PASS ON PAMPHLETS. No. 6.
FRANK H. ROSE
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STOP THE STRIKE
By FRANK H. ROSE.
Thirty years of close and active participation in the
trade union movement have brought experiences and
induced reflections which are denied to the academic
student, however deep his interest, however indus-
trious his research. Intimate knowledge of the men
who compose the officialism of the movement, con-
stant contact with those who compose the rank and
file, and some facilities for access to the inner
counsels which, in a measure, determine its trend,
have given the writer unique facilities for observa-
tion and judgment. Even though all these elements
were obliterated and all the experiences of three
decades were ignored, the industrial records of the
past twelve months would afford all the evidence
necessary to demonstrate the depth and importance
of the change that is taking place.
Beneath the inexorable force of economic pressure
the old trade unionism has hopelessly broken down.
The strike policy has been a ghastly failure. The
stunted and poverty-stricken ideals of the orthodox
trade union movement have become unrealisable.
The virtual command of trade conditions has thin-
ned down to a weak, equivocal voice in their regula-
tion — a voice almost invariably silenced by the more
strident mandate of the predominant partner.
Trade unionism has had but one weapon, one
line of attack and defence. The political activities
in which the unions have been figuring with varying
degrees of prominence are no part of their original
design, but simply outgrowths, stimulated almost
entirely by the miserable futility of their orthodox
effort. Their only weapon is some form of with-
holding labour. When negotiation effects the settle-
ment of a trade dispute, its background and setting
is always the strike, or the fear of the strike.
The strike is essentially an abortion. It is the
disruption of the natural relation and contact of
Labour and the other factors of wealth production.
Its doctrine is crudity itself. Its underlying idea,
which never varies, is that by withholding labour
Capitalism may be starved into subjection. The
lock-out is a strike of Capitalism against Labour — a
simple reversal of the forces in conflict. Whatever
form the strike may take, whether that of entire
cessation of work, the stoppage of overtime, the
partial closing or complete shutting down of fac-
tories or workshops, the object is always the same —
the betterment, real or assumed, of the persons
engaged in the dispute. Strikes for higher wages,
shorter hours, against piecework or overtime, or any
of the thousand actual or imaginary grievances of
Labour; lock-outs against any of these demands, or
for the purpose of imposing the will of the employer
upon the workman in any form, have all the same
inspiration. It is the desire, not always clearly
defined, or even expressed, on the part of the workers
to achieve industrial betterment. The ideal of the
old trade unionist is just as low as this : that indus-
trial betterment must be bounded by the possibilities
of what the strike or the fear of the strike can wring
from reluctant Capitalism.
As long as Capitalism remained unorganised there
was always the possibility of some modified suc-
cesses in this direction. The old strike policy
held always such a measure of promise. The
engineers gained the nine hours, and carried on a
long and desperate struggle against piece-work and
the " two-lathe " system. Many are the instances of
small and sometimes useful achievement through the
operation of the strike. But, year by year, the diffi-
culties increased. Vast federations of the employ-
ing classes, with perfect equipment, copying all that
was most effective in the old trade union method, and
astutely eschewing all that experience had shown to
be least effective, rose, challenged, fought, and
defeated Labour. Against employers, isolated and
unorganised, the strike had succeeded. The unions
had been able to force up wages and hold a certain
control over their industrial conditions. But a far
more perfect organisation of the employers speedily
reduced the strike to impotency. The lock-out in
action is an instrument of merciless destruction; the
lock-out in the background is a shadow of menace
and terror. It is little wonder that against so deadly
a weapon the strike should be effete and purposeless,
and that the experience of those who have faced it
should constitute a warning and a fear to the worker.
The Decline of the Old Faith.
The trend of modern trade unionism is distinctly
away from the strike method of industrial warfare.
So far, this trend is at best but semi-conscious.
Many influences are at work, however, developing a
lively consciousness. Of these the most potent and
searching is the restless and persistent propaganda
of Socialism, which is swiftly and surely turning the
organised workers from old fallacies to newer and
broader truths. Besides this, there is the grim irony
of fact that not even the stodgiest and most preju-
diced of the old trade unionists can evade. Nearly
every well-established union is equipped to carry on
a strike; not one is half equipped to resist a lock-out.
