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January 16, 1907, to October 25, 1907 







The Publishers desire to make clear to the readers that Ex-president Roose 
velt retains no pecuniary interest in the sale of the volumes containing 
these speeches. He feels that the material contained in these ad 
dresses has been dedicated to the public, and that it is, there 
fore, not to be handled as copyrighted material from which 
Mr. Roosevelt should receive any pecuniary return. 


JANUARY 16, 1907 


OCTOBER 25, 1907 



UO4 Presidential Addresses 

INGTON, JANUARY 1 6, 1907 

Mr. Chairman; Ladies and Gentlemen: 

It is a peculiar pleasure to me to greet you here 
this evening on behalf of the National Government; 
and in greeting all of you let me say how particu 
larly pleased I am that we should have the Gov 
ernors of the great States of Virginia and Maryland 
with us this evening. Every public official who has 
a proper sense of the obligations of his oath of 
office, whatever party he may belong to, once that 
he is in office must feel that he is the servant of all 
the people. That is true of all public officials, but 
perhaps it is in a special sense true of the Secretary 
of State of the Union, for our party lines stop at 
the water s edge. The minute that we get beyond 
the limits of our own country we are, all of us, 
American and nothing else. It is in the fullest rec 
ognition of that spirit that Secretary Root acts and 
has always acted. 

In speaking to you this evening I need say 
but little beyond stating to you that what Mr. 
Root has already said to you has my full and un 
qualified endorsement. In the few words that I 
have to say, I shall dwell purely on three policies 
which Mr. Root has developed that are completely 
non-partisan, completely in the interest of the 

And State Papers 1105 

Nation as a whole. I intend to say just a few 
words to you on the question of our relations 
to Santo Domingo, upon our consular service, 
and upon the effort to secure better trade rela 
tions with South and Central America and the 

First, as to our relations with the Dominican 
Republic. The United States holds and must hold 
a peculiar position in the Western Hemisphere. 
This position must never be one of oppression of 
or aggression toward her weaker neighbors ; it must 
be one of helpfulness toward them; it must be an 
attitude of helping them to stand on their own feet. 
Under Mr. Root s guidance we are now endeavor 
ing to secure by treaty with Santo Domingo an 
arrangement designed to make it absolutely unnec 
essary for this country ever to think of interven 
tion in Santo Domingo; because it is an effort to 
prevent the possibility of the occurrence of condi 
tions there which would necessitate such interven 
tion. Two years ago things in the island got into 
such a shape that we became satisfied that certain 
European Powers, if we did not take some step to 
better conditions, would themselves take possession 
of certain ports in the island. We had to act to 
prevent action by others. Since then we have been 
striving to develop some scheme by which Santo 
Domingo could secure a financial prosperity and 
stability that would enable her to pay the just debts 
that she owed to outsiders, while at the same time 
being free from any possibility of aggression by 

no6 Presidential Addresses 

outsiders or by ourselves. I will not go into the 
details of the present arrangement an arrangement 
as yet in part but tentative but the salient features 
are that we are trying to negotiate a treaty by which 
we shall loan to Santo Domingo certain men to col 
lect the customs revenues, forty-five per cent to be 
turned over to the government of the island for its 
own expenses, the remainder to be applied in ac 
cordance with the agreement entered into between 
the Republic and her creditors for the settlement of 
her debts. Meanwhile, for two years, the island 
has been going on under a tentative agreement to 
the same effect, and how well it has worked is 
proved by this fact alone : Santo Domingo has re 
ceived but forty-five per cent of her revenues, yet 
that forty-five per cent, as collected by the officials 
whom we have sent down there, has given her a 
larger revenue than she has ever had before even 
when she nominally got all of it. Meanwhile the 
rest of the money collected is being accumulated, 
and already forms a very substantial nucleus for 
the payment of the entire debt; and if this arrange 
ment can be, in whatever shape, perpetuated, the 
chance of disorder is lessened (because one great 
object of revolutions in Santo Domingo has been 
to get possession of trie custom-houses, and at pres 
ent that possession is denied), while the chance of 
foreign interference has vanished, and we are saved 
from the disagreeable possibility of having to in 
tervene in the island. I think that those three ob 
jects are worth accomplishing, and if Mr. Root 

And State Papers 1107 

has his way, or any reasonable portion of his way, 
they will be accomplished. 

Second, as to the consular service. I wish now 
to express my deep sense of obligation to this gath 
ering for the way in which its members in time past 
have worked to secure the putting of the consular 
service of the United States upon a proper basis of 
non-partisanship and business efficiency. You rec 
ommended the passage of a law to secure these ends 
by Congress. There has been some little question 
as to whether such a law would be constitutional, 
because it limits the power of appointment, its op 
ponents expressing the most ardent desire that my 
constitutional powers should not be infringed upon 
a solicitude, gentlemen, to which I am totally 
unaccustomed. It was advanced that it was im 
possible to limit the President s power as I had 
recommended that it should be limited. Without 
discussing the constitutional question raised, I may 
say that as Congress did not limit my appointing 
power, Secretary Root did, and we adopted regula 
tions which in effect put into force the measure as 
you recommended that it should be enacted into law, 
providing for a system of promotion so that the 
higher grades should be filled only by promotion 
of those who prove themselves worthy, and pro 
viding for a system of rigid tests of the fitness of 
those entering the service who are required to 
enter it in the lower grades. I am glad to say that 
during the period of about a year since we have 
been applying these methods we have appointed men 

no8 Presidential Addresses 

from all sections of the country and of all varieties 
of political belief, and that the higher positions have 
been filled, when vacancies have occurred, only by 
the promotion of those most fit, most competent to 
fill them. I believe that a very great improvement 
has been worked in the consular service. I want 
to say here, however, that I do not believe in re 
stricting the power of removal. In your private 
businesses each one of you knows that you will often 
find that some man becomes unsatisfactory, and that 
it will be an advantage to get rid of him ; but you 
would not want to try him in a court. As you know, 
in all branches of the service, civil and military, 
I keep and shall continue to keep a wide door of 
exit for the unfit discussion as to whether the door 
shall be closed or not being of a purely academic 
character, because I alone have power to close it. 

Now, gentlemen, I am not prepared to speak as 
to whether or not it would transgress the require 
ments of the Constitution to enact into law such a 
system as that you advocate, which system has been 
put in force by Executive regulation in the con 
sular service. If so, I very much wish that the 
Congress would at least pass a resolution express 
ing approval of the action of the Administration in 
establishing this system of regulation. That would 
largely accomplish our object of putting the system 
on a permanent basis. 

Finally, gentlemen, I wish to speak of the effort 
which we are now making to extend and strengthen 
our commercial relations with South America and 

And State Papers 1109 

the Orient by the passage of laws designed to secure 
swift and adequate communication by steam with 
South and Central America, Asia, and Australia. 
I must frankly admit that I never fully realized the 
importance of this movement, that I never took a 
very great interest in it, until after Mr. Root came 
back from his momentous South American trip last 
summer, and after I had listened to what he had to 
say as to the humiliation it was to us nationally and 
the loss to us materially to have our merchants, our 
residents, in South America in the position of find 
ing that normally they had to communicate with 
the northern half of their own hemisphere by going 
to Europe. Mr. Root s trip to South America was 
designed especially to give proof of, and at the same 
time to strengthen, the bonds of friendly interest 
that knit the republics of the Western Hemisphere 
together. He found that there was a general feel 
ing down there among the people themselves, and 
among Americans there resident, that in addition 
to political friendliness, we needed commercial inti 
macy, and that it was quite impossible to get such 
commercial intimacy without a far better system of 
communication between North and South America. 
The proposed measure will be of benefit to all sec 
tions of our country, and that is one reason why it 
is so eminently fitting that an organization like this, 
representing East and West, North and South, the 
Pacific and the Atlantic, the interior as much as the 
seacoast, should take the interest it does in this ques 
tion. For, of course, it is not only the seaboard 

1 1 1 o Presidential Addresses 

cities that are interested in lines of ships to South 
America, it is the people who send what is in the 
ships, and they live in the interior just as much as 
on the seacoast. 

A bill has been prepared almost exactly in line with 
Secretary Root s Kansas City speech, and with the 
recommendations contained in the reports of the Post 
master-General and the Secretary of Commerce and 
Labor. It is not an experimental bill. It is modeled 
almost exactly on the recent Cunard contract with 
the British Government. It covers communication 
with South America and with the Orient. In South 
America the chief aim is to provide better American 
lines to the commercial countries of South Amer 
ica, better lines than the present foreign lines of 
steamships that go there. At the present day the 
only big ships carrying the American flag which 
those republics see are our warships. I want them 
to see some peace ships as well. I want the repub 
lics of South America to be convinced not only of 
our political friendship, but of our trade friendship 
also. This bill is an absolute necessity if we are to 
meet foreign competition. American shipmasters 
are at a disadvantage in competition with those of 
other countries, because we demand better treatment 
in the shape of wages, food, and accommodations 
for our seamen. We can not afford to do other 
wise, and therefore we must meet foreign competi 
tion in some other way than at the expense of the 
seamen on our ships. This bill provides for sixteen- 
knot ships. In the world s foreign trade at present 

And State Papers mi 

there are 196 ocean steamships of sixteen knots or 
more, and of those fully 150 now draw subsidies, 
postal, admiralty, or both, from foreign govern 
ments, ^.gain, we need shipyards in this country 
as well as battleships. They must be kept fairly 
well employed on large projects of construction or 
they can not be thoroughly efficient. The British 
"Dreadnought" was built at a speed three times as 
great as we can show here in building similar ships, 
because they have shipyards that are kept fully em 
ployed, and they have therefore an advantage in 
proficiency that we can not have under present con 
ditions. This bill would for some years supply just 
the incentive that is needed in that direction. Be 
sides the considerations of trade involved in this bill, 
do not forget that there are involved certain other 
things. The Monroe Doctrine is involved, and, gen 
tlemen, there is not in all the world a doctrine 
advanced by any civilized power which is more 
emphatically in the interest of the peace of the world 
than the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine 
is, of course, essentially one that has reference to 
South and Central America. This bill devotes an 
nually a little over $2,000,000 to building twenty 
fast steamers for the South American lines. In the 
next place, our interests in the Pacific are properly 
cared for under this bill, for we devote nearly 
$1,800,000 to sixteen steamers which are to traverse 
the Pacific Ocean, to take in our Pacific possessions, 
Hawaii and the Philippines, and the trade with the 
great countries of Asia and with the great English- 

1 1 12 Presidential Addresses 

speaking commonwealths of Australia and New- 
Zealand. The bill is well balanced geographically, 
On the Atlantic, fourteen steamers; on the Pacific, 
taking in the trade of the Pacific with South Amer 
ica, with Asia and Australia, twenty-two steamers. 
That is as it should be. The Pacific is a little larger 
than the Atlantic ; and, anyhow, all good Americans 
are good Westerners. During the century that is 
now opening the development of the Pacific and of 
the lands around it will be the great phenomenon in 
the development of the human race. Not only is 
America, and, I am happy to say now, South Amer 
ica as well as North America, certain as a whole 
to enjoy a phenomenal development like that which 
our country has shown and will continue to show; 
but we shall also see a similar development in Aus 
tralia ; while Asia s growth is no less certain. Surely 
our people will not be content to lag behind others 
in the peaceful and friendly contest to see which 
nation can best do its full share of the commercial 
work of the Pacific. 

The bill does another thing. It provides for a 
naval reserve, such a reserve as we need for our 
navy. It is a matter for honest pride to every 
American that we now have a navy respectable in 
size and a good deal more than respectable in the 
character of the ships and the character of the men 
aboard them. Our aim must be to provide a naval 
reserve from which we can in the event of war draw 
a certain number of men already trained to their 
work. A modern battleship is one of the most deli- 

And State Papers 1113 

cate and complicated of all bits of mechanism, and 
a raw man aboard it is worse than useless. You 
can not train a man to be of any use aboard a bat 
tleship after war has once begun. In the event of 
war the usefulness of our ships will depend mainly 
upon the quality of the men already aboard them 
and upon the number, which under no circumstances 
can be more than a small number, of men who can 
be put aboard them, able at once to do as good work 
as those already aboard. ^Remember, gentlemen, 
that the prime use of the United States Navy is 
to avert war. The United States Navy is the cheap 
est insurance Uncle Sam has. It is the surest guar 
anty against our ever being drawn into war; and 
the guaranty is effective just in proportion as the 
Navy is efficient. 

In our foreign policy our aim must be to treat 
with scrupulous fairness and justice every foreign 
power, European or Asiatic, large or small ; to treat 
every foreign power upon the basis of asking noth 
ing from any one of them that we do not gladly 
do in return. The attitude that we are willing to 
have them take toward us we have a right to ex 
pect that they shall not object to our taking toward 
them ; but no other. Let us treat every power with 
justice, every power with courtesy. Courtesy is not 
an expensive commodity, but is a mighty valuable 
one, and I trust that not merely our public men but 
our publicists and our private men who address pub 
lic meetings will remember that while it is purely 
our own affair as to the standard of manners we 

1 1 1 4 Presidential Addresses 

observe in dealing with one another, this is not so 
when we deal with outsiders. It behooves us all 
invariably to use a tone of courtesy and considera 
tion in dealing with any foreign nation. That is 
one side of it, but there is another. C^et us not give* 4 
any other nation any cause for offence; and, on the 
other hand, keep our navy at such a pitch of effi 
ciency as to make it a strong provocative of good 
manners in other nations^ 

So, gentlemen, I earnestly hope that your meet 
ing here in the National capital will be of imme 
diate good along all three of the lines that I have 
mentioned, and especially that we shall see as one 
of its results the entering of this Nation on the 
policy of securing an adequate representation of 
last steamship lines from this country, both from 
the Pacific and Atlantic ports, to South and Cen 
tral America, to Asia, and to Australia. 

January 16, ipo7 

To the HON. HILARY A. HERBERT, chairman, 
MER, and others of the Committee of Arrangement 
for the Celebration of the Hundredth Anniversary 
of the Birth of General Robert E. Lee. 


I regret that it is not in my power to be with you 

And State Papers III 5 

at your celebration. I join with you in honoring 
the life and career of that great soldier and high- 
minded citizen whose fame is now a matter of pride 
to all our countrymen. Terrible though the de 
struction of the Civil War was, awful though it 
was that such a conflict should occur between 
brothers, it is yet a matter for gratitude on the part 
of all Americans that this, alone among contests 
of like magnitude, should have left to both sides 
as a priceless heritage the memory of the mighty 
men and the glorious deeds that the iron days 
brought forth. The courage and steadfast endur 
ance, the lofty fealty to the right as it was given 
to each man to see the right, whether he wore the 
gray or whether he wore the blue, now make the 
memories of the valiant feats, alike of those who 
served under Grant and of those who served under 
Lee, precious to all good Americans. General Lee 
has left us the memory, not merely of his extraordi 
nary skill as a general, his dauntless courage and 
high leadership in campaign and battle, but also of 
that serene greatness of soul characteristic of those 
who most readily recognize the obligations of civic 
duty. Once the war was over he instantly under 
took the task of healing and binding up the wounds 
of his countrymen, in the true spirit of those who 
feel malice toward none and charity toward all; in 
that spirit which from the throes of the Civil War 
brought forth the real and indissoluble Union of 
to-day. It was eminently fitting that this great 
man, this war-worn veteran of a mighty struggle, 

in6 Presidential Addresses 

who, at its close, simply and quietly undertook his 
duty as a plain, every-day citizen, bent only upon 
helping his people in the paths of peace and tran 
quillity, should turn his attention toward educa 
tional work; toward bringing up in fit fashion the 
younger generation, the sons of those who had 
proved their faith by their endeavor in the heroic 

There is no need to dwell on General Lee s rec 
ord as a soldier. The son of Light Horse Harry 
Lee of the Revolution, he came naturally by his 
aptitude for arms and command. His campaigns 
put him in the foremost rank of the great captains 
of all time. But his signal valor and address in 
war are no more remarkable than the spirit in which 
he turned to the work of peace once the war was 
over. The circumstances were such that most men, 
even of high character, felt bitter and vindictive or 
depressed and spiritless, but General Lee s heroic 
temper was not warped nor his great soul cast 
down. He stood that hardest of all strains, the 
strain of bearing himself well through the gray 
evening of failure ; and therefore out of what seemed 
failure he helped to build the wonderful and mighty 
triumph of our national life, in which all his coun 
trymen, North and South, share. Immediately after 
the close of hostilities he announced, with a clear 
sightedness which at that time few indeed of any 
section possessed, that the interests of the Southern 
States were the same as those of the United States ; 
that the prosperity of the South would rise or fall 

And State Papers 1117 

with the welfare of the whole country; and that the 
duty of its citizens appeared too plain to admit of 
doubt. He urged that all should unite in honest 
effort to obliterate the effects of war and restore 
the blessings of peace; that they should remain in 
the country, strive for harmony and good feeling, 
and devote their abilities to the interests of their 
people and the healing of dissensions. To every 
one who applied to him this was the advice he gave. 
Although absolutely without means, he refused all 
offers of pecuniary aid, and all positions of emolu 
ment, although many such, at a high salary, were 
offered him. He declined to go abroad, saying that 
he sought only "a place to earn honest bread while 
engaged in some useful work." This statement 
brought him the offer of the presidency of Wash 
ington College, a little institution in Lexington, 
Va., which had grown out of a modest foundation 
known as Liberty Hall Academy. Washington 
had endowed this academy with one hundred shares 
of stock that had been given to him by the State of 
Virginia, which he had accepted only on condition 
that he might with them endow some educational in 
stitution. To the institution which Washington 
helped to found in such a spirit, Lee, in the same 
fine spirit, gave his services. He accepted the posi 
tion of president at a salary of $1,500 a year, in 
order, as he stated, that he might do some good to 
the youth of the South. He applied himself to his 
new work with the same singleness of mind which 
he had shown in leading the Army of Northern 

1 1 1 8 Presidential Addresses 

Virginia. All the time by word and deed he was 
striving for the restoration of real peace, of real 
harmony, never uttering a word of bitterness nor 
allowing a word of bitterness uttered in his pres 
ence to go unchecked. From the close of the war 
to the time of his death all his great powers were 
devoted to two objects: to the reconciliation of all 
his countrymen with one another, and to fitting the 
youth of the South for the duties of a lofty and 
broad-minded citizenship. 

Such is the career that you gather to honor; and 
I hope that you will take advantage of the one 
hundredth anniversary of General Lee s birth by 
appealing to all our people, in every section of this 
country, to commemorate his life and deeds by the 
establishment, at some great representative educa 
tional institution of the South, of a permanent me 
morial, that will serve the youth of the coming 
years, as he, in the closing years of his life, served 
those who so sorely needed what he so freely gave. 
Sincerely yours, 



Mr. Sherman: 

It gives me genuine pleasure to greet this organi 
zation. Many different organizations of our coun 
trymen are received here at the White House; but, 
after all, while they all have the right to come, the 
right is most complete in the case of those to whom 

And State Papers 1119 

we owe it that we have a National Government at 
all you veterans of the Civil War. I am pleased 
to learn how well you were received by the men 
who wore the gray. To-morrow night a letter of 
mine will be read on the occasion of the one hun 
dredth anniversary of the birthday of Lee; and it 
is just such action as that of your organization in 
fraternizing with the organization of ex-Confed 
erate soldiers by whom you were received, which 
accentuates the truth of what I have said in that 
letter; that this war, the great war for the Union, 
alone among contests of like magnitude in modern 
times, has left us the right to be proud, not only 
of the Union (which by your deeds has become 
in very truth a union throughout the length and 
breadth of this land), but of the courage and stead 
fast devotion to the right as each man saw the right 
alike of the men who wore the blue and of the men 
who wore the gray. 

I want to bear testimony to the fact that wherever 
I speak to an audience of veterans of the Civil 
War I speak to an audience composed, not only of 
good citizens in their several localities, but of men 
who have been consistently striving to show in 
their deeds their belief in the words of Abraham 
Lincoln, by conducting themselves "with malice 
toward none and with charity toward all." 

H2O Presidential Addresses 


To the Senate and House of Representatives: 

I call your attention to the great desirability of 
enacting legislation to help American shipping and 
American trade by encouraging the building and 
running of lines of large and swift steamers to 
South America and the Orient. 

The urgent need of our country s making an 
effort to do something like its share of carrying 
trade on the ocean has been called to our attention 
in striking fashion by the experience of Secretary 
Root on his recent South American tour. The re 
sult of these experiences he has set forth in his 
address before the Trans-Mississippi Commercial 
Congress at Kansas City, Mo., on November 20 last 
an address so important that it deserves the care 
ful study of all public men. 

The facts set forth by Mr. Root are striking, and 
they can not but arrest the attention of our people. 
The great continent to the south of us, which should 
be knit to us by the closest commercial ties, is 
hardly in direct commercial communication with 
us at all, its commercial relations being almost ex 
clusively with Europe. Between all the principal 
South American ports and Europe lines of swift 
and commodious steamers, subsidized by their home 
governments, ply regularly. There is no such line 
of steamers between these ports and the United 
States. In consequence, our shipping in South 

And State Papers 1121 

American ports is almost a negligible quantity ; for 
instance, in the year ending June 30, 1905, there 
entered the port of Rio de Janeiro over three thou 
sand steamers and sailing vessels from Europe, but 
from the United States no steamers and only seven 
sailing vessels, two of which were in distress. One 
prime reason for this state of things is the fact that 
those who now do business on the sea do business 
in a world not of natural competition but of sub 
sidized competition. State aid to steamship lines 
is as much a part of the commercial system of to 
day as State employment of consuls to promote 
business. Our commercial competitors in Europe 
pay in the aggregate some twenty-five millions a 
year to their steamship lines Great Britain paying 
nearly seven millions. Japan pays between three 
and four millions. By the proposed legislation the 
United States will still pay relatively less than any 
one of our competitors pays. Three years ago the 
Trans-Mississippi Congress formally set forth as 
axiomatic the statement that every ship is a mis 
sionary of trade, that steamship lines work for their 
own countries just as railroad lines work for 
their terminal points, and that it is as absurd for 
the United States to depend upon foreign ships to 
distribute its products as it would be for a depart 
ment store to depend upon wagons of a competing 
house to deliver its goods. This statement is the 
literal truth. 

Moreover, it must be remembered that American 
ships do not have to contend merely against the sub- 

1 1 22 Presidential Addresses 

sidization of their foreign competitors. The higher 
wages and the greater cost of maintenance of Amer 
ican officers and crews make it almost impossible 
for our people who do business on the ocean to 
compete on equal terms with foreign ships unless 
they are protected somewhat as their fellow-coun 
trymen who do business on land are protected. We 
can not as a country afford to have the wages and 
the manner of life of our seamen cut down; and 
the only alternative, if we are to have seamen at 
all, is to offset the expense by giving some advan 
tage to the ship itself. 

The proposed law which has been introduced in 
Congress is in no sense experimental. It is based 
on the best and most successful precedents, as, for 
instance, on the recent Cunard contract with the 
British Government. As far as South America is 
concerned, its aim is to provide from the Atlantic 
and Pacific Coasts better American lines to the great 
ports of South America than the present European 
lines. The South American republics now see only 
our warships. Under this bill our trade friendship 
will be made evident to them. The bill proposes 
to build large-sized steamers of sixteen-knot speed. 
There are nearly two hundred such steamships 
already in the world s foreign trade, and over 
three-fourths of tfiem now draw subsidies postal 
or admiralty or both. ^The bill will encourage our 
shipyards, whicH are almost as necessary to the 
national defence as battleships, and the efficiency of 
which depends in large measure upon their steady 

And State Papers 1123 

employment in large construction. The proposed 
bill is of importance to our Navy because it gives 
a considerable fleet of auxiliary steamships, such 
as is now almost wholly lacking, and also provides 
for an effective naval reserve^ 

The bill provides for fourteen steamships, sub 
sidized to the extent of over a million and a half, 
from the Atlantic Coast, all to run to South Amer 
ican ports. It provides on the Pacific Coast for 
twenty-two steamers, subsidized to the extent of 
two millions and a quarter, some of these to run 
to South America, most of them to Manila, Aus 
tralia, and Asia. Be it remembered that while the 
ships will be owned on the coasts, the cargoes will 
largely be supplied by the interior, and that the bill 
will benefit the Mississippi Valley as much as it 
benefits the seaboard. 

I have laid stress upon the benefit to be expected 
from our trade with South America. CThe lines to 
the Orient are also of vital importance. The com 
mercial possibilities of the Pacific are unlimited, and 
for national reasons it is imperative that we should 
have direct and adequate communication by Amer 
ican lines with Hawaii and the Philippines. The 
existence of our present steamship lines on the Pa 
cific is seriously threatened by the foreign subsidized 
lines. Our communications with the markets of 
Asia and with our own possessions in the Philip 
pines, no less than our communications with Aus 
tralia, should depend not upon foreign, but upon 
our own, steamships. The Southwest and the North- 

1 1 24 Presidential Addresses 

west should alike be served by these lines, and if this 
is done they will also give to the Mississippi Val 
ley throughout its entire length the advantage of 
all transcontinental railways running to the Pacific 
Coast. To fail to establish adequate lines on the 
Pacific is equivalent to proclaiming to the world 
that we have neither the ability nor the disposition 
to contend for our rightful share of the commerce 
of the Orient; nor yet to protect our interests in 
the Philippines. It would surely be discreditable 
for us to surrender to our commercial rivals the 
great commerce of the Orient, the great com 
merce we should have with South America, and 
even our own communications with Hawaii and the 

I earnestly hope for the enactment of some law 
like the bill in question. 


Next to developing original writers in its own 
time, the most fortunate thing, from the literary 
standpoint, which can befall any people is to have 
revealed to it some new treasure-house of literature. 
This treasure-house may be stored with the writ 
ings of another people in the present, or else with 
the writings of a buried past. But a few genera 
tions ago, in that innocent age when Blackstone 
could speak of the "Goths, Huns, Franks, and 

*Included in this volume because, although not an address 
or a State paper, it was written by Mr. Roosevelt while Presi 
dent. It was published in "The Century" for January, 1907. 
Copyright, 1906, by THE CENTURY Co. All rights reserved. 

And State Papers 1125 

Vandals" incongruous gathering as "Celtic" 
tribes, the long- vanished literatures of the ancestors 
of the present European nations, the epics, the 
sagas, the stories in verse or prose, were hardly 
known to, or regarded by, their educated and culti 
vated descendants. Gradually, and chiefly in the 
nineteenth century, these forgotten literatures, or 
fragments of them, were one by one recovered. 
They are various in merit and interest, in an 
tiquity and extent "Beowulf/ the Norse sagas, 
the "Kalevala," the "Nibelungenlied," the "Song 
of Roland," the Arthurian cycle of romances. In 
some there is but one great poem; in some all the 
poems or stories are of one type; in others, as in the 
case of the Norse sagas, a wide range of history, 
myth, and personal biography is covered. In our 
own day there has at last come about a popular re 
vival of interest in the wealth of poems and tales 
to be found in the ancient Celtic, and especially in 
the ancient Erse, manuscripts the whole forming 
a body of prose and poetry of great and wellnigh 
unique interest from every standpoint, which in 
some respects can be matched only by the Norse 
sagas, and which has some striking beauties the 
like of which are not to be found even in these 
Norse sagas. 

For many decades German, French, Irish, and 
English students have worked over the ancient 
Celtic texts, and recently many of the more striking 
and more beautiful stories have been reproduced 
or paraphrased in popular form by writers like 

1 1 26 Presidential Addresses 

Lady Gregory and Miss Hull, Lady Gregory show 
ing in her prose something of the charm which her 
countrywoman, Emily Lawless, shows in her poems 
"With the Wild Geese." It is greatly to be regret 
ted that America should have done so little either 
in the way of original study and research in con 
nection with the early Celtic literature, or in the 
way of popularizing and familiarizing that litera 
ture, and it is much to be desired that, wherever 
possible, chairs of Celtic should be established in 
our leading universities. Moreover, in addition to 
the scholar s work which is especially designed for 
students, there must ultimately be done the ad 
ditional work which puts the results of the scholar 
ship at the disposal of the average layman. This 
has largely been done for the Norse sagas. William 
Morris has translated the "Heimskringla" into 
language which, while not exactly English, can 
nevertheless be understood without difficulty 
which is more than can be said for his translation 
of "Beowulf," and which has a real, though af 
fectedly archaic, beauty. Dasent has translated the 
"Younger Edda," the "Njala Saga," and the "Saga 
of Gisli the Outlaw." It is pleasant for Americans 
to feel that it was Longfellow who, in his "Saga of 
King Olaf," rendered one of the most striking of 
the old Norse tales into a great poem. 

It is difficult to speak with anything like exactness 
of the relative ages of these primitive literatures. 
Doubtless in each case the earliest manuscripts that 
have come down to us are themselves based upon 

And State Papers 1 1 27 

far earlier ones, which have been destroyed, and 
doubtless, when they were first written down, the 
tales had themselves been recited, and during the 
course of countless recitations had been changed 
and added to and built upon, for a period of cen 
turies. Sometimes, as in the "Song of Roland," 
we know at least in bare outline the historical inci 
dent which for some reason impressed the popular 
imagination until around it there grew up a great 
epic, of which the facts have been twisted com 
pletely out of shape. In other instances, as in the 
"Nibelungenlied," a tale, adaptable in its outlines 
to many different peoples, was adapted to the geog 
raphy of a particular people, and to what that 
people at least thought was history; thus the Rhine 
becomes the great river of the "Nibelungenlied," 
and in the second part of the epic the revenge of 
Krimhild becomes connected with dim memories of 
Attila s vast and evanescent empire. The "Song 
of Roland" and the "Nibelungenlied" were much 
later than the earliest English, Norse, and Irish 
poems. Very roughly, it may perhaps be said that, 
in the earliest forms at which we can guess, the 
Irish sagas were produced, or at least were in 
healthy life, at about the time when "Beowulf" was 
a live saga, and two or three centuries or thereabout 
before the early Norse sagas took a shape which we 
would recognize as virtually akin to that they now 

These Celtic sagas are conveniently, though some 
what artificially, arranged in cycles. In some ways 

II 2 

1 1 28 Presidential Addresses 

the most interesting of these is the Cuchulain cycle, 
although until very recently it was far less known 
than the Ossianic cycle the cycle which tells of the 
deeds of Finn and the Fianna. The poems which 
tell of the mighty feats of Cuchulain, and of the 
heroes whose life-threads were interwoven with 
his, date back to a purely pagan Ireland an Ireland 
cut off from all connection with the splendid and 
slowly dying civilization of Rome, an Ireland in 
which still obtained ancient customs that had else 
where vanished even from the memory of man. 

Thus the heroes of the Cuchulain sagas still 
fought in chariots driven each by a charioteer who 
was also the stanch friend and retainer of the hero. 
Now, at one time war chariots had held the first 
place in the armies of all the powerful empires in 
the lands adjoining the Mediterranean and stretch 
ing eastward beyond the Tigris. Strange African 
tribes had used them north and south of the Atlas 
Mountains. When the mighty, conquering kings of 
Egypt made their forays into Syria, and there en 
countered the Hittite hosts, the decisive feature in 
each battle was the shock between the hundreds of 
chariots arrayed on each side. The tyranny of 
Sisera rested on his nine hundred chariots of iron. 
The Homeric heroes were "tamers of horses," which 
were not ridden in battle, but driven in the war 
chariots. That mysterions people, the Etruscans, 
of whose race and speech we know nothing, origi 
nally fought in chariots. But in the period of Greek 
and Roman splendor the war chariot had already 

And State Papers 1129 

passed away. It had seemingly never been char 
acteristic of the wild Teuton tribes ; but among the 
western Celts it lingered long. Caesar encountered 
it among the hostile tribes when he made his famous 
raid into Britain; and in Ireland it lasted later 

The customs of the heroes and people of the Erin 
of Cuchulain s time were as archaic as the chariots 
in which they rode to battle. The sagas contain a 
wealth of material for the historian. They show us 
a land where the men were herdsmen, tillers of the 
soil, hunters, bards, seers, but, above all, warriors. 
Erin was a world to herself. Her people at times 
encountered the peoples of Britain or of Continental 
Europe, whether in trade or in piracy ; but her chief 
interest, her overwhelming interest, lay in what 
went on within her own borders. There was a high 
king of shadowy power, whose sway was vaguely 
recognized as extending over the island, but whose 
practical supremacy was challenged on every hand 
by whatever king or under-king felt the fierce whim 
seize him. There were chiefs and serfs ; there were 
halls and fortresses ; there were huge herds of horses 
and cattle and sheep and swine. The kings and 
queens, the great lords and their wives, the chiefs 
and the famous fighting men, wore garments crim 
son and blue and green and saffron, plain or check 
ered, and plaid and striped. They had rings and 
clasps and torques of gold and silver, urns and mugs 
and troughs and vessels of iron and silver. They 
played chess by the fires in their great halls, and they 


Presidential Addresses 

feasted and drank and quarreled within them, and 
the women had sun-parlors of their own. 

Among the most striking of the tales are those of 
the "Fate of the Sons of Usnach," telling of Deir- 
dre s life and love and her lamentation for her 
slain lover; of the "Wooing of Emer" by Cuchulain; 
of the "Feast of Bricriu"; and of the famous 
Cattle-Spoil of Cooley, the most famous romance 
of ancient Ireland, the story of the great raid 
for the Dun Bull of Cooley. But there are many 
others of almost equal interest; such as the story 
of MacDatho s pig, with its Gargantuan carouse 
of the quarrelsome champions; and the tale of 
the seige of Howth. 

In these tales, which in so many points are nec 
essarily like the similar tales that have come down 
from the immemorial past of the peoples of kindred 
race, there are also striking peculiarities that hedge 
them apart. The tales are found in many versions, 
which for the most part have been enlarged by 
pedantic scribes of after-time, who often made them 
prolix and tedious, and added grotesque and fantas 
tic exaggerations of their own to the barbaric ex 
aggerations already in them, doing much what Saxo 
Grammaticus did for the Scandinavian tales. They 
might have been woven into some great epic, or at 
least have taken far more definite and connected 
shape, if the history of Ireland had developed along 
lines similar to those of the other nations of west 
Europe. But her history was broken by terrible 
national tragedies and calamities. To the scourge 

And State Papers 1 1 3 i 

of the vikings succeeded the Anglo-Norman con 
quest, with all its ruinous effects on the growth of 
the national life. The early poems of the Erse 
bards could not develop as those other early lays 
developed which afterward became the romances 
of Arthur and Roland and Siegfried. They re 
main primitive, as "Beowulf" is primitive, as, in 
less measure, "Gisli the Outlaw" is primitive. 

The heroes are much like those of the early 
folk of kindred stock everywhere. They are 
huge, splendid barbarians, sometimes yellow- 
haired, sometimes black or brown-haired, and their 
chief title to glory is found in their feats of bodily 
prowess. Among the feats often enumerated or 
referred to are the ability to leap like a salmon, 
to run like a stag, to hurl great rocks incredible dis 
tances, to toss the wheel, and, like the Norse berserk 
ers, when possessed with the fury of battle, to grow 
demoniac with fearsome rage. This last feat was 
especially valued, and was recognized as the "heroes 
fury." As with most primitive peoples, the power 
to shout loudly was much prized, and had a distinct 
place of respect, under the title of "mad roar," in 
any list of a given hero s exhibitions of strength 
or agility, just as Stentor s voice was regarded by 
his comrades as a valuable military asset. So, when 
the slaughter begins in Etzel s hall, the writer of the 
Nibelung lay dwells with admiration on the vast 
strength of Diederick, as shown by the way in which 
his voice rang like a bison horn, resounding within 
and without the walls. Many of the feasts chron- 

1132 Presidential Addresses 

icled of the early Erse heroes are now wholly un 
intelligible to us; we can not even be sure what 
they were, still less why they should have been 

Among the heroes stood the men of wisdom, as 
wisdom was in the early world, a vulpine wisdom 
of craft and cunning and treachery and double- 
dealing. Druids, warlocks, sorcerers, magicians, 
witches appear, now as friends, now as unfriends, 
of the men of might. Fiercely the heroes fought 
and wide they wandered; yet their fights and their 
wanderings were not very different from those that 
we read about in many other primitive tales. There 
is the usual incredible variety of incidents and char 
acter, and, together with the variety, an endless 
repetition. But these Erse tales differ markedly 
from the early Norse and Teutonic stories in more 
than one particular. A vein of the supernatural and 
a vein of the romantic run through them and relieve 
their grimness and harshness in a way very different 
from anything to be found in the Teutonic. Of 
course the supernatural element often takes as grim 
a form in early Irish as in early Norse or German; 
the Goddess with red eyebrows who on stricken 
fields wooed the Erse heroes from life did not differ 
essentially from the Valkyrie; and there were land 
and water demons in Ireland as terrible as those 
against which Beowulf warred. But, in addition, 
there is in the Irish tales an unearthliness free 
from all that is monstrous and horrible; and their 
unearthly creatures could become in after-time the 

And State Papers * * 3 3 

fairies of the moonlight and the greenwood, so dif 
ferent from the trolls and gnomes and misshapen 
giants bequeathed to later generations by the Norse 

Still more striking is the difference between the 
women in the Irish sagas and those, for instance, 
of the Norse sagas. Their heirs of the spirit are 
the Arthurian heroines, and the heroines of the ro 
mances of the middle ages. In the "Song of Ro 
land" rather curiously, considering that it is the 
first great piece of French literature woman plays 
absolutely no part at all ; there is not a female figure 
which is more than a name, or which can be placed 
beside Roland and Oliver, Archbishop Turpin and 
the traitor Ganelon, and Charlemagne, the mighty 
emperor of the "barbe fleurie." The heroines of 
the early Norse and German stories are splendid and 
terrible, fit to be the mothers of a mighty race, as 
stern and relentless as their lovers and husbands. 
But it would be hard indeed to find among them a 
heroine who would appeal to our modern ideas as 
does Emer, the beloved of Cuchulain, or Deirdre, 
the sweetheart of the fated son of Usnach. Emer 
and Deirdre have the charm, the power of inspiring 
and returning romantic love, that belonged to the 
ladies whose lords were the knights of the Round 
Table, though of course this does not mean that 
they lacked some very archaic tastes and attributes. 

Emer, the daughter of Forgall the Wily, who 
was wooed by Cuchulain, had the "six gifts of a 
girl" beauty, and a soft voice, and sweet speech, 

1 1 34 Presidential Addresses 

and wisdom, and needle-work, and chastity. In 
their wooing the hero and heroine spoke to one 
another in riddles, those delights of the childhood 
of peoples. She set him journeys to go and feats 
to perform, which he did in the manner of latter 
knights-errant, After long courting and many hard 
ships, he took Emer to wife, and she was true to him 
and loved him and gloried in him and watched over 
him until the day he went out to meet his death. All 
this was in a spirit which we would find natural 
in a heroine of modern or of mediaeval times a 
spirit which it would be hard to match either among 
the civilizations of antiquity, or in early barbar 
isms other than the Erse. 

So it was with Deirdre, the beautiful girl who 
forsook her betrothed, the Over-King of Ulster, 
for the love of Naisi, and fled with him and his 
two brothers across the waters to Scotland. At 
last they returned to Ireland, and there Deirdre s 
lover and his two brothers were slain by the treach 
ery of the king whose guests they were. Many 
versions of the Songs of Deirdre have come down 
to us, of her farewell to Alba, and her lament over 
her slain lover; for during centuries this tragedy 
of Deirdre, together with the tragical fate of the 
Children of Lir and the tragical fate of the Chil 
dren of Tuirenn, were known as the "Three Sor 
rowful Tales of Erin." None has better retained 
its vitality down to the present day. Even to us, 
reading the songs in an alien age and tongue, they 
are very beautiful. Deirdre sings wistfully of her 

And State Papers 1135 

Scottish abiding-place, with its pleasant, cuckoo- 
haunted groves, and its cliffs, and the white sand 
on the beaches. She tells of her lover s single 
infidelity, when he became enamored of the daughter 
of a Scottish lord, and Deirdre, broken-hearted, 
put off to sea in a boat, indifferent whether she 
should live or die; whereupon the two brothers 
of her lover swam after her, and brought her back, 
to find him very repentant and swearing a three 
fold oath that never again would he prove false 
to her until he should go to the hosts of the dead. 
She dwells constantly on the unfailing tenderness 
of the three heroes; for her lover s two brothers 
cared for her as he did : 

Much hardship would I take, 

Along 1 with the three heroes ; 

I would endure without house, without fire, 

It is not I that would be gloomy. 

Their three shields and their spears 
Were often a bed for me. 
Put their three hard swords 
Over the grave, O young man! 

For the most part, in her songs, Deirdre dwells 
on the glories and beauties of the three warriors, 
the three dragons, the three champions of the Red 
Branch, the three that used to break every onrush, 
the three hawks, the three darlings of the women 
of Erin, the three heroes who were not good at 
homage. She sings of their splendor in the foray, 
of their nobleness as they returned to their home, 

1136 Presidential Addresses 

to bring fagots for the fire, to bear in an ox or 
a boar for the table; sweet though the pipes and 
flutes and horns were in the house of the king, 
sweeter yet was it to hearken to the songs sung 
by the sons of Usnach, for "like the sound of the 
wave was the voice of Naisi." 

There were other Irish heroines of a more com 
mon barbarian type. Such was the famous war 
rior queen, Meave, tall and beautiful, with her 
white face and yellow hair, terrible in her battle 
chariot when she drove at full speed into the press 
of fighting men, and "fought over the ears of the 
horses." Her virtues were those of a warlike bar 
barian king, and she claimed the like large liberty 
in morals. Her husband was Ailill, the Connaught 
king, and, as Meave carefully explained to him 
in what the old Erse bards called a "bolster con 
versation," their marriage was literally a partner 
ship wherein she demanded from her husband an 
exact equality of treatment according to her own 
views and on her own terms; the three essential 
qualities upon which she insisted being that he 
should be brave, generous, and completely devoid 
of jealousy! 

Fair-haired Queen Meave was a myth, a goddess, 
and her memory changed and dwindled until at 
last she reappeared as Queen Mab of fairyland. 
But among the ancient Celts her likeness was the 
likeness of many a historic warrior queen. The 
descriptions given of her by the first writers or 
compilers of the famous romances of the foray 

And State Papers IJ 37 

for the Dun Bull of Cooley almost exactly match 
the descriptions given by the Latin historian of 
the British Queen Boadicea, tall and terrible-faced, 
her long, yellow hair flowing to her hips, spear 
in hand, golden collar on neck, her brightly col 
ored mantle fastened across her breast with a 

Not only were some of Meave s deeds of a rather 
startling kind, but even Emer and Deirdre at times 
showed traits that to a modern reader may seem 
out of place, in view of what has been said of them 
above. But we must remember the surroundings, 
and think of what even the real women of history 
were, throughout European lands, until a far later 
period. In the "Heimskringla" we read of Queen 
Sigrid, the wisest of women, who grew tired of 
the small kings who came to ask her hand, a re 
quest which she did not regard them as warranted 
to make either by position or extent of dominion. 
So one day when two kings had thus come to woo 
her, she lodged them in a separate wooden house, 
with all their company, and feasted them until 
they were all very drunk, and fell asleep; then in 
the middle of the night she had her men fall on 
them with fire and sword, burn those who stayed 
within the hall, and slay those who broke out. The 
incident is mentioned in the saga without the slight 
est condemnation; on the contrary, it evidently 
placed the queen on a higher social level than before, 
for, in concluding the account, the saga mentions 
that Sigrid said "that she would weary these small 

1138 Presidential Addresses 

kings of coming from other lands to woo her; so 
she was called Sigrid Haughty thereafter." Now, 
Sigrid was a historical character who lived many 
hundred years after the time of Emer and Deirdre 
and Meave, and the simplicity with which her deed 
was chronicled at the time, and regarded after 
ward, should reconcile us to some of the feats 
recorded of those shadowy Erse predecessors of 
hers, who were separated from her by an interval 
of time as great as that which separates her 
from us. 

The story of the "Feast of Bricriu of the 
Bitter Tongue" is one of the most interesting of 
the tales of the Cuchulain cycle. In all this cycle 
of tales, Bricriu appears as the cunning, malevolent 
mischief-maker, dreaded for his biting satire and 
his power of setting by the ears the boastful, trucu 
lent, reckless, and marvelously short-tempered heroes 
among whom he lived. He has points of resem 
blance to Thersites, to Sir Kay, of the Arthurian 
romances, and to Conan, of the Ossianic cycle of 
Celtic sagas. This story is based upon the custom 
of the "champion s portion," which at a feast was 
allotted to the bravest man. It was a custom which 
lasted far down into historic times, and was recog 
nized in the Brehon laws, where a heavy fine was 
imposed upon any person who stole it from the one 
to whom it belonged. The story in its present 
form, like all of these stories, is doubtless some 
what changed from the story as it was originally 
recited among the pre-Christian Celts of Ireland, 

And State Papers TI 39 

but it still commemorates customs of the most 
primitive kind, many of them akin to those of all 
the races of Aryan tongue in their earlier days. 
The queens cause their maids to heat water for the 
warriors baths when they return from war, and 
similarly made ready to greet their guests, as did 
the Homeric heroines. The feasts were Homeric 
feasts. The heroes boasted and sulked and fought 
as did the Greeks before Troy. At their feasts, 
when the pork and beef, the wheaten cakes and 
honey, had been eaten, and the beer, and some 
times the wine of Gaul, had been drunk in huge 
quantities, the heroes, vainglorious and quarrelsome, 
were always apt to fight. Thus in the three houses 
which together made up the palace of the high 
king at Emain Macha, it was necessary that the 
arms of the heroes should all be kept in one place, 
so that they could not attack one another at the 
feasts. These three houses of the palace were the 
Royal House, in which the high king himself had 
his bronzed and jeweled room; the Speckled House, 
where the swords, the shields, and the spears of 
the heroes were kept; and the House of the Red 
Branch, where not only the weapons, but the heads 
of the beaten enemies were stored; and it was in 
connection with this last gruesome house that the 
heroes in the train of the High King Conchu- 
bar took their name of the "Heroes of the Red 

When Bricriu gave his feast, he prepared for 
it by building a spacious house even handsomer 

1 1 40 Presidential Addresses 

than the House of the Red Branch; and it is de 
scribed in great detail, as fashioned after "Tara s 
Mead Hall," and of great strength and magnifi 
cence; and it was stocked with quilts and blankets 
and beds and pillows, as well as with abundance 
of meat and drink. Then he invited the high 
king and all the nobles of Ulster to come to the 
feast. An amusing touch in the saga is the frank 
consternation of the heroes who were thus asked. 
They felt themselves helpless before the wiles of 
Bricriu, and at first refused outright to go, because 
they were sure that he would contrive to set them 
to fighting with one another; and they went at all 
only after they had taken hostage from Bricriu 
and had arranged that he should himself leave the 
feast-hall as soon as the feast was spread. But 
their precautions were in vain, and Bricriu had no 
trouble in bringing about a furious dispute among 
the three leading chiefs, Loigaire the Triumphant, 
Conall the Victorious, and Cuchulain. He prom 
ised to each the champion s portion, on condition 
that each should claim it. Nor did he rest here, 
but produced what the saga calls "the war of words 
of the women of Ulster," by persuading the three 
wives of the three heroes that each should tread 
first into the banquet hall. Each of the ladies, in 
whose minds he thus raised visions of social pre 
cedence, had walked away from the palace with 
half a hundred women in her train, when they all 
three met. The saga describes how they started 
to return to the hall together, walking evenly, 

And State Papers 1141 

gracefully, and easily at first, and then with quicker 
steps, until, when they got near the house, they 
raised their robes "to the round of the leg" and 
ran at full speed. When they got to the hall the 
doors were shut, and, as they stood outside, each 
wife chanted her own perfections, but, above all, 
the valor and ferocious prowess of her husband, 
scolding one another as did Brunhild and Krim- 
hild in the quarrel that led to Siegfried s death at 
the hands of Hagen. Each husband, as in duty 
bound, helped his wife into the hall, and the bicker 
ing which had already taken place about the cham 
pion s portion was renewed. At last it was settled 
that the three rivals should drive in their chariots 
to the home of Ailill and Meave, who should ad 
judge between them; and the judgment given, 
after testing their prowess in many ways, and es 
pecially in encounters with demons and goblins, 
was finally in favor of Cuchulain. 

One of the striking parts of the tale is that in 
which the three champions, following one another, 
arrive at the palace of Meave. The daughter of 
Meave goes to the sun-parlor over the high porch 
of the hold, and from there she is told by the 
queen to describe in turn each chariot and the 
color of the horses and how the hero looks and how 
the chariot courses. The girl obeys, and describes 
in detail each chariot as it comes up, and the queen 
in each case recognizes the champion from the 
description and speaks words of savage praise of 
each in turn. Loigaire, a fair man, driving two 

1142 Presidential Addresses 

fiery dapple grays, in a wicker-work chariot with 
silver-mounted yoke, is chanted by the queen as : 

"A fury of war, a fire of judgment, 
A flame of vengeance ; in mien a hero, 
In face a champion, in heart a dragon ; 
The long knife of proud victories which will hew 

us to pieces, 
The all-noble, red-handed Loigaire." 

Conall is described as driving a roan and a bay, 
in a chariot with two bright wheels of bronze, he 
himself fair, in face white and red, his mantle blue 
and crimson, and Meave describes him as : 

"A wolf among cattle; battle on battle, 
Exploit on exploit, head upon head he heaps ; " 

and says that if he is excited to rage he will cut 
up her people 

"As a trout on red sandstone is cut." 

Then Cuchulain is described, driving at a gallop 
a dapple gray and a dark gray, in a chariot with 
iron wheels and a bright silver pole. The hero 
himself is a dark, melancholy man, the comeliest 
of the men of Erin, in a crimson tunic, with gold- 
hilted sword, a blood-red spear, and over his 
shoulders a crimson shield rimmed with silver and 
gold. Meave, on hearing the description, chants 
the hero as: 

"An ocean in fury, a whale that rageth, a fragment 
of flame and fire; 

And State Papers 1143 

"A bear majestic, a grandly moving: billow, 
A beast in maddening ire : 
In the crash of glorious battle through the hostile 

foe he leaps, 

His shout the fury of doom; 

A terrible bear, he is death to the herd of cattle, 
Feat upon feat, head upon head he heaps : 
Laud ye the hearty one, he who is victor fully." 

Bricriu lost his life as a sequel of the great raid 
for the Dun Bull of Cooley. This was undertaken 
by Queen Meave as the result of the "bolster con 
versation," the curtain quarrel, between her and 
Ailill as to which of the two, husband or wife, 
had the more treasures. To settle the dispute, 
they compared their respective treasures begin 
ning with their wooden and iron vessels, going 
on with their rings and bracelets and brooches 
and fine clothes, and ending with their flocks of 
sheep, and herds of swine, horses, and cattle. The 
tally was even for both sides until they came to 
the cattle, when it appeared that Ailill had a huge, 
white-horned bull with which there was nothing 
of Heave s to compare. The chagrined queen 
learned from a herald that in Cooley there was a 
dun or brown bull which, it was asserted, was 
even larger and more formidable. 

Meave announces that by fair means or foul the 
dun bull shall be hers, and she raises her hosts. A 
great war ensues, in which Cuchulain distinguishes 
himself above all others. All the heroes gather to 
the fight, and a special canto is devoted to the fate 

1 1 44 Presidential Addresses 

of a very old man, Iliach, a chief of Ulster, who 
resolves to attack the foe and to avenge Ulster s 
honor on them. "Whether, then, I fall or come 
out of it, is all one/ he said. The saga tells how 
his withered and wasted old horses, which fed on 
the shore by his little fort, were harnessed to the 
ancient chariot, which had long lost its cushions. 
Into it he got, mother-naked, with his sword and 
his pair of blunt, rusty spears, and great throwing- 
stones heaped at his feet; and thus he attacked the 
hosts of Meave and fought till his death. In the 
Cuchulain sagas the heroes frequently fight with 
stones; and the practice obtained until much later 
days, for in Olof s death battle with the ships of 
Hakon his men were cleared from the decks of the 
"Long Serpent" by dexterously hurled stones as well 
as by spears. 

Partly by cunning, Meave gets the dun bull upon 
which she had set her heart. Then comes in a 
thoroughly Erse touch. It appears that the two 
bulls have lived many lives in different forms, and 
always in hostility to each other, since the days 
when their souls were the souls of two swineherds, 
who quarreled and fought to the death. Now the 
two great bulls renew their ancient fight. Bricriu 
is forced out to witness it, and is trampled to 
death by the beasts. At last the white-horned 
bull is slain, and the dun, raging and destroy 
ing, goes back to his home, where he, too, dies. 
And this, says the saga, in ending, is the tale of 
the Dun Bull of Cooley and the Driving of the 

And State Papers H45 

Cattle-Herd by Meave and Ailill, and their war 
with Ulster. 

The Erse tales have suffered from many causes. 
Taken as a mass, they did not develop as the sagas 
and the epics of certain other nations developed; 
but they possess extraordinary variety and beauty, 
and in their mysticism, their devotion to and 
appreciation of natural beauty, their exaltation 
of the glorious courage of men and of the charm 
and devotion of women, in all the touches that 
tell of a long-vanished life, they possess a curious 
attraction of their own. They deserve the research 
which can be given only by the life-long effort of 
trained scholars; they should be studied for their 
poetry, as countless scholars have studied those 
early literatures; moreover, they should be studied 
as Victor Berard has studied the "Odyssey," for 
reasons apart from their poetical worth ; and finally 
they deserve to be translated and adapted so as 
to become a familiar household part of that liter 
ature which all the English-speaking people possess 
in common. 


To the Senate and House of Representatives: 

I call your attention to the urgent need of legis 
lation affecting the different phases of the public- 
land situation in the United States. In the first 
place I wish to speak of the conservation of the 
mineral fuels belonging to the United States. In 

1146 Presidential Addresses 

my annual message of December 4, 1906, and spe 
cial message of December 17, your attention was 
called to the importance of conserving the supplies 
of mineral fuels still belonging to the Government. 
I recommended to Congress the enactment of such 
legislation as would provide for title to and devel 
opment of the surface land as separate and distinct 
from the right to the underlying mineral fuels in 
regions where these may occur, and the disposal of 
these mineral fuels under a leasing system on con 
ditions which would inure to the benefit of the public 
as a whole. I again call the attention of Congress 
to the importance of enacting such legislation. I 
care little for the details ; the prime need is that the 
system should be established, and that from hence 
forth the Nation should retain its title to its fuel 
resources and its right to supervise their develop 
ment in the interest of the public as a whole. Such 
a leasing system as that proposed represents by no 
means an untried policy. In the Australian coun 
tries during the last fifteen years coal has been 
mined under a system of government leases, and 
on conditions so favorable for development that 
their coal and coke are to-day being sold on the 
Pacific Coast of both the American continents. In 
all the great coal-producing European countries, 
except Great Britain, coal is being mined under 
government leases. In Great Britain leases are 
granted almost entirely by the private landowners, 
but there, as in other countries, the surface culture 
and the mining operations are conducted inde- 

And State Papers 1 147 

pendently of each other. In Nova Scotia, British 
Columbia, India, and other British colonies a gov 
ernment leasing system has been adopted, and is 
working satisfactorily. In the United States, al 
though conveyance of the mineral rights with the 
surface has been the common practice, the separate 
development of the two interests is increasing; and 
in the Eastern and Middle States a large part of 
the coal is being mined under a system of private 
leases. It is gratifying to note that in these States, 
as in foreign countries, these two great industries 
agriculture and mining are conducted within 
the same boundaries, and the country thus attains 
its highest dual development without conflict of in 
terests. Indeed, the mining industry, and the fac 
tories using these fuels, create larger local markets 
for the products of the farm. 

Mineral fuels, like the forests and navigable 
streams, should be treated as public utilities. This 
is generally recognized abroad. In some foreign 
countries practical control of a large portion of the 
fuel resources was allowed years ago to pass into 
private hands, but the existing governments are en 
deavoring to regain this control in order that the 
diminishing fuel supply may be safeguarded for the 
common good, instead of being disposed of for the 
benefit of the few though the mistake of the pre 
ceding generation in disposing of these fuels for a 
nominal return can not always be corrected by the 
present generation, as the cost may be so enormous 
as to be prohibitory. 

1148 Presidential Addresses 

In our own Western States and Territories the 
scarcity of both water and forests has rendered 
necessary their preservation as public utilities; and 
the preservation of the forests for the purpose of 
conserving both the waters and the timber supply 
has come to be recognized as the wise and proper 
policy of the Federal Government. 

The quantity of high-grade mineral fuels in the 
West is relatively much smaller than that of the 
forests, and the proper conservation of these fuels 
is a matter of far-reaching importance. This Gov 
ernment should not now repeat the mistakes of the 
past. Let us not do what the next generation can 
not undo. We have a right to the proper use of 
both the forests and the fuel during our lifetime, 
but we should not dispose of the birthright of our 
children. If this Government sells its remaining 
fuel lands they pass out of its future control. If 
it now leases them we retain control, and a future 
Congress will be at liberty to decide whether it will 
continue or change this policy. Meanwhile, the Gov 
ernment can inaugurate a system which will encour 
age the separate and independent development of 
the surface lands for agricultural purposes and the 
extraction of the mineral fuels in such manner as 
will best meet the needs of the people and best facili 
tate the development of manufacturing industries. 

I am aware that objections to this system are 
being urged. It is claimed that so large a part of 
the coal in some of the Western States has already 
passed into the hands of certain large corporations 

And State Papers i 1 49 

that parties endeavoring to operate under a lease 
system other coal deposits would be unable to 
compete with these corporations, and therefore that 
the fuel deposits still belonging to the Government 
should also be allowed to pass into private owner 
ship, presumably into the hands of the same or other 
large corporations. It is also claimed that reserva 
tion of the fuel supplies still belonging to the Gov 
ernment would raise the price of coal in the West, 
and, as an argument in favor of this contention, it 
is claimed that the reservation of the natural for 
ests is raising the price of lumber in the West. It 
should be remembered that the best and most ac 
cessible bodies of timber in the West passed into 
private holdings before the forest reserves were 
established; that while the price of timber has ad 
vanced in the West, it has advanced still more in 
the East, where there are no forest reserves; that 
supplies of timber are to-day being shipped from 
the West to the markets of the Mississippi Valley, 
and even to foreign countries; and that the prob 
ability of obtaining future supplies of both timber 
and mineral fuel in the West at reasonable prices 
will be much greater with a large portion of both 
the forests and the fuels under the control of the 
Government than if this control should pass to pri 
vate parties. To secure cheapness of timber and 
fuel for the moment at the cost of ruin to our own 
children would surely be a suicidal policy. 

