Master bound for N"orth Carolina, for 
the Information of the Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners of 
His Majestys Treasury. 

Customhouse Edinburgh, 8 th May 1775. R. E. Philips 

Port Greenock List of Passengers from the 28 th April 1775, Inc 1 . to 
the 5 May 1775 Exclusive, [by the Ulysses James Wilson Master for 
North Carolina]. 33 

Math. Lyon, 49, Weaver, Glasgow, 34 Want of Employ. 

Mary Lyon, his spouse, 50, , Glasgow, 

James Lyon, 21, Weaver, Glasgow, Want of employ. 

John Kennburgh, 24, Labourer, Glasgow, Want of employ. 

James Kennburgh, 27, Labourer, Glasgow, Want of employ. 

John McNabb, 24, Labourer, Argyleshire, 35 Want of employ. 

Jean Campbell his Spouse, 19, , Argyleshire, 

Tebby McNabb, 20, to get a husband, Argyleshire, 

Doug. McVey, 30, Labourer, Argyleshire, Want of employ. 

James Buges, 27, Merchant, Edinb., to follow his business. 

Marg. Hog his spouse, 25, to comfort her husband, Edinb., 

Ed. Penman D Coll r 
John McVicar D Comp 

32 In Renfrew County near Port Glasgow. 

33 The information in the order eiven here is classified in the original report under the 
headings : names, age, occupation, former place of residence, reasons for emigration. 

34 In Lanark County on the River Clyde. 

35 On the western coast of Scotland. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 51 

R. E. Philips to John Robinson 
Sir 

In obedience to your Letter of the 8 th of December 1773, I am 
directed to inclose to you, a List of Persons who have taken their Pas- 
sage from the Port of Greenock, for North America, on board the Ship 
Monimia Edward Morrison Master, bound for New York, and the x\jax 
Kobert Cunningham Master for Worth Carolina, for the Information 
of the Eight Honorable the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys 
Treasury. 

Custom house Edinburgh R. E. Philips 

8 th June 1775 

List of Passengers from the 26 th of May 1775 Inclusive to the 2 d June 
1775 Exclusive. 36 

Walter Mcfarlane, 20, Gentleman, To be a Merchant, Worth Carolina, 
In the Ajax Robert Cunningham Master. 

Mary Menzies, 25, Lady, Going to her Husband, , In the Ajax 

Robert Cunningham Master. 

! Edward Penman D. Collector 
John McVicar D. Comp r 
John Dunlop Tide Surveyor 



Commissioners of the Customs in Scotland to John Robinson 
Sir, 

The inclosed Paper is a List of Persons lately sailed as Emigrants, to 
Wilmington in Worth Carolina, from the Port of Greenock, which We 
transmit to you Sir, for the Information of the Right Honorable the 
Lords Commissioners of the Treasury. 

!Arch d Menzies 
George Clerk Maxwell 
Basil Cochrane 

List of Passengers on board the Ship Ulysses James Chalmers Mas r 
for Wilmington in Worth Carolina. 37 

Robe 1 McWicol, 30, Glenurcha, 38 Gent n , High Rents and oppression. 

Jean Campbell, 24, Glenurcha, his wife, 

Annapel McWicol their Daug., 8, Glenurcha, 

Abram Hunter, 28, Greenock, Shipmas., To Build. 

Thomas Young, 21, Glasgow, Surgeon, To follow his Trade. 

John McWicol, 24, Glenurcha, Workman, High rents & oppression. 

36 The information in the order given is classified in the original report under the head- 
ings : names, ace. occupation, on what account and for what purpose they go, to what place 
bound, in what ship they take their passage. 

37 The information in the order given is classified in the orierinal report under the head- 
ings : passengers' names, age, former place of residence, business, reasons for emigrating. 

38 In Argyle County on the western coast of Scotland. 



52 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Angus Galbreath, 30, Glenurcha, Workman, Poverty Occasioned by 
want of work. 

Katrine Brown his wife, 26, , , Poverty Occasioned by 

want of work. 

Angus Fletcher, 40, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Katrine Mclntyre his wife, 40, Glenurcha, , High rents & 

Oppression. 

Euphame Fletcher, 10, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppres- 
sion. 

Mary Fletcher, 6, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppression. 

Nancy Fletcher, 3, their child, High rents & Oppression. 

John Mclntyre, 45, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Mary Downie, 35, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Nancy Mclntyre, 11, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppres- 
sion. 

Don d Mclntyre, 8, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppression. 

Christy Mclntyre, 5, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppression. 

John Mclntyre, 4, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppression. 

Duncan Mclntyre, 40, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Katrine Mclntyre, 28, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

John Sinclair, 32, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Mary Sinclair, 32, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Donald Mclntyre, 28, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Mary Mclntyre, 25, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Don d McFarlane, 26, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Don d McFarlane, 6, Glenurcha, his son, High rents & Oppression. 

Duncan Sinclair, 24, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Isobel Mclntyre, 24, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

John Mclntyre, 35, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Marg 1 . Mclntyre, 30, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Malcolm McPherson, 40, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppres- 
sion. 

Christ 11 Downie, 30, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Janet McPherson, 10, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppres- 
sion. 

Will m . McPherson, 9, Glenurcha, their child, High rents & Oppres- 
sion. 

Will m . Picken, 32, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Martha Huie, 26, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Rob 1 Howie, 18, Glenurcha, "Workman, Poverty Occasion'd by want 
of work. 

Arc d McMillan, 58, Glenurcha, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Mary Taylor, 40, Glenurcha, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Barbra McMillan, 20, Glenurcha, their Daug r , High rents & Oppres- 
sion. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 53 

John Greenlees, 25, Kintyre, 39 Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Mary Howie, 25, Kintyre, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

Peter McArthur, 58, Kintyre, Farmer, High rents & Oppression. 

Chirs 1 Bride, 52, Kintyre, his wife, High rents & Oppression. 

John McArthur, 16, Kintyre, their child, 

Ann McArthur, 38, Kintyre, their child, 

Jean McArthur, 20, Kintyre, their child, 

John McArthur, 28, Kintyre, their child, 

Dan 1 Calewell, 18, Kintyre, Shoemaker, Poverty Occasion'd by want 
of work. 

Rob* Mitchell, 26, Kintyre, Taylor, Poverty Ocasion'd by want of 
work. 

Ann Campbell, 19, Kintyre, his wife, Poverty Ocasion'd by want of 
work. 

Alex r Allan, 22, Kintyre, Workman, Poverty Ocasion'd by want of 
work. 

Iver McMillan, 26, Kintyre, Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Jean Huie, 23, Kintyre, his wife, High rents & Opression. 

John Ferguson, 19, Kintyre, Workman, Poverty Occasiond by want 
of work. 

Rob McKichan, 32, Kintyre, Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Janet McKendrick, 24, Kintyre, his wife, High rents & Opression. 

Neil McKichan, 5, Kintyre, their son, High rents & Opression. 

Mal m McMullan, 58, Kintyre, Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Cath n McArthur, 58, , his wife, 

Daniel McMillan, 24, , Farmer their child, High rents & Opres- 
sion. 

Arch d McMillan, 16, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Gelb* McMillan, 8, , their child, 

Don d McKay, 20, , Taylor, High rents & Opression. 

Dan 1 Campbell, 25, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

And w Hyndman, 46, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Cath n Campbell, 46, , his wife, High rents & Opression. 

Mary Hindman, 18, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Marg 1 Hyndman, 14, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Angus Gilchrist, 25, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Mal m Smith, 64, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Mary McAlester, 64, , his wife, High rents & Opression. 

Peter Smith, 23, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Mary Smith, 19, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Duncan McAllum, 22, , Shoemaker, High rents & Opression. 

Cath n McAlester, 30, , his wife, High rents & Opression. 

Neil Thomson, 23, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

David Beaton, 28, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 



39 In Argyle County on the western coast. 



54 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Flora Bride, 29, , his Wife, High rents & Opression. 

John Gilchrist, 25, , Cooper, High rents & Opression. 

Marion Taylor, 21, , his wife, High rents & Opression. 

Neil McNeil, 64, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Isobel Simpson, 64, , his wife, High rents & Opression. 

Dan 1 McNeil, 28, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Hector McNeil, 24, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Peter McNeil, 22, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Neil McNeil, 18, , their child, High rents & Opression. 

Will m McNeil, 15, , their child, 

Mary McNeil, 9, , their child, 

Allan Cameron, 28, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Angus Cameron, 18, , Farmer, High rents & Opression. 

Katrine Cameron, 21, , his wife, High rents & Opression. 

Alex Campbell D Com r Jo Clerk D. Coll r 

P 1 Greenock John Dunlop T S 

The above List of Passengers is from the 12 th August 1774 Inc 1 . to 
the 18 th Aug 1 1774 Inc 1 . 

[To be continued] 



BOOK REVIEWS 

American Population Before the Federal Census of 1790. By Evarts B. 
Greene and Virginia D. Harrington. (New York: Columbia University 
Press. 1932. Pp. xxiv, 228. $3.50.) 

The purpose of this volume is to present in convenient form 
the population data compiled by Franklin B. Dexter in his "Esti- 
mates of Population in the American Colonies," published in 
1889 in the American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, New 
Series, V, 22-50, and by W. A. Rossiter in A Century of Popula- 
tion Groivth, published in 1909 by the United States Bureau of 
the Census; the new material now scattered through many offi- 
cial and unofficial publications; and some additional data drawn 
from manuscript sources. The compilers have attempted no 
systematic interpretation of the material, being content to fur- 
nish the student with data drawn from sources properly cited 
in footnotes. 

The statistical material is prefaced by a twelve-page bibliogra- 
phy and an explanation of the methods of calculation used by the 
compilers. The data are presented under the main headings of 
general estimates of the thirteen colonies as a whole, New Eng- 
land, Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New 
Hampshire, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, the Northwest, the Southwest, and Western Indians. 
For each colony or state, the arrangement is under the subhead- 
ings, general and local. Under all headings and subheadings, 
the classification is chronological. A useful index completes the 
volume. 

The compilers have drawn widely from population records 
and estimates in reports of governors, militia lists, tax lists, 
genealogies, church records, personal records, and other sources, 
and have supplied to the serious students of American history 
a single volume which will be the standard reference work on 
American population prior to the first Federal census. 

Much additional statistical material for localities could have 
been assembled from manuscript records in the various state 
depositories, but a task so comprehensive was perhaps impracti- 

[ 55 ] 



56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cable for the compilers. In North Carolina, for instance, the 
Historical Commission has tax lists of numerous counties prior 
to 1790, and also far more complete returns of the state census 
of 1786 than are reprinted on page 169 from the State Records. 
Apparently the printed sources have been thoroughly exploited. 
Professor Greene and Miss Harrington have placed the stu- 
dents of American history in their debt for a comprehensive and 
well-arranged handbook on American population statistics prior 
to 1790. A. R. Newsome. 

Raleigh, N. C. 



Lord Loudoun in North America. By Stanley McCrory Pargellis. (New 
Haven: Yale University Press. 1933. Pp. vi, 399. $4.00.) 

Here is a book which is destined to reshape a number of our 
ideas concerning American colonial history. Not only does it 
bring to light much entirely new material, but of many well 
known facts it presents interpretations radically different from 
those commonly accepted. So thorough has been the research 
in manuscript materials in both England and America and in a 
wide range of printed materials, and so sound is the author's 
thinking, that his thesis is difficult if not impossible to contro- 
vert. Ably planned and executed, the work flows along in a 
style that is easily readable. 

The study "is neither a biography of [John Campbell, Earl of] 
Loudoun nor a history of his campaigns. It is the story of the 
high command which he held," that of commander in chief of 
the British forces in America in 1756 and 1757. After the dis- 
astrous defeat of Braddock the Cumberland ministry chose 
Loudoun to try to retrieve British fortunes in the New World. 
The commission issued to the new commander carried on the 
plan followed in the cases of Braddock and Shirley of having 
one man at the head of all the British forces in America; but, 
although not clearly defined, the powers granted to Loudoun 
were greater than those his predecessors had had. Loudoun's 
commission under the great seal is indeed of the utmost impor- 
tance, for it "represents the greatest extent of authority which 
the British government ever tried to exercise over the colonies 
as a unit." After many exasperating delays, which illustrate 



Book Reviews 57 

in striking fashion the cumbersome workings of the eighteenth- 
century British government and make one wonder how it was 
possible for such a creaky machine ever to win a war, the newly 
chosen generalissimo in the late spring of 1756 finally sailed for 
America. Having landed in New York, he immediately came 
face to face with innumerable difficulties. Provincial troops 
were poorly trained, disorderly, and miserably inefficient; to 
recruit in the colonies men for the regular army was an arduous 
and thankless task ; Governor William Shirley of Massachusetts, 
Loudoun's predecessor, had mismanaged affairs and was largely 
responsible for the loss of Oswego shortly after Loudoun's ar- 
rival in America. More ominous was the petty opposition of 
the colonial assemblies. "The basic factor in British colonial 
policy in the early years of the Seven Years' War was a tradi- 
tional belief that the colonies would bear the chief burden in men 
and costs of their own defense. Loudoun's task was to persuade 
them to work in unison, and he had to concentrate his attention 
as much on that as on fighting the French. For Americans 
raised a violent objection, not to assuming a share in the war, 
but to assuming it under the conditions and according to the 
formula which Great Britain imposed. Their antagonism was 
based on the fear that a standing army threatened the free work- 
ing of their colonial institutions and was to reappear even more 
markedly in the 60s and 70s when Gage was commander in 
chief." Mainly because of this opposition the attempted mili- 
tary union of the colonies was not a success. It is true that for 
the first time in American colonial history one man "directed 
the posting of men along a fifteen-hundred-mile frontier from 
New Hampshire to Georgia." But the essential feature of the 
kind of union Loudoun wanted was that the local governments 
should "delegate to some central group a share of their powers," 
and this they refused to do. Not only was the military union a 
failure, but the campaign of 1757, largely because of factors 
over which the commander had no control, also turned out very 
badly. In spite of his apparent failure, however, Loudoun in 
reality had succeeded, for, in spite of all obstacles, he had built 
the military machine which was to conquer Canada. "One can 
regret that he was not given the opportunity to gain the reward 



58 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that he deserved," that of being allowed to lead his troops to vic- 
tory. "He was not a great man and not a great general, but he 
certainly deserves none of the opprobrious epithets showered 
upon him." 

Partly because of Loudoun's failure to conquer in 1757, and 
partly for political reasons, Pitt, now in power, decided to recall 
him. Radical changes in war plans were made. The effort to 
fashion a colonial military union was abandoned; instead of 
being compelled to bear their own war expenses, the colonies 
were now informed that Great Britain would repay them what 
they spent ; and Pitt from England undertook to direct military 
campaigns in their most minute detail. It is the commonly 
accepted notion that these new policies of Pitt won the war, but 
with this idea Dr. Pargellis has little sympathy. The plan for a 
military union should not have been dropped without a substi- 
tute, he says ; and yet at this critical time Pitt provided no ade- 
quate substitute and allowed relations between colonies and 
mother country merely to drift. Pitt's method of dealing with 
the assemblies did indeed bring forth large loans of colonial 
funds and large levies of colonial troops. But the method was 
extravagant, for so many colonials were not only unnecessary, 
but actually hindered the prosecution of the war. Finally, Pitt's 
efforts to direct campaigns 3,000 miles away allowed the com- 
manders in the field too little discretion and caused long delays. 
Pitt's policies, then, not only did much to set the stage for the 
later quarrel between Great Britain and her colonies, but actually 
seem to have delayed, perhaps for a whole year, the British con- 
quest of Canada. C. C. Crittenden. 

University of North Carolina. 



Alexander Spotswood: Governor of Colonial Virginia, 1710-1722. By Leon- 
idas Dodson. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1932. 
Pp. x, 323. $3.00.) 

Royal governors sent to the American colonies from England 
have not as a rule been subjects of eulogy by American histori- 
ans. This has been due to the fact that the governors were not 
liked by the colonists. Some of them, such as Edmund Andros 



Book Keviews 59 

of New England and Sir William Berkeley of Virginia, caused 
the colonists to associate the character of the governor with that 
of an arbitrary tyrant. It is a notable thing, therefore, to have 
one of the royal governors singled out for praise by all American 
writers. That has been the case of Alexander Spotswood, a 
young experienced army officer of Scotch descent who came to 
govern Virginia in 1710 as the deputy of George Hamilton, Earl 
of Orkney. 

Leonidas Dodson, instructor in history at the University of 
Pennsylvania, after a painstaking study of Alexander Spots- 
wood's life, says he has not found any facts to warrant making 
"revolutionary appraisal" of the Governor. He has undertaken, 
rather, to write a "fuller and more unified account" of one of 
the most virile and significant personalities of the colonial period. 

Alexander Spotswood was not without defects of character, 
Dodson reveals. He was often brusque and abrupt in manner, 
and at times tactless. In the heat of controversy he showed very 
little restraint of feeling. But he had qualities which offset and 
far overbalanced these defects : great ability, indefatigable energy, 
and a broad vision. Perhaps no truer estimate of Spotswood has 
been made than that of one of his contemporaries who wrote in 
1716 as follows: "That Gentleman has really Capasity and 
Tallents to manage in high Sphere but he adheres to much of his 
Own sentiments Sometimes and thinks him Selfe ill treated if 
everybody will not think as he does." 

While he was governor of Virginia Spotswood gained many 
distinctions. He undertook to improve the commerce of the 
colony through the development of the naval stores industry and 
the raising of hemp. He tried to reduce the size of the tobacco 
crop and to improve the quality of the tobacco marketed. His 
tobacco act of 1713 was designed to stop the raising of an in- 
ferior grade of tobacco merely for the payment of financial obli- 
gations, which practice, he said, was "breeding up too many 
persons in a fraudulent way of dealing." He tried to improve 
the efficiency of his government, especially with regard to the 
administration of finances. He worked constantly for the 
strengthening of the defence of the colony, proposing the erec- 
tion of proper forts, a better militia system, and the mainte- 



60 The North Carolina Historical Review 

nance of effective naval forces in Virginia waters. He concerned 
himself with the development of William and Mary College. He 
sought to provide for the education of Indian children and to 
secure missionaries for the Indians. He was active in his efforts 
to provide an adequate and effective Established Church organ- 
ization. He made war on the pirates who infested the coasts of 
Virginia and North Carolina, capturing and hanging the famous 
Edward Thatch. These and many other things might be men- 
tioned to the credit of Spotswood. 

But the glory that has always been accorded Governor Spots- 
wood by American writers is to be accounted for by the fact 
that Spotswood threw in his lot with the colonists and became a 
pioneer in the development of an empire. Early in the Gov- 
ernor's term of office he made an expedition across the unex- 
plored territory of the Blue Ridge mountains. From that time 
forward he tried in every way possible to effect the settlement 
and development of the West. 

Spotswood seemed more than any man of his time to sense the 
significance of the West in the development of a great empire. 
He foresaw the impending struggle between the French and Eng- 
lish over that empire and sought, as measures for insuring 
victory to the English, the occupation of western lands and the 
formulation of a broad Indian policy that would bring the In- 
dians of the West under the control of the English. 

Spotswood himself acquired many thousands of acres of land 
on the frontier. One of the famous tracts he possessed was 
located on the Rapidan River, consisting of some 45,000 acres. In 
1714 he settled forty of Baron de Graffenried's Germans there 
and began the mining of iron ore. He established an air furnace, 
probably the first in America, for working the iron mined from 
his iron deposits. By 1720 Spotswood had decided definitely to 
live the rest of his life in Virginia. In that year he appealed to 
the House of Burgesses, with which he had been in bitter con- 
flict for five years, to cooperate with him on the ground that 
henceforth he expected to reside in the Colony and could no 
longer be charged with working against its welfare. He made 
good his intention. He took up his residence on the frontier 



Book Keviews 61 

after his term of office ended in 1722 and with the exception of 
a few years in England continued to live there until his death 
in 1740. 

Dodson has treated his subject from the topical rather than 
the chronological point of view, and in so doing has given a 
good account of conditions in Virginia during Spotswood's 
time. We wish, however, more information had been made 
available to the reader concerning the private life of this vigor- 
ous, energetic, and capable man. 

F. W. Clontz. 

Wake Forest College. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

The North Carolina Historical Commission receives requests 
for early numbers of the North Carolina Manual, Proceedings of 
the State Literary and Historical Association, the North Caro- 
lina Booklet, and the North Carolina Day Program. These pub- 
lications are out of print. Anyone possessing duplicates is re- 
quested to send them to A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh, N. C. The supply 
thus accumulated will be used to serve the cause of North Caro- 
lina history by filling gaps in the collections of libraries and 
students. 

Back numbers of the North Carolina Historical Review may 
be secured from the secretary of the North Carolina Historical 
Commission at the regular price of $2.00 per volume, or 50 cents 
per number. 

Mr. Burnham S. Colburn of Biltmore Forest was elected Gov- 
ernor General of the General Society of Mayflower Descendants 
at the thirteenth triennial meeting in Plymouth, Mass., Septem- 
ber 7. Mr. Colburn has been Governor of the North Carolina 
Society for several years. Under his governorship the state 
society established the Mayflower Society Cup which is awarded 
annually by the State Literary and Historical Association of 
North Carolina to the best book by a resident North Carolinian. 

Mr. John A. Livingstone, Supreme Court Librarian, delivered 
the address on November 23d at the presentation by members 
of the family to the Supreme Court of a portrait of Risden Tyler 
Bennett (1840-1913) of Anson County, who was colonel of the 
14th North Carolina Regiment in the Confederate Army, a mem- 
ber of Congress, judge of the Superior Court, and delegate to 
the Constitutional Convention of 1875. 

On November 11 a memorial boulder and three evergreen trees 
were presented to the town of St. Pauls by the Children of the 
Confederacy, the Junior American Legion Auxiliary, and the 
Sons of the American Legion. 

[ 62 ] 



Historical News 63 

The North Carolina Archaeological Society, organized at 
Chapel Hill on May 12, 1933, with Douglas L. Rights of Win- 
ston-Salem as president and Guy B. Johnson of Chapel Hill as 
secretary, held a meeting at the home of Burnham S. Colburn at 
Biltmore Forest near Asheville on October 7. The program con- 
sisted of addresses by President Rights on "North Carolina as 
an Archaeological Field," by Dr. John R. Swanton of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology at Washington on "Tribes of the South- 
east, with Special Reference to Carolina Tribes," and by Neil M. 
Judd of the National Museum at Washington on "Preserving the 
Heritage of the Past." Those present inspected Mr. Colburn's 
notable collection of Cherokee relics. New officers were elected 
as follows: Prof. W. E. Caldwell of Chapel Hill, president; 
Prof. Guy B. Johnson of Chapel Hill, secretary-treasurer; Burn- 
ham S. Colburn, vice president, and Prof. Ernest Seeman of 
Durham, editor of publications. 

The Confederate Museum in Richmond, Virginia, has issued a 
53-page booklet, Catalogue North Carolina Room of the Confed- 
erate Museum. 

A granite boulder on the site of Donaldson's Tavern on the 
bank of Tar River at Rocky Mount, visited by Lafayette in 1825, 
was unveiled on November 1 in connection with the district 
meeting of the Daughters of the American Revolution. State 
Regent Mrs. Sydney P. Cooper and Kemp D. Battle of Rocky 
Mount delivered addresses. 

A marker at the site of Clay Hill, pre-Revolutionary home of 
Major John Hinton, located six miles east of Raleigh on State 
Highway No. 90, was unveiled by the Bloomsbury Chapter, 
Daughters of the Revolution, on October 7. Senator John W. 
Hinsdale of Raleigh delivered the principal address. 

Mr. Robert W. Winston of Chapel Hill delivered the Found- 
ers' Day address at the University, October 12, on the subject, 
"Aycock: His People's Genius." It has been published as a 
pamphlet by the Alumni Review. Judge Winston is the author 
of published biographies of Andrew Johnson and Jefferson Davis 
and a forthcoming life of Lee. 



6-1 The JN"oeth Carolina Historical Review 

The North Carolina Society, Daughters of the American Revo- 
lution, unveiled the first of three bronze tablets at Rendezvous 
Mountain State Park near North Wilkesboro on October 14, 
commemorating Wilkes County's participation under Colonel 
Benjamin Cleveland in the battle of King's Mountain, 1780. 
Judge T. B. Finley related the history associated with Rendez- 
vous Mountain and its presentation by him to the State. Dr. 
A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North Carolina Historical Com- 
mission, designated by Governor Ehringhaus to represent him, 
delivered the principal address. The tablet was presented by 
Mrs. H. 0. Steele, state chairman of the Rendezvous Mountain 
Memorial Committee, and was accepted by Mrs. S. P. Cooper of 
Henderson, state regent of the North Carolina Society. 

The one hundred seventy-fifth anniversary of Old Bluff Pres- 
byterian Church on the Cape Fear near Fayetteville was cele- 
brated on September 24. Rev. Marion Huske of Reidsville de- 
livered the sermon. 

The pupils of the sixth grade of Corbin Street School, Concord, 
have issued a 60-page booklet, A Short History of Cabarrus 
County and Concord, Yesterday and Today. 

The annual reunion of the DeHart family was held at Cold 
Springs near Bryson City on September 10. Mr. A. J. Hart and 
Mrs. J. H. Coffey of Bryson City are president and secretary, 
respectively, of the association. 

The Wake County Bar Association presented to the county in 
the Superior Court Room, Raleigh, November 20, portraits of 
six deceased lawyers prominent in practice in Wake County. 
The portrait of Thomas M. Argo was presented by S. Brown 
Shepherd, of Charles B. Ay cock by Judge Frank Daniels, of 
George E. Badger by Ernest Haywood, of Richard H. Battle by 
Joseph B. Cheshire, Jr., of J. Newton Holding by James H. Pou, 
and of A. S. Merrimon by Banks Arendell. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North Carolina Historical 
Commission, delivered public addresses at Campbell College, Oc- 



Historical News 65 

tober 19, on 'The Problem of International Peace," and at 
Davidson College, November 6, on "North Carolina, 1815-1835: 
An Awakening Rip Van Winkle." 

A monument over the grave of Captain Peter Hedrick 
(1733-98), patriot of the Revolution, was unveiled on November 
30 at Beck's Church near Lexington. The County Historian, Dr. 
J. C. Leonard of Lexington, delivered an historical address. 

Mr. Marshall De Lancey Haywood, North Carolina historian 
and formerly Supreme Court Marshal and Librarian, died at his 
home in Raleigh on September 20. He was born in Raleigh, 
March 6, 1871. He was the author of Governor William Try on 
and His Administration in the Province of North Carolina, 
1765-71 (1903) ; Lives of the Bishops of North Carolina (1910) ; 
Ballads of Courageous North Carolinians (1914) ; and numer- 
ous articles and pamphlets on North Carolina history. He was 
also interested in the historical aspects of the Sons of the Revo- 
lution and the Society of the Cincinnati. He was historiographer 
of the Episcopal Diocese of North Carolina and a contributor to 
S. A. Ashe's Biographical History of North Carolina. He col- 
lected a notable private library of North Caroliniana. 

Articles of interest to North Carolinians are Edna Muldrow, 
"The Comet That Struck the Carolinas" (Harper's, December) ; 
Newman I. White, "Labor Helps Itself: A Case History" {The 
South Atlantic Quarterly, October) ; Mack Miller, "Back to the 
Backwoods" (ibid.) ; M. Ogden Phillips, "The Tariff and the 
South" (ibid.) ; Charles Lee Snider, "Jonah in the Bible Coun- 
try" (The American Mercury, October) ; W. W. Ball, "The 'Dry 
South' Dampens" (The Virginia Quarterly Review, October) ; 
Samuel Rezneck, "The Depression of 1819-1822, a Social His- 
tory" (The American Historical Review, October). 

Acknowledgment is made of the receipt of the following 
books : W. B. Posey, The Development of Methodism in the Old 
Southivest, 17 83-1 82 Jf (Tuscaloosa, Ala.: Weatherford Printing 
Co. 1933. Pp. 151. $1.50) ; Constance Lindsay Skinner, Beaver, 
Kings and Cabins (New York: The MacMillan Co. 1933. Pp. 



66 The North Carolina Historical Review 

222. $2.50) ; Phillips Russell, William the Conqueror (New 
York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1933. Pp. viii, 344. $3.00); 
The Papers of Sir William Johnson, Vol. VIII (Albany : The Uni- 
versity of the State of New York. 1933. Pp. xi, 1216) . 

Recent accessions to the manuscript collections of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission include 164 circular letters from 
1910 to 1917 relating to the North Carolina Good Roads Asso- 
ciation, and 77 press bulletins from 1915 to 1917 of the North 
Carolina Geological and Economic Survey, presented by Dr. 
Joseph Hyde Pratt of Chapel Hill; Colonel Archibald McEach- 
ern Papers, 1748-1859, deposited by Miss Mary McEachern of 
Red Springs; C. B. Heller Collection, 1735-1906, of 377 letters 
and papers, presented by Rev. C. B. Heller, Salisbury; Julian S. 
Mann Collection, 1688-1875, deposited by Julian S. Mann of Mid- 
dletown; 3 bound volumes of The News and Observer (Raleigh), 
Jan. 1, 1884-June 30, 1885, presented by E. B. Bain, Raleigh; 
minute book of the Raleigh Assembly, Knights of Labor, 1886- 
1890, deposited by H. L. Jennerjohn, Raleigh; a collection of 
muster and pay rolls and other papers of the 4th N. C. Regiment, 
1862-63, presented by Mrs. Alfred Williams, Raleigh, as additions 
to the Bryan Grimes Collection ; and four volumes of diaries and 
composition books of John M. Patrick, 1810-18. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE 

Miss Nannie M. Tilley is an instructor and critic teacher in 
Western Carolina Teachers College, Cullowhee, N. C. 

Dr. Rosser H. Taylor is a professor of history and govern- 
ment in Furman University, Greenville, S. C. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome is secretary of the North Carolina Histori- 
cal Commission, Raleigh, N. C. 



[ 67 1 



^7 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XI April, 1934 Number 2 



NORTH CAROLINA PROHIBITION ELECTION 
OF 1881 AND ITS AFTERMATH 

By Daniel J. Whitener 

The popular referendum in North Carolina on the question of 
state prohibition in 1881 was the most important single incident 
in the movement to reform the liquor laws before the passage of 
the Watts law in 1903. Despite the fact that other states were 
experiencing similar agitation, the movement in North Carolina 
had very little connection with what was taking place elsewhere. 
Just as in 1852 and 1854, the demand for such a prohibition law 
grew out of the social and, more specifically, the legal efforts of 
society to correct the evils connected with the traffic in intoxi- 
cating liquors. 1 

The origin of the demand for the election must be sought, 
therefore, in the movement to outlaw the saloon. The question 
of restricting or abolishing the saloon by legal means had been 
agitated, debated, endorsed, and condemned in virtually every 
community. Petitions, signed by hundreds of earnest men and 
women, asking for state prohibition, had been pouring into the 
General Assembly in an ever increasing number since 1870. 
These petitions were in addition to those demanding statutory 
prohibition around churches and schools and in towns. 2 

Sentiment for state prohibition was crystallized by religious 
organizations, led by socially-minded ministers who believed that 
the function of the church was primarily to render service to 
humanity. To the annual State Conference of the Methodist 



1 Prohibition was strongly agitated during the early fifties. After the General Assembly 
had refused to consider a petition signed by about 18,000 people, asking for state prohibition, 
the temperance advocates turned to local option and independent political action. 

2 MSS. in Legislative Papers, 1870-1881, in the North Carolina Historical Commission. 
More petitions have been presented to the Legislature on the subject of prohibition nnd 
liquor control than on any other issue. Indeed, prohibition in North Carolina might truth- 
fully be called a "Petition Movement." 

[ 71 ] 



72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Episcopal Church South, held at Wilson, North Carolina, Decem- 
ber, 1879, the Grand Lodge of Good Templars addressed a com- 
munication asking the conference to memorialize the next Legis- 
lature to prohibit the sale of "ardent spirits" in North Carolina. 
Whereupon the conference took the following action : 

Whereas, we believe the liquor traffic to be the greatest source of evil 
and crime, doing more to impede the material, intellectual, and moral 
progress of our State than any other one thing : Therefore, 

Resolved 1st, That as a Conference we most respectfully request that 
those who may be honored with seats in our next Legislature shall take 
into consideration the propriety of enacting a general prohibitory liquor 
law. 3 

This step was the first important action taken by any powerful 
and influential denomination in North Carolina toward state- 
wide prohibition. A more important step, however, was to be 
taken during the next year, when both the Methodist and the 
Baptist churches threw their great influence and organized 
power back of prohibition. 

In the meantime, other events made almost certain a demand 
for such a law. Early in March, 1880, the Liquor Dealers' Asso- 
ciation of North Carolina decided to memorialize the special 
session of the Legislature, held in March of that year and called 
for the purpose of deciding whether the Western North Caro- 
lina Railroad should be sold, for a reduction of the five per cent 
tax imposed on all liquor dealers of the State to a tax of one- 
tenth of one per cent, the amount that was levied on all other 
merchants. 4 The liquor dealers did not get all the reduction 
asked for from the special session, but reductions were made 
which more than repaid the association for its organized efforts. 
The tax on the value of liquors sold was reduced to one-half of 
its former rate and the state license tax, formerly $60, was re- 
duced to $30, thereby cutting the state tax on liquors and liquor 
dealers in half. 5 

The organized request of the Liquor Dealers' Association and 
the subsequent compliance of the Legislature precipitated a 
crisis. The North Carolina Presbyterian, a paper that before 



3 Minutes of the North Carolina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, 1879, 
p. 21. 

4 Daily Review, March 10, 1880. The editor was in error when he stated that the tax was 
ten per cent on all liquors sold. Laws of North Carolina, 1879, Ch. 70, p. 86. 

5 Laws of North Carolina, Special Session, 1880, Ch. 51, p. 96. 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 73 

August did not advocate state prohibition, sounded the alarm in 
a long editorial entitled, "The Burning Question." A few 
months later this paper called the act of the Legislature in low- 
ering the liquor tax an "act for the promotion of vice." The 
action of the Legislature was taken as absolute proof of the 
charge, frequently made, that the liquor dealers exerted an enor- 
mous influence on all legislation. While the liquor dealers were 
only trying to save themselves from the higher tax, they mani- 
festly took advantage of the excitement aroused over the railroad 
controversy to push through an act favorable to them. In view 
of the extra expense entailed by the prohibition campaign, their 
policy was very shortsighted. The manifestation of just what 
had been before freely charged, political influence, almost re- 
sulted in their complete undoing. The reaction of many temper- 
ance advocates to the action of the Legislature was expressed by 
a correspondent of a religious paper when he wrote that it should 
be "clearly understood hereafter that caucuses and conventions 
may nominate men who have given themselves such a record, 
but they cannot compel our votes; that our influence is more 
potent than that of the cross-road grog-dealers. The liquor traf- 
fic must be handled with gloves off. It is monstrous, rapacious, 
impudent, conscienceless." 7 

Events moved rapidly. The Baptist State Convention, holding 
its sessions in November, a week or two before that of the Meth- 
odist Church, followed the lead of the latter and took a stand for 
state prohibition. After defeating a long resolution on the sub- 
ject, 8 the convention adopted the following: 

Resolved, That the Board of Missions be instructed to memorialize 
the next Legislature of North Carolina to pass a law to prohibit the 
making and selling of spirituous or malt liquors within the bounds of 
the State of North Carolina. 9 

The Methodist Church, at its state convention held at Winston, 
December, 1880, came out flatly and unequivocally for state pro- 
hibition. But it did not stop at this ; it agreed to sponsor a peti- 
tion movement among its members for the purpose of influencing 



6 March 17, 1880; see, also, August 25, 1880: "The country is scarcely ready for a general 
prohibition measure." 

7 North Carolina Presbyterian, July 21, 1880, article signed by "J. W. P." 

8 The long resolution was mainly an attack upon the revenue system in Western North 
Carolina and the practice of making liquors from grain needed for other purposes. It also 
proposed a petition movement by the church. 

9 Minutes of the Baptist State Convention, 1880, p. 41. 



74 The Nokth Carolina Historical Review 

legislative action. The report adopted summarized the reasons 
for such a law thus : 

Whereas, the sale of alcoholic liquors, as a beverage, is not, in any 
sense, necessary to the well-being of society, but on the contrary, pro- 
ductive of a great deal of moral and social evil; educating the youth of 
our land down to drunkenness and other vices; producing poverty and 
crime throughout the country and such moral obliquity as greatly 
retards the cause of Christ; 

And, Whereas, moral suasion is inadequate to remove this incubus 
from society, because there are those in every community who will visit 
the open saloon, and induce others to do likewise, thereby perpetuating 
patronage and consequently the traffic; 

And, Whereas, legal prohibition is being resorted to in other states 
and in portions of this, and is found to be the most effective means that 
has ever been adopted for the extirpation of intemperance. 10 

During the latter part of December, a few days after the adop- 
tion of the above report, a committee of prominent temperance 
workers was called, mainly through the efforts of Reverend 
Roger Martin of Lumberton, to meet in Raleigh for the purpose 
of devising ways and means best to prosecute the campaign 
already begun. 11 As a result of this meeting, the committee 
issued a circular, calling a temperance convention to meet in 
Raleigh, January 12, 1881, and requesting that temperance advo- 
cates hold local conventions to elect delegates and that these dele- 
gates bring with them petitions from their respective communi- 
ties. 12 As a consequence of the circular, county and township 
meetings, attended by both white and black people, were held 
and delegates chosen to the convention. 13 

The prohibition convention met on the appointed day. It was 
composed of about three hundred delegates from all sections, in- 
cluding many of the leading men of the State, among whom were 
Judge E. G. Reade, Judge A. S. Merrimon, R. R. Stamps, W. S. 



10 Minutes of the North Carolina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, 
1880, p. 15. Adopted December 5. 

While these two denominations took the lead for state prohibition, the North Carolina 
Synod of the Evaneelical Lutheran Church endorsed the movement in April, 1881 : "Re- 
solved. That the Evangelical Lutheran Synod of North Carolina, now in session, heartily 
endorse the prohibition movement in this State and extend to said convention its earnest 
sympathy and cooperation." The resolution was addressed to the "Temperance Convention" 
of that date. Minutes of the N. C. Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, 1881, p. 12. 

11 P. L. Groome, Where Cowards Fail and Why, p. 2 ; see, also. MSS. in Minutes of the 
Pleasant Hill Temperance Society, December 25, 1880, in the North Carolina Historical 
Commission. A committee was appointed to circulate petitions. 

12 Carolina Watchman, January 6, 1881. 

13 Daily Review, December 31, 1880; January 5, 8, 10, 1881; North Carolina Presbyterian, 
January 5, 1881 ; Carolina Watchman, January 6, 1881. 









North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 75 

Bell, Col. L. L. Polk, Julian S. Carr, and many others. 14 The 
convention was called to order by Judge Reade and opened with 
prayer by the Rt. Rev. Bishop T. B. Lyman, of the Episcopal 
Church. Permanent organization was effected with H. A. 
Gudger, president; Bishop Lyman, J. E. Manning, and others, 
vice presidents; Rev. R. H. Whitaker, S. Hampton, T. B. Eld- 
ridge, E. L. Pell, and Charles N. Hunter, secretaries, and John 
E. Ray, treasurer. 15 A steering committee was appointed to 
recommend a course of action. 

Before the committee was ready to report, several keynote 
speeches were made, the most noteworthy being those of Judge 
A. S. Merrimon and Rev. T. E. Skinner. Merrimon declared 
that the question before the convention was one of momentous 
magnitude and that the Legislature should protect society from 
the ravages of the evils caused by the intemperate use of intoxi- 
cating liquors. He said that he had been practicing law for 
twenty-eight years, and that nine-tenths of the cases in his 
practice had been brought about by liquor. North Carolina 
spent each year, he felt safe in saying, $5,000,000 for liquors 
and only $350,000 for education. The question should be kept 
out of politics, he advised. In his opinion, "the liquor traffic 
was the crowning temporal curse of humanity; it was worse 
than war, pestilence, and famine all combined." Dr. Skinner in 
his speech explained the kind of law desired. Because many 
people doubted the constitutionality of allowing the people to 
vote on the ratification of a law, he suggested an amendment to 
the Constitution or a straight-out prohibition law by legislative 
enactment. 16 

The question of the constitutionality of an election called by 
the Legislature to ratify or reject a law was about the only 
cause for disagreement in the convention. Finally, after consid- 
erable debate, the following resolution "was adopted with great 
unanimity" : 

Resolved, That the General Assembly of North Carolina be respect- 
fully requested to pass an absolute and unqualified prohibition law, im- 



!4 News and Observer, January 13, 1881; AsheviUe Citizen, January 13, 1881. 
15 News and Observer, January 13, 1881. 

!6 Carolina Watchman, January 20, 1881 ; News and Observer, January 13, 1881 ; Asheville 
Citizen, January 13, 1881. 



76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

posing penalties for the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors 
as a beverage. 17 

After adopting an "Address" to the Legislature and recom- 
mending that county conventions be held and that steps be 
taken to circulate petitions, which were to be forwarded to Dr. 
Skinner, who was named as chairman of the business commit- 
tee, the convention adjourned sine die, after having been in 
session for two days. 

The "Address" to the Legislature was a very able presenta- 
tion of the reasons for a prohibition law. It stated that public 
opinion was ready for prohibition, and cited as proof the action 
of the Baptist, Methodist, and other churches; the spontaneous 
assembling of a large temperance convention; the recommenda- 
tions of the governor ; the unanimous endorsement by the Grand 
Lodge of Colored Masons; and, finally, the stand of all the 
religious and most of the secular papers. A new element was 
introduced when the "Address" stated that the United States 
internal revenue tax of 90 cents per gallon on whiskey was 
likely to be removed at any time. "If liquors were 25 cents a 
gallon, with our mixed population, and the passions and preju- 
dices of races, and our small and unprotected families, who can 
contemplate the probabilities without horror?" 18 

The convention and its action were watched with increasing 
interest by the press of the State. 19 The News and Observer, 
a paper passively opposed to the proposed law, said the conven- 
tion was "not only respectable in point of numbers, its personnel 
was extremely fine . . . men of the highest character and 
great influence because of their personal worth and sterling vir- 
tue. Its assembly marks an important step in the history of 
North Carolina." 20 The North Carolina Presbyterian said it 
was a body of 280 accredited delegates, whose number after- 
wards grew to 400, without resources or emoluments. "It was 
not a Treachers movement,' " continued the paper, "nor was it 
a 'Good Templar movement.' It was in every sense a people's 



17 hoc. cit. 

18 Public Documents of North Carolina, 1881, No. 23, pp. 4-5. 

19 Asheville Citizen, January 13, 1881 ; Goldsboro Messenger, January 24, 1881. The latter 
said: "... the agitation has become irrational on the part of some of the persons who 
are leading the crusade." The editor suggested increased restrictions on the traffic, rather 
than prohibition. It is also noteworthy that the editor did not very violently attack the 
"leaders." 

20 January 13, 1881. 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 77 

movement. Farmers, lawyers, merchants, teachers, physicians, 
educated Christian people, from all over the State, not self- 
appointed, but bearing the petitions of hundreds and thousands 
of people." 21 

Governor Jarvis took official notice of the demand for pro- 
hibition when he declared in his message to the General As- 
sembly that there was "sold in the State another poison which 
numbers by the thousands its victims slain, debauched, degraded, 
impoverished, wrecked, or made miserable and heartbroken." 22 
He did not, however, recommend that the Legislature pass a 
state-wide prohibition law, although he thought something 
should be done to relieve the intolerable situation. The laws 
prohibiting the selling of liquor on Sunday and to minors were 
violated with impunity and he thought the whole system needed 
readjustment. Specifically he recommended a higher tax for 
licenses, a stricter supervision of the practice of granting licenses 
by giving the county commissioners the unrestricted power to 
refuse them, 23 greater publicity of the liquor laws by having 
them printed and widely distributed, and an increase in the fines 
and punishments for those who broke them. The question of 
state-wide prohibition he would leave to the judgment and action 
of the General Assembly. 

Whatever might have been the opinion of the members of the 
General Assembly regarding this much debated problem, it soon 
became evident that, with the avalanche of petitions pouring into 
Raleigh, they were willing to let the will of the people be done. 
In the general excitement accompanying this great expression 
from the people for a state prohibition law, rumors of the num- 
ber of petitions presented to the Legislature and of those to come 
caused their number to be variously estimated. 24 The Neius 
and Observer thought that the "aggregate number of petitions 
thus far cannot fall short of 200,000." 25 As a matter of fact, 



21 February 2, 1881. 

22 Public Documents of North Carolina, 1881, No. 1, p. 31. 

23 In one of the important decisions before the Civil War, the Supreme Court of North 
Carolina held, Judge Ruffin writing the opinion of the court, that the county court did not 
have power to refuse all applicants for license. Attorney General vs. Justices of Guilford, 
27 N. C. 315. 

2 * Asheville Citizen, February 24. 1881. "Petitions with the signatures of some hundred 
thousand voters, and more than a hundred thousand women and children." 

25 February 18, 1881. "The movement in favor of prohibition in North Carolina has pro- 
ceeded until its proportions are beyond any reasonable anticipations. Similar exertions in 
behalf of temperance have been made elsewhere, but in no other state have we known Buch 
monster petitions to be presented to the Legislature." 



78 The North Carolina Historical Review 

more than 100,000 voters and about 50,000 women had signed 
petitions asking the Legislature to pass a state-wide law, and 
about 40,000 additional signers asked for laws prohibiting the 
sale of liquor near churches. 26 All seemed to realize that a pro- 
hibition law in some form would be passed. The chief disagree- 
ments were among the prohibitionists themselves — disagree- 
ments that caused heated debates before the joint committee. 
Some wanted a general prohibitory law, with home-made wines 
and beer excepted; others wanted absolute prohibition, with the 
provision that the people ratify the law at an election held for 
that purpose; and then there was the recommendation from the 
convention that an absolute prohibition law be passed without 
the election clause. 27 Finally a compromise bill was agreed 
upon; and, after being amended in certain particulars by the 
Legislature, it passed the House by a vote of 61 to 49 28 and the 
Senate by a vote of 28 to 10. 29 

The law prohibited entirely the manufacture of spirituous 
and malt liquors, wines and cider excepted, within the bound- 
aries of the State. 30 The sale of liquors was prohibited except 
for medical, chemical, and mechanical purposes ; and only drug- 
gists, apothecaries, and physicians could sell for such purposes 
after they had been granted licenses. No sale was to be for 
more than one gallon, unless the purchaser presented a written 
certificate from a practicing physician who was not a licensed 
dealer. Penalties were provided for violations, misrepresenta- 
tion, and false sale; a record was to be kept of all sales, which 
was to be open for inspection. 

The statute further provided that the law was to go into 
effect October 1, 1881. In the meantime an election was ordered 
to be held on the first Thursday in August, to allow those favor- 
ing the prohibition law to vote a written ballot with the words 
"For Prohibition," and those opposing, "Against Prohibition." 
If a majority of the votes cast were "Against Prohibition, then 



20 MSS. in Legislative Papers, 1881, in North Carolina Historical Commission, Petitions. 

27 Carolina Watchman, March 3, 1881, quoting the Charlotte Observer. 

28 House Journal of North Carolina, 1881, p. 569. 

29 Senate Journal of North Carolina, 1881, p. 542. 

30 Laws of North Carolina, 1881, Ch. 319, p. 554. 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 79 

and in that case no person shall be prosecuted or punished for 
any violation of this act." 31 

The first reaction of the prohibition advocates to the law was 
not very favorable. The North Carolina Presbyterian, express- 
ing the opinion of the straight-out prohibitionist, said: 'This 
clearly is not a prohibition bill, still it is an immense stride in 
the direction of prohibition. It gives the question to the people 
encumbered with a heavy load. . . . If we can carry this bill 
through, prohibition as a thing of the future is secured." 32 Two 
of the provisions were especially open to attack. In the first 
place, the temperance workers felt that the change in the manner 
of sale in effect substituted the drug store for the saloon, and 
that the saloon would soon be reestablished under a different 
name. But the clause that displeased many, both temperance 
advocates and Republican politicians, was the removal from the 
State of the occasion for the internal revenue officers, then under 
the control of the Republican party. Liquors could be sold in 
the State for certain purposes, but could not be manufactured, 
thereby giving a monopoly to foreign liquor manufacturing con- 
cerns, and, of course, destroying the necessity for the revenue 
officers. To the charge that the law was more politics than tem- 
perance, the News and Observer, Democratic, had only to say: 
"Without doubt it would be an advantage to our people to be 
freed from the corrupting influence of those internal revenue 
officers who debauch our young men and use their offices to cloak 
crime and practice fraud." 33 

The campaign was opened by the temperance forces with a 
grand prohibition rally in Raleigh, April 27. 34 Delegates num- 
bering more than 450 were present, coming from all sections of 



31 Laws of North Carolina, 1881, Ch. 319, pp. 554-5. This peculiar wording was adopted 
in an effort to make the election constitutional. The Supreme Court subsequently declared 
(State vs. Henry Poteat, 86 N. C. 612) that the law did not go into effect October 1, 
because the two parts, law and punishments, must stand together. 

32 March 16, 1881. Other papers expressing a similar opinion: Charlotte Democrat, March 
18, 1881 : "The oronosed law is not exactly such an one as we would like to see submitted 
to the people, but we shall vote for it if we live to see the day of election." Kinston Journal, 
May 17, 1881 : "We are inclined to think Prohibition has a heavy load to carry in the 
clause which absolutely prohibits manufacture." Charlotte Observer, March 15, 1881 : "The 
weakest point in the bill is that which provides for the sale of liquors by druggists." 

33 April 3, 1881. 

The North State, April 28, 1881, Republican paper of Greensboro, had this to say of 
politics and the tentative law : "It is not by reason of deference that we have held our 
peace on this great popular movement in our State. We have waited to see into what 
shape the risine of the people would crystallize in the hands of our wily legislators. On the 
tentative law that is now before the people for their sovereign disposition, we have no 
criticism to offer." This paper, in fact, was opposed to any prohibition law. 

34 News and Observer, April 28, 1881. 



80 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the State, from all occupations of life, from both races — white 
and colored, and from both political parties. The chief attrac- 
tion was an address by Governor Jarvis in which he came out 
unequivocally for prohibition. He declared: 'The public think, 
no doubt, that I belong to that class of politicians that regard 
this question as a ticklish one. ... I would be false to the 
1,400,000 people of North Carolina if I remained silent." 35 
After affirming that the issue was not a party one, he asked for 
public education for both races, a condition which would pro- 
mote temperance. Then Governor Jarvis made one of the most 
quoted and most significant statements of the campaign : 

There is not a day that I do not have some painful appeal for clem- 
ency, growing out of intemperance. There is now on my table a peti- 
tion asking that a man, once a prominent physician, who, in a fit of 
drunkenness, made a most brutal attack upon his wife, be pardoned out 
of jail where he now lies a prisoner. Yet this is but one of hundreds. 
My observation leads me to know and assert that for every dollar re- 
ceived as taxes for the sale of liquors, ten dollars go out of the public 
purse. 36 

Growing out of a resolution adopted at the rally, requests were 
mailed to all the county commissioners asking them to refuse 
to license any more liquor dealers until after the August elec- 
tion. 37 As a result of these requests and in conformity with the 
revenue law of the last session of the General Assembly, which 
followed the recommendations of Jarvis and gave to commis- 
sioners absolute discretionary power, many counties for several 
months were without licensed saloons. 38 

Four or five towns, not being willing to wait for the August 
election, made the question of licensing saloons the predomi- 
nating issue in their municipal elections. In this movement 
Charlotte took the lead and the municipal officers were nomi- 
nated on either a "license" or a "no license" ticket. 39 On elec- 



35 Carolina Watchman, May 5. 1881. 

36 hoc. cit.; see, also, News and Observer, April 28, 1881; Goldsboro Messenger, May 5. 
1881. 

The last sentence in the above quotation of Governor Jarvis, coming from a man who 
was not given to making exaggerated statements, was the keynote of the campaign. He 
was not convinced that the proposed law would solve the liquor evil, but he said that he 
believed the enormity of the problem warranted a try. 

37 News and Observer, April 28, 1881 ; Goldsboro Messenger, May 5, 1881. 

38 Kinston Journal, May 5, 1881 ; Tarboro Southerner, May 12, 1881 ; Carolina Watchman, 
May 19, 1881. 

3 9 Charlotte Observer, February 9, 1881. "The prohibition question is to be the issue in 
the next municipal election in this city. This was decided by the vote of the Charlotte 
Prohibition Association at its meeting night before last. There is a large proportion of 
our population which has been in favor of this issue being made for years." 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 81 

tion day, which was "surprisingly quiet, considering the nature 
of the issues involved," DeWolfe, representing the prohibition- 
its, won over his opponent, William Johnson, by a majority of 
25 votes. 40 

During March, April, and the first of May, the chances for 
the success of the prohibitionists continued bright. Seemingly 
there was not much opposition. After the prohibition rally in 
Raleigh, county conventions were called, rallies with speeches 
were held, parades of children were staged, and everywhere the 
prohibitionists were organizing for victory. 41 If the election 
had been held in May, the results would probably have been very 
close. However, after the first enthusiasm had somewhat cooled 
and disagreements had begun to occur in the ranks of the re- 
formers, the liquor dealers suddenly took the initiative against 
prohibition. 

Early in May a circular was mailed out from Raleigh by five 
liquor dealers addressed "To the Liquor Dealers of North Caro- 
lina," in which was outlined a plan of organization. 42 It was 
suggested that associations of liquor dealers be formed in every 
county and that each association appoint one delegate to a central 
canvass committee which was to meet in Raleigh, June 1, 1881. 
This action was deemed necessary, said the circular, to protect 
their interests, because such a central committee would be influ- 
ential in seeking aid from within and without the State, "and 
could raise a large fund for campaign purposes." 

Pursuant to the call, the delegates of the whiskey dealers met 
in Raleigh at the appointed time. 43 The celerity with which 
meetings were held in nearly every county and the willingness of 
many men to make the "personal sacrifice" in time and expense 
of going to Raleigh, indicated superior organization and means 
of action. 44 The convention met in Metropolitan Hall, with 



40 Jbid., May 3, 1881 ; Greensboro Patriot, May 4, 1881. The former had this to say of 
the results : "The triumph is the result of the spontaneous uprising of the best element 
in our community, and while most of the colored men voted against prohibition, enough of 
them voted with the prohibitionists to lift the whole question out of the arena of politics 
and Dlace it unon its merits. In fact, the issue represented was purely for or aeainst social 
reform, in which the appeal of gray-headed old men and prayers of women were potent." 

41 For typical accounts of some of these activities see : News and Observer, May 17, 25, 
1881 ; Goldsboro Messenger, May 2, 1881 ; Asheville Citizen, June 30, 1881. 

42 Chatham Record, May 12, 1881 ; Carolina Watchman, May 26, 1881 ; Orange County 
Observer, May 21, 1881 ; Davie Times, May 19, 1881 ; News and Observer, June 1, 1881. 

43 News and Observer, June 3, 1881. 

44 Farmer and the Mechanic, June 9, 1881. 



82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

about 300 accredited delegates present, one-fourth of whom were 
Negroes. 45 L. N. Cooper called the convention to order, after 
which James E. Boyd made a long and spirited speech against 
prohibition. He attacked the proposed law because it would 
destroy one of the great industries of the State. Following the 
speech, a permanent organization was effected to be known as 
the Anti-Prohibition Association for the State of North Caro- 
lina, sometimes referred to as the Liquor League Association. 
After adopting resolutions against the prohibition law, declaring 
that "it was destructive to the moral, social, and material prog- 
ress of the people," and that the Anti-Prohibition Association 
was the real representative of the cause of temperance, the con- 
vention adjourned with the fixed determination to wage an ag- 
gressive campaign. 46 

Ever since the passage of the prohibition law some of the lead- 
ers of the Republican party had been watching the crystallization 
of public opinion with increasing enthusiasm. They saw what 
appeared to be a rare opportunity to endorse the anti-prohibition 
side and thereby receive the credit for a victory. At the pre- 
vious session, both houses were under the control of the Demo- 
crats and they would have to bear the responsibility for passing 
such a law, in spite of the fact that the vote on the bill had not 
been along party lines. 47 On the other hand, many prominent 
Republicans, including the influential Republican newspaper, the 
North State, opposed making it a party issue. But with the 



45 Tarboro Southerner, June 9, 1881. The Charlotte Observer, June 3, 1881, said: "The 
News and Observer says 'there is a large attendance, among them some men of prominence.' 
But we notice from the names printed that many of these 'prominent' participants are 
Republicans and federal officeholders." 

46 Several other interesting, if not significant, speeches were made before the convention. 
One Rev. J. B. Brown, who, according to the Orange County Observer, June 18, 1881, 
had been expelled from the Baptist church, ridiculed the preachers supporting prohibition 
in a vitriolic speech, saying that in the August election they would learn a lesson that 
would do them good. 

At the nierht session the meeting was turned over to the colored speakers, who made merry 
over the hope that this fight would put the Republican party in power. 

Governor Vance had the following to say about the convention and his attitude toward 
prohibition, when he was interviewed by Rev. R. L. Abernathy of Rutherford College : 
"Well, I have not been saying anything upon either side. I have feared that it might be a 
sort of political move to injure the Democratic party ; and, as you know, I have been a 
watcher of its interests. But. the other day they had an Anti-Prohibition Meeting in 
Raleigh, composed of whiskey sellers from the North, the dealers in and around Raleigh, 
revenue officials from the mountains to the seaboard ; and when I thought that I must be 
read out with one side or the other, I said to myself, 'My God, Vance ! You cannot be 
read out with this party.' " Carolina Watchman, July 21, 1881. 

47 Chatham Record, June 2, 1881. 

How the vote stood on the final passage of the bill : 
Senate : 22 Democrats and 4 Republicans voted for. 

7 Democrats and 3 Republicans voted against. 
House: 54 Democrats and 16 Republicans voted for. 

3 Democrats and 3 Republicans voted against. 
Of the votes cast against, only one was by a Negro. 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 83 

drift of public sentiment away from prohibition, the executive 
committee of the Republican party met just before the convening 
of the whiskey dealers' convention to consider the possibilities of 
the situation. No action was taken, however, relative to the 
subject of prohibition; but the resignation of T. M. Cooper as 
chairman of the executive committee and the election of Dr. J. J. 
Mott, an outspoken enemy of prohibition, presaged what was 
to follow. 48 

Dr. Mott determined not to let pass the opportunity which he 
believed would split the Democratic party and bring his party 
into power in the State. After several unsuccessful attempts to 
force the executive committee of his party to declare against 
prohibition, he issued of his own accord on June 10 a circular 
asking for contributions to help fight "fanatical error and politi- 
cal trickery combined." 49 Five days later the committee was 
again called into session in Raleigh and, after "the most inhar- 
monious of all their assemblies, ,, it endorsed what had already 
been done by Dr. Mott, agreeing to throw the organized strength 
of the Republican party against prohibition. 50 Dr. Mott justi- 
fied his precipitous action on the ground that he wished to 
solidify the Negro vote to the advantage of his party. The deci- 
sion of the executive committee was denounced by many of the 
leaders of that party ; prominent among these were Judge R. P. 
Dick, ex-Judges Albertson, Henry, Reade, and Buxton, and D. A. 
Jenkins, W. W. Holden, Daniel L. Russell, W. S. Ball, and many 
others. 51 

By the middle of July, so strong had become the movement 
against prohibition that even the most sanguine of the prohibi- 
tionists did not expect to carry the election. Many who had 
signed the petitions now allied themselves with the opposing 
camp. 52 Paid speakers for the liquor dealers and the Republi- 
can party concentrated their efforts on the ignorant Negroes, 
who were told that prohibition was a Democratic trick to put 
them back into slavery. Many of these paid defenders of indi- 



48 Carolina Watchman, June 2, 1881 ; Farmer and the Mechanic, June 2, 1881. 

49 Carolina Watchman, June 23, 1881. 

5 Farmer and the Mechanic, June 16, 1881. 

51 Carolina Watchman, June 23, 1881 ; the issue of July 14, 1881, carried a long article 
entitled, "Is Prohibition a Party Question?" Opinions of about twenty prominent Republi- 
cans were quoted. 

52 Kinston Journal, April 7, 1881. 



84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

vidual liberty and economic prosperity carried Bibles around 
from which to prove that whiskey and drinking and even drunk- 
enness were not harmful, but, on the contrary, were defended 
by the "holy writ." 53 The antis had thoroughly organized an 
effective and smoothly operated machine in all the counties. 54 
The lawyer-politicians, ever ready to champion a popular cause, 
flopped to the standard of the anti-prohibitionists. Thus days 
before the election on August 4 the results were a foregone con- 
clusion. 

Election day passed off quietly, with little or no disturbance in 



53 Rev. R. H. Whitaker, Reminiscences, Incidents and Anecdotes, pp. 196-204. Whitaker 
took a very active part in the campaign for prohibition and he relates this speech as 
typical: "Fellow citizens!" they would say. "These are mighty ticklish times!" ("'Eh! 
you hear dat," a Negro would say.) "Yes, fellow-citizens, I know what I say when I 
tell you that we are in danger of losing our most sacred right — the right to eat and drink 
what we please." ("Dat's de Lawd's trufe!") "I'm a white man and I've always voted 
the white ticket, but, my fellow-citizens, in times like these I know no party nor color, but 
I stand on those eternal principles of independence and justice which our forefathers 
secured to us by the shedding of their blood." ("Bless de Lawd, don't he talk sweet!") 
"I can't help it, my fellow-citizens, that my skin is white, and yours is black, but I don't 
stand on the color of a man's skin when my brother is in distress ; it's my duty to be his 
friend, though he be as white as snow or as black as the ace of spades." ("Dat's de way 
ter talk it, gem'men ; dat's de way ter talk it !" ) "This prohibition bill is the most infernal 
and diabolical thing that was ever concocted by the enemies of a free and independent 
people." ("Dat's de Lawd's trufe; what'd I tell you, Br'er Sam?") "This damnable bill, 
my fellow-citizens, is to keep us from taking a morning dram when we feel badly ; from 
having a little in the house for snake-bites, and when the old woman is poorly, and from 
even making a little camphor for the headache." ("Dar, now, you hear dat, don't you?") 
"I tell you, my fellow-citizens, as sure as I am looking into your honest and intelligent 
faces, upon which I see a determination, writ as with a pen of steel, to defeat this iniquitous 
measure, there's something behind it." ("Dat's your Godamity's trufe!") "Why, my 
fellow-citizens, I'm a member of the church, and I read my Bible, and I say here, before 
these prohibition gentlemen, that the Bible is teetotally against prohibition." ("I sed bo, 
Br'er Jim!") "My fellow-citizens, hear what the Bible has to say: 'Give strong drink to 
him that is ready to perish.' " ("Dat's de word.") "Now, fellow-citizens, how are we to 
do that if all the strong drink is voted out?" ("Yea, Lawd, dat's what I want ter know! 
Hit 'em ergin !" ) "And didn't good old Paul tell his son Timothy to take a little wine for 
his stomach's sake, and for his often infirmities?" ("Dar, now! Umph!") "And weren't 
old father Noah a preacher for one hundred and twenty years, and didn't he get drunk 
when he pleased? And I dare these prohibition gentlemen to show us from the Bible that 
they ever had him up in the church." ("Now you got it, bless de Lawd!") "And didn't 
the blessed Savior say, 'Not that which goeth into the mouth defileth a man, but that 
which proceedeth out of the mouth'?" ("Now you're hittin' 'em good!") "And, fellow- 
citizens, these gentlemen here would make you believe that all the murders are the result 
of drinking whiskey. Will they say that Cain had taken a drink that day he killed his 
brother Abel? I dare them to do it." ("Now, what's dey got to say for deyselves ? Bless 
de Lawd, de Bible's on our side!") ; see ibid., pp. 198-201. 

54 Goldsboro Messenger, June 6, 30, 1881 ; Daily Review, July 22, 1881 ; News and Ob- 
server, June 2, 1881 ; Asheville Citizen, June 23, 1881. A correspondent from Wadesboro 
of the Charlotte Observer, August 4, 1881, described a rally of the anti-prohibitionists, held 
August 1 : "Yesterday a big multitude of Negroes assembled at Wadesboro to hear their 
champions on anti-prohibition. They heard them. And oh, such speeches ! The speakers 
talked about everything but the subject. They spoke contemptuously of the ministry — 'the 
little spike-tail preachers' ; about the Negroes losing their liberties, etc. But to crown it all, 
Dockery absolutely mimicked the ministry by taking a text — Deut. 14 :26 — and then mis- 
applied it to his base purposes ; just as his great leader — the Devil — did on a former occa- 
sion, when he tried to get the Savior to throw himself down from the pinnacle of the 
temple. By this time the surging mass of Negroes were thoroughly aroused and further 
excited with whiskey. Just then some drunken Neero had to be arrested by the town 
officers. He resisted and was knocked down, whereupon the already maddened Negroes set 
upon the officers, crying 'Kill them ! Kill them !' The officers fled for safety, followed by 
about 500 enraged Negroes throwing stones, flourishing sticks and pistols, and making 
fearful threats. Had it not been for the coolness and bravery of Judge Bennett, who 
mounted a horse and rode among the surging mass . . . commanding the peace, and the 
promptness of our high sheriff and other officers, there would have been much bloodshed 
and slaughter." 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 85 

the State. 55 The results were almost everywhere a complete 
triumph for the Anti-Prohibition party. The vote was 48,370 
for and 166,325 against, making a majority of 117,955 votes 
against prohibition. 56 Only three counties, Haywood, Transyl- 
vania, and Yancey, gave a majority for prohibition. The west- 
ern counties, in which larger percentages of white Republicans 
lived, gave more votes proportionally for prohibition than did 
other sections. In Mitchell County the "wet" majority was only 
20; Madison, 150; Cleveland, only 2 out of 3,000 votes cast. 
Among the towns which gave prohibition a majority were New- 
ton, Old Fort, Asheville, and other "fruit county" towns. 57 

Many forces and factors contributed to the overwhelming 
defeat of state prohibition in 1881. The law admittedly was not 
entirely satisfactory. Nevertheless, too much emphasis must 
not be placed on the "defects" of the law. It is entirely probable 
that the people of North Carolina were not ready for a stricter 
law. These defects, however, gave excellent points of attack. 
Another powerful factor was the practice of uninformed people 
to follow the crowd. The Kinston Journal attributed the defeat 
largely to the lack of confidence of many voters in their own 
opinions and to the "lack of backbone." 58 

The old adage that a chain is no stronger than its weakest link 
was applicable to this election. North Carolina had not yet 
passed the suffrage amendment, and in the hunt for votes both 
sides encouraged the Negro to vote ; but probably the antis were 
more successful. The consensus of opinion was that the Negroes 
voted almost solidly against prohibition. 59 The fact that the 
western counties, with smaller ratios of colored population, gave 
larger votes for prohibition than did the eastern counties, gives 
weight to that opinion. 60 Then, too, the majority against was 
just about equal to the number of Negroes that voted in the 
political elections, which would indicate that the white vote was 



55 Charlotte Observer, August 5, 1881. "Never before was there such universal discussion 
of a campaign issue. . . . There was not a demonstration towards a row." This comment 
for Charlotte was typical for other towns. The general quietness and orderliness of election 
day came as a surprise to many, especially after so many exciting incidents of the cam- 
paign. 

56 R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina Manual, 1913, pp. 1019-1020. 

57 Farmer and the Mechanic, August 11, 1881. 

58 August 18, 1881. 

59 Charlotte Observer, August 5, 1881; Carolina Watchman, August 11, 1881 j Whitaker, 
op. cit., p. 197. 

60 In Charlotte, "Ward No. 1, 226 Negroes voted out of 238 registered, while only 280 white 
people voted out of 557 registered. 






86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

pretty evenly divided. 61 The Republican party's stand against 
prohibition undoubtedly influenced many Negroes to vote with 
the majority. 

The action of the executive committee of that party in endors- 
ing the wet side did not, however, influence many white Republi- 
cans to vote wet, but it had a more significant result upon the 
voters of the Democratic party. Many Democrats, especially 
the political leaders, feared that prohibition would endanger the 
political status of the State. Should the results be relatively 
close, the newly formed Anti-Prohibition Association would 
hold the balance of power in future political contests. The Re- 
publican party, having already set its sails to catch this third 
party in the making, was in a position to make the most of its 
opportunity. Thus it became "stylish" for Democrats, just 
before election, to show that they were opposed to prohibition, 
and many voted wet for political reasons. 

These factors, together with the well-articulated organization 
and almost unlimited financial resources of the liquor dealers, 
both within and without the State, were too powerful for the 
more loosely organized prohibition forces, who were without 
much financial backing or hope of future emoluments. While no 
definite statistics are available regarding the amount of money 
raised and spent by the liquor dealers, there can be no doubt that 
they did spend large sums. 62 

The most significant thing about the election was the fact that 
nearly 50,000 men in North Carolina in 1881 had determined to 
support prohibition and were ready to bear the political and 
social consequences of their actions. While some few citizens 
saw and talked of the real significance, many others concluded 
that the cause of prohibition had been set back fully fifty years. 
The Democratic papers, especially those that had supported pro- 
hibition, proclaimed far and wide that prohibition in North 



si News and Observer, August 6, 1881. The North State, August 11, 1881, said: "The 
colored man comes off the field full of smiles. He has lived to see the day when his former 
owner takes him by the hand as a man and brother, and joyfully labors with him as an 
equal citizen either for or against Prohibition. Republicans . . . are under lasting obliga- 
tions to Prohibitionists for settling the color question." 

62 Farmer and the Mechanic, June 9, 1881, stated that it was reported the "Northern Liquor 
Dealers" made up $175,000 to be spent during the campaign. Carolina Watchman, August 
4, 1881 : "The New York Wine Association sent many pamphlets and circulars into North 
Carolina during the campaign." The Chatham Record, May 12, 1881, says in an editorial 
that the Goldsboro Messenger was offered, by a liquor firm in Baltimore, Messrs. Brown 
and Co., as many as 300 subscriptions if it would publish "good matter" in opposition to 
prohibition. The Messenger indignantly rejected the offer. 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 87 

Carolina had met its Waterloo at the hands of the sovereign 
people and that all should abide by that verdict. 03 They must 
have known, what they did not care to say, that the fight for 
prohibition had just begun. 

The election produced a very interesting political situation. 
Dr. J. J. Mott believed that the overwhelming defeat of prohibi- 
tion was a vindication of his policy of opposition and that the 
election had badly shattered the Democratic party, thereby pre- 
senting an opportunity, as he had predicted, that would enable 
him to lead his party to power. Now, all that was necessary 
with this clear background was to give encouragement to the 
already formed anti-prohibition forces and at the proper time 
step in and capture their votes by endorsing their platform. 

Other factors gave Dr. Mott additional cause for hoping that 
an influential third party could be started. For some time the 
agrarian population had been developing considerable hostility 
to prevailing political control. The premature Greenback move- 
ment of 1880 had left certain leaders of that party stranded in 
North Carolina while the farmers bore, if not patiently, for an- 
other decade their resentment against the policy of the faction 
then in control of the government. Yet, even in 1882, there was 
considerable talk of "Liberal" as opposed to "Bourbon" Demo- 
crats. 64 Thus, if the premature liberal element could be allied 
with the anti-prohibition Democrats, the chances of breaking 
the control of the Democratic party were very favorable. 

The liquor dealers were the "power behind the throne" in the 
movement to galvanize the anti-prohibition people into an effec- 
tive political threat. During the seventies and early eighties 
many laws had been passed by the Legislature, because of pres- 
sure from the dry element, which had restricted their interests 
at every turn and helped to build up a public opinion against 
the saloon and the liquor traffic generally. A new party with 
anti-prohibition as its chief principle, holding the balance of 
power between the two old parties, would in all probability check 
the prohibition movement. Consequently, as soon as the results 
of the election were known, the liquor dealers began to take steps 



63 Greensboro Patriot, August 10, 1881. 

64 J. G. de R. Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860, p. 208. 



88 The Worth Carolina Historical Review 

to carry out their plans. 65 As a result of the encouragement 
from the liquor dealers, the leaders of the State Anti-Prohibition 
'Association decided to hold a meeting to map out a course of 
action. 

The executive committee of the association met in Raleigh, 
May 2, 1882.66 Those present were T. N. Cooper, S. E. O'Hara, 
William Johnston, E. P. Powers, J. H. Renfrow, J. J. Simms, 
C. J. Bailey, Matt Atkinson, and L. P. Devereaux for W. A. 
Moore. Col. T. N. Cooper, the chairman, resigned and Col. 
William Johnston was elected to fill the vacancy. After con- 
siderable discussion, they decided to call a state anti-prohibition 
convention to be held in Raleigh, Wednesday, June 7, 1882, to 
present to the people a platform of principles and candidates for 
the state offices to be filled in the approaching November elec- 
tion. 67 An "Address to the People of North Carolina" was 
prepared and adopted, which gave the reasons for the need of 
such a party and extended an invitation to the "liberal, inde- 
pendent voters of the State, without regard to former political 
affiliation," to join the new party by sending representatives to 
the convention. As stated in the address, the party was to pro- 
tect liberties and rights assured by the hearty cooperation of 
more than 100,000 majority in the last election, to restore local 
self-government, to diffuse education more generally among the 
masses, to purify the ballot box, and forever to "settle the vexed 
question of restraining by law those vices which can best be cor- 
rected by moral suasion and religious organizations." 68 

The convention assembled on the appointed day, with about 
150 delegates present, including approximately 40 Democrats, 



65 Tarboro Southerner, August 18, 1881. "We rise to ask the meaning of such organiza- 
tion ? If it is to encourage and propagate intemperance or to control State legislation in 
the interest of the liquor seller, then we, for one, beg to enter our solemn protest against it." 

66 News and Observer, May 3, 1882 ; Carolina Watchman, May 11, 1882. 

67 hoc. cit. 

68 The address further said : "In the opinion of this committee such action is right and 
proper, that those who honestly stood up for the right then, shall have the opportunity to 
ratify their action, by the adoption of principles and election of men opposed to the party 
organization which forces this unjust legislation upon them. 

"The leadership and the methods of this organization, the channel through which it 
speaks to the people, and the spirit of dictation and abuse with which it attempts to drive 
into its support those choosing to act for themselves, demands the present movement. A 
majority of the state which supported this odious legislation of last year continue to mis- 
represent us. Our manhood and self-respect require us to rebuke once more this insulting 
minority, that it may learn to respect the people's rights and liberties. 

"In this movement principles are involved which should be cherished by every freeman, 
and it is our duty to see that they are protected against this intolerable spirit. . . . The 
bitterness with which we were denounced last summer lives not alone on the tongues of 
our defamers, but has taken root deep down into their hearts." 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 89 

80 Republicans, and 30 Negroes. 09 William Johnston was made 
chairman. The address was endorsed as the platform with the 
additional "plank" that education should be supported by both 
state and national governments and that the money derived by 
the United States revenue tax on whiskey should be given to the 
common schools to be spent under the supervision of the State. 
For office, the convention nominated for congressman at large 
Oliver H. Dockery, a Republican, and for the Supreme Court 
Judge George N. Folk, a Democrat. 

When the Republican convention met a week or so later, its 
course of action had already been determined upon. Under the 
guiding hand of Dr. Mott, it endorsed the nominees of the Lib- 
eral Anti-Prohibition party and designated a committee to act 
with a committee of that party to fill all vacancies that might 
arise. 70 The platform adopted declared that the "Bourbon lead- 
ers of the Democratic party" were responsible for the passage of 
the prohibition bill and the agitation resulting therefrom. "The 
said bill having been rejected by a vote of the people, the Repub- 
licans of this State, in maintaining the fundamental principle 
that the majority must rule, request their candidates for the 
Legislature to vote for the repeal of said prohibition bill and 
against all similar measures." 71 

Many dry Republicans resented the action of the convention 
in tying up their party with the liquor element. Rowan Repub- 
licans resolved in a public meeting that they welcomed recalci- 
trant Democrats who wished to further the interests of the 
Republican party, "but if their object be office — personal promo- 
tion to high and lucrative positions — we have to say they will be 
disappointed." 72 Similar expressions were made in many other 
places. 73 Generally speaking, however, the members of that 
party acquiesced in the action of its leaders. The Winston 
Union Republican said : "We can do no better than to sanction 



^State Journal, June 27, 1882 (the official organ of the party) ; Carolina Watchman, 
June 8, 1882. Other candidates nominated: C. C. Pool, John A. Moore, Frank H. Darby, 
William A. Guthrie, L. F. Churchill, and Jacob A. Long for Superior Court judges. Long 
and Darby declined the nomination : Lenoir Topic, June 21, 1882. 

70 Carolina Watchman, June 22, 1882. 

71 North Carolina Democratic Handbook, 1882. v. 7. The last five words caused a hot 
debate in the convention ; Carolina Watchman, June 22, 1882. 

72 Carolina Watchman, May 25, 1882. Dr. Mott had already written to the U. S. Assistant 
Postmaster General to the effect that if any small offices existed, they might be given 
advantageously to liberal Democrats. Hamilton, op. cit., p. 208. 

73 Ibid., May 18, 1882, quoting an article, "Mott Surrenders," from Asheville Citizen; 
see, also, Lenoir Topic, June 28, 1882. 



90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the ticket, for what is there to hope for from the success of the 
Democrats ?" 74 Another Republican paper, the Greensboro 
North State, accepted the results in an editorial under the cap- 
tion, "We Bow." 75 

The Democratic party was in a quandary. During the cam- 
paign of 1881 its press and speakers had lost no opportunity to 
declare that prohibition was not a political issue — in spite of 
the action of the executive committee of the Republican party. 
After the election this position was unanimously taken and no 
little time and space were used to show that the liquor question 
was dead beyond any hope of final resurrection. 76 A similar 
position was taken in the party platform of that year by declar- 
ing that "the question of prohibition is not now, and never has 
been, endorsed by the Democratic party. . . . We regard the 
matter as finally settled, and any attempt to renew the agitation 
a Republican move." 77 Their press rang with denunciation of 
the liberals who were called "sore heads," "wolves in sheep's 
clothing," "smirched and guilty fellows," "Mott's mongrel me- 
nagerie," "political fossils," who were trying to get into the Re- 
publican party to "feast on the spoils of that desperate party" 
and wanted the anti-prohibition "nag to carry them over 
safely." 78 

After the first excitement had subsided and it became evident 
that only a few Democrats would leave their party, the Demo- 
cratic party began to breathe more easily; but it continued to 
enjoy the sport of heaping ridicule upon those who followed the 
Liberal-Anti-Prohibition party. 79 Moreover, Democrats, in 
order to please the liquor dealers and to detract attention from 
the former prohibition campaign, launched under the able lead- 
ership of Senator Vance a vigorous attack upon the United 
States internal revenue system. He was instrumental in hav- 



74 Ibid., June 29, 1882, quoting that paper ; Chatham Record, April 27, 1882. 

75 Ibid., June 29, 1882 ; Greensboro North State, August 8, 1882. 

76 Tarboro Southerner, August 18, 1881 ; Carolina Watchman, August 18, 1881 ; Davie 
Times, May 5, 1882. 

77 North Carolina Democratic Handbook, 1882, p. 10. 

78 Davie Times, May 26, 1882, quoting Neivs and Observer; Daily Review, June 8, 15, 1882; 
Asheville Citizen, July 22, 1882 ; Carolina Watchman, June 22, 1882 ; Lenoir Topic, June 7, 
1882. 

79 Daily Review (Wilmington), July 22, 1882, declared that only two Liberal-Anti- 
Prohibition Democrats were in New Hanover County ; none in Pender, Duplin, Sampson, 
Columbus. Brunswick, and Bladen, several hundred in Cumberland of old Greenback stripe ; 
see, also, Asheville Citizen. September 23. 1882: "We cannot begin to publish all the good 
news we tret from every section of the State, as to how Revenue Liberalism is dying out." 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 91 

ing a committee appointed by the Senate, with himself as chair- 
man, to make a thorough investigation of the system in North 
Carolina, and especially to scrutinize the official conduct of 
Dr. Mott. After making an extended examination, the com- 
mittee found nothing of consequence, 80 and it was dismissed 
after it had served its real purposes. 

The results of the election of 1882 fully indicated that the 
Liberal-Anti-Prohibition party might have been a serious threat 
to the Democratic majority. In the Seventh Congressional 
District, a Democratic stronghold, Tyre York, a member of the 
new party, defeated R. F. Armfield. The black district was 
won by J. E. O'Hara, a Halifax Negro who had taken a promi- 
nent part in the fight to defeat prohibition and to build up a third 
party. However, the relative strength of the two parties re- 
mained about the same in the Legislature, only one Anti-Prohi- 
bitionist being elected. 81 

The Liberal-Anti-Prohibition alliance with the Republican 
party endured through the next campaign, 1884. The two par- 
ties held their conventions in Raleigh at the same time, meeting 
in separate halls and allowing a joint committee to select the 
ticket, on which the Republicans got most of the places. It 
adopted a very brief platform of principles, resembling those of 
the Republican party, but strangely enough, prohibition was not 
mentioned. 82 After this, the remaining members were defi- 
nitely absorbed by the Republican party. 83 

Vigorous assaults of the Democrats on the internal revenue 
system proved, what at first was not clear to all, to be a very 
popular issue. 84 The Kinston Journal said: "We fear that 
some of our Democratic papers are over-zealous in this matter 
... in order to get right before the people they gravely propose 



80 Hamilton, op. cit., p. 209 ; Lenoir Topic, June 28, 1882. 

81 Carolina Watchman, November 23, 1882, claimed the small Democratic majority in the 
State was caused by the election of 1881. 

82 North Carolina Democratic Handbook, 1884, pp. 5 and 6 ; Asheville Citizen, May 15, 
1884; Carolina Watchman, May 8, 1884, printed the proceedings and made this comment: 
"The Liberal convention was a fizzle. Twenty-four white men and two colored men 
attended." 

83 An interesting bit of information appeared in the Carolina Watchman, November 4, 
1886 : "There was an independent anti-prohibition-liberal-democratic-republican ticket 
printed at the Star of Zion office — conducted by Negroes — but for some cause they were not 
permitted to be distributed, and the 'faithful' stayed largely at home. The names on the 
ticket would amuse anyone. They were all, or nearly so, old aspirants for office, but the 
people have not recognized them." 

84 These attacks occurred often ; for a few typical see : News and Observer, Dec. 25, 1883, 
Feb. 5, Sept. 9, Aug., 1884 ; June 2, 1885 ; State Chronicle, Dec. 9, 1885 ; Asheville Citizen, 
Nov. 14, 1882. 



92 The Worth Carolina Historical Review 

to abolish the internal revenue on whiskey and tobacco." 85 The 
principle of the ''famous 'red-legged grasshopper' campaign" of 
1876, in which Governor Vance declared "that every man had 
the right to make his liquor 'up the hollows and over the hills,' " 
was reasserted as sound individualistic democracy. 86 Now in 
1884, Governor Vance, again helping to direct his party, made 
a very carefully prepared speech in the Senate in which he 
undertook to prove by statistics that the system was being used 
for political purposes. 87 He charged, and the charge was never 
proven to be incorrect, that during election years the expenses 
for collecting the tax were greater than for the years in which 
no election occurred. He further showed that about one-tenth 
of the salary of the officials was paid into the Republican party 
treasury for campaign purposes. At about the same time, Gen- 
eral W. R. Cox, in the House of Representatives, was also making 
vigorous speeches against the "iniquitous system," which were 
always printed and distributed for home consumption. 88 The 
Republican party, not being willing for the Democrats to reap 
all the reward, likewise favored the removal of the system from 
North Carolina. 89 The Greensboro North State, Republican, 
said : "The repeal of the law would remove one of the most ob- 
noxious and corrupting influences from our body politic." 90 

Thus the aftermath of the prohibition election gave the liquor 
dealers an opportunity to form a third party for the purpose of 
forever eliminating prohibition from North Carolina. Dr. Mott 
tried to use this deflection in the interest of the Republican party, 



85 January 26, 1882. 

86 Union Republican, January 28, 1903 ; see, also, Lenoir Topic, July 28, 1881. In this 
campaign Governor Vance carried the grasshopper to make the people laugh and to illustrate, 
in this crude way, the prevalence of Republican officeholders : " 'This fellow,' said he, 
holding up the grasshopper, snugly preserved in his bath of alcohol, 'this fellow can smell 
the branch and tell how far up is the next still. This fellow can look at an honest man's 
back and tell in which pocket he carries his private tickler. He can smell a canteen and 
tell whether the liquor is tax-paid. He eats up every green thing that God ever gave to 
men, and he only serves the universal dissolution. The time has come that an honest man 
can't take an honest drink without having a gang of revenue officers after him.' All this 
was loudly cheered by the Democratic party." Lenoir Topic, July 28, 1881. 

87 Z. B. Vance, Speech on Internal Revenue System, June 25, 1884. 

88 W. R. Cox, Tariff Commission and Internal Revenue, speech, 1882. 

89 North Carolina Democratic Handbook (gives Republican platforms), 1884, p. 4; 1888, 
p. 9. 

90 June 20, 1884: "It would drive into industrial pursuits" the officers and relieve the 
country of their constant and irritating presence. "And most of all, the repeal of these 
laws would put a stop to the numberless prosecutions in the courts, and the perjury, 
subornation of perjury, and the revolting practices which have grown up among the people 
to avoid detection or conviction, . . . which crimes and practices are a hundredfold more 
damaging to the good order of society than all violations of the revenue laws." 

It is interesting to note that this same argument is used widely by the wet press of today 
(1931) against prohibition. 



North Carolina Prohibition Election of 1881 93 

but the whole movement failed. The Democratic party launched 
a vociferous attack on the United States internal revenue system 
in order, first, to satisfy the liquor interests of the State, and, 
second, to please the people by opposing something from the 
Federal government. The Spirit of the Age summarized the 
aftermath in this significant statement. "Let politicians prate 
and bluster and turn somersaults and make wry faces if they 
delight in that kind of sport, but it will all amount to nothing 
in the end, for the prohibition movement of the country is grow- 
ing and is going to keep on growing until it shall come like a 
mighty wave." 91 And within five years thousands of people of 
North Carolina were voting on prohibition in the local option 
movement. 