Not one can protect its members from the ruthless
speeding up of man and machinery which charac-
terises modern productive systems; scarcely one but
has been forced to forfeit the last vestige of control
over the machine tools of its craft, not one that can
regulate the hours of labour to the extent of creating
a guarantee for all its people of the very elementary
right to work at their own calling.
The old trade unionism of to-day is the survival
of the new trade unionism of the " fifties," and
expresses now, as then, the belief that the industrial
and social betterment of the workers is achievable
by the simple expedient of withholding labour. Its
sheet anchor is the strike. Its justification or its
condemnation must therefore be found in its actual
results, and its actual results will be reflected in the
condition of the working class life it has created.
A glance at the general structure of the trade
unionism of Great Britain will show that it is almost
entirely composed of skilled and partly skilled
workers. Of the 2,000,000 of organised workers
more than two-thirds are highly-skilled artisans; a
considerable, though much smaller, proportion are
semi-skilled, and a comparatively insignificant
number are totally unskilled labourers. Then the
state of the skilled artisan, in point of wages and
general conditions, must be the real test of the value
of the strike method.
The most vivid illustration of the failure of the
strike is found in the best example of modern trade
unionism, the Amalgamated Society of Engineers.
Here we have a concentration of prodigious numbers,
powerful and almost inexhaustible finance, and
splendid loyalty to trade union principle. The state
of the operative engineer is the supreme test of the
value of the strike method. These men have had
the cherished advantage of " recognition," the sacred
right of " collective bargaining," with the " strike in
the background." After sixty years of unexampled
effort and sacrifice, the general conditions surround-
ing their employment are almost startling for their
poverty and injustice.
Take wages as the standard of calculation. The
highest recognised minimum wage rate is paid in
London, where the skilled fitter or turner receives
40s. a week for 54 hours' work; the lowest is that
paid at Merthyr Tydvil, where the same class of
worker is paid 23s. for the same number of hours.
It is reasonable to assume that, having regard to the
great difference in the cost of living in the two places,
the standard of comfort may be as high, if not
higher, in South Wales, as compared with London.
And between these two rates will lie the average
wages rates of the whole of the operative engineers
of the United Kingdom. Actually, the average is
about 36s. for every full week worked. But the
yearly income resulting from engineering labour is
not 36s. multiplied by 52 — for no man works 52 full
weeks a year — but the average income is really 36s.
multiplied by 44. Thus, we find that the net result
of sixty years of trade union effort is represented by
the living possibilities of £88 per annum in London,
and £50 in Wales. Lest I should be accused of at-
tempting to minimise the achievements of trade
unionism, let me add that every member has to his
credit a sum which fluctuates between £$ and £8, or,
roughly, the equivalent of a month's wages, a guaran-
tee against actual starvation in case of unemploy-
ment, sickness, and indigent old age. It has taken
sixty years to save the consolidated fund and has
cost £8,000,000 to secure an average income of
£69 per annum — and that only to men in the
unusual possession of constant employment.
Nor has the old trade unionism clone much, if any
more, for other classes of workmen. The strike has
had a full and fair trial in the coal mining industry.
While it is true that colliers' wages vary even more
than those of engineers, it may be said that 6s. a
shift will express the average earnings of skilled
miners throughout the country. That it is often
much less than this is well known — that it is less
frequently more than this will scarcely be denied.
I have found, both in Durham and Lancashire,
levels as low as 3s. iod. per shift, though I have
heard of individual miners, apart from butty men,
who have at times earned much above the average of
6s. per shift. In calculating the average income of
the working collier at the same amount as that of the
engineer, we are erring, if at all, on the generous
In the textile industry there are few workers who
earn as much as those already quoted. The spinners
or "minders " of the Lancashire cotton centres, the
power loom overlookers, the tapers, and a few others
in the weaving section, are the only cotton operatives
who command a wage as high as engineers and
miners. For the rest it may be said that the weavers
barely average £1 a week (the year round) and that
the mass of the card room hands are even worse
paid. In the woollen trade, the wages range lower
again, and the pay of the flax and jute workers is
probably meaner than any of the others. If we take
£1 a week as the average of the whole of the textile
operatives, we are making ample allowances on the
The skilled workers in the building trade are no
better paid than those engaged in the iron trade, and
the position of the whole of the skilled trades may
be summarised at 30s. a week. It is impossible to
estimate the average of the earnings of the unskilled
labourers, but that it is pitifully low is well known.