It may be fairly claimed among the advantages 
of the leasing system that : ( I ) It will facilitate the 

1150 Presidential Addresses 

working, under favorable conditions, of coal depos 
its for local markets by miners without large capital, 
as no land-purchase money would be required and 
the small royalty charges would be paid out of the 
earnings; (2) it will facilitate larger operations, as 
the leases could be made sufficiently liberal in the 
matter of time, area, and other conditions to induce 
healthy competition and meet all real demands ; and 
yet in all cases the general supervision of the Gov 
ernment could be such as to (3) prevent waste in 
the extraction and handling of these fuels; (4) the 
system can be operated in such manner as to pre 
vent the evils of monopolistic control; (5) it will 
permit the Government to reserve from general use 
fuels especially suitable for metallurgical and other 
special industries; and (6) it will enable the Gov 
ernment to protect the public against unreasonable 
and discriminating charges for fuel supplies. 

Already probably one-half of the total area of 
the high-grade coals in the West has passed under 
private control. Including both the lignite and the 
coal areas, these private holdings probably aggre 
gate not less than 30,000,000 acres of coal fields. 
With the remainder of the lands containing mineral 
fuels reserved and leased by the Government, there 
will be ample opportunity to determine, in the near 
future, which of the two systems private owner 
ship or the leasing system with General Government 
supervision will best protect the interests of the 
people and thus promote the permanent development 
of the West. 

And State Papers II S I 

In planning such a leasing system by the Govern 
ment, the question of revenue, beyond that necessary 
to cover the expenses of administration and explora 
tion, need not be seriously considered. The spirit 
of generosity which the country as a whole has 
shown in connection with the disposal of its public 
lands and the use of the proceeds from the sale of 
these lands for the further development of the West 
through the Reclamation Service and in other ways, 
is of itself a sufficient guaranty that in the admin 
istration of both the coal reserves and the national 
forests this generous policy will be continued. It 
is safe to believe also that Federal supervision of 
both the coal lands and the forests will be reduced 
to a minimum, and that in the future even more 
than in the past this supervision will be limited to 
that necessary to carry out the policy of conserv 
ing these natural resources in such manner as will 
best promote the permanent interests of the people, 
and above all of the Western people, of the people 
in the neighborhood of the mines and the forests 
which we seek to preserve for the public use. 

The necessity for care in the future management 
of these fuel supplies is further illustrated by the 
rapid rate at which the use of such fuels is increas 
ing in the United States. The amount of coal used 
in this country during the last ten years is practically 
equal to that used during the preceding fifty years 
of its history, and during each decade of this period 
the coal used was practically equal to the sum of 

that used during all the preceding decades. 


1152 Presidential Addresses 

This remarkable development and the certain con 
tinuity of this prodigious growth compels us to re 
cast all estimates as to the life of our "inexhaustible 
resources." We can foresee the time when the east 
ern industries will be much more largely taxed for 
supplying foreign markets. Then the West will 
also be largely engaged in varied manufacturing 
enterprises; and this will require the intelligent use 
of every ton of available fuel in that region. The 
grave importance of conserving the fuel supplies in 
the West still remaining under the control of the 
Government, with a view to the accomplishment of 
these important purposes, impels me again to bring 
this matter to the attention of Congress. 

Let me repeat that what I seek at this time is 
that the system be begun. I know the difficulty of 
providing in minute detail by legislation for all the 
needs in advance. I have the heartiest sympathy 
with the desire of the people of the new States of 
the Rocky Mountain region for the rapid develop 
ment of the lusty young commonwealths of which 
they are so proud. So far from hindering, I want 
to further that development. But surely it is to 
the peculiar interest of these States that the devel 
opment shall take place in such way as to leave 
the children better off, and not worse off, than the 
fathers. Let us use, but not waste, the national 
resources. Let us show our confidence in the future 
by being willing to provide for the future. If we 
dispose of all the coal lands now, we can be well 
assured that twenty-five years hence the generation 

And State Papers 1 1 5 3 

then coming to manhood will regret our shortsight 
edness and lack of provision for the future. It 
would surely be greatly to the advantage of this 
country if some at least of the coal fields of the 
East, and especially of the anthracite fields, had 
been left under the control of the Government. 
Let us provide in the West against the recurrence 
of the conditions which we deplore in the East. 
At the outset the law would be administered in a 
spirit of the broadest liberality, with the least pos 
sible interference with the development of the coal 
fields. What is especially necessary is to establish 
the principle so that as conditions change there will 
be opportunity to meet the changing need in ade 
quate fashion. Moreover, I can not too emphat 
ically say that all laws which merely seek to prevent 
monopoly or the mishandling of the public by for 
bidding combination are certain to fail of their pur 
pose. Our experience with the interstate commerce 
and anti-trust laws shows that what is needed is 
not prohibition of all combinations, but such su 
pervision and control over combinations, and over 
corporations entering into them, as will prevent the 
evils while giving to the public the advantages of 

Let me also again urge that legislation be passed 
to provide for Government control of the public 
pasture lands of the West on the same general prin 
ciples which now apply in the Government control 
of the forest reserves. The local control of the 
range should be in the hands of Western men fa- 

1 1 54 Presidential Addresses 

miliar with stock raising, and there should be full 
local participation in the management of the range, 
for co-operation between the stockmen and the Gov 
ernment officers is absolutely essential. The graz 
ing fee should be small and at first almost nominal. 
There is no need at present that the Government 
should get a net revenue from grazing on the public 
range, but only enough to pay for administration 
and improvement, and it may be wise to provide 
that any surplus shall go to the States and Terri 
tories in which the fees are collected. If a law 
for the control of the range should, as I request, 
be enacted, such control would not be taken hurried 
ly, but gradually, as grazing districts can be organ 
ized. The one prime essential in the policy of 
range control must be to protect the homesteader 
in his right to create a home for his family. The 
right of the homesteader, of the home maker, of 
the actual settler on the land, must always be 
paramount, and he must have whatever range privi 
leges are necessary to his purpose. At present it 
is unlawful to fence the public domain. All fences 
unlawfully maintained will have to be taken down. 
Unless Congress takes action to legalize reasonable 
and necessary fencing through Government control 
of the range, there will be serious loss to stock 
men through the West, and this loss will often fall 
hardest on the small man; for, in many cases, the 
stock business can not be conducted without fences. 
Yet it would be grossly improper to provide for the 
continuance of all the present illegal fencing; for, 

And State Papers II 55 

while much of this fencing is needed, much of it also 
represents a fraud upon the public. What is needed 
is not to provide for the continuance of all fenc 
ing, whether beneficial or harmful, but a proper 
discrimination between the two classes a discrimi 
nation to be exercised always with especial care for 
the interests of the homesteader and the small 
stockman. The interests of the man who has actu 
ally made his home or is actually seeking to make 
his home on the land, whether he owns cattle or 
owns sheep, are really identical with those of the 
homesteader. The opposition to the measure comes 
primarily from those who do not make their homes 
on the land, but who own wandering bands of sheep 
that are driven hither and thither to eat out the land 
and render it worthless for the real home maker; 
and also from the men who have already obtained 
control of great areas of the public land largely 
through the ownership or leasing of water at what 
might be called the "strategic points of the range," 
and who object to the proposed law for the very 
reason that it is in the interest of the actual home 
steader and the small stockman, and because it will 
break the control that these few big men now have 
over the lands which they do not actually own. 
The proposed law is emphatically a law in the in 
terest of popular rights. The present system in 
an immense number of cases renders it impossible 
for the small man to exist; and it works chiefly 
for the benefit of the very rich man whose interest 
it is to keep out home makers and preserve immense 

1156 Presidential Addresses 

stretches of the public domain for his own use, to 
the detriment of the development of the Common 
wealth. Surely it is in accordance with the spirit 
of our Government to pass a law in the interest of 
the actual settler, instead of to leave undisturbed the 
present system in the interest of those who monopo 
lize an improper proportion of the public domain, 
or of the others who are indifferent as to whether 
in the long run they destroy the worth of the pub 
lic domain. 

As in the case of the proposed law for con 
trolling the disposition of the mineral fuels, our 
object should be to get the principle of the law es 
tablished, leaving a necessary discretion to those 
who at the outset are to administer it, and then 
to perfect the law later, as actual experience may 
show the need. 

Let me urge that Congress provide $500,000, in 
addition to the present estimates, to be immedi 
ately applied to the clearing of the arrears of 
business in the General Land Office, as regards the 
detection and prevention of fraud in disposing of 
applications for patents to the public lands. 

I wish to express my utter and complete dissent 
from the statements that have been made as to there 
being but a minimum of fraud in the actual work 
ing of our present land laws. I am exceedingly 
anxious to protect the interests of bona fide settlers 
and to prevent hardship being inflicted upon them. 
But surely we are working in their interests when 
we try to prevent the land which should be re- 

And State Papers IJ 57 

served for them and for those like them from being 
taken possession of for speculative purposes or 
obtained in any fraudulent fashion. The funds 
appropriated by Congress to protect public lands 
from illegal entry or unlawful appropriation have 
been utterly insufficient to keep pace with the vast 
amount of public-land business. For this reason 
the natural sympathy of the Administration with 
bona fide claimants and the proper desire to further 
their interests have led to the use of almost all of 
this appropriation, not for the detection and pre 
vention of fraud, but for the purpose of hasten 
ing the routine hearing and office inspection of 
final proof. If sufficient money is not now granted 
to enable the Administration both to protect the 
interests of bona fide claimants and at the same time 
to hunt out the fraudulent ones, then the respon 
sibility for the delays which will necessarily occur 
or for the fraud which will obtain can not rest upon 
the Administration. The great number of fraudu 
lent cases which our lack of means forces us to leave 
undetected brings deep discredit on the public-land 
system of the country, and it does not seem to me 
that there can be any apology for the Government s 
failure to provide ample means for their detection 
and to insist upon the means being so used as to 
guarantee their detection, and this can only be done 
if an ample force of inspectors is furnished, so that 
each entry may be inspected upon the ground or 
adequate information obtained about it that will 
satisfy us that the land is being taken in accordance 

1 1 58 Presidential Addresses 

with law. It is not true that any very long time 
will be needed for such inspection. With the 
amount provided for which I have asked, the 
arrears of the work will be brought up within a 
year, and thereafter the work can be kept up by 
a continually diminishing appropriation. 

The present force of special agents is utterly in 
sufficient to conduct the proper field examinations. 
But there have been here and there a limited num 
ber of such field examinations in which direct in 
vestigation by Government officials was added to 
the evidence furnished by claimants. Four specific 
examples of these field examinations are as fol 
lows (I omit the names of the places) : 

(a) Examination of desert-land entries during August, 
September, and October, 1906: 

Agents assigned n 

Total days examination on the ground 484 

Entries examined I>i59 

Claims examined per day per agent 2.4 

Unfavorably reported per cent... 41 

Relinquished do 5 

Favorably reported do 54 

(d) Homestead entries examined during October and 
November, 1905: 

Agents assigned 23 

Total days examination on the ground 300 

Entries examined ~ 900 

Claims per day per agent 2 

Unfavorably reported ~ per cent... 46 

Relinquished do 10 

Favorably reported do 44 

(c) Homestead entries: 

Entries examined no 

Unfavorably reported per cent... 68.7 

Favorably reported 36.3 

(During the past year 50 additional claims have 
been relinquished.) 

And State Papers IX 59 

Entries examined 107 

Unfavorably reported percent... 67.3 

Canceled on relinquishment do 10.2 

Canceled for other causes do 6.5 

Favorably reported do 16 

Summarizing the results, it appears that in these 
four districts nearly 2,300 cases were examined and 
that in over half the law had not been complied 
with, the failure being in each case on some essen 
tial feature and in very many cases showing de 
liberate fraud. In six months ending December 31 
last our present insufficient force of special agents 
secured indictments in 197 actions for fraud, 26 
of which have been tried, resulting in 14 convic 
tions and 12 acquittals. In the forest reserves, 
where we have been able to examine a great num 
ber of claims, in about one-third the law was not 
complied with. 

In the Susan ville and Sacramento, Cal., placer 
mining claims it was discovered that one man with 
fourteen associates had attempted to get possession 
of 250,000 acres, including much of the finest tim 
ber land in the region, by locating placer claims 
upon it. Three agents on this ground examined 
25,000 acres of claims and reported unfavorably 
upon over 24,000 of them, with the result that up 
to date, because of this investigation, 36,000 acres 
were relinquished and restored to Governmental 
ownership while the investigation was still in prog 
ress, an amount considerably in excess of the 
amount actually investigated. 

While the above cases, of course, show worse 

1 1 60 Presidential Addresses 

results than would be shown by examinations made 
at random, they are nevertheless by no means un 
usual, save, perhaps, in the case of the placer-claims 
investigation. Surely such a showing renders it 
impossible to say that there is no fraud, and there 
fore no need of striving to detect and prevent fraud. 
On the contrary, there is urgent need for such effort 
in the interest not only of the honest observance of 
the law, but in the interest of honest and bona 
fide settlers. Without sufficient money it is im 
possible to execute the land laws in reasonably 
prompt and efficient fashion. The business of the 
Land Office, because of lack of appropriations, is 
far behind. To protect the public property no less 
than to relieve the land claimants, enough money 
should be given for the purposes I have outlined 
above, and the appropriation should be made im 
mediately available. Unless such money is given 
then either honest claimants must suffer hardship 
or wrong-doers must be permitted to be the bene 
ficiaries of their fraudulent and illegal acts. From 
the standpoint of the public interest failure to pre 
vent fraud of this kind is peculiarly serious, because 
in so many cases the success of the fraudulent 
claimants means the prevention of the establish 
ment of a home by some honest home seeker. The 
earnest wish of the Administration is to discontinue 
the advertisement of fraud in connection with the 
public-land system; but the only way to accom 
plish this is by putting a stop to the fraud itself. 


February 16, ipo/. 

It is with regret that I must refuse your kind 
invitation to be present and speak at your annual 

I have noted with pleasure the good work which 
your association has done in promoting playgrounds 
for the National Capital. I am especially pleased 
with the prospect of Congress granting this year 
an appropriation for the purchase of playground 
sites. I trust that the bill of Representative Boutell 
will also go through so that you may be able to se 
cure sites in the various quarters of the city now 
while open spaces still exist and before the price 
upon them becomes prohibitive. The plan of play 
ground development for the District has been so 
carefully drawn that I hope it may be carried out 
substantially as outlined. I regard this as one of 
the most important steps toward making Washing 
ton the model city which we all feel that the capital 
of this Nation should be. 

I have been pleased to see also that there is a 
new interest in play and playgrounds all over the 
country, and that many cities that have not pre 
viously taken up the movement in a systematic way 
have made a beginning this year. The annual meet 
ing of the Playground Association of America in 
Chicago, in June, with its attractive play festival 
and comprehensive study of play problems, is sure 
to increase this interest. I trust that all of our 

1 1 62 Presidential Addresses 


larger municipalities will send representatives to 
this exhibition to gain inspiration from this meeting 
and to see the magnificent system that Chicago has 
erected in their South Park section, one of the most 
notable civic achievements of any American city. 

The new appreciation of the value of play in the 
development of children is shown in many ways. 
The physical trainers in all of their recent meetings 
have put a new emphasis on the importance of play 
and are giving a larger place to it in their work. 
The Public School Athletic League of New York 
has organized athletics along sane and helpful lines 
for thousands of school-children, and a number of 
other cities seem to be about to take up this move 
ment. There is a general feeling in our schools and 
colleges also for larger athletic fields and the par 
ticipation of a larger proportion of the students in 
athletic events. In Germany a large number of 
games have been put into the school course as 
a part of the school system, thus extending the 
method of the kindergarten through the elementary 
school. In England football and cricket have been 
a part of the school course at Eton, Rugby, and 
most of the other public and preparatory schools 
for many years. In the private schools of this 
country similar to these English schools, such as 
Lawrenceville, Groton, St. Paul s, and many others, 
play is also provided for in the curriculum. I hope 
that soon all of our public schools will provide, in 
connection with the school buildings and during 
school hours, the place and time for the recreation 

And State Papers ll ^^ 

as well as study of the children. Play is at present 
almost the only method of physical development for 
city children, and we must provide facilities for it 
if we would have the children strong and law-abid 
ing. We have raised the age at which the child 
may go to work and increased the number of school 
years. These changes involve increased expense 
for parents with decreased return from the child. 
If we do not allow the children to work we must 
provide some other place than the streets for their 
leisure time. If we are to require the parents to 
rear the children at increased expense for the ser 
vice of the state, practically without return, the 
state should make the care of children as easy and 
pleasant as possible. If we would have our citizens 
contented and law-abiding, we must not sow the 
seed of discontent in childhood by denying children 
their birthright of play. 

City streets are unsatisfactory playgrounds for 
children because of the danger, because most good 
games are against the law, because they are too hot 
in summer, and because in crowded sections of the 
city they are apt to be schools of crime. Neither 
do small back yards nor ornamental grass plots 
meet the needs of any but the very small children. 
Older children who would play vigorous games 
must have places especially set aside for them ; and, 
since play is a fundamental need, playgrounds 
should be provided for every child as much as 
schools. This means that they must be distributed 
over the cities in such a way as to be within walk- 

1 1 64 Presidential Addresses 

ing distance of every boy and girl, as most children 
can not afford to pay carfare. In view of these 
facts cities should secure available spaces at once 
so that they may not need to demolish blocks of 
buildings in order to make playgrounds, as New 
York has had to do at a cost of nearly $1,000,000 
an acre. 

Neither must any city believe that simply to fur 
nish open spaces will secure the best results. There 
must be supervision of these playgrounds, otherwise 
the older and stronger children occupy them to the 
exclusion of the younger and weaker ones; they 
are so noisy that people living in the neighborhood 
are annoyed ; they are apt to get into the possession 
of gangs and become the rendezvous of the most 
undesirable elements of the population; the exer 
cise and play is less systematic and vigorous when 
without supervision; and moreover, in all cities 
where the experiment has been tried, it has been 
found that such playgrounds are not well attended. 
Sincerely yours, 

MR. CUNO. H. RUDOLPH, President, 

Washington Playground Association. 


In speaking here at the Harvard Union I wish 
to say first a special word as one Harvard man to 
his fellow Harvard men. I feel that we can none 
of us ever be sufficiently grateful to Colonel Hig- 
ginson for having founded this Harvard Union, 

And State Papers 1165 

because each loyal Harvard man should do all he 
can to foster in Harvard that spirit of real democ 
racy which will make Harvard men feel the vital 
sense of solidarity so that they can all join to work 
together in the things that are of most concern to 
the college. It is idle to expect, nor indeed would 
it be desirable that there should be, in Harvard a 
uniform level of taste and association. Some men 
will excel in one thing and some in another; some 
in things of the body, some in things of the mind; 
and where thousands are gathered together each 
will naturally find some group of specially congenial 
friends with whom he will form ties of peculiar 
social intimacy. These groups athletic, artistic, 
scientific, social must inevitably exist. My plea is 
not for their abolition. My plea is that they shall 
be got into the right focus in the eyes of college 
men; that the relative importance of the different 
groups shall be understood when compared with the 
infinitely greater life of the college as a whole. Let 
each man have his special associates, his special in 
terests, his special studies and pursuits, but let him 
remember that he can not get the full benefit of life 
in college if he does nothing but specialize; and 
that, what is even more important, he can not do 
his full duty by the college unless his first and great 
est interest is in the college itself, in his associates 
taken as a mass, and not in any small group. One 
reason why I so thoroughly believe in the athletic 
spirit at Harvard is because the athletic spirit is 
essentially democratic. Our chief interest should 

1 1 66 Presidential Addresses 

not lie in the great champions in sport. On the con 
trary, our concern should be most of all to widen 
the base, the foundation in athletic sports; to en 
courage in every way a healthy rivalry which shall 
give to the largest possible number of students the 
chance to take part in vigorous outdoor games. It 
is of far more importance that a man shall play 
something himself, even if he plays it badly, than 
that he shall go with hundreds of companions to 
see some one else play well; and it is not healthy 
for either students or athletes if the terms are mu 
tually exclusive. But even having this aim espe 
cially in view, it seems to me we can best attain it 
by giving proper encouragement to the champions 
in the sports, and this can only be done by encour 
aging intercollegiate sport. As I emphatically dis 
believe in seeing Harvard or any other college turn 
out mollycoddles instead of vigorous men, I may 
add that I do not in the least object to a sport be 
cause it is rough. Rowing, baseball, lacrosse, track 
and field games, hockey, football are all of them 
good. Moreover, it is to my mind simple nonsense, 
a mere confession of weakness, to desire to abolish 
a game because tendencies show themselves, or 
practices grow up, which prove that the game ought 
to be reformed. Take football, for instance. The 
preparatory schools are able to keep football clean 
and to develop the right spirit in the players with 
out the slightest necessity ever arising to so much 
as consider the question of abolishing it. There is 
no excuse whatever for colleges failing to show the 

And State Papers 1167 

same capacity, and there is no real need for consid 
ering the question of the abolition of the game. If 
necessary, let the college authorities interfere to 
stop any excess or perversion, making their inter 
ference as little officious as possible, and yet as rig 
orous as is necessary to achieve the end. But there 
is no justification for stopping a thoroughly manly 
sport because it is sometimes abused, when the ex 
perience of every good preparatory school shows 
that the abuse is in no shape necessarily attendant 
upon the game. 

We can not afford to turn out of college men 
who shrink from physical effort or from a little 
physical pain. In any republic courage is a prime 
necessity for the average citizen if he is to be a 
good citizen; and he needs physical courage no less 
than moral courage, the courage that dares as well 
as the courage that endures, the courage that will 
fight valiantly alike against the foes of the soul and 
the foes of the body. Athletics are good, especially 
in their rougher forms, because they tend to develop 
such courage. They are good also because they 
encourage a true democratic spirit; for in the ath 
letic field the man must be judged not with refer 
ence to outside and accidental attributes, but to that 
combination of bodily vigor and moral quality 
which go to make up prowess. 

I trust I need not add that in defending athletics 
I would not for one moment be understood as ex 
cusing that perversion of athletics which would 
make it the end of life instead of merely a means 

1 1 68 Presidential Addresses 

in life. It is first-class healthful play, and is useful 
as such. But play is not business, and it is a very 
poor business indeed for a college man to learn 
nothing but sport. There are exceptional cases 
which I do not need to consider; but disregarding 
these, I can not with sufficient emphasis say that 
when you get through college you will do badly 
unless you turn your attention to the serious work 
of life with a devotion which will render it impos 
sible for you to pay much heed to sport in the way 
in which it is perfectly proper for you to pay heed 
while in college. Play while you play and work 
while you work; and though play is a mighty good 
thing, remember that you had better never play at 
all than to get into a condition of mind where you 
regard play as the serious business of life, or where 
you permit it to hamper and interfere with your 
doing your full duty in the real work of the world. 
A word also to the students. Athletics are good ; 
study is even better; and best of all is the develop 
ment of the type of character for the lack of which, 
in an individual as in a nation, no amount of bril 
liancy of mind or of strength of body will atone. 
Harvard must do more than produce students ; yet, 
after all, she will fall immeasurably short of her 
duty and her opportunity unless she produces a 
great number of true students, of true scholars. 
Moreover, let the students remember that in the 
long run in the field of study judgment must be 
rendered upon the quantity of first-class work pro 
duced in the way of productive scholarship, and 

And State Papers 1169 

that no amount of second-class work can atone for 
failure in the college to produce this first-class work. 
A course of study is of little worth if it tends to 
deaden individual initiative and cramp scholars so 
that they only work in the ruts worn deep by many 
predecessors. American scholarship will be judged, 
not by the quantity of routine work produced by 
routine workers, but by the small amount of first- 
class output of those who, in whatever branch, 
stand in the first rank. No industry in compilation 
and in combination will ever take the place of this 
first-hand original work, this productive and crea 
tive work, whether in science, in art, in literature. 
The greatest special function of a college, as distin 
guished from its general function of producing good 
citizenship, should be so to shape conditions as to 
put a premium upon the development of productive 
scholarship, of the creative mind, in any form of 
intellectual work. The men whose chief concern 
lies with the work of the student in study should 
bear this fact ever before them. 

So much for what I have to say to you purely 
as Harvard men. Now, a word which applies to 
you merely as it applies to all college men, to all 
men in this country who have received the benefits 
of a college education; and what I have to say 
on this topic can properly be said under the 
auspices of your Political Club. You here when 
you graduate will take up many different kinds of 
work; but there is one work in which all of 
you should take part simply as good American 

j 1 70 Presidential Addresses 

citizens, and that is the work of self-government. 
Remember, in the first place, that to take part in 
the work of government does not in the least mean 
of necessity to hold office. It means to take an in 
telligent, disinterested, and practical part in the 
every-day duties of the average citizen, of the citi 
zen who is not a faddist or a doctrinaire, but who 
abhors corruption and dislikes inefficiency ; who 
wishes to see decent government prevail at home, 
with genuine equality of opportunity for all men 
so far as it can be brought about ; and who wishes, 
as far as foreign matters are concerned, to see this 
Nation treat all other nations, great and small, with 
respect, and if need be with generosity, and at the 
same time show herself able to protect herself by 
her own might from any wrong at the hands of any 
outside Power. 

Each man here should feel that he has no excuse, 
as a citizen in a democratic republic like ours, if he 
fails to do his part in the government. It is not 
only his right so to do, but his duty ; his duty both 
to the Nation and to himself. Each should feel 
that, if he fails in this, he is not only failing in his 
duty but is showing himself in a contemptible light. 
A man may neglect his political duties because he is 
too lazy, too selfish, too short-sighted, or too timid ; 
but whatever the reason may be it is certainly an 
unworthy reason, and it shows either a weakness 
or worse than a weakness in the man s character. 
Above all, you college men, remember that if your 
education, the pleasant lives you lead, make you too 

And State Papers 1171 

fastidious, too sensitive to take part in the rough 
hurly-burly of the actual work of the world, if you 
become so over-cultivated, so over-refined that you 
can not do the hard work of practical politics, then 
you had better never have been educated at all. The 
weakling and the coward are out of place in a 
strong and free community. In a republic like ours 
the governing class is composed of the strong men 
who take the trouble to do the work of govern 
ment; and if you are too timid or too fastidious 
or too careless to do your part in this work, then 
you forfeit your right to be considered one of the 
governing and you become one of the governed in 
stead one of the driven cattle of the political arena. 
I want you to feel that it is not merely your right 
to take part in politics, not merely your duty to the 
state, but that it is demanded by your own self- 
respect, unless you are content to acknowledge that 
you are unfit to govern yourself and have to submit 
to the rule of somebody else as a master and this 
is what it means if you do not do your own part 
in government. 

As soon as I left college I wanted to take an 
interest in political life; I wanted to find out how 
the work of governing was really done. Quite a 
number of nice people in New York, along Fifth 
Avenue, solemnly advised me not to join any of 
the regular political organizations, because I would 
find that they were composed only of "muckers/* 
not of "gentlemen." The answer was easy : "Then 
they are the ones that govern; if it is the muckers 

1172 Presidential Addresses 

that govern, I want to see if I can not hold my own 
with them. I will join with them in governing 
you if you are too weak to govern yourselves." I 
intended to be one of the class that governs, not one 
of the class that is governed. So I joined the politi 
cal club in my district. I joined it just as I joined 
the National Guard. If there came a time of civic 
disturbance in the community, or if we were invaded 
or were at war with any country, I did not intend 
to have to hire somebody else to do my shooting for 
me. I intended to do it myself; and in the same 
way I intended to do the governing myself, to do 
my part of it. I want to see you feel the same way. 
Education is of good chiefly according to the use 
you put it to. If it teaches you to be so puffed with 
pride as to make you misestimate the relative values 
of things, it becomes a harm and not a benefit. 
There are few things less desirable than the arid 
cultivation, the learning and refinement which lead 
merely to that intellectual conceit which makes a 
man in a democratic community like ours hold him 
self aloof from his fellows and pride himself upon 
the weakness which he mistakes for supercilious 
strength. Small is the use of those educated men 
who in after life meet no one but themselves, and 
gather in parlors to discuss wrong conditions which 
they do not understand and to advocate remedies 
which have the prime defect of being unworkable. 
I remember ex-Speaker Reed speaking to me of 
how easy it was to get an absolutely perfect theory 
to meet any condition as long as you kept that the- 

And State Papers 11 73 

ory in the study, and how difficult it was to get 
even moderately good results out of any theory 
when you tried to apply it to hard facts of actual 
life. The judgment on practical affairs, political 
and social, of the men who keep aloof from condi 
tions of practical life, is apt to be valueless to those 
other men who do wage effective war against the 
forces of baseness and of evil. From the political 
standpoint an education that leads you into the ranks 
of the educated ineffectives is a harm, not a good. 
It is a harm to all of you here if it serves you as an 
excuse for refusing to mingle with your fellows, 
for standing aloof from the broad sweep of our 
national life in a curiously impotent spirit of fan 
cied superiority. If you go into politics, if you go 
into a ward caucus and try to carry it you lose the 
feeling of superiority very quickly. The political 
wrong-headedness of such men is quite as great 
as that of wholly uneducated men; and no people 
could be less trustworthy as critics and advisers. 
The educated man who seeks to console himself 
for his own lack of the robust qualities necessary to 
bring success in American politics by moaning over 
the degeneracy of the times instead of trying to bet 
ter them, by railing at the men who do the actual 
work of political life instead of trying himself to 
do the work, is a poor creature, and, so far as his 
feeble powers avail, is a damage and not a help 
to the country. You may come far short of this 
disagreeable standard and still be a rather useless 
member of society. Your education, your cultiva- 

1 1 74 Presidential Addresses 

tion, will not help you if you make the mistake of 
thinking that it is a substitute for instead of an 
addition to those qualities which in the struggle of 
life bring success to the ordinary man without your 
advantages. Your college training confers no privi 
lege upon you save as tested by the use you make 
of it. It puts upon you the obligation to show 
yourselves better able to do certain things than 
your fellows who have not had your advantages. If 
it has served merely to make you believe that you 
are to be excused from effort in after life, that 
you are to be excused from contact with the actual 
world of men and events, then it will prove a curse 
and not a blessing. If on the other hand you treat 
your education as a weapon the more in your hands, 
a weapon to fit you to do better in the hard struggle 
of effort, and not as excusing you in any way from 
taking part in practical fashion in that struggle, 
then it will be a benefit to you. 

Let each of you college men remember in after 
life that in the fundamentals he is very much like 
his fellows who have not been to college, and that 
if he is to achieve results, instead of confining him 
self exclusively to disparagement of other men who 
have achieved them, he must manage to come to 
some kind of working agreement with these fellows 
of his. There are times, of course, when it may be 
the highest duty of a citizen to stand alone, or 
practically alone. But if this is a man s normal 
attitude if normally he is unable to work in com 
bination with a considerable body of his fellows 

And State Papers IJ 75 

it is safe to set him down as unfit for useful ser 
vice in a democracy. In popular government 
results worth having can only be achieved by men 
who combine worthy ideals with practical good 
sense; who are resolute to accomplish good pur 
poses, but who can accommodate themselves to 
the give and take necessary where work has to 
be done, as almost all important work has to be 
done, by combination. Moreover, remember that 
normally the prime object of political life should be 
to achieve results and not merely to issue mani 
festoes save, of course, where the issuance of 
such manifestoes helps to achieve the results. It 
is a very bad thing to be morally callous, for moral 
callousness is disease. But inflammation of the con 
science may be just as unhealthy so far as the public 
is concerned; and if a man s conscience is always 
telling him to do something foolish he will do well 
to mistrust its workings. The religious man who 
is most useful is not he whose sole care is to save 
his own soul, but the man whose religion bids 
him strive to advance decency and clean living and 
to make the world a better place for his fellows to 
live in; and all this is just as true of the ordinary 
citizen in the performance of the ordinary duties 
of political life. 

During the last few years much good has been 
done to the people of the Philippines; but this has 
been done, not by those who merely indulged in 
the personal luxury of advocating for the islands 
a doctrinaire liberty which would have meant their 


1 1 76 Presidential Addresses 

immediate and irretrievable ruin, but by those who 
have faced facts as they actually were, remem 
bering the proverb that teaches us that in the long 
run even the most uncomfortable truth is a safer 
companion than the pleasantest falsehood. It is 
these men, the men who with shortcomings and 
stumblings yet did the duty of the moment, though 
that duty was hard and often disagreeable, and not 
the men who confined themselves to idle talk of no 
matter how high-sounding a nature, who have done 
real good to the islands. These are the men who 
have brought justice as between man and man; 
who are building roads ; who have introduced 
schools ; who, gradually, with patience and firm 
ness, are really fitting the islanders for self-gov 

So it is with the great questions which group 
themselves round the control of corporations in the 
interest of the public. There has been a curious 
revival of the doctrine of State rights in connection 
with these questions, by the people who know that 
the States can not with justice to both sides practi 
cally control the corporations, and who therefore 
advocate such control because they do not venture 
to express their real wish, which is that there shall 
be no control at all. Honest and fair dealing rail 
way corporations will gain and not lose by adequate 
Federal control; most emphatically, it is both the 
duty and the interest of our people to deal fairly with 
such corporations, and to see that a premium is 
put upon the honest management of them, and that 

And State Papers 1177 

those who invest in them are amply protected. But 
those who invoke the doctrine of State rights to 
protect State corporate creations in predatory ac 
tivities extended through other States are as 
shortsighted as those who once invoked the same 
doctrine to protect the special slaveholding interest. 
The States have shown that they have not the abil 
ity to curb the power of syndicated wealth, and, 
therefore, in the interest of the people, it must be 
done by National action. Our present warfare is 
against special privilege. The men many of them, 
I am sorry to say, college men who are prompt 
to speak against every practical means which can be 
devised for achieving the object we have in view 
the proper and adequate supervision by the Federal 
Government of the great corporations doing an 
interstate business are, nevertheless, themselves 
powerless to so much as outline any plan of con 
structive statesmanship which shall give relief. I 
have watched for six years these men, both those 
in public and those in private life, and though they 
are prompt to criticise every affirmative step taken, 
I have yet to see one of them lift a finger to remedy 
the wrongs that exist. So it is in every field of 
public activity. States rights should be preserved 
when they mean the people s rights, but not when 
they mean the people s wrongs ; not, for instance, 
when they are invoked to prevent the abolition of 
child labor, or to break the force of the laws which 
prohibit the importation of contract labor to this 
country; in short, not when they stand for wrong 

1178 Presidential Addresses 

or oppression of any kind or for national weakness 
or impotence at home or abroad. It is to the men 
who work in practical fashion with their fellows, 
and not to those who, whether because they are 
impractical or incapable, can not thus work, that 
we owe what success we have had in dealing with 
every problem which we have either solved or 
started on the path of solution during the last 

The last ten years have been years of great 
achievement for this Nation. During that period 
we have dealt and are dealing with many different 
matters of great moment. We have acquired the 
right to build, and are now building, the Panama 
Canal. There are going to be all kinds of diffi 
culties in building that canal. It is a big job. Man 
after man will leave or will have to leave. Methods 
will be tried which will not prove as successful as 
we hope. Other methods will have to be tried. 
Implement after implement will prove to have a 
flaw in it, and finally will break where the flaw is, 
and we will put it aside and take another. If a 
man leaves, we shall put another in his place; if 
a method fails, we shall try another method. We 
have made extraordinary progress in the year and 
a half just past, and we will do the work in reason 
able time and in first-rate shape. We have given 
wise government to the Philippines. We have 
dealt with exceedingly complex, difficult, and im 
portant questions in Cuba and Santo Domingo. In 
Cuba I am doing my best to persuade the Cubans 

And State Papers i J 79 

that if only they will be good they will be happy; 
I am seeking the very minimum of interference 
necessary to make them good. In Santo Domingo 
I am trying to forestall the necessity for interfer 
ence by us or by any foreign power. I was im 
mensely amused when, at a professional peace meet 
ing the other day, they incidentally alluded to me 
as having made "war" on Santo Domingo. The 
war I have made literally consists in having loaned 
them a collector of customs, at their request. We 
now give them forty-five per cent of the customs 
to run the Government, and the other fifty-five 
per cent is put up to pay those of their debts which 
are found to be righteous. This arrangement has 
gone on two years now, while the co-ordinate 
branch of the Government discussed whether or 
not I had usurped power in the matter, and finally 
concluded I had not, and ratified the treaty. Of 
the fifty-five per cent we have been able to put 
two and a half millions toward paying their debts; 
and with the forty-five per cent that we collected 
for them they have received more money than they 
ever got when they collected one hundred per 
cent themselves; and the island has prospered as 
never before. I feel like paraphrasing Patrick 
Henry: If that is "war," make the most of it. 
We have built up the Navy ; our surest safeguard of 
peace and of national honor. We are making great 
progress in dealing with the questions of irrigation 
and forestry, of preserving to the public the right 
ful use of the public lands and of the mineral wealth 

n8o Presidential Addresses 

underlying them ; and with that group of vital ques 
tions which concern the proper supervision of the 
immense corporations doing an interstate business, 
the proper control of the great highways of inter 
state commerce, the proper regulation of industries 
which, if left unregulated, threaten disaster to the 
body politic. We have done many other things, 
such as securing the settlement of the Alaska 
boundary. We have made progress in securing 
better relations between capital and labor, justice 
as between them and as regards the general public; 
and adequate protection for wage-workers. We 
have done much in enforcing the law alike against 
great and small; against crimes of greed and cun 
ning no less than against crimes of violence and 
brutality. We have wrought mightily for the peace 
of righteousness, both among the nations and in 
social and industrial life here at home. Much has 
been done, and we are girding up our loins to do 

In all these matters there have been some men in 
public life and some men in private life whose 
action has been at every point one of barren crit 
icism or fruitless obstruction. These men have had 
no part or lot in the great record of achievement 
and success; the record of good work worthily 
done. Some of these men have been college grad 
uates ; but all of them have been poor servants of 
the people, useless where they were not harmful. 
All the credit for the good thus accomplished in 
the public life of this decade belongs to those 

And State Papers i i 8 i 

who have done affirmative work in such matters 
as those I have enumerated above, and not to 
those who, with more or less futility, have sought 
to hamper and obstruct the work that has thus 
been done. 

In short, you college men, be doers rather than 
critics of the deeds that others do. Stand stoutly 
for your ideals; but keep in mind that they can 
only be realized, even partially, by practical methods 
of achievement. Remember always that this Re 
public of ours is a very real democracy, and that 
you can only win success by showing that you have 
the right stuff in you. The college man, the man 
of intellect and training, should take the lead in 
every fight for civic and social righteousness. He 
can take that lead only if in a spirit of thorough 
going democracy he takes his place among his fel 
lows, not standing aloof from them, but mixing 
with them, so that he may know, may feel, may 
sympathize with their hopes, their ambitions, their 
principles and even their prejudices as an Ameri 
can among Americans, as a man among men. 


March 14, ipo7 

Numerous commercial organizations of the Mis 
sissippi Valley have presented petitions asking that 
I appoint a commission to prepare and report a 
comprehensive plan for the improvement and con 
trol of the river systems of the United States. I 

n8a Presidential Addresses 

have decided to comply with these requests by ap 
pointing an Inland Waterways Commission, and I 
have asked the following gentlemen to act upon it. 
I shall be much gratified if you will consent to 
serve : 

Hon. Theo. E. Burton (Chairman), Senator 
Francis G. Newlands, Senator William Warner, 
Hon. John H. Bankhead, General Alexander Mac 
kenzie, Dr. W. J. McGee, Mr. F. H. Newell, Mr. 
Gifford Pinchot, Hon. Herbert Knox Smith. 

In creating this Commission I am influenced by 
broad considerations of national policy. The con 
trol of our navigable waterways lies with the Fed 
eral Government, and carries with it corresponding 
responsibilities and obligations. The energy of our 
people has hitherto been largely directed toward in 
dustrial development connected with field and for 
est and with coal and iron, and some of these sources 
of material and power are already largely depleted ; 
while our inland waterways as a whole have thus 
far received scant attention. It is becoming clear 
that our streams should be considered and con 
served as great natural resources. Works designed 
to control our waterways have thus far usually been 
undertaken for a single purpose, such as the im 
provement of navigation, the development of power, 
the irrigation of arid lands, the protection of low 
lands from floods, or to supply water for domestic 
and manufacturing purposes. While the rights of 
the people to these and similar uses of water must 
be respected, the time has come for merging local 

And State Papers 1 1 8 3 

projects and uses of the inland waters in a compre 
hensive plan designed for the benefit of the entire 
country. Such a plan should consider and include 
all the uses to which streams may be put, and should 
bring together and co-ordinate the points of view of 
all users of water. The task involved in the full 
and orderly development and control of the river 
system of the United States is a great one, yet 
it is certainly not too great for us to approach. 
The results which it seems to promise are even 

It is common knowledge that the railroads of the 
United States are no longer able to move crops and 
manufactures rapidly enough to secure the prompt 
transaction of the business of the Nation, and there 
is small prospect of immediate relief. Representa 
tive railroad men point out that the products of the 
northern interior States have doubled in ten years, 
while the railroad facilities have increased but one- 
eighth, and there is reason to doubt whether any 
development of the railroads possible in the near 
future will suffice to keep transportation abreast of 
production. There appears to be but one complete 
remedy the development of a complementary sys 
tem of transportation by water. The present con 
gestion affects chiefly the people of the Mississippi 
Valley, and they demand relief. When the conges 
tion of which they complain is relieved, the whole 
Nation will share the good results. 

While rivers are natural resources of the first 
rank, they are also liable to become destructive 

1 1 84 Presidential Addresses 

agencies, endangering life and property; and some 
of our most notable engineering enterprises have 
grown out of effort to control them. It was com 
puted by Generals Humphreys and Abbott half a 
century ago that the Mississippi alone sweeps into 
its lower reaches and the Gulf 400,000,000 tons 
of floating sediment each year (about twice the 
amount of material to be excavated in opening 
the Panama Canal), besides an enormous but un 
measured amount of earth-salts and soil-matter car 
ried in solution. This vast load not only causes its 
channels to clog and flood the lowlands of the lower 
river, but renders the flow capricious and difficult 
to control. Furthermore, the greater part of the 
sediment and soil-matter is composed of the most 
fertile material of the fields and pastures drained 
by the smaller and larger tributaries. Any plan 
for utilizing our inland waterways should consider 
floods and their control by forests and other means ; 
the protection of bottomlands from injury by over 
flows, and uplands from loss by soil-wash ; the phys 
ics of sediment-charged waters and the physical or 
other ways of purifying them; the construction of 
dams and locks, not only to facilitate navigation, 
but to control the character and movement of the 
waters; and should look to the full use and control 
of our running waters and the complete artificial- 
ization of our waterways for the benefit of our 
people as a whole. 

It is not possible properly to frame so large a 
plan as this for the control of our rivers without 

And State Papers 1 1 85 

taking account of the orderly development of other 
natural resources. Therefore, I ask that the Inland 
Waterways Commission shall consider the relations 
of the streams to the use of all the great per 
manent natural resources and their conservation 
for the making and maintenance of prosperous 

Any plan for utilizing our inland waterways, to 
be feasible, should recognize the means for exe 
cuting it already in existence, both in the Federal 
Departments of War, Interior, Agriculture, and 
Commerce and Labor, and in the States and their 
subdivisions; and it must not involve unduly bur 
densome expenditures from the national treasury. 
The cost will necessarily be large in proportion to 
the magnitude of the benefits to be conferred, but 
it will be small in comparison with the $17,000,- 
000,000 of capital now invested in steam railways 
in the United States an amount that would have 
seemed enormous and incredible half a century ago. 
Yet the investment has been a constant source of 
profit to the people, and without it our industrial 
progress would have been impossible. 

The questions which will come before the Inland 
Waterways Commission must necessarily relate to 
every part of the United States and affect every 
interest within its borders. Its plans should be con 
sidered in the light of the widest knowledge of the 
country and its people, and from the most diverse 
points of view. Accordingly, when its work is suf 
ficiently advanced, I shall add to the Commission 

i 1 86 Presidential Addresses 

certain consulting members, with whom I shall ask 
that its recommendations shall be fully discussed 
before they are submitted to me. The reports of 
the Commission should include both a general state 
ment of the problem and recommendations as to 
the manner and means of attacking it. 
Sincerely yours, 



April 3, 190? 

You know how sincerely I believe that your 
magazine generally stands for moral betterment 
all around. I was really shocked to see in it the 
last paragraph but one in the article in the April 
magazine on "The Doctor in the Public School." 
The ordinary individual thinks so little on these 
questions that it is pardonable for him to think in 
confused fashion even on such an elementary propo 
sition as this. But the man who affects to instruct 
others in matters of moral and hygienic reform must 
be expected to exhibit at least the rudimentary in 
telligence and morality necessary to prevent his say 
ing what has been said here. The writer states 
clearly that it is an erroneous idea to assume that 
the average American family should have a larger 
number of healthy children than the present birth 
rate shows. The vital statistics of a State like 
Massachusetts show that there the average native 
American family of native American descent has 

And State Papers 1187 

so few children that the birth-rate has fallen below 
the death-rate. This, of course, means race suicide, 
and it ought to be understood that if after a 
while there are no children to go to school the 
question of their health in school would not 
even be academic. 

The writer s statement that "physical defects go 
hand in hand with a large number of children, both 
in the rich and the poor," is simply not true, as 
he could tell at a glance by looking up, for instance, 
the fact that athletes are most apt to be found in 
fair-sized families. I am not speaking now of fam 
ilies of inordinate size, though even as to such the 
high standard of health and strength among the 
French Canadians, for instance, is astonishing, but 
of those of half a dozen children or thereabout. 
Let him look up any serious statistics, or study any 
author worth reading on the subject at all, including 
Benjamin Franklin, and he will see that in the ordi 
nary family of but one or two children there is apt 
to be lower vitality than in a family of four or five 
or more. All he has to do, if he doubts this, is to 
study the effects of the marriages with heiresses by 
the British nobility. The question at issue is not 
between having "a few perfect children" and "a 
dozen unkempt degenerates"; it is between having, 
in the average family, a number of children so small 
that the race diminishes, while, curiously enough, 
the physique in such case likewise tends to fall off, 
and the reasonable growth which comes when the 
average family is large enough to make up for the 

1 1 8 8 Presidential Addresses 

men and women who do not marry and for those 
who do and have no children, or but one or two. 
The writer quotes the statistics for Berlin. Let him 
study them a little more; let him study other sta 
tistics as well; let him turn to any book dealing 
with the subject if written by a man capable of 
touching on it at all (as, for instance, let him turn 
to page 162 of Finot s "Race Prejudice," which I 
happen at this moment to be reading), and he will 
see that in cities like Berlin the upper classes, the 
wealthier classes, tend to die out precisely because 
of the low birth-rate to which he points. The great 
est problem of civilization is to be found in the fact 
that the well-to-do families tend to die out; there 
results, in consequence, a tendency to the elimina 
tion instead of the survival of the fittest; and the 
moral attitude which helps on this tendency is of 
course strengthened when it is apologized for and 
praised in a magazine like yours. It is not the very 
poor, it is not ignorant people with large fami 
lies, who tend to read such articles in magazines 
like the "Review of Reviews" ; it is the upper- 
class people who already tend to have too few 
children who are reached and corrupted by such 

Our people could still exist under all kinds of 
iniquities in government ; under a debased currency, 
under official corruption, under the rule of a social 
istic proletariat, or a wealthy oligarchy. All these 
things would be bad for us, but the country would 
still exist. But it could not continue to exist if it 

And State Papers 1189 

paid heed to the expressed or implied teachings of 
such articles as this. These teachings furnish ex 
cuses for every unnatural prevention of child-bear 
ing, for every form of gross and shallow selfishness 
of the kind that is really the deepest reflection on, 
the deepest discredit to, American social life. There 
are countries which, and people in all countries who, 
need to be warned against a rabbit-like indifference 
to consequences in raising families. The ordinary 
American, whether of the old native stock or the 
self-respecting son or daughter of immigrants, needs 
no such warning. He or she needs to have im 
pressed upon his or her mind the vital lesson 
that all schemes about having "doctors in public 
schools/ about kindergartens, civic associations, 
women s clubs, and training families up in this 
way or that are preposterous nonsense if there are 
to be no families to train; and that it is a simple 
mathematical proposition that, where the average 
family that has children at all has only three, the 
race at once diminishes in numbers, and if the 
tendency is not checked will vanish completely 
in other words, there will be race suicide. Not 
only the healthiest, but the highest relations in life 
are those of the man and the woman united on 
a basis of full and mutually respecting partnership 
and wise companionship in loving and permanent 
wedlock. If, through no fault of theirs, they have 
no children they are entitled to our deepest sym 
pathy. If they refuse to have children sufficient 
in number to mean that the race goes forward and 

i 1 90 Presidential Addresses 

not back,* if they refuse to bring them up healthy 
in body and mind, then they are criminals. 
Sincerely yours, 


DR. ALBERT SHAW, Editor, "Review of Reviews," 
New York. 

April 5, ipo7 


I much regret my inability to be present with you. 
Mr. Root will speak to you at length, and no man 
in the country is better fitted than he to address you 
on the subject you have so much at heart; for no 
man has in keener or more practical fashion, or 
with a nobler disinterestedness of purpose, used the 
national power to further what I believe to be the 
national purpose of bringing nearer the day when 
the peace of righteousness, the peace of justice, shall 
obtain among nations. 

In this letter of mine I can do little more than 
wish you and your association Godspeed in your 
efforts. My sympathy with the purposes you have 

* This must mean, on an average, four among the 
families which are not, from natural causes, childless or 
limited to a less number than four. Prof. Edward A. 
Ross, of the University of Wisconsin, has put the matter 
concisely as follows : "The type to be standardized is not 
the family from one to three, but the family of four to 
six. The one-child or two-child ideal growing in favor 
with the middle class would, if popularized, hurry us to 

And State Papers 1191 

at heart is both strong and real, and by right of it 
I shall make to you some suggestions as to the prac 
tical method for accomplishing the ends we all of 
us have in view. First and foremost, I beseech you 
to remember that though it is our bounden duty to 
work for peace, yet it is even more our duty to 
work for righteousness and justice. It is "right 
eousness that exalteth a nation," and normally 
peace is the handmaid of righteousness, yet, if they 
are ever at odds, it is righteousness whose cause we 
must espouse. In the second place, I again ear 
nestly ask that all good and earnest men who be 
lieve strongly in this cause, but who have not them 
selves to bear the responsibility of upholding the 
Nation s honor, shall not by insisting upon the im 
possible put off the day when the possible can be 
accomplished. The peoples of the world have ad 
vanced unequally along the road that leads to justice 
and fair dealing, one with another (exactly as there 
has been unequal progress in securing such justice 
by each within its own borders) ; and the road 
stretches far ahead even of the most advanced. 
Harm and not good would result if the most ad 
vanced nations, those in which most freedom for 
the individual is combined with most efficiency in 
securing orderly justice as between individuals, 
should by agreement disarm and place themselves 
at the mercy of other peoples less advanced, of 
other peoples still in the stage of military bar 
barism or military despotism. Anything in the 
nature of general disarmament would do harm and 

1192 Presidential Addresses 

not good if it left the civilized and peace-loving 
peoples, those with the highest standards of munic 
ipal and international obligation and duty, unable 
to check the other peoples who have no such stand 
ards, who acknowledge no such obligations. 

Finally, it behooves all of us to remember, and 
especially those of us who either make or listen to 
speeches, that there are few more mischievous things 
than the custom of uttering or applauding senti 
ments which represent mere oratory, and which are 
not, and can not be, and have not been, translated 
from words into deeds. An impassioned oration 
about peace which includes an impassioned demand 
for something which the man who makes the de 
mand either knows or ought to know can not, as 
a matter of fact, be done, represents not gain, but 
loss, for the cause of peace; for even the noblest 
cause is marred by advocacy which is either insin 
cere or foolish. 

These warnings that I have uttered do not mean 
that 1 believe we can do nothing to advance the 
cause of international peace. On the contrary, I 
believe that we can do much to advance it, pro 
vided only we act with sanity, with self-restraint, 
with power; which must be the prime qualities in 
the achievement of any reform. The nineteenth 
century saw, on the whole, a real and great advance 
in the standard of international conduct, both as 
among civilized nations and by strong nations 
toward weaker and more backward peoples. The 
twentieth century will, I believe, witness a much 

And State Papers H93 

greater advance in the same direction. The United 
States has a right to speak on behalf of such a 
cause, and to ask that its course during the half 
dozen opening years of the century be accepted as 
a guaranty of the truth of its professions. During 
these six years we can conscientiously say that with 
out sacrificing our own rights we have yet scrupu 
lously respected the rights of all other peoples. 
With the great military nations of the world, 
alike in Europe and in that newest Asia which is 
also the oldest, we have preserved a mutually self- 
respecting and kindly friendship. In the Philip 
pine Islands we are training a people in the difficult 
art of self-government with more success than 
those best acquainted with the facts had dared to 
hope. We are doing this because we have acted 
in a spirit of genuine disinterestedness, of genuine 
and single-minded purpose to benefit the islanders 
and I may add, in a spirit wholly untainted by 
that silly sentimentality which is often more dan 
gerous to both the subject and the object than 
downright iniquity. In Panama we are successfully 
performing what is to be the greatest engineering 
feat of the ages, and while we are assuming the 
whole burden of the work, we have explicitly 
pledged ourselves that the use is to be free for all 
mankind. In the islands of the Caribbean we have 
interfered not as conquerors, but solely to avert the 
need of conquest. The United States Army is at 
this moment in Cuba, not as an act of war, but to 
restore Cuba to the position of a self-governing 

1 1 94 Presidential Addresses 

republic. With Santo Domingo we have just nego 
tiated a treaty especially designed to prevent the 
need of any interference either by us or by any for 
eign nation with the internal affairs of the island, 
while at the same time securing to honest creditors 
their debts and to the government of the island an 
assured income, and giving to the islanders them 
selves the chance, if only they will take advantage 
of it, to achieve the internal peace they so sorely 
need. Mr. Root s trip through South America 
marked the knitting together in the bonds of self- 
respecting friendship of all the republics of this con 
tinent ; it marked a step toward the creation among 
them of a community of public feeling which will 
tell for justice and peace throughout the Western 
Hemisphere. By the joint good offices of Mexico 
and ourselves we averted one war in Central Amer 
ica, and did what we could to avert another, al 
though we failed. We have more than once, while 
avoiding officious international meddling, shown 
our readiness to help other nations secure peace 
among themselves. A difficulty which we had with 
our friendly neighbor to the south of us, we solved 
by referring it to arbitration at The Hague. A 
difficulty which we had with our friendly neighbor 
to the north of us, we solved by the agreement of 
a joint commission composed of representatives of 
the two peoples in interest. We try to avoid med 
dling in affairs that are not our concern, and yet 
to have our views heard where they will avail on 
behalf of fair dealing and against cruelty and op- 

And State Papers IT 95 

pression. We have concluded certain arbitration 
treaties. I only regret that we have not concluded 
a larger number. 

Our representatives will go to the second peace 
conference at The Hague instructed to help in every 
practicable way to bring some steps nearer comple 
tion the great work which the first conference be 
gan. It is idle to expect that a task so tremendous 
can be settled by any one or two conferences, and 
those who demand the impossible from such a con 
ference not only prepare acute disappointment for 
themselves, but by arousing exaggerated and base 
less hopes which are certain to be disappointed, play 
the game of the very men who wish the conference 
to accomplish nothing. It is not possible that the 
conference should go more than a certain distance 
farther in the right direction. Yet I believe that 
it can make real progress on the road toward inter 
national justice, peace, and fair dealing. One of 
the questions, although not to my mind one of the 
most important, which will be brought before the 
conference, will be that of the limitation of arma 
ments. The United States, owing to its peculiar 
position, has a regular army so small as to be 
infinitesimal when compared to that of any other 
first-class power. But the circumstances which en 
able this to be so are peculiar to our case, and do 
not warrant us in assuming the offensive attitude 
of schoolmaster toward other nations. We are no 
longer enlarging our Navy. We are simply keep 
ing up its strength, very moderate indeed when 

1196 Presidential Addresses 

compared with our wealth, population, and coast 
line ; for the addition of one battleship a year barely 
enables us to make good the units which become 
obsolete. The most practicable step in diminishing 
the burden of expense caused by the increasing size 
of naval armaments would, I believe, be an agree 
ment limiting the size of all ships hereafter to be 
built; but hitherto it has not proved possible to get 
other nations to agree with us on this point. 

More important than reducing the expense of 
the implements of war is the question of reducing 
the possible causes of war, which can most effectu 
ally be done by substituting other methods than 
war for the settlement of disputes. Of these other 
methods the most important which is now attain 
able is arbitration. I do not believe that in the 
world as it actually is it is possible for any nation 
to agree to arbitrate all difficulties which may arise 
between itself and other nations; but I do believe 
that there can be at this time a very large increase 
in the classes of cases which it is agreed shall be 
arbitrated, and that provision can be made for 
greater facility and certainty of arbitration. I hope 
to see adopted a general arbitration treaty among 
the nations; and I hope to see The Hague Court 
greatly increased in power and permanency, and 
the judges in particular made permanent and given 
adequate salaries, so as to make it increasingly 
probable that in each case that may come before 
them they will decide between the nations, great 
or small, exactly as a judge within our own limits 

And State Papers IJ 97 

decides between the individuals, great or small, who 
come before him. Doubtless many other matters 
will be taken up at The Hague; but it seems to me 
that this of a general arbitration treaty is perhaps 
the most important. 

Again wishing you all good fortune in your work, 

Sincerely yours. 

President, the National Arbitration and Peace 
Congress, New York, N. Y. 


Fellow-Citizens; and you, Members of my Regi 
ment, in especial: 

It must necessarily be to all of us who served 
in the First United States Volunteer Cavalry a 
matter of peculiar gratification to see this memo 
rial erected to the memory of our dead. I am sure 
that none who were there will ever forget the 
funeral services that you held, Chaplain Brown, 
over those who were killed in the Guasimas fight 
the first fight that we saw, the fight in which we 
served under the after-time Lieutenant-General of 
the United States Army who is here with us to-day, 
General Young. General Young, there is not a 
member of the Regiment who will not always hold 
you in peculiar regard. Before we came down 
here you told us that if we would get into your 

1198 Presidential Addresses 

brigade you would see that we got into the first 
fight, and you kept your word. Any war must 
bring bitter grief to some people, and the deepest 
woe, the grief hardest to bear, must come not to 
those who go to the war, but to the women and 
children who stay behind. I have no regard for 
the man who dreads overmuch to meet the in 
evitable death in so worthy a fashion as when he 
meets it in battle for his country. I never have 
felt that there was as much need of pity for, as 
for respect and admiration for, those to whom 
the supreme good fortune comes of dying well on 
the field of battle whither their duty has called 
them. We mourn them, but our mourning is the 
mourning of pride and of admiration even more than 
of grief. Their lot is not hard. But the lot of 
the women and children who stay behind is the lot 
which calls for our sincere sympathy, for our sin 
cere pity. Almost every man who dies leaves a 
vacancy in some home that can never be but more 
than partially filled. The greatest sacrifices in war 
are made not by those who go to the front, who 
know the eager excitement of battle, and who, if 
they are worthy to be called men at all, feel the 
most buoyant exaltation in the good fortune which 
has given them the chance to show their man 
hood on stricken fields; our sympathy is not for 
them, but for those whose harder task it is to wait 
at home, uncheered by the stern joy of battle, and 
who have to meet with as brave a front as may be 
the news, good or ill, that comes from the front. 