91 State Journal, July 27, 1882, quoting the Spirit of the Age. 



THE SEABOARD AIR LINE 

By Peter S. McGuire 

"The present Seaboard Air Line Railway Company is a con- 
solidation, formed in 1915, of the Seaboard Air Line Railway and 
the Seaboard Air Line Railway Company, formerly the Carolina, 
Atlantic and Western Railway. The Seaboard Air Line Railway 
became existent on April 10, 1900, through an order of the Cir- 
cuit Court of the City of Richmond, under which the name of 
Richmond, Petersburg and Carolina Railroad Company was 
changed to the Seaboard Air Line Railway. Subsequent to this 
change of name and during 1901, the various lines which, since 
1893, had been associated together as the Seaboard Air Line, an 
operating association of several systems, were merged into the 
Seaboard Air Line Railway. The property and franchises of the 
several corporations were acquired by the Seaboard Air Line 
Railway by direct puprchase." 1 The foregoing statement, pre- 
pared by officials of the company under an order of the Interstate 
Commerce Commission, is sufficiently accurate, no doubt, for val- 
uation purposes ; but it is, nevertheless, somewhat misleading. It 
creates the impression, perhaps unintentionally, that the Sea- 
board Air Line was formed in 1893 ; whereas there is abundant 
evidence that this title had then been in fairly general use for 
nearly twenty years to designate an increasingly close associa- 
tion of connecting railroads under the control of the Seaboard 
and Roanoke. The beginnings of this association, indeed, ante- 
date the Civil War, and may be traced to the commercial rival- 
ries of certain Virginia towns. 2 

The state of North Carolina falls naturally into five rather 
distinct economic provinces. Two of these — the Northeast 
Coastal Plain, or Roanoke section, and the Northeast Piedmont — 
were in pre-railroad days tributary to Virginia in matters of 



1 Corporate History of the Seaboard Air Line Railway Company (Norfolk, 1922), p. 83. 

2 This paper does not purport to give all the evidence. It is based on the papers of Major 
W. W. Vass, which were recently acquired by the University of North Carolina. Major Vass 
was treasurer of the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Company from January 1, 1845, to 
December 20, 1893. He was also treasurer of the Raleigh and Augusta Air Line from April 
4, 1868, to December, 1893. Letter to the president and board of directors of the Raleigh 
and Gaston and Raleigh and Augusta railroads, June 24, 1893. Private Letterbook, April 7, 
1893, to October 22, 189U, pp. 18. 19. Vass to R. C. Hoffman, president, Seaboard Air Line, 
May 27. 1893. This and other letters cited are in the Vass Papers unless otherwise noted. 
The writer is indebted to Professor Hamilton of the University of North Carolina for per- 
mission to use these papers before they were catalogued, and for several valuable suggestions. 

[ 94 ] 



The Seaboard Air Line 95 

trade. The surplus products of the former section were carried 
down the Roanoke River to Albemarle Sound, thence up the 
Pasquotank River, and along the Dismal Swamp Canal to Nor- 
folk and Portsmouth. The Piedmont section had in those days 
only one product, tobacco, that would bear the cost of transpor- 
tation; and most of the surplus was sent along the same route, 
although some went to Petersburg, Richmond, and other Vir- 
ginia towns on the Fall Line. 3 

With the advent of the railroad, Petersburg reached out for a 
larger share of this trade, and projected a railway to the Roa- 
noke opposite Weldon. This was opened in 1833 as the Peters- 
burg and Weldon. It proved so successful that Norfolk and 
Portsmouth were virtually compelled to follow suit ; and in 1835 
the Seaboard and Roanoke, chartered in 1832 as the Portsmouth 
and Roanoke, was opened between Portsmouth and Weldon. 
Richmond was late in the field ; but by 1856 it had completed the 
Richmond and Danville, and was ready to bid for the traffic of 
the Northeast Piedmont. 4 

The diversion of trade to Virginia had never been palatable 
to the seaports of North Carolina; it also ran counter to the 
growing spirit of state pride ; but divergence of interest between 
the Piedmont and the Plain, coupled with sectional jealousies in 
the latter, caused the government to waver in its faith and ulti- 
mately play into the hands of Virginia. So it happened that the 
"Mother of Presidents" became in due time the mother of rail- 
way integration in the South. Three of the four great systems, 
which today control the transportation of the South Atlantic 
Slope, had their origins within the State, although control soon 
passed to northern capitalists. The Petersburg and Weldon de- 
veloped into the Atlantic Coast Line ; the Seaboard and Roanoke 
became the parent-stem of the Seaboard Air Line ; and the Rich- 
mond and Danville was the nucleus of the Southern Railway 
System. 5 

In the absence of a definite plan, North Carolina permitted the 
Wilmington and Raleigh, chartered in 1833, to change its north- 

3 C. K. Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Development (Chapel Hill, 1928), pp. 5-10. 

4 Ibid., pp. 31, 45, 164. For the economic background of the north and south railroads of 
Virginia, see H. D. Dozier, A History of the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad (Boston, 1920), 
Chapter II. 

5 John Moody, Manual of Investments, Railroad Securities (New York, 1929), passim; 
F. W. Mundy, Earning Power of Railroads (New York, 1926), passim; Rand McNally, 
Commercial Atlas of America, 57th Edition, passim. 



96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ern terminus to Weldon, where it connected directly with the 
Seaboard and Roanoke and indirectly with the Petersburg and 
Weldon. Later it invested in the stock of this road $600,000 of 
the surplus revenue received from the Federal government in 
1837, although it must have been fairly obvious that the Virginia 
towns could have asked for nothing better. In the same spirit, 
it chartered the Raleigh and Gaston, December, 1835, although 
the only possible outlet for this road at the time was the Peters- 
burg and Weldon, via the Greenville and Roanoke from Gaston. 
It endorsed the bonds of this road to the amount of $800,000; 
and later defrayed one-half the cost of a branch from Gaston to 
Weldon, in order that a connection might be made with the 
Seaboard and Roanoke, which furnished the balance of the 
necessary funds. 6 

In 1849, however, the State made what seems like a belated 
effort to break the chains which the Virginia towns, taking 
advantage of this lack of a definite policy, were fast riveting 
upon its commerce. In that year the North Carolina Railroad 
was chartered to run between Goldsboro and Charlotte via 
Raleigh and Salisbury. It was generally expected that this road 
would ultimately form a link in a central system extending from 
the Atlantic to the Tennessee line, and the State subscribed for 
two-thirds of its stock; but it was later found that the charter 
did not designate the route between Raleigh and Salisbury. 
Thereupon, the directors, in order to satisfy the people of the 
Northeast Piedmont who had subscribed for stock, decided to 
build the road in a wide curve through Hillsborough, Graham, 
Greensboro, Lexington, and Concord, to Salisbury and Charlotte. 
This was done ; and the road thus acquired an interest in north 
and south traffic which was destined to defeat the aspirations of 
those who saw in it the beginnings of an east and west trunk line. 
This interest was heightened when, soon after the completion 
of the road, the Raleigh and Gaston formed a connection with 
it "to the great advantage of both roads" ; and it was not mate- 
rially lessened by the opening of the Atlantic and North Caro- 
lina, Goldsboro to Morehead City, and the Western North Caro- 



6 Laws of North Carolina, 1835, Chap. 25, p. 17 ; Chap. 30, p. 60. The State lost heavily 
on both roads. For the details, see Brown, op. cit., Chapters III and IV. 



The Seaboard Air Line 97 

lina, Salisbury to the vicinity of Morganton, which was accom- 
plished just before the Civil War with the aid of the State. 7 

Thus, by 1860, the north and south trend of traffic was well 
established in North Carolina. One might cross the State by 
either of two all-rail routes — the coast route via the Wilmington 
and Weldon and its connections, or the inland route over the 
Seaboard and Roanoke or the Petersburg Road, the Raleigh and 
Gaston, the North Carolina, and the Charlotte and South Caro- 
lina. Freight could be moved without transhipment from Char- 
lotte to Petersburg or Portsmouth via the latter route; it could 
also go by way of Goldsboro and the Wilmington and Weldon; 
but most of it, naturally, took the shorter route over the Raleigh 
and Gaston. The latter, indeed, would seem to have had almost 
a monopoly of the traffic of the Northeast Piedmont. 8 

The Civil War tended to strengthen this trend. It helped, 
first of all, to weaken the spirit of separatism, which had, in the 
main, favored the development of east and west routes ; and, in 
the second place, it revealed the fatal defects in the transporta- 
tion system of the Confederacy — the many gaps in such north 
and south lines as existed, the differences in gauge, and espe- 
cially the lack of an easily defended, direct, through route from 
Richmond to the fertile fields of Southwest Georgia and Alabama. 
To remedy in part the last-named defect, the Confederate gov- 
ernment, with the cooperation of the Richmond and Danville 
Railroad and the consent of North Carolina, constructed the 
Piedmont Railroad to bridge the gap between Danville, Virginia, 
and Greensboro, on the North Carolina Road. 9 The Federal 
government also aided in the process of reorientation. "It 
brought rails over Long Bridge at Washington and completed a 
connection at Alexandria, giving the first physical contact be- 
tween the northern and southern systems in the East. It com- 
pleted the connection at Petersburg, the infamous lack of which 
had hampered Lee for years." 10 Finally, it took possession of 



7 Ibid., pp. 63-69, 70, 74-77, 93, 159, 117-125, 104, 146. 

8 Carolina Watchman, July 19, 1855 ; Brown, op. cit., p. 159. 

9 Ibid., pp. 283, 164-165. The construction of the Piedmont Road was delayed by the 
opposition of extreme state-rights men in the Confederate Congress, but a bill appropriating 
$1,000,000 in aid of the road was finally passed. C. W. Ramsdell, "The Confederate Govern- 
ment and the Railroads," American Historical Review, XX, p. 801, and note 29. 

10 C. R. Fish, "The Restoration of the Southern Railroads," University of Wisconsin 
Studies in the Social Sciences and History (Madison, 1919), No. 2, p. 9. 



98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Piedmont Railroad, as it did of practically all roads which 
its military leaders deemed essential to the success of their 
operations ; and, at the conclusion of hostilities, turned it over to 
the Richmond and Danville, 11 which thus gained entrance to 
Greensboro and became a formidable competitor for the trade 
of the Northeast Piedmont. 

For the two years immediately following the surrender of 
Johnston's army, however, the entrance of the Richmond and 
Danville into North Carolina had little effect upon the general 
traffic situation. These were, of course, years of distress and 
rehabilitation for the South; and particularly for the Seaboard 
states. There was little to export, and almost no money with 
which to pay for imports; the people were too poor and too 
busy to travel. Railway traffic, both freight and passenger, was 
reduced to a necessary minimum. Dividends disappeared en- 
tirely, or were sharply reduced. 12 Such freight as there was 
from points in the Piedmont south of Greensboro continued to 
move, as it had before the war, over the North Carolina and its 
eastern connections; for the Richmond and Danville had no 
connection with the North Carolina. Some through passengers, 
no doubt, transferred to the new road at Greensboro; but the 
loss of revenue from this cause must have been relatively slight 
in view of the general decline in passenger traffic. Passengers 
from South Carolina and beyond, moreover, preferred the coast 
route as more direct; and the through passenger traffic of the 
North Carolina Road had always been light. 13 

Competition among the eastern roads for the reduced traffic 
of these years approached the cut-throat stage, and rumors of 
combinations and rebate agreements were rife. The letter of 
Colonel Whitford referred to above (note 12) charged that in 
the division of through freights the Seaboard and Roanoke, 
though only 79 miles long, drew pay for 100 miles; while the 
Raleigh and Gaston and North Carolina received credit for their 
real lengths, 100 and 223 miles; also, that the Petersburg and 
Weldon, 60 miles long, received credit for 100 miles because it 
was obliged to use the bridge over the Roanoke owned by the 



11 Ibid., p. 16 and note 71. 

12 Ibid., pp. 19-22; Brown, op. cit., pp. 150, 238; Statement of dividends, July 1, 1861-July 
1, 1871, Letterbook of the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Company, 1872-77, p. 168. 

13 Brown, op. cit., pp. 59, 93-94, 159. 



The Seaboard Air Line 99 

Seaboard and could not compete with it. The Raleigh and 
Gaston, on the other hand, professed to fear a combination 
among her eastern rivals to deprive her of her through traffic, 
and appealed to past and prospective patrons of the road in the 
following advertisement : 

To Shippers, North. Carolina all State Railway Lines (That used to 
be) the Old Raleigh and Gaston Rail Road, the shortest, quickest, 
safest and best line, North and South to be left out in the cold unless 
shippers specifically say via Raleigh and Gaston R. R. 

We are the great through Inland Air Line Route to all the Northern 
markets and have successfully worked the line . . . for the last 10 
years. 14 

The writer has no direct evidence of a combination against the 
Raleigh and Gaston at that time. The idea may have been a 
mere figment of the imagination, born of the consciousness that 
the road was not particularly popular, and strengthened by the 
fact that in 1867 it lost nearly two-thirds of its normal tonnage 
interchange with the North Carolina Railroad to its eastern 
rivals — the Wilmington and Weldon, and the Atlantic and North 
Carolina. The real cause of this sudden reverse is to be found, 
no doubt, in a resolution of the stockholders of the North Caro- 
lina Company, passed early in 1867, which directed the manage- 
ment to carry all freight as far as possible over the tracks of 
that road. 15 This action was probably taken with a view to 
forcing the Raleigh and Gaston to grant the North Carolina 
better terms — not with the purpose of entering a combination 
against that road — and it had the desired effect. In March, 
1868, the Raleigh and Gaston entered into an agreement with the 
North Carolina Road by which the latter was allowed as much 
revenue on freights interchanged with the former at Raleigh 
as it would have earned had the goods been carried on to Golds- 
boro; and the Raleigh and Gaston agreed to pay to the North 
Carolina one dollar more than the regular fare for every through 
passenger routed over its road by the latter. 16 This arrange- 
ment appears to have restored the normal trend of freight, if 
not of passenger, traffic. 17 



14 Explicit directions were given for shipments from Boston, New York, Baltimore, and 
Philadelphia. Raleigh Sentinel, January 4, 1868, December 24, 1869, passim. 

15 Report of the North Carolina Railroad Company, 1868. 
16J6«2.; Raleigh Sentinel, Oct. 20, 21, 1869, Dec. 29, 1870. 

17 See Brown, op. cit., p. 157, for an interesting diagram of the traffic exchange of the 
North Carolina Railroad with its eastern connections for the year ending June 1, 1869. 



100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Richmond and Danville now began to show signs of that 
"vaulting ambition which o'erleaps itself." It met the offer of 
the Raleigh and Gaston with respect to through passengers from 
the North Carolina; and, apparently, succeeded in diverting the 
majority of such passengers at Greensboro. 18 It appointed a 
committee to inquire into the possibilities of the Atlanta and 
Charlotte Air Line, then being projected by northern capitalists 
connected with the Pennsylvania Railroad; and it adopted the 
report of this committee, calling attention to the great signifi- 
cance of that road to the Richmond and Danville and recom- 
mending the acquisition of control over it. 19 In 1870 it en- 
deavored to lease that portion of the North Carolina Railroad 
lying between Greensboro and Charlotte, but its offer was not 
accepted; and, early in 1871, it attempted to purchase a con- 
trolling interest in the Raleigh and Gaston with no better suc- 
cess. 20 Finally, on September 11, 1871, it concluded a lease of 
the entire line of the North Carolina for a period of thirty years 
at $260,000 per annum; and proceeded to change the gauge to 
bring it into conformity with its own. 21 

Affairs on the Seaboard, meanwhile, were moving rapidly in 
the direction of integration. The Atlantic Coast Line and the 
Seaboard Air Line took on definite form during this period as 
a result of spirited competition and fear of the Richmond and 
Danville, which was generally looked upon as a tool of the 
Pennsylvania Railroad and shared its unpopularity. 22 

The Atlantic Coast Line was at this time, and for twenty years 
thereafter, a loose association of roads paralleling the coast from 
Wilmington, N. C, to Washington, D. C. Even before the Civil 
War, this line of roads had done a profitable business in the 
carriage of mail and passengers ; but breaks in the line at Peters- 
burg, Richmond, and Alexandria had seriously hampered the 



18 Raleigh Sentinel, Dec. 29, 1870. 

18 Brown, op. cit., p. 165. Re-ports of the Richmond and Danville Railroad Company, 
1865-70, paged consecutively, 273. 

20 Brown, op. cit., pp. 172, 173. The offer was made by W. T. Sutherlin, a director of 
the Richmond and Danville, who offered to take 7,500 shares at $45.00. The market price 
was $52.00. Raleigh Sentinel, July 3, 6, 8, 1871, Aug. 5, 1873 ; Circular issued by the direc- 
tors of the Raleigh and Gaston, June 23, 1871, Vass Papers. 

21 Brown, op. cit., pp. 173, 179-181. The lease and the change of gauge aroused bitter 
opposition, and charges of corruption were freely made. 

22 Raleigh Sentinel, April 1, 1873, p. 2 ; May 3, 1873, p. 2, quoting a long editorial from 
the Virginia Appeal against Tom Scott. 



The Seaboard Air Line 101 

transportation of freight. 23 The Federal government had closed 
the gaps at Alexandria and Petersburg during the war; and, 
somewhat later, the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac 
had cooperated with the Richmond and Petersburg in closing the 
gap between their roads at Richmond. 24 The Petersburg and 
Weldon had long maintained connections with the Wilmington 
and Weldon at the latter place, using the tracks of the Seaboard 
and Roanoke from Garysburg. With the above gaps filled, 
therefore, the line was in a position to offer fast freight service 
between Wilmington and the great cities of the North; and in 
1875 it inaugurated that traffic in fruits and vegetables which 
was to prove so profitable in later years. 25 The Seaboard and 
Roanoke was for many years regarded as part of the line, and in 
1873 an Atlantic Coast Line Agency was established at Ports- 
mouth. 26 

The Seaboard Air Line developed pari passu with its future 
rival, although its methods were, in these early years, quite 
different. The Coast Line found existing roads which it could 
control through traffic agreements or leases; the Seaboard was 
obliged to undertake much new construction and depended 
largely upon stock ownership as a means of control. In 1868 
announcement was made that the Seaboard and Roanoke and the 
Bay Line of steamers had come under the same management; 27 
and in 1870, if not earlier, the Seaboard Inland Air Line General 
Trace and Claim Agency was set up at Portsmouth. 28 In 1871, 
moreover, Major George W. Grice, president of the Bank of 
Portsmouth and a director in the Seaboard and Roanoke, began 
buying stock in the Raleigh and Gaston; and by midsummer of 
1873 the former road was in complete control of the latter. 29 
Finally, on September 1, 1873, the Seaboard Air Line Agency 



23 Brown, op. cit., p. 32, note 9 ; C. W. Ramsdell, "The Confederate Government and the 
Railroads," American Historical Review, XX, p. 796. 

24 Supra, p. 5, note 10 ; H. V. Poor, Manual of the Railroads, 1893, p. 565. 

25 Poor, Manual, 428 ; Wilmington Daily Review, May 26, 1880. 

26 Ibid., Sept., 1880, quoting Charlotte Observer, Sept. 15th ; Major George W. Grice to 
Major Vass, April 23, 1875. 

27 Daily Sentinel (Raleigh), Jan. 11, 15, 1868, adv. These lines were backed by Mr. Mon- 
cure Robinson, long prominent in transportation circles in Maryland and Virginia. Minority 
Stockholder, in Raleigh Sentinel, Aug. 5, 1873. 

28 Series of letters from J. W. McCarrick, Agt., to Major Vass, April 7, 1870-April 10, 
1872. 

29 Statement of Major Grice at twenty-third annual meeting of the stockholders of the 
Raleigh and Gaston, Annual Report, 1873. The control of the Seaboard was clearly shown 
in the vote on important resolutions at this meeting, as reported in the Sentinel, Aug. 21-23, 
1873. 



102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

was established at Portsmouth "to protect the interests of the 
Raleigh and Gaston." 30 

The absorption of the latter road by the Seaboard and Roanoke 
was not especially palatable to the minority stockholders ; and it 
was rendered even less so by the fact that the price of their 
stock declined, within a few months, from fifty-two dollars to 
less than thirty. 31 The editor of the Raleigh Sentinel declared 
that this fall was "altogether occasioned by permitting the Sea- 
board and Roanoke Railroad Company to become master by 
purchasing and controlling a majority of the stock in the Raleigh 
and Gaston Railroad Company." 32 It was charged that the 
circular issued by the directors at the time of the Sutherlin offer 
(supra, note 20) was a mere ruse to keep down the price in the 
interest of Moncure Robinson and his friends; that sales had 
been made secretly by President Hawkins, members of his fam- 
ily, several directors, and members of their families ; and that no 
warning of impending danger had been given to the stockholders 
in general. 33 Major Grice, who was called by one stockholder 
the alter ego of Moncure Robinson, replied that he had nothing 
to conceal ; that he believed cooperation would be better for both 
roads; that the Southern Security Company had bought up the 
railroads of the State, and hemmed in the Raleigh and Gaston ; 
and that he had bought the stock of the latter in the open mar- 
ket, at the earnest solicitation of the merchants of Norfolk and 
Portsmouth, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the 
"Buck Tails." 34 There was some talk of legal proceedings to 
protect the interests of the minority stockholders; but, so far 
as the writer has been able to determine, nothing came of it; 
and the Seaboard's control of the Raleigh and Gaston was 
thenceforth generally admitted. 35 

The lease of the North Carolina Railroad by the Richmond and 
Danville had, indeed, effectually hemmed in the Raleigh and 



30 Grice to Vass, April 23, 1875. This is the first use of the title, "Seaboard Air Line," 
that the writer has found. 

31 Minority Stockholder, in Raleigh Sentinel, Aug. 5, 1873. 

32 Raleigh Sentinel, July 31, 1873. 

33 Ibid., Aug. 5, 22, 1873. 

34 Ibid., August 22, 1873. The Southern Security Company was formed early in 1871 to 
handle the investments of the Pennsylvania Railway Company in southern railway securities. 
Brown, op. cit., p. 212, note 24 ; also, "The Southern Railway Security Company," North 
Carolina Historical Review, April, 1929. 

36 "Report of Committee to Investigate Railroad Corporations," Legislative Documents of 
North Carolina, 1891, No. 23, p. 53, testimony of J. C Winder. 



The Seaboaed Air Line 103 

Gaston for the time being. The traffic agreement between the 
latter road and the North Carolina expired on August 1, 1873, 
and its expiration was reflected in a marked falling off in the 
gross receipts of the Raleigh and Gaston for that year. 30 In 
anticipation of this outcome of the activities of the Virginia road, 
the directors of the Raleigh and Gaston, in the late autumn of 
1869, offered to lease the North Carolina for twenty years at an 
annual rental of $240,000; but were unsuccessful. 37 They, 
then, turned in earnest to the prosecution of a project for which 
plans had already been made. 

This project involved the realization of an ambition which 
the company had entertained since its organization, that of an 
extension to the South Carolina border and beyond. 38 For this 
purpose they determined to revive the Chatham Railroad, which 
had been chartered in 1861 to build from Raleigh to the Chatham 
coal fields and abandoned in 1865 after $100,000 in Confederate 
money had been spent upon it. The Raleigh and Gaston had 
subscribed heavily to the stock of this road ; and secured control 
of it, April 4, 1868, when the capital stock was divided in propor- 
tion to the value of Confederate money at the time of its pur- 
chase. 39 For the rehabilitation and extension of the road much 
capital would, of course, be necessary; and so, even before it 
secured control, the Raleigh and Gaston had appealed to the 
State for aid, as was the fashion in that period. Responding 
promptly to this appeal, the General Convention, March 11, 
1868, authorized an exchange of six per cent thirty-year bonds 
of the State, to the amount of $1,200,000, for bonds of the 
Chatham Railroad Company of like character and amount; and 
by a subsequent ordinance, March 16, 1868, it transferred to the 
company the State's interest in "the Cape Fear and Deep River 
Navigation works. 40 The first Reconstruction Legislature was 
even more generous; and by March, 1870, the company had re- 
ceived 3,200 thousand-dollar bonds of the State in exchange for 



36 Annual Report, 1873-74. Vass Papers. 

37 Brown, op. cit.. pp. 170-172. The rental offered was said to be absurd in view of the 
fact that the Raleigh and Gaston was then paying to the North Carolina nearly $100,000 
per year under the agreement of March, 1868 (supra, 7). The lease was also attacked as 
the result of fraudulent practices involving Governor Holden, President Hawkins of the 
Raleigh and Gaston, and M. S. Littlefield. Raleigh Sentinel, Oct. 20, 21, Nov. 8, 11, 1869. 

38 Annual Report, 1838 ; Circular in re bond issue to complete the Raleigh and Augusta to 
Hamlet. Vass Papers. 

39 President Hawkins to the directors of the Raleigh and Augusta, Sept. 1, 1875. 

40 Corporate History of the Seaboard Air Line Railway Company, p. 30. 



104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

its own. 41 About this time, however, the Legislature began to 
hedge on the program of lavish grants which it had inaugurated ; 
and on March 8, 1870, it repealed all laws of the preceding ses- 
sion making appropriations to railroad companies, and required 
the return of all bonds still unsold to the state treasurer. 42 The 
company was, therefore, obliged to surrender 1,650 bonds, which 
the treasurer's report above quoted had shown to be on deposit 
in the Raleigh National Bank. 

This sudden reversal of fortune called for strenuous meas- 
ures; but the directors of the road, or perhaps we should say 
Moncure Robinson and his friends, were equal to the emergency. 
Their first step was to change the name of the road to one that 
really meant something — the Raleigh and Augusta Air Line 
Railroad. This was done under authority of an act of Decem- 
ber 13, 1871, which also permitted an increase of the capital 
stock to five million, part of which might be guaranteed. 43 
The act was accepted by the stockholders of the Chatham Rail- 
road, January 9, 1872; and, on July 19th of the same year, the 
latter provided for an increase of the capital stock to thirty-two 
thousand shares, twelve thousand of which was to be guaranteed 
at eight per cent. 44 The stockholders of the Raleigh and Gaston 
then authorized a bond issue of one million dollars, secured by a 
first mortgage on their road, and the purchase of one thousand 
shares of this guaranteed stock. The money thus made avail- 
able was to be used to complete the Raleigh and Augusta to a 
connection with the Carolina Central at Hamlet. 45 

This action was strenuously opposed by the minority stock- 
holders of the Raleigh and Gaston, who professed to see in it an 
attempt of Moncure Robinson to put them entirely at his 
mercy; 46 but the bonds were duly issued and appear to have 
found at first a ready sale. 47 The Panic of 1873 and the subse- 
quent depression, however, upset the plans of Robinson and his 



41 Report of Major Vass to Governor Holden, March 4, 1870. Vass Papers. 

42 Public Laws of North Carolina, 1869-70, Chap. 71, p. 119. 

43 Public Laws of North Carolina, 1871-72, p. 11. 

44 Resolution of stockholders, July 19, 1872. Vass Papers. 

45 Proceedings of adjourned meeting of stockholders of the Raleigh and Gaston, Oct. 3, 
1872 ; Circular issued by the directors of the Raleigh and Gaston. Both in Vass Papers. 

46 Minority Stockholder, in Raleigh Sentinel, Aug. 5, 1873. 

47 Circular in re bond issue to complete the Raleigh and Augusta. 



The Seaboard Air Line 105 

friends; and the subscription to the preferred stock of the 
Raleigh and Augusta was not paid in full until July, 1877 48 

Meanwhile the latter road remained unfinished, and, largely 
on that account, had failed to pay dividends on its preferred 
stock already sold. This contingency had not been entirely un- 
foreseen, and steps to insure payment had been authorized by 
the stockholders' meeting mentioned above. The way for the 
execution of a first mortgage had been cleared by an act of the 
General Assembly, April 10, 1869, which relegated to the status 
of second mortgage the bonds issued to the Chatham Railroad 
under the ordinance of March 11, 1868. 40 Interest on the rail- 
road bonds exchanged for the former had not, however, been 
paid regularly, and was piling up at an alarming rate. It 
seemed eminently desirable, therefore, to clear up this indebted- 
ness before mortgaging the road anew; and a more compelling 
motive was found in the fact that certain bonds of the State, 
some of which were clearly exchangeable for Chatham bonds, 
were then selling, when sold at all, at ten to twenty cents on the 
dollar. 50 

The officials of the company, who were also officials of the 
Raleigh and Gaston, therefore proceeded to buy up state bonds 
and exchange them for the company's bonds held by the State. 
This exchange had been authorized by the ordinance of 1868 and 
by the act of 1871, under which the Raleigh and Augusta suc- 
ceeded to all the rights and franchises of the Chatham Railroad 
Company; 51 but a question soon arose as to just what bonds 
might be accepted by the state treasurer in place of the Chatham 
bonds. The treasurer appears to have doubted, especially, 
whether he was authorized to accept certain bonds for internal 
improvements, issued during the war but under the authority 
of acts passed before the war, or only those issued before the 



48 Proceedings of directors' meeting, July 20, 1877. Vass Papers. 

49 Public Laws of North Carolina, 1868-69, p. 454. 

50 Lavish grants of the State's credit by the notoriously corrupt Reconstruction Legislature 
were, of course, largely responsible for this condition. The Supreme Court had, however, 
cast doubt upon the validity of all bonds of the State issued in exchange for bonds of a 
corporation by holding that an act of December 18, 1868, providing for such an exchange 
was a gift of the State and in violation of Art. V, Sec. 5, CI. 2, of the Constitution. Gal- 
loway v. Chatham R. R. Co., 63 North Carolina, 147, reaffirmed in University R. R. Co. v. 
W. W. Holden and D. A. Jenkins, 63 North Carolina, 410 (1869). Finally, the Legislature 
passed an act, December, 1874, prohibiting the payment of principal or interest upon "any 
portion of the bonded debt of this State, except as hereafter provided for by law." Public 
Laws, 1874-75, pp. 1-2. 

51 Corporate History, p. 30 ; Public Laws, 1871-72, p. 11. 



106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

war. 52 The Legislature then passed an act, March 22, 1875, 
which declared that it was the true intent of the ordinance and 
act mentioned above to authorize "the Public Treasurer to ac- 
cept any of the aforesaid internal improvement bonds"; and 
empowered him to do so. 53 

This financial coup d'etat, although overshadowed by the con- 
temporary doings of Swepson, Littlefield, et al., in connection 
with the Western North Carolina Railroad, aroused intense indig- 
nation in certain quarters. A mass meeting in Wake County 
called upon the attorney general to "prevent any further ex- 
change of mortgage bonds of the Raleigh and Augusta for depre- 
ciated bonds of the State" ; but the attorney general replied that 
he could do nothing. 54 The Raleigh Sentinel intimated that its 
rival, the Raleigh News, had been bribed to silence by Doctor 
Hawkins and his friends ; and it later declared that the Legisla- 
ture had been "imposed upon by Blue Beard — alias the Chatham, 
alias the Raleigh and Augusta Air Line Railroad, which deserves 
the whipping post for stealing Deep River, its locks, dams and 
appendages." 55 Mr. J. C. MacRae, a member of the committee 
on internal improvements, undertook to defend the bill on the 
ground that the exchange had been authorized by previous meas- 
ures and the State could not well refuse to accept because it had 
placed on its own bonds a valuation below that which the com- 
pany, "by the expenditure of more money upon the security, 
was making theirs worth" ; but the Sentinel replied that the bill 
"was slipped through without the knowledge of five senators; 
that it originated with the Hawkins ring, and was nothing more 
nor less than one of the Hawkins-Swepson swindles of 1868 
ripening into fruit." 56 

The exchange of securities, notwithstanding, went forward as 
fast as the Raleigh and Augusta could acquire the necessary 
state bonds. In August, 1875, the treasurer of the company 
reported to Major Grice that the road owed to the State $300,000, 
principal of railroad bonds held by the State, plus $117,000, 
interest on the same; also, that the company held state bonds 



52 Public Laws, 1874-75, Chap. CCXLV, p. 328. 

53 Ibid., p. 329. 

54 Daily Sentinel, July 1, 1875. 

55 Ibid., July 1, 3, 1875. 

56 Ibid., July 12, 1875. 



The Seaboard Air Line 107 

amounting to $412,205, principal and interest. 57 One month 
later the Sentinel reported : "Last week President Hawkins and 
that swindling corporation, the Chatham Railroad, tendered to 
the Public Treasurer $260,000 of depreciated state bonds in 
exchange for the mortgage bonds of the Chatham road." 58 
Major Grice became president of both roads on October 1, 1875 ; 
but he died on November 12th and was succeeded by Mr. J. M. 
Robinson, who was already president of the Seaboard and Roa- 
noke and of several steamship lines. 59 The change, as might be 
expected, made little difference in the policy of the combined 
roads; and on February 28, 1876, the editor of the Sentinel 
wrote: "The Chatham road is redeeming its bonds ... by 
putting in their place bonds issued in 1862 and payable in Con- 
federate money." 60 

At this juncture Joseph A. Harris, a resident of Wake County, 
secured a temporary injunction against Treasurer Jenkins and 
the Chatham Railroad in an effort to prevent any further ex- 
change of bonds, and the county joined in the suit. Seventeen 
counties, moreover, voted condemnation of the road in its "bond 
swapping"; and the people of Chatham instructed the attorney 
general to take steps to recover the Deep River property turned 
over to the company by the General Convention. 61 The only 
effect of these proceedings, so far as we could discover, was to 
delay the consummation of the deal for about a year; for on 
April 7, 1877, Major Vass notified President Robinson that the 
exchange had been completed ; and that the bonds of the Chatham 
Railroad had been cancelled at a meeting of the directors of the 
Raleigh and Augusta held that morning. 62 At the same meet- 
ing the directors executed a mortgage deed, authorized by the 
stockholders on April 6th, on all the property and franchises of 
the company to secure the payment of dividends on the preferred 
stock of the Raleigh and Augusta held by the Raleigh and 
Gaston. 63 



57 Vass to Grice, Aug. 11, 1875. 

58 Raleigh Sentinel, Sept. 12, 1875. 

59 Circular Letter of Major Grice to employes of both roads, Oct. 1, 1875 ; Walter Clark, 
History of the Raleic/h and Gaston Railroad Company (Raleigh, 1877), 140. 

60 Sentinel, Feb. 28, 1876. 

61 Ibid., April 6, 10, 11, 1876. 

62 Letterbook, March 2, 1877, to Jidy 23, 1877, p. 41. 

63 Idem. 



108 The ISTorth Carolina Historical Review 

The completion of the former road to Hamlet in the summer 
of 1877 was followed, in November of that year, by a connection 
with the Carolina Central and a traffic agreement by which the 
latter was to receive 28 per cent of whatever receipts might ac- 
crue from traffic between Charlotte and northern points. 64 The 
Atlanta and Charlotte Air Line had made "fair promises" to the 
management of the Raleigh and Augusta, provided a suitable 
connection could be made with the Carolina Central ; and it ap- 
pears to have kept its promises. 65 At all events, the Seaboard 
Air Line was, in 1878, selling through tickets from Boston and 
other northern points to Atlanta. These carried on the reverse 
side a map which showed the Atlanta and Charlotte as a part of 
the Seaboard Air Line, and represented the latter as the "Fast 
Freight Route Between All Points North and South." 66 This 
arrangement apparently reflected the wishes of President Robin- 
son and a majority of the directors of the associated roads, but 
Moncure Robinson and a few of the directors appear to have 
favored immediate extension of the Raleigh and Augusta to the 
latter city. 67 President Robinson was especially opposed to 
further extension at that time because it would involve additional 
bond issues; but it also appears that he had come to doubt the 
wisdom of pushing on to Columbia and Augusta. 68 

The alliance of the Atlanta and Charlotte with the Seaboard 
Air Line was, we may well believe, not pleasing to the Richmond 
and Danville, which had long entertained an ambition to control 
the former road. 69 It had acquired control of the Charlotte, 
Columbia and Augusta in 1878 ; and had tried unsuccessfully to 
prevent the Carolina Central from making depot connections 
with the roads running southward from Charlotte. 70 On March 
26, 1881, however, it leased the Atlanta and Charlotte for ninety- 
nine years ; and shortly afterward it was rumored that the Wil- 
mington and Weldon, the Carolina Central, the Chester and 



64 President Robinson to Vass, Nov. 9, 1877. He considered this a fair arrangement, as 
the Carolina Central had received fifty per cent of the through rate in connection with 
steamers at Wilmington. 

65 Idem. 

66 W. H. Stanford, treas., Old Dominion Steamship Co., to Vass, Oct. 7, 1878, enclosing 
statement of Expenses of S. C. Wilson, Agt. of the Seaboard Air Line in New York ; also 
a "Through Ticket." 

67 President Robinson to Vass, July 31, Nov. 9, Dec. 1, 1877. 

68 Robinson to Vass, July 31, 1877. 

69 Supra, 7. 

70 Poor, Manual, 1891. p. 464; Daily Review (Wilmington), June 10, 1880, quoting the 
Charlotte Observer. 



The Seaboard Air Line 109 

Lenoir, connecting with the latter at Lincolnton, and the Cheraw 
and Chester, had passed under its control. 71 Still later there 
were rumors of a lease of the Carolina Central, but the negotia- 
tions were broken off. 72 

The Atlantic Coast Line, meanwhile, had not been idle. In 
March, 1880, there were rumors that it had purchased the Green- 
ville and Columbia. 73 It already had a working agreement with 
the Wilmington, Columbia and Augusta; and in September, 
1880, there were persistent reports of a combination with the 
Richmond and Danville. The Greenville and Columbia was later 
sold to W. A. Courtenay of Charleston, who was supposed to 
represent the Clyde interests; and the coalition with the Rich- 
mond and Danville failed to materialize; but it was, neverthe- 
less, clear that the Seaboard Air Line was in some danger of 
finding itself in a cut de sac. 74 

Moved by these rumors, and before the lease of the Atlanta 
and Charlotte had become a reality, President Robinson had 
taken steps to protect his southwestern connections by acquiring 
a controlling interest in the Carolina Central. On December 17, 
1880, he asked Major Vass to send him fifty or seventy thousand 
dollars in northern exchange to be used in the purchase of securi- 
ties of that road. 75 In August, 1881, he wrote that it was not 
to appear that he was interested in the Central, and that he 
might lose $25,000 on the purchase. 76 In November of the 
same year he acquired control of the road at a total cost of 
slightly less than one million dollars. 77 The immediate effect of 
the purchase was apparently beneficial ; although, from our point 
of view, it appears to have been unwise. 78 

The extension of the Raleigh and Augusta to Hamlet and the 
opening of the Seaboard Air Line to Atlanta made closer co- 



71 Poor, Manual, 1891, p. 462 ; Daily Review, May 21, 26, 27, 1881. 

72 Ibid., Nov. 3, 1881, quoting the Charlotte Observer. 
™Ibid., March 31, 1880. 

74 Ibid., Sept. 13, 1880, quoting the Baltimore Sun; also, Sept. 6, 11, 16, the latter 
quoting the Charlotte Observer. The Clyde interests were allied with those behind the 
Richmond and Danville, and the Greenville and Columbia was leased to the former in 1886. 
Poor, 1891, p. 465. 

75 He had already purchased certificates for $14,000 in bonds of that road, "in the interest 
of our united companies." Robinson to Vass, Dec. 17, 1880. 

76 Robinson to Vass, Aug. 15, 1881. 

77 Daily Review, November 12, 1881 ; "Report of Committee to Investigate Railroad Cor- 
porations." Leaislative Documents of North Carolina, 1891, No. 23, p. 64 ; testimony of Major 



78 Robinson to Vass, Jan. 22, 1884. The Carolina Central had been sold in 1880 under 
foreclosure. The Southern Home Weekly (Charlotte), June 4, 1880. 



110 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

operation in financial matters desirable, if not necessary ; and on 
September 17, 1878, representatives of the companies included in 
the line met at Baltimore and agreed to contribute to a fund to 
be used to defray the expenses of agencies in various cities, 
especially in the seaports of the North. The fund was to be 
known as the Seaboard Air Line Terminal Fund, and Major Vass 
was appointed custodian with the title of treasurer of the Sea- 
board Air Line. The companies represented were: the Balti- 
more Steam Packet; the Old Dominion Steamship Company; 
the Seaboard and Roanoke ; the Raleigh and Gaston ; the Raleigh 
and Augusta; and the Carolina Central. 79 The first association 
appears to have been of brief duration; 80 but it was revived in 
1879 with W. W. Chamberlaine as treasurer, and it continued 
to function until replaced by the Seaboard Air Line Association 
in 1893. 81 

A further step in the direction of financial coordination was 
the appointment of Chamberlaine as supervisor of accounts on 
the Raleigh and Gaston and the Raleigh and Augusta, with in- 
structions to arrange with Major Vass to put in operation the 
system then used on the Seaboard and Roanoke. 82 He was given 
similar authority over the accounts of the Carolina Central in 
1883; and thenceforth constant efforts were made to bring the 
accounting methods of the Carolina roads into harmony with 
those of the Seaboard and Roanoke, and to meet the demands 
of the Interstate Commerce Commission. 83 

Just what plans President Robinson had in mind when he pur- 
chased the Carolina Central is not clear ; but it is reasonably cer- 
tain that he hoped to use part of its line as a link in a southward 
extension. 84 Lack of funds, however, combined with other 
causes to prevent any such extension for nearly a decade; al- 
though the constituent roads of the Seaboard aided in the con- 



79 Vass to W. H. Stanford, Sept. 28, 1878 ; Vass to W. W. Chamberlaine, treas., Seaboard 
and Roanoke, same date ; Letterbook, July 26, 1877, to Dec. 23, 1878, pp. 436, 437. 

80 Vass to Chamberlaine, Dec. 3, 23, 1878, Letterbook, July 26, 1877, to Dec. 23, 1878, pp. 
434, 458. 

81 Chamberlaine to Vass, Nov. 6, 1882. June 24, 1892 ; Robinson to Vass, Dec. 24, 1880. 

82 Robinson to Chamberlaine, Oct. 17, 1879. 

83 Chamberlaine to Vass, Oct. 17, 1883 ; Robinson to Vass, April 23, 1883 ; Chamberlaine 
to Vass, Oct. 29, Nov. 22, 1888, Oct. 23, 1891. 

84 Daily Review, July 31, 1883; Robinson to Vass, Jan. 11, 22, 1884. 



The Seaboard Air Line 111 

struction of several feeders to the line. 85 The most important 
of these was the Durham and Northern, built with the aid of the 
Raleigh and Gaston, which became an ostensibly independent 
member of the system. 86 

The rivals of the Seaboard, especially the Richmond and Dan- 
ville, had meanwhile been busy. The Wilmington and Weldon 
leased the Wilmington, Columbia and Augusta in 1885. 87 The 
East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia, in 1881, purchased the 
Macon and Brunswick of Georgia ; also the Cincinnati and Geor- 
gia, chartered the same year to build from Macon to a connec- 
tion with the Tennessee road at Rome, Georgia; 88 but in 1888 
the latter road itself passed under the control of the Richmond 
and West Point Terminal and Warehouse Company, which had 
acquired control of the Richmond and Danville in 1886. 89 The 
Georgia Railroad, Augusta to Atlanta, which might have formed 
a valuable connection for the Seaboard at the former city, was 
leased in 1881 by William M. Wadley and a company of associates 
for the Central of Georgia and the Louisville and Nashville ; but 
in 1888 the Central came under the control of the Terminal 
Company, where it remained until the reorganization of the 
latter in 1894. 90 

Thus threatened with the prospect of being completely "bottled 
up" by its ambitious rival, the Seaboard once more drove south- 
ward; but this time its objective was Atlanta, then as now the 
railroad center of the South Atlantic Slope. In December, 1886, 
with the support of northern capitalists friendly to the Robinson 



85 The purchase of Carolina Central securities had severely strained the resources of the 
Seaboard and Roanoke and Raleigh and Gaston. Chamberlaine to Vass, Oct. 14, Dec. 1, 12, 
21, 1882. The transfer of a controlling interest in the Central to the Seaboard and Roanoke 
was contested by Mrs. Edward Matthews of New York, and on January 26, 1883, the General 
Assembly instructed the attorney general to inquire into the right of a foreign corporation 
to hold such an interest. Daily Review, Jan. 27, 1883. The State Supreme Court held 
adversely to the plaintiff, who appealed to the U. S. Supreme Court. The attorney general 
took no action. Daily Review, June 8, July 31, 1883. A search of the Supreme Court 
Reports for the succeeding ten years failed to reveal any action on this case, but the stock 
of the Central was later transferred to the Raleigh and Gaston. Vice President Hoffman 
to Vass, Sept. 26, 1889, enclosing certificate of transfer for 3,900 shares ; J. M. Sharp, 
treas., Carolina Central, to Vass, Oct. 2, 1889, enclosing certificate for 4,420 shares. The 
establishment of a railroad commission in South Carolina dampened the ardor of capitalists 
interested in further extension in that direction. Daily Review, Feb. 6, 1883 ; Robinson to 
Vass, Jan. 22, 1884. 

S6 Minutes of meetine of directors of the Durham and Northern Railway Co., Oct. 9, 
1887, Vass Papers ; Corporate History, 83. For the others, see letter of Major Winder to 
Vass, May 23, 1890, and Corporate History, p. 4, and passim. 

87 Poor, 1891, p. 588. 

88 Poor, 1886, p. 124. 

89 "Special New York dispatch," Banner- Watchman (Athens, Ga.), Oct. 30, 1888. The 
Terminal Company was organized March 8, 1880, for the purpose of acquiring roads not 
connecting directly with the Richmond and Danville, whose charter at that time forbade 
ownership of stock in any except connecting lines. Poor, 1891, p. 458. 

90 Poor, 1891, p. 219, 1897, p. 765 ; Moody, Manual of Investments, 1929, p. 767. 



112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

family, the Georgia, Carolina and Northern was chartered in the 
states of Georgia, North and South Carolina, to run from Mon- 
roe, on the line of the Carolina Central, to Atlanta. 91 The first 
section, Monroe to Chester, South Carolina, was opened October 
1, 1888; and on July 1, 1889, the road was leased in perpetuity 
to the Raleigh and Gaston and Seaboard and Roanoke. 92 The 
lessees guaranteed the bonds of the road, amounting to $5,360,- 
000, and divided the stock equally between them. They agreed 
to keep the property in good condition, and return to the lessor 
sixty-five per cent of the gross earnings, less taxes and other 
assessments. 93 Financial difficulties and troubles over the right 
of way delayed construction ; but on April 24, 1892, the road was 
opened to Inman Park, a suburb of Atlanta, where further prog- 
ress was stopped by an injunction. 94 It later reached the center 
of the city over the tracks of the Western and Atlantic by an 
arrangement with the Nashville, Chattanooga and St. Louis, 
lessee of the former road, and the construction of a belt line to 
Wanda Junction. 95 

To provide for the equipment of the new road and supply 
deficiencies in that of the older lines, the president of the Raleigh 
and Gaston was authorized to agree with the Seaboard and 
Roanoke to contract with an equipment company or association 
to issue equipment bonds to the amount of $500,000, bearing 
interest of not more than six per cent, or to unite with the Sea- 
board and Roanoke to issue such bonds directly. He was also 
empowered to contract, jointly with the Seaboard and Roanoke, 
for the purchase of such equipment as he might deem "necessary 
and proper"; and to provide in the contract for the ultimate 
disposition of the equipment after the bonds had been paid. 96 
The Seaboard Air Line Car Trust Equipment Association, which 
drew its authority from these resolutions and others passed by 



91 It succeeded to the franchises of the Chester. Greenwood and Abbeville. Poor, 1889, 
p. 573. The bonds of the new company were taken by Brown Brothers of Baltimore, close 
associates of President Robinson. Weekly Banner-Watchman, May 28, 1889. 

92 Corporate History, p. 77. 

93 Poor, 1891, p. 218 ; 1897, p. 725. 

94 Weekly Banner-Watchman, April 24. 1888, June 10, 17. Sept. 30, 1890; Athens Banner, 
April 21, 1891, April 19, 1892; J. H. Sharp to Major Vass, May 2, 1892. 

95 Minutes of meeting of directors of the Raleigh and Gaston, Oct. 18, 1892, Vass Papers ; 
Report of the President of the Raleigh and Gaston, 1893. The president reported that a 
fast vestibuled express had recently been put on between Washington and Atlanta by the 
Seaboard Air Line in conjunction with the Atlantic Coast Line, making the distance in 
twenty and one-half hours. 

96 Resolutions of the Board of Directors, March 20, 1890. Vass Papers. 



The Seaboard Air Line 113 

the constituent companies from time to time, began to function 
on June 1, 1890; but we have almost no information as to its 
make-up or manner of operation. ,J7 Major Vass was the treas- 
urer, but he seems to have been kept in the dark until the first 
interest payments were about due ; for, in reply to a notice from 
Vice President Hoffman, November 21, 1890, that interest on 
the Car Trust bonds already issued would be due December 1st, 
he wrote that he had had no information as to the actions of the 
association and, therefore, "could not know of the existence even 
of the bonds . . . alluded to." 98 It would not, indeed, be far from 
the truth to say that Mr. Hoffman, who had been for some time 
in charge of the financial operations of the Seaboard Air Line," 
was the Equipment Association; but even he appears to have 
been in doubt as to the exact relationship of the association to 
the units of the Seaboard. Thus, on November 26, 1890, he 
wrote to Major Vass that there were to be no entries on the 
books of the Raleigh and Gaston in regard to the association ; but 
on December 27th he, apparently, authorized such entries on 
the books of both the Seaboard and Roanoke and the Raleigh 
and Gaston. 100 Again, in the matter of repairs on association 
engines and cars, he insisted that all bills should be charged 
equally to the expense accounts of the two roads; although 
Mr. Chamberlaine, treasurer of the Seaboard and Roanoke and 
of the Air Line Terminal Fund, declared that if this were done 
it would be difficult to prepare a statement of the costs of equip- 
ment as the public authorities would some day require. 101 Much 
more might be said on this point, but we forbear. 

Accounting difficulties growing out of this situation combined 
with those already encountered in connection with the Terminal 
Fund to make some form of reorganization desirable; financial 
troubles made it imperative, if the Seaboard Air Line was to 
survive the Panic of 1893 and the consequent depression. 102 
Accordingly, Mr. Hoffman, who had succeeded President Robin- 



97 Hoffman to Vass, Nov. 21, 1890. 

98 Letterbook, Oct. 2h, 1890, to July 22, 1892, p. 44. 

99 Robinson to Vass, Jan. 26, 1889. 

100 Vass to Hoffman, July 12, 1892, quoting a letter from the latter to Chamberlaine and 
himself, Dec. 27, 1890. 

101 Chamberlaine to Vass, Aug. 20, 1892. 

102 Series of letters, Chamberlaine to Vass, Dec. 28, 1891-June 24, 1892 ; "Report of the 
Committee to Investigate Railroad Corporations," Legislative Documents, 1891, No. 23, 
pp. 34-38. On June 3, 1893, Hoffman wrote to Vass: "The Carolina Central and G. C 
and N. have drained us." 



114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

son upon the death of the latter, February 14, 1893, presented 
to the stockholders of the Raleigh and Gaston, December 20, 
1893, a resolution embodying the chief features of a plan of 
reorganization from which great economies in operation were 
expected. The plan "contemplated the formation of a system 
consisting of the Seaboard and Roanoke Railroad and roads 
leased, operated, and controlled by it, the Raleigh and Gaston 
Railroad, . . . the Raleigh and Augusta Air Line Railroad, the 
Carolina Central Railroad, and the Durham and Northern Rail- 
road, to be known as the Seaboard Air Line System." It pro- 
vided for the appointment of the general officers of the system — ■ 
president, vice president and general manager, general superin- 
tendent, comptroller, general counsel, general treasurer, general 
auditor, and traffic manager— and defined their "duties, powers 
and responsibilities." It provided that "the president of the 
Seaboard and Roanoke Railroad Company, the president of the 
Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Company, the president of the 
Raleigh and Augusta Air Line Railroad Company" should "(so 
long as the said companies elect the same person as president) 
be the president of the Seaboard Air Line." Similar provision 
was made for the choice of the vice president and general man- 
ager ; the other officers listed above were to be appointed by the 
president "by and with the consent of a committee of five com- 
posed of one member of the board of directors of each of the 
companies composing this system"; other officers and employes 
were to be appointed by the president. The salaries of the vice 
president and other officers were to be determined by the presi- 
dent "by and with the consent" of the above committee ; and the 
expenses of the line were to be apportioned in the same man- 
ner. 103 The resolution was adopted by the stockholders, but 
was to be effective only when ratified by two of the other com- 
panies — a provision which meant very little, inasmuch as the 
plan undoubtedly originated with the Seaboard and Roanoke, 
which was then in practical control of all the others. 

It will be noted, of course, that the new organization for the 
most part only gives definite form to an association which had 
been in process of formation for twenty years. Most of the gen- 



103 The resolution is among the Vass Papers, but does not appear in the printed report 
for 1893. 



The Seaboard Air Line 115 

eral officers provided for had been functioning for some years; 
and since 1890, if not earlier, their salaries had been paid from 
the Terminal Fund, established in 1879 and increased in 1890. 104 
The significant feature of the plan was the provision for a gen- 
eral auditor and a general treasurer, which finally brought about 
a substantial degree of unity in the financial transactions of the 
line. This plan enabled the association to weather the Panic of 
1893 and the consequent depression; but in 1900 the association, 
in turn, gave way to the Seaboard Air Line Railway, as noted in 
our opening paragraph. Its subsequent history is no less inter- 
esting than the part we have told, but we cannot go into it at 
present. 



104 Chamberlaine to Vass, May 22, 1890. 



THE GILMANS AND THE SOUTHERN ROSE 

By William Stanley Hoole 

Within two years after the establishment of the first Unitarian 
Church of South Carolina, 1 the pastor, Anthony M. Forster, 
died, and the small congregation chose as his successor the Rev- 
erend Samuel Gilman 2 of Gloucester, Massachusetts. This 
young preacher had come South early in the year (1819) for a 
few months probationary service, had been well liked, and had 
returned to Gloucester in October to marry Caroline Howard, the 
main subject of this paper. In November he and his bride 
established their home in the city where they were destined to 
serve for more than forty years. 

When the young couple reached their charge, Gilman was 
only 28, but already known as an author of some merit. In 1812 
he had published a Monody on the Victims of the Sufferers by 
the Late Conflagration in the City of Richmond; in 1815 he had 
translated Florian's Galatea, and had delivered at Harvard the 
much-talked-of Phi Beta Kappa poem, Human Life. 3 Besides 
other contributions to contemporary journals, 4 he had pub- 



1 In less than a year after the removal of Charles-Town from its original site on the 
Ashley River to Oyster Point, the Presbyterians had built a church. It was a wooden 
structure near the north wall of the city on a street later known as "Meeting Street." 
(St. J. Ravenel, Charleston: The Place and the People, New York, 1907, p. 20; T. P. 
Lesesne, Landmarks of Charleston, Richmond, 1932, pp. 26, 27.) Thanks to Landgrave 
Joseph Blake, the wooden structure was soon improved, and served until 1804, when it 
was replaced by a brick edifice, circular in shape, and henceforth known as the "Circular 
Church," the "Cradle of Charleston Presbyterianism." (Lesesne, op. cit., p. 26.) By 
1731, however, the Scotch members of the congregation had withdrawn from the "Circular" 
(David Ramsey, History of South Carolina, Newberry, 1828, II, p. 16w), and wishing to 
order themselves strictly in accordance with the Kirk of Scotland, established at the 
corner of Meeting and Tradd streets (now 35 Meeting Street) the Scotch Presbyterian 
Church. This withdrawal did not affect the Mother Church, for, by 1770, it was found 
that one building would not accommodate the membership, and a second building was 
erected on ArchdaJe Street (now 6 Archdale Street). Two pastors were employed; the 
same sermon was preached on the same day in both churches. All went well until 1818, 
when it was noted by the more straieht-laced members that the Reverend Forster was 
becoming less orthodox. (George W. Cooke, Unitarianism in America, American Uni- 
tarianism Association Publications, 1902, pp. 118-119.) Upon being asked, Mr. Forster 
frankly confessed that he could no longer follow the Confession of Faith — that, in truth, 
he held Unitarian beliefs. Stranger still is the fact that, of the 144 members of the 
congregation, 75 agreed with their pastor. To alleviate matters the church property was 
equally divided, and the 75 with their leader were given the Archdale Church ; the other 69 
members and Reverend Benjamin Morgan Palmer retained the older building (James P. 
Carson, Life, Letters, and Speeches of James Louis Petigru, Washington, 1920, p. 239?i). 
Thus was born the first Independent or Unitarian Church of South Carolina. Its first 
pastor, the Reverend Forster, died in 1819 at the age of 44. 

2 Samuel Gilman was born February 16, 1791, the son of Frederick Gilman of Exeter, 
N. H., and Abigail Somes (Gilman) of Gloucester. He was graduated from Harvard in 
1811, and at once began the study of theology. From 1817 to 1819 he taught mathematics 
in Cambridge. See Appleton, Cyclopedia of American Biography, II, p. 656 ; Dictionary of 
American Biography, VII, p. 305 ff. ; W. B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, VIII, 
pp. 504-510; A. D. Andrews, Easter Fair, Memoir of Doctor Gilman, etc. (Charleston, 1875), 
pp. 1-37 ; Arthur Gilman, The Gilman Family Traced in the Line of Hon. John Gilman, of 
Exeter, N. H., With An Account of Many Gilmans in England and America (1869). 

3 S. Gilman, Contributions to Literature (Boston, 1856), p. 512 ff. 

4 The North American Review, V, p. 164 ff. (July, 1817). 

[ 116 ] 



The Gilmans and the Southern Rose 117 

lished numerous translations of Boileau's Satires. 5 His wife 
had also made her debut in literary circles by publishing at the 
age of sixteen a poem, "Jephtha's Rash Vow," and other 
effusions in local newspapers. 7 At once Mr. and Mrs. Gilman 
fitted themselves into the literary, social, religious, and philan- 
thropic institutions of Charleston. The Reverend Mr. Gilman, 
"not only a scholar and a thinker, but a man of the greatest 
purity and beauty of character, beloved and respected by all," 8 
experienced no difficulty in being recognized immediately as one 
of the outstanding literary figures in the aristocratic southern 
city. 9 

Continued literary efforts did not interfere with his work as 
pastor. Among other duties, 10 he labored as a teacher in order 
to remove certain encumbrances on his residence, not ceasing 
until anonymous friends sent him "an enclosure containing 
$1,000," with an earnest request that he "teach no more." 11 In 
1852 he was instrumental in erecting a new church, 12 and in the 
same year presented the congregation with a new Service 
Book. 13 

Meanwhile the pastor continued his excursions into literature 
by writing a series of essays on "Inquiry Into Cause and Ef- 
fect," 14 and by publishing it in the Boston Christian Exam- 
iner. 15 In 1828 his popular and interesting "Memoirs," 16 in 



5 Ibid., IV, pp. 207-216 (January, 1817); V, pp. 34-42 (May, 1817); VI, pp. 242-251 
(January, 1818) ; VII, pp. 120-121 (May, 1818). 
Qlbid., V, pp. 201-202 (July, 1817). 

7 John S. Hart, Female Prose Writers of America (Philadelphia, 1864), p. 55. This is 
a sketch written by Mrs. Gilman and called "My Autobiography." It contains mostly anec- 
dotal material concerning her childhood. 

8 Ravenel, op. cit., p. 425. 

9 Harriet K. Leidine, Charleston: Historic and Romantic (Philadelphia. 1931), p. 198; 
Lesesne, op. cit., p. 33; B. A. Elzas, The Jews of South Carolina (Philadelphia, 1905), 
p. 173; William Way, History of the New England Society (New England Society Publica- 
tions, 1920), pp. 99-100. 

10 In less than five years a new organ was bought for the church (S. Gilman, The Old 
and the New, Charleston, 1854, p. 25), a "Ladies' Working Society" averaging 100 members 
established, ibid., p. 23, and a department of religious education instituted for the children 
of the congregation, ibid., p. 24. He was instrumental in organizing a "Book and Tract 
Society" of more than 80 members annually, ibid., p. 26, and during his thirty-nine years as 
pastor he officiated at more than 300 funerals, baptized 521 persons, married 148 couples, and 
celebrated communion with 232 white people. Ibid., p. 28. 

11 Gilman, The Old and the New, p. 23. 

12 Ibid., pp. 51-69. Doctor Gilman (Harvard had conferred the degree of D.D. on him in 
1837) preached the "Farewell Sermon" in the old church, and two years later he dedicated 
the new edifice. 

13 Service Book for Worship in the Congregation and the Home . . . Arranged for the 
Use of the Unitarian Church in Charleston, S. C. (Charleston, 1854), pp. 152. 

l* The North American Review, XII, p. 395 ff. (April, 1821) ; XIX, p. 1 ff. (July, 1824) ; 
XXI, p. 19 ff. (July, 1825). 

15 The Christian Examiner, XLII, p. 313 ff. (May, 1847). "Reminiscences Pertaining to a 
New England Clergyman at the Close of the Last Century." 

16 Memoirs of a New England Village Choir. By a Member (Boston, 1829), pp. 149. See 
review in Boston Christian Examiner, VI, p. 189-198 (May, 1829) ; for review of second 
edition see ibid., XIX, 136 (September, 1835). 



118 The North Carolina Historical Review 

which he gave his early experiences and noted the ' 'changes that 
have occurred in our taste for sacred music," came from the 
press; in 1822, his poem, "The History of a Ray of Light," 17 
attracted general attention. In 1825 a sermon 18 was published 
in pamphlet form ; and a sermon preached in Augusta, Georgia, 
December 27, 1827, received in part the following review in The 
Christian Examiner: 

We have often expressed our pleasure on receiving this writer's pro- 
ductions, and it has become a matter of course with us to expect some- 
thing ingenious and striking in whatever comes from his pen. We have 
not been disappointed in respect to the sermon before us. ... 19 

At intervals the minister would make trips to Massachusetts 
to keep in touch with relatives, Edward Everett, 20 other friends, 
and The North American Review. At all times he was ready to 
aid those who needed him. 21 Particularly attractive was his 
anonymously published article in behalf of the Reformed So- 
ciety of Israelites of Charleston. 22 In 1836 his interest in a 
national literature was incorporated in "The Influence of One 
National Literature upon Another; with an Application of the 
subject to the Character and Development of American Litera- 
ture," 23 an essay in which the minister alleges "that every na- 
tion, like every individual, has an intellectual and moral charac- 
ter, original and peculiar to itself," 24 and urges that Americans 
should "cherish in our literature the peculiar qualities of the 
American character, as an indispensable groundwork for the 
appropriation of all other materials." He lists these qualities 



17 Gilman, Contributions to Literature, p. 558 ff. 

18 Gilman, Sermon on the Introduction to the Gospel of St. John (Charleston, 1825), p. 16. 

19 The Christian Examiner, V, p. 84 ff. (January, February, 1828). At another time the 
Reverend Mr. Gilman defended the Unitarian faith in a long letter to the editor of The 
Charleston Observer (A Letter to the Editor of The Charleston Observer, Charleston, 1827, 
pp. 40). This received commendatory criticism in the Examiner, IV, p. 353 ff. (July, August, 
1827). An eye-witness to the debate held in Augusta, Georgia, wrote that "all ears were 
open to catch Doctor Gilman's words. . . . He preached an excellent practical sermon in 
the usual way. I have never witnessed a more serious attention in any congregation than 
prevailed throughout the whole of the performance." See the Examiner, III, p. 352 ff. (May, 
June, 1826). 

20 J. H. Ward, The Life and Letters of James Gates Percival (Boston, 1866), p. 93. 

21 Ibid., p. 94. Letter to Percival, September 20, 1822. See also his recommendation of 
a school for girls, The Southern Rose, VI, June 9, 1838. 

22 The North American Review, XXIII, p. 67 ff. (July, 1826) ; L. C. Moise, Life of Isaac 
Harby (Columbia, 1931), pp. 32-46. 

23 Gilman, Contributions to Literature, p. 93 ff. I have been unable to find this article 
published in any periodical before it was incorporated as a part of his Contributions. Com- 
ing, as it did, one year before Emerson's American Scholar, one is reminded that this sort 
of thing must surely have been in the air. It is entirely possible that Gilman's article was 
never printed prior to its appearance in Contributions, for in the preface to that book he 
states : "Many of these papers are out of print, and several have never been published 
at all." 

24 Ibid., p. 93. 



The Gilmans and the Southern Rose 119 

as "the free, the intrepid, the excursive, the inventive," 25 and 
adds that — 

the traces of these ... we also perceive in what little national literature 
we yet can boast of, as having made an impression on the European 
world. The theologian Edwards, — our state papers, so eulogized by 
Madame de Stael, — our recent historians, — our eagle-winged Channing, 
and the bird-of-paradise-plumed Irving, — our Brockden, Brown, — our 
other few distinguished novelists, — and the elite of Bryant's, Percival's, 
and other successful American poetry, — all exhibit the possession of 
these common characteristics. 26 

Doctor Gilman was a particular friend of James Gates Perci- 
val, whose poems he favorably reviewed 27 and whom he helped 
in other ways. 28 When Percival went to Charleston, he found 
in the pastor a "warm friend." 29 Throughout his lifetime he 
and Mrs. Gilman befriended Mary Elizabeth Lee, popular nine- 
teenth century Charleston poetess; upon her death Doctor Gil- 
man edited her poems with a forty-one-page biographical 
memoir. 30 When Edward Everett's Orations and Speeches was 
published, Doctor Gilman wrote a "Critical Essay on the Oratory 
of Edward Everett," 31 and one year later, at Everett's resi- 
dence, delivered a poem 32 in celebration of their graduation 
forty-one years before. He contributed frequently to the publi- 
cations of the Unitarian Association, 33 and was a moving force 
in The New England Society of Charleston. His last utterance 
before the Society was couched in the form of a prayer for ever- 
lasting peace and reconciliation between the fast diverging sec- 
tions. 34 In appreciation of favors extended him by Doctor 
Gilman and "His Estimable Lady," S. G. Bulfinch dedicated a 
volume 35 of his poems to the obliging couple. 



25 Ibid., p. 120. 

26 Ibid., p. 121. 

27 The North American Review, XIV, p. 1 ft". (January, 1822) ; XIV, p. 102 ff. (January, 
1823) ; XXII, p. 317 ff. (April, 1826) ; Ward, op. cit., p. 92 ff. 

28 Ward, op. cit., pp. 80, 92-94. 

29 Ibid., p. 79. Percival arrived in Charleston in November, 1821, and remained there 
until he returned to New York, March 29, 1822. 

30 The Poetical Remains of Mary Elizabeth Lee (Charleston, 1851). In 1828 Gilman edited 
A Selection in Prose and Poetry from the Miscellaneous Writings of the Late William 
Crafts. 

31 The Southern Quarterly Review, n.s. II (April, 1851). 

32 Gilman, Contributions to Literature, p. 502 ff. This is a "Sequel to the Commencement 
Poem" which had been delivered on "The Pleasures and Pains of a Student's Life" in 1811. 
See ibid., pp. 499-502, and The Southern Rose, IV, November 14, 1835. 

33 Cooke, op. cit., p. 420. 

34 Way, op. cit., pp. 219-225. Gilman's thesis is that no people of "common general 
origin, position, language, religion, history, forms of government, manners, civil laws, etc.," 
could ever be permanently dissolved. 

35 S. G. Bulfinch, Poems (Charleston, 1834). 



120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

After Doctor Gilman's death in 1858 36 his religious tracts 37 
were put into the hands of the public. They were well received, 
for the writer was considered one of the most powerful members 
of the Unitarian faith in America. 38 Some idea of the respect 
in which he was held may be obtained from a letter written by 
James Louis Petigru to his sister, February 18, 1858 : 

How much I was shocked by Colonel Hampton's death, and Mr. Gil- 
man's was made known the same day. . . . The funeral of Mr. Gilman 
was like that of a great minister of state. It was the best evidence of 
the high estimation in which he was held, that the church, long before 
the hours of the service, was filled to overflowing and crowds remained 
outside until sundown. . . . 39 

II 

Mrs. Gilman's 40 efforts in the realm of literature during her 
first twelve years residence in Charleston were not so numerous 
as her husband's. With the exception of a few widely scattered 
poems, 41 nothing came from her pen. In 1823 she gave birth to 
a daughter, Caroline Howard, 42 who in later years was destined 
to uphold the literary standard of the family; but it was not 
until 1832 that Mrs. Gilman, fired no doubt by her husband's 
interest in the children of the church, conceived the idea of 
printing "the first weekly newspaper for children in the United 
States." 43 This hebdomadal which she affectionately called "the 
first juvenile newspaper, if I mistake not, in the Union," 44 and 
which was instigated for the purpose of "giving to the youthful 



36 He died in Massachusetts, and his body was shipped to Charleston for burial. His death 
was heralded in the leading periodicals of the country. The Southern Literary Messenger, 
XXVI, April, 1858; The Charleston Daily Courier, February 10, 11, 13, 18; The Boston 
Transcript, February 11 ; The New York Tribune, February 18, 1858. See also Way, op. cit., 
p. 97 ff. ; Andrews, op. cit.. v>. 1 ff. It was said that Charleston had sustained a heavy loss, 
and that the city would never be able to fill his place as "citizen, friend, father, husband." 
See C. J. Bowen, "Recollections of the Last Days of Reverend Samuel Gilman, February 21, 
1858." and G. W. Burnao, "A Funeral Discourse, February 17, 1858," in Gilman. Contribu- 
tions to Religion (Charleston, 1860), pp. 19-30, 1-19. 

37 To be found in Gilman, Contributions to Religion. 

38 Cooke, op. cit., p. 420. 

39 Carson, op. cit., p. 420. 

40 For biographical matter see Hart, ov. cit., p. 49 ff. ; Appleton, op. cit., II, pp. 656-657 ; 
article by Scott H. Paradise in Dictionary American Biography, VII, pp. 298-299 ; J. H. 
Brown, Cyclopedia of American Biography, III, p. 299. This volume contains a photograph 
of Mrs. Gilman. See also Southern Literary Gozette (Athens), I (October, 1848), 177. 

41 Caroline Gilman, Verses of a Life Time (Boston, 1849). 

42 Ida Raymond, Southland Writers (Philadelphia, 1870), II, p. 866 ff. Her novel, Vernon 
Grove; or Hearts as They Are, appeared serially in The Southern Literary Messenger, XXVI 
(January, 1858) through XXVII (August, 1858) ; see criticism in The Atlantic Monthly, 
III, p. 133 (January, 1859) ; Helen Courtenay's Promise (New York, 1866). 

4 3 G. A. Wauchope, Writers of South Carolina (Columbia, 1910), p. 165. 
44 Hart, op. cit., p. 55. 



The Gilmans and the Southern Rose 121 

mind a right direction," 45 made its debut on August 11, 1832, 
under the title, The Rose-Bud or Youth's Gazette.*® 

This little periodical had as its caption, 'The Rose is Fairest 
When 'Tis Budding New," and was printed by J. S. Burgess, 44 
Queen Street, Charleston. The "Editor's Column" flatters 
"many an American boy and girl" by stating that they are to 
have "a real newspaper like father," and begs of the young folk 
original writings. Religious and political matters are barred, 
writes the editor, who adds that she has chosen her title because 
she wants all little children to be pure like the Rose. A book 
section recommends the better sort of child literature ; children's 
journals appear, school problems are discussed periodically, and 
the doings of juvenile organizations receive due space. Soon 
letters from subscribers begin to adorn the inner pages, side by 
side with Mrs. Gilman's own poetry for youthful minds. To 
say the least, the paper was a great favorite. "Tastefully con- 
ducted," 47 it soon became the "sprightliest of the ephemeral 
publications of Charleston," and almost immediately "its charac- 
ter was elevated to the standard of a highly influential news- 
paper." 48 

After a run of one year the editor saw fit to make marked 
changes in her magazine: The Rose-Bud or Youth's Gazette 
suddenly grew into The Southern Rose-Bud, a title which was 
retained until the beginning of volume four. Beginning with 
the issue of August 31, 1833, it was printed in "an enlarged form 
with improved paper" and was "adapted in many points to ma- 
ture readers, though not relinquishing the juvenile depart- 
ment." 49 The prospectus of volume two contains tributes to 
some of the prominent men 50 of the city who had in various ways 
assisted the Rose-Bud: gradually, the children's magazine was 
becoming a sheet for grown-ups. 

With the appearance of volume three the readers were again 
greeted by alterations, though the name remained The Southern 
Rose-Bud. This time it was an eight-page paper, bi-monthly in- 



45 W. L. King, The Newspaper Press of Charleston (Charleston, 1882), p. 85. 

46 F. L. Mott, A History of American Magazines (New York, 1930), pp. 383, 801. Mott 
merely mentions the Rose-Bud and Southern Rose. 

47 J. N. Cardozo, Reminiscences of Charleston (Charleston, 1866), p. 34. 

48 King, op. cit., p. 85. 

49 The Rose-Bud or Youth's Gazette, I, Aueust 17, 1833. 

50 Thomas Grimke, Dr. Samuel S. Dickson, Mitchell King, Christopher Gadsden, Dr. 
Thomas Lee, and others. 



122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

stead of weekly, and more suited to "family reading . . . and 
the taste of young gentlemen and ladies of maturer years." 51 
The column for younger readers was not, however, entirely dis- 
carded. Startling indeed must have been the first issue with its 
sections called "The Pruning Knife," "The Flower Vase," "News 
Items," in addition to the heterogeneous but chastened effusions 
of wit and sentiment. Not yet satisfied, the editor announced in 
June, 1835, that, beginning with volume four, there were to be 
many and drastic changes. The reader cannot refrain from 
believing, however, that beneath it all Mrs. Gilman was moti- 
vated by something deeper than mere hope of commercial gain. 

The new issue, volume four, 52 now called The Southern Rose, 
and with a new caption, "Flowers of all hue, and without the 
Thorn the Rose," fulfilled all of the promises of the prospectus. 
Under the heading, "Original Pieces," the editor was able to 
print longer articles; in the "Exotic" section appeared transla- 
tions, such as Tromlitz's The Hand-Organ Player^ 2, and The 
Day of Granson. 5 * Moral and religious subjects were dis- 
cussed under a division by that name, usually signed by "Apol- 
los" (Doctor Gilman), while news of the world was tersely re- 
corded in the "Leaf and Stem Basket." "The Bud," last en- 
trenchment of the juvenile section, included such pieces as 
"The Wisher— A Fairy Tale," 55 "Anecdotes for Young Read- 
ers," 56 and occasionally obituary 57 notices of youthful sub- 
scribers. The "Editor's Boudoir" gave Mrs. Gilman opportunity 
to offer in Platonic dialogue between "Medora" and "Lisa" 
voluminous criticisms of the events of the day; the entire last 
page was devoted to "Original Poetry." 

In many ways volumes IV, V, and VI were the most success- 
ful ones of the ephemeral Charleston publication. Principally, 
these volumes were devoted to the results of the editor's own 



51 The Southern Rose-Bud, II, July 26, 1834. 

52 Beginning with the first number, September 5, 1835, volume IV was in an enlarged 
form, 9x12, and printed on a much better quality of paper. The price was raised from 
$1 to $2 a year, payable in advance, but if the subscriber paid for five copies in advance, 
one copy would be given free. The same printer was retained for a short time, a second 
was employed between December 26, 1835, and May 14, 1836, and a third after May 28, 
1836. Notices of agents in various towns throughout the South appeai*ed in every issue, 
showing that the sheet was receiving recognition abroad. 

53 The Southern Rose, IV, September 5, 1835-February 20, 1836. 

54 Ibid., IV, March 19, 1836, etc. This practice was continued throughout the life of the 
periodical; see VII, September 1, 1838, February 2, 1839. 

55 Ibid., IV, September 5, 1835. 

56 Ibid., IV, February 6, 1836. 

57 Ibid., IV, March 19, May 14, May 28, 1836, etc. 



The Gilmans and the Southern Rose 123 

pen : Recollections of a Southern Matron and Notes of a North- 
ern Excursion 68 appeared at the same time, along with many of 
her poems, 59 and the contributions 00 of her husband. "The 
Pruning Knife" continued to operate, this time being a critical 
analysis of The Westminster Review, 61 The London Quarterly 
Review 6 ~ The Edinburgh Review, 6 ' 6 and The Foreign Quar- 
terly Review. 6 * Under "The Turf-Seat Shade" readers were 
given critical information concerning the latest American and 
foreign books. 

By no means did the editor exclude other writers from The 
Southern Rose. On the contrary, every number is graced with 
poems, translations, anecdotes, and articles by some of the better 
known literati of the nineteenth century. Harriet Martineau, 65 
Mary Elizabeth Lee, 00 Anna Maria Wells 07 (sister of Frances 
S. Osgood), Robert M. Charlton, 68 Penina Moise, 09 William J. 
Rivers, 70 Miss H. F. Gould, 71 Elizabeth F. Ellett, 72 William 
Henry Timrod 73 (father of Henry Timrod), and William Gil- 
more Simms 74 contributed to the success of Mrs. Gilman's bi- 
monthly publication. In addition there were many anonymous 
sketches, such as "Extracts of a Journal Kept on a Tour from 
Charleston to New York," 75 and "New Orleans in 1832." 70 



58 The former began in volume III, June 27, 1835, the latter in IV, May 14, 1836. They 
ran at the rate of a chapter an issue. 

59 Ibid., IV, September 5. October 13, November 28, 1835; April 16, 30, May 28, July 23, 
September 3, October 1, 1836, etc. 

GO Ibid., IV, September 19. November 14, December 26, 1835; March 19, April 16, 1836, etc. 

61 Ibid., IV, February 16, 1836, etc. 

62 Ibid., IV, April 30, 1836, etc. 

63 Ibid., IV, November 12, 1836, etc. 

64 Ibid., IV, April 30, 1836, etc. 

65 ibid., IV, September 5, November 14, 1835. 

66 Ibid., IV, September 5, December 26, 1835 ; January 9, February 20, March 5, April 3, 
April 30. May 28, July 23, August 20, 1836 ; V, September 17, October 15, 1836, etc. 

67 Ibid., IV, September 5, October 17, October 31, November 28, December 12, 1835 ; 
February 6, July 9, 1836, etc. See R. W. Griswold, Female Poets of America (Philadelphia, 
1848), p. 63 ff. ; Caroline May, American Femcde Poets (Philadelphia, 1848), p. 100; A. M. 
Wells, Poems and Juvenile Sketches (Boston, 1830). 

68 Ibid., IV, October 3, 31, December 12, 1835 ; April 30, 1836, etc. See Poems by Robert 
M. Charlton (Boston, 1839). 

69 Ibid., IV, November 14, 1835, etc. See Penina Moise, Fancy's Sketch Book (Charles- 
ton, 1833). 

70 Ibid., VI, August 4, 1838; VII, September 1, 1838; March 30, April 13, May 11, July 
20. Auerust 17. 1839. See William J. Rivers, Addresses and Other Occasional Pieces (Balti- 
more, 1893). 

71 Ibid., IV, May 28, 18S6. See Griswold, op. cit., p. 45. 

72 Ibid., IV, February 6, June 25, 1836; VI, June 9, 1838; VII, February 16, March 30, 
April 13, April 27, 1839, etc. 

73 Ibid., V, October 29, 1836. 

™lbid., IV, October 31, December 12, 1835; VI, August 4, 1838; VII, September 1, 29, 
1838 ; VII, April 27, 1839. For a criticism of Simms and The Southern Literary Journal see 
IV, April 16, 1838. 

75 Ibid., IV, March 5 through June 25, 1836, signed "G. M.," "R. C.," "M. E. C.," "T. M. S." 

76 Ibid., IV, August 6 to September 3, 1836. 



124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Upon the beginning of volume VI, further changes were made 
in The Southern Rose. 11 Mrs. Gilman began on May 26, 1838, 
another serial novel : Love's Progress, or Ruth Raymond. Mary 
E. Lee, R. M. Charlton, Mary Howitt, and many initialed con- 
tributors served to enhance the popularity of the magazine. 
Doctor Gilman's moral and religious effusions occupy a notice- 
able part of the text, and there is frequent evidence of the use 
of scissors and paste. But the editor must have been pleased 
with the volume, and with the material that was coming in, for 
she remarked that — 

the Sixth Volume of The Southern Rose, of which the next number 
will be the last, promises to go out, so far as Contributors are concerned, 
in a blaze of glory. 78 

Is there evidence here of an understatement of brooding finan- 
cial dissatisfaction? Once again, in the prospectus of volume 
VII, the same note is faintly apparent: the editor solicits from 
the many patrons — 

a continuation of their favors, and from the public at large a more 
extended encouragement of the work. Its reputation is of such a kind, 
and is so well established, as to require no particular encomiums. It 
is only necessary to observe that the Editor of the first six volumes will 
sustain the same relation to The Rose as hitherto, and that the circle of 
its Contributors is continually enlarging. 79 

Suffice it to say that the editor foresaw the end of her publica- 
tion. 

Attached to the first issue of the seventh volume 80 was a fine 
wood-cut of Meeting Street, showing the Hall of the South Caro- 
lina Society, and St. Michael's Church. As to contents there 
was little change: the roster of contributors increased alarm- 
ingly, but many pieces were rejected because they did not "afford 
sufficient novelty for the Rose." 81 Of the issue of November 24, 
1838, approximately one-half is given to a flattering discussion 
of "the new comet, or rather meteor, shooting athwart the liter- 
ary sky of old Massachusetts, in the person of Ralph Waldo 



77 Whereas it had contained 8 pages, it now contained 16, but the sheets were smaller 
quarto. It was printed by James S. Burges, 85 East Bay Street, and priced at $2.50 per 
annum. All of the various departments which had appeared previously were retained. 

78 ibid., VI, August 4, 1838. 

79 Ibid., VII, September 1, 1838. 

80 The size of volume VII remained quarto ; the price $2.50 annually, but the sheet was now 
printed by B. B. Hussey, 36 Meeting Street. 

81 Ibid., VII, September 29, 1838. 



The Gilmans and the Southern Rose 125 

Emerson," a writer who was "attracting much public attention." 
Doctor Gilman continued his translations of the works of Boi- 
leau, 82 and another New Englander, Nathaniel Hawthorne, was 
represented by an Apologue entitled "The Lily's Quest," 83 writ- 
ten "especially for The Southern Rose." A few issues later 
Hawthorne was the subject of a lengthy and just review. 84 

Throughout the seventh volume there seems to be an ever- 
increasing tendency on the part of Mrs. Gilman to copy from 
various news-sheets over the United States. Too much padded 
material is obvious. Evidence indicates that the editor of "the 
first juvenile newspaper" was tiring of her job. On August 17, 
1839, the last issue of The Southern Rose contained the follow- 
ing dismissal, called the "Valedictory Address" : 

With a thousand good wishes, and in perfectly happy humor towards 
her large circle of subscribers, the Editor bids them, in this number, 
an affectionate farewell. She ceases from her pleasant toils, not in 
consequence of any special discouragement, — for her Publisher is de- 
sirous of continuing the periodical, and assures her that, by very slight 
exertions, a generous remuneration might be obtained for the expenses 
and labors incident to the establishment; but, as she approached her 
office seven years ago through an impulse perfectly voluntary, so she 
retires from it now with the same unimpaired feeling of liberty. Should 
she continue in the career of literature, towards which the public have 
in various ways extended such indulgent encouragement, she would 
prefer some mode of publication less exacting than the rigorous punc- 
tuality of a periodical work. 

The editor continues to say that she will have "nothing but 
delightful reminiscences" of her connection with the ephemeral 
magazine, and that she will continue to hold in warm gratitude 
those who rendered her occupation "at once her pleasure and 
her pride." "Reader," she asks finally and most pathetically, — 

Reader, have you ever left the door of a friend with her smile still 
impressed on your vision, and a freshly pluck'd blossom from her hand 
just fastened in your bosom? With such tokens of good will are you 
now dismissed by The EmT0R QF The RogE 

Thus was written the finale of The Southern Rose, the flower 
which grew so rapidly and so changingly in the salubrity of the 



82 Ibid., VII, December 22, 1838 ; August 3. 17, 1839. 

83 Ibid., VII, January 19, 1839. Published later as one of Twice Told Tales ; see Com- 
plete Writings of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Old Manse Edition (New York, 1903), II, 288-299. 

84 Ibid., VII, March 2, 16, 1839. 



126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

rarefied atmosphere of literary Charleston for exactly seven 
years. 

That Caroline Gilman preferred "some mode of publication 
less exacting than the rigorous punctuality of a periodical work" 
becomes a truer statement than the mere swan song of an editor, 
if a survey of her publications is taken into account. She had 
already (in 1835, 1836, 1838) published in book form 85 some of 
her better works for the Rose, and as soon as she laid aside the 
tasks of editorship, other proofs of her literary efforts were 
rattled through the northern presses. In 1839 there were three 
books 86 : Tales and Ballads, Ladies' Annual Register, and Let- 
ters of Eliza Wilkinson. Love's Progress; or Ruth Raymond 
was gleaned from the Rose and put out in one volume in 1840; 
and in 1841 The Rosebud Wreath was issued in Charleston. 
In 1845 Oracles from the Poets was printed in Philadelphia; a 
second edition appeared in 1853. Sibyl, or Neiv Oracles from 
the Poets, came out in New York, in 1849, as did a book of poems 
old and new, called Verses of a Life Time (Boston). A collec- 
tion of verses dedicated to children was published in 1859 under 
the title, Oracles for Youth, and in 1860 a compilation of inscrip- 
tions 87 was put into the hands of the public. In 1872 she col- 
laborated with her daughter to publish Poems and Stories by 
a Mother and Daughter. 

Throughout her works Mrs. Gilman was "inspired by a warm 
domestic affection, and pure religious feeling," and her delicate 
wit, unaffected pathos, and vividly drawn characters drew to 
her hosts of readers. 88 Griswold says of her books that they 
"will long be valued for the spirit and fidelity with which she 
has painted rural and domestic life." 89 He praises her "skill in 
character writing," her "artist-like power of grouping," and her 
"love of nature and good sense." She was indeed "one of the 
most popular writers of her day." 90 Among the authors of 



85 Caroline Gilman, Recollections of a New England Housekeeper (New York, 1835); 
Recollections of a Southern Matron (New York, 1836) ; The Poetry of Travelling, including 
an essav. "A Week Amone Autoerraphs," by Doctor Gilman (New York. 1838). See review: 
The Christian Examiner, XXVI, 267 (May, 1839). 

86 The first contains sketches, poems, tales ; second, a guide book for ladies ; third, an 
editing of letters written "during invasion and possession of Charleston by the British 
during the Revolutionary War." The first two were printed in Boston ; the last in New 
York. 

87 Inscriptions in the Unitarian Cemetery of Charleston (Charleston, 1860). 

88 May, op. cit., p. 115. 

89 Griswold, op. cit., p. 52. 

°0 Dictionary American Biography, VII, p. 299. 



The Gilmans and the Southern Rose 127 

South Carolina she has been graced with the title, "the most emi- 
nent woman writer," 91 but it is as the industrious editor of 
The Southern Rose that she has been chiefly remembered. Here 
one finds the unassuming, tender, and quite skillful editor of 
a periodical that won for itself not only the name of the first 
juvenile publication in the country, but won for its founder the 
title of one of the first female editors in the United States. 

After the death of her husband, Mrs. Gilman retained her 
residence in Charleston. 92 Thoroughly sympathetic with the 
South in the Civil War, she faithfully remained in the seaport 
town and assisted the ladies "at work for the soldiers." Through- 
out her many letters 93 written during the siege of Charleston 
she reveals an unfaltering trust in the ideals of her adopted land, 
in spite of the fact that her children held opposite views. When 
shells began to fall into the cellar of her Orange Street residence, 
however, she moved, 94 March, 1862, to Greenville, S. C, where 
she had engaged a house. Shortly after her arrival in that Pied- 
mont village, she affiliated herself with the "Greenville Ladies' 
Association in Aid of the Volunteers of the Confederate 
Army," 95 on whose minutes her name appears as "Directress" 
and later as an officer. 

