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t^ufe of ^ Jrelan^, 

App^ted to take into Coniidefation the Matters of the 




On the ^zd Day of JULT laft: 

With all the APPENDIXES: 

B Y 

Lord High Chancellor of Ireland. 

Verbatim from the Original Copy. 

Engraved f^th^ Repoj 

?lonbon : 

printed for JOHN STOCKDALE, Piccadilly. 



■ ]1WZ 





OF 'the 


Die Jovisy jo° Auguftiy 1798. 

The Lord Chancellor from the Lords Committees 
appointed to examine the Matters of the Sealed- 
up Papers received from the Commons on the 
23d of July lafl:, whofe Lordfhips had Power to 
fend for Perfons, Papers, and Records, and to 
examine all fuch Perfons as they might fummoa 
before them in the moft folemn Manner, and to 
communicate from time to time with the Com- ' 
mittee of Secrecy, appointed by the Houfe of 
Commons, made the following Report. 


^HE Lords Committees appointed to examine the 
matters of the fealed-up papers received from the 
Commons on the 23d of July laft, and to report the fame 
as they fhall appear to them to this Houfe, have met and 
examined into the matters to them referred, and diredted 
me to report to your Lordfhips as follows : 

Your Committee beg leave firfl: to recall your Lord- 
ihips attention to a Report made to this Houfe on the 
7th of March 1793, by the Lords Committees, who had 
been appointed to enquire into the Caufes of the Difor- 
ders and Difturbances which prevailed in this Kingdom 

A 2 ' in 


in the years 1792 and 1793, by which it appears, Th^c 
confiderable bodies of Infurgents, then diftinguifhed by 
the name of Defenders, infefted the Counties of Meath, 
Louth, Cavan, Monaghan, and other adjacent diftri6ts 
during that period, and that the meafures which were 
then purfu.ed by them, appeared to be concerted with 
a degree of fyftem and regularity which proved dif- 
tindtly that they were diredled by men of fuperior rank, 
who ftimulated the lower orders of the people to tu- 
" mult and outrage, as leading to the abolition of tythes, 
hearth and county taxes, and to the redu( 5 lion of rents. 
— That during that period very confiderable fums of 
money were levied upon the Roman Catholics of this 
kingdom, under the authority of a committee of per- 
“ fons of that perfuafion, who then aflumed and feemed 
in a great degree to fucceed in the government and 
diredlionof the whole body of Irifh Catholics, and that- 
out of the general fund thus created, proteclion was 
extended to perfons who were criminally profecuted 
for the mod daring and flagrant crimes. — That dur- 
ing the fame period an unufual ferment difturbed 
feveral parts of the northern province, particularly the 
town of Belfaft: and the county of Antrim, kept up 
and encouraged by every artifice which turbulence and 
difaffedtion could fuggeft, and more particularly by the 
moft licentious abufe of the prefs. — That the condudl 
of France was openly held up as an example for imi- 
tation, that hopes and expedlations were given of 
Phench affiftance, by a defeent upon this kingdom, and 
that prayers had been publicly offered up at Belfaff 
from the pulpit, for the fuccefs of the French armies, 
in the prefence of military bodies, which had been 
newly levied and arrayed in that town without any le- 
gal authority. — That feveral other military affociations 
had in like manner been entered into, in different parts 
of the province of Ulfter, compofed of perfons of a 
very inferior defeription, armed without authority, and 
difeiplined by officers of their own eledron. — That 
thefe armed bodies were daily increafing in numbers 
and force, and had exerted their beft endeavou s to 
procure military men of experience to command them. 



Some of them having exprefsly fhated, that there were 
" men enough to be had, but that officers were what 
they wanted. — That arms and gunpowder to a very 
large amount, much above the common confumption, 
had been recently Tent to Belfaft and Newry, and that 
orders had been given for a much greater quantity, 
which could be wanted only for military operations. — 
‘‘ That at Belfaft large bodies of men in arms, aftembled 
nighdy by candle-light to be drilled and exercifed, and 
that repeated attempts v/ere made to feduce the fol- 
diery, which, much to the honour of the King’s forces, 
‘Miad proved ineifcfhual. — That at the fame period a 
body of men had been arrayed at Dublin, under the 
Tide of Fii ft Battalion of National Guards — their uni- 
form copied from that of the French National Guards, 
and marked with emblems of difaffedion.— That the 
^ declared objeeft of thefe miilitary preparations was to 
procure a reform oFparliam.ent ; but that the plain and 
palpable intention was to overawe the parliament and 
executive government, and to didlate to both.” 

Your Committee next beg leave to recall your Lord- 
fnips attention to a Report made to the Houfe on the 1 2th 
of May 1797, by the Lords Committees appointed to 
examine the matters of the fealed-up papers received 
from the Commions on the 4th of the fame month, by 
which it appears That the fyftem of treafon which had 
*^been eftabliffied in the year 1792, was then much ma-? 
tured and extended, under the influence and direction 
of numerous affiliated Societies, calling themfelves 
United Iriffimen, in conjunction with the AlTociated 
Body of Defenders. — That a traito.^-ous correfpondence 
and communication between the leaders and directors 
of the focieties of United Iriffimen, and the Executive 
Directory of the French Republic, had been carried on 
‘^between the month of June 1795, and the month of 
^‘January 1796, and that the means by which it had been 
carried on were diftinCtly proved.” 

Your- Committee are now enabled more fully and 
accurately to ftate to your Lordfliips the nature and extent 




of the treafon which fo juftly alarmed your Lordfhips In 
1793, and whic!i has recently broken forth in open Re- 
bellion, having examined four perfons who were mem- 
bers of the Executive Diredory of the Irifh Revolu- 
tionary Union, namely, Arthur O’Connor, Efq; who was 
la.ely tried at Maidftone for high treafon, William- James 
M^Nevin, dodor of phyfic, Thomas-Addis Emmett, 
barrifter at law, and Oliver Bond, lately convided of 
treafon, all of w'hom have acknowledged themfelves to 
have been confidential leaders and diredors ot the Iriih 
Union, and that their objed was to effed a Revolution 
in this kingdom, by feducing his Majefty’s fubjeds from 
their allegiance, under a variety of fpecious 'pretences, 
and by introducing a French army into their country to 
ahift them in* this mod foul and unnatural projed. 

The original conftitutlon of the traitorous focieties of 
United Irihimen, their gradual progrefs to open Rebel- 
lion, and the means by which they hoped to fucceed in 
fubverting the exitting eftabiifnments in Church and State, 
have been fo fully detailed in former Reports upon the 
fubjed appearing on the Journals, and by the Report re- 
cently made by the Secret Committee of the Houfe of 
Commons, which has been communicated to your Lord- 
fhips, that your Committee have forborne now to enter 
fo minutely into this difgufeing fubjed, as they might 
otherwife have confidered a duty incumbent cn them 5 
they have therefore taken up the detail of it from that pe- 
riod when the confpiracy was fo matured as to have for 
its avowed objed the array and levy of a regular military 
force in every part of the kingdom, for the purpofe of 
afllfling the French, if they fhould be enabled to make a 
defcenc upon this country ; or if foreign afTiftance could 
not be procured, of making a General Infurredion, in the 
hope of fubverting the monaichy and ccclefiaflical efta- 
blilhmenf, of feizing the perfons and confifeating the pro- 
perty of His Majefly’s loyal fubjeds, ana of eftabJifhing a 
Republican Government guaranteed by the power of 
France.- It app. ars to your Committee, that the Or- 
ganization, as it is called, by which the Diredory of the 
Iriflt Union was enabled to levy a revolutionary army,' 
2 was 


was completed in the province of Ulftef oq the loth of 
May 1795. — That the fcheine of extending it to the 
other provinces was adopted at an early period by tke 
Irifh Diredory ; but it does not appear to your Com- 
mittee, that it made any confiderable progrefs beyond the 
northern province before the autumn of 1796, when 
EmifTaries were fent into the province of Leinfter to 
propagate the fyftem. — It appeared diliinctly to your 
Committee, that the dale pretexts of Parliamentary Re- 
form and Catholic Emancipation, were found inefFeclual 
for the fedudion of the people of that province, and 
therefore the emliTaries of treafon wno had undertaken it, 
in order to prevail with them to adopt the fyftem of 
organization, firft: reprefented that it was neceftTary in 
their own defence, as their Proteflant fellow-fubjeds 
had entered into afolemn league and covenant to deftroy 
them, having fworn to wade up to their knees in Popifti 
Blood. — The people were next taught to believe' that 
their organization would lead to the abolition of tythes, and 
to a diftribution of property, inafmuch as they would 
become members of a democracy which would govern 
the country ; and under the influence of tbefe falfe, wicked, 
and artful fuggeftions, the fyftem of organization ap- '' 
pears to have been gradually extended by the emiftaries 
of the Irifli Diredtory into the provinces of Leinfter, 
Munfter, and Connaught. — The better to impofe on 
the people, the fyftem was firft reprefented to be purely 
for civil or political purpofes. The inferior focieties at 
their original inftitution confifted each of thirty-fix mem- 
bers, they were however afterwards reduced to twelve— 
thefe twelve chofe a fecretary and treafurer, and the fe- 
cretaries of five of thefe focieties formed what was called 
a lower baronial committee, which had the immediate 
diredtion and fuperintendence of the five focieties who 
thus contributed to its inftitution. From each lower 
baronial committee thus conftituted, one member was 
delegated to an upper baronial committee, which in like 
manner afllimed and exercifed the fuperintendence and 
diredlion of all the lower baronial committees in the 
feveral counties. The next fuperior committees were, 
in populous towns, diftinguifhed by the name of diftridl 
committees, and in counties by the name of county com- 



mittees, and were coinpofed of members delegated by 
the upper baronials. Each upper baronial committee 
delegated one of its members to the diftrid or county 
committee, and thefe diftrid or county committees had 
the fuperintendence and diredion of all the upper ba- 
ronials, who contributed to their inftitution. — Having 
thus organized the feveral counties and populous towns, 
a fubordinate diredory was ereded in each of the four 
provinces, compofed of two me^nbers or three, according 
to the extent and population of the diftrids which they 
reprefented, who were delegated to a provincial com- 
initcee, which had the immediate diredion and fuperin- 
tendence of the feveral county and diftrid committees in 
each of the four provinces ; and a General Executive 
Diredory compofed of five perfons, was eleded by the 
provincid diredories, but the eledion was fo managed, 
that none but the fecretaries of the provincials knew on 
whom the eledion fell — It.Vv^asmade by ballot, but not 
reported to the eledors, the. appointment was notified 
only to thofe on whom the eledion devolved, and the 
Executive Diredory thus compofed, affumed and ex- 
creifed the fupreme and uncontrouled command of the 
whole body of the Union. 

The manner of communicating the orders ifiued by 
the executive di redory, was peculiarly calculated to baffle 
detedion. One member of the executive alone com- 
municated with one member of each provincial com- 
mittee or diredory : the order was tranfmitted by him 
to the fecretary of each county or diftrid committee in 
' his province : the fecretaries of the county and diftrid 
commiittecs, communicated with the fecretaries of the 
upper baronials in each county, they commiunicated with 
the fecretaries of the lower baronial committees, who 
gave the order to the fecretaries of each fubordinate 
committee, by whom it was given to the feveral inferior 
members of the union. — It appears to your Committee, 
that the leaders and diredors of this confpiracy having 
completed this their revolutionary fyftem in the province 
of Ulfter fo early as the loth of May 1795? having 
made confiderable progrefs' in eftablilhing it in the au- 




tumn and winter of 1796 In the province of Leinfter, 
proceeded at that period to convert it into a military 
lhape and form, for the undifguifed proje6l of Rebellions 
and this projeft Has been dlftin6lly and Ijnequivocally ac- 
knowledged by the aforefaid Arthur O’Connor/WiliiaiTi- 
James M^Nevin, Thomas-Addis Emmett, and Oliver 
Bond, who have confeifed themfelves to have been lead- 
ing and a6live members of this confpiracy, as will ap- 
pear more diftindlly to your Lordfhips from the con- 
fcflions which they have made before your Committee^ 
annexed by way of Appendix to this Report. 

From the confelTions of thefe perfons it appears to your 
Committee, that the military organization, as they termed it, 
was grafted on the civil. That the fecretary of each fub- 
ordinate fociety compofed of twelve, was appointed their 
petty or non-commiffioned officer j that the delegate of 
five focieties to a lower baronial committee, v/as com- 
monly appointed captain of a company, compofed of 
the five focieties who had fo delegated him, and who 
made up the number of, fixty privates ; and that the - 
delegate of ten lower baronials to the upper or diftridl 
committee, was commonly appointed colonel of a bat- 
talion, which was thus compofed of fix hundred men — 
That the colonels of battalions in each county fent in 
the names of three perfons to the executive diredlory of 
the union, one of whom was appointed by them ad- 
jutant-general of the county, whofe duty it was to receive 
and comimunicate military orders from the executive to 
the colonels of battalions, and in general to a6t as officers 
of the revolutionary ftaffi — In addition to this eftablifh- 
ment, it appears that a military committee was appointed 
by the executive diredtory to prepare a regular plan for 
affifting a French army, if any fuch fhould make a land- 
ing in this kingdom, by diredling the national military 
' force, as it was called, to co-operate with them or to 
form a regular plan of iniiirredtion, in cafe it fhould be 
ordered, without waiting for French afTiftancei and it 
appears to your Committee, that a regular and digefted 
plan of infurredion was adluaily formed and reduced to 
writing in April 17 97/ which was given up for that time, 

B only 



only from the reprcfentatlons of the executive dire6lory 
of the union, that fpeedy and effectual afTiftance was 
promifcd from France. For the purpofe of arming this 
body, orders were given by the Irilh dire6tory, that every 
member of the union, who had the means, fhould pro- 
vide himfelf with fire-arm§ and ammunition ; and chat 
fuch perfons, whofe means would not afford any other 
weapons, fnould provide themfelves with pikes — which 
, order appeared to your committee to have been ex- 
ecuted in a very great extent throughout the provinces 
of Ulfter, Leinfter, and Munftcr — in the province of 
Connaught, the emiffaries of the union feem not to have 
been enabled to proceed further in their fyflem of treafon 
than by adminiftering oaths to the people ; their further 
'progrefs feems to have been obftrudled by the vigorous ex- 
ertions of the executive government, when rebellion broke 
forth in aCls of open hofiiliry. It appears to your Com- 
mittee, that the directory of the union having thus efla- 
blifhed a Revolutionary Government in themfelves over 
a great body of the people, iffued an order, forbidding 
the ufe of any article of confumption liable to the excife 
duties, which order was dated to your Committee by 
the aforefaid perfons, who had been members of the 
Republican DireiSlory, to have been generally and im- 
plicitly obeyed.— And it further appeared to your Com- 
mittee, from the teftimony of the fame perfons, or fome 
of them, that an order had been alfo ifliied by the fame 
diredtory to flop the currency of bank notes, and to for- 
bid the purchafe of quit-rents payable to the crown, 
which by an adl of this fefTion have been veiled in the 
Lords Comm/ifTioners of the treafury, to be fold for the 
fervice of the current year, with a threat on the part of 
the Diredlory, that fiich a fale would be difallowed at 
the approaching Revolution, as an anticipation of its re- 

' 1 

Your Commdttee having thus detailed the fyflem of 
Treafon and Rebellion eflablifhed within this kingdom, 

' which has been fo acknowledged by fome of the moft 
adlive and confidential members of the Irilli Revolu- 
tionary -Diredtory, will now proceed to open to your 




Lordfliips their dark and defperate defigns, which have 
been confefled by them, of betraying their country to a 
rapacious and mercilefs foreign enemy. 

