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THE SCHISM 



ANGLO-SAXON RACE 



THE SCHISM 



IN THE 



ANGLO-SAXON RACE 






THE SCHISM 



ANGLO-SAXON RACE 



GOLDWIN SMITH, M. A., D. c. L. 



AN ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE CANADIAN CLUB OF NEW YORK 




NEW YORK 

The Trade Supplied by THE AMERICAN NEWS COMPANY 
Publishers' Agents. 



887 



$8* 




THE SCHISM IN THE ANGLO-SAXON RACE. 



( An Address delivered before 
GOLD WIN SMITH, M. A., D. C. L. I 

(V Canadian Club of New York. 



the 
b 




N the strength of the Anglo-Saxon race, 
— of which British Institutions, now 
adopted by every European nation 
except Russia, the British Empire 
in India, and the American Republic, 
besides many a famous deed and 
glorious enterprise, are the proofs, — 
there lurks a weakness. • It is the 
weakness of self-reliance pushed to 



\ an extreme, which breeds division and isolation. Races such 
\Ls / as the Celtic race, weaker in the individual, are sometimes 



made by their clannish cohesiveness stronger in the mass. The 



305426 



Y 



6 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

Celt seems to have lingered long in the clan state and to have 
had his character permanently moulded by it, while the Anglo- 
Saxon as a sea-rover came early out of that state and was trained 
'from the infancy of the race to self-government. In enterprise 

WW ll lli l l ■ !! Il l 1 11 — 

and peril Anglo-Saxon will be the truest of comrades to Anglo- 
Saxon. But except under strong compression they are apt to 

I fly apart. Even in travelling they hold aloof from each other. 

\ They quarrel easily and do not easily forget. Their pride 
perpetuates their estrangement. In their spleen and factious- 
ness they take the part of outsiders againt each other. It is 
thus that the race is in danger of losing its crown. It is thus 
that it is in danger of forfeiting the leadership of civiliza- 
tion to inferior but more gregarious races, to the detriment of 
civilization as well as to its own disparagement. The most 
signal and disastrous instance of this weakness is the schism in 
the race caused by the American Revolution with the long 
estrangement that has followed, concerning which I am to 
speak this evening. 

You and I, gentlemen of the Canadian Club of New York ; 
you, natives of Canada, and some of you perhaps descendants of 
United Empire Loyalists domiciled in the United States ; I, an 
Englishman, holding a professorship of History in an American 
University — represent the Anglo-Saxon race as it was before 
the schism, as it will be when the schism is at an end. We 
Remind the race of the time when its magnificent realm in both 
/hemispheres was one, and teach it to look for the time when 
; that realm will be united again, not by a political bond, which 
from the beginning was unnatural and undesirable, but by the 
bond of the heart. While the cannon of the Fourth of July 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. . 7 

are being fired, and the speeches are being made in honor of 
American Independence, we, though we rejoice in the birth of 
the American Republic, must toll the bell of mourning for the 
schism in the Anglo-Saxon race. We must ask ourselves, and 
so far as without offence we may exhort Americans to ask 
themselves, what the quarrel was about, whether it was such a 
quarrel as might reasonably breed not only enmity for the time 
but undying hatred ; whether it ought not long before this to 
have given place to kinder and nobler thoughts ; and whether 
by cherishing it and treating it as a point of national pride the 
Anglo-Saxon of the west does not disparage and traduce his 
own greatness. 

t The relation of political dependence between an Anglo- 
/ Saxon colony and its mother country was probably from the 
/ beginning unsound, and being unsound it was always fraught 
with the danger of a violent rupture. Perhaps it may be said 
that nothing could have averted such a rupture except a 
prescience which the wisest of statesmen seldom possess, or 
the teaching of a sad experience such as has led England since 
the American Revolution to concede to Canada and her other 
colonies virtual independence. The Greek colonist took the 
sacred fire from the altar hearth of the parent state and went 
forth to found a greater Greece in perfect independence, owing 
the parent state no political allegiance but only filial affection. 
It might have been better if the Anglo-Saxon, fully the equal 
of the Greek in colonizing faculty and power of political 
organization, had done the same. In this way it was that 
England herself had been founded. But the sentiment of 
personal allegiance to the Sovereign in whose realm the emi- 



8 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

grant had been born was strong in all feudal communities. It 
shows itself clearly in the covenant made on landing by the 
emigrants of the Mayflower ; nor had it by any means lost its 
hold over the minds even of men who took part in the 
American Revolution. In the period during which the col- 
onies were founded this sentiment was universal. The colonies 
of the United Netherlands were dependencies as well as those 
of the Spanish, French, and British monarchies. They were 
dependencies, and as such they were protected and supported 
by the military power of the parent state. Had the British 
colonies not been protected and supported by the arms of 
England, would this continent have become the heritage of the 
English-speaking race ? The English colonist was stronger no 
doubt than the colonist of New France ; but was he stronger 
than the colonist of New France backed by the French fleets 
and armies? Might he not, instead of calling this vast and 
peerless realm his own, have merely shared it with three or four 
other races between whom and him there would have been a 
balance of power, rivalry, war and all the evils from which 
afflicted and over-burdened Europe sometimes dreams of escap- 
ing by means of a European Federation ? Might he not even 
have entirely succumbed to the concentrated power of the 
French monarchy, wielded by the strong hand and the towering 
ambition of a Richelieu or a Louvois ? These are contingencies 
unfulfilled, but unfulfilled perhaps because one memorable 
morning, on the Heights of Abraham, a British army and a 
British hero decided that Anglo-Saxon, not French, should be 
the language, that Anglo-Saxon, not French, should be the 
polity and the laws of the New World. And when that day 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 9 

was won there burst from the united heart of the whole race in 
both hemispheres a cheer not only of triumph but of mutual 
affection and of Anglo-Saxon patriotism which history still 
hears amidst the cannon of the Fourth of July. 

Was the connection felt by the colonists to be generally 
oppressive and odious, or was the cause of quarrel merely a 
dispute on a particular point with the home government of the 
day ? In the first case it might be natural, if not reasonable or 
noble, to cherish the feud, in the second it clearly would be 
unnatural. That the connection was not felt to be oppressive 
and odious, but, on the contrary, to the mass of the colonists 
was dear and cherished, is a fact of which, if all the proofs were 
produced, they would more than fill my allotted hour. Franklin 
said, only a few days before Lexington, that he had more than 
once travelled almost from one end of the continent to the 
other, and kept a variety of company eating, drinking, and 
conversing with them freely, and never had heard in any 
conversation from any person, drunk or sober, the least expres- 
sion of a wish for separation or hint that such a thing would be 
advantageous to America. Jay said, that before the second 
petition of Congress, in 1775, he never heard an American of 
of any class or of any description express a wish for the 
independence of the colonies. Jefferson said, that before the 
commencement of hostilities he had never heard a whisper of a 
disposition to separate from Great Britain, and after that the 
possibility was contemplated by all as an affliction. The Fairfax 
County " Resolves " denounce as a malevolent falsehood the 
notion breathed by the Minister into the ear of the King that 
the colonies intended to set up for independent States. Wash- 



io The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

ington, on assuming the command, declared, in his reply to an 
address from New York, that the object of the war was a 
restoration of the connection on a just and constitutional 
footing. Madison, at a later day, avowed that it had always 
been his impression that a re-establishment of the colonial 
relations to the parent country, as they were previous to the 
controversy, was the real object of every class of the people till 
the hope of obtaining it had fled. Dickinson was not more 
opposed to arbitrary taxation than he was to separation, and 
the fiery Otis might be called as a witness on the same side.* 
Men there were no doubt, like Samuel Adams, republicans in 
sentiment and devoted to political agitation, who from the 
beginning aspired to independence and meant to bring about a 
rupture ; but they found it necessary to cloak their designs, 
and that necessity was the proof that the general sentiment 
was in favor of the connection. 