And State Papers 1199 

I speak here in the presence of the regulars of the 
United States Army and Navy. All of us who served 
in the volunteer forces during the Spanish War 
came out of the war having learned, so far as we 
needed to learn, the lesson of the heartiest admira 
tion for the officers and enlisted men of the regular 
Army and Navy of the United States. It was our 
business to serve in the Army for a short while. It 
is yours to serve as your life work. You do for the 
country what no other body of its fellow-citizens 
can do, and I am sure that all volunteers came out 
of the war feeling, as I certainly did, that it should 
be our aim thereafter in private life or in public 
life to do everything that lay in our power for the 
Army and Navy of the Union, for the Army and the 
Navy which, by their readiness for war, make the 
greatest guaranty for peace that this country pos 
sesses. There was one peculiar reason for pleasure 
in the Spanish-American War, one reason above 
all others why our people should look back to it 
with pride and satisfaction, and that is the fact 
that it marked in very truth the complete reunion 
of our country. In that war there served in the 
ranks and in the positions of junior officers the 
sons of men who had worn the blue and the sons of 
men who had worn the gray ; and they served under 
men who in their youth had begun their careers as 
soldiers, some of them in the army of Grant, some 
of them in the army of Lee. Side by side with 
Young and Chaffee and Lawton served Wheeler 
and Fitzhugh Lee. In our own regiment there were 


1 200 Presidential Addresses 

at least as many sons of the ex-Confederates as sons 
of ex-Union soldiers, and they stood shoulder to 
shoulder, knit together by the closest of ties, and 
acknowledging with respect to one another only 
that generous jealousy each to try to be first to do 
all that in him lay for the honor and the interest 
of the flag that covered the reunited country. 

There is another lesson taught by every war well 
waged, taught pre-eminently by the Civil War, but 
taught also by any lesser \var such as that in which 
we were engaged. That is the lesson of real 
democracy which consists in treating each man in 
good faith on his worth as a man. It is a mighty 
good thing for all of us to be thrown into inti 
mate contact with one another under circumstances 
which test the real worth of each of us, and there 
is nothing that will give a man a clearer idea of 
the value of his fellow than to lie in the same trench 
with him, to march beside him, to be in camp with 
him, and to be under fire through a day s good 
stiff fighting with him. That will try out a man; 
you will find out what he is worth then; by the 
end of that day you won t care a snap of your 
finger whether he has been a banker or a bricklayer, 
whether he is a rich man or a poor man, what his 
occupation is, where he was born, or how he wor 
ships his Maker. What you will care to learn is 
if he has the right stuff in him. When you started 
in the morning on a march and divided up the 
three days rations with your bunky you wanted to 
be dead sure that the bunky did not throw away 

And State Papers 1201 

his half and then come in in the evening and want 
to share yours. What is more, you did not want 
any man around who was always waiting for the 
heroic times and who did not care to begin to do 
his duty until they arrived; the man you cared for 
was the man who did his ordinary plain duty right 
along just as it came, from digging sinks and polic 
ing camp to leading a forlorn hope. 

All of this contains just the lesson that we need 
most in our civil life. We could not get on in the 
army, we never could conduct a war to a success 
ful conclusion, if we permitted ourselves to be 
sundered by any class or caste or social or sec 
tional or religious prejudice; and we can not con 
duct the affairs of this Nation as they can and 
shall be conducted save by putting into effect the 
same traits that enable us to do well in war. 
Distrust above all other men the man who seeks 
to make you pass judgment upon your fellow-citi 
zens upon any ground of artificial distinction be 
tween you and them. Distrust the man who seeks 
to get you to favor them or discriminate against 
them either because they are well off or not well 
off, because they occupy one social position or an 
other, because they live in one part of the country 
or another, or because they profess one creed or 
another. Remember this : Arrogance and envy 
are not different qualities ; they are merely different 
manifestations of the same qualities. The rich man 
who looks down upon or oppresses the poor man 
is the very man who, if poor, would envy and hate 

1202 Presidential Addresses 

the man who was richer. Conversely the poor man 
who regards with bitter and malignant envy the 
man who is better off, who preaches the doctrine of 
hate toward that man, is himself the man who, if 
it had happened that he were rich, would grind 
down the faces of those who were less well off 
than he. 

You can pretty well tell in the ranks whether the 
man is the type of man you would be willing to 
work alongside of or under, or to have work under 
you. If he has the quality that makes him a good 
man in one relation, he is apt to have the quality 
that would make him a good man in the other rela 
tions. In other words, friends, we can not afford 
in our civic life to permit the existence of any 
standard save the standard of conduct as being 
the standard by which we judge our fellow-citizen. 
We can not afford to judge him by the accident of 
his position. We must judge him by the funda 
mentals of his character, by what there is in him, 
not by where it happens that he is placed. 

Let us remember, all of us, that while now and 
then a good deal can be done by legislation, yet 
fundamentally, in the last resort, what counts is 
less the outward law than the soul of the man 
who stands behind the law. In war, you can do 
nothing without proper discipline and training; yet 
there are some men whom you might train and dis 
cipline until eternity and they would not be worth 
anything then ; whom you can not get anything out 
of because it is not in them to get out. So it 

And State Tapers 1 203 

is in civil affairs. If the average citizen hasn t got 
the right qualities in him, then the best constitution, 
the best laws, the best administration of the laws 
that the wit of man can devise, will avail nothing 
to save the nation. If the average man, the aver 
age woman, is not of the right type, the nation 
will go down; and I think on the whole our Nation 
will continue to go up, because I think that the 
average American is a pretty good fellow and I 
may add that I think his wife an even better fel 
low. Of course, it is necessary above all for us to 
remember to do the seemingly little humdrum daily 
duties well. The first step to take toward good citi 
zenship by any man is to be a good man in his 
own home. If he is a good husband, a good father, 
a good son, if he works hard for those who are 
dependent upon him, and if he is tender and con 
siderate of them, then he has taken the first step 
toward good citizenship, and if he hasn t taken the 
step, I don t care how lofty his professions are out 
side, he is a poor citizen. The man who does not 
take care of his family, who is shiftless, who does 
not work, who is unkind, cruel, thoughtless toward 
his wife or his children, who is a bad son, a bad 
husband, a bad father, is not and can not possibly 
be a good citizen. But he is just the type of man 
who is apt to gather with a number of others of 
the same kind and demand that the whole social and 
economic constitution of the country ought to be 
changed! He is very strong on that point, but he 
does not begin where he ought to and change what 

1-204 Presidential Addresses 

is most important that is, himself. Wage stern 
war on all public abuses of country; strive mightily 
for reforms ; but begin by being a good man in your 
own home. 

But, of course, that is not enough. Go on, and 
be a good man in your relations with your neigh 
bors. You can not be of real use to the state if 
you are the type of man whom nobody wants to 
have live next door to him, or do business with. 
If you are the kind of man that the neighbor is 
glad to have move into the house next to him, and 
glad to do business with down at the corner store, 
you are a pretty good citizen. And even this is 
not enough. You have got to be a good American, 
a good citizen of our common country. Do the 
humdrum duties. Remember that you can never 
amount to anything if the heroic days should arise 
unless you have done your ordinary workaday 
duties first. Yet remember also, that if the need 
arises, you must also have in you the divine spark 
(the life of soul) which will make you spring 
eagerly forward to do the deeds of a hero when 
the times call for the deeds of a hero. In the times 
that tried men s souls, from 1861 to 1865, it was 
necessary not merely that the man should have good 
aspirations, that he should be a kindly, decent man, 
but that he should have iron in his blood, that he 
should have in him the quality that enabled him to 
meet the great and terrible crisis that had arisen. 
So it is in our whole civic life. It is not enough 
that we should possess those kindly and generous 

And State Papers 1205 

and thoughtful qualities, the unselfish qualities which 
are indispensable. We must have them as the foun 
dation ; and, in addition, we must have the qualities 
which in their sum we designate as manliness ; else 
we can not do our duties of citizenship aright. The 
man who is simply kind and well-meaning, but who 
has not the fibre in him which makes him flame with 
righteous indignation against wrong, which makes 
him feel a healthy desire to put down wrong-doing 
and punish the wrong-doers, is not going to make 
much of a citizen. In war, in addition to devotion 
to the flag, in addition to love of country, each man 
who is worth his salt must have the fighting edge. 
Unless he has it he isn t of use in an army. So it 
is in civic life. We must have honesty first, but 
honesty is not enough. In addition to honesty, and 
ranging equal with it, we must have courage, effi 
ciency, the power that makes decency and honesty 
and right living an effective force in the world. 
And after you have both honesty and courage, they 
are not enough. We need honesty and courage, 
and joined with them we need the saving grace of 
common-sense. When we have the three qualities 
combined, we have a man who will make a good 
soldier if the occasion arises, and who will make a 
good citizen in the ordinary affairs of life. 

On an occasion like this, when we gather to honor 
the memory of the valiant dead, let us remember 
that we can best honor their memory by trying to 
learn from their death something that will make 
our lives more useful to our country. Naturally, 

1206 Presidential Addresses 

you here who are not of our regiment can not feel 
as we feel toward those dead men whom this monu 
ment commemorates. By a strange fatality, among 
the earliest killed were some of the very best I 
am inclined to say the very best of our number. 
I think the two most valuable officers we had were 
Captains Capron and O Neill, who were killed, one 
at Las Guasimas and one at San Juan. It seemed 
to me as if every man who was slain possessed some 
qualities which had made him of especial worth to 
the regiment. It was hard to see them lying dead 
in the bright Cuban sunlight, and to feel that their 
young lives were cut short in the full bloom of their 
promise. Yet, as I said before, all those who were 
willing to think could not but realize that the men 
who had thus met their fate had merely anticipated 
by a few years the fate that is coming to all of us, 
and that to them had been given the supreme good 
fortune of dying honorably on a well-fought field 
for their country s flag. It will be a poor thing for 
this or any other nation when it loses the sense of 
sternly joyous exaltation at the thought of such a 
fate; when it ceases to feel respect and reverence 
and an admiration which, were it less worthy, I 
should be tempted to call wellnigh envious for those 
to whom such good fortune has come. 

Such is the personal feeling that we who were 
connected with the regiment necessarily have in 
coming here. But the supreme lesson for all of us 
is the lesson I have tried to draw, that the homage 
that counts is the homage, not of the lips, but of 

And State Papers 1207 

the heart; the homage we pay to the memory of 
the valiant dead when we firmly resolve so to lead 
our lives that when we die we may feel not wholly 
unworthy to have been their comrades. 

April 15, 190? 

Arbor Day (which means simply "Tree Day") 
is now observed in every State in our Union and 
mainly in the schools. At various times from 
January to December, but chiefly in this month 
of April, you give a day or part of a day to spe 
cial exercises and perhaps to actual tree-planting, 
in recognition of the importance of trees to us as 
a nation, and of what they yield in adornment, 
comfort, and useful products to the communities 
in which you live. 

It is well that you should celebrate your Arbor 
Day thoughtfully, for within your lifetime the Na 
tion s need of trees will become serious. We of 
an older generation can get along with what we 
have, though with growing hardship; but in your 
full manhood and womanhood you will want what 
nature once so bountifully supplied and man so 
thoughtlessly destroyed; and because of that want 
you will reproach us, not for what we have used, 
but for what we have wasted. 

For the Nation, as for the man or woman and 
the boy or girl, the road to success is the right use 
of what we have and the improvement of present 

I2o8 Presidential Addresses 

opportunity. If you neglect to prepare yourselves 
now for the duties and responsibilities which will 
fall upon you later, if you do not learn the things 
which you will need to know when your school-days 
are over, you will suffer the consequences. So any 
nation which in its youth lives only for the day, 
reaps without sowing, and consumes without hus 
banding, must expect the penalty of the prodigal 
whose labor could with difficulty find him the bare 
means of life. 

A people without children would face a hopeless 
future; a country without trees is almost as hope 
less; forests which are so used that they can not 
renew themselves will soon vanish, and with them 
all their benefits. A true forest is not merely a 
storehouse full of wood, but, as it were, a factory 
of wood, and at the same time a reservoir of water. 
When you help to preserve our forests or to plant 
new ones, you are acting the part of good citizens. 
The value of forestry deserves, therefore, to be 
taught in the schools, which aim to make good citi 
zens of you. If your Arbor Day exercises help you 
to realize what benefits each one of you receives 
from the forests, and how by your assistance these 
benefits may continue, they will serve a good end. 


DEAR SIR: April 22, i 907 

I have received your letter of the iQth instant, in 
which you enclose the draft of the formal letter 

And State Papers 1209 

which is to follow. I have been notified that sev 
eral delegations, bearing similar requests, are on the 
way hither. In the letter you, on behalf of the Cook 
County Moyer-Haywood conference, protest against 
certain language I used in a recent letter which you 
assert to be designed to influence the course of jus 
tice in the case of the trial for murder of Messrs. 
Moyer and Haywood. I entirely agree with you 
that it is improper to endeavor to influence the 
course of justice, whether by threats or in any sim 
ilar manner. For this reason I have regretted most 
deeply the action of such organizations as your own 
in undertaking to accomplish this very result in the 
very case of which you speak. For instance, your 
letter is headed "Cook County Moyer-Haywood- 
Pettibone Conference," with the headlines : "Death 
can not will not and shall not claim our broth 
ers !" This shows that you and your associates are 
not demanding a fair trial, or working for a fair 
trial, but are announcing in advance that the ver 
dict shall only be one way and that you will not 
tolerate any other verdict. Such action is flagrant 
in its impropriety, and I join heartily in condemn 
ing it. 

But it is a simple absurdity to suppose that be 
cause any man is on trial for a given offence he is 
therefore to be freed from all criticism upon his 
general conduct and manner of life. In my letter 
to which you object, I referred to a certain promi 
nent financier, Mr. Harriman, on the one hand, and 
to Messrs. Moyer, Haywood, and Debs on the other, 

I2io Presidential Addresses 

as being equally undesirable citizens. It is as foolish 
to assert that this was designed to influence the trial 
of Moyer and Haywood as to assert that it was 
designed to influence the suits that have been 
brought against Mr. Harriman. I neither expressed 
nor indicated any opinion as to whether Messrs. 
Moyer and Haywood were guilty of the murder of 
Governor Steunenberg. If they are guilty they 
certainly ought to be punished. If they are not 
guilty they certainly ought not to be punished. 
But no possible outcome either of the trial or the 
suits can affect my judgment as to the undesira- 
bility of the type of citizenship of those whom I 
mentioned. Messrs. Moyer, Haywood, and Debs 
stand as representatives of those men who have 
done as much to discredit the labor movement 
as the worst speculative financiers or most un 
scrupulous employers of labor and debauchers of 
legislatures have done to discredit honest capital 
ists and fair-dealing business men. They stand as 
the representatives of those men who by their pub 
lic utterances and manifestoes, by the utterances of 
the papers they control or inspire, and by the words 
and deeds of those associated with or subordinated 
to them, habitually appear as guilty of incitement 
to or apology for bloodshed and violence. If this 
does not constitute undesirable citizenship, then 
there can never be any undesirable citizens. The 
men whom I denounce represent the men who have 
abandoned that legitimate movement for the uplift 
ing of labor, with which I have the most hearty 

And State Papers 1211 

sympathy; they have adopted practices which cut 
them off from those who lead this legitimate move 
ment. In every way I shall support the law-abiding 
and upright representatives of labor ; and in no way 
can I better support them than by drawing the 
sharpest possible line between them on the one 
hand, and, on the other hand, those preachers of 
violence who are themselves the worst foes of the 
honest laboring man. 

Let me repeat my deep regret that any body of 
men should so far forget their duty to the country 
as to endeavor by the formation of societies and in 
other ways to influence the course of justice in this 
matter. I have received many such letters as yours. 
Accompanying them were newspaper clippings an 
nouncing demonstrations, parades, and mass-meet 
ings designed to show that the representatives of 
labor, without regard to the facts, demand the 
acquittal of Messrs. Haywood and Moyer. Such 
meetings can, of course, be designed only to coerce 
court or jury in rendering a verdict, and they there 
fore deserve all the condemnation which you in 
your letters say should be awarded to those who en 
deavor improperly to influence the course of justice. 

You would, of course, be entirely within your 
rights if you merely announced that you thought 
Messrs. Moyer and Haywood were "desirable citi 
zens" though in such case I should take frank 
issue with you and should say that, wholly without 
regard to whether or not they were guilty of the 
crime for which they are now being tried, they rep- 

1 2i 2 Presidential Address 

resent as thoroughly undesirable a type of citizen 
ship as can be found in this country ; a type which, 
in the letter to which you so unreasonably take ex 
ception, I showed not to be confined to any one class, 
but to exist among some representatives of great 
capitalists as well as among some representatives 
of wage-workers. In that letter I condemned both 
types. Certain representatives of the great capi 
talists in turn condemned me for including Mr. 
Harriman in my condemnation of Messrs. Moyer 
and Haywood. Certain of the representatives of 
labor in their turn condemned me because I in 
cluded Messrs. Moyer and Haywood as undesirable 
citizens together with Mr. Harriman. I am as pro 
foundly indifferent to the condemnation in one case 
as in the other. I challenge as a right the support 
of all good Americans, whether wage-workers or 
capitalists, whatever their occupation or creed, or in 
whatever portion of the country they live, when I 
condemn both the types of bad citizenship which I 
have held up to reprobation. It seems to me a mark 
of utter insincerity to fail thus to condemn both ; and 
to apologize for either robs the man thus apologiz 
ing of all right to condemn any wrong-doing in 
any man, rich or poor, in public or in private life. 
You say you ask for a square deal" for Messrs. 
Moyer and Haywood. So do I. When I say 
"square deal," I mean a square deal to every one; 
it is equally a violation of the policy of the square 
deal for a capitalist to protest against denunciation 
of a capitalist who is guilty of wrong-doing and 

And State Papers 1213 

for a labor leader to protest against the denuncia 
tion of a labor leader who has been guilty of 
wrong-doing. I stand for equal justice to both; 
and so far as in my power lies I shall uphold justice, 
whether the man accused of guilt has behind him 
the wealthiest corporations, the greatest aggrega 
tions of riches in the country, or whether he has 
behind him the most influential labor organizations 
in the country. Very truly yours, 

MR. HONORE JAXON, Chairman, 
667 West Lake Street, 
Chicago, 111. 


At the outset I wish to say a word of special 
greeting to the representatives of the foreign gov 
ernments here present. They have come to assist 
us in celebrating what was in very truth the birth 
day of this Nation, for it was here that the colonists 
first settled, whose incoming, whose growth from 
their own loins and by the addition of new-comers 
from abroad, was to make the people which one 
hundred and sixty-nine years later assumed the 
solemn responsibilities and weighty duties of com 
plete independence. 

In welcoming all of you I must say a special 
word, first to the representative of the people of 
Great Britain and Ireland. The fact that so many 
of our people, of whom as it happens I myself am 
one, have but a very small portion of English blood 

1 2 14 Presidential Addresses 

in our veins, in no way alters the other fact that this 
Nation was founded by Englishmen, by the Cavalier 
and the Puritan. Their tongue, law, literature, the 
fund of their common thought, made an inheri 
tance which all of us share, and marked deep the 
lines along which we have developed. It was the 
men of English stock who did most in casting 
the mold into which our national character was run. 

Let me furthermore greet all of you, the repre 
sentatives of the people of continental Europe. 
From almost every nation of Europe we have drawn 
some part of our blood, some part of our traits. 
This mixture of blood has gone on from the begin 
ning, and with it has gone on a kind of develop 
ment unexampled among peoples of the stocks from 
which we spring; and hence to-day we differ 
sharply from, and yet in some ways are fundamen 
tally akin to, all of the nations of Europe. 

Again, let me bid you welcome, representatives 
of our sister Republics of this continent. In the 
larger aspect, your interests and ours are identical. 
Your problems and ours are in large part the same ; 
and as we strive to settle them, I pledge you here 
with on the part of this Nation the heartiest friend 
ship and good-will. 

Finally, let me say a special word of greeting to 
those representatives of the Asiatic nations who 
make up that newest East which is yet the most 
ancient East, the East of time immemorial. In 
particular, let me express a word of hearty welcome 
to the representative of the mighty island empire 

And State Papers 1215 

of Japan; that empire, which, in learning from the 
West, has shown that it had so much, so very much, 
to teach the West in return. 

To all of you here gathered I express my thanks 
for your coming, and I extend to you my earnest 
wishes for the welfare of your several nations. 
The world has moved so far that it is no longer 
necessary to believe that one nation can rise only 
by thrusting another down. All farsighted states 
men, all true patriots, now earnestly wish that the 
leading nations of mankind, as in their several 
ways they struggle constantly toward a higher civ 
ilization, a higher humanity, may advance hand in 
hand, united only in a generous rivalry to see 
which can best do its allotted work in the world. 
I believe that there is a rising tide in human thought 
which tends for righteous international peace; a 
tide which it behooves us to guide through rational 
channels to sane conclusions; and all of us here 
present can well afford to take to heart St. Paul s 
counsel : "If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, 
live peaceably with all men." 

\Ve have met to-day to celebrate the opening of 
the Exposition which itself commemorates the first 
permanent settlement of men of our stock in Vir 
ginia, the first beginning of what has since become 
this mighty Republic. Three hundred years ago 
a handful of English adventurers, who had crossed 
the ocean in what we should now call cockle-boats, 
as clumsy as they were frail, landed in the great 
wooded wilderness, the Indian-haunted waste, which 

12 1 6 Presidential Addresses 

then stretched down to the water s edge along the 
entire Atlantic Coast. They were not the first men 
of European race to settle in what is now the 
United States, for there were already Spanish set 
tlements in Florida and on the headwaters of the 
Rio Grande; and the French, who at almost the 
same time were struggling up the St. Lawrence, 
were likewise destined to form permanent settle 
ments on the Great Lakes and in the valley of the 
mighty Mississippi before the people of English 
stock went westward of the Alleghenies. More 
over, both the Dutch and the Swedes were shortly 
to found colonies between the two sets of English 
colonies, those that grew up around the Potomac 
and those that grew up on what is now the New 
England coast. Nevertheless, this landing at James 
town possesses for us of the United States an alto 
gether peculiar significance, and this without re 
gard to our several origins. The men who landed 
at Jamestown and those who, thirteen years later, 
landed at Plymouth, all of English stock, and their 
fellow-settlers who during the next few decades 
streamed in after them, were those who took the 
lead in shaping the life history of this people in 
the colonial and revolutionary days. It was they 
who bent into definite shape our Nation while it 
was still young enough most easily, most readily, 
to take on the characteristics which were to become 
part of its permanent life habit. 

Yet let us remember that while this early En 
glish colonial stock has left deeper than all others 

And State Papers 1217 

upon our national life the mark of its strong twin 
individualities, the mark of the Cavalier and of the 
Puritan nevertheless, this stock, not only from its 
environment but also from the presence with it of 
other stocks, almost from the beginning began to 
be differentiated strongly from any European peo 
ple. As I have already said, about the time the 
first English settlers landed here, the Frenchman 
and the Spaniard, the Swede and the Dutchman, 
also came hither as permanent dwellers, who left 
their seed behind them to help shape and partially 
to inherit our national life. The German, the Irish 
man, and the Scotchman came later, but still in 
colonial times. Before the outbreak of the Revolu 
tion the American people, not only because of their 
surroundings, physical and spiritual, but because of 
the mixture of blood that had already begun to take 
place, represented a new and distinct ethnic type. 
This type has never been fixed in blood. All 
through the colonial days new waves of immigra 
tion from time to time swept hither across the 
ocean, now from one country, now from another. 
The same thing has gone on ever since our birth 
as a nation; and for the last sixty years the tide of 
immigration has been at the full. The new-comers 
are soon absorbed into our eager national life, and 
are radically and profoundly changed thereby, the 
rapidity of their assimilation being marvelous. But 
each group of new-comers, as it adds its blood to 
the life, also changes it somewhat, and this change 
and growth and development have gone on stead- 

I2i 8 Presidential Addresses 

ily, generation by generation, throughout three 

The pioneers of our people who first landed on 
these shores on that eventful day three centuries 
ago had before them a task which during the early 
years was of heartbreaking danger and difficulty. 
The conquest of a new continent is iron work. 
People who dwell in old civilizations and find that 
therein so much of humanity s lot is hard, are apt 
to complain against the conditions as being solely 
due to man and to speak as if life could be made 
easy and simple if there were but a virgin conti 
nent in which to work. It is true that the pioneer 
life was simpler, but it was certainly not easier. As 
a matter of fact, the first work of the pioneers in 
taking possession of a lonely wilderness is so rough, 
so hard, so dangerous that all but the strongest 
spirits fail. The early iron days of such a conquest 
search out alike the weak in body and the weak in 
soul. In the warfare against the rugged sternness 
of primeval Nature, only those can conquer who are 
themselves unconquerable. It is not until the first 
bitter years have passed that the life becomes easy 
enough to invite a mass of new-comers, and so great 
are the risk, hardship, and toil of the early years 
that there always exists a threat of lapsing back 
from civilization. 

The history of the pioneers of Jamestown, of the 
founders of Virginia, illustrates the truth of all 
this. Famine and pestilence and war menaced the 
little band of daring men who had planted them- 

And State Papers 1219 

selves alone on the edge of a frowning continent. 
Moreover, as men ever find, whether in the tiniest 
frontier community or in the vastest and most 
highly organized and complex civilized society, their 
worst foes were in their own bosoms. Dissension, 
distrust, the inability of some to work and the un 
willingness of others, jealousy, arrogance and envy, 
folly and laziness in short, all the shortcomings 
with which we have to grapple now, were faced by 
those pioneers, and at moments threatened their 
whole enterprise with absolute ruin. It was some 
time before the ground on which they had landed 
supported them, in spite of its potential fertility, 
and they looked across the sea for supplies. At one 
moment so hopeless did they become that the whole 
colony embarked, and was only saved from aban 
doning the country by the opportune arrival of help 
from abroad. 

At last they took root in the land, and were 
already prospering when the Pilgrims landed at 
Plymouth. In a few years a great inflow of settlers 
began. Four of the present States of New Eng 
land were founded. Virginia waxed apace. The 
Carolinas grew up to the south of it, and Maryland 
to the north of it. The Dutch colonies between, 
which had already absorbed the Swedish, were in 
their turn absorbed by the English. Pennsylvania 
was founded and, later still, Georgia. There were 
many wars with the Indians and with the dauntless 
captains whose banners bore the lilies of France. 
At last the British flag flew without a rival in all 

I22O Presidential Addresses 

eastern North America. Then came the successful 
struggle for national independence. 

For half a century after we became a separate 
nation there was comparatively little immigration 
to this country. Then the tide once again set 
hither, and has flowed in ever-increasing size until 
in each of the last three years a greater number of 
people came to these shores than had landed on 
them during the entire colonial period. Generation 
by generation these people have been absorbed into 
the national life. Generally their sons, almost al 
ways their grandsons, are indistinguishable from 
one another and from their fellow-Americans de 
scended from the colonial stock. For all alike the 
problems of our existence are fundamentally the 
same, and for all alike these problems change from 
generation to generation. 

In the colonial period, and for at least a century 
after its close, the conquest of the continent, the 
expansion of our people westward, to the Alle- 
ghenies, then to the Mississippi, then to the Pacific, 
was always one of the most important tasks, and 
sometimes the most important, in our national life. 
Behind the first settlers the conditions grew easier, 
and in the older-settled regions of all the -colonies 
life speedily assumed much of comfort and some 
thing of luxury; and though generally it was on a 
much more democratic basis than life in the Old 
World, it was by no means democratic when judged 
by our modern standards; and here and there, as 
in the tide-water regions of Virginia, a genuine 

And State Papers 1221 

aristocracy grew and flourished. But the men who 
first broke ground in the virgin wilderness, whether 
on the Atlantic Coast or in the interior, fought 
hard for mere life. In the early stages the fron 
tiersman had to do battle with the savage, and when 
the savage was vanquished there remained the 
harder strain of war with the hostile forces of soil 
and climate, with flood, fever, and famine. There 
was sickness, and bitter weather; there were no 
roads ; there was a complete lack of all but the very 
roughest and most absolute necessaries. Under 
such circumstances the men and women who made 
ready the continent for civilization were able them 
selves to spend but little time in doing aught but 
the rough work which was to make smooth the 
ways of their successors. In consequence observers 
whose insight was spoiled by lack of sympathy al 
ways found both the settlers and their lives unat 
tractive and repellent. In "Martin Chuzzlewit" the 
description of America, culminating in the descrip 
tion of the frontier town of Eden, was true and 
life-like from the standpoint of one content to look 
merely at the outer shell; and yet it was a commu 
nity like Eden that gave birth to Abraham Lincoln; 
it was men such as were therein described from 
whose loins Andrew Jackson sprang. 

Hitherto each generation among us has had its 
allotted task, now heavier, now lighter. In the 
Revolutionary War the business was to achieve in 
dependence. Immediately afterward there was an 
even more momentous task ; that to achieve the na- 

1222 Presidential Addresses 

tional unity and the capacity for orderly develop 
ment, without which our liberty, our independence, 
would have been a curse and not a blessing. In 
each of these two contests, while there were many 
great leaders from many different States, it is but 
fair to say that the foremost place was taken by the 
soldiers and the statesmen of Virginia ; and to Vir 
ginia was reserved the honor of producing the hero 
of both movements, the hero of the war, and of the 
peace that made good the results of the war 
George Washington; while the two great political 
tendencies of the time can be symbolized by the 
names of two other great Virginians Jefferson 
and Marshall from one of whom w r e inherit the 
abiding trust in the people which is the foundation 
stone of democracy, and from the other the power 
to develop on behalf of the people a coherent and 
powerful government, a genuine and representative 

Two generations passed before the second great 
crisis of our history had to be faced. Then came 
the Civil War, terrible and bitter in itself and in its 
aftermath, but a struggle from which the Nation 
finally emerged united in fact as well as in name, 
united forever. Oh, my hearers, my fellow-coun 
trymen, great indeed has been our good fortune; 
for as time clears away the mists that once shrouded 
brother from brother and made each look "as 
through a glass darkly" at the other, we can all feel 
the same pride in the valor, the devotion, and the 
fealty toward the right as it was given to each to 

And State Papers 1223 

see the right, shown alike by the men who wore the 
blue and by the men who wore the gray. Rich and 
prosperous though we are as a people, the proudest 
heritage that each of us has, no matter where he 
may dwell, North or South, East or West, is the 
immaterial heritage of feeling, the right to claim as 
his own all the valor and all the steadfast devotion 
to duty shown by the men of both the great armies, 
of the soldiers whose leader was Grant and the sol 
diers whose leader was Lee. The men and the 
women of the Civil War did their duty bravely and 
well in the days that were dark and terrible and 
splendid. We, their descendants, who pay proud 
homage to their memories, and glory in the feats 
of might of one side no less than of the other, need 
to keep steadily in mind that the homage which 
counts is the homage of heart and of hand, and not 
of the lips, the homage of deeds and not of words 
only. We, too, in our turn, must prove our truth 
by our endeavor. We must show ourselves worthy 
sons of the men of the mighty days by the way in 
which we meet the problems of our own time. We 
carry our heads high because our fathers did well 
in the years that tried men s souls ; and we must in 
our turn so bear ourselves that the children who 
come after us may feel that we too have done our 

We can not afford to forget the maxim upon 
which Washington insisted, that the surest way to 
avert war is to be prepared to meet it. Neverthe 
less, the duties that most concern us of this genera- 

II 6 

1224 Presidential Addresses 

tion are not military, but social and industrial. 
Each community must always dread the evils which 
spring up as attendant upon the very qualities 
which give it success. We of this mighty western 
Republic have to grapple with the dangers that 
spring from popular self-government tried on a 
scale incomparably vaster than ever before in the 
history of mankind, and from an abounding mate 
rial prosperity greater also than anything which the 
world has hitherto seen. 

As regards the first set of dangers, it behooves 
us to remember that men can never escape being 
governed. Either they must govern themselves or 
they must submit to being governed by others. If 
from lawlessness or fickleness, from folly or self- 
indulgence, they refuse to govern themselves, then 
most assuredly in the end they will have to be gov 
erned from the outside. They can prevent the need 
of government from without only by showing that 
they possess the power of government from within. 
A sovereign can not make excuses for his failures; 
a sovereign must accept the responsibility for the 
exercise of the power that inheres in him; and 
where, as is true in our Republic, the people are 
sovereign, then the people must show a sober under 
standing and a sane and steadfast purpose if they 
are to preserve that orderly liberty upon which as 
a foundation every republic must rest. 

In industrial matters our enormous prosperity 
has brought with it certain grave evils. It is our 
duty to try to cut out these evils without at the 

And State Papers 1225 

same time destroying our well-being itself. This 
is an era of combination alike in the world of capi 
tal and in the world of labor. Each kind of com 
bination can do good, and yet each, however power 
ful, must be opposed when it does ill. At the 
moment the greatest problem before us is how to 
exercise such control over the business use of vast 
wealth, individual, but especially corporate, as will 
ensure its not being used against the interest of the 
public, while yet permitting such ample legitimate 
profits as will encourage individual initiative. It 
is our business to put a stop to abuses and to pre 
vent their recurrence, without showing a spirit of 
mere vindictiveness for what has been done in the 
past. In John Morley s brilliant sketch of Burke 
he lays especial stress upon the fact that Burke more 
than almost any other thinker or politician of his 
time realized the profound lesson that in politics 
we are concerned not with barren rights but with 
duties; not with abstract truth, but with practical 
morality. He especially eulogizes the way in which 
in his efforts for economic reform, Burke combined 
unshakable resolution in pressing the reform with a 
profound temperateness of spirit which made him, 
while bent on the extirpation of the evil system, re 
fuse to cherish an unreasoning and vindictive ill- 
will toward the men who had benefited by it. Said 
Burke : "If I can not reform with equity, I will not 
reform at all. . . . (There is) a state to preserve 
as well as a state to reform." 

This is the exact spirit in which this country 

1226 Presidential Addresses 

should move to the reform of abases of corporate 
wealth. The wrong-doer, the man who swindles 
and cheats, whether on a big scale or a little one, 
shall receive at our hands mercy as scant as if he 
committed crimes of violence or brutality. We are 
unalterably determined to prevent wrong-doing in 
the future ; we have no intention of trying to wreak 
such an indiscriminate vengeance for wrongs done 
in the past as would confound the innocent with the 
guilty. Our purpose is to build up rather than to 
tear down. We show ourselves the truest friends 
of property when we make it evident that we will 
not tolerate the abuses of property. We are stead 
ily bent on preserving the institution of private 
property; we combat every tendency toward reduc 
ing the people to economic servitude; and we care 
not whether the tendency is due to a sinister agita 
tion directed against all property, or whether it is 
due to the actions of those members of the preda 
tory classes whose anti-social power is immeasur 
ably increased because of the very fact that they 
possess wealth. 

Above all, we insist that while facing changed 
conditions and new problems, we must face them 
in the spirit which our forefathers showed when 
they founded and preserved this Republic. The 
corner-stone of the Republic lies in our treating 
each man on his worth as a man, paying no heed 
to his creed, his birthplace, or his occupation, ask 
ing not whether he is rich or poor, whether he 
labors with head or hand ; asking only whether he 

And State Papers 1227 

acts decently and honorably in the various relations 
of his life, whether he behaves well to his family, 
to his neighbors, to the state. We base our regard 
for each man on the essentials and not the acci 
dents. We judge him not by his professions, but 
by his deeds; by his conduct, not by what he has 
acquired of this world s goods. Other republics 
have fallen, because the citizens gradually grew to 
consider the interests of a class before the interests 
of the whole; for when such was the case it mat 
tered little whether it was the poor who plundered 
the rich or the rich who exploited the poor; in 
either event the end of the republic was at hand. 
We are resolute in our purpose not to fall into such 
a pit. This great Republic of ours shall never be 
come the government of a plutocracy, and it shall 
never become the government of a mob. God will 
ing, it shall remain what our fathers who founded 
it meant it to be a government in which each man 
stands on his worth as a man, where each is given 
the largest personal liberty consistent with securing 
the well-being of the whole, and where, so far as in 
us lies, we strive continually to secure for each man 
such equality of opportunity that in the strife of 
life he may have a fair chance to show the stuff 
that is in him. We are proud of our schools and 
of the trained intelligence they give our children 
the opportunity to acquire. But what we care for 
most is the character of the average man; for we 
believe that if the average of character in the indi 
vidual citizen is sufficiently high, if he possesses 

1228 Presidential Addresses 

those qualities which make him worthy of respect 
in his family life and in his work outside, as well 
as the qualities which fit him for success in the hard 
struggle of actual existence that if such is the 
character of our individual citizenship, there is lit 
erally no height of triumph unattainable in this 
vast experiment of government by, of, and for a free 




Men of the Army of the Potomac, and you, my 
Friends and Fellow-Citizens: 

It is with profound pleasure that, as President 
of the United States, I to-day take part in the un 
veiling of a monument to one of its leading soldiers 
of the Civil War. Naturally, on behalf of the 
Nation, I greet with peculiar pleasure Mrs. Mc- 
Clellan and her son on this occasion. Next only to 
them, I take special pleasure in greeting the com 
rades of General McClellan you, the generals, the 
officers, and the enlisted men who fought under him 
in the mighty days. 

Let me here, General King, express my peculiar 
appreciation of the honor conferred upon me in 
electing me to honorary membership in the Society 
of the Army of the Potomac an honor previously 
conferred upon my lamented predecessor, President 
McKinley. The war that I took part in was a little 
war, but it was all the war there was; and we 

And State Papers 1229 

tried to show that we at least had the desire to 
act as you men of the mighty days would wish 
those who came after you to act. 

I desire also to say a special word of greeting 
to the Governor of New Jersey, and to the troops 
of New Jersey who have come here to pay homage 
to the memory of their revered fellow-citizen. 

To General McClellan it was given to command 
in some of the hardest fought battles and most im 
portant campaigns in the great war of this hemi 
sphere, so that his name will be forever linked with 
the mighty memories that arise when we speak of 
Antietam and South Mountain, Fair Oaks and Mal- 
vern; so that we never can speak of the great 
Army of the Potomac without having rise before us 
the figure of General McClellan, the man who or 
ganized and first led it. There was also given to 
him the peculiar gift, one that is possessed by 
but very few men, to combine the qualities that won 
him the enthusiastic love and admiration of the 
soldiers who fought with and under him, and the 
qualities that in civil life endeared him peculiarly 
to all who came in contact with him. 

Let me say a word of acknowledgment of a 
special kind to the Committee who are responsible 
for the statue. It has been said of some modern 
statuary that it added a new terror to death. But 
I wish on behalf of those who live in the capital 
of the Nation to express my very profound ac 
knowledgments to those who had the good taste to 
choose a great sculptor to do this work. I thank 

1230 Presidential Addresses 

them for having erected here in so well-chosen a 
site a statue which, not only because of the man 
it commemorates, but because of its own intrinsic 
worth, adds to the nobility and beauty of the cap 
ital city of the country. 

As has been already well said to-day, you men 
of the great war, you veterans here, need no statue, 
need no shaft, to recall you to the memory of your 
fellow-countrymen. You have as your perpetual 
monument the country itself. We have to-day a 
country, a government, a national capital, a flag, only 
because of what you and your comrades did in the 
Civil War. Above all, you left us not merely the 
heritage left by all good soldiers to their country 
the heritage of the right to take glory in your own 
achievements but you have the peculiar honor, 
the peculiar good fortune, to leave to your country 
men the right to take pride also in the achieve 
ments of their fellow-countrymen who were at the 
time your gallant foes the men who are now your 
brothers, knit by the events of that war with you, 
and their descendants with yours, in a real Union 
forever indissoluble. We have become accustomed 
to accepting as a matter of course certain things 
which would be wellnigh impossible in any country 
save ours, so that it seems most natural that the 
President of the United States, when he drives 
down to take part in a celebration like this, should 
have as his personal aides both the sons of the men 
who wore the blue and the sons of the men who 
wore the gray. As Americans, when we glory in 

And State Papers 1231 

what was done under Grant, Sherman, Thomas, 
Sheridan, McClellan, Farragut, we can no less 
glory in the valor, and the devotion to duty as it 
was given to them to see the duty, of the men who 
fought under Lee and Stonewall Jackson and the 
Johnsons and Stewart and Morgan. 

Men of the Army of the Potomac, not only have 
you left us a united land, not only have you left 
us the material heritage which your hands wrought, 
but you have left us by what you did in your lives 
certain lessons which apply as much in peace as in 
war lessons which are sometimes only painfully 
learned in war, which are sometimes quickly for 
gotten in peace. First of all among these lessons 
necessary for our people to keep ever in mind, I 
would put the fact that the life worth living is the 
life of endeavor, the life of effort, the life of 
worthy strife to accomplish a worthy end. 

We have listened recently to a great deal of talk 
about peace. It is the duty of all of us to strive 
for peace, provided that it comes on the right 
terms. I believe that the man who really does 
best work for the state in peace is the very man 
who at need will do well in war. If peace is merely 
another name for self-indulgence, for sloth, for 
timidity, for the avoidance of duty, have none of it. 
Seek the peace that comes to the just man armed, 
who will dare to defend his rights if the need should 
arise. Seek the peace granted to him who will 
wrong no man and will not submit to wrong in 
return. Seek the peace that comes to us as the 

1232 Presidential Addresses 

peace of righteousness, the peace of justice. Ask 
peace because your deeds and your powers warrant 
you in asking it, and do not put yourself in the 
position to crave it as something to be granted or 
withheld at the whim of another. 

If there is one thing which we should wish as 
a Nation to avoid, it is the teaching of those who 
would reenforce the lower promptings of our hearts, 
and so teach us to seek only a life of effortless 
ease, of mere material comfort. The material de 
velopment of this country, of which we have a 
right to be proud provided that we keep our pride 
rational and within measure, brings with it certain 
great dangers, and one of those dangers is the con 
founding of means and ends. Material develop 
ment means nothing to a nation as an end in itself. 
If America is to stand simply for the accumulation 
of what tells for comfort and luxury, then it will 
stand for little indeed when looked at through the 
vistas of the ages. America will stand for much 
provided only that it treats material comfort, ma 
terial luxury, and the means for acquiring such, as 
the foundation on which to build the real life, the 
life of spiritual and moral effort and achievement. 
The rich man who has done nothing but accumulate 
riches is entitled to but the scantiest consideration; 
to men of real power of discernment he is an ob 
ject rather of contempt than of envy. The test of 
a fortune should be twofold how it was earned 
and how it is spent. It is with the nation as it 
is with the individual. Looking back through his- 

And State Papers 1233 

tory, the nation that we respect is invariably the 
nation that struggled, the nation that strove 
toward a high ideal, the nation that recognized in 
an obstacle something to be overcome and not 
something to be shirked. The nation is but the 
aggregate of the individuals, and what is true of 
national life is and must be true of each of us in 
his individual life. The man renders but a poor 
service to nation or to individual who preaches 
rest, ease, absence of endeavor, as what that nation 
or that individual should strive after. Both you 
men who fought in blue and your brothers who 
fought in gray against you, as you look back in your 
lives through the years that have passed, what is 
it in those years that you most glory in? The 
times of ease, the times of fatness, the times when 
everything went smoothly with you? Of course not, 
because you are men, because you are moved by 
the spirit of men. What you glory in, what you 
hope to hand down as undying memories to your 
children, are the things that were done in the 
days that brought little pleasure with them save the 
grim consciousness of having done each man his 
duty as his duty needed to be done. Because in 
those years you had it in you dauntlessly to do 
your share in the work allotted to you, your chil 
dren and your children s children rise up to call 
you blessed. Who among you now would barter 
the memories of the dark years from 61 to 65 
for any gift that could be given ? Not a man among 
you. You have won the right to feel a pride that 

1234 Presidential Addresses 

none other of your countrymen can feel, and you 
won that right because you sought not the path of 
ease but the path of rough, disagreeable, irksome, 
and dangerous duty. 

In life as it is to-day in time of peace we do not 
have to face the difficulties and dangers you had 
to face; but if we do not face the duties that are 
ours in your spirit, we shall do them but poorly. 
We are a good many thousand years short of the 
Millennium yet, both as among nations and as 
among individuals, and our business is to do our own 
duty and to teach our children to do their duty in a 
rough, workaday world; and we can not do that 
duty by fine phrases. There is no use in anything 
I say here being all right unless the deeds both 
of myself and yourselves correspond to the words 
I speak and to which you listen. That is all that 
words count for as an index by which you can 
judge the corresponding deeds, either of the speaker 
or of the listeners. We can not do our duty if we 
let ourselves get a false perspective of life, if 
we substitute ease and pleasure for the conception 
of duty itself. That is just as true of the man 
and the woman in private life as it is of the soldier. 
Consider your friends and associates who were not 
in the army; take the younger people; look at 
each man and each woman when they have begun 
to be elderly, and compare in real happiness those 
who have gone through life shirking, getting 
around and avoiding what was disagreeable and 
unpleasant, with those who have faced and over- 

And State Papers I2 35 

come what was disagreeable and unpleasant, and 
you will find that it is the last class who have had 
the real enjoyment. 

There is just one person in this country whom 
I put ahead of any soldier, I do not care whether 
the soldier wore the blue or whether he wore the 
gray; I do not care whether he fought through the 
Civil War, not even if he lost an arm in the Civil 
War I put ahead of the soldier the really good 
woman, the good wife and mother, who ha s done 
her full duty. She often has a pretty hard time; 
each man here knows that it is the woman who 
often has to do harder work than the hardest- 
worked man; and therefore the man worth the 
name will always show a peculiar consideration 
and tenderness for his helpmeet, for all the women 
of his household. The man at least has his nights 
to himself, and the woman with children does 
not. She has to take care of the children in sick 
ness, she has a greater responsibility for raising 
them, for giving them the proper training, than 
the man can possibly have. Yet the woman who 
thus with labor and anxiety brings up her children 
is blessed among women, blessed among men. I 
do not pity her in the least. I respect and admire 
her, and hold her worthy of admiration and honor. 
The selfish creature, man or woman, who reaches 
old age having achieved ease by shirking duty, 
is to be heartily despised and not envied. Our 
admiration is reserved for him or for her who 
has done the real work which makes the next 

1236 Presidential Addresses 

generation able in its turn to do its work in 
the country. 

I wish to see the people of this country not merely 
feel kindly toward their neighbors who do well ; for 
I also wish to see them actuated by a flaming indig 
nation toward their neighbors who do ill. I wish 
to see you peaceful, and desirous each to avoid 
harming his neighbor; and I wish to see you able 
and desirous each to see that your neighbor does 
not harm you. A foolish good-nature, a weak good 
nature, incapable of righteous wrath, is almost as 
unfortunate an attribute for a citizen of this de 
mocracy as willingness to do wrong on the part of 
the man himself. If the man hasn t in him the 
power of being aroused to vehement action when 
wrong has been done, he can be of no service in 
combating the manifold wrongs that do exist at 
present alike in our industrial and in our economic 
life. The public servant who is only good-natured 
and well-meaning is not a very useful public ser 
vant. If you haven t got it in you to strive man 
fully against wrong, you will accomplish but little 
for right. 

The qualities needed to make a good soldier, in 
their final analysis, are the qualities needed to make 
a good citizen; and the qualities needed alike by 
soldier in time of war and by all citizens in time 
of peace are those which in their sum make up the 
characteristics that tell for a great and righteous 
people. America must rise level to the ideals of 
the founders of the Nation when they started this 

And State Papers I2 37 

mighty Republic on the road of self-government. 
Those ideals in their sum were to found here a 
government of the people, by the people, where no 
one man should wrong his brother, where the Na 
tion should wrong no outsider, and should be able 
to resist aggression from without. I hope to see 
this Nation play an ever-growing part in the affairs 
of the world. It can not play that part unless it 
is willing to accept the responsibilities that go with 
it. We can not do our first and primary duty at 
home within our own borders unless we strive meas 
urably to realize certain ideals. By this I do not 
mean merely to talk about them at Fourth of July 
celebrations; to speak of them, and applaud the 
speech, and then go home and have neither speaker 
nor hearer practice what has thus virtuously been 
preached. We should say and applaud only what 
we believe in. And having said it, and having ap 
plauded it when said, we should try to put it into 
practice. When we speak of liberty, when we praise 
it, let us try to see that in actual practice we achieve 
it. When we speak of fraternity, of brotherhood, 
let us exercise each for himself the qualities that 
make for brotherhood, for fraternity. When we 
speak of equality, let us try to realize it in the spirit 
of Abraham Lincoln, who pointed out that there 
was, of course, a certain sense in which men are 
not, and can not be, equal; but who realized by his 
life and his deeds the profound truth that in the 
larger sense, in the real, the all-important sense, 
there can and must be an equality among all men. 

1238 Presidential Addresses 

This equality we, of the American Republic, must 
seek to secure among our fellow-citizens. It is an 
equality of rights before the law; a measurable 
equality of opportunity, so far as we can secure it, 
for each man to do the best that there is in him 
without harming his fellows, and without hindrance 
from his fellows; and finally, and most important, 
it is that equality which we should prize above all 
else, the equality of self-respect and of mutual re 
spect among each and all of our citizens. 


May 2, ip o7 

When you, in company with Messrs. Coakley and 
Brown, called upon me this morning, I read you 
the letter I had written to the Attorney-General on 
March 25, 1906. At your request I gladly send you 
the following extract from that letter : 

"[Our duty is] if it should ever happen that we 
had any power in the matter, to see that exact jus 
tice is done these men. There must be no con 
donation of lawlessness on our part, even if the 
lawlessness takes the form of an effort to avenge 
the wrongs committed by the lawlessness of others. 
The sole question as regards Haywood and Moyer 
must be the question whether or not they can be 
shown to be guilty of this particular act, and their 
legal rights must be as carefully safeguarded as 
those of any other men. It is alleged that they 
were extradited from Colorado in a manner that 

And State Papers 1239 

amounted to a betrayal of their legal rights. I 
should like to have the District Attorney of Colo 
rado, and if necessary the District Attorney of 
Idaho, give me such information as they can on 
this point. I should like to get from the District 
Attorney of Idaho any information that he can ob 
tain as to whether or not there has been the slight 
est disposition shown by the authorities in Idaho 
to act toward these men in an unfair or improper 
manner, or to deny them their legal rights. On 
the other hand, I should like to know whether there 
is any symptom of a miscarriage of justice in their 
favor. . . . The intemperate violence with which 
Socialistic or labor papers like that of Debs, and I 
am sorry to say some labor organizations, have in 
sisted without any knowledge of the facts upon 
treating these men as martyrs to the cause of labor, 
has unquestionably resulted in tremendous pressure 
being brought to bear upon the authorities of Idaho 
to discharge or acquit them whether guilty or inno 
cent. ... So far as the unions are anxious only to 
see that exact justice is done these men, that they 
are given their full legal rights and not condemned 
unless proved guilty of this specific act, they are 
entitled to the cordial co-operation of all just and 
fair-minded citizens. So far as by any action, or 
by murderous and treasonable language such as that 
quoted above from Debs (and others), they tend to 
bring pressure to bear upon the State authorities 
and the courts, to obstruct the course of justice, 
and to render it difficult to convict the men if guilty, 

1240 Presidential Addresses 

they are equally without stint to be condemned ; and 
anything that the Federal authorities can do, in 
either event, to further the cause of justice is to 
be done." 

In response to your question it is, I trust, needless 
for me to say that if at any time you or any one else 
can submit to me any evidence showing that there 
has been a miscarriage of justice for or against 
Messrs. Moyer or Haywood, which you believe it is 
in my power to remedy, I will at once bring such 
evidence to the attention of the Attorney-General to 
have him give it the fullest consideration and to take 
thereon such action, if any, as it may be in the power 
of the Federal authorities to take. 
Sincerely yours, 



1 2 20 Third Avenue, New York. 


Mr. Sidwell and Pupils: 

When I speak of the American boy, what I say 
really applies to the grown-ups nearly as much as 
to the boys. I want to see every one of you boys 
enjoy himself to the full, and yet remember that he 
won t enjoy himself if he does not do real work. It 
is not the boy who shirks his lessons, who shirks 
doing his work, who ultimately has a good time. I 
remember once talking with a great friend of mine, a 
professor in Yale, about a certain boy who had been 
put on the Yale football eleven early in the season ; 
I said that I had happened to know his father, and 
that I hoped the boy would do well. My friend, 
the professor, answered : "You will find he won t do 
well; that fellow has not got the right stuff in him; 
he will not keep up with his studies, and my experi 
ence has always been if a boy has not the character 
to study he won t have the character to persevere in 
the game." The professor was exactly right. The 
boy was dropped before the end of the season. He 
did not have the right stuff in him ; and exactly as it 
had shown itself in his not keeping decently up with 
his studies, so it showed itself in making him quite 
unable to do his work on the team. I want to see 
each of you play hard when you play ; and I want to 
see each of you work hard, and not play at all, when 
you work. I want to see a man work, but if he is 


1242 Presidential Addresses 

the kind of man who is wholly unable ever to enjoy 
a holiday, he is apt to be a pretty poor father, a 
pretty poor citizen. Let him work hard, and let him 
remember to enjoy the other side of life too. 

I want. to see you game, boys; I want to see you 
brave and manly ; and I also want to see you gentle 
and tender. In other words, you should make it 
your object to be the right kind of boys at home, so 
that your family" will feel a genuine regret, instead 
of a sense of relief, when you stay away; and at 
the same time you must be able to hold your own 
in the outside world. You can not do that if you 
have not manliness, courage in you. It does no 
good to have either of those two sets of qualities if 
you lack the other. I do not care how nice a little 
boy you are, how pleasant at home, if when you are 
out you are afraid of other little boys lest they be 
rude to you; for if so you will not be a very happy 
boy nor grow up a very useful man. When a boy 
grows up I want him to be of such a type that when 
somebody wrongs him he will feel a good, healthy 
desire to show the wrong-doers that he can not be 
wronged with impunity. I like to have the man who 
is a citizen feel, when a wrong is done to< the com 
munity by any one, when there is an exhibition of 
corruption or betrayal of trust, or demagogy or vio 
lence, or brutality, not that he is shocked and horri 
fied and would like to go home; but I want to have 
him feel the determination to put the wrong-doer 
down, to make the man who does wrong aware that 
the decent man is not only his superior in decency, 

And State Papers 1243 

but his superior in strength ; not necessarily physical 
strength, but strength of character, the kind of 
strength that makes a good and forceful citizen. 

The place in which each of you should try to be 
most useful is his own home, and each of you should 
wish for and should practice in order to have cour 
age and strength, so that they can be used in pro 
tecting the gentle, in protecting the weak, against 
those who would wrong weakness and gentleness. 
The boy who will maltreat either a smaller child, a 
little boy or a little girl, or a dumb animal, is just 
about the meanest boy that you can find anywhere 
in the world. You should be brave and able to hold 
your own just because you should be able to put 
down such a bully. It should be your pride to be the. 
champion of the weak. You will find a certain num 
ber of boys who have strength and who pride them 
selves in it, and who misuse it. The boy who will 
torture something harmless, who will oppress the 
boy or girl who is weak, or do wrong to those who 
can not resist, almost always proves to have a weak 
streak in him, and not to have the stuff in him that 
would make him stand up to an equal foe under 
punishment. That boy has not real courage, real 
strength; and much though I dislike seeing a boy 
who is timid, who is afraid, who can not hold his 
own, I dislike infinitely more, I abhor, the boy who 
uses strength and courage to oppress those who can 
not help themselves. 

Now, one word to the grown-ups, to the fathers 
and especially to the mothers. Do remember that 

1 244 Presidential Addresses 

in your homes it is just as important as in the out 
side world that you should have neither hardness 
of heart nor softness of head. The damage done 
to children by cold or unfeeling or selfish parents 
is not a bit greater than the damage done to them 
by foolish and weak and over-indulgent parents. A 
foolish indulgence is as bad as any harshness. In 
particular the mother who lets her boy grow up 
selfish, imposing on her, not showing tenderness or 
consideration for her or for others, is preparing to 
turn the selfish son into what will some day be a 
brutal and unfeeling husband and father. That 
woman is not showing real tenderness, real love for 
the boy; she is showing folly, and wicked folly at 
that. She is doing the worst that she can for the 
boy, and she is preparing misery and suffering for 
all those who come in contact with him thereafter. 
The men, and especially the women (for it is the 
woman who counts for most in the household), who 
fail to bring up their children so that they give a 
prompt and ready obedience, and show unselfishness 
and consideration for others all of us need to be 
taught that, it does not come naturally fail signally 
in their duty as fathers or mothers. 

I shall quote, in closing, a bit of advice of which 
I have always been fond, gathered from the foot 
ball field, and it applies just as much in after life 
as it does on a football team. In after life, as in 
your games, remember: "Don t flinch, don t foul, 
and hit the line hard." 

And State Papers I2 45 

For more than one reason I am peculiarly glad 
that this year I speak on Memorial Day in the State 
of Indiana. There is no other class of our citizens 
to whom we owe so much as to the veterans of 
the great war. To them it was given to perform 
the one feat with which no other feat can be com 
pared, for to them it was given to preserve the 
Union. Moreover, you men who wore the blue, 
blessed beyond the victors in any other war of recent 
times, have left to your countrymen more than the 
material results of the triumph, more even than the 
achieving the triumph itself. You have left a coun 
try so genuinely reunited that all of us now, in what 
ever part of this Union we live, have a right to feel 
the keenest pride, not only in the valor and self- 
devotion of you, the gallant men who wore the blue, 
but also in the valor and self-devotion of your gal 
lant opponents who wore the gray. The hero whose 
monument we to-day unveil, by his life bore singu 
lar testimony to the completeness of the reunion. 
General Lawton in his youth fought gallantly in the 
Civil War. Thirty-three years afterward he again 
marched to war, this time against a foreign foe, and 
served with distinguished ability and success as a 
general officer, both in Cuba and in the Philippines. 
When he thus served it was in an army whose gen 
erals included not only many of his old comrades in 
arms, but some of his old opponents also, as General 
Wheeler and General Fitzhugh Lee. Under him, 
both among the commissioned officers and in the 

1246 Presidential Addresses 

ranks, were many men whose fathers had worn the 
blue serving side by side with others whose fathers 
had worn the gray; but all Americans now, and 
nothing but Americans, all united in their fealty and 
devotion to their common flag and their common 
country, and each knowing only the generous rivalry 
with his fellows as to who could best serve the cause 
for which each was ready to lay down life itself. To 
General Lawton it befell actually to lay down his life ; 
a tragedy, but one of those noble tragedies where our 
pride rises above our sorrow. For he died in the 
fulness of time, serving his country with entire de 
votion a death that every man may well envy. 