On November 14, 1865, she returned to her Charleston home 
to find that her "books, private papers, and pictures" had been 
stolen; but, undaunted, she set out to begin "a new era in life." 96 
As late as 1882 she was living with friends at 7 Orange Street. 97 
but, before 1887, she moved to Washington to live with her 
daughter. As far as is known, Mrs. Gilman made no further 
forays into the field of literature after 1872. She died in Wash- 



91 Wauchope, op. cit., p. 34. 

92 List of Taxpayers of the City of Charleston (Charleston, I860), p. 106. 

93 "Letters of a Confederate Mother," The Atlantic Monthly, CXXXVII, p. 503 ff. (April, 
1926). 

94 Ibid., p. 509. 

95 "Minutes of the Proceedings . . . Confederate Army." The writer has had the 
privilege of examining these interesting and important reports of this society. It was 
organized for the express purpose of administering food, clothing, and hospitalization to the 
wounded Confederate soldiers of upper South Carolina, and was not unlike the Red Cross 
in tactics. The first meeting was held at the Greenville Baptist Female College, Friday, 
July 19, 1861. Shortly afterwards the organization transferred heada.uarters to a spot 
locally known as "Soldiers' Rest," where it continued operations until May 1, 1864, at 
which time this entry was made in the Minutes : "No meeting on account of the Yankee 
Soldiers who stripped the 'Rest' of every article it contained, leaving the society without 
the means of carrying on any further operations. A. Dickson, Sect." 

Incidentally, the writer has been privileged to talk to a most interesting lady of Green- 
ville who knew Mrs. Gilman and recalls with pleasure her charm, elegance, and abilities. 
She reports that Mrs. Gilman was one of the most active members of the Association. 

96 The Atlantic Monthly, CXXXVII, pp. 514-515 (April, 1926). 

9T Directory of the City of Charleston (Charleston, 1882), p. 312. 



128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ington, September 15, 1888, 98 having for three score years been 
a loyal contributor to, and a worthy critic of, the literature of 
the locality which she loved so devotedly. 

To be sure the Gilmans cannot be ranked with the more glori- 
ously hailed American authors. But those who are interested in 
getting a glimpse of the ante-bellum South as it really was, its 
gayety as well as its earnestness, its tastes and its standards, 
and above all its fascinating power as a subject for social and 
literary history, have but to turn the pages of the works of this 
inimitable couple. Unpretentious as they were, but "better 
known than any of the ephemeral publications'' " of the South 
before 1840, The Rose-Bud or Youth's Gazette and the maturer 
and more comprehensive The Southern Rose offer, in their quiet 
and dainty manner, another chapter in that gala literary his- 
tory that made Charleston the mecca for literature and culture 
in the Old South. 



98 See The Critic, VIII, September 22, 1888 ; Washington Evening Star, September 15, 1888. 

99 Bertha-Monica Stearns, "Southern Magazines for Ladies," The South Atlantic Quar- 
terly, XXXI, p. 78 (January, 1932). 



RECORDS OF EMIGRANTS FROM ENGLAND AND 
SCOTLAND TO NORTH CAROLINA, 1774-1775 

Edited by A. R. JSTewsome 

II 

RECORDS OF EMIGRANTS FROM SCOTLAND— continued 

Commissioners of the Customs in Scotland to John Robinson 
Sir 

We have herewith transmitted a Copy of a Letter from the principal 
Officers of the Customs at Campbelton, 40 giving an Account of a Ship 
touching there, from Greenock, with Emigrants taken on board in the 
Island of Isla, 41 which, if judged requisite, you will be pleased to lay 
before the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys Treasury. 

M Cardonnel 
Customh . Edinb g George Clerk Maxwell 

3 d . Jany 1775 Basil Cochrane 



Ronald Campbell and Archibald Buchanan to Commissioners of Customs 

in Scotland 

Customhouse Campbelton 
12 th December 1774 
Honourable Sirs, 

In obedience to your Letter of the 15 th of December 1773, We beg 
leave to acquaint your Honours that the Brigantine Carolina Packet 
Malcolm McNeil Master, with Goods from Greenock for Cape Fair in 
North Carolina, was put into this Harbour by a contrary wind on the 
2 d . and sailed on the 7 th . instant, having on board sixty two Passengers, 
of whom thirty were men, fifteen Women, and seventeen Children ; This 
Ship after sailing from Greenock, called at Lochindale in Isla, where 
the Passengers were taken on board, part of whom belonged to the 
Island of Isla, and part to the Island of Mull 42 who had come to Isla, 
to take their Passage. 

By the best accounts we could get, only five of these Passengers were 

People of any consequence the rest were of a lower class, Servants of 

these Gentlemen, or Labourers who could pay for their Passage. We 

are &c a . 

_. ( Ronald Campbell 

Slgned \ Arch* Buchanan 



40 In Argyle County, near Kintyre. 

41 Islay Island in Argyle County. 

42 In Argyle County, north of Islay Island. 



[ 129 ] 



130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Commissioners of the Customs in Scotland to John Robinson 
Sir 

The Officers of the Customs in the Islands of Schetland in consequence 
of the Instructions received from hence, having particularly examined 
sundry Emigrants for America, put into Schetland by Distress of 
Weather; We have inclosed the said Examinations, (Copies of them) 
as containing apparently the genuine Causes of many Persons leaving 
the Country, and going to America, desiring you will lay the same before 
the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury for their Information. 

Customh . Edin*., 30 th May 1774. ^ rclld ^J 1251 , 68 ,, ,, 

J George Clerk Maxwell 

Basil Cochrane 
Port Lerwick 43 

Report of the Examination of the Emigrants from the Counties of 

Caithness and Sutherland 44 on board the Ship Bachelor of Leith 

bound to Wilmington in North Carolina. 

William Gordon saith that he is aged sixty and upwards, by Trade a 
Earmer, married, hath six children, who Emigrate with him, with the 
Wives and Children of his two sons John & Alexander Gordon. Re- 
sided last at Wymore in the Parish of Clyne in the County of Suther- 
land, upon Lands belonging to William Baillie of Rosehall. That 
having two sons already settled in Carolina, who wrote him encouraging 
him to come there, and finding the Rents of Lands raised in so much 
that a Possession for which his Grandfather paid only Eight Merks 
Scots he himself at last paid Sixty, he was induced to emigrate for the 
greater benefit of his children being himself an Old Man and lame so 
that it was indifferent to him in what Country he died. That his 
Circumstances were greatly reduced not only by the rise of Rents but 
by the loss of Cattle, particularly in the severe Winter 1771. That 
the lands on which he lived have often changed Masters, and that the 
Rents have been raised on every Change; and when M r Baillie bought 
them they were farmed with the rest of his purchase to one Tacksman 45 
at a very high Rent, who must also have his profits out of them. All 
these things concurring induced him to leave his own country in hopes 
that his Children would earn their Bread more comfortably elsewhere. 
That one of his sons is a Weaver and another a Shoe Maker, and he 
hopes they may get bread for themselves and be a help to support him. 

William McKay, aged Thirty, by Trade a Farmer, married, hath 
three children from Eight to two years Old, besides one dead since he 

left his own country, resided last at in the Parish of Farr in 

the County of Strathnaver upon the Estate of the Countess of Suther- 
land. Intends to go to Wilmington in North Carolina, because his stock 



43 In the Shetland Islands. 

44 Caithness and Sutherland counties constitute the northern end of Scotland. 

45 A middleman who leased a large piece of land from the owner and sublet it in small 
farms. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 131 

being small, Crops failing, and bread excessively dear, and the price of 
Cattle low, he found he could not have bread for his Family at home, 
and was encouraged to emigrate by the Accounts received from his 
Countrymen who had gone to America before him, assuring him that 
he might procure a Comfortable Subsistence in that country. That 
the land he possessed was a Wadset of the Family of Sutherland to M r 
Charles Gordon of Skelpick, lying in the height of the country of 
Strathnaver, the Rents were not raised. 

W m . Sutherland, aged Forty, a Farmer, married, hath five children 
from 19 to 9 years old, lived last at Strathalidale in the Parish of Rea, 
in the County of Caithness, upon the Estate of the late Colonel McKay 
of Bighouse; Intends to go to Worth Carolina; left his own country 
because the Rents were raised, as Soldiers returning upon the peace 
with a little money had offered higher Rents; and longer Fines or 
Grassums, 46 besides the Services were oppressive in the highest degree. 
That from his Farm which paid 60 Merks Scots, he was obliged to find 
two Horses and two Servants from the middle of July to the end of 
Harvest solely at his own Expence, besides plowing, Cutting Turf, 
making middings, 47 mixing Dung and leading it out in Seed time, 
and besides cutting, winning, leading and stacking 10 Fathoms of Peats 
yearly, all done without so much as a bit of bread or a drink to his 
Servants. 

John Catanoch, aged Fifty Years, by Trade a Farmer, married, hath 
4 Children from 19 to 7 years old ; resided last at Chabster in the Parish 
of Rae, in the County of Caithness, upon the Estate of M r . Alex r . Nic- 
olson, Minister at Thurso, Intends to go to "Wilmington North Carolina ; 
left his own Country because crops failed, Bread became dear, the 
Rents of his Possession were raised from Two to Five Pounds Sterling, 
besides his Pasture or Common Grounds were taken up by placing new 
Tennants thereon, especially the grounds adjacent to his Farm, which 
were the only grounds on which his Cattle pastured. That this method 
of parking and placing Tenants on the pasture Grounds rendered his 
Farm useless, his Cattle died for want of Grass, and his Corn Farm 
was unfit to support his Family, after paying the Extravagant Tack 
duty. That beside the rise of Rents and Scarcity of bread, the Land- 
lord exacted arbitrary and oppressive Services, such as obliging the 
Declarant to labour up his ground, cart, win, lead and stack his Peats, 
Mow, win and lead his Hay, and cut his Corn and lead it in the yard 
which took up about 30 or 40 days of his servants and Horses each 
year, without the least Acknowledgement for it, and without Victuals, 
save the men that mowed the Hay who got their Dinner only. That 
he was induced to Emigrate by Advices received from his Friends in 
America, that Provisions are extremely plenty & cheap, and the price of 
labour very high, so that People who are temperate and laborious have 



46 A premium paid to a feudal superior on entering upon the holding. 
4 " Manure heaps. 



132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

every Chance of bettering their circumstances- Adds that the price 
of Bread in the Country he hath left is greatly Enhanced by distilling, 
that being for so long a time so scarce and dear, and the price of Cattle 
at the same time reduced full one half while the Rents of lands have 
been raised nearly in the same proportion, all the smaller Farms must 
inevitably be ruined. 

Eliz : McDonald, Aged 29, unmarried, servant to James Duncan in 
Mointle in the Parish of Farr in the County of Sutherland, Intends to 
go to Wilmington in North Carolina; left her own country because 
several of her Friends having gone to Carolina before her, had assured 
her that she would get much better service and greater Encouragement 
in Carolina than in her own Country. 

Donald McDonald, Aged 29 years, by Trade a Farmer and Taylor, 
married, hath One Child six years Old. Resided last at Chapter in 
the Parish of Rae in the County of Caithness upon the Estate of 
M r Alex r Nicolson Minister at Thurso, intends to go to Carolina; left 
his own Country for the reasons assigned by John Catanoch, as he 
resided in the same Town and was subjected to the same Hardships with 
the other. Complains as he doth of the advanced price of Corn, owing 
in a great measure to the consumption of it in Distilling. 

John McBeath Aged 37, by Trade a Farmer and Shoe maker, Mar- 
ried, hath 5 children from 13 years to 9 months old. Resided last in 
Mault in the Parish of Kildonnan in the County of Sutherland, upon 
the Estate of Sutherland. Intends to go to Wilmington in North 
Carolina; left his own country because Crops failed, he lost his Cattle, 
the Rent of his Possession was raised, and bread had been long dear; 
he could get no Employment at home, whereby he could support him- 
self and Family, being unable to buy Bread at the prices the Factors 
on the Estate of Sutherland & neighboring Estates exacted from him. 
That he was Encouraged to emigrate by the Accounts received from 
his own and his Wife's Friends already in America, assuring him that 
he would procure comfortable subsistence in that country for his Wife 
and Children, and that the price of labour was very high. He also 
assigns for the Cause of Bread being dear in his Country that it is 
owing to the great quantities of Corn consumed in brewing Risquebah. 

James Duncan, Aged twenty seven years, by Trade a Farmer, mar- 
ried, hath two Children, one five years the other 9 Months old. Re- 
sided last at Mondle in the Parish of Farr in the Shire of Sutherland, 
upon the Estate of Sutherland, Intends to go to Wilmington in North 
Carolina; left his own Country because Crops failed him for several 
years, and among the last years of his labouring he scarce reaped any 
Crop; Bread became dear and the price of Cattle so much reduced 
that One Cows price could only buy a Boll 48 of Meal. That the 
People on the Estate of Sutherland were often supplied with meal from 



48 A measure of 6 bushels generally in Scotland. 






Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 133 

Caithness, but the Farmers there had of late stopt the sale of their 
Meal, because it rendered them a much greater Profit by Distilling. 
That he could find no Employment at home whereby he could support 
his Family. That he has very promising Prospects by the Advices 
from his Friends in Carolina, as they have bettered their circumstances 
greatly since they went there by their labours. Lands being cheap and 
good Provisions plenty, and the price of Labour very encouraging. 

Hector Mcdonald, Aged 75, Married, a Farmer, hath three sons who 
emigrate with him, John Alexander & George from 27 to 22 years old, 
also two Grand Children Hector Campbell aged 16, and Alex r Camp- 
bell aged 12, who go to their Mother already in Carolina. Resided last 
at Langwall in the Parish of Rogart in the County of Sutherland, upon 
the Estate of Sutherland. Intends to go to North Carolina, Left his 
own Country because the Rents of his possession had been raised from 
One pound seven shillings to Four pounds, while the price of the Cattle 
raised upon it fell more than One half, and not being in a Corn Coun- 
try the price of Bread was so far advanced, that a Cow formerly worth 
from 50sh. to £ 3 - could only purchase a Boll of Meal. He suffered 
much by the death of Cattle, and still more by oppressive Services ex- 
acted by the factor, being obliged to work with his People & Cattle for 
40 days and more Each year, without a bit of Bread. That falling into 
reduced Circumstances he was assured by some of his children already 
in America that his Family might subsist more comfortably there, and 
in all events they can scarce be worse. Ascribes the excessive price of 
corn to the consumption of it in distilling. 

William McDonald, Aged 71, by Trade a Farmer married hath 3 
children from 7 to 5 years Old, who emigrate with him. Resided last 
at little Savall in the Parish of Lairg in the county of Sutherland, 
upon the Estate of Hugh Monro of Achanny. Intends to go to Wil- 
mington in North Carolina ; left his own Country because Crops failed, 
Bread became dear, the Rents of his possession were raised, but not so 
high as the Lands belonging to the neighboring Heritors, by which 
and the excessive price of Meal, the lowness of the price of Cattle, and 
still further by a Cautionary 49 by which he lost 30 £ Sterling, his 
Circumstances were much straightened, so that he could no longer 
support his Family at Home, tho' M r . Monro used him with great 
humanity. That his Friends already in Carolina, have given him 
assurance of bettering his condition, as the price of labour is high and 
Provisions very cheap. Ascribes the high price of Corn to the Con- 
sumption of it in Distilling. 

Hugh Matheson, Aged 32, married, hath 3 children from 8 to 2 
years Old, also a Sister Kathrine Matheson aged 16, who emigrate with 
him, was a Farmer last at Rimsdale in the Parish of Kildonan in the 
County of Sutherland, Leaves his Country and goes to Carolina, be- 



4<J Personal security. 



134 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cause upon the rise of the price of Cattle some years ago the Rent of 
his Possession was raised from £ 2.16.0 to £ 5.10.0. But the price of 
Cattle has been of late so low, and that of Bread so high, that the 
Factor who was also a Drover would give no more than a Boll of Meal 
for a Cow, which was formerly worth from 50 sh to 3 £ and obliged the 
Tenants to give him their Cattle at his own price. That in these 
grassing Counties little Corn can be raised, and for some years past 
the little they had was in a great measure blighted and rendered useless 
by the frost which is common in the beginning of Autumn in the Inland 
parts of the Country. That in such Circumstances it seems impossible 
for Farmers to avoid Ruin, and their distresses heighten'd by the con- 
sumption of corn in distilling in a Grassing Country where little can 
be raised. That encouraged by his Friends already in America, he 
hath good hopes of bettering his Condition in that Country. 

Will m . McKay, Aged 26, Married, a Farmer last at Craigie in the 
Parish of Rae and County of Caithness, upon the Estate of George 
McRay Island handy; 50 Goes to Carolina because the Rent of his 
Possession was raised to double at the same time that the price of Cattle 
was reduced one half, and even lower as he was obliged to sell them to 
the Factor at what price he pleased; at the same time his Crope was 
destroyed by bad Harvests, and Bread became excessive dear, owing 
in a great measure to the Consumption by distilling. That the Services 
were oppressive, being unlimited and arbitrary, at the pleasure of the 
Factor, and when by reason of sickness the Declarant could not perform 
them he was charged at the rate of one shilling p day. He had Assur- 
ances from his Friends in America that the high price of labour and 
cheapness of Provisions would enable him to support himself in that 
Country. 

Alex. Sinclair, Aged 36, Married, hath 3 children from 18 to 2 years 
Old, a Farmer last at Dollochcagy in the Parish of Rae and County of 
Caithness, upon the Estate of Sir John Sinclair of Murkle. Left his 
own Country and goes to Carolina, because the Tacksman of S r John 
Sinclair's Estate, demanded an advanced Rent and Arbitrary Services, 
which in the present Distresses of the Country could not be complied 
with without ruin. That he is encouraged by his Friends in America to 
hope to better his Circumstances there. 

George Grant, Aged twenty, Married, a Farmer last at Aschog in 
the Parish of Kildonan in the County of Sutherland on the Estate of 

Intends to go to North Carolina, because Crops failed so 

that he was obliged to buy four months Provisions in a year, and at 
the same time the price of Cattle was reduced more than One half. 
That his Brothers in Law, already in America have assured him that 
from the Cheapness of Provisions, and the high price of labour, he may 
better his Circumstances in that Country. 



50 Handa Island ofr the western coast of Sutherland County. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 135 

William Bain, Aged 37, a Widower, by Trade a Shopkeeper, resided 
last in Wick in the County of Caithness. Intends to go to Carolina. 
Left his own Country because he could not get bread in his Employ- 
ment, the Poverty of the Common People with whom he dealt dis- 
abling them to pay their debts. Hopes to better his Condition in 
America, but in what business he cannot determine till he comes there. 

George Morgan, Aged 37, Married, hath two children. One 7 the 
other One year Old, a Farmer last at Chabster in the Parish of Rae, 
and County of Caithness, upon lands belonging to M r . Alex 1 ". Nicolson 
Minister at Thurso. Goes to Carolina leaving his country for the 
same reasons and upon the same Motives assigned by John Catanoch, 
who was his Neighbour. See Pages 3 d & 4 th of this Report. 

Will m Monro, Aged thirty four, Married, Emigrates with his Wife, 
a servant maid, and a servant Boy, by Trade a Shoemaker, resided last 
at Borgymore in the Parish of Tongue, and County of Sutherland. 
Left his own Country as his Employment was little and he had no 
hopes of bettering his Circumstances in it, which he expects to do in 
America. 

Patrick Ross, Aged thirty five Unmarried, lately Schoolmaster in 
the Parish of Earr, in the County of Sutherland. Goes to America on 
the Assurance of some of his Eriends already in that Country of pro- 
curing a more profitable School for him. 

Alex r . Morison, Aged Sixty, Married, hath One Son and a Servant 
Maid, who emigrate with him; resided last at Kinside in the Parish of 
Tongue and County of Sutherland, on the Estate of Sutherland, by 
Occupation a Farmer. Left his Country as the Rents of his Possession 
were near doubled, the price of Cattle low, and little being raised in 
that Country, what they bought was excessive dear, beside the Tenans 
were in various ways opprest by Lord Raes Factors; and by the Reports 
from America he is in hopes of bettering his Circumstances in that 
Country. 

George McKay, Aged 40, Married, hath one Child, a year old, by 
Trade a Taylor and Farmer, last at Strathoolie in the Parish of Kil- 
donan and County of Sutherland, upon that part of the Estate of 
Sutherland set in Tack to George Gordon by whom his rent was aug- 
mented, and great Services demanded, viz 1 12 days work yearly over 
and above what he paid to the Family of Sutherland. That the price 
of Cattle on which he chiefly depended was greatly reduced, and the 
little Corn raised in the Country almost totally blighted by Frost for 
two years past, by which the Farmers in general were brought into great 
distress. In these Circumstances he had no resource but to follow his 
Countrymen to America as the condition can scarce be worse. 

Donald Gun, Aged thirty three, married, hath three Children from 
8 years to 5 weeks old, by Trade a Taylor, resided last at Achinnaris in 



136 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Parish of Halerick in the County of Caithness. Finding he cannot 
make bread in his own Country, intends to go to America in hopes of 
doing it better there. 

John Ross, Aged 47, a Widower hath six Children, from 20 to 5 years 
Old, who emigrate with him, by Trade a Farmer, last at Kabel in the 
Parish of Farr and County of Sutherland, upon the Estate of Suther- 
land. Goes to Carolina, because the rent of his Possession was greatly 
Advanced the price of Cattle which must pay that Rent reduced more 
than one half, and bread which they must always buy excessively dear. 
The evil is the greater that the Estate being parcelled out to different 
Factors and Tacksmen, these must oppress the subtenants, in order to 
raise a profit to themselves, particularly on the Article of Cattle, which 
they never fail to take at their own prices, lately at 20/ or 20 Merks, and 
seldom or never higher than 30/ tho' the same Cattle have been sold in 
the Country from 50 to 55 sh. By these means reduced in his circum- 
stances, And encouraged by his Friends already in America, he hopes to 
live more comfortably in that Country. 

James Sinclair, Aged twenty one years, a Farmer, married, hath no 
Children, resided last at Forsenain in the Parish of Rea, and County of 
Caithness, upon the Estate of Bighouse now possest by George McRay 
of Islandhanda, upon a Farm, paying 8 £ Sterling Rent, that he left 
his own Country because Crops of Corn had, and Bread was very dear ; 
he had lost great part of his Cattle two years ago, the rearing Cattle 
being his principal business, the prices of Cattle were reduced one half 
while the Rents were nevertheless kept up and in many places advanced. 
In such Circumstances it was not possible for people of small stock to 
evite ruin. His Father, Mother and Sisters and some other Friends 
go along with him to Carolina, where he is informed land and Pro- 
visions are cheap, labour dear, and Crops seldom fail. What employ- 
ment he shall follow there he hath not yet determined, but thinks it 
will be Husbandry. 

Aeneas McLeod, Aged sixty, a Farmer, married, hath one Daughter 
15 years Old. Resided last in the Parish of Tongue in the County of 
Sutherland upon the Estate of Lord Rae. Goes to Wilmington in 
North Carolina, where he proposes to live by day labour, being informed 
that one days Wages will support him a week. Left his own Country 
because upon the rise of the price of Cattle some years ago, the Rent 
of his Possession was raised from 28/ to 38/ a year, but thereafter when 
the price of Cattle was reduced one half the Rent was nevertheless still 
kept up. Moreover being near the house of Tongue, He was harrassed 
and oppressed with arbitrary Services daily called for without Wages 
or Maintenance. 

Aeneas Mackay, Aged twenty, single, resided last with his Father in 
the Parish of Tongue and county of Sutherland; hath been taught to 
read, write and cypher, and goes to Carolina in hopes of being employed 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 137 

either as a Teacher or as a Clerk; He has several Relations and Ac- 
quaintances there already, who inform him he may get from 60 to 70 £ 
a year in this way, which is much better than he had any reason to 
expect at home. 

Donald Campbell, Aged 50, a Farmer, married, has one Son 12 years 
Old, resided last in the Parish of Adrahoolish, in the County of Suther- 
land on the Estate of Rea. Intends to go to Carolina because the small 
Farm he possest could not keep a Plough, and he could not raise so 
much Corn by delving as maintain his Family and pay his Rent, which 
was advanced from 21/ to 30/. Has hopes of meeting an Uncle in 
America who will be able to put him in a way of gaining his Bread. 

W m McRay, Aged 37, a Farmer, married, has four Children from 
8 years to 18 Months old; and one man Servant, who emigrate with 
him; resided last at Shathaledale in the Parish of Rea, and County of 
Caithness upon the Estate of George McRay of Bighouse. Left his 
Country because the Rent of his Possession was raised from 30 to 80 £ 
Scots, while at the same time the price of Cattle upon which his sub- 
sistence and the payment of his Rent chiefly depended had fallen in the 
last Seven years at least one half. In the year 1772 he lost of the little 
Crop his Farm produced and in Cattle to the value of 40 £ Sterling - 
under these loses and discouragements, he had assurances from a 
Brother and Sister already in Carolina, that a sober industrious man 
could not fail of living comfortably, Lands could be rented cheap, and 
Grounds not cleared purchased for 6 d . an Acre, that the soil was fer- 
tile, and if a man could bring a small Sum of Money with him he might 
make rich very fast. He proposes to follow Agriculture but has not 
yet determined, whether he will purchase or rent a Possession. 

Will m McLeod, Aged twenty six, a Farmer, married, has one Son 
two years old ; resided last in the Parish of Adrachoolish, in the County 
of Sutherland, upon the Estate of Bighouse; intends to go to Wilming- 
ton in North Carolina, where he has a Brother settled who wrote him 
to come out assuring him that he would find a better Farm for him 
than he possest at home (the rent of which was considerably raised 
upon him) for One fourth of the Money, and that he will live more 
comfortably in every respect. 

Hugh Monro, Aged twenty-six, a Shoemaker, married, hath no chil- 
dren. Resided last in the Parish of Tongue and County of Sutherland. 
Goes to Carolina upon assurance that Tradesmen of all kinds will find 
large Encouragement. 

Will m . Sutherland Aged twenty four, married, left an only Child at 
home. Resided last in the Parish of Latheron and County of Caith- 
ness, upon the Estate of John Sutherland of Forse. Goes to Carolina 
because he lost his Cattle in 1772, and for a farm of 40/ Rent, was 
obliged to perform with his Family and his Horses so many and so 
arbitrary services to his Landlord at all times of the year, but especially 



138 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in Seed time & Harvest, that lie could not in two years he possest it, 
raise as much Corn as serve his Family for six months That his little 
Stock daily decreasing, he was encouraged to go to Carolina, by the 
Assurances of the fertility of the land, which yields three Crops a year, 
by which means Provisions are extremely cheap, Wheat being sold at 
3 shill s . a Boll, Potatoes at 1 Sh so that one Mans labour will maintain 
a Family of Twenty Persons. He has no Money, therefore proposes 
to employ himself as a Day labourer, his Wife can spin & Sew, and he 
has heard of many going out in the same way who are now substantial 
Farmers. At any rate he comforts himself in the hopes that he cannot 
be worse than he has been at home. 

James McKay, Aged 60, a shoemaker, married, has one child, Resided 
last on Lord Raes Estate in Strathnaver. Left his own country, being 
exceeding poor, and assured by his Friends who contributed among them 
the money required to pay for his Passage, that he would find better 
employment in Carolina. 

This and the 20 preceding Pages contain the Examination of the 
Emigrants on board the Ship Batchelor of Leith, Alex r Ramage Master, 
taken by the officers at the Port of Lerwick. 

15 th April 1774. 



A List of Passengers or Emigrants on Board the Ship Jupiter of 
Larne Samuel Brown Master for Wilmington in North Carolina, their 
Names, Ages, Occupations or Employments and former Residence. 51 

1, John Stewart, 48, Clothier, Glenurchy. 

2, Elizabeth, 46, his wife, Glenurchy. 

3, John Stewart, 15, their son, Glenurchy. 

4, Margaret, 13, their Daughter, Glenurchy. 

5, Janet, 12, their Daughter, Glenurchy. 

6, Patrick Stewart, 6, their son, Glenurchy. 

7, Elizabeth, 3, their Daughter, Glenurchy. 

8, Donald Maclntire, 54, Labourer, Glenurchy. 

9, Katherine, 41, His Wife, Glenurchy. 

10, Mary, 12, their Daughter, Glenurchy. 

11, Margaret, 9, their Daughter, Glenurchy. 

12, John Mclntire, 6, their son, Glenurchy. 

13, Duncan Mclntire, 5, their son, Glenurchy. 

14, William Campbell, 28, Labourer, Glenurchy. 

15, Katherine, 32, His Wife, Glenurchy. 

16, Robert Campbell, 2, His Son, Glenurchy. 

17, Duncan Campbell, , His Son an Infant, Glenurchy. 

18, Donald Mac Nichol, 40, Labourer, Glenurchy. 



51 The information in the order given is classified in the original report under the head- 
ings : number, names, ages, occupation or employment, former residence. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 139 

19, Katherine, 33, His Wife, Glenurchy. 

20, John McNicol, 6, their son, Glenurcliy. 

21, ISTicol McNicol, 4, their son, Glenurcliy. 

22, Archibald McNicol, 2, their son, Glenurchy. 

23, Mary, , their daughter an Infant, Glenurchy. 

24, John Mclntire, 35, Labourer, Glenurchy. 

25, Ann, 32, His Wife, Glenurchy. 

26, Margaret, 6, their Daughter, Glenurchy. 

27, Archibald Mclntire, 4, their Son, Glenurchy. 

28, John Mclntire, , their Son an Infant, Glenurchy. 

29, Archibald Stewart, 30, Shoemaker, Glenurchy. 

30, Ann Sinclair, 65, Spinster, Glenurchy. 

31, Margarit her Daugh r ., 25, Spinster, Glenurchy. 

32, Ann Mclntire, 60, Spinster, Glenurchy. 

33, Christian Downy, 25, Spinster, Glenurchy. 

34, Katherine McVane, 30, Spinster, Glennurchy. 

35, Mary Downie, 4, her daughter, Glennurchy. 

36, Joseph Downie an Infant, , her son, Glennurchy. 

37, Dugal McCole, 38, Labourer, Glennurchy. 

38, Ann, 38, his Wife, Glennurchy. 

39, Marget, 10, their Daughter, Glennurchy. 

40, Mary, 8, their Daughter, Glennurchy. 

41, Sarah, 2, their Daughter, Glennurchy. 

42, An Infant, , , Glennurchy. 

43, Angus MclSTicol, 30, Labourer, Glennurchy. 

44, Ann, 20, His Wife, Glennurchy. 

45, Dougald Stewart, 40, Labourer, Glenurchy. 

46, His Wife, 40, Labourer, Glenurchy. 

47, John Stewart, 16, their son, Glenurchy. 

48, James Stewart, 10, their son, Glenurchy. 

49, Thomas Stewart, 6, their son, Glenurchy. 

50, Alexander Stewart, 4, their son, Glenurchy. 

51, Allan Stewart, 44, Late Lieut 1 , in Frasers Regiment, Apine. 52 

52, Donald Carmichail, 22, His servant, Apine. 

53, Lilly Stewart, 7, his natural Daugh r ., Apine. 

54, Alexander Stewart, 35, Gentleman Farmer, Apine. 

55, Charles Stewart, 15, His Son, Apine. 

56, John McCole, 49, Labourer, Apine. 

57, Mildred McCole, 40, His Wife, Apine. 

58, John McCole, 16, their son, Apine. 

59, Samuel McCole, 15, their son, Apine. 

60, Donald McCole, 12, their son, Apine. 

61, Dougald McCole, 8, their son, Apine. 

62, Alexander McCole, 4, their son, Apine. 



52 In Argyle County. 



140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

63, Katherine, 2, their Daughter, Apine. 

64, Evan Carmichael, 40, Labourer, Apine. 

65, Margaret, 38, His Wife, Apine. 

6Q, Archibald Carmichael, 14, their Son, Apine. 

67, Allan Carmichael, 12, their Son, Apine. 

68, Katherine, 3, their Daughter, Apine. 

69, Duncan McCole, 35, Farmer, Apine. 

70, Christian, 35, His Wife, Apine. 

71, Dugald McCole, 20, Their son, Apine. 

72, Christian, 2, their Daughter, Apine. 

73, Katherine, 3, their Daughter, Apine. 

74, Malcolm Mclnish, 40, Labourer, Apine. 

75, Jannet, 36, His Wife, Apine. 

76, John Mclnish, 20, Their son, Apine. 

77, Ann, 15, Their Daughter, Apine. 

78, Catherine, 11, Their Daughter, Apine. 

79, Donald Mclnish, 8, their Son, Apine. 

80, Archibald Mclnish, 4, their Son, Apine. 

81, Kenneth Stewart, 40, late Ship Master, Apine. 

82, Isobel, 30, His Wife, Apine. 

83, Alexander Stewart, 14, their Son, Apine. 

84, John Stewart, 5, their Son, Apine. 

85, Banco Stewart, 3, their Son, Apine. 

86, Christian, 3, their Daughter, Apine. 

87, William an Infant, ■ , their son, Apine. 

88, Mary Black, 16, their Servant, Apine. 

89, Christian Carmichael, 14, their Servant, Apine. 

90, John Black, 14, their Servant, Apine. 

91, Dugald Carmichael, 55, Farmer, Apine. 

92, Mary, 55, His Wife, Apine. 

93, Archibald Colquhoun, 22, her Son, Apine. 

94, Ann Colquhoun, 20, her Daughter, Apine. 

95, Donald McCole, 34, Labourer, Apine. 

96, Katherine, 40, his Wife, Apine. 

97, Evan McCole, 6, their son, Apine. 

98, John Mclntire, 32, Taylor, Alpine. 

99, Katherine, 30, his Wife, Alpine. 

100, Donald Mclntire, 3, their son, Alpine. 

101, John Mclntire, 1, their son, Alpine. 

102, Gilbert Mclntire, 34, Taylor, Alpine. 

103, Ann, 36, his Wife, Alpine. 

104, Charles Mclntire, 11, their Son, Alpine. 

105, Margaret, 9, their Daughter, Alpine. 

106, Evan Mclntyre, 5, their Son, Alpine. 

107, Malcolm Mclntire, 1, their Son, Alpine. 

108, Duncan McCole, 45, Farmer, Alpine. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 141 

109, Christian, 40, His Wife, Alpine. 

110, Duncan McCole, 21, His son, Alpine. 

111, Mary, 18, their Daughter, Alpine. 

112, Sarah, 15, their Daughter, Alpine. 

113, Christian, 10, their Daughter, Alpine. 

114, Mildred, 6, their Daughter, Alpine. 

115, Ann, 3, their Daughter, Alpine. 

116, Donald Black, 45, Labourer, Lismore. 53 

117, Jannet, 34, His Wife, Lismore. 

118, Christian, 8, his Daughter, Lismore. 

119, Ann, 4, his Daughter, Lismore. 

120, Ewen, 4, their Son, Lismore. 

121, Duncan, 1%, their Son, Lismore. 

122, Archibald Carmichael, 26, Labourer, Lismore. 

123, Mary, 26, His Wife, Lismore. 

124, Catherine, 7, their Daughter, Lismore. 

125, Lachlan McLaren, 25, Labourer, Apine. 

126, Lawrine McLarine, 20, Joiner, Apine. 

127, Donald McLaren, 12, Labourer, Apine. 

128, Duncan McLaren, 30, Labourer, Apine. 

129, David McCole, 30, Labourer, Apine. 

130, Duncan Mclntire, 55, Labourer, Apine. 

131, Katherine, 55, His Wife, Apine. 

132, May, 24, Their Daughter, Apine. 

133, Katherine, 17, Their Daughter, Apine. 

134, Elizabeth, 14, Their Daughter, Apine. 

135, Miss Christy McDonald, 25, Symstress, Apine. 

136, Duncan McCallum, 30, Labourer, Apine. 

Reasons assigned by the Persons named on this and y e three preceed- 
ing Pages of this List for their Emigrating follows Viz 1 . The Farmers 
and Labourers who are taking their Passage in this Ship Unanimously 
declare that they never would have thought of leaving their native 
Country, could they have Supplied their Families in it. But such of 
them as were Farmers were obliged to quit their Lands either on 
account of the advanced Rent or to make room for Sheepherds. Those 
in particular from Apine say that out of one hundred Mark Land that 
formerly was occupied by Tennants who made their Rents by rearing 
Cattle and raising Grain, Thirty three Mark Land of it is now turned 
into Sheep Walks and they seem to think in a few years more, Two 
thirds of that Country, at least will be in the same State so of course 
the greatest part of the Inhabitants will be obliged to leave it. The 
Labourers Declare they could not Support their families on the Wages 
they earned and that it is not from any other motive but the dread of 
want that they quit a Country which above all others they would wish 

53 In Argyle County. 



142 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

to live in. Captain Allan Stewart formerly a Lieutenant in Frasers 
Regiment goes with an Intention of settling in the Lands granted him 
by the Government at the End of last War. But should the Troubles 
continue in America he is Determined to make the Best of his way to 
Boston and Offer his Services to General Gage. 

The Tradesmen have a prospect of getting better Wages but their 
principal reason seems to be that their relations are going and rather 
than part with them they chuse to go along. 

o* if Duncan Campbell Collector 
September 4*. 1775. '"" I Neil Cam P be11 Comptroller 



Port Greenock List of Passengers from this Port from the 8 th Sep- 
tember 1774 inclusive, to the 15 th September 1774 exclusive, [in the 
Diana, Dugald Ruthven for North Carolina]. 54 

William McDonald, Kintyre, Parmer, 40, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, Por High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Isobel Wright, Kintyre, , 36, Wilmington North Carolina, 

Por High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Mary McDonald, Kintyre, , 4, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Jessy McDonald, Kintyre, , 2, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Archibald Campbell, Kintyre, Farmer, 38, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Jean McNeil, Kintyre, , 32, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Mary Campbell, Kintyre, , 7, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Lachlan Campbell, Kintyre, , 2, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Girzie Campbell, Kintyre, , 6, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Finlay Murchie, Kintyre, Farmer, 45, Wilmington, North Carolina, 
For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Catherine Hendry, Kintyre, , 35, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Arch d McMurchy, Kintyre, , 10, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Charles McMurchy, Kintyre, , 5, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Neil McMurchy, Kintyre, , 3, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

54 The information in the order ^iven is classified in the original report under the head- 
ings : names, former residence, occupation or employment, age, to what port or place bound, 
on what account and for what purpose. 



Records of Emigrants From England and Scotland 143 

Barbara McMurchy, Kintyre, , %, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Duncan McRob, Kintyre, Taylor, 26, Wilmington North Carolina, 
For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Elizabeth McMurchy, Kintyre, , 8, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Hugh Sillar, Kintyre, Farmer, 55, Wilmington, North Carolina, 
For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Catharine Currie, Kintyre, , 62, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Mary Sillar, Kintyre, , 27, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Catharine Sillar, Kintyre, , 23, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Gilbert McKenzie, Kintyre, Farmer, 34, Wilmington North Carolina, 
For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Mary McKenzie, Kintyre, , 27, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Arch d . McMillan, Kintyre, Farmer, , Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Patrick McMurchie, Kintyre, Farmer, 17, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Elizabeth Kelso, Kintyre, , 50, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Hugh McMurchie, Kintyre, Farmer, 46, Wilmington North Carolina, 
For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Arch d McMurchie, Kintyre, Farmer, 21, Wilmington North Carolina, 
For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Mary McMurchie, Kintyre, , 17, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Elizabeth McMurchie, Kintyre, , 14, Wilmington North 

Carolina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Robert McMurchie, Kintyre, , 9, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 
Neil Hendry, Kintyre, Taylor, 27, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 
Coll McAlester, Kintyre, Taylor, 24, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 
Mary McAlester, Kintyre, , 31, Wilmington North Caro- 
lina, For High Rents & better Encouragement. 
John McVicar, Glasgow, Taylor, 36, Wilmington North Carolina, 

For High Rents & better Encouragement. 
Alexander Speir, Glasgow, Clerk, 19, Wilmington North Carolina, 
For High Rents & better Encouragement. 

Jo Clerk D Coll r 

Alex r . Campbell D Compt r 



Signed \ 



NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1931-1933 1 

By Mary Lindsay Thornton 

Books Dealing With North Carolina 

Religion 

Butler, Bion H. Old Bethesda, at the head of Rockfish. 1ST. Y., Gros- 
set and Dunlap, 1933. 288 p. il. $3.00. 

Sociology 

Betters, Paul Vernon, ed. State centralization in North Carolina. 
Washington, Brookings institution, 1932. 261 p. map, diagr. 
$2.00. 

Cox, Reavis. Competition in the American tobacco industry. N. Y., 
Columbia University, 1933. 372 p. diagr. $4.50. 

Lemert, Benjamin Franklin. Cotton textile industry of the South- 
ern Appalachian Piedmont. Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press, 1933. 202 p. maps, diagrs. $2.50. 

Long, Hollis Moody. Public secondary education for negroes in North 
Carolina. N. Y., Teachers College, Columbia University, 1932. 
115 p. il. $1.50. 

McKay, John Archabald. The wheels of Juggernaut and the crush- 
ing effects of his worship. Raleigh, Mitchell, c. 1932. 150 p. il. 
$.65. 

McKinney, Theophilus Elisha, ed. Higher education among negroes. 
Charlotte, Johnson C. Smith University [c. 1932]. 124 p. Apply. 

Raper, Arthur Franklin. The tragedy of lynching. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Press, 1933. 499 p. il. diagr. 
$2.50. 

Sanders, Wiley Britton, ed. Negro child welfare in North Carolina : 
a Rosenwald study. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 
Press, 1933. 340 p. $1.00. 

Spilman, Bernard Washington. The Mills Home : a history of the 
Baptist Orphanage movement in North Carolina. Thomasville, 
Mills Home, pref. 1932. 238 p. Apply. 

Trent, W. J. Development of negro life insurance enterprises. [Sal- 
isbury], Privately printed, 1933. 62, [4] p. diagr. Address 
Livingstone College Book Store. $2.00. 

Science 

Wells, Bertram Whittier. The natural gardens of North Carolina. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1932. $3.50. 



1 A compilation of bibliographies presented at the 1932 and 1933 meetings of the State 
Literary and Historical Association of North Carolina. 

[ 144 ] 



JSTorth Carolina Bibliography, 1931-1933 145 

Fiction 2 



Allee, Mrs. Marjorie (Hill). The road to Carolina. Boston, 

Houghton, 1932. 240 p. il. $2.00. Juvenile. 
Bain, Grady Lee. The circle's end. Boston, Meador, 1932. 224 p. 

D. $2.00. 
[Dargan, Mrs. Olive Tilford.] Call home the heart, by Fielding 

Burke. JST. Y., Longmans, 1932. 243 p. $2.50. 
Gray, Elizareth Janet. Jane Hope. N". Y., Viking Press, 1933. 

283 p. front. $2.00. Juvenile. 
Green, Paul. The laughing pioneer. ST. Y., McBride, 1932. 283 p. 

$2.00. 
Johnson, Gerald White. Number thirty-six. ~N. Y., Minton, 1933. 

315 p. $2.00. 
Knox, Kose B. Gray caps. Garden City, Doubleday, 1932. 304 p. 

il. $2.00. Juvenile. 
Knox, Eose B. Marty and Co. N. Y., Doubleday-Doran, 1933. 290 p. 

il. $1.75. Juvenile. 
MacClure, Mrs. Marjorie (Barkley). John Dean's journey. ]ST. Y., 

Minton, 1932. 323 p. $2.00. 
Miller, Mrs. Helen Topping. The naming Gahagans. Philadelphia, 

Penn., 1933. 309 p. $2.00. 
Page, Dorothy Myra. Gathering storm. N". Y., International Pub- 
lishers, 1932. 374 p. il. $2.00. 
Pttgh, Mabel. Little Carolina blue bonnet. 1ST. Y., Crowell, 1933. 

171 p. il. by the Author. $1.75. 
Strong, Paschal Neilson. Behind the Great Smokies. Boston, Lit- 
tle, 1932. 246 p. il. $2.00. Juvenile. 

Poetry 

Durham, Robert Lee and Durham, Plato Tracy. O Duke, Alma 

Mater, and other songs. [Buena Yista, Ya. R. L. Durham, c. 

1933.] 15 p. $.50. 
Hembree, James Willis. Smoky Mountain songs. Knoxville, The 

Author, 1931. 70 p. plates. $1.00. 
Page, Hubbard Pulton. Lyrics and legends of the Cape Pear country. 

[Campbell College, The Author, 1932.] xi, 163 p. il. map. 
Pearson, James Larkin. Fifty acres and other poems. Wilkesboro, 

Pearson Publishing Co., 1933. 44 p. $.25. 
Sharp, Cecil James, compiler. English folk songs from the Southern 

Appalachians, edited by Maude Karpeles. N. Y., Oxford, 1933. 

2 vols. $10.00 a volume. 

Genealogy 

Coffey, Laurence H. Thomas Coffey and his descendants. Chatta- 
nooga, K Sanders, 1931. 102 p. ports. $5.00. 

2 The scenes are laid in North Carolina. 



146 The North Carolina Historical Review 

History and Travel 

Arnet, Alex Mathews and Jackson, Walter Clinton. The story of 
North Carolina. Chapel Hill, University of 28T. C. Press, 1933. 
x, 496 p. il. $1.00. Juvenile. 

Daughters of the American Revolution. "N. C. Society. Roster of 
soldiers from North Carolina in the American Revolution. Dur- 
ham, The Society, 1932. 709 p. $6.50. Address, Mrs. R. Duke 
Hay, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

Dugger, Shepherd Monroe. War trails of the Blue Ridge. Banner 
Elk, The Author, 1932. 324 p. il. $1.60. 

Paris, John Thompson. Roaming the eastern mountains. !N". Y., 
Farrer, [c. 1932]. 327 p. il. $3.00. 

McCoy, George W. and Mas a, George. Guide to the Great Smoky 
Mountains National Park. Asheville, Inland Press, c. 1933. 142 
p. il. maps. $.50. 

Mordecai, Ellen. Gleanings from long ago [c. 1933 by Anne Valleau 
Morel.] Broid & Hutton, Inc., Savannah, Ga. 1933. 60 copies. 

Rowe, Nellie M. Discovering North Carolina. Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of N. C. Press, 1933. 363 p. il. $1.00. Juvenile. 

Seeman, William. Down Goose Creek. N. Y., Revell, 1931. 200 p. il. 
$2.00. Juvenile. 

Sondley, Poster Alexander. A history of Buncombe County, North 
Carolina, v. 1. Asheville, Advocate pr. co. 1930. 455 p. il. 
ports, maps. Subscription, $10.00. 

Storm, W. W. Wilmington, where the Cape Fear flows to the sea. 
[Wilmington, The Author, 1933.] 128 p. 

Vance, Rupert Bayless. Human geography of the South. Chapel 
Hill, University of N. C. Press, 1932. 596 p. il. $4.00. 

Williams, Samuel Cole. History of the lost state of Pranklin. Re- 
vised edition. Washington, Pioneer Publishing Co. 1932. 378 
p. il. $6.00. 

Biography 

Averill, Esther and Stanley, Lila, editors. Daniel Boone. Paris, 
Domino Press [1931]. [14] p. il. $3.50. Juvenile. 

Bryant, Henry Edward Cowan. Joseph Pearson Caldwell. States- 
ville, Brady Publishing Co. 1933. 70 p. $.50. 

Dixon, Mrs. Helen (Cadbury) Alexander. A. C. Dixon, a romance 
of preaching. N. Y., Putnam, 1931. 324 p. il. $5.00. 

Driver, Carl S. John Sevier. Chapel Hill, University of N. C. Press, 
1932. 240 p. port. $2.50. 

Eastern Carolina Chamber of Commerce. Builders of Eastern Caro- 
lina. Kinston, Eastern Carolina Chamber of Commerce, 1931. 
64 p. ports. 

Halyburton, Ed. and Coll, Ralph. Shoot and be damned! N. Y., 
Covici-Friede, 1932. vi, 452 p. $2.50. 



Worth Carolina Bibliography, 1931-1933 147 

James, Marquis. Andrew Jackson, the border captain. Indianapolis, 
Bobbs-Merrill [c. 1933]. 461 p. il. $3.75. 

Jillson, Willard Rouse. The Boone narrative ... to which is 
appended a sketch of Boone and a biography of 238 titles. Louis- 
ville, Standard Printing Co. 1932. 64 p. $1.00. 

Robertson, G. F. A. Small boy's recollections of the Civil War. 1932. 
$1.00. Address Author, Clover, S. C. 

Seymour, Mrs. Flora Warren (Smith). Daniel Boone, pioneer. 
N". Y., Century, 1931. 206 p. il. $2.00. Juvenile. 

Walker, Mrs. Harriette Hammer. Busy Worth Carolina women. 
Asheboro, The Author, 1931. 156 p. ports. $1.50. 

Ware, Charles Crossfield. Barton Warren Stone — pathfinder of 
Christian union. St. Louis, Bethany Press. 1932. 357 p. $2.00. 

Books By North Carolina Authors 3 

Duke University Library. A checklist of United States newspapers 
(and weeklies before 1900) in the General Library, compiled by 
Mary Wescott and Allene Ramage. Durham, Duke University 
Press. 1932. 2 volumes have been issued, including the states in 
alphabetical order from Alabama to Massachusetts. $1.00 a volume. 

Duke University Library. Dante Gabriel Rossetti : an analytical list 
of manuscripts in the Duke University Library . . . edited by Paul 
Franklin Baum. Durham, Duke University Press, 1931. 122 p. il. 
$2.00. 

Turner, Alice Lucile. A study of the content of the Sewanee Re- 
view. . . . Nashville, George Peabody College for Teachers, 

1931. 291 p. 

Philosophy and Psychology 

Gohdes, Clarence Louis Frank. Periodicals of American transcen- 
dentalism. Durham, Duke University Press, 1931. 264 p. $3.50. 

Jordan, Arthur Melville. Educational Psychology . . . rev. ed. 
1ST. Y., Henry Holt, 1933. xvii, 522 p. il. diagr. $2.50. 

Lundholm, Helge. Schizophrenia. Durham, Duke University Press, 

1932. 117 p. $1.00.' ' 

McDougall, William. The energies of man : fundamentals of dynamic 
psychology. N". Y., Scribner, 1933. 407 p. il. $2.00. 

Ethics and Religion 

Calfee, John Edward. What next? Talks to young people. N*. Y., 
F. H. Revell, 1932. 148 p. $1.50. 

Conrad, Donald Williams. The golden censer : prayers for all occa- 
sions. N. Y., Fleming H. Revell [c. 1932]. 106 p. $1.00. 



These books do not deal with the State. 



148 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Culbreath, James Marvin. Pathways to the abundant life. Nash- 
ville, Tenn., Cokesbury Press, 1933. 221 p. $1.00. 

Fisher, Miles Mark. A short history of the Baptist denomination. 
Nashville, Tenn., Sunday School Publishing Board, 1933. 197 p. 
$1.50. 

Hickman, Franklin Simpson. The possible self : a study in religious 
education as adaption. N. Y., Abingdon Press [c. 1933]. 128 p. 
$1.25. 

Jordan, Gerald Ray. Courage that propels. Nashville, Tenn., Cokes- 
bury Press, 1933. 182 p. $1.00. 

Jordan, Gerald Ray. Intimate interests of youth. Nashville, Tenn., 
Cokesbury Press [c. 1931]. 164 p. $1.50. 

Jordan, Gerald Ray. Intolerance of Christianity. N. Y., Revell, 
1931. 160 p. $1.50. 

Rees, Edward Jeffries. In remembrance of Me. Nashville, Tenn., 
Cokesbury Press, 1932. 144 p. $1.00. 

Russell, Elbert. The message of the Fourth Gospel. Nashville, 
Tenn., Cokesbury Press, 1932. 200 p. $1.50. 

White, John Ellington. White echoes; edited by Annie Dove Den- 
mark. Nashville, Tenn., Southern Baptist Convention, 1932. 214 
p. port. $1.50. 

Sociology 

Andrews, Columbus. Administrative county government in South 

Carolina. Chapel Hill, University of N. C. Press, 1933. 245 p. il. 

map. $2.50. 
Briggs, Thomas Henry. Secondary education. N. Y., Macmillan, 

1933. 589 p. $2.50. 
Brownell, William Arthur. The effect of unfamiliar settings on 

problem-solving. Durham, Duke University Press, 1931. 86 p. 

$1.00. 
Ellwood, Charles Abram. Methods of sociology: a critical study. 

Durham, Duke University Press, 1933. xxxiv, 214 p. $1.50. 
Ellwood, Charles Abram. Social problems : a sociology. N. Y., 

American Book Co. 1932. 432 p. $1.48. 
Groves, Ernest Rutherford, Skinner, Edna L., Sweson, Sadie J. 

The family and its relationships. Phil., Lippincott [c. 1932]. xii, 

321 p. il. $1.60. 
Groves, Ernest Rutherford. An introduction to sociology. N. Y., 

Longmans, 1932. xii, 741 p. New edition, revised and enlarged. 

$3.25. 
Groves, Ernest Rutherford. Marriage. N. Y., American Social 

Science Series, 1933. 552 p. $3.50. 
Groves, Ernest Rutherford and Groves, Mrs. Gladys (Hoagland). 

Sex in childhood. N. Y., Macaulay, 1933. 247 p. diagrs. $3.00. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1931-1933 149 

Groves, Ernest Rutherford and Groves, Mrs. Gladys (Hoagland). 

Sex in marriage. N. Y., Macaulay, 1931. 250 p. $3.00. 
Groves, Ernest Rutherford. Sociology. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 

1931. 160 p. $.75. 
Groves, Ernest Rutherford and Groves, Mrs. Gladys (Hoagland). 

Wholesome childhood. New edition. Boston, Houghton, 1931. 

201 p. $2.00. 
Horne, Herman Harrell. The democratic philosophy of education. 

1ST. Y., Macmillan, 1932. 547 p. front. $2.50. 
Kiser, Clyde Vernon. Sea island to city: a study of St. Helena 

islanders in Harlem and other urban centers. N. Y., Columbia 

University Press, 1932. 272 p. il. maps. $3.50. 
Knapp, Joseph Grant. The hard winter wheat pools : an experiment in 

agricultural marketing integration. Chicago, University of Chi- 
cago Press, 1933. ix, 180 p. $1.50. 
McGinnis, Howard Justus. State teachers' college president. Nash- 
ville, Tenn., George Peabody College for Teachers, 1932. xii, 

187 p. $1.00. 
Odum, Howard Washington, ed. Civilization and society, by Franklin 

Henry Giddings, edited by Howard Washington Odum. N. Y., 

Holt [c. 1932]. 412 p. port. $2.50. 
Shute, John Raymond. The broken square. Monroe, Nocalore 

Press, 1933. 96 p. $10.00. 
Shute, John Raymond. The sanctuary of Memphis. Monroe, Noca- 

lore Press, 1933. 228 p. $10.00. 
Shute, John Raymond. The voice of the vault. Monroe, Nocalore 

Press, 1933. 98 p. $5.00. 
Stephenson, Gilbert Thomas. What a life insurance man should 

know about trust business. N. Y., F. S. Crofts, 1932. 199 p. 

$1.25. 
Taylor, Carl Cleveland. Rural sociology in its economic, historical, 

and psychological aspects. New, enlarged edition. N. Y., Harper, 
1933. 722 p. maps, diagr. $3.25. 
Winston, Sanford. Culture and human behavior. N. Y., Ronald 

Press, 1933. 258 p. $2.50. 
Woofter, Thomas Jackson. Races and ethnic groups in American 

life. N. Y., McGraw, 1933. xii, 247 p. $2.50. 
Zimmermann, Eric Walter. World resources and industries. N. Y., 
Harper, 1933. 861 p. il. maps, diagrs. $5.00. 

Science 

Calder, Royal M. Bacteriology for nurses. Philadelphia, Saunders, 

1932. 285 p. il. $2.00. 
Jordan, Stroud. Confectionary standards. N. Y., Applied Sugar 

Laboratories, 1933. 382 p. $5.00. 



150 The Worth Carolina Historical Review 

Lasley, John Wayne and Browne, Edward Tankard. Introductory 
mathematics. 1ST. Y., McGraw-Hill, 1933. xvi, il. tabs, diagrs. 
$2.75. 

Metcalf, Zeno Payne. An introduction to zoology. Springfield, 111., 
C. C. Thomas, 1932. 425 p. il. $3.50. 

Procter, Ivan Marriott. Prenatal care. Raleigh, Edwards, 1932. 
78 p. $1.50. 

Rankin, Watson Smith. The small general hospital. Revised edi- 
tion. Charlotte, Duke Endowment, 1932. 125 p. Apply. 

Smith, David Tillman. Oral spirochetes and related organisms in 
fuso-spirochetal disease. Baltimore, Williams and Wilkins, 1932. 
xii, 243 p. plates. $4.50. 

Fiction* 

Bjorkman, Edwin, translator. One living, two dead, by Sigurd Wes- 
ley Christiansen, translated by Edwin Bjorkman. !N*. Y., Live- 
right, 1932. 288 p. D. $2.50. 

Bjorkman, Edwin, translator. Suzanne . . . translation from the 
Danish of Johannes Buchholtz. K. Y., Liveright, 1933. 463 p. 
$2.50. 

Burt, Mrs. Katharine Newlin. Beggars all. Boston, Houghton, 
1933. 242 p. $2.00. 

Burt, Mrs. Katharine Newlin. The tall ladder. Boston, Houghton, 
1932. 257 p. $2.00. 

Burt, Maxwell Struthers. Entertaining the islanders. N". Y., 
Scribners, 1933. 458 p. $2.50. 

Cox, D. Sam. Blackie Bear, king of the creek. Wilmington, Wil- 
mington Stamp, pr. [c. 1931]. 55 p. il. Juvenile. 

Greene, Ward. Weep no more. N". Y., Harrison-Smith, 1931. 311 p 
$2.50. 

Miller, Mrs. Helen Topping (Miller). Sharon. Philadelphia, Pa. 

1931. 311 p. $2.00. 

Weaver, John Van Alstyn. Hollywood nymph. London, Cassell 

1932. 257 p. 7) 6. 

Weaver, John Van Alstyn. Joy girl. 1ST. Y., Knopf. 1932. 257 p 

$2.00. 
Wilson, Mary Badger. Erom nine to five. Philadelphia, Pa., 1933 

303 p. $2.00. 
Wilson, Mary Badger. Separate star. Philadelphia, Pa., 1932. 299 p 

$2.00. 

Literature Other Than Fiction 

Boggs, Ralph Steele and Adams, Nicholson Barney, editors. Span- 
ish folktales. 1ST. Y., Crofts, 1932. 161 p. D. $1.10. 



4 The scenes are not laid in North Carolina. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1931-1933 151 

Bond, Bichmond Pugh. English burlesque poetry, 1700-1750. Cam- 
bridge, Harvard University Press, 1932. xi, 483 p. $3.50. 

Gohdes, Clarence, editor. Uncollected lectures, by Ralph Waldo Em- 
erson. 1ST. Y., W. E. Rudge, 1932. viii, 60 p. $3.00. 

Huse, Howard Russell. The illiteracy of the literate. N". Y., Apple- 
ton-Century, 1933. 282 p. $2.00. 

Jenkins, Edgar B. Index verborum Terentianus. Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of N". C. Press, 1932. 187 p. $2.50. 

Leavitt, Sturgis Elleno. The Estrella de Sevilla and Claramonte. 
Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1931. Ill p. $2.00. 

Lyons, John Coriden, editor. Eight French classic plays, by Corneille, 
Racine, and Moliere, edited by J. C. Lyons and Colbert Searles. 
N. Y., Holt [c. 1932]. 609 p. $2.00. 

Poteat, Hubert McNeill, editor. Selected epigrams of Martial. 
1ST. Y., Prentice-Hall, 1931. 261 p. $2.00. 

Robertson, Judge Buxton, ed. Gems of truth in stories of life. Bur- 
lington [c. 1932]. 143 p. 

Salls, Helen Harriet. Pensive citadels. Emory University, Banner 
Press [c. 1931]. 41 p. $1.50. 

Saunders, William Oscar. Concept of life. Elizabeth City, Inde- 
pendent [c. 1932]. 72 p. port. O. 

Starbuck, Victor. Nativity play: Come let us adore Him. Chicago. 
Dramatic Publishing Co., 1932. 

Tillett, Nettie and Yarborough, Minnie Clare, editors. Image and 
incident : specimens of description and narration. JN~. Y., E. S. 
Crofts, 1933. xxxiii, 308 p. $1.50. 

Weaver, John Van Alstyn. Trial balance : a sentimental inventory. 
INT. Y., Earrar, 1932. 75 p. $1.75. 

White, Newman Ivey, editor. The best of Shelley. N. Y., Nelson, 
1932. xlvi, 531 p. $1.50. 

Wunsch, William Robert and Smith, Mary Reade, editors. Studies 
in creative writing. N. Y., Holt, 1933. 368 p. $1.32. 

Hisbory and Travel 

Coulter, Ellis Merton. A short history of Georgia. Chapel Hill, 

University of N. C. Press, 1933. xiii, 457 p. il. $3.50. 
Curtis, Nathaniel Cortlandt. New Orleans : its old houses, shops, 

and public buildings. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1933. 267 p. il. 

$3.50. 
Dodd, William Edward, Barker, Eugene Campbell, and Webb, W. P. 

Our nation begins. Evanston, 111., Row, 1932. ix, 342 p. il. maps. 

$1.00. 
Douglas, Robert Dick. In the land of the Thunder Mountains. N. Y., 

Brewer, 1932. 160 p. il. $1.75. 



152 The North Cakolina Historical Eeview 

Hoover, Calvin Bryce. Germany enters the third Reich. 1ST. Y., 

Macmillan, 1933. 243 p. $2.50. 
Johnson, Gerald White. The secession of the southern states. N". Y., 

Putnam, 1933. 176 p. il. $1.50. 
McCloy, Shelby Thomas. Gibbon's antagonism to Christianity, 

Chapel Hill, University of BT. C Press, 1933. 400 p. $4.00. 
McDougall, William. World chaos : the responsibility of science. 

INT. Y., Covici-Friede, 1932. 117 p. $1.25. 
Manchester, Alan Krebs. British preeminence in Brazil, its rise 

and decline. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 

1933. xi, 371 p. maps. $3.50. 
Rippy, James Fred. The capitalists and Colombia. ~N. Y., Vanguard 

Press [c. 1931]. 256 p. il. maps. $2.00. 
Rippy, James Fred. Historical evolution of Hispanic America. N. Y., 

Crofts, 1932. 580 il. maps. $5.00. 
Stallings, Laurence. The first world war: a photographic history. 

K Y., Simon and Shuster, 1933. 298 p. il. $3.50. 
Thomas, James A. Trailing trade a million miles. Durham, Duke 

University Press, 1931. 314 p. $3.50. 
Woody, Robert Hilliard and Simkins, Francis Butler. South Caro- 
lina during Reconstruction. Chapel Hill, University of N. C. 

Press, 1932. 610 p. il. $8.00. 

Biography 

Dixon, Thomas and Daugherty, Harry Micajah. The inside story 

of the Harding tragedy. N". Y., Churchill Co., 1932. $3.50. 
Dodd, William Edward. Woodrow Wilson and his work. 'New, revised 

edition. 1ST. Y., Peter Smith, 1933. $3.50. 
Henderson, Archibald. Bernard Shaw, playboy and prophet. N". Y., 

Appleton, 1932. 871 p. il. $7.50. 
Russell, Phillips. Harvesters. ~N. Y., Brentano's [c. 1932]. 302 p. 

$3.50. 
Russell, Phillips. William the conqueror. N. Y., Scribners, 1933. 

352 p. map. $3.00. 
Styron, Arthur. The three pelicans; Archbishop Cranmer and the 

Tudor juggernaut. ~N. Y., Smith and Haas [c. 1932]. vi, 414 p. 

front. $4.00. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

Beaver, Kings and Cabins. By Constance Lindsay Skinner. (New York: 
The Macmillan Company. 1933. Pp. 272. $2.50.) 

Constance Lindsay Skinner, the author of Beaver, Kings and 
Cabins, writes with first-hand information of the fur trade. 
Born in the northern wilds of British Columbia, where her father 
owned a fur trading post, she grew up among fur traders and 
Indians. She traveled and explored the mountain districts 
where furs are still trapped. Furthermore, she has made a 
specialty of the fur trade in her study and her writings, as her 
novels and historical works attest. The point of view of the 
present book was set forth in her earlier works, Pioneers of the 
Old Southivest (1919) and Adventurers of Oregon (1920) as 
well as in her stories of scouts, trappers, and other frontier 
characters. 

Beaver, Kings and Cabins is a vivid, dramatic, and compre- 
hensive story of the fur trade in North America from the days 
when the cod fishers of the Banks first exchanged their knives 
for the beaver pelts down to the present. Every section of the 
continent, North, South, East, and West, was at one time the 
seat of extensive fur trapping and trading, and each is given 
due consideration. The French, the English, and the colonial 
traders ; the voyageur, the coureur-de-bois, the red man, and the 
mixed breed; men, women, and children, all pass in review as 
one reads the story. In like manner, beaver, fox, marten, mink, 
lynx, bear, deer, wolf, fisher, skunk, wolverene, buffalo, sea 
otter, and reindeer are shown, not merely as fur-bearing ani- 
mals, but also as friends of the Indians and as builders of col- 
onies and empires. 

The introductory chapter is a vivid portrayal of the romantic 
life, the thought, and the daring deeds, of the fur traders as 
they themselves visualized it. With the trappers and traders 
speaking, we are told that "The Fur Trade opened the frontiers 
and led settlement," and that there are "deep things in the fur 
trader's life among Indians that the civilized world never under- 
stand. We are a race apart, and have ever been. There's no 
other commerce that has shaped a new breed, as the Fur Trader 

[ 153 ] 



154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

has done. I don't mean solely the voyageur and the coureur-de- 
bois, which is created. Gold, fish, timber, all influence, to a 
degree, the men who pursue them; but not like fur. And the 
odd thing is that, while civilization has followed us over the con- 
tinent, plowed and settled the fur lands and driven us away 
with the beaver and the deer, yet 'tis our ideals, which we 
learned so largely from the wilderness and the Indians, that have 
gone deepest into the shaping of their social order" (p. 19). We 
are told that "It's time for a re-telling of the story of this con- 
tinent in terms of the Fur Trade. Fur traders, explorers, 
pioneers, and the makers of imperial wars. . . . The cabins 
and the kings must be in the story. But let it be told with a 
strong bias for Chief Beaver and his clan" (p. 22). With this 
as her cue, Miss Skinner proceeds to tell the story in the above 
named terms ; and with sweeping generalization, considerable al- 
lusion, and some detail she tells the story of the continent from 
discovery through exploration to settlement and civilization. 
The result is not only an intensely interesting, but also a most 
valuable account of the North American continent. 

The central theme of the volume is that the fur trade resulted 
in the planting of colonies which in the end meant the planting 
of an empire. In the author's words, the fur traders "advanced 
civilization westward and northward, cast nations into war for 
Beaver, and, by their activities as traders and hunters, largely 
determined the type of government and the social system which 
were to rule on this continent" (p. 46). France had the ad- 
vantage of time, but was hampered by conflicts between Cath- 
olic and Huguenot, quarrels between traders and Jesuit mis- 
sionaries, and trade rivalries of the various cities of France. 
In addition, under Champlain, France ignored New England 
because of the scarcity of furs in that region. Spain, in the 
South, busily seeking for gold, never became a fur trader, and 
hence was at a serious disadvantage. England, on the other 
hand, took the great middle region and, utilizing the furs to 
establish trade, planted agricultural settlements. Later with the 
establishment of the great Hudson's Bay Company, the English 
with better goods to exchange, the exclusion of liquor from the 
trade, more businesslike regulation of the trade, and the plant- 



Book Reviews 155 

ing of settlements, wrested not only the fur trade but also the 
continent from the French. The work suffers in this sweeping 
generalization and the attempt to present the view that beaver, 
or rather furs, not only caused imperial wars, but also deter- 
mined settlements and civilization. It of necessity ignores many 
other factors which were involved and which are omitted from 
the story. 

Some of the views presented are open to question. For 
instance, that "it would be difficult to point out where it [the fur 
trade] harmed the Indians, except during the French occupa- 
tion" (p. 164) cannot be accepted when it is so easy to call to 
mind the robbery and debauchery of the Indians by many Eng- 
lish traders. The interpretation placed upon the Spanish and 
French attitude toward the American Revolution (pp. 246-247) 
should be backed up with authority. One wonders why Miss 
Skinner confined the Cherokee Indians to Tennessee and North 
Carolina, when the center of much of their life and the seat of 
their government were located in Georgia. With the author's 
penchant for capitalization, the failure to capitalize "Catholic" 
and "Huguenot" when applied to two great religious groups is 
inexplicable. The chief criticism of the book, however, is the 
inadequate bibliography and the absence of an index which 
would enable the reader to use and check the material included 
in this most readable work. 
Emory University. FLETCHER M. GREEN. 



Indian Removal: The Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians. 
By Grant Foreman. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1932. 
Pp. 415. $4.00.) 

No sooner had the first permanent English settlement been 
made at Jamestown, in 1607, than the whites began gradually 
to push the Indians out of their more desirable lands, and to 
drive them westward. This practice was continued for more 
than two centuries without any definite policy ; hence there were 
to be found not only small bands, but also entire tribes, of 
Indians interspersed among the whites. In 1825, however, the 
Federal government formulated the policy of removing all In- 
dians to the west of the Mississippi and locating them on the 



156 The North Caeolina Historical Review 

lands between the "big bend" of the Missouri River and the 
Rocky Mountains. The government did not grasp the magnitude 
of the task nor appreciate the responsibility of safeguarding the 
rights and lives of the people involved. As Grant Foreman, the 
author of Indian Removal, says: "Embarked on a novel enter- 
prise, lack of experience should have requisitioned extraordi- 
nary ability and concern for the helpless objects of their 
decrees, which they were denied. Inadequate preparation by 
the government and the appointment of a horde of political in- 
competents to posts of authority resulted in woeful mismanage- 
ment and cruel and unnecessary suffering by the emigrants." 
(Preface, p. 2.) 

Indian Removal is divided into five sections, one each being 
devoted to the Choctaw, Creek, Cherokee, Seminole, and Chicka- 
saw tribes, the amount of space devoted to each being in the 
above order. Grant Foreman is well qualified to write on this 
subject, for he has already published three books in a closely 
related field; and his documentation and bibliography show that 
he has exhausted practically all sources, published and unpub- 
lished. The result is a most detailed and illuminating account 
of one phase of the rather sordid history of the dealings of the 
United States government with the Indians. So full and de- 
tailed is the study that, in the opinion of the reviewer, little 
additional information, other than local, remains to be brought 
to light on the subject. In this respect, then, the work is a 
definite one. 

In the handling of the material, however, much improvement 
could be made. The author has chosen to tell the story of the 
removal of each group and tribe separately; hence there is a 
great deal of repetition. More serious, the work is a mass of 
ill-digested material and lacks a summarized account of the 
removal not only of the individual tribes but also of the Indians 
as a whole. Consequently the reader gets a hazy, jumbled pic- 
ture rather than a vivid, clear-cut one of the removal. The work 
would have been much more valuable had the author given us 
more interpretation and more general conclusions drawn from 
his wide study. 



Book Reviews 157 

The author tells us that he does not write "to excite sympathy 
for the Indian" nor "to indict the people of the South." The 
language and general tone of the book, however, are not in 
accord with this statement. Mr. Foreman, throughout the work, 
pleads for the Indian in passionate, almost maudlin, language; 
and time after time he condemns in bitter invective the whites 
of Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and 
Arkansas for greed, selfishness, wanton neglect, and cruelty, as 
well as for theft, robbery, and more heinous crimes. By way of 
illustration he refers to the people of Georgia and Alabama as 
"white vultures." The reviewer does not defend the action of 
the whites, but he does believe that the author has written as 
an advocate rather than as a dispassionate, objective historian. 
Mr. Foreman also condemns the Federal government for incom- 
petence, unfaithfulness, "tawdry politics," and fraudulent deal- 
ings. "The favorite argument of government officials from the 
president down was the impotence of the government to func- 
tion where its power was invoked to protect the Indians from 
oppression by the whites. When appealed to by these unhappy 
people to keep the solemn promises to protect them . . . the 
disgraceful and humiliating response was a disclaimer of the 
power and intention to keep those promises" (p. 109) . Through- 
out the story the emphasis is placed upon the cruel, harsh, and 
unfair treatment of the Indians by the whites and by the gov- 
ernment, state and national, and upon the woes, hardships, and 
suffering of the Indians on their journey from the Southern 
states to the West. 

Some of Mr. Foreman's statements and conclusions are open 
to question. The view that the removal of the Cherokees was 
"due largely to the aggressiveness and bitter hostility of the 
State of Georgia" (p. 20) ignores the fact that the government's 
policy of removal was a general one. It is not at all certain that 
Northern sentiment at first generally favored removal and then 
began to oppose it when it was seen that Georgia was interested 
only in driving the Indians from the State (p. 21) . And that the 
United States administration was guilty in 1838 of willfully 
enslaving free Negroes and of conducting the Seminole War 



158 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"largely as a slave-catching enterprise for the benefit of citizens 
of Georgia and Florida" (p. 366) is an untenable conclusion. 

The book suffers from a number of minor errors in capitali- 
zation and spelling. Thus we find Mississippi river and Tom- 
bigbee river, but Red River and Askansas River (pp. 28, 29, 31, 
80), congress and Congress (pp. 249, 251) ; west and West (p. 
31) ; and Talladega county and Chambers County (p. 124). On 
page III of the preface occurs the phrase, "a sympathetic offi- 
cers." A trapper's name is written Criner and Griner on page 
36, and the town, Dumfries and Dunfries on page 44. Two 
chapters, 13 and 27, except for a few introductory lines, are 
quoted entirely. J. R. Giddings was born in Pennsylvania, but 
was a citizen of, and Congressman from, Ohio at the time re- 
ferred to on page 366. George E. Pierce (p. 391) should be 
George F. Pierce. In spite of such errors, however, Indian Re- 
moval must be read by every student who desires to know the 
story of what the five civilized tribes called their "Trail of 

1 edI b * Fletcher M. Green. 

Emory University. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

The thirty-third annual session of the State Literary and His- 
torical Association was held at the Sir Walter Hotel in Raleigh, 
Thursday and Friday, December 7-8, 1933. 

On Thursday evening, after the invocation by Rev. Theodore 
Partrick, Jr., of Raleigh, Prof. J. Fred Rippy of Duke Uni- 
versity, president of the association, delivered the presidential 
address, "Some North Carolina Contacts With Hispanic Amer- 
ica." Mr. Robert Lathan of Asheville then addressed the asso- 
ciation on the subject, "New Phases of An Old Story." Presi- 
dent Rippy appointed A. B. Andrews, C. G. Keeble, and Mrs. 
Ashby L. Baker as the committee on nominations, and Dr. 
Thomas W. Lingle, Miss Adelaide L. Fries, and Miss Mary Gra- 
ham as the committee on resolutions, to report at the business 
meeting on Friday morning. A reception to members and guests 
of the association and the North Carolina State Art and North 
Carolina Folk-Lore societies was then held. 

The following papers were presented at the Friday morning 
meeting: "North Carolina Bibliography, 1932-1933," by Mary L. 
Thornton, Chapel Hill; "The Representation Controversy in 
Colonial North Carolina, 1746-1755," by Lawrence F. London, 
Chapel Hill; "Slave Labor in the Tobacco Factories of the Vir- 
ginia-Carolina Area," by Joseph C. Robert, Richmond, Va. ; and 
"North Carolina: A Pioneer in Organizing Farm Women," by 
Mrs. Jane S. McKimmon, Raleigh. 

Upon recommendation of the committee on nominations, whose 
report was made by A. B. Andrews, the following officers of the 
association were chosen for the ensuing year: President, Dr. 
Frank P. Graham, Chapel Hill ; first vice president, Rev. Douglas 
L. Rights, Winston-Salem; second vice president, James Larkin 
Pearson, Boomer ; third vice president, Mrs. Ethel T. Crittenden, 
Wake Forest; and secretary, Dr. A. R. Newsome, Raleigh. 

The final session of the association was held in the Hugh Mor- 
son auditorium, Friday evening. Dr. Dixon Ryan Fox of Co- 
lumbia University delivered the historical address, "Refuse Ideas 
and Their Disposal." Mr. Jonathan Daniels of Raleigh an- 

[ 159 ] 



160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

nounced the Mayflower Society Cup award for 1933, and pre- 
sented a replica to the winner, Dr. Rupert B. Vance of Chapel 
Hill, whose book, Human Geography of the South, was adjudged 
the best original work by a resident North Carolinian during the 
year ending September 1. 

The twenty-second annual session of the North Carolina Folk- 
Lore Society was held at the Sir Walter Hotel, Raleigh, Decem- 
ber 8. Mrs. Peyton J. Brown of Raleigh sang some folk songs. 
Papers were read on "Social Values in Folk-Lore and Folk Ways," 
by Howard W. Odum of Chapel Hill ; "Jesse Holmes, The Fool 
Killer," by Jay B. Hubbell, Durham; and "The Vampire in Leg- 
end and Literature," by C. W. Reeves, Durham. At the business 
meeting the following officers were elected for the next year: 
President, Mrs. D. H. Sutton, Lenoir; vice presidents, Dr. Thomas 
P. Harrison and W. J. Andrews, Raleigh, and I. G. Greer, 
Thomasville; and secretary-treasurer, Dr. Frank C. Brown, 
Durham. 

The North Carolina State Art Society held its annual meeting 
at the Sir Walter Hotel, Raleigh, December 6-7. On the evening of 
December 6, in the Virginia Dare ballroom, Mrs. Katherine Pen- 
dleton Arrington delivered the presidential address; Miss Leila 
Mechlin, secretary of the American Federation of Arts, spoke 
on "Art in North Carolina"; Miss Ruth Faison Shaw of New 
York spoke on "Basic Art" and gave a demonstration in Finger 
Painting; and a ten-day exhibition was opened of paintings by 
North Carolina professional artists and of handicrafts from West- 
ern North Carolina. At the business meeting in the morning of 
December 7 the following officers were chosen for the ensuing 
year: Honorary president, Gov. J. C. B. Ehringhaus; president, 
Mrs. Katherine Pendleton Arrington, Warrenton; vice presi- 
dents, Mrs. H. M. London and Dr. M. C. S. Noble, Jr., Raleigh, 
and Mrs. C. A. Cannon, Concord; treasurer, Elizabeth Dortch, 
Raleigh; and secretary, Charles E. Johnson, Raleigh. 

The Archaeological Society of North Carolina will hold its 
regular spring meeting at the Sir Walter Hotel in Raleigh, Fri- 
day evening and Saturday, April 27-28. There will be papers 



Historical News 161 

by President W. E. Caldwell of Chapel Hill, Rev. Douglas L. 
Rights of Winston-Salem, and Dr. Sanford Winston of Raleigh, 
and an address by some out-of-state archaeologist. 

The American Historical Association held its forty-eighth 
annual meeting at Urbana, 111., December 27-29, 1933. Profes- 
sors J. Fred Rippy and E. M. Carroll of Duke University and 
Dr. A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North Carolina Historical 
Commission, were in attendance from North Carolina. Profes- 
sor Carroll was discussion leader in a section devoted to Modern 
European History; Professor Rippy addressed a general session 
on "Dictatorship in Hispanic America" ; and Dr. Newsome, who 
is chairman of the Public Archives Commission, presided at the 
Conference of Archivists, read a paper, "Unprinted Public Ar- 
chives of the Post-Colonial Period : Their Availability," before a 
section of the Association on Legal Records and American His- 
tory, December 28, and on the following day presented the same 
paper before a section of the Association of American Law 
Schools in Chicago. 

The North Carolina Society, Daughters of the American Rev- 
olution, of which Mrs. S. P. Cooper of Henderson is State Re- 
gent, dedicated the D. A. R. Dormitory for Girls at Crossnore 
School in Avery County on December 16. 

The Alexander Martin chapter, Daughters of the American 
Revolution, High Point, of which Mrs. John Scott Welborn is 
regent, unveiled a marker to Lord Cornwallis at Jamestown in 
Guilford County, on March 5. 

The North Carolina Society, Sons of the Revolution, presented 
portraits of James Iredell (1790-99) and Alfred Moore (1799- 
1804), North Carolina justices of the United States Supreme 
Court, to the Law School of the University of North Carolina, 
Saturday, February 10. Mr. A. B. Andrews of Raleigh and 
Justice Heriot Clarkson of the State Supreme Court delivered 
addresses on Iredell and Moore, respectively. 

The annual report of the Duke University Library for 1932-33 
shows expenditures of $88,123.70 for 43,039 volumes of acces- 
sions, which bring the total number of volumes in the library 



162 The Nokth Cakolina Historical Review 

to 347,302. Manuscript accessions relating to North Carolina 
were the business correspondence of G. C. Dromgoole of Bruns- 
wick County, 1811-91; 71 volumes of ledgers and minute books 
of the Bank of the Cape Fear ; a small batch of James Iredell cor- 
respondence ; the correspondence of F. M. Simmons, 1920-29 ; the 
Appleton Oaksmith papers, 1854-80 ; the papers of the Slade fam- 
ily of Martin County ; 60 letters of Jesse Harrison, a North Caro- 
lina Union soldier ; 25 Josiah Turner letters ; and miscellaneous 
military letters. Many files of North Carolina newspapers were 
obtained, chiefly of the Henderson Tribune during reconstruction, 
and the Fayetteville Observer, Raleigh Register, the Mecklen- 
burg Jeffersonian (Charlotte), the Miner's and Farmer's Jour- 
nal (Charlotte), the Charlotte Journal, the North Carolina Whig 
(Charlotte), and the Little Ad (Greensboro) of the ante-bellum 
period. 

Mr. Robert Barnett, a graduate student at the University of 
North Carolina, was recently selected as the winner of a Rhodes 
scholarship at Oxford University, England. 

Among recent historical feature stories of interest appearing 
in state newspapers are: Mary Grace Canfield, "Lafayette's 
Fourth Visit to United States," Winston-Salem Journal and Sen- 
tinel, February 18; Janie A. Patterson Wagoner, "Story of Ca- 
barrus Confederate Soldiers Retold," The Concord Daily Trib- 
une, January 18 ; and Mary J. Heitman, "St. Matthews Evangel- 
ical Lutheran Church in Davie," The Mocksville Enterprise, 
January 11. 

The Dodson Ramseur chapter, United Daughters of the Con- 
federacy, Concord, of which Mrs. C. A. Cannon is president, 
sponsored the presentation of an elaborate pageant in Concord 
on February 22d, depicting the history of Cabarrus County. 
The pageant was written by Mrs. W. D. Pemberton and pre- 
sented by the teachers and pupils of the Concord public schools. 

Mr. M. R. Marsh, a Charlotte architect, has been conducting 
for several weeks a survey of historic buildings in North Caro- 
lina, as a part of a nation-wide federal project to give employ- 
ment to architects and draftsmen. Early in the year plans were 



Historical News 163 

made to make accurate measurements and drawings of approxi- 
mately ninety buildings scattered over the State. The list was 
selected on the basis of the historical and architectural interest 
of the structures. Dr. A. R. Newsome of the Historical Com- 
mission is a member of the state advisory committee. The draw- 
ings will be filed in Washington and will constitute a valuable 
national collection of historical and architectural source material. 

The history professors in the various colleges and universi- 
ties of the State, to the number of about fifty, attended a dinner 
at Greensboro on January 27, the department at the Woman's 
College of the University acting as host. 

The management of the Historic Virginia Caverns near Har- 
risonburg is compiling a list of autographs of thousands of 
Union and Confederate soldiers carved upon the underground 
walls and formations of the caverns. Soldiers of both armies in 
the region entered the caverns by a flight of stairs cut in the 
rock and inscribed their names with dates, companies, regiments, 
and state designations. Many names of North Carolina and 
other Confederate soldiers have been found, though those of the 
North far outnumber those of the South. 

Mrs. John H. Anderson of Raleigh, Historian General of the 
United Daughters of the Confederacy, has recently issued the 
Year Book of the Historical Department, containing suggested 
programs, bibliography, and lists of historical prizes, and also 
her An Afternoon in the White House of the Confederacy, a play 
presented at the Baltimore general convention in November. 
Among the essay prizes open to non-members of the organization 
is one of $25 offered by the Southern Society of New York on 
"The Necessity of Preserving Southern Historical Material.' , 

The Joint Committee on Materials for Research of the Ameri- 
can Council of Learned Societies and the Social Research Coun- 
cil was sponsoring early in the year a federal project for a na- 
tion-wide survey or inventory of local archives as one of the 
relief measures of the government. The joint committee ap- 
pointed a Commission on National Archives Survey of seven 
members to direct the project. Dr. A. R. Newsome, secretary of 



164 The Noeth Caeolina Histoeical Eeview 

the North Carolina Historical Commission and chairman of the 
Public Archives Commission, was appointed to membership on 
the national survey commission, of which Dr. Joseph Mayer, 
Library of Congress, is chairman. A last-minute amendment in 
February to the new $950,000,000 appropriation, disallowing 
new federal projects, compelled the national commission to shift 
its policy to the stimulation of separate state surveys of local 
archives under the various state CWA administrations. In many 
states these surveys are now being promoted and are already 
under way in some. 

An extensive project for the construction of buildings on 
Roanoke Island, designed to resemble the fort and other struc- 
tures built by the members of Sir Walter Raleigh's colonies in 
1585-87, is now in process with federal funds, under the direc- 
tion of a commission appointed by Governor Ehringhaus, con- 
sisting of Frank Stick of Elizabeth City, E. B. Jeffress of the 
State Highway Commission, and R. Bruce Etheridge of the De- 
partment of Conservation and Development. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North Carolina Historical 
Commission, spoke before the Wake County Committee, Colonial 
Dames of America, in Raleigh, January 26, on the history of the 
sixteenth century efforts at English colonization on Roanoke 
Island, and before the woman's study club at Red Springs on 
March 5th on the racial composition of the population of North 
Carolina. 

The University of North Carolina press has issued Birds of 
the South: Permanent and Winter Birds Commonly Found in 
Gardens, Fields, and Woods, by Mrs. Charlotte Hilton Green of 
Raleigh, and Story of North Carolina, an elementary text by 
Prof. A. M. Arnett of the Woman's College at Greensboro. 

Acknowledgment is made of the receipt of the following pub- 
lications: Gilbert H. Barnes, The Anti-Slavery Crusade, 1830- 
18U (New York: D. Appleton-Century Co. 1933. Pp. ix, 298. 
$3.50) ; Charles S. Sydnor, Slavery in Mississippi (New York: 
D. Appleton-Century Co. 1933. Pp. xiii, 270. $3.50) ; Linda 
Rhea, Hugh Swinton Legare: A Charleston Intellectual (Chapel 






Historical News 165 

Hill : University of North Carolina Press. 1934. Pp. viii, 279. 
$3.00) ; James Welch Patton, Unionism and Reconstruction in 
Tennessee, 1860-1869 (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press. 1934. Pp. xii, 267. $3.50) ; Charles Burnet 
Judah, Jr., The North American Fisheries and British Policy in 
1713 (Urbana: The University of Illinois Press. 1933. Pp. 183. 
$1.50) ; C. H. Hamlin, Lobbyists and Lobbying in the North Caro- 
lina Legislature: A Study in Pressure Politics (Wilson: Privately 
printed. 1933. Pp. 43. $0.50) ; W. Freeman Galpin, Pioneer- 
ing for Peace: A Study of American Peace Efforts to 1846 (Syra- 
cuse: The Bardeen Press. 1933. Pp. ix, 237) ; Marquis James, 
They Had Their Hour (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Co. 
1934. Pp. 324. $2.75) ; Ella Lonn, Salt as a Factor in the Con- 
federacy (New York: Walter Neal. 1933. Pp. 324. $3.00). 