It appears to your Committee, that early in the year 
1796, a propofition was made from the Executive Di- 
re< 5 lory of the French Republic, by Theobald Wolfe 
Tone, late a barrifter of this country, who abfeonded 
fhortly after the conviction of a man of the name of Jack- 
fon, for Treafon, in the year 1794? to the Executive 
Directory of the Irifli Union, that a French army fliould 
be fent to Irchnd to afiid the Republicans of this coun- 
try in fubverting the monarchy, and feparating Ireland 
from the BritiHi crown. — The aforefaid MefTrs. Arthur 
O’Connor, Thomas-Addis Emmett, William M'Nevin, 
and Oliver Bond, all of whoin have' been members of the 
Ifi/h Republican Directory, have depoled to your Com- 
mittee, that this was the firlt communication within 
their knowledge, which took place between the Irifh 
and the French Direbtories, and that the prc.^oficion ori- 
ginally moved from France; your Committee how- 
ever are of opinion, that the communication thus made 
to the Irifli DirebVoiy through Mr. Tone,- mufl: have 
taken place in confequence of an a{:)plication originat- 
ing with fome members of the Irifli Union, inafmuch 
as it appears, by the report of the Secret Committee 
of this Houfe made in the lafl: fefllon of parliament, that a 
meflTenger had been difpatched by the fociety of United 
Irifhmento the KxeciitiveDireblory of the French R pub- 
lic, upon a trealonable miflion, between the -month of June 
1795, and the month of January 1796, at which time the 
nieflfenger fo fent had returned to lieiana ; and yt,ur 
Committee have ftrong reaion to believe, that Edward- 
John Lewins, who now is, and has been for a confiderable 
time the accredited refident Ambaflkdor of the Irifh 
Rebellious Union to the French Republic, was the per- 
fon thus difpatched in the fummer of 1795. It ap^^ears 
to your Committee, that the propofition fo made by the 
French Diredlory, of alTiftance to the rebels of this king- 
dom, was taken into confideration by the Executive Di- 
rectory of the Irifli Union immediately after it wa^ coin- 

B 2 municated 



munlcated to them, that they did agree to accept the 
proffered alTiftancc, and that their determination was 
made known to the Dire6lory of the French Republic 
by a fpecial meflenger —and your Committee have ftrong 
reafon to believe, that the invafion of this kingdom, which, 
was afterwards attempted, was fully arranged at an inter- 
view which took place in Switzerland in the fummer of 
1796, near the French frontier, between Lord Edward 
Fitzgerald, the aforefaid Mr Arthur O’Connor, and Ge- 
neral Hoche.— It appears to your Committee, that in 
the month of Odlober or November 1796, the hoffile 
armament which foon after appeared in Bantry Bay, was 
announced to the irifh Dire6lory by a Ipecial melTenger 
difpatched from France, wdro was alfo inffruded to en- 
quire into the ftate of preparation in which this country 
flood, which armament was* then dated to the Irifh Di- 
redory to confiff; of t 5,000 troops, together with a con- 
fiderable quantity of arms and ammunition, intended for 
the ufe of the Irifh Republican Union. — In a few days 
after /the departure of the meffenger, who had been thi;s 
fenc to annpunce the fpeedy arrival of this armament on 
the coads of this kingdom, it appears to your Coinmittee, 
that a letter from France was received by the Irifh Di- 
redory, which w^as confidered by them as authentic, dating 
that the projeded defcent was podponed for fome months, 
and to this circumdance it has been fairly acknowledged 
to your Committee, by one of the Irifli Diredory, that 
this country was indelDted for the good condud of the 
. people in the province of Munder, when the enemy ap- 
peared in Bantry Bay.— He has confeiTed that thefe con- 
tradidory communications threw the Iridi Dirtdory off 
their guard, in confequence of v/hich they omitted to pre- 
pare the people for the reception of the enemy. — 
He has confefied the people were Icyal^ becaujethey were 
left to themjelves. — lx. appears to your Committee, that 
after the attempt to invade this kingdom in December 
1796 had failed, the Iriih Diredory renewed their folici- 
tations to France for affidanc: , and it was determined by 
them to edablifh a regular communication and correfpon- 
dence \\iA\ the DiiLdory of France, by a refident accre- 
dited iriih ndmder ai Paris i accordingly it appears to 
^ ' your 


yonr Committee, that in April 1797, Ed ward- John 
Lewins, of this city, attorney at law, was difpatched 
from hence, under the afifumed name of Thompfon, to 
a6l as the. minifter of the Iriih Republican Diredory at 
Paris, That he went by way of Hamburgh, where he 
obtained a letter-of credence from the French minifcer to 
General Floche, with whom he had a conference at 
Franckfort, from whence he proceeded to Paris, where 
he has continued to refide from that time, as the minifter 
of the Executive Diredo'ry of the Republic of Ireland.— 
It appears to your Committee, that in June 1797, a fe- 
co'nd meffenger, Dodor William -Jan:ies M^Nevin, was 
difpatched by the fame Diredory to Paris, with more 
precife inftrudions than they were enabled to give to Lew- 
ins, and that M^Nevin alfo took Hamburgh in his way, 
where finding fome difficultyin obtaining a pafiport from 
Rheynhart, the French minilher, to enable him to go to 
Paris, he presented a Memoir in writing to that minifter, 
containing the fubftance of his inftrudions from his em- 
ployers, to be tranfmitted to the Diredory of the French 
Ke'public — M‘Nevin has ftated to your Committee the 
principal points of this Memoir, in which it was recom- 
mended particularly to the Diredory of the French Re- 
public, on their next attack upon this kingdom, rather to 
make a landing at Oyfter Haven than atBantry, as the re- 
diidion of the city of Cork would be thereby confiderably 
facilitated ; and he has ftated, that it alfo contained every 
fpecies of information which occurred to the Irifh Direc- 
tory as ufeful to the enemy in their projeded invafion 
of this kingdom, the particulars of v/hich your Com- 
mittee forbear further to detail, as they have annexed 
the faid M‘Nevin’s confdunn made to them, by way of 
Appendix ro this Report. — It appears to your Committee, 
that the faid M'Nevin, having obtained a pafiport from 
the French minifter at Hamburgh, foon after the deli- 
very of his Memoir to him, proceeded diredly to Paris, 
where he had feveral conferences with fome of the mini- 
fters of the French Republic, in which he prefied ftrongly 
upon them the advantages of a fecond armament againft 
this kingdom, in which an additional fupply of arms was 
reprefented as n:^cefikry, from the feizure which had been 



made, by order of Government, of arms which had been 
collc6led for rebellion in the northern province ; and the 
expences of this armament, as well as of that which had 
already failed, he undertook, for the Irifh Diredlory, 
fhould be defrayed on the eftabl fhment of a Republic in 
Ireland; and in thefe conferences it appears to your Com- 
mittee, that it was ftrongly imprefied upon the French 
Diredlory, to make the feparati' n of Ireland from the 
kingdom of Great Britain, an indifpenfable condition of 
any treaty of peace which might be concluded in confe- 
quence of the negotiation which then depended at Lifle : — 
The better to imprefs his arguments, a fecond written 
Memoir was prefented by tbefaid M‘Nevin, enforcing as 
ilrongly as he could every thing which be had theretofore 
urged to encourage the invafion of this kingdom by a 
French force, and to induce the, Dircdlory of the French 
Republic to continue the war with Great Britain, until 
Ireland fhould be feparated from the Britifn crown; 
and it appears to your Cornmdttee, that M'Nevin was 
further inftrudfed to negotiate a loan of half a million in 
France or Spain for the Irifh Diredlory, bn the fecurity 
of the Revolution which they meditated, but that in this 
objedlof his miffion he failed altogether. — It appears to 
your Committee, that immediately after the negotiation 
at Lifle was broken off, information of it was fent from 
France to the IriOV Diredlory, with affurances that the 
French Government would never abandon the caufe of 
, the Irifh Union, nor makepeace with Great Britain, un- 
til the feparation of Ireland from the Eritifh crown was 
effeded : and with frdli alTurances of a fpeedy invafion, 
wdiich have frequently been renewed fince that period.^ — 
It appears to your Committee* that the faid M^Nevin re- 
turned to. this kingdom in Odober 1797, when he made 
his report to the Irifh Diredory of the refult of his mif- 
fion, and that they might rely with confidence on the pro- 
mifed fuccours from France ; and it has alfo appeared to 
your Committee, that in July or Augull 1797’, the Irifh 
Diredory received a difpatch from their minifter at Paris, 
announcing the Dutch armament in the Texel intended 
againft this kingdom, which was baffled and difcomfited 
by die ever memorable and perfevering valour of the 



Britifli fleet commanded by Lord Duncan. — Ir appears 
to your Committee, that three feveral diTpatches have 
been received by the Irifli Lireftoiy from their rriioifter 
at Paris fince Odlober \ the two firfl: contained a 

renewal generally of the former alTu ranees of friendlliip 
and fupport given by the Diredlory of the French Re- 
public ; the lafl; announced, that the projedled invafion of 
Ireland would be made in the month of April 1798. 
And it appears to your Committee, that a difpatch for the 
Diredfory of the French Republic, earnelP.y preiTins for 
the promifed fuccours, was made up by the Irifli Di- 
redlory late in December 1797, or early in January 
1798, which one of them undertook to have conveyed 
to France ; but that the attempt failed. — It has been 
Itated to your Committee, by one of the rebel Direc- 
tory of Ireland who was privy to this adl of Treafon, that 
the difpatch was not to be fent through Great Britain; 
but he did not explain to your Committee any reafon on 
which this aflfertion was founded, nor any other route by 
which the meflTenger was to make his way to France. 
The feveral perfons aforefaid, who have fo confelTedthem- 
felves to have been members of the Executive Revolu- 
tionary Directory of the Irifli Rebels, and acknowledged 
their traitorous correfpondence and connedtion with the 
Diredlory of the French Republic, have endeavoured to 
palliate this branch of their treafon, by aferibing it, firfl:, 
to their difapprobation of an adl of parliament paflTed in 
the Year 1796, to prevent infurredlion j next, to their 
difappointment in obtaining a parliamentary reform; and 
laftly, by reprefenting their difinclination to negotiate 
with France for a greater force than might enable them to 
fubvert the m.onarchy, and retain the government of this 
country in their own hands. 

The falfehood and abfurdity of thefe pretences are fo 
manifefl:, that your Committee would have thought it 
unbecoming to advert to them in their Report, if thefe 
'avowed Traitors to their King and Country had not in 
part learned thus to palliate their treafon from perfons of 
a very different defeription in Great Britain and Ireland, 
(who fatally for the peace of this Kingdom and the 




fecurity of the Bntifh Empire, have, during the progreft 
of this mofl: foul and unnatural rebellion, from utter 
Ignorance and Mifinformation on the fubjedb, as your 
Commiittee muft prelume, publicly and repeatedly pal- 
liated, if not juftified, that fyftem of treafon which had 
• well nigh involved this once happy and doiirifhing king- 
dom in all the miferies of the French Revolution.) 
With refpeij: to the Infurredbion Act your Committee 
have only to obferve, that it pafTed into a law on the 
twenty-fourth of March 1796, and was not put into ex- 
ecution before the fourteenth *of November 1796, on' 
which day the firft proclamation, which iflfued under 
the provifions of it, bears date, and that the introduc- 
tion of it into the Houfe of Commons v/as long fubfe- 
quent to the period when it appears that the connexion 
and correfpondence of the Irifli Union with the Di- 
redfory of the French Republic firfl: commenced ; and 
that it w’as cnadted in confequence of a fyftem of 
midnight murder, robbery, and outrage, which began 
in 1792, and was fo matured in 1796, under the influence 
and diredtion of the Irifli Union, as nearly to depopulate 
a very confiderable diftridl in mo of the provinces, of 
every loyal and peaceable inhabitant of it. With refpedt 
to Parliamentary Reform your Committee have to ob- 
ferve, that it was diftindfly acknowledged by the perfons 
who, in their own phrafe, have takeiVupon them to think 
for the people, that no reform of parliament will fatisfy 
them which does not neceffarily involve in it the fub- 
verfion of all ecclefiaftical eftabliihments, proteftant or 
popifh, and the gradual feparation of this kingdom from 
the Britifli crown ; and that no plan of reform will fa- 
tisfy them fhort of an Houfe of Commons purely demio- 
cratic. — It was further alledged by the feveral perfons, 
who fo acknowledged their traitorous connexion with 
France, that the immediate caufe of their eftabhfhing a 
re fident agent at Paris, was the rejedlion of a plan of re- 
form w'hich was propofed in 1797 in the Houfe of 
Commons, which plan they faid would have fatisfied the 
people. — But the palpable falfehood of this affertion ap- 
pears by the Journals of the Houfe of Commons-; for 
ihefe perfons have all confeffed that their reftdent agent 



was difpatched by them to Paris in April 1797? wit'b 
inftrijdlions to negotiate a treaty vvich the Direc 5 lory of 
France j and the proportion for Parliamentary Reform, 
to the rejedlion of which they pretend to afcribe the mif- 
fion of Lewins, was not made till the fifteenth of May 
3797. As to Catholic Emancipation (as it is called) it 
was admitted by them all to have been a mere pretence 
from the firft eftablifhment of the Irifh Union, and that 
if they had been enabled to fticceed in their plan of re- 
form and revolution, it would have Involved in it equally 
the deftrudlion of the Proteffant and Popifh religion — 
The faid M‘Nevin having diftindlly acknowledged, that 
the intention was to aboliih all church eftablifhmentj and 
not to have any Eftablifhed Religion, and that, for his 
own part, he would as foon eitablifh the Mahometan as 
the PopiOi Religion, though he was himfclf a Roman 
Catholic; With fefpe6l to their difinclination to ne- 
gotiate for a French force to be fent into this kingdom 
of fufRcient magnitude to conquer it — the idea of 
fetting bounds to the ambition and rapacity of that 
power, if once enabled to eftablifh itfelf here, is too 
abfurd to deferve any notice ; but it appears to your 
Committee, that the Directory of France have here- 
tofore declined to fend any force to this country, which 
will not enable them to dictate fuch terms to it as 
they may think fit, although it appears to have been 
urged to them^ on the part of the Irifh Rebels, particu- 
larly by Lord Edward Fitzgerald, that the befl expe- 
dient for accompliihing a Revolution here, would be to 
'difpatch faff failing frigates to the coafi: with fmall bodies 
of troops, and confiderable fupplies of arms and mili- 
tary Itores, together with officers qualified to difeipline 
the Irifh peafantry ; but from a letter fuppofed to be 
written from Paris by Lewins, the Irifh agent, to the faid 
Lord Edward Fitzgerald, which he read, fhortly before' 
his arreft, to John Cormick, a colonel in the rebv'l zrmy 
of Dublin, it appears that the Directory of France difap- 
proved pf any fuch plan pf carrying their objedt— the 
term's of the letter are, ^‘Thc Truflees have refufed to 
^ advance the 5,000. on the fecurity, they will not 