Below those again are the sweated trades, and that
these work and live below the poverty line is
It is the skilled workers, however, who form the
great body of the trade union army, and whose
present condition may be expressed by the living
possibilities of 30s. a week when working, and 7s.
or 8s. a week when out of work. To produce these
results they have spent fifty millions of their own
earnings, and have fought thousands of strikes. It
is not remarkable that there should be a growing
distrust of a method which has brought no better
The Trade Union Breakdown.
Only where employers are isolated and unorgan-
ised will the strike bear the promise or the possi-
bility of success in the future. Within the trade
union movement are defects and diseases which for-
bid the smallest hope of successful conflict with so
poor and effete a weapon. Organised Capitalism
will defeat trade unionism on the old lines every
time the two come into hostile contact. Whether it
is done by opposing the lock-out to the strike, or by
holding it in the background as an auxiliary to the
farcical freedom of "collective bargaining," matters
very little. " Collective bargaining n is nothing but
a delusive expansion of the old Manchester School
doctrine of " freedom of contract.' ' Without the
strike or the lock-out in the background, it amounts
only to this; that the workmen are collectively free
to accept the conditions the employers collectively
think fit to offer, or to collectively remain without
employment until hunger on one side or financial
anxiety on the other brings the parties to terms.
You may multiply the numbers on either side as you
will ; the principle remains the same.
The strike in the background as a potent accessory
to "collective bargaining M is as nothing compared
with the lock-out utilised in a similar connection.
The events of last year afford abundant evidence of
this. A threat of a lock-out brought the great and
powerful Boiler Makers' and Iron and Steel Ship-
builders' to their knees, and frightened them into
the acceptance of terms which were utterly out of
harmony with all their trade union traditions and
policy. The vaguest hint of a lock-out held up the
North-East Coast engineers, after a year's " collec-
tive bargaining " for a trumpery advance of wages.
The lock-out of the Hemsworth colliers, after three
years of unutterable misery, ended, as the lock-out
must always end. in the total defeat of the workers.
The strike of the Denton hatters provoked the lock-
out as a counterblast, and the lock-out triumphed in
seven weeks. Lock-outs were threatened in all three
sections of the cotton trade quite recently, and in
each instance the workers made peace on disadvan-
tageous terms to escape. Workers are beginning to
realise the position. It would be strange were it
Distrust of the strike is a growing sentiment. But
the growth of the sentiment is accompanied by a
strange hesitancy to revoke the old faith and to
revise the old policy. The conviction that the strike
has ceased to be effective as a weapon of industrial
warfare is most reluctantly admitted, however pro-
Factors of Failure.
The fear of the lock-out and the heavy conscious-
ness of the failure of the strike are not the only
influences which are expediting the passing of the
older fallacies. Undoubtedly the first cause of the
failure of the old trade unionism is the squalid
poverty of its ideal. The grotesque notion that a
better social and industrial order can be achieved by
simply raising wages or shortening hours is un-
imaginative, as well as fallacious. It takes no
cognisance of the real cause of the evil it seeks to
remedy. But, if we assume that the old trade
unionism might conceivably lead the workers to a
better order of life if comprehensively applied, it
only remains to be said that an entire reconstruction
and reorganisation must be effected before it can
have any appreciable result upon the workers' con-
dition for the better.
It is impossible for any entire industry and for
few trades to make common cause. It is impossible
to give even the semblance of coherence and common
purpose to any great section of the organised work-
people. It is impossible to secure the adoption of
a common policy or a common line of action in
industrial movements by any single industry.
I cannot pretend to present anything like a clear
picture of modern trade unionism. Its complica-
tions are so perplexing and its want of design so
obvious. The whole movement is a jumble of cross
purposes, overlapping, and discord. Exactly how
many trade unions there are it is imposible to tell.
There are between 200 and 300 usually represented
at the great annual gatherings, and many hundreds
more that are too insignificant to aspire to repre-
sentation. There are fully 50 in the engineering
trade alone, every branch of which is catered for by
one or more sectional societies.