Noteworthy articles in recent periodicals are: B. U. Ratch- 
ford, "General Sales and Turnover Taxes — Present Legislative 
Status" (Harvard Business Review, January) ; David Rankin 
Barbee, "Hinton Rowan Helper" {Tyler* s Quarterly Historical 
and Genealogical Magazine, January) ; John Sprunt Hill, "Dud- 
ley Families of Virginia, North Carolina, and Other Southern 
States" (ibid.) ; Joseph Clarke Robert, "Rise of the Tobacco 
Warehouse Auction System in Virginia, 1800-1860" (Agricul- 
tural History, October, 1933) ; James Welch Patton, "The Ten- 
nessee Valley as Seen by a British Traveler in 1837" (Tennes- 
see Historical Magazine, October, 1932) ; Charles O. Paullin, 
"The Birthplace of George Washington" (William and Mary Col- 
lege Quarterly, January) ; L. Minerva Turnbull, "The Southern 
Educational Revolt" (ibid.) ; George Fort Milton, "Douglas' 
Place in American History" (Journal of the Illinois State His- 
torical Society, January) ; Richard R. Stenberg, "Jackson, 
Buchanan, and the 'Corrupt Bargain' Calumny" (The Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine of History and Biography, January) ; Abbot 
Emerson Smith, "The Transportation of Convicts to the Ameri- 
can Colonies in the Seventeenth Century" (The American His- 
torical Review, January) ; Samuel Flagg Bemis, "Washington's 
Farewell Address: A Foreign Policy of Independence" (ibid.) ; 
R. S. Cotterill, "Federal Management in the South, 1789-1825" 



166 The JSTobth Carolina Historical Review 

(Mississippi Valley Historical Review, December, 1933) ; Chris- 
topher B. Coleman, "The Lincoln Legend" (Indian Magazine of 
History, December, 1933) ; Webster Powell and Addison T. Cut- 
ler, "Tightening the Cotton Belt" (Harpers Magazine, Febru- 
ary). 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE 

Dr. Daniel J. Whitener is a professor of history in the Appa- 
lachian State Teachers College, Boone, N. C. 

Dr. Peter S. McGuire is research associate in the Bureau of 
Visual Instruction of the Extension Division of the University of 
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 

Mr. William Stanley Hoole is a fellow in English in Duke Uni- 
versity, Durham, N. C. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome is secretary of the North Carolina Histori- 
cal Commission, Raleigh, N. C. 

Miss Mary L. Thornton is in charge of the North Carolina 
Collection in the University of North Carolina Library, Chapel 
Hill, N. C. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XI July, 1934 Number 3 

SOCIAL LIFE OF THE EARLY MORAVIANS 
IN NORTH CAROLINA 

By Edward M. Holder 

The peculiar character of the Moravian settlement in North 
Carolina, which sets it apart from the general occupation of the 
Piedmont by Scotch-Irish and German colonists, was determined 
partly by the purpose of its founders and partly by the character 
of its settlers. Other colonists of the Piedmont established 
themselves on individual and often isolated farms ; the Moravian 
colony was from the first a transplanted community. The Mora- 
vian patron and director, Count Zinzendorf, desired "a large 
tract of land on which the Moravians might live undisturbed, 
having the liberty of excluding all strangers from their settle- 
ments." 1 On this tract it was planned "to build a central town 
and surround it with a large farming population, the whole to 
become a center of education, industry, trade, and Moravian- 
ism." 2 The main features of this plan were followed in the 
actual settlement of Wachovia. 

"Moravianism" included much more than a system of religion. 
During the thirty years since the renewal of the Church there 
had developed numerous organizations and customs that not only 
touched the religious practice of the members, but determined 
their economic activities and social relations as well. The early 
settlers were intent upon establishing and observing these or- 
ganizations and customs. But when the French and Indian War 
left in their care a number of refugees who knew nothing of the 
Moravian social order, difficulties arose, and certain deviations 
from Moravian tradition were inevitable. Salem, the central 



1 Reichel. L. T., The Moravians in North Carolina (Salem, N. C, 1857), pp. 13-17. 

2 Clewell, J. H., History of Wachovia (New York, 1902), pp. 1-3. 

[ 167 ] 



168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

town, and Bethabara, the first residence, were typical Moravian 
villages. Bethania, built as a home for refugees, lacked the 
complicated social organization of Salem, but a determined effort 
was made to enforce disciplinary regulations there as elsewhere. 
Friedberg, Friedland, and Hope were farming communities es- 
tablished by settlers who wished to share the religious services 
of the Moravian Church, but who knew little of the Moravian 
social tradition. The effort of the older Moravians to enforce a 
social order, which to them was the best means of living their 
religion, and the resistance of newcomers to strange and exact- 
ing social practices occasionally brought misunderstanding. 
However, mutual concessions and a long period of patient teach- 
ing resulted in a modified "Moravianism" throughout the parish. 
The most distinctive feature of the social life of the early 
Moravians was the choir system. Congregations were divided 
into groups for closer fellowship and spiritual oversight than 
was otherwise possible. The choir divisions were: married 
brethren, married sisters, single brethren, single sisters, widow- 
ers, widows, older boys, older girls (twelve to eighteen), little 
boys, and little girls (under twelve). 3 The single brethren 
lived communally in their choir house, under the supervision of 
special choir officers; the single sisters maintained a similar 
establishment. In a regularly organized congregation town 
children lived with their parents only until they were twelve 
years old. Boys at this age were usually apprenticed and lived 
with the master workmen to whom they were bound, or in the 
single brothers' house at the expense of their masters. When 
they had served their apprenticeships, they were received into 
the single brothers' choir, usually at the age of eighteen. The 
older girls entered the single sisters' house soon after their 
twelfth birthday. Here they were trained in housekeeping, 
spinning, weaving, and all the duties that they would have when 
employed in homes or later as housewives. Residence in the 
choir house continued until the young man or woman was mar- 
ried. 4 



3 Except for the single brothers', single sisters', and older children's choirs the organization 
was for religious rather than social purposes. 

4 The headdress of the womon was distinctive. The older girls wore white linen caps tied 
with red ribbon. Single sisters wore the white linen cap with a pink ribbon ; married 
women wore a blue ribbon ; and widows, white. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 169 

The arrangement of the choir house included an assembly 
room, a dining-room, a kitchen, an infirmary, rooms for the chief 
officers, and a large sleeping hall for the members, who during 
the day were divided among a number of sitting-rooms. 

Each choir house had a staff of officers. The Pfleger was the 
spiritual head, who directed the devotional meetings of the choir 
and advised individual members in religious matters. In the 
sisters' house the Pflegerin was expected to prepare the older 
girls for confirmation. The Vorsteher had charge of the choir 
finances, industries, and accounts. The Haus Diener was super- 
intendent of the household, in charge of all the details of house- 
keeping. The Vorgesetzen were room overseers, and served 
somewhat as assistants to the Haus Diener. The Gehillfe was 
assistant to the Pfleger. These officers were appointed by the 
governing boards of the congregation. 

The choir system tended to purity of life among the young 
people. No one was admitted to full membership in the choir 
unless he or she measured up to the highest standard of char- 
acter. The strict supervision and discipline of the choir weeded 
out all who did not make an honest effort to live according to 
regulations. Eyes and ears were to be shut against evil. The 
choir house was regarded as a training ground for life. The 
sisters, often employed during the day in private homes, gained 
practical experience in housekeeping; the single men, employed 
as journeymen, perfected themselves in their trades. Both were 
expected to develop moral character, steadiness, and control. 
The women were taught to be modest and retiring. Such char- 
acter training was in the hands of the Pfleger, who was of neces- 
sity an older member of the choir. In recreation the choirs were 
kept entirely separate. There was no social mingling of the 
sexes. During the week the short time available for recreation 
was probably spent in reading ; on Sunday recreation was found 
in walking, the men and women alternating on definite roads. 
Men were never allowed in the sisters' house unless they were 
gentlemen of distinction, properly chaperoned. 

There was nothing conventual about this arrangement. Sepa- 
ration of unmarried men and women was usual Continental eti- 
quette of the time, not a Moravian peculiarity. The choir living 



170 The North Carolina Historical Review 

merely made it possible to enforce separation for all, whereas 
otherwise some parents might have been over-lenient with grown 
children. No doubt it made life for the young people much more 
enjoyable than it would have been in private homes with the 
same restrictions. There was no prohibition of marriage; 
rather, the whole period of choir living was regarded as a time 
of training for the responsibilities of married life. 

When a man wished to marry, he proposed a woman to the 
Aeltesten Conferenz, 5 or asked the conference to suggest some- 
one. The conference then submitted the proposal to the lot. 6 If 
an affirmative answer was given, the proposal was made known 
to the woman; otherwise, she knew nothing of the proceeding. 
She was free to accept or reject the proposal. Sometimes, in the 
case of older men and women, particularly widows, the confer- 
ence would try the lot to see if a proposal of marriage should be 
made to a man. If the lot affirmed the proposal, the man was 
notified. If he accepted, the woman was notified; if either ob- 
jected, the matter was dropped. There was no compulsion to 
abide by an affirmative decision of the lot, which was really only 
permission to the conference to submit a proposal to the parties 
interested. The chief difficulty with the marriage arrangement 
came when the lot negatived a proposal which a man had made 
to the conference. Under the choir system he was, of course, 
not expected to care so much for one woman that he would refuse 
to make another selection. But in spite of the rigid restrictions 
there were occasional secret engagements. When these were 
confirmed by the lot, the conference probably never learned that 
they had existed; but if they were negatived, the couple some- 
times refused to abide by the decision. As the Church would 
not perform marriages which the lot opposed, the couple were 
forced to leave the congregation to be united. In very few cases 
did the Church resort to dismissal of members for secret engage- 
ments. What usually occurred with those who disobeyed the lot 
was that they left voluntarily, even with the good will of the 
Church. Secret engagements occurred more frequently among the 



5 Elders' Conference, in charge of spiritual affairs of the congregation. 

6 The Moravians of this period referred many matters of importance to the decision of 
the Lord by the use of the lot. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 171 

men than among the women. Several of the men married women 
outside the congregation. 7 

The betrothal of a couple was announced, and the approach- 
ing marriage was recommended to the prayers of the congrega- 
tion. A week from the first announcement a second was made 
and a blessing asked upon the marriage. Two days later, in a 
gathering of married people only, the ceremony took place. 

Social mingling and secret engagements among the young 
people who were trained from childhood in Moravian families 
were very rare. Among those whose families had only recently 
joined the congregation there was less observance of the regula- 
tions. The refugees who settled in upper Bethania and the mem- 
bers of the country congregations were most likely to err in this 
respect. Some of the young people of these communities joined 
the choir houses at Salem ; others, accustomed to a freer life, did 
not wish to join, and probably would have found the restrictions 
of the choir house irksome. The rules against social mingling 
were the same in the congregations as in the choir houses; but 
where the enforcement of regulations was left to parents, some 
of whom did not even approve the rules themselves, the restric- 
tions could not be as rigidly enforced. 8 It required several years 
of teaching to bring these newcomers to adopt Moravian views 
with regard to social restrictions. Not until 1780 did all the 
parents of Bethania agree to the wisdom of the regulations pro- 
hibiting social mingling of single men and women. 

The choir system of living tended to develop enterprise and 
initiative among the young men and women. Set apart as a 
class, schooled to work both for themselves and for the choir, 
taught to accept responsibility, and discouraged from early mar- 
riage, they had ample opportunity to develop individual abilities 
and ideas. Many became spiritual and executive leaders in the 
congregations ; a few became missionaries. All were well fitted 
to live agreeably in the community and to give loyal support to 
the Church. The young men were the leaders in every move- 
ment. The settlement of Wachovia began with single brethren. 



7 De Schweinitz, Edmund, Moravian Manual (Philadelphia, 1859), pp. 108-9. Fries, Ade- 
laide L., Records of the Moravians in North Carolina (4 Vols., Raleigh, 1922 — ) I, pp. 247, 
357; II, p. 715. (Hereafter this will be cited as Fries, Records.) 

8 Parents in upper Bethania saw no reason why the single men and women should not 
work together in the harvest fields, an occurrence which shocked the Aeltesten Conferenz. 



172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

They started the building of Salem, erected their choir house, 
and became the first permanent residents. The single sisters, in 
a period of twenty years, bought their choir house and left it as 
a permanent dwelling for their organization. 

In joining a Moravian congregation an individual subscribed 
to a set of rules and principles known as the Brotherly Agree- 
ment. 9 The social phases of this document included the avoid- 
ance of worldly society and amusements, 10 proper training and 
education of children, absolute avoidance of all private inter- 
course with persons of the opposite sex except in the immediate 
family, the reporting of any offender to the Aeltesten Conferenz, 
expulsion of any member who would not heed the admonition of 
the conference, 11 and the submission of disputes to the minister 
instead of going to law. 12 Anyone guilty of violating criminal 
law was turned over to a magistrate and suspended from the 
congregation. In the case of a less serious offense the guilty 
individual was denied attendance at certain services until he gave 
evidence of repentance. Gentleness and patience usually char- 
acterized the dealings with an offender. Resort to excommunica- 
tion was infrequent. 13 No code of law was applied rigidly to 
all cases, and an offender was not dismissed for his first offense, 
but for obstinate continuance in misconduct or for defiance of 
the elders. Dismissal did not brand an individual, even in the 
eyes of the Moravians themselves, as a criminal; and among 
their neighbors more censure was probably directed against the 
Church than toward the excommunicated individual. 

Discipline for the children was probably as rigid as that for 
older people. In religious services the children were required 
to sit with their parents or with someone appointed to supervise 
their behavior. An incident which shows the character of the 
discipline is recorded in the Bethabara records. Several boys 



9 This agreement originated in Herrnhut, Saxony, May 12, 1727. 

10 Horse racing, shooting matches, boxing, and "all sorts of frolicks such as spinning and 
cotton picking and corn huskings at night intended for merryment to which numbers of 
people of both sexes are invited" were prohibited. Strong liquor was to be used in modera- 
tion. No hunting nor meetings for young people's diversions were allowed on the Sabbath. 

11 Seduction by word or example, resistance to authority, idleness, fraud, lying, backbiting, 
slandering, foolish talking and jesting, drunkenness, debt without endeavor to satisfy cred- 
itors, or obstinate living in the works of the flesh merited suspension. 

12 Brotherly Agreement of Hope Congregation ; English copy in archives of the Moravian 
Church, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

13 Six individuals were dismissed in twenty-seven years. Of these two were readmitted. 
Two of the dismissals were for secret engagements. Fries, Records, I, pp. 242, 302 ; II, pp. 
759, 814. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 173 

who had left their parents in Pennsylvania to live in the new 
settlement of Wachovia became dissatisfied and ran away. They 
were brought back and ordered to spend all free time at the 
bakery- Becoming insolent, they were hailed before a justice of 
the peace for trial. They were found guilty — of what the diary 
does not say — and were sentenced to be whipped. After the 
sentence was carried out, the boys offered apologies. One con- 
tinued unhappy and was finally allowed to return to his par- 
ents. 14 The indentures of apprentices put responsibility for 
their behavior upon the masters who employed them, and left 
each master to decide what punitive measures he should adopt. 
Older boys who lived in the choir house were under the same 
restrictions as members of the choir. 

The purpose of the somewhat rigid control was in harmony 
with the Moravian purpose of developing a deeply spiritual life. 
Every effort was made, in the order and frequency of religious 
services, in living arrangements, and in discipline, to maintain 
a high level of religious thought and living. Standards of hon- 
esty and integrity were not enough; dealings between members 
in the congregation were placed on a basis of brotherly love. It 
was not possible for all to measure up to such ideals at all times, 
it is true; but the failures were infrequent and prove by the 
course of action which was invariably taken with offenders that 
the ideal of brotherhood was upheld. The difficulties of a com- 
mon household, which was maintained eighteen years in Beth- 
abara and in the choir houses permanently, were enormous ; yet 
there were few misunderstandings, and dissatisfaction was sel- 
dom expressed in stronger terms than a desire to build the cen- 
tral town and provide for individual family residences as soon as 
possible. The Moravian social organization grew out of the 
Moravian religion; the explanation of its success is to be found 
in the everyday practice of that religion by its members. 

II 

It was the general policy of the Church to foster education. 
In all regularly organized congregations there were separate 
schools for boys and girls. The schools in Wachovia were not 



14 Fries, Records, I, p. 386. 



174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

large, nor did they extend far beyond the fundamentals of read- 
ing, writing, and arithmetic until some time after the Revolution. 
But an introduction to learning was provided for everyone in 
all congregations. 

The first school for children was established at Bethania in 
1761, with Ludwig Bachhoff as teacher. As the early settlers 
had all been single men, there had been no school at the earlier 
settlement of Bethabara, except for intermittent classes in Eng- 
lish. In 1762 two schools were established in Bethabara, one 
for boys and one for girls. The schools grew with the children. 
In 1766 a separate school was established for the older boys. It 
was held in the evening from seven to nine, probably because the 
boys worked as apprentices during the day. Later, this school 
became an orphan asylum, caring for several boys whose parents 
were dead. With the transfer of many Bethabara residents to 
Salem in 1771 a house in Bethabara was released as a building 
for the school and a home for the orphan boys. The school at 
"Friedberg was begun in 1770 under Bachhoff, who had been 
transferred from, Bethania to become pastor and schoolmaster 
for the Friedberg congregation. He conducted the school four 
days in the week, two for the boys and two for the girls. The 
younger and older children came separately, one group in the 
morning and the other in the afternoon or evening. School con- 
tinued eleven months in the year and was suspended only during 
the harvest season. Bachhoff s diary gives the best account of 
the instruction that can be found. The smaller children sang, 
memorized hymns and catechisms, and learned Bible stories ; the 
older ones studied reading, writing, and arithmetic. Similar 
schools were established at Friedland and Hope. In Salem the 
school for girls was begun in the sisters' house in 1772, with 
Elizabeth Osterlein as teacher. The school for boys in the broth- 
ers' house started two years later. In 1780 two teachers were 
employed for the older and younger boys, and the school was held 
for both every day except Sunday. Tuition in these schools, for 
the employment of teachers, was one shilling per week. In the 
schools of the other congregations, which were kept by the pastor 
and his wife, there probably was no charge, the pastor's salary 
covering the teaching as well as ministerial service. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 175 

Formal education did not continue for many far beyond the 
fundamentals. But a few, who had in view some profession, 
entered the academies for boys and girls in Pennsylvania. In- 
formal education, in the trades for boy apprentices, and in house- 
keeping for the girls in the choir house, fitted most of the young 
men and women for their life work. 

The Church used the German language officially until 1856. 
But members were encouraged to learn English, for the better 
conduct of business with neighbors and for the understanding 
of the law. Most of the leaders of the congregations spoke both 
English and German. An English class was begun for the single 
brethren in Bethabara in 1756. The easier and usual method, 
however, was to pick up English phrases from neighbors. The 
English of the majority of the settlers was consequently a broken 
dialect. 

One means of education which was never neglected was ac- 
quaintance with affairs of the world through Church newspapers, 
through correspondence with Moravians in other congregations, 
and occasionally through public newspapers of North Carolina 
and Pennsylvania. The Church newspapers were issued weekly 
in manuscript. The Wachovia settlers paid for the copying, and 
postage of their copies. These papers were read in special con- 
gregation meetings, along with letters of congregation interest. 
After 1763 most correspondence with European congregations 
was sent by way of Charleston instead of Philadelphia, as it could 
be carried quicker. Correspondence was often delayed or cut 
off entirely during war times. 

Visitors likewise brought news to Wachovia. Visits were fre- 
quent. An English minister, John MacDowell, said that among 
the gentry of the land it was the fashion to visit the Moravian 
towns. 15 Many of the gentlemen of the time traveled widely, 
and on their visits brought news of the world from near and far. 
Moravian traders at Charleston and Cross Creek brought ac- 
counts of happenings of the day; and immigrants, traveling 
slowly from other parts of the world, learned much of the ideas 
and customs of other people. Traveling ministers, with head- 
quarters in Wachovia, likewise became closely acquainted with 



15 Fries, Records, I. p. 273. 



176 The North Carolina Historical Review 

people in the surrounding counties and served as carriers of 
news. The close association of the members of a congregation 
made it possible for everyone to become acquainted with all mat- 
ters of general interest. 

As Germans, of the eighteenth century, the Moravians could 
scarcely have been otherwise than superstitious. Planting, fell- 
ing trees, and other tasks were to be done in certain phases of 
the moon. The divining rod was used to find water. There are 
even recorded instances of belief in witchcraft. 16 

The general level of intellectual attainment must have been 
above the average in the Province. The school system made 
illiteracy practically impossible. Several leaders in Wachovia 
were highly educated men. The preachers, the physician, and 
the surveyor were well trained in their respective fields. Fred- 
erick Marshall ; Traugott Bagge, the merchant ; Reuter, the sur- 
veyor; Bonn, the physician and chairman of the Surry County 
Court ; Jacob Loesch ; Bishop Graff ; and others stand out as men 
who became well acquainted with the system of government, and 
well respected by the English leaders of the Province and later 
of the State. 

Ill 

The health of the community was never neglected. The expe- 
rience of Spangenberg's party with the climate of Eastern North 
Carolina 17 placed the settlers on their guard from the beginning. 
Kalberlahn, one of the fifteen men who began the settlement, was 
a well trained physician. For the first ten years some of the 
settlers suffered every summer and fall from a fever, that seemed 
to yield to nothing but cold weather. In one year, 1759, sickness 
became epidemic. Seven men and three women died, and few 
escaped the attack. The disease, which baffled Doctor Kalber- 
lahn, was probably typhus fever. 18 

Kalberlahn was apothecary as well as physician and surgeon. 
From a medical garden of several hundred herbs he compounded 
the draughts he administered to his patients. He maintained an 



16 Fries, Records, I, pp. 173, 299, 303. 

17 With one exception every member of the surveying party was stricken with fever on 
the journey from Edenton to the western part of the Province. Two were left at the home 
of Cantain Sennet and never rejoined the expedition. 

18 Dr. H. T. Bahnson of Winston-Salem so diagnosed it from the symptoms recorded in 
the diaries. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 177 

extensive practice, patients coming from as far as a hundred 
miles to see him. Soon after his arrival in Wachovia he per- 
formed, without anesthetic, a delicate operation, removing a 
splinter of bone from the skull of a man whom someone had 
attacked with an axe. 

A sick room was set aside in the brothers' house in Bethabara 
in 1756. Later every choir house maintained an infirmary for 
its members. In the choir houses the office of nurse was usually 
assumed in turn by the members. A special nurse and midwife 
was appointed in each town. Occasionally strangers who were 
sick were allowed to stay in the town for several days to receive 
medical attention. 

Kalberlahn was replaced at his death by Dr. Jacob Bonn. 
Sickness was not so prevalent in Wachovia as in the earlier years, 
even with a larger number of inhabitants, and Bonn did not 
have as large a practice with outside patients; consequently, he 
was able to take part in the civil affairs of the county as well as 
care for the health of all in Wachovia. No general sickness be- 
fell Wachovia until 1779, when General Pulaski's troops brought 
smallpox to Salem. The neighbors, through ignorance, threat- 
ened to burn the town if the inhabitants resorted to inoculation. 
Over forty contracted the disease, and two died. The epidemic 
was not particularly severe. The children vied with each other 
in exposing themselves to the disease and considered a case of 
smallpox an accomplishment. The epidemic, which lasted all 
the summer, kept many people away from the town. As the 
tradesmen preferred not to sell goods for the worthless paper 
money and did not care to entertain troops, this isolation was 
welcomed. Other congregations in Wachovia escaped the dis- 
ease. 

In general, except for the neglect to inoculate for smallpox, the 
health of the community was protected as well as the limited 
medical science of the time would permit. Kalberlahn and Bonn 
were well versed in their profession, but they were powerless in 
the face of an epidemic they did not understand. Sanitation was 
not coupled with health as in more modern times. Such sanitary 
measures as were adopted were rather for the sake of decency 
than for the protection of health. 



178 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Aufseher Collegium, 19 which controlled the finances of 
the Salem congregation, served also as a board of social welfare. 
It regulated the hours and wages of workers and settled disputes 
between masters and journeymen. It arranged insurance poli- 
cies, particularly for the ministers and their wives, in the 
"Widows' Society," a Moravian life insurance company in Beth- 
lehem, Pennsylvania. When complaint was made that cattle in 
the streets of Salem endangered the lives of children, the Col- 
legium advised parents to keep their children within fenced 
yards. Poor relief was in the hands of the Grosse Heifer Con- 
ferenz 20 and the parish church wardens. An alms box was 
placed at the door of the church for public contributions. The 
church warden alone had authority to give alms to strange beg- 
gars ; house-to-house handouts were prohibited. 

IV 

Protection of property from theft fell under the duties of the 
Aeltesten Conferenz, because of its power to punish offenders 
within the congregation. 21 Night watches were practically 
continuous in the towns from the beginning. Salem employed 
a night watchman at a salary of twenty-two pounds per year, 
paid by all the taxables contributing one penny each per week. 
Occasionally there were "Police Day Meetings/' at which mem- 
bers of the congregation were admonished against petty thiev- 
ery, gossip, tale-bearing, familiar conversation with Negroes, and 
other minor social faults. Theft was common. Much of it was 
done by outsiders, who, if detected, were indicted and tried by a 
county justice. Some of it was done by slaves and irresponsible 
members of the congregations. In this case evidence was heard 
and punishment meted out by the Aeltesten Conferenz. In 
Salem, in 1774, it was agreed that no one should buy from Ne- 
groes unless they could show permits from their masters to sell 
the goods they offered. Stealing increased during the Revolu- 
tion. The presence of troops and the scarcity of food and cloth- 



19 The board in charge of the temporal affairs of Salem congregation. It acted also as an 
advisory and supervisory council for the other congregations in Wachovia. 

20 A grand advisory council, comprising representatives from both the Aeltesten Conferenz 
and the Aufseher Collegium. It recommended measures to the individual congregations and 
represented the entire settlement in communications with other parts of the Moravian world. 

21 None of the Moravian towns was incorporated. As the villages were "congregation 
towns," with no non-Moravian residents, church officials served as civil officers. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 179 

ing were responsible. Many considered it an honor to steal from 
Tories; and as the Moravians were unjustly branded as such on 
several occasions, they suffered the loss of much property. On 
one occasion a Captain Holston and sixteen men broke into the 
Hope minister's house at night and demanded all the cloth in 
the house. Even the shirt which Fritz was wearing was taken. 
When he remonstrated, the captain became ashamed and ordered 
the articles returned, excusing his men on the ground that they 
were drunk. 22 

The tavern at Bethabara, and later at Salem, was often the 
scene of drunken brawls among the strangers who stopped there. 
Those who tried to pass counterfeit money became angry when 
it was refused and threatened the innkeeper. In 1764 a warrant 
was issued for several neighbors who had "behaved insolently" 
in the tavern at Bethabara and then bragged about it in Beth- 
ania. 23 In 1776 a young man refused to pay his bill and at- 
tacked the tavern keeper with a loaded gun in his hand. He 
was seized and taken to Salisbury, after he had wounded both his 
guards with a knife. 24 In 1776 four armed men started a riot 
in Salem. They attacked the tavern keeper ; and when his wife 
closed the door to imprison them until help could be summoned, 
they damaged much of the property of the tavern. They es- 
caped, wounding several unarmed men who tried to pacify them. 
They demanded entrance to the brothers' choir house and 
wounded one of the men who tried to stop them there. Here 
they damaged more property, until they were overpowered and 
bound. Word was sent quickly to Captain Smith, who was hold- 
ing muster in Bethania ; and he came at full speed to take them 
in charge. The men were forced to pay for the property dam- 
age, which amounted to fourteen pounds. The cost of medical 
attention for the seven wounded men was borne in part by the 
Salem congregation. The four men furnished bond at Salisbury 
and never appeared again. The incident led the brethren to go 
armed with clubs and to be prepared to assist at any alarm. 25 



22 Fries, Records, IV, p. 1565. 

23 Ibid., I, p. 289. 

24 Ibid., I, p. 337. 

25 Ibid., III. pp. 1036-37, 1352-55. 



180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In 1780 the innkeeper took down his sign so that he could not be 
forced to sell so much brandy to strangers who could not be 
trusted. 

V 

Visitors to Wachovia were so numerous as to become unwel- 
come at times. Early in 1754 the diary records that there were 
extra people to feed nearly every day. In one year, 1755, there 
were over four hundred who visited Bethabara. Nearly half of 
them spent the night and ate supper and breakfast. 26 The 
brethren who began the village in 1753 were very crowded in 
their small cabin, so that they were forced in 1754 to build a 
cabin for strangers. In September it was decided to make a 
small charge for food and lodging. Yet many came, to seek 
medical advice, to rest for the night from their journey, or 
merely out of curiosity to know what these people, who were 
described as peculiar, were like. Later, in the choir houses, 
officers were appointed to entertain and care for visitors. 

Many wished to learn more of the Moravian doctrine and be- 
lief. For these a short historical account of the Church, con- 
taining its doctrinal position, written by Spangenberg, was kept. 
Copies of Zinzendorf's sermons were also given to those who 
wished instruction. Most of these works were in German, but 
a few had been translated. Various ministers and representa- 
tives of other sects came to observe the Moravians. Many of 
these were friendly; a few, critical. Several ministers came 
often and became warm friends. Governor and Mrs. Tryon 
made a memorable visit in 1767. They were given every atten- 
tion and entertainment the Moravians could provide. The band 
played for them to dine, the girls sang for them, and special 
services were held in their honor. The Governor visited again 
with his troops after the Battle of Alamance. In 1772 Governor 
Martin visited the settlement and expressed approval. 

Indians, and troops camping in the meadows at Bethabara and 
Salem, brought more inconvenience than pleasure or profit. It 
was always necessary to work the bakery overtime to give them 
food. Special guards had to be posted to protect against steal- 



26 Fries, Records, I, pp. 97, 121. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 181 

ing; even then, many things were taken. The refugees who 
were sheltered on occasion during the French and Indian War 
were not always well behaved. At one time they dared to rebel 
at the dismissal of a member of the congregation by the board 
of elders. But in most instances they appreciated their shelter 
and assisted in the common work of the settlement. 

The maintenance of a licensed tavern at Bethabara after the 
French and Indian War, and later at Salem, relieved the con- 
gregation from the responsibility of entertaining any but dis- 
tinguished guests. Hence, visitations in later times were not 
the inconvenience that they had been to the first settlers, who 
were forced to share their crowded quarters with others. Fewer 
visitors are mentioned in this period; only those who came to 
learn something about the Church, and those who proved them- 
selves nuisances, are recorded. 

VI 

Out of the maze of conflicting reports it is scarcely possible to 
sum up the relationship of the Moravians to other people of the 
Province and State. Both enemies and friends were numbered 
among their neighbors and more distant acquaintances. Preju- 
dice probably colors the reports of both. Clewell classifies the 
enemies of the Moravians as ordinary desperadoes; envious, 
shiftless people who hoped to see the Moravians banished so that 
they could seize the Wachovia property ; hotheads who had been 
offended by some fancied wrong, such as refusal of doubtful 
money; and misinformed people. He numbers among their 
friends their representatives in courts, legislatures, and Con- 
gress ; officials who studied them ; and the army officers. 27 There 
is no doubt that a great deal of misinformation concerning the 
Moravians was circulated. 28 Many times the diaries record that 
persons who came with strange ideas of them left friendly. Other 
visitors are noted as men of improper conduct or of foolish ideas. 



27 Clewell, on. cit., pp. 122-23. 

28 In a somewhat earlier period, 1743, two itinerant Moravian preachers encountered in 
North Carolina the story that the Moravians gave people a certain potion to drink which 
would cause them to adhere to the Moravian sect. The governor of Virginia, in 1747, pro- 
hibited the holding of meetings by Moravian and other itinerant preachers, because of their 
"shocking doctrines." "Moravian Diaries of Travel," Virginia Magazine of History, II, pp. 
383, 228. J. F. D. Smythe, in his Tour in the United States of America, pp. 138-41, cites a 
report, which he neither affirms nor denies, that the choir separation took place in early 
infancy, so that parents could not distinguish their offspring from others ; and that polygamy 
existed, particularly among the rulers and elders. 



182 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

Whether the diarist was justified in so branding men of different 
opinions or different standards of behavior is to be questioned. 
Still there is no direct evidence that the Moravians, as a whole, 
were anything other than what the diaries show them to be: a 
sober, orderly, industrious, God-fearing people. 

There is an abundance of evidence outside the diaries, in the 
letters and reports of the colonial governors and other intelligent 
people who visited them, to substantiate the diaries and to indi- 
cate that among the best informed people the Moravians were 
held in high regard. Woodmason, in his report of North Caro- 
lina in 1776, praises the behavior and industry of the Moravians 
highly ; but he is inaccurate in his statements and severely criti- 
cal of the people of North Carolina as a whole. 29 The reports 
of Tryon and Martin 30 are also very flattering, but are open to 
the charge of favoritism. Tryon and Martin found much oppo- 
sition in Western North Carolina ; the Moravians studied to win 
the approbation of the authorities; and their obedience, which 
contrasted so strikingly with the attitude of the Regulators and 
others, may have colored the governors' opinions of their indus- 
try and worth to the Province. John MacDowell, an English 
minister living in the eastern part of the colony, asked in his will 
that his son be cared for by the Moravians, whom he regarded 
as "a sober, pious, and exemplary prudent Society of Chris- 
tians." 31 Samuel Strudwick, who had been a member of the 
Council in North Carolina, spent four weeks with the Moravians 
in 1777, and on leaving wrote a letter of appreciation, in which 
he commended their decency, order, economy, meekness, indus- 
try, and piety. He compared the sober music, adapted to in- 
spire rational devotion, to the exciting, ecstatic devotions of 
others. 32 Probably the most unstudied compliment was that of 
the Indians, who spoke of Bethabara as "The Dutch fort where 
there are good people and much bread." 33 With due allowance 
for favoritism and exaggeration, and for lack of contradicting 



29 Saunders, William L., editor, The Colonial Records of North Carolina (10 Vols., Raleigh, 
1886—) ; VII, P. 285 et seq. (Hereafter this work will be cited as C. R.) 

30 Martin, on his visit to Wachovia, "was irresistibly detained ... in admiration of the 
virtuous industry and perfect economy of that people who are notable examples to the 
supine and licentious inhabitants of this colony." C. R., IX, p. 329. 

31 Fries, Records, I, p. 244. 

32 Ibid., Ill, pp. 1365-66. 
Mlbid., I, p. 184. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians 183 

evidence, it may be inferred that among those visitors who had 
no reason to be jealous, either of the Moravian property or of 
the favor of the colonial government, the Moravians were held 
in high esteem. 

The habit of regarding themselves as a distinct unit and hold- 
ing fast to every custom and peculiarity, which, when coupled 
with deference, was pleasing to visiting gentry, was an annoy- 
ance to those who had settled upon equal terms with the Mora- 
vians and had not prospered so well. The Moravians had 
churches; they had well-trained ministers and regular liturgical 
services ; they had towns and industries ; they had stores of pro- 
visions ; they had money ; and, most of all, they had the favor of 
the government. All this, coupled with their exclusiveness, 
easily bred jealousy among the more selfish and less prosperous 
of their neighbors. Frederick Marshall summed up this attitude 
in a report to the Unity Elders' Conference in 1772 : "In gen- 
eral our situation is as usual, that is to say many of our neigh- 
bors are against us, partly because we are a godly people, partly 
because of our outward prosperity, but so far it has more an- 
noyed than injured us." 34 Unfriendliness, growing out of jeal- 
ousy and false reports from those who were already enemies to 
others, found the greatest opportunity for manifestation during 
the Revolution. Most of the difficulties experienced by the Mo- 
ravians during the Revolution were the result of this unfriend- 
liness rather than of any compromise toward the British on their 
part. The continued commerce of the Moravians was inexplica- 
ble to those who had no industries and thought of commerce only 
in terms of importation; and this commerce became a further 
cause of jealousy and false report. 

The Moravian attitude toward others depended almost en- 
tirely upon two things : their conduct, and their attitude toward 
the Moravians. They would not brook drunkenness, profanity, 
or ungodliness in any form. Oftentimes it was necessary to 
tolerate such behavior in the tavern, but the offenders were not 
numbered among their friends. In this respect they adopted a 
higher standard for their own members, whom they could con- 






34 Fries, Records, II, p. 678. 



184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

trol by their own government; hence the charge of bigotry and 
self -righteousness. Visitors who Were friendly were invariably 
treated in a friendly manner in return, unless their conduct was 
so objectionable that this was impossible. 

Deference was rendered wherever deference was due. In all 
things save moral and religious standards the Moravians were 
strikingly humble. They submitted quietly to civil authority and 
law ; they exacted small profits in trade ; they were courteous and 
polite to all who deserved or appreciated courtesy. But they 
were sure of their position in religious doctrine and practice; 
and although they made no active effort to bring others to their 
position or to their membership, they wanted no suggestion from 
others for the control of their own congregations. There was 
one principle that they would defend at any cost: the right 
to maintain their organization, order, belief, mode of worship, 
and standard of morality against all legislation, interference, or 
suggestion. With that accomplished, they were content to live 
as quiet and peaceable citizens among any people and under any 
government. 



OLD WENTWORTH SKETCHES 

By Alberta Ratliffe Craig 

Introduction 

I was born in Wentworth, North Carolina, the county seat of 
Rockingham County, June 27, 1871, the eighth of a family of 
ten children. 

After the marriage of my parents, Thomas Anderson Ratliffe, 
of Wentworth, to Martha Bethell Johnston, of Ruffin, N. C, they 
set up housekeeping on the site of an ancient inn east of the 
courthouse. To the original two-roomed log-bodied house, from 
time to time were added a wing, an ell, a hall, and porches, until 
the result was a rambling, ten-room house, not so beautiful, but 
homelike. My father then laid out a garden filled with varieties 
of fruits and vegetables, and a flower garden of rare charm, fenc- 
ing them with hedges of box, arbor vitse, and other evergreens, 
and near the door a magnolia tree, naming the place for this 
tree, "Magnolia Vale." From early manhood he had operated a 
store on the north side of the street, his brother, W. B. Ratliffe, 
being a partner. The firm was known as T. A. Ratliffe and 
Brother. He also owned a grist mill a few miles out on the Mad- 
ison road. 

Wentworth is mainly just a big road. Today it is extensively 
traveled, over a smooth, hard pavement, by cars of many de- 
scriptions, the motive power being gasoline, that wonderful prod- 
uct of the present century — a great change from the old times 
and the horse-drawn vehicles through rutted roads, often hub- 
deep in mud. For a youth of today some names, such as hame, 
surcingle, coupling-pole, or axletree, have very little meaning, 
because these names belong to the horse-power age. 

Modes of Travel 

In the early '70's the modes of travel for the "gentry" were 
two-horse carriages, top buggies, open buggies, sulkies, hacks, 
phaetons, rockaways, jerseys, and a few other horse-drawn ve- 
hicles. Except on big days such as court week, political or edu- 

[ 185 1 



186 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cational rallies, our village was so quiet you could "hear yourself 
think." At an ordinary time then, a top buggy seen coming over 
the eastern hill was eagerly watched until it stopped, either at 
one of the two hotels or at the courthouse door, after a slow entry 
up the muddy street. Or, if the visitor just passed through with- 
out stopping, everybody wondered who he was and where he was 
going! Col. David Settle and some of my mother's brothers, I 
remember, used a tall two-wheeled single-seated buggy called a 
sulky for traveling, because of its lightness and speed. 

We owned a very fine second-hand carriage ; and as we did not 
keep carriage horses, mules were substituted. "Doc." Hair- 
ston, our crippled old wagoner, was the coachman. It was almost 
worse than not being able to go at all, according to our youthful 
judgment. We were ashamed of driving mules to a carriage. 
This one was two-seated, deeply upholstered, and enclosed with 
glass doors and windows, with a high seat outside at the front 
for the driver and any other servants. Some of these old 
carriages had steps that folded up and had to be let down before 
the occupants could descend. There were lamps at the front, 
also, that were both useful and ornamental. 

A jersey was used by Dr. Jesse Carter, at Eagle Falls on Dan 
River, for bringing the children of the family into town to church 
and Sunday school. The seats ran along the side like some of 
the present-day street cars. We had a smaller jersey in which 
we often went on Sunday afternoons for a visit to my father's 
old home five miles in the country. 

A hack was a sort of glorified wagon, used by "drummers," or 
traveling salesmen, who sat on the front seat with the driver; 
and in the back were large trunks, filled with samples, from 
which the merchants they called on selected their new stock of 
goods. Seats could be fitted in the spaces occupied by these 
trunks, however. Hacks were kept for hire at all livery stables. 
They were built high to avoid mud and deep water in crossing 
streams, and it was quite an awkward performance to climb 
into and out of them. Rockaways and phaetons were neat little 
one-horse carriages. 

Wagons, carry-alls, and carts were used for hauling, by work- 
ing folks, mostly. 



Old Wentwobth Sketches 187 

When Spott Redd from Henry County, Virginia, and his fleet 
of wagons periodically passed through Wentworth carrying fine 
tobacco to market in Danville, Virginia, it was an exciting mo- 
ment to all the children, for he headed the procession of five or 
six big schooners, blowing a very musical bugle until they stopped 
at my father's store. Among the things of interest they carried 
were apples and chestnuts from the mountains, and they would 
leave a supply in passing. 

At the back of the schooner hung a bucket for watering stock. 
There were supplies of food and cooking utensils, and beneath 
trotted a hound dog. The drivers carried blacksnake whips, 
which they popped to speed the teams ; but they seemed only for 
show, notwithstanding the threatening noise, for the mules only 
tossed their heads, shaking the gaudy red tassels on their bridles. 

The covered wagon was a long, clumsy, four-wheeled convey- 
ance, having one or two kinds of bodies, that could be varied ac- 
cording to what was to be hauled. The schooner type used by 
these tobacco pioneers was high in the back and slanted grace- 
fully toward the front. A succession of rounded wooden bows 
fitted over the top of the frame, and drawn down snugly over 
these was white canvas cloth that made as complete a shelter 
from storms as a scout's tent of today. 

Ice Harvest 

With their tops removed, the plain straight wagons were used 
by the citizens of Wentworth for gathering the ice harvest. 
When in the heart of winter Minor's mill-pond back of the acad- 
emy grove froze over, all the young people who could do so used 
their ice skates ; and others, not so venturesome, were pushed by 
the skaters on overturned hickory splint-bottom chairs, with 
much merriment, across the shining surface. 

Meanwhile, in another section of the pond, the men were cut- 
ting the ice into huge blocks, loading and hauling them to all the 
icehouses of the town — a community project. There was much 
singing and drinking of corn "licker" by the darkies, for they 
knew that good hot food awaited them at the homes of their em- 
ployers. The sound of wagons on rutty roads always suggest to 
my mind the old Wentworth ice harvest. 



188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

An icehouse was usually located beneath a trap-door in the 
carriage house. A ladder for descending into a deep pit lined 
with leaves and straw was set conveniently at the front entrance. 
The ice was also covered deeply with the material with which the 
pit was lined. 

Little Katie Scales, adopted daughter of Governor and Mrs. 
A. M. Scales, once slipped and fell into their icehouse. It was 
some time before she was rescued, a very cold and frightened 
little girl, but otherwise unharmed. 

Parties 

Young people sometimes used wagons also for picnics, hay 
rides, or going out into the country to parties. They usually sat 
on the floor of the wagon-body on wheat straw or hay. 

Nutting parties at old Salem Church, out on the Reidsville 
road, where quantities of chinquapins grew, was a favorite 
pastime. The youngsters played a game called "Jack-in-the- 
Bush" with the nuts. They also boiled and strung them on 
strands of thread and wore them for beads around their necks, 
nibbling at them as occasion offered, whether in school or out. 
Sometimes "Teacher" claimed them, a pawn for misbehavior. 

A "Sociable" was a party without dancing. This latter being 
so heartily condemned by the elders, games were substituted that 
required just as much jumping about, if less skill. The music 
consisted of hand-clapping and singing as they played "Steal 
Partners," "Husco Ladies Turn," and other motion games. 
"Grandmother Hubbergubber Sent Me to You," "Clap In and 
Clap Out," "Priest of Paris," "Thimble," and "Book" were some 
of the games that were played while the participants were seated. 
Of course there were a few courting couples who could not be 
induced to take any interest in anything but each other. 

There were occasional dances, but they were heartily con- 
demned, so that youth taking part in such dissipation as a square 
dance, not to mention the waltz, was shockingly out of favor 
with his elders ! 



Old Wentworth Sketches 189 



The Village Steer Cart 



My brother Tom once wrote a parody on "The Wreck of the 
Hesperus," having the village steer cart for his inspiration. Old 
Uncle Jim Young, Minor's miller, mornings and evenings passed 
through Wentworth, going to and from the mill, with his little 
daughter Margaret, wearing a slat sun bonnet, perched on the 
seat beside him as they slowly progressed through the street in a 
picturesque steer cart. 

Some Citizens and Buildings 

Having tried to describe some modes of travel and some old 
vehicles of other days, I will now turn to some of the citizens 
and buildings of Wentworth. 

The Reid House was presided over by Mr. James Wright, a 
white-haired old gentleman, when I first knew it; and after his 
death the name has always remained the Reid House, because 
Mr. James W. Reid, his grandson, took charge and made the 
place famous for its hospitality and good food, although Miss 
Nannie Wright, his aunt, was in reality the proprietress, as Mr. 
Reid was busy with his law practice and speechmaking. So 
gifted was he that he was known as the "silver-tongued orator." 
Colonel Boyd, his partner, was the wise old counselor, and Mr. 
Reid was the speaker of the firm. On being elected Congressman 
from the Fifth District, Mr. Reid represented us in that capacity 
for one term. By some quirk of politics, he failed to be elected 
the second time. He left Wentworth and took up his residence 
in the far West, continuing his practice of law there until his 
death, several years later. Mr. Reid was one of the most public- 
spirited of citizens. It was he who planted the shade trees on 
his side of the street and laid sidewalks about town, using the 
flat stones that so plentifully abound there; he also put high 
stepping-stones across the streets and remodeled the old Meth- 
odist Church, of which his father, Dr. Numa Fletcher Reid, had 
once been pastor. Mrs. Reid made the hotel very attractive by 
her music, as she played the piano beautifully. Two mocking 
birds hung in a cage near the parlor door, and one learned to 
whistle the opening bars of "My Queen Waltz" as she played it. 






190 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Some of the guests I remember included Governor and Mrs. 
David S. Reid, who roomed at the Upper Hotel and walked down 
to the Lower (or Reid House) to their meals, he with his beaver 
hat, his swallow-tail coat and pin-stripe trousers, and always his 
umbrella, and she just about the same height. They were a pleas- 
ant, smiling pair. Their sons, Tom and Reuben, their nephew, 
Hugh Reid Scott, Mrs. Reid's brother, Col. David Settle, Mr. and 
Mrs. Frank Hall, Dr. Sam Buck Ellington, and many of the 
courthouse officials were also a part of the family of boarders at 
the famous old Reid House. 

A corn-shucking on the old hotel lot was, to our childish way 
of thinking, a fearful thing. For days loads of corn in the husks 
were hauled in from the outlying farms and thrown into an im- 
mense oblong pile. Then, on the appointed night, from far and 
near the Negroes gathered for the shucking. As the dark came 
on they began singing weird songs that sounded like this, "Yow, 
yow, yow, Molly," and "What sort o' shoes is dem you wear, 
my soul ?" About midnight, when the husking was over and the 
Negroes were gay with corn "licker," the master of the house, 
Mr. Reid, was gotten out of bed, his hair combed, his shoes 
blacked, his clothes brushed, and taken for a ride around the 
house in a chair, all to the tune of gay songs used for these 
occasions. 

Across the street from the Reid House was the home of Col. 
Andrew J. Boyd, and next to it was the law office of the firm of 
Boyd and Reid, which in later years became Boyd, Reid, John- 
ston and Johnston, Pinkney and Julius Johnston becoming part- 
ners of the firm. The former resided in Wentworth, the latter 
in Yanceyville. Another law firm was that of Mebane and Scott, 
whose office faced courthouse square; and until Governor and 
Mrs. Reid moved to Reidsville, together with their son Tom, Gov- 
ernor Reid and his sons also had an office facing the courthouse. 
Just opposite my father's store was a store owned by Messrs. 
James Hall and J. B. Minor, in which they, like my father, sold 
"general merchandise, fancy and staple groceries, books and 
shoes. " Young Frank Hall, who clerked in his father's store, 
installed the first telephone anywhere around there. By the ex- 
pert use of some tin cans, posts, and wire, he connected the store 



Old Wentwokth Sketches 191 

and house, that were about three hundred yards apart, with a 
very good substitute for a present-day telephone. Mr. John G. 
Mitchell's store, not unlike these two, was farther up the street; 
and the post office, being a political plum, was puddinged about, 
according to prevailing politics, into one of these three stores. 
Behind the courthouse, on a bit of broken-off street, were the 
homes of Mrs. Law and Mr. John Groome, and a tobacco factory, 
in which many darkies worked and sang. There was also a 
jumble of stores and other buildings, three saloons, and some 
law offices, besides the jail and public well, that surrounded the 
courthouse square. 

Mr. J. B. Minor, in addition to his interest in the store and fac- 
tory, also owned the old gristmill and pond from which we 
gathered our ice harvest. Mrs. Minor once said that a gristmill 
was a legacy of evil. I don't know why, except that it never 
seemed to yield very large dividends. To me there is something 
fascinating about such an old building. There are wheels and 
cogs, hoppers, bins, sieves, chutes, and everywhere the odor of the 
grain and its products. Everything is covered with a film that 
in the dim half-light takes on the appearance of a dream place, a 
fit setting for a ghost story. Nearly everything about the 
machinery is wood or stone. Above the mill on a stream is the 
mill-pond, an artificial lake, having a "gate" that, freed by turn- 
ing a lever, sends the water in a sluice down stream. This is the 
means by which the immense wheel starts grinding. 

Mr. Richard Ellington, Sr., lived at the extreme end of the 
village, across from the Methodist Church. On a lot adjoining 
was a tobacco factory owned by him. The home place was after- 
wards owned by a nephew, Jack Whittemore, and later burned. 

"Little Dick" and "Pattie Dick" Ellington, his sister, were 
some of the many music-loving young folks of those old days, he 
having a lovely voice and she owning a very fine piano having 
pearl instead of ivory-covered keys. Their cousin, Jim Buck 
Ellington, together with E. Frank Hall and James Patterson, 
often serenaded their sweethearts of the old days, guitars, violins, 
or the flute accompanying them. A cape jessamine or rose tossed 
from behind a blind was sufficient reward. Those were romantic 
days. 



192 The Worth Carolina Historical Eeview 

The keeper of the main "grog shop" was one of Wentworth's 
landmarks because of his originality. Although a very rich man, 
he lived quite simply, often going barefoot. He said it was to 
cure rheumatism. He stored his money in old jugs. He had an 
unusual bookkeeping system, consisting of piles of nails — or 
rather, he did not bother with books. Each customer was repre- 
sented by a pile of nails, each nail representing a ten-cent drink. 
When there were ten nails, he called for a settlement. 

"Honest Jack" Llewellyn, a cripple, was register of deeds, and 
John T. Pannill clerk of the court for many years. Both had 
interesting families that added to the society of old Wentworth. 

When Judge and Mrs. W. W. Mebane moved their little family 
to Madison (Mr. Mebane's former home) in the latter '80's, 
little Cummings, the youngest, remarked on going to church 
there that he didn't like to go to church in Madison as he did in 
Wentworth. When asked the reason why, he said, " 'Cause they 
scrouges so !" 

Churches 

There were two churches in Wentworth, Methodist and Pres- 
byterian ; and as there were only one or two services a month in 
each, the same congregation worshiped in both churches. 

At the Methodist Church Dr. Numa Fletcher Reid was pastor 
before my day. He was not only a gifted speaker, but a writer of 
some note. His son, Dr. Frank Reid, inherited much of his fa- 
ther's ability, being editor of one of his church papers and also 
president of Greensboro Female College for several years before 
his death. Others of Dr. Reid's sons inherited these gifts also. 

Rev. Caiphas Norman and Rev. R. P. Troy were two other 
popular pastors, the latter being a revivalist. 

At the back of this old church lie buried many of the former 
residents of Wentworth, several marble shafts marking the last 
resting place of the young Boyd brothers, killed in action in the 
War Between the States. 

The Methodist Church was at the extreme western end of the 
village, and to go there on a dark night was a walk by faith. 

The Presbyterian Church was in the center of town, not far 
from the courthouse square. The sweet-toned old bell, the same 



Old Wentworth Sketches 193 

Smooth plastered walls, the organ, pews, and stove that never 
heated the old building are there yet. The chandeliers, bracket 
lamps, and pulpit lamps with slender glass chimneys and shades 
have been replaced by swinging cords with a bulb at the end, 
electricity's contribution to a new age. 

Reverends Cornelius Miller and S. 0. Hall are two of the out- 
standing Presbyterian ministers within my memory. They were 
as different as two good people could be. Mr. Miller had a custom 
of catechising the children around the fireside, not only from the 
church catechisms, but questioning them about their spiritual 
welfare in the presence of their parents and each other. We tried 
to hide, but he invariably sent for us. In church, as the congre- 
gation came in, he usually sat and sang unaccompanied, "Blow 
Ye the Trumpet, Blow," the chorus being: 

The year of Jubilee is come: 

Return, ye ransomed children, home. 

On the contrary, Mr. Hall came laughing into the home. He 
knew so many jokes that we were glad to sit with our elders and 
the preacher. He was one of the most joyous of Christians. He 
chose to talk with his prospective members personally and pri- 
vately. 

Some of the officers of this old church that I now recall were 
Gov. A. M. Scales, Col. James Irvin, Dr. Jesse Carter, and his 
sons Frank and Jesse — possibly more; Judge W. N. Mebane, 
Mr. J. B. Minor, T. A. Ratliffe and W. B. Ratliffe, Capt. David 
Purcell, and others. 

A Sabbath in old Wentworth is a memory revered. No music 
but sacred music was permitted the young people. They often 
sang, but everything was of a spiritual nature. No secular news- 
papers were read, but church papers were provided. There were 
the catechisms to be studied. There were few hot meals. We 
firmly believed the old saying, "A Sabbath well spent brings a 
week of content," or, on the contrary, "Safety seek, for the devil 
will tempt you all next week." 

Dr. John R. Raine, for years our village doctor, professed 
religion at one of the revivals held in our Presbyterian Church 
by Rev. C. M. Howard, of Virginia. He liked the name "Chris- 



194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tian," he said, so he identified himself with the O'Kellyites and 
built a little church out a few miles to the west of town, naming 
it Howard's Chapel, for the Rev. Mr. Howard. 

Rev. P. R. Law, minister and newspaper editor, was a product 
of Wentworth and the old Presbyterian church there. 

Some other old homes and families were those of the Wrays, 
Abbotts, Haislips, Morphises, Rossers, and Pattersons, the latter 
two on hills north of town. The Wheeler Hancock family later 
moved into the Upper Hotel from their farm, in order that their 
girls might be nearer school. 

Schools 

To Mr. W. N. Mebane, Wentworth of my day owed thanks 
for the "Wentworth Female Seminary.'' Miss Mattie, sister of 
Mr. Mebane, came to Wentworth in the fall of 1881 and began 
teaching a private school in the Mason Lodge. So far as I can 
see, the old building has not changed its appearance since. 

School began in the morning by each child's reading (all who 
knew how), in rotation, verses of a chapter in the New Testa- 
ment, followed by prayer by the teacher, and ending by all re- 
peating the Lord's Prayer in concert. Later in the year we 
learned whole chapters and recited them "by heart." 

Then we had lessons in Davie's Arithmetic, Pineo's grammar, 
Maury's geographies, McGufne's and Holmes' Readers, spelling, 
much memory work, and penmanship. A great deal of attention 
was paid to the latter two. A prize was offered for the best pen- 
manship and one for the greatest improvement during the term. 
To me came the reward for improvement ! Our copies were gen- 
erally set by Miss Bettie Hall, who had not only had training at 
Salem Academy, but had special training in the old Spencerian 
writing by one Professor Carr, a noted teacher of penmanship. 

In our memory work we learned whole poems and kept them 
in notebooks for review. We memorized the pronouns, preposi- 
tions, conjunctions, interjections, moods and tenses in grammar; 
the names of cities, their location on the map, rivers, oceans, bays, 
straits, and many things I don't believe children do in this age. 
Maybe so, but things have changed. 



Old Went worth Sketches 195 

The hardest tussle we ever ran up on in the "Female Semi- 
nary" was long division and partial payments. 

Some bright pupil was delegated to take a group of boneheads 
up the stairs to the locked door in the lodge, where the "goat" 
stayed; and there, when we could concentrate on anything 
except wondering when the goat would butt through, we were 
shown how to divide by two or three numbers, then multiply, 
subtract, draw down, and divide again. It was so hard. We 
were told it was hard. If the goat had come through the door, 
we should certainly have deserved the rank of Third Degree 
Masons ! The musty odor of that staircase and long division go 
hand in hand in my childhood memories. 

A star pupil in Miss Mattie's school was her nephew, Frank 
Carter Mebane, the oldest of Mr. and Mrs. Mebane's children. He 
was a little prodigy. He was a year younger than I ; and while I 
was learning to parse in elementary grammar, he was studying 
Bingham's Latin Grammar ; and most of his other lessons he had 
alone, reciting them to his father at night. He graduated from 
the University of North Carolina while quite young and for 
years has been a prominent lawyer in New York City. 

About that time a boy's school was opened in the old Academy 
building. It was called "Wentworth Male Academy" and was 
taught by Mr. D. M. Weatherly. As this was the regular public 
school, we were sent to it ; and Miss Mattie continued to teach her 
small nieces and nephews and a few small children. She was a 
conscientious person, teaching many things not found in books, 
and a woman of rare Christian character. 

At Mr. Weatherly's school we learned, instead of parsing, to 
diagram sentences, which made things so much easier according 
to my way of thinking. We had much public school music, in 
which Mr. Weatherly took great delight, people often coming in 
to hear us sing and do mental arithmetic. We enjoyed that, too, 
if we could only get it before little Jim Crafton or little June 
Mitchell did. They were almost uncanny at adding, subtracting, 
multiplying, dividing, and extracting square root of the numbers 
as quickly as they were spoken. 

Schools were, however, of short duration sometimes, lasting 
only four months, so that the girls and boys of Wentworth who 



196 The North Carolina Historical Review 

finally reached college deserved much credit for graduating, 
after such short school terms and piecemeal preparation as these 
"Academy" terms provided. 

Saturday's Crowds 

Saturday's crowds were interesting as they came in, for dif- 
ferent reasons, from the country. 

Peter Bevill, Negro barber, came to town looking quite dapper, 
dressed in a brown suit and overcoat, and carrying his leather 
bag of supplies. 

Alex Grady, a tinker, came in from the country with his 
soldering iron and kit ; and, as he talked, he mended the house- 
wives' pots and pans, for which he invariably charged only ten 
cents. He was said to be a native of Poland. 

Mr. Del Gardo, a Cuban gentleman who was exiled from his 
native land and who had married a country girl near Wentworth, 
would walk into town and engage someone in his favorite game 
of chess. In the summer time he would come in to get a whiff of 
my father's roses, saying they reminded him of those in Cuba. 
He had been reared a Catholic, but joined the Presbyterian 
Church. He often walked in to church from his home several 
miles out on the Reidsville road. 

Dan Hand was a blind preacher who did not object to boot- 
legging a little on the side, after the saloons were banished. He 
would come to town, bringing his Bible and his fiddle. 

Three interesting characters, a deaf mute, a blind, and a 
crippled man always came together. These and Dan Hand all 
came from the poorhouse, which was a rather dilapidated wooden 
structure one mile east of town. 

There were some who came for the social dram. One educated, 
neatly-dressed gentleman especially do I remember, who would 
ride his horse into town, tie him to a convenient horse rack, and 
in a few hours be lying dead-drunk near his horse. The village 
street had an insipid sweetish smell of spirits that had lost their 
sparkle. Thanks to prohibition, that condition does not now 
exist, and women and children are no more afraid to go around 
as do the men of the town. 



Old Wentworth Sketches 197 

On Saturdays the little Purcell boys from Nubbin Ridge on 
the south, riding a mule, came for their weekly visit to the post 
office. They were generally bearers of notes from their charming 
Grandma Mitchell to my mother, or some other member of our 
family. She was gifted with a flow of language, either written or 
spoken, that is seldom equaled. 

Colonel David Malloy, also from Nubbin Ridge, with his quick 
Irish wit always drew a crowd by his story-telling. 

Occasionally there were droves of horses, or cows, or pigs. 

Horse traders were thought of as great gamblers. As horses 
were our chief means of traveling in those days, a horse was 
something important in a trade ; a great deal of the conversation 
on store porches centered around the horse and dog, so often 
companions in an early morning fox hunt. 

Some Old Wentworth Negroes 

The children of Wentworth went wild when the tall old band- 
wagon came up the street playing 'The Red, White, and Blue/' or 
"Molly Darling." This band was composed of Negroes, with 
Jack Wright, the blacksmith, as leader. 

A familiar figure about town was John Lee, who "toted" notes 
for the young men to the girls. Recently someone meeting his 
wife in Reidsville, stopped her to inquire about John. With an 
indifferent flick of her finger out toward the cemetery she said, 
"I got him planted out thar." 

Mary Eliza Settle, although now married and growing old, still 
treasures some big words she learned, to pass the time churning 
in old Wentworth. As they are rather interesting and unusual, 
I submit them to help other churners : 

Greeting: "How does your applegasha cocky-roachy seem to 
sagaciate this morning?" 

"Have you the audacity to doubt my veracity, or even to insin- 
uate that I would prevaricate, or deviate from the rules of pro- 
priety?" 

"You are so bombastic and I am so illiterate that you will 
have to elucidate before I can comprehend." 

The boys in our family nearly frightened Frank Settle (Mary 
Eliza's brother) "to death" one night by going up and down 



198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the alley outside and throwing the reflection of the lighted lantern 
on the ceiling of the room in which he slept on a pallet, telling 
him it was "a hant." He would pray the Lord's Prayer one 
minute and call on us the next. 

Bob and Celie Roberts came to Wentworth from Miss Sallie 
Galloway's plantation on Dan River. They related with pride the 
fact that they had been married in Miss Sallie's parlor ! One day 
someone meeting them plodding sadly along the street, inquired 
where they were going. Celie replied, "My daidy ceased today, 
en' me an' Baub's gwine to de wake." At a wake many solemn 
songs rang out on the air all night long. 

Some of the other old darkies were Aunt Chaney and Lis Lee, 
cooks at the Reid House, Caroline and Jack Buck, Uncle Joel and 
George "Cyarter," Alex Jones, and Aunt Mary Roach, who was 
excellent as cook, laundress, or milkmaid. 

Aunt Maria and Uncle John Underdue often came to town 
driving a fat little grey mule hitched to a jersey, Aunt Maria 
coming in to see my mother to recall the days of their youth at 
Ruffin and Lawsonville. Commenting on the greetings that the 
hostesses gave their guests in those old days, two or three kisses, 
and hugs and expressions of delight at their coming (unan- 
nounced and often uninvited, maybe to spend several days) , Aunt 
Maria would wind up by saying, "So 'sateful !" 

"Professor Parham" came from out West somewhere, to 
preach at the colored Baptist Church and also to teach school. 
He was a leader in politics, education, and religion. It was he 
who taught his people to use the title of "Mr." and "Mrs." instead 
of saying "Uncle" and "Aunt" so-and-so. 

Old Louis Reid was a familiar figure, carrying the prisoners' 
food to the jail from the Reid House kitchen on his head. He 
was so ugly he looked like an exaggerated tumblebug as he 
sauntered along. An amusing story is told of Louis. As he 
worked at the woodpile at the Upper Hotel one day, Caroline 
Buck, the maid, looking out of an upstairs window and seeing 
him gazing listlessly off into space, began calling in a sweet low 
voice, "Louis, Louis, come up from the low grounds of sorrow; 
come up, come up !" Louis dropped his axe and ran in and told 
Mrs. Ellington, the proprietress, he had to go ; the angels were 



Old Wentworth Sketches 199 

calling him. Years later he worked in a Reidsville tobacco fac- 
tory on week-days and preached on Sundays. He wore a long 
coat and a beaver, which helped him appear the part of "Rev- 
erend." The last time I saw him he was going about the streets 
of Reidsville with a long bugle, which he occasionally tooted, to 
the surprise of the passer-by and to his own delight. 

Sarah, the daughter of Caroline and Jack Buck, would enter- 
tain us, after much coaxing, by dancing the holy dance. 

With a rapt look on her face and a ceremony of hand-clapping 
and keeping the time with her feet, starting in the center of the 
room, round and round she went, in widening circles, singing, 

I got my bitter, I got my sweet, 
I got my 'ligion at de mercy seat. 
I done got de sword in my hand, 
I done got de sword in my hand. 

A Tournament 

My mother told us of an old tournament in Wentworth, before 
my day, when many fine horsemen contested in sports. A live 
gander with his neck greased was suspended over the street 
from an overhanging limb of a tree, head downward, and became 
the property of the horseman who could capture him while riding 
beneath. Col. David Settle succeeded in this contest, but the 
horse went out from under him while he held to the gander! 
Climbing a greased pole, and riding a greased pig, were some of 
the other contests at this old tournament. 

Newspaper Correspondence 

Numa Reid and my two brothers often wrote the news of the 
county seat to the newspapers, sometimes getting themselves 
into trouble, making statements about things of which they were 
not sufficiently informed. 

When news was scarce they took occasion to invent something, 
or to tell on each other. 

My brother Tom, for instance, was very susceptible, and often 
fell desperately in love with girls. A Madison lassie attending 
Teachers' Institute was one of these ; so he, having no other way 
of reaching Madison, seventeen miles distant, set out on his own 



200 The North Carolina Historical Review 

two feet! Leaving home early in the day, he reached that town 
about sunset ; but he learned that the noon train had also brought 
to the same lass another suitor, T. Ashby Price. He returned 
home the same way he went ; but Numa heartlessly reported it to 
the county papers, winding up with a line like this : 

Mr. T. A. R. came in on the gravel train; 
Mr. T. A. P. on the steam engane! 

My brother Bob had waiked home from Ruffin once (when his 
grandma sent him to the spring for a bucket of water) without 
stopping to bid her goodbye. 

Two old people who had been put out of their home because 
they refused to pay the landlord lived out on the Reidsville road, 
in the open, for several years. These my brother Tom took for 
the subject of an interesting sketch to the Atlanta Journal, with 
snapshots of the camp. The old gentleman raved about owning 
nine hundred and ninety-nine acres of the best land in Rocking- 
ham County and took many privileges with some of his neigh- 
bors' lands, and was finally sent, as "criminally insane/' to Mor- 
ganton, and his wife to the Rockingham county home for the 
aged and infirm. 

Notes 

From the early '70's to the latter '80's, the time of which I par- 
ticularly write, if a young man wished to call or to escort a young 
lady to church, he wrote a very formal note in his most flourish- 
ing penmanship and sent it "by Bearer." 

My father was rather strict about late hours and bought a 
beautiful clock for the parlor, telling my older sisters that ten 
o'clock was the limit for evening calls. So when Mr. Jim Buck 
wrote one evening, this is the way the note ran: "Mr. James 
Ellington presents his compliments to the Misses Ratliife and 
would be pleased to call this eve." My oldest sister replied in the 
same formal style, remarking something about no gentleman's 
staying later than ten o'clock. There was a quick reply: "Mr. 
James Ellington will not call this eve." For that little slip of my 
sister's pen, the young men boycotted the Misses Ratliffe until 
their resentment cooled. 



Old Wentwokth Sketches 201 

Sometimes when these young people got together they spent 
the evenings singing. Perhaps it was just after the war, but for 
some reason their songs were usually quite sad, either about 
dying or crying. "The Broken Lily," "0 angel, sweet angel, I 
pray thee leave the beautiful gates ajar," "Lily Dale," and "Let 
the dead and the beautiful rest" were some that I now recall. 

Court Week 

It was very exciting when court convened in Wentworth, for 
there were crowds coming and going in the otherwise quiet vil- 
lage. First to arrive were the lawyers and judge, from a dis- 
tance, on Sunday evenings, at the Reid House. Negro servants 
were running here and there, carrying baggage, kindling fires, 
and making the guests otherwise comfortable. Then early Mon- 
day morning crowds from all over the county came pouring in, 
tying their horses to racks and blocking the streets with vehicles. 

The patent-medicine man, with musicians, or quite often a 
Punch and Judy show, rarely failed to come. Warehousemen 
from the nearby towns sent young men to talk tobacco with the 
farmers. Old Scott Broadnax also came with a market-basket 
full of old-fashioned ginger gungers, and two small boys did an 
all-day thriving business selling lemonade made with two lemons ! 
There was also a small boy on hand to draw the jury, for which 
he received pay. The sheriff, riding in a sulky and carrying 
saddle-bags, was our uncle. We thought him very rich, for he 
also carried shot-bags full of coins, for change in tax collecting. 

Some of the lawyers I remember seeing at the Reid House 
were Judge Thomas Rufnn and Fred Strudwick of Hillsboro, 
Hon. Thomas Settle, Judge John Henry Dillard and his son Jack, 
Col. James Morehead from Greensboro, Governor Bob Glenn, of 
Winston-Salem, Col. E. B. Withers of Danville, Jake Long Gra- 
ham, Jule Johnston of Yanceyville, Frank Carter and Porter 
Graves from Mount Airy, and others. 

As ladies did not go to court in those old formal times, I knew 
very little of what went on, except as we heard the cases dis- 
cussed outside. Murders were somewhat rare in those days, 
too; so when Tildy Carter, colored, was tried and convicted for 
assisting two men to murder her husband, Nash Carter, and the 



202 The North Carolina Historical Review 

day for her hanging arrived (a muddy, bleak Friday), there were 
throngs to witness the gruesome sight. A very handsome escort 
for the execution party was a company of soldiers, dressed in 
grey, from Leaksville, N. C. 

The central figure of this scene was Tildy in her shroud, seated 
on her coffin, riding through the street in a carry-all out to the 
gallows, which was near the county home, a mile from the jail. 

After the unhappy affair was over, a relative claimed her body 
and carried it back home near Madison for burial. But night 
overtaking him at Settle's Bridge, on Dan River, he spent the 
lonely hours there on the old bridge. 

I am glad the electric chair has taken the place of the gallows. 

Teachers' Institute 

The Teachers' Institute was initiated by Professor Nat Smith, 
superintendent of public instruction for Rockingham County, in 
the early '80's. He was ably assisted by Professor George R. 
McNeill, who was the first superintendent of the Reidsville 
Graded Schools. For two weeks during July, each year, Went- 
worth became alive with teachers from all over the county, re- 
quired to attend this school of methods. But they did not seem 
to mind it. Everybody seemed happy and joyous. After an all- 
day session of work, each evening was given over to some social 
feature — music, recitations, speeches, or perhaps a lawn party. 

One day Dr. Charles D. Mclver came to the Institute and made 
a thrilling speech in favor of higher education for women. It 
was not long before the opening in Greensboro of the State Nor- 
mal and Industrial College for Women, of which he was made the 
first president. 

These Institutes were held in the courthouse. Within my mem- 
ory there have been three of these courthouse buildings. The first 
one I remember was quite stern looking, having within two 
winding stairways to the upper courtroom, that faced east and 
west, the judge's seat being in the eastern end. This one was 
replaced, about 1881, by a new brick-and-stucco building, having 
a cupola on top, with a passage for those who cared to see the 
view from the top. This building was burned several years ago, 



Old Wentworth Sketches 203 

and was replaced by the one now standing. There has been a 
new jail for each courthouse, I believe. 

Several ineffectual efforts have been made to move the court- 
house from Wentworth to Reidsville or to divide the county and 
have two courthouses ; but, sitting there on a hill, among the hills, 
so far Rockingham's courthouse remains in Wentworth. 

Wentworth Hills 

It is said that an old gentleman who owned the property orig- 
inally donated the site for the county seat because it was rocky 
and hilly and not good for farming. 

With Wentworth sitting on a ridge, the back yards and gardens 
all slope downward, at the bottom of which slopes are streams. 
Then up jumps the land again, forming rocky hillsides. The vil- 
lage is almost bowl-shaped. When you get out of it, you have 
gone uphill. 

To me these hills are lovely, and a stroll over them at any sea- 
son affords pleasure. There are ferns and heart-leaves, ratbane, 
galax, and partridge berry even when the trees are bare. And 
what is grander than a noble forest of bare trunks and branches, 
or the green pines with their cathedral-like spires and crosses at 
the tops? 

Loveliest of all is the season that brings trailing arbutus, that 
dainty shy little trailer of the earth and leaves. Later in the 
season the wild azaleas, dogwoods, and Judas trees paint the hill- 
sides with a bolder stroke — always something interesting. A 
waterfall, called the "Shower Bath," is a favorite resort of the 
men and boys. It comes leaping over a ledge of rock about fifteen 
or twenty feet, from the deep wooded hills above — a cold shower, 
I'm thinking. 

A mineral spring in the hills south of the courthouse is one of 
the attractions of Wentworth, a morning walk there and back 
being equal to a tonic. The air is fine, the water fine, the walk 
fine! 

Those hills north of town are more wild and less frequently 
chosen for walks, but on their sides are growths of maidenhair 
fern knee-high, some rare flowers of the deutzia family, azaleas 



204 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

that are fragrant, and other beauties that each year come and go, 
"born to blush unseen." 

On another hillside facing south wild pansies grew so thickly 
the slope was purple in the distance, in two-toned shades of 
orchid and purple, lavender and purple. Some vandal hand has 
ploughed them up and changed Pansy Hill to a cornfield. 

Rockingham County Playgrounds, out in the hills northeast of 
Wentworth, is now used as a camp for young Boy and Girl 
Scouts; and its name, "Camp Cherokee," indicates its wild, bold 
nature. 

The view one gets of Wentworth from the eastern entrance is 
particularly beautiful. The village is like a lovely cameo in the 
sunlight, or in the twilight, with its clustered buildings, circled 
by green hills, a purple haze, and the distant blue mountains. 

Changes 

It is a dreadful thing to be awakened from sound sleep and see 
a building going up in flames, having no water supply with which 
to quench them. Such has been not one, but many experiences 
of the Wentworth folk. The jail burned in the middle of the 
night once, and the prisoners had to be locked and guarded in a 
room of the courthouse. The Upper Hotel, a wooden structure, 
went up in a flash, along with all adjoining law offices and the 
drug store. Hall's factory burned in the night. The old homes of 
the Halls, Mitchells, and Boyds have been burned, so that not 
many of Wentworth's old buildings remain; and those left are 
being changed by the ravages of time. But there remains the 
road, and somebody forever hurrying by. ("Wonder where 
they're going?") There remain the hills, if anything, more 
beautiful each year, and, I believe, more steep and wild. And 
there remains a memory, a fond, fond memory. 



SIMEON COLTON'S RAILROAD REPORT, 1840 

Edited by A. R. Newsome 

I 
INTRODUCTION 

As soon as the practicability of railroad transportation was 
demonstrated, rail communication between land-locked Piedmont 
North Carolina and the coast was discussed by discerning citi- 
zens, who rightly attributed the backwardness and poverty of 
the State chiefly to inadequate transportation facilities. 

The General Assembly of 1833-34 incorporated the "Cape Fear, 
Yadkin and Pedee Railroad Company," with authority to build 
a railroad from Fayetteville to the summit of the Narrows of 
the Yadkin, with a southern branch to the Pee Dee River at the 
mouth of Rocky River and thence into Mecklenburg and Lincoln 
counties, and a northern branch to Asheboro. The State re- 
served the right to subscribe to two-fifths of the 10,000 shares 
of stock at $50 each. 1 On January 9, 1837, the name of the 
corporation was changed to the Fayetteville and Western Rail- 
road Company. The act of 1837 authorized a capital stock of 
20,000 shares at $100 each for the construction of a road from 
Fayetteville to some point on the Yadkin above the Narrows, 
with one branch to Wilkesboro and another across the Ca- 
tawba Valley, so as to intersect the proposed Charleston and 
Cincinnati Railroad at the most eligible place. 2 

Two years later, in an endeavor to stimulate the company to 
action, the General Assembly reduced the capital stock to $1,250,- 
000, and directed the Board of Internal Improvement to sub- 
scribe to three-fifths of the stock when two-fifths had been sub- 
scribed by individuals. 3 It was directed that books be opened 
for "subscriptions of individuals and others, in said Company, 
under such rules, at such places and times, and by such persons, 
as the Board of Internal Improvement or the said Company shall 
direct." 4 



1 Laws of 1833-34, Ch. 72. 

2 Laws of 1836-37, Ch. 44. 

3 Laws of 1838-39. Ch. 27. 

4 Laws of 1838-39, Ch. 28. 



[ 205 ] 



206 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

In view of the company's delay in soliciting subscriptions and 
in pursuance of its coordinate power, the Board of Internal Im- 
provement, zealous for the project and impressed by the unusu- 
ally liberal legislative offer, took the initiative by employing 
Simeon Colton as agent and instructing him to solicit subscrip- 
tions in the counties most likely to make them. 5 After several 
months' effort, Mr. Colton made the report to the Board of In- 
ternal Improvement which is published herewith. 

Colton's report deals not only with the efforts to obtain sub- 
scriptions to the stock of the Fayetteville and Western Railroad, 
but also in great detail with the various phases of the general 
problem of an east-and-west railroad in North Carolina. It 
presents a discussion of the benefits of such a road to the State 
and its various sections and interests, the agencies which should 
contribute to. its construction, the relative merits of various 
routes, and the practicability of its early construction. The 
report shows that the author was possessed of information on 
contemporary conditions and an intelligent grasp of the trans- 
portation needs and problems of the State. 

Rev. Simeon Colton, son of Jabez and Mary (Baldwin) Colton, 
was born at Somers, Conn., January 8, 1785. A graduate of 
Yale College in 1806, Colton was pastor of the Congregational 
Church at Palmer, Mass., from 1811 to 1822 ; but his chief fame 
was as an educator. For more than ten years he was principal 
first of Monson Academy and then of Amherst Academy in 
Massachusetts. He then moved to Fayetteville, N. C, where 
prior to 1846 he was long and favorably known as principal of 
the Hay Mount High School. Beginning on January 1, 1840, 
Colton acted for a few months as agent of the Board of Internal 
Improvement in soliciting subscriptions for the Fayetteville and 
Western Railroad. He delivered the literary address in 1842 
before the debating societies at Wake Forest College. He left 
Fayetteville in the spring of 1846 and for nearly two years was 
president of the college at Clinton, Mississippi. Early in 1849 
he became principal of Cumberland Academy in the northern 
part of Cumberland County on the Fayetteville-Raleigh road 



5 "Report of the Board of Internal Improvement to the General Assembly," Public Docu- 
mta. Session of 1840-41, No. 16. 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 207 

about midway between the two towns. He moved to Asheboro 
in 1854, where he resided until his death on December 27, 1868. 
He was a friend and patron of the University of North Carolina. 
He was thrice married: in 1812 to Lucretia Colton of Long- 
meadow, Mass. ; in 1823 to Susan Chapman of Tolland, Vt. ; and 
in 1851 to Mrs. Catherine E. Fuller of Fayetteville, N. C. 6 

Colton's failure to obtain sufficient subscriptions from indi- 
viduals to insure the State's subscription to three-fifths of the 
stock led the Board of Internal Improvement to consider the 
Fayetteville and Western Railroad project at an end. The 
Board recommended the construction of a turnpike road from 
Raleigh to Salisbury, with a branch to Fayetteville. It estimated 
that such an east-and-west connection might be built, half graded 
and half macadamized, for $353,100. 7 

The proponents of the Fayetteville and Western Railroad were 
a decade ahead of the time when an east-and-west railroad was 
feasible in North Carolina. Not until 1849 was the North Caro- 
lina Railroad Company chartered to construct a road from 
Goldsboro through Raleigh, Hillsboro, Greensboro, Salisbury, 
and Concord to Charlotte. Under the effective leadership of 
John M. Morehead, the North Carolina Railroad was completed 
in 1856. 8 



6 "Necrology of New-England Colleges, 1868-9," The New-England Historical and Genealog- 
ical Register. XXIV, 183 ; Increase N. Tarbox, "Manning: Leonard," ibid., XLI, 250 ; Fayette- 
ville Observer. January 1. 1840, January 27, 1846, December 19, 1848; An Address delivered 
before the Philomathesian & Euzeb'an Societies, in Wake Forest College, June 16, 1832; K. P. 
Battle, History of the University of North Carolina, I, 500, 649. 

7 "Report of the President and Directors of the Board of Internal Improvement," Legis- 
lative Documents, 1838, 7-8 ; "Report of the Board of Internal Improvement to the General 
Assembly," Public Documents, Session of 18^0-hl, No. 16, p. 2. 

8 C. K. Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Development, Ch. 5 ; R. D. W. Connor, 
North Carolina, II. 42-48 ; B. A. Konkle. John Motley Morehead and the Development of 
North Carolina, Chs. 13-15. 



208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

II 
COLTON'S REPORT 9 

To His Excellency Edward B. Dudley, 

President of the Board of Internal Improvement. 10 

The undersigned having executed in part, the duties of the Commis- 
sion received from your Honorable Board 

Asks leave to 

Report as follows. 

In accordance with an arrangement 
made at the time of receiving and accepting the appointment as Agent 
of the Board, I gave notice to the President that on the first day of 
January, I was ready to enter upon the business assigned to me. 

For the sake of obtaining information, and collecting necessary docu- 
ments, I first made a journey to Raleigh. On my return, I went to 
Wilmington for the purpose of holding a personal conference with some 
of the Contractors on the Wilmington and Raleigh Road. 11 These 
Contractors had, through your President, made an offer to do a certain 
amount of work on the contemplated Road, and to receive a certain 
amount of stock in part payment. The terms proposed were thought 
by some to be advantageous, but by others, to be accompanied with such 
restrictions as to render the offer inadmissible. The particular object of 
my visit was to endeavor to persuade these Contractors to vary their 
proposals in such a manner as to remove the objectionable features. 
The result of the conference with the Contractors, and their Agent, 
was such as I supposed would be satisfactory to all concerned. They 
were willing to contract for any amount of work up to a million of 
dollars, and to receive ten per centum of their pay in the stock of the 
Road. And should people living on, or near the route of the Road, be 
disposed to make contracts for work, receiving a larger portion of stock 
in payment, these Contractors were willing to take the remainder of 
the work at the rate they had proposed for the whole. By this arrange- 
ment, it was supposed that $100,000 out of the $500,000 to be raised 
by individual subscription, was secured. 

As the Commissioners in the County of Cumberland had made con- 



9 The manuscript of Colton's thirty-six page report is in the collection of the papers of 
the Board of Internal Improvement in the archives of the North Carolina Historical Com- 
mission. 

10 The Board of Internal Improvement, created in 1819, consisted after 1824 of the governor 
and three directors, chosen annually by joint ballot of both houses of the General Assembly. 
Laws of North Carolina, 1824, Ch. 5. 

11 The Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad Company was chartered in 1833, though not until 
1836 was an organization perfected and work begun. The indifference of Raleigh and the 
completion in 1833 of a railroad from Petersburg to Blakely on the Roanoke River near 
Weldon caused the company to decide upon Weldon as the northern terminus, and legislative 
authority for a connection with the Virginia road was obtained in 1835. In 1837 the State 
purchased two-fifths of the stock of the road. On March 7, 1840, the last spike was driven in 
the 161 x /2 miles of road between Wilmington and Weldon. In 1855, the name of the company 
was changed to the Wilmington and Weldon Railroad Company. Private Laws of North Caro- 
lina, 1854-55, Ch. 235 ; Raleigh Register, Aug. 6, 1833. For a history of the road, see C. K. 
Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Development, Ch. 3. 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 209 

siderable advance in obtaining subscriptions in that County, and as they 
were willing to make still further exertions, I deemed it best for me to 
make an excursion into the western part of the state, in order to ascer- 
tain what the citizens of the Counties contiguous to the probable route 
of the Road would do to aid its construction. Supposing that the 
$100,000 proposed to be taken by the Contractors might be considered 
as disposed of, either with them, or with others taking contracts in a 
similar manner, and admitting that the County of Cumberland, with 
other Counties contiguous to the Cape Fear river would probably take 
$200,000, it would be necessary to procure in the Counties west of Cum- 
berland, $200,000 more, in order to secure the subscription of the State. 

For the sake of presenting the object to the people, and to open books 
of subscription, I went out in the latter part of the month of January 
into such of the Counties as were contiguous to what is called the north- 
ern route of the contemplated Road. The plan I proposed to myself 
was to visit the Counties during the sessions of the Courts, 12 or on 
some public occasion, when the people were generally together; to ad- 
dress them in public on the subject of the Road, offer books of subscrip- 
tion, and then make application to individuals as far as practicable, and 
on leaving the County, to commit the books to the Commissioners to 
obtain such additions as they could before the books were closed. 

The first county I visited was Randolph, and at the time when the 
county court was in session. Here, after a public address, books of 
subscription were opened, and a liberal subscription was commenced. 
The people generally seemed to be deeply interested in the enterprise, 
and ready to give to it an honorable encouragement. Subsequently I 
visited the Counties of Chatham, Guilford, Moore, Rowan, Surry, Da- 
vidson and Davie. In all these, the same course was pursued as in 
Randolph, though not with the same degree of success. I also visited 
the Counties of Iredell, Wilkes & Stokes, in all of which, I presented 
the object of my agency to the Commissioners, and leading men, endeav- 
oring to gain their opinion, and through them, the opinion of the com- 
munity, though in these Counties, I did not address the citizens in 
public. 

The amount of subscription obtained is as follows. Randolph $13,100 
Chatham $3,100 Guilford $4,400 Rowan $13,500 Davidson $1,900 
Davie $10,000 making in all the sum of $46,000 In the other Counties 
visited nothing was obtained, though books were offered in all. In all 
the Counties named, books containing the names of subscribers & the 
amount of subscriptions were left with the Commissioners so that an 
opportunity is still offered to any one, who may wish to subscribe. 

Originally, it was my purpose, after having visited the Counties con- 
tiguous to what is called the northern route, to have visited those upon, 
or contiguous to what is called the southern route, viz Montgomery, 

!2 Prior to 1868, each county had a Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions which met four 
times each year at the county seat. 