C make 



‘‘ make any partial advance till they have the whole Jum 

Upon a review of this fiibjedl, of the evidence which 
has been colle6ted^ and of all thoie fadts of notoriety which 
have taken place in this kingdom for the laft eight years, 
your Committee feel themfelves fully warranted to (late, 
that there has been, during the whole of that period, a 
feditious and treafonable fadion in this country, whofe 
objed has been to fubvert the Conflitution in Church and 
State, and to feparate Ireland from the Britifh Crown, 
Ly inculcating the principles, and adopting the means 
which were fuccefsfully employed to abolifh the Religion, 
extirpate the Nobility,' and fubvert the Monarchy of 

■ Your Committee here allude to the addrefles which 
were forwarded at an early period, from this fadion to 
the French National Aflembly, to their commemorations 
of French feftivals, particularly the 14th of July, to their 
attempts made to pervert the loyal inftitution of Volun- 
teers to the purpofes of Rebellion, by reviving it on the 
fyllem of the French National Guards; to the inftitution 
of the original focieties of United Irifhmen, their various 
feditious and treafonable publications in favour of the 
French and the Republican fyftem, vilifying and degrad- 
ing the government and parliament of their own country, 
pariicularly by reprefenting the houfe of commons, as it 
is conftituted, not to be a legitimate branch of the legif- 
lature, that it was in its original formation a violation of 
the rights of the people, and has continued to be an ufur- 
pation on them ; to their perfevering induftry' in ifluing 
and circulating thefe and all other publications at the 
cheapeft rate amongft the lower orders of the people, 
which could alienate their minds from the Duty of Al- 
legiance, and inculcate the Principles of Infubordination, 
Revolt and Irreligion, and to their attempts, in imitation 
of the French Revolutionifts, to form a National Con- 





You r Committee further allude to the Syftem of Or- 
ganization which they have already detailed, which ap- 
pears to them to have been formed by this fadlion, when 
their open attempts to fubvert the conftitution were 
fruftrated by the convention a6l ; and to the frcret obl- 
gations which they impofed upon their alTjciates, to elude 
detedlion and punifhment. 

Your Committee further allude to the meafures which 
were purfued hy the fame fa<5lion to intimidate the re- 
fident gentlemen of the country, by midnight attacks, in 
order to drive them from their houfes, or to enforce their 
connivance or fupport, a courfe w^hich your Committee 
underftand was purfued with fatal fucccfs in France; 
and to the impudent falfehood and calumnies propagated 
with fimilar induftry by the fame faction, and by their 
partizans, reprefenting the means to which the govern- 
ment and parliament were compelled to refort, for the 
fuppreffion of midnight robbery and murder, and for the 
diicomfiture of rebellion, as the fource of thefe compli- 
cated evils. 

Your Committee further allude to theinfidious addrefs 
ufed by the fame fadlion, in turning to their purpofes 
the religious feuds, prejudices, and diftinctions of the 
country, which were revived principally by their wicked 
machinations ; at one time flattering the pafTions and 
hopes of the higher order of the Catholics, at the mo- 
ment in which they meditated their deflirudlion, and at 
another, ftimulating the lower ranks to indilcriminate 
adts of outrage and vengeance againft their loyal fellow- 

Your Committee further allude to the plan formed by 
the fame faftion, of arraying and regimenting the whole 
mafs of the people, of fupplying them with arms and 
ammunition forced from the loyal, and of eftabliihing in 
every part of the country manufadlories of pikes, to be 
diflributed amongfl; the lowefl; ranks of the people. 

C 2 




Your Committee Firther allude to the early dirpofidon 
which appeared in the leaders of the Tame faction to cor- 
refpond with the ruling pow'ers of France, to obtain 
French alfiftaiice in their revolutionary projec1:s, and to 
the regular fyftem which they afterwards eftablifhed, for 
connefting themlelves with the Executive Directory of 
the French Republic, wherein they appear to have adted 
as the ruling power of the country, negotiating treaties 
and loans of money with foreign dates. 

Your Committee further allude to the repeated attempts 
which have been made by the fame faft ion, to feduce the 
King's troops of all defcriptions from their allegiance, 
and their attempts to deter his Majefty’s loyal fubjeds 
from inroliing themlelves in the yeomanry corps j tQ 
their plans of infurreclion, mafiacre and confifcation, 
whi h have been clearly proved againft fome of their 
leaders, who have been conyi6led of treafon by due courfe 
of law, and have been confefTed by others of them before 
your Committee ; and, above all, to the defperate projefl 
of the famie fadlion to corrupt the Youth of the country, 
by introducing their organized fyftem of treafon into the 
Univcrfity, which attempt was happily fruftrated by the 
timely interpofition of the yifitors of Trinity College, and 
by the high fpiritof honour' and loyalty of the great body 
of Itudents in that learned Seminary. 

Your Committee further allude to the various infur- 
redtions which were meditated, as well as thofe which 
have adlualiy taken place ; to the late deftrudlive Rebel- 
lion, and the prefent Invafion by a French force, which 
your Committee feel themfelves warranted in ftating ac- 
curately to correfpond with the plan of revolutionizing 
this country, v/hich w'as recommended by Lord Edward 

It appears to your Committee, that the government 
and Icgiflature, being fenfible of the defigns thus medi- 
tated againft die conftituticn of this kingdom, felt them- 
felves bound to refift every demand which was made upon 
therii by the fame fadtion, with a view to eftedt their trai- 



torous purpofes ; and as it appears, from the confeffion of 
fome of the mod leading and notorious traitors engaged in 
this confpiracy, that what they termed Catholic Emanci- 
pation and Parliamentary Reform, were confidered as the 
furelt means of accomplifning their rebellious projects. 
Your Committee cannot but applaud the wifdom and dif- 
cretion of Parliament, in withholding their aflent to fuch 
wild and fatal conceflions. — If any thing was wanting in 
proof of their wifdom, it is fupplied by a Refoludon entered 
into by the rebel provincial Committees of UKler and 
Leinfter on the 19th February 1798, the day on which a 
proportion was made to your Lordfhips of concelfionand 
conciliation to the people, as a probable meafure to tran- 
quillize the country. This refolution was agreed to in the 
fame words, and on the fame day, 19th February 1798, 
by two provincial committees, one alTembled at Armagh, 
the other at Dublin ; it has been authenticated to your 
Committee, and appears to have been officially reported 
to the Executive Dire6lory of the Rebellious Union, and 
is in the following words : — ‘‘ Refolvedi That we will pay 
no attention whatever to any attempt that may be made 
5 ^ by either houfe of parliament, to divert the public mind 
from the grand object we have in view, as nothing ffiorc 
of the complete emancipation of our country will fa- 
tisfy us.’^ 

On the whole, your Committe^e attribute the falvation 
of this kingdom to the vigorous and decifive meafures of 
the executive government, adopted in March 1797, and 
purfued from the fame period j and to the firmnefs of 
parliament, who, always difpofed to promote the welfare 
and happinefs of the people, have evinced a determined 
refolution never to yield to the artifices of traitors, what 
is intended only for the fubverfion of the confiitution — ■ 
but your Committee think it their bounden duty to fiate 
to your Lordfhips, that although it appears to them, that 
the fyftem of treafon and rebellion which had been ella- 
bliffied, is for the prefent confiderably ffiaken, yet that 
having fatally taken deep root in the country, it will 
require unceafing vigilance and attention, in every de- 
partment of the fiate, to guard againfi the revival.of it. 

— Your 



— Your Committee have to lambent deeply the facility 
with which the lower orders of the people may be feduced 
from their allegiance, and cannot but reprefent to -your 
Lordfhips their decided opinion, that no effort fhould re- 
main untried to open their eyes to the evils which they 
have invariably fuffered by yielding to fedudlion, and to 
the wicked artifices of that traitorous affociation, which 
has already involved them in .extreme and complicated 

Your Committee have thought it their duty to annex, by 
way of Appendix to this Report, the confeffions of their 
treafons, m'ade on oath by fome of the mod notorious and 
leading traitors who have been engaged in this confpi- 
racy, and who have thrown theml'elves on His Majefty’s 

And your Committee beg leave alfo to refer your 
Lordfhips to the Report of the Committee of Secrecy of 
the Houfe of Com*mons, which will be found to contain 
mod interedingarid important details upon this fubjecd, all 
of which are fully illudrated and proved in the Appendix 
annexed to their Report. 


No. I. Examinations of John Hughes 

- 25 

II. 'The Addrejs of the United Britons to the 

United Irifhmen 

III. Examination of Hr. William-James 


IV. Examination of Arthur O'Connor^ Efq. 

V. Examination of Samuel Neilfon 

VI. Examination of Tbomas-Addis Em- 
mett, Efq. 





' VIII. 

Examination of Oliver Bond 


Copy of a P aper found in the Writing- 
hope of Lord Edward Fitzgerald 




. . Appendix, N® I. 

Examination of John Hughest 

Friday, 3d Auguft, 1798. 

John Hughes, of Belfaft, fworn. 

O AYS about five years ago, in the year 1793, he was admitted a 
1^ member of the firft Society of United Iriflimen in Belfaft ; the 
fociety confifted of about 70 of the leading people in bufinefs in Bel- 
faft, fuch as Mr. M‘Cabe, Mr. Boyd, Mr. Watt, and perfons of that 
defcription. There were four or five other focieties of the fame kind 
then in Belfaft. There was no oath on admiflion at that time; the 
members took a teft only; he did not attend much to the fociety, 
and the fyftem of 1793 fell into difufe. 

About July, 1796, he became a member of a fociety (which rege- 
nerated under the prefent fyftem of the United Iriftimen) in Belfaft ; 
it was called the firft fociety of United Iriftimen in Belfaft ; Robert 
Orr, then a chandler in Belfaft, adminiftered the oath on his admif* 
fion ; the oath he took is '’exactly the fame as that which is fet out 
in the printed conftitutions. That fociety confifted of the following 
perfons, namely, the faid Robert Orr, Thomas Richardfon,-— ^ 
Browne, and two or three other perfons whofe names he did not know, 
and to whom he was and is yet an utter ftranger. He fuppofes he 
was brought by Orr to that fociety, becaufe the other members of 
it were ftrangers to him, for at that time it was neceflary that fix 
United Irilhmen ftiould be prefent when a new member was fworn. 
Soon after he formed a fociety oftJnited Iriftimen himfelf in Belfaft.— 
Thac fociety confifted of the following perfons, namely. Mr. Robert 
Hunter, of Belfaft, broker; John Tifdall, of Belfaft, notary public ; 
James Maclean, of Belfaft, watch-maker; Henry Hazelett, of Belfaft, 
merchant; Samuel Maclean, of Belfaft, merchant; Thomas M‘Don- 

D neli. 

Appendix, N® I. [Hoiije of Lords 

nell, of Belfafi:, grocery James Luke, of Bel faff, linen faaor ; Hu^h 
Crawford, of Belfaft, merchant ; William Thomfon, of Belfall, lin?n 
merchant; Adam M<Lean, of Belfaft, woollen draper; Walter 
Crawford, of Belfaff, iron-merchant; Hugh Dunlap, of Belfalf, 
builder; and William Kogg, of Belfaft, linen faftor. 