There is another proof of the same fact which is familiar 
to every Canadian mind and of which Canada herself is the 
lasting embodiment. It is found in the number and constancy 
of the Loyalists whose annals have, been written in a most 
generous spirit by a representative of their enemies, Mr. 
Sabine, and whose illustrious and touching heritage of mis- 
fortune is still the light and pride of not a few Canadian 
hearths in the land in which, by the insensate cruelty of the 
victor, the vanquished were compelled to seek a home. There 
seems reason to believe that fully one-half of the people 
including a fair share of intelligence, remained at least passively 



* I owe most of these citations to Mr. Sabine. 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. n 

loyal till the blundering arrogance and violence of the royal 
officers estranged multitudes from the royal cause. Twenty-five 
thousand Americans, as Sabine thinks, according to the lowest 
computation, were in arms for the crown. To the end there 
were whole batallions of them serving in the royal army. Sabine 
says that Sir Guy Carleton sent away twelve thousand exiles 
for loyalty's sake from New York before the evacuation. 
Judge Jones, in the history the publication of which we owe to 
the New York Historical Society, gives a much larger number. 
Two thousand took their departure even from the shores of 
Republican Massachusetts. When the Netherlands cast off the 
yoke of Spain, when Italy cast off the yoke of Austria, how 
many Dutchmen or Italians went into exile out of loyalty to 
the oppressor ? 

This was not like the revolt of the Netherlands or of Italy, 
a rising against a foreign yoke : it was a civil war, which divided 
England as well as the United States. The American party in 
the British Parliament crippled the operations of the govern- 
ment and upon the first reverses enforced peace. Otherwise 
the loss of Cornwallis's little army would not have been the 
end. The contest would have been carried on by Great Britain 
with the same unyielding spirit which, after a struggle of 
twenty years, overthrew Napoleon. 

" It is the glory of England, " says Bancroft, " that the 
rightfulness of the Stamp Act was in England itself the subject 
of dispute. It could have been so nowhere else. The King 
of France taxed the French colonies as a matter of course ; the 
King of Spain collected a revenue by his will in Mexico and 
Peru, in Cuba and Porto Rico, and wherever he ruled. The 



12 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

States-General of the Netherlands had no constitutional scruples 
about imposing duties on their outlying possessions. To 
England exclusively belongs the honor that between her and 
her colonies the question of right could arise ; it is still more to 
her glory, as well as to her happiness and freedom, that in that 
contest her success was not possible. Her principles, her 
traditions, her liberty, forbade that arbitrary rule should 
become her characteristic. The shaft aimed at her new colonial 
policy was tipped with a feather from her own wing." The 
reason why the colonies took arms, in short, was not that they 
were worse treated by their mother-country than other colonists 
in those days, but that they were better treated. They rebelled 
not because they were enslaved, but because they were so free 
that the slightest curtailment of freedom seemed to them 
slavery. Whig and Tory, as Mr. Sabine says, wanted the same 
thing. Both wanted the liberty which they had enjoyed ; but 
the Whig required securities while the Tory did not. The 
Tory might have said that he had the securities which 
Bancroft himself has enumerated, those afforded by the tradi- 
tions, the Constitution, the political spirit of England herself, 
against any serious or permanent aggression on colonial liberty ; 
and that while he possessed, in municipal self-government, in 
jury trial, in freedom of conscience and of the press, in the 
security of person and of private property, the substance of 
freedom, he would exercise a little patience and try whether 
the repeal of the Tea Duty could not be obtained before he 
plunged the country into civil war. The Stamp Duty had been 
repealed, and though at the same time the abstract right of 
parliament to tax the colonies had been asserted, this had been 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. ij 

done with the full concurrence of Burke, and manifestly by- 
way of saving the dignity of the Imperial legislature. The Tea 
Duty, trifling in itself, was a mere freak of Townsend's tipsy 
genius, to which the next turn in the war of parliamentary 
parties might have put an end, if colonial violence had not 
given a fatal advantage to the party of violence in the Imperial 
government. Nor does it seem to have been clear from the 
outset, even to the mind of Franklin, that the Imperial Parlia- 
ment, had not the legal power of taxing the colonies, unwise 
and unjust as the exercise of that power might be. It was the 
only Parliament of the Empire, and in regard to taxation as well 
as other matters, in it or nowhere was sovereign power. That it 
had absolute power of legislation on general subjects, including 
trade, was admitted on all hands ; and surely the distinction is 
fine between the power of general legislation and a power of 
passing a law requiring a tax to be paid. That there should 
be no taxation without representation might be a sound 
principle, but in the days of the un-reformed Parliament it did 
not prevail in the mother country herself. Ship-money, to 
which the Tea Duty has been compared, was part of a great 
scheme of arbitrary government. It was intended, together 
with other devices of fiscal extortion, to supply the revenue for 
an unparliamentary monarchy, the reactionary policy of which 
in Church and State would, in Hampden's opinion, have 
quenched not only the political freedom but the spiritual life 
of the nation, and made England the counterpart and the 
partner in reaction of France and Spain. Nothing like this 
could be said of the Tea Duty. Bancroft acquits Grenville of 
any design to introduce despotism into the colonies. Such a 



14 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

design could hardly have entered the mind of a Whig who was 
doing his best to reduce to a nullity the power of the King. 
What Grenville desired to introduce was contribution to 
Imperial armaments, and he may at least be credited with the 
statesmanship which regarded the colonies, not as a mere group 
of detached settlements, but as an English Empire in the New 
World. The King may have had absolutist notions with regard 
to colonial as well as to home government, but the King was not 
an autocrat. The bishops may have wished to introduce the 
mitre, but the bishops were not masters of Parliament. Chatham 
was more powerful than King or bishops, and had his sun 
broken for an hour through the clouds which had gathered 
round its setting, the policy of the home government towards 
the colonies would at once have been changed. 