210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Richmond, Anson, Cabarrus, Meklenburg, and Lincoln. This, it 
seemed to me, was necessary in order that the people might have an 
opportunity, if they wished, to avail themselves of a privilege offered 
by the State, and if they did not wish to do so, that the Board might 
be able to say they had made a thorough trial, & were compelled to 
consider the effort as an utter failure. Whether these Counties should 
not yet be visited, is a matter, which the Board will decide. Even ad- 
mitting that the chance of success is small, still, what reply can be 
given should the people of that section say they would have encouraged 
the work had they been applied to for aid. The northern Counties, it 
is true, have come very far short of what was expected from them. 
The Southern may be equally as deficient. But one object with the 
Board, as I suppose, is to determine the question whether the Road can 
be made. The public has long been agitated about this scheme of a 
western Road. Many plans have been talked of, though nothing has 
been accomplished The public good seems to require that the question 
in some way, be put to rest, either by collecting the means, and proceed- 
ing to make the Road, or by determining that for the want of means 
it cannot be made. To settle this question, it is important to ascertain 
what are the opinions and wishes of people in the different sections of 
the State. A visit to the Southern Counties, if it secured nothing more, 
might secure this information, which would be of service in deciding the 
question of expediency concerning the attempt to build the Road. 

In pursuing the business of my Agency in the northern Counties, it 
has been my endeavor, not only to collect subscriptions to the stock of 
the Road, but to show to the people the importance of the enterprise, 
both as relates to private interest, and the public good ; also to collect as 
far as possible, the opinions of the citizens respecting the practicability 
& the ultimate success of the undertaking. 

Various reasons have been assigned for not subscribing, but the prin- 
cipal objections seem to arise from the pecuniary embarrassment of the 
times, and a general belief that the money paid for the stock will prove 
an unprofitable investment. Other reasons have been assigned, some 
arising out of local circumstances, and some from the conditions of 
individuals. All these objections, I have endeavored to obviate both in 
public addresses and in conference with particular individuals. In 
every County, which I have visited, I have urged my application as 
long as there appeared to be any hope of success, and till, in the view 
of the Commissioners, further effort seemed to be useless. One only 
possible chance seemed to remain. By going about from house to 
house, & holding a personal conference with individuals, it is possible 
that a considerable amount, in small subscriptions, might be obtained. 
But even this mode, considering the peculiar aspect of the times, prom- 
ised no great degree of success, while it would require much time, and 
create considerable expense. 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 211 

As relates to the opinion of people, there seems to be but one sentiment 
prevailing among all the leading men with whom I conversed, respecting 
the utility and importance of the work. All consider the enterprise as 
intimately connected with the prosperity of the state, and, therefore, 
that it is highly desirable the Road should be made. As respects the 
prospect at the present time, there seems to be a generaly prevailing 
opinion that the requisite amount of subscription cannot be obtained. 

A considerable number of individuals of extensive acquaintance and 
influence in the State, entertain strong doubts whether in times most 
favorable, the requisite amount of subscription could be obtained, and 
consequently that unless the state can be induced to add another fifth 
to their proposed subscription, the Road cannot be built. A general 
opinion, however, which I have heard expressed is that the object ought 
not to be entirely abandoned ; on the other hand, that it ought to be kept 
before the public in the hope that at some future time, the Road con- 
templated in the charter granted, may be constructed, or some other 
means of communication may be devised that will answer the same 
purpose. 

Such are some of the opinions, I have heard expressed by various 
individuals with whom I have conversed. The conviction wrought in 
my mind as the result of the inquiries I have made, and from the 
opinions, I have heard given is that unless the State take a larger por- 
tion of the stock, the Road cannot be built. 

The whole amount of stock taken, including that hypothetically sub- 
scribed by the Contractors, does not much vary from the sum of 
$240,000. being not quite half the amount necessary to secure the sub- 
scription of the State. In the western Counties $46,000. In Fayette- 
ville and the vicinity $97,000, which with the $100,000 of the Con- 
tractors makes an amount of $243,000. Such is the result of the effort 
thus far made. Whether further effort shall be made at the present 
time; or whether there shall be a suspension for the present with a 
view to a future renewal, or whether there shall be an entire abandon- 
ment, are questions that will naturally come before the Board for con- 
sideration. 

As my particular business was to open books of subscription; having 
done that, and having made my report as above of the result of the 
effort, it may perhaps be thought superfluous, and even too assuming in 
me, to go into a discussion of the general subject relating to the Road. 
Having, however, as a matter of necessity, directed my attention some- 
what to the subject; having collected together many facts from Essays, 
Reports, Documents and the People, and having learned something 
of the different interests that are to be met in different parts of the 
State, I hope I shall be pardoned, if I turn aside a little from the par- 



212 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ticular track marked out for me in my Commission, and present to the 
Board a few remarks respecting the general subject of this contemplated 
western Road. 

Situated as JSTorth Carolina is, I suppose it must be obvious to every 
one that she can never become a great commercial state. Her pros- 
perity must depend, not upon a strained effort to become a commercial 
state, but upon a proper use of the bounties, which the great Author of 
nature has so liberally bestowed upon her. A certain extent of com- 
merce she can maintain, and this certain extent is essential in order to 
bring into more active service her other abundant resources. To pro- 
mote this necessary extent of commerce, there must be some central 
point that may serve as a market of purchase and sale. To this point, 
there must be an easy mode of access from every part of the State that 
may desire to make use of this market. But situated as we are, a home 
market should be carefully sought. Nature has so diversified her boun- 
ties that we seem compelled to adopt a variety of business, and thus 
are invited to a mutual dependence upon each other. There is no one 
branch of business, either agricultural, mineral, mercantile, or mechani- 
cal, which can be exclusively pursued to advantage. On the other hand, 
we seem to be peculiarly invited to a community of business, and to 
have thus among ourselves the elements of complete independence. By 
a due regard to every department of privilege; by nourishing and mak- 
ing all grow together, we may arrive at wealth, and reach a point of 
distinction equal to that of other states better favored with commercial 
privileges than ourselves. To give proper encouragement to every 
variety of interest, to which we are thus invited to attend; to bring into 
operation all these elements of independance, and to give each particular 
part its appropriate bearing and influence upon the other, thus securing 
the growth of each, and the general prosperity of the whole, it is neces- 
sary that such facility of communication be provided that the Farmer, 
the Mechanic, the Trader and the Manufacturer may easily transport 
to various points such things as he has to sell. At the same time, 
there will need to be a market town on the sea coast, through which, 
communication may be had with other parts of the world. 

To aid in accomplishing all this, a Rail Road has been supposed to 
afford the most easy, expeditious and effectual mode of communication. 
To construct such a Road, a charter has been granted, and the question 
now before the public is whether the Road shall be built. 

In presenting my views upon this subject, the four following ques- 
tions, may form an introduction to what I wish to say 

For whose benefit is the Road to be made? 

By whom shall it be made? 

Where shall it be made? and 

Can it be made ? 

For whose benefit is the Road to be made? This question opens a 
broad field of inquiry. The limits may, however, be somewhat cir- 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 213 

cumscribed, if we confine ourselves to those particular parts that have a 
more special interest in the success of the enterprise. 

For convenience sake, I will consider the subject in reference to the 
interest of three parties — the intermediate portions of the State — the 
extremities of the state, and the State taken as a whole. 

Intermediate sections — 

From whatever points, and in whatever direction the Road is to run, 
it is obvious that along its route, at various places, villages will spring 
up, which, from local circumstances, will rise into importance. Of 
necessity, depots must be established at intervals along the line. There 
will gather around them a cluster of buildings; a population, & a busi- 
ness according to the advantages of situation. Beside the new villages, 
towns already in existence will, through the increased facility of trans- 
acting business, rise into greater importance, & become the centre of 
more extended operations. The same causes, however, which will be 
the means of benefit to one place, will become a source of evil to an- 
other. The trade now done in some places, will be diverted, because 
people finding a market nearer home where things can be bought and 
sold nearly as well as at the distant market where they had previously 
been accustomed to trade, will forsake the old, and resort to the new. 
The expense of transportation being easy and prompt, goods will be 
sold at a hundred miles in the interior nearly as cheap as in a town 
nearer the sea. Produce will also bear nearly the same price at one 
place as the other. The effect, therefore, upon such intermediate towns 
as happen to lie upon the route will be rather to diminish than increase 
their business. So far at least, as the retail of goods is concerned, this 
will be the result. Traders will station themselves along the line where 
they can do business to the best advantage. And as business can always 
be done cheaper in the country than in towns, people will be prompt to 
seize the opportunity, and thus so much business will be diverted from 
the town, directly to its injury, & to the benefit of others. The history 
of the trading business in this State affords the most abundant testimony 
to the correctness of these remarks, for since the number of stores has 
been so greatly increased in the interior, the business of our larger towns, 
that is, the retail business has proportion ably declined. An increased 
facility of transportation, & the consequent diminution of prices will 
make the difference still wider. The change in the export trade will be 
yet greater. The merchant at the extremity of the Road, or at an inter- 
mediate point, will soon find that he could as well send his freight 
through the line to the ultimate market as to stop on the way and pay 
a commission for forwarding. The farmer too will soon learn that he 
can as well send his produce on his own account as to commit it to the 
merchant of some intermediate point, and pay him a commission or give 
him the profit on the sale. 






214 The Worth Carolina Historical Review 

Thus, I apprehend, the effect on some of the intermediate towns now 
enjoying a tolerably lucrative trade, would be directly to curtail their 
business, especially that of a retail of goods. This, I suppose, would in 
particular be the effect on Fayetteville, and perhaps in some degree 
upon Raleigh. Raleigh, however, has never till recently enjoyed a 
large trade. She would, therefore, feel less keenly the effects of the 
change than her sister towns. Fayetteville having for years enjoyed 
an extensive country trade, would feel deeply the effects of the change. 

These remarks are made in allusion to an opinion, which I have often 
heard expressed, and which seems very generally to prevail, that the 
construction of this western Road is so essential to the existence of 
Fayetteville that she ought to engage largely in the enterprise, and 
sustain a large portion of the expense. I would by no means intimate 
that the contemplated Road would be of no benefit to Fayetteville, but 
I cannot admit that it is so essential to the existence, or prosperity of 
that town as some seem to suppose. And in this opinion, I believe, 
some of the most inteligent citizens agree with me. Fayetteville pos- 
sesses many peculiar advantages for a manufacturing place. Making 
a proper use of these advantages, she may attain to greater prosperity 
than she has ever done by trade. These privileges would, no doubt, be 
greatly enhanced in value by a greater facility of intercourse with the 
interior, but they could not, in themselves, be made better. A Rail 
Road, it is true, would be convenient to the town, but it is not essential 
to its existence. And it is much to be questioned whether the town 
would gain more to her manufacturing interest than she would lose in 
her trade. Produce coming down from the country, instead of stopping 
as it now does, and paying a commission, would pass on to the ultimate 
market under the direction of the farmer, or country trader. And why 
should it not ? Why may not the holder, who lives a hundred or two 
hundred miles from a market as well transmit through the whole route 
as half the distance, there consigning to a second person, who makes his 
charge and then forwards to the ultimate market? Instead of the 
barter trade now so extensively pursued in Fayetteville, there would be 
only the whole-sale trade, & this chiefly to the country traders, who 
would transact at their own doors the business now transacted in town. 
Fayetteville, it is probable, in consequence of the change in business that 
would follow the construction of a Road, would need greater supplies 
from the country for her own consumption, and on this account, the 
Road would be useful. In disposing of her manufactured wares in the 
interior, there would be a like convenience. It is not unlikely that that 
town would also become the Cotton mart for the State. The multipli- 
cation of factories throughout the State, will render it necessary that 
there be some common depot for transferring the raw material into the 
hands of the Manufacturer. The centre of manufacturing business will 
naturally become the centre of that kind of business. And, considering 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 215 



the facility of water communication with the sea-board, as well as the 
extensive, & never failing water privilege in and about that town, 
Fayetteville must, with proper exertion, become the great centre of 
manufacturing for the State. A Rail Road, however, from this place to 
the interior will be of no less benefit, nay, it will be of much more benefit 
to the interior than to the town. It is not then exclusively, nor mainly 
for Fayetteville that this Road is to be built. Because the people of 
Fayetteville have taken the lead in this business, an impression seems 
to have gone forth that it is a project gotten up altogether by the people 
of that place for the purpose of sustaining their peculiar interests, & to 
prevent the town from sinking into ruin. This I conceive to be an 
entirely mistaken view of the matter. There are other portions of the 
state that will receive far greater benefit than Fayetteville. Thus — 

The extreme ends of the State, or the termini of the Road. The 
ultimate market on the sea coast, and the section of country around the 
western end of the Road, are points that will receive a much larger 
share of benefit than places along the line. Suppose the town of Wil- 
mington is made the eastern terminus, and that thence there is a com- 
munication stretching into the western part of the state, and there 
ramified into such branches as would bring to that town all the produce 
that now finds its way into adjacent states. Who does not see that at 
once such an immense influx of business would come into that town as 
rapidly to raise it to importance, and render it a powerful rival to almost 
any town on the south Atlantic ? Suppose in addition, the western mer- 
chants should resort to that town for their supply of heavy goods, who 
does not see that by their double trade a business would grow up, which 
under prudent management, would lay the foundation for an increasing 
accumulation of immense wealth? This would be the result to any 
town that should happen to enjoy at the eastern terminus of the Road, 
the privilege I have named. Business would increase with rapidity. 
Capital would be introduced from other places. Foreign commerce, as 
well as the Coasting trade would be enlarged, and the town would 
soon assume an aspect of bustle and business that would impart life and 
energy to places far remote. Commercial enterprise would accumulate 
wealth, the effect of which would flow back through various channels 
into the interior, and impart new vigor to a large portion of the com- 
munity. 

Similar to this would be the effect on the country laying around the 
western terminus. Suppose the County of Wilkes be taken as a point 
for illustration. In that County, according to a computation made by 
a good judge, there were in the month of April 1840, forty thousand 
barrels of corn ready for sale. The price ranged from $1.25 to 1.50 
per barrel but there was no opportunity for selling, because the cost of 
hauling to a market was so much that the article would not bear trans- 
portation to any place where it could be sold. To have hauled it to 
Fayetteville, or to South Carolina, would have cost $1.25 per cwt. so 



216 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that in either of these markets, the proceeds of sale would not have 
covered the expense of hauling. Suppose now, as is often the case, that 
corn were worth in Fayetteville a dollar per bushel, and suppose the 
expense of transportation were thirty cents, an expense, which, on a 
Rail Road, would be ample, and suppose the corn were worth at home 
thirty cents, there would be a clear saving to the grower of forty cents 
on a bushel, which, on the amount for sale in the County in April, 
would make the sum of $80,000. On other articles, there would be an 
equal advantage. Again, take the County of Davidson, which is a 
grain-growing county. A gentleman inquiring what might be con- 
sidered as a fair average for a standard price of corn in Fayetteville, 
and being told that 62 1 / 4 cents might be considered as the ordinary 
minimum price; being also told that on a Rail Road it might be trans- 
ported for 12% cents per bushel, remarked that it would be the best 
crop they could raise, as it would always be worth at home at least 
fifty cents, whereas it could now be bought in abundance for forty. 
Again, take an illustration from the County of Rowan. A merchant 
in Salisbury wished to ship his cotton through Wilmington to a market. 
He contracted for the hauling to Fayetteville at three dollars per bale. 
On a Railroad, if the charge were as low as on other Rail roads, the 
cost would have been one dollar per bale. The saving at this rate on 
5000 bales would be $10,000. In the County of Iredell, large quantities 
of wheat are grown. In April 1840, I was informed by a competent 
judge that there were then for sale in that county not less than 10.000 
bushels, and probably much more. Besides this, large quantities had 
been floured and sent to market, probably more than the wheat remain- 
ing for sale, would make. But not to place the quantity too high, I 
will suppose the average annual sale to be 3000 barrels. The hauling 
of this to market, whether to Fayetteville, or South Carolina, costs a 
dollar per cwt. that is, the three thousand barrels would cost $6000. 
The cost of transporting the same on a Rail Road would be 75 cents per 
barrel, thus making a saving in the transportation of $3750 on that 
single article. Take then the Counties of Rowan, Davie, Iredell, Wilkes, 
Stokes, Guilford, Randolph, Davidson, and Cabarrus, and estimate the 
saving to each, in the proportion to the items I have named, and upon 
all the articles transported for sale, and the amount would exceed the 
sum of $100,000 annually in the cost of transportation to a market. 
Add to this, the saving there would be on return loads consisting of 
merchandise brought into the country for sale, and the amount is en- 
larged. But this is not all. The greater promptness, with which busi- 
ness would be done, would be to the merchant and the planter a constant 
inducement to use the Road. 

Under such increased facility for doing business, and with the conse- 
quent diminution of expense, what must be the effect on all the agricul- 
tural interest? Farmers encouraged by a better market would increase 
their crops; farms would be better cultivated, and the value of lands 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 217 

would be greatly enhanced. Thus the greatest benefit would accrue to 
the agricultural interest of the west by the construction of the Road, 
while places along the route would be built up, and the whole region 
from one end of the Road to the other, with that especially about the 
interior terminus, would secure a permanent good. 

Such would be the effect of the construction of a good Rail Road 
running through the state, to the intermediate sections, & to the termini 
at the east & the west. 

But the State, as a whole, is to be the principal gainer. 

The late venerable President of our University, in one of his essays 
concerning a central Road, remarks, "That the people of North Caro- 
lina are laboring under a privation of opportunities for market, and 
that this is keeping them depressed, and embarrassed, is a selfevident 
truth." 13 That the State of North Carolina is far behind many, and 
most of the States of the Union, in the number of wealthy individuals, 
and in general prosperity, cannot be denied. Though the fifth in extent 
of territory and population, yet in that, which constitutes the wealth 
of nations, she is inferior to many even of the smaller states. That this 
inferiority does not arise from any deficiency in the provisions of nature, 
must be evident to everyone, who takes a survey of the resources, with 
which the State is furnished. Her soil and her mineral wealth will 
bear a comparison with the same in any state. The quotation, I have 
made from the late President of the University, in part, reveals the 
cause of our inferiority. Williamson, the historian, describing the con- 
dition of the early setlers, and alluding to the practice of buying from, 
and selling to the transient New England traders, remarks, "That the 
planter had not much difficulty in selling his crop, and he did not per- 
ceive that by selling cheap, and buying dear, he lost half the produce of 
his farm." 14 These quotations reveal the secret of our depression, & 
comparative inferiority. Having no market place of our own, the 
State has been for years expending her strength to enrich her neighbors. 
Her life's blood has been drawn out from every vein to nourish those 
that have stood around waiting to seize any advantage that might offer. 

That I am not speaking at random on this subject, will be obvious 
from a referance to facts. Of the trade of that part of the State, which 
lies west of the Yadkin, full three fourths of all that is sold of the pro- 
duce of the land goes to the adjacent states, and of that part, which lies 
east of the same river, or bordering upon it, a large, though perhaps not 
quite so large a proportion of the produce is sold in the same way. Of 
the Counties bordering upon the south line of the state, and those in 
the northeastern part, scarcely any thing finds a market among our- 
selves, while much in the more central parts is carried abroad in a 



13 Joseph Caldwell, president of the University, 1804-12, 1817-35. The quotation is from 
his The Numbers of Carlton, Addressed to the Peovle of North Carolina, on a Central Rail- 
Rood through the State (1828), p. 39. 

14 Hugh Williamson, The History of North Carolina (1812), I, 124-125. 



218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

similar manner. As a matter of course, foreign goods for home con- 
sumption, are usually bought where produce is sold. The traders, for 
example, in the interior of this state obtain much of their supplies of 
salt for their stores through the teams that have been employed in con- 
veying produce to South Carolina. Thus whatever of profit there is 
in the traffic of produce, and the sale of foreign articles bought in other 
states, goes to enrich the merchant of those states, instead of enriching 
our own. True that to the individual selling his produce, it is of no 
consequence whether the profits arising from the article he sells goes 
to enrich the citizen of another State, or his own. Nor is it material to 
him where he purchases provided the price be equal But to the State, 
this is a matter of material importance. The sixpence, which the 
trader of another state makes upon a bushel of corn, which he buys of 
a citizen of this is in itself of no account, nor is the twenty five cents, 
which he may make on a barrel of flour. But the aggregate of profits 
on all the sales of such articles amounts to no inconsiderable sum. 
This aggregate of profits would, concentrated in one man, soon render 
him immensely wealthy. 

Another item, from which we may learn how much the state is suf- 
fering from this practice of going abroad for trade is found in the 
effect produced upon our currency. 

The amount of banking capital invested in North Carolina a little 
exceeds the sum of $3,000,000., of which sum, the State itself owns one 
million. Banks are allowed by law to issue in bills 2 to one that is for 
one million of stock, they may issue three million of dollars. Our banks, 
therefore, ought to have the privilege of keeping in circulation $6,000.- 
000 of their own money in constant circulation. Instead of this, there 
is rarely a time when there are $3,000,000 of our money abroad. 
$2,000,000 is the amount reported at the last session of our Legislature, 
and there is even less than this at the present time. 

From calculations made by men well acquainted with the subject, it 
is estimated that the amount of foreign money circulating in North 
Carolina in prosperous times compared with our own, is as 3 to 2. that 
is while we have $2,000,000 of our own money in circulation, we have 
$3,000,000 of foreign. Many think the ratio named is too small, & that 
it ought to be estimated as 4 to 2, that is double the amount. 

The obvious effect of this introduction of foreign money is to prevent 
the circulation of our own, for just so much as foreign money forms 
the circulating medium among us, so much our own money is restricted. 
Did our money circulate as extensively in other states, we might then 
ballance the account of circulation against circulation. But this is not 
the case. We purchase scarcely anything from adjoining states, by 
which our money can gain a circulation abroad. The money, which 
goes from us to purchase goods at the north, does not get into general 
circulation, but usually returns in large sums to the Banks, or which 
is the same in effect, is first emitted in bills of exchange, for which the 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 219 

banks have either paid out their money soon to return upon them, or for 
which, drafts of specie are likely soon to be made. Wot so with the 
foreign money circulating among us. Its circulation is permanent. A 
long time passes before it returns to the mother bank, so that it continues 
permanently afloat, thus forming the ordinary medium of transacting 
business, particularly in those parts of the State that are remote from 
our Banks. While our banks refused to receive this foreign money in 
payment of debts, its circulation was undisturbed, and there seemed 
to be a prospect that it would soon become our only currency. The 
refusal of our banks to receive this money only went to injure them- 
selves. Such was its abundance that business men were compelled to 
receive it even though to their own disadvantage, and when received, 
it must again on some terms be put afloat. Instead, therefore, of re- 
sorting to our banks for a remedy, business men were compelled to resort 
to various devices to make this prevalent currency of foreign money 
answer their purposes. As a means of self defence, therefore, our banks 
are under the necessity of dealing in this foreign money, to take it up 
in payment of debts & then send it home in order to make way for the 
circulation of their own currency. 

The course of policy, which Ave are thus pursuing is calculated directly 
to restrict the circulation of our own State's money, and thus to impov- 
erish ourselves, while others are enriched. Every dollar brought into 
the State beyond what we have in circulation abroad goes to prevent 
so far the circulation of our own money, and consequently to diminish 
the amount of profits, which our banks ought to receive. I know that 
it is said by some, if our banks would discount more freely, Ave should 
not be so flooded with foreign money. This reasoning may appear 
specious, but it is illusive. Banks cannot discount beyond what busi- 
ness transactions Avill warrant. It is the course of business that has 
brought the difliculty upon us. Were our banks to discount ever so 
freely, still so long as business takes its present course, there would be 
the same amount of foreign money among us. The surplus that our 
banks might emit would only return upon them, compel them to restrict 
their operations, and thus render them odious to the community. The 
fault rests not in the banks, but in the policy Ave adopt for trade, and 
the amount of loss to the State is great. Instead of the six millions, 
which our banks ought to be able to keep in circulation, they are able to 
keep afloat only two millions. The remainder of our currency is made 
up of this foreign paper. Take then the difference between what Ave 
haA T e in circulation, and Avhat we should have and calculate the interest 
on the amount of this difference, & so much is the loss to the people of 
the state arising from this source. The difference according to the 
estimate I have made based on facts is $4,000,000; the interest, on 
which, is $240,000. But not to swell the amount too far, take the 
interest on the foreign money ordinarily circulating among us, AAmich 



220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

actually keeps so much of ours out of circulation, and we have a loss of 
$180,000. annually occurring. 

Take another view of the subject. The state itself is an owner of 
stock in the banks of the state to the amount of a million of dollars. 
On banking principles, there ought to be in circulation for this, two 
millions in bills, and an interest corresponding to this amount. Allow- 
ing for all expenses in conducting the business of the bank the state 
must be a loser to an amount annually of a sum not less than $40,000 
by the operations of trade; and for the want of a market among our- 
selves. But this is not all. While trade is thus going abroad capital, 
acquired through the profits of trade, is prevented from accumulating 
at home. Thus the state is again a loser by an amount equal to all the 
taxes she would assess on the property that would thus have been accu- 
mulated through the profits of trade. 

Suppose the states of Massachusetts, and New York, neglecting the 
advantages given them by nature, had gone abroad as we have done for 
the purpose of trade, where would have been that accumulation of capi- 
tal now found in the cities of Boston & New York, which contributes 
so much to lighten the burthens of the state, and rolls back its influ- 
ence into every part of the interior? 

Beside the loss through the Banks, and the accumulation of capital, 
there is another source of injury to the state. The three millions of 
money circulating among us from abroad is the representative of prop- 
erty. It is the representative of so much trade that has gone out of 
the state, for there is no reason to suppose that much of this foreign 
money has ever been drawn by direct loan from the banks. It was 
brought in upon us through the medium, & by the operation of trade. 
On all this trade, there was a profit to the purchaser. This, we are 
bound to presume, or the trade would not have been continued. If the 
three millions are the representative of property sold, there has been a 
profit undoubtedly in the trafic equal to the interest on the money. Here 
then is a loss to the state of another $180.000., which would have fallen 
into the hands of our citizens had the trade been done among ourselves. 
The state then is the poorer by the amount lost on the circulation of 
money, & on the profits of trade, making a sum equal to $360,000 an- 
nually. Besides this, there is a profit on the articles purchased and 
brought into the state for domestic use. Add together these items, & so 
much is the loss we are annually sustaining. So much are we con- 
tributing to enrich others, while we are impoverishing ourselves. But 
admit that with a good market among ourselves, still a portion of trade 
would go abroad, say one third, yet there would be an amount of profit 
saved to our own citizens equal to two thirds of the present loss, that is 
$240,000, but say $200,000 annually. Suppose then this $200,000 were 
an accumulating fund among us, we should soon have an amount of 
v/ealth that would yield a large revenue to the State. The sum, though 
at first small, would form a nucleus, around which there would be a 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 221 

constant accumulation. Capital would produce enterprise, and enter- 
prise would produce capital, and thus in a short time, a large amount 
of property would be collected that would add much to the resources of 
the state. Taxes, instead of falling heavy on lands as they now do, and 
on that part of the community least able to pay, would fall chiefly on 
the more productive property, and on those, whose income would enable 
them to bear the burden with less inconvenience to themselves. 

Separate then from all that individuals are suffering by the course 
that is pursued, the State itself is actually a loser every year to an 
amount more than equal to the interest she must pay on the whole sum 
she would be required to invest for the construction of a Road from 
the head waters of navigation on the Cape Fear to the western part of 
her borders. 

But it is not the loss of money merely that we have to deplore. The 
depression and comparative poverty of the State sinks her into insignifi- 
cance among the States of the Union. Her political influence is commen- 
surate with the estimate of her prosperity. Her vote indeed counts in 
the national councils ; her extent of territory gives her an importance 
on the map of the country, but her influence is scarcely felt beyond her 
own immediate limits. Other states vastly less in extent of territory, 
and in the endowments of nature, have through the enterprise of their 
citizens, aided by various schemes of internal improvement, advanced 
in wealth, and have acquired an influence that is felt far beyond any 
thing of which we can boast. The state of Connecticutt, scarcely larger 
than two of our Counties united, has attained to a degree of wealth, & 
prosperity that may well provoke the envy of a larger state. With a 
school fund of $2,000,000 in actual operation, entirely free from debt, 
& a surplus in her treasury ; with three flourishing colleges, and abound- 
ing in manufactures of every kind, she stands a proud spectacle to the 
world of what industry united with enterprise may accomplish. We, 
on the other hand, have been content to move on in a long-continued 
track, exhausting ourselves, and enriching others. Thus while other 
portions of our country have been advancing, we have been stationary, 
and are comparatively poor and depressed. Our enterprising citizens 
becoming discouraged, and despairing of seeing a better state of things, 
have sought a refuge in other places more congenial to their feelings, 
and more favorable to their enterprising spirit. Thus we have been 
drained not only of a valuable part of our population, but of much 
individual wealth. And not only this. The constant loss of so many 
valuable citizens, and the removing of so much capital, throws a damp 
upon every thing that remains. Trade declines, or falls into the hands 
of mere adventurers without capital, and without knowledge of regular 
business. A system of husbandry is introduced, which serves only to 
exhaust the strength of the soil; while all attempts at improvement are 
neglected. Our population remains stationary; our citizens become 
deficient in enterprise, while other states settled partly, or mainly from 



222 The North Carolina Historical Review 

this, have advanced in prosperity, have grown rich, have acquired in- 
fluence, and now look down upon the mother state as far inferior to the 
children she has raised. 

Such is the condition of North Carolina, and such the losses she sus- 
tains, all growing out of the ill-judged policy of going abroad for trade, 
and neglecting to provide a market within herself. In almost every 
state, provision was early made to concentrate business within its own 
borders. The consequence of that provision has been that large towns 
have grown up ; individuals have acquired great wealth, & the state has 
attained prosperity, rank & influence. Our state was settled by emi- 
grants drawn hither from various quarters, and with as various motives, 
bringing with them their sectional feelings, & prejudices, or preferances. 
These having no place furnished by nature, which seemed to invite to 
a concentration of effort, retained for a long time their sectional prefer- 
ances, and continued to transact their business wherever these prefer- 
ances first led them to form a connection. A habit thus formed has 
continued to the present day so that even at this time, we have little 
of that concentration of feeling, which creates a combined influence, 
induces the citizens to labor to build up their own, instead of going 
abroad for business among those and for the benefit of those who have 
no regard for our peculiar affairs, and interests. 

But is it too late to seek a remedy for these evils? By no means. 
The Directors of the Wilmington and Raleigh rail Road company in 
their 2 d report very justly remark "That the period has come when North 
Carolina must struggle for her her [sic] existence, or sink into insig- 
nificance" And what is to be done to raise us from this depressed con- 
dition? All, which is necessary is to husband our own resources in the 
best possible manner. Take care of ourselves. Instead of appropriat- 
ing our strength to the benefit of others, let it be employed to build up, 
and improve the condition of things at home. The State, I have shown 
is a sufferer by the policy that has been pursued. The State, therefore, 
by her public Councils should provide a remedy. Let such measures 
be adopted as will secure to her own citizens the profits of trade that now 
go abroad to benefit others. Let such arrangements be made as will 
secure to our own currency a circulation equal to the wants of the State. 
This is not to be done by enacting laws making it penal to deal in for- 
eign money. All such laws will be nullified by the community so long 
as the people are obliged to go abroad for a market, where, only money 
foreign to us can be had in payment for what is sold. The experience of 
every day furnishes examples that cannot be mistaken in illustration of 
the truth of this remark. Who hesitates to receive the small bills of a 
South Carolina bank, and yet who does not know that their circulation 
is forbidden by law? Business cannot well be transacted without their 
aid except with great difficulty. Business men are compelled to submit 
to public sentiment, which has rendered the law a nullity. It is only by 
making provision to keep trade among ourselves that we can exclude the 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 223 

currency of other States, and give circulation to our own. The only 
effectual remedy to the evil existing among us is to concentrate the 
trade of the State as much as possible in some point, or points within 
her own borders, or in other words, to build up a market town among 
ourselves. Suppose that a place were selected, and that an easy access 
were established to it from all parts of the interior, there would in a 
short time be an accumulation of wealth in that spot, & arising from its 
business that would materially alter the condition of the whole State. 
An amount of capital would be acquired, which would be invested in 
various ways, & in various schemes of enterprise thus imparting health, 
activity & prosperity throughout the community. The Merchant would 
make investments in trade because he would buy and sell & secure a 
gain to himself. The farmer would improve the condition of his 
grounds and increase his crops because he could readily find a sale for 
whatever he should offer. Fields that have run to waste would be 
redeemed; wornout Plantations would be reclaimed, and land now con- 
sidered useless would be brought into service, because the holder would 
find a remuneration for his exertions. The comparative value of prop- 
erty would be raised; the State would become richer, the public bur- 
thens would become lighter to individuals, and a healthy activity would 
be imparted to every department of business. 

Such would be the result arising from a well-directed effort in Internal 
improvement, a part of which, consists in the construction of a good 
Rail Road into the interior and western part of the State 

If such is to be result, the question naturally arises 

By whom shall this Road be built ? 

This question, in general terms, may be briefly answered for it is 
obvious that a party to be benefitted by a particular enterprise should 
bear the expense. I have shown, as I think, that the State is the party 
to receive the greatest benefit. Then the State should most obviously 
sustain the largest share in the expense. 

The benefit to accrue to the intermediate sections, at least to Fayette- 
ville, I have shown to be comparatively small. True that in common 
with other depots that place will receive her share of benefit. Nay it 
may receive more than some other intermediate places inasmuch as her 
home w r ants may be greater, and, therefore, her demand for home sup- 
plies may be larger. The advantage of a more extensive capital too may 
secure to her something beyond a newly constructed depot. The com- 
parative amount of benefit, however, to that town will be constantly 
diminishing as the retail business shall be transferred to depots farther 
in the interior. There is no reason, therefore, why Fayetteville should 
be called upon to contribute a larger portion of the expense for con- 
structing a Road than she is to receive of the benefit. In common with 
the whole intermediate section, she should do her part, and this should 
be a proportion of the whole amount of the expense to be incurred by 
individuals, as she is to receive of benefit. 



224 The North Cakolina Historical Review 

The termini of the Road, as I have shown, are to receive the largest 
share of benefit that is to accrue to individuals. Should Wilmington 
be made the eastern terminus, that town would at once have an advan- 
tage thrown into her hands, which would raise her to opulence & dis- 
tinction. Wilmington then should put her shoulder to the wheel and 
sustain the enterprise according to the extensive benefit she is to receive. 
The same may be said of the country around the western terminus. 
Let every farmer calculate the benefit he would receive in diminishing 
the expense of getting his produce to market, and the consequent increase 
in the value of his lands; let every trader calculate the benefit he should 
receive in the facility, and diminution of expense in doing business; let 
every mechanic make an estimate of the benefit that will accrue to his 
business; let the manufacturer calculate how much he shall be assisted 
in procuring his raw material, in disposing of his manufactured articles, 
and in procuring supplies for his help, and let the professional man 
calculate how much an improved condition of his section of country 
may add to his comfort, & and his property, then let each resolve to aid 
the work in the proportion of his benefit, to the amount required. 

In the suggestions I have here offered, I have proceeded on the suppo- 
sition that much aid may be procured from individual subscriptions. 
Judging from the result of the effort that has been made, there is very 
little reason to hope for much from this source. I now take the ground 
therefore that this, in the main, should be a State work. There are 
weighty reasons why the State should do the whole, but perhaps it will 
be thought that should individuals take a share there will be a greater 
interest felt in the undertaking and that ultimately it will be better sus- 
tained. The State, however, should do a large part for the plain reason 
that she is to be the largest sharer in the benefit. Even admitting that 
the income of the Road should be barely sufficient to keep it in repair, 
still the State would not be a loser. Individuals, if the income were 
no greater might lose unless they happened to live so much in the imme- 
diate vicinity that the increased value of property would counter- 
balance the want of income. But the State would lose nothing pro- 
vided such should be the result. The advance of income on her own 
banking capital, the like advance on the banking capital of individuals ; 
the increase in the amount of taxable property, and of taxes arising 
from an accumulated capital; the check that would be given to emigra- 
tion; the consequent increase of population; the impulse that would be 
given to every species of business; the introduction of various kinds of 
new manufactures; the greater development of mineral wealth, and the 
greater intimacy of social feeling that would prevail by the increased 
facility of communication, throughout the State, would be an offset to 
any want of positive income from the stock. Let then a fair estimate 
be made of all these things; let there be a fair calculation made of the 
increase in the value of lands in given sections; a fair estimate of the 
amount of increase in value of bank stock; let there be an estimate of 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 225 



the amount of increase in the production of the field, & in manufac- 
tures; then add the amount of capital annually increasing at home by 
these operations, the diminution of expense in going abroad for pur- 
chases of foreign goods ; to all these let there be added what would be the 
probable income of the Road, and who will say that the State will not 
only be a gainer, but a gainer to such an extent that she ought forth- 
with to commence the work. 

People living in sections of the state remote from the probable route 
of the Road may ask why they should be taxed for the construction of 
a. Road, from which, they shall probably never receive any direct benefit. 
I admit there are portions of the state that will probably never use 
the Road. But have they on that account no interest therein? Cer- 
tainly they have. Of what benefit may the people of the west ask with 
equal propriety, would the opening of an inlet at Nags-head be to them. 
Or of what use to them are all the fortifications, light houses and sur- 
veys on the sea coast ? And how are they benefitted by the vast expendi- 
tures of money for these appurtenances to a section that they never 
have, and probably never shall have occasion to visit? But let it be 
remembered in opposition to such inquiries, that what goes to enrich one 
portion of a country goes in a greater or less degree to enrich the whole. 
Suppose the increase in the value of property along the line of the Road, 
and at the west should be such as to double their proportion of taxes, 
do the people of the northeastern part of the State receive no benefit? 
Clearly they do. Every dollar in the increase of the value of property 
at the west goes so far to diminish the amount of taxes in the east. 
Suppose a Lowell were to spring up at some point on the Rail Road with 
her seventeen millions of manufacturing capital, and her more than ten 
thousand of population, would not such an accumulation lighten the 
burden of taxation even in the remotest sections of the State? The 
population of North Carolina has for the last twenty, or even thirty 
years been almost stationary. 15 Suppose now by a wise and judicious 
investiture in public improvement emigration should be checked, and 
the increase of population should correspond with that of the other 
Atlantic states, which have adopted that course, would not all the citizens 
be benefitted ? And what can forbid such a result ? No state has better 
sites for manufacturing; none is better furnished with the various kinds 
of raw material; none has a finer climate, & richer supplies of articles 
for the sustenance of the required help. Nothing but capital and enter- 
prise are wanting to raise us to high rank and opulence. 

Again. In the Bank capital owned by the State, every man has a 
direct concern. It is his interest to encourage by every lawful means 



15 The population of North Carolina errew slowly from 638,829 in 1820 to 737,987 in 1830, 
and 753,419 in 1840. The increase for the decade of the 1830's was only 2 per cent. Unat- 
tractive conditions at home and the lure of the West accounted for the vast emigration. 
More than 400,000 North Carolinians were livine in other states in 1850, at which time the 
population of the State was 869,039. Ninth Census, I. 52 ; R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina, 
I, 463. 



226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the circulation of his own State's money, & to discourage the introduc- 
tion of a foreign currency, because the more extensively our money cir- 
culates the greater is the income to the state on her bank stock. The 
state of, Massachusetts for a few years omitted direct taxation on real 
estate, the revenue derived from the tax on Banks, and such kind of 
property being found nearly sufficient for the expenses of government. 
The amount of tax was one per cent on all the capital Stock of the 
Banks. A similar tax laid on the banking capital of the banks in this 
state, exclusive of that part owned by the State, would amount to 
$20,000 annually. And could our banks keep afloat as much of their 
money as the law allows, they could well afford to pay this amount of 
tax on their stock. But aside from the tax on the stock, the increase of 
income on that stock, which the State owns, could our own money circu- 
late as it ought, would be such as to lighten very much the present 
burdens. 

If then the system of internal improvement contemplated would, on 
being carried into operation, become the means of thus increasing the 
value of property, and of giving an extended circulation to our own 
money, every individual in every part of the state, however remote from 
the route of the Road would be benefitted & ought to be willing to aid 
the work. Sectional feelings should not weigh against the public good, 
and in this case, it is a happy circumstance that sectional feelings may 
all find a satisfaction in the general good that the state is to receive. 
Instead, therefore, of objecting every man, even in the remotest part, 
ought to lend a helping hand. And this, I am persuaded he would do, if 
he would weigh the subject as he ought with the evidence of facts 
before him. 

But if the State is to engage so largely in this work, an important 
question arises 

Where shall this Road be built? 

This question involves the most difficult part of the whole subject. 
To give satisfaction to rival places, and to fix upon a course, which shall 
on the whole secure the greatest amount of public good, is a task not 
easily performed. So much, however, as this must be obvious to every 
one, that if the State is to build the Road, it should have the privilege of 
selecting the route. The peculiar interests of Raleigh, Wilmington, 
Beaufort, or Fayetteville should not form the ground of selection. 
Wherever the public good can best be served, there should be the course 
of the Road whether it lead by, or through any of these towns or not. 
In all the discussions upon this subject, two places have been named 
as the only spots suitable for the eastern terminus of the Road, Wil- 
mington and Beaufort. N"o particular spot is fixed upon for the west- 
ern terminus. In one particular, however, there seems to be a general 
agreement, viz that the first great object should be to reach the Yadkin 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 227 



at some point above the Narrows. 16 This done, branch Roads may 
be made in various directions as the condition and circumstances of the 
country may require. 

In former years there has been much talk of a great central Rail Road 
commencing at Beaufort, running thence westwardly through, or near 
Raleigh, and thence westward to the mountains. The late President of 
our University was a strenuous advocate of this route. A central Road 
is certainly desirable, but it does not follow that that which is locally 
central, is central for the business of the State, nor does it follow that 
because a Road may incline more to the line on one side of the State 
than the other, it, therefore, is not in the best selected Route. The great 
western Road of Massachusetts when crossing Connecticut River ap- 
proaches within six miles of the south line of the State, and yet this is 
unquestionably the best Route, which could have been selected. Other 
arguments than mere central locality should be made the basis of de- 
ciding the course. A road made merely in referance to the two termini 
may pass by the nearest course from one to the other. But a road de- 
signed for the benefit of the intermediate country as well as the termini, 
should pass through such a section of country as may be likely to fur- 
nish the greatest amount of business. Such a road will in reality be 
a central Road to the State, central for business though possibly not so 
in locality. Suppose then a Road were constructed from Beaufort, 
passing through Raleigh to the west. On which side of that line, let 
me ask, would be found the greatest amount of produce passing to a 
North Carolina market? The people living in the northern, & north- 
eastern part of the State, have been so long in the habit of resorting 
to Virginia for a market that it would be difficult through any means 
that might be adopted to induce them to change their course and go to 
Beaufort, or Wilmington. They will probably retain their preferance 
of the Virginia market in despite of all their state interests. The 
amount of produce thus collected on the north of the line I have men- 
tioned & transported to a market within our own state would probably 
be very small. Freight mounted on the carrs of the Rail Road twenty 
or thirty miles north of Raleigh would not be very likely to turn south 
for a market, especially as the cost of freight would be increased at 
every mile's distance from Raleigh. 

But what are the claims of Beaufort to be made the starting point of 
the Road? It superiority over Wilmington is reduced to two particu- 
lars, the supposed superiority of its harbor, and its equal distance be- 
tween the northern & southern line of the State. On these two par- 
ticulars, the writer, to whom I have alluded, grounds his preferance 
of that place. Wilmington as the place for the eastern terminous seems 
to have been entirely overlooked in his discussions. 



i fi The narrows and falls of the Yadkin extended several miles above the mouth of the 
Uwharie River in Stanly, Montgomery, Rowan, and Davidson counties. Here the river crossed 
numerous ridsres of rock which gave it a fall of nearly three hundred fifty feet. W. H. Hoyt, 
The Papers of Archibald D. Murphcy, II, 135, 140. 



228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In fixing upon the place for the eastern terminus, it is obvious that 
one of these two places must be chosen. The claims of each then should 
be compared. 

Wilmington is already a flourishing town. It sustains a respectable 
commerce with the "West Indies; some direct to Europe, and an exten- 
sive coasting trade. The amount of tonage in shipping in that port 
blank space It is a place peculiarly well situated for 

carrying on the coasting and the West India trade. The approach to 
her harbor admitting vessels drawing 13 feet water and of 300 tons 
burthen. Vessels designed for the coasting & West India trade are not 
usually coppered. While laying in southern harbors they are, there- 
fore, liable to great injury from the worm. This would be a serious 
evil at Beaufort. But the harbor of Wilmington being in the fresh 
water of a river, the worm is never troublesome. Vessels can remain 
at pleasure load & unload without injury. The trade now carried 
on from that place to the West Indies can easily be increased to any 
extent that the market of the interior will justify. The enterprising 
citizens of that place have already formed a continuous route of travel 
from the South to the north through a line of Boats, and a Rail Road 
leading through the state, to Virginia. 17 -The communication to, and 
from the town in every direction is easy, and in two directions, the 
town is accessible to Steam Boats, which are constantly plying to and 
from the place. Formerly serious objections were made to the place 
from its supposed unhealthiness. This objection, however, has in a 
great measure been removed, the town having become as healthy as al- 
most any on our south Atlantic coast Further, there is no town on 
the Atlantic coast where an assorted cargo for export can be so easily 
obtained of the native productions of the State, while in exchange for 
these, the productions of other parts of our country, & the luxuries of 
the West Indies, are easily brought to the place, and may be easily 
distributed through the interior when proper communication is per- 
mitted. This town too, it should be remembered is already built and 
growing, and is ready for active operation. Beaufort, on the other 
hand, is a place in a great measure yet to be created; business is to be 
diverted to that point, and in order to this, capital is to be provided; 
other means of communication to and from, are to be prepared, and 
when all this is done, a long time must pass before the course of trade 
can be turned into that channel. To give it equal advantages with 
Wilmington, a Rail Road must be constructed from Raleigh to New- 
berne, for the navigation of the Neuse can never compare with that of 
the Cape Fear. From Newberne to Beaufort a heavy Road must be 






!7 The Wilmington and Raleigh, later called the Wilmington and Weldon, Railroad, which 
connected with the railroad to Petersburg. 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 



made, or the Clubfoot and Harlow canal 18 must be greatly enlarged so 
as to admit vessels to pass from one town to the other. JNTewberne, it 
is not to be expected, will surrender all her business to Beaufort, nor 
will she be contented with a mere boat communication, and the passage 
through Ocracock inlet to Beaufort is too circuitous & dangerous to be 
much used as a means of communication from one place to the other. 
The Canal must, therefore, be much enlarged, to do w T hich, a great 
expense would be required, & when done there would still be no little 
difficulty in keeping it open. The harbor of Beaufort when reached is 
good, but even this is not without its objections, both from obstructions 
at its mouth, and from the fact that laying upon the sea coast vessels 
are liable to injury from the worm so troublesome in all the salt waters 
of the South. 

Suppose now that Beaufort is selected as the eastern terminus in- 
stead of Wilmington. Immense sums of money must be expended be- 
fore it can become easily accessible on the land side, and after all, the 
success of the experiment must be doubtful. The town must be built, 
and when that is done, who can tell that trade will be diverted to that 
place? What Beaufort gained, it is obvious Wilmington must lose 
for as the very object is to divert the trade, it is plain that if the ex- 
periment succeeded, the building up of the one must be the ruin of the 
other. Setting aside every other argument, would it be wise in the State 
to expend millions in forming a market, which when formed must be of 
doubtful utility. Beaufort loses nothing by making Wilmington the 
market, but Wilmington loses everything by having the trade diverted 
to Beaufort. The State gains nothing, for allowing the practicability 
of the undertaking of building up Beaufort, Wilmington will answer 
her purpose as a market equally well. Beside, if we estimate the 
amount of produce collected on either side of a line passing from almost 
any point on the Yadkin above the Narrows to either of the two towns, 
the advantage will always be on the south side of that line to Wilming- 
ton. For reasons, which I have named, very little would pass from the 
north side of a central line even to Beaufort, and that, however much 
it might be, could as easily be transported to Wilmington. 

Wilmington, therefore, it seems to me, has on many accounts higher 
claims to be made the eastern terminus of communication. 

But perhaps it will be said, encourage both. If practicable, this is 
well, but supposing this is impracticable at present, it becomes necessary 
to make a choice, and in making this choice, we must take things as they 



18 For many years the Clubfoot and Karlowe's Creek Canal was a favorite project of in- 
ternal improvement advocates for the concentration at Beaufort of the trade of the Roanoke, 
Tar, and Neuse rivers. A company was incorporated in 1795 to cut a canal between the 
Neuse below New Bern and Newport River, which runs into the sea at Beaufort. In 1818 the 
State subscribed $2,500 for stock in the company. In all the State aided the company to the 
extent of $15,000 in stock and $18,000 as a loan. Not until 1827 did tolls begin to be col- 
lected, and they amounted to only $2,7 <: -2.05 in the next six years. Funds were inadequate 
for the proper maintenance of the canal. J. Allen Morgan, "State Aid to Transportation in 
North Carolina," The North Carolina Booklet, X, 150-152; W. H. Hoyt, The Papers of Archi- 
bald D. Murphey, II, 23, 39, 130-131, 172. 



230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

exist. Suppose then that Wilmington is selected as the eastern terminus, 
the next question is what route shall be selected from that place to the 
west? A favorite point with many, by which the Road shall pass, is 
Raleigh. Suppose then from Wilmington, we look to Raleigh as a 
passing point, in what way shall we get from one place to the other? 
Shall we go up the Cape Fear to Fayetteville, thence to Raleigh by a 
Rail Road, or shall we go up to Waynesboro 19 on the Wilmington & 
Raleigh Road thence across on another Road from Waynesboro to 
Raleigh ? 

To assist in deciding this question, let me advert to the distance of 
places, & the extent of way, over which transportation is to be made. 
Let Raleigh be taken as a centre. From this a radius extended to 
Petersburgh, to Beaufort, to Wilmington by way of Waynesboro, and 
to Wilmington by way of Fayetteville, would be of nearly equal length. 
From Raleigh to Petersburgh by the Rail Road 20 is 143 miles — to Beau- 
fort by the nearest route is 140 miles — to Wilmington by Waynesboro 
is 134 miles. From Raleigh to Fayetteville by the nearest Route 55 
miles, thence by River to Wilmington. In deciding which of these 
routes should be selected reference should be had to the cost of trans- 
portation upon each, for to one of these points, and on one of these 
routes, the produce would find its way to market. To the State, it is 
a matter of importance that the route by Fayetteville be used, because 
having a large amount of stock in the navigation Company of the Cape 
Fear, it is for the interest of the Community to encourage the greatest 
amount of transportation by that Route. There is another reason for 
selecting this route. Should the business on the Cape Fear river be 
greatly diminished by the selection of another route, the Stockholders 
in the navigation Company 21 would abandon the concern as too expen- 
sive for their income, and thus in a little time the navigation of the 
River would become impracticable through the increase of obstructions. 
Wilmington & all the State in that case, would be a loser. 

But through what route can transportation be done cheapest, and 
where will be the best market ? So far as a market is concerned, Peters- 
burgh has so long had the preferance in some articles that a long time 
must elapse before the trade in there could be diverted to another chan- 
nel, even under circumstances the most favorable. At Beaufort a 
market must be created, and this would require much time for trade 
will not spring up at once, in a new place as a mushroom in a sum- 
mer's night. At Wilmington, a market to a considerable extent is al- 



19 Waynesboro, incorporated in 1787, was a few miles west of Goldsboro. 

20 After the Wilmington and Raleierh Railroad Company decided upon Weldon as the north- 
ern terminus and the Petersburg railroad was so successful in operation that many Virginians 
were anxious to extend the road into North Carolina, Raleigh became interested in having a 
railroad. In 1835 the Raleiffh and Gaston Railroad Company was incorporated. In April, 
1840, the 85-mile road M'as opened between Raleierh and Gaston, previously called Wilkin's 
Ferry, a few miles west of Weldon. Gaston was connected with the Petersburg road by the 
Greenville and Roanoke Road, thus establishing: a direct rail connection between Raleigh and 
Petersburg. C. K. Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Development, Ch. 4. 

21 The State owned 650 shares, which was more than one-third of the capital stock of the 
Cape Fear Navigation Company, Legislative Documents, 1838, No. 12, p. 26. 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 231 

ready established. For some articles it is a better market than any in 
the south. For lumber, and naval stores none is better. Beside this, 
it has a harbor better than that of Petersburgh, and in some respects 
superior to Beaufort. There is no reason, therefore, why Wilmington 
may not be the better market, when a suitable communication is opened 
with the interior. 

But the decision of the question after all, must turn mainly on the 
comparative cost of transportation, for the prices at markets so near 
each other, and so much alike in their conveniences, cannot vary to any 
great extent. The route from Raleigh through Fayetteville to Wilming- 
ton will be found, on examination, to be much cheaper than either of 
the other can be for transportation. But I will appeal to facts for 
illustration. From Raleigh, to three of the points named, the com- 
munication must always be by a Rail Road, viz to Petersburgh, to 
Beaufort, & to Wilmington by way of Waynesboro. The distance to 
each place being so nearly equal that the prices fixed for transportation, 
it is presumed will be nearly the same. And as the distance from 
Blakely to Petersburgh is nearly the same as from Raleigh to Waynes- 
boro, & from Raleigh to Fayetteville, it is presumed the rates charged 
on that Road are about the same as would be charged on these two 
Roads to be constructed. Take then several articles for comparison, 
Cotton for one ; The cost of transporting a bale of Cotton from Blakely 
to Petersburgh is 25 cents per hundred, which on the average of bales 
would amount to 87% cents per bale. The cost of transporting the 
same from Raleigh to Blakely would be $1.25. Thus the whole cost of 
transporting a bale of cotton from Raleigh to Petersburg is $2.12% 
The charge to Beaufort and to Wilmington by way of Waynesboro, the 
same. Now by the other route. To Fayetteville from Raleigh 87% 
cents, thence to Wilmington by the river, the charge is 40 cents per bale, 
making a difference in favor of the river route of $.85 cts per bale. 
This on the freight of 10 000 bales, about half the number that has 
passed down the river from Fayetteville in better times, would make a 
saving of $8,500. Take as another example, the article of flour. The 
expense of transporting a barrel from Blakely to Petersburg is 33 cents. 
From Raleigh to Blakely the charge is 47 cents making in all 80 cents 
per barrel. The charge I suppose to Wilmington by way of Waynesboro 
will be the same. Now compare the route by Fayetteville. From 
Raleigh to Fayetteville 33 cents, thence by river to Wilmington is 25 
cents, making in all 58 cts per barrel, leaving 22 cents per barrel in 
favor of this route. There is another and general benefit, which this 
route would permit for this article. The flour of North Carolina would 
find its surest market in the southern ports. Brought as it could be 
several weeks earlier into market than the northern flour, it could by 
prompt transportation fill the southern market before the northern 
flour could come in competition. Wilmington, as affording a more di- 
rect opening to the southern ports would become the better market for 



232 The North Carolina Historical Review 

this article. Lime furnishes another example. The gain for the river 
route on this article is less than that on some other, being only 10 cents 
on a cask. On salt the gain in favor of the river route is 5 cents on a 
sack. On boxed goods, such as furniture, the gain on the river route 
is 4 cents per cubic foot. On Pianos boxed, the gain is 5 dollars each. 
Dry goods by the Rail Road pay by the hundred lbs. On the river by 
the cubic foot. Taking the whole list of freights the advantage to the 
river route over the Rail Road will not vary much from twenty five 
per cent. This is an advantage not to be overlooked in trade. When 
we consider too that the harbor of Wilmington is as accessible as that 
of Petersburgh, that the amount of shipping is much greater, & that 
the cost of transportation thence to an ultimate market is less, there 
can be little ground for hesitating, where the choice should be made. 

To the citizens of Wilmington, it is equal, which route is taken pro- 
vided the produce reaches their market. To Raleigh too, it is a matter 
of indifference, except that she may wish to make use of her own Road 
to Petersburg. But except to those, who are interested in that Road, 
the route by Fayetteville, on the river is preferable because cheaper. 
And to the road it will be no disadvantage for reasons that I shall 
assign. 

Suppose then that Raleigh is fixed upon as a place, through which 
the Road shall pass. Unite this place with Fayetteville by a good and 
substantial Road, and you have a continuous line for transportation 
from Wilmington to Raleigh, over which, produce can be sent to market, 
& goods be returned twenty five per cent cheaper than by any other 
route that can be named, beside that you accommodate the intermediate 
town of Fayetteville, secure to the navigation company a perpetuity of 
business, & to the State a perpetuity of income from their stock. 

But suppose a Road were constructed from Raleigh to Waynesboro, 
and that the course of business should, as some suppose it would, take 
that course to Wilmington, so as to draw it away from the Cape Fear 
River, what would be the consequence? The river navigation would 
become obstructed, the income would not meet the expense of keeping 
the river clear, the Company would abandon their stock, and the navi- 
gation would be closed What then would Wilmington gain? She 
might have the pleasure if it could be called such, of seeing a supposed 
rival in Fayetteville destroyed, but could she calculate on the perma- 
nency of her own prosperity ? The river navigation closed, produce, and 
goods could be transported as cheap through to Petersburg as to that 
place. What would there be then to induce the trader, or farmer when 
he reached Raleigh to go to Wilmington in preferance to Petersburgh? 
And considering how much interest the people of Raleigh Avould have in 
sustaining their own Road, freight would soon be diverted, and very 
little would find its way down the Road to Wilmington. The closing 
of the navigation on the Cape Fear would be the ruin of Wilmington, 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 233 

& the tendency of a Road to Waynesboro from Raleigh, would be to 
divert the business from the river, and thus to close up its navigation. 

I know it has been said that Wilmington is secure of the Cape Fear 
river trade, and that the cross Road to Waynesboro will secure to her 
the addition of the western business through Raleigh. This, I appre- 
hend is a mistaken position. The obvious effect of the cross Road 
would be to diminish the trade of the river, and just in the proportion 
in which that should be diminished, the navigation would be endan- 
gered. Just so much as it is for the interest of Wilmington to keep the 
navigation of the river open, so much is it for her interest to avoid 
every measure, which may have a tendency to divert the business 
through another channel. 

I am aware that objections are often made to the river route because 
it is said no dependance can be placed on that stream, its waters are so 
variable. It is true that objections arising from this source are not 
altogether without foundation. And yet there is much more complaint 
about the river than there ought to be. Delays in shipping goods at 
New York, and other northern ports; delays on the passage, and occa- 
sion delays at Wilmington, are not infrequently all charged to the ac- 
count of the River. This has several times happened during the past 
year. The case of the Lackawana, for example, in the month of Octo- 
ber last is familiar to many. Goods were shipped at New York at the 
same time on board this and another vessel. The freight being less on 
this, caused many to take this vessel in preferance to the other. Both 
sailed nearly at the same time. The other vessel being a better sailer 
& better managed, reached her port in good season. Her cargo was 
delivered, reshipped on the boats, went up the river, and reached its 
destination in good time. The Lackawana being a dull sailer, was over- 
taken by a storm, blown off the coast, and was out six weeks on her 
voyage, not arriving at Wilmington till the river had become too low 
for steam boat navigation. The fault in this case is chargeable to the 
shipper, not the river, for had the goods been sent on as they might 
have been, they would have reached their destination in due season. But 
admit that the river is sometimes deficient, should it, therefore, be set 
down as useless? Where is there a river at the South, or North against 
which the same objections may not be brought, and to a much greater 
extent? Even the Ohio, down whose streams such immense quantities 
of produce are conveyed, is navigable for a much smaller portion of the 
year than the Cape Fear. The rivers further South are still more 
deficient, and all the rivers of the north are closed much longer by ice 
than this by drought. The season of deficiency is usually the same, or 
near the same time of the year. Let then the same calculations be made 
for the drought in this that are made for ice at the north, & the mer- 
chant in the interior will obtain his supplies without difficulty. 

There is another remedy. Let the merchants of Fayetteville supply 
themselves with such heavy articles as may be wanted in the interior, 



234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

while the river is up in the early part of the season. But further, the 
means of navigation on the river may be greatly improved. Light boats 
may be constructed, which may run at all times with light goods for 
freight. 

A company in Fayetteville, now employed in transporting goods upon 
the river, and abundantly able to redeem its pledge, offers to engage that 
on due notice being given no light goods shall ever need to remain a 
fortnight at Wilmington for want of conveyance up the river. They 
propose using light boats that will always be able to run when there 
shall be 18 inches depth of water on the shoals, less than which is rarely 
known. There is another, and an important reason why this route 
should be preferred. The Wilmington and Raleigh Road is not con- 
structed in such a manner as to answer the purpose of a long continued 
heavy transportation, The same is true of the Raleigh and Gaston 
Road. I say this not for the purpose of disparaging the work of the 
two companies that have built these Roads. They have accomplished 
a noble undertaking, and have done well for their means, but a Road 
that may answer well for one purpose, may not be equally good for all. 
These Roads were designed principally as travelling routes. For that 
purpose, used with light carriages, they do well, but used with heavy 
carriages, loaded heavily with freight, they would soon fail. A Rail 
Road designed for heavy carriages, loaded proportionably with freight, 
should be built in the most substantial manner. Longitudinal rails 
with flat bars of iron nailed upon them will answer for traveling, but 
are insufficient for transportation. 22 The correctness of this remark 
is placed beyond a doubt by the experiments that have been made. The 
Petersburgh Road furnishes an example. In a memorial to a late Legis- 
lature of Virginia, the Directors of that Road say that their road must 
be entirely new laid, and that they find a different construction indis- 
pensable. A Road for transportation, should never be made with any 
other than heavy iron Rails. Such a Road it is true, will cost more 
than with the flat Rails, but it is also much more durable, and is not 
liable to those numerous accidents that are so common on roads con- 
structed in the other manner. It will also bear, without injury, the 
transportation of such loads as would soon destroy a road of the other 
kind. Suppose then a Road were constructed from Raleigh to Waynes- 
boro, and suppose it should become the great transport Road, the Wil- 
mington and Raleigh company, would soon find, as the Petersburgh 
company has done, that their road must be new-laid and with an entirely 
different Rail. The Raleigh & Gaston company will find their road in 
the same condition after a few years of heavy transportation. Their 



22 The Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad's track was made of heart pine rails, 6 by 6 and 
6 by 8 inches, covered with iron strips % by 2 inches, and that of the Raleigh and Gaston 
was of a similar type. So rapid was the deterioration that even the mail service on the 
Raleicrh and Gaston v/as shifted in 1851 from a daily to a tri-weekly basis. By the end of 
1851 the entire track of the Wilmington and Raleieh, except fourteen miles, had been relaid 
with new steel rails. C. K. Brown, A State Movement in Railroad Development, 36. 40, 48 ; 
Proceedings of the Raleigh and Gaston Rail Road Company, 1852, pp. 10-11. 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 -J;>~t 

interest, therefore, combines with that of the public in making the river 
the great medium of transportation. Used carefully for travelling, 
their road may be employed for years, but heavy transportation for a 
short time would materially injure them. 

As the safest and most hopeful experiment, let Raleigh and Fayette- 
ville be connected on the nearest practicable route by a substantial Road ; 
From Fayetteville to Wilmington let the River form the medium of 
communication. The navigation on this may be improved so that Boats 
constructed of light materials, carrying light freight, propelled by steam 
may be employed for transportation, or for towing other boats freighted 
with goods. 

Having reached Raleigh, the question now arises in what direction 
shall the Road proceed from that place to the west? 

Believing it is impossible under any circumstances, and at any time, 
to secure an amount of subscription from individuals equal to the pro- 
portion contemplated in the charter granted to the Fayetteville and 
Western Rail Road company; and believing that the public sentiment 
is not sufficiently awake to the importance of the subject to justify the 
Legislature in incurring the expense of building the Road at the present 
time I beg leave to suggest another mode of uniting the eastern and 
western parts of the State as more practicable, involving less expense, 
likely to answer the purpose for the present, and being a gradual im- 
provement, will prepare the way for a more perfect improvement at 
some future time. 

This part of the subject I will consider under the question 

Can the Road be built ? 

If this question be considered in referance to mere ability, it is easily 
answered. But if the question be whether the work will be done, the 
inquiry is entirely different. Efforts have been made at several times 
to raise such an amount as has been required of individuals, but from 
one cause and another, there has always been a failure. ~No terms per- 
haps can be more favorable than those that have recently been proposed. 
A subscription payable in quarterly instalments of four years; beside 
this, an offer to any one, who would give competent security, to take a 
contract to any amount he pleased for work, or materials at the estimate 
of a competent engineer, to be paid one half in a certificate of stock, 
& the other half in cash, at the completion of his work. Yet under such 
favorable proposals, the amount subscribed has been small. There is, 
therefore, very little reason to expect that much will ever be done by 
individuals. Unless the state will take the whole, or at least four fifths 
of the Stock there is but little prospect that the rood w i\\ be built. 

In such a state of public feeling, what shall be done? Should the 
State see fit to appoint Commissioners, to make a thorough survey and 
locate the Road, and then agree to take four fifths of the Stock, I think 
it probable that on the return of more favorable times in relation to 






236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

pecuniary affairs, enough might be raised among individuals to take the 
remainder, and thus secure the construction of the Road. 

But will the State do this? A mere survey & location would cost 
but little, and doing this much would be an inconsiderable burden. But 
that four fifths of the stock will ever be taken is matter of question. 

Public sentiment is not concentrated in sufficient strength upon the 
subject to justify incurring much hazzard in making an experiment. 
And the general impression seems to be that there is a great hazzard 
in making the experiment. People have been so long accustomed to a 
particular mode of doing business, and being practically acquainted with 
no other, it is hard to convince them that another mode, which threatens 
so many changes, is better. The entire failure of all the former splen- 
did schemes of internal improvement, serves to render every man sus- 
picious of any new scheme that is offered. He requires proof equal to 
a mathematical demonstration before he can be persuaded to venture. 
Tell him of the gain that may be made, and he will point you to the 
speculations of former years in similar undertakings when fortunes 
were made & expended almost in a glance of the eye, and yet attended 
in one general wreck of ruin. 

Beside this, Inteligent men every where consider whatever investment 
is made as likely to prove unproductive stock, without taking into the 
account what the State is to gain indirectly by the construction of the 
Road. 

Taking all these circumstances into consideration, the chance that 
the Legislature will take the whole, or even four fifths of the stock is 
exceedingly small. The popular doctrine, now beginning so extensively 
to prevail, that many of the States have run to an excess of prodigality 
on the subject of internal improvement will operate still further as a 
check to any increased responsibility on the part of the State. The 
State cannot carry on the work without borrowing largely, and this at 
the present time would be an unpopular measure. There is then but 
little to hope from this quarter. What then shall be done? Shall we 
give up the whole scheme of internal improvement in hopeless despair? 
I answer, no. If we cannot do all we would, let us do what we can. If 
we cannot reach the perfection of improvement, let us still make an 
approach. There is much that may be done without exhausting the 
funds of the State; without borrowing a single dollar, or involving any 
hazzard to the public, or to individuals. Enough may be done so as 
materially to improve our condition, gradually wear away prejudices, 
and prepare the public mind for further exertions. 

First then, let the line of intercourse, which I have mentioned between 
Wilmington & Raleigh be established. A good substantial Road, with 
heavy iron Rails should be built from Raleigh to Fayetteville. If the 
state will not take the whole of the stock in this, let it give such a liberal 
encouragement as that individuals can without difficulty take the re- 



Simeon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840 237 

mainder. If the navigation on the River needa to he improved, and if 
it can he done, let the company which has that work in charge make the 
required improvement. 

As to a communication from Raleigh & Fuyetteville to the west, let 
there be a good turnpike Road made from each place, at least as far as 
the Yadkin River. Begin with a single Road from each place as a 
matter of experiment. Should this experiment be found successful, 
other roads may be made diverging from the same places or branching 
from the Roads already constructed. Such an experiment would cost 
comparatively but little, and it would decide the expediency of making 
further attempts. It would be an advance in the scheme of improve- 
ment, and such an advance as would be a stimulus to enterprise, both to 
individuals & the State. The practicability of the scheme is unques- 
tionable; the expense would come within the means the state now has 
on hand, and should it subsequently be thought best to make further 
improvement by a Rail Road to the west, the loss to the public in super- 
ceding the turnpike roads, would be small. 

From Fayetteville, the great obstacle to be contended with in going 
to the west is the Sand that extends 40 miles, or more into the country. 
Through the whole of this region, there is an abundance of the best of 
pine timber, that can be obtained at a low rate, as the country is never 
likely to be densely peopled, and as it is too far from the navigable 
streams to be carried to market. Let a road be laid in the nearest prac- 
ticable direction from Fayetteville to Moore Court house. The distance 
would be from 40 to 45 miles. Let the bed of this road be properly 
prepared and covered with plank of the thickness of four inches, 18 
feet in length, and let these be covered with earth to the depth of about 
4 inches, and defended on each side by substantial Rails. Such a Road 
would form an easy and convenient road for travel, over which the 
heaviest loaded teams, & pleasure carriages might pass with ease. 
Some attention would be necessary to see that all things Avere in order 
and to collect proper toll. Such a road, I apprehend, may be con- 
structed for a sum not to exceed five dollars per Rod, which amounts to 
$1,600 per mile. And supposing the whole distance to be 4,5 miles, the 
cost of the road would be $72,000. On reaching Moore Court house, 
we come to the margin of a hard soil, and from that point, important 
roads diverge to different places, to Randolph, to Guilford, & to David- 
son. These Roads might, with little labor, be materially improved. 
Let the turnpike, however, be continued by the most direct & practicable 
route to the Yadkin in the line to Salisbury. Over this route, the 
materials for making a good road are abundant, whether it be McAdam- 
ized, or be left in a naked state. 

From Raleigh let a good road be constructed through Greensborough 
to the Yadkin in the direction of the Shallow ford, or LIuntsville. This 
would intersect the road leading from Greensboro to Salisbury which 



238 The North Carolina Historical Review 

with little labor may be improved so as to answer all the purposes of 
travel. These two roads, thus brought to the Yadkin, may be con- 
tinued if thought best, the one diverging and passing through the north- 
western Counties to the State gape, & thence into Tennessee, the other 
passing through Salisbury, Lincolnton and onward through Ruther- 
fordton, the Hickory nut gap, to Asheville, thence to Tennessee. 

Should it, however, be thought that such extent would involve too 
much expense for a doubtful experiment, much would be accomplished 
by carrying forward the Road to Huntsville on the Northern route & 
Salisbury on the Southern. Those points being reached, the greatest 
obstacles in getting to a market in the eastern part of the State are 
overcome. Raleigh & Fayetteville could then be reached easily from an 
extensive portion of the western country, and the success of the experi- 
ment thus far made, would determine the expediency of proceeding 
further. 

Such are some of the opinions, I have formed respecting a line of 
communication between the eastern & western part of the state. I have 
not thought it necessary to say anything concerning the general utility 
of Rail Roads, because there is so much information before the public 
on this subject that a discussion of this topic is needless. All exertions 
to build a Road on the plan & terms named in the Charter granted to 
the Fayetteville & Western Rail Road Company, I regard as at this 
time entirely hopeless. The most that can be done is to approximate 
as nearly as possible to the desired result by such means as can be 
brought into action. The plan I propose is practicable, is safe, and 
perfectly within our means. 

Let this plan, or something similar be adopted, and a great point in 
the system of internal improvement is gained. There would be an 
advance onward, and though all would not be gained, which the most 
sanguine friends of improvement may desire, yet there would be a 
commencement of the work, and such an expenditure as prudence would 
command, and such as would result in great ultimate good to individuals, 
to particular sections, and to the whole state. 

All which is respectfully submitted 

Simeon Colton 

Fayetteville June 10th, 1840. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

Robert E. Lee: A BlOGRAPPHY. By Robert W. Winston. (New York: Wil- 
liam Marrow & Company. 1934. Pp. xi, 428. $4.00.) 

Robert E. Lee must ever remain one of the great enigmas of 
American history. He opposed secession, yet fought to uphold 
the right ; he opposed slavery, yet fought to perpetuate the right 
of the South to hold slaves ; he opposed war, yet fought for four 
years and gained for himself and his army an immortal fame. 
How are we to reconcile these apparently conflicting claims and 
at the same time justify Lee? It is this task that Judge Winston 
has set himself. He has produced a book that presents the many- 
sided Lee in an attractive and forceful manner. He emerges as 
a man of iron when iron was needed or as a gentle leader, friend 
and father with a feeling and understanding heart. 

Lee's problem in that April month of 1861 was his alone. No 
one could solve it but himself. He reasoned it out alone with his 
God. He reached a decision that for him was final. He never 
turned back, never regretted his act, but went ever forward first 
in war, then in peace, as the humble, forceful leader of an embat- 
tled nation and then of a defeated and stricken people in a land 
devastated by war and made sorrowful by death and destruction. 

This is a comprehensive biography, in that it considers the 
essential facts of Lee's career in sufficient detail to give the 
reader an adequate account of this great soldier and man. Two 
thirds of the narrative is devoted to the war period, but it is with 
Lee the man, rather than with Lee the soldier, that Judge Win- 
ston is principally concerned. The war narrative is conventional 
and no great attempt is made to consider Lee's leadership in its 
technical aspects. The references are to the usual authoritative 
secondary sources with an occasional citation of the Official Rec- 
ords. A number of hitherto unused manuscript letters are cited 
in relation to Lee's post-bellum career. As a result, the author 
suggests "with diffidence" that Lee did not write the oft-quoted 
letter to Lord Acton (page 394 f .) , though he did sign it and thus 
gave it authenticity as a general expression of his views. Like- 
wise, an unpublished account of the interview of an English pub- 
licist with Lee in 1868, as corrected by Lee, is discussed. It con- 
tains a straightforward discussion by Lee of the "right of seces- 

[ 239 ] 



240 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sion" and his view of it (p. 394) . The substance of the interview 
seems to suggest that though Lee originally opposed secession, 
the changed circumstances, as brought about by Virginia's inten- 
tion to secede, caused him to alter his view of the matter. The 
author accepts "this paper" as establishing "the fact that [Lee] 
did not believe in the right" of secession. 

Judge Winston devotes a chapter to a temperate and judicial 
discussion of the "Problems Confronting Lee." He defends Lee 
against the charge that he never viewed the war front as a unit, 
but only in its local Virginian aspects. Lee's sole salvation was in 
action, either offensive or defensive, but, in any case, action. 
"Inaction meant stagnation" and defeat (p. 225). To say, as has 
been done, that Lee did not recognize the value of interior lines, 
as this principle related to the Confederacy as a whole, is to over- 
look his own effective use of this principle in his Virginian opera- 
tions. Aside from the physical handicaps and limitations of 
transportation facilities and man-power, Lee faced a more re- 
stricting handicap in the form of Davis's attitude toward the 
defense of Richmond and Virginia and also the no less restricting 
handicap imposed by the continuous necessity for recognizing 
State Rights. In the last analysis, as proved by the sequel, Lee's 
ability as a military leader and strategist alone secured Davis in 
his office as President and held the seceded states together as a 
political entity. 

Because of distance, transportation difficulties, and the inef- 
fectiveness of Pemberton's leadership at Vicksburg, it is ques- 
tionable if Lee could have accomplished anything worth while by 
transferring his army, or even a part of it, from Virginia to 
Vicksburg. If any troops were to have been sent they should 
have been the whole of Bragg's army, with Lee or J. E. Johnston 
in free and unfettered command. Bragg's summer campaign of 
inaction and fruitless manoeuvering in Tennessee during the 
summer of 1863 accomplished nothing of positive good and 
hardly diverted any effective force from Grant's army. 

Lee's apparent failure to prevent Grant's crossing the James 
River in June, 1864, is handled very effectively. As the author 
says : " . . . Lee had not recovered from his attack of pto- 



Book Reviews 241 

maine poison. He was likewise deprived of his four leading gen- 
erals — Stuart killed, Longstreet wounded, Ewell disabled . . . 
and A. P. Hill sick. Lee, therefore, was not fully alive to the 
danger of the situation. . . ." But even with these ad- 
vantages, Grant failed. The war was prolonged into the next 
year, but the certainty of the final outcome was only delayed. 
"The backbone of the Confederacy was broken at Gettysburg. 
Never again was the Washington government in danger. . . . 
Henceforth [Lee] was on the defensive . . ." (p. 266). In 
this connection, it should be noted, the author has a real admira- 
tion and sympathy for Grant. At all times he is scrupulously 
fair to him, recognizing both his ability as a leader and soldier 
and his humanity as a victor. 

Throughout Lee is presented as a realist. He had thought 
through the problem that he faced in that spring day of 1861 ; 
he realized that to depend on foreign recognition as an aid to 
victory was to lean on a broken reed. "He never expected it" 
(p. 140) . Likewise, he realized that as long as the success of the 
Confederacy seemed to insure the perpetuation of human slavery, 
it could "expect neither sympathy nor aid" (p. 232). 

Lee's career, following Appomattox, was an unusual one for 
the leader of a Lost Cause. There was never any evidence of 
regret or bitterness or animosity. The peace was for Lee both 
a challenge and an opportunity. He met the changed situation 
with fortitude. His conduct has bequeathed to the nation an 
example of courage and faith that has few counterparts. His 
example, if followed, in both North and South, would have pre- 
vented much human misery and suffering and the nightmare of 
Reconstruction would have been avoided. When he died a bright 
light went out, only to be replaced, however, by a shining beacon 
that will be a guide and an inspiration as long as this Nation 
shall endure. 

Judge Winston has written an understanding and compre- 
hensive biography of a very human, many-sided man. There is 
no sentimental sermonizing. There is no attempt to excuse Lee, 
but only to understand why he acted as he did. 



242 The North Caeolina Historical Review 

There are few errors, and these mainly of names and dates. 
There are several useful maps and there is a good index. 

Great Neck, N. Y. THOMAS ROBSON HAY. 



Charleston Business On the Eve of the American Revolution. By Leila 
Sellers. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1934. 
Pp. xi, 259. $2.50.) 

Just before the Revolution the most important commercial 
center in British North America south of the Potomac was 
Charleston. Southward and southwestward into East Florida 
and West Florida, westward and northwestward into the back 
country of South Carolina, and northward into North Carolina 
extended the city's vast trading territory. In Charleston a con- 
siderable part of the population engaged in trade. There were 
many powerful factors of British merchants, who controlled most 
of the wholesale business, advanced credit in large amounts to 
the planters, and assembled native products (chiefly rice, indigo, 
and deerskins) for exportation. There were also numerous re- 
tailers, who kept stores in which they exchanged imported goods 
for South Carolina produce. In addition to importing goods, the 
great merchants reaped sizable profits from bringing in and 
selling slaves to the planters and from transporting European 
immigrants, especially indentured servants, to the colony. Most 
of the merchants found the British mercantile system profitable, 
so that there were few cases of smuggling. With the approach 
of the Revolution the wealthy factors remained loyal to the 
mother country, but the small retailers sided with the rebels. 

Such in brief are the contents of the monograph. The subject, 
never before adequately treated, offers nice opportunities, and 
the author brings to light interesting and valuable material. 
Useful are her chapters on the Charleston merchants' methods 
of business, the Negro's part in trade, the importation of slaves, 
smuggling, and the approach of the Revolution. 

The work, however, has serious flaws. The style in many 
places lacks smoothness, and in several instances there are even 
errors of grammar. For example: "Away from the rice coast 
. . . a hundred or two acres of cleared land was called a 



Book Reviews 243 

plantation" (p. 26). "The Tea Act of May, 1773, seemed on the 
point of . . . accomplishing the twofold purpose of making 
East India tea as cheap, if not cheaper than the smuggled article 
. . . " (p. 221). 

Certain statements are obscure or do not convey the intended 
meaning. For instance, in discussing the poor condition of the 
highways as a hindrance to business, the writer cannot really 
mean to say that "the roads were the great handicap to business" 
(p. 35) . Particularly does the use of figures seem to confuse her, 
and such statements as that attempting to define the term, pro- 
clamation money (p. 70), or that concerning the relation between 
the price of rice and the level of freight rates (p. 153), simply 
do not make good sense. 

There are several factual errors. Thus, the British province 
of West Florida did not "embrace the coasts of the present states 
of Alabama, Mississippi, and that part of Louisiana east of the 
Mississippi River" (p. 44). To say that in the eighteenth cen- 
tury serfdom was "the common lot of a large proportion of the 
inhabitants of Europe" (p. 116) is decidedly misleading, if 
nothing more. The date, May, 1776 (p. 193), seems to be wrong. 

A considerable amount of superfluous material is included. It 
seems unnecessary to devote a full page to the South Carolina 
militia system (pp. 13-14) ; the paragraph on lotteries in the 
colonies (pp. 18-19) seems out of place; and some of the material 
on pp. 79-82 appears to have been dragged in merely because 
the writer considered it entertaining. 

No doubt Charleston was the center of a large and lucrative 
trade, but the author exaggerates the city's commercial impor- 
tance. The commerce of the Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida was 
considerably less centralized than she would have us believe 
(chaps, i and ii), and Charleston certainly did not draw to itself 
"all the wealth of the surrounding country" (p. 24). She 
repeats the old unscientific generalizations about the commer- 
cial backwardness of colonial North Carolina, when as a matter 
of fact (as can easily be ascertained from customs records in 
Raleigh and Chapel Hill) the province had established quite a 
sizable trade, no small part of which was directly with the 
mother country. 



244 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The faults so far mentioned are those of commission. Even 
more serious are several sins of omission. References to sources 
for quotations should not be left out (examples, pp. 33, 68). In 
a work of this nature, in which geography plays so large a part, 
"• least one map should be included — and there is none. But the 
most drastic criticism is that the writer has failed to utilize 
certain basic sources of information. In A. L. Fries, editor, The 
Moravian Records of North Carolina (4 vols.) is a great deal 
about the trade of the North Carolina back country with Charles- 
ton. British Museum Additional Manuscript 15,485, a transcript 
of which is in the Library of Congress, gives useful figures on 
colonial commerce. Miss Sellers has not made effective use of 
all the available records of the South Carolina vice-admiralty 
court. Most serious of all is her failure adequately to utilize (if 
she has utilized at all) the customs records of colonial South 
Carolina, listed in C. M. Andrews, Guide to the . . . Public 
Record Office of Great Britain, I, 157. 

Miss Sellers has brought to light a considerable amount of 
useful material, but she should not have published her work in 
its present imperfect form. Perhaps in the future some writer 
will do the job again — and do it much better. 

C. C. Crittenden. 

University of North Carolina. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

The North Carolina Historical Commission receives requests 
for early numbers of the North Carolina Manual, Proceedings of 
the State Literary and Historical Association, the North C Q- 
lina Booklet, and the North Carolina Day Program. These pub- 
lications are out of print. Anyone possessing duplicates is re- 
quested to send them to A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh, N. C. The supply thus 
accumulated will be used to serve the cause of North Carolina 
history by filling gaps in the collections of libraries and students. 

Back numbers of the North Carolina Historical Review 
may be secured from the secretary of the North Carolina Histori- 
cal Commission at the regular price of $2.00 per volume, or 50 
cents per number. 

A bronze tablet was unveiled at Jamestown in Guilford 
County on March 6, where Lord Cornwallis and the British army 
crossed Deep River just before the battle of Guilford Courthouse 
on March 15, 1781. The marker was erected by the Alexander 
Martin chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, of High 
Point. Mrs. J. S. Welborn, regent of the chapter, presided at the 
exercises ; and addresses were delivered by the state regent, Mrs. 
Sydney Perry Cooper of Henderson, and T. Wingate Andrews, 
superintendent of the High Point city schools. 

At the state conference of the Daughters of the American Rev- 
olution in Winston-Salem on March 8, Mrs. W. H. Belk of Char- 
lotte was elected state regent, succeeding Mrs. Sydney Perry 
Cooper of Henderson. 

The Archaeological Society of North Carolina held its spring 
meeting at the Sir Walter Hotel in Raleigh on April 28. The 
program consisted of a business meeting, a visit to the Hall of 
History, and the following papers : "Present Status of the Lost 
Colony Legend," by Rev. D. L. Rights, Winston-Salem; "Indian 
Slavery in the Carolina Region," by Prof. Sanford Winston, 
Raleigh; "Archaeology and the Historian," by Prof. Wallace E. 
Caldwell, Chapel Hill; and "Planning an Archaeological Survey 

[ 245 ] 



246 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for North Carolina," by Joffre L. Coe. Prof. R. D. W. Connor of 
Chapel Hill addressed a luncheon meeting of the society on the 
"Influence of the Indian in North Carolina History." In March 
the society issued in mimeographed form the first number of 
Bulletin of the Archaeological Society of North Carolina. In ad- 
dition to reports and announcements, it contains articles on 
"North Carolina as an Archaeological Field," by Douglas L. 
Rights; "Archaeology in Durham County," by Burke and Frank 
Smith; and "The Importance of Scientific Method in Excava- 
tion," by Jesse D. Jennings. The officers of the society are Wal- 
lace E. Caldwell, president, Chapel Hill; Burnham S. Colburn, 
vice president, Biltmore Forest; and Guy B. Johnson, secretary, 
Chapel Hill. 

The printed report of the Wachovia Historical Society of 
Winston-Salem reveals interesting activities during 1933, in- 
cluding the renovation of the Museum building, the cataloguing 
and public display of the Museum collections, and the presenta- 
tion to the city of Savannah of a memorial commemorating the 
Moravian colonists in Georgia. A notable accession was the 
collection of the late Henry W. Foltz. The society reported 
forty-nine life members and one hundred thirty-nine annual 
members. Rev. Douglas L. Rights is president; B. J. Pfohl, vice 
president; Mrs. Robert A. McCuiston, secretary; and Ralph E. 
Spaugh, treasurer. 

In March appeared the first issue of The Southern Magazine, 
published monthly by the News Publishing Company, Wytheville, 
Va., in the interest of the United Daughters of the Confederacy 
and the Southern States. Mrs. John H. Anderson of Raleigh, his- 
torian general of the U. D. C, is editor of the historical depart- 
ment of the magazine. 

The North Carolina Society, Daughters of the American Rev- 
olution, unveiled two bronze tablets in Halifax on April 6 in 
honor of John Paul Jones and Willie Jones. The marker 
erected on state highway 40 bears the following inscription: 
"400 yards west of this tablet stood the grove home of Willie 
Jones, the foremost prophet of democracy in North Carolina 
during his era, patron and friend of John Paul Jones, father of 



Historical News 247 

the American Navy, who gave to our Navy its earliest traditions 
of heroism and victory, 1747-1792, U. S. Navy, 1775-1783. In 
this home John Paul Jones found hospitality, friendship, refuge, 
and happiness." The inscription on the tablet erected on the 
chimney of 'The Grove," which is all that remains of the home 
of Willie Jones, is as follows: "At the fireside of Willie Jones, 
whose home, 'The Grove,' this tablet marks. He was the friend 
of Jefferson and most influential leader of his day of North Caro- 
lina democracy, and John Paul Jones found here hospitality, 
friendship, refuge, and happiness." Congressman John H. Kerr, 
Mr. E. L. Travis of Halifax, Mrs. S. P. Cooper of Henderson, and 
Dr. T. W. M. Long of Roanoke Rapids delivered addresses. The 
tradition is strong in North Carolina that John Paul Jones took 
refuge in Halifax and assumed his "Jones" name in honor of 
Willie Jones, his host. 