He was fecretary to the fociety, and brought the prayer-book to 
fwear inthe members; they took the book, and he alfo furniftied them 
with the conftitution, and they took the oath at the table. — After the 
expiration of his office of fecretary to the fociety, v/hich was about 
three months after he formed it, he did not attend regularly, and was 
not an a 61 :ive rnember. — In the month of November, 1796, Bar- 
ffiolomew Teeling, then of Dundalk, linen merchant, met him in 
Belfaft; he had been well acquainted with Xeeling before that time, 
and each knew the other to be an United Irifhman.— Teeling affied 
him if he could fpare a fortnight or three weeks to go to Dublin for 
the purpofe of promoting and extending the focieties of United Irifn- 
men there ; he did not underftand that Tl'eeling then held any office 
in the fyftem, but that he was a^fing from, zeal in the caufe ; he con- 
fented to go to Dublin for the purpofe; he did not ftipulate forbeins: 
paid or reimburfed his expences. — *He did not receive any letters of 
introdu 61 :ion from Teeling, but Teeling directed him, verbally, to 
call upon Edward John Lewins, of Beresford ftreet, Dublin, and to 
communicate^ with him upon the beft means of extending the fyftem 
of United Irifhmen in Dublin. — It was part of the fyftem to avoid 
writing as much as poffible; and no perfon was employed in the con- 
fidendal bufinefs or miffions of the fociety, whofe characler was not a 
Tufficient voucher for him. — -He Vt/ent toDublin accordingly and called 
upon Lewins. He told Lewins, that Mr.^ Teeling had directed him to 
call upon him, in order to be informed of the fituation and the pro- 
grefs of the focieties in Dublin, that he might (if he could be ufeful) 
affift in promoting and extending them,. — Lewins told him, that the 
focieties vvere gaining ground in Dublin, and extending in the coun- 
try, and J/Cwins (upon conhderation) was of opinion, that he could 
not be ufeful in Dublin, as his acquaintance was very limited there. — 
He^vifited Lewins generally once a day whiift he remained in Dublin, 
an« frequently dined v/ith him. The company at his table were 
generally Clergymen, and fome of them Foreigners; he thinks it 
likely they were PrieHs.— He ftaid in Dublin about three weeks 
at that time. — Feeling came to Dublin vvhilft he was there, and 
lodged in the fame heufe with him, the Belfaft Hotel in Capel- 
ftreet. Teeling ftaid about three days in Dublin at that time, and 
nothing particular pafted between them there. — He did not attend 
^ fit in any fociety of United Irifhmen during the time he ftaid in 

He returned to Belfaft in December 1796. He was ill with a 
rheumatifm for fome time after his return to Belfaft, and was not at 
the town meeting whicn was held in confequence of the Frenchbeing 


cf Ireland,'] Appendix, N"* I, ^ 27 


in Bantry Bay. — He did not attend the fdcleties, from motives of cau- 
tion, but fpoke to the young men who were concerned, in the day- 
time, in the ftreet, or when they called at his houfe to afk his opi- 
nion. — He continued fuch cautious condudt till fhortly before the 
Lent Adizes 1797, when Mr. James M^Guclcin the Attorney, re- 
queued him to go to Dublin in order to get a licence for Counfellor 
Curran to be concerned for the prifoners then in the feveral gaols on 
the North Eaft Circuit, charged as United Irifhmen. — He accord- 
ingly went to Dublin, and at the defire of Mr. M‘Guclcin waited 
upon Mr. Curran, to know whether he would attend as Counfel for 
the prifoners at the Adizes. — Mr. Curran faid he would, but would 
expedf to receive one hundred guineas as a fee for each and every 
town he fliOLild be defired to go to. — He told Mr. Curran he fhould 
have the money, and he paid him fifty pounds as a retaining fee, and 
appointed him to attend at Monaghan affizes firfi:, and he would there 
be informed what other towns he fhould be required to attend at.—* 
His general direflions from M^Guchen were to get Curran down, 
on as cheap term.s as he could, but to get him down at all events. — • 
He did not attend at. Monaghan, or Armagh affizes, but he attended 
at the thenenfuing aflizes at Can ickfergus.' — Mr. Francis Jordan, of 
Belfaft, merchant, was treafurer for the county of Antrim, and col- 
ledfed the money.-^Has heard mofl: of the gentlemen in Belfalf fub- 
fcribed, that Cunningham Gregg paid twenty guineas, Charles Ran- 
kin paid twenty guineas, William Sinclaire paid twenty guineas, 
Robert Thompfon paid ten guineas for himfelf, five guineas for his 
fon and live guineas for his daughter. — Never heard that the fub- 
fheriif of Antrim received any money from the prifoners or their 
agent, but heard that Hugh M^Key, fub-fherifF of the county of 
Down, was paid thirty guineas for returning a partial pannel, and that 
Alexander Lowry, of LinnenHijhpaid him the money, viz. ten guineas 
before the trials came on, and twenty guineas after the aflizes were 
over. — Believes the fubfcriptions for the county of Antrim then 
amounted to feven hundred pounds and upwards, and the fubfcrip- 
tions for the county of Down amounted to nine hundred pouncis and 
upwards. Alexa'nder Lowry was the treafurer for Down, he rc^^aid 
him the money he had advanced, viz. the fifty pounds that he had 
paid to Mr. Curran, as a retaining fee, and about two hundred 
pounds that he had paid for licences for Mr, Curran. — He underflood 
then in every converfation he had, that Down and Antrim were pre- 
pared to rife and prevent any capital convidlioij being executeu. — At 
the Lent aflizes of Antrim or Down, Lowry and "Feeling requefled 
him to meet them in Dublin, early in June following; they did not 
acquaint him upon what bufmefs they defired to fee him in Dublin ; 
he fuppofed it was to (late to people in Dublin, the fituation of Belfaft, 
or fuch other part of the neighbourhood as he was acquainted with,— 
He confented to meet them in Dublin. — A few days afterwards, he 
received a note from Mr. John Magennis of Balealy, defiring him to 
fee him immediately at Balealy. He received this note on a Saturday. 
He went to Balealy on the next day and met Magenis,*— Magenis 

D 2 told 

aS Appendix, N® I. [Houfi of Lords 

told him it would be neceflary for him to go to Dublin, where he 
Would meet Lowry and Teeling, and other friends, but that he muft 
firfl: take an obligation, Magenis then adminiftered an oath to him, 
that he would not mention the names of any of the perfons he fhouid 
be introduced to, or with whom he Ihould communicate in Dublin.— 
He took that oath, and on fame day fet out from Balealy to Bambridge, 
where he took a place in the mail coach for Dublin, where he arrived 
the next morning; this was fome days before the 5th of June 1797- 
— He met Lowry and Teeling in Dublin, they afked him if he had 
feen Magenis. — He told them he had. — Lowry and Teeling then in- 
formied him that there was to be a national meeting in Dublin at that 
time, of delegates from the different provinces of Ireland, under the 
organization of United Irlfhmen, in order to receive a general return 
of the ftrength of the United Irifhmen, and to determine whether an 
infurreclion would be then pradficable, and Lowry and Teeling told 
him the reafon they defired him to meet them in Dublin was, to give 
his opinion of the ftrength and readinefs of Down and Antrim to aid 
the infurredtion, fo far as he was capable of judging. — He faid his 
‘opinion was, that as the people were in a great meafure difarmed at 
that time, the majority of them would not rife or join the infurrec- 
tion. — 7 'eeling faid his opinion was otherwifej he faid Low^th was 
anxious to rife : Lowry faid Down was alfo anxious to rife. — Lowry 
and 'Feeling afterwards told him that the national meeting had taken 
place at John Jackfon’s in Church-ftreet, Dublin, and that the de- 
legates had agreed to proceed to action. — Teeling ftiewed hirri a map 
of Ireland at his (Teeling’s) lodgings in Aungier-ftreet, on which 
the plan of the infurrection v/as defcribed, and the points marked to 
which certain numbers of men were to be brought. — He underftood 
that the map fo marked, had been prepared by fome Irifh officers 
who had been in the Auftrian fervice, who exprelled their opinion 
decidedly, that the people were not in a ftate of preparation to make 
a fuccefsful infurredtion, being deficient in arms and ammunition. — •- 
—The delegates left Dublin, in order to raife their refpedlive coun- 
ties, and to take the field — I'hey colledled the Colonels in each 
county, in order to give them direclions for bringing out their re- 
giments ; — the Colonels of the county of Antrim refufed to come 
forward; — the Colonels of the county of Down agreed to bring their 
regiments forward; — the other counties in Ulfter were difinclined 
to come forw.;rd, and therefore the intended infurredfion did not take 
place — Lowry told him what had pafibd at the meeting of the Down 
Colonels, a;:d he underftood therefuh of the applications tothe Colonels 
of the other couiui.s, from converfations with many pet. pie in Belfaft at 
that time — Winlfthe was in Dublin in June 1797, Teeling invited him 
to breakfaft one morning at his lodgings in Aungier-ftreet, and told him 
he ihould fee fome friends; he went there accordingly, and met at 
breakftft there, and after breakfaft on the fame day, at other lodgings 
which Teeling had in the Munfter Hotel, in Cope-ftreet, the fohow- 
ing perf^ms, John Magenis, ot Balealy, in the county of Down ; Mr, 
T'oriy M‘Cann, of Dundalk; Mr. Samuel Turner; John Byrne, of 
Union Lodge, near Dundalk ^ Mr. Patrick Byrne, who iivos near 
9 Union 

eflr§land!\ Appendix, N“ I. 129 

Union Lodge; Colonel James Plunket ; Alexander Lowry, and Mr. 
Andrew Cumfning of the county of Galway, and Dr. ivi‘Nevin-r- 
The converfation turned upon the Pate of the country, and its prepa- 
ration and fitnefs at that time to begin the infurrecfion ; in the courfe 
of it, the opinions of the before mentioned perfons differed, fome of 
them prefled for the infurre^fion commeiiLing immediately, pa/cicu- 
larly J'eeling, Lowry, and McCann ; fome of the others were of opi- 
nion, that however UlPer might be ready to rife,' yet the other pro- 
vinces were not in a fufHcient degree of forward nefs or preparation 
for rifing. He met the above-mentioned perfons at feveral other 
times daring his flay in Dublin in June 1 797 ; and their converfatiens 
were generally upon the ftate of Ireland, and to the import before 
mentioned. -- He left Dublin :ind returned to Belfafl on or before the 
fourteenth day of June. — He attended a meeting at Randalflown, 
which was held within about four days of that time ; the meeting 
confifted of Teelmg, Lowi y, Robert More, of Derry, ironmonger, ' 
(as he believes his chriilian name and trade to be) and Colonel Janies 
Plunket ; he attended faid meeting by the direotion of Lowry and 
Teelmg, to hear the report of the Colonels of the county of Antrim ; 
the report was brought to the meeting by a perfon of the nahie of 
Dunn, (as he believes) who was clerk to Bartly, Black, and Co, of 
Larne, accompanied by the Rev. Arthur MLVlahon, of Hollywood. 

— - The report from the Colonels was read by Dunn. The firfl: refo- 
lution was, as he befl: recolL-tfs, Tnat it was imprudent to act at that 
time, without foreign aid, but that if the county of Down would a£t, 
a part of the Antrim Colonels who could bring out nine or ten 
thoufand men would avSt with Down. — 'Fhe meeting broke up in con- 
fequence of the divifion amongif the Antrim Colonels. — I'he Rev. 
Arthur M‘Mahon told the meeting, ihat he had been Tent by the 
Colonels of the county of Down, to flate to the Colonels of the county 
of Antrim who had met at Park-gate tnat day, tnat they ( the Colonels 
of Dowm) were willing to rife, and tnat he liad delivered fuch the 
meflage of the Down Colonels to the Antrim Colonels. — M‘ Mahon 
was then a member of Ulfter Provincial Committee, and he told hi:n 
that he had been one of the feven Colonels of the ccuxity of l^own 
who had been felecfed and appointed leaders for faid county ; and ae 
alfo told him that he (MhMahon) v/as a member of the National 
Executive. — 'Leeling left Randalflown with him on Tuefday, tney 
came together to Shane^s Caflle, and flept there that nigiv'", and got 
to Belfafl on Wednefday. — ] eeling flept at his houie on faid vVed- 
nelday, and on next day ne and i went to Bahynafiinch, wncre 
they met McMahon and Lowry at Armflrong’s Inn. — fl'h-re was to 
have been a meeting of the leaders of Down and .Antrim on that day 
at BallynahincH, but they did not come, and i cehng and Lowry left 
Ballynahinch, determined to go to France, as it would not be fafe for 
them to remain longer in tnis country. — He returned home that 
night — McMahon was informed on his road home (as he t card) that 
he would be taKen; and he, Robert Ro'io Read, Haflin^s Mal’on, 
once an officer in the Downfliire Mflitia, and John Alag riis, took 
b- ac at Bangor and got ove.^ to Scotland, and auei wards xA'-ivdanon 
got to France, Wiiere he flili is. 


30 Appendix, N*" I. [Houfe of Lords 

From June to November, 1797, his private affairs became embar^ 
laflcd, and he flopped payment in November, and a commifTion of 
bankruptcy ifTucd againfl him fome time afterwards. — He did not 
attend any civil or military meeting of United Irifhmen, from June 
1797, till March 1798, -when he furrendered himfelf under the corn- 
million in Dublin. ' 