The preamble of the Declaration of Independence sets forth 
a series of acts of tyrannical violence committed by George III., 
and it suggests that these were ordinary and characteristic 
acts of the King's government. Had they been ordinary and 
characteristic acts of the King's government they would have 
justified rebellion ; but they were nothing of the kind. They 
were measures of repression, ill-advised, precipitate and exces- 
sive, but still measures of repression, not adopted before violent 
resistance on the part of the colonists had commenced. No 
government will suffer its officers to be outraged for obeying its 
commands and their houses to be wrecked, or the property of 
merchants trading under its flag to be thrown into the sea by 
mobs. Jefferson, who penned the Declaration, is the object of 
veneration to many, but his admirers will hardly pretend that he 
never preferred effect to truth. 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 15 

One count in Jefferson's draft of the Declaration he was 
obliged to withdraw. In inflated, not to say fustian phrase, 
and with extravagant unfairness, he charges George III., 
who, though he had a narrow mind, had at least as good a heart 
as Jefferson himself, with having been specially to blame for 
the existence of slavery and of the slave trade. " He has 
waged," it says, " cruel war against human nature, violating its 
most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant 
people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them 
into slavery in another hemisphere or to incur miserable 
death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, 
the opprobium of infidel powers, is the war of the Christian 
King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market 
where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his 
negative for suppressing any legislative attempt to prohibit or 
restrain this execrable commerce." This count, as we know, 
was struck out in deference to the sentiments of patriots, heirs of 
the spirit of Brutus and Cassius, who were perpetuating and were 
resolved, if they could, to go on perpetuating the violation of 
sacred rights and the piratical warfare laid to the charge of George 
III. Not the least curious, surely, of historical documents is this 
manifesto of a civil war levied to vindicate the sacred principle 
that all men are born equal and with inalienable rights to 
liberty and happiness, when we consider that not only was the 
manifesto framed by a slave-owner and signed by slave-owners, 
but the Constitution to which the victory of the principle in 
the war gave birth embodied a fugitive slave law and a legal- 
ization of the slave trade for twenty years. A stranger 
inducement surely never was held out to men to fight in the 



1 6 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

cause of human freedom than that which was offered by 
Virginia to volunteers, three hundred acres of land and one 
sound and healthy negro. Equity compels us to admit that 
the want of a thorough grasp of the principle of liberty was 
not limited to the mind of George III. A Virginian planter 
fought not for freedom, the love of whfch had never entered his 
soul : he fought for his own proud immunity from control 
and for the subjection to his will of all around him. *His 
haughtiness could hardly brook even association with the 
mercantile and plebeian New Englander in military command. 
Suppose the negro had taken arms in vindication of the prin- 
ciple that all men were born equal and with an inalienable 
right to liberty and happiness, his manifesto would have been 
tainted by no fallacy like that which taints the Declaration of 
Independence. The acts of tyranny and cruelty of which he 
would have complained, the traffic in human flesh, the confis- 
cation of the laborer's earnings, the chain and the lash, the 
systematic degradation of the slave, and all the wrongs of 
slavery, would have been not temporary measures of repression, 
adopted by authority in self-defence ; they would have been 
normal and characteristic of the system. 

On Jefferson's principle of framing indictments against 
governments what an indictment might the Loyalists again have 
framed against the government of Independence! "We have 
adhered, " they might have said, " to a connection dear to all 
of you but yesterday, to the allegiance in which we were born, 
to a form of government which seems the best to us, and not 
to us only but to Hamilton and others of your leading men, 
who avow that if Constitutional monarchy were here attainable 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. if 

they would introduce it here. For this we have been ostra- 
cized, insulted, outraged, tortured, pillaged, hunted down like 
wild beasts. The amnesty which ought to close all civil wars 
has been denied us ; some of us have been hanged before the 
face of our departing friends ; and now we are stripped of all 
our property and banished from our native land under threat 
of death if we return. Even women, who cannot have borne 
arms in the royal cause, if they have property, are included in 
the proscription and in the sentence of death. The proscription 
list shows, too, that membership of the Church of England' is 
practically treated as a crime ! " Surely these complaints would 
have been not less pertinent than those of Jefferson against 
George III. Atrocities had no doubt been committed by the 
Loyalists, but, as Mr. Sabine says, they had been committed on 
both sides. Conscientious error is no crime in politics any 
more than in religion, though it is treated as a crime by 
fanatical revolutionists as well as by inquisitors. 

Supposing even the Loyalists could have foreseen the 
present success of the American Republic, and with the success 
the evils and dangers which disquiet thoughtful Americans, 
would they have been very base or guilty in shrinking from 
revolution ? We are on the Pisgah of Democracy, but not 
yet in the promised land. No one is in the promised land at 
least, except Mr. Carnegie, who in his genial and jocund hymn of 
triumph, pouring forth his joyous notes like a sky-lark of demo- 
cracy poised over the caucus and the spoils system, ascribes it to 
Democratic institutions that the Mississippi is as large as 
twenty-seven Seines, nine Rhones, or eighty Tibers. The 
Democracy which shall make government the organ of public 



1 8 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

reason, and not of popular passion or of the demagogism which 
trades upon it, is yet in the womb of the future. Canada exults 
in having exchanged her royal governors for a government 
which is called responsible, though nothing is less responsible 
than a dominant party. In time, we trust, her exultation will 
be justified ; but there is too much reason to doubt whether the 
rule of an honorable and upright gentleman, trained not in the 
vote-market but in the school of duty, such as General Simcoe 
or Sir Guy Carleton, was not, politically as well as morally, 
better for all but professional politicians, than a reign of faction, 
demagogism and corruption. Forwards not backwards we must 
look, forwards not backwards we must go. Yet history may 
extend its charity to those who, when they were not smarting 
under intolerable or hopeless oppression, shrank from passing 
through a Red Sea of civil bloodshed to a Canaan which 
was beyond their ken. 

Besides the Tea Tax, no doubt, there were the restrictions 
on trade. These were in reality a more serious grievance, and 
probably they had at bottom at least as much to do with the 
Revolution as the Tea Tax. But such were the economical creed 
and the universal practice of the day. Chatham, the idol of the 
colonists, it was who threatened that he would not allow them 
to manufacture a horse-nail. The colonists themselves pro- 
bably, though they groaned under restrictions, shared the 
delusion as to the principle in pursuance of which the restric- 
tions were imposed, and they enjoyed privileges granted on 
the same principle and equally irrational which were supposed 
to be a compensation. The light of economical science had 
then barely dawned. Even now the shadows of the restrictive 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. /cj 

policy linger in the valleys though the peaks have caught the 
rays of morning. 