In the textile trades there are sharp divisions
between spinners, weavers, overlookers, tapers,
beamers, and other sections, and divisions again
between the cotton, woollen, and flax trades. The
building trades are similarly divided and sub-
divided. There are scores of unions for unskilled
labourers, and more than a dozen for men engaged
in the working of cranes and the tending of engines
and boilers. There are five or six unions connected
with the railway services alone. This sectionalism
is continually on the increase, and the endless split-
ting off of sections and sub-sections makes for a
confusion at once bewildering and mischievous.
A vivid consciousness of this anomalous state of
things has led to attempts to lessen the sectional evil
by the formation of federations which are supposed
to cohere some of these volatile fragments. There
are probably twenty or more of these federations.
The Miners' County Associations are loosely feder-
ated, the furnishing trades, the shipbuilding and
printing trades, and the various sections of the tex-
tile operatives. Besides these sectional federations,
there is the General Federation of Trade Unions, to
which something over half-a-million of workers sub-
scribe. With the exception of the Miners' Federa-
tion of Great Britain, none of these organisations
appear to discharge any useful function. They
have little or no influence in the direction of keeping
the unions in line for concerted action ; the inevitable
dissensions between the smaller unions composing
them, and the friction between the officials, is rather
intensified than eased. Such an army, with no
better weapon than the strike, can have little hope of
victory. The impossibility of concentrating any-
thing like an adequate force upon any effort for
betterment is manifest. But beyond this tangle of
disorganisation there is the debilitating influence of
internecine jealousy and distrust which the multi-
plicity of unions engenders and accentuates.
The Blight of Officialism.
The animosities of the unions are chiefly traceable
to their officialism. The great growth of section-
alism has brought with it a corresponding increase
of the permanent official element. By slow, almost
imperceptible degrees, trade union officialism has be-
come a profession, and its members a social caste.
A distinct interest, growing curiously apart from the
general interest of the rank and file, and drifting
more and more widely away from democratic senti-
ment and practice, has evolved. It is most pathetic
because it involves the misapplication of high capa-
city and great administrative aptitude. Certain it is
that the average trade union official compares well
with the average man in any walk of life in points
of character, intellect, and ability. I am referring
especially to the permanent paid secretaries, organ-
isers, delegates, presidents, and executive councilmen
of the unions, not to the vast army of district officers
who carry on the detail drudgery of the societies in
their spare hours for trifling fees. The man who
becomes a permanent official unconsciously develops
a personal interest, which is distinct from his former
interest in the society itself. This is perfectly
natural, and quite inevitable, but it is none the less a
potent factor in the general confusion of the move-
Though in most societies these higher officials hold
their appointments for stated terms, and may almost
all be said to be subject to dismissal, it is very
rarely, except for downright misconduct, that a
permanent officer is removed from his place. Re-
elections are mostly formalities, and only excep-
tional circumstances provoke more than a passing
interest in them. " Once an officer, always an offi-
cer," may be said to express the situation. After
all, this is no more than fair and proper; for a man
who has spent years of middle life in official pur-
suits is ill fitted to return to workshop life. Never-
theless, it does accentuate the sentiment of self-
interest, and leads to an assumption of almost pro-
prietorial right to the occupied position.
Undoubtedly, the bulk of the difficulties in the
way of better forms of trade union organisation are
raised by the conflicting interests of the official
leaders. Just as certainly, the rivalries and
jealousies rife in the midst of the movement are
attributable to the frequently conscious stimulus of
There is a peculiarly human aspect of this state
of affairs. Many of the smaller unions owe their
existence to the men who, as a matter of course,
become their chief officials. The livings, if not
luxurious, are usually superior to those experienced
in industrial life. Besides the financial advantages,
there is some element of social prominence and a
sense of dignity and authority dear to most men.
As a general rule this constitutes the chief difficulty,
and makes it wellnigh impossible to bring about
coalitions which would decrease the number of
unions which appear to exist for no purpose but that
of providing a salary or several salaries for their
The unskilled labour unions are notoriously kept
asunder by the same influences. The actual growth
of half the newer unions is due to the same cause.
Every attempt to reduce the evil, for evil it is, fails.