He went to Dublin in March 1798, and (laid two days ; the time 
for his final examination was enlarged till the twenty-firfl of April ; 
he went to Dublin on the twentieth of April, and remained there 
about nine days.- — He called on Samuel Neilfon, walked with him to 
Mr. Cormick, a feather merchant, in'Thomas- flreet.~He was in- 
troduced by Neilfon to Cormick in the office.— Cormick afkcd them 
to go up flairs; he and :*eilfon went up flairs and found Lord Edward 
Fitzgerald and Mr. Lawlcfs, the Surgeon, playing at billiards, — He 
had been introduced to Lord Edward about a year before by Teeling ; 
he was a flranger to Lawlefs ; ilaid about an hour ; no particular con- 
verfations; was invited to dine there that day, and did fo; the com- 
pany were Lord Edward, Lawlefs, Neilfon, Cormick, and his Wife. 
— The converfation turned upon the ftate of the country, and the 
violent meafures of government in letting the army loofe. — T he com- 
pany were all of opinion, that there was then no chance of the people 
refifting by force with any fuccefs. — Fie was alfo introduced by- 
Gordon, who had been in Newgate, and Robert Orr, of Belfaft, 
chandler, to Mr. Pvattican, the timiber merchant at the Corner of 
Thomas-ftreet. — Rattican talked to him on the flate of the country 
and of the city of Dublin, and told him that they would begin the 
infurrcdlion in Dublin by liberating the prifoners in Kilmainhara. — 
Rattican fhewed him a plan of the intended attack upon Kilmainham^ 
— Whilfl he was in Dublin, in April, he dined with Neilfon at the 
Rrazen Head. — Next day Neilfon called him up at five o’clock, a.nd 
they -yvent to Sweetman’s, near Judge Chamberlaine’s, to breakfaft; 
Sweetman was then in prifon, but Neilfon lived in bis houfe. — Neil- 
fon 'took Sweetman’s carriage to Mr. Grattan’s, and brought him 
along v.'ith him. — When they got to Mr. Grattan’s, Neilfon told 
him he had fomething to fay to ivir. Grattan in private, and defired 
him to take a walk in the domain. — Neilfon ho vvever introduced him 
to Adr. Grattan firfl ; and Mr. Grattan ordered a fervant to attend 
him to fhew him the grounds. — He returned in about half an hour, 
—-Went into Mr. Grattan’s library — Neilfon and Grattan were 
there together. — Grattan afked a variety of queftions touching the 
iiate of the country in the North ; how many families had been driven 
cut, and how many houfes burned by the government or the Orange 
Men? — Grattan faid he fuppofed he was an United Iriffiman; he faid 
he was. — Grattan alked him how m.any United Irifhmen were in the 
province? he faid he reckoned 126,000. — Grattan affied how many 
Orange Aden there were ? he faid about 12,000. — Grattan made no 
particular anfwer. — Neilfon and he left Grattan’s about twelve in 
the day; they walked to their carriage, which was at Enniflcerry; 
he afked Neilfon what had paffed between Grattan and him— 
Neilfon evaded the queftion, but faid generally that he had gone 
down to Grattan to afk him whether he would come forward, and 


vf Ireland.'] Appendix, N° 1 . .31 

that he had fworn him. — That Grattan promifed to meet him 
in Dublin before the next TuefcJay. — He left Dublin that evening 
and returned to Relfaft. — He has known the reverend Steele Dick- 
fon of Portaferry for two years intimately. — Saw him at the aiiizes of 
Antrim and Down at Lent Adizes 1797. — He faw him adfing with 
Lowry, Turner, and Teeling as one of the committee for conducing 
the prifoners defence. — Nicholas Magin called on him wi:h a meflagc 
from Doctor Dickfon, that Dickfon w’as going to Ballynahinch to re- 
main there till Tuefday, and that he would be at Mr. Pottinger’s till 
feven o’clock of that evening. — Dickfon called upon him Friday, the 
firft of June, at his houfe in Belfaft, and told him that the colonels of 
the United Irifii regiments in the county of Down had had a meeting 
in a field on the day before, as Mr. Magin had fiated, that twenty* three 
of them had agreed to fight, and commence the rebellion, provided 
the county of Antrim and the other counties of Ulfter, as he be- 
lieves, would a6f with him, and as he (Dickfon) knew there was to 
have been a meeting of the colonels of the county of Antrim that day, 
(viz. the firft of June) Dickfon v/ifiied to know whether he had heard 
any thing from it. — He faid he had not heard of the meeting — He 
knew there was to be fuch a Meeting; Hunter told him fo. —Dickfon 
faid he would go out to Mr. Pottinger’s that evening, and requefied he 
would fend him intelligence of what fhould be done in the Antrim 
meeting ; that he would go from Mr. Pottinger’s to Bailee, where he 
was to preach on Sunday, from thence he would go to Ballynahinch 
and remain there till Wednefday. 

On the Sunday, Mr. Keane, of Finlay’s bank, came from Dublin, 
and alked him where Dr. Dickfon v/as. — He told Keane he would find 
him at Ballynahinch — Keane went there on Monday, as he believes. 

On Friday the ift of June, Dickfon told him that he was one of the 
Adjutant Generals of the United Iriihmen’s forces in the county of 
Down, and that he (Dickfon ) would go to Ballynahinch, and remain 
there till Wednefday, as it was a central place, from which he could 
iilue his orders to his officers. — Dickfon told him that the reafon why 
he would remain at Ballanahinch till Wednefday was, tfiat the Antrim 
Colonels had adjourned till the Tuefday, and that he could receive 
their determination in Ballynahinch on W ednefday. 

In February laft, when the prifoners were trying at the Commif- 
fton, Priefi; Quigley introduced him to Citizen Baily, who was an 
officer in the Eaft India Company’s Service, and lived near Canter- 
bury, and alfo to the younger Binns from England; thinks his name 
is Benjamin. 

Binns told him he had diftributed moft of the printed addrefies, 
entitled, “ United Britons to the United Irifnmen,” and gave him a 
copy of it, and directed him to print an addition of them — He printed 
one thoufand of them, and the one now produced to him is a copy 
of that which Binns delivered to him. — Mr. John Caldwell, of Bclfaft, 
paid him for printing the edition ; as the copies were wrought off he 
lent them to Mr; Caldwell — Caldwell paid three guineas to him for 
the printing. 


3 ^ 

Appendix, N® I. & 11. [Houfe of Lords 

He heard a Mr. Bonham came with Baily and Bins from London* 
and was the delegate from England to Ireland, mentioned in the pa- 
per. — He never faw Mr. Bonham— Either Binns or Baily told him 
that the addrefs was written by a Mr. Cofgrave of London. — John 
Caldwell, of Belfalf, managed a lottery. — Caldwell told him that he 
had been appointed treafurer for the lottery ; that it was to confifl: of 
two thoufand tickets, at one guinea each, the higheft prize 300!.— 
the profits to be applied towards the general fyftem of United Irifh-^ 
men. — The firft immediate want of money was to fend up and fup- 
port witnefies on the trials in Dublin. 

You have faid that you were introduced to Mr. Grattan by 
Samuel Neilfon at his houfe at Tinnehinch, in April laft : Recollect 
ycurfelf, and fay whether you can fpeak with certainty as to that 
facl: r — A. I certainly can. About the 28th of April laft, I went to 
Mr. Grattan’s at Tinnehinch with Samuel Neilfon, on going into 
the houfe we were fhewed into the library. Neilfon introduced me 
to Mr. Grattan, and I foon after walked out, and left them alone for 
full half an hour. — I faw a printed conftitution of the United Irifh- 
men in the room. 

CX Can you fay w’hether Mr. Grattan knew it to be the conftitu- 
tion of United Irilhmen ? — A. I can ; for he alked me fome queftions 
about it. He afked me alfo a variety of queftions about the ftate of 
the North. When v/e were going away I heard Mr. Grattan tell 
Neilfon that he would be in town on or before the Tuefday follow'- 
ing ; and I underftood from Neilfon that Mr. Grattan had vifited hint 
in prifon, and on our return to towm, Neilfon told me he had fworn 
Mr. Grattan. 

Neilfon and I breakfafted that morning at the country houfe of 
Sweetman, who was then in prifon, and went from thence to Mr. 
Grattan’s in Sweetman's carriage. 

Appendix, N° II. 

Lhe Addrefs of the United Britons to the United Irijhmen j proved and 
alluded to in the Evidence of John Hughes, 

United Britons to the United Irijhmen, 

Anxious to diftipate thofe prejudices, which a miftaken and in- 
.terefted policy has artfully diftufed, to prevent an union of fentiment 
and mutuality of opinion from being held by the people of England 
and Ireland; we in the name of the former (with whofe fentiments 
we are acquainted, and whofe confidence we poflefs) declare that we 
will by every pcftible means promote the emancipation of both 
COUNTRIES. To forward this great objedl we offer you our confi- 
dence, and in return demand yours. 


Ireland, ^ Appendix, N° II. ' 33 

Though labouring under the yoke of the fame cpprefTcrs, the Sifter 
Countries .have been differently treated. Ireland has always been the 
objecft of direct and open Violence, England of Fraud , Ireland has 
been robbed, England has been cheated. One uniform Fiari, DIVI- 
SION, has been carried on in both. Sacrificed as Ireland has been to 
the ambition of England, the idea of her being treated as a frei: 
Country was too grofs to be ubiruded upon the meanefi underftand- 
ing ; but England, whofe avarice was Battered by the derpicabie lure 
of exclufive trade, greedily iwallowed tiie bait. She was taught to 
believe that Riches flowed upon hei'j while Poverty was fecretiy in- 
finuating itfelf into her very vitals. 

Amidft mock contentions for liberty and real ones for plunder. 
She vainly imagined herfelf free, and v/as thereby Induced to pay 
the intereft of a Debt, of greater amount that the value of the whole 
Landed property of the Country; without refleffing that Bankruptcy 
however late mu ft be the confequence of an overftretched credit.—' 

The Religious diffenfions between Catholic and Proteflant In Ireland 
(whofe opinions admit of a real diftindlion ; and the party fquabbles be-’' 
tween JVioig and Tory in England (v/hofe political ones ad nit of none) 
were afliduoufly fomented; the People were divided about the padovJ 
till they loft the Jubjiance, The plan of oppreftion was fyftematically 
diredled througho'ut both countries to the fame objedi, though in ap- 
parent oppofition. In Ireland, Revenue was only raifed to belivifned 
in unmerited penfions, without the infiilt Ol pretended National advan- 
tage ; in England the veil of fraud w'as neceffary to cheat the people of 
large fums under the plaufible pretext of public necellity. The undif- 
guifed oppreftions of Ireland, by rendering fubfiftence precarious to 
the Poor, have made her a conftant hot-bed for the Ltellites of Ty- 
ranny; but in England occafional crops could only be raifed when the 
flame of war unufually forced the foil. This marked diftinClion in the 
treatment of the Countries, has produced as marked a difference in 
the characters of the two Nations ; Ireland has acquired that of manly 
bpennefs, England that of mean difguife. 

England, though abufed with forms, has never been without fincere 
friends to fubftantial liberty. Among them a number of dark and 
'defigning characters have always intruded ; and their conduct has fur- 
nifhed fuch a tiffu.. ol apoftacy, that general apathy hid nearly fucceed- 
ed general diftruft. 

V'arious political Societies have been inftituted for the purpofe of 
Reform, but of thefe few could boalt purity of Principles, or inte- 
grity of Leaders. Formerly, headed the votaries of Uni- 

verlal Suffrage, Fox thofe of R.eprefentation ^by Koufeholders, and 
Pitt thofe who wilhed to disfranchife the Corrupt Boroughs, to throve 
their Proportion of Reprefentation into the Counties ; but thefe 
have vanilhed. The Society of the Friends of the People, and 
that for Constitutional Information, have diicontinued their 
exertions. The London Corresponding, and other Societies in 
union with it, have arlfen upon their ruins, and as'univerfal good 
is their bafis, we doubt not, but, fupported by Numbers and Priiici- 
"' ples, they will not be wanting in the hour of danger. 


54 App?ndix, IL \Houfe of Lords 

The Irish, always an heroic People, had, during the American 
War, become an armed Nation. They took up Arms tor Defence, 
and undertook the caufe of Reform for Security. England, 
Jikewife, engaged in the’ cairfe of Reform, but her efforts were 
weak, as fne had not endured fufficient to convince her of the ne- 
ceffity of UNION. The efforts of a number of eminent Perfons in 
both CounLiics in the caufe of Freedom, were infufficient, becaufe 
Prejudice yet prevailed, and Men were not awakened to their juft 
Rights and true Interefts. 

The Apoftacy of feveral T.eaders of the Public caufe, added to the 
famous -Coailtion, fmothered for a long time the flanne of Liberty ; 
*till the French P.evclution again fanned its dying embers into a 
glow, which, we hope and trull, vvili never be extinguiffied, 

I'he Condudl of the two Countries, on this importaitt event, dis- 
played a ftriking contrail. 1r.eland, who by her arms had cxlor.ed 
from the Englijh G overnmeut fome fragments of her Rights, feemed 
ready in the fame nianner to demand ti'ie refl. England alfo form- 
ed Societies, whofe cbjeel was Emancipation, but who hoped it 
might be obtained by Reafoi : : ! they over-rated its force. 

The difanning Bills ixi iR. eland, the Freafcn and Sedition Bills 
in England, and their confequences in both Countries, need hardly 
be mentioned. On the People they have brought Chains, on the 
Government irreconcilable Hatred. One good' effecl has, however, 
refuited from mutual Sufferings and mutual Coinmiferation ; the 
prejudice of Nations is done away, and the English burn with de-- 
iire to hall the Irish as Freemen and as Brethren. 

Our numbers are immenfe, our influence ffiil more confiderablej 
and our fentiments accord with your’s. We arc unthinned by the 
H'yranny of the Law or of the Sword ; ffis true, we have had our 
Fears and cur Jealoufies, Spies and Infcrmers have been introduced 
amoiigil us, bur ail thele have lerved only to point out more clearly 
the Men who are worthy of trufl, and in thefc, wdiether Rich or 
Poor, we have the higheil confidence. 

^ Our Delegate is entrufred to lay before you our whole proceed- 
ings ; we thereffjre decline entering into particulars in the prefent 
Addrefs. We have repofed confidence in you, and fliall expect fuch 
a return as you may think our integrity and Falents deferve. We 
doubt not but you will, with us, fee the propriety of eflablilliing 
unlimited ■ conncience, or dediidr.g our interference as fruitlefs. 
Si'iould you chink our situation, our influence, and our opportunities 
calculated to ferve the Common Caufe, rely upon our Diligence, cur 
Zeal, and our Fidelity. 

With bell wifues, for the amelioration of the condition of Marr^ 
and hopes that your Exertions and Virtues, aided by an UNITED 
remain, in the bonds of Brotkerkocd and Union, 

Your's Fraternally ! 

Friday-^ January jTQS. 


«/ Ir eland. 1 

' Appendix, NMIl/ 


Appendix, N” Ilf. 

Examination of Doit or IVUllmn- James M^hl-ain. 

Tuesday, 7th August 1798. • 

Do^iG?' T-tdihoain-y innes xA^N'euin.^ Svjorn. 

0 , When did yon become r.n United friihmen? — U About 
S-ptemocr or O_^idober i 7^,6, X bee, me a member of the C'.ofe So- 

ot Societies at firft comoofed 

berf -uchT '■ reduced to 12 mem- 

larcr '' ‘“^‘’'7 '>* Secretary, a:,d generally a 'J rea- 

'j' r,<"Kt higher focictv?— A. The Secretaries of 
i-^ LolTf"™ r Committee; out of each of 

memtrof th r one pefon was chofen to be a 
7 , 1 - 7 tn. Upper Earomal, each of the Upper Baro.iiais con-' 
fbcu of .cn memoets tru,s chofen. The next Superior Committees 
populous towns, Di.lna Coiumittecs, rjid in count^e^ 

Ao°m'’eLhT'^''“''f ’ -T-r O'-.e member dea-ed 

vinr- Tf ’ ^ ouperior Committees were the Pro- 

', 0 Coir.mittecs, compefed of two members, fometi.mes three 
ejected rrom each County Committee. ' ’ 

m:Sres''drp'rf-'’" chofen.? -A. The P.rovinciai Com- 

m. wrs nve penons by ballot; the fecrelarv examined the 
b,.l, ,ts, and reporteu to the perions dee.ied their appointment, but 
made no report of the election to the- Provincals, ;ho were thus 
k.p. I n Ignorance of the per ons who compofed the .Executive. The 
Executive oao me command of ihe whole b,,dy thus or' auir-d 

How were -the orders of the Executive co.nnnuticateJ f-A. 

communicated with one member of 

J- pX 7 •" V™'’'’'"'"''"' Ecraary of the County Com- 

h ,ue , he, m l.ite manner, with the Secretaries of the Biroaials, 
and diefe fecretanes with ihofe of the UbordmateYocictics. 