Indiana in the Civil War furnished even more 
than her share of brave soldiers. It also fell to In 
diana to furnish the greatest of all the war gov 
ernors who upheld the hands of Abraham Lincoln; 
for when history definitely awards the credit for 
what was done in the Civil War, she will put the 
services of no other civilian, save alone those of Lin 
coln, ahead of the services of Governor Morton. No 
other man who rendered such services as he rendered 
worked under such terrible disadvantages; and no 
man without his iron power could have achieved 
what he achieved during the last two years of the 
war, when he managed the State Government of In 
diana solely on money obtained by pledging his 
own personal honor and personal fortune, and yet 
never for one moment relaxed in the help he gave 
to Lincoln and Chase and Seward and Stanton in 
the Cabinet, to Grant and Sherman and Sheridan 

And State Papers 

and Thomas in the field. It was work that only the 
strongest man could have done, and it was work 
vitally necessary for the sake of the Nation. 

The men o<f the generation which fought the 
Civil War had their great tasks to perform. They 
met them as strong men should have met them. 
They did them, and we, their children, profit by 
their mighty deeds. But no generation can ever 
plead the great deeds of its predecessors as an 
excuse for failing to perform its own duties. Our 
duties are those of peace and not of war. Never 
theless they are of the utmost importance; of im 
portance to ourselves, and of still greater importance 
to the children who in a few years will take our 
places as the men and women of this Republic. If 
we wish to show ourselves worthy heirs of the men 
of the Civil War, we must do our tasks with the 
thoroughness with which they did theirs. 

Great social and industrial problems confront us, 
and their solution demands on our part unfaltering 
courage, and yet a wise, good-natured self-restraint; 
so that on the one hand we shall neither be daunted 
by difficulties nor fooled by those who would seek 
to persuade us that the difficulties are insuperable; 
while on the other hand we are not misled into 
showing either rashness or vindictiveness. Let us 
try as a people to show the same qualities as we 
deal with the industrial and social problems of to 
day that Abraham Lincoln showed when with in 
domitable resolution, but with a kindliness, patience, 
and common-sense quite as remarkable, he faced 


1 248 Presidential Addresses 

four weary years of open war in front, of calumny, 
detraction, and intrigue from behind, and at the end 
gave to his countrymen whom he had served so well 
the blood-bought gift of a race freed and a nation 
forever united. 

One great problem that we have before us is to 
preserve the rights of property; and these can only 
be preserved if we remember that they are in less 
jeopardy from the Socialist and the Anarchist than 
from the predatory man of wealth. It has become 
evident that to refuse to invoke the power of the 
Nation to restrain the wrongs committed by the 
man of great wealth who does evil is not only to 
neglect the interests of the public, but is to neglect 
the interests of the man of means who acts honor 
ably by his fellows. The power of the Nation must 
be exerted to stop crimes of cunning no less than 
crimes of violence. There can be no halt in the 
course we have deliberately elected to pursue, the 
policy of asserting the right of the Nation, so far 
as it has the power, to supervise and control the 
business use of wealth, especially in its corporate 
form. To-day I wish to say a word to you about 
the first and most important feature of this task, 
the control of the common carriers doing an inter 
state business, a control absolutely vested in the 
Nation ; while in so far as the common carriers also 
transport the mails, it is in my opinion probable 
that whether their business is or is not interstate, 
it is to the same extent subject to Federal control, 
under that clause of the Constitution granting to 

And State Papers I2 49 

the National Government power to establish post 
roads, and therefore by necessary implication power 
to take all action necessary in order to keep them 
at the highest point of efficiency. 

Every Federal law dealing with corporations or 
with railroads that has been put upon the statute 
books during the last six years has been a step in 
advance in the right direction. All action taken 
by the Administration under these and the pre 
existing laws has been just and proper. Every 
suit undertaken during that period has been a suit 
not merely warranted, but required, by the facts; 
a suit in the interest of the people as a whole, and, 
in the long run, particularly in the interest of stock 
holders as well as in the interest of business men 
of property generally. There can be no swerving 
from the course that has thus been mapped out in 
the legislation actually enacted and in the messages 
in which I have asked for further legislation. We 
best serve the interests of the honest railway men 
when we announce that we will follow out precisely 
this course. It is the course of real, of ultimate 
conservatism. There will be no halt in the forward 
movement toward a full development of this policy ; 
and those who wish us to take a step backward or 
to stand still, if their wishes were realized, would 
find that they had invited an outbreak of the very 
radicalism they fear. There must be progressive leg 
islative and administrative action for the correction 
of the evils which every sincere man must admit to 
have existed in railroad management in the past. 

1250 Presidential Addresses 

Such additional legislation as that for which I 
have asked in the past, and especially that for which 
I asked in my message at the opening of the last 
session of Congress, is not merely in the interest of 
the public, but most emphatically in the interest of 
every honest railway manager and of all investors 
or would-be investors in railway securities. There 
must be vested in the Federal Government a full 
power of supervision and control over the railways 
doing interstate business; a power in many respects 
analogous to and as complete as that the Govern 
ment exercises over the national banks. It must 
possess the power to exercise supervision over the 
future issuance of stocks and bonds, either through 
a national corporation (which I should prefer) 
or in some similar fashion, such supervision to 
include the frank publicity of everything which 
would-be investors and the public at large have a 
right to know. The Federal Government will thus 
be able to prevent all overcapitalization in the fu 
ture; to prevent any man hereafter from plun 
dering others by loading railway properties with 
obligations and pocketing the money instead of 
spending it in improvements and in legitimate cor 
porate purposes ; and any man acting in such fash 
ion should be held to a criminal accountability. It 
should be declared contrary to public policy hence 
forth to allow railroads to devote their capital to 
anything but the transportation business, certainly 
not to the hazards of speculation. For the very 
reason that we desire to favor the honest railroad 

And State Papers 1251 

manager, we should seek to discourage the activ 
ities of the man whose only concern with railroads 
is to manipulate their stocks. The business of rail 
road organization and management should be kept 
entirely distinct from investment or brokerage busi 
ness especially of the speculative type, and the credit 
and property of the corporation should be devoted 
to the extension and betterment of its railroads, 
and to the development of the country naturally 
tributary to the lines. These principles are funda 
mental. Railroads should not be prohibited from 
acquiring connecting lines, by acquiring stocks, 
bonds, or other securities of such lines; but it is 
already well settled as contrary to public policy to 
allow railroads to acquire control over parallel and 
competing lines of transportation. Subject to first 
giving to the Government the power of supervision 
and control which I have advocated above, the law 
should be amended so that railroads may be per 
mitted and encouraged to make traffic agreements 
when these are in the interest of the general public 
as well as of the railroad corporations making them. 
These agreements should of course be made public 
in the minutest detail, and should be subject to 
securing the previous assent of the Interstate Com 
merce Commission. 

The movement to regulate railways by law has 
come to stay. The people of this country have 
made up their minds and wisely made up their 
minds to exercise a closer control over all kinds 
of public-service corporations, including railways. 

1252 Presidential Addresses 

Every honestly managed railway will gain and 
not lose by the policy. The men more anxious 
to manipulate stocks than to make the management 
of their roads efficient and honest are the only ones 
who have cause to oppose it. 

We who believe in steady and healthy progress 
stand unalterably for the new era of the widest 
publicity, and of fair dealing on the part of rail 
roads with stockholders, passengers, and shippers. 
We ask the consent of no man in carrying out this 
policy; but we gladly welcome the aid of every 
man in perfecting the law in its details and in 
securing its enactment and the faithful observance 
of its wise provisions. We seek nothing revolu 
tionary. We ask for such laws as in their essence 
now obtain in the staid old Commonwealth of Mas 
sachusetts; such laws as now obtain in England. 
The purpose of those of us who so resolutely believe 
in the new policy, in its thorough carrying out, and 
in its progressive development, is in no sense puni 
tive or vindictive. We would be the first to protest 
against any form of confiscation of property, and 
whether we protested or not, I may add that the Su 
preme Court could be trusted in any event to see that 
there should be nothing done under the guise of reg 
ulating roads to destroy property without just com 
pensation or without due process of law. As a mat 
ter of course, we shall punish any criminal whom 
we can convict under the law ; but we have no inten 
tion of confounding the innocent many and the 
guilty few by any ill-judged and sweeping scheme of 

And State Papers I2 S3 

vengeance. Our aim is primarily to prevent these 
abuses in the future. Wherever evil-doers can be, 
they shall be, brought to justice; and no criminal, 
high or low, whom we can reach will receive immu 
nity. But the rights of innocent investors should not 
be jeoparded by legislation or executive action; 
we sanction no legislation which would fall heavily 
on them, instead of on the original wrong-doers or 
beneficiaries of the wrong. 

There must be no such rigid laws as will prevent 
the development of the country, and such develop 
ment can only be had if investors are offered an am 
ple reward for the risk they take. We would be the 
first to oppose any unreasonable restrictions being 
placed upon the issuance of stocks and bonds, for 
such would simply hamper the growth of the United 
States; for a railroad must ultimately stand on its 
credit. But this does not prevent our demanding that 
there be lodged in the Government power to exercise 
a jealous care against the inflation of securities, and 
all the evils that come in its train. The man who 
builds a great railway and those who invest in it ren 
der a great public service; for adequate transporta 
tion facilities are. a vital necessity to the country. We 
favor full and ample return to such men ; but we do 
not favor a policy of exploiting the many for the 
benefit of the few. We favor the railway man who 
operates his railway upon a straightforward and 
open business basis, from the standpoint of perma 
nent investment, and who has an interest in its fu 
ture; we are against only the man who cares nothing 


Presidential Addresses 

for the property after his speculative deal in its se 
curities has been closed. We favor the railway man 
ager who keeps in close touch with the people along 
his line rather than in close touch with the specula 
tive market ; who operates his line with a view to the 
advantage he can legitimately get out of his railway 
as a permanent investment by giving a fair return to 
the stockholders and to the public good service with 
reasonable rates ; who does not operate his road with 
a view to the temporary speculative advantage which 
will follow capitalizing an uncertain future and un 
loading the securities on the public. We wish to 
make it to the interest of the investor to put his 
money into the honest development of the railroads, 
and therefore we wish to discriminate against the 
man who, while enriching himself, lays upon the fu 
ture owners and patrons of the road and above all 
upon the honest men whose duty it may become to 
operate the road, a burden of additional debt without 
adding correspondingly to its actual worth. Much is 
said about the inability of railway presidents to 
agree among themselves as to what policy should be 
advocated and what plans followed in the effort to 
work out the problems which now present them 
selves. In so far as the law is concerned, all I ask 
of them is a willingness to comply fully with its 
spirit, and a readiness to move along the lines indi 
cated by those who are charged with administering 
it. Our policy is built upon experience, and our pri 
mary purpose is to ensure the future against the 
mistakes and delinquencies of the past. 

And State Papers 

There has been much wild talk as to the extent of 
the overcapitalization of our railroads. The census 
reports on the commercial value of the railroads of 
the country, together with the reports made to the 
Interstate Commerce Commission by the railroads 
on their cost of construction, tend to show that as a 
whole the railroad property of the country is worth 
as much as the securities representing it, and that 
in the consensus of opinion of investors the total 
value of stock and bonds is greater than their total 
face value, notwithstanding the "water" that has 
been injected in particular places. The huge value of 
terminals, the immense expenditures in recent years 
in double tracking, improving grades, roadbeds, and 
structures, have brought the total investments to a 
point where the opinion that the real value is greater 
than the face value is probably true. No general 
statement such as this can be accepted as having 
more than a general value; there are many excep 
tions; but the evidence seems ample that the great 
mass of railroad securities rest upon safe and 
solid foundations ; if they fail in any degree to com 
mand complete public confidence, it is because 
isolated instances of unconscionable stock-watering 
and kindred offences arouse suspicion, which nat 
urally extends to all other corporate securities so 
long as similar practices are possible and the tend 
ency to resort to them is unrestrained by law. While 
there have been many instances of gross and flagrant 
stock inflation, and while, of course, there remain 
cases of overcapitalization, yet when the statistics of 

1256 Presidential Addresses 

the weaker roads, the overcapitalized roads, are 
combined with those of the stronger roads, and con 
sidered in the aggregate, in my judgment they will 
not be found to impair the wholesome financial 
standing and position of the railroads as a whole; 
and while those railway owners and managers who 
have enriched themselves by loading their properties 
with securities representing little or no real value 
deserves our strongest condemnation, on the other 
hand our hearty commendation is due those owners 
and managers representing, I believe, the large 
majority who have year after year worked faith 
fully, patiently, and honestly in building up our great 
system of railways, which has knitted together in 
close commercial and social intercourse widely 
removed sections of the country and stands second 
only to the great business of agriculture itself in 
contribution to national growth and development. 

Ample provision should be made by Congress to 
enable the Interstate Commerce Commission, by the 
employment of a sufficient force of experts, to un 
dertake the physical valuation of each and any road 
in the country, whenever and so soon as in the opin 
ion of the Commission such a valuation of any road 
would be of value to the Commission in its work. 
There are undoubtedly some roads as to which it 
would be an advantage, from the standpoint of the 
business of the Commission, to have such a physical 
valuation as soon as possible. 

At the outset let it be understood that physical 
valuation is no panacea; it is no sufficient measure- 

And State Papers I2 57 

ment of a rate; but it will be ultimately needed as 
an essential instrument in administrative super 
vision. It will be of use to the Commission in 
connection with the duty of determining the rea 
sonableness of future capitalization, both as one 
element to enable such a body to come to a right con 
clusion in the matter, and also as an element to be 
placed before the investing public, to enable this 
public in its turn to reach a conclusion; though of 
course capitalization must be determined in large 
measure by future need rather than past investment. 
How important physical valuation will prove as one 
of the factors to assist in fixing equitable rates, I 
am not able to judge; but that it will be of a cer 
tain importance can be safely assumed because of 
the opinions of the Interstate Commerce Commis 
sion and of the courts, and because of the recent 
action of the Northern Pacific Railroad in advanc 
ing such a physical valuation as decisive on its side 
in a rate controversy. Such a valuation would nec 
essarily help to protect the railroads against the 
making of inadequate and unjust rates, and would 
therefore be as important from the standpoint of 
the protection of the railroads as from the stand 
point of the protection of the public; and of course 
it is necessary to the enduring prosperity and devel 
opment of the country that the railroads shall yield 
reasonable profits to investors. It is from one 
standpoint quite as important to know the original 
cost of the building of the road as to know what 
it would now cost to reproduce it; from another 

1258 Presidential Addresses 

standpoint the human equation that is, the man 
agement of the road is more important by far 
than the physical valuation ; and the physical valua 
tion of the road in one region may have an entirely 
different relation to the real value of the road than 
in another region where the conditions are utterly 
different. Therefore the physical valuation can never 
be more than one of many elements to be considered ; 
but it is one element, and at times may be a very 
important element, when taken in connection with 
the earning power, franchises, original cost, char 
acter of management, location, and business pos 
sibilities, in reaching an estimate on the property 
and rights of a corporation as a going concern. 

The effect of such valuation and supervision of 
securities can not be retroactive. Existing securi 
ties should be tested, by the laws in existence at the 
time of their issue. This Nation would no more 
injure securities which have become an important 
part of the national wealth than it would consider a 
proposition to repudiate the public debt. But the 
public interest requires guaranty against improper 
multiplication of securities in the future. Reason 
able regulations for their issuance should be pro 
vided, so as to secure as far as may be that the 
proceeds thereof shall be devoted to legitimate busi 
ness purposes. In providing against overcapitali 
zation we shall harm no human being who is honest ; 
and we shall benefit many, for overcapitalization 
often means an inflation that invites business panic; 
it always conceals the true relation of the profit 

And State Papers I2 59 

earned to the capital invested, creating a burden 
of interest payments which may redound to the loss 
alike of the wage-earner and the general public, 
which is concerned in the rates paid by shippers; it 
damages the small investor, discourages thrift, and 
puts a premium on gambling and business trickery. 

There is an essential difference between private 
and quasi-public property which justifies setting 
somewhere a limit beyond which the accumulating 
value in quasi-public properties, due to the necessity 
of a growing community, shall not be capitalized. 

One of the most important features of the Hep 
burn Act is its having given the Commission abso 
lute control over the accounts of railways. The 
Commission has just issued an order to the effect 
that on July i next all the railways of the country 
subject to the jurisdiction of the Commission must 
standardize their accounting methods, and the Com 
mission is now organizing a bureau of special ex 
aminers, whose duty it will be, among other things, 
to see that the books of the carriers are kept in con 
formity with the rules laid down by the Commission. 
Thus the means are already at hand and the ma 
chinery already created which, when perfected, will 
put the public in position to know the facts, so that 
the small investor can exercise an intelligent judg 
ment when entrusting his money to the promoters 
of great railway enterprises. We hope as one of 
the chief means for betterment of conditions to 
secure as complete publicity in the affairs of rail 
roads as now obtains with regard to national banks. 

1260 Presidential Addresses 

There need be no fear on the part of investors 
that this movement for national supervision and con 
trol over railways will be for their detriment. If 
they doubt this, let them study the history of the 
railway-control movement in such a State as Iowa. 
It would be hard to find anywhere a more prosperous 
or more intelligent community; a community of 
thriving farmers and thriving townspeople. Iowa 
did its share in the work of building railroads when 
the business was one that demanded men of the 
utmost daring and resourcefulness; men like that 
gallant soldier and real captain of industry, Grenville 
M. Dodge; men who ran risks and performed feats 
for which it was difficult to make the reward too 
high ; men who staked everything on the chances of 
a business which to-day happily involves no such 
hazards. Iowa was at length forced to undertake 
the work of regulating the railways within her bor 
ders. There was great outcry against it. It was 
proclaimed that such effort would ruin roads already 
built, and prevent building more. But Iowa pro 
ceeded with the task, and it resulted, not in ruin and 
stagnation, but in increased safety and profit to the 
honest investor. Instead of putting roads into the 
hands of receivers, it was followed by a prosperity 
that rescued many of them from receiverships. 

No State, of course, can do for the railways what 
the National Government has already done for the 
banks, and that Government should do something 
analogous for the railways. National bank stocks 
are bought and sold largely on the certificate of 

And State Papers 1261 

character which the Government, as a result of its 
examinations and supervision, gives to them. To 
give another illustration from Iowa s experience, 
when the national banking law was amended to al 
low small banks to take out national charters, great 
numbers of the State banks of that State were reor 
ganized into national institutions. The investing 
public was ready to back with unlimited confidence 
the institutions on which the Federal Government 
had set the seal of its confidence and approval. The 
railways have not been given this certificate of char 
acter, under the seal of the National Government, 
and therefore many people who invest freely in the 
shares of banks are reluctant to buy railroad securi 
ties. Give them the same guarantees as to railroad se 
curities which we now give them as to national bank 
shares, and we would presently see these people in 
vesting in railroads, and thus opening a new reservoir 
from which to draw the capital now so much needed 
for the extension and betterment of the railroads. 

All this, my friends, is substantially what I have 
said over and over again. Surely, it ought not to 
be necessary to say that it in no shape or way rep 
resents any hostility to corporations as such. On 
the contrary, it means a frank recognition of the 
fact that combinations of capital, like combinations 
of labor, are a natural result of modern conditions 
and of our national development. As far as in my 
ability lies my endeavor is and will be to prevent 
abuse of power by either and to favor both so long 
as they do well. The aim of the National Govern- 

1262 Presidential Addresses 

ment is quite as much to favor and protect honest 
corporations, honest business men of wealth, as to 
bring to justice those individuals and corporations 
representing dishonest methods. Most certainly there 
will be no relaxation by the Government authorities 
in the effort to get at any great railroad wrecker 
any man who by clever swindling devices robs in 
vestors, oppresses wage-workers, and does injustice 
to the general public. But any such move as this is 
in the interest of honest railway operators, of honest 
corporations, and of those who when they invest 
their small savings in stocks and bonds, wish to be 
assured that these will represent money honestly ex 
pended for legitimate business purposes. To confer 
upon the National Government the power for which 
I ask would be a check upon overcapitalization and 
upon the clever gamblers who benefit by overcapitali 
zation. But it alone would mean an increase in the 
value, an increase in the safety of the stocks and 
bonds of law-abiding, honestly managed railroads, 
and would render it far easier to market their securi 
ties. I believe in proper publicity. There has been 
complaint of some of the investigations recently car 
ried on, but those who complain should put the 
blame where it belongs upon the misdeeds which 
are done in darkness, and not upon the investigations 
which brought them to light. The Administration 
is responsible for turning on the light, but it is not 
responsible for what the light showed. I ask for 
full power to be given the Federal Government, be 
cause no single State can by legislation effectually 

And State Papers 1263 

cope with these powerful corporations engaged in 
interstate commerce, and, while doing them full jus 
tice, exact from them in return full justice to others. 
The conditions of railroad activity, the conditions of 
our immense interstate commerce, are such as to 
make the central government alone competent to ex 
ercise full supervision ancl control. 

The grave abuses in individual cases of rail 
road management in the past represent wrongs not 
merely to the .general public, but, above all, wrongs 
to fair-dealing and honest corporations and men of 
wealth, because they excite a popular anger and 
distrust which from the very nature of the case 
tends to include in the sweep of its resentment good 
and bad alike. From the standpoint of the public 
I can not too earnestly say that as soon as the natu 
ral and proper resentment aroused by these abuses 
becomes indiscriminate and unthinking, it also be 
comes not merely unwise and unfair, but calculated 
to defeat the very ends which those feeling it have 
in view. There has been plenty of dishonest work 
by corporations in the past. There will not be the 
slightest let-up in the effort to hunt down and pun 
ish every dishonest man. But the bulk of our busi 
ness is honestly done. In the natural indignation 
the people feel over the dishonesty, it is all-essential 
that they should not lose their heads and get drawn 
into an indiscriminate raid upon all corporations, 
all people of wealth, whether they do well or ill. 
Out of any such wild movement good will not 
come, can not come, and never has come. On the 

1264 Presidential Addresses 

contrary, the surest way to invite reaction is to 
follow the lead of either demagogue or visionary 
in a sweeping assault upon property values and 
upon public confidence, which would work incal 
culable damage in the business world, and would 
produce such distrust of the agitators that in the 
revulsion the distrust would extend to honest men 
who, in sincere and sane fashion, are trying to 
remedy the evils. 

The great need of the hour, from the standpoint 
of the general public of the producer, consumer, 
and shipper alike is the need for better transpor 
tation facilities, for additional tracks, additional 
terminals, and improvements in the actual handling 
of the railroads ; and all this with the least possible 
delay. Ample, safe, and rapid transportation facili 
ties are even more necessary than cheap transpor 
tation. The prime need is for the investment of 
money which will provide better terminal facilities, 
additional tracks, and a greater number of cars and 
locomotives, while at the same time securing, if 
possible, better wages and shorter hours for the 
employees. There must be just and reasonable 
regulation of rates, but any arbitrary and unthink 
ing movement to cut them do\vn may be equivalent 
to putting a complete stop to the effort to provide 
better transportation. 

There can be no question as to the desirability 
of doing away with rebates or any method of favor 
ing one shipper at the expense of a competitor, and 
direct dealing with the rates is sometimes the only 

And State Papers 1265 

method by which this favoritism can be avoided; 
but where favoritism is not alleged, and when the 
question is nakedly one of getting a lower rate, it 
must be remembered that it is often possible that 
those demanding it may be diametrically opposed 
in interest to those who demand a better, safer, and 
more rapid transportation service, and higher wages 
and shorter hours for employees. If the demand 
for more taxes, for higher wages, for shorter hours 
for employees, and for lower rates becomes so ex 
cessive as to prevent ample and speedy transporta 
tion, and to eat up the legitimate profits ; if popular 
and legislative movements take a shape so ill- 
directed as not only to threaten honest investments 
and honest enterprises, but also to prevent any 
effort for the betterment of transportation facili 
ties, it then becomes out of the question to secure 
the necessary investment of capital in order to bring 
about an improved service. Rates should not be 
unduly high; there should be a thorough safe 
guarding against accidents; there should be no 
improper shirking of taxes; the shippers of the 
country must be supplied generously with cars and 
all other equipments necessary to properly care for 
our commerce, and all this means that the National 
Government must be given full and effective power 
of supervision and control. But the interests of 
those who build, who manage, and who invest in 
the railroads must be no less scrupulously guarded 
than the interests of the public. It is urgently nec 
essary at the present time, in order to relieve the 

1266 Presidential Addresses 

existing congestion of business and to do away with 
the paralysis which threatens our expanding indus 
tries, because of limited and inefficient means of 
distribution, that our railway facilities should be so 
increased as to meet the imperative demands of our 
internal commerce. The want can be met only by 
private capital, and the vast expenditure necessary 
for such purpose will not be incurred unless pri 
vate capital is afforded reasonable incentive and 
protection. It is therefore a prime necessity to 
allow investments in railway properties to earn a 
liberal return, a return sufficiently liberal to cover 
all risks. We can not get an improved service unless 
the carriers of the country can sell their securities; 
and therefore nothing should be done unwarrant- 
edly to impair their credit nor to decrease the value 
of their outstanding obligations. 

I emphatically believe that positive restraint 
should be imposed upon railway corporations, and 
that they should be required to meet positive obli 
gations in the interest of the general public. I no 
less emphatically believe that in thus regulating and 
controlling the affairs of the railways it is necessary 
to recognize the need of an immense outlay of 
money from private sources, and the certainty that 
this will not be met without the assurance of suffi 
cient reward to induce the necessary investment. It 
is plainly inadvisable for the Government to under 
take to direct the physical operation of the railways, 
save in wholly exceptional cases; and the super 
vision and control it exercises should be both en- 

And State Papers 1267 

tirely adequate to secure its ends, and yet no more 
harassing than is necessary to secure these ends. 

I believe that the railroad men of the United 
States are coming to a more perfect sense of the 
responsibility of the relation which they bear to the 
public, and of the dignity of that relation. They 
are public servants in the highest and fullest sense. 
Indeed, there is not a brakeman nor a switchman 
upon the most remote road in the land who does 
not fill a public function and render a service 
of large public usefulness. We begrudge neither 
honor nor reward to these men to whom we entrust 
our lives and our property. Behind these active 
workers in the railroad field are those who have the 
determination of railroad policies. These men are 
entitled to great rewards ; and in return public opin 
ion is right in holding them to a rigid accountability 
for the way they perform their public duties. For 
several months past some, if not all, of our roads 
have been in a condition of extreme congestion. 
Doubtless this is mainly due to the fact that the 
country has outgrown its railroads, that our pros 
perity has increased at such a rate that the most 
sanguine and optimistic railroads have been unable 
to keep pace with its growth. But it is also true 
that ordinary methods of operation, which hold 
good in a placid time of steady and regular move 
ment, should at a time of crisis yield to the impera 
tive necessities of public need. 

The experience of the past winter proves how 
great is our dependence on the railroads and how 

1268 Presidential Addresses 

serious the responsibility of those who undertake 
to care for the public in the matter of transporta 
tion. I believe that there is sufficient ingenuity 
and executive genius in the operating officials of 
the roads greatly to diminish the troubles com 
plained of. The most effective way to lessen 
demands for unreasonable legislation is for the 
railroads acting individually and collectively to 
remedy as many as possible of the abuses and 
shortcomings for which there really are remedies, 
and for which remedial laws are demanded by the 
shipping public. 

The admirable national legislation of recent 
years, in taking away from the railroads the power 
of giving illegal favor, has taken away from them 
one of the illegitimate methods by which they used 
to protect themselves from improper attack; and it 
is therefore necessary that upright public servants 
should be as vigilant to protect them against harm 
as to prevent them from doing harm. Undoubt 
edly many high officers among the railroad men 
have followed the extremely unwise course of en 
deavoring to defeat the enactment of proper laws 
for their own control, and of endeavoring to thwart, 
obstruct, and bring into discredit the administration 
of the laws. But the folly of some of their number 
in no way alters our duty, nor the wisdom of per 
forming this duty in a spirit of absolute justice alike 
to the railroad, the shipper, and the general public. 

Finally, friends, let us never forget that this is 
not merely a matter of business but also a matter 

And State Papers 1269 

of morals. The success of our whole system of 
government depends upon our discriminating be 
tween men, not with reference to whether they are 
rich or poor, whether they follow one occupation 
or another, but with reference solely to whether 
they act as honest and upright citizens should act. 
Let the local attorneys of the big roads keep out 
of politics; and when they have to appear .before 
the National or any State Legislature let their 
names be put on a special register, and let their busi 
ness be above-board and open. There are black 
mailers in public life, and the citizen who is honest 
will war against the man who tries to blackmail a 
railroad or a big corporation with the same stern 
determination to punish him as against the man 
who corruptly favors such corporation. But let 
the railroad man remember that to purchase immu 
nity in wrong-doing or to defeat blackmail by 
bribery is the worst and most shortsighted of poli 
cies. Let the plain people insist on the one hand on 
governing themselves and on the other hand on 
doing exact justice to the railways. Let the big 
railroad man scrupulously refrain from any effort 
to influence politics or government save as it is the 
duty of every good citizen in legitimate ways to try 
to influence politics and government; let the people 
as a whole, in their turn, remember that it is their 
duty to discriminate in the sharpest way between 
the railway man who does well and the railway man 
who does ill; and, above all, to remember that the 
irreparable moral harm done to the body politic by 

1 2 jo Presidential Addresses 

corruption is just as great, whether the corruption 
takes the form of blackmailing a big corporation or 
of corruptly doing its bidding. What we have to 
demand in ourselves and in our public servants is 
honesty honesty to all men; and if we condone 
dishonesty because we think it is exercised in the 
interests of the people, we may rest assured that the 
man thus showing it lacks only the opportunity to 
exercise it against the interests of the people. The 
man who on occasion will corruptly do what is 
wrong in the interests of a big corporation is the 
very man eager to blackmail that corporation as 
the opportunity arises. The man who is on occa 
sion a corruptionist is apt, when the gust of popular 
feeling blows hard against the corporations he has 
corruptly served, to be the loudest, most reckless, 
and most violent among those who denounce them. 
Hunt such a man out of public life. Hunt him out 
as remorselessly if he is a blackmailer as if he stands 
corruptly for special privilege. Demand honesty 
absolute, unflinching honesty together with cour 
age and common-sense, in public servant and in 
business man alike. Make it evident that you will 
not tolerate in public life a man who discriminates 
for or against any other, save as justice and reason 
demand it; and that in your attitude toward busi 
ness men, toward the men who are dealing with the 
great financial interests of the country, while you 
intend to secure a sharp reckoning for the wrong 
doers, you also intend heartily to favor the men 
who in legitimate ways are doing good work in the 

And State Papers 1271 

business community the railway president, the 
traffic manager, or other official, high or low, who 
is doing all in his power to handle his share in a 
vast and complicated business to the profit alike of 
the stockholder and the general public. 

Let the man of great wealth remember that, 
while using and enjoying it, he must nevertheless 
feel that he is in a sense a trustee, and that con 
sistent misuse, whether in acquiring or spending his 
wealth, is ominous of evil to himself, to others who 
have wealth, and to the Nation as a whole. As for 
the rest of us, let us guard ourselves against envy 
as we ask that others guard themselves against 
arrogance, and remember Lincoln s words of kindly 
wisdom : "Let not him who is houseless pull down 
the house of another, but let him work diligently 
and build one for himself, thus by example assur 
ing that his own shall be safe from violence when 

ING, MICH., MAY 31, 1907 


The fiftieth anniversary of the founding of this 
college is an event of national significance, for 
Michigan was the first State in the Union to found 
this, the first agricultural college in America. The 
Nation is to be congratulated on the fact that the 
Congress at Washington has repeatedly enacted 

II 8 

1272 Presidential Addresses 

laws designed to aid the several States in estab 
lishing and maintaining agricultural and mechan 
ical colleges. I greet all such colleges, through their 
representatives who have gathered here to-day, and 
bid them Godspeed in their work. I no less heartily 
invoke success for the mechanical and agricultural 
schools ; and I wish to say that I have heard particu 
larly good reports of the Minnesota Agricultural 
High School for the way in which it sends its 
graduates back to the farms to work as practical 

As a people there is nothing in which we take 
a juster pride than our educational system. It is 
our boast that every boy or girl has the chance to 
get a school training; and we feel it is a prime 
national duty to furnish this training free, because 
only thereby can we secure the proper type of citi 
zenship in the average American. Our public 
schools and our colleges have done their work well, 
and there is no class of our citizens deserving of 
heartier praise than the men and women who teach 
in them. 

Nevertheless, for at least a generation we have 
been waking to the knowledge that there must be 
additional education beyond that provided in the 
public school as it is managed to-day. Our school 
system has hitherto been wellnigh wholly lacking on 
the side of industrial training, of the training which 
fits a man for the shop and the farm. This is a most 
serious lack, for no one can look at the peoples of 
mankind as they stand at present without realizing 

And State Papers 1273 

that industrial training is one of the most potent 
factors in national development. We of the United 
States must develop a system under which each 
individual citizen shall be trained so as to be effec 
tive individually as an economic unit, and fit to be 
organized with his fellows so that he and they can- 
work in efficient fashion together. This question 
is vital to our future progress, and public atten 
tion should be focused upon it. Surely it is emi 
nently in accord with the principles of our dem 
ocratic life that we should furnish the highest 
average industrial training for the ordinary skilled 
workman. But it is a curious thing that in in 
dustrial training we have tended to devote our 
energies to producing high-grade men at the top 
rather than in the ranks. Our engineering schools, 
for instance, compare favorably with the best in 
Europe, whereas we have done almost nothing to 
equip the private soldiers of the industrial army 
the mechanic, the metal-worker, the carpenter. In 
deed, too often our schools train away from the 
shop and the forge; and this fact, together with 
the abandonment of the old apprentice system, has 
resulted in such an absence of facilities for pro 
viding trained journeymen that in many of our 
trades almost all the recruits among the workmen 
are foreigners. Surely this means that there must 
be some systematic method provided for training 
young men in the trades, and that this must be co-or 
dinated with the public-school system. No indus 
trial school can turn out a finished journeyman; but 

12/4 Presidential Addresses 

it can furnish the material out of which a finished 
journeyman can be made, just as an engineering 
school furnishes the training which enables its grad 
uates speedily to become engineers. 

We hear a great deal of the need of protecting 
our workingmen from competition with pauper 
labor. I have very little fear of the competition 
of pauper labor. The nations with pauper labor 
are not the formidable industrial competitors of 
this country. What the American workingman has 
to fear is the competition of the highly skilled 
workingman of the countries of greatest indus 
trial efficiency. By the tariff and by our immi 
gration laws we can always protect ourselves 
against the competition of pauper labor here at 
home; but when we contend for the markets of the 
world we can get no protection, and we shall then 
find that our most formidable competitors are the 
nations in which there is the most highly developed 
business ability, the most highly developed indus 
trial skill ; and these are the qualities which we must 
ourselves develop. 

We have been fond as a Nation of speaking of 
the dignity of labor, meaning thereby manual labor. 
Personally I don t think that we begin to under 
stand what a high place manual labor should take ; 
and it never can take this high place unless it offers 
scope for the best type of man. We have tended 
to regard education as a matter of the head only, 
and the result is that a great many of our people, 
themselves the sons of men who worked with their 

And State Papers I2 75 

hands, seem to think that they rise in the world if 
they get into a position where they do no hard 
manual work whatever; where their hands will 
grow soft, and their working clothes will be kept 
clean. Such a conception is both false and mis 
chievous. There are, of course, kinds of labor 
where the work must be purely mental, and there 
are other kinds of labor where, under existing con 
ditions, very little demand indeed is made upon the 
mind, though I am glad to say that I think the 
proportion of men engaged in this kind of work 
is diminishing. But in any healthy community, in 
any community with the great solid qualities which 
alone make a really great nation, the bulk of the 
people should do work which makes demands upon 
both the body and the mind. Progress can not 
permanently consist in the abandonment of physi 
cal labor, but in the development of physical labor 
so that it shall represent more and more the work 
of the trained mind in the trained body. To pro 
vide such training, to encourage in every way the 
production of the men whom it alone can pro 
duce, is to show that as a Nation we have a true 
conception of the dignity and importance of labor. 
The calling of the skilled tiller of the soil, the call 
ing of the skilled mechanic, should alike be recog 
nized as professions, just as emphatically as the 
callings of lawyer, of doctor, of banker, merchant, 
or clerk. The printer, the electrical worker, the 
house painter, the foundry man, should be trained 
just as carefully as the stenographer or the drug 

1276 Presidential Addresses 

clerk. They should be trained alike in head and 
in hand. They should get over the idea that to 
earn twelve dollars a week and call it "salary" is 
better than to earn twenty-five dollars a week and 
call it "wages." The young man who has the 
courage and the ability to refuse to enter the 
crowded field of the so-called professions and to 
take to constructive industry is almost sure of an 
ample reward in earnings, in health, in opportunity 
to marry early, and to establish a home with rea 
sonable freedom from worry. We need the training, 
the manual dexterity and industrial intelligence, 
which can be best given in a good agricultural, or 
building, or textile, or watch-making, or engraving, 
or mechanical school. It should be one of our prime 
objects to put the mechanic, the wage-worker who 
works with his hands, and who ought to work in 
a constantly larger degree with his head, on a 
higher plane of efficiency and reward, so as to in 
crease his effectiveness in the economic world, and 
therefore the dignity, the remuneration, and the 
power of his position in the social world. To train 
boys and girls in merely literary accomplishments 
to the total exclusion of industrial, manual, and 
technical training, tends to unfit them for industrial 
work ; and in real life most work is industrial. 

The problem of furnishing well-trained crafts 
men, or rather journeymen fitted in the end to 
become such, is not simple few problems are sim 
ple in the actual process of their solution and much 
care and forethought and practical common-sense 

And State Papers I2 77 

will be needed, in order to work it out in a fairly 
satisfactory manner. It should appeal to all our 
citizens. I am glad that societies have already been 
formed to promote industrial education, and that 
their membership includes manufacturers and lead 
ers of labor unions, educators and publicists, men 
of all conditions who are interested in education 
and in industry. It is such co-operation that offers 
most hope for a satisfactory solution of the ques 
tion as to what is the best form of industrial 
school, as to the means by which it may be articu 
lated with the public-school system, and as to the 
way to secure for the boys trained therein the op 
portunity to acquire in the industries the practical 
skill which alone can make them finished jour 

There is but one person whose welfare is as 
vital to the welfare of the whole country as is that 
of the wage-worker who does manual labor; and 
that is the tiller of the soil the farmer. If there is 
one lesson taught by history it is that the perma- 
manent greatness of any State must ultimately 
depend more upon the character of its country 
population than upon anything else. No growth 
of cities, no growth of wealth can make up for a 
loss in either the number or the character of the 
farming population. In the United States more 
than in almost any other country we should realize 
this and should prize our country population. When 
this Nation began its independent existence it was 
as a nation of farmers. The towns were small and 

1278 Presidential Addresses 

were for the most part mere seacoast trading and 
fishing ports. The chief industry of the country 
was agriculture, and the ordinary citizen was in 
some way connected with it. In every great crisis 
of the past a peculiar dependence has had to be 
placed upon the farming population; and this de 
pendence has hitherto been justified. But it can 
not be justified in the future if agriculture is per 
mitted to sink in the scale as compared with other 
employments. We can not afford to lose that pre 
eminently typical American, the farmer who owns 
his own farm. 

Yet it would be idle to deny that in the last half 
century there has been in the eastern half of our 
country a falling off in the relative condition of the 
tillers of the soil, although signs are multiplying 
that the Nation has waked up to the danger and is 
preparing to grapple effectively with it. East of the 
Mississippi and north of the Ohio and the Potomac 
there has been on the whole an actual shrinkage in 
the number of the farming population since the 
Civil War. In the States of this section there has 
been a growth of population in some an enormous 
growth but the growth has taken place in the 
cities, and especially in the larger cities. This has 
been due to certain economic factors, such as the 
extension of railroads, the development of machin 
ery, and the openings for industrial success af 
forded by the unprecedented growth of cities. The 
increased facility of communication has resulted in 
the withdrawal from rural communities of most 

And State Papers 1279 

of the small, widely distributed manufacturing and 
commercial operations of former times, and the 
substitution therefor of the centralized commercial 
and manufacturing industries of the cities. 

The chief offset to the various tendencies which 
have told against the farm has hitherto come in the 
rise of the physical sciences and their application to 
agricultural practices or to the rendering of country 
conditions more easy and pleasant. But these coun 
tervailing forces are as yet in their infancy. As 
compared with a few decades ago, the social or 
community life of country people in the east com 
pares less well than it formerly did with that of 
the dwellers in cities. Many country communities 
have lost their social coherence, their sense of com 
munity interest. In such communities the country 
church, for instance, has gone backward both as a 
social and a religious factor. Now, we can not 
too strongly insist upon the fact that it is quite as 
unfortunate to have any social as any economic 
falling off. It would be a calamity to have our 
farms occupied by a lower type of people than 
the hard-working, self-respecting, independent, and 
essentially manly and womanly men and women 
who have hitherto constituted the most typically 
American, and on the whole the most valuable, ele 
ment in our entire Nation. Ambitious native-born 
young men and women who now tend away from 
the farm must be brought back to it, and therefore 
they must have social as well as economic opportu 
nities. Everything should be done to encourage the 

1280 Presidential Addresses 

growth in the open farming country of such institu 
tional and social movements as will meet the demand 
of the best type of farmers. There should be libra 
ries, assembly halls, social organizations of all kinds. 
The school building and the teacher in the school 
building should, throughout the country districts, 
be of the very highest type, able to fit the boys and 
girls not merely to live in, but thoroughly to enjoy 
and to make the most, of the country. The country 
church must be revived. All kinds of agencies, 
from rural free delivery to the bicycle and the tele 
phone, should be utilized to the utmost; good roads 
should be favored; everything should be done to 
make it easier for the farmer to lead the most 
active and effective intellectual, political, and eco 
nomic life. 

There are regions of large extent where all this, 
or most of this, has already been realized ; and while 
this is perhaps especially true of great tracts of 
farming country west of the Mississippi, with some 
of which I have a fairly intimate personal knowl 
edge, it is no less true of other great tracts of coun 
try east of the Mississippi. In these regions the 
church and the school flourish as never before; there 
is a more successful and more varied farming in 
dustry; the social advantages and opportunities are 
greater than ever before; life is fuller, happier, 
more useful; and though the work is more effec 
tive than ever, and in a way quite as hard, it is 
carried on so as to give more scope for well-used 
leisure. My plea is that we shall all try to make 

And State Papers 1281 

more nearly universal the conditions that now obtain 
in the most favored localities. 

Nothing in the way of scientific work can ever 
take the place of business management on a farm. 
We ought all of us to teach ourselves as much as 
possible ; but we can also all of us learn from others ; 
and the farmer can best learn how to manage his 
farm even better than he now does by practice, 
under intelligent supervision, on his own soil in 
such way as to increase his income. This is the 
kind of teaching which has been carried on in 
Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas by Doctor Knapp, 
of the National Department of Agriculture. But 
much has been accomplished by the growth of what 
is broadly designated as agricultural science. This 
has been developed with remarkable rapidity dur 
ing the last quarter of a century, and the benefit to 
agriculture has been great. As was inevitable, there 
was much error and much repetition of work in the 
early application of money to the needs of agricul 
tural colleges and experiment stations alike by the 
Nation and the several States. Much has been ac 
complished; but much more can be accomplished in 
the future. The prime need must always be for real 
research, resulting in scientific conclusions of proved 
soundness. Both the farmer and the legislature 
must beware of invariably demanding immediate 
returns from investments in research efforts. It is 
probably one of our faults as a nation that we are 
too impatient to wait a sufficient length of time to 
accomplish the best results; and in agriculture ef- 

1282 Presidential Addresses 

fective research often, although not always, involves 
slow and long-continued effort if the results are to 
be trustworthy. While applied science in agricul 
ture as elsewhere must be judged largely from the 
standpoint of its actual return in dollars, yet the 
farmers, no more than any one else, can afford to 
ignore the large results that can be enjoyed be 
cause of broader knowledge. The farmer must pre 
pare for using the knowledge that can be obtained 
through agricultural colleges by insisting upon a 
constantly more practical curriculum in the schools 
in which his children are taught. He must not 
lose his independence, his initiative, his rugged self- 
sufficiency; and yet he must learn to work in the 
heartiest co-operation with his fellows. 

The corner-stones of our unexampled prosperity 
are, on the one hand, the production of raw ma 
terial, and its manufacture and distribution on the 
other. These two great groups of subjects are 
represented in the National Government principally 
by the Departments of Agriculture and of Com 
merce and Labor. The production of raw material 
from the surface of the earth is the sphere in which 
the Department of Agriculture has hitherto achieved 
such notable results. Of all the executive depart 
ments there is no other, not even the Post-Office, 
which comes into more direct and beneficent con 
tact with the daily life of the people than the De 
partment of Agriculture, and none whose yield of 
practical benefits is greater in proportion to the 
public money expended. 

And State Papers 1283 

But great as its services have been in the past, 
the Department of Agriculture has a still larger 
field of usefulness ahead. It has been dealing with 
growing crops. It must hereafter deal also with 
living men. Hitherto agricultural research, instruc 
tion, and agitation have been directed almost ex 
clusively toward the production of wealth from the 
soil. It is time to adopt in addition a new point 
of view. Hereafter another great task before the 
National Department of Agriculture and the similar 
agencies of the various States must be to foster 
agriculture for its social results, or, in other words, 
to assist in bringing about the best kind of life on 
the farm for the sake of producing the best kind 
of men. The Government must recognize the far- 
reaching importance of the study and treatment of 
the problems of farm life alike from the social 
and the economic standpoints ; and the Federal and 
State Departments of Agriculture should co-operate 
at every point. 

The farm grows the raw material for the food 
and clothing of all our citizens ; it supports directly 
almost half of them; and nearly half the children 
of the United States are born and brought up on 
farms. How can the life of the farm family be 
made less solitary, fuller of opportunity, freer from 
drudgery, more comfortable, happier, and more at 
tractive? Such a result is most earnestly to be 
desired. How can life on the farm be kept on the 
highest level, and where it is not already on that 
level, be so improved, dignified, and brightened as 

1284 Presidential Addresses 

to awaken and keep alive the pride and loyalty of 
the farmer s boys and girls, of the farmer s wife, 
and of the farmer himself? How can a compelling 
desire to live on the farm be aroused in the children 
that are born on the farm ? All these questions are 
of vital importance not only to the farmer, but to 
the whole Nation; and the Department of Agricul 
ture must do its share in answering them. 

The drift toward the city is largely determined 
by the superior social opportunities to be enjoyed 
there, by the greater vividness and movement of 
city life. Considered from the point of view of 
national efficiency, the problem of the farm is as 
much a problem of attractiveness as it is a problem 
of prosperity. It has ceased to be merely a problem 
of growing wheat and corn and cattle. The prob 
lem of production has not ceased to be fundamental, 
but it is no longer final; just as learning to read 
and write and cipher are fundamental, but are no 
longer the final ends of education. We hope ulti 
mately to double the average yield of wheat and 
corn per acre; it will be a great achievement; but 
it is even more important to double the desirability, 
comfort, and standing of the farmer s life. 

We must consider, then, not merely how to pro 
duce, but also how production affects the producer. 
In the past we have given but scant attention to the 
social side of farm life. We should study much 
more closely than has yet been done the social or 
ganization of the country, and inquire whether its 
institutions are now really as useful to the farmer 

And State Papers 1285 

as they should be, or whether they should not be 
given a new direction and a new impulse, for no 
farmer s life should lie merely within the boundary 
of his farm. This study must be of the East and 
the West, the North and the South; for the needs 
vary from place to place. 

First in importance, of course, comes the effort 
to secure the mastery of production. Great strides 
toward this end have already been taken over the 
larger part of the United States; much remains to 
be done, but much has been done; and the debt of 
the Nation to the various agencies of agricultural 
improvement for so great an advance is not to be 
overstated. But we can not halt here. The bene 
fits of high social organization include such advan 
tages as ease of communication, better educational 
facilities, increased comfort of living, and those op 
portunities for social and intellectual life and inter 
course, of special value to the young people and to 
the women, which are as yet chiefly to be had in 
centres of population. All this must be brought 
within the reach of the farmers who live on the 
farms, of the men whose labor feeds and clothes 
the towns and cities. 

Farmers must learn the vital need of co-operation 
with one another. Next to this comes co-operation 
with the Government, and the Government can best 
give its aid through associations of farmers rather 
than through the individual farmer; for there is 
no greater agricultural problem than that of deliv 
ering to the farmer the large body of agricultural 

1286 Presidential Addresses 

knowledge which has been accumulated by the Na 
tional and State Governments and by the agricul 
tural colleges and schools. Nowhere has the Gov 
ernment worked to better advantage than in the 
South, where the work done by the Department of 
Agriculture in connection with the cotton-growers 
of the southwestern States has been phenomenal in 
its value. The farmers in the region affected by 
the boll weevil, in the course of the efforts to fight 
it have succeeded in developing a most scientific 
husbandry, so that in many places the boll weevil 
became a blessing in disguise. Not only did the 
industry of farming become of very much greater 
economic value in its direct results, but it became 
immensely more interesting to thousands of fam 
ilies. The meetings at which the new subjects of 
interest were discussed grew to have a distinct so 
cial value, while with the farmers were joined the 
merchants and bankers of the neighborhood. It is 
needless to say that every such successful effort to 
organize the farmer gives a great stimulus to the 
admirable educational work which is being done in 
the Southern States, as elsewhere, to prepare young 
people for an agricultural life. It is greatly to be 
wished that the communities from whence these 
students are drawn and to which they either return 
or should return could be co-operatively organized; 
that is, that associations of farmers could be organ 
ized, primarily for business purposes, but also with 
social ends in view. This would mean that the re 
turned students from the institutions of technical 

And State Papers 1287 

learning would find their environment prepared to 
profit to the utmost by the improvements in tech 
nical methods which they had learned. 

The people of our farming regions must be able 
to combine among themselves, as the most efficient 
means of protecting their industry from the highly 
organized interests which now surround them on 
every side. A vast field is open for work by co 
operative associations of farmers in dealing with 
the relation of the farm to transportation and to 
the distribution and manufacture of raw materials. 
It is only through such combination that American 
farmers can develop to the full their economic and 
social power. Combination of this kind has, in 
Denmark, for instance, resulted in bringing the peo 
ple back to the land, and has enabled the Danish 
peasant to compete in extraordinary fashion, not 
only at home but in foreign countries, with all 

Agricultural colleges and farmers institutes have 
done much in instruction and inspiration ; they have 
stood for the nobility of labor and the necessity of 
keeping the muscles and the brain in training for 
industry. They have developed technical depart 
ments of high practical value. They seek to pro 
vide for the people on the farms an equipment so 
broad and thorough as to fit them for the highest 
requirements of our citizenship; so that they can 
establish and maintain country homes of the best 
type, and create and sustain a country civilization 
more than equal to that of the city. The men they 

1288 Presidential Addresses 

train must be able to meet the strongest business 
competition, at home or abroad, and they can do 
this only if they are trained not alone in the vari 
ous lines of husbandry but in successful economic 
management. These colleges, like the State ex 
periment stations, should carefully study and make 
known the needs of each section, and should try to 
provide remedies for what is wrong. 

The education to be obtained in these colleges 
should create as intimate relationship as is possible 
between the theory of learning and the facts of 
actual life. Educational establishments should pro 
duce highly trained scholars, of course; but in a 
country like ours, where the educational establish 
ments are so numerous, it is folly to think that their 
main purpose is to produce these highly trained 
scholars. Without in the least disparaging schol 
arship and learning on the contrary, while giving 
hearty and ungrudging admiration and support to 
the comparatively few whose primary work should 
be creative scholarship it must be remembered that 
the ordinary graduate of our colleges should be and 
must be primarily a man and not a scholar. Edu 
cation should not confine itself to books. It must 
train executive power, and try to create that right 
public opinion which is the most potent factor in 
the proper solution of all political and social ques 
tions. Book-learning is very important, but it is 
by no means everything ; and we shall never get the 
right idea of education until we definitely under 
stand that a man may be well trained in book-learn- 

And State Papers 1289 

ing and yet, in the proper sense of the word, and 
for all practical purposes, be utterly uneducated; 
while a man of comparatively little book-learn 
ing may, nevertheless, in essentials, have a good 

It is true that agriculture in the United States 
has reached a very high level of prosperity; but 
we can not afford to disregard the signs which teach 
us that there are influences operating against the 
establishment or retention of our country life upon 
a really sound basis. The overextensive and waste 
ful cultivation of pioneer days must stop and give 
place to a more economical system. Not only the 
physical but the ethical needs of the people of the 
country districts must be considered. In our coun 
try life there must be social and intellectual advan 
tages as well as a fair standard of physical comfort. 
There must be in the country, as in the town, 
a multiplication of movements for intellectual ad 
vancement and social betterment. We must try to 
raise the average of farm life, and we must also 
try to develop it so that it shall offer exceptional 
chances for the exceptional man. 

Of course the essential things after all are those 
which concern all of us as men and women, no 
matter whether we live in the town or the country, 
and no matter what our occupations may be. The 
root problems are much the same for all of us, 
widely though they may differ in outward mani 
festation. The most important conditions that tell 
for happiness within the home are the same for 

1290 Presidential Addresses 

the town and the country; and the relations be 
tween employer and employee are not always satis 
factory on the farm any more than in the factory. 
All over the country there is a constant complaint 
of paucity of farm labor. Without attempting to 
go into all the features of this question, I would 
like to point out that you can never get the right 
kind, the best kind, of labor if you offer employ 
ment only for a few months, for no man worth 
anything will permanently accept a system which 
leaves him in idleness for half the year. And most 
important of all, I want to say a special word on 
behalf of the one who is too often the very hard 
est worked laborer on the farm the farmer s wife. 
Reform, like charity, while it should not end at 
home, should certainly begin there; and the man, 
whether he lives on a farm or in a town, who is 
anxious to see better social and economic condi 
tions prevail through the country at large, should 
be exceedingly careful that they prevail first as 
regards his own womankind. I emphatically be 
lieve that for the great majority of women the 
really indispensable industry in which they should 
engage is the industry of the home. There are 
exceptions, of course; but exactly as the first duty 
of the normal man is the duty of being the home- 
maker, so the first duty of the normal woman is 
to be the home-keeper; and exactly as no other 
learning is as important for the average man as 
the learning which will teach him how to make 
his livelihood, so no other learning is as important 

And State Papers 1291 

for the average woman as the learning which will 
make her a good housewife and mother. But this 
does not mean that she should be an overworked 
drudge. I have hearty sympathy with the move 
ment to better the condition of the average tiller of 
the soil, of the average wage-worker, and I have 
an even heartier sympathy and applause for the 
movement which is to better the condition of their 
respective wives. There is plenty that is hard and 
rough and disagreeable in the necessary work of 
actual life; and under the best circumstances, and 
no matter how tender and considerate the husband, 
the wife will have at least her full share of work 
and worry and anxiety; but if the man is worth 
his salt he will try to take as much as possible of 
the burden off the shoulders of his helpmate. There 
is nothing Utopian in the movement ; all that is nec 
essary is to strive toward raising the average, both 
of men and women, to the level on which the high 
est type of family now stands among American 
farmers, among American skilled mechanics, among 
American citizens generally; for in all the world 
there is no better and healthier home life, no finer 
factory of individual character, nothing more rep 
resentative of what is best and most characteristic 
in American life, than that which exists in the 
higher type of American family; and this higher 
type of family is to be found everywhere among 
us, and is the property of no special group of 

The best crop is the crop of children; the best 

1292 Presidential Addresses 

products of the farm are the men and women raised 
thereon ; and the most instructive and practical treat 
ises on farming, necessary though they be, are no 
more necessary than the books which teach us our 
duty to our neighbor, and above all to the neighbor 
who is of our own household. You young men and 
women of the agricultural and industrial colleges 
and schools and, for that matter, you who go to 
any college or school must have some time for 
light reading ; and there is some light reading quite 
as useful as heavy reading, provided of course that 
you do not read in a spirit of mere vacuity. Aside 
from the great classics, and thinking only of the 
many healthy and stimulating books of the day, it 
is easy to pick out many which can really serve as 
tracts, because they possess what many avowed 
tracts and treatises do not, the prime quality of 
being interesting. You will learn the root princi 
ples of self-help and helpfulness toward others from 
"Mrs. Wiggs of the Cabbage Patch," just as much 
as from any formal treatise on charity; you will 
learn as much sound social and industrial doctrine 
from Octave Thanet s stories of farmers and wage- 
workers as from avowed sociological and economic 
studies; and I cordially recommend the first chap 
ter of "Aunt Jane of Kentucky" for use as a tract 
in all families where the men folks tend to selfish 
or thoughtless or overbearing disregard of the 
rights of their womankind. 

Do not misunderstand me. I have not the slight 
est sympathy with those hysterical and foolish crea- 

And State Papers I2 93 

tures who wish women to attain to easy lives by 
shirking their duties. I have as hearty a contempt 
for the woman who shirks her duty of bearing and 
rearing the children, of doing her full housewife s 
work, as I have for the man who is an idler, who 
shirks his duty of earning a living for himself and 
for his household, or who is selfish or brutal toward 
his wife and children. I believe in the happiness 
that comes from the performance of duty, not from 
the avoidance of duty. But I believe also in trying, 
each of us, as strength is given us, to bear one 
another s burdens; and this especially in our own 
homes. No outside training, no co-operation, no 
Government aid or direction can take the place of 
a strong and upright character; of goodness of 
heart combined with clearness of head, and that 
strength and toughness of fibre necessary to wring 
success from a rough workaday world. Nothing 
outside of home can take the place of home. The 
school is an invaluable adjunct to the home, but it 
is a wretched substitute for it. The family rela 
tion is the most fundamental, the most important 
of all relations. No leader in church or state, in sci 
ence or art or industry, however great his achieve 
ment, does work which compares in importance with 
that of the father and the mother, "who are the first 
of sovereigns and the most divine of priests." 



cct you aUL3 Remember always that the 

of the Nation ultimately depends upon the 

1294 Presidential Addresses 

characters of the individual citizens who make it 
up, and that you can tell fairly- well whether a man 
is a good citizen Jby whether he is the kind of man 
who makes a good neighbor, a^go^qdjnend. Above 
all, remember that your ifixsj jiutv in being a good 
neighbor s to be a good neighbor to those^ who are 
nearest to you-r-be a good neighbor to your own 
wife and diildlgn^ I have mighty littlejise for the 
man who is always declaiming in favor of .an eight- 
hour day for himself ^who does not think anything 
at all of having a sixteen-hour day for his wife. 
Give Xf^~gla,y all around; and remember that the 
woman needs fair play eyenjnpre than the man. I 
believe in an eight-hour day for the man, but I 
want to see the man s -^ife-given as good a show v as 
the man. 