The competent industrial organisation of the
workers becomes hopeless; and, were the strike a
competent weapon, there is no disciplined army to
use it. Much more might be said concerning the
mischief wrought by the petty intrigues of the host
of small and relatively insignificant and useless
unions and their equally superfluous officials, but
I have only in view a demonstration of the influences
which account for the failure of the strike to accom-
plish the very limited mission involved in the old
trade union creed. Criticisms of persons can hardly
help us to correctly summarise actual results or
future possibilities. When capable and astute men
are hanging on to a species of vested interest and
find it necessary to foster animosity and wrath
among the workers to give them a tighter grip, there
remains no cause for wonder that trade unionism on
the old lines has miserably failed as an instrument
of industrial progress.
The vast majority of strikes terminate in favour
of the employers or in compromise inimical to the
interest of the workers. The stern logic of fact
cannot be always ignored. Nearly all the great
industrial conflicts of the past decade have been
disastrous to the workers. The disorganisation of
the employers is the only guarantee of partial suc-
cess. Under any other conditions the strike injures
more friends than foes : its recoil is ever deadlier
than its fire. Bitter as the lesson is and hard to
learn, it is coming home to the slow-moving and
prejudiced intelligence of the British trade unionist.
In the Sacred Name of Liberty.
The passive acquiescence of the public in the
present conditions is somewhat remarkable when
closely examined. Long-standing habits of thought
appear to have given us a distorted conception of
liberty. The liberty of the worker to strike and the
liberty of the capitalist to lock out have been
exalted into unassailable verities, and the liberty of
the rest of the community to occupy the position of
chief sufferers seems to be accepted as equally just
and reasonable. We need but contemplate the dire-
ful and cruel results of this year's struggle in the
shipbuilding trade to realise the stupendous charac-
ter of the anomaly which we have grown to accept
as sacred in the name of liberty. The rights and
the wrongs of the dispute are of no consequence;
it matters nothing upon which side of this senseless
and callous wrangle the sympathies of the public
are ranged. The right of any two parties to fight
may be conceded, but always with the proviso that
their blows shall fall only upon each other. If the
fact of the fight destroys my happiness and security,
and even cuts me off from my daily bread, then,
surely, the exercise by the belligerents of the right
to fight is destructive of my liberty to live. This is
less a question to be decided by the employers and
their workmen than by all the people, for every in-
dustrial upheaval is fraught with a greater measure
of suffering to its victims than to the combatants.
A strike of five hundred engine fitters throws a
thousand families into want and sometimes destitu-
tion. A lock-out of the shipyard woodworkers has
plunged 500,000 human beings into misery and
sorrow. It is monstrous to prate about the rights
of any strike or lock-out as long as the burden of
suffering must be borne by those who have neither
hand in the struggle or voice in the quarrel.
One more illustration of old trade union im-
potency. This is not the story of many strikes that
are lost, but the story of the few that are won.
Ernst Hubel, the Secretary of the German Textile
Workers, in his report to the International Con-
gress of Textile Workers, offers this uncon-
sciously-eloquent testimony to the abject futility
of the strike — even the successful strike : " We
have more and more to rely on ourselves.
The more we seek to strengthen our posi-
tion, the more the employers, by their mode
of action and powerful resistance, seek to frustrate
our efforts. Yet, in spite of all, if we have in the
years 1906-7 obtained for 119,550 persons 141,206
marks (£7,060) more per week in wages, we may be
somewhat encouraged, although the social conditions
of our colleagues have not experienced a real rise
owing to the increased cost of the -provisions of life
through the political tariff of our aristocracy?
So, the "political tariff" of the German aristocracy
has the same absorbent capacity as the land and
capital monopolies of our own aristocracy. The
shillings our workers strike for and win rarely get
as far as their own pockets, and never as far as their
homes. The shillings they strike for and lose are
gone for ever, and with them the hope and the
promise of freedom and happiness to thousands of
their helpless fellow-creatures.
The Legacy of the Pioneers.
Where and how has the " strike and starve " trade
unionist missed the track the old pioneer heroes of
his order marked for him ?
Where is the spirit and the inspiration of the old
trade union pioneer? It was not such a miserable
social chaos as this that formed the ideal for which
our fathers fought and sacrificed. Not for this the
old trade club heroes dared the prison and exile
when they buried their books in the turf and met
in secret on the bleak moors.
Listen to a voice from the grave. Every
A.S.E. man has heard it, and said "Aye" to it.