There were Americans who desired a Republic. Samuel 
Adams we can hardly doubt was one of them. Judge Jones 
tells us that there was a Republican association at New York 
with classical phrases and aspirations. The patriotism of 
those days, the patriotism of Wilkes and Junius, was classical, 
not religious, like that of Hampden and Cromwell. It affected 
the Roman in everything, and was not unconnected with 
Roman Punch. But had George III. offered his colonial 
subjects a Republic, his offer would have been rejected by an 
overwhelming majority. Jefferson was a Rousseauist and a 
French revolutionist in advance. When Jacobinism came on 
the scene his affinity to it appeared. He palliates, to say the 
least, the September massacres and gives his admirers reason 
for rejoicing that he was not a Parisian, since, if he had been, 
he might have canted with Robespierre and murdered with 
Billaud Varennes. " My own affections, " he says, " have been 
deeply wounded by some of the martyrs to this cause, but 
rather than it should have failed I would have seen the earth 
desolated. Were there but an Adam and Eve kept in every 
country and left free it would have been better than it now is." 
So inestimable to this slave-holder appeared the boon of liberty, 
even the liberty of a bedlam turned into a slaughter-house, 
even the liberty which went yelling about the streets with the 
head of a Farmer-General or the fragments of a Court lady's 
body on a pole. Jefferson and his fellow Jacobins had not 
learned what the Puritans of the English Revolution had learned, 
that you cannot, merely by getting rid of kings, make the soul 



20 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

worthy to be free. They had not learned that tyranny is the 
offspring, not of monarchy, but of lawless passion in the 
possessors of power, and that it can wear the Jacobin's cap-of- 
liberty as well as the despot's crown. A true brother of 
Rousseau who preached domestic reform and sent his own 
children to the foundling hospital, Jefferson declaimed against 
slavery and kept his slaves. His theories may have been true 
and his sentiments may have been beautiful, but the British 
Government could not have been reasonably expected to shape 
its colonial policy so as to satisfy a Rousseauist and a 
Jacobin. Hamilton, as I have said, avowed his belief that cons- 
titutional monarchy was the best of all forms of government. 
He thought the House of Lords an excellent institution. Mason 
said that to refer the choice of a proper character for a chief- 
magistrate to the people would be like referring a trial of 
colors to a blind man. Betwen the sentiments of these men 
and Jefferson's democracy the difference was as wide as 
possible. It would have been difficult for poor George III. to 
satisfy them all. 

It is unquestionably true that the conquest of French 
Canada, by setting the British colonists free from the fear of 
French aggression and rendering the protection of the mother 
country no longer necessary to them, opened the door for their 
revolt. But this, again, to say the least, is no proof that the 
colonies had been oppressed by the mother country. Had she 
left the French power on this continent unassailed in order that 
it might bridle them, her councils might have been reasonably 
branded with Machiavelism and bad faith. 

The ostensible cause of this civil war, of the schism in our 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 21 

race and the violent rending of its realm, must be confessed, 
I submit, to have been inadequate. In their hearts the people 
felt it to be so, and their feeling showed itself, I cannot help 
thinking, in the languid prosecution of the war on the revolu- 
tionary side. States fail to send their contingents or their 
contributions, the armies are always melting away, brave men 
leave the camp on the eve of battle, the Federal cause is served 
without enthusiasm ; only the local resistance, where the people 
were fighting for their homes as well as on their own ground, is 
really strong. Better materials for soldiers never existed, and 
the colonies must have set out with many thousands of men 
trained in colonial or Indian wars. The royal armies were about 
the worst ever sent out from England, and every possible 
blunder, both military and moral, was committed by the royal 
generals, who allowed advantages to slip from their hands which 
Wolfe or Clive would certainly have made fatal while they 
estranged multitudes of waverers who were inclined to return to 
their allegiance. Yet Washington's last words before the 
arrival of succor from France are the utterance of blank 
despair. " Be assured, " he writes to Laurens, the agent in 
France, in April, 1771, "that day does not follow night more 
certainly than it brings with it some additional proof of the 
impracticability of carrying on the war without the aid you were 
directed to solicit." 

Nor is it only of want of zeal and vigor that Wash- 
ington and those who shared his responsibility complain ; 
they complain and complain most bitterly of self-seeking, 
of knavery, of corruption, of monopoly and regrating, 
heartlessly practised in the direst season of public need, of 



22 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

murderers of the cause who were building their greatness on 
their country's ruin. They complain that stock-jobbing, pecu- 
lation, and an insatiable thirst for riches, have got the better 
of every other consideration in almost every order of men, and 
that there is a general decay both of public and of private 
virtue. In order that contractors may fatten, armies go unfed 
and unclothed, tracing the line of their winter march with 
blood from their shoeless feet. Congress pays its debts with 
paper which it tries, like the French Jacobins, to force into 
circulation by penal enactment, and which, like the French 
Assignats, opens an abyss of robbery, breach of contract and 
gambling speculation, an abyss so foul that Tom Paine himself 
afterwards proposed that whoever suggested a return to paper 
money should be punished with death. Washington's indig- 
nant hand lifts a corner of the veil of secrecy which covered 
the proceedings of Congress and the life of its members at 
Philadelphia. There was at least as much public spirit among 
these people as there was among any other people in the 
world. But the cause had not been sufficient to call it forth. 
As soon as the tar barrels of revolutionary excitement had burned 
out, the enthusiasm of the Sons of Liberty failed. The insur- 
gents of the Netherlands, when they struggled onwards through 
wave after wave of blood to independence, had behind them 
the hell of Spanish rule. The American insurgents had behind 
them no hell, but a connection in which they had enjoyed the 
substantial benefits of freedom ; and, after tasting civil war, 
most of them probably wished that things could only be as they 
had been before. 

The relation between a dependent colony and the imperial 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 23 

country, I repeat, was probably from the beginning false. At 
all events separation was inevitable ; it was impossible that the 
Anglo-Saxon realm in both hemispheres should remain forever 
under one government, when_±he hour of political maturilyior 
the colonies had arrived, especially as there was a certain 
difference of political character between the Anglo-Saxon of 
the old country and the Colonist which prevented the same 
policy from being equally suitable to both. What is to 
be deplored, if any foresight or statesmanship could have 
prevented it, is the .viol ent ru pture. What was to be \ 
desired, if human wisdom with the lights which men then 
possessed could have achieved it, was that the two portions of J 
our race should have divided its realm in peace. Shelburne / 
and Pitt seem to have wished and tried, when the struggle was 
over, to get back into something like an amicable partition of 
the Empire. Among other happy effects of such a settlement 
the Fisheries' dispute would have been avoided. But the wound 
was too deep and too fresh. Shelburne and Pitt failed, and 
the two great Anglo-Saxon realms became absolutely foreign 
countries — unhappily, they became for many a day worse than 
foreign countries — to each other. Suppose, however, that not 
only the separation but the rupture was inevitable ; because the 
inevitable came to pass, were the two branches of the race to 
be enemies forever? 