-(.E Vv as there any omiffion made in the idt teft .f-A !n the I-fb 
ten the vrords were, “ A full reprefe-ntation of a!i the peorje'” 
oanttmg the words - in the Commons Houfe of Parhameift ■' ’ 

Q. tvhy was the omiffton madc.?_A. To reconcile reformers 
<nd itpub..c..ns; ana becaule they had given up all idea of Reform, 

and Were aetermined on Repubh'canifm. c,-iorm, 

Q, VVhaC was t ,e organization originally .?— A. At firft it was 
p Ki, acvil O.ganization, but 1 believe it was military in Ulfter 

about the latter end o> 1796. ^ * '^jucr 

Oh What was the nature of the Military Or2anization.?-.A The 

fecraary of the focie^ty of twelve was the petry officer, that is fer! 
jeant or coiporah 1 he delegate of five iccietics to a Lower Ba- 
lO'.iJ, was ulnany me captain, and thus had fixty men under his 
co.rnnai.d, and tnu delegate ol ten Lower Batyjnials, to llie Upper 

^ - - or 

Appendix, III. iUoufe of LordS: 

or Diftrict Committee, was ufually the colonel. Thus a battalion 

vvas compofetj of fix hundred men. c rr * ? 

O. In what manner were the higher OfHcers or Staff appointed. 

Xhe Colonels of each county fent in the names of three 

nerfons to the Executive, one of whom was appointed by the Exe- 
cutive ‘Adjutant General 6f the county. His^duty was to receive 
and communicate all military orders from the Exe^uve. 

O Was any attempt made to procure Iriih Otticers wlio had 
ferveii in foreign armies? -A. Such a plan was formed, but not 

^ Q. E)i(J they endeavour to prevail on French Officers in England 

or Ireland to join them ? — A. I'hey did not. 

Were any attempts made to leduce the army or mihtia . A, 

There were many. • j ^ , i? 

O Kow were the finances of the fociety recruited r— A. iivery 

member of the fociety paid a monthly fublcripcon. i h.s ^ 
applied LO the fupport of prifoners m gaol, to aelend diem on their 

trials, and to extend the Union. ^ ^ ^ a 

O. How were arms and ammunition to he procured r— A.- 1 ne 
re^al diredion was for each perfon to arm himfelf. Inch as could 
afford it, with fire arms and ammunition, others vntn ^^es. - 

0^ What vvas the objed of the lyffem ? — A. To effect a revolu- 
tion and effabliin a republic. 

Q. How were emiilaries appointed to extend tne iyitem. A. 
They were fe'leded by fome confidential perion ni the aitierent 

^^ 0 ^ How were the expcnces of the emiffaries borne r— A. Out 

of the o;eneral tund, . r .u * 

Q. Were the Reports of the Secret Conimittees of ffie two 
IWes of Parliament iaft year accuratef-A. I beheye they were 
-accurate, fave that they underftated tiie nunmer of men and arms. _ 
Q. Do you know of any depots of arms or ammunition . A. 1 
do not ; each man concealed his own arms, and I believe mere were 
many enc-aged in the fyftem who were not armed. 

Q For that purpofe were arms provided ?^A. f or the purpofe 
of mlurreaion; and I think even after, difarmmg me iSonh, the 
people were much inclined to rife, but were preventeu by a repre- 
lentbion .from the Iriih National Executive Uneaory, that it would 
be abfurd to rife,'v/hen their enemies were prepaieu, and that t ey 
might fcon exped foreign affiftance. I believe they retained more 

arms than v^ere taken from them. , , . ^ , 

(T When did the Military Organization begin m Eemiter . 

A. In the beginning or middle of 1797. 

Q. Was this organization made with the knowledge 3n-> appro- 
bation of the Irifh National Executive Directory tor the purpole ot 
Rebellion and Revolution ? — A. It^was. a AV r 

Ck When was the fyffem introduced into Muniter ? — 
twelve or eighteen months fince, but it did not extend rapi .y- it 
went on quietly. ' • ^ 

pf Ireland!] Appendix, N° HI. 37 

Was there any connexion between th'" Union and the Scotch 
and Englifh Societies . There might iiaye been, fome flight con- 
nedtion between the North and thofe Societies, but there was no 
clofe conncddion between them and the Executive Directory of the 
U --on. A perfon came from the Correfpji'.ding Society in London 
to Dublin with an addrefs which I (avVj.buc i did noi fee the perfon 
who brought it. 

Q. How was the Military Committee appointed, and when ? — » 
A. it was appointed by tnc ExjVucive i)irect>)ry ot the Union about 
February 1798. 

Q. V/hat was the duty of this Committee ? —A ^ To confider 
and'd gefl fuch plans, and direef .he national military force in fuch 
manner as might be neceiiary m cafe of inlurrection ; — and in cafe, 
of invafion to co-operam viUi fhe French. 

'"' as an/ plan o ndurreefion form.ed, and when ?— -A. In 
April or May 1797, a. plan of infurredtion for tne North was form.ed, 
and head ; drawn up 1'. vvriting, but it was foon given up and the 
v/riting de'Iroyed. 

Were any directions given by the Executive Directory of the 
Union to the members of it to abftain from the confumption of Spi- 
rits and other excifeable goods?-— A. There were; and it was 
recomimiended to flop me currency of IBank Notes, and not to pur- 
, chafe Quit Rents. A hand-bill to this purpofe was circulated by 
order of the Executive Directory of the Union, ftadng that it was 
an anticipation of the public refources, which at tiie revolution 
would not be allowed to ftand good. 

Have there been any communications between the Revolu- 
tionary Itxecutive Directory of Ireland and the Executive Diredtory 
pi .ihe French Republic ?-— A. There have : Previous to 1796 fome 
perfons had gone f-om hence to France on account of their political 
opinions. Early in 1796, a letter came from one of them ftating 
that the fituation of this country had been reprefented to the Direc- 
tory of the French republic, who had promifed to invade Ireland for 
the purpofe of feparating it from Great Britain. This letter was taken 
into ferious coniideration by the Irifh Executive early in 1796, and 
an anfwer was fent in April that year accepting the propofal on con- 
dition that they fhould come as allies, to add under the directions of 
the projected revolutionary government, as Rochambeau did in Ame- 
rica, that they fliould be paid the expences of the expedition, and their 
troops receive Iriih pay whiift they adted here. This anfwer was 
fent to Paris by a fpeciai m.ell'enger, and the French Directory pro- 
mifed that the fuccours thus demanded fhouid be fent. 

About October or November 1796, a mefTenger came from France 
to the iriih Diredtory, with intelligence that the promifed fuccours 
might be'fpeedlly expected, and defiring to know the fiate of prepara- 
tion of this country. The force to be fent by France was Itated to 
be l5,OCO men, and a great quantity of arms and ammunition, and I 
think if they had landed when they came to Eautry, an inlurrection 
would have taken place in the North of Ireland. 


;^S Appendix^ N® HI. \HcvJe cf Lords 

After the French expedition at Fantry had failed, there was no 
communication witn the Executive Directory of the Iriiii Union till 
April ‘1 797. 7 'hen an accredited refiden': minilter or agent was 
font by tiie Irini Directory to the Directory of Fruiice by way of Ham- 

Have you heard that the Irifli minifter bad a conference with 
Gei)eral Hoche at h^runckfort, and that the t ivnch miihfter at Ham- 
burgh bad given him a letter of introduction to General Hoche 
A. i may h.ave heard fo. 

Q. Kow war. tae Iriih rrinider received at Paris? — A. He. was 
well received by the D. rectory at Paris, and coniinueo the refidcnt 
accredited miniller of the National Executive j'irccinry of Ireland 
till February lail. Since that time I cannot ‘peak, from niy know- 
ledge, having been arrcfled in Tvlaich, uo.der a warrant of the Secre- 
tary of State, and continued in confinement lince. 

Did any ecyufidtntial mcctin.g take place loon afteo April 1797, 
between a perfon wr.o went from I'.encc, and a peidon in Londcui, with 
xeipeef: to the dirpoiitions of the r'rench goveinment f; — A. i believe 
there did. 

^V'hcn was the next communication with France ? — A. 7 'he 
next cornmrmicaticn of confcquencc wa.s in Jui'.e 1 797, when an 
accredited perion wjent from hcncc to corri muni cate with the French 
pireefory by their defire. He went by Hamburgh, where he faw 
the French minifrer, who made iome CifHcuhy about giving hinn a 
paifport, aiH demanded a Alemoir contaimng his inlVruCLiciis, which 
was accordingly written by thr accredited perion, and given to. the 
French, niiiiilter, under the impreffion uhat tiie pafiport would not be ' 

The wlemoir w’as written in Eiiglifh, and contained the objects of 
bis rr.iiuon, accordii)g to the inhroctions which he had received from 
the Exccuiive Directory of the Iriih Union. 

It be^un by dating, that the appearan.ce of the French in Santry 
Bay, had encouraged the lead: conndent of the Irifh in the hope of 
throwing off the yoke of England, with the aiuflancc of France. 
That the event of that expedition had proved the facility of invading 
Ireland. That in the event of a fecond expedit’.cn, if the cbject was 
to take Cork, 0 \ifcr Haven would he the beft place of debarkation. 
H'hat the perfon who had been before accredited, was inilruclcd to 
point out Oylter Haven as the byil place of debarkation, and it Fated 
the precautions which had been taken far defence, by throwing up 
works at iiantry, Fermoy, and Mallow. It further Fated, that the 
■fvFern of Eh'.itcd IriFrmen had made a rapid progrefs in the county 
of Cork, and that Bnndon was become a fecond BelfuF. That the 
fyiicrn had made great progrefs in other couniies, and that the people 
\\;ere now well Inciintd to aFift the French. 'I hrt 150,000 United 
Irirnmen were and inroiled in UiFcr, a great part of them 
regimented, and one-third ready to march out ol the provihee. It 
'Cwtcided the number of the king^s 'forces m UiFer, and their Fations. 

' Rcconimenued 

of Ireland. 

Appendix, N° III. 

n • ' 

Loughr^llly as a place ,.f debarkation in the North, 
and ftated thayhe people ,n Ae Peninfuia ofDoncEal would jcd.whe 

ami that one regiment, vvhich made a part of it, was fimcofed to b-dif! 
afR-cted to tne King <,t Great Britain. It mentioned Kiiivbe^lfo 
a good place of deoaritati on, and ftated that the counties of Tyrone’ 

' ''■'"'•e amongft the beft alR-aed to ke 

fmn"t rccorn r.ended a’dieer- 

. „t, S.igo, and „ated a force of ic,coo United Irifliin-n 
mieht ne co.ieefed to ial! -upon Enni&illea, vvhich commanded the 
pafs of a.ough-r.rne. 7 hat it was cafy to enter the bay of G^t-n f 
but very dfthcuit to get out off. That the counties of S’ 

wer Te bmf t and City of D^hhf, 

v^eic tfie b.(} oigaiiizcd. I nat tne Catnolic Pricils had ceafec] lo be 

alarmed at the calumnies which had been propagated of French irre 

hgion, and were vveh a.feacd to the caufe. That feme of thwi had 

of ttc'lrnr"^ 'n propagating with difereet zea! the h-ftem 

of thc__irnh union, it declared, that the people of Ireland Ld a 
tv w.y leofe or gratitude to trance for the part which foe took and 
do to .,p<nn for tne i.itcreft wnich foe felt In the affairs of Ii Aand 
It engaged, on the part of the Irifo National E-ccutive . 

rcimbuife the expenfes of France in the expeditmn w.hiS; irSS 
And or any otner vvrdch might be underta^'en Tn^ I I" 
troops demanded was a fcrce^tot exceediji; no. Ids th” 

5,000 men. It iTated, that a brigade cf EivdiPi ar ilVrv S ^ / 

I-nt over, and that a large body cf trotips would nrobably'b* 
fent from Great Britain, if Ireland urns atta-ked a f 
<iuant.ty of artillery and ammunition, with a Targe ftafr aTd b-o!r;^ ■ 

Ted 7 / ’ neccTUry to accompany the ex! 

would be ready to join ,n an expedition to liberate •foeircoumry It 

Ceb p'-’bilibed by the /-erch 

Gene, al on bis arrival Here, that tne French came as aliles to Lw- 

Tlv o7foA""‘ 7 ‘‘•-^t^iiorccommenJeJ to the Dlbc- 

indLenfTw; Stio.^LL;’ Lar;LS^S:''L"" y Ireland a„ 

of the Direaory. The obi°d: of th-f r members 


Appendix, N" HI. [Hou/e of Lords 


The n“»otiation' for peace was then going on at L'lle •- 
K„nrrfnns“in authority that they did not think the t-ngufti cabinet 
te?but that & could'get the terms fhe had a right to ex- 

t'lpiil the Oireclory would make peace, r r ^ 

‘' a Loud Memoir wasprefented at Pans by the fame perfon foon 
r rrlwol tViprp • its cbicdt was to imprels on the Direftory the 

Mceffity of expediting the armament for Ireland, and of 
the independence of Ireland as an indifpentable condition of any treaty 
of neace by every argument which the writer could uf-. 

^ After thibreakLg off the negotiation, and Lord Malmlbury s return 

Aftertheb g s jg tf,e Iriln Lxecutive Direaory, 

ILf ttfeFrench“Governm=nt wouldfend a new expedition to Ireland, 

Td that they never would abandon her till fhe was repeated trom 
• Great Britain ; and thefe affurances have been iince renewed. 