I can not express how deeply touched I am at the 
action of the State of Georgia, my mother s State, 
the State from which I draw half the blood in my 
veins, in erecting as the Georgia State House at 
the Jamestown Exposition a replica of my grand 
father s house at Roswell, Ga. ; the house in which 
my mother passed her youth and where she was 
married to my father. It is an act of gractous 
courtesy and consideration which I very deeply 
appreciate; and through the Governor and other 
representatives of Georgia I desire from my heart 
to thank all her citizens. Georgia s history is 

And State Papers 

unique, for she alone among the original thirteen 
colonies and the subsequent new States added 
thereto, was founded with a consciously benevolent 
purpose, with the deliberate intent to benefit man 
kind by upbuilding a commonwealth along carefully 
planned lines of social, political, and religious lib 
erty and justice. Oglethorpe., the founder of Geor 
gia, was a true apostle of philanthropy and of 
equality of opportunity for all. His set purpose 
was to found a State the gates of which should be 
open to the oppressed of every land and creed, and 
closed to every form of political, religious, or in 
dustrial bondage or persecution. His colony wel 
comed alike those who fled from political or social 
tyranny, and those, whether Christian or Jew, who 
sought liberty for conscience sake. It was a high 
and honorable beginning; and I am proud, indeed, 
of my Georgian ancestry, and of the fact that my 
grandfather s grandfather, Archibald Bulloch, was 
the first Governor, or as the title then went, Presi 
dent of the new State, when the Continental Con 
gress, of which he was also a member, declared that 
the Thirteen States had become a new and inde 
pendent nation. Since then Georgia has grown at 
a rate even more astounding than the rate of 
growth of the Nation as a whole; her sons have 
stood high in every field of activity, intellectual or 
physical ; and rapid though her progress has been in 
the past, it bids fair to be even greater in the wonder 
ful new century which has now fairly opened. 

Perhaps the very fact that I am half Southern 


1296 Presidential Addresses 

and half Northern in blood, and that for many 
years I was brought into peculiarly close associa 
tion with the life of the great West, makes it natu 
ral for me to feel with intensity the strong sense of 
kinship with every portion of our great common 
country, which should be the birthright of every 
true American. Since I have been President I 
have visited every State and Territory within the 
borders of the Union, save such as can only be 
reached by sea. I have traveled from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf. 
I have spoken at country fairs, to colleges, to com 
mercial and business organizations, to associations 
of professional men, to labor organizations, to men 
of every creed and parentage. The thing that has 
struck me most has been the essential oneness, the 
essential unity, of our people. 

In the fundamentals I have found American citi 
zens to be just about the same everywhere. In 
whatever locality of the country we live, whatever 
our fortune or occupation in life, there exist just 
about the same essential good qualities and much 
the same shortcomings in any gathering of our 
citizens. Of course, each community has its espe 
cial temptations, its especial shortcomings; and if 
it is wise each community will try to cure itself 
rather than to cause heartburnings by railing at the 
shortcomings of a sister community. There is 
ample field for the reform energies of every one of 
us in his or her particular sphere of home and 
neighborhood activity. 

And State Papers 

Not only is all of this true as between one com 
munity and another, but it is just as true between 
one class of our citizens and another. Now and 
then we meet well-meaning people who have a gen 
uine horror and dread of all rich men and think 
of them as being set apart by peculiar vice and 
iniquity. Now and then we meet equally well- 
meaning rich men who have an equally irrational 
dread of those whom they style "labor leaders." 
In each case I think the hostility is in large part due 
to a want of sympathy caused by complete igno 
rance of the men who arouse such distrust or 
anger. As a matter of fact, if we take a given 
number of men of large fortune and a like number 
of wage-workers, we find that in their essential 
human nature they are all alike. In each group 
we find men as wise and as foolish, as good and 
as bad as in the other group. Such being the case 
it is certainly well that, so far as possible, when the 
men of a given group, as a whole, act in a way that 
we deem contrary to the public interest, we should 
treat the action as a wrong to be remedied rather 
than as a wrong to be avenged. We ought not to 
tolerate wrong. It is a sign of weakness to do so, 
and in its ultimate effects weakness is often quite 
as bad as wickedness. But in putting a stop to the 
wrong we should, so far as possible, avoid getting 
into an attitude of vindictive hatred toward the 
wrong-doer. He may be morally to blame and it 
may be necessary to punish him; but, on the other 
hand, the wrong he has committed may simply be 

1298 Presidential Addresses 

due to the existing condition of things, to condi 
tions under which he has been brought up; and in 
such a case, while we must apply the remedy, and 
see that there is no further chance of harm to the 
community, it is neither just nor farsighted to ex 
act revenge for what has been done. In short, 
friends, let us realize that in very truth we are knit 
together in ties of brotherhood, and that while it 
is proper and necessary that we should insist upon 
our rights, we should yet be patient and considerate 
in bearing with one another, and in trying, so far 
as in us lies, each to look at the problems that face 
us from his brother s standpoint as well as from his 

During the last quarter of a century this Nation 
has made astounding strides in material progress, 
and in no other section has this progress been more 
noteworthy than in the South. While her agri 
culture has grown faster than ever before, there 
has also been a new growth of her manufacturing 
industries indeed, there has been growth of every 
kind. But of course there is ample room for fur 
ther growth. The South will be all the better for 
new immigrants of the right type, and I hope to 
see steamship lines carrying such immigrants es 
tablished at ports like Savannah and Charleston, 
just as I hope to see ports like New Orleans con 
nected by lines of steamers with the South Ameri 
can continent, the continent with which our rela 
tions should grow ever closer and mutually more 
advantageous. In the South, as everywhere through 

And State Papers I2 99 

the Union, we need to see a good education given 
free to all children, no matter what may be their 
race or color. Nor can we wisely permit this edu 
cation to be of a merely literary type. More and 
more we are growing to realize that there must be 
an education of the hand as well as of the head. 
There must be agricultural and industrial colleges, 
and, above all, schools in which there can be ele 
mentary preparation for agriculture and industry. 
These schools for technical training will hold a great 
place in the future in fitting our citizens for doing 
their economic duties in the best possible shape. In 
the South there is a population peculiarly fitted to 
profit by them, a population which has been gener 
ally referred to as "poor white,", a population of 
splendid capacities, and almost purely of the old 
native stock, which simply lacks the opportunity 
to develop a degree of industrial efficiency unsur 
passed elsewhere on this continent. 

It is a matter for congratulation that there is 
such a steady increase of interest in the Southern 
States in everything pertaining to children. This 
has already markedly shown itself, and I hope will 
still more markedly show itself in the future, in 
warring against the evil of child labor in factories. 
The factory is a very poor place indeed for a child ; 
indeed, personally I think the factory a poor place 
for a woman certainly for a married woman, or 
for an unmarried woman for more than a very few 
years. In any community organized on really 
healthy lines the average woman will have quite 

1300 Presidential Addresses 

enough to do in her own home, whether she is rich 
or poor; and nowhere else can she do work of such 
value to the Nation as a whole and by work, I 
mean her housework, her work as housewife and 
mother, and not so-called "home industries." As 
regards children, it is as essential to look after their 
physical as their mental training. We can not 
afford to let children grow up ignorant; and if 
they are sent to school they can not, while young, 
also work hard outside without detriment, physical, 
mental, and moral. There is urgent need for the 
health authorities to increase their care over the 
hygienic conditions and surroundings of children 
of tender years, and especially to supervise those in 
the schools. It is a good thing to try to reform bad 
children, to try to build up degenerate children; 
but it is an even better thing to try to keep healthy 
in soul, body, and mind those children who are now 
sound, but who may easily grow up unsound if no 
care is taken of them. The Nation s most valuable 
asset is the children; for the children are the Nation 
of the future. All people alive to the Nation s need 
should join together to work for the moral, spirit 
ual, and physical welfare of the children in all parts 
of our land. I am glad that there has been founded 
a national society of public school hygiene, and I 
wish it, and all its branches, well in every way. 

There is increasing need that the welfare of the 
children should be effectively safeguarded by gov 
ernmental action; with the proviso, however, that 
this action shall be taken with knowledge and in a 

And State Papers I 3 l 

spirit of robust common-sense; for philanthropy, 
whether governmental or individual, is a curse and 
not a blessing when marked by a spirit of fool 
ish sentimentality and ignorance. Such govern 
mental action is merely one inevitable result of the 
ever-increasing growth of our complex industrial 
ism. Decade by decade, it becomes more and more 
necessary that, without sacrificing their individual 
independence, the people of this country shall 
recognize in more effective form their mutual 
interdependence, and the duty of safeguarding the 
interest of each in the ultimate interest of all. We 
have inherited and developed a superbly self-reliant 
individualism in this country. I most earnestly 
hope that it will not be lost, that it will never be 
exchanged for a deadening socialism. The only 
permanently beneficial way in which to help any one 
is to help him to help himself; if either private 
charity, or governmental action, or any form of 
social expression destroys the individual s power of 
self-help, the gravest possible wrong is really done 
to the individual. Nevertheless, as the conditions 
of life grow more complex, it is not possible to trust 
our welfare only to the unbridled individual in 
itiative of each unit of our population working as 
that unit wills. We need laws for the care of our 
children which were not needed when this country 
was in its infancy. We need laws for the control 
of vast corporations such as were not needed when 
the individual fortunes were far smaller than at 
present, and when these fortunes were not combined 

1302 Presidential Addresses 

for business use. In the same way we need to 
change our attitude toward labor problems from 
what that attitude was in the days when the great 
bulk of our people lived in the country with no more 
complex labor relations than is implied in the con 
nection between the farmer and the hired help. 

For example, the great increase in mechanical 
and manufacturing operations means a correspond 
ing increase in the number of accidents to the wage- 
workers employed therein, these including both pre 
ventable and inevitable accidents. To the ordinary 
wage-worker s family such a calamity means grim 
hardship. As the work is done for the employer, and 
therefore ultimately for the public, it is a bitter 
injustice that it should be the wage- worker himself 
and his wife and children who bear the whole 
penalty. Legislation should be had, alike from the 
Nation and from the States, not only to guard 
against the needless multiplication of these acci 
dents, but to relieve the financial suffering due to 
them. Last winter Congress passed a safety-appli 
ance law which marked a long stride in the right 
direction. But there should be additional legisla 
tion to secure pecuniary compensation to workmen 
suffering from accidents, and when they are killed, 
to their families. At present both in the sphere 
covered by National legislation, and in the sphere 
covered by State legislation, the law in too many 
cases leaves the financial burden of industrial acci 
dents to be borne by the injured workmen and their 
families; and a workman who suffers from an ac- 

And State Papers I 33 

cident either has no case at all for redress or else 
must undertake a suit for damages against his em 
ployer. The present practice is based on the view 
announced nearly seventy years ago that "principles 
of justice and good sense demand that a workman 
shall take upon himself all the ordinary risks of 
his occupation." In my view, principles of justice 
and good sense demand the very reverse of this 
view, which experience has proved to be unsound 
and productive of widespread suffering. It is neither 
just, expedient, nor humane, it is revolting to judg 
ment and sentiment alike, that the financial burden 
of accidents occurring because of the necessary ex 
igencies of their daily occupation should be thrust 
upon those sufferers who are least able to bear 
it, and that such remedy as is theirs should only 
be obtained by litigation which now burdens our 

As a matter of fact there is no sound economic 
reason for distinction between accidents caused by 
negligence and those which are unavoidable, and 
the law should be such that the payment of those 
accidents will become automatic instead of being a 
matter for a lawsuit. Workmen should receive a cer 
tain definite and limited compensation for all acci 
dents in industry, irrespective of negligence. When 
the employer, the agent of the public, on his own 
responsibility and for his own profit, in the business 
of serving the public, starts in motion agencies 
which create risks for others, he should take all 
the ordinary and extraordinary risks involved; and 

1.304 Presidential Addresses 

though the burden will at the moment be his, it will 
ultimately be assumed, as it ought to be, by the gen 
eral public. Only in this way can the shock of the 
accident be diffused, for it will be transferred from 
employer to consumer, for whose benefit all indus 
tries are carried on. From every standpoint the 
change would be a benefit. The community at large 
should share the burden as well as the benefits of 
industry. Employers would thereby gain a desir 
able certainty of obligation and get rid of litigation 
to determine it. The workman and the workman s 
family would be relieved from a crushing load. 

The National Government should be a model em 
ployer. It should demand the highest quality of 
service from its employees and should care for them 
properly in return. Congress should adopt legis 
lation providing limited but definite compensation 
for accidents to all workmen within the scope of 
the Federal power, including employees in navy- 
yards and arsenals. Similar legislation should fol 
low throughout the States. The old and inadequate 
remedy of suit for negligence would then gradually 

Such a policy would mean that with increased 
responsibility of the employer would come increased 
care, and accidents would be reduced in number. 
The temporary burden involved will not hamper our 
industries. Long experience of compensation laws 
in other countries has demonstrated their benefit. 
What we advocate is only a simple measure of 
justice, only one step toward the goal of securing, 

And State Papers I 35 

so far as human wisdom can secure, fair and equi 
table treatment for each and every one of our 

As a corollary to the above let me point out the 
extreme unwisdom of the railway companies in 
fighting the constitutionality of the national em 
ployers liability law. No law is more emphatically 
needed, and it must be kept on the statute books in 
drastic and thoroughgoing form. The railroads 
are prompt to demand the interference and to claim 
the protection of the Federal courts in times of riot 
and disorder; and in turn the Federal Government 
should see to it that they are not permitted suc 
cessfully to plead that they are under the Federal 
law when thereby their own rights can be protected, 
but outside of it when it is invoked against them in 
behalf of the rights of others. If it is proper for 
the Federal courts to issue injunctions in behalf of 
railroads, it is proper that railroads should be held 
to a strict liability for accidents occurring to their 
employees. There should be the plainest and most 
unequivocal additional statement, by enactment of 
Congress, to the effect that railroad employees are 
entitled to receive damages for any accident that 
comes to them as an incident of the performance of 
their duties, and the law should be such that it will 
be impossible for the railroads successfully to fight 
it without thereby forfeiting all right to the pro 
tection of the Federal Government under any cir 
cumstances. In the same way there should be rigid 
Federal legislation to minimize all railway accidents. 

1306 Presidential Addresses 

In closing, friends and fellow-citizens of Georgia, 
let me say one word suggested by the recent cere 
monies, in which you have just taken part, in con 
nection with your gift to the noble battleship 
named after your State. Our battleships and great 
armored cruisers, our fighting craft, are named after 
the States of our Union, and this symbolizes the 
fact that the Navy is a common possession of all of 
us, and that its honor and its triumphs are as dear 
to the heart of a true American who dwells any 
where inland as to a true American who dwells 
anywhere on the seacoast. The Navy is our surest 
guaranty for peace, and if war should ever come it 
will be the greatest safeguard for our honor and our 
interests. As is likewise true of our Army, it is 
manned by a volunteer force; for it must never be 
forgotten that all our soldiers and sailors, whether 
regular or not, are volunteers. Every encourage 
ment should be given to our Navy, and no public 
servant should be pardoned for failing to do every 
thing in him to see that we have the best type of 
ships and of guns, and that the officers and enlisted 
men are held to the strictest accountability for so 
practicing with the ships and guns that no navy 
afloat shall, ship for ship, squadron for squadron, 
be our superior. If the officers and enlisted men 
do their duty and I am thankful to say that in 
our Navy the cases where they do not do their 
duty are relatively few in number they put us all 
under a deep obligation to them, and we should 
give them all the reward and encouragement in our 

And State Papers J 37 

power. The higher a man is in the service, the 
greater should be our insistence upon having the 
best kind of man. We should have a system of 
promotion either by elimination or by selection, 
so that mediocre officers could not come to the 
top. The officers in responsible positions should be 
watched with peculiar care. Each captain of a ship 
must do his duty just as emphatically as the enlisted 
men must do their duty, and the way they do their 
duty will largely depend upon the way he does his. 
He must keep his officers and men in good order, 
and he must remember that it is ordinarily his fault 
if they go down hill, if they deteriorate in discipline 
or become discontented. Modern wars are in reality 
decided long before they are fought. I earnestly 
hope that we shall never have another war; but if we 
do, its result will have been determined in advance ; 
for its outcome will mainly depend upon the prep 
aration which has been made to meet it in time 
of peace. 

This lesson of preparedness does not relate merely 
to war; it is just as true of our ordinary civic affairs. 
It is as true of the nation as of the individual. Each 
of us does any given piece of work well or ill, 
largely according to how he has previously trained 
himself to do it. The nation, which is but the 
aggregate of the individuals composing it, will rise 
or fail to rise in any great crisis according to the 
ideals and standards that it has kept in mind in 
ordinary days, and according to the way in which 
it has practically trained itself to realize these ideals 

1308 Presidential Addresses 

anc? dDtne up to these standards. We must insist 
upon justice and fair dealing as between man and 
man. We must strive each of us to treat his fellow 
with an eye single to what his conduct warrants. 
We must work hard and bear ourselves cheerfully 
and valiantly. We must be kindly and considerate, 
and yet show that at need we have iron in our blood. 
If we live our ordinary everyday lives after this 
fashion, we need have no fear that the priceless 
gift of free government will wither in our hands. 

JUNE 10, 1907 

It is of course a mere truism to say that no 
other body of our countrymen wield as extensive 
an influence as those who write for the daily press 
and for the periodicals. It is also a truism to say 
that such power implies the gravest responsibility, 
and the man exercising it should hold himself ac 
countable, and should be held by others accountable, 
precisely as if he occupied any other position of 
public trust. I do not intend to dwell upon your 
duties to-day, however, save that I shall permit my 
self to point out one matter where it seems to me 
that the need of our people is vital. It is essen 
tial that the man in public life and the man who 
writes in the public press shall both of them, if they 
are really good servants of the people, be prompt 
to assail wrong-doing and wickedness. But in thus 
assailing wrong-doing and wickedness, there are 

And State Papers 

two conditions to be fulfilled, because if unfulfilled, 
harm and not good will result. In the first place, 
be sure of your facts and avoid everything like 
hysteria or exaggeration ; for to assail a decent man 
for something of which he is innocent is to give aid 
and comfort to every scoundrel, while indulgence 
in hysterical exaggeration serves to weaken, not 
strengthen, the statement of truth. In the second 
place, be sure that you base your judgment on con 
duct and not on the social or economic position of 
the individual with whom you are dealing. There 
are good and bad men in every walk of life, and 
their being good or bad does not depend upon 
whether they have or do not have large bank ac 
counts. Yet this elemental fact, this fact which 
we all accept as self-evident, when we think each 
of us of the people whom he himself knows in his 
business and social relations, is often completely 
ignored by certain public men and certain public 
writers. The men who thus ignore it and who 
attack wickedness only \vhen found in a particular 
class are always unsafe, and are sometimes very 
dangerous, leaders.- Distrust equally the man who 
is never able to discover any vices of rich men to 
attack and the man who confines himself to attack 
ing the sins and shortcomings of rich men. It is 
a sure sign of moral and mental dishonesty in any 
man if in his public assaults upon iniquity he is 
never able to see any iniquity save that of a par 
ticular class; and this whether he is able only to 
see the crimes of arrogance and oppression in the 

1310 Presidential Addresses 

rich or the crimes of envy and violence in the poor. 
He is no true American if he is a respecter of per 
sons where right and wrong are concerned and if 
he fails to denounce the demagogue no less than 
the corruptionist, to denounce alike crimes of or 
ganized greed and crimes of brutal violence. There 
is equal need to denounce the wealthy man who 
swindles investors or buys legislatures or oppresses 
wage-workers, and the needy man who inflames 
class hatred or incites mob violence. We need to 
hold the scales of justice even, and to weigh them 
down on one side is as bad as to weigh them down 
on the other. 

So much for what I have to say to you in your 
capacity of molders and guides of public thought. 
In addition I want to speak to you on two great 
movements in our public life which I feel must nec 
essarily occupy no inconsiderable part of the time 
of our public men in the near future. One of these 
is the question of, in certain ways, reshaping our 
system of taxation so as to make it bear most heav 
ily on those most capable of supporting the strain. 
The other is the question of utilizing the natural 
resources of the Nation in the way that will be of 
most benefit to the Nation as a whole. 

In utilizing and conserving the natural resources 
of the Nation, the one characteristic more essential 
than any other is foresight. Unfortunately, fore 
sight is not usually characteristic of a young and 
vigorous people, and it is obviously not a marked 
characteristic of us in the United States. Yet as- 

And State Papers 1311 

suredly it should be the growing nation with a 
future which takes the long look ahead; and no 
other nation is growing so rapidly as ours or has 
a future so full of promise. No other nation en 
joys so wonderful a measure of present prosperity 
which can of right be treated as an earnest of 
future success, and for no other are the rewards 
of foresight so great, so certain, and so easily fore 
told. Yet hitherto as a Nation we have tended to 
live with an eye single to the present, and have per 
mitted the reckless waste and destruction of much 
of our natural wealth. 

The conservation of our natural resources and 
their proper use constitute the fundamental prob 
lem which underlies almost every other problem of 
our national life. Unless we maintain an adequate 
material basis for our civilization, we can not main 
tain the institutions in which we take so great and 
so just a pride; and to waste and destroy our nat 
ural resources means to undermine this material 
basis. During the last five years efforts have been 
made in several new directions in the Government 
service to get our people to look ahead, to exercise 
foresight, and to substitute a planned and orderly 
development of our resources in the place of a hap 
hazard striving for immediate profit. The effort 
has been made through several agencies. 

In 1902 the Reclamation Service began to de 
velop the larger opportunities of the western half 
of our country for irrigation. The work includes 
all the States from the Great Plains through the 

1312 Presidential Addresses 

Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Slope. It has been 
conducted with the clear and definite purpose of 
using the valuable water resources of the public 
land for the greatest good for the greatest number 
in the long run; in other words, for the purpose of 
putting upon the land permanent home-makers who 
will use and develop it for themselves and for their 
children and children s children. There has been 
opposition, of course, to this work of the Reclama 
tion Service; for we have been obliged to antag 
onize certain men whose interest it was to exhaust 
for their own temporary personal profit natural re 
sources which ought to be developed through use, 
so as to be conserved for the permanent common 
advantage of the people as a whole. But there will 
be no halt in the work of preserving the waters 
which head in the Rocky Mountain region so as to 
make them of most use to the people as a whole; 
for the policy is essential to our national welfare. 
The public lands of the United States should be 
utilized in similar fashion. Our present public land 
laws were passed when there was a vast surplus 
of vacant public land. The chief desire was to se 
cure settlers thereon, and comparatively slight atten 
tion was paid as to exactly how the lands were 
disposed of in detail. In consequence, lax execution 
of the laws became the rule both in the land office 
and in the public mind, and land frauds were com 
mon and little noted. This was especially true 
when a system originally designed for the fertile 
and well-watered regions of the Middle West was 

And State Papers 1313 

applied to the drier regions of the Great Plains 
and to the mountains and the Pacific Coast. In 
these regions the system lent itself to fraud, and 
much land passed out of the hands of the Govern 
ment without passing into the hands of the home- 
maker. The Department of the Interior and the 
Department of Justice joined in prosecuting the 
offenders against the law; but both the law and 
its administration were defective and needed to be 
changed. Three years ago a Public Lands Com 
mission was appointed to scrutinize the law and 
the facts and to recommend a remedy. Their ex 
amination specifically showed the existence of great 
frauds upon the public domain, and their recom 
mendations for changes in the law were made with 
the design of conserving the natural resources of 
every part of the public land by putting it to its 
best use. Attention was especially called to the 
prevention of settlement by the passage of great 
areas of public lands into the hands of a few men, 
and to the enormous waste caused by unrestricted 
grazing on the open range; a system of using the 
natural forage on the public domain which amounts 
to putting a premium on its destruction. The rec 
ommendations of the Public Lands Commission 
were sound, for they were especially in the inter 
est of the actual home-maker; and where the small 
home-maker could not utilize the land, it was pro 
vided that the Government should keep control of 
it so that it could not be monopolized by a few 
wealthy men. Congress has not yet acted upon 

1314 Presidential Addresses 

these recommendations, except for the repeal of 
the iniquitous lieu-land law. But the recommenda 
tions are so just and proper, so essential to our 
national welfare, that I believe they will surely 
ultimately be adopted. 

In 1891 Congress authorized the President to 
create national forests in the public domain. These 
forest reserves remained for a long time in charge 
of the General Land Office, which had no men 
properly trained in forestry. But another depart 
ment, that of Agriculture, possessed the trained 
men. In other words, the Government forests 
were without foresters and the Government for 
esters without forests. Waste of effort and waste 
of forests inevitably followed. Finally the situa 
tion was ended in 1905 by the creation of the 
United States Forest Service, which has stopped 
the waste, conserved the resources of the national 
forests, and made them useful; so that our forests 
are now being managed on a coherent plan, and 
in a way that augurs well for the future. 

The mineral fuels of the eastern United States 
have already passed into the hands of large private 
owners, and those of the West are rapidly follow 
ing. This should not be, for such mineral resources 
belong in a peculiar degree to the whole people. 
Under private control there is much waste from 
shortsighted methods of working, and the com 
plete utilization is often sacrificed for a greater 
immediate profit. The mineral fuels under our 
present conditions are as essential to our prosper- 

And State Papers 1 3*S 

ity as the forests will always be. The difference 
is that the supply is definitely limited, for coal does 
not grow and trees do. It is obvious that the min 
eral fuels should be conserved, not wasted, and that 
enough of them should remain in the hands of the 
Government to protect the people against unjust or 
extortionate prices so far as that can still be done. 
What has been accomplished in the regulation of 
the great oil fields of the Indian Territory offers 
a striking example of the good results of such a 
policy. Last summer, accordingly, I withdrew most 
of the coal-bearing public lands temporarily from 
disposal, and asked for the legislation necessary to 
protect the public interest by the conservation of 
the mineral fuels; that is, for the power to keep the 
fee in the Government and to lease the coal, oil, 
and gas rights under proper regulation. No such 
legislation was passed, but I still hope that we shall 
ultimately get it. 

In addition to treating aright for the benefit of 
the whole people the forests and the mineral beds, 
we should similarly try to preserve for the benefit 
of all the people the great stretches of public do 
main, some three hundred million acres in all, which 
are unfit for cultivation by present methods and 
valuable only for the forage which they supply. 
This vast area is now open to the free grazing of 
cattle, sheep, horses, and goats, without restriction 
or regulation. When population has increased, as 
is now the case, such utter lack of management 
means that the public domain is turned over to be 

1316 Presidential Addresses 

skinned by men whose only concern is to get what 
they can out of it at the moment, without any re 
gard to whether or not it is ruined so far as the 
next generation is concerned. In other words, the 
range is not so much used as wasted by abuse ; and 
as an incident conflict and bloodshed frequently 
arise between opposing users. With the rapid set 
tling of the West the range is more and more over 
grazed. Moreover, much of it can not be used to 
advantage unless it is fenced, for fencing is the 
only way by which to keep in check the absentee 
owners of nomad flocks which roam hither and 
thither, utterly destroying the pasturage and leav 
ing a waste behind, so that their presence is in 
compatible with the presence of home-makers. Good 
judges estimate that our public range has now lost 
nearly half its value, yet fencing is against the 
law, and as the law now stands it is wellnigh im 
possible to do anything to keep the value of the 
range. The only practical remedy is to give con 
trol of the range to the Federal Government. Such 
control would not only stop all conflict but would 
conserve the forage without stopping its use, as 
our experience with the national forests has fully 
proved. It would likewise secure to the West the 
great benefits of legitimate fencing without inter 
fering in the slightest with the settlement of the 
country on the contrary, while promoting the set 
tlement of the country. Hitherto, however, it has 
not proved possible to get any legislation to secure 
these ends. The destruction of the public range 

And State Papers I 3 I 7 

will continue until, as a Nation, we insist upon 
the enactment of some such laws as those I have 

For several years we have been doing everything 
in our power to prevent fraud upon the public land. 
What can be done under the present laws is now 
being done through the joint action of the Interior 
Department and the Department of Justice. But 
fully to accomplish the prevention of fraud there 
is need of further legislation, and especially of a 
sufficient appropriation to permit the Department 
of the Interior to examine certain classes of entries 
on the ground before they pass into private owner 
ship. The appropriation asked for last winter, if 
granted, would have put an end to the squandering 
of the public domain, while it would have prevented 
any need of causing hardship to individual settlers 
by holding up their claims. However, the appro 
priation was not given us, and in consequence it 
is not possible to secure, as I would like to secure, 
the natural resources of the public land from fraud, 
waste, and encroachment. 

So much for what we are trying to do in utiliz 
ing our public lands for the public ; in securing the 
use of the water, the forage, the coal, and the tim 
ber for the public. In all four movements my chief 
adviser, and the man first to suggest to me the 
courses which have actually proved so beneficial, 
was Mr. Gifford Pinchot, the chief of the National 
Forest Service. Mr. Pinchot also suggested to me 
a movement supplementary to all of these move- 

1318 Presidential Addresses 

ments; one which will itself lead the way in the 
general movement which he represents and with 
which he is actively identified, for the conserva 
tion of all our natural resources. This was the 
appointment of the Inland Waterways Commission. 
The inability of the railroads of the United States 
to meet the demands upon them has drawn public 
attention forcibly to the use of our waterways for 
transportation. But it is obvious that this is only 
one of their many uses, and that a planned and 
orderly development is impossible except by taking 
into account all the services they are capable of 
rendering. It was upon this ground that the In 
land Waterways Commission was recently appointed. 
Their duty is to propose a comprehensive plan for 
the improvement and utilization of those great wa 
terways which are the great potential highways of 
the country. Their duty is also to bring together 
the points of view of all users of streams, and to 
submit a general plan for the development and 
conservation of the vast natural resources of the 
waterways of the United States. Clearly it is 
impossible for the Waterways Commission to ac 
complish its great task without considering the 
relation of streams to the conservation and use of 
all other natural resources, and I have asked that 
it do so. Here, then, for the first time, the orderly 
development and planned conservative use of all 
our natural resources is presented as a single prob 
lem. One by one the individual tasks in this great 
problem have already been undertaken. One by 

And State Papers 1 3 1 9 

one in practical fashion the methods of dealing 
with them were worked out. National irrigation 
has proved itself a success by its actual working. 
Again, actual experience has shown that the na 
tional forests will fulfil the larger purpose for 
which they were created. All who have thought 
fully studied the subject have come to see that the 
solution of the public lands question lies with the 
home-maker, with the settler who lives on his land, 
and that Government control of the mineral fuels 
and the public grazing lands is necessary and in 
evitable. Each of these conclusions represented a 
movement of vast importance which would confer 
large benefits upon the Nation, but which stood 
by itself. They are connected together into one 
great fundamental problem that of the conserva 
tion of all our natural resources. Upon the wise 
solution of this, much of our future obviously 
depends. Even such questions as the regulation 
of railway rates and the control of corporations 
are in reality subsidiary to the primal problem of 
the preservation in the interests of the whole peo 
ple of the resources that nature has given us. If 
we fail to solve this problem, no skill in solving the 
others will in the end avail us very greatly. 

Now as to the matter of taxation. Most great 
civilized countries have an income tax and an in 
heritance tax. In my judgment both should be 
part of our system of Federal taxation. I speak 
diffidently about the income tax because one scheme 
for an income tax was declared unconstitutional by 

II 10 

1320 Presidential Addresses 

the Supreme Court by a five to four vote; and in 
addition it is a difficult tax to administer in its 
practical workings, and great care would have to 
be exercised to see that it was not evaded by the 
very man whom it is most desirable to have taxed, 
for if so evaded it would of course be worse than 
no tax at all, as the least desirable of all taxes is 
the tax which bears heavily upon the honest as 
compared with the dishonest man. Nevertheless, 
a graduated income tax of the proper type would 
be a desirable permanent feature of Federal taxa 
tion, and I still hope that one may be devised which 
the Supreme Court will declare constitutional. 

In my judgment, however, the inheritance tax 
is both a far better method of taxation, and far 
more important for the purpose I have in view 
the purpose of having the swollen fortunes of the 
country bear in proportion to their size a constantly 
increasing burden of taxation. These fortunes exist 
solely because of the protection given the owners 
by the public. They are a constant source of care 
and anxiety to the public, and it is eminently just 
that they should be forced to pay heavily for the 
protection given them. It is, of course, elementary 
that the Nation has the absolute right to decide as 
to the terms upon which any man shall receive a 
bequest or devise from another. We have repeat 
edly placed such laws on our own statute books, 
and they have repeatedly been declared constitu 
tional by the courts. I believe that the tax should 
contain the progressive principle. Whatever any 

And State Papers 1321 

individual receives, whether by gift, bequest, or 
devise, in life or in death, should, after a certain 
amount is reached, be increasingly burdened; and 
the rate of taxation should be increased in propor 
tion to the remoteness of blood of the man receiv 
ing from the man giving or devising. The principle 
of this progressive taxation of inheritances has not 
only been authoritatively recognized by the legis 
lation of Congress, but it is now unequivocally 
adopted in the leading civilized nations of the 
world in, for instance, Great Britain, France, and 
Germany. Switzerland led off with the imposi 
tion of high progressive rates. Great Britain was 
the first of the great nations to follow suit, and 
within the last few years both France and Ger 
many have adopted the principle. In Great Britain 
all estates worth five thousand dollars or less are 
practically exempt from death duties, while the in 
crease is such that when an estate exceeds five 
millions of dollars in value and passes to a dis 
tant kinsman or stranger in blood, the Government 
receives nearly eighteen per cent. In France, under 
the progressive system, so much of an inheritance 
as exceeds ten millions of dollars pays over twenty 
per cent to the State if it passes to a distant rela 
tive, and five per cent if it passes to a direct heir. 
In Germany very small inheritances are exempt, 
but the tax is so sharply progressive that an in 
heritance not in agricultural or forest lands which 
exceeds two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, if 
it goes to distant relatives, is taxed at the rate of 

1322 Presidential Addresses 

about twenty-five per cent. The German law is of 
special interest, because it makes the inheritance 
tax an imperial measure, while allotting to the in 
dividual states of the Empire a portion of the 
proceeds and permitting them to impose taxes in 
addition to those imposed by the Imperial Gov 
ernment. In the United States the National Gov 
ernment has more than once imposed inheritance 
taxes in addition to those imposed by the States, 
and in the last instance about one-half of the States 
levied such taxes concurrently with the National 
Government, making a combined maximum rate in 
some cases as high as twenty-five per cent; and, 
as a matter of fact, several States adopted inheri 
tance tax laws for the first time while the National 
law was still in force and unrepealed. The French 
law has one feature which is to be heartily com 
mended. The progressive principle is so applied 
that each higher rate is imposed only on the excess 
above the amount subject to the next lower rate. 
This plan is peculiarly adapted to the working out 
of the theory of using the inheritance tax for the 
purpose of limiting the size of inheritable fortunes, 
since the progressive increase in the rates, accord 
ing to this mode, may be carried to its logical con 
clusion in a maximum rate of nearly one hundred 
per cent for the amount in excess of a specified sum, 
without being confiscatory as to the rest of the in 
heritance; for each increase in rate would apply 
only to the amount above a certain maximum. I 
do not believe that any advantage comes either to 

And State Papers X 3 2 3 

the country as a whole or to the individuals in 
heriting the money by permitting the transmission 
in their entirety of such enormous fortunes as have 
been accumulated in America. The tax could be 
made to bear more heavily upon persons residing 
out of the country than upon those residing within 
it. Such a heavy progressive tax is of course in 
no shape or way a tax on thrift or industry, for 
thrift and industry have ceased to possess any 
measurable importance in the acquisition of the 
swollen fortunes of which I speak long before 
the tax would in any way seriously affect them. 
Such a tax would be one of the methods by which 
we should try to preserve a measurable equality 
of opportunity for the people of the generation 
growing to manhood. As Lincoln pointed out, 
there are some respects in which men are obvi 
ously not equal; but there is no reason why there 
should not be an equality of self-respect and of 
mutual respect, an equality of rights before the 
law, and at least an approximate equality in the 
conditions under which each man obtains the chance 
to show the stuff that is in him when compared with 
his fellows. 

[From Everybody s Magazine, June, 1907] 

I don t believe for a minute that some of these 
men who are writing nature stories and putting the 
word "truth" prominently in their prefaces know the 
heart of the wild things. Neither do I believe that 

Presidential Addresses 

certain men who, while they may say nothing spe 
cifically about truth, do claim attention as realists 
because of their animal stories, have succeeded in 
learning the real secrets of the life of the wilderness. 
They don t know, or if they do know, they indulge 
in the wildest exaggeration under the mistaken 
notion that they are strengthening their stories. 

As for the matter of giving these books to the 
children for the purpose of teaching them the facts 
of natural history why, it s an outrage. If these 
stories were written as fables, published as fables, 
and put into the children s hands as fables, all would 
be well and good. As it is, they are read and be 
lieved because the writer not only says they are 
true, but lays stress upon his pledge. There is no 
more reason why the children of the country should 
be taught a false natural history than why they 
should be taught a false physical geography. 

Dropping the matter of the school-books for a 
moment, take the stories of some of the nature 
writers who wish to be known as realists. Real 
ism is truth. A writer like Stewart Edward White 
is true to nature ; he knows the forest and the moun 
tain and the desert ; he puts down what he sees ; and 
he sees the truth. But certain others either have 
not seen at all, or they have seen superficially. Na 
ture-writing with them is no labor of love. Their 
readers, in the main persons who have never lived 
apart from the paved street, take the wildest flights 
of the imagination of these "realists" as an inspired 
word from the gospel of nature. It is false teaching. 

And State Papers J 3 2 5 

Take the chapter from Jack London s "White 
Fang" that tells the story of a fight between the 
great northern wolf, White Fang, and a bulldog. 
Reading this, I can t believe that Mr. London knows 
much about the wolves, and I am certain that he 
knows nothing about their fighting, or as a realist 
he would not tell this tale. Here is a great wolf 
of the northern breed ; its strength is such that with 
one stroke it can hamstring a horse or gut a steer, 
and yet it is represented as ripping and slashing with 
"long, tearing strokes" again and again and again 
a bulldog not much more than a third its size, and 
the bulldog, which should be in ribbons, keeps on 
fighting without having suffered any appreciable 
injury. This thing is the very sublimity of ab 
surdity. In such a fight the chance for the dog 
would be only one in a thousand, its victory being 
possible only through getting a throat grip the 
instant that the fight started. This kind of realism 
is a closet product. 

In the same book London describes a great dog- 
wolf being torn in pieces by a lucivee, a northern 
lynx. This is about as sensible as to describe a 
torn cat tearing in pieces a thirty-pound fighting 
bull terrier. Nobody who really knew anything 
about either a lynx or a wolf would write such 
nonsense. Now, I don t want to be misunderstood. 
If the stories of these writers were written in the 
spirit that inspired Mowgli and we were told tales 
like those of the animals at the Council Rock, of 
their deliberations and their something more than 

1326 Presidential Addresses 

human conclusions, we should know that we were 
getting the very essence of fable, and we should be 
content to read, enjoy, and accept them as fables. 
We don t in the least mind impossibilities in avowed 
fairy tales; and Bagheera and Baloo and Kaa are 
simply delightful variants of Prince Charming and 
Jack the Slayer of Giants. But when such fables 
are written by a make-believe realist, the matter 
assumes an entirely different complexion. Men who 
have visited the haunts of the wild beasts, who have 
seen them, and have learned at least something of 
their ways, resent such gross falsifying of nature s 

William J. Long is perhaps the worst of these 
nature-writing offenders. It is his stories, I am 
told, that have been put, in part, into many of the 
public schools of the country in order that from 
them the children may get the truths of wild ani 
mal life. 

Take Mr. Long s story of "Wayeeses, the White 
Wolf." Here is what the writer says in his preface 
to the story: "Every incident in this wolf s life, 
from his grasshopper hunting to the cunning cari 
bou chase, and from the den in the rocks to the 
meeting of wolf and children on the storm-swept 
barrens, is minutely true to fact, and is based 
squarely upon my own observation and that of 
my Indians." 

As a matter of fact, the story of Wayeeses is 
filled with the wildest improbabilities and a few 

And State Papers T 3 2 7 

mathematical impossibilities. If Mr. Long wants 
us to believe his story of the killing of the caribou 
fawn by the wolf in the way that he says it was 
done, he must produce eye-witnesses and affidavits. 
I don t believe the thing occurred. Nothing except 
a shark or an alligator will attempt to kill by a 
bite behind the shoulder. There is no less vulner 
able point of attack; an animal might be bitten 
there in a confused scuffle, of course, or seized in 
his jump so as to throw him; but no man who 
knows anything of the habits of wolves or even of 
fighting dogs would dream of describing this as 
the place to kill with one bite. I have seen scores 
of animals that have been killed by wolves; the 
killing or crippling bites were always in the throat, 
flank, or ham. Mr. George Shiras, who has seen 
not scores but hundreds of such carcasses, tells me 
that the death wounds or disabling wounds were 
invariably in the throat or the flank, except when 
the animal was first hamstrung. 

If Mr. Long s wolf killed the caribou fawn by 
a bite through the heart, as the writer asserts, the 
wolf either turned a somersault or pretty near it 
or else got his head upside down under the fore 
legs of the fawn, a sufficiently difficult perform 
ance. Wayeeses would have to do this before he 
could get the whole breast of the animal in his 
mouth in order to crush it and bite through to the 
heart. It is very unlikely that any wolf outside of 
a book would be fool enough to attempt a thing 
like this even with a fawn caribou, when the kill- 

1328 Presidential Addresses 

ing could be done far more surely in so many easier 

But the absurdity of this story is as nothing to 
the story of the killing of a bull caribou by the 
same wolf, using the same method. "A terrific 
rush, a quick snap under the stag s chest just be 
hind the fore legs where the heart lay; then the 
big wolf leaped aside and sat down quietly again 
to watch." 

Mr. Long has Wayeeses, after tearing the cari 
bou s heart, hold himself "with tremendous will 
power from rushing in headlong and driving the 
game, which might run for miles if too hard 

Now here Mr. Long is not thinking of anything 
he has ever seen, but has a confused memory of 
what he has heard or read of gut-wounded animals. 
A caribou with such a hurt may go on for a long 
distance before it drops, and it is wise not to fol 
low it too closely, because if not followed it will 
often lie down, and in an hour or so will become 
too stiff to get up. But it would seem that even 
Mr. Long might know, what a child should know, 
that no caribou and no land mammal of any kind 
lives after the heart is pierced as he describes; 
whether followed or not, the caribou would fall in 
a few jumps. This, however, is the least of the 
absurdities of the story. That Wayeeses tore the 
heart of the bull caribou in the way that Mr. 
Long describes is a mathematical impossibility. 
The wolf s jaws would not gape right; the skin 

And State Papers 

and the chest walls with all the protective bone and 
tissue could not possibly be crushed in; the teeth 
of the wolf could not pierce through them to the 
heart, for no wolf s teeth are long enough for the 
job, nor are the teeth of any other carnivorous land 
mammal. By no possibility could a wolf or any 
other flesh-eating land mammal perform such a 
feat. It would need the tusks of a walrus. Mr. 
Long actually can not know the length of a wolf s 
fang; let him measure one, and then measure what 
the length would have to be to do the thing he 
describes; and then let him avow his story a 
pleasing fable. He will get a clear idea of just 
what the feat would be if he will hang a grape 
fruit in the middle of a keg of flour, and then 
see whether a big dog could bite through the keg 
into the grapefruit; it would be a parallel per 
formance to the one he describes when he makes 
his picture-book wolf bite into the heart of a bull 

As a sort of a climax of absurdity to this "true 
story of Wayeeses," Mr. Long draws a picture of 
this wilderness wolf, savage from tip to tip, doing 
for some lost children the kindly service of leading 
them home through the forest. Now let me repeat 
that this would be all right if the story were avow 
edly a fairy tale, like Kipling s "Jungle Book." But 
it is grotesque to claim literal truthfulness for such 
a tissue of absurdities. 

I wonder sometimes as I read the lynx stories 
of Mr. Long if this wilderness tramper ever saw 

133 Presidential Addresses 

a lynx to know it at all in any real sense. He has 
several stories of the lynx. They vary little in their 
grotesque inaccuracy. Take the story of "Upweekis 
the Shadow," which has place in a little book that 
I am told is used as one of the supplementary 
readers from which American school children are 
expected to get accurate knowledge of wilderness 
ways. There are all kinds of absurdities in this 
lynx "study." In one place, for instance, Mr. Long 
describes a number of lynxes gathered around the 
nearly eaten carcass of a caribou, while a menag 
erie of smaller beasts, including a pine marten, 
circulates freely among them. Now, of course, a 
marten would circulate among a company of lynxes 
just about as long as a mouse would circulate among 
a company of cats. But the most comic feature of 
Mr. Long s lynx article is his account of various 
desperate encounters he had with the animal, which 
he evidently regards as a monster dangerous to 

We are told by the writer that a lone lynx 
made him exceedingly "uncomfortable" for half an 
afternoon. The animal "dogged" him hour after 
hour through the wilderness. He tells of making 
double time for four miles in order to reach camp 
before night should fall and give the lynx the ad 
vantage. Mr. Long declares that he had an en 
counter with the lynx before he succeeded in driving 
it from the trail. In reality, any one is in just as 
much danger of being attacked by a domestic cat 
when walking through his own garden as Mr. Long 

And State Papers I 33 I 

was of being attacked by this lynx of the northern 

Once more let me say that if the fairy-tale mark 
were put on the stories of these writers, criticism 
would pass. Apparently, however, they wish to be 
known as teachers, or possibly they have a feeling 
of pride that springs from the belief that their read 
ers will think of them as of those who have tramped 
the wilds and met nature in its gentleness and in its 
fierceness face to face. 

Some of the writers who at times offend, at 
other times do excellent work. Mr. Thompson 
Seton has made interesting observations of fact, 
and much of his fiction has a real value. But he 
should make it clear that it is fiction, and not fact. 

Many of the nature stories of Charles G. D. 
Roberts are avowedly fairy tales, and no one is 
deceived by them. When such is the case, we all 
owe a debt to Mr. Roberts, for he is a charming 
writer and he loves the wilderness. But even Mr. 
Roberts fails to consult possibilities in some of his 

The lynx seems to have an unholy fascination 
for these realists, and Mr. Roberts has succumbed 
to it. I wish he had learned a little of the real 
lynx, as distinguished from the Mr. Long lynx, 
before he wrote the story called "On the Night 

It s a big lynx that weighs over forty pounds. 
A fifty-pound lynx is a giant among the American 
species. An ordinary lucivee is about the size of 

1332 Presidential Addresses 

a big Rocky Mountain bobcat. I have seen a light 
weight dog, a cross between a bull terrier and a 
collie, take a full-grown, able-bodied lynx out of a 
hole, though this is a rather exceptional feat. When 
the lynx is hard pressed and gets into a good place 
it will turn and fight just as a domestic cat will 
fight in the same circumstances, but it won t fight 
on its own initiative. In a hole it can usually stand 
off a good dog, but in the open any big fighting dog 
will kill it. I have known two ordinary foxhounds 
to kill a lucivee ; several times I have seen a Rocky 
Mountain lynx, or bobcat, killed by a pack of half 
a dozen or more hounds and terriers, and in no case 
did the struggle last over a few seconds, the lynx 
being killed so quickly that it had no time to 
leave a serious mark on any one of its numerous 

Now in this "Night-Trail" story of Mr. Roberts 
a man catches a lynx in a trap, ties it up, puts it 
into a bag, and, swinging it over his shoulder, starts 
through the woods with his burden. On his way 
the man is attacked by eight wolves that form them 
selves in a crescent at his front. He is armed with 
an axe and as well as he can he fights off his wolf 
assailants. In the crisis, in order to give the lynx 
a chance for its life and perhaps a chance to create 
"an effective diversion in his own favor," the man 
slashes the sack open, cuts the lynx s bonds, and 
sets it free. 

The lynx, according to Mr. Roberts, goes into 
the fray with the wolves with a sort of savage 

And State Papers i 3 3 3 

exultation. Several of the wolves receive slashes 
which send them yelping out of the battle. Now 
the thing is so utterly ridiculous that any man who 
knows both the wolf and the lynx loses patience. 
Real wolves would have made shreds of a real lynx 
within a twinkling of the time they closed in to the 
attack. The animal of the story would have stood 
no more chance with the eight wolves than a house 
cat would stand in a fight with eight bull terriers. 
In one of the books that I understand is used 
as a supplementary reader is a story of "the caribou 
school." It is difficult to discuss this story with 
patience. The writer, Mr. Long, vouches for the 
truth of everything in the book by saying that the 
sketches are the result "of many years personal ob 
servation in woods and fields." He tells of finding 
half a dozen mother caribou and nearly twice as 
many little ones gathered together in a natural open 
ing surrounded by dense underbrush and this was 
their schoolroom. Then there follows a description 
of the mother caribou s method of teaching man 
ners to the young, of giving them lessons in jump 
ing and of impressing upon them the necessity of 
following the leader. Mr. Long allows little for 
instinct. He says : "It was true kindergarten teach 
ing, for under the guise of a frolic the calves were 
being taught a needful lesson." Such a tale, which 
the school children receive stamped with the word 
"truth," should need no comment; and it is rather 
startling to think of any school authorities accept 
ing it. 

1334 Presidential Addresses 

The preservation of the useful and beautiful 
animal and bird life of the country depends largely 
upon creating in the young an interest in the life 
of the woods and fields. If the child mind is fed 
with stories that are false to nature, the children 
will go to the haunts of the animal only to meet 
with disappointment. The result will be disbelief, 
and the death of interest. The men who misinter 
pret nature and replace facts with fiction, undo the 
work of those who in the love of nature interpret 
it aright. 

[From Everybody s Magazine, September, 1907] 

In the Middle Ages there was no hard-and-fast 
line drawn between fact and fiction even in ordi 
nary history; and until much later there was not 
even an effort to draw it in natural history. There 
are quaint little books on beasts, in German and in 
English, as late as the sixteenth century, in which 
the unicorn and the basilisk appear as real crea 
tures; while to more commonplace animals there 
are ascribed traits and habits of such exceeding 
marvelousness that they ought to make the souls 
of the "nature fakers" of these degenerate days 
swell with envious admiration. 

As real outdoor naturalists, real observers of na 
ture, grew up, men who went into the wilderness 
to find out the truth, they naturally felt a half- 
indignant and half-amused contempt both for the 
men who invented preposterous fiction about wild 

And State Papers I 335 

animals, and for the credulous stay-at-home people 
who accepted such fiction as fact. A century and 
a half ago old Samuel Hearne, the Hudson Bay 
explorer, a keen and trustworthy observer, while 
writing of the beaver, spoke as follows of the spir 
itual predecessors of certain modern writers : 

"I can not refrain from smiling when I read the 
accounts of different authors who have written on 
the economy of these animals, as there seems to be 
a contest between them who shall most exceed in 
fiction. But the compiler of the Wonders of 
Nature and Art seems, in my opinion, to have 
succeeded best in this respect; as he has not only 
collected all the fictions into which other writers 
on the subject have run, but has so greatly im 
proved on them, that little remains to be added to 
his account of the beaver besides a vocabulary of 
their language, a code of their laws, and a sketch 
of their religion, to make it the most complete natu 
ral history of that animal which can possibly be 
offered to the public. 

"There can not be a greater imposition, or indeed 
a grosser insult on common understanding, than the 
wish to make us believe the stones [in question] . . , 
a very moderate share of understanding is surely 
sufficient to guard [any one] against giving credit 
to such marvelous tales, however smoothly they may 
be told, or however boldly they may be asserted by 
the romancing traveler." 

Hearne was himself a man who added greatly 
to the fund of knowledge about the beasts of the 

1336 Presidential Addresses 

wilderness. We need such observers; much re 
mains to be told about the wolf and the bear, the 
lynx and the fisher, the moose and the caribou. 
Undoubtedly wild creatures sometimes show very 
unexpected traits, and individuals among them 
sometimes perform fairly startling feats or exhibit 
totally unlooked-for sides of their characters in 
their relations with one another and with man. 
We much need a full study and observation of all 
these animals, undertaken by observers capable of 
seeing, understanding, and recording what goes on 
in the wilderness; and such study and observation 
can not be made by men of dull mind and limited 
power of appreciation. The highest type of student 
of nature should be able to see keenly and write in 
terestingly and should have an imagination that will 
enable him to interpret the facts. But he is not a 
student of nature at all who sees not keenly but 
falsely, who writes interestingly and untruthfully, 
and whose imagination is used not to interpret facts 
but to invent them. 

We owe a real debt to the men who truthfully 
portray for us, with pen or pencil, any one of the 
many sides of outdoor life; whether they work as 
artists or as writers, whether they care for big 
beasts or small birds, for the homely farmland or 
for the vast, lonely, wilderness; whether they are 
scientists proper, or hunters of game, or lovers of 
all nature which, indeed, scientists and hunters 
ought also to be. John Burroughs and John Muir, 
Stewart Edward White and Frederic Remington, 

And State Papers J 337 

Olive Thorne Miller, Hart Merriam, William Horn- 
aday, Frank Chapman, J. A. Allen, Ernest Inger- 
soll, Witmer Stone, William Cram, George Shiras, 
Caspar Whitney to all of these, and to many like 
them whom I could name, we owe much, we who 
love the breath of the woods and the fields, and 
who care for the wild creatures, large or small. 
And the surest way to neutralize the work of these 
lovers of truth and nature, of truth in nature-study, 
is to encourage those whose work shows neither 
knowledge of nature nor love of truth. 

The modern "nature faker" is of course an object 
of derision to every scientist worthy of the name, 
to every real lover of the wilderness, to every faunal 
naturalist, to every true hunter or nature lover. But 
it is evident that he completely deceives many good 
people who are wholly ignorant of wild life. Some 
times he draws on his own imagination for his 
fictions; sometimes he gets them second-hand from 
irresponsible guides or trappers or Indians. 

In the wilderness, as elsewhere, there are some 
persons who do not regard the truth; and these 
are the very persons who most delight to fill credu 
lous strangers with impossible stories of wild beasts. 
As for Indians, they live in a world of mysticism, 
and they often ascribe supernatural traits to the 
animals they know, just as the men of the Middle 
Ages, with almost the same childlike faith, credited 
the marvels told of the unicorn, the basilisk, the roc, 
and the cockatrice. 

Of all these "nature fakers," the most reckless 

1338 Presidential Addresses 

and least responsible is Mr. Long; but there are 
others who run him close in the "yellow journal 
ism of the woods," as John Burroughs has aptly 
called it. It would take a volume merely to cata 
logue the comic absurdities with which the books 
of these writers are filled. There is no need of dis 
cussing their theories ; the point is that their alleged 
"facts" are not facts at all, but fancies. Their most 
striking stories are not merely distortions of facts, 
but pure inventions; and not only are they inven 
tions, but they are inventions by men who know so 
little of the subject concerning which they write, 
and who to ignorance add such utter recklessness, 
that they are not even able to distinguish be 
tween what is possible, however wildly improbable, 
and mechanical impossibilities. Be it remembered 
that I am not speaking of ordinary mistakes, of 
ordinary errors of observation, of differences of 
interpretation and opinion; I am dealing only 
with deliberate invention, deliberate perversion of 

Now all this would be, if not entirely proper, at 
least far less objectionable, if the writers in ques 
tion were content to appear in their proper garb, 
as is the case with the men who write fantastic 
fiction about wild animals for the Sunday issues of 
various daily newspapers. Moreover, as a writer 
of spirited animal fables, avowed to be such, any 
man can gain a distinct place of some importance. 
But it is astonishing that such very self-evident 
fiction as that which I am now discussing should, 

And State Papers J 339 

when advertised as fact, impose upon any person 
of good sense, no matter how ignorant of natural 
history and of wild life. Most of us have enjoyed 
novels like "King Solomon s Mines," for instance. 
But if Mr. Rider Haggard had insisted that his 
novels were not novels but records of actual fact, 
we should feel a mild wonder at the worthy 
persons who accepted them as serious contribu 
tions to the study of African geography and 

It is not probable that the writers in question 
have even so much as seen some of the animals 
which they minutely describe. They certainly do 
not know the first thing about their habits, nor even 
about their physical structure. Judging from the 
internal evidence of their books, I should gravely 
doubt if they had ever seen a wild wolf or a wild 
lynx. The wolves and lynxes and other animals 
which they describe are full brothers of the wild 
beasts that appear in "Uncle Remus" and "Reynard 
the Fox," and deserve the same serious considera 
tion from the zoological standpoint. Certain of 
their wolves appear as gifted with all the philoso 
phy, the self-restraint, and the keen intelligence of, 
say, Marcus Aurelius, together with the lofty phi 
lanthropy of a modern altruist; though unfortu 
nately they are hampered by a wholly erroneous 
view of caribou anatomy. 

Like the White Queen in "Through the Looking- 
Glass," these writers can easily believe three impos 
sible things before breakfast ; and they do not mind 


Presidential Addresses 

in the least if the impossibilities are mutually con 
tradictory. Thus, one story relates how a wolf with 
one bite reaches the heart of a bull caribou, or a 
moose, or a horse a feat which, of course, has been 
mechanically impossible of performance by any land 
carnivora since the death of the last sabre-toothed 
tiger. But the next story will cheerfully describe 
a doubtful contest between the wolf and a lynx or 
a bulldog, in which the latter survives twenty slash 
ing bites. Now of course a wolf that could bite 
into the heart of a horse would swallow a bulldog 
or a lynx like a pill. 

In one story a wolf is portrayed as guiding home 
some lost children, in a spirit of thoughtful kind 
ness ; let the overtrustful individual who has girded 
up his loins to believe this think of the way he 
would receive the statement of some small farmer s 
boy that when lost he was guided home by a coon, 
a possum, or a woodchuck. Again, one of these 
story-book wolves, when starving, catches a red 
squirrel, which he takes round as a present to pro 
pitiate a bigger wolf.* If any man seriously thinks 

* This particular incident was alleged to have taken place 
in Newfoundland, the wolf being the same as the hero of the 
caribou-heart-bite episode. Mr. George Shiras had informed 
me that there were no red squirrels in Newfoundland, and 
that wolves were so scarce as to be practically non-existent, 
if they existed at all. He now writes me under date of July 
ipth as follows : 

"I enclose a copy of a recent letter received from my guide 
in Newfoundland which shows that I did not err regard 
ing the wolves and red squirrel. 