Let the Fourth of July orator ask himself what were the 
consequences to England, to America, to the French monarchy, 
which, out of enmity to England, lent its aid to American revo- 
lution, and to mankind. To England the consequences were 
loss of money, which she could pretty well afford, and of 



24 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

prestige which she soon repaired. The Count de Grasse, as the 
monument at Yorktown records, received the surrender of 
Cornwallis who, hemmed in by three or four times his effective 
number, could get no fair battle and was taken like a wounded 
lion pent up in his lair. But Rodney who did get fair battle 
did not surrender to the Count de Grasse. Spain, too, must 
needs interfere in the Anglo-Saxon quarrel ; but on the blood- 
stained and flame-lighted waters of Gibraltar sank the last 
armament of Spain ; and the day was not far distant when she 
was to invoke the aid of England as a redeemer from French 
conquest. England went into the fight with Napoleon, for the 
independence of Europe, as powerful and indomitable as 
she had gone into the fight with Philip II. or with Louis 
XIV. Her great loss was that of the political enlighten- 
ment which she might have received from an experiment in 
democracy tried by a kindred people at her side, while her 
politics have perhaps been somewhat deflected from the right 
line of development by the repellant influence of galling 
memories and of friction with an unfriendly Republic. The 
colonies having been the scene of war must have lost more 
men and money than England, besides the banishment, when 
the war had closed, of no small number of their citizens. This 
loss they soon repaired, but they also lost their history and that 
connection with the experiences and the grandeurs of the past 
which at once steadies and exalts a nation. What was worse 
than this, the Republic was launched with a revolutionary bias 
which was the last thing that it needed. At the same time 
there was engendered a belief in the right of rebellion and in 
the duty of sympathizing with it on all occasions, which was 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 25 

destined to bear bitter fruit at last. The rebellion of the South 
in 186 1 was manifestly inspired by sentiments nursed and 
consecrated by the Revolution. I remember seeing some words 
of Abraham Lincoln, in his earlier days, on the right of 
rebelling as often as people were dissatisfied with their govern- 
ment, which it seemed to me would have justified Southern 
secession. 

Another consequence was the schism of the race on 
this continent, issuing in the foundation of a separate and 
hostile Canada, which, in the course of a few years, was to 
encounter the Revolutionary colonies in arms and to defend 
itself against them with at least as much energy and as much 
success as they had defended themselves against England. 
British emigration, moreover, was diverted from America to 
Australia ; Anglo-Saxon cities which might have grown up here 
grew up on the other side of the globe ; and the Anglo-Saxon 
element on this continent, in which the tradition and faculty of 
self-government reside, was thus deprived of a re-inforcement the 
loss of which is felt when that element has to grapple with a 
vast influx of foreign emigration untrained in self-government. 

To the French monarchy the consequence was bankruptcy, 
which drew with it utter ruin, and sent the King to the 
scaffold, and Lafayette to an Austrian prison. To humanity 
the consequence was the French Revolution, brought on by 
the bankruptcy of the French monarchy and by the spirit of 
violent insurrection transmitted from America to France. Of 
all the calamities which have ever befallen the human race the 
French Revolution, as it seems to me, is the greatest. If any one 
is startled by that assertion let him review the history of the 



26 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

preceding half century, see what progress enlightenment had 
made, and to what an extent liberal and humane principles had 
gained a hold upon the governments of Europe. Let him 
consider how much had been done or was about to be done in 
the way of reform by Turgot, Pombal, Aranda, Tanucci, 
Leopold of Tuscany, Joseph of Austria, Frederic, Catherine, 
and Pitt. The American Revolution brought the peaceful 
march of progress to a violent crisis. Then followed the 
catastrophe in France, the Reign of Terror, the military 
despotism of Napoleon, the Napoleonic wars, desolating half 
the world and lending ten-fold intensity to the barbarous lust 
of bloodshed, the despotic reaction of 1815, another series of 
violent revolutions, another military despotism in France, 
with more wars in its train ; and, on the other hand, Communism, 
Intransigentism, and all the fell brood of revolutionary chim- 
eras to which Jacobinism gave birth, and which, imported 
j into this continent by political exiles, are beginning to breed 

"o ' serious trouble even here. Separation, once more, was inevit- 

able ; but if it could only have been peaceful what a page of 
calamity, crime, and horror, would have been torn from the 
book of fate ! 

Then came the disastrous and almost insane war of 1812, 
an after-clap of the war of the Revolution. So far as that war 
was on the American side a war for the freedom of the seas it 
was righteous. Nobody can defend the Orders in Council, or 
the conduct of the British government, and the only excuse is 
that Great Britain was then in the agony of a desperate strug- 
gle, not for her own independence only, but for the indepen- 
dence of all nations. So far as it was a war of anti-British 



AXcrx^^U 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 27 

feeling and of sympathy with Jacobinism, as to a great extent 
it was, the protest of Webster and New England, it appears to 
me, may be sustained. That strife over and its bitterness 
somewhat allayed, there came disputes respecting the bounda- 
ries of Canada and at the same time bickerings about the 
slave trade, which England was laboring with perfect sincerity 
to put down. Later still came the quarrel bred by the 
sympathy of a party in England with Southern secession. I 
saw something of that controversy in my own country, stand- 
ing by the side of John Bright against the dismemberment of 
the great Anglo-Saxon community of the West, as I now stand 
by the side of John Bright against the dismemberment of the 
great Anglo-Saxon community of the East. The aristocracy of 
England as a class was naturally on the side of the Planter 
aristocracy of the South, as the Planter aristocracy of the South 
would, in a like case, have been on the side of the aristocracy 
of England. The mass of the nation was on the side of freedom, 
and its attitude effectually prevented not only the success but 
the initiation of any movement in Parliament for the support or 
recognition of the South. If some who were not aristocrats or 
Tories failed to understand the issue between the North and the 
South, and were thus misguided in the bestowal of their sym- 
pathies, let it in equity be remembered that Congress, when the 
gulf of disunion yawned before it, had shown itself ready not 
only to compromise with slavery, but to give slavery further 
securities, if, by so doing, it could preserve the Union. Not a few 
friends of the Republic in England stifled their sympathy because 
they deemed the contest hopeless and thought that to encourage 
perseverance in it was to lure the Republic to her ruin. When 



28 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

Mr. Gladstone proclaimed that the cause of disunion had 
triumphed and that Jeff. Davis had made the South a nation, 
some there were who echoed his words with delight ; not a few 
there were who echoed them in despair. I first visited 
America during the civil war, when the Alabama controversy 
was raging in its full virulence. Even then I was able to write 
to my friends in England that, angry as the Americans were, 
and bitter as were their utterances against us, a feeling towards 
the old country, which was not bitterness, still had its place in 
their hearts ; and it seems not chimerical to hope that the feel- 
ing which was thus shown to be the most deeply seated will in 
the end entirely prevail. In England, already, a display of the 
American flag excites none but kindly feelings, and the time 
must surely come when a display of the flag which American 
and British hands together planted on the captured ramparts of 
Louisburg will excite none but kindly feelings here. 