Q Was any information fent to the Irifh ^ectitiye Direaops of 
the Wutch arLment in the Texel?--A. There was, in July or 

and that it was defined for Ireland. 

"^ 4 Were thLe any accounts received from France fince thofe 

arrival of the expeaed armament here in AprU. 

O Was any difpatch fent from Ireland to b ranee during he lalt 
Th^r^ was a dilpatch made up fome time in tirv. laft 

Winter, ‘by the lri& Lxecutive, and given to one ^ 

undertook to have it conyeyeo to hraiice. °t 

this dilpatch was to prefs tor the promifed fucccu.s , but the ai.-mpt 

4' Were p^rmemS the Executive Revolutionary Directory 

17 ^, and of what pafftd at Pans in contequence of it, and of the 
two hlemoii'S ?- — A. I 00 . * t 1 

Q Have you read thofe Memoirs . --A. 1 have.^ - .-.v ni' 

4 Uo vou know they were both celivered to tne Executive Di- 

'''( 7 V?owTir;TTTrp'T,TTs“of'the Accredited Irillv minifter at ' 
ParU defrayed ?— A. He took a coniiderable fum nf money wun him, 
;fther his own, or railed by a pariicuiar lubfcription and it was in- 

'"a Ha::1oT7e£‘'rAfoTtbAA'm;^ 

« At",ed"’ftAA,thar%uriAfe, by any’thmg wliicn T" 

5'- Pailiament, as nothing ihort of me total emancipation of thei 

country would fatisfy them ? — T pinfter Provincial 

Confinittee, to tlie Executive Directory of the Union —A. It w 

tf Ireland.^ Appendix, N** IV. 4t 

Qi know that the fame refolution was agreed to on the 

fame day by the UHfer Provincial Committee ?— A. I do not know 
that it was, but I have heard and do believe it. 

a Did you know that a Provincial Meeting was to be held on 
Monday the I2th of March? — A. I did 

Q. What was the reform originally required by United Trifhmen ? 
—A. A democratic Houfe of Commons ) they thought one arifto^ 

♦ cratic body in the ftate fufficient* 

_ Q. Was any ecclafiaftical eftablilhment intended by the revolu- 
tionary government when it ftiould be eftabiilhed ?— A. No. I 
conceive that-a revolution would of courfe involve the demolition of 
the church eftablifhment, and of courfe a relief of the poor from 
tythes. ■ ^ 

a Was it intended to have a Popifh or Roman Catholic efta- 
blilhment f^-A. The intention was to abolifli the church eftablifli- 
inent, and not to have any eftablifhed religion, but that all perfonS 
mould exercife their refpedtive religion, and pay their own clero-y : 
for my own part I vvould as foon eftablifh the Mahometan as "L 
Popdh religion, though I am myfelf a Roman Catholic. 

^ Do you know of any loan negociated with France or Spain I 
A. Yes, the agent of the National Executive Diredory, who was 
Tent oyer in April 1797, was inftruded to negociate a loan of half 
a million, or 300,000!. if it could be got from France or Spain. 

Have you any doubt of the fincerityof France? — A. 1 have 
Iidand prevented France from invading; 

^ r''" provinces of Lein- 

tter, Munlter, and Connaught care the value of this pen, or the 
drop of ink wmch it contains, for Parliamentary Reform or Catholic 
Emancipation ?~-A. I am fure they do not ; but they wifli much to 
be relieved from the payment of mhes. 

^ How do you account for -the cruelties lately exercifed' by the 
Rebels on Proteftcnts ?—A. If the National Executive Directory 
could have prevented it I believe they would; but the lower order ’ 
of Catholics confider Proteftant and Englifhman, that is, Englifh 
ettler, as fynonirnous, and as their natural enemy; the fame Irifh 
word (Sailena) fignifies both. 

Appendix, N° IV. 
Examination of Arthur O’Connor, Efq, 

Thursday, 9th August 1798. 

Arthur O’Connor, Efq-, Sworn. 

When did you become an United Irilbraan ?— -A. About 
jMovember 1796. 

r Q; When 

42 Appendix, N® IV. \_HouJe of Lords 

Q. When did the military organization begin ? — A. About the 
middle of 179b. 

Q. W* ere you a member of the Executive Directory of United 
Irilh nen ? — A. 1 was, and continued fo from November 1796, 
till January 1798. 

When did the communications with France' commence ? — A. 
Before I was an United Irifhman, I believe in the middle of 1796, 
about the fame time that the military organization comm-enced. 

When was it agreed to accept the offer of affiftance from 
France ? — A. I underftood it was accepted at a meeting of the Exe- 
cutive Directory of the Irifh Union, in Summer 1796; I was ap- 
prized of the offer and acceptance by my brother members of the 
Executive Directory after 1 became a member of it, and before the 
arrival of the French in Bantry Bay. 

Was it the determination of the United Iriffimen in the North 
to rife if the French had landed ? — A. I'he Executive Dire<ffory of 
the Union thought they would rife if a landing of the French had 
taken place. 

Cf When was the firft communication from France, after the ex- 
pedition to Bantry Bay ? — A. The hrff which of my own know- 
ledge I can fpeak of, was in Auguff 1797. It ftated that a fleet lay 
in the I'exel with I5>ooo men on board, and that the armament 
was deffined for Ireland. I was arrefted in this city under a secre- 
tary’s warrant, and in confinement for fome months before that time. 

Was it mentioned to the Irilh Executive where the defeent 
was intended to be made ? — A. It was not in the difpatch which I 

Q. Was there any intelligence birought of the intended invafion 
at Bantry. — A. There was, by a meflenger Vv^ho arrived here about 
November 1796. 

Was there a refident agent appointed to go to Paris in Spring 
jygy ? — A. There was, whilft I was in prifon,, and a fecond per- 
fbn was fent In June following. 

Q. Did you fee this perfon on his return to Ireland from France 
—A. I did, about November 1797. He reported to the Executive 
Directory, that no armament was then ready, but that one would 
fhortly be ready. 

Did you underftand that when a French fleet was ready, the 
expedition would take place? — A. I did. 

Have you heard that there were fome converfations on this fub- 
"jedf, between perfons of this* country and General Valence, prior 
to October 1796? — A. I have heard'there were, they did not 
however lead to any thing decifive. 

Was there any connedfion with the Englifli or Scotch focie- 
tics. — A, Any connexion with them was merely between indivi- 
duals. The Irifli Executive Directory wifhed to keep clear of 


of Ireland.'] Appendix^ N® V. ' . 43 

Do you' know of any loan being negotiated with France or 
Spain ? — A. Inftru6tions were given to the agent of the Irifli Exe- 
cutive Direftory, to negotiate a loan of half a million, in France or 
Spain, on the fecurity of the Revolutionary Government when it 
fhould be eftablifhed. 

Was your fituation in the Executive Diredfory of the Irifh 
Union filled up, when you left Ireland in January laft ?- — A. It was. 

Appendix, N® V. 

Examination of Samuel Neilfon* 

Thursday, 9th August 1798. 

Samuel NeilfoUy Sworn, 

Q. When did you become a member of the fociety of United 
Irilhmen ? — A. In Odober 1791 1 became a rnember of the original 

When did the prefent organization commence ? — A. In Spring 
1792 the affiliated lyftem of organization commenced, and has 
gradually increafed fince that time. 

Qi When was the organization completed in Ulfter? — A. On the 
1 0th of May 1795. 

W'hen did tfie affiliation begin between Ulfter and the reft of 
the kingdom ? — A. F rom the time that the fyftem commenced, emif- 
faries were fent to every part of the kingdom for the purpofe of ex- 
tending it. 

Q. What was the objecft then ? — A. I think to alarm Govern- 
ment into a compliance with their objedls. 

Qi When did the military organization begin in Ulfter? — A. In 
Autumn 1796. ' 

Ci. What was the objedf of the military organization ?— A. The 
objedf W’as to carry their meafures by force. 

Q. Do you know any thing of the correfpondence carried on with 
France ? — A, Previous to my being arrefted, which happened in 
September 1796, I had heard of communications with France, and a 
probability of the negotiations for affiftance being fuccefsful. 

When were you liberated, and on what condition? — A. I was 
liberated in January or February laft, on condition that I ftiould not 
belong to any treafonable committee. 

After you were lib'erated, did you hear of any intended attempt 
on Dublin or Lehaunftown camp ? — A. I did not till after the arrefts 
at Bond’s on the I2th of March. 

Q. After that were you very active in advifing the filling up the 
vacancies in the feveral departments in the Irifli Union, which you 
fuppofed had taken place in confcquence of thofe arrefts ?— A- 1 was. 

F 2 Q; Had 

Appendix, N° V. \Houfe of Lords 

Had you then any information of an intended infurredlion ?->— 

boon after I difcovered that an infurredfion was decided upon, 
and L meant tohive given my advice and alTiftance in it. 

Q^Was there a letter from John Sheares, who was lately convicted 
of treafon and executed, found in your pocket when you were laft 
arretted I — A. There was. 

What was the purport of that letter ?— A, To diiluade me 
from attacking Kilmainham Gaol. 

Q. Was there any intention of attacking Newgate ? — A. I be- 
lieve there was an intention of attacking it on the night I was ar- 
retted, the 23d of May 1798, in order to liberate Lord Edward Fitz- 
gerald. I believe fome hundreds were attembled at the Barley Fields 
for that purpofe. They confidered that Lord Edward would be a 
very valuable leader, and that he v/quld have led the Rebels in Lein- 
tter ; all the delegates looked to him as their leader. I have delivered 
feveral mefiages from him to different committees, Lor^d Edward 
and I were flopped by a patrole at Palmerftown not long before, and 
liberated by miftake. 

Ch Were Lord Edward Fitzgerald and the Sheares’s acquainted 
with e^ch other ?-^A* They were, and knew each others political 
opinions. • 

For fome time before Lord Edward’s arrett, he was*almoft con- 
flantly employed in confultatious with military men, and in forming 
plans of military operations. 

I believe latterly Lord Ed’.vard was rather afraid of invafion, left 
the French fnould conc^uer Ireland, and therefore umged on the infur- 

Q. Have you had any interviews with Mr. Gratfan fince you 
were liberated from confinement ? — A. I was twice with Mr. Grat- 
tan at Tinnehinch, in April 1798. I either fhew'ed Mr, Grattan 
the laft conttitution of the fociety of United Irifhmen, or explained 
it to him, and pretted him to come forward ; I was accompanied at 
thefe Interviews by John Sweetmari and Oliver Bond: but I do not 
believe Mr. Grattan was ever an United IriPninan. 

Do you mean John Sweetmnn who is itow in cuftody on a 
charge of treafon, and has with others of the ftate prifoners fubmitted 
to the mercy of government ?-— A.- 1 do. 

Did you know of any depots of arms or ammunition ’ — A. i 
believe there never were any, the arms were in the hands of the peo- 
ple and they hid them, this was confidered the fafeft method. 

It has been ttated tq this committee, that you have faid you 
fwore Mr. Grattan ? — A. 1 never did fwear Mr. Grattan, nor have I 
ever faid that I fwore him, 

When did the manufa£lure of pikes begin f— rA» About the 
iime of tbe military organization? 

Says, tj-ie Convention Bill wa? calculated fo meet every part of 
the fyftem of United Iriihmen, When he read it, heTupppfed 
the framer of the bill bad their conftitution before him wbilft he was 
^irawing it, 

ef Ireland^ Appeddix, N* VI. 

Says, Ulfter is not fo well organized as it was a year ao-o 
Says, many people joined the United Irilhmen, iupponn^ them to 

their affairs had Len well 

condudted, he thinks they would have become the government of the 

Hrs’h?’ h d^fited to e.xplain himfelf, lie faid^ latterly thei! af! 
tuirs have been much mifconcIu6led, becaufe the ableO a 

them, have been either arrcfted orWiged Ty 

mamed at large, is of opinion they mutt nave fucceeded. ^ 

to '"t) months he did not confider government 

to be weli.informed, but the late arrefts convinced him thfy we^r 

By a letter addreffed to the Lord Chancellor, by Samuel Neilfon. 

dTcl Ttf"' n’ ^-‘‘"’ination, he withes L cmredl huS? 

tT!: with Mr Gra 

tan at Tinnehinch, in company with Mr Tohn Hnn-K j 

that they both went there in^M^S Jeetman^fc 

Appendix, N” VI, 

E»ammatm of. Thomas Adda Emmett, Efquire. 

Saturday, nth Auguft 179S. 
rhomas Addis Em, nett, Efyuire, Sssoorn. ■ 

S -v A. 1 

tty ?— A. I was; I tvas firft appointed hi fam ‘hat foci- 

a member of it till May 1707^ \ then £af H ^ ‘i 7 ^^’ 

“'''O* w“ “ P‘'l”' f»r reCfcnc, JS''?” *'> 

‘““S t#""" ^ or 

Cutive Direaor/. ^ proceeded immediately from the Exe- 

.Qj When did the faff communicatipn with France take place 

A. The 

Appendix, N° VI. \HmJe of Lords 

—A The firft I heard of took place about the middle of 1796. This 
was in confequence of an offer of affifbnce from -h ranee, i ms of- 
fer was in confequence of reprefentations made by perfons of tins 
country refident at Paris. It was taken mto ferious conf.derat.on m 
Summer 1796, and accepted by the Irifh „ 

The lirrcJmmunication with. France, of "' I ca^ f^eak om 
my own particular knowledge, was in April I/ 97 . T * 

fort to eftablifh a permanent intercourfe with the french Direaor), 

to eive them an amount of the number of troops here and of their 
fituation, and of the dilpofitions of the people; and to folicit the md 
o lir^ited number of t;oops, with arms and ammunition. A fpecia 
mefibwerLfenton this'occafion, who has continued the reliden 
accredited agent of the Irifh Executive Directory at Pans, and has 
keen fupported from hence by private fublcriptions. 