"When Dr. Long alleges he was following, for weeks at a 

And State Papers 1341 

a starving wolf would act in this manner, let him 
study hounds when feeding, even when they are not 

The animals are alternately portrayed as actu 
ated by motives of exalted humanitarianism, and 
as possessed of demoniac prowess and insight into 
motive. In one story the fisher figures in the latter 
capacity. A fisher is a big marten, the size of a 
fox. This particular story-book fisher, when pur 
sued by hunters on snow-shoes, kills a buck by a 
bite in the throat, and leaves the carcass as a bribe 
to the hunters, hoping thereby to distract attention 
from himself ! Now, foxes are continually hunted ; 
they are far more clever than fishers. What ra 
tional man would pay heed to a story that a fox 
when hunted killed a good-sized calf by a bite in 
the throat, and left it as a bribe to the hounds and 
hunters, to persuade them to leave him alone ? One 
story is just as possible as the other. 

In another story the salmon is the hero. The 
writer begins by blunders about the young salmon 

time, wolves in Newfoundland, this animal was extinct, or 
practically so. Squires is one of the best and most reliable 
trappers on this island, being one of the few who perma 
nently reside in the interior, trapping in the most northerly 
and wildest portions of the country, where wolf sign would 
be instantly detected were the animals to be found on this 
island. Such audacity on the part of Dr. Long is simply 

The letter from the guide, W. T. Squires, runs in part as 
follows : 

There are no squirrel of any "kind here. Neither have I 
seen any sign of wolf in the last ten years." 

I34 2 Presidential Addresses 

which a ten minutes visit to any government fish 
hatchery would have enabled him to avoid; and 
as a climax describes how the salmon goes up a fall 
by flopping from ledge to ledge of a cliff, under 
circumstances which make the feat about as prob 
able as that the fish would use a step-ladder. As 
soon as these writers get into the wilderness, they 
develop preternatural powers of observation, and, 
as Mr. Shiras says, become themselves "invisible 
and odorless," so that the shyest wild creatures 
permit any closeness of intimacy on their part; 
in one recent story about a beaver colony, the 
alternative to the above proposition is that the 
beavers were both blind and without sense of 

Yet these same writers, who see such marvelous 
things as soon as they go into the woods, are in 
capable of observing aright the most ordinary facts 
when at home. One of their stories relates how 
the eyes of frogs shine at night in the wilderness; 
the author apparently ignoring the fact that frog- 
ponds are common in less remote places, and are 
not inhabited by blazing-eyed frogs. Two of our 
most common and most readily observed small mam 
mals are the red squirrel and the chipmunk. The 
chipmunk has cheek pouches, in which he stores ber 
ries, grain, and small nuts, whereas the red squirrel 
has no cheek pouches, and carries nuts between his 
teeth. Yet even this simple fact escapes the atten 
tion of one of the writers we are discussing, who 
endows a red squirrel with cheek pouches filled with 

And State Papers J 343 

nuts. Evidently excessive indulgence in invention 
tends to atrophy the power of accurate observa 

In one story a woodcock is described as making 
a kind of mud splint for its broken leg; it seems a 
pity not to have added that it also made itself a 
crutch to use while the splint was on. A Baltimore 
oriole is described as making a contrivance of twigs 
and strings whereby to attach its nest, under cir 
cumstances which would imply the mental ability 
and physical address of a sailor making a ham 
mock; and the story is backed up by affidavits, as 
are others of these stories. This particular feat is 
precisely as possible as that a Rocky Mountain pack 
rat can throw the diamond hitch. The affidavits 
in support of these various stories are interesting 
only because of the curious light they throw on 
the personalities of those making and believing 

If the writers who make such startling discov 
eries in the wilderness would really study even the 
denizens of a barnyard, they would be saved from 
at least some of their more salient mistakes. Their 
stories dwell much on the "teaching" of the young 
animals by their elders and betters. In one story, 
for instance, a wild duck is described as "teaching" 
her young how to swim and get their food. If this 
writer had strolled into the nearest barnyard con 
taining a hen which had hatched out ducklings, a 
glance at the actions of those ducklings when the 
hen happened to lead them near a puddle would 

II ii 

1344 Presidential Addresses 

have enlightened him as to how much "teaching" 
they needed. But these writers exercise the same 
florid imagination when they deal with a robin or 
a rabbit as when they describe a bear, a moose, or 
a salmon. 

It is half-amusing and half-exasperating to think 
that there should be excellent persons to whom it 
is necessary to explain that books stuffed with such 
stories, in which the stories are stated as facts, are 
preposterous in their worthlessness. These worthy 
persons vividly call to mind Professor Lounsbury s 
comment on "the infinite capacity of the human brain 
to withstand the introduction of knowledge." The 
books in question contain no statement which a seri 
ous and truth-loving student of nature can accept, 
save statements which have already long been known 
as established by trustworthy writers. The fables 
they contain bear the same relation to real natural 
history that Barnum s famous artificial mermaid bore 
to real fish and real mammals. No man who has 
really studied nature in a spirit of seeking the truth, 
whether he be big or little, can have any contro 
versy with these writers ; it would be as absurd as 
to expect some genuine student of anthropology 
or archaeology to enter into a controversy with the 
clumsy fabricators of the Cardiff Giant. Their 
books carry their own refutation; and affidavits 
in support of the statements they contain are as 
worthless as the similar affidavits once solemnly 
issued to show that the Cardiff "giant" was a 
petrified pre-Adamite man. There is now no 

And State Papers ! 345 

more excuse for being deceived by their stories 
than for being still in doubt about the silly Cardiff 

Men of this stamp will necessarily arise, from 
time to time, some in one walk of life, some in 
another. Our quarrel is not with these men, but 
with those who give them their chance. We who 
believe in the study of nature feel that a real 
knowledge and appreciation of wild things, of 
trees, flowers, birds, and of the grim and crafty 
creatures of the wilderness, give an added beauty 
and health to life. Therefore we abhor deliberate 
or reckless untruth in this study as much as in any 
other; and therefore we feel that a grave wrong 
is committed by all who, holding a position that 
entitles them to respect, yet condone and encourage 
such untruth. 


It is not too much to say that the event com 
memorated by the monument which we have come 
here to dedicate was one of those rare events which 
can in good faith be called of world importance. 
The coming hither of the Pilgrim three centuries 
ago, followed in far larger numbers by his sterner 
kinsmen, the Puritans, shaped the destinies of this 
continent, and therefore profoundly affected the 
destiny of the whole world. Men of other races, 
the Frenchman and the Spaniard, the Dutchman, 

1346 Presidential Addresses 

the German, the Scotchman, the Irishman, and the 
Swede, made settlements within what is now the 
United States, during the colonial period of our 
history and before the Declaration of Independence ; 
and since then there has been an ever-swelling im 
migration from Ireland and from the mainland of 
Europe; but it was the Englishman who settled in 
Virginia and the Englishman who settled in Mas 
sachusetts who did most in shaping the lines of our 
national development. 

We can not as a Nation be too profoundly grate 
ful for the fact that the Puritan has stamped his 
influence so deeply on our national life. We need 
have but scant patience with the men who now rail 
at the Puritan s faults. They were evident, of 
course, for it is a quality of strong natures that 
their failings, like their virtues, should stand out 
in bold relief; but there is nothing easier than to 
belittle the great men of the past by dwelling only 
on the points where they come short of the univer 
sally recognized standards of the present. Men must 
be judged with reference to the age in which they 
dwell, and the work they have to do. The Puritan s 
task was to conquer a continent ; not merely to over 
run it, but to settle it, to till it, to build upon it a 
high industrial and social life; and, while engaged 
in the rough work of taming the shaggy wilder 
ness, at that very time also to lay deep the im 
movable foundations of our whole American system 
of civil, political, and religious liberty achieved 
through the orderly process of law. This was the 

And State Papers X 347 

work allotted him to do; this is the work he did; 
and only a master spirit among men could have 
done it. 

We have traveled far since his day. That liberty 
of conscience which he demanded for himself, we 
now realize must be as freely accorded to others 
as it is resolutely insisted upon for ourselves. The 
splendid qualities which he left to his children, we 
other Americans who are not of Puritan blood also 
claim as our heritage. You, sons of the Puritans, 
and we, who are descended from races whom the 
Puritans would have deemed alien we are all 
Americans together. We all feel the same pride in 
the genesis, in the history, of our people ; and there 
fore this shrine of Puritanism is one at which we 
all gather to pay homage, no matter from what 
country our ancestors sprang. 

We have gained some things that the Puritan had 
not we of this generation, we of the twentieth 
century, here in this great Republic ; but we are also 
in danger of losing certain things which the Puritan 
had and which we can by no manner of means afford 
to lose. We have gained a joy of living which he 
had not, and which it is a good thing for every 
people to have and to develop. Let us see to it 
that we do not lose what is more important still; 
that we do not lose the Puritan s iron sense of duty, 
his unbending, unflinching will to do the right as 
it was given him to see the right. It is a good thing 
that life should gain in sweetness, but only provided 
that it does not lose in strength. Ease and rest and 

1348 Presidential Addresses 

pleasure are good things, but only if they come as 
the reward of work well done, of a good fight well 
won, of strong effort resolutely made and crowned 
by high achievement. The life of mere pleasure, 
of mere effortless ease, is as ignoble for a nation 
as for an individual. The man is but a poor father 
who teaches his sons that ease and pleasure should 
be their chief objects in life; the woman who is a 
mere petted toy, incapable of serious purpose, shrink 
ing from effort and duty, is more pitiable than the 
veriest overworked drudge. So he is but a poor 
leader of the people, but a poor national adviser, 
who seeks to make the Nation in any way subordi 
nate effort to ease, who would teach the people not 
to prize as the greatest blessing the chance to do 
any work, no matter how hard, if it becomes their 
duty to do it. To the sons of the Puritans it is 
almost needless to say that the lesson above all others 
which Puritanism can teach this Nation is the all- 
importance of the resolute performance of duty. 
If we are men we will pass by with contemptuous 
disdain alike the advisers who would seek to lead 
us into the paths of ignoble ease and those who 
would teach us to admire successful wrong-doing. 
Our ideals should be high, and yet they should be 
capable of achievement in practical fashion; and 
we are as little to be excused if we permit our ideals 
to be tainted with what is sordid and mean and base, 
as if we allow our power of achievement to atrophy 
and become either incapable of effort or capable only 
of such fantastic effort as to accomplish nothing 

And State Papers J349 

of permanent good. The true doctrine to preach 
to this Nation, as to the individuals composing this 
Nation, is not the life of ease, but the life of effort, 
If it were in my power to promise the people of 
this land anything, I would not promise them pleas 
ure. I would promise them that stern happiness 
which comes from the sense of having done in 
practical fashion a difficult work which was worth 

The Puritan owed his extraordinary success 
in subduing this continent and making it the foun 
dation for a social life of ordered liberty pri 
marily to the fact that he combined in a very 
remarkable degree both the power of individual 
initiative, of individual self-help, and the power of 
acting in combination with his fellows; and that 
furthermore he joined to a high heart that shrewd 
common-sense which saves a man from the besetting 
sins of the visionary and the doctrinaire. He was 
stout hearted and hard headed. He had lofty pur 
poses, but he had practical good sense, too. He 
could hold his own in the rough workaday world 
without clamorous insistence upon being helped by 
others, and yet he could combine with others when 
ever it became necessary to do a job which could 
not be as well done by any one man individually. 

These were the qualities which enabled him to 
do his work, and they are the very qualities which 
we must show in doing our work to-day. There is 
no use in our coming here to pay homage to the 
men who founded this Nation unless we first of 

135 Presidential Addresses 

all come in the spirit of trying to do our work 
to-day as they did their work in the yesterdays that 
have vanished. The problems shift from generation 
to generation, but the spirit in which they must be 
approached, if they are to be successfully solved, 
remains ever the same. The Puritan tamed the 
wilderness, and built up a free government on the 
stump-dotted clearings amid the primeval forest. 
His descendants must try to shape the life of our 
complex industrial civilization by new devices, by 
new methods, so as to achieve in the end the same 
results of justice and fair dealing toward all. He 
cast aside nothing old merely for the sake of in 
novation, yet he did not hesitate to adopt anything 
new that would serve his purpose. When he planted 
his commonwealths on this rugged coast he faced 
wholly new conditions and he had to devise new 
methods of meeting them. So we of to-day face 
wholly new conditions in our social and industrial 
life. We should certainly not adopt any new scheme 
for grappling with them merely because it is new 
and untried; but we can not afford to shrink from 
grappling with them because they can only be grap 
pled with by some new scheme. 

The Puritan was no Laodicean, no laissez-faire 
theorist. When he saw conduct which was in vio 
lation of his rights of the rights of man, the rights 
of God, as he understood them he attempted to 
regulate such conduct with instant, unquestioning 
promptness and effectiveness. If there was no other 
way to secure conformity with the rule of right, 

And State Papers I 3S I 

then he smote down the transgressor with the iron 
of his wrath. The spirit of the Puritan was a spirit 
which never shrank from regulation of conduct if 
such regulation was necessary for the public weal; 
and this is the spirit which we must show to-day 
whenever it is necessary. 

The utterly changed conditions of our national 
life necessitate changes in certain of our laws, of 
our governmental methods. Our federal system of 
government is based upon the theory of leaving to 
each community, to each State, the control over 
those things which affect only its own members and 
which the people of the locality themselves can best 
grapple with, while providing for national regula 
tion in those matters which necessarily affect the 
Nation as a whole. It seems to me that such ques 
tions as national sovereignty and State s rights need 
to be treated not empirically or academically, but 
from the standpoint of the interests of the people 
as a whole. National sovereignty is to be upheld 
in so far as it means the sovereignty of the people 
used for the real and ultimate good of the people; 
and State s rights are to be upheld in so far as they 
mean the people s rights. Especially is this true in 
dealing with the relations of the people as a whole 
to the great corporations which are the distinguish 
ing feature of modern business conditions. 

Experience has shown that it is necessary to ex 
ercise a far more efficient control than at present 
over the business use of those vast fortunes, chiefly 
corporate, which are used (as under modern con- 

1352 Presidential Addresses 

ditions they almost invariably are) in interstate busi 
ness. When the Constitution was created none of 
the conditions of modern business existed. They 
are wholly new and we must create new agencies 
to deal effectively with them. There is no objection 
in the minds of this people to any man s earning 
any amount of money if he does it honestly and 
fairly, if he gets it as the result of special skill and 
enterprise, as a reward of ample service actually 
rendered. But there is a growing determination 
that no man shall amass a great fortune by special 
privilege, by chicanery and wrong-doing, so far as 
it is in the power of legislation to prevent; and 
that a fortune, however amassed, shall not have a 
business use that is antisocial. Most large corpo 
rations do a business that is not confined to any one 
State. Experience has shown that the effort to 
control these corporations by mere State action can 
not produce wholesome results. In most cases such 
effort fails to correct the real abuses of which the 
corporation is or may be guilty ; while in other cases 
the effort is apt to cause either hardship to the 
corporation itself or else hardship to neighboring 
States which have not tried to grapple with the 
problem in the same manner; and of course we 
must be as scrupulous to safeguard the rights of 
the corporations as to exact from them in return a 
full measure of justice to the public. I believe in 
a national incorporation law for corporations en 
gaged in interstate business. I believe, furthermore, 
that the need for action is most pressing as regards 

And State Papers J 353 

those corporations which, because they are common 
carriers, exercise a quasi-public function ; and which 
can be completely controlled in all respects by the 
Federal Government by the exercise of the power 
conferred under the interstate commerce clause, and, 
if necessary, under the post-road clause, of the Con 
stitution. During the last few years we have taken 
marked strides in advance along the road of proper 
regulation of these railroad corporations; but we 
must not stop in the work. The National Govern 
ment should exercise over them a similar super 
vision and control to that which is exercised over 
national banks. We can do this only by proceeding 
farther along the lines marked out by the recent 
national legislation. 

In dealing with any totally new set of conditions 
there must at the outset be hesitation and experi 
ment. Such has been our experience in dealing 
with the enormous concentration of capital em 
ployed in interstate business. Not only the legis 
latures but the courts and the people need gradually 
to be educated so that they may see what the real 
wrongs are and what the real remedies. Almost 
every big business concern is engaged in interstate 
commerce, and such a concern must not be allowed 
by a dexterous shifting of position, as has been too 
often the case in the past, to escape thereby all re 
sponsibility either to State or Nation. The Amer 
ican people became firmly convinced of the need 
of control over these great aggregations of capital, 
especially where they had a monopolistic tendency, 

1354 Presidential Addresses 

before they became quite clear as to the proper way 
of achieving the control. Through their represen 
tatives in Congress they tried two remedies, which 
were to a large degree, at least as interpreted by 
the courts, contradictory. On the one hand, under 
the antitrust law the effort was made to prohibit 
all combination, whether it was or was not hurtful 
or beneficial to the public. On the other hand, 
through the interstate commerce law a beginning 
was made in exercising such supervision and con 
trol over combinations as to prevent their doing 
anything harmful to the body politic. The first 
law, the so-called Sherman law, has filled a useful 
place, for it bridges over the transition period until 
the American people shall definitely make up its 
mind that it will exercise over the great corpora 
tions that thoroughgoing and radical control which 
it is certain ultimately to find necessary. The 
principle of the Sherman law, so far as it prohibits 
combinations which, whether because of their extent 
or of their character, are harmful to the public, must 
always be preserved. Ultimately, and I hope with 
reasonable speed, the National Government must 
pass laws which, while increasing the supervisory 
and regulatory power of the Government, will also 
permit such useful combinations as are made with 
absolute openness and as the representatives of 
the Government may previously approve. But it 
will not be possible to permit such combinations 
save as the second stage in a course of proceed 
ings of which the first stage must be the exercise 

And State Papers J 355 

of a far more complete control by the National 

In dealing with those who offend against the 
antitrust and interstate commerce laws the Depart 
ment of Justice has to encounter many and great 
difficulties. Often men who have been guilty of 
violating these laws have really acted in crimi 
nal fashion, and if possible should be proceeded 
against criminally ; and therefore it is advisable that 
there should be a clause in these laws providing for 
such criminal action and for punishment by im 
prisonment as well as by fine. But, as is well known, 
in a criminal action the law is strictly construed in 
favor of the defendant, and in our country, at 
least, both judge and jury are far more inclined 
to consider his rights than they are the interests 
of the general public; while in addition it is always 
true that a man s general practices may be so bad 
that a civil action will lie when it may not be pos 
sible to convict him of any one criminal act. There 
are unfortunately a certain number of our fellow- 
countrymen who seem to accept the view that unless 
a man can be proved guilty of some particular 
crime he shall be counted a good citizen, no matter 
how infamous the life he has led, no matter how 
pernicious his doctrines or his practices. This is 
the view announced from time to time with clamor 
ous insistence, now by a group of predatory capi 
talists, now by a group of sinister anarchistic leaders 
and agitators, whenever a special champion of either 
class, no matter how evil his general life, is acquitted 

1356 Presidential Addresses 

of some one specific crime. Such a view is wicked 
whether applied to capitalist or labor leader, to rich 
man or poor man. (And, by the way, I take this 
opportunity of stating that all that I have said in 
the past as to desirable and undesirable citizens 
remains true, and that I stand by it.) 

We have to take this feeling into account when 
we are debating whether it is possible to get a con 
viction in a criminal proceeding against some rich 
trust magnate, many of whose actions are severely 
to be condemned from the moral and social stand 
point, but no one of whose actions seems clearly to 
establish such technical guilt as will ensure a con 
viction. As a matter of expediency, in enforcing 
the law against a great corporation, we have con 
tinually to weigh the arguments pro and con as to 
whether a prosecution can successfully be entered 
into, and as to whether we can be successful in a 
criminal action against the chief individuals in the 
corporation, and if not, whether we can at least be 
successful in a civil action against the corporation 
itself. Any effective action on the part of the 
Government is always objected to, as a matter of 
course, by the wrong-doers, by the beneficiaries of 
the wrong-doers, and by their champions ; and often 
one of the most effective ways of attacking the 
action of the Government is by objecting to prac 
tical action upon the ground that it does not go far 
enough. One of the favorite devices of those who 
are really striving to prevent the enforcement of 
these laws is to clamor for action of such severity 

And State Papers *357 

that it can not be undertaken because it will be 
certain to fail if tried. An instance of this is the 
demand often made for criminal prosecutions where 
such prosecutions would be certain to fail. We 
have found by actual experience that a jury which 
will gladly punish a corporation by fine, for in 
stance, will acquit the individual members of that 
corporation if we proceed against them criminally 
because of those very things which the corporation 
which they direct and control has done. In a recent 
case against the Licorice Trust we indicted and tried 
the two corporations and their respective presidents. 
The contracts and other transactions establishing 
the guilt of the corporations were made through, 
and so far as they were in writing were signed 
by, the two presidents. Yet the jury convicted the 
two corporations and acquitted the two men. Both 
verdicts could not possibly have been correct; but 
apparently the average juryman wishes to see trusts 
broken up, and is quite ready to fine the corporation 
itself; but is very reluctant to find the facts "proven 
beyond a reasonable doubt" when it comes to send 
ing to jail a reputable member of the business com 
munity for doing what the business community 
has unhappily grown to recognize as wellnigh 
normal in business. Moreover, under the neces 
sary technicalities of criminal proceedings, often 
the only man who can be reached criminally will 
be some subordinate who is not the real guilty party 
at all. 

Many men of large wealth have been guilty of 

1358 Presidential Addresses 

conduct which from the moral standpoint is crimi 
nal, and their misdeeds are to a peculiar degree 
reprehensible, because those committing them have 
no excuse of want, of poverty, of weakness and 
ignorance to offer as partial atonement. When in 
addition to moral responsibility these men have a 
legal responsibility which can be proved so as to 
impress a judge and jury, then the Department will 
strain every nerve to reach them criminally. Where 
this is impossible, then it will take whatever action 
will be most effective under the actual conditions. 

In the last six years we have shown that there is 
no individual and no corporation so powerful that 
he or it stands above the possibility of punishment 
under the law. Our aim is to try to do something 
effective; our purpose is to stamp out the evil; we 
shall seek to find the most effective device for this 
purpose; and we shall then use it, whether the 
device can be found in existing law or must be sup 
plied by legislation. Moreover, when we thus take 
action against the wealth which works iniquity, we 
are acting in the interest of every man of property 
who acts decently and fairly by his fellows; and 
we are strengthening the hands of those who pro 
pose fearlessly to defend property against all unjust 
attacks. No individual, no corporation, obeying the 
law has anything to fear from this Administration. 

During the present trouble with the stock market 
I have, of course, received countless requests and 
suggestions, public and private, that I should say 
or do something to ease the situation. There is a 

And State Papers J 359 

world-wide financial disturbance; it is felt in the 
bourses of Paris and Berlin ; and British consols are 
lower than for a generation, while British railway 
securities have also depreciated. On the New York 
Stock Exchange the disturbance has been peculiarly 
severe. Most of it I believe to be due to matters 
not peculiar to the United States, and most of the 
remainder to matters wholly unconnected with any 
governmental action; but it may well be that the 
determination of the Government (in which, gentle 
men, it will not waver) to punish certain male 
factors of great wealth, has been responsible for 
something of the trouble; at least to the extent of 
having caused these men to combine to bring about 
as much financial stress as possible, in order to dis 
credit the policy of the Government and thereby 
secure a reversal of that policy, so that they may 
enjoy unmolested the fruits of their own evil-doing. 
That they have misled many good people into be 
lieving that there should be such reversal of policy 
is possible. If so I am sorry; but it will not alter 
my attitude. Once for all let me say that so far as 
I am concerned, and for the eighteen months of 
my Presidency that remain, there will be no change 
in the policy we have steadily pursued, no let up 
in the effort to secure the honest observance of the 
law; for I regard this contest as one to determine 
who shall rule this free country the people through 
their governmental agents, or a few ruthless and 
domineering men whose wealth makes them pe 
culiarly formidable because they hide behind the 

1360 Presidential Addresses 

breastworks of corporate organization. I wish there 
to be no mistake on this point; it is idle to ask me 
not to prosecute criminals, rich or poor. But I 
desire no less emphatically to have it understood 
that we have sanctioned and will sanction no action 
of a vindictive type, and above all no action which 
shall inflict great and unmerited suffering upon in 
nocent stockholders or upon the public as a whole. 
Our purpose is to act with the minimum of harsh 
ness compatible with attaining our ends. In the 
man of great wealth who has earned his wealth 
honestly and uses it wisely we recognize a good 
citizen of the best type, worthy of all praise and 
respect. Business can be done under modern con 
ditions only through corporations, and our pur 
pose is heartily to favor the corporations that do 
well. The Administration appreciates that liberal 
but honest profits for legitimate promoting, good 
salaries, ample salaries, for able and upright man 
agement, and generous dividends for capital em 
ployed either in founding or continuing wholesome 
business ventures, are the factors necessary for 
successful corporate activity and therefore for 
generally prosperous business conditions. All these 
are compatible with fair dealing as between man 
and man and rigid obedience to the law. Our aim 
is to help every honest man, every honest corpora 
tion, and our policy means in its ultimate analysis 
a healthy and prosperous expansion of the business 
activities of honest business men and honest corpo 

And State Papers 1361 

I very earnestly hope that the legislation which 
deals with the regulation of corporations engaged 
in interstate business will also deal with the rights 
and interests of the wage-workers employed by those 
corporations. Action was taken by the Congress 
last year limiting the number of hours that rail 
way employees should be employed. The law is a 
good one; but if in practice it proves necessary to 
strengthen it, it must be strengthened. We have 
now secured a national employers liability law ; but 
ultimately a more far-reaching and thoroughgoing 
law must be passed. It is monstrous that a man or 
woman who is crippled in an industry, even as the 
result of taking what are the necessary risks of 
the occupation, should be required to bear the 
whole burden of the loss. That burden should 
be distributed and not placed solely upon the 
weakest individual, the one least able to carry it. 
By making the employer liable the loss will ulti 
mately be distributed among all the beneficiaries 
of the business. 

I also hope that there will be legislation increas 
ing the power of the National Government to deal 
with certain matters concerning the health of our 
people everywhere; the Federal authorities, for in 
stance, should join with all the State authorities in 
warring against the dreadful scourge of tubercu 
losis. Your own State government, here in Mas 
sachusetts, deserves high praise for the action it has 
taken in these public health matters during the last 
few years; and in this, as in some other matters, I 

1362 Presidential Addresses 

hope to see the National Government stand abreast 
of the foremost State governments. 

I have spoken of but one or two laws which, in 
my judgment, it is advisable to enact as part of the 
general scheme for making the interference of the 
National Government more effective in securing 
justice and fair dealing as between man and man 
here in the United States. Let me add, however, 
that while it is necessary to have legislation when 
conditions arise where we can only cope with evils 
through the joint action of all of us, yet that we 
can never afford to forget that in the last analysis 
the all-important factor for each of us must be his 
own individual character. It is a necessary thing 
to have good laws, good institutions; but the most 
necessary of all things is to have a high quality of 
individual citizenship. This does not mean that we 
can afford to neglect legislation. It will be highly 
disastrous if we permit ourselves to be misled by 
the pleas of those who see in an unrestricted indi 
vidualism the all-sufficient panacea for social evils; 
but it will be even more disastrous to adopt the 
opposite panacea of any Socialistic system which 
would destroy all individualism, which would root 
out the fibre of our whole citizenship. In any great 
movement, such as that in which we are engaged, 
nothing is more necessary than sanity, than the re 
fusal to be led into extremes by the advocates of 
the ultra course on either side. Those professed 
friends of liberty who champion license are the 
worst foes of liberty and tend by the reaction their 

And State Papers 

violence causes to throw the Government back into 
the hands of the men who champion corruption and 
tyranny in the name of order. So it is with this 
movement for securing justice toward all men, and 
equality of opportunity so far as *t can be secured 
by governmental action. The rich man who with 
hard arrogance declines to consider the rights and 
the needs of those who are less well off, and the 
poor man who excites or indulges in envy and 
hatred of those who are better off, are alike alien 
to the spirit of our national life. Each of them 
should learn to appreciate the baseness and deg 
radation of his point of view, as evil in the one case 
as in the other. There exists no more sordid and un 
lovely type of social development than a plutocracy, 
for there is a peculiar unwholesomeness in a social 
and governmental ideal where wealth by and of itself 
is held up as the greatest good. The materialism of 
such a view, whether it finds its expression in the 
life of a man who accumulates a vast fortune in 
ways that are repugnant to every instinct of gener 
osity and of fair dealing, or whether it finds its 
expression in the vapidly useless and self-indulgent 
life of the inheritor of that fortune, is contemptible 
in the eyes of all men capable of a thrill of lofty 
feeling. Where the power of the law can be wisely 
used to prevent or to minimize the acquisition or 
business employment of such wealth and to make it 
pay by income or inheritance tax its proper share 
of the burden of government, I would invoke that 
power without a moment s hesitation. 

1364 Presidential Addresses 

But while we can accomplish something by legis 
lation, legislation can never be more than a part, 
and often no more than a small part, in the general 
scheme of moral progress; and crude or vindictive 
legislation may at any time bring such progress to 
a halt. Certain Socialistic leaders propose to redis 
tribute the world s goods by refusing to thrift and 
energy and industry their proper superiority over 
folly and idleness and sullen envy. Such legislation 
would merely, in the words of the president of 
Columbia University, "wreck the world s efficiency 
for the purpose of redistributing the world s dis 
content." We should all of us work heart and soul 
for the real and permanent betterment which will 
lift our democratic civilization to a higher level of 
safety and usefulness. Such betterment can come 
only by the slow, steady growth of the spirit which 
metes a generous, but not a sentimental, justice te 
each man on his merits as a man, and which recog 
nizes the fact that the highest and deepest happiness 
for the individual lies not in selfishness but in 


We have gathered together to-day to pay our 
meed of respect and affection to the memory of 
William McKinley, who as President won a place 
in the hearts of the American people such as but 
three or four of all the Presidents of this country 
have ever won. He was of singular uprightness 
and purity of character, alike in public and in pri- 

And State Papers 

vate life; a citizen who loved peace, he did his duty 
faithfully and well for four years of war when the 
honor of the Nation called him to arms. As Con 
gressman, as Governor of his State, and finally as 
President, he rose to the foremost place among our 
statesmen, reaching a position which would satisfy 
the keenest ambition; but he never lost that simple 
and thoughtful kindness toward every human being, 
great or small, lofty or humble, with whom he was 
brought in contact, which so endeared him to our 
people. He had to grapple with more serious and 
complex problems than any President since Lin 
coln, and yet, while meeting every demand of states 
manship, he continued to live a beautiful and touch 
ing family life, a life very healthy for this Nation 
to see in its foremost citizen; and now the woman 
who walked in the shadow ever after his death, the 
wife to whom his loss was a calamity more crushing 
than it could be to any other human being, lies 
beside him here in the same sepulchre. 

There is a singular appropriateness in the inscrip 
tion on his monument. Mr. Cortelyou, whose rela 
tions with him were of such close intimacy, gives 
me the following information about it : On the 
President s trip to the Pacific Slope in the spring 
of 1901 President Wheeler, of the University of 
California, conferred the degree of LL.D. upon 
him in words so well chosen that they struck the 
fastidious taste of John Hay, then Secretary of 
State, who wrote and asked for a copy of them 
from President Wheeler. On the receipt of this 

1366 Presidential Addresses 

copy he sent the following letter to President Mc- 
Kinley, a letter which now seems filled with a 
strange and unconscious prescience : 


"President Wheeler sent me the enclosed at my 
request. You will have the words in more perma 
nent shape. They seem to me remarkably well 
chosen, and stately and dignified enough to serve 
long hence, please God as your epitaph. 
"Yours faithfully, 



"By authority vested in me by the regents of the 
University of California, I confer the degree of 
Doctor of Laws upon William McKinley, President 
of the United States, a statesman singularly gifted 
to unite the discordant forces of the Government 
and mould the diverse purpose of men toward pro 
gressive and salutary action, a magistrate whose 
poise of judgment has been tested and vindicated 
in a succession of national emergencies; good citi 
zen, brave soldier, wise executive, helper and leader 
of men, exemplar to his people of the virtues that 
build and conserve the state, society, and the home. 

"Berkeley, May 15, 1901." 

It would be hard to imagine an epitaph which a 
good citizen would be more anxious to deserve or 

And State Papers 

one which would more happily describe the quali 
ties of that great and good citizen whose life we 
here commemorate. He possessed to a very ex 
traordinary degree the gift of uniting discordant 
forces and securing from them a harmonious action 
which told for good government. From purposes 
not merely diverse, but bitterly conflicting, he was 
able to secure healthful action for the good of the 
state. In both poise and judgment he rose level 
to the several emergencies he had to meet as leader 
of the Nation, and, like all men with the root of 
true greatness in them, he grew to steadily larger 
stature under the stress of heavy responsibilities. 
He was a good citizen and a brave soldier, a Chief 
Executive whose wisdom entitled him to the trust 
which he received throughout the Nation. He was 
not only a leader of men, but preeminently a helper 
of men; for one of his most marked traits was the 
intensely human quality of his wide and deep sym 
pathy. Finally, he not merely preached, he was, 
that most valuable of all citizens in a democracy 
like ours, a man who in the highest place served 
as an unconscious example to his people of the vir 
tues that build and conserve alike our public life, 
and the foundation of all public life, the intimate 
life of the home. 

Many lessons are taught us by his career, but 
none more valuable than the lesson of broad human 
sympathy for and among all of our citizens of all 
classes and creeds. No other President has ever 
more deserved to have his life work characterized 

II 12 

1368 Presidential Addresses 

in Lincoln s words as being carried on "with malice 
toward none, with charity toward all." As a boy 
he worked hard with his hands; he entered the 
Army as a private soldier; he knew poverty; he 
earned his own livelihood ; and by his own exertions 
he finally rose to the position of a man of moderate 
means. Not merely was he in personal touch with 
farmer and town dweller, with capitalist and wage- 
worker, but he felt an intimate understanding of 
each, and therefore an intimate sympathy with each ; 
and his consistent effort was to try to judge all by 
the same standard and to treat all with the same 
justice. Arrogance toward the weak, and envious 
hatred of those well off, were equally abhorrent to 
his just and gentle soul. 

Surely this attitude of his should be the attitude 
of all our people to-day. It would be a cruel dis 
aster to this country to permit ourselves to adopt an 
attitude of hatred and envy toward success worthily 
won, toward wealth honestly acquired. Let us in 
this respect profit by the example of the republics 
of this Western Hemisphere to the south of us. 
Some of these republics have prospered greatly ; but 
there are certain ones that have lagged far behind, 
that still continue in a condition of material poverty, 
of social and political unrest and confusion. With 
out exception the republics of the former class are 
those in which honest industry has been assured of 
reward and protection; those where a cordial wel 
come has been extended to the kind of enterprise 
which benefits the whole country, while incidentally, 

And State Papers 

as is right and proper, giving substantial rewards 
to those who manifest it. On the other hand, the 
poor and backward republics, the republics in which 
the lot of the average citizen is least desirable, and 
the lot of the laboring man worst of all, are pre 
cisely those republics in which industry has been 
killed because wealth exposed its owner to spolia 
tion. To these communities foreign capital now 
rarely comes, because it has been found that as soon 
as capital is employed so as to give substantial re 
muneration to those supplying it, it excites ignorant 
"envy and hostility, which result in such oppressive 
action, within or without the law, as sooner or later 
to work a virtual confiscation. Every manifestation 
of feeling of this kind in our civilization should be 
crushed at the outset by the weight of a sensible 
public opinion. 

From the standpoint of our material prosperity 
there is only one other thing as important as the 
discouragement of a spirit of envy and hostility 
toward honest business men, toward honest men 
of means; this is the discouragement of dishonest 
business men. [Great applause.] 

Wait a moment ; I don t want you to applaud this 
part unless you are willing to applaud also the part I 
read first, to which you listened in silence. [Laugh 
ter and applause.] I want you to understand that 
I will stand just as straight for the rights of the 
honest man who wins his fortune by honest 
methods as I will stand against the dishonest man 
who wins a fortune by dishonest methods. And 

137 Presidential Addresses 

I challenge the right to your support in one 
attitude just as much as in the other. I am 
glad you applauded when you did, but I want 
you to go back now and applaud the other 
statement. I will read a little of it over again. 
"Every manifestation of ignorant envy and hostility 
toward honest men who acquire wealth by honest 
means should be crushed at the outset by the weight 
of a sensible public opinion." [Tremendous ap 
plause.] Thank you. Now I ll go on. 

From the standpoint of our material prosperity 
there is only one other thing as important as the 
discouragement of a spirit of envy and hostility 
toward honest business men, toward honest men of 
means, and that is the discouragement of dishonest 
business men, the war upon the chicanery and 
wrong-doing which are peculiarly repulsive, pecul 
iarly noxious when exhibited by men who have no 
excuse of want, of poverty, of ignorance for their 
crimes. My friends, I will wage war against those 
dishonest men to the utmost extent of my ability, 
and I will stand no less stoutly in defence of honest 
men, rich or poor. Men of means and, above all, 
men of great wealth can exist in safety under the 
peaceful protection of the state only in orderly 
societies, where liberty manifests itself through and 
under the law. That is what you fought for, you 
veterans. You fought for the supremacy of the 
national law in every corner of this Republic. It 
is these men, the men of wealth, who more than any 
others should in the interest of the class to which 

And State Papers 1371 

they belong, in the interest of their children and 
their children s children, seek in every way, but es 
pecially in the conduct of their lives, to insist upon 
and to build up respect for the law. It is an extraor 
dinary thing, a very extraordinary thing, that it 
should be necessary for me to utter as simple a 
truth as that; yet it is necessary. It may not be 
true from the standpoint of some particular indi 
vidual of this class of very wealthy men, but in the 
long run it is pre-eminently true from the standpoint 
of the class as a whole, no less than of the country 
as a whole, that it is a veritable calamity to achieve 
a temporary triumph by violation or evasion of the 
law, and we are the best friends of the man of 
property, we show ourselves the stanchest upholders 
of the rights of property when we set our faces like 
flint against those offenders who do wrong in order 
to acquire great wealth, or who use this wealth as a 
help to wrong-doing. 

I sometimes feel that I have trenched a little on 
your province, Brother Bristol, and on that of your 
brethren, by preaching. But whenever I speak of 
the wrong-doing of a man of wealth or of a man of 
poverty, poor man or rich man, I always want to try 
to couple together the fact that wrong-doing is 
wrong just as much in one case as in the other, 
with the fact that right is just as much right in one 
case as in the other. I want the plain people of this 
country, I want all of us who do not have great 
wealth, to remember that in our own interest, and 
because it is right, we must be just as scrupulous 

1372 Presidential Addresses 

in doing justice to the man of great wealth as in 
exacting justice from him. 

Wrong-doing is confined to no class. Good and 
evil are to be found among both rich and poor, and 
in drawing the line among our fellows we must 
draw it on conduct and not on worldly possessions. 
Woe to this country if we ever get to judging men 
by anything save their worth as men, without re 
gard to their fortune in life. In other words, my 
plea is that you draw the line on conduct and not 
on worldly possessions. In the abstract most of us 
will admit this. It is a rather more difficult propo 
sition in the concrete. We can act upon such doc 
trines only if we really have knowledge of, and 
sympathy with, one another. If both the wage- 
worker and the capitalist are able to enter each 
into the other s life, to meet him so as to get into 
genuine sympathy with him, most of the misunder 
standing between them will disappear and its place 
will be taken by a judgment broader, juster, more 
kindly, and more generous ; for each will find in the 
other the same essential human attributes that exist 
in himself. It was President McKinley s peculiar 
glory that in actual practice he realized this as it 
is given to but few men to realize it ; that his broad 
and deep sympathies made him feel a genuine sense 
of oneness with all his fellow-Americans, whatever 
their station or work in life, so that to his soul they 
were all joined with him in a great brotherly de 
mocracy of the spirit. It is not given to many of us 
in our lives actually to realize this attitude to the 

And State Papers T 373 

extent that he did ; but we can at least have it before 
us as the goal of our endeavor, and by so doing we 
shall pay honor better than in any other way to the 
memory of the dead President whose services in life 
we this day commemorate. 


Men and Women of Iowa: 

I am glad indeed to see you and to speak to you 
in this thriving city of your great and prosperous 
State. I believe with all my heart in the people of 
Iowa, for I think that you are good, typical Ameri 
cans, and that among you there has been developed 
to a very high degree that body of characteristics 
which we like to regard as distinctively American. 

During the last few years we of the United States 
have been forced to consider very seriously certain 
economic problems. We have made a beginning in 
the attempt to deal with the relations of the National 
Government that is, with the relations of the peo 
ple of the country to the huge and wealthy cor 
porations, controlled for the most part by a few 
very rich men, which are engaged in interstate 
business especially the great railway corporations. 
You know my views on this matter. You know 
that I believe that the National Government, in the 
interests of the people, should assume much the 
same supervision and control over the management 
of the interstate common carriers that it now exer 
cises over the national banks. You know further 
more that I believe that this supervision and control 

1374 Presidential Addresses 

should be exercised in a spirit of rigid fairness 
toward the corporations, exacting justice from them 
on behalf of the people, but giving them justice in 

Recently I have been reading the work of the 
eminent Italian scholar Ferrero on the history of 
the Roman Republic, when the life of the Roman 
state had become that of a complex and luxurious 
industrial civilization. I am happy to say that the 
differences between that civilization and our own 
are more striking than the resemblances; and there 
is no warrant for our being drawn into any pessi 
mistic comparison between the two civilizations. 
But there is every reason why we should study care 
fully the past in order to draw from it lessons for 
use in the present. One of the most striking fea 
tures of the years which saw the downfall of the 
Roman Republic was the fact that the political life 
of Rome became split between two camps, one con 
taining the rich who wished to exploit the poor, and 
the other the poor who wished to plunder the rich. 
Naturally, under such circumstances, the public man 
who was for the moment successful tended to be 
either a violent reactionary or a violent demagogue. 
Any such condition of political life is as hopelessly 
unhealthy now as it was then. I believe so implic 
itly in the future of our people, because I believe 
that the average American citizen will no more tol 
erate government by a mob than he will tolerate 
government by a plutocracy; that he desires to see 
justice done to and justice exacted from rich man 

And State Papers *375 

and poor man alike. We are not trying to favor 
any man at the expense of his fellows. We are try 
ing to shape things so that as far as possible each 
man shall have a fair chance in life; so that he shall 
have, so far as by law this can be accomplished, the 
chance to show the stuff that there is in him. We 
have no intention of trying to work for the impos 
sible and undesirable end of giving to the lazy, the 
thriftless, the weak, and the vicious, the reward that 
belongs to, and in the long run can only come to, 
the hard working, the thrifty, the resolute, and the 
honest. But we do wish to see that the necessary 
struggle in life shall be carried on under genuinely 
democratic conditions ; that, so far as human action 
can safely provide it, there shall be an approxi 
mately fair start; that there shall be no oppression 
of the weak, and that no man shall be permitted to 
acquire or to use a vast fortune by methods or in 
ways that are tortuous and dishonest. 

Therefore we need wise laws, and we need to 
have them resolutely administered. We can get 
such laws and such administration only if the peo 
ple are alive to their interests. The other day I 
listened to an admirable sermon by Bishop John 
ston of western Texas. His theme was that the 
vital element in judging any man should be his con 
duct, and neither his position nor his pretensions; 
and, furthermore, that freedom could only stay with 
a people which has the habit of self-mastery. As he 
said, the price of liberty is not only eternal vigi 
lance, but eternal virtue; and I may add, eternal 

1376 Presidential Addresses 

common-sense. Each man here knows that he him 
self has been able to use his freedom to advantage 
only provided that he could master himself, that he 
could control his own passions and direct his own 
faculties. Each of you fathers and mothers here 
knows that if your sons are to do well in the world 
they must know how to master themselves. Every 
man must have a master; if he is not his own mas 
ter, then somebody else will be. This is just as true 
of public life as of private life. If we can not mas 
ter ourselves, control ourselves, then sooner or later 
we shall have to submit to outside control ; for there 
must be control somewhere. 

One way of exercising such control is through 
the laws of the land. Ours is a government of lib 
erty, but it is a government of that orderly liberty 
which comes by and through the honest enforce 
ment of and obedience to the law. At intervals 
during the last few months the appeal has been 
made to me not to enforce the law against certain 
wrong-doers of great wealth because to do so would 
interfere with the business prosperity of the coun 
try. Under the effects of that kind of fright which 
when sufficiently acute we call panic, this appeal has 
been made to me even by men who ordinarily be 
have as decent citizens. One newspaper which has 
itself strongly advanced this view gave prominence 
to the statement of a certain man of great wealth to 
the effect that the so-called financial weakness "was 
due entirely to the admitted intention of President 
Roosevelt to punish the large moneyed interests 

And State Papers 1377 

which had transgressed the laws." I do not admit 
that this has been the main cause of any business 
troubles we have had; but it is possible that it has 
been a contributory cause. If so, friends, as far as 
I am concerned it must be accepted as a disagreeable 
but unavoidable feature in a course of policy which 
as long as I am President will not be changed. In 
any great movement for righteousness, where the 
forces of evil are strongly intrenched, it is unfor 
tunately inevitable that some unoffending people 
should suffer in company with the real offenders. 
This is not our fault. It is the fault of those to 
whose deceptive action these innocent people owe 
their false position. A year or two ago certain 
representatives of labor called upon me and in the 
course of a very pleasant conversation told me that 
they regarded me as "the friend of labor." I an 
swered that I certainly was, and that I would do 
everything in my power for the laboring man except 
anything that zvas wrong. I have the same answer 
to make to the business man. I will do everything 
I can do to help business conditions, except any 
thing that is wrong. And it would be not merely 
wrong but infamous to fail to do all that can be 
done to secure the punishment of those wrong-doers 
whose deeds are peculiarly reprehensible because 
they are not committed under the stress of want. 
Whenever a serious effort is made to cut out what 
is evil in our political life, whether the effort takes 
the shape of warring against the gross and sordid 
forms of evil in some municipality, or whether it 

1378 Presidential Addresses 

takes the shape of trying to secure the honest en 
forcement of the law as against very powerful and 
wealthy people, there are sure to be certain individ 
uals who demand that the movement stop because it 
may hurt business. In each case the answer must 
be that we earnestly hope and believe that there will 
be no permanent damage to business from the move 
ment, but that if righteousness conflicts with the 
fancied needs of business, then the latter must go 
to the wall. We can not afford to substitute any 
other test for that of guilt or innocence, of wrong 
doing or well-doing, in judging any man. If a man 
does well, if he acts honestly, he has nothing to fear 
from this Administration. But so far as in me lies 
the corrupt politician, great or small, the private 
citizen who transgresses the law be he rich or poor 
shall be brought before the impartial justice of a 
court. Perhaps I am most anxious to get at the 
politician who is corrupt, because he betrays a great 
trust ; but assuredly I shall not spare his brother 
corruptionist who shows himself a swindler in busi 
ness life; and, according to our power, crimes of 
fraud and cunning shall be prosecuted as relent 
lessly as crimes of brutality and physical violence. 
We need good laws and we need above all things 
the hearty aid of good citizens in supporting and 
enforcing the laws. Nevertheless, men and women 
of this great State, men and women of the Middle 
West, never forget that law and the administration 
of law, important though they are, must always 
occupy a wholly secondary place as compared with 

And State Papers T 379 

the character of the average citizen himself. On 
this trip I shall speak to audiences in each of which 
there will be many men who fought in the Civil 
War. You who wore the blue and your brothers 
of the South who wore the gray know that in war 
no general no matter how good, no organization 
no matter how perfect, can avail if the average man 
in the ranks has not got the fighting edge. We need 
the organization, the preparation ; we need the good 
general; but we need most the fighting edge in the 
individual soldier. So it is in private life. We live 
in a rough, workaday world, and we are yet a long 
way from the millennium. We can not as a Nation 
and we can not as individuals afford to cultivate 
only the gentler, softer qualities. There must be 
gentleness and tenderness the strongest men are 
gentle and tender but there must also be courage 
and strength. I have a hearty sympathy with those 
who believe in doing all that can be done for peace; 
but I have no sympathy at all with those who believe 
that in the world as it now is we can afford to see 
the average American citizen lose the qualities that 
in their sum make up a good fighting man. You 
men must be workers who work with all your heart 
and strength and mind at your several tasks in life ; 
and you must also be able to fight at need. You 
women have even higher and more difficult duties; 
for I honor no man, not even the soldier who fights 
for righteousness, quite as much as I honor the 
good woman who does her full duty as wife and 
mother. But if she shirks her duty as wife and 

1380 Presidential Addresses 

mother, then she stands on a par with the man who 
refuses to work for himself and his family, for those 
dependent upon him, and who in time of the Na 
tion s need refuses to fight. The man or woman 
who shirks his or her duty occupies a contemptible 
position. You here are the sons and daughters of 
the pioneers. I preach to you no life of ease. I 
preach to you the life of effort, the life that finds 
its highest satisfaction in doing well some work that 
is well worth doing. 

So much for what concerns every man and every 
woman in this country. Now, a word or two as 
to matters which are of peculiar interest to this 
region of our country. 

Since I have been President I have traveled in 
every State of this Union, but my traveling has 
been almost entirely on railroads, save now and 
then by wagon or on horseback. Now I have the 
chance to try traveling by river; to go down the 
greatest of our rivers, the Father of Waters. A 
good many years ago when I lived in the Northwest 
I traveled occasionally on the Upper Missouri and 
its tributaries; but then we went in a flatboat and 
did our own rowing and paddling and poling. Now 
I am to try a steamboat. I am a great believer in 
our railway system; and the fact that I am very 
firm in my belief as to the necessity of the Govern 
ment exercising a proper supervision and control 
over the railroads does not in the least interfere 
with the other fact that I greatly admire the large 
majority of the men in all positions, from the top 

And State Papers I 3$ l 

to the bottom, who build and run them. Yet, while 
of course I am anxious to see these men, and there 
fore the corporations they represent or serve, achieve 
the fullest measure of legitimate prosperity, never 
theless as this country grows I feel that we can not 
have too many highroads, and that in addition to 
the iron highroads of our railway system we should 
also utilize the great river highways which have 
been given us by nature. From a variety of causes 
these highways have in many parts of the country 
been almost abandoned. This is not healthy. Our 
people, and especially the representatives of the peo 
ple in the National Congress, should give their most 
careful attention to this subject. We should be pre 
pared to put the Nation collectively back of the 
movement to improve them for the Nation s use. 
Our knowledge at this time is not such as to per 
mit me to go into details, or to say definitely just 
what the Nation should do; but most assuredly our 
great navigable rivers are national assets just as 
much as our great seacoast harbors. Exactly as it 
is for the interest of all the country that our great 
harbors should be fitted to receive in safety the 
largest vessels of the merchant fleets of the world, 
so by deepening and otherwise our rivers should be 
fitted to bear their part in the movement of our 
merchandise; and this is especially true of the Mis 
sissippi and its tributaries, which drain the immense 
and prosperous region which makes in very fact the 
heart of our Nation; the basin of the Great Lakes 
being already united with the basin of the Missis- 

1382 Presidential Addresses 

sippi, and both regions being identical in their prod 
ucts and interests. Waterways are peculiarly fitted 
for the transportation of the bulky commodities 
which come from the soil or under the soil ; and no 
other part of our country is as fruitful as is this 
in such commodities. 

You in Iowa have many manufacturing centres, 
but you remain, and I hope you will always remain, 
a great agricultural State. I hope that the means 
of transporting your commodities to market will be 
steadily improved; but this will be of no use unless 
you keep producing the commodities, and in the 
long run this will largely depend upon your being 
able to keep on the farm a high type of citizenship. 
The effort must be to make farm life not only remu 
nerative but attractive, so that the best young men 
and girls will feel inclined to stay on the farm and 
not to go to the city. Nothing is more important to 
this country than the perpetuation of our system of 
medium-sized farms worked by their owners. We 
do not want to see our farmers sink to the condition 
of the peasants of the Old World, barely able to 
live on their small holdings, nor do we want to see 
their places taken by wealthy men owning enormous 
estates which they work purely by tenants and hired 

At present the ordinary farmer holds his own in 
the land as against any possible representative of 
the landlord class of farmer that is, of the men 
who would own vast estates because the ordinary 
farmer unites his capital, his labor, and his brains 

And State Papers 1383 

with the making of a permanent family home, and 
thus can afford to hold his land at a value at which 
it can not be held by the capitalist, who would have 
to run it by leasing it or by cultivating it at arm s 
length with hired labor. In other words, the typical 
American farmer of to-day gets his remuneration in 
part in the shape of an independent home for his 
family, and this gives him an advantage over an 
absentee landlord. Now, from the standpoint of 
the Nation as a whole it is pre-eminently desirable 
to keep as one of our chief American types the 
farmer, the farm home-maker, of the medium-sized 
farm. This type of farm home is one of our strong 
est political and social bulwarks. Such a farm 
worked by the owner has proved by experience the 
best place in which to breed vigorous leaders alike 
for country and city. It is a matter of prime eco 
nomic and civic importance to encourage this type 
of home-owning farmer. 

Therefore, we should strive in every way to aid 
in the education of the farmer for the farm, and 
should shape our school system with this end in 
view; and so vitally important is this that, in my 
opinion, the Federal Government should cooperate 
with the State governments to secure the needed 
change and improvement in our schools. It is sig 
nificant that both from Minnesota and Georgia there 
have come proposals in this direction in the appear 
ance of bills introduced into the National Congress. 
The Congressional land grant act of 1852 accom 
plished much in establishing the agricultural col- 

1384 Presidential Addresses 

leges in the several States, and therefore in prepar 
ing to turn the system of educational training for 
the young into channels at once broader and more 
practicable and what I am saying about agricul 
tural training really applies to all industrial train 
ing. But the colleges can not reach the masses, and 
it is essential that the masses should be reached. 
Such agricultural high schools as those in Minne 
sota and Nebraska for farm boys and girls, such 
technical high schools as are to be found, for in 
stance, in both St. Louis and Washington, have by 
their success shown that it is entirely feasible to 
carry in practical fashion the fundamentals of in 
dustrial training into the realms of our secondary 
schools. At present there is a gap between our pri 
mary schools in country and city and the industrial 
collegiate courses, which must be closed, and if nec 
essary the Nation must help the State to close it. 
Too often our present schools tend to put altogether 
too great a premium upon mere literary education, 
and therefore to train away from the farm and the 

We should reverse this process. Specific train 
ing of a practical kind should be given to the boys 
and girls who when men and women are to make 
up the backbone of this Nation by working in agri 
culture, in the mechanical industries, in arts and 
trades ; in short, who are to do the duty that should 
always come first with all of us, the duty of home- 
making and home-keeping. Too narrow a literary 
education is, for most men and women, not a real 

And State Papers 

education at all ; for a real education should fit peo 
ple primarily for the industrial and home-making 
employments in which they must employ the bulk 
of their activities. Our country offers unparalleled 
opportunities for domestic and social advancement, 
for social and economic leadership in the world. 
Our greatest national asset is to be found in the 
children. They need to be trained to high ideals 
of every-day living, and to high efficiency in their 
respective vocations ; we can not afford to have them 
trained otherwise, and the Nation should help the 
States to achieve this end. 