The history professors in the various North Carolina colleges 
and universities attended a dinner at the Carolina Pines, Raleigh, 
on April 28, at which William E. Dodd, United States ambas- 
sador to Germany, was a guest. 

The Pines of Rockingham and Other Poems is a 44-page book- 
let of fifty poems by Sarah A. Heinzerling of Statesville, recently 
published by the Pearson Printing Company of Boomer. 

References on the Handicrafts of the Southern Highlanders, 
compiled by Everett E. Edwards, associate agricultural econo- 
mist, is a 22-page mimeographed bibliography issued in Febru- 
ary by the Bureau of Agricultural Economics, United States De- 
partment of Agriculture, Washington. 

Historic New Bern, Guide Book, by Gertrude S. Carraway, has 
been published under the sponsorship of the New Bern Mer- 
chants' Association and Chamber of Commerce. It contains 
many historical facts about the city and a map and descriptive 
list of fifty historic spots in the city. 

The celebration plans of the Daniel Boone Bicentennial Com- 
mission, created by the Kentucky legislature, are of interest to 
North Carolina. Judge Samuel M. Wilson of Lexington is 
chairman of the commission of seventeen members. It will direct 



248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

celebrations in Kentucky this year of the two hundredth anni- 
versary of the birth of Daniel Boone, conduct essay and oratori- 
cal contests, and promote a Daniel Boone Day at Chicago in the 
summer. Funds will be obtained from the sale of six hundred 
thousand Daniel Boone Bicentennial half dollars, whose coinage 
Congress has authorized. Boone, who was a resident of North 
Carolina and agent of Judge Richard Henderson, was the chief 
pioneer in the early settlement of Kentucky. 

An historical celebration was held on May 13 on the battlefield 
of Bentonville, in Johnston County. Here on March 19-21, 1865, 
the Confederate army under General Joseph E. Johnston tempo- 
rarily halted the advance of the United States army under Gen- 
eral Sherman. In 1927 a handsome marker was erected on the 
battlefield by the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the 
North Carolina Historical Commission. At the exercises on 
May 13, Mrs. W. M. Sanders of Smithfield presided and Henry 
L. Stevens of Warsaw delivered an address. 

History professors in North Carolina have appointments as 
visiting professors in summer schools this year as follows: 
R. D. W. Connor of the University, West Virginia University; 
E. M. Carroll of Duke University, University of North Carolina; 
S. G. Riley of Meredith, Wake Forest College; B. B. Kendrick of 
the Woman's College of the University, Columbia University; 
C. C. Pearson of Wake Forest College, University of Virginia; 
J. Fred Rippy of Duke University, George Washington Univer- 
sity; and R. H. Shryock of Duke University, Columbia Univer- 
sity. Visiting professors in the Duke University summer school 
are: Roy F. Nichols of the University of Pennsylvania, M. L. 
Bonham of Hamilton College, O. J. Hale of the University of 
Virginia, and W. F. Craven of New York University. 

Mr. George Bauerlein served as instructor of history during 
the spring term at State College, succeeding Jean Nelson, who 
died in April. 

The John Penn chapter, Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, of Oxford, unveiled a bronze tablet at the home of John 
Penn, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, near Oxford, 
on May 16. Miss Jeannette Biggs, regent of the chapter, pre- 



Historical News 249 

sided at the exercises, and addresses were delivered by the state 
regent, Mrs. W. H. Belk of Charlotte, and A. A. Hicks of Oxford. 
Stones were placed at the grave of Mrs. Penn and at the site of 
the original grave of John Penn, whose remains were moved 
some years ago to the Guilford Courthouse battleground. 

Prof. W. K. Boyd of Duke University was on leave during the 
second half of the last school year. He was engaged in research 
at the Library of Congress. 

Dr. J. C. Russell of the University of North Carolina is en- 
gaged in research in England on a grant from the American 
Council of Learned Societies. 

Drs. J. T. Lanning and R. H. Woody of Duke University are 
engaged in summer research in Mexico and in northern libraries, 
respectively, the latter on a grant from the Social Science Re- 
search Council. 

Confederate Memorial Day was widely observed in North 
Carolina on May 10 by the decoration of graves and appropriate 
exercises. Governor J. C. B. Ehringhaus delivered the address 
at the exercises in Elizabeth City and Mr. R. L. McMillan at 
those in Raleigh. At the old cemetery near the First Presby- 
terian Church in Statesville a bronze marker was erected to the 
soldiers of the Indian wars, the Revolution, and the Civil War 
who are buried in the cemetery which was the old Fourth Creek 
burying ground. The marker was erected by the Colonial Dames, 
the Daughters of the American Revolution, the American War 
Mothers, and the American Legion Auxiliary. Dr. Charles E. 
Raynal delivered the address. 

The following appointments as fellows, scholars, and assist- 
ants in history have been made at Duke University for the coming 
year: C. W. Davis, B.S., M.S., Alabama Polytechnic Institute; 
0. S. Heckman, A.B., Lebanon Valley College, and A.M., Uni- 
versity of Illinois; R. H. Luthin, A.B., A.M., Columbia Univer- 
sity; W. D. McCain, A.B., Mississippi Delta State Teachers Col- 
lege, and A.M., University of Mississippi ; C. W. Harrison, A.B., 
Davidson, and A.M., Duke; W. C. Askew, A.B., Mercer, and A.M., 
Duke; A. R. Hall, A.B., A.M., University of Oklahoma; R. 0. 



250 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

DeMond, A.B., A.M., Syracuse; A. P. Foerster, A.B., Mount 
Holyoke, and A.M., Smith; W. B. Hamilton, A.B., A.M., Univer- 
sity of Mississippi; W. T. Dale, A.B., A.M., Duke. 

Mr. William A. Blair of Winston-Salem is the author of two 
pamphlets, The Home Moravian Church, Winston-Salem, N. C, 
and Easter in Salem. 

The Secretary of the Interior and the American Institute of 
Architects opened a national exhibition of the Historic American 
Buildings Survey in the National Museum at Washington on 
April 5. The survey has been made this year as part of the relief 
program of the national government. Mr. M. R. Marsh of Char- 
lotte has been in charge of the work in North Carolina, where ac- 
curate measurements and drawings have been made of several 
historic buildings. 

More than Miy representatives of libraries from seven south- 
ern states attended the southern conference on public documents 
at Chapel Hill and Durham, March 30-31, under the sponsorship 
of Duke University and the Universities of North Carolina and 
Virginia. Librarian R. B. Downs presided at the Chapel Hill 
meeting on March 30, which was addressed briefly by R. B. 
House, Prof. Howard W. Odum, Prof. S. H. Hobbs, Jr., and 
Prof. J. G. deR. Hamilton, all of the University, and by Prof. 
W. T. Laprade of Duke University. The chief speaker was Dr. 
A. F. Kuhlman, associate director of the University of Chicago 
Libraries and chairman of the American Library Association 
Public Documents Committee. The speakers at the Durham 
meeting on March 31 were Professors J. Fred Rippy and W. K. 
Boyd of Duke University, and Dr. A. R. Newsome, secretary of 
the North Carolina Historical Commission. The problems of 
collection and centralization of public documents and the advis- 
ability of coordination and exchange among southern collecting 
agencies were discussed. 

The North Carolina Society, Sons of the American Revolution, 
held its annual meeting at the Sir Walter Hotel in Raleigh, May 
12. The following officers were elected: W. A. Hunt, presi- 
dent, Henderson; John D. Cooper, vice president, Henderson; 
Conrad B. Sturges, secretary, Henderson; Col. Hodge A. Newell, 



Histokical News 251 

treasurer, Henderson; Dr. D. T. Smithwick, historian, Louis- 
burg; Rev. J. Edward Kirbye, chaplain, Raleigh; and Ernest 
Haywood, national trustee, Raleigh. Dr. A. R. Newsome, secre- 
tary of the North Carolina Historical Commission, addressed the 
dinner session on "Some Popular Misconceptions of the Ameri- 
can Revolution." 

The two hundredth anniversary of the creation of Bladen 
County in 1734 was celebrated at Elizabethtown on April 27, 
with addresses by Governor J. C. B. Ehringhaus and President 
Frank P. Graham of the University, an historical pageant writ- 
ten by Mrs. H. M. Cashwell and Mrs. R. H. Poole depicting the 
history and traditions of the county, and a street parade. About 
6,000 people attended the celebration. 

The Winston-Salem Journal and Sentinel of May 13 included 
an "historical edition" containing several articles and pictures 
relating to the history of the locality. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome, secretary of the Historical Commission, 
broadcast historical talks on North Carolina as a part of the 
North Carolina Radio School on March 28 and April 4, 11, and 
18. On April 27 he spoke before the meeting of the Wake 
County Committee of the Colonial Dames of America at the Joel 
Lane house in Raleigh. 

The Joint Committee on Materials for Research of the Ameri- 
can Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research 
Council is circularizing business establishments with the view of 
securing the preservation of complete samples of business records 
for a brief period during the year beginning June 1, 1932. These 
pre-code records will be particularly valuable to historians as 
source materials for one of the critical periods of American bus- 
iness history and may have a practical value for business man- 
agement during the next few years. The committee suggests 
that the time may come when American business history will be 
divided historically into two parts, before the codes and since. 
It is obviously impossible to preserve all business records, but 
the sampling method of preservation could be applied to the 
records by period, reflecting the operations of a business for a 



252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

week or a month, and to the correspondence for a year filed under 
a single letter of the alphabet. 

Noteworthy articles in recent periodicals are: F. B. Simkins, 
"Social Diversions of Confederate Women" {The Southern Mag- 
azine, March, April-May) ; C. O. Smith, "History of the Coming 
of the Missouri Synod into North Carolina" {Concordia Histori- 
cal Institute Quarterly, April) ; Mary-Elizabeth Lynah, "Archi- 
bald Stobo of Carolina — Presbyterianism's Stormy - Petrel" 
{Americana, second quarter) ; Philip G. Davidson, "Whig Propa- 
gandists of the American Revolution" {The American Historical 
Review, April) ; Herman Clarence Nixon, "The South in Our 
Times" {Agricultural History, April) ; David Rankin Barbee, 
"Hinton Rowan Helper's Mendacity" {Tyler's Quarterly, April) ; 
Douglas C. McMurtrie, "Located Georgia Imprints of the Eight- 
eenth Century not in the De Renne Catalogue" {The Georgia 
Historical Quarterly, March) ; Clarence Poe, "Exploding Agri- 
cultural Myths: Comparing Farm Prosperity South and West" 
{The South Atlantic Quarterly, April) ; Josiah Moffatt, "The 
Scotch-Irish of the Up-Country" {ibid.) ; Margaret Davis, 
" 'Great Dismal' Pictures" (ibid.) ; St. Julien R. Childs, "Kitchen 
Physick: Medical and Surgical Care of Slaves on an Eighteenth 
Century Rice Plantation" {Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 
March) ; Cecil Johnson, "Expansion in West Florida, 1770-1779" 
(ibid.) ; R. D. W. Connor, "William Gaston, 1778-1844: An Old 
Fashioned Southern Federalist and His Yankee Friends" (Amer- 
ican Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, October, 1933) ; J. C. 
Russell, "The Preferments and 'Adiutores' of Robert Grosse- 
teste" {Harvard Theological Review, December, 1933). 

The British Library of Information, 270 Madison Avenue, 
New York, has presented to the Historical Commission a copy of 
Facsimile of the Olive Branch Petition, 8 July, 1775. It is a 
collotype facsimile of the original document in the British Public 
Record Office in London, and copies may be obtained from the 
Library at 65 cents each, postpaid. The petition, signed by John 
Hancock and forty-eight representatives of all of the thirteen col- 
onies except Georgia in the Continental Congress, was a famous 



Historical News 253 

effort to bring about a reconciliation between the colonies and the 
mother country. Will Hooper and Joseph Hewes signed the peti- 
tion for North Carolina. 

Acknowledgment is made of the receipt of the following publi- 
cations : James F. Hurley and Julia Goode Eagan, The Prophet 
of Z ion-Parnassus: Samuel Eusebius McCorkle (Richmond: 
Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1934. Pp. 121. $1.00) ; 
Henry T. Shanks, The Secession Movement in Virginia, 18U7- 
1861 (Richmond: Garrett and Massie. 1934. Pp. xi, 296. 
$3.00) ; Clarence Phillips Denman, The Secession Movement in 
Alabama (Montgomery: Alabama State Department of Archives 
and History. 1933. Pp. xii, 190) ; Arthur Charles Cole, The Ir- 
repressible Conflict, 1850-1865 (New York: The Macmillan Com- 
pany. 1934. Pp. xv, 468. $4.00) ; Charles Morrow Wilson, 
Meriwether Leivis of Lewis and Clark (New York: Thomas Y. 
Crowell Company. 1934. Pp. xiii, 305. $3.00) ; Robert W. Win- 
ston, Robert E. Lee: A Biography (New York: William Mor- 
row & Company. 1934. Pp. xiv, 428. $4.00). 

Recent accessions to the manuscript collections of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission include eleven geological maps 
of North Carolina, the western portion, various mining areas, 
and Beaufort, Pitt, and Franklin counties; 1,167 inventories of 
estates and other records, 1736-87, from the office of the secre- 
tary of state ; 554 letters of the administration of Governor W. W. 
Kitchin, 1909-13 ; two copies of The Primitive Baptist, published 
in Milburnie in 1859 and in Raleigh in 1863, presented by Mrs. 
Lillian D. Wooten, Goldsboro; thirteen issues of various news- 
papers, presented by Mrs. T. M. McConnell, Greensboro; and 
the W. Vance Brown Collection, presented by Mr. J. Fuller 
Brown of Asheville. Included in the Brown Collection are 682 
letters, 1779-1895; John Strother's diary and field notes of the 
North Carolina-Tennessee survey, 1799; 2 letter books of John 
Evans Brown, 1878-91; and 58 account books, note-books, and 
diaries of John Brown, 1794-1843, William John Brown, 1830, 
William Caleb Brown, 1857-59, John Evans Brown, 1849-94, and 
W. Vance Brown, 1884-91. 



254 The Nokth Carolina Historical Review 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE 

Edward M. Holder, M.A., University of North Carolina, is in 
the employ of Old South Lines, Charlotte. 

Mrs. Alberta Ratliffe Craig is a resident of Reidsville. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome is secretary of the North Carolina His- 
torical Commission. 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XI October, 1934 Number 4 

THE REPRESENTATION CONTROVERSY 
IN COLONIAL NORTH CAROLINA 

By Lawrence E. London 

Sectionalism in colonial North Carolina began with the settle- 
ment of the Neuse-Pamlico region during the first decade of the 
eighteenth century. As a result of geographic conditions in the 
colony and the difference in the interests of the inhabitants of 
various regions, the growth of sectionalism was almost inevitable. 
An observation made by Augustus G. Spangenberg, a Moravian 
bishop who visited North Carolina in 1752, is illustrative of this 
statement. He said : "North Carolina is a rather large Province, 
and the condition of the inhabitants varies so greatly that often 
what is good for the southern part is bad for the northern, and 
vice versa, which leads to continual strife between the two sec- 
tions." 1 

Sectional issues, however, did not make themselves felt in the 
political life of the colony until after 1725, when the first per- 
manent settlement was made in the Cape Fear district. The 
Albemarle section possessed almost exclusive control of colonial 
politics until the Cape Fear country became comparatively well 
settled. It was not long, however, before the Cape Fear section 
made its influence felt in the affairs of the province. Conse- 
quently there soon arose political differences between these two 
sections. The Neuse-Parnlico region never became a distinct 
section; nevertheless, the people of this region usually aligned 
themselves with the people of the Cape Fear country, since their 
interests more nearly coincided with those of the Cape Fear than 
with those of the Albemarle. 

The first great sectional controversy in the colony was con- 



l Fries, Adelaide L. (ed.), Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, I, 35. 

[ 255 1 



256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cerned with representation in the Lower House of the General 
Assembly. Although, in one way or another, this controversy 
would very probably have occurred sooner or later, it was begun 
by Governor Johnston in order to secure a favorable quitrent 
law. A brief summary of the quitrent question will be necessary 
here. 

When North Carolina became a royal colony, its governor, 
George Burrington, was instructed to have all lands in the prov- 
ince registered and a rent roll formed. He was also instructed 
to require that quitrents be paid in specie rather than in com- 
modities. 2 This last instruction aroused much opposition in the 
colony, for specie was scarce and the people had been accustomed 
to pay their quitrents in commodities. In consequence of this 
opposition, Burrington was unable to secure a quitrent law. 

Gabriel Johnston, who succeeded Burrington in 1734, took up 
the quitrent question in his first Assembly, which met in 1735. 
He maintained that quitrents should be paid in specie, while the 
members of the House insisted that they were payable in com- 
modities. Johnston, unable to move the members of the House 
from their position, was finally forced to prorogue the Assembly. 3 
There ensued four years of controversy, at the end of which time, 
in 1739, a compromise was reached. In this year a bill was 
passed which provided that quitrents could be paid in specie, 
colonial currency, or in certain rated commodities. 4 This vexing 
question now seemed to be settled to the satisfaction of both par- 
ties. It was not long, however, before the governor and the As- 
sembly learned to their disgust that the Privy Council in 1740 
had disallowed the law. The Board of Trade had recommended 
that it be disallowed, as the members of the Board objected to a 
clause which provided that a commission set up by the colonial 
government should have the power to ascertain the value of 
paper money. 5 The governor was naturally disappointed, for 
he had worked with the Assembly four years before securing 
this act. Nevertheless, he renewed his efforts to obtain a new 
law which would please the authorities in England. 



2 Saunders. William L. (ed.), Colonial Records of North Carolina, III, 95, 102. (This work 
is hereafter cited as C. R.) 

3 Ashe, Samuel A., History of North Carolina, I, 250. 
4(7. R., IV. 401. 415-416. 

5 Ibid., 434-435. 



Representation Controversy In North Carolina 257 

Johnston had not worked with the Assembly long before he 
learned that the most stubborn opposition to a quitrent law came 
from the Albemarle counties. This opposition was due to the 
difference between the terms under which land was held in the 
Albemarle and the rest of the province. Under the Great Deed 
of Grant of 1668 the inhabitants of the Albemarle held their 
land on the same terms as those under which land was held in 
Virginia. According to these terms the landholders of the Albe- 
marle paid an annual quitrent of two shillings per hundred acres, 
payable at the home of the tenant in tobacco or in cash at his will. 
Later, commodities other than tobacco were accepted by the 
Lords Proprietors. 6 These terms of landholding applied only to 
the Albemarle section. When the colony became a royal province 
in 1729, land was not granted on such favorable terms. Burring- 
ton was instructed not to grant land at a quitrent of less than 
four shillings per hundred acres. 7 Thus the inhabitants of the 
Albemarle naturally opposed any suggested law which would re- 
quire them to pay a quitrent larger than they had been in the 
habit of paying. A quitrent bill could not be passed if the north- 
ern representatives were unanimously opposed to it, for they 
composed a majority of the membership of the House. Realiz- 
ing this state of affairs, Governor Johnston in 1741 called the 
Assembly to meet in Wilmington, as he thought that few of the 
representatives from the northern counties would attend there. 
Thus Johnston initiated a situation which was later to develop 
into a disastrous controversy between the northern and south- 
ern sections of the province. 

When the Assembly met in Wilmington, the governor found to 
his disgust that his careful "management" had availed him noth- 
ing. Contrary to his expectations, a sufficient number of repre- 
sentatives from the Albemarle counties attended to defeat his 
measures. After working with the Assembly for four weeks, 
Johnston prorogued that body, as it refused to surrender to his 
will. 8 The next Assembly met in New Bern in 1744. During 
this session a resolution was introduced which declared that the 
inhabitants of the colony labored under much hardship since they 



6C. R., IV, 109. 
< Ibid., Ill, 102. 
8 Ibid., IV, 284-285. 



258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

were prohibited from paying their quitrents in commodities and 
were required to pay them in specie. The resolution further 
stated that this prohibition and requirement were both contrary 
to the Great Deed. 9 Johnston was again unsuccessful in his at- 
tempts to secure a quitrent law. The Assembly met again at 
New Bern in 1745 and in June, 1746. The governor failed to 
obtain the desired legislation from either of these Assemblies. 
He was by this time thoroughly aroused. Johnston decided once 
more to prorogue the Assembly to meet at Wilmington in No- 
vember, 1746, hoping that few of the representatives from the 
Albemarle section would attend. This time he was successful, 
for not one of the representatives from the northern counties 
was present at this session. 

Before taking up the work of the November session of the 
1746 Assembly, it will be necessary to describe how the seats in 
the House of Commons were distributed among the several coun- 
ties and towns at that time. Five of the Albemarle counties — 
Chowan, Currituck, Pasquotank, Perquimans, and Tyrrell — had 
five members each in the Assembly. The other two, Bertie and 
Northampton, had three and two respectively. The other ten 
counties in the province which were located to the south of the Al- 
bemarle had only two representatives each in the Assembly. The 
four borough towns, Edenton, Bath, New Bern, and Wilmington, 
had one representative each. Edenton was located in the Albe- 
marle section, while the other three were in the central and south- 
ern parts of the colony. Thus the Albemarle section controlled 
thirty-one out of the fifty-four members of the House of Com- 
mons, and could block any legislation which it did not favor. 
This control of the Assembly gave the northern counties an 
unfair advantage over the rest of the province. The southern 
counties, which were growing in population and influence, felt 
deeply this inequality and were anxious to have it remedied. 

Another source of difference between the northern and south- 
ern counties was the location of the colonial capital. Until 1746 
no town in the colony had been selected as the seat of govern- 
ment. The inhabitants of the Albemarle wished the capital to be 
located at Bath, as that town was near this section, while 



»C. R., IV, 744. 



Representation Controversy In North Carolina 259 

the inhabitants of the Neuse-Cape Fear counties preferred New 
Bern. The question was discussed at the session of the As- 
sembly in June, 1746, but nothing" was accomplished, since the 
two houses could not agree upon a place which was acceptable 
to both sections of the colony. A majority of the Upper House 
was from the southern counties, while, as already mentioned, the 
northern counties controlled the Lower House. 10 It was evident 
to both sections, therefore, that one or the other would have to 
gain control of the two houses of the General Assembly before 
a location for the capital could be selected. Governor Johnston 
now found in the two controverted questions, the system of 
representation in the Assembly and the location of the seat of 
government, a means by which he could secure a quitrent law for 
the king. He realized that in order to obtain this law he must 
have the support of the southern members in both houses. There- 
fore, when the General Assembly met at Wilmington in Novem- 
ber, 1746, he brought up these two questions. 

After several short prorogations, the General Assembly con- 
vened on November 21, 1746, at Wilmington. In the Upper 
House five members were present, all of whom were from the 
southern part of the province. In the Lower House only eight 
members were present, who were also all from the southern dis- 
trict. They swore in seven new members from the counties of 
Granville, Johnston, New Hanover, and Bladen. 11 The repre- 
sentatives from the Albemarle counties remained at home; for 
they thought that, since they constituted a majority of the House 
of Commons, the Assembly could not meet without them. They 
fully counted on the southern representatives abiding by the 
long-established custom of declaring not less than a majority of 
the whole House to be a quorum. The northern members failed, 
however, to appreciate the strength of the desire of the southern 
members to secure a reform in the system of representation and 
to locate the capital in their section. Samuel Swann, Speaker of 
the House, taking advantage of the royal instructions to the 
governor which stated that fifteen members of the Lower House 
should constitute a quorum, declared a quorum to be present. 



IOC. R., IV. 1172. 
n Ibid., 834, 838-839. 



260 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Thus the Assembly surrendered a precedent which it had held 
to since its establishment. 

The first work which the General Assembly took up was the 
question of representation. On November 22 a bill was intro- 
duced in the Lower House altering the method of distributing 
seats in that House. The title of it read as follows : "A Bill for 
the better ascertaining the number of Members to be chosen for 
the several Counties within this Province to sit in General As- 
sembly and for establishing a more equal Representation of his 
Majesty's subjects in the House of Burgesses." 12 On November 
25 it was passed by both houses and ordered to be engrossed. 13 
The same day that the representation bill was passed a measure 
was introduced in the Lower House 14 which provided that the 
colonial capital be located at New Bern. 15 This bill passed its 
third reading in the Upper House on December 5, 1746, 16 after 
having already been passed three times in the Lower House. 

Of these two acts the one concerning representation was the 
more important. In this act the southern representatives de- 
clared that the northern counties had had an unequal share of 
members in the Assembly, although the southern counties were 
more numerous and paid more taxes. The new representation 
law provided that henceforth each county should have two mem- 
bers in the House of Commons and that the towns of Edenton, 
Bath, New Bern, and Wilmington should continue to have, as 
formerly, one member each. In order to make their proceedings 
appear quite legal, the southern representatives inserted a clause 
in the act which stated that fourteen members of the House with 
the Speaker should constitute a quorum. 17 The great injury 
which this act was in time to do the colony does not seem to 
have occurred to the governor and the members of the General 
Assembly. As a result, the province was to suffer eight years of 
disorder. 

After the passage of the two laws mentioned, Johnston dis- 
solved the Assembly and issued writs for the election of a new 



12 C. R., IV. 840. 

13 Ibid., 841. 

14 Ibid., 840. 

15 Clark. Walter (ed.). State Records of North Carolina, XXIII, 252. (This work ia 
hereafter cited as S. R.) 

16 C. R., IV, 837. 

17 Ibid., 1154-1155. 



Representation Controversy In North Carolina 261 

House in conformity with the new act. The inhabitants of the 
northern counties were determined, however, not to abide by it. 
By threats and bribery the people of the northern counties forced 
their sheriffs to return five members for each county, as had 
formerly been done. The inhabitants of the Albemarle declared 
that they would not obey the new representation act until it was 
confirmed by the king. 18 

On February 25, 1747, the new Assembly met at New Bern. 19 
With the exception of Bertie and Northampton, which sent three 
and two members, respectively, the Albemarle counties each sent 
five members in direct violation of the new act. Accordingly a 
resolution was introduced in the House which declared that the 
elections in the Albemarle counties were null and void, and 
directed the Clerk of the Crown to issue new writs. 20 The 
northern counties, however, sent no more representatives to the 
Assembly until later, when the act for representation had been 
disallowed by the Privy Council. 

The House of Commons elected in 1747 was not dissolved until 
Governor Dobbs arrived in the colony in the fall of 1754. Gov- 
ernor Johnston appears to have been well satisfied with this 
House, or else he was afraid that if he dissolved it he would not 
get another as agreeable to him. During the first three years of 
the life of this Assembly two laws of a decidedly sectional nature 
were passed. These laws, a currency act 21 and a quitrent act, 22 
were passed in 1748. They resulted directly from the contro- 
versy over representation, for if the northern counties had been 
represented in the Assembly with their former strength, they 
would not have been passed. 

The inhabitants of the Albemarle were very much opposed to 
the tendency of the people of the central and southern counties 
to inflate the colony's already depreciated currency. In the first 
half of the eighteenth century a great part of North Carolina's 
trade was carried on between the Albemarle section and Virginia. 
The Albemarle merchants sold a great amount of their goods, 
which were purchased in Virginia, to the inhabitants of the 



18 C. R., IV, 1153. 
19 /bid., 856. 

20 Ibid., 857-858. 

21 Ibid., 915. 

22 s. R., XXIII, 301. 



262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Neuse-Cape Fear region. By their contracts with the Virgin- 
ians they could not pay them in North Carolina currency ; there- 
fore, the merchants of the Albemarle were most reluctant to 
accept this currency in which they could not pay their debts. 
Consequently, the members in the Assembly from the northern 
counties nearly always opposed the emission of paper currency. 
The inhabitants of the Albemarle maintained that one purpose 
for reducing northern representation was to enable the members 
in the Assembly from the south to issue large quantities of paper 
money. They held that this point was well illustrated in the 
currency act of 1748 which gave the governor the power to 
apply six thousand or seven thousand pounds of colonial cur- 
rency to the erection of forts. The southern representatives, 
who passed this measure, claimed that the stress of the times 
fully justified it, although the colonial government had no am- 
munition or supplies with which to furnish the forts when 
built. 23 The currency act of 1748 was undoubtedly a sectional 
measure. It was designed to aid the southerners who at that 
time were debtors to the merchants of the Albemarle. 

The second important act passed by the southern Assembly 
was the quitrent law of 1748. This measure was passed by the 
southerners in return for Johnston's support and assent to the 
act for reforming the system of representation in the Lower 
House. It was also a sectional measure. The act provided that 
a rent-roll be formed of all the land holdings in the province, and 
directed how quitrents should be paid. 24 The people of the Albe- 
marle held that one reason for passing this quitrent law was to 
cause the circulation of the recent issue of paper money. 25 They 
based this statement upon a clause in the act which required that 
quitrents should be paid in proclamation money, in tobacco at 
one penny per pound proclamation money, or in indigo at four 
shillings per pound proclamation money. 26 The inhabitants of 
the northern counties maintained that although this law was 
called "an Act for forming a Rent Roll for His Majesty," it 
had, in reality, little relation to the crown, since it did not require 
anyone holding land under the crown to record his land when it 



23 C. R., IV, 1217-121! 

24 S. R., XXIII, 301. 

25 C. R., IV, 1217. 

26 S. R., XXIII, 303. 



Representation Controversy In North Carolina 263 

was transferred, as by will or otherwise. A clause in the law 
particularly objectionable to the northerners provided that if 
the title to anyone's land was not recorded within twelve months 
after the passage of the act, his land should be liable to forfei- 
ture. The people of the Albemarle held that this clause was in- 
serted in order to compel them to recognize the jurisdiction of 
the ''southern Assembly." 27 Another objectionable feature of 
the quitrent act was a provision which required that if a grant 
of land made under the Lords Proprietors were not registered 
within twelve months a penalty of five pounds should be imposed. 
Commenting on this provision, the Board of Trade said : 'This 
clause appears to us in every light the most partial and the most 
improper that could have been framed in a Bill which by the 
Title of it appears to be general. " The Board went on to point 
out that the amount of land granted by the Lords Proprietors in 
the southern part of the province was inconsiderable. Due to 
the sectional nature of the quitrent law, the Board of Trade in 
1754 advised the Privy Council to disallow it. 28 

Governor Johnston, however, seems to have had a decidedly 
different opinion on the subject of this act. Writing to the Board 
of Trade in 1749, he stated that he now hoped an end had been 
put to the quitrent controversy. He went on to say that he 
hoped the Board would find that more had been accomplished 
since the representatives from the northern counties had ab- 
sented themselves from the Assembly. 29 This gives some indi- 
cation of Johnston's partial attitude towards the southern sec- 
tion of the province. 

While the "southern Assembly" was passing these sectional 
laws, the Albemarle counties were not quietly acquiescing in 
them. They were, on the contrary, presenting their case to the 
authorities in England in an attempt to have the representation 
act disallowed. In arguing their case, they presented three prin- 
cipal points of contention: (1) The right of the Albemarle 
counties to five members each in the Assembly; (2) The number 
of members of the Lower House necessary to constitute a quo- 
rum; and (3) The right of the General Assembly to pass a law 



27 C.R., IV. 1217-1218. 

28 Ibid., V. 101-102. 

29 Ibid., IV, 919. 



264 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fixing representation. The northern counties were represented 
in London by two able attorneys, Thomas Barker and Wyriott 
Ormond. 30 

In regard to their right to five members each in the Assembly, 
the inhabitants of Albemarle argued that they had possessed that 
right from the establishment of a permanent government to 
the passage of the recent representation act. This claim seems 
to have been well substantiated, for in 1670 the Lords Proprie- 
tors, in their instructions to the governor and council of Albe- 
marle, directed that the precincts of Albemarle County should 
elect five representatives each to the Lower House of the General 
Assembly. 31 Much later John Archdale, governor of Carolina, 
in accordance with the power vested in him by the Lords Pro- 
prietors, granted to the precincts of Albemarle County the 
privilege of sending five representatives each to the Assembly. 32 
Accordingly the Palatine Court of 1696 issued writs for the 
election of five representatives from each precinct. At the same 
time writs were issued for the election of two representatives 
from each precinct in Bath County. 33 The inhabitants of the 
northern counties, in a paper submitted to the Board of Trade 
justifying their position on the new representation act, thus 
based their right to five representatives each on these precedents 
and on the fact that their quota of representatives had been ac- 
cepted by all the governors of the colony until 1746. 34 

Describing the means which Governor Johnston used to secure 
the passage of the representation act, some inhabitants of the 
Albemarle, in a petition to the king, stated that contrary to 
custom the governor had summoned the Assembly to meet in 
Wilmington, a place two hundred miles distant from where the 
courts of justice were held, and in November, a time of the year 
when the weather was unsettled and transportation most diffi- 
cult; thus it had been very inconvenient for the northern mem- 
bers to attend that session. 35 

Concerning the second point, viz., the quorum of the Lower 
House, the northern counties declared that it had been the long- 



30 C. R., IV, 1169. 

31 Ibid., I, 181. 

32 ibid., IV, 1210. 

33 Ibid., I, 472. 

34 Ibid., IV, 1156. 

35 Ibid., 1158. 



Representation Controversy In North Carolina 265 

established custom of the House to declare not less than a ma- 
jority of its membership to be a quorum. Also, in the second 
charter granted by Charles II in 1665, it was expressly stated that 
all laws should be made by a majority of the delegates represent- 
ing the freemen of the colony. In 1746 a majority of the House 
consisted of twenty-eight members. Since the representation act 
had been passed by a small minority of the Lower House, viz., 
fifteen members, it was declared by the inhabitants of the Albe- 
marle to be null and void. 36 

In regard to the constitutionality of the act for representation, 
it was observed by the Albemarle counties that by the royal in- 
structions Johnston was not supposed to give his assent to any 
bill of an unusual nature unless it contained a suspending clause. 
Since the royal instructions were the standard by which the gov- 
ernors were to act, and since Johnston had broken these instruc- 
tions by assenting to such a bill without a suspending clause, 
the act passed by the "southern Assembly" and assented to by him 
in November, 1746, was, they declared, null and void. 37 Thus 
the case of the northern counties was presented to the authori- 
ties in England. 

Governor Johnston, representing the southern counties, pre- 
sented their side of the case to the Board of Trade. He declared 
that when he prorogued the Assembly in June, 1746, to meet in 
the following November at Wilmington, the members of the Gen- 
eral Assembly from the Albemarle section agreed among them- 
selves not to attend this session and used their best efforts to 
persuade other members to do likewise. The governor stated 
that when the General Assembly met, after two brief proroga- 
tions giving the northern representatives ample time to reach 
Wilmington, the House was organized, and in due time the two 
acts already described were passed. 38 Johnston maintained that 
the absence of the northern members was not accidental or 
caused by difficulty of transportation, but was premeditated. He 
stated that oftentimes he had had to wait three or four days 
before the Assembly could be opened, as so many representatives 
were absent, and that four times he had actually had to dismiss 



36 C. R., IV. 1157. 

37 Ibid., 1157-1158. 

38 Ibid., 1153. 



266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Assembly, as so few members were present. This condition 
of affairs was often due to the absence of the northern members, 
who constituted a majority of the Lower House. Describing how 
the representation act was passed, Johnston said that the mem- 
bers of the House from a majority of the counties and towns of 
the province brought in a bill of their own accord to reform the 
system of representation. This bill, after being passed by the 
House, was unanimously approved by the Council. The governor 
declared that the only legal justification which he could find for 
the right of the Albemarle counties to five members each was 
in the Biennial Act of 1715, which was disallowed some time 39 
before 1746. 

The members of the Board of Trade, who had had under con- 
sideration the testimony of the northern and southern counties 
concerning the representation controversy, found that they did 
not have sufficient evidence to make a decision. The Committee 
of the Privy Council for Plantation Affairs, therefore, in 1748 
instructed Governor Johnston to dispatch to it the minutes of 
the General Assembly for November, 1746, and to direct that 
further evidence be collected on the question of the representa- 
tion act. 40 It was not until 1754, therefore, that the Board of 
Trade made its final decision on this question. 

While the authorities in England were thus taking their time 
about deciding a matter of such vital importance to North Caro- 
lina, that colony was in a most disturbed and disorderly condi- 
tion. Writing to the Board of Trade in 1748, Johnston said that 
the Albemarle counties refused to pay any taxes and treated 
with contempt the writs summoning a new Assembly. "Tho' 
they do not appear in Arms," he declared, "they are really in a 
State of Civil Rebellion." 41 In a letter to James Abercromby, 
agent for North Carolina in London, the governor said : 

I have nothing more to trouble you with only to tell you how uneasy 
every body here is to have an account of the Determination of that 
tedious affair of the five Members which has now for four years compleat 
kept this Poor unhappy Province in inexpressible confusion; If it is 
not soon to be decided I dont see how we can long keep up the face of 
Government. 42 



39 C. R., IV, 1163-1164. 

40 Ibid., 1161-1163. 

41 Ibid., 1166. 

42 Ibid.. 1224. 



Representation Controversy In North Carolina 267 

Bishop Spangenberg stated that upon arriving in North Caro- 
lina he found that colony in a state of confusion, that the coun- 
ties were in conflict with one another, and that the authority of 
the legislature and of the magistrates was greatly weakened by 
this conflict. This condition of affairs was caused by the quarrel 
over representation, which was then in progress. The northern 
counties would not obey any acts passed by the Assembly until 
the outcome of the representation controversy was known. De- 
scribing conditions in the Albemarle section, the Bishop said : 

There is therefore in the older counties a perfect anarchy. As a 
result, crimes are of frequent occurrence, such as murder robbery etc. 
But the criminals cannot be brought to justice. The citizens do not 
appear as jurors, and if court is held to decide such criminal matters 
no one is present. If anyone is imprisoned the prison is broken open 
and no justice administered. In short most matters are decided by 
blows. Still the County Courts are held regularly and what belongs to 
their jurisdiction receives the customary attention. 43 

Since the inhabitants of the Albemarle counties would pay no 
taxes, the people of the central and southern counties refused to 
pay taxes, for they had no intention of assuming the whole bur- 
den of government. 44 This state of affairs continued until 1754. 
As a result of these conditions the colonial government lost a 
considerable portion of its lawful revenue which was badly 
needed to carry on its functions. 

As the counties of the Neuse-Cape Fear section were rapidly 
growing in population and wealth it was almost inevitable that 
they should sooner or later have contested the right of the Albe- 
marle counties to dominate colonial politics by controlling a 
majority of the votes in the Assembly. Nevertheless, the re- 
sponsibility for beginning the representation controversy must 
be accredited to Governor Johnston. His primary motive for 
initiating the controversy was to secure a favorable quitrent law, 
but it is possible that the fact that he had purchased land in the 
Cape Fear section soon after arriving in the colony might have 
had some relation to his action. Johnston was interested in the 
town of Newton and promoted its growth. He later named it 
Wilmington in honor of the Earl of Wilmington. The governor 



43 c. R., IV, 1311-1312. 

44 Ashe, S. A., History of North Carolina, I, 270. 



268 The Worth Carolina Historical Review 

resided in the Cape Fear section a good part of the time and often 
held meetings of the Council at Wilmington. 45 It is evident 
that he was more interested in promoting the desires of the 
people of the Cape Fear than those of the inhabitants of the Albe- 
marle. If the governor had acted in a more open and legal man- 
ner in his attempt to correct the inequality in the system of rep- 
resentation, he might have saved the colony those eight years of 
bitter sectional strife which almost paralyzed the instrumentali- 
ties of government. The northern counties pointed out that, "if 
the Governour (as he ought) had incerted [sic] a suspending 
clause it would have prevented all those heats, Animosities and 
Broyles which naturally attend such an Extraordinary exertion 
of Power." 46 

The authorities in England were very slow in arriving at a 
decision as to the justice and constitutionality of the representa- 
tion act. This matter was referred to the Attorney General and 
the Solicitor General, who in 1750 sent their opinion to the 
Board of Trade. They held that Governor Johnston had a per- 
fectly legal right to prorogue the Assembly at any time and to 
any place that he chose. They further stated that an absolute 
majority of the members of the House of Commons was not 
necessary to do business. Concerning the representation and 
capital acts, the only laws passed during the November session 
of the 1746 Assembly, the Attorney General and the Solicitor 
General said : "Yet these two Acts appear to have been passed by 
Management Precipitation and Surprize when very few Members 
were present and are of such nature and Tendency and have such 
effect and Operation that the Governour by his Instructions ought 
not to have assented to them, tho' they had been passed delib- 
erately in a full Assembly, and we are of opinion that they are 
not proper to be confirmed." 47 After much deliberation the 
Board of Trade decided to concur in their opinion, and accord- 
ingly advised the Privy Council to disallow the acts for repre- 
sentation and for fixing the seat of government, which was done 
in April, 1754. 4S Thus was concluded the contest over represen- 
tation. 



45 Ashe, S A., "Gabriel Johnston," Bioqraphical History of North Carolina, V, 188. 

46 c. R., IV, 1157. 

47 Ibid., 1223-1224. 

48 Ibid., V, 117. 



Representation Controversy In North Carolina 269 

Gabriel Johnston, however, never knew the king's pleasure on 
the representation act, for he died in the summer of 1752. He 
was succeeded by Arthur Dobbs, who arrived in the colony in 
the fall of 1754. In his instructions he was told that fifteen 
members of the House of Commons should constitute a quorum 
in that body. His instructions stated that the Assembly should 
be composed of sixty representatives, who were to be distributed 
as follows : five each to the counties of Chowan, Currituck, Per- 
quimans, Pasquotank, and Tyrrell, and three to Bertie. The 
remaining fourteen counties were to have two representatives 
each, and the four borough towns one each. Dobbs was directed 
to declare by proclamation that all laws passed by the General 
Assembly erecting towns and counties were henceforth to be 
null and void. In order to secure to the towns and counties 
the rights and privileges which they had formerly enjoyed under 
the laws now disallowed, he was instructed to grant to them 
charters of incorporation. Finally, Dobbs was forbidden to 
assent to any laws which would decrease or increase the number 
of members in the House of Commons. 49 

Thus the Albemarle section was victorious over the Cape Fear 
in the representation controversy. The system of unequal rep- 
resentation in the Assembly continued until the royal government 
was overthrown in 1775 and a new government was set up for 
the state of North Carolina. The northern counties, however, 
lost their contention in respect to the quorum in the Lower 
House ; i.e., the Privy Council upheld the royal instructions that 
fifteen members should constitute a quorum. The Assembly, 
however, continued to require that a majority of its membership 
be present before any business was transacted. This question of 
a quorum in the Lower House remained a controverted point 
between that body and the royal governors until the end of the 
colonial period. The British government took advantage of the 
representation controversy to insist upon the point that fifteen 
members should constitute a quorum and thus to make the royal 
control over the colony more effective. 

The outcome of the contest over representation had several 
other important results. The General Assembly had assumed 



49 C. R., V, 1110-1111. 



270 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

until 1754 the power of apportioning representation among the 
several towns and counties of the colony; i.e., when new towns 
or counties were erected. This power was prohibited by Dobbs's 
instructions which forbade him to assent to any law altering rep- 
resentation in the Assembly. Furthermore the General As- 
sembly had formerly had the power to erect towns and counties ; 
now this power was to be exercised by the governor. This pro- 
vision, however, was never put into effect, as it was canceled in 
1755 by additional instructions to Dobbs which permitted him 
to assent to bills for erecting towns and counties. 50 

Looking back over the representation controversy, we can see 
that it caused colonial officials needlessly to expend much valu- 
able time and effort. It divided the members of the General As- 
sembly and their supporters into two hostile factions. The wel- 
fare of the province necessarily suffered, and its natural progress 
was retarded. The two sections, Albemarle and Cape Fear, were 
for a decade driven further apart by the bitterness aroused by 
this controversy. In the end it accomplished nothing and did 
much injury to the colony. 



50 C. R.. V, 405-407. 



RADICAL DISFRANCHISEMENT IN NORTH 
CAROLINA, 1867-1868 

By William A. Russ, Jb. 

The South, after a magnificent struggle, was as crushingly 
defeated in the Civil War as perhaps any people had ever been 
defeated in history. The gallant manner in which they con- 
tinued what for some time had been clearly a hopeless cause 
made them even more helpless when the inevitable end came. 
After Lee's surrender they were at the mercy of the conquerors, 
most of whom, as it turned out, were embittered by four years 
of war and wished revenge, as well as security. In brief, the 
secessionists must be dealt with ; and the measure of punishment 
rested with that party at the North which would be able to con- 
trol the Washington government. 

Punishment might take many forms and it might be light or 
severe. Even the victors at first were uncertain what it should 
be, because there was division in the Northern camp. The mod- 
erates, more or less under the leadership of President Johnson, 
came to desire a f orgive-and-f orget policy, especially when many 
of them perceived the economic implications in radical control. 
Radicals, on the other hand, superficially wanted a policy of 
"thorough," yet behind this was the economic motive of isolating 
the South by severity so as to prevent any endangering of the 
economic advantages which industrialists had gained out of the 
Northern victory. 

At first the moderates had the stage. The President issued his 
proclamations explaining the methods whereby the defeated 
states might be restored to full and complete fellowship in the 
Union. In spite of some murmuring on the part of die-hards, 
Southerners in general soon comprehended that Presidential 
reconstruction would let them off much more easily than they 
had been led to expect. At once the reorganization began ; con- 
ventions were held fulfilling the President's rather lenient pro- 
visos by repealing the secession ordinances, by abolishing slavery, 
and by repudiating the rebel debts. In order to make all this 
possible, it was understood that the President would use his 

[ 271 1 



272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

pardoning- power so as to enfranchise all those who, having 
taken part in the rebellion, were willing to aid in restoration. 
The President, in order to make his policy function, was, there- 
fore, forced to pardon the worst of the secessionists, who at once 
returned to their old positions in the state governments. They 
then proceeded to pass black codes and perform other acts which 
made campaign material for the radicals who were already 
aroused. When Congress met in December, 1865, the representa- 
tives from Johnson's newly reconstructed states were, at the 
behest of Thad Stevens, refused admission. The fight was on. 
In some respects it was a struggle between enfranchisement of 
the rebels as Johnson wished and disfranchisement as the radi- 
cals wished. Congress had final say in refusing to allow them 
their seats, but the pardoned secessionists continued in control 
of the Southern states — except Tennessee. This seemed heinous 
to the radical party, which began to ask what kind of victory had 
been gained in which rebels were restored to their old places 
in the state governments. 

After a winter of fighting the President, Congress finally drew 
itself together and presented the Fourteenth Amendment to the 
Southern states in order to test their loyalty. The Johnson gov- 
ernments balked at the clause which enfranchised the Negro ; and 
they were unanimously opposed to the third section which would 
disfranchise all those who had ever taken an oath to the United 
States and later had rebelled. Every state, except Tennessee, 
whose case was different, refused the amendment — even North 
Carolina. 

If there was chance of any one of the unrepresented states 
ratifying the Fourteenth Amendment, it should have been in 
North Carolina, which had considerable Unionist sentiment. 
Nevertheless the amendment received as scanty notice there 
as it did elsewhere. The opponents of Governor Worth 1 had 
nominated General Alfred Dockery for governor on a platform 
which accepted the amendment, in order to test the sentiment of 
the State before the legislature acted. Dockery refused the nom- 
ination, but did favor the amendment, for he felt that it would 
be better to ratify than later to receive a worse penalty. "I also 



l Jonathan Worth had been elected chief executive under Johnson restoration. 



Disfranchisement In North Carolina, 1867-1868 273 

vastly prefer/' he said, "the restrictions upon office-holders, 
about which the secession organs clamor so much, to more gen- 
eral proscription, with the confiscation of our lands, of which 
there is danger, should the proposed amendment be rejected." 2 
In spite of this good sense, Governor Worth, in his message, 
urged rejection of the Congressional terms because they were 
degrading. The legislature hardly needed this suggestion, for 
the amendment was spurned wholeheartedly. The committee 
reported that the best and ablest men would be removed from 
office, that the whole state government would be overturned, and 
that the Commonwealth would rather throw itself upon Con- 
gress than trust its future to men who could qualify under the 
third section, the disabling clause of the amendment. Besides, 
said the committee report, the third section interfered with the 
Presidential pardoning power — a good point, for otherwise most 
of the members of the legislature would still have been disfran- 
chised, and so never elected to their present posts. Finally, if 
the State did accept this indignity, such a submissive attitude 
would embolden Congress to impose other terms which would be 
even more impossible. The measure of cavalier recalcitrance can 
be judged from the fact that the amendment secured only one 
vote in the Senate, and only ten of the 103 in the Commons. 3 

Since the other states spurned the amendment just as decid- 
edly as had North Carolina, it was evident that the South had 
spoken — perhaps in exactly the words the radicals at Washing- 
ton desired. 

"The Critical Year" was in 1866, especially in the fall elections 
of that year when President Johnson and his group tried to win 
the North over to electing conservatives to Congress. The con- 
servatives were, however, handicapped by the adamant, uncom- 
promising attitude of their proteges in the South ; while the tact- 
lessness of the President did not aid them in the least. It is 
enough to say that the radicals won a heavy majority in the 
House, and that now the North had spoken. Leniency was not 
to be the watchword, and instead of enfranchisement of the 
worst of the rebels, they were to be removed from the political 



2 Annual Cyclopaedia, 1866, p. 552. 

3 Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, pp. 182 ff. 



274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

scene. When the old Congress met for its last session in Decem- 
ber, 1866, it thus had a mandate from the North, but several 
months passed before the radicals could agree upon a program. 

After the radical victory in the Congressional elections of 
1866, and while Stevens was bringing his cohorts together dur- 
ing that winter, it became evident that some of the Southerners 
felt that they had gone somewhat too far in bearding the North. 
At any rate, the move in January and February, 1867, to offer a 
counter-proposal, called the "North Carolina Plan of Adjust- 
ment," 4 originated in this State; when it failed, ex-Governor 
W. W. Holden, who tended towards radicalism, expressed the 
willingness of the people of the State to do all in their power to 
execute the provisions of the reconstruction bill, which was by 
that time certain to pass. In a letter to Senator Sherman he said 
that he wished to see the law enforced as soon as it was passed ; 
and since he believed that "the loyal people of this State propose 
to take action immediately under it," he wished to know whether 
the present government would be provisional. He thought that 
the best citizens wished to call a convention, to disfranchise those 
who should be disfranchised, to elect members to Congress, and 
to be admitted by the coming December. 5 

Meanwhile Stevens was slowly succeeding in getting the 
House to do his bidding. The result was that the first military 
reconstruction measure was enacted on March 2, 1867, just as 
the old Congress passed into history. Since there were many 
loopholes in this law, the new Congress, many of whose members 
had been elected in the fall of 1866, at once met in special session 
and passed a second reconstruction law on March 23, 1867. 
These two enactments simply overturned all the Johnson govern- 
ments, placed the South under five generals, and disfranchised all 
persons who were subject to the third section of the Fourteenth 
Amendment — even though this amendment was not part of the 
Constitution. Directions were given for registration of the new 



4 Also called the "New Confederate Movement." It proposed, among other things, to 
impose no disabilities whatever upon whites in return for complete enfranchisement of 
blacks. It was endorsed by Governors Marvin of Florida, Orr of South Carolina, Sharkey 
of Mississippi, Parsons of Alabama, and a number of Congressmen from Texas, Arkansas, 
and North Carolina. See Cincinnati Gazette, January 2, 1867, and Savannah Republican, 
February 9, 1867. The Augusta Constitutionalist, February 8, 1867, called it "Reconstruc- 
tion Gone Mad." 

5 February 23, 1867, in Sherman Papers, CXV, 26689. 



Disfranchisement In North Carolina, 1867-1868 275 

electorate, which was to be composed of original Unionists and 
Negroes; and orders were given for the election of conventions 
from this purified constituency. These conventions would write 
new constitutions upon which radical state governments should 
be constructed. In due course of time officials would be elected, 
the Fourteenth Amendment would be ratified, and the states 
finally admitted to Congress. Then, and only then, would the 
tariff, the national debt, and the national currency be safe from 
all harm. 

Already local radicals in North Carolina, as well as in other 
states, were flooding the mails with letters of advice to radicals 
in Congress. One, which was sent to Stevens by a group of 
North Carolinians, must suffice to indicate their hopes and fears : 

The loyal people of North Carolina, hail the passage of the recon- 
struction Bill with feelings of Joy & look to it as fully adequate to 
protect the loyal Men of the rebel States, [sic] If carried into effect, 
to the Strict letter of the Bill, and we think that it will fully purge the 
Govt, of disloyalty, provided the Authorities of the Govt, will Not 
enfranchize the rebels too Soon, [sic] If they can be Kept out of 
power, and are Not Suffered to have any part in reconstructing the 
rebel States, we think the elements of Secession and disloyalty Can be 
fully eradicated, but Should they be permitted to continue in office, hold 
the reins of the State Governments they will have to die the Second 
death, . . . 

They advocated an immediate removal of all rebel officials in 
the State, so as to stop persecutions of Union men ; for, if disloyal 
persons were "permitted Still to hold the offices of the State Govt, 
and legislate for the Same, we need not look to the future with 
much hope, . . ." The present (Johnson) legislature was en- 
tirely rebel, they continued, and must not be permitted to take 
part in reconstruction. 

If they are permitted So to do, "butternuts," "Cesesh Modern De- 
mocracy" and "latter day War Saints" will hold the offices of the 
Country, Union Men will be crushed out, [sic] But we hope . . . 
that they will not be pardoned too soon for premature pardons has [sic] 
only emboldened them . . . 6 

This represents fairly well the sentiments of the radicals who 
wished reconstruction of the State in order to secure the plums 



6 W. F. Henderson. H. Adams, George Kinney, P. A. Long, and George Riley to Stevens, 
May 4, 1867, in Stevens Papers, IX. 54372. 



276 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of office. Nelson A. Miles, one of the military officials posted 
in the State, later expressed the same opinion to Sumner, and 
said : "Every office from the highest to the lowest is in the hands 
of disloyal men, even the Railroads [sic] Corporations that are 
now under obligations to the Genl. Govt are controled [sic] 
entirely by the disunion element, and all Union men debarred 
from office and employment." 7 

As soon as the legislation of March had been enacted there 
arose in North Carolina, as in every other rebel state, the queries : 
Who are disfranchised? To whom do the laws apply? Charles 
Sumner and John Sherman received dozens of letters both from 
those who sincerely wished to know and from those who wished 
to secure influence in getting themselves restored as soon as pos- 
sible in order to take part in the projected reorganization of the 
State. For instance, one W. D. Pearsall, of Kenansville, asked 
Sumner whether he was disabled; he had been a country post- 
master before, and a warden of the poor during the war. 8 So 
also, L. Greene of Albemarle, who, having been in the state legis- 
lature in 1861-2, wrote Sherman to ask how he could get out 
from under his disability; furthermore, he wished to know if 
justices of the peace were affected. 9 Examples could be repeated 
endlessly, since the papers of most of the radical statesmen are 
full of similar inquiries. 

These questions took on a more frantic character as Sickles 
proceeded to register the eligible voters in this State, which was 
part of the Second Military District. All registrars and inspec- 
tors of election 10 had to take the iron-clad oath of July 2, 1862. 
The paucity of persons who could qualify soon appeared as a 
serious handicap to Sickles in securing men for the registration 
boards. Hamilton, the historian of reconstruction in this State, 
says that "as very few native whites could do so, and as he 
[Sickles] wished to avoid the appointment of Negroes, he en- 
deavored to find as many former Union soldiers as possible." 11 



7 July 2, 1867, in Sumner Papers, CLV, 2. 

8 March 23, 1867. in ibid., CLIV, 125. 

9 March 20, 1867, in Sherman Papers, CXVIII, 27345. 

10 "Registration Endorsements. Bureau Civil Affairs 2 Military District," XLIII, 9. The 
hook is full of applications for registering jobs. All the letters give details about the 
aspirants' rebel activities, in order to learn whether these activities were sufficient to disqual- 
ify them as participants in reconstruction. This, and all other similar citations, are from 
the records of the Second Military District in the Old Records Division, Adjutant-General's 
Office, Department of War. They are located in the Munitions Building, Washington, D. C. 

11 Hamilton, op. cit., p. 225 ; cf. p. 235. 



Disfranchisement In North Carolina, 1867-1868 277 

The scarcity of eligibles to serve as election officials and state 
officers led the irascible Sickles to write his famous letter to Sen- 
ator Trumbull advising universal amnesty and impartial suffrage, 
a suggestion that acted as a bombshell in the radical camp at 
Washington. 12 This letter also raised the anger of Miles, who 
was a frequent correspondent of Sumner. In one letter he said : 

I know there are Union men enough who Can take the test oath to 
fill every office in two Such States as this, and there are twenty thousand 
white men in this State who are as loyal Citizens as we have in the 
Northern States ... to declare a general amnesty for those who 
are openly and avowedly enemies would be placeing \_sic~] the Knife 
again in the hands of Govt assassins [.] 13 

At any rate, here as elsewhere, there was sufficient disfran- 
chisement to make it almost impossible to secure capable regis- 
tering and election officials. 

Aided by the third military law of July 19, 1867, Sickles pro- 
ceeded with registration. Intricate rules for registering were 
drawn up at the General's headquarters in Charleston, printed, 
and distributed to all registrars. Circulars, special and general 
orders, and instruction sheets can be found by the dozens in the 
files of the District in the Old Records Office, at Washington. The 
minutest directions were set down for the guidance of the regis- 
tering officers, in order to prevent rebels, no matter how faint 
the odor of treason, from registering and from taking part in 
the organization of the new radical government. 14 In spite of 
the detailed character of these circulars, the registering boards 
were ever being faced with cases that had to be appealed to a 
higher authority for adjudication. In both states of the District, 
the problem of whether pre-bellum militia officers had been civil 
officers was a ticklish one; if so, they were now disfranchised 
provided they had entered the rebel service. Sickles's successor, 



12 He said in part : "Hence the true solution is to declare Universal Suffrage and Universal 
Amnesty. And this is, in my judgment, essential to the success of the Congressional plan 
of Reconstruction. It will enlarge the range of choice for the important Judicial. Execu- 
tive and Legislative departments of the State Governments, — now inconveniently confined to 
classes very few of whom are fit to hold office." And much more in the same vein. July 1, 
1867, in Johnson Papers, CXVI, 16013. 

13 July 13, 1867, in Sumner Papers, LXXXII, 79 ff. 

14 "General Orders 2 Military District," XXII, 73-4 ; ibid., p. 58. For typical directions 
for registration, see ibid., pp. 42-4, and for the names of registrars appointed, see ibid., 
pp. 142 ff. ; ibid., 318 ff., gives a long circular with minute directions as to who are and 
who are not disfranchised, in the final revision of the registration books. The volume 
entitled "Letters Sent. 1867-8. Bureau of Civil Affairs. 2d Milt. Dist." gives information 
about the mechanics of registration, including copies of orders, books, and blanks which 
were sent to the registrars. 



278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

E. R. S. Canby, informed Governor Worth, of North Carolina, 
that ". . . militia officers are not disqualified unless employed 
as officers in the execution of the patent [?] laws or other laws 
having relation to the domestic order of the State . . ." 15 
Similar hair-line decisions had to be made regarding notaries 
public, commissioners of roads, commissioners of free schools, 
attorneys, and many other officials and practitioners. 16 So 
numerous were the inquiries as to who were disfranchised that 
D. H. Starbuck, the United States District Attorney, at Salem, 
North Carolina, asked the Raleigh Standard to print a long opin- 
ion which he had formulated on September 12. 17 

This opinion will bear some analysis, not only because it cre- 
ated considerable notice, but also because it contained the doc- 
trine which was finally followed by the registering boards. 18 
First, said Starbuck, a man who had been, before the war, a 
register, clerk of court, constable, etc., could usually take the 
oath because these offices, existing for the public peace and for 
good order, had had nothing to do with the rebellion ; the holder 
of such a post ought to be able to take the oath unless he had 
voluntarily sought office in order to aid the rebels. Second, a 
conscript was not disfranchised; but a voluntary recruit was. 
Third, a man who had taken a local office in order to prevent a 
more rabid secessionist from filling it, or in order to prevent him- 
self from being forced into the rebel army, was not disqualified, 
even if he had taken the oath to the Confederate State govern- 
ment, because his intent was not secessionist. In summary, he 
said: 

The right to take the "test oath" mainly depends on the status of the 
person during the war and his intents and purposes and is in a degree a 
matter of conscience [except in relation to certain large national offices.] 
Where it depends on the intent of the person, every man knows his own 
heart, and whether he was a friend to the Union or not; whether any 
aid which he may have rendered was voluntary or of his own choice. 

Starbuck bulwarked his opinion by showing that it contained 
the principle upon which the Senate had admitted Senator Pat- 



15 "Letters Sent. 1867-8" of the Second District, I, 416 ; see also, I, 334, "Registration 
Endorsements. Bureau of Civil Affairs 2 Military District," XLIU, 6, and Hamilton, op. cit., 
pp. 235-6. 

16 Cf. "Registration Opinions. Bureau of Civil Affairs" of the Second District, L, 2. 

17 Raleigh Standard, September 26, 1867. 

18 How much influence the document had in laying down the procedure of the registering 
officers is uncertain. 



Disfranchisement In North Carolina, 1867-1868 279 

terson of Tennessee; at all events, it was the basis upon which 
the registering boards were forced to act in most of the doubtful 
cases. It amounted to saying that a man was disfranchised if 
he disfranchised himself, since, in many instances, his aid to the 
rebellion was a matter of conscience, that is, intent. 

How many were disfranchised in North Carolina was just as 
uncertain as it was in the other reconstructed states. In March, 
the Wilmington Journal had predicted that the figure would be 
about 11,000 out of a white voting strength of 1 15,000. 1<J Canby 
thought that the figure was 11,686, although he admitted this 
was a guess. 20 Those radical apologists, the Neiv York Tribune 
and the Chicago Tribune, were correct in saying that North Caro- 
lina was one of the states where the white voting strength was so 
heavy that it could not be Africanized. 21 In the election for del- 
egates the radicals won a large majority, while the Negroes and 
conservatives each had a few representatives. 22 

The extreme radicals were jubilant, but some of the more 
moderate members of the party, like Daniel R. Goodloe, editor of 
the Union Register, of Raleigh, expected the worst. Regarding 
the low caliber of the delegates, he told Sumner : 

As you may well suppose, with the former governing class of the 
people disfranchised, the delegates are for the most part inferior in 
intelligence and character. Thirteen of them are persons of African 
descent. — only one of whom, a Pennsylvanian has any education worth 
speaking of. He is a Methodist preacher, and seems to be a man of good 
character. Two others, — natives, — without much culture, show consid- 
erable talent for speaking. Others are barbers, and two or three, liter- 
ally, field hands. About twenty-seven of the delegates are recently from 
the North, and not of the most disinterested characteristics. 
You may imagine, that the best Constitution in the world, if made by 
Such men, would be unsatisfactory to the majority of the people. . . . 
The difficulty about electing better Men is partly due — perhaps Mainly 
due, to the disfranchisement of the governing class; but also in great 
degree to the ignorance of the negroes. They are the dupes of the lowest 
and meanest demagogues. The basest men are the most popular among 
the negroes, because the basest men will bid the highest for their 
votes — . . . 23 



!9 Clipped by Charleston Mercury, March 22, 1867. 

20 Sen. Ex. Doc. 53 (40 Cong. 2 Sess. ) ; also McPherson, Hand-Book for 1868, p. 374. 

21 New York Tribune, January 3, 1868, and Chicago Tribune, January 31, 1868. 

22 Charleston Mercury, November 9, 14, 22, clipping various issues of the Wilmington 
Journal. 

2 3 March 17, 1868, in Sumner Papers, CLVI, 56. 



280 The Worth Carolina Historical Review 

These words were lugubrious enough. Yet, in its disfranchis- 
ing policy, the convention was as lenient and generous as that 
of any of the states, including even the convention of Georgia, 
which disfranchised not at all. Delegates took a simple oath to 
support the United States Constitution and to do their duty. 24 
A committee on relief from disabilities was formed, which, on 
February 7, 1868, requested all members to name persons who 
should be recommended to Congress for amnesty, with a brief 
history of each. 25 The committee reported on March 12, with 
some ten or eleven pages of names, amounting to about 600 per- 
sons, mostly Republicans. 26 Plato Durham, the young conserva- 
tive leader, led the onslaught against such partisanship by mov- 
ing to favor release of all disabled persons from their restric- 
tions. "This report," he cried, "is a fraud upon the people of 
North Carolina, and it is so intended to be. The Secretary may 
take my words down. I don't care for the Secretary or the Con- 
vention either." 27 A substitute was then oifered to ask Congress 
to free everyone, but it was killed by an amendment which pro- 
vided that all who were so restored must believe in universal 
suffrage. 28 The crooked Tourgee defended the majority report, 
so it was adopted overwhelmingly. 29 

The radicals, in so far as disfranchisement was concerned, 
were extremely conservative. The majority report on the fran- 
chise article would disqualify no one for rebellion, although the 
extremists in the chief minority report wished to disable those 
who had ever prevented others from voting, those who were dis- 
franchised by the Fourteenth Amendment, and those who had 
inflicted unusually cruel punishment on any soldier or officer 
of the United States during the rebellion. The minority also 
wished to require all applicants upon registering to take an oath 
never again to aid the secession of North Carolina, and to 
"accept the political and civil equality of all men." 30 Another 
minority report favored the disfranchisement at least of those 
who were to be disabled by the Fourteenth Amendment, but even 



24 Journal of the North Carolina Convention of 1868, p. 111. 

25 Ibid., p. 150. 

26 Ibid., pp. 414-25. 

27 Ibid., p. 411. 

23 Ibid., pp. 411-2. 

29 Ibid., p. 412, and Hamilton, op. cit., p. 266. 

30 Both reports are in Journal, pp. 232-8. 



Disfranchisement In North Carolina, 1867-1868 281 

this much disqualification was voted down, 77-23. It was refused 
again and again. 31 A delegate offered an oath which would 
require the applicant to swear that he was devoted to the Union 
and would oppose its dissolution; that he entertained no sym- 
pathy for the instigators of the rebellion ; and that he had never 
supported or countenanced sedition or defection. This did not 
even receive a vote. 32 

The majority report was voted into the Constitution without 
change as Article VI. It merely required the assembly to pass 
a registration law by which every voter must sw T ear to obey the 
laws and Constitutions of the State and the United States. Every 
voter was eligible for office if he were willing to take a similar 
oath upon entering the position to which he had been elected. 
The only persons disfranchised for office were those who denied 
the existence of Almighty God, and those convicted of treason, 
perjury, or crime, unless legally restored to citizenship. 33 A 
milder disfranchisement could hardly be imagined. The con- 
vention, feeling that its work would hardly appeal to many local 
radicals, wrote an address to the people of the State asking for 
support in the policy of enfranchising all blacks and disfranchis- 
ing no whites. It said, in part: 

It is an undeniable monument to the wisdom, and equity, and magna- 
nimity, of the Union people of North-Carolina, that in three years after 
the close of a bloody and devastating civil war, in which wrongs and 
outrages were endured that can never be forgotton, they have framed a 
Constitution, in which not a trace of animosity or vindictiveness can 
be found; in which the wrongs of the past are ignored for the sake of 
the peace of the future, and all who are now true to their country, are 
invited to participate in its government. Such wise forbearance is 
certain of its reward in the approval of reflecting men now, and of all 
posterity. 34 

The Constitution, and candidates for office under it, were voted 
upon at the same election ; but state officials were to be chosen by 
the voters qualified under the Constitution, which meant man- 
hood suffrage, black and white. The Constitution itself was to 
be voted upon only by those qualified under the reconstruction 



31 Journal of the North Carolina Convention of 1868, pp. 238, 251, 389-90, 402, 403-4. 

32 Ibid., p. 254. 

S3 Ibid., pp. 27-8. The Constitution is printed in House Ex. Doc. 281 (40 Cong., 2 Sess.), 
XVII, 2-22. 

34 Ibid., pp. 484-5. 



282 The North Carolina Historical Review 

acts. Since, however, General Canby ordered that voters must 
express their wishes on both the candidates and the Constitu- 
tion upon the same ballot, he succeeded in disfranchising those 
who had been enfranchised by the Constitution. By this piece 
of chicanery, says Hamilton, "all who had been disfranchised 
by the reconstruction acts were prevented from voting, and the 
validity of the acts of the legislature thus elected is therefore 
open to question." 35 At least the trick provided legislators and 
state officials who were radical enough to suit Congress, which 
accepted the Constitution without question, June 25, 1868. 36 

The history of radical disfranchisement in North Carolina is 
instructive and interesting to the student of reconstruction 
largely because the generosity of the radicals was in such contrast 
to the harshness of their brethren in states like Louisiana, Ten- 
nessee, and Arkansas. The difference was not entirely due to 
the fact that there were only a few Negroes in the convention; 
South Carolina's convention had a majority of blacks, yet its 
disfranchising system was only a whit more vindictive than 
that of North Carolina. In short, South Carolina placed the 
principle of the Fourteenth Amendment in its Constitution, and 
most of the Negroes did not desire even that much disfranchise- 
ment. It is also to be noted that Congress, in the Omnibus Bill 
of June 25, 1868, accepted, with just as much alacrity, North 
Carolina with no disfranchisement in its state Constitution, as 



35 Hamilton, <yp. cit., p. 286. 

36 There still remained a trying constitutional tangle which Canby had to iron out. It is 
so well explained by Hamilton that only the briefest summary is required in this connec- 
tion. It consisted in this : Until Canby formally gave up his authority under the reconstruc- 
tion laws, the disfranchising provisions of these laws were in force in the State, and the 
government just elected was provisional ; this is tantamount to saying that before the formal 
installation of the new government, all officials must take the iron-clad oath, since in 
theory they were as yet officials of the United States. Furthermore, in spite of the fact that 
the new Constitution did not contain the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment, the third 
section of this proposed amendment still applied as long as the State was under national 
authority. Thus a majority of the newly-elected state officers, members of the legislature, 
and even county officials, were disabled and could not function. When Canby published the 
election results he made the above requirements known. At once many loyal disabled per- 
sons appealed to Congress for aid ; otherwise, since so many were disqualified, the state gov- 
ernment could not be established. When Congress passed the admission bill on June 25, it 
stipulated that the Fourteenth Amendment must be ratified ; Canby then said that this 
removed the necessity for members taking the iron-clad oath, and notified all officials-pre- 
sumptive to appear. The legislature met on July 3, and passed the amendment. This 
further complicated the situation, for although the amendment was not part of the state 
Constitution, the State had ratified it. The legislature then refused to qualify nine conserva- 
tives in the Senate and ten in the House, because they were disabled by the third section. 
"The partisan intent of the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment was thus speedily 
carried out in North Carolina," as the vacated seats were filled with Republicans. Thus 
while the constitutional convention had refused to place the amendment in the state Consti- 
tution, its principle was applied to state officials because Congress desired it. But once 
Canby had given up his authority, the state government found itself free to allow anyone 
to qualify for office, as the Constitution provided. Hamilton, op. cit., pp. 350-1. See also 
Canby's explanation to the Chief of Staff, May 4, 1868, in House Ex. Doc. 2J6 (40 Cone., 2 
Sess.). XVII, 2-4. 



Disfranchisement In North Carolina, 1867-1868 283 

it did Louisiana, with its system which can be described in no 
other words than vindictive and vengeful. In any case, it must 
be said that, no matter what the explanation of the difference, 
North Carolina followed much the better part of wisdom. Its 
career under Governor Holden was not too happy, yet it suffered 
much less under its radical government than did Louisiana, 
whose Governor Warmoth soon went before his legislature to 
admit that it had been bad policy to disfranchise, and whose 
legislature, almost unanimously, erased the disabling clauses 
from the state Constitution. The leniency of the South Carolina 
Negroes must be commended in the heartiest terms ; so also the 
generosity of the North Carolina whites. Both races in Louis- 
iana presently learned that their folly did not pay — in fact, every 
state which tried disfranchisement, be it as lenient as in South 
Carolina or as heartless as in Louisiana and Tennessee, soon 
learned its lesson and followed in the footsteps of North Carolina. 



JOHN BROWN'S JOURNAL OF TRAVEL IN 
WESTERN NORTH CAROLINA IN 1795 

Edited by A. R. Newsome 

I 

INTRODUCTION 

John Brown of Lewistown, Pennsylvania, agent of a group of 
Pennsylvania investors, came to Western North Carolina early in 
1795, and for more than six months traversed the region of 
Salisbury, Statesville, Wilkesboro, Morganton, and Asheville, in 
pursuit of his business of making extensive land purchases. The 
journal 1 of his travel sheds light upon social and economic condi- 
tions in a section of the State which was then in the frontier 
stage of civilization, upon the process of the transfer of land 
from state to private ownership, and upon the extensive land 
speculation in Western North Carolina near the close of the 
eighteenth century. 

The Cherokee Indians, who had blocked the expansion of 
white settlement west of the Blue Ridge, relinquished and threw 
open to white settlement all of their land in North Carolina north 
and east of a line approximating the present western boundaries 
of Haywood and Transylvania counties in a succession of treaties 
with North Carolina in 1777 and with the United States in 1785, 
1791, and 1798. 2 After each treaty land-hungry whites settled 
the relinquished lands, and settlers as well as absentees with 
surplus capital made speculative investments in virgin land.* 



1 The manuscript journal of John Brown, a volume 3% by 6 x /4 inches, is in the W. Vance 
Brown Collection recently presented to the North Carolina Historical Commission by Mr. 
J. Fuller Brown of Asheville. John Brown was the son of Judee William Brown of Lewis- 
town and the great grandfather of the late W. Vance Brown of Asheville, whose son pre- 
sented to the Commission the collection of papers assembled and preserved by him. With 
the exception of the binding, the volume is in good condition. It contains some addresses 
and memoranda which do not form a part of the journal and are not published herewith. 

2R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina, I, 393-394; J. P. Arthur, Western North Carolina, 
ch. 26. 

3 The land erant records in the office of the secretary of state in Raleierh record hundreds 
of state grants in the 1790's for small acreages in Burke, Wilkes, and Buncombe counties, 
and several extensive erants for speculative investment. Grants in excess of 100,000 acres 
were issued, amonsr others, to Charles Gordon, Sr., in Wilkes County ; to Robert and William 
Tate in Burke ; and to David Allison, John Gray Blount, and William Cathcart in Bun- 
combe. Less extensive thouerh larere grants were issued to George Latimore. Alexander 
Cochran, Samuel Meeker, Lambert Clayton, Charles McDowell, John McDowell, Joseph 
McDowell. Waitrhtstill Avery, William Lenoir, Joseph Henry, Robert Henry, and Ephraim, 
Georere, John, Hugh, James, and William Davidson. The journal shows that John Brown 
had dealings with several of these men. Cf. J. P. Arthur, Western North Carolina, ch. 7. 

[ 284 1 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 285 

Rapid settlement resulted in the organization of Burke and 
Wilkes counties in 1777, Rutherford and Lincoln in 1779, Iredell 
in 1788, and Buncombe in 1791. 

The transfer of land in North Carolina from state to private 
ownership was regulated by law. The basic land act of 1777 4 
required the justices of the peace in each county, sitting as the 
county court, to elect an entry taker and a surveyor to serve 
during good behavior. Any citizen of the State was authorized 
to enter with the entry taker a written claim for land, stating 
the county in which the land lay and describing roughly the 
boundaries of the tract. The entry taker should then endorse 
the statement with the name of the claimant and the number of 
acres claimed and make proper entry in his entry book. If no 
other person made claim to the same land within three months, 
the entry taker should deliver to the claimant a copy of the entry 
and an order to the county surveyor to survey the land. If 
other claims were filed within three months, a jury summoned by 
the sheriff by order of the county court should determine the 
proper claimant. Upon receiving the copy of the entry and the 
order or warrant of survey, the county surveyor should survey 
the land and prepare two plots with descriptions of the bound- 
aries and acreage, both of which with the warrant of survey he 
should transmit to the secretary of state. The claimant was 
required to pay to the entry taker £2 10s per 100 acres for 
amounts not in excess of 640 acres for himself and an additional 
100 acres for wife and each child, and £5 for each 100 acres in 
excess thereof. One plot with the warrant of survey should be 
filed with the secretary of state and the other annexed to the 
grant, which should be made out by the secretary of state, au- 
thenticated by the governor, countersigned by the secretary of 
state, recorded in his office, and held for delivery to the claimant 
on April 1 or October 1. The grantee should then cause the grant 
to be registered in the county where the land lay within twelve 
months from the date of the grant. Certain fees were allowed 
to the entry taker, surveyor, governor's secretary, secretary of 
state, and county register; and the entry taker was required to 



4 State Records of North Carolina, XXIV, 43-48. 



286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

pay into the state treasury on April 1 and October 1 all money 
received, after deducting 2 per cent for services and risk. 

In 1783 the entry taker's fee was fixed at 4s, the surveyor's at 
16s for an acreage not in excess of 300 plus 4s for each additional 
100 acres, and the surveyor was required to complete the survey 
within twelve months and to send the plots and warrant to the 
secretary of state's office within eighteen months after his re- 
ceipt of the warrant of survey. 5 In 1790 the price of public land 
was fixed at 30s per 100 acres and in 1794 at 50s. 6 On account 
of the difficulty of collecting the money from the entry takers, 
the legislature of 1794 directed the secretary of state not to 
issue any grant until the claimant presented a certificate from 
the comptroller that the entry taker had made a proper return to 
his office and also a receipt from the state treasurer for the pay- 
ment of the purchase money by the entry taker. 7 

The John Brown journal shows how persons from other states 
negotiated the purchase of state land through citizens of North 
Carolina. 

The sentence structure, spelling, punctuation, and capitaliza- 
tion of the manuscript journal are faithfully reproduced. 

II 
JOHN BROWN'S JOURNAL OF TRAVEL 

An acct of the Road from Lewistown. 

Decembr 10th 1794 left home and Rode 12 miles to Mr. Jacksons in 
Mifflin Town on Juniata 11th left said town and Breckfusted at North's 
which was 13 miles Distance feed at Lashes 9 Miles Lodg'd at Starrets 9 
Miles further. 12 Rode 7 Miles to Carlisle & there Brekf'd from thence 
7 Miles to folk's Gap oar Works in the South Mountain from thence 11 
Miles to Menicks in Yoark County Thence on the 13th 7 Miles threw 
Marsh Creek settlement to Hunters town 2 miles to Hosiers & Breck- 
fusted thence 8 Miles to the two Taverns & 9 to Taney Town in Marylan 
State a Small in Land Village & no Church But a Roman Chaple from 
thence 8 Miles to a Branch of Pipe Creek & 2 ditto to Little Pipe Creek 
thence 4 Miles to Chooleys 14th Rode 9 Miles to Manacasey 8 River per- 
haps 30 yards wide 4 Miles to Fredericks town to Breckfust through the 
most Level Countrey I have ever seen mixt with Limestone & White Flint 



5 State Records of North Carolina, XXIV, 478-482. 

6 Ibid., XXV, 77; Laws of North Carolina, 179k, ch. 16. 

7 Laws of North Carolina, 179Jf, ch. 17. 

8 Monocacy River. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 287 

Staid in Town at Mr. Boogher to 17th set out to Winchester & Rode 10 
Miles to Christen Easterday to Breckfust through a small Town Call'd 
Newtown thence 10 Miles to Harpers Ferry on Potomock River at the 
mouth of Shanedoar 9 from thence 2 Miles to Wm. Bain thence 10 Miles 
through the most level Limestone Country that I Ever seen to the White 
Tavern in Barley County 10 Keept by John McCormick 17th Rode 8 
Miles to Piquin 11 Creek to Breckfust at Mr. Abra h Grapes then 8 Miles 
to Winchester in Frederick County which stands in the Midst of a 
most level firtil Country and Dined with a Number of officers from 
the artey[?] who lived in the Southern States one of the officers told 
me he was acquainted with a Colon Thomas Jacobs from the Delwr 
State who had Built Mills near the Federal Citty and was makin a 
fortune fast I suppos'd him to be a Friend to Jarmun Jacbs[?] of 
Lewistown Staid to the 19th and Rode 8 Miles to Breckfust at Mr. 
McGinnis in a small town call'd Newtown from thence 10 Miles to 
Stovers town at Mr. Hoofmans where we Eat a Chick & I met with an 
acquaintance of Malcolm Andrew's one Hughes who had been at Mr. 
Millers when he kept tavern at my Fathers thence we Rode 12 Miles to 
Stockwood 12 or Millerstown the Seat of Justice for Shanadoar County 
where we Stade all night at Mr. Goladays a Yery good house and to 
one oclock it Rain'd all night and the next day and Snow'd that 
Evening we agree'd with an Atturney at Law one Wilkinson for one 
hundred thousand Acres & also agreed with a Certain Mr. Roberts 
for fifty thousand acres this town is Very new almost all frame houses 
we Rode 14 Miles and Rode Shanadoh River which was Dificult to 
Ride & put up at a Mr. Pattens a man from Berkes County 13 Sonday 
21st we started and Rode to a Town Call'd New Market at five Miles 
distance the Land appears to be a Black flint mix'd with Lime stone 
and then we set out & Rode 14 Miles to feed in Rockingham County 
thence we Rode 8 Miles to a Mr. Snaps and Stay'd. Monday 22d set 
out & Rode 14 miles to Breckfest through a Lime Stone Country & a 
Great deal of Pitch Pine in about 7 mills from Snaps we Cros'd the 
South River & then we breckfust at a New frame house hanger thence we 
Rode 4 Miles to Middle River 3 Miles to Stannton 14 a handsome small 
town in Agusta County situated in a deep hollow Surroun'd with Lime- 
stone hills whe we staid to Tuesday morning at Mr. Huskell's the Sighn 
of Gen 1 Washington a Yery Good house. We Breckfasted Before we 
set out & Road 12 Miles through a Middling hilly Country and feed at 
Mr. John Steels from thence we Road 13 Miles to the Read hous Mr. 
Charles M. McCallisters Where we meet with an agreeable Landleday 
ho sat with us to ten oclock & We sung Song about we went with a 



9 Shenandoah. 

10 Berkeley County, now in West Virginia. 

11 Opequon Creek. 

12 Woodstock. 

13 Berks County, Pennsylvania. 

1 4 Staunton in Augusta County, Va. 



288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Certain Mr. Galbreath who Mr. Johnston Live'd with a few days on his 
way from Carrolina we Road on the 24th 10 Miles Cros'd a branch of 
James River about one mile Before we came to Lexinton 15 where we 
Breackfasted at a Mr. Ellis we set out Roade thru Got into a Yerry 
hilly Countrey about 7 miles from Lexington we Crosed Buflow Creek 
at a Mill 6 Miles to a Capten Barkleys & feed we Road to a Cearten 
Mr. Hartleys wher I swop'd my hoarse and Gave 6 Dollars to Boot 
from there we Road on the 25th Christmas Day throug a Valley Called 
Purgitory and at 7 Miles we Came to Pattens Burgh on the Bank of 
James River where we Staid all Day it Came on Rain & Cleared up 
with high winds But Not Coald on the 26th we Crosed the River in a 
Flat it is about 50 or Sixty yards wide and 14 Feet watter the Countrey 
Continued hilly But was well timber'd and plenty of Limestone we Rode 
12 Miles to Bottetot or Fincasel 16 a Court house and a small Town we 
stop'd at a Mr. King's for Breckfast. we Rode 8 in a fine Country to a 
Mr. Gishes and feed from there we Rode 9 Miles to Big Crek where 
the Kentucky Rode 17 took of the Right at 3 Milles we came to Roown 
oak River 18 & stade at a Certain Torhns[?] in the Morning on the 
27th we Rode the River Near 50 Yards Broad then we got out of the 
limestone in a Yerry hilly Country But has some old livers perhaps 
form Forty to fifty years we Rode 12 Miles to a Mr. Northsingers on 
the watters of Black River it emptys Rown oack River from there we 
Roade 9 Miles to [blank] where I got my hoarse shod from thence we 
Rode 8 Miles to a Widow Forgesons where we met with about 30 Ne- 
groes at a Ball in what the Call a Negro hous this was in Franklin 
County in the morning we Cros'd Pig River & Rode 4 Miles this was 
on Sunday the 28th of the and Breckfasted a Mr. Standford from there 
ar Mountains for for 18 Miles we Put 6 quarts oats in one of our 
Blankets & Came about 9 Miles and Seen a small Kind of a hous 
where we Lade our Blankets on the Ground & feed our hoarses & in the 
(Pen for that is Name it shou'd have) an old Woman Lived in the Most 
desolate maner that I had ever seen any of the Human Race we 
Rode 9 Miles to an old Gentleman of the Name of Basdell who yused us 
well we Drank some of his Jimmey that was the Peatch Brandy where 
we Staid all Night and Crossed Smith River in the Morning perhaps 
50 yards Broad and Road twelve Miles to a Mr. Stabels in Henry County 
to Breckfast and there we seen the first Patch of Corten Mrs. Stabels 
told us that she had 200 lbs. Gotten from thence we Road 12 Miles to 
a Mr. Parr's on Meho 19 River where we feed our hoarses and meet with 
a Baptist Minister who has been a Preacher this 20 years he in every 
Respect minded me of old Joseph Davis we Road 9 Miles to a Mr. Cloud. 



15 Lexington, Va. 

16 Fincastle is the county seat of Botetourt County, Virginia. 

17 The Wilderness Road, which passed throueh Cumberland Gap. 

18 Roanoke River. 

19 Mayo River. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 289 

[There are no entries for the period December 29, 1794-January 7, 
1795.] 

Thursday the 8th day of January, 1795 started from Joansbury 20 
Southwest Ohio River in Company with Mr. Nathaniel Taylor & Mr. 
Steedman who Rode one mile on his way to the Citty and there we 
Parted we agreed to meet in fortytwo Days at Wilk's Coarthouse in 
JNToarth Carrolina Mr. Taylor and myself agreed with John Peoples to 
keep Mr. Steedmans mare two month at four dollars per Month 9th I 
staid at a Mr. Taylors & it Rain'd the 10th started & Road ten mils to 
Little Doe 21 River we Cross'd it several times we Rode 4 Miles to Big 
Doe River we fed our hoarses at one Mulkemf?] and he wou'd charge 
us we crossed Doe River Wear thirty times and it was Deep I was wet 
to the Knees and it was allow'd to be the Coldest Day the had this wintr 
we Rode 8 Miles to Som[?] Creek on a Bottom between the Mountains 
400 Acres and several famleys living thereon we Staid at one of the 
houses all night the most Durty Place I have ever seen the Live upon 
Venison when the Kill a Deer the hing it up and Cuts away at till used 
Sunday the 11th Started after we Breckfusted & I had hir'd a Hugh 
Mulhe to go with us to the top of the Mountain Call'd the Yellow Moun- 
tain which the Sade was almost Passable as there was three Men Lay on 
it the night before and had nearly Perche'd. we Rode about four Mills 
to one Phillips wher we found a Woman and Six Children who lived in 
a small shack the children went three of them to a very bad bed and 
Try'd to kiver themselves but cou'd not Keep from the coald the 
Shiver'd like a dog that lay out of Doors we started and Rode about a 
Mile when we Came to some snow on the Mountain where we found it 
Very dificult to Get our hoarses along we had about five Miles of Snow 
it was so deep that the hoarses had to Strain and often Jump we hardly 
went more than five Rod at a time the mountain is very high the Land 
is very Rich and every Kind of timber & no Stone on the top of the 
mountain we Crossed the line between the Territory 22 and Worth Caro- 
lina from Washington to Berk 23 and the top of the mountain is Clear 
not a Stump nor Tree I suppos two hundred acres in it and we cou'd 
see mountains on every side a great ways when we Came to the foot of 
the mountain we Came to Toe River a Stream Wear 30 yards wide we 
Crosed it and feed our hoarses on the Bank on one of our Blankets in a 
fine Bottom which was as Rich as any Land and Remarkable for white 
thorn & Crab Tree. I think there is a thousand acres we crosed Toe 
River near twenty times and got to one Joans we Computed it to be 
twenty miles we Traveled this day Monday the 12th we took Breckfust 
and set out and Rode four Miles to a Mr. Devinport who has a large 



20 Jonesboro in the territory south of the Ohio River, now Tennessee. 

21 Toe River. 

22 In 1790 Congress passed a law for the government of the territory south of the Ohio 
River. In 1796 Tennessee was admitted as a state. 