The political feud between the two branches of the race 
would now I suppose be nearly at an end, if it were not for the 
Irish, or rather for the Irish vote. I am not going into the 
question of Home Rule, or as it would more properly be 
called, th e^ue stion ot Cel ^c-secession ^ But I wish to impress 
upon my hearers one Fact, which, unless it can be denied or its 
plain significance can be rebutted, is decisive, as it seems to me, 
of the Irish question. The north of Ireland is not more 
favored by nature than other parts ; its laws, its institutions, 
its connection with Great Britain under the Union, are pre- 
cisely the same as those of the other provinces ; the only dif- 
ference is that, having been settled by the Scotch, it is mainly 
Anglo-Saxon and Protestant, while the rest of the Island is 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 29 

Celtic and Catholic ; and the north is prosperous, contented, 
law-abiding and loyal to the Union. This fact, I say, appears 
to me decisive, nor have I ever seen an attempt on the part of 
secessionists to deal with it or rebut the inference. To extend 
Anglo-Saxon constitutionalism and legality to the clannish and 
lawless Celt, who after the Anglo-Saxon settlement in England 
still had his abode in Cornwall, Wales, the Highlands of Scot- 
land, and Ireland has been a hard and tedious task. Cornwall 
was Anglo-Saxonized early, though traces of the Celtic temper 
in politics still remain. Wales was Anglo-Saxonized later by 
Edward the First, and the Kings his successors, who perfected 
his work. The Highlands of Scotland were not Anglo-Saxon- 
ized till 1745, when the last rising of the Clans for the Pre- 
tender was put down, and law, order, settled industry, and the 
Presbyterian Church penetrated the Highland glens with the 
standards of the United Kingdom. The struggle to make the 
Celtic clans of Ireland an integral and harmonious part of the 
Anglo-Saxon realm, carried on from age to age amidst un- 
toward and baffling influences of all kinds, especially those of 
the religious wars of the Reformation, form one of the most 
disastrous and the saddest episodes of history ; though it must 
be remembered that struggles not unlike this have been going 
on in other parts of Europe where national unification was in 
progress, without receiving so much critical attention or making 
so much noise in the world. One great man was for a moment 
on the point of accomplishing the work and stanching forever 
the source of tears and blood. That Cromwell intended to ex- 
tirpate the Irish people is a preposterous calumny. To no 
man was extirpation less congenial ; but he did intend to make 



1 



#i 



jo The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

an end' of Irishry^with its clannishness, lawlessness, supersti- 
tion, ahtr-thrrftlessness, and to introduce the order, legality, 
ancT settled industry of the Anglo-Saxon in its place. To use 
hts own expression he meant to make Ireland another England, 
as prosperous, peaceful, and contented. It is impossible that 
British statesmen can allow a separate realm of Celtic lawless- 
ness to be set up in the midst of the Anglo-Saxon realm of 
law ; if they did, the consequence would be civil war, murder- 
ous as before, between the two races and religions in Ireland, 
then reconquest and a renewal of the whole cycle of disasters. 
Nor can any government suffer the lives, property, and indus- 
try of its law-abiding citizens to be at the mercy of a murderous 
conspiracy, or permit terrorism to usurp the place of the law. 
Butchering men before the faces of their wives and families, 
beating out a boy's brains in his mother's presence, setting fire 
to houses in which men are sleeping, shooting or pitch-capping 
women, boycotting a woman in travail from medical aid, mob- 
bing the widow as she returns from viewing the body of her mur- 
dered husband, driving from their calling all who will not obey 
the command of the village tyrant, mutilating dumb animals 
and cutting off the udders of cows, blowing up with dynamite 
public edifices in which a crowd of innocent sightseers of all 
ages and both sexes are gathered — these are not things which 
civilization reckons as liberties. They are not things by which 
any practical reform can be effected, by which any good cause 
can be advanced. America has seen something of Celtic law- 
lessness as well as Great Britain, and more Irish probably were 
put to death at the time of the draft riots in this city than 
have suffered under all those special acts for the prevention of 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. ji 

crime in Ireland, miscalled coercion acts, the very number and 
frequent renewal of which only show that the British govern- 
ment is always trying to return to the ordinary course of law. 
Americans do not allow conspiracy to usurp the place of legal 
authority, or one man to deprive another of his livelihood by 
boycotting at his will ; nor do I suppose that holders of real 
estate in ' New York regard with philanthropic complacency 
the proposal to repudiate rents. When the other European 
governments find it necessary to put forth their force in order 
to oppose disturbance, when Austria proclaims a state of 
siege, or Germany resorts to strong measures in Posen and 
Alsace-Lorraine, no cry of indignation is heard ; when Italy 
sends her troops to restore order and crush an agrarian league 
which is dominating by assassination and outrage like that of 
Ireland, no American legislatures pass resolutions denouncing 
the Italian government and expressing sympathy with the 
Camorra. It seems to be believed that Ireland is governed as 
a dependency by a British Viceroy with despotic power, who 
oppresses the people at his pleasure or at the pleasure of 
tyrannical England. I doubt whether many Americans are dis- 
tinctly conscious of the fact that Ireland like Scotland has her 
full representation in the United Parliament, and if her mem- 
bers would act like those from Scotland, might obtain any 
practical reform which she desired. The Lord-Lieutenant has 
been compared to an Austrian satrapy in Italy. An Austrian 
satrapy, with a full representation of the people in Parlia- 
ment, a responsible executive, trial by jury, habeas corpus, and 
a free press ! It happens that thirty years ago the British 
House of Commons voted by an overwhelming majority the 



j 2 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, but the Bill was 
dropped, as Lord St. Germain, the Lord-Lieutenant of that 
day formally announced, in deference to the expressed wishes 
of the Irish people. 

I do not blame Americans for misjudging us ; the au- 
thority by which they are misled is apparently the highest. 
But they too know what faction is, and that in its evil parox- 
ysms it is capable not only of betraying but of traducing the 
country. Americans will presently see that the dynamite of 
Herr Most and that of Rossa is the same ; that the seeds of 
disorder and contempt for law scattered in Ireland will spring 
up here ; that war between property and plundering anarchy 
impends in this as well as in other countries, and that you can- 
not strengthen the hands of anarchy in one country without 
strengthening them in all. Openly, and under its own banner, 
anarchism is making formidable attempts to grasp the govern- 
ment of American cities. It is not only your neighbor's house 
that is on fire and the flames of which you are fanning, it is 
your own. Nor ought Americans to forget that they have re- 
cently themselves set us an illustrious example. By them 
Englishmen have been taught resolutely to maintain the integ- 
rity of the nation, even though it be at the cost of the most 
tremendous of civil wars. 

But then there is the social friction. At the time of 
the Revolution one ultra-classical patriot proposed that the 
language of the new Republic should be Latin, forgetting that 
Latin was the language of Nero and his slaves as well as of the 
Gracchi. I sometimes almost wish that his suggestion had 
been adopted, so that the two branches of our race might not 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. jj 

have had a common tongue to convey their carpings, scoffings, 
and gibings to each other. English travellers come scurrying 
over the United States with notions gathered from Martin 
Chuzzlewit, seeing only the cities, where all that is least 
American and least worthy is apt to be gathered, not the farms 
and villages, in which largely reside the pith, force, and virtue 
of the nation ; ignorant of the modes of living and travelling, 
running their heads against social custom, carrying about their 
own bath-tubs, and dressing as though they were among 
hunter tribes. Then they go home and write magazine articles 
about American society and life. Americans go to England 
full of Republican prejudice and sensitiveness, with minds made 
up to seeing nothing but tyranny or servility on all sides, — 
ignorant, they also, of the ways of the society in which they 
find themselves, construing every oversight and every word 
that they do not understand as a studied insult not only to 
themselves but to their Republic. I was reading the other day 
a book on British Aristocracy by a distinguished American, 
the lion's provider to one still more distinguished. He was so 
far free from prejudice as to admit that English judges did not 
often take bribes. But, in English society, he found a repulsive 
mass of aristocratic insolence on one side and of abject flunky- 
ism on the other. The position of the men of intellect, the 
Tennysons, Brownings, Thackerays, Macaulays, Darwins, Hux- 
leys, and Tyndalls he found to be that of the Russian serf, who 
holds the heads of his master's horses while his master flogs 
him. He represents the leaders of English society as going 
upon their knees for admission to his parties, which ought to 
have mollified him, but did not. It seems that when he was 