Now, men of Iowa, I want to say just a word 
on a matter that concerns not the States of the 
Mississippi Valley itself, but the States west of 
them, the States of the Great Plains and the Rocky 
Mountains. Unfortunately, I am not able on this 
present trip to visit those States, or I should speak 
to their own people on the point to which I now 
intend to allude; but after all anything that affects 
a considerable number of Americans who live under 
one set of conditions, must be of moment to all 
other Americans, for never forget, friends, that 
in the long run we shall all go up or go down 

The States of the high plains and of the moun 
tains have a peculiar claim upon me, because for 
a number of years I lived and worked in them, 
and I have that intimate knowledge of their people 
that comes under such conditions. In those States 
there is need of a modification of the land laws 

1386 Presidential Addresses 

that have worked so well in the well-watered fer 
tile regions to the eastward, such as those in which 
you here dwell. The one object in all our land laws 
should always be to favor the actual settler, the 
actual home-maker, who comes to dwell on the land 
and there to bring up his children to inherit it after 
him. The Government should part with its title to 
the land only to the actual home-maker not to the 
profit-maker, who does not care to make a home. 
The land should be sold outright only in quantities 
sufficient for decent homes not in huge areas to be 
held for speculative purposes or used as ranches, 
where those who do the actual work are merely 
tenants or hired hands. No temporary prosperity 
of any class of men could in the slightest degree 
atone for failure on our part to shape the laws so 
that they may work for the permanent good of the 
home-maker. This is fundamental, gentlemen, and 
is simply carrying out the idea upon which I dwell 
in speaking to you of your own farms here in Iowa. 
Now in many States where the rainfall is light it 
is a simple absurdity to expect any man to live, 
still less to bring up a family, on one hundred and 
sixty acres. Where we are able to introduce irri 
gation, the homestead can be very much less in 
size can, for instance, be forty acres; and there 
is nothing that Congress has done during the past 
six years more important than the enactment of the 
national irrigation law. But where irrigation is not 
applicable and the land can only be used for graz 
ing, it may be that you can not run more than one 

And State Papers 1387 

steer to ten acres, and it is not necessary to be much 
of a mathematician in order to see that where such 
is the case a homestead of one hundred and sixty 
acres will not go far toward the support of a fam 
ily. In consequence of this fact, homesteaders do 
not take up the lands in the tracts in question. They 
are left open for anybody to graze upon that wishes 
to. The result is that men who use them moder 
ately, and not with a view to exhausting their re 
sources, are at the mercy of those who care nothing 
for the future and simply intend to skin the land in 
the present. For instance, the small sheep farmer 
who has a home and who wishes that home to 
pass on to his children improved in value will nat 
urally run his flock so that the land will support it, 
not only to-day, but ten years hence; but a big 
absentee sheep owner, who has no home on the 
land at all, but simply owns huge migratory flocks 
of sheep, may \vell find it to his profit to drive them 
over the small sheep farmer s range and eat it all 
out. He can then drive his flocks on, whereas the 
small man can not. Of course, to permit such a 
state of things is not only evil for the small man, 
but is destructive of the best interests of the coun 
try. Substantially the same conditions obtain as 
regards cattle. The custom has therefore grown 
up of fencing great tracts of Government land with 
out warrant of law. The men who fenced this land 
were sometimes rich men, who, by fencing it, kept 
out actual settlers and thereby worked evil to the 
country. But in many cases, whether they were 

1388 Presidential Addresses 

large men or small men, their object was not to 
keep out actual settlers, but to protect themselves 
and their own industry by preventing overgrazing 
of the range on the part of reckless stock owners 
who had no place in the permanent development 
of the country and who were indifferent to every 
thing except the profits of the moment. To permit 
the continuance of this illegal fencing inevitably 
tended to very grave abuses, and the Government 
has therefore forced the fencers to take down their 
fences. In doing this we have not only obeyed and 
enforced the law, but we have corrected many fla 
grant abuses. Nevertheless, we have also caused 
hardship, which, though unavoidable, I was exceed 
ingly unwilling to cause. In some way or other 
we must provide for the use of the public range 
under conditions which shall inure primarily to the 
benefit of the actual settlers on or near it, and which 
shall prevent its being wasted. This means that in 
some shape or way the fencing of pasture land must 
be permitted under restrictions which will safeguard 
the rights of the actual settlers. I desire to act as 
these actual settlers wish to have me in this matter. 
I wish to find out their needs and desires, and then 
to try to put them into effect. But they must take 
trouble, must look ahead to their own ultimate and 
real good, must insist upon being really represented 
by their public men, if we are to have a good result. 
A little while, ago I received a very manly and sensi 
ble letter from one of the prominent members of the 
Laramie County (Wyo.) Cattle and Horse Grow- 

And State Papers 1389 

ers Association. My correspondent remarked inci 
dentally in his letter, "I am a small ranchman, and 
have to plow and pitch hay myself/ and then went 
on to say that the great majority of their people 
had complied with the governmental order, had 
removed their fences and sold their cattle, but that 
they must get some kind of a lease law which would 
permit them to graze their stock under proper 
conditions or else it would be ruinous to them to 
continue in the business. The think I have most at 
heart as regards this subject is to do whatever will 
be of permanent benefit to just exactly the people 
for whom this correspondent of mine spoke the 
small ranchmen who have to plow and pitch hay 
themselves. All I want to do is to find out what 
will be to their real benefit, for that is certain to 
be to the benefit of the country as a whole. It may 
be that we can secure their interests best by per 
mitting all homesteaders in the dry country to 
enclose, individually or a certain number of them 
together, big tracts of range for summer use, the 
tracts being proportioned to the number of neigh 
boring homesteaders who wish to run their cattle 
upon it. It may be that parts of the range will 
only be valuable for companies that can lease it 
and put large herds on it; for the way properly 
to develop a region is to put it to those uses to 
which it is best adapted. The amount to be paid 
for the leasing privilege is to me a matter of com 
parative indifference. The Government does not 
wish to make money out of the range, but simply 

139 Presidential Addresses 

to provide for the necessary supervision that will 
prevent its being eaten out or exhausted; that is, 
that will secure it undamaged as an asset for the 
next generation, for the children of the present 
home-makers. Of course we must also provide 
enough to pay the proper share of the county 
taxes. I am not wedded to any one plan, and I 
am willing to combine several plans if necessary. 
But the present system is wrong, and I hope to 
see, in all the States of the Great Plains and the 
Rockies, the men like my correspondent of the 
Laramie County Cattle and Horse Growers Asso 
ciation, the small ranchmen "who plow and pitch 
hay themselves," seriously take up this matter and 
make their representatives in Congress understand 
that there must be some solution, and that this solu 
tion shall be one which will secure the greatest per 
manent well-being to the actual settlers, the actual 
home-makers. I promise with all the strength I 
have to co-operate toward this end. 


It is a very real pleasure to address this body 
of citizens of Missouri here in the great city of 
St. Louis. I have often visited St. Louis before, 
but always by rail. Now I am visiting it in the 
course of a trip by water, a trip on the great nat 
ural highway which runs past your very doors 
a highway once so important, now almost aban 
doned, which I hope this Nation will see not only 
restored to all its former usefulness, but given a 

And State Papers I39 1 

far greater degree of usefulness to correspond with 
the extraordinary growth in wealth and population 
of the Mississippi Valley. We have lived in an era 
of phenomenal railroad building. As routes for 
merchandise, the iron highways have completely 
supplanted the old wagon roads, and under their 
competition the importance of the water highways 
has been much diminished. The growth of the 
railway system has been rapid all over the world, 
but nowhere so rapid as in the United States. Ac 
companying this there has grown in the United 
States a tendency toward the practically complete 
abandonment of the system of water transportation. 
Such a tendency is certainly not healthy, and I am 
convinced that it will not be permanent. There 
are many classes of commodities, especially those 
which are perishable in their nature and where the 
value is high relatively to the bulk, which will 
always be carried by rail. But bulky commodities 
which are not of a perishable nature will always 
be specially suited for the conditions of water trans 
port. To illustrate the truth of this statement it 
would only be necessary to point to the use of the 
canal system in many countries of the Old World; 
but it can be illustrated even better by what has 
happened nearer home. The Great Lakes offer a 
prime example of the importance of a good water 
highway for mercantile traffic. As the line of traf 
fic runs through lakes, the conditions are in some 
respects different from what must obtain on even 
the most important river. Nevertheless, it is well 


1392 Presidential Addresses 

to remember that a very large part of this traffic 
is conditioned upon an artificial waterway, a canal 
the famous Soo. The commerce that passes 
through the Soo far surpasses in bulk and in value 
that of the Suez Canal. 

From every standpoint it is desirable for the 
Nation to join in improving the greatest system 
of river highways within its borders, a system sec 
ond only in importance to the highway afforded 
by the Great Lakes; the highways of the Missis 
sippi and its great tributaries, such as the Missouri 
and Ohio. This river system traverses too many 
States to render it possible to leave merely to the 
States the task of fitting it for the greatest use of 
which it is capable. It is emphatically a national 
task, for this great river system is itself one of 
our chief national assets. Within the last few years 
there has been an awakening in this country to the 
need of both the conservation and the development 
of our national resources under the supervision of 
and by the aid of the Federal Government. This 
is especially true of all that concerns our running 
waters. On the mountains from which the springs 
start we are now endeavoring to preserve the for 
ests which regulate the water supply and prevent 
too startling variations between droughts and fresh 
ets. Below the mountains, in the high dry regions 
of the western plains, we endeavor to secure the 
proper utilization of the waters for irrigation. This 
is at the sources of the streams. Farther down, 
where they become navigable, our aim must be to 

And State Papers T 393 

try to develop a policy which shall secure the utmost 
advantage from the navigable waters. Finally, on 
the lower courses of the Mississippi, the Nation 
should do its full share in the work of levee build 
ing ; and, incidentally to its purpose of serving navi 
gation, this will also prevent the ruin of alluvial 
bottoms by floods. Our knowledge is not suffi 
ciently far advanced to enable me to speak definitely 
as to the plans which should be adopted; but let 
me say one word of warning: The danger of en 
tering on any such scheme lies in the adoption of 
impossible and undesirable plans, plans the adop 
tion of which means an outlay of money extrava 
gant beyond all proportion to the return, or which, 
though feasible, are not, relatively to other plans, 
of an importance which warrants their adoption. 
It will not be easy to secure the assent of a funda 
mentally cautious people like our own to the adop 
tion of such a policy as that I hope to see adopted; 
and even if we begin to follow out such a policy 
it certainly will not be persevered in if it is found 
to entail reckless extravagance or to be tainted with 
jobbery. The interests of the Nation as a whole 
must be always the first consideration. 

This is properly a national movement, because 
all interstate and foreign commerce, and the im 
provements and methods of carrying it on, are sub 
jects for national action. Moreover, while of course 
the matter of the improvement of the Mississippi 
River and its tributaries is one which especially con 
cerns the great middle portion of our country, the 

1394 Presidential Addresses 

region between the Alleghenies and the Rockies, 
yet it is of concern to the rest of the country also, 
for it can not too often be said that whatever is 
really beneficial to one part of our country is ulti 
mately of benefit to the whole. Exactly as it is a 
good thing for the interior of our country that the 
seaports on the Atlantic and the Pacific and the 
Gulf should be safe and commodious, so it is to 
the interest of the dwellers on the coast that 
the interior should possess ample facilities for the 
transportation of its products. Our interests are 
all closely interwoven, and in the long run it will 
be found that we go up or go down together. 

Take, for instance, the Panama Canal. If the 
Mississippi is restored to its former place of im 
portance as a highway of commerce, then the 
building of the Panama Canal will be felt as an 
immediate advantage to the business of every city 
and country district in the Mississippi Valley. I 
think that the building of that canal will be of 
especial advantage to the States that lie along the 
Pacific and the States that lie along the Gulf; and 
yet, after all, I feel that the advantage will be 
shared in an only less degree by the States of the 
interior and of the Atlantic Coast. In other words, 
it is a thoroughly national work, undertaken for 
and redounding to the advantage of all of us to 
the advantage of the Nation as a whole. There 
fore I am glad to be able to report to you how 
well we are doing with the canal. There is bound 
to be a certain amount of experiment, a certain 

And State Papers I 395 

amount of feeling our way, in a task so gigantic 
a task greater than any of its kind that has ever 
hitherto been undertaken in the whole history of 
mankind; but the success so far has been astonish 
ing, and we have not met with a single one of the 
accidents or drawbacks which I freely confess I 
expected we should from time to time encounter. 
We, in the first place, laid the foundation for the 
work by securing the most favorable possible con 
ditions as regards the health, comfort, and safety of 
the men who were to do it; and now the Canal 
Zone is in point of health better off than the aver 
age district of the same size at home. Then we 
went at the problem of the actual digging and dam 
building. For over a year past we have been en 
gaged in making the dirt fly in good earnest, and 
the output of the giant steam shovels has steadily 
increased. It is now the rainy season, when work 
is most difficult on the Isthmus, yet in the month 
of August last we excavated over a million and 
two hundred thousand cubic yards of earth and 
rock, a greater amount than in any previous month. 
If we are able to keep up substantially the rate of 
progress that now obtains we shall finish the actual 
digging within five or six years; though when we 
come to the great Gatun dam and locks, while there 
is no question as to the work being feasible, there 
are several elements entering into the time prob 
lem which make it unwise at present to hazard a 
prophecy in reference thereto. 

Now, gentlemen, this leads me up to another 

1396 Presidential Addresses 

matter for national consideration, and that is our 
Navy. The Navy is not primarily of importance 
only to the coast regions. It is every bit as much 
the concern of the farmer who dwells a thousand 
miles from sea water as of the fisherman who makes 
his living on the ocean, for it is the concern of 
every good American who knows what the mean 
ing of the word patriotism is. This country is 
definitely committed to certain fundamental policies 
to the Monroe Doctrine, for instance, and to the 
duty not only of building, but, when it is built, of 
policing and defending the Panama Canal. We have 
definitely taken our place among the great world 
powers, and it would be a sign of ignoble weakness, 
having taken such a place, to shirk its responsibil 
ities. Therefore, unless we are willing to abandon 
this place, to abandon our insistence upon the Mon 
roe Doctrine, to give up the Panama Canal, and to 
be content to acknowledge ourselves a weak and 
timid nation, we must steadily build up and main 
tain a great fighting Navy. Our Navy is already 
so efficient as to be a matter of just pride to every 
American. So long as our Navy is no larger than 
at present, it must be considered as an elementary 
principle that the bulk of our battle fleet must always 
be kept together. When the Panama Canal is built 
it can be transferred without difficulty from one 
part of our coast to the other; but even before that 
canal is built it ought to be thus transferred to and 
fro from time to time. In a couple of months our 
fleet of great armored ships starts for the Pacific. 

And State Papers J 397 

California, Oregon, and Washington have a coast 
line which is our coast line just as emphatically as 
the coast line of New York and Maine, of Louisiana 
and Texas. Our fleet is going to its own home 
waters in the Pacific, and after a stay there it will 
return to its own home waters in the Atlantic. The 
best place for a naval officer to learn his duties is 
at sea, by performing them, and only by actually 
putting through a voyage of this nature, a voyage 
longer than any ever before undertaken by as large 
a fleet of any nation, can we find out just exactly 
what is necessary for us to know as to our naval 
needs, and practice our officers and enlisted men in 
the highest duties of their profession. Among all 
our citizens there is no body of equal size to whom 
we owe quite as much as to the officers and en 
listed men of the Army and Navy of the United 
States, and I bespeak from you the fullest and 
heartiest support, in the name of our Nation and 
of our flag, for the services to which these men 

In conclusion I wish to say a word to this body, 
containing as it does so many business men, upon 
what is pre-eminently a business proposition, and 
that is the proper national supervision and control 
of corporations. At the meeting of the American 
Bar Association in this last August, Judge Charles 
F. Amidon of North Dakota read a paper on the 
Nation and the Constitution so admirable that it is 
deserving of very wide study ; for what he said was, 
as all studies of law in its highest form ought to 

1398 Presidential Addresses 

be, a contribution to constructive jurisprudence as 
it should be understood not only by judges but by 
legislators, not only by those who interpret and 
decide the law, but by those who make it and who 
administer or execute it. He quoted from the late 
Justice Miller of the Supreme Court to show that 
even in the interpretation of the Constitution by 
this, the highest authority of the land, the court s 
successive decisions must be tested by the way they 
work in actual application to the national life; the 
court adding to its thought and study the results 
of experience and observation until the true solu 
tion is evolved by a process both of inclusion and 
exclusion. Said Justice Miller: The meaning of 
the Constitution is to be sought as much in the na 
tional life as in the dictionary;" for, as has been 
well said, government purely out of a law library 
can never be really good government. 

Now that the questions of government are be 
coming so largely economic, the majority of our 
so-called constitutional cases really turn not upon 
the interpretation of the instrument itself, but upon 
the construction, the right apprehension of the liv 
ing conditions to which it is to be applied. The 
Constitution is now and must remain what it always 
has been; but it can only be interpreted as the in 
terests of the whole people demand, if interpreted 
as a living organism, designed to meet the condi 
tions of life and not of death; in other words, if 
interpreted as Marshall interpreted it, as Wilson 
declared it should be interpreted. The Marshall 

And State Papers *399 

theory, the theory of life and not of death, allows 
to the Nation, that is to the people as a whole, 
when once it finds a subject within the national 
cognizance, the widest and freest choice of methods 
for national control, and sustains every exercise of 
national power which has any reasonable relation 
to national objects. The negation of this theory 
means, for instance, that the Nation that we, the 
ninety millions of people of this country will be 
left helpless to control the huge corporations which 
now domineer in our industrial life, and that they 
will have the authority of the courts to work their 
desires unchecked; and such a decision would in 
the end be as disastrous for them as for us. If 
the theory of the Marshall school prevails, then 
an immense field of national power, now unused, 
will be developed, which will be adequate for deal 
ing with many, if not all, of the economic prob 
lems which vex us; and we shall be saved from 
the ominous threat of a constant oscillation between 
economic tyranny and economic chaos. Our indus 
trial, and therefore our social, future as a Nation 
depends upon settling aright this urgent question. 
The Constitution is unchanged and unchangeable 
save by amendment in due form. But the condi 
tions to which it is to be applied have undergone a 
change which is almost a transformation, with the 
result that many subjects formerly under the control 
of the States have come under the control of the 
Nation. As one of the justices of the Supreme 
Court has recently said : "The growth of national 

1400 Presidential Addresses 

powers, under our Constitution, which marks merely 
the great outlines and designates only the great 
objects of national concern, is to be compared to the 
growth of a country not by the geographical en 
largement of its boundaries, but by the increase of 
its population." A hundred years ago there was, 
except the commerce which crawled along our sea- 
coast or up and down our interior waterways, prac 
tically no interstate commerce. Now, by the rail 
road, the mails, the telegraph, and the telephone an 
immense part of our commerce is interstate. By the 
transformation it has escaped from the power of 
the State and come under the power of the Nation. 
Therefore there has been a great practical change 
in the exercise of the national power, under the acts 
of Congress, over interstate commerce ; while on the 
other hand there has been no noticeable change in 
the exercise of the national power "to regulate com 
merce with foreign nations and with the Indian 
tribes." The change as regards interstate commerce 
has been, not in the Constitution, but in the business 
of the people to which it is to be applied. Our 
economic and social future depends in very large 
part upon how the interstate commerce power of 
the Nation is interpreted. 

I believe that the Nation has the whole govern 
mental power over interstate commerce and the 
widest discretion in dealing with that subject; of 
course under the express limits prescribed in the 
Constitution for the exercise of all powers, such, for 
instance, as the condition that "due process of law" 

And State Papers 1401 

shall not be denied. The Nation has no direct 
power over purely intrastate commerce, even where 
it is conducted by the same agencies which conduct 
interstate commerce. The courts must determine 
what is National and what is State commerce. The 
same reasoning which sustained the power of Con 
gress to incorporate the United States Bank tends 
to sustain the power to incorporate an interstate 
railroad, or any other corporation conducting an 
interstate business. 

There are difficulties arising from our dual form 
of government. If they prove to be insuperable re 
sort must be had to the power of amendment. Let 
us first try to meet them by an exercise of all the 
powers of the National Government which in the 
Marshall spirit of broad interpretation can be found 
in the Constitution as it is. They are of vast extent. 
The chief economic question of the day in this coun 
try is to provide a sovereign for the great corpora 
tions engaged in interstate business; that is, for the 
railroads and the interstate industrial corporations. 
At the moment our prime concern is with the rail 
roads. When railroads were first built they were 
purely local in character. Their boundaries were 
not coextensive even with the boundaries of one 
State. They usually covered but two or three 
counties. All this has now changed. At present 
five great systems embody nearly four-fifths of the 
total mileage of the country. All the most impor 
tant railroads are no longer State roads, but instru 
ments of interstate commerce. Probably eighty-five 

1402 Presidential Addresses 

per cent of their business is interstate business. It 
is the Nation alone which can with wisdom, justice, 
and effectiveness exercise over these interstate rail 
roads the thorough and complete supervision which 
should be exercised. One of the chief, and probably 
the chief, of the domestic causes for the adoption of 
the Constitution was the need to confer upon the 
Nation exclusive control over interstate commerce. 
But this grant of power is worthless unless it is 
held to confer thoroughgoing and complete control 
over practically the sole instrumentalities of in 
terstate commerce the interstate railroads. The 
railroads themselves have been exceedingly short 
sighted in the rancorous bitterness which they have 
shown against the resumption by the Nation of this 
long-neglected power. Great capitalists, who pride 
themselves upon their extreme conservatism, often 
believe they are acting in the interests of property 
when following a course so shortsighted as to be 
really an assault upon property. They have shown 
extreme unwisdom in their violent opposition to the 
assumption of complete control over the railroads 
by the Federal Government. The American people 
will not tolerate the happy-go-lucky system of no 
control over the great interstate railroads, with the 
insolent and manifold abuses which have so gener 
ally accompanied it. The control must exist some 
where; and unless it is by thoroughgoing and radi 
cal law placed upon the statute books of the Nation, 
it will be exercised in ever-increasing measure by 
the several States. The same considerations which 

And State Papers r 43 

made the founders of the Constitution deem it im 
perative that the Nation should have complete con 
trol of interstate commerce apply with peculiar 
force to the control of interstate railroads at the 
present day ; and the arguments of Madison of Vir 
ginia, Pinckney of South Carolina, and Hamilton 
and Jay of New York, in their essence apply now 
as they applied one hundred and twenty years ago. 

The national convention which framed the Con 
stitution, and in which almost all the most eminent 
of the first generation of American statesmen sat, 
embodied the theory of the instrument in a resolu 
tion, to the effect that the National Government 
should have power in cases where the separate States 
were incompetent to act with full efficiency, and 
where the harmony of the United States would be 
interrupted by the exercise of such individual legis 
lation. The interstate railroad situation is exactly 
a case in point. There will, of course, be local mat 
ters affecting railroads which can best be dealt with 
by local authority, but as national commercial agents 
the big interstate railroad ought to be completely 
subject to national authority. Only thus can we se 
cure their complete subjection to, and control by, a 
single sovereign, representing the whole people, and 
capable both of protecting the public and of seeing 
that the railroads neither inflict nor endure injustice. 

Personally I firmly believe that there should be 
national legislation to control all industrial corpora 
tions doing an interstate business, including the con 
trol of the output of their securities, but as to these 

1404 Presidential Addresses 

the necessity for Federal control is less urgent and 
immediate than is the case with the railroads. Many 
of the abuses connected with these corporations will 
probably tend to disappear now that the Government 
the public is gradually getting the upper hand 
as regards putting a stop to the rebates and special 
privileges which some of these corporations have 
enjoyed at the hands of the common carriers. But 
ultimately it will be found that the complete remedy 
for these abuses lies in direct and affirmative action 
by the National Government. That there is con 
stitutional power for the national regulation of these 
corporations I have myself no question. Two or 
three generations ago there was just as much hos 
tility to national control of banks as there is now 
to national control of railroads or of industrial 
corporations doing an interstate business. That 
hostility now seems to us ludicrous in its lack of 
warrant ; in like manner, gentlemen, our descendants 
will regard with wonder the present opposition to 
giving the National Government adequate power to 
control those great corporations, which it alone can 
fully, and yet wisely, safely, and justly control. Re 
member also that to regulate the formation of these 
corporations offers one of the most direct and effi 
cient methods of regulating their activities. 

I am not pleading for an extension of constitu 
tional power. I am pleading that constitutional 
power which already exists shall be applied to new 
conditions which did not exist when the Constitu 
tion went into being. I ask that the national powers 

And State Papers 1405 

already conferred upon the National Government 
by the Constitution shall be so used as to bring 
national commerce and industry effectively under 
the authority of the Federal Government and thereby 
avert industrial chaos. My plea is not to bring about 
a condition of centralization. It is that the Govern 
ment shall recognize a condition of centralization in 
a field where it already exists. When the national 
banking law was passed it represented in reality not 
centralization, but recognition of the fact that the 
country had so far advanced that the currency was 
already a matter of national concern and must be 
dealt with by the central authority at Washington. 
So it is with interstate industrialism and especially 
with the matter of interstate railroad operation to 
day. Centralization has already taken place in the 
world of commerce and industry. All I ask is that 
the National Government look this fact in the face, 
accept it as a fact, and fit itself accordingly for a 
policy of supervision and control over this central 
ized commerce and industry. 


Men of Illinois, and you, Men of Kentucky and 


I am glad to have the chance to speak to you to 
day. This is the heart of what may be called the 
Old West, which we now call the Middle West, 
using the term to denote that great group of rich 
and powerful States which literally forms the heart 
of the country. It is a region whose people are dis- 

1406 Presidential Addresses 

tinctively American in all their thoughts, in all their 
ways of looking at life ; and in its past and its pres 
ent alike it is typical of our country. The oldest 
men present can still remember the pioneer days, 
the days of the white-tilted ox wagon, of the emi 
grant, and of the log cabin in which that emigrant 
first lived when he settled to his task as a pioneer 
farmer. They were rough days, days of hard work, 
and the people who did that work seemed themselves 
uncouth and forbidding to visitors who could not 
look below the surface. It is curious and amusing 
to think that even as genuine a lover of his kind, a 
man normally so free from national prejudices as 
Charles Dickens, should have selected the region 
where we are now standing as the seat of his for 
lorn "Eden" in "Martin Chuzzlewit." The country 
he so bitterly assailed is now one of the most fertile 
and productive portions of one of the most fertile 
and productive agricultural territories in all the 
world, and the dwellers in this territory represent a 
higher average of comfort, intelligence, and sturdy 
capacity for self-government than the people in any 
tract of like extent in any other continent. The 
land teems with beauty and fertility, and but a score 
of years after Dickens wrote it was shown to be a 
nursery and breeding ground of heroes, of soldiers 
and statesmen of the highest rank, while the rugged 
worth of the rank and file of the citizenship rendered 
possible the deeds of the mighty men who led in 
council and in battle. This was the region that 
brought forth mighty Abraham Lincoln, the incar- 

And State Papers 1407 

nation of all that is best in democratic life; and from 
the loins of the same people, living only a little far 
ther south, sprang another of our greatest Presi 
dents, Andrew Jackson "Old Hickory" a man 
who made mistakes, like most strong men, but a 
man of iron will and incorruptible integrity, fear 
less, upright, devoted to the welfare of his country 
men, bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh, a 
typical American if ever there was one. 

I commend a careful reading of "Martin Chuz- 
zlewit" to the pessimists of to-day, to the men who, 
instead of fighting hard to do away with abuses 
while at the same time losing no jot of their buoyant 
hopefulness for the country, insist that all our peo 
ple, socially and industrially, in their private lives 
no less than as politicians, newspaper men, and busi 
ness men, are at a lower ebb than ever before. If 
ever any one of you feels a little downcast over 
the peculiarly gloomy view of the present taken 
by some well-meaning pessimist of to-day, you will 
find it a real comfort to read "Martin Chuzzle- 
wit," to see what a well-meaning pessimist of the 
past thought of our people sixty-five years ago; 
and then think of the extraordinary achievement, 
the extraordinary gain, morally no less than ma 
terially, of those sixty-five years. Dickens can be 
read by us now with profit; Elijah Pogram, Han 
nibal Chollop, Jefferson Brick, and Scadder have 
their representatives to-day, plenty of them; and 
the wise thing for us to do is to recognize that 
these are still types of evil in politics, journalism, 

1408 Presidential Addresses 

business, and private life, and to war against them 
with all our hearts. But it is rank folly to regard 
these as the only, or the chief, types in our national 
life. It was not of much consequence whether Dick 
ens made such an error or not, but it would be of 
great consequence if we ourselves did; for a fool 
ish pessimism is an even greater foe of healthy 
national growth than a foolish optimism. It was 
not that Dickens invented characters or scenes that 
had no basis in fact; on the contrary, what he said 
was true, as far as it went; the trouble was that 
out of many such half truths he made a picture 
which as a whole was absurd ; for often a half truth 
is the most dangerous falsehood. It would be sim 
ply silly to be angry over "Martin Chuzzlewit" ; on 
the contrary, read it, be amused by it, profit by it; 
and don t be misled by it. Keep a lively watch 
against the present-day Pograms and Bricks; but 
above all, distrust the man who would persuade 
you to feel downhearted about the country because 
of these same Pograms and Bricks, past or pres 
ent. It would be foolish to ignore their existence, 
or the existence of anything else that is bad in our 
national life; but it would be even more foolish to 
ignore the vaster forces that tell for righteousness. 
Friends, there is every reason why we should fight 
whatever is evil in the present. But there is also 
every reason why we should feel a sturdy and con 
fident hope for the future. There are many wrongs 
to right ; there are many and powerful wrong-doers 
against whom to war ; and it would be base to shrink 

And State Papers 1409 

from the contest, or to fail to wage it with a high, 
a resolute will. But I am sure that we shall win 
in the contest, because I know that the heart of 
our people is sound. Our average men and women 
are good men and women and this is true in all 
sections of our country and among all classes of 
our countrymen. There is no other nation on earth 
with such vast natural resources, or with such a 
high standard of living and of industrial efficiency 
among its workers. We have as a Nation an era 
of unexampled prosperity ahead of us; we shall 
enjoy it, and our children will enjoy it after us. 
The trend of well-being in this country is upward, 
not downward; and this is the trend in the things 
of the soul as well as in the things of the body. 

Government in its application is often a com 
plicated and delicate work, but the principles of 
government are, after all, fairly simple. In a broad 
general way we should apply in the affairs of the 
national administration, which deals with the inter 
ests of all our eighty-odd millions of people, just 
the same rules that are necessary in getting on with 
our neighbors in our several neighborhoods; and 
the Nation as a whole should show substantially 
the same qualities that we would expect an honor 
able man to show in dealing with his fellows. To 
illustrate this, consider for a moment two phases of 
governmental action. 

First as to international affairs. Among your 
own neighbors, among your friends, what is the 
attitude you like to see a man take toward his fel- 

1410 Presidential Addresses 

lows, the attitude you wish each of your sons to 
take when he goes out into the world? Is it not 
a combination of readiness and ability to hold his 
own if any one tries to wrong him, while at the 
same time showing careful regard not only for the 
rights but for the feelings of others? Of course 
it is ! Of course the type of man whom we respect, 
whom we are proud of if he is a kinsman, whom 
we are glad to have as a friend and neighbor, is 
the man who is no milksop, who is not afraid, who 
will not tolerate nor hesitate to resent insult or 
injury, but who himself never inflicts insult or in 
jury, is kindly, good-natured, thoughtful of others 
rights in short, a good man to do business with 
or have live in the next house or have as a friend. 
On the other hand, the man who lacks any of those 
qualities is sure to be objectionable. If a man is 
afraid to hold his own, if he will submit tamely 
to wrong-doing, he is contemptible. If he is a 
bully, an oppressor, a man who wrongs or insults 
others, he is even worse and should be hunted out 
of the community. But, on the whole, the most 
contemptible position that can possibly be assumed 
by any man is that of blustering, of bragging, of 
insulting or wronging other people, while yet ex 
pecting to go through life unchallenged, and being 
always willing to back down and accept humiliation 
if readiness to make good is demanded. 

Well, all this is just as true of a nation as of 
an individual, and in dealing with other nations 
we should act as we expect a man who is both game 

And State Papers 1411 

and decent to act in private life. There are few 
things cheaper and more objectionable, whether on 
the part of the public man or of the private man, 
on the part of a writer or of a speaker, an indi 
vidual or a group of individuals, than a course of 
conduct which is insulting or hurtful, whether in 
speech or act, to individuals of another nation or 
to the representatives of another nation or to an 
other nation itself. But the policy becomes in 
famous from the standpoint of the interests of the 
United States when it is combined with the refusal 
to take those measures of preparation which can 
alone secure us from aggression on the part of 
others. The policy of "peace with insult" is the 
very worst policy upon which it is possible to em 
bark, whether for a nation or an individual. To 
be rich, unarmed, and yet insolent and aggressive, 
is to court wellnigh certain disaster. The only 
safe and honorable rule of foreign policy for the 
United States is to show itself courteous toward 
other nations, scrupulous not to infringe upon their 
rights, and yet able and ready to defend its own. 
This Nation is now on terms of the most cordial 
good-will with all other nations. Let us make it 
a prime object of our policy to preserve these con 
ditions. To do so it is necessary on the one hand 
to mete out a generous justice to all other peoples 
and show them courtesy and respect; and on the 
other hand, as we are yet a good way off from 
the millennium, to keep ourselves in such shape as 
to make it evident to all men that we desire peace 

1412 Presidential Addresses 

because we think it is just and right and not from 
motives of weakness or timidity. As for the first 
requisite, this means that not only the Government 
but the people as a whole shall act in the needed 
spirit; for otherwise the folly of a few individuals 
may work lasting discredit to the whole Nation. 
The second requisite is more easily secured let us 
build up and maintain at the highest point of effi 
ciency the United States Navy. In any great war 
on land we should have to rely in the future as 
we have relied in the past chiefly upon volunteer 
soldiers; and although it is indispensable that our 
little army, an army ludicrously small relatively to 
the wealth and population of this mighty Nation, 
should itself be trained to the highest point and 
should be valued and respected as is demanded by 
the worth of the officers and enlisted men, yet it 
is not necessary that this army should be large as 
compared to the armies of other great nations. But 
as regards the Navy, all this is different. We have 
an enormous coast line, and our coast line is on two 
great oceans. To repel hostile attacks the fortifica 
tions, and not the Navy, must be used ; but the best 
way to parry is to hit no fight can ever be won 
except by hitting and we can only hit by means 
of the Navy. It is utterly impossible to improvise 
even a makeshift navy under the conditions of 
modern warfare. Since the days of Napoleon no 
war between two great powers has lasted as long 
as it would take to build a battleship, let alone a 
fleet of battleships; and it takes just as long to 

And State Papers I 4 I 3 

train the crew of a battleship as it does to build 
it; and as regards the most important thing of all, 
the training of the officers, it takes much longer. 
The Navy must be built and all its training given 
in time of peace. When once war has broken out 
it is too late to do anything. We now have a good 
Navy, not yet large enough for our needs, but of 
excellent material. Where a navy is as small as 
ours, the cardinal rule must be that the battleships 
shall not be separated. This year I am happy to 
say that we shall begin a course which I hope 
will be steadily followed hereafter, that, namely, 
of keeping the battleship fleet alternately in the 
Pacific and in the Atlantic. Early in December 
the fleet will begin its voyage to^the Pacific, and 
it will number, friends, among its formidable fight 
ing craft three great battleships, named, respectively, 
the "Illinois," the "Missouri," and the "Kentucky." 
It is a national fleet in every sense of the term, and 
its welfare should be, and I firmly believe is, as much 
a matter of pride and concern for every man in the 
farthest interior of our country as for every man on 
the seacoast. A long ocean voyage is mighty good 
training ; and not the least good it will do will be to 
show just the points where our naval program needs 
strengthening. Incidentally I think the voyage will 
have one good effect, for, to judge by their com 
ments on the movement, some excellent people in my 
own section of the country need to be reminded that 
the Pacific Coast is exactly as much a part of this 
Nation as the Atlantic Coast. 

1414 Presidential Addresses 

So much for foreign affairs. Now for a matter 
of domestic policy. Here in this country we have 
founded a great Federal democratic republic. It is 
a government by and for the people, and therefore 
a genuine democracy; and the theory of our Con 
stitution is that each neighborhood shall be left to 
deal with the things that concern only itself and 
which it can most readily deal with; so that town, 
county, city, and State have their respective spheres 
of duty, while the Nation deals with those matters 
which concern all of us, all of the people, no matter 
where we dwell. Our democracy is based upon 
the belief that each individual ought to have the 
largest measure of liberty compatible with securing 
the rights of other individuals, that the average citi 
zen, the plain man whom we meet in daily life, is 
normally capable of taking care of his own affairs, 
and has no desire to wrong any one else; and yet 
that in the interest of all there shall be sufficient 
power lodged somewhere to prevent wicked people 
from trampling the weak under foot for their own 
gain. Our constant endeavor is to make a good 
working compromise whereby we shall secure the 
full benefit of individual initiative and responsibil 
ity, while at the same time recognizing that it is 
the function of a wise government under modern 
conditions not merely to protect life and property, 
but to foster the social development of the people 
so far as this may be done by maintaining and pro 
moting justice, honesty, and equal rights. We be 
lieve in a real, not a sham, democracy. We believe 

And State Papers 

in democracy as regards political rights, as regards 
education, and, finally, as regards industrial condi 
tions. By democracy we understand securing, as 
far as it is humanly possible to secure it, equality 
of opportunity, equality of the conditions under 
which each man is to show the stuff that is in him 
and to achieve the measure of success to which his 
own force of mind and character entitle him. Re 
ligiously this means that each man is to have the 
right, unhindered by the state, to worship his Crea 
tor as his conscience dictates, granting freely to 
others the same freedom which he asks for him 
self. Politically we can be said substantially to 
have worked out our democratic ideals, and the 
same is true, thanks to the common schools, in 
educational matters. But in industry there has not 
as yet been the governmental growth necessary in 
order to meet the tremendous changes brought 
about in industrial conditions by steam and elec 
tricity. It is not in accordance with our principles 
that literally despotic power should be put into the 
hands of a few men in the affairs of the industrial 
world. Our effort must be for a just and effective 
plan of action which, while scrupulously safeguard 
ing the rights of the men of wealth, shall yet, so 
far as is humanly possible, secure under the law 
to all men equality of opportunity to make a living. 
It is to the interest of all of us that the man of 
exceptional business capacity should be amply re 
warded ; and there is nothing inconsistent with this 

in our insistence that he shall not be guilty of 


1416 Presidential Addresses 

bribery or extortion, and that the rights of the 
wage-worker and of the man of small means, who 
are themselves honest and hard working, shall be 
scrupulously safeguarded. The instruments for the 
exercise of modern industrial power are the great 
corporations which, though created by the individ 
ual States, have grown far beyond the control of 
those States and transact their business throughout 
large sections of the Union. These corporations, 
like the industrial conditions which have called them 
into being, did not exist when the Constitution was 
founded; but the wise forethought of the founders 
provided, under the interstate commerce clause of 
the Constitution, for the very emergency which has 
arisen, if only our people as a whole will realize 
what this emergency is; for if the people thor 
oughly realize it, their governmental representatives 
will soon realize it also. The National Government 
alone has sufficiently extensive power and jurisdic 
tion to exercise adequate control over the great 
interstate corporations. While this thorough su 
pervision and control by the National Government 
is desirable primarily in the interest of the people, 
it will also, I firmly believe, be to the benefit of 
those corporations themselves which desire to be 
honest and law-abiding. Only thus can we put 
over these corporations one competent and efficient 
sovereign the Nation able both to exact justice 
from them and to secure justice for them, so that 
they may not be alternately pampered and op 
pressed. The proposal need be dreaded only by 

And State Papers 1417 

those corporations which do not wish to obey the 
law or to be controlled in just fashion, but prefer 
to take their chances under the present lack of all 
system and to court the chance of getting improper 
favors as offsetting the chance of being blackmailed 
an attitude rendered familiar in the past by those 
corporations which had thriven under certain cor 
rupt and lawless city governments. 

The first need is to exercise this Federal con 
trol in thoroughgoing and efficient fashion over 
the railroads, which, because of their peculiar po 
sition, offer the most immediate and urgent prob 
lem. The American people abhor a vacuum, and 
are determined that this control shall be exercised 
somewhere; it is most unwise for the railroads not 
to recognize this and to submit to it as the first 
requisite of the situation. When this control is 
exercised in some such fashion as it is now exer 
cised over the national banks, there will be no fall 
ing off in business prosperity. On the contrary, 
the chances for the average man to do better will 
be increased. Undoubtedly there will be much less 
opportunity than at present for a very few indi 
viduals not of the most scrupulous type to amass 
great fortunes by speculating in and manipulating 
securities which are issued without any kind of 
control or supervision. But there will be plenty 
of room left for ample legitimate reward for busi 
ness genius, while the chance for the man who is 
not a business genius, but who is a good, thrifty, 
hard-working citizen, will be better. I do not be- 

1418 Presidential Addresses 

lieve that our efforts will have anything but a bene 
ficial effect upon the permanent prosperity of the 
country; and, as a matter of fact, even as regards 
any temporary effect, I think that any trouble is 
due fundamentally not to the fact that the national 
authorities have discovered and corrected certain 
abuses, but to the fact that those abuses were there 
to be discovered. I think that the excellent people 
who have complained of our policy as hurting busi 
ness have shown much the same spirit as the child 
who regards the dentist and not the ulcerated tooth 
as the real source of his woe. I am as certain as 
I can be of anything that the course we are pur 
suing will ultimately help business ; for the corrupt 
man of business is as great a foe to this country 
as the corrupt politician. Both stand on the same 
evil eminence of infamy. Against both it is neces 
sary to war; and if, unfortunately, in either type 
of warfare, a few innocent people are hurt, the 
responsibility lies not with us, but with those who 
have misled them to their hurt. 

This is a rapidly growing nation, on a new con 
tinent, and in an era of new, complex, and ever- 
shifting conditions. Often it is necessary to devise 
new methods of meeting these new conditions. We 
must regard the past, but we must not regard only 
the past. We must also think of the future; and 
while we must learn by experience, we can not 
afford to pay heed merely to the teachings of ex 
perience. The great preacher Channing in his essay 
on "The Union" spoke with fine insight on this 

And State Papers T 4 J 9 

very point. In commenting on the New England 
statesman Cabot, whom he greatly admired, he said 
that nevertheless "he had too much of the wisdom 
of experience; he wanted what may be called the 
wisdom of hope." He then continued in words 
which have a peculiar fitness for the conditions 
of to-day: "We apprehend that it is possible to 
make experience too much our guide. There are 
seasons in human affairs, of inward and outward 
revolution, when new depths seem to be broken 
up in the soul, when new wants are unfolded in 
multitudes, and a new and undefined good is thirsted 
for. These are periods when the principles of ex 
perience need to be modified, when hope and trust 
and instinct claim a share with prudence in the guid 
ance of affairs, when in truth to dare is the highest 

These sentences should be carefully pondered by 
those men, often very good men, who forget that 
constructive change offers the best method of avoid 
ing destructive change; that reform is the antidote 
to revolution; and that social reform is not the pre 
cursor but the preventive of Socialism. 


Under any circumstances I should welcome the 
chance of speaking at Memphis in the old historic 
State of Tennessee, rich in its glorious past and 
in the certainty of an even greater future; but I 
especially congratulate myself that I am able to 

1420 Presidential Addresses 

speak here on an occasion like this, when I meet 
not only the citizens of Tennessee, but many of the 
citizens of Mississippi and Arkansas and of other 
States as well ; and when the chief executives of so 
many States are gathered to consider a subject of 
momentous interest to all. The Mississippi Valley 
is a magnificent empire in size and fertility. It 
is better adapted to the development of inland navi 
gation than any other valley in either hemisphere; 
for there are 12,000 miles of waterway now more 
or less fully navigable, and the conditions are so 
favorable that it will be easy to increase the extent 
of navigable waterways to almost any required de 
gree by canalization. Early in our industrial history 
this valley was the seat of the largest development 
of inland navigation in the United States, and per 
haps you will pardon my mentioning that the first 
steamboat west of the Alleghenies was built by a 
Roosevelt, my great-grandfather s brother, in 1811, 
for the New Orleans trade, and in that year made 
the trip from Pittsburg to New Orleans. But from 
various causes river and canal transportation de 
clined all over the United States as the railroad 
systems came to their full development. It is our 
business to see that the decline is not permanent; 
and it is of interest to remember that nearly a 
century ago President Madison advocated the canal 
ization of the Mississippi. 

In wealth of natural resources no kingdom of 
Europe can compare with the Mississippi Valley 
and the region around the Great Lakes, taken to- 

And State Papers 1421 

gather, and in population this huge fertile plain 
already surpasses all save one or two of the largest 
European kingdoms. In this empire a peculiarly 
stalwart and masterful people finds itself in the 
surroundings best fitted for the full development 
of its powers and faculties. There has been a great 
growth in the valley of manufacturing centres; the 
movement is good if it does not go too far; but I 
most earnestly hope that this region as a whole will 
remain predominantly agricultural. The people who 
live in the country districts, and who till the small 
or medium-sized farms on which they live, make up 
what is on the whole the most valuable asset in our 
national life. There can be just as real progress 
and culture in the country as in the city; especially 
in these days of rural free delivery, trolleys, bicycles, 
telephones, good roads, and school improvements. 
The valley of the Mississippi is politically and com 
mercially more important than any other valley on 
the face of the globe. Here more than anywhere 
else will be determined the future of the United 
States and indeed of the whole western world; and 
the type of civilization reached in this mighty vak 
ley, in this vast stretch of country lying between 
the Alleghenies and the Rockies, the Great Lakes 
and the Gulf, will largely fix the type of civiliza 
tion for the whole Western Hemisphere. Already, 
as our history shows, the West has determined our 
national political development, and the fundamen 
tal principle of present American politics, political 
equality, was originally a Western idea. 

1422 Presidential Addresses 

The wonderful variety of resources in different 
portions of the valley makes the demand for trans 
portation altogether exceptional. Coal, lumber, 
corn, wheat, cotton, cattle on the surface of the 
soil and beneath the soil the riches are great. There 
are already evident strong tendencies to increase 
the carrying of freight from the northern part of 
the valley to the Gulf. Throughout the valley the 
land is so fertile as to make the field for the farmer 
peculiarly attractive; and where in the West the 
climate becomes drier we enter upon the ranching 
country; while in addition to the products of the 
soil there are also the manufactures supplied in 
innumerable manufacturing centres, great and small. 
Cities of astonishing growth are found everywhere 
from the Gulf to the Great Lakes, from the Alle- 
ghenies to the Rockies ; most of them being situated 
on the great river which flows by your doors or 
upon some of its numerous navigable tributaries. 
New mineral fields are discovered every year; and 
the constantly increasing use of all the devices of 
intensive cultivation steadily adds to the productive 
power of the farms. Above all, the average 
man is honest, intelligent, self-reliant, and orderly, 
and therefore a good citizen; and farmer and 
wage-worker alike in the last analysis the 
two most important men in the community en 
joy a standard of living, and have developed a 
standard of self-respecting, self-reliant manhood, 
which are of good augury for the future of the 
entire Republic. No man can foresee the limit of 

And State Papers *4 2 3 

the possibility of development in the Mississippi 

Such being the case, and this valley being 
literally the heart of the United States, all that 
concerns its welfare must concern likewise the 
whole country. Therefore, the Mississippi River 
and its tributaries ought by all means to be utilized 
to their utmost possibility. Facility of cheap trans 
portation is an essential in our modern civilization, 
and we can not afford any longer to neglect the 
great highways which nature has provided for us. 
These natural highways, the waterways, can never 
be monopolized by any corporation. They belong 
to all the people, and it is in the power of no one 
to take them away. Wherever a navigable river 
runs beside railroads the problem of regulating 
the rates on the railroads becomes far easier, 
because river regulation is rate regulation. When 
the water rate sinks, the land rate can not be kept 
at an excessive height. Therefore it is of national 
importance to develop these streams as highways 
to the fullest extent which is genuinely profitable. 
Year by year transportation problems become more 
acute, and the time has come when the rivers really 
fit to serve as arteries of trade should be provided 
with channels deep enough and wide enough to 
make the investment of the necessary money profit 
able to the public. The National Government should 
undertake this work. Where the immediately abut 
ting land is markedly benefited, and this benefit can 
be definitely localized, I trust that there will be care- 

1424 Presidential Addresses 

ful investigation to see whether some waj5 can be 
devised by which the immediate beneficiaries may 
pay a portion of the expenses as is now the cus 
tom as regards certain classes of improvements in 
our municipalities ; and measures should be taken to 
secure from the localities specially benefited proper 
terminal facilities. The expense to the Nation of 
entering upon such a scheme of river improvement 
as that which I believe it should undertake, will nec 
essarily be great. Many cautious and conservative 
people will look askance upon the project, and from 
every standpoint it is necessary, if we wish to make 
it successful, that we should enter upon it only under 
conditions which will guarantee the Nation against 
waste of its money, and which will insure us against 
entering upon any project until after the most elab 
orate expert examination, and reliable calculation 
of the proportion between cost and benefit. In any 
project like this there should be a definite policy, 
and a resolute purpose to keep in mind that the 
only improvements made should be those really na 
tional in their character. We should act on the 
same principle in improving our rivers that we 
should follow in improving our harbors. The great 
harbors are of consequence not merely to the imme 
diate localities, but to immense stretches of country; 
and the same is true of the great rivers. It is these 
great rivers and great harbors the improvement of 
which is of primary national interest. The main 
streams should be improved to the highest practical 
degree of efficiency before improvements are at- 

And State Papers 

tempted on the branches, and work should be un 
dertaken only when completion is in sight within 
a reasonable time, so that assured results may be 
gained and the communities affected depend upon 
the improvements. Moreover, as an incident in 
caring for the river so that it may become an effi 
cient channel of transportation, the United States 
Government should do its full part in levee build 
ing, which, in the lower reaches of the river, will 
not only give a channel for commerce, but will also 
give protection to the adjacent bottom lands. 

Immense sums have already been spent upon the 
Mississippi by the States and the Nation, yet much 
of it remains practically unused for commerce. The 
reasons for this fact are many. One is that the 
work done by the National Government at least has 
not been based upon a definite and continuous plan. 
Appropriations by Congress, instead of assuring the 
steady progress and timely completion of each piece 
of work as it was undertaken, have been irregular 
and uncertain. As a direct consequence, far-reach 
ing plans have been discouraged and continuity in 
execution has been made impossible. It is altogether 
unlikely that better results will be obtained so long 
as the method is followed of making partial ap 
propriations at irregular intervals for works which 
should never be undertaken until it is certain that 
they can be carried to completion within a definite 
and reasonable time. Planned and orderly devel 
opment is essential to the best use of every natural 
resource, and to none more than to the best use of 

1426 Presidential Addresses 

our inland waterways. In the case of the water 
ways it has been conspicuously absent. Because 
such foresight was lacking,, the interests of our 
rivers have been in fact overlooked, in spite of 
the immense sums spent upon them. It is evident 
that their most urgent need is a farsighted and 
comprehensive plan, dealing not with navigation 
alone, nor with irrigation alone, but considering 
our inland waterways as a whole, and with ref 
erence to every use to which they can be put. The 
central motive of such a plan should be to get from 
the streams of the United States not only the full 
est but also the most permanent service they are 
capable of rendering to the Nation as a whole. 

The industries developed under the stimulus of 
the railroads are for the most part permanent 
industries, and therefore they form the basis for 
future development. But the railroads have shown 
that they alone can not meet the demands of the 
country for transportation, and where this is true 
the rivers should begin to supplement the railroads, 
to the benefit of both, by relieving them of certain 
of the less profitable classes of freight. The more 
farseeing railroad men, I am glad to tell you, real 
ize this fact, and many of them have become earnest 
advocates of the improvement of the Mississippi, so 
that it may become a sort of inland seaboard, ex 
tending from the Gulf far into the interior, and I 
hope ultimately to the Great Lakes. An investiga 
tion of the proposed Lakes-to-the-Gulf deep water 
way is now in progress under an appropriation of 

And State Papers 1427 

the last Congress. We shall await its results with 
the keenest interest. The decision is obviously of 
capital importance to our internal development and 
scarcely less so in relation to external commerce. 

This is but one of the many projects which it 
is time to consider, although a most important one. 
Plans for the improvement of our inland naviga 
tion may fairly begin with our greatest river and 
its chief tributaries, but they can not end there. 
The , lands which the Columbia drains include a 
vast area of rich grain fields and fruit lands, much 
of which is not easily reached by railways. The 
removal of obstructions in the Columbia and its 
chief tributaries would open to navigation and in 
expensive freight transportation fully two thousand 
miles of channel. The Sacramento and San Joaquin 
Rivers with their tidal openings into San Francisco 
Bay are partly navigable now. Their navigation 
should be maintained and improved, so as to open 
the marvellously rich valley of California to in 
expensive traffic, in order to facilitate both rate 
regulation and the control of the waters for other 
purposes. And many other rivers of the United 
States demand improvement, so as better to meet 
the requirements of increasing production from the 
soil, increasing manufacture, and a rapidly growing 

While thus the improvement of inland naviga 
tion is a vital problem, there are other questions of 
no less consequence connected with our waterways. 
One of these relates to the purity of waters used 

1428 Presidential Addresses 

for the supply of towns and cities, to the preven 
tion of pollution by manufacturing and other in 
dustries, and to the protection of drainage areas 
from soil wash through forest covering or judicious 
cultivation. With our constantly increasing popu 
lation this question becomes more and more press 
ing, because the health and safety of great bodies 
of citizens are directly involved. 

Another important group of questions concerns 
the irrigation of arid lands, the prevention of 
floods, and the reclamation of swamps. Already 
many thousands of homes have been established 
on the arid regions, and the population and 
wealth of seventeen States and Territories have 
been largely increased through irrigation. Yet 
this means of national development is still in its 
infancy, and it will doubtless long continue to mul 
tiply homes and increase the productiveness and 
power of the Nation. The reclamation of over 
flow lands and marshes, both in the interior and 
along the coasts, has already been carried on with 
admirable results, but in this field, too, scarcely 
more than a good beginning has yet been made. 
Still another fundamentally important question is 
that of water-power. Its significance in the future 
development of our whole country, and especially 
of the West, is but just beginning to be understood. 
The plan of the city of Los Angeles, for example, 
to bring water for its use a distance of nearly two 
hundred and fifty miles perhaps the boldest proj 
ect of the kind in modern times promises not only 

And State Papers 1429 

to achieve its purpose, but in addition to produce a 
water-power sufficiently valuable to pay large inter 
est on the investment of over $23,000,000. 

Hitherto such opportunities for using water to 
double purpose have not always been seized. Thus 
it has recently been shown that water enough is 
flowing unused over Government dams, built to 
improve navigation, to produce many hundreds of 
thousands of horse-power. It is computed that the 
annual value of the available but unused water- 
power in the United States exceeds the annual 
value of the products of all our mines. Further 
more, it is calculated that under judicious han 
dling the power of our streams may be made to 
pay for all the works required for the complete 
development and control of our inland waterways. 

Forests are the most effective preventers of 
floods, especially when they grow on the higher 
mountain slopes. The national forest policy, in 
augurated primarily to avert or mitigate the tim 
ber famine which is now beginning to be felt, has 
been effective also in securing partial control of 
floods by retarding the run-off and checking the 
erosion of the higher slopes within the national 
forests. Still the loss from soil wash is enormous. 
It is computed that one-fifth of a cubic mile in 
volume, or one billion tons in weight of the rich 
est soil matter of the United States, is annually 
gathered in storm rivulets, washed into the rivers, 
and borne into the sea. The loss to the farmer 
is in effect a tax greater than all other land taxes 

143 Presidential Addresses 

combined, and one yielding absolutely no return. 
The Department of Agriculture is now devising 
and testing means to check this enormous waste, 
through improved methods of agriculture and for 
est management. 

Citizens of all portions of the country are com 
ing to realize that, however important the improve 
ment of navigation may be, it is only one of many 
ends to be kept in view. The demand for naviga 
tion is hardly more pressing than the demands for 
reclaiming lands by irrigation in the arid regions 
and by drainage in the humid lowlands, or for 
utilizing the water-power now running to waste, 
or for purifying the waters so as to reduce or 
remove the tax of soil waste to promote manufac 
tures and safeguard life. It is the part of wisdom 
to adopt not a jumble of unrelated plans, but a 
single comprehensive scheme for meeting all the 
demands so far as possible at the same time and 
by the same means. This is the reason why the 
Inland Waterways Commission was created in 
March last, largely in response to petitions from 
citizens of the interior, including many of the mem 
bers of this Congress. Broad instructions were 
given to the Commission in accordance with this 
general policy that no plan should be prepared for 
the use of any stream for a single purpose without 
carefully considering, and so far as practicable ac 
tually providing for, the use of that stream for 
every other purpose. Plans for navigation and 
power should provide with special care for sites 

And State Papers 1431 

and terminals not only for the immediate present 
but also for the future. It is because of my con 
viction in these matters that I am here. The In 
land Waterways Commission has a task broader 
than the consideration of waterways alone. There 
is an intimate relation between our streams and the 
development and conservation of all the other great 
permanent sources of wealth. It is not possible 
rightly to consider the one without the other. No 
study of the problem of the waterways could hope 
to be successful which failed to consider also the 
remaining factors in the great problem of conserv 
ing all our resources. Accordingly, I have asked 
the Waterways Commission to take account of the 
orderly development and conservation, not alone of 
the waters, but also of the soil, the forests, the 
mines, and all the other natural resources of our 

Many of these resources which we have been in 
the habit of calling inexhaustible are being rap 
idly exhausted, or in certain regions have actually 
disappeared. Coal mines, oil and gas fields, and 
iron mines in important numbers are already worked 
out. The coal and oil measures which remain are 
passing rapidly, or have actually passed, into the 
possession of great corporations, who acquire om 
inous power through an unchecked control of these 
prime necessities of modern life; a control without 
supervision of any kind. We are consuming our 
forests three times faster than they are being re 
produced. Some of the richest timber lands of 

I43 2 Presidential Addresses 

this continent have already been destroyed, and 
not replaced, and other vast areas are on the verge 
of destruction. Yet forests, unlike mines, can be 
so handled as to yield the best results of use, with 
out exhaustion, just like grain fields. 

Our public lands, whose highest use is to supply 
homes for our people, have been and are still being 
taken in great quantities by large private owners, 
to whom home-making is at the very best but a 
secondary motive subordinate to the desire for 
profit. To allow the public lands to be worked 
by the tenants of rich men for the profit of the 
landlords, instead of by freeholders for the liveli 
hood of their wives and children, is little less than 
a crime against our people and our institutions. 
The great central fact of the public land situa 
tion, as the Public Lands Commission well said, is 
that the amount of public land patented by the 
Government to individuals is increasing out of all 
proportion to the number of new homes. It is clear 
beyond peradventure that our natural resources have 
been and are still being abused, that continued abuse 
will destroy them, and that we have at last reached 
the forks of the road. We are face to face with 
the great fact that the whole future of the Nation 
is directly at stake in the momentous decision which 
is forced upon us. Shall we continue the waste 
and destruction of our natural resources, or shall 
we conserve them? There is no other question of 
equal gravity now before the Nation. 

It is the plain duty of those of us who for the 

And State Papers X 433 

moment are responsible to make inventory of the 
natural resources which have been handed down to 
us, to forecast as well as we may the needs of the 
future, and so to handle the great sources of our 
prosperity as not to destroy in advance all hope for 
the prosperity of our descendants. 

As I have said elsewhere, the conservation of 
natural resources is the fundamental problem. Un 
less we solve that problem it will avail us little to 
solve all others. To solve it, the whole Nation 
must undertake the task through their organiza 
tions and associations, through the men whom they 
have made specially responsible for the welfare of 
the several States, and finally through Congress and 
the Executive. As a preliminary step, the Inland 
Waterways Commission has asked me to call a con 
ference on the conservation of natural resources, 
including, of course, the streams, to meet in Wash 
ington during the coming winter. I shall accord 
ingly call such conference. It ought to be among 
the most important gatherings in our history, for 
none have had a more vital question to consider. 