23 From Washington County in the territory to Burke County, North Carolina. 



290 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Bottom on toe River and Mersh[?] he is a great hunter I suppose we 
seen one hundred deer skins we set out after we had Chang'd some hard 
money for Prock 24 and we Crosed the River in about a Mile from 
thence we Rode five miles to the top of the Blew Mountain 25 or Back 
Bone of the Earth as the Call it and one Mile down through the Best 
Timber'd Land with as Rich a Soil as I ever seen here we came on the 
watters of Cuttaby 26 Called Peppers Creek and feed our hoarses at a 
Mr. Damerel's from thence we Rode about about three Miles some part 
of the way in a Very fine Bottom and Crosed the North Branch of the 
Cuttaby from thence one Mile to the Gap of Linvill Mountain about 
halfway up we Discovd a Great deal of Iron oar this mountain is the 
first I have seen in this County anything like the Pennsylvania moun- 
tains when on the top we cou'd see a Country on a Southeasterly Coarse 
that was nearly level for about one hundred miles in width and as far as 
our Eyes cou'd conceive anything but appeard to be Surrouned by 
Mountains and mountains in every side the greatest quantity that I 
have ever seen I thin it was about Seven miles to a Mr. Wagleys who 
wou'd not Lodge us but gave us very unbecomig Language Then we 
Rode about half a Mile to Linville Creek and about one Mile to a Mr. 
Wakefields where we staid he use'd us very well his wife got a Chicken 
for supper my Comrade Taylor and myself Eat very harty and went to 
bed Mr. Taylor lay about two hours and got very sick and got up and 
Puck'd Very much I was sick also But Lay to morning (it snow'd a little 
in night) and was very Bad with a Lax 27 I Yometed after I got on 
hoarseback on Teausday morning the 13th we Rode about a mile to a 
house Mr. Taylor Cou'd not ride any further we Try'd to get some Tea 
But in all in vane we got a Tinfull of milk scalded with Pepper and 
Drank it from thence we started and Rode 10 Miles to an atturny's 
Weitselle Every's 28 and his Lady us'd us very well and did not Charge 
us anything all a Pine County & thin settled we Rode about two miles 
to Canoo Creek where I seen the first Kain growing this is a Branch of 
Cuttaby River we Continu'd about a Mile to the Crossing of Cuttaby 
River about 80 yards wide and about twenty miles from the Cuttaby 



24 Because of an unfavorable balance of trade with England, the metallic currency of the 
colonies was scarce and consisted not of English but of Spanish and Portuguese coins. 
But English nomenclature was followed in business transactions, thouch the value of a 
"pound" varied in the several colonies. In 1704 Queen Anne issued a proclamation provid- 
ing that the Spanish piece of eight, worth 4s 6d in sterling, should not pass in the 
colonies for more than 6s in currency. This was the origin of the term "proclamation 
money." In 1786 Coneress established the Spanish milled dollar as the standard of money 
in the United States. Brown was seeking to exchange hard money for currency of the 
value as established by the proclamation. Adelaide L. Fries, Records of the Moravians in 
North Carolina, II, 627-633. 

25 Blue Ridge. 

26 Catawba River. 

27 Looseness of the bowels. 

28 Waightstill Avery, 1741-1821, of Burke County, educated lawyer, revolutionary patriot, 
legislator, attorney general, and land speculator. S. A. Ashe, Biographical History of North 
Carolina, VII, 1-6. The land grant records in Raleigh show that Avery received several 
dozen land grants for thousands of acres of land in Buncombe and Burke counties. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 291 

Nation 29 that is Peaceble indians from thence we Rode a Mile to 
Morganton the seat of justice for Berk County we Put up at one John 
Tates and Tryed to get Prock But was disappointed and did not get any 
we Staid all night and in the morning we Set out for Salsbury 30 
& Rode fourteen miles to a Mr. Murreys and feed our hoarses and it 
Rain'd we started and Rode fifteen miles to a Mr. McIIaffey's this 
Country is but thin settle'd the Land is middling Level But very Poor 
Barreney and grasey Bad timber in General with a Grate Deal of Pitch 
Pine we Crosed the line Between Berk and Linkhorn Countys Seven 
mils before Came to Mehaffys on the fifteenth we started and Rode ten 
mils to one Wilsons where we Breckfusted and got oats in the Sheff for 
our hoarses and from thence we Rode five miles to a Mr. Wards and got 
Corn for our hoarses from thence we Rode 8 miles to Cuttaby River 
where we Crosed it is Wear three quarters Broad and Rode one mile to 
where we fed at a Mr. Crafoards from there we Rode five mils to Mathei 
Weals where we Staid all night it had Rain'd almost all day on the 16th 
we set out and and Rode 4 miles to the line Between lincoln & Rowan 
Countys from there 12 Miles to a Thomas Galaspys one Mile of our 
Rode I left a letter that James Irwin gave me for his Brother Mrs. 
Galaspy Said he was dead two years Past from there we Rode twelve 
miles to Salsbury the Country is all Pinney and Very level and the 
Town is all frame houses and appears much Weather Beaton w r e Lodg'd 
at a Mr. Troys an old inhabitant of Sunsbury 31 in Pennsylvania we 
met with som Company and a Certain Mr. Hugh Wunun who gave us 
every information of the different Gentlemen whom we Cou'd apply to 
on the 17th Mr. Wunun invited us to Breckfast and after Breckfast he 
gave us every assistance and went to every house and also Rode two mils 
out of Town to get mony and we engauged all we we Cou'd by the time 
we Return & Mr. JSTunun promis'd to try to Procure som land We Rode 
about three oclock & went twelve mils to a Col n Brannens on our way 
Back to Burk and Staid all night on Sunday the 18th we set out and 
Rode 11 mils to a Mr. Andersons and Breckfasted from thence we Rode 
JSTine mils to the Cuttaby River and Crossed and feed our hoarses at a 
Mr. Clarks here we Bot as much Corn as wou'd feed our hoarses over 
night we Rode 15 miles to a Mr. Wilson's where we staid all night on 
Monday the 19th we Started and Rode 10 mils to Mr. MehafTey's where 
we Breckfasted and thence we Rode 15 miles to Mr. Murrys and feed 
from there we Rode 14 miles to Burk County Coart House & Staid all 
night & Drank two case bottles Whisky and two in the Morning We 
Breckfasted on Teausday morning the 20th Before we Started and then 



29 Colonial South Carolina had assumed jurisdiction over the remnant of Catawba Indians 
and had assigned them lands alone the Catawba River in what are now York and Lancaster 
counties. In 1795 the nation numbered less than 250 Indians. R. D. W. Connor. North 
Carolina, I, 55. 

30 The village of Salisbury was in existence several years before the legislative act of 
1770 for its regulation. State Records of North Carolina, XXIII, 810-13. 

31 Sunbury. 



292 The Nokth Carolina Historical Review 

Rode 3 miles & Crossed the Cuttaby River from thence we Crossed it 
twice [?] of 7 miles from thence we Rode 1 Mile to the Entry takers of 
Burk County a Mr. Smith is his Name when we got to his house we 
fou'd he was out about three miles from home at a Singing School we 
Rode to see him and found a Jentle Company of People Singing nuw 
music and from thence we Return'd to his house at after night we ware 
under the Needessity of Splitting Pine for light and we sat up to Near 
Twelve oClock making our Entereys and in the morning of the 21d 
1795 we Continu'd to I Coppy'd all the Entery's and then we set out 
and Rode 15 miles to a Mr. Dobson's on the North fork Cuttaby River 
and feed our hoarses from thence we Rode up the River 10 miles throug 
large Bottoms the up Land is high hill and thin land Timber Pitch Pine 
we got to a Mr. Kelton's and Staid all night I Bot a hoars and Paid 
him 65 Dollars in the morning of 22d 1795 we Rode 19 miles to a Mr. 
Edmiston's and feed our hoarses at the feet of the Blew Mountain that 
divides the watters that Runs Easterly and Westernly and the lines of 
Buncomb & Burk County's Runs on the Extream hight thereof we Came 
to a flat Creeck in the hed of Swanow 32 which Runs into Swanano & 
Swanano Emties into the French Broad River & we Rode 10 miles to a 
Mr. Dunsmore and feed our hoarses from thence we Rode 10 miles to a 
Mr. William's Deputy Surveyor in Buncomb County and we Staid all 
night it hail'd & snowd all night and in the morning of Jay. 23d 1795 I 
went and got my hoarse shod and it Rain'd we Staid that night at Mr. 
Williams in the morning on the 24th we set out and Rode 17 mils to the 
Entery Taker of Buncomb County and we Try'd to Paun our money 
with him but Cou'd not get him to take more than 36 Guineas he 
appear'd to Scruple the Money for Counterfeit we Rode from his house 
10 miles after night and Crosed the Swanano River at the mouth where 
it Emties into French Broad River supposed to be near a quarter wide 
and we Staid all night at Mr. Foster on the 25th we Rode Rode 2 miles 
to Buncomb Coart hous 33 where there is a few Cabins we got Breck- 
fast and I Parted with my Friend Taylor after agreeing with him to 
meet at in Twenty Days at Burk Coart hous I have six hundred miles to 
Travel by myself in a Strang Country Before we meet I Rode 15 miles 
to a Mr. Dunsmore's at the feet of the Blew mountain and 12 miles 
Though the mouta to a Mr. Wilson's where I Staid this Country is very 
mountainnuos and abou'd with Grasey Barrens all the Land that is Culti- 
vated is Pices of Bottom for Coarn on the 26th I set out after I 
Exchang'd hoarses and Rode 15 miles to a Mr. [blank] my Creature 
Slip'd and Strain'd her hind pasten 34 and got so lame she cou'd not set 
it to the Ground to Pare any weight thereon I stop'd a few minutes to 



32 Swannanoa. 

33 Morristown was the first name of the seat of Buncombe County, which was created 
in 1791. In 1797 the village was incorporated as Asheville. J. P. Arthur, Western North 
Carolina, 145-146. 

3* Pastern. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 293 

Consider what I shou'd do and a Gentleman appear'd going the same 
Rode that intend Traveling & he came forwar'd with two hoarses I im- 
mediately agreed with the Landlord to Keep my mare and the Gentle- 
man agreed to let me Ride one of his Creatures for near a hundred miles 
I Rode that day 18 miles to Burk Coart house and one mile to a Mr. 
Englands and Staid all night in the morning of 27th I got one of 
Mr. Ingland's Guirls to wash my shirts and Stocking the appear'd to he 
a Genteel family the weather is Very Pleasant; after Breckfast Mr. 
Davison and myself walk'd up to Town and it happen'd to be the week 
of the Coart there was a grate many Country People Came in I hap- 
pen'd to see a hoarse that Pleased me and I Purchas'd one at 68 dollars 
and Staid in Town to the Evening and then went to our Lodging on the 
28th in the morning after Early Breckfast we set out for Hillsbough- 
row 35 wher the Assembly sits in this State we Rode 14 miles to Mr. 
Mury's and feed our hoarses from thence we Rode 8 miles to the Line 
of Burk and Lincoln County 2 miles to a Mr. Horton's and fed our 
hoarses from thence 5 mils to Mr. Mehafy's and Staid all Wight it is 
very moderate for the Season and lik for Rain the Rain Com on in the 
night & in the morning my Comrade Mr. Davidson got up Befor me 
this is the 29th and the Rain Continu'd we Concluded when I got up to 
stay to Breckfast and the Rain Continu'd we ware foarc'd to set out 
being doutfull the Cuttaby River wou'd be impassible we Rode 15 miles 
thoug a Verry Constant Rain to a Mr. Wards where we fed our 
hoarses and set out again the Rain Continu'd faster than formerly and 
every Branch on the Rode was flowing we Continu'd 8 miles to the 
River which had Rose Considerably But we Ventur'd over and found it 
Very deep so that the water had like to Run over my hoarse we 
got thoug safe and Mr. Davidson Invited me home with him which was 
Seven miles from the River we arive'd in the evening to his house which 
is the most handsom seat that I have been at in this State his house is 
frame Built in good Stile and Well Calculated the Rain abated and it 
Cleared with a high wind I was disagreably wet from the middle down 
my Boots was full of water and my Cloaths something damp'd in my 
saddle Bags — on the 30th in the morning when I got up Mr. Davidson 
inform'd me my hoarse had Broak out of the Stable and we hunted to 
Twelve Clock and got my hoarse and I sat out & Rode 15 miles to a 
Mr. Walkers and fed my hoarse and Rode 15 miles to Salsbury and put 
up at Mr. Troy's the weather is Remarkeably good I rode near Six 
miles after night to get in to Town and I heard the kildee Burds sing 
the same as in sumer in the Worred on the 31st I Rose a Pleasant morn- 
ing and Burds singing. Equal to our May morning I staid in Town and 
Enqur'd for Prock I got 30 pounds Chang'd and was told that I wou'd 
Certainly get my money Chang'd the week of the Coart I spent the day 

35 Hillsborough was the name given to the town of Childsburg in Orange County in 1766. 
State Records, XXV, 500. Beginning in 1794, the Assembly met regularly at Raleigh. It 
had not met in Hillsborough since 1783. 



294 The Worth Carolina Historical Review 

agreeably in Compy with Mr. Nunnon on the morning of the 1st day 
of Febury 1795 being Sunday I was much Pleased to see the agreeable 
weather after Breckfast Mr. Newnun and myself Rode out there was 
no Publick worship in Town the Neagro's Comes to mark[?J on the 
Sabeth. I Return'd before dinner and in the afternoon I Walk'd out 
for amusment to View the situation the Coart house Stands on Riseing 
Ground and affoards a very level Prospect of Country Land bad tim- 
berd and Poor Soil on the 2d 1795 I took Breckfast and then walk'd 
through Town to Each Store and the Merchts all Promis'd to ask any of 
their Custemers that Came in who had money to Change for the money 
Mr. Nunun got a Gentleman on the Street one Mr. Leach to Exchange 
£37 and he Promis'd to have one hundred and Seventy pounds in two 
Days I spent the day in search of Prock asking every Person that 
appear'd Likely to have mony the Monthly Coart Began today and I 
have a Prospect of getting all my mony Chang'd on the 3rd I staid in 
town and made every inquiry for Prock. I got non but the Promis of 
some the people spends their time in a Laysey maner and gaming consid- 
erably Every day and night on the 4th I continu'd in Town with Ex- 
pectation of gitting a Large Sum of Prock I got 48 pounds and En- 
joy 'd the Comp'y of my Friend Newnun Who offers to go any length 
to oblidge me the weather is Very moderate on the 5th Continued in 
Town and had the fortune to meet with a Mr. Samuel Dusinbery whom 
I was well acquainted with he Promisd to help me all that was in his 
Power & invited me to Call and see him I spend my Time in Compy 
with the most Genteel Young men in the Place and Take a Game of 
cards for Toddy or Seecars and we sit up to ten Every night on the 
6th I got a small sum of Money Changed I went to the Billiard table 
in Compy with a Number and when we Return'd we Plade all fours [?] 
for Toddy on the 7th it Rained and snow'd Considerably I Continued 
in Town on the 8th I Rode after Breckfast I set out and Rode 5 miles 
to the Atkin River at Beards Ferry 36 and Crosed it about a quarter and 
a half wide from thence 11 miles through Some Part Pinny and som 
middlin Good Land to Lexington a Small District Town on a Seat of 
Justice it is in Rowan County on the 9th I staid and Seen a man that had 
a hundred pounds But he wou'd not Exchange unless I wou'd gave him 
9y 2 pr Dollr 37 I did not Change it on the 10th I Rode after Breckfast 
from Mr. Dusinbury who used me very well I Rode 11 miles to the 
River in Company with Mr. Collins and Frohalk, who Rode with me 
as Compy from Salsburry and from there 5 miles to Town I set out & 
Got four hundred Pounds Exchang'd and on the 11th I got Ready to 
set out & Mr. Collins Who was to Ride with me agreed to Stay & my 
time being one day more I Redily agree'd also and we Staid in Compy 
with our acquaintancs and Drank Toddy on the 12th we Started after 



36 Beard's Ferry on the Yadkin River near Salisbury. 

37 Exchange at the rate of nine and a half shillings for a Spanish milled dollar. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 295 

Breckfust and Rode 3 miles to first Creeck and from thence we Rode 5 
miles to second Creek and we Inquir'd for a Wall 38 that had been found 
not Since under Ground and We had three miles to Ride of our Rode 
we found it to be a wall artfully Built of Stone & lime and was in 
lenth upwards seventy feet and no Corner there is Different oppinions 
no Person Can tell any thing more than it a Wall so Built we Rode 
from thence we Rode to a Mr. Steels [?] mill 8 miles from the wall 
Mr. Collins Parted with me & a Young man of my Name who I had 
met with in Salsbury that had the drafts of 110,000 acres of Land in 
Wilks County & he wishes to agree with me But I did not agree we 
Rode 11 miles to the South Yadkin River where we Stade all night at 
at Mr. David Henrys in Iredail County in the morning of the 13th 1795 
we Started and Rode 7 miles to an Irishmans and Breckfusted and from 
thence we Rode 13 mils to a Mr. Phelps and fed our hoarses near the 
line of Iredail and Wilks Countys from there we Rode 16 miles to 
Wilks Couart house where I Expected to see my long look'd for Com- 
rade Mr. Steedman 39 But I was disappointed as he had not yet arrived 
Mr. Brown insisted on me to go with him 3 miles to his Fathers and 
accordingly I did he lives in what is called the Bent of the Yadkin 
River & I there met with Mr. JSTunnin my Friend whome I had got 
acquainted with in Salbury — on the 14th 1795 I Return'd to the Coart 
house in Comp'y with old Mr. John Brown my Friend JSTewnun and Mr. 
Browns Sons & two Daughters it Being the Day appointed by State to 
Elect a member of Congress the Candidates was Holland & McDowel. 40 
Holland had the mejority the People appear'd to be more in the spirit 
of specewlation than Electionearing I was asked by several where I 
came from I in order to Prevent any suspition told I lived at Joans- 
bury in the South Western Territory the Got in Lickquor and Quarled 
I staid to Evening waiting for Mr. Steedman and then Return'd to 
Mr. Brown's on the loth 1795 being Sunday I Staid at Mr. Brown's to 
ten oclock and got my hoarse and Rode to a Capt. Wilburn's where 
Mr. Nunun was and he went to town we dined and Return'd to Mr. 
Brown's in the Evening & Mr. Harris who is a Partner with Mr. 
Brown he appear'd to be ancious to Know what Terms I wou'd Enter 
into But I did not let it be Known always Expecting Mr. Steedman on 
the 16th I Breckfasted and Return'd to the Coart House in Compny 
with Mr. Nunun who staid a while & Return'd But I staid Expecting 
Mr. Taylor or Mr. Steedman on the 17th I Passed the Time by myself 



38 Trap dikes or natural walls of trap rock about 22 inches thick and from 12 to 14 
feet below the surface, located near Salisbury in the direction of Mocksville. Jethro 
Rumple. A History of Rowan County (1916), 195-196. 

39 William Steadman. In 1796 he obtained a grant of 1,640 acres of land in Buncombe 
County. Grantee Deed Index, Buncombe County. 

40 James Holland and Joseph McDowell. Holland served in Coneress 1795-7 and 1803-11. 
There were two Joseph McDowells. Joseph McDowell of Pleasant Gardens seems to have 
been in Congress, 1793-95, while the one who served from 1797 to 1799 was his cousin, 
Joseph McDowell of Quaker Meadows. Dictionary of American Biography; John Hugh 
McDowell, History of the McDowells, Erwins, Irwins, and Connections, 237-238. Joseph, 
Charles, and John McDowell purchased grants of land in Buncombe and Burke counties. 



296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I Got some whiskey and drank a little to Keep the spirits up to one 
oclock at which time Mr. Newnun Come we Din'd and Return'd to Mr. 
Browns and Staid that Night on the 18th Mr. Harris Mr. Brown and 
myself agreed to Meet Twenty six mils from Salbury on the Twenty 
sixth and Mr. Harris Returned home I expect Mr. Steedman wou'd Cer- 
tainly arive by that time after Breckfast Mr. Newman and myself 
Return'd to the Coart house and on my arivel I met Mr. John McCoy 
from the Territory with a letter from Mr. Taylor who had taken unwell 
and was not able to attend and he had imployed Mr. McCoy I was still 
at a loss what to do we Staid at the Coart house that day and wrote a 
letter to the Surveyor of Buncomb County ordering him to commence 
Surveying I also Gave him £657 Pounds in Prock and made out the list 
of his Buissiness and on the 19th after Breckfast he sat out I Con- 
cluded to write a letter for Mr. Steedman and lave it with Mr. Brown 
for him & Return to Salsbury having agree'd with several Gentlemen 
for Prock I then set out with the Idia of Procuring some by the arivel 
of Mr. Steedman who I Expect to meet at Mr. Harris Mr. Newnun Rode 
with me 16 miles to Mr. Phelps's and fed our hoarses and from thence 
we Rode five miles to Rock Creek Seven miles to Mr. Sharps who use'd 
us very well he has a Very Genteel famly on the 20th 1795 we Rode 
after Breckfast 2 miles to the South Yadkin River from thence 11 miles 
to Mr. Calwells mill Seven miles to Mr. Dickeys mill and fed our 
hoarses from thence 2 miles to third Creek from thence 4 miles to 
Second Creek and stop'd and Drank a Gill of whiskey from thence five 
miles to first Creek from thence four miles to Salsbury I put up at 
Mr. Troys on the 21st I staid in Town and Drank a Glass or two of 
Toddy on the 22nd being Sunday I Rode after Breckfust in Company 
with Mr. Torrence and Frohalk five Miles to the Yadkin River and 
Din'd at a Mr. Long's a Gentlemanly man the River is a Quarter wide 
at his ferry after dinner we Return'd to Town it has been very moderate 
weather the People is Plowing for oats 23rd I Staid and in the afternoon 
it Rain'd Very heavy and all night on the 24th I Continu'd in Town and 
on the 25 I set out with Mr. Braley and Mr. Newnun we rode 14 miles 
to a Mr. Walkers and Drank Whiskey we Rode 3 miles to Mr. Braleys 
on the 26th we Rode 8 miles to Mr. Harris's where I Expected to Meet 
with Mr. Steedman But was Disappointed and Cou'd not Confirm a 
Contract I think the land may be had at 12 or 15 dollars pr thousand 
Acrs. Mr. Harris lives in McLinburgh County and stood a Pole for 
Congress But did not Succeed we Rode 8 mils from Mr. Harris's to 
Mr. Davidson and staid all night on the 27th we Set out and Rode 
Seven miles to the Cuttaby River Sherls foard 41 we Rode it with some 
dificulty we Continu'd 8 miles to a Mr. Wards and fed our hoarses 
from thence we Rode 14 miles to Mr. Mehafiey's and Stade all Night 
on the 28th we Set out for Morgonton in Burk County we Rode 17 



41 Sherrill's Ford. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 297 

miles to Mr. Cochrans and fed from thence we Rode 12 miles to Mor- 
gontori and I put up at Mr. Tate's Mr. Newimn went out to Col. 
Evary's 42 to Consult him how Mr. Harris & Brown shou'd Proceed 
to Procure their land I Expected Mr. McCoy from Buncombe County 
after makeing the entries of that County he did not come on the first 
day of March I stade in Town there was no word of McCoy on the 
2nd in the afternoon Mr. McCoy arived an Hour or two before his 
arivel I Reed a letter from Mr. Williams the deputy Surveyor of Bun- 
comb County informing me that there had been large Quantitys of land 
Enter'd and when Mr. McCoy arived he Conflrm'd the Asurtion But he 
had entered two hundred thous for me on the 3rd March 95 the Enterey 
Taker of Burk Came to Town I immeadiately apply'd to make more 
Entrys the Town was throung'd with People it being the first week of 
the Superier Couart we Concluded to go out of Town to get a privet 
house & on the 4th we set out & I made near two hundred enterys in 
the Evening Return'd to Town and when we Return'd there was a Cear- 
tain Company set to & wrote Locations for one hundred thousand Acres 
and Put them into his hands on the 5th we Return'd to his books and 
the Gentlemen follow' d to Prevent my Proceeding to Business I Exam- 
in'd their Enteres & found that their Enteres was on the lands I had 
Entered I appeared uneasy in the matter & made up with the Entry 
Takerer to tell I have put all the Locations I was thus about to make 
into his hands so I told the Gentlemen I wou'd Return with them to 
Town in the meantime I got them away when we Return'd I immea- 
diately Procured a Privet Room and had a hundred Locations in an 
Hour and Clapt them into his hands which Prevented any for the 
Contention on the 6th I started Mr. McCoy to Buncomb with £92 Prock 
to make some more Entery's on the 7th I was Press'd by a Company 
that had four hundred thousand Acrs for sale the had Paid the Entery 
mony which is 4 pr Every 640 Acrs and Promised to pay the Sur- 
veying fees the apply'd to Know what I wou'd gave I told 8 Dollar pr 
thounds I had found the ware not Eable to Procure money for the 
State & Secretery which is by a late Acct. Rais'd from 31/2 dollas to 
5% per Hundred I told them the Coud not mak a Sale of the lands 
and Draw as much money at the time of sale as woud defrey the Titles 
the Expicted I wou'd gave fifteen pence & We parted from the 8th of 
the Month I Continu'd in Town and Went to Meetting a Ceartain Mr. 
Wilson Preac'd a Verry Correct good Sermon on the 9th I meet with 
Mr. Hugh McClure Who was the first Man I seen that Knew me for 
near ten weeks I felt happy as he inform'd me he had seen my Father 
in Philadelphia and informed me that Mr. Steedman my Comrade was 
to set out a few days after he started — I had Previous to this Concluded 
to set out to Philada. on the 25th of this Instant Mr. McClure in- 
formed me Mony was scarce in the Banks & Land coud not be Sold for 



4 - Waightstill Avery. 



298 The JSTorth Carolina Historical Beview 

mony therefore I fou'd that I was rite in not Contracting with the 
Gentlemen I had then Procured near five hundred thousand Acrs inted 
waiting a few days Expecting some more Accounts from the 10th to the 
fifteenth I Continu'd in Town and attend in Coart some of time the 
Expected three or four of the Prisner woud be Executed as there was 
one of them Turn'd state Evidenc against the Best in a Kobry Com- 
mited on one Alexander to amount of Seven or Eight hundred pounds 
there more depredations Committed this Country than any I have ever 
been in there was not any of the Prisner Condemed on the 16th I 
Paid a Gentleman £16 pounds Prock to Enter some Lands in Bun- 
combe County which he New to be Vacant I articled with him for 
3/9 pr Hundred Acs. he was to attend to the surveying his Name is 
Lambert Clayton 43 owing to his standing a Pole for a member of As- 
sembly he is to Keep it seacret on the 17th I became a subscriber to a 
Dance two miles out of Town & in the Evening we Assembled I found 
an agreeable Company I was introduc'd to the Best People in Company 
and one of the Gentlemen who was somewhat Acquainted with me In- 
troduced me to a Miss Lenore daughter of General Lenore 44 a member 
of Senet as a Partner for the insuing Evening after dancing a few 
dances we were appointed to Leed of their dance I found she had been 
Taught & understood Every figure. I spent the Evening very agree- 
able and made myself Acquainted with four of the first Young Lady of 
the Country — who is called ladys of fortune. My Partner declared if 
she was near home she wou'd give me an invitation to see her home 
But she had com 24 miles on a Visit to see some of her frinds it was 
improper. I promised if opportunity woud offer at any time Provided 
I would be near where she lived I would Call and see her. We danc'd 
to one o'clock and sup; I took my lave of the Ladys and told them I 
never Expected seeing them again on the Eighteenth I Becd a letter 
from Nath 1 Taylor, Esq. informing me he had Becd a letter from Mr. 
Steedman & he Expected to be out in a few days. "Wrote in Answer to 
his letter and appointed to meet him at this Place on the first day of 
April, on the 19th I Bedem'd 800 Dollars of the Bank notes I had 
pledged with Mr. Smith in Pledge, the Weather in this month has been 
very Changeable with high winds and some days Very moderate and 
some as cold as any time in winter on the 20th I intended starting for 
Salbry Coart But was Prevented by a Proposal for a Dance in Mor- 
ganton I Concented & Accordingly went in the evening and passd 
the time very agreeable on the 21st I Started with Mr. Collins and Mr. 
Tate and Mr. McClure we rode 15 mils to Mr. Murry's and feed our 
hoarses Mr. McClure and Tate Parted with us here Mr. Collins & 



43 Lambert Clayton received numerous small grants amounting to several thousand acres 
of land in Buncombe County from 1790 to 1806. Grantee Deed Index, Buncombe County. He 
never represented Buncombe County in the legislature. 

44 General William Lenoir, 1751-1839, of Wilkes County, Revolutionary soldier, legislator, 
and speaker of the state Senate, 1790-94. S. A. Ashe, Biographical History of North Caro- 
lina. II, 219-221. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 299 

myself contid 15 mils to Mr. Mehaffy's on the 22d we started and Rode 
11 mils to the Hand foard of the Cuttaby River where we feed our 
hoarses at a Mr. Moores in Iredale County the River is the line Between 
Lincoln & Iredale from thence we Rode 15 miles to Statisvale or 
Iredale Coart house and put at Mrs. Hughes where we staid all night 
the town is new and very small yet the hous is Commonly weather 
boarded or Frame on the 23d We Started & Rode 15 miles to a Mr. 
Irwin's in Rowan County and Mr. Collins swop'd hoarses here we rode 
from thence 15 miles to Salsbury; the weather has been very dry and 
appears to be warm but not mutch of spring the grass has not made 
mutch appearance on the 24th we began to Exchange my mony I got 
about £60 Exchang'd and got some of my Notes Exchanged for Goald the 
people wish to have at the Rate of nine shilling pr dollar on the 25th 
I met a Company concerning some Wilks County lands and after a long 
Confab on the Business the agreed to gave me on hundred and thirty 
thousand acrs liable to the state & Secretary's fees which agreeable to 
the old act was 3 Dollars pr Hundred and on the 26th the Gentleman 
wrote the Article empowering me to make the sale on the 27th after 
Breckfast I Set out from Salbury in Company with Mr. Collins & Mr. 
A. Sharp we rode 15 miles to Karr[?] Bridg we Carri'd a Bottle of 
Whiskey with & Elevated ourselves on every High Pice of Ground we 
continued 15 mils to Statesvale in Iredale we Rode the thirty miles 
in 3 hours we put up at Mrs. Hughes and the Gentleman I swapt with 
offered 8 dollar to Rue we Staid all night in the morning 28th Mr. Sharp 
and myself made a swop of Hoarses & after Breckfast Mr. Sharp and 
us parted Mr. Collins and I wrode 15 miles to Mr. Moore on the River 
Cutaby at the Hand foard we fed our Hoarses and got a Chick we 
Crosed the river and Rode 15 mils to Mr. Mehaffey's, on the 29th we 
Rode fifteen miles to Mr. Murrey's & fed our Hoarses & Rode 15 mils to 
Morganton when I arived I met Mr. Steedman whome I had so long 
look'd for I Rec'd some letters & information of my Friends Being well 
the weather has been warm & Dry on the 30 I staid in Town & wrote 
some letters to after diner then Mr. Taylor & Myself wrode to Mr. 
Findley's which was 18 miles we staid all night & on 31st we rode 
13 miles to Mr. Wilson's and onto Mr. Logan the surveyor and Pro- 
curing a Deputation to survey after gaving a Bond & Security 
Bound in five thousand pounds Security Mr. Taylor and I parted 
I returned to Morganton Mr. Logan Rode with me 10 miles and 
I Came on 8 miles to Mr. Findleys & fed my hoarse then rode 18 
miles to Morganton when I Returned I met Mr. Collins along with 
Mr. Steedman we after supper propoed Playing a game of whist 
after we Played some time we were alarmed by the landlord who 
came in Baling and solding & sade he had Caught Mr. Collins with his 
wife I never Experienced so grate a scene of disagreeable discoarse from 
any person as Mr. Tate & it Continued two days and as the saying in 



300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

this Country is she Clear'd out. On the first day of April we staid in 
Town and on the 2 d We Started for Salsbury in Company with Mr. 
Tate & Mr. Smith we Rode 15 miles to Mr. Cochrans and fed our 
Hoarses and from thence we Rode 15 miles to Mr. Mehaffey's and staid 
all Night on the 3 d "We started and rode 10 mils to Mr. Millers and 
Breckfasted from thence one mile to the Cuttaby River and Crossed 
Called the Ilandfoard we fed our Hoarses at Mr. Moors from there we 
Rode 15 mils to Statesvale and put at Mr. Hughes on Sunday the 4th We 
set out & Rode 15 miles to Carr Bridge and fed our Hoarses at Mr. Irwin's 
and from thence we rode 15 miles to Salsbury the weather appears Warm 
& Dry & the frute Trees are in full Blum on the fifth Mr. Tate and Mr. 
Smith Contin'd to Hilsbourough we staid in Town & Inquired for 
Prock & got some Exchang'd on the 6th We got Some more and on the 
7th We Exchang'd some on the 8th we wrote letters to Phila By 
Doc Newnon in the Coarse of those three days we Exchang'd Two 
thousand five hundred Dolls and on the I set out by myself for Morgan- 
ton the weather has been Extreamly warm for two days & in the Cours 
of half a day there was by a small Reain so Grate a difference in the 
are that it was Dissagreably Cold I wrode the whole day with my Grate 
Coat on, and in the Evening I ariv'd at Statevale 45 and Staid all Night 
on the 10th I set out & Rode 14 miles to the Hand foard 46 & feed my 
hoarse & from there I wrode 11 miles to Mr. Mehaffy's and feed & took 
a Check from thence I wrode 17 mils to Mr. Cochrans and Staid all 
Night I felt very unwell Occation'd by a Cold I Caut by the sunden 
Chang of are I wrode five miles after Night on the 11th I set out in 
Company with Mr. Spence & we Rode 11 mils to Morganton I put at 
Mr. Tates & got Breckfast & agreed with an old Gentleman to carey 
Chain & Bought a Bag to Carrey chain I Continu'd in Town on the 
12th and it Rain'd all day I sent out to Mr. Collins for my hoarse on the 
13th 1795 I arose & found a Clear morning we ware Entertain'd with a 
methodist Marriage on Sunday Evening I was not admitted to go into 
the Room But a formall Ticket to Dine in Company the insuing day I 
was detain'd by the fresh which was occation'd by the Rain that fell on 
Sunday 14th started and rode two miles to Cuttaby River & Crossed 
and Rode 15 miles to linvel River and Continu'd 9 mils to Mr. Youngs 
over linvel mountain & I feed my hoarse and Come up with an old 
man that Traveled me we Rode 10 miles and Crossed the Blew moun- 
tain & he stop'd at a Mr. Carsons I Continu'd three mils to the main 
Branch of Nolichucky River Called Toe River here I staid at a Mr. 
Taylor's all Night the People lives uncomen poor & mostly have the 
Each & as durty as dirt will make them I started in the morning of 
the 15th and Rode 4 miles down the River & Crossed it Twice this 



45 Statesville in Iredell County was created by the legislature of 1789. State Records, 
XXV, 33-34. 

4(5 Island Ford on the Catawba River near Statesville. 



301 

Country's lands are Rich But very Hilley I Continu'd 10 mils to a Mr. 
Bakers at the foot of the Iron 47 when I came there Mr. Taylor had left 
a letter for me & he was six miles from that at Mr. Petter Hughes I set 
out after getting a Kind of a Breckfast and Rode to Mr. Hughes along 
the most hilly Rode I went we Crossed the Poncon mountain when I 
got Mr. Hughes I met Mr. Taylor & four hands without any provitions 
I got half a Bushel of Coarn & Some Provitions to do for two Days & 
the set out I agree'd to meet them on the Iron Mountain & I Travel 
in Company with Mr. Tho. Ash we Rode 4 miles to the Nolichucky 
River it is the line between Burk & Buncomb County from thence we 
Continu'd Down the River five miles & Rode it when it had Nearly 
swam our hoarses we got over safe But when we got to house there 
was nothing for man nor hoarse we had turn our hoarse out and ley 
down it Rain'd hailed & Thundered very hard in the Night in the 
morning on the 16th we got up at daylight & set to hunt our hoarses & 
found them handy we got as mutch meal as made a Jonny Cake & got 
a small Pice of Yenicen & made a Kind of a Breckfust our hoarse 
was suffering for feed we start'd Rode 6 mils to an old harmits who 
lived by himself in the most horrd Place I ever seen just on the River 
side we Contin'd after inquireing for Coarn to Cross the Onacom 
Mounta 48 the highest I ever Crose'd when we got to the Top we Cou'd 
see the Comberland Mountain & the Jackanack which lays loss by the 
Creeck Nation of Indians we Crossed on the Top of this Mountain the 
line Between the state of North Carolina & the Territory south of 
the Ohio River we Travel'd 10 across to a Mrs. Dillards and with 
hard w T ork we got four quarts Coarn & som diner we Continu'd down 
the Inhabitens Called the greesy Cove settlement & I agree'd for som 
Provitions for the men I had in the mountains surveying I wrode 13 
mils to Mr. Taylors and staid all Night in the Morning of the 17th I 
started after Breckfast in Company with Mr. John McCoy whom I 
agreed with to come in North Carolina to Survey & I gave him a 
French Gunea to Provide Provitions he wrode three miles with me I 
Continu'd three miles up Buflow Creek to Mr. Pew's Mill & Bought a 
Bushel of Coarn which appears to be very scarce I wrode on & met 
on my way three or four famlys Bound for Kaintucky from South 
Carolina I wrode 5 miles to a Mr. Write's & Bought some Beaken for 
my hands from thence I wrode 15 miles up what is Called the Limestone 
Cove the Valleys is Known by the Name of Coves I got to a Mr. 
Collars & got my hoarse shod he lives at the foot of the Iron Mountain 
at Dark my hands got in & we lay there all night in the morning I 
started over the mountain I had Twenty two miles without a house I 
wrode 10 miles & met a Large Drove of famleys all moving for Ken- 
tucky from the South State a grate Part of them was sick with the 



47 Iron Mountain on the North Carolina-Tennessee boundary. 
4S Unaka Mountains. 



302 The North Carolina Historical Review 

third day Eagy 49 I wrode Six mils farther & met five & thirty free 
Negros all for Kaintucky I Crossed on the Top of the Iron Mountain 
the line Between the Southern Territory & North Carrolina States I 
Came to Kain 50 River & Continued Six miles down to Mr. David 
Bakers I fed my hoarse & Wrode 13 miles through Grassey Creek 
settlement & Crossed Toe River to a Mr. Carsons I wrode five mils 
after Night I Staid all night in the morning of the 18th I Started & 
Wrode across the Blew mountain to the watters of the Cuttaby River in 
the North Cove and from thence over the Linvel mountain to Mr. 
Wagleys & fed my Hoarse I Crosse the North fork of Cuttaby & wrode 
12 mils to the Cuttaby River I Crossed from thence 2 mils to Morgan- 
ton on the 19th I staid in Town I lodg'd at Mr. Spurrs in Company 
with Mr. McClure Mr. Cochchran having gon to Boncombe County I 
staid to the 24th waiting his Return as I Expected a letter from the 
Surveyor of that County the weather has been Dry and Cold But no 
frost the season is not much forwarder that I expect it to be Norredly 
But there is a Considerable Difference on the South of the mountains 
the weather is considerably colder on the North the Blew Mountain 
or on what is called the western Watters on the 25 in the evening Mr. 
Steedman came from Hills Borough and I als Reed a letter from 
Buncombe County from Mr. Williams informing me Mr. Henry the 
Surveyor had declined selling his place as surveyor [?] on the 26th I 
wrote some letters to my people by Mr. Steedman Mr. Wilson preached 
in town on the 27th we Divided our Peapers and Cloths and I Con- 
cluded to stay & attend to our surveying on the 28th We wrote Certifi- 
cates of our lands and got them sighned & the County Seal annexed 
thereto after diner we started in Company with McClure and Mr. 
Nunon we rode three miles to the Cuttaby River & Mr. McClure & Mr. 
Newnon Returned we continu'd 19 miles to John's River and from 
thence we rode 8 miles to Mr. White [?] an old strict Methodist and 
we staid all night and on the 29th we Contind up the River 11 miles 
to a Mr. Moors where we Breckfasted I then Rece'd a letter from 
Mr. Taylor who was out Surveying I wrote a letter to him by Mr. 
Steedman who had to go Past the Place he had stop'd at after 
Breckfast Mr. Steedman & myself parted & I Returned to Morgan- 
ton I wrode 12 mils to a Mr. Wakefield's and fed my hoarse from 
there I wrode 18 miles to Town this is the week of Coart. On 
the 30th April 1795 I was walking the street by myself I was Pass- 
ing two men Talking when I came Near one of them asked the 
other if he came from Nottingham 51 I heard him mention it 
He said no he did not I just said I have been there the look'd 
at me & inquired my Name I told them my Name was Brown 
What anything Jeremiah Brown no then I inquired if he new James 



49 Aerue. 

50 Cane. 

51 Nottingham in Chester County, Pennsylvania. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 303 

Scott an man Braley[?] an are you anything to him Yes a Grand- 
son he sighed & told me his Name was Thos. Kell He inquired 
for all my People & he Knew my mother very well he went & told an 
old man the name of David McCrackin a Couzen to James McClure to 
inquire about the family he told me his Sister who was a comrade to 
my Mother was alive & livd in South Carolina & he lives in Burke 
County in North Carolina I Kecd a letter from Mr. Williams of Bun- 
combe & Wrote an answer on the 1st day of May I Staid in Town and 
went to the Singing school in the afternoon I drank some Toddy in Com- 
pany with Col. McDowell and on the 2d I Started & Wrode 1 mile to 
Cuttaby River & Continued 15 miles to Linvel River and Crossed & 
Rode 9 miles to the North Cove and fed my hoarse & Continu'd 9 miles 
Across the Blew Ridge or Mountain to the Toe River and Stoped at 
Mr. Davinports when I arived I inquired for Mr. McCoy Who was 
Surveying for me his hands was wateing for me & he had gone home 
to get some Cloths it is Saterday Evening on Sunday the 3d I Staid 
for his Return this Mr. Devinport was a Methodist about ten or Eleven 
O'clock there was a few People made their appearance & I went into 
the house there was seats Prepar'd I found that we ware to have a 
Sermon I Seated myself near one of the doars & looked for our Orater 
after a Considerable spell of Grunting there was a man Rose up Dress'd 
in a very indifferent apperl he had a midling good Pair of old mocasons 
his leggons that was wonce linen But what the ware is more than I can 
describ he Prayed the got up and Sung their Hyms I sot still all the 
Time he told them a grate many little things & made a Shoart Sermon 
in the afternoon I walk out & Red some my letters to divert myself on 
the 4th after Breckfus Mr. McCoy Come and We Bought Coarn & meet 
got Bred Baked and I hired Mr. Devinport to Pilet Mr. McCoy and 
the Expect to finnish the Surveying in Burk this week I also wrote to 
Mr. Taylor & in the morning of the 5th Day the set out & Return'd 
over the Blew Mountain into the North Cove from I Continu'd over 
the linvel to Linvel River which was 18 miles from there I Continued 
to Cuttaby River 13 and one mile to Morganton it has been along time 
Dry warm weather it appear'd to Rain to Day But did not mutch 6th I 
staid in Town and the weather Continu'd Warm with appearance of 
rain on 8th I Continu'd in Town wateing the arival of Mr. Hugh Tate 
he was engagued to make some Enterys and on the 9th he accordingly 
come we wrote or made the locations out we had a Very heavy Rain on 
the 10th Mr. Nunon Come to Town to accompany me to Buncomb 
County on the 11th. we staid in Town and I wrote a letter to Mr. 
Steedman and by Mr. Win. Tate 52 we have had Rain three days Runing 
and thunder. I am oblidged to pay every attention to get my Business 
Carried on the 12th it appear'd like for rain and we staid in Town on 

52 The land grant records in Raleigh show grants in this period to Hugh, John, and Samuel 
Tate and to Robert and William Tate jointly for many thousands of acres. One grant 
issued on May 30, 1795, to Robert and William Tate was for 70.400 acres in Burke County. 



304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the 13th we set out for Buncombe County in Company with Mr. "Wm. 
"Walton & Rode 12 miles to Mr. Rotherfoards on Mudy Creeck and fed 
our hoars and got some dinner we Rode 13 mils to Mr. Carsons on the 
Cuttaba River from thence we Rode 5 Miles to a Mr. John Davisons 53 
we ware very wet as it had raind heal'd Extreamly heavy on the Rode 
we staid all night on the 14th May we Started & Rode 7 miles to Mr. 
Edmiston at the foot of the Blew Mountain and got Breckfust we 
Continued over the Mountain 11 to a Mr. Davidsons and got Coarn four 
hoarses from them we Rode 7 mils to Mr. Joshua Williams Debuty 
Surveyor for Buncombe County we got some diner and I agree'd with 
him mak Some Surveys he mintion'd that our Locations was inter- 
spers'd through Mr. Ragsdale 54 Enterys and it would be more Proper 
to wate to their Surveys was made I was very uneasy to Know what to 
do. I Expected to Meet Mr. Taylor & we Rode down to the Seat of 
Justice for Sad County which was 8 mils and Lodged at Mr. Streets 
we had very Poor intertainment this Town is but two Days walk from 
the Cherokee Nation 55 the keep a near Sixty men out about 7 miles 
distant from Town in small garisons to Prevent the Indians from 
Comeing in on them this Town stands a mile distant from French Broad 
and a mile Below where the Swanno River emties into to French Broad 
the settlement is very thin and the live But very indifferently Mr. 
Newnon and myself said on the 14th we were foarced to Go out to the 
wouds and lay by our hoarse to the feed a while on the Pasture on the 
15th we set of for Morganton & Return'd by way of Mr. Williams he 
agre'd to make the Survey for me I made a Calculation & found that 
after Paying the money for the lands in Burk I would not be Eable to pay 
for more than one hundred thousand Acs. when I Calculated the 
amount of Land in Buncombe it amounted to 299 thousand Acs. I 
Concluded to have What I Coud pay for don immediately at set out for 
home Ave Breckfusted and Rode 8 mils to the mountain and 9 mils to 
Mr. Edmistons & we got Dinner from them we Rode 8 mils to Mr. 
Davison we had a small Rane and a grate dale of Litening on the 15th 
We Continued down to a Mr. Findleys 14 mils and Breckfusted we 
Rode from thence 18 mils to Morganton on the 16th Mr. Cochran and 
myself Rode out to the Cutaby River and Crossed we Rode five mils to 
a Mr. Joseph McDowels a member of Congress for this district We 
dined & Return'd in the Evening by William Erwins Esq's and Drank 
some whiskey from there Rode & Crossed the Rockey foard of the 
River & Came to Town the Weather has been very warm on the 17th 
we went out a mile to quarter Rase Paths 56 and Run every Turkey we 
Cou'd Raise & from there we Cross'd the River & went to a still house 



53 In this period, John, Ephraim, George, Hugh, James, and William Davidson received 
many grants of land in Buncombe and Burke counties. 

54 Probably Gabriel Racsdale, who obtained srrants of land in Buncombe County. 

55 The Cherokee Indians occupied land in Western North Carolina by virtue of treaties 
with the United States. J. P. Arthur, Western North Carolina, ch. 26. 

56 Quarter-mile race tracks. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 305 

and Dranke Whiskey we got in to Town after Dark on the 18th I staid 
in Town Mr. Newnon's hoarse got Lame and him & I swapt'd hoarses 
and Drank whiskey on the 19th he Started home I staid in Town Ex- 
pecting some intillegence from Mr. Taylor on the 20th we made a Party 
and w T ent to the Paths & Run every tukey in Company and then we 
swig'd a Grallin of Whiskey & Mr. Joseph McDowel & Myself swap't 
hoarses on the 25th My hoarse stray'd away from Town and got no 
word of him; on the 22nd We had Pane I sill had no acct of My 
hoarse on the 23d it very Warm I wrode out to the Entry Takers Mr. 
Smith's in the afternoon Return'd on the 24th being Sunday & we 
had Sermon I inquired for my hoarse and got word of him being Two 
miles out of Town I Went to Sermon to hear a Mr. Wilson Preach we 
had a Numerous Congragation & Two sermons in the afternoon I Bor- 
rowed a hoarse and Rode out to hunt my hoars But got no further acct 
I Return'd that Evineng on the 25th I hir'd a young man to hunt my 
hoarse on the 26th he came in the Morning & gave me no incouragemint 
& I Started him again I Rec'd a letter from Mr. Taylor this he inform- 
ing me he had just Return'd from Clinch But nothing Particular this 
day is very warm this evening my hunter Return'd and says he heard 
of the hoars on the Rode Salbury about fifteen miles from this Place 
on the 27th I Borrow'd a hoarse of Doct r Bouchell and set out affter 
Breckfast after by hoarse I wrode 11 miles to Mr. Cochrans and got 
some word of him Being there Two Days before I Continu'd 12 miles to 
a Mr. Hortans & the hoars had been there the day Before I Continued 
5 mils to Mr. Mehaffys and the had also seen him I Continu'd on 12 
miles to the Hand ford and got there some time affter Night my hoarse 
had been there the same day in the afternoon I Staid at Mr. Moors on 
the 28th I set out very early in the morning & Rode about to mils 
to it Came on Rain I Continu'd 14 mils to Statevale & got no word of 
my hoars I got Breckfast it still Continu'd Raining after Breckfast 
I star'd & Rode 27 mils through a very heavy Rain most part of the 
Rode I was as wet as Rain Cou'd make me when I ariv'd at Salsbury 
I lodg'd at Mr. Troys that Night and on the 29th I also staid and made 
a swop w T ith Mr. ISTewnon of hoarse on the 30th I set out in Company 
with Mr. Newnon & we Rode 27 mils to Statesvale Before we got here 
within one mile we had the good loock to meet my hoars a feeding on 
the Rode we took Dinner at Mrs. Hughes and After this we Parted and 
I Continu'd 14 mils to the River which was very full occation'd by the 
Grate quantity of Rain in the morning of 31st I wrode up the River to 
a ferry & got over I Continu'd 12 mils to Mr. Mehaffys and got Breckfus 
from thence I wrode 14 mils to Mr. Murrys and fed my hoarses from 
there I continu'd to Morganton 14 mils the weather in this Country is 
subject to sudden Changes some days will be Eccissively warm when 
the next will be moderately Cool the Nights are mutch Cooller than the 
days accordingly, the People in some Places where I Travel has not 



306 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

anything to live on But Beakin & Greens Coarn having got scarce & no 
mony to Purchase; the weather is warm & the Sun by times wou'd be 
oppressive was it not for a Constant Brese of Are on the first day of 
June I Staid in Town on the 2d I wrode out in the evening to En- 
deavour to hire a hoars to Ride to the Teritory But did not get one 
on my Return to Town I Rec'd a letter by hand of ¥m. Cochran from 
Mr. Williams of Buncombe County also one from Mr. Taylor informing 
me that he intended setting out for Richmon on the 28th May by which 
time he Requested me to be at his house Mr. Williams Requested me to 
go to Buncomb and I Concluded to start in the Morning of the 3rd day 
But fortune Prevented me by an accident which happened my hoarse 
which was lame in the morning and on the 4th I Expected to have got a 
hoarse by some means But Coul'd not Procure any in the affter Noon I 
met a Mr. Samul Tate who gave me the first Acct. that I had got of 
Mr. Steedman since he left me We drank some grogg & I wrote a letter 
to Mr. Taylor & Mr. McCoy to Come or Send the Work on Draughts of 
our Surveys in this County & had to Conclud to wate the arivel of 
Mr. Taylor Which was Expected by the 20th of this Instant Mr. Wil- 
liams gaves me very bad incouragemint as to our surveying in Bun- 
combe County I have felt myself very unhapy to Know what to do 
I have Conclud to take what Draughts of the Surveys already made and 
let Mr. Williams finish the Business & we Can have the Returns made 
at any time when we get mony to Pay the Residue of our Entry I have 
by Calculation But mony to pay for one hundred and twelve thousand 
and our amt. is three hundred thousand Acs in that County, on the fifth 
my hoars apear very lame I have had his Shoe move'd & got some 
Gravel out of it on the 6th my hoars by Beathing with Mullin 57 root 
has got some Better on the 7th I Contud in Town my hoars was mutch 
Better the weather is warm and dry — the Season appear mutch advanced 
I Travel'd four or five miles out of Town & has seen some Barley Cut 
& Put up the Rye appears to be Cullering on the 8th I prepeard a 
hoarse to Ride to Buncombe & got my hoars put to feed so that I Can 
Ride him when I set out for Pennsylvania on the 9th I set out for 
Buncombe & Rode five miles and met Mr. Hughugh Tate who inform'd 
me he would Ride with me to Buncombe Provided I wou'd Return to 
Town and Wate a day for him it Came on Rain & I Conclu'd Return 
it Rain'd almost all day on the 10th affter dinner we set out in Com- 
pany with John Tate David & Samuel Tate & we Caried our Bottle 
with us & Called on the Rode and had it fill'd we Rode 14 mils from 
town old Mr. Tates & staid all night in the morning of the 11th Hugh 
Tate & myself set out for Buncombe we Rode 20 mils to a Mr. Burgans 
on on the Cuttaby River and fed our hoarses and got some Backen Poan 
and Greens it Come on Rain we Set out & Rode 11 mils & Crossed 



57 Mullein, a tall, stout, woolly weed of the figwort family with club-shaped spikes of yellow 
flowers. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 307 

the Blew Ridge or Blew mountain we Cou'd get no feed for our hoarses 
we Continu'd 4 miles to the Parting of our Rode he went to Major 
McKinney's & I Continu'd 5 mils to Mr. Josha Williams it Rain'd 
very heavy on me the hole affter noon & in the Night it Continu'd to 
Rain amazing hard on the 12th I was detain'd by the Watters which 
was very full the Swanno River was at least 8 feet higher that it had 
ever been nown since inhabited by white People it don a very Con- 
siderable damage to the People Who liv'd near the River it sweep 
whole Coan feels off also all the fences we ware allarm'd in the moil- 
ing by one of the People he lived on the River at Mr. Williams he 
gave an Act. of a Man and his Wife Being distress'd the watter had 
Surroundid thir house in the night and in the Morning it Continu'd 
Rising & got into the house the man and Wife with a young Woman who 
live'd with him had to Wade out near hinch 58 deed in watter to the 
highest part of ther island & he help'd his wife up into the fork of a 
large Tree & the young woman also his wife's Infant of which she 
was delive'd just two weeks since he was then Riduced to the needcessity 
of take his shelter on a high Stump where he stood and wated his fate 
the watter Continu'd Riseing to near Eleven oclock at which time the 
watter was up Near the mans middle who stood on the Stump the 
haveing got at the Hight fell very fast and in the afternoon the watter 
had fell so that he got Back to his house Mr. William & myself went in 
the evening and the People had gather'd and hailed a Canoe & Procur'd 
their Escape when we ware there it was Truly distressing to see the 
mother & infant affter the got out Mr. Williams & myself Retur'd to 
his house it Rain'd that Evening on the morning of the 13th I set out 
for Morganton affter Paying Mr. Williams some mony to Carry on 
my surveying I had considerable trouble in getting Mr. Tate along he 
Being on the one side of the River & me on the other I hollow'd over 
and warlk'd up three miles and Crossed the South fork on Drift and 
Rode up the North for one mile above the Waggonfoard & Crossed and 
met at Mr. Johnstons and feed our hoarses from ther we Continu'd 
three miles to Mr. Dunmores & the Creeck was very high we Rode over 
with dificulty from thence we Continu'd over the Blew Mountain whin 
we Came to the Cuttaby River we Rode the first foard without swim- 
ming But the next we ware foarced to swim it & with a grate deal of 
dificulty we got to Mr. Edmistons and feed our hoarses from there we 
Continued Down the River 8 miles to Mr. Davisons and staid all Night 
on the 14th we Rode 4 miles to Mr. Carsons and found there was no 
way of Crossing the River But swimming and he pursuaded us to staye 
we staid all day on the 15th we found that there was no way to get over 
and we Concluded to Build a Raft accordingly we did and found that 
the Watter was to Rapid & deep and we and we Concluded to Return 
up the River and Try to Cross we Started and Rode 8 mils up the 

58 A variation of haunch, that part of the body between the thigh and the last ribs. 



308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

River to Mr. Hemphill's where we got over and Rode down two mils to 
a Mr. Strouds and fed our hoarses & from thence we Rode one mile to 
Crooked Creeck where we had to swim our hoases We walk'd a log Mr. 
Tate Turn'd his hoase in and lost his saddle and Blanket and I took 
mine of we Cou'd not find his saddle & I gave him my sursingle and 
Blanket to Ride on we continu'd 18 miles to his Fathers on Mudy 
Creeck on the 16th I wrode 14 mils to Morganton on the 17th I wrode 
out to see Mr. Smith the Entery taker and had to swim silver Creek 
and Crossed the Cuttaby River in a Cano 7 miles from Town and Mr. 
Smith Return' d in the Evening with me to town on the 18th I assisted 
him in writing warrants and in the affternoon Mr. Bouchell introduced 
me to to young gentlemen from delewer State Maryland and we Drank 
some Brandy on the 19th I Continu'd to assist Mr. Smith and got a 
Certificate Certifying the quantitys of lands in his County that I had 
Paid for to send to the Entry officer of Buncombe County on the 20th 
I wrote to Mr. Williams of Buncombe County by Mr. Walton 59 and 
Mr. Walton and myself has partley agreed about the sale of three hun- 
dred thousand Acs. he has in Buncombe County & I have agreed to 
detain his Return in the affter noon I wrote a letter to my uncle John 
Scott by Mr. Justice & Mr. Ford and on the morning of the Twentyfirst 
I wrode in Company with Majr Cochran & Doc Bouchell (and the two 
Gentlemen who was then setting out for Maryland) as far as the Cuttaby 
River to a ferrey and (the River has been High for several days 
Occationd by the Repeated Rain we have had for two weeks past) Majr 
Cochran and myself Returnd to Town, and in the afternoon swig'd some 
Brandy the season is forwar'd in this Country People is Reeping wheat 
and in George 60 it four weeks since the Began to Cut their wheat — 
we have an appearance of Dry weather — on the 21st in the morning I 
Borrow'd a hoarse of Majr Cochran and Hired a man to wride to the 
Sotherren Teritory for my Draughts and Cloths which Mr. Taylor was 
to forwar'd on the same day made som surch for prier Enterys in the 
Books so that I cou'd assertain the quantity of my lands in this County 
on 22nd I helped Mr. Smith write Warrants so that there cou'd be no 
detenure whin my Draughts wou'd Come on the 23rd I got a Certifi- 
cate from Mr. Smith directed to the Entry taker of Buncombe County 
inclosed it to Mr. Williams by Lambert Clayton so that I Cou'd get 
my warrants ishu'd for the lands in that County — and on 23d I wrote 
two Certificates of the qualtitys of Samuel Meeker and Cochrans 61 land 
and then got Mr. Smith to erase the Enterys in their feavor on the 
24th helped Mr. Smith write the warrants on the 25th I wrode out 
of Town on a Visit to Col. William Irwins and Rode 5 miles to the 



59 William Walton and others obtained a errant of 29,640 acres in Buncombe County in 
1795. Grantee Deed Index, Buncombe County. 

(!0 Georgia. 

6] In 1796 Alexander Cochran and Samuel Meeker obtained a grant of 22,680 acres in 
Burke County. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 309 

Cuttaby River and Crossed at Mr. Englunds ferry and from thence 
we wrode four Miles to Mr. Irwins and Ave dined with him and Drank 
Tea in the Evening the first time for me in Six months he life on the 
Bank of John's River his Wife is a Well Bred Lady We ware Treated 
politely in the Evening we Return'd on the 26th I agree with Mr. 
Hugh Tate to Make som Entery's of lands in Buncomhe County and be 
equal Partners with him and his Brother Samuel I taken in so that I 
Cou'd make the Sale in the Cittey and I Paid him fifteen pounds 
Peaper mony on the 27th and got Mr. Cochran to assist me to make a 
power of atturney from Collins & Hunt for me to make sale of their 
Lands 28th Being Sunday I wrode to Meeting about five miles from 
Town and Mr. Cochran Mrs. Spiers & Joseph Alexander wrode with 
me Mr. Wilson Preach a verry Correct good sermon after sermon the 
most of the Congragation wrode to Mr. Perkins's funeral he had been 
taken on the 25th of this Month with what is Called the Milk sickness 
and departed Saterday Evening — it is something their Cows Eat that 
grows in the Low Lands — supposed to be a Weed but has never been 
authenticated it was a large funeral People appear'd Considerably 
allarm'd — it was late in the Evening whin we arived in Town on the 
29th After Breckfast Mr. McCoy and the man I hired to go to the Teri- 
tory arived and I paid the man four Crowns Mr. Taylor had made mo 
Draughts of the Survys he had made and I went immediately to Work 
I got a Rough Draught made out that day and Proceded on the 30th 
Mr. McCoy and myself proceeded to make a Calculation and in the 
evening I Drew a Devition Line and Drew one of the small Draughts 
on the 1st day of July 1795 McCoy left me after I had paid him for 
the Surveying fees and paid him on acct of Mr. Taylor Mr. Stearns 
JNTote and as much hard mony as made 100 Dollars in part of his 
money then I went on with my Bussiness and Keept very Close at I feel 
the time go away too slow — in the Evening Mr. Williams from Bun- 
combe County arive'd and he Staid with me to the 2nd and we he 
engaged to make a Survey in Buncombe County of fifty thousand Acres 
which was Enter'd in the Names of Norris & Lattimer 62 and forward it 
to Morganton on the 13th of this instant I wrote to Mr. Ragsdale and 
Mr. Henry 63 in the afternoon Mr. Williams set out and on the 3rd I 
continu'd at my draughts to make the Returns in the after JSToon Col 
Avery an attorney at Law who liv'd four miles out of Town waited on 
me to wride home with him and as we ware just setting out Mr. 
Devinport who was makeing the survey for Mr. Hugh Tate and myself 
arived and Col. insisted on his going with us accordingly he did we 
Rode out Mr. Avery has one of the finest Country seats I have ever 



62 On July 20, 1796, a state grant was issued to George Latimore for 50,560 acres of land 
in Buncombe County. Grantee Deed Index, Buncombe County. The date of entry was 
March 18, 1795. 

63 Joseph and Robert Henry were obtaining grants of land in Buncombe County during 
this period. 



310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

seen in this State and live very well his wife is a very well Bred 
woman and appear mutch like a Lady the have a fine famly of Children 
and a daughter well Bred with a handsom fortune on the fourth We 
Continu'd to Breckfast & I got the Col to take a list of his lands 
Enter'd within my surveys after Breckfust I held a Confab with his 
who I foun'd to be a Verey well bred Young Woman. Mr. Divenport 
& myself wrode after takeing lave of the Famly (there is a Young man 
of the Name of Wilson who Preaches and Keeps his home at Mr. 
Avery's in Conversation with him he told me he Rememberd Mr. John- 
ston Being in this State) when Mr. devinport and myself ariv'd in 
town I Proceded to make or take his draught of the Survey which had 
made and when I got it he sign'd a Certificate of the Quallity's of the 
land on the fifth I went to Meeting Mr. Wilson Preached and in the 
evening my friend Mr. Cochran and myself walk'd out to John Steveleys 
Esq. and drank som double if on the 6th I Proceeded to my draughts 
and wrote the Rurns about ten oclock Mr. William Lenore son to 
Col. Lenore came to town in Company with Col McDowel and inquir'd 
for Mr. I Smith Entretaker in an houre or so Mr. Smith Came in and 
Mr. Lenore Coppy'd my Caveats [?] and Mr. Cochran's adjoining to 
the Wilks line he signify'd to Mr. Smith that we had Run Considerable 
into Wilks County he Continu'd all day — at dinner Mr. Smith Being 
my friend cam in to my Room and inform'd me of his proceedings he 
also gave Mr. Cochran a hint of the Bussiness I grew Extreemly uneasy 
and went immeadiately to Mr. Cochran's store he had gon out with 
Col McDowell to Mr. Mclntire's I wal'd up and spoke to him he was all 
the man that I cou'd confide in we just spoke & he was as uneasy as I 
cou'd possibly be we Cal'd for some whiskey and Drank one Draught a 
pice and walk'd to his store we fou'd in the peapers an advertisement 
directed to the members of the university to Meet at Raughly 64 on the 
thirteenth & the govener was to be there on that day we then agree'd 
that Mr. Lenore 65 was one of the members and intended to Enter 
caveats by that time in the secretarys office. We imeadiately set to work 
and I wrote at my Returns to dark and after night I wrote both his for 
one hundred thousand acres I got don about Eleven at Night & Mr. 
Cochran set out to Mr. William Whites to get his Returns Sign'd and 
wrode all night on the 7th in the morning I continu'd at my Draughts 
and he Return'd after Breckfast and we got our Bussiness finish'd for 
him to set out that Evening he had then wrode two Nights I have never 
hardly Expearenc'd more uneasiness in mind time being far advanc'd 
and not got set out for home But Being Convensed I wish'd to do for 
the Best I must Content myself — on the 8th I made a Draught of Mr. 
Tates Entery & my own for him to keep and he came in that Evening 
with Reccts of Enterys he had made to amout of 64 thousand Aces. 



«4 Raleigh. 

65 William Lenoir of Wilkes County was a trustee of the University of North Carolina 
from 1789 to 1804. K. P. Battle, History of the University of North Carolina, I, 821. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 311 

which we allow'd me one third with himself and his Brother and min- 
tion'd he had got information from an Indian Trader who had come 
from the Nation of all the names of the Creeks and watter Coarses 
along the Bounderys of Buncombe County there is from every expectation 
an advancing Campain against the Cherokee Nation about three 
weeks since there was two Indians came in and stole two hoarses out 
of the south state near the line of Buncombe County and Brought the 
hoarses into Buncombe County and offer'd them for sale and did not get 
them traded the owner of them follow'd and got information the Indians 
took the hoarse up into a mountain on french Broad River and Return'd 
to the settlement the men who was on sarch was fortune in meeting 
them and accused them and acuse'd them with the theft after some time 
the Confes'd to the fact and Return'd to the hoars and Brought them 
and gave them up when the men got the hoarses the put the Indians to 
death and scalpt them I was in Buncombe about twenty miles from the 
Place the third day after wards the Nation haveing got information 
secur'd to of the traders and has put them to death and the Reason the 
assign for this was that the white men had skalp'd the indians in so 
doing the thought it was a demonstration of War and the had also Kil"d 
and skilp'd two men for satisfaction the inhabetints of Buncombe 
County have since apply'd to Col. Vance 66 for the Priviledge to drive 
them out of this state the Result is yet unknown on the 9th I Endeav- 
our'd to come to a concluto with Hall and Walton Respeting a sale 
of thire lands in Buncombe County the have two hundred and fifty 
thousand Acs I have offer'd to do the Bussiness for twenty thousand 
acres and I Expect to git it we have pospon'd to Mr. Hall comes from 
Buncombe with the Draughts on the 9th I went to Meeting and heard 
Mr. Wilson on the tenth Being the day that Mr. Williams was to be in 
town I waited very impeatiently But he did not come on 12th I waited 
his Comeing & I had to stay to the fourteenth he arived after Night 
late in Company with Mr. Ragsdale & Mr. Hightower on the 15th in 
the Morning Mr. Ragsdale and myself agre'd to Transfer warrants 
so that we Cou'd make our lands in larger Bodys together and I gave 
Mr. Williams a power of Transferment for that purpose Mr. High- 
tower 67 Enter'd into an article with me for three hundred thousand 
acres which he had previously Enter'd & is to gave a forth to make the 
sale after this Business Mr. Carson made his appearance and thought 
the Power was not Right & wanted me to alter But I was not of his 
oppinion therefore we let it stand after dinner I set out and Rode 22 miles 
to Mr. Hortons I Staid all night we had Rosten Ears or Coam for 
supper on the 16th I wrode 6 mils to Mr. Mehaffys and Breckfasted 
from there I wrode 11 mils to the Ilanand ford and fed my hoarse (at 



66 David Vance of Buncombe County, Revolutionary soldier and grandfather of Governor 
Z. B. Vance. J. P. Arthur. Western North Carolina, 98-99. 

67 John and Richard Hightower were obtaining grants of land in Buncombe County in 
this period. 



312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mehaffys I got Ripe Peaches and Peach py which was soon in the 
season) fro the River I Continued to Statesvalle 14 mils and dined 
from thence I wrode 14 mils to Keeres Bridge and Staid all night on the 
17th I wrode 17 miles to Salsbury and staid with Mr. Newnon after 
getting some mony was due me I also seen a letter from Mr. Steedman 
which he had wrote Mr. Newnon on the 18th I left Mr. Troys Mr. 
Newnon wrode out 4 mils with me to the Beards ferry on the Yadkin 
River there he parted with me I continu'd 16 mils to Lixington & it 
Came on Raign I staid at Mr. Dusenburys on the 19th I set out & 
wrode 20 mils to Mr. Healys in Guilford County there I met with Mr. 
Cochran fate has desten'd me from ever Prospering my grant cou'd 
not be got for want of a small Certificate Neglected by the Entry taker 
by which am at last Reduc'd to the Needcessity of going home without 
a grant But the Business is such that I Cannot lose much upon any 
hand Mr. Cochran wrote to Mr. Steedman and we dined after dinner I 
Parted with him and I wrode 15 miles to Guilfoard Coart house and 
Lodg'd at Mr. Moors on the 21st I wrode 15 mils to Mrss. Agnus and 
Breckfasted and from there I wrode 3 mils & Stopped at a Smith shop 
and got my hoarse shod I wrode 5 mils to a Mr. Scale [?] and fed my 
hoarses then I wrode 6 mils & Crossed Haw River to Mr. Mabens it 
Came on a very hard Raign and I staid all Night on the 22nd in the 
morning I Rod 15 mils to Hillsborough where I met with Mr. Allen & 
Col McDowell Mr. Allin is Concern' d in the Wilks County lands he 
informed me he Expected he had Caviatd 20 thousand Acres of my lands 
& appeared willing to have the Bussiness settle'd by some means I in- 
form'd him that it was very Trifeling and he might have time to settle 
the Business I was unconcern'd I was always Shure of my compliment 
Hillsbourgh is a small Town Concisting of Frame Building the Roads 
in this Country is good being levil & Sandy But Excessively worn Major 
Tattom 68 has promis'd to write to Mr. Steedman Mr. Hogg 69 is not 
at home Mr. Kirkland is from home But his Clark has promised to 
keep all the money he Can get perhaps to amount of ten thousand 
pounds. I Exchang'd £482 for certificats with Mr. Kirlands Clerck 
and I dinned in the Evening I wrode 6 mils to a Mr. Nuns and staid all 
Night on the 23rd I set out very Early in the morning and wrode 18 
mils to Mr. Joans throug an Extream Poor Country there I first met 
with Long leaf'd Pine I Breckfust at Mr. Joans from there I wrode 
15 mils to Rugley 70 and Lodg'd at Mr. Mears. I am Shure I never 
felt as mutch heat in the time it is a New Place Consisting of frame 
Buildings on the 23rd I staid in town and made my Returns and got 
Rects in the after noon I went to the Treasurers & Expected to have 
left my Certificates with him But he said he wou'd not take them for 



68 Absalom Tatom, for many years a representative of Hillsboro in the House of Commons. 

6 9 John Hogg, Hillsboro merchant and legislator. 

70 Raleigh was selected as state capital in 1792. It was laid out in the woods, but very 
soon lots were sold and buildings erected. The state house or capitol was completed in 1794. 



John Brown's Journal of Travel In 1795 313 

want of the Certificats from the Entery taker of Each County therefor 
he Cou'd not gave a Rec't But after inquiring if I had any more lands 
that what I intended paying at that time & I informed him 1 had lie 
instantly told me I had Best go and get the mony and have my Grants 
Befor the setting of Assembly I had an Idiea of going to Newburn to 
the Govenor, but according to Mr. Haywoods 71 directions considering 
as he said the next metting the may Pass new laws and Render it almost 
impossible to get my grants they had often don so, I made a Calculation 
of my time and found I little time do the Bussiness But Concluded to 
venture and on the 24th in the morning I started and wrode 15 miles 
and fed at a house in the woods from thence I wrode 8 miles to a small 
Lodging Keept by a Woman from there I wrode 11 miles to Lewisburgh 72 
in Franklin County I lodged a Mr. Breckells on the 25th I wrode 15 
miles to a Mr. Bouths (I crossed Newes River 12 miles from Raghley 
and Tarr River at Lewisburgh) I Breckfasted and wrode 12 miles to 
Warrenton from there I wrode 15 miles to Roanoak River on the 26th 
I wrode 20 miles to Mr. Goldson and dined in the State of Virginier 
from there I wrode 15 miles to Mr. Harris from there on the 27th I 
wrode 15 miles to Mr. Kings from there I 14 miles to Kellerds then 6 
miles to Pettersburgh and Lodge'd Mr. Armsteeds I have had som 
Regn every day this weak is considerably cooller — 28th after Breckfast 
(Petters Burgh is Place of Bussiness there is Trading vessels Comes 
up [blank] 73 River to it) I set out and Crossed the River on a Bridge 
and Rode 25 miles to Richmond on James River. I Crossed on a long 
Bridge and paid one shilling toledge I put at a Mr. Fletchers and 
dined their appear to be a Great many good Buildigs and some Large 
vessels in the harbour in the afternoon I wrode 16 mils to what is 
mery[?] oaks and Staid all night on the 29th I set out in the morning 
& Rode 15 Mils to Mr. Andersons and Breckfasted from there I wrode 
14 miles to Bolingreen and Dinned the Country is Level and as goods 
Roads as I ever Traveled there is a Great deal of Tobacco But that is 
nothing strange in this State the land is all sandy and timberd with 
Large quantitys of Pine it appeas to Raign this afternoon I set out & 
Rode 11 miles to Mr. Tods and staid all Night on the 30th I wrode 11 
miles to Fredericksburgs it is situated on Appehenek River 74 and is 
a Brisk Place it Reigned almost all day and detain'd me. I felt myself 
very mutch dejected, spirits low. 



71 John Haywood, state treasurer from 1787 to 1827. 

72 Louisburg. 

73 Appomattox River. 

74 Rappahannock River. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

Salt As a Factor in the Confederacy. By Ella Lonn. (New York: Walter 
Neale, 1933. Pp. 313. $3.50.) 

One who is old enough to have had first-hand acquaintance 
with Southerners who lived during the Civil War period is not 
surprised that salt as a factor in the Confederacy should at last 
be made the object of historical research. As a small boy the 
reviewer was introduced to history by an intimate companion- 
ship with his father and a number of the latter's Confederate 
friends. When battles, forced marches, relative merits of chief- 
tains, and other topics dear to the hearts of the wearers of the 
grey flagged, some grizzled old veteran would introduce lack of 
food and end his remarks on the subject by saying with feeling, 
"And when we did get a little fresh meat once in a while it didn't 
taste fit for nothing 'cause there wan't no salt to salt it with." 
If an older woman happened to be present the veteran's speech 
would serve as a cue for her. "Well, you men folks that were 
in the army didn't have half as hard a time as we did, 'cause 
what little salt there was was requisitioned by Jeff Davis and 
sent to you all. The best we could do was to dig up the old 
smokehouse floors, soak the dirt in water and then boil the 
water down to get a few handfuls of salt to use in putting away 
our hams and side meat." 

Although the reviewer at that time had never heard the word 
morale used in connection with war-making, he later realized 
that an inadequate supply of salt was one of the important con- 
tributing factors to the breaking down of that quality so vital to 
ultimate success in any war. 

Professor Lonn does not go to the extreme of defending the 
thesis that the lack of salt was the most important factor con- 
tributing to the ultimate failure of the Confederacy, but she does 
prove her thesis beyond any cavil whatever that it was a factor, 
no means negligible. In her preface she makes the modest re- 
quest that the reader not judge her work on the basis of his 
opinion of what its scope should have been, but rather by "the 
object which the author has set herself. Her aim was to make 
an exhaustive study of the role which salt played in the drama 

[ 314 1 



Book Reviews 315 

of the War Between the States so that this particular task would 
not need to be done again." This is a fair request, and judged 
on that basis her work has accomplished its purpose in full. 

In brief, her thesis runs that salt in the 1860's was even more 
of a necessity in preserving food than it is in these days of arti- 
ficial refrigeration ; that while the salt resources within the Con- 
federacy, particularly if sea water is included, were adequate, 
nevertheless, due to primitive methods of extraction and poor 
transportation facilities, there was a pressing scarcity through- 
out the war. Efforts were made to provide a supply by private 
individuals, the states, and the Confederacy, but such efforts 
were never successful in overcoming handicaps. Moreover, 
within a short time after the struggle had begun salt works in 
the South became an object of federal military and naval attack. 
As the federal armies advanced into the interior the various salt 
mines and wells slipped out of Confederate control. This had the 
effect of increasing the scarcity in that part of Southern terri- 
tory remaining under Confederate jurisdiction. Likewise the 
works along the seacoast were constantly harassed and fre- 
quently destroyed by attacking squadrons of United States ma- 
rines. The tightening of the blockade in the latter years of the 
war and the cutting of the Confederacy in two in midsummer of 
1863 rendered importations from foreign countries difficult. The 
final straw was the more effective enforcement of the United 
States "Trading with the Enemy Act," which virtually ended 
contraband trade with the North. In such a situation it became 
utterly impossible adequately to provision either the army or 
the civilian population. Hence defeat for the South became a 
reality not because the Confederate soldier did not possess "salt" 
in the slang sense of the word, but rather because in a very real 
sense he and his homefolk had none. 

The author has been indefatigable in her research, as is indi- 
cated quantitatively by the fact that no less than sixty-eight 
pages of notes are appended to some 220 pages of text. Although 
the title of the book seems prosaic enough, nevertheless the style 
is lively and numerous dramatic incidents pregnant with human 
tragedy are enumerated. There is something indescribably 
pathetic in the account of poor people living along the gulf coast 



316 The North Carolina Historical Review 

laboriously and painfully endeavoring to secure a small quantity 
of salt to cure their meat by boiling down sea water. Truly war 
is hell when guns and bayonets in the hands of fellow humans 
forbid suffering women and children helping themselves freely 
to a so abundant resource. benjamin B. Kendrick. 

Greensboro, N. C. 



Slavery in Mississippi. By Charles Sackett Sydnor. (New York: D. Apple- 
ton-Century Company. 1933. Pp. 270.) 

In the preface to this estimable and scholarly study the 
author announces with good reason that he will present "a cross- 
section of slavery in Mississippi rather than a study of its devel- 
opment." In keeping with his announced purpose, the writer in 
prosaic and sententious style proceeds to demonstrate how the 
institution of slavery functioned. Chapter headings: "Work," 
"Physical and Social Care," "Plantation and Police Control of 
Slaves," "Punishments and Rewards," "Fugitives," "Buying, 
Selling, and Hiring," and the "Profitableness of Slavery" sug- 
gest the scope of the study. A chapter on the work of the Mis- 
sissippi Colonization Society, which scarcely conforms to the 
general pattern, and a chapter on "Contemporary Opinions" 
complete the picture. 

The author has utilized a variety of original records, includ- 
ing numerous plantation manuscripts, and his statements of fact 
are buttressed with citations from reliable sources. Indeed, he 
evinces a firm and intelligent grasp of the economics of slave- 
holding. 

It cannot be said that Professor Sydnor has increased our gen- 
eral knowledge of the institution of Negro slavery. What he 
has done, and well, is to illuminate some phases of slaveholding 
largely peculiar to the Lower South. For example, he discusses 
the consequences of the importation of large numbers of slaves 
into the State. It is noted that the heavy volume of the domestic 
slave trade so involved planters in debt (since high-priced slaves 
were purchased on credit) as to accentuate the gravity of the 
panic of 1837 in Mississippi. In order to escape ruin, Missis- 
sippi planters (p. 166) took advantage of a constitutional prohi- 



Book Reviews 317 

bition on the importation of slaves and refused to honor personal 
notes tendered in the purchase of slaves. The Supreme Court of 
Mississippi upheld the contention of the planters that the notes 
were not valid, whereas the Supreme Court of the United States 
held that the notes were valid when the parties were citizens of 
different states. In 1837 the legislature of Mississippi passed an 
act giving force and effect to the constitutional prohibition of the 
domestic slave trade, but professional traders continued to find 
customers in the State. There is, however, abundant reason to 
believe that the traders insisted upon an immediate cash payment 
upon the delivery of the contraband slaves. 

While the writer does not stress the point, it seems probable 
that the almost constant influx of slaves from the seaboard slave 
states militated against the development of a strong sense of 
loyalty to white families so much in evidence in the older plant- 
ing states. A direct result of the importation of slaves from 
various sources, Africa excluded, was, as the author notes, the 
problem of recovering fugitive slaves. Slaves could not become 
reconciled to new masters, and consequently absconded with dis- 
turbing frequency. 

As regards the profitableness of slavery in Mississippi, the 
author is convinced that planters prospered "immediately be- 
fore 1820" and to a lesser degree in the middle thirties. Astute 
managers could show profits on paper in the 1850's. Much de- 
pended on the price of cotton. The author states (p. 201) that 
the profitableness of the institution depended largely on the price 
of slaves. This was unquestionably an important factor in esti- 
mating profits when a person was buying slaves, but as it cost no 
more to feed and clothe a high-priced slave than a medium-priced 
slave already in possession, it would appear that the profitable- 
ness of slavery would depend in most cases upon the cost of 
operations and the price of the crops produced. 

Certain aspects of slaveholding, such as indemnity for exe- 
cuted slaves, the management of slaves on small establishments, 
and the religious life of slaves, are neglected. An examination 
of local court records and church minute books would have 
thrown additional light upon the criminality and morality of 
slaves. The writer very properly refuses to stray from his 



318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sources. If the sources, for example, fail to illuminate the issu- 
ance of rations to superannuated slaves, the matter is not dis- 
cussed. 

If one were inclined to be meticulous, one might criticize the 
use of the word "work" in the opening sentence of the first chap- 
ter. What the author probably had in mind was manual labor. 

The book contains one map, showing the distribution of slaves 
to soil areas, a bibliography, and an index. All in all, it is a 
distinct contribution to the literature of slavery. 

Furman University. ROSSER H. TAYLOR. 



Beveridge and the Progressive Era. By Claude G. Bowers. (Boston: 
Houghton Mifflin Company. 1932. Pp. 610. $5.00.) 

Farewell to Reform. By John Chamberlain. (New York: The John Day 
Company. Second edition, with new preface. 1933. Pp. 333. $3.00.) 

Twelve years have elapsed since Bowers's book on the Jackson- 
ian epoch first brought him into national fame, and each succeed- 
ing book of his has rightly served to enhance his renown. For 
each of these works Bowers has chosen a big and intriguing 
theme, steeped himself thoroughly in the sources, and written 
with a flair for organization and dramatization worthy of Pres- 
cott and Macaulay. Today he is beyond question America's fore- 
most living historical biographer. 

In Beveridge and the Progressive Era, a book as good as any- 
thing that Bowers has yet done, he paints an animated portrait 
of one of the most brilliant figures that ever sat in the Senate, 
against the background of one of the most dramatic and sig- 
nificant eras of American life. Born in 1862, in Ohio, reared in 
somewhat primitive fashion in Illinois, Beveridge worked his 
way through college by selling books and winning prizes, and 
came to the Senate at thirty-five from Indiana. There his oration 
on the Philippines raised him into fame overnight, and for some 
time the Presidency seemed his manifest destiny. For twelve 
years he sat in the Senate, the prophet and orator of imperial- 
ism, the friend and ally of Roosevelt, the floor leader against the 
Payne-Aldrich tariff, the defender of big business as such, the 



Book Reviews 319 

champion of Progressive reform. Brilliant, eloquent, ambitious, 
handsome, and not without conceit, he was one of the hardest 
working men that ever came to Congress. 

The Bull Moose campaign, in which he, next to Roosevelt, was 
the most important party leader to stand at Armageddon, ruined 
him politically, and though he once more ran for the Senate as 
a Republican nominee, he never came back. 

It seems fortunate, however, for Beveridge's ultimate fame 
that fate removed him from office. For outside the Presidency, 
to which he aspired, it seems unlikely that he could ever have 
achieved such lasting fame as his biographies of Marshall and 
Lincoln seem to have brought him. The "Marshall," to be sure, 
has its defects, and future editions should perhaps be annotated 
to point out its anti-Jeffersonian bias, since this is a matter 
which Beveridge himself came to recognize and regret. But for 
all that, it is unquestionably the definitive life of Marshall, and 
will doubtless be studied so long as Marshall's decisions continue 
to influence American life. The "Lincoln," had it been com- 
pleted, would have been an even greater work. Even so, it seems 
destined to influence American historical writing more than any 
work done in a well-cultivated field in the last fifty years. 

Nothing in Bowers's book, which doesn't contain a dull page, 
is more interesting than his account of the writing of the "Lin- 
coln." Beveridge set to work intending to do for Lincoln in a 
literary way what the Greek temple on the Potomac does in stone, 
that is, to portray the Great Emancipator as but little less than a 
god. But having learned the requirements of scholarship in his 
struggle with the "Marshall," he determined at the outset to take 
nothing for granted; he would consult the original sources, and 
find new material whenever possible. As a result of his assidu- 
ous research he was astonished to find that some of the most fun- 
damental political teachings of his childhood were untrue: that 
the Mexican War was not a deliberate scheme to extend the slave 
power, that the Dred Scott decision was not the result of a con- 
spiracy on the part of slave-holding judges, that the early Lin- 
coln showed little promise of greatness, but was only an am- 
bitious and somewhat indolent politician, without the slightest 
interest in suppressing slavery. Beveridge was shocked at such 



320 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

things : it was almost as if Bryan had discovered that Balaam's 
ass never spoke Hebrew, that Moses never wrote the account of 
his own funeral, and that Joshua never stopped the sun. But 
Beveridge was tough-minded; he stuck grimly to his task, and 
came to take a certain satisfaction in debunking some of the 
myths of his childhood and in doing justice to the South. As a 
result, we have the most reliable life of the pre-war Lincoln 
ever written, one which has already exerted a lasting influence 
on American historical writing, and one which will certainly not 
be superseded for a long time to come. 