34 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

in England there was only one high-minded gentleman there, 
and even that one was in the habit of traducing the hospitality 
which he enjoyed. If people despise aristocracy as much as 
they say they do, would they be likely to talk quite so much 
about it? So far from the British people being the most 
abject slaves of aristocracy, they are the one nation in Europe 
which would never tolerate the existence of a noblesse and 
always insisted on the equality of high-born and low-born 
before the law. Aristocracy has survived in England for the 
very reason that there alone its privileges were closely curtailed 
and its arrogance was jealously repressed. In England, as in 
other countries, aristocracy as a political power is about to pass 
away, and there will be other and more rational guarantees of 
order and stability for the future. But I do not believe that 
the British aristocracy is worse than other rich and idle classes ; 
I do not believe it is worse than the idle sons of millionaires in 
New York. It has at least some semblance of duties to 
perform. All its sins are committed under an electric light and 
telegraphed to a prurient world, which by its very craving for 
aristocratic scandal shows that it has a flunky's heart. As to 
the pomps and vanities of life they seem to me to be pretty 
much the same on both sides of the Atlantic. Assured rank, 
indeed, is less given to display than new born wealth. Surely 
all our studies of the philosophy of history and social evolution 
have not been utterly in vain. We ought to know by this time 
that in a land old in story and full of the traditions and 
relics of the past, beneath the shadow of ancient cathedrals, 
gray church towers, legendary mansions and immemorial oaks, — 
a land, of which the trim and finished loveliness bespeaks 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 35 

fourteen centuries of culture, — the structure of society cannot 
be the same that it is in this New World. We ought to have 
philosophy enough to admit that a structure of society 
different from ours may have graces, perhaps even virtues, of 
its own. The old cannot at a bound become as the new, nor 
would it be better for us if it could. Americanize the planet, 
and you will retard not quicken the march of civilization, 
which, to propel it, requires diversity and emulation. England 
may be politically behind America, and have lessons to learn 
from America which she will learn the more readily the more 
kindly they are imparted. But she is not a land of tyrants and 
slaves. Her monarchy does not cost the people more than 
Presidential elections. Good Mr. Carnegie, who deems it the 
special boon of Democracy that he is perfectly the equal of 
every other man, is no more politically the equal of a Boss than 
I am of a Duke. One liberty England possesses, unless my 
patriotism misleads me, in a degree peculiar to herself, and 
perhaps it is of all liberties the most vital and the most 
precious. During this Irish controversy, terribly momentous 
and exasperating as it is to us, Irish Nationalists and American 
sympathizers with Irish nationalism, have been allowed freely 
to express their opinions even in language far from courteous 
to Englishmen through all the magazines and organs of the 
English press. The English press is under the censorship 
neither of kings, nor of the mob. Perhaps the censorship of 
the mob is not less inimical to the free expression of truth, less 
narrowing or less degrading than that of kings. 

The literary men of America, whose influence on sentiment 
must be great, are apt to be somewhat anglophobic. They 



j6 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

have reason to feel galled by the unfair competition to which 
the absence of international copyright subjects them. I was 
reading, not long ago, an American book of travel in Italy, very 
pleasant, except that on every other page there was an angry 
thrust at England, where the writer told us he would be very 
sorry to live, though it did not appear that the presumptuous 
Britons were pressing that hateful domicile upon him. Then, 
after harping on English grossness, brutality, and barbarism, he 
goes to worship at the shrines of Byron, Keats, and Shelley ; as 
though the poetry of Byron, Keats, and Shelley were anything 
but the flower of that plant, the root and stem of which are so 
coarse and vile. A Confederate flag is descried, floating 
probably over the home of some exile, on the Lake of Como. 
The Writer is transported with patriotic wrath at the sight. 
Two Englishmen on board the steamer, as he tells us, grin ; and 
he takes it for granted that their grinning is an expression of 
their British malignity ; yet, surely, it may have been only a 
smile at his emotion, at which the reader, though innocent of 
British malignity, cannot possibly help smiling. " Heaven 
knows," a character is made to say in an American novel now in 
vogue, " I do not love the English. I was a youngster in our 
great war, but the iron entered into my soul when I understood 
their course towards us and when a gallant young sailor from 
our town, serving on the Kearsarge in her fight with the Alabama 
(that British vessel under Confederate colors) was wounded 
by a shot cast in a British arsenal, and fired from a British 
cannon by a British seaman from the Royal Naval Reserve 
transferred from the training-ship Excellent." The writer shows 
that by the very way in which he strives to color the facts that 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. jy 

he knows the charge here levelled against the British govern- 
ment and nation to be unjust ; and art ill fulfills her mission 
when she propagates false history for the purpose of keeping 
up ill-will between nations. 

The soldiers, by whom it might be supposed that the 
traditions of hostility would be specially preserved and cherished, 
I have usually found not bitter ; but soldiers seldom are. 

When Mr. Ingalls, or Mr. Fry, pours out his vocabulary 
upon England and upon us who rejoice in the name of English- 
men, I want to ask them, whether Ingalls and Fry are not 
English names. These gentlemen must have very bad blood 
in their own veins. Their education too must have been poor, 
if it is on English literature that their minds have been fed. 
The character of races, though perhaps not indelible, is lasting. 
It passes almost unchanged through zone after zone of 
history. The Frenchman is still the Gaul ; the Spaniard is 
still the Iberian. Abraham still lives in the Arab tent. Yet 
we are asked by American anglophobists to believe that of two 
branches of the same race, which have been parted only for a 
single century, and have all that time been under the influence 
of the same literature and similar institutions, one is a mass 
of brutality and infamy, while the other is unapproachable 
perfection. 

There has no doubt been a certain division, both of char- 
acter and of achievement, between the Anglo-Saxon of the old 
country and the Anglo-Saxon of the New World. The Anglo- 
Saxon of the New World has organized Democracy, with the 
problems of which, after the Revolution, he was distinctly 
brought face to face ; whereas the Anglo-Saxon of the old 




j8 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

country, having glided into Democracy unawares, while he 
fancied himself still under a monarchy because he retained 
monarchical forms, is now turning to his brother of the New 
World for lessons in Democratic organization. With the 
Anglo-Saxon of the old country has necessarily hitherto 
remained the leadership of literature and science, which the 
race has known how to combine in full measure with political 
greatness. With the Anglo-Saxon of the old country have 
also remained the spirit of Elizabethan adventure and the 
faculty of conquering and of organizing conquest. Surely, in the 
British Empire in India, no Anglo-Saxon can fail to see at all 
events a splendid proof of the valor, the energy, the fortitude, 
and the governing-power of his race. Remember how small is 
the number of the Anglo-Saxons who rule those two hundred 
and fifty millions. Remember that since the establishment of 
British rule there has never been anything worthy the name of 
a political revolt, that at the time of the great mutiny all the 
native princes remained faithful, that when Russia threatened 
. war the other day one of them came zealously forward with 
offers of contributing to the defence of the Empire. Remember 
that the Sikhs, with whom yesterday England was fighting 
desperately for ascendancy, are now her best soldiers, while 
their land is her most flourishing and loyal province. Yet we 
are told that the Anglo-Saxon can never get on with other 
races! It is not on force alone that the British Empire in 
India is founded; the force is totally inadequate to produce 
the moral and political effects. The certainty that strict faith 
will always be kept by the government is the talisman which 
makes Sepoy and Rajah alike loyal and true. In an American 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. jp 