There is a great national project already under 
way which renders the improvement of the Missis 
sippi River and its tributaries specially needful. I 
mean the Panama Canal. The digging of that canal 
will be of benefit to the whole country, but most of 
all to the States of the Pacific Slope and the Gulf ; 
and if the Mississippi is properly improved, to the 
States through which it flows. The digging of 
the Panama Canal is the greatest engineering feat 

1434 Presidential Addresses 

which has yet been attempted on this globe. The 
work has been going on most successfully, and with 
fewer drawbacks and difficulties than I had dared 
hope. When under our treaty with Panama we 
took possession of the Canal Zone, I was confident 
that we should be able to build the canal, but I 
took it for granted that we should meet many un 
expected difficulties, not only in the actual work, 
but through, and because of, the diseases which 
had made the Isthmus a byword of unhealthful- 
ness. The work done in making the conditions on 
the Isthmus healthy, however, has been so success 
ful that at present the death-rate among the thou 
sands of Americans engaged in the canal work is 
lower than in most localities in the United States. 
The organization has been perfected, the machinery 
installed, and the actual work, of the dredges, the 
steam shovels, and the dirt trains, is going on with 
constantly increasing rapidity and effectiveness. In 
the month of September just closed over fourteen 
hundred thousand cubic yards of material were re 
moved, chiefly from the Culebra cut the record 
removal, two hundred thousand yards better than 
the August record, of which I spoke the day before 
yesterday and if this rate can be kept up, as I 
believe it will be kept up, the work of digging will 
be through in half a dozen years. The finishing of 
the locks of the great dam may take a little longer; 
but it begins to look as though the work will be 
completed even sooner than we had estimated. 
Remember, gentlemen, that any work like this 

And State Papers H35 

entails grave responsibilities. The one intolerable 
position for a self-respecting nation, as for a self- 
respecting man, is to bluff and then not be able to 
make good. We have accepted the Monroe Doc 
trine as a cardinal feature of our foreign policy. 
We have undertaken not only to build but to police 
and to guard the Panama Canal. This means, un 
less we are willing to accept the humiliation of 
being treated some time by some strong nation as 
a vain and weak braggart, that we must build and 
maintain our Navy at the highest point of efficiency. 
When the canal is finished our Navy can move from 
one ocean to the other at \vill ; for, remember that 
our doors open on both oceans. Until then our 
battle fleet, which should always be kept and ma 
noeuvred as a unit, ought now to appear in our 
home waters in one ocean and now to appear in 
our home waters in the other. And, O my friends 
and fellow-Americans, I most earnestly hope all our 
people will remember that in the fundamental ques 
tions most deeply affecting the life of the Nation 
there can be no proper division on party lines. 
Matters of such grave moment should be dealt with 
along the lines of consistent and well thought-out 
policy, without regard to any change of adminis 
tration or of party at Washington. Such questions 
as the upbuilding and maintenance of the United 
States Navy, the completion of the Panama Canal 
in accordance with the plans now being carried out, 
the conservation of our national resources, and the 
improvement of the Mississippi River, are not party 

1436 Presidential Addresses 

questions. I am striving to accomplish what I can 
in such matters as these because the welfare of the 
Nation imperiously demands the action that I am 
taking. It is action in the interest of all the people, 
and the need for it will be as great long after I have 
passed out of public life as it is now. On these 
great points that I have mentioned, as on others I 
could mention, from the standpoint of the Nation 
the policy is everything, while it is of little impor 
tance who carries it out so long as it actually is 
carried out. Therefore I hope you will see to it, 
according to your best endeavor, that the policy is 
accepted as permanent, as something to be perse 
vered in because of the interest of the whole people, 
and without regard to any possible political changes. 
It ought not to be necessary for me to repeat, 
but I shall repeat, that I shall enforce the law just 
as quickly against the poor man who goes wrong 
as against the rich man, but no quicker. When 
ever I have the power, I will use every resource 
of this Nation to stamp out murderous and law 
less violence of the kind that breeds the anarchy of 
which you, Governor Patterson, spoke. And I shall 
no more stay my hand if the wrong-doer masquer 
ades as a labor leader than I shall stay my hand 
if he masquerades as a captain of industry. I have 
expressed myself once definitely on the subject of 
undesirable citizens, and I stand by what I said 
alike when the undesirable citizen is a great capi 
talist who wins a fortune by chicanery and wrong 
doing to the hurt of his fellows and the damage of 

And State Papers H37 

the public conscience, and when he is a man who, 
under the guise of standing for labor, preaches 
and encourages violence and murder. I think that 
my position has at least the merit of being easily 

Before closing let me say a word upon the sub 
ject of the regulation of the railways by Congress 
under the interstate commerce clause of the Con 
stitution. In my judgment the old days of happy- 
go-lucky indifference on the part of the public to 
the conduct of the corporations have passed. The 
American people has made up its mind that the 
conditions of modern industrialism are such as im 
peratively to demand supervision in the interest of 
the people as a whole over these great corporations. 
Most emphatically we should do full justice to them; 
but in return we should exact justice from them to 
the public. Some of them have become so habitu 
ated to disregarding everything but their own wishes 
and interests that the effort to establish a proper 
supervision over them has aroused on their part a 
curiously unreasonable antagonism. Their spokes 
men do not seem to be aware that in what we have 
been trying to do we have not been improperly rad 
ical ; using the word in its right sense, we have been 
conservative. We have merely taken the first steps 
in a policy which must be permanent if our demo 
cratic institutions are to endure; while, as a matter 
of course, we must also keep ever in mind that it 
is exactly as injurious to true democracy to inflict, 
as tamely to suffer, wrong. We can no more tol- 

1438 Presidential Addresses 

erate injustice to the railroads than injustice by 
them; one course is as immoral and as fundamen 
tally mischievous and injurious to the people as 
the other. 

In the matter of supervision of the great railway 
corporations we are acting as all civilized govern 
ments have already acted or are on the point of 
acting. The unrestricted issue of railway securities 
without any supervision, and under circumstances 
which often result in the gravest scandal, should 
not be permitted, and only by governmental action 
can it be prevented. It is already thus prevented in 
England and Germany, for instance. In England 
the first Royal Commission of Railways, of which 
that great parliamentary and popular leader, Wil 
liam Ewart Gladstone, was chairman, set forth as 
fundamental the very principles which here have 
at last been enacted into law, or which, as I firmly 
believe, will speedily be enacted. Of course, in any 
movement like this in which we are now engaged, 
in any movement looking to the regulation of vast 
corporate wealth engaged in interstate business, and 
to the cutting out of all abuses connected therewith, 
there will at times be suffering in which, unfortu 
nately, many innocent people will be involved. But 
such suffering of the innocent is unavoidable in 
every great movement of life. Able and unscru 
pulous men are sure to deceive certain innocent 
outsiders and persuade them to invest in ventures 
under conditions which render loss certain when 
the force of the law is asserted. I am exceedingly 

And State Papers H39 

sorry for these innocent people; but it is not pos 
sible, because of them, to refuse to proceed against 
the men who have victimized them. It is just 
such a case as would occur if an unscrupulous man 
with counterfeit money visited some remote village, 
spent his money, and then disappeared. The local 
innkeeper and livery-stable keeper, the shopkeeper 
and the neighboring farmer, would all have been 
victimized; they would have lodged and fed the 
man, have supplied him with goods from the store 
and the farm, have hired horses and wagons to 
him, and in return would find themselves loaded 
with counterfeit money. If, under such circum 
stances, the Government found out what had hap 
pened it would have no alternative save to stop the 
circulation of the counterfeit money, though those 
possessing it were innocent. It would, of course, 
try to secure the conviction of the thief, but if he 
had escaped the jurisdiction of the law, it would 
nevertheless be impossible to let his innocent vic 
tims continue to pass his by no means innocent 
counterfeit money. Well, just the same thing is 
true when it comes to enforcing the law against 
business men of great wealth who have violated 
it. People are always beseeching me not to enforce 
it against them, because innocent outsiders may be 
hurt, or, only to enforce it with a gentleness that 
would prevent anybody, good or bad, from being 
hurt. It is not possible to comply with such re 
quests, even when they are made in good faith. 
This is a government of law, a law which applies 


144 Presidential Addresses 

to great and small alike. I am sorry indeed when 
it happens that big men who do wrong have in 
volved smaller men with no bad intentions to such 
an extent that they suffer when we force the un 
doing of the wrong. But we can not hold our 
hands for such a consideration. The responsibility 
for the suffering of those innocent outsiders lies, 
not with us who put a stop to the wrong and pun 
ish the wrong-doers, but with these wrong-doers 
who mislead their victims. 

In conclusion, friends, let me impress upon you 
one thing. Good laws can do much good; indeed, 
they are often indispensable. There is urgent need 
that we should have honest and efficient legislation, 
and honest and efficient action by those whose prov 
ince it is to put the legislation into effect. But 
there is infinitely more need of a high individual 
average of character. The only permanent way to 
help any man is to help him to help himself. To 
teach him permanently to depend on anything save 
his own powers is to do him harm and not good. 
Let no man persuade you that laws by themselves, 
no matter how necessary and beneficial, will make 
any community happy and prosperous, or be even 
the chief factors in securing such happiness and 
prosperity. In the last analysis the vital factor in 
each man s effort to achieve success in life must be 
his own character, his own courage and upright 
ness and intelligence. In this audience are many 
men who wore the gray in the great Civil War. 
In every audience I have spoken to on this trip there 

And State Papers 1441 

have been men who fought in either the Union or 
Confederate Army, and often representatives from 
both armies. Now, you men know that while in 
time of war there is need of good generalship, need 
of good organization, yet the determining factor in 
the regiment, the brigade, the army, is, and must 
ever be, the individual character of the individual 
soldier; his prowess, his hardihood, his unyielding 
resolution, his stern fidelity to duty, his capacity to 
act on his own individual responsibility when nec 
essary, and yet to serve over or under or with 
others in perfect harmony and obedience. It is 
the character of the man in the ranks which pri 
marily determines the failure or success of battle 
and campaign. In the great Civil War our armies, 
Northern and Southern alike, won their high posi 
tion for ever and all time in the undying regard 
and admiration of their fellow-citizens, because the 
average man in the ranks, the average man who 
carried sabre or rifle, had this high standard of 
personal quality. Just as it was in time of war, 
so it is now in time of peace. If a man has not 
got the right stuff in him then no law can possibly 
get it out of him, because it is not there to get 
out. All that the law can do is to punish evil, to 
encourage what is good, and to secure, so far as is 
possible, an equality of opportunity for all men to 
show their strength of body, mind, and soul in the 
hard struggle of life. 

I44 2 Presidential Addresses 


Mr. Mayor; Mr. Williams; and you, my hosts, my 

fellow- Americans : 

It is indeed an honor for me to be to-day the 
guest of Vicksbttrg and of Mississippi, and I was 
inexpressibly touched by the greeting over a great 
arch of cotton bales as I came up from the boat, 
which said that Mississippi greets her President. I 
should not be fit to be President at all if I did not 
with all my might and main, with all my heart 
and brain, seek to be in the fullest sense the Presi 
dent of Mississippi just as I am the President of 
every State in this Union. I am glad to be here in 
this historic city, this city forever memorable be 
cause of the heroic siege in which victor and van 
quished alike showed such splendid courage, such 
splendid fealty to the light as it was given to each 
to see the light; and before the Civil War, Missis 
sippi s sons had shown that they knew how to fight. 
It was from Vicksburg that a company went to 
that Mississippi regiment which won undying re 
nown in the Mexican War under the gallant leader 
ship of its colonel who afterward became the 
favorite son not only of Mississippi, but of all the 
South Jefferson Davis. And, my fellow-country 
men, think how fortunate we are, think what good 
fortune is ours as a Nation, that it is possible for 
the President of the Union to come here to-day to 
be conducted through your National Park by the 
surviving lieutenant-general of the Confederate 

And State Papers *443 

Army, and to feel that every instance of heroism 
recorded by the monuments alike to the Union and 
to the Confederate dead on that battlefield is a 
subject for just pride to every citizen of this Union, 
no matter where he may dwell. General Lee read 
to me that noble inscription on the Pennsylvania 
monument, an inscription that should make the 
heart of every true American thrill as he reads it: 
"Here brothers fought for their principles, here 
heroes died for their country, and a united people 
will forever cherish the precious legacy of their 
noble manhood/ What other war is there of which 
we can say what we can say of this war? Before 
the generation that fought it has died away, the 
whole country grows to feel the same stern pride 
in the deeds, alike of those who fought so valiantly 
for what they believed to be right, and triumphed, 
and of those who fought so valiantly for what they, 
with equal sincerity, believed to be right, and lost. 

Mr. Mayor, it is a good thing for an American 
President to travel all over the country, not for 
what he can teach, but for what he can learn. I 
have twice been down here in this alluvial delta 
of the Mississippi, bear hunting. On each occa 
sion I learned a lot that had nothing to do with 
bear hunting. It seems to me that no American 
President could spend his time better than by see 
ing for himself just what this rich and wonderful 
region of the Lower Mississippi Valley is, so that 
he might go back, as I shall go back, to Washing 
ton, with the set purpose to get the United States 

1444 Presidential Addresses 

Government to do its full share in making the Mis 
sissippi River practically a part of the seacoast, in 
making it a deep channel inlet of the sea from the 
Gulf to the Great Lakes. As an incident of build 
ing the levees for the lower part of that great river, 
I wish to see them so built as to remove absolutely 
and completely from the minds of all the dwellers 
in the lowlands of Mississippi, Louisiana, and the 
portions of Tennessee and Arkansas nearby, all 
apprehensions of a possible overflow. 

Mr. Williams, it has been suggested to me that 
we need to construe the Constitution broadly to 
get power to do what I want. As I think I 
heard you mention, there are some points on 
which you are a good federalist. I hope this is one 
of them! I heard a man say once, a man whom I 
have never seen afraid of anything, that he was 
afraid of the Mississippi, that he should be afraid 
to dwell by it and feel that it might overwhelm the 
land on which he lived. I wish to see the Federal 
Government build a system of dikes, of levees, 
down the course of the Mississippi, which shall 
make the farm, the plantation, of the man who 
lives by the river as safe as if he had a farm by 
the Illinois or the Hudson or the Red River of the 
North. I advocate no impossible task, no very diffi 
cult task. The people of Holland, a little nation, took 
two-thirds of their country out from under the ocean, 
and they live behind the dikes now, and they have 
lived behind them for centuries, in safety. With a 
tenth of the effort we, an infinitely mightier nation, 

And State Papers 1445- 

can take these incomparably rich bottom lands of 
the lower Mississippi out from all fear of ever 
being flooded, of ever being overflowed by the Mis 
sissippi. While I do not like generally to say in 
advance what I intend to do, I shall break my rule 
in this case and say that in my next message to 
Congress I shall advocate as heartily as I know how 
that the Congress now elected shall take the first 
steps to bring about that deep channelway and the 
attendant high and broad levee system which will 
make of these alluvial bottoms the richest and most 
populous and most prosperous agricultural country 
not only in this Union but on the face of the globe. 
Any policy which tends to the uplifting of any por 
tion of our people, in the end distributes its benefits 
over the whole people. But it is far easier, ordi 
narily, to put into effect a policy which shall at 
the moment, and directly, help the people concen 
trated in the centres of population and wealth than 
it is to put into effect a policy which will help the 
dwellers in the country, the tillers of the soil. 
Now here we have a policy whose first direct bene 
fit will come to the man on the farm, the man on 
the plantation, the tiller of the soil, the man who 
makes his fortune out of what he grows on the soil. 
We are now digging the Panama Canal, and it 
is being well dug, and one reason why the work is 
being so well handled is that we refused to go into 
it until after careful study, so that we should surely 
avoid false steps; in other words, that we acted 
on Davy Crockett s principle, "Be sure you are 

1446 Presidential Addresses 

right and then go ahead." When we start this 
great, I think I may justly say, epoch-making, work 
of the improvement of the Mississippi, I want to 
be sure that we start in on principles that will 
prevent waste, extravagance, misapplication of 
effort. Now I shall have no small difficulty, men 
and women of Mississippi, in persuading some 
other people, some people in my own locality, of 
the wisdom of a policy such as that I advocate, a 
policy that means the expenditure of an immense 
sum of money, a policy which must continue over 
a long course of years. If that policy is attended 
in any way by jobbery, or folly, it will make it 
immeasurably more difficult to carry it through, and 
what we shall have to look out for is the actions 
of the men, probably very well-meaning men, who, 
in their anxiety to serve some particular district, will 
try to divert what should be a national effort to 
deepen a great national highway into a succession 
of efforts spread out so thin as to make all inef 
fective efforts to do a little bit for a river here and 
a little bit for a river there and a little bit for a 
harbor over yonder. Do the big job first. Ulti 
mately, I believe that there can be an enormous 
spread of the activity of the National Government in 
the care of our waterways ; ultimately, I believe that 
the National Government can, for instance, do an 
immense amount in irrigation through certain por 
tions of the Southern States not affected by the 
project for deepening the Mississippi. I am con 
fident that in many of the Southern States the loss 

And State Papers 1447 

to the farmer by the washing- away of the soil of 
his farm, by the fact that the streams are at one 
period destructive torrents and at another period 
dry, makes infinitely the heaviest tax the farmer 
has to pay; and I believe that through the co 
operation of the National Government, much can 
be done in the way of irrigation in certain of the 
Southern States as much as has been done already 
by irrigation in the Far West. I also believe that 
ultimately we shall be able to canalize, to deepen, 
a very large number of waterways in the Union. 
But take the big rivers first; take the Mississippi 
and its most prominent tributaries first. 

Now, my friends, I have spoken to you so far 
only of things affecting our material well-being. 
They are of prime importance. It is as important 
for a nation that there shall be a foundation of 
material prosperity as it is important for an indi 
vidual that there shall be such a foundation. I 
distrust the man in private life who is filled with 
enthusiasm to reform mankind, but who can not 
support his own wife and family. Let the man 
first pull his own weight; let him support himself 
and those dependent upon him; he will find it at 
times a good deal of a job. When he has done 
this, he has laid the foundation for making him 
self a useful citizen in broader aspects. Now with 
the nation it is the same thing; we must have a 
basis of material prosperity on which to build, but 
woe to the nation which never rears on that founda 
tion the superstructure of a higher life. General 

1448 Presidential Addresses 

Lee, you, and those who fought beside you and 
those who fought against you, are enshrined im- 
perishably in the hearts of the people of the entire 
Union because, when the time came which called 
for you to risk all that you had property, life, and 
all for fealty to your ideals, you gladly spurned 
every other consideration, treated all else as naught 
in the balance compared to the chance to show your 
manhood on the field of battle. We honor you, we 
honor those who fought under you and those who 
fought against you, because they had that fine ca 
pacity to ignore everything else, life included, when 
honor called. But we need to have that spirit 
shown in civic life just as much as in military life. 
If ever our people become so sordid as to feel that 
all that counts is moneyed prosperity, ignoble well- 
being, effortless ease and comfort, then this nation 
shall perish, as it will deserve to perish, from the 
earth. In time of war we need the courage and 
disinterestedness of the highest type of soldier; in 
the ordinary times there is need that there shall 
be displayed a courage almost as high and even 
more steadfast. I say even more steadfast because, 
after all, a man can often pull himself up to meet 
a single crisis, when he would find it mighty hard 
to live right along, day after day, year after year, 
doing well the plain, common every-day work of 
his life. But exactly as we need the courage of 
the soldier and the patriotism of the soldier, so we 
need a genuine, steadfast devotion to right in every 
man, not only in our public servants as Mr. Wil- 

And State Papers J 449 

Hams said, the public servant is in the long run 
only what the Warwick behind him, the people, 
makes him not only in our public servants, but 
in all of us, individually. We need to show the 
spirit which will neither tolerate nor yet inflict in 
justice ; and, gentlemen, we need that spirit to mani 
fest itself not merely in applauding noble sentiments 
uttered on the platform, but in living up to those 
sentiments when we get home. It does no good 
whatever to go to a public meeting and applaud 
utterances about civic righteousness and the high 
ideal, if the man applauding does not try measur 
ably to realize them by his own efforts in his own 

Mr. Williams has said that for a day we can 
sink all merely party differences. Since I have 
been President I have found that not merely for a 
day, but for most of the time I needed to sink them 
because the differences of party are of infinitesimal 
importance compared to the great fundamentals 
of good citizenship upon which all American citi 
zens should be united. We can afford to differ 
on the first questions only so long as we remember 
that difference on those questions must never be 
allowed to obscure our identity of feeling on the 
other and infinitely greater questions. We, as a 
Nation, have great and terrible problems to con 
front us in the century that is now opening. I do 
not believe that there is any other nation with a 
future as great as ours; but I believe in that future 
primarily because I believe that the average Ameri- 

145 Presidential Addresses 

can citizen will bring to the solution of the politi 
cal problems which confront us, the three cardinal 
virtues of honesty, courage and common-sense; and 
we shall need all three. In our highly complex in 
dustrial civilization of to-day we are confronted 
by certain ominous tendencies which must be met 
and overcome, not by indifference, not by a foolish 
optimism which is but one degree less foolish 
than a foolish pessimism but by a resolute pur 
pose to face the evil, to recognize it, and then to 
overcome it. It has been well said that in the long 
run the most uncomfortable truth is a safer com 
panion than the most pleasant falsehood. We must 
not bind ourselves to those tendencies which tell 
for evil in our modern life. There are plenty of 
them. Recognize them, and overcome them by 
the banded effort of the men who believe in public 
and private decency. 

First and foremost, in our internal affairs let 
us strive steadily to secure absolute justice as be 
tween man and man without regard to the man s 
position, social or otherwise. Let us remember 
that justice can never be justice unless it is equal. 
Do justice to the rich man and- exact justice from 
him; do justice to the poor man and exact justice 
from him justice to the capitalist and justice to 
the wage-worker. Give each man every chance 
you can as long as he acts honestly; and if he acts 
dishonestly, hold him to the sharpest account, 
before the courts if it is possible, at the bar of public 
opinion when the case is one which the courts can 

And State Papers 

not reach. It is not an easy matter to do such 
justice.^ All the republics of antiquity failed in the 
end, as the Italian republics of the Middle Ages 
failed, because sooner or later they divided into 
two camps, one camp containing the poor who 
wished to plunder the rich, and the other the rich 
who wished to exploit the poor. When that divis 
ion had once been accomplished, the downfall of 
the republic was at hand. It made no difference 
whether it was the rich that triumphed, or the mob 
that triumphed; the end had come in either case. 
This Republic of ours will survive because our peo 
ple will not tolerate its being turned into either a 
government of a plutocracy, or the government of 
a mob; because by law and by the administration 
of the law we will punish the man of vast wealth 
who uses his wealth or acquires it in a way hostile 
to the interests of the people as a whole, and be 
cause under and through the law we will permit 
no mob rule in this land. Not only must we do 
justice to each man, but we must not be frightened 
out of doing justice merely because it happens to 
be advocated by somebody whom we do not like. 
I have an equally hearty aversion for the reactionary 
and the demagogue ; but I am not going to be driven 
out of fealty to my principles because certain of 
them are championed by the reactionary and cer 
tain others by the demagogue. The reactionary is 
always strongly for the rights of property; so am 
I, and even if I do not like him I will protect him 
to the extent of my power if any man tries to wrong 

I45 2 Presidential Addresses 

him, and I will not be driven away from champion 
ship of the rights of property upon which all our 
civilization rests because they happened also to be 
championed by people who champion furthermore 
the abuses of wealth. And incidentally, I will try to 
help that reactionary in spite of himself, by cor 
recting the abuses of which he is guilty and punish 
ing him when he commits them; thereby doing 
more to safeguard the real rights of property 
than can be done in any other way. So with the 
demagogues. Most demagogues advocate some ex 
cellent popular principles, and nothing can be more 
foolish than for decent men to permit themselves 
to be put into an attitude of ignorant and perverse 
opposition to all reforms demanded in the name of 
the people because it happens that some of them are 
demanded by demagogues. No one man, no hundred 
or thousand men, can accomplish the kind of reform 
that I wish to see accomplished in our public life. 
It has got to come through the action of many 
executive, legislative, and judicial officers, each 
working in his own sphere; and while I agree 
heartily that the Constitution of the United States 
represents a fixed series of principles, yet I hold 
that in the name, in the interest, of the people it 
must be interpreted not as a strait-jacket, not 
as laying the hand of death upon our development, 
but as an instrument designed for the life and 
healthy growth of the Nation. I want to see execu 
tive, legislator, judge, not only desire to do right, 
but able to do right. Sometimes executive and 

And State Papers J 453 

legislative officers are under temptation to yield 
too much to an improper public clamor. The 
temptation to the judge the long term appoint 
ive or elective judge is often just the reverse. 
The judge naturally, after he is on the bench, 
sees only people representing one small section 
of society. I want to see on the bench judges 
who will know and feel for all of our people. If 
it is in New York I want to see the judge who 
knows and feels for the East Side as much as for 
Fifth Avenue. I take that instance merely because 
it is what I am acquainted with in my own home. 
It applies, with a change of name, everywhere 
through the country. Now I trust I need not say 
but I will say that I do not mean for one moment 
that the judge shall yield to the strongest kind of 
popular clamor if it conflicts with his own sense of 
right. If all the people demand that the judge do 
one thing and his conscience tells him that it is 
wrong, he is disloyal to the real interests of 
the people that demand that thing if he does 
it and the same holds true of executive and 
legislator. I will uphold the judge s hands in 
every way, in dealing with mob violence, in 
conserving the rights of property, in disregard 
ing popular clamor if popular clamor is wrong; 
but I want to see the judge a man knowing the 
needs of the people as a whole ; sympathizing with 
the wage-worker because he knows what he needs, 
just as he sympathizes with the capitalist because 
he knows what he needs. I hope to see that stand- 

1454 Presidential Addresses 

ard obtain in the Federal and State courts alike. 
We can exist as a Nation only if we do justice in 
that way between ourselves. 

And now one word as to foreign policy. We can 
do our duty in the world only if we bear ourselves 
toward other nations as we would like to see an hon 
orable man in private life bear himself toward his 
neighbors. Each of you here must feel, if he is mar 
ried, and has children, that he wishes his son not to 
be a brawler, not to be a quarrelsome man, least of 
all to be an oppressor, a bully, a tyrant; but at the 
same time to be able to hold his own, to refuse to 
inflict injustice on the weak and to refuse to endure 
injustice on the part of the strong. I want to see 
the United States ever take precisely that attitude 
in international affairs. I trust that this Nation will 
never deal unjustly with any other nation, but I 
hope that it will be in such shape that it can 
always rely on its own might to protect it from in 
justice in return. We are yet a long way from 
the millennium, and therefore there is need that 
we shall be able to rely not only upon the right but 
upon having the power to make our right good. 
Above all, gentlemen, I trust that this Nation will 
never put itself in the position of bluffing, and, 
if called, of being unable to make good. I hope 
that we will stand for certain great policies, that 
we will stand for the Monroe Doctrine, that we 
will police and protect the Panama Canal; but I 
would a great deal rather that we announce now 
that we abandon both purposes than that we should 

And State Papers 1455 

announce that we intended to persevere in both, but 
declined to provide ourselves with the means of mak 
ing our words good. Therefore, gentlemen, I want 
all of you as good citizens to see to it that the 
work of building up Uncle Sam s Navy goes on. 
I do not know that I can take the battleship 
Mississippi up to Natchez," as some of you re 
quest; I have to find out about the draught of the 
"Mississippi" first; but I want enough "Mississip- 
pis" to guarantee that we will have peace. Nobody 
will molest us as long as our Navy is big enough 
and as long as the men shoot straight enough ; and 
I am happy to be able to tell you some news that I 
just received yesterday. The target practice of 
our fleet under actual service conditions within the 
last month has shown far and away the best and 
most effective marksmanship that we have ever 
yet shown in the Navy ; a markmanship so effective 
that I think we can say conservatively that we have 
nothing to fear when compared by a similar test 
with any other nation. Now I ask that the legis 
lative branch provide enough money to keep tfie 
NavybuTkjup and to supply all the powder and 
coal necessjy_forjhejuse of the~Navy. Just at this 
moment the fleet is getting ready to go to the 
Pacific. Our home waters are in the Pacific just 
as much as in the Atlantic. Somebody objected 
the other day on the ground that I should have to 
exceed the appropriation for coal if I sent the 
fleet to the Pacific. That is an error. We have 
got enough coal to send it to the Pacific. If there 

1456 Presidential Addresses 

is any failure in the appropriation it can not come 
back to the Atlantic; that is all. I mentioned that 
fact the other day to a gentleman who was advanc 
ing the argument as a reason why the ships should 
not leave the Atlantic; I explained to him that it 
would not interfere with their leaving the Atlantic ; 
the only difficulty would be about their return to it. 
Gentlemen, our Nation has a wonderful future. 
We are seated upon a continent; we front two 
great oceans; we can realize our future only upon 
condition that we do what I know we will do 
that we conduct our policy as among ourselves in 
accordance with the immutable laws of righteous 
ness, trying to get for each man and to exact from 
each man, justice, no more and no less; giving to 
each individual the largest possible liberty of in 
dividual action that is consistent with seeing that 
he does not wrong other individuals; and in ex 
ternal affairs if we proceed upon the principle of 
so bearing ourselves as to avoid all cause of quarrel 
with any other nation, and yet of so bearing our 
selves that it shall be to the interest of all other 
nations to avoid forcing an unjust quarrel on us 


Judge Allison; and you, my fellow-countrymen: 

Twenty years ago when I began my study of 
Tennessee history one of the Gamaliels at whose 
feet I sat was the Chancellor. My acquaintance, and 
I trust I may say my friendship, with the Chancel- 

And State Papers H57 

lor began then, and it is a peculiar pleasure to be 
introduced by him to-day. I can not imagine any 
American President failing to visit the tomb of 
Andrew Jackson if the opportunity comes. I trust 
that I came here a good American citizen; I shall 
certainly leave a better American for having been 
in The Hermitage, for having been where Andrew 
Jackson lived and died. I thank all of you for 
coming. I know that the rest of you will not 
grudge my saying that I am most deeply touched 
by the guard of honor of Confederate veterans 
who escorted me out here. O my friends and 
fellow-Americans, O citizens of the Volunteer 
State, citizens of the American Republic, think 
what great good fortune is ours as a Nation that 
now, but little over forty years after the close of 
the Civil War, where brother fought brother each as 
conscience bade him, each doing his duty valiantly 
and each striving to live up to the light as it was 
given him to see the light O how fortunate we 
are that now all the memories of all the valiant 
deeds done in that war alike by the men who wore 
the blue and by the men who wore the gray form a 
heritage of honor for all Americans in whatever 
portion of this Union they live! I want to say a 
special word of thanks, too, to the band from the 
Industrial School. I am mighty glad to see you 
and hear you; I congratulate you on the way 
you handle yourselves. I am pleased to know 
the admirable work that the school is doing, 
and I believe that it is going to turn out some 

1458 Presidential Addresses 

mighty good citizens, to whom I am speaking 
in posse at present. 

The Hermitage is a place of national pilgrimage 
to all who wish to honor one of the great patriots 
of the Nation s past. On behalf of the Nation I wish 
to thank the Ladies Association who have taken 
hold of this property and have preserved it; but 
I do not think it just or fair that the burden which 
should be supported by the Nation should be a drain 
upon private purses. It is greatly to your credit 
that you have done this work which the Nation 
ought to have done. But I shall do all that I can 
to see that the Nation relieves you, not of the man 
agement but of the expense of the management 
hereafter; and I shall count on the heartiest support 
of all the Senators and Congressmen from Ten 
nessee and from every other State, for Andrew 
Jackson was a Tennessean; but Andrew Jackson 
was an American, and there is not a State in this 
Union that can not claim him, that has not a right 
to claim him as a National hero. Surely no use of 
public money can be better, can be wiser, than in 
keeping up as an inspiration for the future the 
homes of the great statesmen of the past. I know 
the objection will be made that if we begin to take 
care of this house we shall be expected to take care 
of the houses of all the Presidents; but I draw a 
sharp distinction between Old Hickory and a great 
many other Presidents. The Hermitage was the 
home of one of the three or four greatest Presidents 
this Union has ever had, of one of the greatest 

And State Papers H59 

public leaders that any nation has developed in the 
same length of time. Andrew Jackson was a mighty 
National figure. His career will stand ever more 
and more as a source of inspiration for boy and 
man in this Republic. A soldier, a statesman, a 
patriot devoted with a single mind to the welfare of 
his whole country let his whole country make it 
their part, acting through the National Government, 
to see that hereafter there is no question of keeping 
up The Hermitage and all its surroundings. 

My friends, I have but a moment here in which 
to greet you. I did not come here to teach, but to 
learn. I did not come here to speak, but to pay my 
respects at the home and tomb of Andrew Jackson. 
The public questions which from time to time one 
generation has to meet and solve form a given set 
of problems. The next generation has to meet and 
solve another set of problems ; but the spirit in 
which these problems must be met if they are to be 
successfully solved can not be changed. The man 
who has the stuff in him to make a good citizen in 
one generation would be a good citizen in another 
generation. This is true of civic life exactly as it 
is true of military life. At New Orleans General 
Jackson s troops fought with the long heavy pea 
rifle, the old flintlock, the weapon that the first 
hunters carried when they came over the mountains 
into Tennessee and Kentucky. Weapons change, 
tactics change, but the spirit of the soldier who wins 
victories remains unchanged from generation to 
generation, and I believe that at need the American 

1460 Presidential Addresses 

people would do well now in war because I believe 
that we have among us enough men who would be 
borne up by the same spirit to which Andrew Jack 
son was able successfully to appeal on that misty 
January morning when the lifting fog showed the 
scarlet ranks of the gallant British regulars advanc 
ing to die in the assault on the breastworks at New 
Orleans. So it is true of you men of the great war. 
You fought with muzzle-loaders some of them 
were flintlocks, I guess. Now we have the high- 
power, small calibre repeating rifle. Weapons that 
were new or unknown in your day are antiquated 
now; tactics change; khaki is worn now instead 
of blue or gray; but if ever a crisis comes our men 
can only win if they show that they have now the 
same spirit that sent on to battle the men in blue 
and the men in gray in the dark days from 61 to 
65. The spirit does not change, and it is the spirit 
of the man that counts as the ultimate and decisive 
factor in battle. We need organization, we need 
generalship; but organization and generalship can 
not avail unless the private soldier in the ranks, 
unless the average man with the musket, has the 
right stuff in him; for if he has not the right stuff 
in him you can not get it out of him. Just as it 
is in time of war so it is in time of peace. Since 
Andrew Jackson s time, in the seventy years that 
have elapsed since he was President, the problems 
have changed ; we have seen the growth of a great 
complex industrial civilization. We need new laws, 
and therefore changed methods of administering 

And State Papers 1461 

the law ; but we must administer the laws and enact 
them in the spirit of Andrew Jackson if our Govern 
ment is to continue to be a success, I do not say 
that Old Hickory was faultless ; I do not know very 
many strong men that have not some of the defects 
of their qualities; but Andrew Jackson was as 
upright a patriot, as honest a man, as fearless a 
gentleman, as ever any nation had in public or 
private life. His memory will remain forever a 
precious National heritage, and his public career 
should be studied and assimilated by every public 
man who desires to be in good faith a servant of 
the whole people of the United States. 


Governor; Mr. Mayor; and you, my fellow-citizens, 
my fellow-countrymen, men and women of the 
great, historic Commonwealth of Tennessee: 

It is indeed a pleasure to be here to-day in the 
capital of this great State to say a word of greeting 
to its citizens gathered together. Tennessee s his 
tory dates back to the formation of this as an 
independent Nation. The hardy backwoodsmen 
of the Piedmont counties of Virginia and the Caro- 
linas had crossed the divide and settled on what 
were then known as the Western Waters before 
the first Continental Congress met. This city was 
founded in the very middle of the Revolutionary 
War; for while our people on the seaboard were 
winning independence, the people west of them had 

1462 Presidential Addresses 

begun the great historic task of the American Na 
tion, the conquest of the continent. At a critical 
moment in the struggle for American independence, 
when all of the Southern States were under the heel 
of Cornwallis s army, word was brought to the 
British leaders that the backwater men had crossed 
the mountains, that the men of the Western Waters, 
the mounted riflemen of Tennessee and Western 
Virginia, had come across through the defiles of the 
high hills, had won the battle of King s Mountain, 
and had raised again the standard of American free 
dom. It was a great and noble birth, and the after 
life of the State has proved worthy of it. I recall 
no other city which has the tomb of one President 
within its precincts and that of another but a little 
way outside. Tennessee and the sons of Tennessee 
from the date when the State was born to the 
present time have borne their part well and bravely 
in the affairs of our Nation. 

I have come down on this trip, friends, pri 
marily in connection with the material development 
of this country. I wish to see the great main 
artery of the Mississippi, and its chief affluents, 
made navigable highways, open to all the people 
of the United States, as only waterways can be. 
I believe that that development will prove of im 
mediate benefit to all the States along the Mis 
sissippi. I believe it will prove of ultimate 
benefit to all the States outside of the Mississippi 
Valley, because I am convinced that in the long 
run, disregarding minor exceptions due to excep- 

And State Papers 

tional circumstances, if benefit comes to any por 
tion of the American Republic, the benefit in the 
end diffuses itself over the entire Republic. Ulti 
mately as a Nation we shall all go up or go down 
together. That fact should be kept in mind, not 
only as we deal with the material interests that 
are so important, but as we deal with the great 
moral and spiritual interests which must lie back 
of material well-being or else material well-being 
can count for but little. I do not wish to be mis 
understood; I wish always to insist to our people 
individually, to trie Nation as a whole, that there 
must be a certain amount of material well-being 
as a foundation and the more well-being you can 
have the better the foundation. I would not pay 
heed only to the things of the spirit; I would pay 
heed to the things of the body too; but I would not 
pay heed to them alone. It is with a nation just 
as it is with a man. The man s first business is 
to earn enough to keep his wife and children, and 
I have scant patience with the man who is filled 
with lofty zeal for mankind at large but whose 
family is in want. Before such a man begins to 
reform mankind let him see that his wife and chil 
dren are fairly well off. But he must not stop there. 
If he is content only to keep his own home well, 
and cares nothing for his neighbor, cares noth 
ing for civic duty, then he represents an ele 
ment which, if it prevails, means that this Nation 
goes down to destruction. In addition to each man 
caring for his own well-being and the well-being 


1464 Presidential Addresses 

of his family, he must have that spirit of civic duty, 
that sense of civic righteousness, which will make 
his country dear to him, which will make the wel 
fare of his fellows of moment in his eyes. So 
with our Nation. As a foundation, we must have 
material well-being, and I congratulate this State, 
I congratulate the Southern States, I congratulate 
the entire Union, upon the extraordinary material 
prosperity which as a Nation we have achieved. We 
have our ups and downs; no law and the adminis 
tration of no law, can save any body of people from 
their own folly. If a section of the business world 
goes a little crazy, it will have to pay for it; and, 
being excessively human, when it does pay for it, 
it will want to blame some one else instead of itself. 
If at any time a portion of the business world loses 
its head, it has lost what no outside aid can supply. 
If there is reckless overspeculation, or dishonest 
business management, just as sure as fate there 
will follow a partial collapse. There has been 
trouble in the stock market, in the high financial 
world, during the past few months. The statement 
has frequently been made that the policies for which 
I stand, legislative and executive, are responsible 
for that trouble. Now, gentlemen, those policies 
of mine can be summed up in one brief sentence. 
They represent the effort to punish successful dis 
honesty. I doubt if those policies have had any 
material effect in bringing about the present trouble, 
but if they have, it will not alter in the slightest 
degree my determination that for the remaining 

And State Papers 

sixteen months of my term those policies shall be 
persevered in unswervingly. I believe that in our 
business world, taken as a whole, the standard of 
honesty is high; but where dishonesty exists, I 
intend to cut it out, and if possible to punish the 
dishonest man. My aim is to make the average 
man, the average citizen, the planter, the farmer, 
the cattle breeder, the merchant, the professional 
man, the railroad man, the banker every man who 
is really doing honest business in an honest way, 
big or little to make that man feel that he must 
have a pride in his American citizenship, to make 
him realize what being an American should really 
amount to, to get into his soul the belief that he 
will not only receive justice, but that he will have 
a part in meting out justice. If to arouse that type 
of civic manhood in our Nation it were necessary 
to suffer any temporary commercial depression, I 
should consider the cost but small. But, more than 
that, I do not for a moment admit that putting 
these policies into effect has had any real conse 
quence in bringing about such conditions as we 
have from time to time seen in the stock market. 
All we have done has been to unearth the wrong 
doing. It was not the fact that it was unearthed 
that did the damage. It was the fact that it ex 
isted to be unearthed that is what did the damage. 
All I did was to turn on the light. I am respon 
sible for turning on the light, but I am not 
responsible for what the light showed. It is im 
possible to cut out a cancer without making the 

1466 Presidential Addresses 

patient feel for a few days rather sicker than he 
felt before; but if it were not cut out the patient 
would die. No material well-being can save this 
Nation if it loses the lift toward higher things. I 
am well aware that in any such movement as that 
in which we have been engaged there are sinister 
men who, taking advantage of the movement to do 
away with the abuses of wealth, seek to inflame the 
people against all men of wealth, honest or dishonest. 
These men are for the moment with us, but they 
are not of us. So in any movement to conserve 
property, we find ourselves shoulder to shoulder 
with some reactionaries whose desire to conserve 
property is accompanied by a purpose to prevent 
any correction of the abuses of property. But we 
can not afford to permit either the demagogue on 
one side or the reactionary on the other to drive 
us away from the course of policy which we regard 
as vital for the well-being of this Nation. The thing 
most important to remember is that that policy has 
two sides. It would indeed be an evil day for this 
Nation, it would indeed mean the beginning of the 
end of our National greatness, if we ever permitted 
in this Republic a spirit which would discriminate 
against the honest man who achieves business suc 
cess. There is nothing baser and meaner than to 
hate the honest man who prospers, simply because 
he has prospered; and I challenge the support of 
every good American when I say that the honest 
railroad man, the honest banker, the honest business 
man, the man who makes a fortune because his ex- 

And State Papers 

ceptional business ability enables him to render 
exceptional service to the community I challenge 
the support of every good American citizen when I 
say that such a man shall receive the amplest protec 
tion and be safeguarded against all injustice. 

We are a representative government executives, 
legislators, judges ; all public servants are represent 
atives of the people. We are bound to represent 
the will of the people, but we are bound still more 
to obey our own consciences; and if ever there is 
any gust of popular feeling that demands what is 
wrong, what is unrighteous, then the true servant of 
the people, the man who truly serves the interest 
of the people, is that man who disregards the wish of 
the people to do evil. Let the representative rep 
resent the people so long as he conscientiously can; 
when he can no longer do so, let him do what his 
conscience dictates, and cheerfully accept the penalty 
of retirement to private life. No man will stand 
more strongly than I will in the defence of prop 
erty so long as it is honestly acquired and honestly 
used. I will stand against the poor man if he 
does wrong just as I will stand against the rich man 
if he does wrong. I will stand against crimes of 
brutal violence just as I stand against crimes of 
unscrupulous cunning. Crime is crime, and it 
makes no difference whether the wrong is perpe 
trated by a plutocracy or by a mob, by a capitalist 
or by a wage-worker. There are certain men who 
effect to misunderstand my position on that point, 
who assert that I have talked against men of wealth 

1468 Presidential Addresses 

as such, that I have incited attacks upon the class 
that owns great wealth. Those men are blind if 
they see the facts in such a light. I will protect in 
every way in my power honest property ; I will pro 
tect the honest man of wealth to the extent of my 
ability; and in no way can I ultimately protect the 
honest man of wealth so effectively as by doing 
everything in my power to bring to justice his dis 
honest brother of wealth. It is a difficult matter 
to punish as they ought to be punished the crimes of 
unscrupulous cunning committed by men of great 
wealth. It is a difficult matter to punish as he 
should be punished the man who at the head of a 
great business or at the head of a great railroad 
does wrong to the whole body politic by his man 
agement of that property. It is difficult because as 
yet we hardly have the proper laws, and still more 
because the people themselves through their repre 
sentatives and personally do not yet fully realize 
how serious the crimes are which are committed in 
this fashion. The man who builds a railroad where 
it is needed and runs it honestly is a benefactor who 
is entitled to an ample reward for what he has done. 
We should back him up, protect him against unjust 
attacks. But the man who manipulates the securi 
ties of that road so as to swindle the outside public, 
or the stockholders or investors of any kind, or 
the shippers, or to oppress the wage-workers, or to 
swindle the people at large that man is doing all 
that he can to bring down in ruin the fabric of our 
institutions, and it is our business to set our faces 

And State Papers 1469 

like flint against his wrong-doing, to endeavor to 
undo that wrong-doing in the interest of the people 
as a whole, and primarily in the interest of the 
honest man of means. Remember this, that atone 
ment in this world is largely vicarious; if wrong 
doing is allowed to prosper, much of the penalty is 
in the end paid by innocent men. If we sit supine 
and let men of great wealth set before the country 
as a whole the standard of successful dishonesty so 
that young men are taught to think of business 
trickery, of evasion and violation of the law, of 
stock gambling and swindling, as the chief roads to 
financial success, not only do we bring about a de 
terioration of the public conscience as a whole, but 
as sure as fate we ultimately invite an ignorant and 
violent reaction which in trampling out the wrongs 
will trample out much right at the same time, which 
in punishing the wealthy wrong-doer will inflict the 
punishment so brutally and so unskilfully as to con 
found in it many men who have done decently and 
well. We should stop the process of gaining wealth 
by successful dishonesty, before it goes so far as to 
invite the very reaction which I dread ; and the men 
of property, the men of great means, will do well to 
turn about and in the heartiest way back up a 
rational movement for reform, a rational movement 
for such supervision and control over the accumu 
lation and abuse of these great fortunes as will, if 
not eliminate, at least minimize the evils of which I 
complain. Such a movement as that in which we 
are now engaged is not undertaken with any vindic- 

147 Presidential Addresses 

tive purpose ; it is undertaken only to cure evils and 
to prevent their recurrence. If the beneficiaries of 
those evils succeeded in stopping the movement, it 
would merely mean that in a very few years it would 
break forth again, and then it would probably be in 
the control of men who would legislate with a vindic 
tive purpose, who would legislate and act as execu 
tives with a desire to hurt and damage the men at 
whom the movement was aimed. There has been 
no movement that can be more properly described 
as conservative, using the word with its real sig 
nificance, than the movement which we have seen 
develop during the last four or five years, the 
movement for proper supervision and control, in the 
interests of the general public, of those colossal for 
tunes which, singly or in combination, are of such 
tremendous importance in the modern industrial 
world ; to so control and supervise them that in their 
accumulation and their business use, there shall be, 
as far as we can prevent it, no wrong done to the 
small man, whether that small man is a competitor, 
a wage-worker, or an investor. In other words, 
gentlemen, our whole movement is simply and solely 
to make the decalogue and the golden rule of some 
practical moment in both the business and the politi 
cal life of the community. 


The season is nigh when, according to the 
time-hallowed custom of our people, the President 

And State Papers 1471 

appoints a day as the especial occasion for praise 
and thanksgiving to God. 

This Thanksgiving finds the people still bowed 
with sorrow for the death of a great and good 
President. We mourn President McKinley because 
we so loved and honored him ; and the manner of 
his death should awaken in the breasts of our peo 
ple a keen anxiety for the country, and at the same 
time a resolute purpose not to be driven by any 
calamity from the path of strong, orderly, popular 
liberty which as a Nation we have thus far safely 

Yet in spite of this great disaster, it is neverthe 
less true that no people on earth have such abundant 
cause for thanksgiving as we have. The past year 
in particular has been one of peace and plenty. We 
have prospered in things material and have been 
able to work for our own uplifting in things intel 
lectual and spiritual. Let us remember that, as 
much has been given us, much will be expected from 
us; and that true homage comes from the heart as 
well as from the lips and shows itself in deeds. We 
can best prove our thankfulness to the Almighty by 
the way in which on this earth and at this time 
each of us does his duty to his fellow-men. 

Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roosevelt, Presi 
dent of the United States, do hereby designate as 
a day of general thanksgiving Thursday, the 28th 
of this present November, and do recommend that 
throughout the land the people cease from their 
wonted occupations, and at their several homes and 

I47 2 Presidential Addresses 

places of worship reverently thank the Giver of all 

good for the countless blessings of our national life. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 

and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this second day 

of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand 

nine hundred and one and of the independence of 

the United States the one hundred and twenty-sixth. 

By the President: 


Secretary of State. 


According to the yearly custom of our people, it 
falls upon the President at this season to appoint a 
day of festival and thanksgiving to God. 

Over a century and a quarter has passed since this 
country took its place among the nations of the 
earth, and during that time we have had on the 
whole more to be thankful for than has fallen to 
the lot of any other people. Generation after gen 
eration has grown to manhood and passed away. 
Each has had to bear its peculiar burdens, each to 
face its special crises, and each has known years of 
grim trial, when the country was menaced by malice 
domestic or foreign levy, when the hand of the Lord 
was heavy upon it in drouth or flood or pestilence, 
when in bodily distress and anguish of soul it paid 
the penalty of folly and a froward heart. Never 
theless, decade by decade, we have struggled 

And State Papers 1473 

onward and upward; we now abundantly enjoy 
material well-being, and under the favor of the Most 
High we are striving earnestly to achieve moral and 
spiritual uplifting. The year that has just closed 
has been one of peace and of overflowing plenty. 
Rarely has any people enjoyed greater prosperity 
than we are now enjoying. For this we render 
heartfelt and solemn thanks to the Giver of Good; 
and we seek to praise Him not by words only but by 
deeds, by the way in which we do our duty to our 
selves and to our fellow-men. 

Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roosevelt, President 
of the United States, do hereby designate as a day of 
general thanksgiving Thursday, the twenty-seventh 
of the coming November, and do recommend that 
throughout the land the people cease from their 
ordinary occupations, and in their several homes and 
places of worship render thanks unto Almighty God 
for the manifold blessings of the past year. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this twenty-ninth 
day of October, in the year of our Lord one thou 
sand nine hundred and two and of the independence 
of the United States the one hundred and twenty- 


By the President: 


Secretary of State. 

1474 Presidential Addresses 


The season is at hand when, according to the cus 
tom of our people, it falls upon the President to 
appoint a day of praise and thanksgiving to God. 

During the last year the Lord has dealt bounti 
fully with us, giving us peace at home and abroad 
and the chance for our citizens to work for their 
welfare unhindered by war, famine, or plague. It 
behooves us not only to rejoice greatly because of 
what has been given us, but to accept it with a sol 
emn sense of responsibility, realizing that under 
Heaven it rests with us ourselves to show that we 
are worthy to use aright what has thus been en 
trusted to our care. In no other place and at no 
other time has the experiment of government of the 
people, by the people, for the people, been tried on 
so vast a scale as here in our own country in the 
opening years of the twentieth century. Failure 
would not only be a dreadful thing for us, but a 
dreadful thing for all mankind, because it would 
mean loss of hope for all who believe in the power 
and the righteousness of liberty. Therefore, in 
thanking God for the mercies extended to us in the 
past, we beseech Him that He may not withhold 
them in the future, and that our hearts may be 
roused to war steadfastly for good and against all 
the forces of evil, public and private. We pray for 
strength, and light, so that in the coming years we 
may with cleanliness, fearlessness, and wisdom, do 
our allotted work on the earth in such manner as to 

And State Papers H75 

show that we are not altogether unworthy of the 
blessings we have received. 

Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roosevelt, President 
of the United States, do hereby designate as a day 
of general thanksgiving Thursday, the twenty-sixth 
of the coming November, and do recommend that 
throughout the land the people cease from their 
wonted occupations, and in their several homes and 
places of worship render thanks unto Almighty God 
for His manifold mercies. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this thirty-first 
day of October in the year of our Lord one thou 
sand nine hundred and three and of the independence 
of the United States the one hundred and twenty- 

By the President: 


Secretary of State. 


It has pleased Almighty God to bring the Amer 
ican people in safety and honor through another 
year, and, in accordance with the long unbroken 
custom handed down to us by our forefathers, the 
time has come when a special day shall be set apart 
in which to thank Him who holds all nations in the 
hollow of His hand for the mercies thus vouchsafed 
to us. During the century and a quarter of our 

1476 Presidential Addresses 

national life we as a people have been blessed beyond 
all others, and for this we owe humble and heart 
felt thanks to the Author of all blessings. The year 
that has closed has been one of peace within our 
own borders as well as between us and all other 
nations. The harvests have been abundant, and 
those who work, whether with hand or brain, are 
prospering greatly. Reward has waited upon hon 
est effort. We have been enabled to do our duty 
to ourselves and to others. Never has there been 
a time when religious and charitable effort has been 
more evident. Much has been given to us and much 
will be expected from us. We speak of what has 
been done by this Nation in no spirit of boastfulness 
or vainglory, but with full and reverent realization 
that our strength is as nothing unless we are helped 
from above. Hitherto we have been given the heart 
and the strength to do the tasks allotted to us as 
they severally arose. We are thankful for all that 
has been done for us in the past, and we pray that 
in the future we may be strengthened in the unend 
ing struggle to do our duty fearlessly and honestly, 
with charity and good-will, with respect for our 
selves and with love toward our fellow-men. In 
this great Republic the effort to combine national 
strength with personal freedom is being tried on a 
scale more gigantic than ever before in the world s 
history. Our success will mean much not only for 
ourselves, but for the future of all mankind; and 
every man or woman in our land should feel the 
grave responsibility resting upon him or her, for in 

And State Papers J 477 

the last analysis this success must depend upon the 
high average of our individual citizenship, upon the 
way in which each of us does his duty by himself 
and his neighbor. 

Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roosevelt, President 
of the United States, do hereby appoint and set apart 
Thursday, the twenty-fourth of this November, to 
be observed as a day of festival and thanksgiving 
by all the people of the United States at home or 
abroad, and do recommend that on that day they 
cease from their ordinary occupations and gather 
in their several places of worship or in their homes, 
devoutly to give thanks unto Almighty God for the 
benefits He has conferred upon us as individuals and 
as a Nation and to beseech Him that in the future 
His divine favor may be continued to us. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this first day of 
November in the year of our Lord one thousand 
nine hundred and four and of the independence of 
the United States the one hundred and twenty-ninth. 

By the President: 


Secretary of State. 


When nearly three centuries ago the first settlers 
came to the country which has now become this 
great Republic, they fronted not only hardship and 

1478 Presidential Addresses 

privation, but terrible risk to their lives. In those 
grim years the custom grew of setting apart one day 
in each year for a special service of thanksgiving 
to the Almighty for preserving the people through 
the changing seasons. The custom has now become 
national and hallowed by immemorial usage. We 
live in easier and more plentiful times than our fore 
fathers, the men who with rugged strength faced 
the rugged days; and yet the dangers to national 
life are quite as great now as at any previous time 
in our history. It is eminently fitting that once a 
year our people should set apart a day for praise 
and thanksgiving to the Giver of Good, and, at the 
same time that they express their thankfulness for 
the abundant mercies received, should manfully ac 
knowledge their shortcomings and pledge themselves 
solemnly and in good faith to strive to overcome 
them. During the past year we have been blessed 
with bountiful crops. Our business prosperity has 
been great. No other people has ever stood on as 
high a level of material well-being as ours now 
stands. We are not threatened by foes from with 
out. The foes from whom we should pray to be 
delivered are our own passions, appetites, and fol 
lies; and against these there is always need that we 
should war. 

Therefore, I now set apart Thursday, the thir 
tieth day of this November, as a day of thanksgiv 
ing for the past and of prayer for the future, and on 
that day I ask that throughout the land the people 
gather in their homes and places of worship, and 

And State Papers *479 

in rendering thanks unto the Most High for the 
manifold blessings of the past year, consecrate them 
selves to a life of cleanliness, honor, and wisdom, 
so that this Nation may do its allotted work on the 
earth in a manner worthy of those who founded it 
and of those who preserved it. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be 

Done at the City of Washington this second 
day of November in the year of our Lord one 
thousand nine hundred and five and of the inde 
pendence of the United States the one hundred and 

By the President : ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of State. 


The time of year has come when, in accordance 
with the wise custom of our forefathers, it becomes 
my duty to set aside a special day of thanksgiving 
and praise to the Almighty because of the blessings 
we have received, and of prayer that these blessings 
may be continued. Yet another year of widespread 
well-being has passed. Never before in our history 
or in the history of any other nation has a people 
enjoyed more abounding material prosperity than is 
ours ; a prosperity so great that it should arouse in 
us no spirit of reckless pride, and least of all a spirit 
of heedless disregard of our responsibilities; but 
rather a sober sense of our many blessings, and a 

1480 Presidential Addresses 

resolute purpose, under Providence, not to forfeit 
them by any action of our own. 

Material well-being, indispensable though it is, 
can never be anything but the foundation of true 
national greatness and happiness. If we build noth 
ing upon this foundation, then our national life will 
be as meaningless and empty as a house where only 
the foundation has been laid. Upon our material 
well-being must be built a superstructure of individ 
ual and national life lived in accordance with the laws 
of the highest morality, or else our prosperity itself 
will in the long run turn out a curse instead of a bless 
ing. We should be both reverently thankful for 
what we have received, and earnestly bent upon turn 
ing it into a means of grace and not of destruction. 

Accordingly I hereby set apart Thursday, the 
twenty-ninth day of November, next, as a day of 
thanksgiving and supplication, on which the people 
shall meet in their homes or their churches, devoutly 
acknowledge all that has been given them, and to 
pray that they may in addition receive the power 
to use these gifts aright. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this twenty- 
second day of October, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand nine hundred and six and of the inde 
pendence of the United States the one hundred and 
thirty-first. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 

By the President : ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of State. 

And State Papers 1481 


Once again the season of the year has come when, 
in accordance with the custom of our forefathers 
for generations past, the President appoints a day 
as the especial occasion for all our people to give 
praise and thanksgiving to God. 

During the past year we have been free from 
famine, from pestilence, from war. We are at peace 
with all the rest of mankind. Our natural resources 
are at least as great as those of any other nation. 
We believe that in ability to develop and take ad 
vantage of those resources the average man of this 
Nation stands at least as high as the average man 
of any other. Nowhere else in the world is there 
such an opportunity for a free people to develop to 
the fullest extent all its powers of body, of mind, 
and of that which stands above both body and 
mind, character. Much has been given us from on 
high and much will rightly be expected of us in 
return. Into our care the ten talents have been en 
trusted; and we are to be pardoned neither if we 
squander and waste them, nor yet if we hide them 
in a napkin ; for they must be fruitful in our hands. 
Ever throughout the ages, at all times and among 
all peoples, prosperity has been fraught with danger, 
and it behooves us to beseech the Giver of All 
Things that we may not fall into love of ease 
and of luxury; that we may not lose our sense of 
moral responsibility; that we may not forget our 
duty to God and to our neighbor. A great democ 
racy like ours, a democracy based upon the prin 
ciples of orderly liberty, can be perpetuated only 

1482 Presidential Addresses 

if in the heart of the ordinary citizen there dwells 
a keen sense of righteousness and justice. We 
should earnestly pray that this spirit of righteous 
ness and justice may grow ever greater in the hearts 
of all of us, and that our souls may be inclined ever 
more both toward the virtues that tell for gentle 
ness and tenderness, for loving kindness and for 
bearance one with another, and toward those no 
less necessary virtues that make for manliness and 
rugged hardihood for without these qualities 
neither nation nor individual can rise to the level 
of greatness. Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roose 
velt, President of the United States, do set apart 
Thursday, the twenty-eighth day of November, as a 
day of general thanksgiving and prayer, and on that 
day I recommend that the people shall cease from 
their daily work, and, in their homes or in their 
churches, meet devoutly to thank the Almighty for 
the many and great blessings they have received in 
the past, and to pray that they may be given the 
strength so to order their lives as to deserve a con 
tinuation of these blessings in the future. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this twenty-fifth 
day of October, in the year of our Lord one thou 
sand nine hundred and seven and of the independ 
ence of the United States the one hundred and 
thirty-second. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 

By the President : ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of State. 



202 Main Library 








Renewals and Recharges may be made 4 days prior to the due date, 

Books may be Renewed by calling 642-3405. 


,.j . JAN 1988 


n:. CIR. A?,7 23 90 


JAN 2 3 1992 



YC 58240