Politically, Bowers was not at all in accord with Beveridge on 
many points, yet he is always fair; and where they differed, he 
tells the story mainly from Beveridge's point of view, yet with- 
out compromising his own. Aside from its failure to tell us any- 
thing about Beveridge's religious views after he left college, and 
the curious error of dating Colonel Roosevelt's death in Septem- 
ber, 1918, Bowers has done an exceedingly good job, both in 
recreating Beveridge and in painting his background, also in 
sketching many another salient political figure of the times. 

The very virtues of Bowers, however, his flair for drama, his 
emphasis on personalities and spectacular political battles, would 
have contrived to render him weak in the matter of economic 
interpretation, even had he understood the deeper economic sig- 
nificance of the Progressive era, which I doubt. Thoughtful 
readers of Bowers would do well, therefore, to weigh and con- 
sider John Chamberlain's book, Farewell to Reform, a stimulat- 
ing and provocative account of "the rise, life, and decay of the 
Progressive mind in America." 

When Beveridge died in the spring of 1927, the Progressive 
era (obit April 6, 1917) had passed into history; it was then 
the hej^day of the New Era, now superseded by the New Deal. 
Since the Progressive movement (not to be confused with any 
single party) may be said to be characterized above all else as a 
struggle for reform in behalf of the common man, and since the 
common has fared but roughly of late, it may not be amiss to 
ask concerning the battle which Bowers describes what a certain 
young philosopher is said to have inquired about Blenheim: 
" 'But what good came of it at last?' quoth little Peterkin?" 



Book Reviews 321 

Well, something was done for the humanization of life by pure 
food laws, workingmen's compensation acts, factory regulation, 
the domestication of the eight-hour day, etc., but on the whole, 
thinks Mr. Chamberlain, the Progressive movement was a fail- 
ure. And it was doomed to failure, he thinks, because it ran 
against the grain of modern technology. Progressiveism, as he 
points out, was an evolution of Populism. Populism tried to 
forestall big business in the interest of the farmer ; Progressive- 
ism tried to regulate big business with a view to preserving free- 
dom of contract on the one hand and freedom of competition for 
the small business man on the other. The two were incompatible, 
and so, he declares, "All economic reforms that have been under- 
taken in the spirit of Bryan, of La Follette, of Wilson, have 
worked in a way precisely against the grain of Progressive or 
neo-democratic hopes; instead of 'freeing' the common man 
within the capitalistic system, these reforms have made the sys- 
tem as a long-run proposition, more difficult of operation." And 
so despite the New Deal as projected by Franklin D. Roosevelt, 
Mr. Chamberlain concludes that reform, as the word has been 
understood in America, is done for, and that the near future be- 
longs either to Fascism on the one hand or to Communism on 
the other. 

Whether one accepts Mr. Chamberlain's prognosis or not, he 
is certainly a keen anatomist of the Progressive mind, and his 
book, a sjmthesis of literary, psychological, political, and eco- 
nomic criticism, is a remarkable work of intellectual history. It 
would be difficult to find anywhere more penetrating studies of 
Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and the elder La Follette, 
not to mention numerous other figures, or more acute brief 
characterizations of the books, ideas, and parties of the time, 
than Mr. Chamberlain has written. While he comes to radical 
conclusions, his book is free from the obvious type of propa- 
ganda, and, to speak conservatively, it is one which no Ameri- 
can seriously interested in political and economic trends can 
afford to leave unread. Charles Lee Snyder. 

Denton, N. C. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

The North Carolina Historical Commission receives requests 
for early numbers of the North Carolina Manual, Proceedings 
of the State Literary and Historical Association, the North Caro- 
lina Booklet, and the North Carolina Day Program. These pub- 
lications are out of print. Anyone possessing duplicates is re- 
quested to send them to A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh, N. C. The supply 
thus accumulated will be used to serve the cause of North Caro- 
lina history by filling gaps in the collections of libraries and 
students. 

Back numbers of the North Carolina Historical Review 
may be secured from the secretary of the North Carolina His- 
torical Commission at the regular price of $2 per volume, or 50 
cents per number. 

At St. Peter's church near Rockwell in Rowan County was 
dedicated a monument on August 19th, bearing the inscription : 
"Here was the first Lutheran church in North Carolina, built of 
hickory logs, about 1740." Dr. J. L. Morgan, president of the 
North Carolina Lutheran Synod, had charge of the exercises. 

In February appeared the first issue of a new state historical 
periodical, the Arkansas Historical Review, a quarterly maga- 
zine published on subscription at $3 per year by the Arkansas 
Historical Society in cooperation with the State History Com- 
mission at Little Rock. Dallas T. Herndon, secretary of the Ar- 
kansas History Commission, is editor. The first issue contains 
sixty-four pages, and the second forty-eight. 

The Historic American Buildings Survey in North Carolina, 
under the direction of Mr. M. R. Marsh of Charlotte, has com- 
pleted this year surveys consisting of measured drawings and 
photographs of the following historic buildings in North Caro- 
lina: Wallis Rock House, Mclntyre Cabin, Whitley's Mill, Wil- 
son House, and Sugaw Creek Church near Charlotte; Philan- 
thropic Hall and Eumanean Hall at Davidson College, Davidson ; 
Chowan County Court House at Edenton; Church of St. John- 

[ 322 1 



Historical News 323 

in-the-Wilderness at Flat Rock in Henderson County; Calvary 
Church (photographs only) at Fletcher in Henderson County; 
Judson College at Hendersonville; Presbyterian Church, Wash- 
ington Bryan House, Smallwood House, and Judge Donald Law 
Office at New Bern; Rowan County Court House at Salisbury; 
Wachovia Historical Society Museum, Henry Leinbach House, 
and The Tavern at Winston-Salem ; Bethabara Moravian Church 
near Winston-Salem; and the William Vass House and Christ 
Church at Raleigh. This work was part of a nation-wide relief 
project for architects, and the records will be filed in Washing- 
ton. The survey as originally formulated in North Carolina was 
executed in part only, due to the exhaustion of funds for the 
purpose. 

The Richmond-Robeson County Committee, North Carolina 
Society of the Colonial Dames of America, unveiled a granite 
marker beside state highway 71 at Ashpole Church near Row- 
land in Robeson County, August 2, to James Robert Adair, noted 
Indian trader and author of The History of the American In- 
dians (London, 1775), who lived in his later years and was 
buried nearby. Dr. A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission, delivered the principal address. 
The exercises were in charge of Mrs. N. A. McLean of Lumber- 
ton. Col. William C. Harllee of New Orleans, author of Kinfolks 
and discoverer of much new information about Adair, was pres- 
ent and delivered a brief address. 

The annual convention of the American Legion, Department of 
North Carolina, was held in Greensboro, August 26-28. Mr. 
Hubert E. Olive of Lexington was elected Department Com- 
mander and Dr. A. R. Newsome of Raleigh, Department His- 
torian. Mrs. M. H. Shumway of Lexington was chosen presi- 
dent of The Legion Auxiliary, which convened at the same time 
and place. The Legion Convention adopted a resolution direct- 
ing the storage of the Legion records in a fire-proof depository. 

The North Carolina Poetry Review, edited by Stewart Atkins, 
Gastonia, appeared in regular magazine format in its July- 
August issue (Volume II, number 1). Henceforth it will appear 
bimonthly at the subscription rate of $1 per year. In addition 



324 The North Carolina Historical Eeview 

to its regular offering of North Carolina poetry, the July- August 
issue began a series, "North Carolina Poets. Past and Present," 
by Edward A. Oldham. The first number of the series dealt 
with John Henry Boner. 

Elaborate and largely-attended exercises were held at Old Fort 
Raleigh on Roanoke Island, August 17-19, commemorating the 
three hundred fiftieth anniversary of the landing of Walter 
Raleigh's first expedition in the New World and the three hun- 
dred forty-seventh anniversary of the birth of Virginia Dare, 
first child born of English parents in the New World. In the 
evenings of August 17-19, "The Pageant of Roanoke," written 
and directed by Harrington-Russell Festivals of Asheville, was 
presented in the open-air amphitheatre on the beach. Patriotic 
exercises, presided over by Congressman Lindsay C. Warren, 
were held in the morning of the 18th, at which the principal 
address was delivered by Governor George C. Peery of Virginia. 
Other speakers were Melvin R. Daniels, Graham A. Barden, 
Governor J. C. B. Ehringhaus, C. L. Shuping, Congressman Otis 
L. Bland of Virginia, Senator J. W. Bailey, and Henry L. Stevens. 
On Sunday morning the new chapel was dedicated with appro- 
priate exercises. Bishop Thomas C. Darst, Diocese of Eastern 
North Carolina, preached the sermon, and there were brief ad- 
dresses by A. B. Andrews of Raleigh, president of the Roanoke 
Colony Memorial Association, W. 0. Saunders of Elizabeth City, 
president of the Roanoke Island Historical Association, and Dr. 
A. R. Newsome, secretary of the North Carolina Historical Com- 
mission. The Roanoke Colony Memorial Association this year 
deeded to the North Carolina Historical Commission the 16.45- 
acre tract on which were planted the first English colonies in 
America; and a representation of the colonial village of 1585-87 
is being constructed with federal relief funds under the direc- 
tion of Mr. Frank Stick of the North Carolina Coastal Commis- 
sion as part of a coastal project under the supervision of the 
Department of Conservation and Development. The entire cele- 
bration was sponsored by the Dare County Homecoming Com- 
mittee, of which Mr. D. B. Fearing of Manteo was chairman. 

The Fort Fisher Memorial Association was organized in July 
at Wilmington for the purpose of creating an interest in pre- 



Historical News 325 

serving the site of the historic fort and in restoring at least a 
portion of the fortifications. Rev. Andrew J. Howell is presi- 
dent of the association. Efforts are being made to obtain federal 
funds for the work. In recent years beach erosion has become 
so pronounced as to endanger the existence of the site. Until 
early in 1865, when it fell after a terrific naval bombardment 
and assault, Fort Fisher guarded the approach to Wilmington, 
the last Confederate port to be closed by the United States 
blockading forces. 

Prof. J. G. deR. Hamilton was designated by Governor J. C. B. 
Ehringhaus as the North Carolina delegate to the Daniel Boone 
Bicentennial celebration held in Kentucky in September under 
the auspices of the Daniel Boone Bicentennial Commission. 

The Alexander Martin chapter, Daughters of the American 
Revolution, of which Mrs. J. S. Welborn of High Point is regent, 
has presented to the North Carolina Historical Commission a 
bound volume of three hundred fourteen pages of typewritten 
abstracts, "North Carolina Tombstone Records," compiled by 
Mrs. Welborn from tombstones in ninety-five cemeteries in the 
piedmont section of the State. This volume is of particular 
value, due to the fact that public record of vital statistics in 
North Carolina was not required until 1914. 

"State of Franklin Was Chapter in Expansion" is the title of 
an article by Mrs. E. T. Derieux of Raleigh in the News and Ob- 
server, August 19. 

The United Daughters of the Confederacy celebrated widely 
on September 10th in chapter meetings and by radio broadcasts 
the fortieth anniversary of its organization, in pursuance of a 
proposal by Mrs. John H. Anderson of Raleigh, Historian Gen- 
eral, which was adopted by the General Convention last year. 
Mrs. W. M. Parsley of Wilmington was the founder of the North 
Carolina division of the organization. 

Noteworthy articles in recent periodicals are: George D. Har- 
mon, "The Indian Trust Funds, 1798-1865" (Mississippi Valley 
Historical Review, June) ; John D. P. Fuller, "The Slavery Ques- 



326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tion and the Movement to Acquire Mexico" (ibid.) ; A. R. New- 
some, "Unprinted Public Archives of the Post-Colonial Period: 
Their Availability" (The American Historical Review, July) ; 
Julian P. Boyd, "John Sergeant's Mission to Europe for the Sec- 
ond Bank of the United States: 1816-1817" (The Pennsylvania 
Magazine of History and Biography, July) ; Wilbur H. Siebert, 
"George Washington and the Loyalists" (American Antiquarian 
Society, Proceedings, April, 1933) ; David D. Wallace, "Early 
South Carolina History" (Americana, Third Quarter, 1934) ; 
Louise Phelps Kellogg, "The Fame of Daniel Boone" (Register 
of the Kentucky State Historical Society, July) ; S. A. Ashe, "Lin- 
coln the Lawyer" (Tyler's Quarterly, July) ; Earl J. Nelson, 
"Missouri Slavery, 1861-1865" (The Missouri Historical Review, 
July) ; Ralph M. Watts, "History of the Underground Railroad 
in Mechanicsburg" (Ohio Archxological and Historical Quar- 
terly, July) ; Donald L. Kemmerer, "The Suffrage Franchise in 
Colonial New Jersey" (Proceedings of the New Jersey Histori- 
cal Society, July) ; J. W. Patton, "John Belton O'Neall" (The Pro- 
ceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association, 1934) ; 
A. S. Salley, "The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina" 
(ibid.) ; Broadus Mitchell, "Hamilton and Jefferson Today" 
(The Virginia Quarterly Review, July) ; James Truslow Adams, 
"The Dilemma of Edmund Ruffin" (ibid.) ; Walter J. Matherly, 
"The Culture of Agriculture" (The South Atlantic Quarterly, 
July) ; Charles B. Murphy, "Samuel J. Tilden and the Civil 
War" (ibid.) ; Chester L. Saxby, "The South Looks Back Ahead" 
(ibid.). 

Acknowledgment is made of the receipt of the following publi- 
cations: North Carolina History: Told by Contemporaries. Ed- 
ited by Hugh T. Lefler (Chapel Hill: University of North Caro- 
lina Press. 1934. Pp. xiv, 454. $3.50) ; Georgia Lee Tatum, 
Disloyalty in the Confederacy (Chapel Hill: University of North 
Carolina Press. 1934. Pp. xi, 176. $2.50) ; H. M. Wagstaff, 
"Minutes of the N. C. Manumission Society, 1816-1834," The 
James Sprunt Historical Studies, XXII, Nos. 1-2 (Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press. 1934. Pp. 230) ; William 
Curry Harllee, Kinfolks: A Genealogical and Biographical Rec- 
ord, Vol. I (New Orleans: Searcy & Pfaff, Ltd. 1934. Pp. 968. 



Historical News 327 

$10 for set of three volumes) ; Letters of Members of the Conti- 
nental Congress, Vol. VII. Edited by Edmund C. Burnett (Wash- 
ington: Carnegie Institution of Washington. 1934. Pp. lxxvii, 
670) ; C. Horace Hamilton, Rural-Urban Migration in North 
Carolina, 1920 to 1930 (Raleigh: The Agricultural Experiment 
Station. Bulletin No. 295. February, 1934. Pp. 85) ; Dillard 
S. Gardner, "The Proposed Constitution of North Carolina. A 
Comparative Study," Popular Government, I, No. 4, June, 1934 
(Chapel Hill: The Institute of Government. Pp. xviii, 126). 

Recent accessions to the manuscript collections of the North 
Carolina Historical Commission include 15 volumes of records 
of the Elizabeth City branch of the Bank of the State of North 
Carolina, 1836-62, presented by Rev. George F. Hill, Elizabeth 
City; 931 letters, 93 pamphlets, 16 record books of the North 
Carolina Farmers' State Alliance, 1887-1930; 10,493 letters and 
papers, 1724-1912, of the late Bishop Joseph Blount Cheshire, 
presented by J. B. Cheshire, Raleigh; 251 letters, 1781-1846, of 
the James Webb Papers, presented by Miss Sarah Cheshire, Ra- 
leigh; 1,515 letters and papers, 3 volumes and 24 pamphlets, 
1771-1918, of the Thomas M. Pittman Collection, presented by 
Mrs. Thomas M. Pittman, Raleigh ; 500 John Vann Papers, 1765- 
1888, presented by Mrs. Louise Vann Boone; 539 Superintendent 
of Public Instruction Papers, 1896, 1899. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE 

Mr. Lawrence F. London is a graduate student in history in 
the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C. 

Dr. William A. Russ, Jr., is an assistant professor of history 
and political science in Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome is secretary of the North Carolina His- 
torical Commission, Raleigh, N. C. 



[ 328 ] 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS VOLUME 

Miss Nannie M. Tilley is an instructor and critic teacher in 
Western Carolina Teachers College, Cullowhee, N. C. 

Dr. Rosser H. Taylor is a professor of history and government 
in Furman University, Greenville, S. C. 

Dr. A. R. Newsome is secretary of the North Carolina Histori- 
cal Commission, Raleigh, N. C. 

Dr. Daniel J. Whitener is a professor of history in the Appa- 
lachian State Teachers College, Boone, N. C. 

Dr. Peter S. McGuire is research associate in the Bureau of 
Visual Instruction of the Extension Division of the University 
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 

Mr. William Stanley Hoole is a fellow in English in Duke Uni- 
versity, Durham, N. C. 

Miss Mary L. Thornton is in charge of the North Carolina 
Collection in the University of North Carolina Library, Chapel 
Hill, N. C. 

Mr. Edward M. Holder is in the employ of Old South Lines, 
Charlotte, N. C. 

Mrs. Alberta Ratliffe Craig is a resident of Reidsville, N. C. 

Mr. Lawrence F. London is a graduate student in history in 
the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C. 

Dr. William A. Russ, Jr., is an assistant professor of history 
and political science in Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pa. 



[ 329 ] 



INDEX TO VOLUME XI 
1934 



Abercromby, James, quotation from 
letter to, 266. 

A Century of Population Growth, 
mentioned, 55. 

A Complete Map of North Carolina, 
cited, In. 

Acts of the Privy Council of Eng- 
land, Colonial Series, cited, 39n. 

Adair, James Robert, marker un- 
veiled in honor of, 323. 

Adams, James Truslow, wrote article, 
326. 

Adkins, David, emigrant, 45. 

A History of Grassy Creek Baptist 
Church, cited, 14w. 

A History of the Atlantic Coast Line 
Railroad, cited, 95n. 

Albemarle counties, representation of, 
258; representatives remained at 
home, 259; sent representatives to 
Assembly, 261. 

Albemarle section, victorious, 269. 

Alexander, Joseph, mentioned, 309. 

Alexander Martin Chapter, D. A. R., 
presented book 325; unveiled 
marker, 161. 

Alexander Spotswood: Governor of 
Colonial Virginia, 1710-1722, re- 
viewed, 58. 

Allan, Alexr., emigrant, 53. 

"Altitudes in North Carolina," cited, 
In. 

American and German Trading and 
Insurance Company, chartered, 31. 

American Historical Association, 
held meeting, 161. 

American Institute of Architects, 
opened exhibition, 250. 

American Legion Auxiliary, held 
convention, 323. 

American Legion, Department of 
North Carolina, held annual con- 
vention, 323. 

American Population Before the 
Federal Census of 1790, reviewed, 
55. 

An Accurate Map of North and South 
Carolina, cited, lOn. 

Anderson, Mrs. John H., editor of the 
historical department of The 
Southern Magazine, 246; issued 
Year Book, 163. 



Andrews, A. B., appointed on commit- 
tee, 159; delivered address, 161, 324. 

Andrews, Thomas, emigrant, 45. 

Andrews, T. Wingate, delivered ad- 
dress, 245. 

Andrews, W. J., elected vice presi- 
dent, 160. 

Andrews, William, emigrant, 44. 

Anthony, John, emigrant, 45. 

Anti-Prohibition Association for the 
State of North Carolina, organ- 
ized, 82. 

'Archaeology and the Historian," 
paper read, 245. 

"Archaeology in Durham County," 
article published, 246. 

Archaeological Society of North Caro- 
lina, held meeting, 160; held 
meeting, 245. 

Archdale, John, granted privilege of 
sending representatives, 264. 

"Archibald Stobo of Carolina — Pres- 
byterianism's Stormy-Petrel," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 252. 

Arendell, Banks, presented portrait, 
64. 

Argo, Thomas M., portrait presented, 
64. 

Arkansas Historical Review, first is- 
sue published, 322. 

Armfield, R. F., defeated, 91. 

Arnett, A. M., wrote book, 164. 

Arrington, Mrs. Katherine Pendle- 
ton, delivered address, 160; elected 
president, 160. 

"Art in North Carolina," paper 
read, 160. 

Arthur, J. P., work cited, 284n. 

Ashe, Samuel A., work cited, 256n; 
wrote article, 326. 

Asheville Citizen, cited, 75n. 

A Short History of Cabarrus County 
and Concord, Yesterday and Today, 
booklet issued, 64. 

Askew, W. C, received appointment, 
249. 

A State Movement in Railroad De- 
velopment, cited, 95n. 

Atkinson, Matt, attended meeting, 88. 

Atlantic Coast Line, a loose associa- 
tion of roads, 100. 

Auldjo, Alexr., emigrant, 46. 

Auldjo, John, emigrant, 46. 

Avery, Waightstill, mentioned, 297. 

[ 331 ] 



332 



Index to Volume XI 



Aycock, Charles B., portrait present- 
ed, 64. 

"Aycock: His People's Genius," ad- 
dress published,. 63. 



"Back to the Backwoods," article 
mentioned, 65. 

Badger, George B., portrait present- 
ed, 64. 

Bagge, Tragott, prominent merchant, 
176. 

Bailey, C. J., attended meeting, 88. 

Bailey, J. W., delivered address, 324. 

Bain, E. B., deposited newspapers, 66. 

Bain, William, emigrant, 135. 

Baker, Ashby L., appointed on com- 
mittee, 159. 

Baker, David, mentioned, 302. 

Ball, W. S., denounced the decision of 
the executive committee, 83. 

Ball, W. W., wrote article, 65. 

Baltimore Steam Packet, joined the 
fund, 110. 

Bands, Mary, emigrant, 43. 

Bank of Cape Fear, minute books re- 
ceived at Duke, 162. 

Baptist State Convention, took stand 
for state prohibition, 73. 

Barbee, David Rankin, wrote article, 
165, 252. 

Barden, Graham A., delivered ad- 
dress, 324. 

Barker, Thomas, represented the 
northern counties in London, 264. 

Barnes, Gilbert N., The Anti-Slavery 
Crusade, 1830-18U, received, 164. 

Barnett, Robert, awarded Rhodes 
scholarship, 162. 

Batty, Eliza, emigrant, 45. 

Battle, Kemp D., delivered address, 63. 

Battle, Richard H., portrait pre- 
sented, 64. 
Bauerlein, George, taught at State 

College, 248. 
Beaton, David, and family, emigrants, 

53. 
Beaver, Kings and Cabins, received, 

65; reviewed, 153. 
Beck's Church, monument over grave 

of Peter Hedrick unveiled at, 65. 
Belk, Mrs. W. H., delivered address, 

249; elected state regent, 245. 
Belton, Janet, emigrant, 43. 
Bemis, Samuel Flagg, wrote article, 

165. 
Bennett, Ridden Tyler, portrait pre- 
sented to the Supreme court, 62. 



Bentonville, historical celebration on 

battlefield of, 248. 
Beveridge and the Progressive Era, 

reviewed, 318. 
Biggs, Jeannette, presided at the ex- 
ercises, 248. 
Bignell, Jane, emigrant, 45. 
Biographical History of North Caro- 
lina, cited, 18n. 
Birds of the South: Permanent and 
Winter Birds Commonly Found in 
Gardens, Fields, and Woods, is- 
sued, 164. 
Black, Donald, and family, emigrants, 

141. 
Blackburn, Benjamin, emigrant, 41. 
Blackett, Tobiah, emigrant, 43. 
Blair, William A., wrote pamphlets, 

250. 
Blakswik, James, and family, emi- 
grants, 42. 
Bland, Otis L., delivered address, 324. 
Blythe, John, emigrant, 47. 
Board of Trade, advised the disal- 
lowance of the quitrent law, 263. 
Boner, John Henry, article about, 

324. 
Bonham, M. L., teaching in summer 

school, 248. 
Bonn, Jacob, took Dr. Kalberlahn's 

place, 177. 
Borough towns, had representation, 

258. 
Bowers, Claude G., Beveridge and the 

Progressive Era, reviewed, 318. 
Bowie, Ann, emigrant, 45. 
Boyd, Andrew J., lawyer of Went- 

worth, 190. 
Boyd, James E., made speech, 82. 
Boyd, Julian P., wrote article, 326. 
Boyd, W. K., on leave of absence, 249. 
Brown, Frank C, elected secretary, 

160. 
Brown, J. Fuller, presented collec- 
tion. 284n. 
Brown, John, emigrant, 43. 
Brown, John, statements about, 284. 
Brown, Mrs. Peyton J., sang songs, 

160. 
Buchanan, Archibald, letter from, 129. 
Buck, John E., map cited. In. 
Buges, James, emigrant, 50. 
Bulfinch, S. G., dedicated volume of 

poems, 119. 
Bulletin of the Archaeological So- 
ciety of North Carolina, issued, 246. 
Buncombe County, organized, 285. 
Burgess J. S.. printed The Rose-Bud 

or Youth's Gazette. 121. 
Burke County, organized, 285. 



Index to Volume XI 



333 



Burnett, Edmund C, edited book, re- 
ceived, 327. 

Butler, John, and family, emigrants, 
44. 

C 

Caldwell, Wallace E., elected presi- 
dent 63; president, 246; read 
paper, 245; to read paper, 161. 

Calewell, Danl., emigrant, 53. 

Cameron, Allan, emigrant, 54. 

Cameron, Angus, and family, emi- 
grants, 54. 

Campbell, Archibald, and family, em- 
igrants, 142. 

Campbell, Colin, emigrant, 41. 

Campbell, Danl., emigrant, 53. 

Campbell, Donald, and family, emi- 
grants, 137. 

Campbell, Ronald, letter from, 129. 

Campbell, William, and family, emi- 
grants, 138. 

Canby, E. R. S., wrote relative to 
those disqualified for office, 278. 

Canfield, Mary Grace, wrote article, 
162. 

Cannon, Mrs. C. A., elected vice 
president, 160. 

Cape Fear, Yadkin and Pee Dee Rail- 
road Company, incorporated, 205. 

Carmichael, Archibald, and family, 
emigrants, 141. 

Carmichael, Dugald, and family, em- 
igrants, 140. 

Carmichael, Evan, and family, emi- 
grants, 140. 

Carolina Central Railroad, joined the 
fund, 110. 

Carolina Watchman, cited, 74n. 

Carraway, Gertrude S., wrote pam- 
phlet, 247. 

Carroll, E. M., attended meeting, 161; 
teaching in summer school, 248. 

Carter, Jesse, used jersey to bring 
children to town, 186. 

Cashwell, Mrs. H. M., delivered ad- 
dress, 251. 

Catalogue North Carolina Room of 
the Confederate Museum, booklet 
issued, 63. 

Catanoch, John, and family, emi- 
grants, 131. 

Centennial History of the South 
Carolina Railroad, cited, 34n. 

Chamberlain, John. Farewell to Re- 
form, reviewed, 318. 

Chamberlaine, W. W., made treas- 
urer, 110. 

Chapman, Henry, emigrant, 41. 



Charleston Business on the Eve of 
the American Revolution, re- 
viewed, 242. 

Charleston City Gazette, cited, 22n. 

Charleston Mercury, cited, 29n. 

Charleston: The Place and the Peo- 
ple, cited, 116?i. 

Charlotte Democrat, cited, 79n. 

Charlotte Journal, received at Duke, 
162. 

Charlotte Observer, cited, 79n. 

Charlton, Robert M., contributed ar- 
ticle, 123; contributed to magazine, 
124. 

Chatham Railroad Company, bonds 
sold, 103. 

Chatham Record, cited, 82n. 

Cherokee Indians, relinquished land, 
284. 

Cheshire, Joseph Blount, papers pre- 
sented, 327. 

Cheshire, Joseph B., Jr., presented 
portrait, 64. 

Children of the Confederacy, pre- 
sented boulder, 62. 

Childs, St. Julien R., wrote article, 
252. 

Clark, James, emigrant, 43. 

Clark, Walter, work cited, 260n. 

Clark, W. A., work cited, 23n. 

Clarkson, Heriot, delivered address, 
161. 

Clayton, Lambert, mentioned, 298. 

Cleveland, Benjamin, in Battle of 
Kings Mountain, 64. 

Cleveland County, gave wet major- 
ity, 85. 

Clewell, J. H., work cited, 167n. 

Clontz, F. W., reviewed, Alexander 
Spotswood: Governor of Colonial 
Virginia, 1710-1722, 58. 

Cochran, Wm, mentioned, 306. 

Coe, Joffre L., read paper, 246. 

Coffey, Mrs. J. H., secretary, 64. 

Colburn, Burnham S., elected Gov- 
ernor General, 62; elected vice 
president, 63; meeting held at 
home of, 63; vice president, 246. 

Cole. Arthur Charles, The Irrepres- 
sible Conflict, 1850-1865, received, 
253. 

Coleman, Christopher B., wrote ar- 
ticle, 166. 

Colton, Simeon, employed as agent, 
206; sketch of, 206. 

Commission on National Archives 
Survey, appointed, 163. 

Commissioners of the customs in 
Scotland, letter from, 51. 



334 



Index to Volume XI 



Confederate Museum, issued book- 
let, 63. 

Confederate Memorial Day, observed, 
249. 

Connor, R. D. W., delivered address, 
246; teaching in summer school, 
248; work cited, 284w; wrote ar- 
ticle, 252. 

Contributions to Religion, cited, 120n. 

Cooper, John D., elected vice presi- 
dent, 250. 

Cooper, L. N., called convention to 
order, 82. 

Cooper, Mrs. Sydney P., accepted tab- 
let, 64; delivered address, 63, 245, 
247. 

Cooper, T. N., attended meeting, 88. 

Cooper, T. M., chairman, 83. 

Corbin Street School, Concord, issued 
booklet, 64. 

Corporate History of the Seaboard 
Air Line Company, cited, 94n. 

Cotterill, R. S., wrote article, 165. 

Courtenay, W. A., purchased road, 
109. 

Covington, John B., purchased land 
of Indians, 21; signed written 
agreement, 21. 

Cox, W. R., made speeches, 92. 

Craig, Alberta Ratliffe, article, Old 
Wentworth Sketches, 185-204; 
birth, 185. 

Craven, W. F., teaching in summer 
school, 248. 

Crittenden, C. C, reviewed Charles- 
ton Business on the Eve of the 
American Revolution, 242; Lord 
Loudoun in North America, 56. 

Crittenden, Ethel T., elected vice 
president, 159. 

Cunningham, John, commissioner for 
State, 23. 

Currie, Catherine, emigrant, 143. 

Cutler, Addison T., wrote article, 166. 



Dabzall, Willson, emigrant, 46. 

Daily Review, cited, 74n. 

Dalrymple, Jno., and family, emi- 
grants, 49. 

Dale, W. T., received appointment 
250. 

Daniel Boone Bicentennial Commis- 
sion, plans celebration, 247; cele- 
bration held, 325. 

Daniels, Prank, presented portrait, 
64. 

Daniels, Jonathan, announced re- 
ward, 160. 



Daniels, Melvin R., delivered, 324. 

Darby, John, emigrant, 44. 

Darst, Thomas C, delivered sermon, 
324. 

Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion, Bloomsbury Chapter, unveiled 
marker, 63; unveiled boulder, 63; 
unveiled bronze tablets, 64. 

Davidson, John, mentioned, 304. 

Davidson, Philip G., wrote article, 
252. 

Davis, C. W., received appointment, 
249. 

Davis, Margaret, wrote article, 252. 

DeBow's Review, cited, 30n. 

Dee, Robert, emigrant, 46. 

DeHart family, held family reunion, 
64. 

Delancy, Michael, emigrant, 45. 

Delius, Edward, organized company, 
31. 

DeMond, R. O., received appointment, 
250. 

Denman, Clarence Phillips, The Se- 
cession Movement in Alabama, re- 
ceived, 253. 

Derieux, Mrs. E. T., wrote newspaper 
article, 325. 

Detlaf, John, and family, emigrants, 
44. 

Devereaux, L. P., attended meeting, 
88. 

Dexter, Franklin B., compiled data, 
55. 

Dick, R. P., denounced the decision 
of the executive committee, 83. 

"Dictatorship in Hispanic America," 
paper read, 161. 

Disloyalty in the Confederacy, re- 
ceived, 326. 

Dobbs, Arthur, arrived in North Caro- 
lina, 269; dissolved General As- 
sembly, 261. 

Dockery, Alfred, nominated govern- 
nor, 272. 

Dockery, Oliver H., nominated for 
Congress, 89. 

Dodd, William E., attended dinner, 
247. 

Dodson, Leonidas, Alexander Spots- 
wood: Governor of Colonial Vir- 
ginia, 1710-1722, reviewed, 58. 

Dodson Ramseur Chapter, U. D. C, 
presented pageant, 162. 

Donaldson's Tavern, boulder un- 
veiled on site of, 63. 

Dortch, Elizabeth, elected treasurer, 
160. 

Douglas, Alexander, emigrant, 47. 

Douglas, John, emigrant, 48. 



Index to Volume XI 



335 



"Douglas' Place in American His- 
tory," article mentioned, 1G5. 

Downs, R. B., delivered address, 250; 
presided at meeting, 250. 

Downy, Christian, emigrant, 139. 

Dromgoole, G. C, business corre- 
spondence received at Duke, 162. 

"Dudley Families of Virginia, North 
Carolina, and Other Southern 
States," article mentioned, 165. 

Duff, John, emigrant, 50. 

Duke University Library, report of 
mentioned, 161. 

Duncan, James, and family, emi- 
grants, 132. 

Durham, Plato, led onslaught against 
partisanship, 280. 

Durmmond, John, emigrant, 48. 

Dusinbery, Samuel, mentioned, 294. 

Dyer, Joseph, emigrant, 46. 

E 

Eagan, Julia Goode, The Prophet of 
Zion-Parnassus : Samuel Eusebius 
MoGorkle, received, 253. 

Earle, J. B., purchased lots, 27. 

"Early South Carolina History," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 326. 

Earning Power of Railroads, cited, 
95n. 

East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia 
Railroad, purchased a road, 111. 

Easter Fair, Memoir of Doctor Gil- 
man, cited, 116n. 

Easter in Salem, published, 250. 

Eastwood, Sarah, emigrant, 46. 

Eaton, William, cited as interpreter, 
11. 

Eckles, John, emigrant, 50. 

Eckles, Wm„ emigrant, 50. 

Economic Bases of Disunion in 
South Carolina, cited, 31n. 

Edgefield Advertiser, cited, 21n. 

Edward, Jane, emigrant, 43. 

Edward, John, emigrant, 43. 

Eglin, Stephen, emigrant, 46. 

Ehringhaus, J. C. B., elected honor- 
ary president, 160; delivered ad- 
dress, 249, 251, 324. 

Eldridge, T. B., elected secretary, 75. 

Elizabeth City branch of the Bank of 
the State of North Carolina, rec- 
ords presented, 327. 

Ellett, Elizabeth F., contributed ar- 
ticles. 123. 

Ellington. Richard, Sr., operated to- 
bacco factory, 191. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, discussed, 
124. 



"Exploding Agricultural Myths: Com- 
paring Farm Prosperity South and 
West," article mentioned, 252. 

Erwin, William, mentioned, 304. 

Etheridge, R. Bruce, on commission, 
164. 

Evans, Benjamin, emigrant, 45. 

"Expansion in West Florida, 1770- 
1779," article mentioned, 252. 



Facsimile of the Olive Branch Peti- 
tion, 8 July, 1175, copy received, 
252. 

Fair, Carolina, agreement signed in 
behalf of, 21. 

Fair, John H., agreement signed in 
behalf of, 21. 

Farewell to Reform, reviewed, 318. 

Farmer and the Mechanic, cited, 85n. 

Fayetteville Observer, received at 
Duke, 162. 

Fearing, D. B., chairman of Dare 
County Homecoming Committee, 
324. 

"Federal Management in the South, 
1789-1825," article mentioned, 165. 

Ferguson, John, emigrant, 53. 

Finley, T. B., related the history of 
Rendezvous Mountain, 64. 

First Presbyterian Church, States- 
ville, marker unveiled at, 249. 

Flatt, James, emigrant, 47. 

Fletcher, Angus, and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 

Foerster, A. P., received appoint- 
ment, 250. 

Folk, George N., nominated for Su- 
preme Court, 89. 

Foltz, Henry W., collection acces- 
sioned, 246. 

Foreman, Grant, Indian Removal: 
The Emigration of the Five Civi- 
lized Tribes of Indians, reviewed, 
155. 

Forster, Anthony M., died, 116. 

Forster, John, emigrant, 44. 

Forsyth, Bezabeer, emigrant, 46. 

Fort Fisher Memorial Association, 
organized, 324. 

Fox, Dixon Ryan, delivered address, 
159. 

Fries. Adelaide L., appointed on com- 
mittee, 159; work cited, 171n. 

Fuller, John D. P., wrote article, 
325. 

G 

Galbreath, Angus, and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 



336 



Index to Volume XI 



Galphin, W. Freeman, Pioneering for 
Peace: A Study of American Peace 
Efforts to 1846, received, 165. 
Gardner, Dillard S., book received, 

327. 
General Assembly, had power to erect 
towns and counties, 270; passed 
currency act, 262; passed quitrent 
law, 262; passed representation bill, 
260. 
"General Sales and Turnover Taxes 
— Present Legislative Status," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 165. 
General Society of Mayflower De- 
scendants, elected governor gen- 
eral, 62. 
"George Washington and the Loyal- 
ists," article mentioned, 326. 
Georgia Courier, cited, 27n. 
Gilman, Samuel, death, 120; mar- 
ried, 116. 
Gilchrist, John, and family, emi- 
grants, 54. 
Gilks, Edward, emigrant, 44. 
Golds -boro Messenger, cited, SOn. 
Goodloe, Daniel R., expected the 

worst, 279. 
Gordon, William, and family, emi- 
grants, 130. 
Gould, Miss H. F., contributed ar- 
ticles, 123. 
Grafton, John, emigrant, 43. 
Graham, Frank P., delivered ad- 
dress, 251; elected president, 159. 
Graham, Mary, appointed on commit- 
tee, 159. 
Grant, George, and family, emigrants, 

134. 
Granville County, altitudes in, 1, 2; 
counties formed from, 3; creeks in, 
2; gold mining in, 8; Indian tribes 
in, 9, 10, 11; river drainage sys- 
tem in, 2; temperatures in, 6; 
towns in, 19; types of soil in, 4; 
wild life in, 7. 
" 'Great Dismal' Pictures," article 

mentioned, 252. 
Green, Fletcher M., reviewed, Beaver, 
Kings, and Cabins, 153; reviewed, 
Indian Removal: The Emigration 
of the Five Civilized Tribes of In- 
dians, 155. 
Green, Mr3. Charlotte Hilton, wrote 

book, 164. 
Greene, Everts B., American Popula- 
tion Before the Federal Census of 
1790, reviewed, 55. 
Greene, L , wrote concerning disabil- 
ities, 276. 



Greenlees, John, and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

Greenville Mountaineer, cited, 20n. 

Greer, J. G., elected vice president, 
160. 

Grice, George W., began buying 
stock, 101. 

Gudger, H. A., elected president, 75. 

Guide to the Materials for American 
History, to 1733, in the Public Rec- 
ord Office of Great Britain, cited, 
39n. 

Gun, Donald, and family, emigrants, 
135. 

H 

Hale, O. J., teaching in summer 

school, 248. 
Hall, A. R., received appointment, 

249. 
Hall, Frank, installed telephone sys- 
tem, 190. 
Hall, James, operated store, 190. 
Hall, S. O., popular minister, 193. 
Hamburg : An Experiment in Town 
Promotion, article by Rosser H. 
Taylor, 20-38. 
Hamburg, efforts to establish foreign 

trade, 31. 
Hamburg Gazette, cited, 30n. 
Hamburg, race riot in, 35. 
Hamburg Republican, cited, 30n. 
Hamburg, sale of lots in, 26; trading 

in, 28. 
"Hamilton and Jefferson Today," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 326. 
Hamilton, C. Horace, Bulletin re- 
ceived, 327. 
Hamilton, J. G. deR., appointed del- 
egate, 325; delivered address, 250. 
Hamilton, W. B., received appoint- 
ment, 250. 
Hamlin, C. H., Lobbyists and Lobby- 
ing in the North Carolina Legisla- 
ture: A Study in Pressure Politics, 
received, 165. 
Hampton, Andrew, presented bill, 11. 
Hampton, S., elected secretary, 75. 
Handbook of American Indians, cited, 

lOn. 
Harllee, William Curry, book re- 
ceived, 326; delivered address, 323. 
Harmon, George D., wrote article, 

325. 
Harrington, Virginia D., American 
Population Before the Federal Cen- 
sus of 1790, reviewed, 55. 
Harris, Joseph A., secured injunction, 
107. 



Index to Volume XI 



337 



Harrisburg, earliest town in Gran- 
ville, 19. 

Harrison, C. W., received appoint- 
ment, 249. 

Harrison, Jesse, letters received at 
Duke, 162. 

Harrison, Thomas P., elected vice 
president, 160. 

Hart, A. J., president, 64. 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, wrote article 
for magazine, 125. 

Hay, Thomas Robson, reviewed Rob- 
ert E. Lee: A Biography, 239. 

Haywood County, gave majority for 
prohibition, 85. 

Haywood, Ernest, presented portrait, 
64. 

Haywood, John, mentioned, 313. 

Haywood, Marshall De Lancey, died, 
65. 

Heckman, 0. S., received appoint- 
ment, 249. 

Heinzerling, Sarah A., wrote poems, 
247. 

Heitman, Mary J., wrote article, 162. 

Helen Courtenay's Promise, cited, 
120n. 

Heller, C. B., deposited papers, 66. 

Henderson Tribune, received at 
Duke, 162. 

Hendry, Neil, emigrant, 143. 

Henry, David, mentioned, 295. 

Herndon, Dallas T., editor of Arkan- 
sas Historical Review, 322. 

Hicks, A. A., delivered address, 249. 

Hill, John Sprunt, wrote article, 165. 

Hinton, John, pre - Revolutionary 
home, marker unveiled at site of, 
63. 

"Hinton Rowan Helper," article men- 
tioned, 165. 

"Hinton Rowan Helper's Mendacity," 
article mentioned, 252. 

Hinsdale, John W., delivered ad- 
dress, 63. 

Historic American Buildings Survey 
in North Carolina, completed, 322; 
list of buildings included in, 322. 

Historic New Bern, Guide Book, pub- 
lished, 247. 

Historic Virginia Caverns, compiling 
list of autographs of soldiers, 163. 

History of Carolina, containing the 
Exact Description and Natural His- 
tory of That Country, cited, In. 

History of Edgefield County, cited, 
29w. 

History of North Carolina, cited, 
256n. 



History of the Colony and Ancient 
Dominion of Virginia, cited, 15w. 

"History of the Coming of the Mis- 
souri Synod into Carolina," article 
mentioned, 252. 

"History of the Underground Rail- 
road in Mechanicsburg," article 
mentioned, 326. 

History of Transportation in the 
Eastern Cotton Belt, cited, 24n. 

History of Wachovia, cited, 167n. 

Hobbs, S. H., Jr., delivered address 
250. 

Hogg, John, mentioned, 312. 

Holden, W. W., denounced the deci- 
sion of the executive committee, 
83; expressed willingness to hold 
reconstruction, 274. 

Holder, Edward M., article, Social 
Life of the Early Moravians in 
North Carolina, 167-184. 

Holding, J. Newton, portrait pre- 
sented, 64. 

Holland, James, mentioned, 295. 

Hoole, William Stanley, article, The 
Gilmans and the Southern Rose, 
116-128. 

Houseman, Henry, emigrant, 46. 

Howard, Caroline, married, 116. 

Howard, C. M., held revival, 193. 

Howell, Andrew J., president of the 
Fort Fisher Memorial Association, 
325. 

Howie, Robt, emigrant, 52. 

Howitt, Mary, contributed to mag- 
azine, 124. 

Hubbell, Jay B., read paper, 160. 

Hugh Sicinton Legare: A Charleston 
Intellectual, by Linda Rhea, re- 
ceived, 164. 

Hughes, Petter, mentioned, 301. 

Human Geography of the South, 
awarded prize, 160. 

Human Life, a poem, delivered at 
Harvard, 116. 

Hunt, W. A., elected president, 250. 

Hunter, Abram, emigrant, 51. 

Hunter, Charles N., elected secretary, 
75. 

Hurley, James F., The Prophet of 
Zion-Parnassus : Samuel Eusebius 
McCorkle, received, 253. 

Huske, Marion, delivered sermon, 64. 

Hyndman, Andw., and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

I 

Indian Removal: The Emigration of 
the Five Civilized Tribes of In- 
dians, reviewed, 155. 



338 



Index to Volume XI 



"Indian Slavery in the Carolina Re- 
gion," paper read, 245. 

Iredell, James, correspondence, re- 
ceived at Duke, 162; portrait pre- 
sented, 161. 

Iron Ores of North Carolina, cited, 
8n. 

J 

"Jackson, Buchanan, and the 'Corrupt 
Bargain' Calumny," article men- 
tioned, 165. 

Jamaison, James, emigrant, 48. 

James, Marquis, They Had Their 
Hour, received, 165. 

Jamestown, tablet unveiled at, 245. 

Jarvis, T. J., prohibition in message 
to Assembly, 77. 

Jeffress, E. B., on commission, 164. 

Jenkins, D. A., denounced the deci- 
sion of the executive committee, 83. 

Jennerjohn, H. L., deposited minute 
book, 66. 

Jennings, Jesse D., wrote article, 246. 

"Jesse Holmes, The Fool Killer," 
paper read, 160. 

"John Belton O'Neall," article men- 
tioned, 326. 

John Brown's Journal of Travel in 
Western North Carolina in 1795, 
document, edited by A. R. New- 
some, 284-313. 

John Penn Chapter, D. A. R., un- 
veiled tablet, 248. 

"John Sergeant's Mission to Europe 
for the Second Bank of the United 
States: 1816-1817," article men- 
tioned, 326. 

Johnson, Andrew, his government 
overturned, 274; his policy towards 
the South, 271. 

Johnson, Cecil, wrote article, 252. 

Johnson, Charles E., elected secre- 
tary, 160. 

Johnson, Guy B., elected secretary, 
63; secretary, 246. 

Johnson, William, defeated, 81?t. 

Johnston, Gabriel, quoted on repre- 
sentation, 266; succeeded Burring- 
ton. 256. 

Johnston, Julius, joined firm, 190. 

Johnston, Martha Bethell, married, 
185. 

Johnston, Pinkney, joined firm, 190. 

Johnston, William, attended meet- 
ing, 88; made chairman, 89. 

Joint Committee on Materials for 
Research of the American Council 
of Learned Societies, circularizing 
business establishments, 251; spon- 
soring federal project, 163. 



"Jonah in the Bible Country," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 65. 

Jones, John Paul, tablet unveiled in 
honor of, 246. 

Jones, Willie, tablet unveiled in honor 
of, 246. 

Journal and Sentinel, published his- 
torical edition, 251. 

Judah, Charles Burnet, Jr., The 
North American Fisheries and 
British Policy in 1713, received, 
165. 

Judd, Neil M., delivered address, 63. 

Junior American Legion Auxiliary, 
presented memorial boulder, 62. 

K 

Keeble, C. G., appointed on commit- 
tee, 159. 

Kell, Thos., mentioned, 303. 

Kellogg, Louise Phelps, wrote article, 
326. 

Kelso, Elizabeth, emigrant, 143. 

Kemmerer, Donald L., wrote article, 
326. 

Kendrick, Benjamin B., reviewed, 
Salt As a Factor in the Confed- 
eracy, 314; teaching in the summer 
school, 248. 

Kennburgh, James, emigrant, 50. 

Kennburgh, John, emigrant, 50. 

Kenneday, Mary, emigrant, 43. 

Kenneday, William, emigrant, 46. 

Kerr, John H., delivered address, 247. 

Kinfolks: A Genealogical and Bio- 
graphical Record, book received, 
326; mentioned, 323. 

Kinston Journal, cited, SOn. 

Kirby, J. Howard, elected chaplain, 
251. 

"Kitchen Physick: Medical and Sur- 
gical Care of Slaves on an Eight- 
eenth Century Rice Plantation," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 252. 

Knight, Robt, emigrant, 41. 

Kuhlman, A. F., delivered address, 
250. 

L 

"Labor Helps Itself: A Case History," 

article mentioned, 65. 
"Lafayette's Fourth Visit to United 

States," article published, 162. 
Lamar, Charles, organized company, 

31. 
Landmarks of Charleston, cited, 116n. 
Lanning, J. T., engaged in research, 

249. 



Index to Volume XI 



339 



Laprade, W. T., delivered address, 
250. 

Lathan, Robert, delivered address, 
159. 

Law, P. R., product of Wentworth, 
194. 

Lee, Mary Elizabeth, contributed ar- 
ticles, 123; contributed to maga- 
zine, 124. 

Lefler, Hugh T., book received, 326. 

Lenoir, William, mentioned, 298, 310. 

Leonard, J. C, delivered address, 65. 

Letters of Eliza Wilkinson, published, 
126. 

Letters of Members of the Continental 
Congress, book received, 327. 

L'Fabuere, Rachael, emigrant, 45. 

Life and Correspondence of James 
Iredell, cited, 19w. 

Life. Letters, and Speeches of James 
Louis Petigru, cited, 116n. 

Lincoln County, organized, 285. 

"Lincoln the Lawyer," article men- 
tioned, 326. 

Lingle, Thomas W., appointed on 
committee, 159. 

Liquor Dealers' Association, memo- 
rialized the legislature, 72. 

Liquor League Association, organ- 
ized, 82. 

Little Ad, received at Duke, 162. 

Livingstone, John A., delivered ad- 
dress, 62. 

Llewellyn, "Honest Jack," register of 
deeds, 192. 

Lolbyists and Lobbying in the North 
Carolina Legislature: A Study in 
Pressure Politics, by C. H. Hamlin, 
received, 165. 

"Located Georgia Imprints of the 
Eighteenth Century not in the De 
Renne Catalogue," article men- 
tioned, 252. 

London, Lawrence F., article, The 
Representation Controversy in 
Colonial North Carolina, 255-270; 
read paper, 159. 

London, Mrs. H. M., elected vice pres- 
ident. 160. 

Lons?, T. W. M., delivered address, 
247. 

Lonn, Ella, Salt As a Factor in the 
Confederacy, received, 165; re- 
viewed. 314. 

Lord Loudoun in North America, re- 
viewed, 56. 

Love's Progress ; or Ruth Raymond, 
published, 126. 

Luthin, R. H., received appointment, 
249. 



Lyman, Bishop, elected vice presi- 
dent, 75. 

Lynah, Mary-Elizabeth, wrote article, 
252. 

Lyon, Math, and family, emigrants, 
50. 

Mac 

MacDowell, John, opinion of Mora- 
vians, 175, 182. 

Maclntire, Donald, and family, emi- 
grants, 138. 

Mackay, Aeneas, emigrant, 136. 

Mackenzie, John, emigrant, 47. 

Macklin, John, emigrant, 42. 

Macklin, Mary, emigrant, 42. 

MacNichol, Donald, and family, emi- 
grants, 138. 

MacRae, J. C, defended the bill, 106. 

Mc 

McAden, Hugh, visited Granville, 14. 

McAlister, Coll., emigrant, 143. 

McAlister, Mary, emigrant, 143. 

McAllum, Duncan, and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

McArthur, Peter, and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

McBeath, John, and family, emi- 
grants, 132. 

McBride, Alex., emigrant, 50. 

McBride, Archd., emigrant, 49. 

McBride, Eliz., emigrant, 49. 

McBride, Jas., emigrant, 49. 

McBride, Jenny, emigrant, 49. 

McCain, W. D., received appointment, 
249. 

McCallum, Duncan, emigrant, 141. 

McClure, Hugh, mentioned, 297. 

McClure, James, mentioned, 303. 

McCole, David, emigrant, 141. 

McCole, Donald, and family, emi- 
grants, 140. 

McCole, Duncan, and family, emi- 
grants, 140. 

McCole, Duncan, and family, emi- 
grants, 140. 

McCole, Dugal, and family, emi- 
grants, 139. 

McCole, John, and family, emigrants, 
139. 

McCormick, John, kept tavern, 287. 

McCoy, John, mentioned, 296. 

McCrackin, David, mentioned, 303. 

McCuiston, Mrs. Robert A., secretary, 
246. 

McDonald, Christy, emigrant. 141. 

McDonald, Donald, and family, emi- 
grants, 132. 



340 



Index to Volume XI 



McDonald, Eliz., emigrant, 132. 

Mcdonald, Hector, and family, emi- 
grants, 133. 

McDonald, William, and family, emi- 
grants, 133. 

McDonald, William, and family, emi- 
grants, 142. 

McDowell, Joseph, mentioned, 295, 
304, 305. 

McDuffie, George, made address, 36. 

McEachern, Mary, deposited papers, 
66. 

McFarlane, Dond., and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 

Mcfarlane, Walter, emigrant, 51. 

McGuire, Peter S., article, The Sea- 
loard Air Line, 94-115. 

Mclnish, Malcolm, and family, emi- 
grants, 140. 

Mclntire, Ann, emigrant, 139. 

Mclntire, Duncan, and family, emi- 
grants, 141. 

Mclntire, Gilbert, and family, emi- 
grants, 140. 

Mclntire, John, and family, emi- 
grants, 139, 140. 

Mclntyre, Donald, and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 

Mclntyre, Duncan, and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 

Mclntyre. John, and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 

McKay, Dond., emigrant, 53. 

McKay, George, and family, emi- 
grants, 135. 

McKay, James, and family, emi- 
grants, 138. 

McKay, William, and family, emi- 
grants, 130, 134. 

McKenzie, Gilbert, and family, emi- 
grants, 143. 

McKenzie, Martha, emigrant, 50. 

McKichan, Rob., and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

McKimmon, Jane S., read paper, 159. 

McLaren, Donald, emigrant, 141. 

McLaren, Duncan, emigrant, 141. 

McLaren, Lachlan, emigrant, 141. 

McLarine, Lawrine, emigrant, 141. 

McLean, Mrs. N. A., delivered ad- 
dress, 323. 

McLeod, Aeneas, and family, emi- 
grants, 136. 

McLeod, Willm., and family, emi- 
grants, 137. 

McMiken, Janet, emigrant, 49. 

McMillan, Archd., and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 



McMillan, Archd., emigrant, 143. 

McMillan, Iver, and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

McMillan, R. L., delivered address, 
249. 

McMullan, Malm., and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

McMurchie, Archd., emigrant, 143. 

McMurchie, Elizabeth, emigrant, 143. 

McMurchie, Hugh, emigrant, 143. 

McMurchie, Mary, emigrant, 143. 

McMurchie, Patrick, emigrant, 143. 

McMurchie, Robert, emigrant, 143. 

McMurchy, Elizabeth, emigrant, 143. 

McMurtrie, Douglas C, wrote article, 
252. 

McNabb, John, and family, emigrants, 
50. 

McNabb, Tebby, emigrant, 50. 

McNicol, Angus, and family, emi- 
grants, 139. 

McNicol, John, emigrant, 51. 

McNicol, Robt., and family, emi- 
grants, 51. 

McNeil, Neil, and family, emigrants, 
54. 

McNeill, George R., assisted in In- 
stitute, 202. 

McPherson, Malcolm, and family, 
emigrants, 52. 

McQuiston, Jno., emigrant, 49. 

McRay, Wm, and family, emigrants, 
137. 

McRob, Duncan, emigrant, 143. 

McVane, Katherine, and family, emi- 
grants, 139. 

McVey, Doug., emigrant, 50. 

McVicar, John, emigrant, 143. 

M 

Macon and Brunswick, sold, 111. 

Madison County, gave wet majority, 
85. 

Maherrins, in Granville, 10. 

Mann, Julian S., deposited papers, 66. 

Manning, J. E., elected vice presi- 
dent, 75. 

Manual of Investments, Railroad Se- 
curities, cited, 95n. 

Map of Warren, Vance, Franklin, and 
Granville, cited, 8n. 

Marsh, M. R., conducting survey of 
historic buildings, 162; directed 
Historic American Buildings Sur- 
vey, 322; in charge of survey, 250. 

Marshal, David, and family, emi- 
grants, 42. 



Index to Volume XI 



341 



Marshall, Frederick, quoted, 183. 

Marshall, John, emigrant, 48. 

Martin, Josiah, remarked on settlers 
in Granville, 16. 

Martineau, Harriet, contributed ar- 
ticles, 123. 

Maskal, Henry, emigrant, 41. 

Matherly, Walter J., wrote article, 
326. 

Matheson, Hugh, and family, emi- 
grants, 133. 

Matheson, Jos., emigrant, 49. 

Maxwell, Root, emigrants, 46. 

Mayflower Society Cup, established, 
62. 

Mebane, Frank Carter, a prodigy, 195. 

Mebane, W. N., Wentworth owes 
thanks for Seminary, 194. 

Mechlin, Lelia, read paper, 160. 

Mecklenburg Jeffersonian, received 
at Duke, 162. 

Memorial History of Augusta, Geor- 
gia, cited, 20n. 

Menzies, Mary, emigrant, 51. 

Meriicether Lewis of Lewis and 
Clark, received, 253. 

Merrimon, A. S., made speech, 75; 
portrait presented, 64. 

Methodist Church, for state prohibi- 
tion, 73. 

Methodist Episcopal Church South, 
passed resolution to petition the 
legislature, 72. 

Miles, Nelson A., his opinion of the 
disunion element controlling the 
government, 276. 

Miller, Cornelius, popular minister, 
193. 

Miller, Mack, wrote article, 65. 

Mills, Elizabeth, emigrant, 48. 

Milton, George Fort, wrote article, 
165. 

Minerals and Mineral Localities of 
North Carolina, 8n. 

Miner's and Farmer's Journal, re- 
ceived at Duke, 162. 

Mining in Granville, 8, 9. 

Minor, J. B., operated store, 190. 

Minutes of the North Carolina Con- 
ference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church South, cited, 74n. 

"Minutes of the N. C. Manumission 
Society, 1816-1834," received, 326. 

Minutes of the N. C. Synod of the 
Evangelical Lutheran Church, 
cited, 74n. 

"Missouri Slavery, 1861-1865," article 
mentioned, 326. 

Mitchell, Broadus, wrote article, 326. 



Mitchell County, gave wet majority, 
85. 

Mitchell, John G., operated store, 191. 

Mitchell, Robt., and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 

Mitchell, William, emigrant, 48. 

Moffatt, Josiah, wrote article, 252. 

Moise, Penina, contributed articles, 
123. 

Monody on the Victims of the Suffer- 
ers by the Late Conflagration in the 
City of Richmond, published, 116. 

Monro, Hugh, and family, emigrants, 
137. 

Monro, Willm., and family, emi- 
grants, 135. 

Moore, Alfred, portrait presented, 161. 

Moravians, choir system, 168. 

Moravian Manual, cited, 171n. 

Morgan, George, and family, emi- 
grants, 135. 

Morgan, J. L., had charge of exer- 
cises, 322. 

Morison, Alexr., and family, emi- 
grants, 135. 

Mott, J. J., predicted the future, 83. 

Muldrow, Edna, wrote article, 65. 

Murchie, Finlay, and family, emi- 
grants, 142. 

Murphy, Charles B., wrote article, 
326. 

N 

Nansemonds, near Granville, 11. 

Nelson, Earl J., wrote article, 326. 

Nelson, Jean, died, 248. 

New Bern, chosen as capital, 260; 
General Assembly met at, 257, 258, 
261. 

Newell, Hodge A., elected treasurer, 
251. 

News and Observer, cited, 75n. 

Newsome, A. R., attended meeting, 
161; broadcast historical talk, 251; 
delivered address, 64, 65, 164, 250, 
251, 323, 324; edited documents 
John Brown's Journal of Travel in 
Western North Carolina, 1795, 284- 
313; Records of Emigrants from 
England and Scotland to North 
Carolina, 1774-1775, 39-54, 129-143; 
Simon Colton's Railroad Report, 
18/,0. 205-238; elected Department 
Historian. 323; elected secretary, 
159; read paper, 161; reviewed, 
American Population Before the 
Federal Census of 1790, 55; wrote 
article, 326. 

Nichols, James, emigrant, 45. 



342 



Index to Volume XI 



Nichols, Ray P., teaching in summer 

school, 248. 
Nixon, Herman Clarence, wrote ar- 
ticle, 252. 
Noble, M. C. S., Jr., elected vice pres- 
ident, 160. 
Norman, Caiphas, popular pastor, 192. 

"North Carolina, 1815-1835: An 
Awakening Rip Van Winkle," ad- 
dress delivered, 65. 

"North Carolina: A Pioneer in Or- 
ganizing Farm Women," paper 
read, 159. 

North Carolina Archaeological So- 
ciety, organized, 63. 

"North Carolina as an Archaeological 
Field," an address, 63; article 
published, 246. 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1931- 
1933, by Mary Lindsay Thornton, 
144-152; paper read, 159. 

North Carolina Farmers' State Alli- 
ance, records presented, 327. 

North Carolina Folk-Lore Society, 
held meeting, 159, 160. 

North Carolina Geological and Eco- 
nomic Survey, cited, In. 

North Carolina Historical Commis- 
sion, accessions to, 66, 253, 327; 
received copy of Olive Branch Peti- 
tion, 252. 

North Carolina History: Told by 
Contemporaries, received, 326. 

North Carolina, "Petition Move- 
ment," in, 71n. 

"North Carolina Plan of Adjust- 
ment," originated in State, 274. 

"North Carolina Poets, Past and Pres- 
ent," article by Edward A. Oldham, 
324. 

North Carolina Presbyterian, cited, 
74n. 

North Carolina Prohibition Election 
of 1881 and its Aftermath, article 
by Daniel J. Whitener, 71-93. 

North Carolina radicals, advising 
radicals in Congress, 275. 

North Carolina Railroad Company 
chartered, 207; leased Richmond 
and Danville, 102. 

North Carolina settlers who em- 
barked from Port of Talmouth, 
41; settlers who embarked from 
Port of Glasgow, 48; settlers who 
embarked from Port of Greenock, 
50, 51; settlers who embarked from 
Port of Kirkaldy, 48; settlers who 
embarked from Port of Liverpool, 
43; settlers who embarked from 
Port of London, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 



46, 47; settlers who embarked from 
the Port of Newcastle, 46. 

North Carolina Society, D. A. R., 
dedicated dormitory, 161; un- 
veiled tablets, 246. 

North Carolina Society, S. A. R., 
held meeting, 250. 

North Carolina Society, S. R., pre- 
sented portraits, 161. 

North Carolina State Art Society, 
held meeting, 159, 160. 

"North Carolina Tombstone Rec- 
ords," compiled, 325. 

North Carolina Whig, received at 
Duke, 162. 

Nunun, Hugh, mentioned, 291. 



Oaksmith, Appleton, papers received 
at Duke, 162. 

Occaneechi Indians, in Granville, 10. 

Odum, Howard W., delivered address, 
250; read paper, 160. 

Ogier, Catherine, emigrant, 42. 

Ogier, Charlotte, emigrant, 42. 

Ogier, George, emigrant, 41. 

Ogier, John, emigrant, 42. 

Ogier, Lewis, emigrant, 42. 

Ogier, Lucy, emigrant, 42. 

Ogier, Mary, emigrant, 42. 

Ogier, Peter, emigrant, 42. 

Ogier, Thomas, emigrant, 42. 

O'Hara, J. E., elected, 91. 

O'Hara, S. E., attended meeting, 88. 

Old Bluff Presbyterian Church, cele- 
brated anniversary, 64. 

Old Dominion Steamship Company, 
joined the fund, 110. 

Old Fort Raleigh, exercises held at, 
324. 

Old Popcastle, Its History and Mys- 
teries, cited, 13w. 

Old Wentworth Sketches, article by 
Alberta Ratliffe Craig, 185-204. 

Olive, Hubert E., elected Depart- 
ment Commander, 323. 

Omnibus Bill, accepted North Caro- 
lina, 282. 

Oracles for Youth, published, 126. 

Oracles from the Poets, published, 
126. 

Ormond, Wyriott, represented the 
northern counties in London, 264. 



Pannill, John T., clerk of court, 192. 

Pargellis, Stanley McCrory, Lord 
Loudoun in North America, re- 
viewed, 56. 



Index to Volume XI 



343 



Parsley, Mrs. W. M., was founder of 

North Carolina division of U. D. C, 

325. 
Partrick, Theodore, Jr., pronounced 

the invocation, 159. 
Patton, James Welch, Unionism and 

Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1860- 

1869, received, 165; wrote article, 

165, 326. 
Paullin, Charles 0., wrote article, 165. 
Pearsall, W. D., sought information, 

276. 
Pearson, C. C, teaching in summer 

school, 248. 
Pearson, James Larkin, elected vice 

president, 159. 
Peery, George C, delivered address, 

324. 
Pell, E. L., elected secretary, 75. 
Pemberton, Mrs. W. D., wrote pag- 
eant, 162. 
Pfohl, B. J., vice president, 246. 
Philips, R. E., letter from, 48, 50, 51. 
Phillips, M. Ogden, wrote article, 65. 
Picken, Wilm., and family, emigrants, 

52. 
Piedmont Railroad, constructed, 97. 
Pioneering for Peace: A Study of 

American Peace Efforts to 18^8, by 

W. Freeman Galpin, received, 165. 
Pittman Collection, Thomas M., col- 
lection presented, 327. 
"Planning an Archaeological Survey 

for North Carolina," paper read, 

245. 
Poe, Clarence, wrote article, 252. 
Poems and Stories by a Mother and 

Daughter, published, 126. 
Poole, Mrs. R. H., delivered address, 

251. 
Popcastle, story of, 13. 
Posey, W. B., book received, 65. 
Pou, James H., presented portrait, 64. 
Powell, Webster, wrote article, 166. 
Powers, E. P., attended meeting, 88. 
Pratt, Joseph Hyde, presented papers, 

66. 
"Present Status of the Lost Colony 

Legend," paper read, 245. 
"Preserving the Heritage of the 

Past," an address, 63. 
Prohibition Convention, met, 74. 

R 

Race Element in the White Popula- 
tion of North Carolina, cited, 40n. 

Radical Disfranchisement in North 
Carolina, 1867-1868, article by Wil- 
liam A. Russ, Jr., 271-283. 



Ragsdale, Gabriel, mentioned, 304. 
Raine, John R., village doctor, 193. 
Raleigh and Augusta Air Line Rail- 
road, new name of road, 104; 
joined the fund, 110. 
Raleigh and Gaston, combination 

against, 99; joined the fund, 110. 
Raleigh Register, received at Duke, 

162. 
Ramsay, David, commissioner for 

State, 23. 
Random Recollections of a Long 

Life, cited, 2 On. 
Ratchford, B. U., wrote article, 165. 
Ratliffe, Thomas Anderson, married, 
185; & Brother, operated store, 185. 
Ray, John E., elected treasurer, 75. 
Raynal, Charles E., delivered address, 

249. 
Reconstruction in North Carolina, 

cited, 273n. 
Records of Emigrants from England 
and Scotland to North Carolina, 
177//-/775, documents edited by A. 
R. Newsome, 39-54, 129-143. 
Records of the Moravians in North 

Carolina, cited, 171n, 255n. 
Redd, Spott, hauled tobacco to Vir- 
ginia, 187. 
Reeves, C. W., read paper, 160. 
"Refuse Ideas and Their Disposal," 

address delivered, 159. 
Register of Mesne Conveyances for 
the Edgefield District" cited, 22n. 
Reichel. L. T., work cited, 167n. 
Reid, Frank, pastor, editor, and col- 
lege president, 192. 
Reid, James W., represented district 

in Congress, 189. 
Reid, Numa Fletcher, pastor of 

Methodist church, 189. 
Reminiscences, Incidents and Anec- 
dotes, cited, 84n. 
Rendezvous Mountain State Park, 

bronze tablet unveiled, 64. 
Renfrow, J. H., attended meeting, 88. 
Representation, bill passed, 260. 
Rezneck, Samuel, wrote article, 65. 
Rhea, Linda, Hugh Sicinton Legare: 
A Charleston Intellectual, received, 
164. 
Richardson, Ralph, emigrant. 46. 
Richmond and Danville Railroad, 

constructed road, 97. 
Richmond-Robeson County Commit- 
tee, North Carolina Society, Colo- 
nial Dam^s of America, unveiled 
marker, 323. 
Rights, Douglas L., delivered ad- 
dress, 63; elected president, 63; 



344 



Index to Volume XI 



elected vice president, 159; pre- 
sented paper, 245; president, 246; 
to read paper, 161; wrote article, 
246. 

Riley, S. G., teaching in summer 
school, 248. 

Ripley, William, emigrant, 47. 

Rippy, J- Fred, attended meeting, 
161; delivered address, 159, 250; 
read paper, 161; teaching in sum- 
mer school, 248. 

"Rise of the Tobacco Warehouse 
Auction System in Virginia, 1800- 
1860," article mentioned, 165. 

Rivers, William J., contributed ar- 
ticles, 123. 

Rixcn, John, emigrant, 45. 

Roanoke Island, building being con- 
structed with federal funds, 164. 

Robert E. Lee: A Biography, received, 
253; reviewed, 239. 

Robert, Joseph Clarke, read paper, 
159; wrote article, 165. 

Robinson, J. M., became president, 
107. 

Robinson, John, letter from, men- 
tioned, 39; letter to, 48, 50, 51, 130. 

Robinson, Moncure, changed name of 
railroad, 104. 

Rose, Robert, emigrant, 41. 

Ross, John, and family, emigrants, 
136. 

Ross, Patrick, emigrant, 135. 

Rossiter, W. A., work mentioned, 55. 

Rural-Urban Migration in North 
Carolina, 1920 to 1930, Bulletin re- 
ceived, 327. 

Russ, William A., Jr., Radical Dis- 
franchisement in North Carolina, 
1867-1868, 271-283. 

Russell, Daniel L., denounced the 
decision of the executive commit- 
tee, 83. 

Russell, J. C, engaged in research in 
England, 249; wrote article, 252. 

Russell, Phillips, book received, 66. 

Rutherford County, organized, 285. 



"St. Matthews Evangelical Lutheran 
Church in Davie," article published, 
162. 

St. Paul, memorial boulder, and three 
evergreen trees presented to, 62. 

St. Peter's Church, monument dedi- 
cated at, 322. 

Salley, A. S., wrote article, 326. 



Salt As a Factor m the Confederacy, 
by Ella Lonn, received, 165; re- 
viewed, 314. 

"Samuel J. Tilden and the Civil 
War," article mentioned, 326. 

Sanders, Mrs. W. M., presided at ex- 
ercises, 248. 

Sanderson, John, emigrant, 47. 

Saponi, a union of other tribes, 12. 

Saponi Indians, near Granville, 11. 

Saunders, W. A., delivered address, 
324. 

Saunders, W. L., work cited, 256n. 

Saxby, Chester L., wrote article, 326. 

Scotch Highlanders, settled in North 
Carolina, 40. 

Scott, E. J., quoted, 37. 

Scott, Margaret, emigrant, 42. 

Scott, William, and family, emi- 
grants, 42. 

Scouler, Jasper, emigrant, 46. 

Seaboard Air Line Agency, estab- 
lished, 101; Car Trust Equipment 
Association began to function, 112; 
the companies which composed it, 
94; roads associated in, 114; Termi- 
nal Fund, started, 110. 

Seaboard and Roanoke Company, 
joined the fund, 110. 

Sectionalism, currency act cause of, 
262. 

Seeman, Ernest, elected editor of pub- 
lications, 63. 

Sellers, Lelia, Charleston Business 
on the Eve of the American Revo- 
lution, reviewed, 242. 

Shanks, Henry T., The Secession 
Movement in Virginia, 1847-1861, 
received, 253. 

Sharp, A., mentioned, 299. 

Shaw, Ruth Faison, read paper, 160. 

Shepherd, S. Brown, presented por- 
trait, 64. 

Sherman, John, received letters, 276. 

Shultz, Henry, facts about, 20; or- 
ganized company, 31. 

Shumway, Mrs. M. H., chosen presi- 
dent of The American Auxiliary, 
323. 

Shuping, C. L., delivered address, 
324. 

Shyrock, R. H., teaching in summer 
school, 248. 

Sibyl, or New Oracles from the Poets, 
published, 126. 

Siebert, Wilbur H., wrote article, 326. 

Sillar, Catherine, emigrant, 143. 

Sillar, Hugh, emigrant, 143. 

Sillar, Mary, emigrant, 143. 

Sim, Jane, emigrant, 42. 



Index to Volume XI 



345 



Sim, William, and family, emigrants, 
42. 

Simkins, F. B., wrote article, 252. 

Simmons, F. M., correspondence re- 
ceived at Duke, 162. 

Simms, J. J., attended meeting, 88. 

Simms, William Gilmore, contributed 
articles, 123. 

Simon Colton's Railroad Report, 1840, 
document, edited by A. R. New- 
some, 205-238. 

Simpson, William, emigrant, 43. 

Sinclair, Alex, and family, emi- 
grants, 134. 

Sinclair, Ann, and family, emigrants, 
139. 

Sinclair, Duncan, and family, emi- 
grants, 52. 

Sinclair, James, and family, emi- 
grants, 136. 

Sinclair, John, and family, emigrants, 
52. 

Sketches of History and Resources 
of Franklin County, prepared for 
North Carolina State Exposition, 
cited, 2,n. 

Sketches of North Carolina, cited, 
Un. 

Skinner, Constance Lindsay, Beaver, 
Kings and Cabins, book received, 
65; reviewed, 153. 

Skinner, T. E., made speech, 75. 

"Slave Labor in Tobacco Factories of 
the Virginia-Carolina Area," paper 
read, 159. 

.Slavery in Mississippi, received, 164; 
reviewed, 316. 

Smith, Abbot Emerson, wrote article, 
165. 

Smith, Burke, wrote article, 246. 

Smith, C. 0., wrote article, 252. 

Smith, Christopher, and family, emi- 
grants, 47. 

Smith, Esther, emigrant, 47. 

Smith, Frank, wrote article, 246. 

Smith, James, emigrant, 45. 
Smith, John, emigrant, 45. 

Smith, Malm., and family, emi- 
grants, 53. 
Smith, Nat., initiated Teachers' In- 
stitute, 202. 
Smithwick, D. T., elected historian, 

251. 
Snyder, Charles Lee, reviewed Bev- 
eridge and the Progressive Era, 
318; Farewell to Reform, 318; 
wrote article, 65. 
"Social Diversions of Confederate 
Women," article mentioned, 352. 



Social Life of the Early Moravians in 
North Carolina, article by Edward 
M. Holder, 167-184. 
Social Research Council, sponsoring 

federal project, 163. 
Social Science Research Council, cir- 
cularizing business establishments, 
251. 
"Social Values in Folk-Lore and Folk 
Ways," paper read, 160. 

Soil Survey of Granville County, 
North Carolina, cited, 5n. 

Soil Survey of Vance County, North 
Carolina, cited, in. 

Sons of the American Legion, pre- 
sented boulder, 62. 

South Carolina, placed principle of 
Fourteenth Amendment in Consti- 
tution, 282. 

South Carolina State Gazette, cited, 
27n. 

South Carolina Statutes at Large, 
cited, 24n. 

Southern Chronicle, cited, 23u. 

Southern Chronicle and Camden 
Aegis, cited, 26n. 

Southern Chronicle and Camden Lit- 
erary and Political Register, cited, 
26n. 

Southern conference on public docu- 
ments, held, 250. 

Southern Security Company, bought 
up railroads of the State, 102. 

Spangenberg, Augustus A., made ob- 
servation of North Carolina, 255. 

Spaugh, Ralph E., treasurer, 246. 

Spier, Alexander, emigrant, 143. 

Starbuck, D. H., printed his opinion, 
278. 

State Literary and Historical Asso- 
ciation, held meeting, 159. 

"State of Franklin Was Chapter in 
Expansion," newspaper article, 325. 

Stead, Thomas, emigrant, 46. 

Steadman, William, mentioned, 295. 

Steele, Mrs. H. O., presented tablet, 
64. 

Stenberg, Richard R., wrote article, 
165. 

Steven, Chrn., emigrant, 49. 

Steven, Jas., emigrant, 49. 

Steven, Sarah, emigrant, 49. 

Steven, Thos., emigrant, 49. 

Stevens, Henry L., delivered ad- 
dress, 248, 324. 

Stewart, Alexander, and family, emi- 
grants, 139. 

Stewart, Allan, and family, emi- 
grants, 139. 



346 



Index to Volume XI 



Stewart, Archibald, emigrant, 139. 

Stewart, Dougald, and family, emi- 
grants, 139. 

Stewart, Kenneth, and family, emi- 
grants, 140. 

Stick, Frank, directing the construc- 
tion of the colonial village, 324; on 
commission, 164. 

"Story of Cabarrus Confederate Sol- 
diers Retold," article published, 
162. 

Story of North Carolina, issued, 164. 

Sturges, Conrad B., elected secre- 
tary, 250. 

Sugan, Abigail, first white woman in 
Granville, 14. 

Sumner, Charles, received letters, 
276. 

Sutherland, Wm, and family, emi- 
grants, 131. 

Sutherland, Willm., and family, emi- 
grants, 137. 

Sutton, Mrs. D. H., elected president, 
160. 

Swann, Samuel, ruled on quorum, 259. 

Swanton, John R., delivered address, 
63. 

Sydnor, Charles Sackett, Slavery in 
Mississippi, received, 164; reviewed, 
316. 

T 

Tales and Ballads, Ladies' Annual 
Register, published, 126. 

Tarooro Southerner, cited, 80n. 

Tate, William, mentioned, 303. 

Tate, John, mentioned, 291. 

Tatom, Absalom, mentioned, 312. 

Tatum, George Lee, book received, 
326. 

Taverner, George, emigrant, 43. 

Taylor, Rosser H., article Hamburg: 
An Experiment in Town Promo- 
tion, 20-38; reviewed, Slavery in 
Mississippi, 316. 

Teachers' Institute, initiated, 202. 

Templeman, William, emigrant, 45. 

The Anti-Slavery Crusade, 1830-1 844, 
by Gilbert H. Barnes, received, 164. 

"The Birthplace of George Washing- 
ton," article mentioned, 165. 

"The Comet that Struck the Caro- 
linas," article mentioned, 65. 

The Contemplated Commercial In- 
tercourse between the Toivn of 
Hamburg, S. C, North America, 
and the City of Hamburg, the 
Kingdom of Prussia, Denmark, 
Holland, and Sioeden in Europe via 
Savannah or Brunswick, Georgia, 
cited, 37n. 



"The Culture of Agriculture," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 326. 

"The Depression of 1819-1822, A 
Social History," article men- 
tioned, 65. 

The Development of Methodism in 
the Old Southwest, 1783-1824, re- 
ceived, 65. 

"The Dilemma of Edmund Ruffin," 
article mentioned, 326. 

"The 'Dry South' Dampens," article 
mentioned, 65. 

"The Fame of Daniel Boone," article 
mentioned, 326. 

"The Fundamental Constitutions of 
Carolina," article mentioned, 326. 

The Geology and Ore Deposits of the 
Virgilina District of Virginia and 
North Carolina, cited, 9n. 

The Gilmans and the Southern Rose, 
article by William Stanley Hoole, 
116-128. 

The History of Banking Institutions 
Organized in South Carolina prior 
to 1860, cited, 23n. 

The History of the American In- 
dians, mentioned, 323. 

The Home Moravian Church, Win- 
ston-Salem, N. C, published, 250. 

"The Importance of Scientific Method 
in Excavation," article published, 
246. 

"The Indian Trust Fund, 1798-1865," 
article mentioned, 325. 

The Irrepressible Conflict, 1850-1865, 
received, 253. 

"The Lincoln Legend," article men- 
tioned, 166. 

The Moravians in North Carolina, 
cited, 167n. 

The New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register, mentioned, 
39. 

The North American Fisheries and 
British Policy in 1713, by Charles 
Burnet Judah, Jr., received, 165. 

The North Carolina Poetry Review, 
published. 323. 

"The Pageant of Roanoke," presented, 
324. 

The Papers of Sir William Johnson, 
received, 66. 

The Pines of Rockingham and Other 
Poems, published, 247. 

"The Preferments and 'Adiutores' of 
Robert Grosseteste," article men- 
tioned, 252. 
"The Problem of International Peace," 
address delivered, 65. 



Index to Volume XI 



347 



The Prophet of Zion- Parnassus : 
Samuel Eusebius McCorkle, re- 
ceived, 253. 
"The Proposed Constitution of North 
Carolina. A Comparative Study," 
received, 327. 
The Representation Controversy in 
Colonial North Carolina, article by 
Lawrence F. London, 255-270. 
"The Representation Controversy in 
Colonial North Carolina, 1746- 
1755," paper read, 159. 
The Rosebud Wreath, published, 126. 
The Rose-Bud or Youth's Gazette, be- 
gan publication, 121. 
"The Scotch-Irish of the Up-Coun- 

try," article mentioned, 252. 
The Seaboard Air Line, article by 

Peter S. McGuire, 94-115. 
The Secession Movement in Alabama, 

received, 253. 
The Secession Movement in Virginia, 

1847-1861, received, 253. 
The Settlement of Granville County, 

article by Nannie M. Tilley, 1-19. 
"The Slavery Question and the Move- 
ment to acquire Mexico," article 
mentioned, 326. 
"The South in Our Times," article 

mentioned, 252. 
"The South Looks Back Ahead," ar- 
ticle mentioned, 326. 
"The Southern Educational Revolt," 

article mentioned, 165. 
The Southern Magazine, first issued, 

246. 
The Southern Rose-Bud, a new title, 
121; titles of articles published in, 
122. 
The Struggles of 1816, cited, 35w. 
"The Suffrage Franchise in Colonial 
New Jersey," article mentioned, 
326. 
"The Tariff and the South," article 

mentioned, 65. 
"The Tennessee Valley as Seen by a 
British Traveler in 1837," article 
mentioned, 165. 
"The Transportation of Convicts to 
the American Colonies in the Seven- 
teenth Century," article mentioned, 
165. 
The Writings of Colonel William 
Byrd of Westover in Virginia, Esq., 
cited, lOn. 
"The Vampire in Legend and Litera- 
ture," paper read, 160. 
They Had Their Hour, by Marquis 

James, received, 165. 
Thompson, Neil, emigrant, 53. 



Thornton, Mary Lindsay, compila- 
tion, North Carolina Bibliography, 
19.} 1-1 988, 144-152; read paper, 159. 

"Tightening the Cotton Belt," article 
mentioned, 166. 

Tilley, Nannie M., article, The Settle- 
ment of Granville County, 1-19. 

Tillman, J. M., cashier of bank, 25. 

Timrod, William Henry, contributed 
articles, 123. 

Towns in Granville, 19. 

Transylvania County, gave majority 
for prohibition, 85. 

Travis, E. L., delivered address, 247. 

Trenham, James, emigrant, 47. 

"Tribes of the Southeast, with Special 
Reference to Carolina Tribes," an 
address, 63. 

Troy, R. P., popular pastor, 192. 

Tryon, William, advice of, 16. 

Turnbull, L. Minerva, wrote article, 
165. 

Turner, Josiah, letters received at 
Duke, 162. 

Tuscaroras in Granville, 10. 

Tutelo Indians in Granville, 10. 

U 

United Daughters of the Confederacy 
celebrated fortieth anniversary of 
its organization, 325; issued Year 
Book, 163. 

Unionism and Reconstruction in 
Tennessee, by James Welch Patton, 
received, 165. 

University of North Carolina, por- 
traits presented to law school of, 
161. 

"Unprinted Public Archives of the 
Post-Colonial Period: Their Avail- 
ability," article mentioned, 326; 
paper read, 161. 



Vance, Rupert B., awarded loving 
cup, 160. 

Vann Papers, John, papers presented, 
327. 

Vernan, Thomas, emigrant, 41. 

Verses of a Life Time, published, 126. 

Virginians who came to North Caro- 
lina, 15. 

W 

Wadley, William M., leased road, 111. 
Wagoner, Janie A. Patterson, wrote 

article, 162. 
Wagstaff, H. M., pamphlet received, 

326. 



348 



Index to Volume XI 



Wake County Bar Association, pre- 
sented portraits, 64. 

Wallace, David D., wrote article, 326. 

Walker, Cathr., emigrant, 49. 

Walker, William, emigrant, 43. 

Walton, William, mentioned, 304, 308. 

Warren, Lindsay C, presided over 
exercises, 324. 

"Washington's Farewell Address: A 
Foreign Policy of Independence," 
article mentioned, 165. 

Watts, Ralph M., wrote article, 326. 

Weatherly, D. M., taught in academy, 
195. 

Webb Papers, James, papers pre- 
sented, 327. 

Welborn, Mrs. J. S., compiled book, 
325; presided at exercises, 245. 

Wells, Anna Maria, contributed ar- 
ticles, 123. 

Wentworth Female Seminary, start- 
ed, 194. 

Wentworth Male Academy, opened, 
195. 

West, John, emigrant, 46. 

Western North Carolina, cited, 284ft. 

Western North Carolina land, specu- 
lation in, 284. 

Weston, Ann, emigrant, 45. 

Where Cowards Fail and Why, cited, 
74n. 

"Whig Propagandists of the Ameri- 
can Revolution," article mentioned, 
252. 

Whitaker, R. H., elected secretary, 75. 

White, Newman I., wrote article, 65. 

White, Sarah, emigrant, 44. 

White, William, mentioned, 310. 

Whitener, Daniel J., article, North 
Carolina Prohibition Election of 
1881 and Its Aftermath, 71-93. 

Wilkes County, organized, 285. 

William Byrd's Dividing Line His- 
tories, cited, 6ft. 

"William Gaston, 1778-1844: An Old 
Fashioned Southern Federalist and 



His Yankee Friends," article men- 
tioned, 252. 

William the Conqueror, received, 66. 

Williams, John, emigrant, 41. 

Williams, Joshua, mentioned, 304, 
307. 

Williamsboro nearest approach to 
town, 19. 

Williamson, Andrew, emigrant, 48. 

Wilmington and Weldon Railroad, 
leased road, 111. 

Wilmington, Columbia and Augusta, 
leased, 111. 

Wilmington, General Assembly met 
at, 257, 259. 

Wilson, Charles Morrow, Meriwether 
Lewis of Lewis and Clark, re- 
ceived, 253. 

Wilson, David, emigrant, 42. 

Wilson, James, emigrant, 43. 

Wilson, Samuel M., chairman of com- 
mission, 247. 

Wilson, William, emigrant, 41. 

Winship, Thomas, emigrant, 44. 

Winston, Robert W., delivered ad- 
dress, 63; Robert E. Lee: A Biog- 
raphy, received, 253; reviewed, 
239. 

Winston, Sanford, read paper, 245, 
161. 

Winter, Thomas, emigrant, 45. 

Woody, R. H., engaged in research, 
249. 

Worker, Nathaniel, emigrant, 43. 

Worth, Jonathan, urged rejection of 
the Congressional terms, 273. 

Wright, James, operated Reid House, 
189. 

Writers of South Carolina, cited, 
120ft. 

Y 

Yancey County, gave majority for 

prohibition, 85. 
Young, Thomas, emigrant, 51. 
York, Tyre, elected, 91. 



4 



STATE LIBRARY OF NORTH CAROLINA 



3 3091 00748 4322