magazine, the other day, appeared a rabid invective against 
British rule by one of those cultivated Hindoos, Baboos as they 
are called, who owe their very existence to the peace of the 
Empire, and if its protection were withdrawn would be crushed 
like egg-shells amidst the wild collision of hostile races and 
creeds which would ensue. The best answer to the Baboo's 
accusations is the freedom of invective which he enjoys, and 
which is equally enjoyed by the native press of India. What 
other conqueror could ever afford to allow perfect liberty of 
complaint, and not only of complaint but of denunciation to 
the conquered ? We, gentlemen of the Canadian Club of New 
York, heirs not of the feuds of our race, but of its glorious 
history, its high traditions, its famous names, can look with 
equal pride on all that it has done, whether in the Old World 
or in the New, from New York to Delhi, from Winnipeg or 
Toronto to Sidney or Melbourne, and rejoice in the thought 
that though the roll of England's drum may no longer go with 
morning around the world, and though the sun may set on 
England's military empire, morning in its course round the 
world will forever be greeted in the Anglo-Saxon tongue and 
the sun will never set on Anglo-Saxon greatness. 

And if in the breast of any American envy is awakened by 
the imperial grandeur of his kinsmen in the Old World, 
perhaps there is a thought which may allay his pain. Power 
in England is passing out of the hands of the imperial classes, 
and those which gave birth to the heroic adventurers, into those 
of classes which, whatever may be their other qualities, are 
neither imperial nor heroic. It seems to be the grand aim of 
statesmen, by protective tariffs and ecocomical legislation of 



40 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

all kinds, to call into existence factory-life on as large a scale 
as possible, as though this were one thing needed to make 
communities prosperous and happy. Wealth, no doubt, the 
factory-hand produces, and possibly he may prove hereafter to 
be good material for the community and the Parliament of 
Man, but he is about the worst of all material for the nation. 
He is apt to be a citizen of the labor market and to have those 
socialistic or half-socialistic tendencies with which patriotism 
cannot dwell. England has been inordinately enriched by the 
vast development of her manufactures. But for her force, 
perhaps even for her happiness, it would be better if Yorkshire 
streams still ran unpolluted to the sea and beside them dwelt 
English hearts. It seems at all events scarcely possible that 
such an electorate should continue to hold and administer the 
Indian Empire. 

Some day we may be sure the schism in the Anglo-Saxon 
race will come to a end. Intercourse and intermarriage, which 
are every day increasing ; the kindly words and acts of the 
wiser and better men on both sides ; the influence of a common 
literature and the exchange of international courtesies and 
good offices — these, with all-healing time, will at last do 
their work. The growing sense of a common danger will 
cause Americans, if they hold property and love order, to give 
up gratifying their hatred of England by fomenting disorder 
in Ireland. The feud will cease to be cherished, the fetish of 
hatred will cease to be worshipped, even by the meanest 
members of either branch of the race. No peddler of inter- 
national rancor will then be any longer able to circulate his 
villain sheets and rake up his shekels by trading on the 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 41 

lingering enmity of the Anglo-Saxon of the New World to his 
brother beyond the sea. But between the two branches of the 
race which the Atlantic divides, the only bond that can be 
renewed is that of the heart ; though I have sometimes 
indulged a thought that there might at some future day be an 
Anglo-Saxon franchise, enabling a member of any English- 
speaking community to take up his citizenship in any other 
English-speaking community without naturalization, and that, 
in this manner, the only manner possible, might be fulfilled the 
desire of those who dream of Imperial Federation. But the 
relations of the English-speaking communities of Canada to 
the English-speaking communities of the rest of this continent 
are manifestly destined by nature to be more intimate. I do 
not speak of political relations, nor do I wish to raise the veil 
of the future on that subject ; but the social and commercial 
relations of Canada with the United States must be those of 
two kindred communities dwelling not only side by side, but 
on territories interlaced and vitally connected in regard to all 
that concerns commerce and industry with each other, while 
united these territories form a continent by themselves. In 
spite of political separation, social and commercial fusion is in 
fact rapidly going on. There are now large colonies of Cana- 
dians south of the line, and Anglo-Saxons from Canada occupy, 
so far as I can learn, not the lowest grade, either in point of 
energy or of probity, in the hierarchy of American industry and 
trade. One name at all events they have in the front rank of 
American finance. Of those American fishermen, between 
whom and the fishermen of Canada this dispute has arisen, not 
a few, it seems, are Canadians. Not a little of Canadian 



42 The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 

commerce on the other hand is in American hands. The 
railway system of the two countries is one ; and they are far 
advanced towards a union of currency. Of the old estran- 
gement, which the Trent affair for a moment revived, almost 
the last traces have now disappeared and social reconciliation is 
complete. It is time then that the Anglo-Saxons on this 
continent should set aside the consequences of the schism and 
revert to the footing of common inheritance, instituting free- 
trade among themselves, allowing the life-blood of commerce 
to circulate freely through the whole body of their continent, 
enjoying in common all the advantages which the continent 
affords, its fisheries, its water-ways, its coasting-trade, and 
merging forever all possibility of dispute about them in a 
complete and permanent participation. The Fisheries dispute 
will have been a harbinger of amity in disguise if it leads us at 
last to make a strenuous effort to bring about a change so 
fraught with increase of wealth and other benefits to both 
countries as Commercial Union. The hour is in every way 
propitious if only American politicians will abstain from 
insulting or irritating England, whose consent is necessary, by 
reckless efforts to capture the Irish vote. Let us not allow 
the hour to pass away in fruitless discussion, but try to 
translate our wishes into actions. Nor need any Canadian fear 
that the political separation to which perhaps he clings will be 
forfeited by accepting Commercial Union. A poor and weak 
nationality that would be which depended upon a customs 
line. Introduce Free-trade at once throughout the world and 
the nationalities will remain as before. Abolish every custom- 
house on the Pyrenees, France and Spain will still be nations 



The Schism in the Anglo-Saxon Race. 43 

as distinct from each other as ever. If political union ever, 
takes place between the United States and Canada, it will not be | 
because the people of the United States are disposed to aggres- 
sion upon Canadian independence, of which there is no / 
thought in any American breast, nor because the impediments ^ 
to commercial intercourse and of the free interchange of 
commercial services will have been removed, but because \ 
in blood and character, language, religion, institutions, laws 
and interests, the two portions of the Anglo-Saxon race on 
this continent are one people. 




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