O Were any difpatches received from this agent ?--A. In fome 
tWter Ws arrival at Paris, he fent affurances to the Executive of 
Iffiffancc from the French, and that they woulu continue it till Ire- 
land was feparated from Great Britain. take niace ?— 

Q. When did the next communication with Fmnce 
A El Tune 1797 , a fecond meffenger was difpat^ri. He was lent 
in confequeneJof an application from the ^ 

r->r.?e every thing fer an invafion ot this kingdom, his inltruCtioiis 
werf ty Lch the .fame as thofe of the former, but he wa to 
reauir- a greater quantity of arms. This additional fupplv of arms 
was d*maaded, principally in confequence of the feizure of arms m 
th- Norm' which had been made by order of government. 

a Was Tny communication made to the Executive Direaory of _ 

fKpUmtedlrilhmen, relative to the armament in the 1 exel , A. i 

2n p^i certafn a c^mmunication was made in the Summer of 1 797. 
rSt'the firmament in the Texel was deftmed tor Wand 
O Was anv difpatch received from France in the U 
A.^StKwed in -the laft winter from the French Direaory 

f'^t “c^llSfedT; tf: S^Exciutive, bat where- 

« ;■ “I';, ” 

days after ‘^is meffenger had quitted reland on 

rived, which was contidered by the Inlh Fxecu w j would 

im., that the expedition was deferred till Spring, when Wno wo lo 

to prepare, the people for the reception of the army. 

people were left to themfelves. „i„_ France in the laft 

^ 4 any difpatch fent from this kingdom 

of IrelandJ] ^ Appcndl^j N® VI. 47 

Winter ?■ — A. About- the\)eginning of January or the latter end of De- 
cember, a dlfpatch was made up by the Executive, and intended to he 
tranfmitted to the Dirediury, but the attempt failed, I perceive the 
tendency of that queflion ; but I deiire to be undcrPcood, that that 
difpatch was not meant to be fent through England. 

When w'as the Revolutionarv Staff appointed ? — A. It was 
appointed for Leinfter in January or February 1 79B. It was thought 
neceffary to have an Adjutant General in each county, to receive aird 
communicate military orders from the Executive Directory. 

What was the mode of appointment ? — A. The Colonels of 
each county returned the names at three perfons to the Executive, 
who appointed one of them to adi: as Adjutant General of the county^ 

WTat was the purpofe of the military organization, and pre- 
parations ? — A. 'Fo allili; the French when they fnould land, and 
effedt a Revolution. 

When was the military committee appointed ? — A. I believe 
in P'ebruary 1 79S. 

What was. the duty of the military committee ? — A. ^Flieir duty 
was to prepare a plan of co-operation with the French when they 
fliould land, or of infurredlion in cafe they (hould be forced to it 
before the arrival of the French, which they were determined to avoid 
if poflible. I believe the infurredfion which has taken place, was 
brought forward by the military feverities which were exercifed ia 
the county of Kildare, and if the arr-efts had not taken place it w’ould 
have been kept back, by the perfons who were arrefted, till the 
French fhould arrive, as it was their determination to wait foe 
affiftance from France, before any open attack fhould be made by 
the people. If the French had arrived at the appointed time, I am 
certain there would have been a very general and formidable infur- 
redfion in every part of the country. 

CE Was John Sheares a member of the Executive before your 
arrelt ? — A. He was not. 

Qi Have you heard that he was eledled a member of the Execu- 
tive Diredtory after your arreft ? — A. i have not ^ but it is poffiblc- 
he may. 

Have you feen the Revolutionary Proclamation w'hich was 
drawn by John Sheares, and proved at his trial ? — A. I have, and 
I very much difapprove of it. The old Executive never meant to 
fpill blood, but rather to retain men of a certain rank as hof- 
tages, and if they found them hoftile to the Revolutionary Govern- 
ment, to. fend them out of the country. it was alfo deter- 
mined, that if the wives of fuch perfons did not adf with hofniity to 
the new Government, they Ihould be allowed a maintenance out of 
the hufband’s property, and that each child fhould have a portion ; 
the refidue to belong to the nation. 

Did the arretts of the 12th of March tend to diforgauize the 
fyftem ?— A. They did ; the principal members of the Union were 
either confined or fled in confeqiience of the arreffs. 

Qh Did 

4^ Appendix, N* VI. Houfe of Loris 

Qj Dili you think the mafs of the people care for Catholic 
Emancipation or Parliamentajy Reform ? — A. I believe the mafs of 
the people do not care a feather for Catholic Emancipation, neither did 
they care for Parliamentary Reform, till it was explained to them as 
leading to other objects which they looked to, principally the abo- 
^ lition of tythcs, I am very Aire if tythes were abolifhed, the people, 
on taking new leafes, would be obliged to pay more in proportion 
for lands than the value they now pay for tythes. My wifli was to. 
deftroy the prefent eflablilhed church, and to have no church efta- 
blifhment. The people were alfo taught to confider, that when they 
became members of a democracy their condition would be bettered. 

Q. Was any eccleAaftical eftablifliment intended .by the Revo'- 
lutionary Government? — A. None, certainly, 

Q. How do you fuppofe it polfible for Ireland to remain a free 
country, unconnected with Great Britain ? — A. Ireland is now in a 
very different fituation from that in which ihe Rood at the Revo- 
lution ; I think fhe has grown out of her connexion with Great 

Q. Explain yourfelf? — A. At the Revolution, her population 
did not much exceed a million and a half ; now it amounts to hve 
millions. Her wealth has increafed in a greater proportion. I am 
therefore of opinion that (he is capable now of Handing alone. 

Q. Do you not think it a wifer and fairer policy to abide by that 
connexion, by which her wealth and population have grown fo 
'rapidly?— A. 1 do not; I think this might be the happieft country 
in the world, if (he was eftablifhed as an independent republic, 

Qi How could fhe exift as an independent ftate unconnedfed with 
Britain, without a fhip of war, or' the means of having one? 
Twelve Britifh frigates ftationed on her coafts could annihilate the 
trade of Ireland. How could England diftrefs her in the Angle 
article of coals ? — A. 1 think Ireland would be very much crippled 
for fome years, but if fhe were feparated from Great Britain, the 
coloflal ftrength of the Britiffi navy would very quickly be reduced ; 
and as to the fupply of coals, I think by extending our inland navi- 
gation, we, could be fupplied with fuel at home* 



(f Inl(mdJ\ 

Appendix, N® YIlo 4$ 

Appendix, N° VIL 

Examination of Oliver Bond, 

Tuesday, 14th August 1798. 

Oliver Bond-i Sworn, 

Q. Were you an United Irifhman ? — A. I was, and continued 
fo till the time of my arreft. 

Q. Were you a member of the Executive Dire6fory of the 
Irifh Union? — A. I was not regularly a member of the Execu- 
tive ; I was originally affociated with the Northern Executive in 

1796, and a6ted under that alTociation in conduding the affairs of the 
Union. When the Leinfter organisation was completed, early in 

1797, I was regularly eleded a member of the Executive, but de- 
clined toad officially : I however continued in the confidence of the 
Union, and wasconfulted by them on all affairs of moment. 

Q. Did you know any thing of the correfpondence with France? 
— A. I did, before the Leinfter organization was completed in 1797 ; 
but I knew nothing of it officially after I declined being a mem- 
ber of the Executive Diredory. 

Q. Vv^hen was the firft communication with France ? — A. The 
firft i knew of was about the middle of 1796. A perfon was then 
fent to France to found the difpofitions of the Diredory, and to 
know what affiftance they would give. 

Q. When did th(? military organization commence? — A.' It 
commenced in the North, late in 1796, and in Dublin, in Spring 


Q. How* was the Tyffem propagated ?— A. By emiffaries fent 
into the different counties, with letters, to fuch refident perfons 
as were likely to forward the fyffeni, and had influence in the 
Diflrid. . • 

Qi When was the fociety of United Irifbmen inflituted ? — ^ 
A. it was originally inflituted in I79f, for the purpofe of Reform; 
Catholic Emancipation was a mere pretence. 

Q. Do you think the mafs of the people care for Parliamentary 
Reform ? — A. i believe the mafs of the people did not, nor do not 
tare for Parliaraentary Reform; but thofe who thought for them 

Were the reports of the fecret committees of lafl: feffion 
accurate? — A. I think they were. 

Q. How did you get the letters of Smith and Newel ? — • 
A. They were left with me by the perfor.s who got them up from 
them by negociation. 1 


Q, Was 

50 Appendix, N° VII. \tiouJe of Lords 

Q. Was not the object of the Union to arm and regiment the 
people, for the purpofe of fubverting the Government ?— A. Lat- 
terly it was. 

Q. Were there any depots of arms ? — A. There were not. 

For what purpofe was the newfpaper called “ The Prefs” 
fct up? — A. 1 believe to forward the caufe of the Union. 

Q. Was it an objedl of the Union to abolifh all e 9 clefiaftical 
cftablifhments ? — A. It was a principal objedf. 

Q. Was there any perfon lent from Dublin to organize the 
South ? — A. There was laft Winter, and I underftood he had made 
confiderable progrefs in Limerick and other places. 

Q. Did you underftand that Connaught in general was well or- 
ganized? — A. 1 underftood it was. 

Do you think the places, in the Executive Diredlory and the 
other departments of the Irifti Union, of thofe who were arrefted 
on the 1 2th of Anarch, were filled up after that arreft ? — A. I be- 
lieve they were. 

Appendix, N“ VIII. 

Copy of a Paper found in the writing-box of Lord Edward Fitz- 
gerald, on the i2th of March, by the Officer who went on that 
day to arreft him under a Charge of Treafon. 

N. B. This does not appear amongft the papers felzed on Lord 
Edw'ard Fitzgerald,' which are contained in the Appendix to the 
Report of the Houle of Commons. 

If ever any unfortunate caufe fhould put our city, with the other 
parts" of the country, into the pofleffion of a cruel and tyrannical ene- 
my, whofe government, by repeated oppreffions, might drive us into 
the laft ftage of defperate refiftance, our condud then fhould be 
regulated in a manner beft calculated for obtaining vidlory. 

The following thoughts are humbly offered for the Infpe^tion 
of every real Irijhman, 

It is fuppofed that the enemy have a well-appointed and difciplined 
{landing army. 

In filch r. cafe, every man ought toconfider how that army could 
be attacked or repelled, and \vnat advantage their difeipline and 
numbers might give them in a populous city, acting in concert with 
the adjoining counties. 


of Ireland,'] Appendix, N® VIIL 51 

It is well known that an officer of any fklll in ^ his profeffion, 
would be very cautious of bringing the beft difciplined troops into a 
large city in a ftate of infurre6tion ; for the following reafons : 

His troops, by the breadth of the ftreets, arc obliged to have a very 
narrow' front, and however numerous only three men deep can be 
brought into adfion, which in the wddeft of our ftreets, cannot be 
more than fixty men, as a fpace muft be left on each fide or Hank, 
for the men who difcharge to retreat to the rear;, that their places 
may be occupied by the next in fucceffion, who are loaded, fo 
though there are a thoufartd men in a ftreet, not more than fixty 
can at one time, and ftiould they be attacked by an irregular body 
armed with pikes or fuch bold weapons, if the fixty men in front 
were defeated, the whole body, however numerous, are unable to 
affift, and immediately become a fmall mob in uniform, from the in- 
feriority of number, in comparifon to the people, and eafily dif- 
pofed of. 

Another inconvenience might deftroy (he order of this army. 
Perhaps at the fame moment, they may be dreadfully galled from the 
houfe-tops by fhowers of bricks, coping ftones, See. ■which may be 
at hand, without imitating the w^omen of Paris, w’ho carried the 
ftones of the unpaved ftreets to the windows and tops of the houies 
in their aprons. 

Another di fad vantage on the part of the foldiers, would be, as 
they are regulated by the word of command, or ftroke of the drum, 
they muft be left to their individual diferetion, as fuch communica- 
tions muft be drowned in the noife and clamour of a popular tumult. 

In the next place, that part of the populace, who could not get 
into the engagement, w’ould be employed Jn unpaving the ftreets, fo 
as to impede the movements of horfe or artillery ; and in the ave- 
nues where the army were likely to pafs, numbers would be en- 
gaged forming barriers of hogftieads, carts, cars, counters, doors, &c. 
the forcing of which barriers by the army would be difputed, v\hile 
like ones were forming at every twenty or thirty yards, or any con- 
venient diftances fituation might require; fhould fuch precautions 
be well obferved, the pregrefs of an army through one ftreet or over 
one bridge would be very tedious, and attended with great lofs, if 
it would not be deftroyed, at the fame time the neighbouring coun- 
ties might rife in a mafs, and difpofe of the troops fcatteied •in their 
vicinity, and prevent a junction or a paftage of any army intended 
for the city ; they would tear up the roads and barricade every con- 
venient diftance with trees, timber, implements of hulbandry, &c. 
at the fame time lining the hedges, v/a!ls, ditches, and houfes, with 
men armed with mufkets, who would keep up a well -diretled fire. 

However well exercifed ftanding armies are fuppofed to be, by 
frequent reviews and fham battles, they are nestr prepared for 
broken roads or enclofed fields, in a country like ours, covered with 
innumerable and continued intcrfeclions of ditches and hedges, every 
one of which are an advantage to an irregular body, and may witU 
advantage be difputed againft an army as fo many fortiiications and 



^2 Appendix, VIII. \Uoufe of 'Lords. 

The people in the city would.have an advantage by being armed 
with pikes or Tuch weapons, the firft attack, if poffible, fhould be 
made by men whofe pikes were nine or ten feet long, by that means 
they could acf in ranks deeper than the foldiery, whofe arms are much 
fhorter ; then the deep files of the pike- men, by being' weightier, 
muft eafily break the thin order of the army. 

The charge of the pike-men fhould be made in a fmart trot, on 
the flank or extremity of every rank ; the're fhould be intrepid men 
placed to keep the fronts even, that at clofing every point fhould 
tell together ; they fnould have, at the fame time, tv/o or three 
like bodies at convenient diftances in the rear, who would be brought 
up, if wanting, to fupport the front, which would give confidence 
to their brothers in action, as it .would tend to difeourage the 
enemy ; at the fame time there fhould be in the rear of each divifion, 
fome men of ipirit to keep the ranks as clofe as poffible. 

The apparent ftrength of the army fnould not intimidate as * 
clofing on it makes its powder and hall ufelefs ; all its' fuperiority is 
in fighting at a diftance, all its fkill ceafes, and all its adiion m^ft 
be fufpended, when it once is within reach of the pike. 

, The reafon of printing and writing this, is to rerhind the people 
of difeufling military fubjedls. 


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