Sturdy old William Newton, wiser in his generation
than we in ours — the father of the A.S.E. — whose
words are read to every member of the greatest
association of skilled workers the world has seen :
If union be important to any order of
the community it must be pre-eminently so
TO the working man, whose only property,
HIS LABOUR, IS IN CONSTANT DANGER OF BEING
DEPRECIATED IN VALUE BY THE COMPETITIVE
STRUGGLES IN SOCIETY.
He knew ! Why have his children forgotten ?
The competitive struggles in society, now, as then,
are no less the cause of the workers' woe and want.
The yearning for a better order and a higher life
was the mainspring of the old pioneers' glorious
toil. Why should those who walk in the path they
smoothed in sorrow and self-sacrifice forget the
message and misconstrue their own mission ?
The object of the trade union is to better the
social and industrial condition of the workers. If
the strike method could bring betterment, the strike
stands vindicated. But it has not brought better-
ment, and the condemnation of the strike is not the
condemnation of the trade union, but only the
acceptance of the belief that trade unionism must
work through truer and surer channels to the
realisation of the ideals the pioneers cherished and
Trade unionism and Socialism have a common
origin and a common object. They are alike the
children of the same sorrowing mother. Every trade
unionist is, consciously or unconsciously, at one with
the Socialist. Put the cases side by side and see
how far they coincide, how much they have in
common, and where and how much they differ :
Implies a consciousness
of social inequity.
Recognises that such
social inequity arises
from the competitive con-
ditions of society.
Endeavours to rectify
existing anomalies by
Accepts a competitive
basis of society as in-
evitable, and seeks to
lighten its incidence by
the application of purely
industrial remedies, such
as higher wages, reduced
hours, or trade restric-
METHOD: Any form
of withholding labour.
Implies a consciousness
of social inequity.
Recognises that such
social inequity arises
from the competitive con-
ditions of society.
Endeavours to rectify
existing anomalies by
Repudiates the com-
petitive basis of society
and demands the recon-
struction of society upon
a co-operative basis.
Method : Independent
political action of the
There is not much to learn — there is so much to
unlearn. If the awful futility of the strike methods
will not teach, then where must we turn for the
light ? The millions squandered on strikes would
ransom the world; the effort and sacrifice and
splendid devotion lavished upon the hopeless
struggles of one decade might bring Labour's every
foe to suppliant submission. There is nothing to
show for it all but the golden gift of the hope of a
better day that the strike and the lock-out can never
Look round !
To-day there is no light in the path of the toiler
save the light that Socialism sheds. There is no
little sign of betterment. The struggle for life
intensifies as the years go on. Work is harder to
get, harder to do, harder to keep. Humanity is
depreciated and degraded, speeded up to exhaus-
tion, robbed of strength and sinew, crushed in spirit,
sterilised in mind and heart. Every skilled worker
knows this for himself; how much more need he
think for the unskilled ? Swift-coming changes
have brought the million-fingered machine, the
hustle and acute specialisation of a high-speed pro-
ductive system that is destroying the crafts and
turning skilful artisans into machine-wheel cogs
without soul or aspiration. It has brought the
famished hordes of workless and anxious helots
into competition, and the crush at the factory gates
and the clamour of the breadless man cheapens the
skill and drowns the demand of the skilful. The
old trade unionism cannot change it; the strike
cannot stay it. The trade unionist is part of the
people — the people of whom nearly one-third are
always on the verge of destitution. Why has he
forgotten he is a citizen — nay, why has he forgotten
that he is a trade unionist ?
Let in the Light.
High above the clamour of selfish sectionalism
and the shrilling of jealous and ambitious officialism
rises the voice of the messenger of hope.
" There must be refuge." Mankind's destiny can-
not be bounded by the industrial bastille and the
shame of a fruitless life. When the trade unionist
weaves into his life and work the simple truths of
Socialism, the strike and the lock-out will have
vanished and trade unionism will reap the harvest
the pioneers sowed in tears and travail.
We want the shadow of the lock-out lifted for
ever from the heart of the people, and until men sur-
render the strike we know that the shadow will
linger. The broken lives and the shattered hopes
that mark the path of Labour's long and weary
march are not the memorials of sacrifice all in vain
if they serve to quicken the dormant conscience of
the worker and rouse him to a sense of the pitiful
wrong they represent. The old fighters who have
gone down to their rest have left us their example
and their inspiration. They have bequeathed to us
all the potentialities of better things if we will but
use them aright and cease to imagine that methods
are of more importance than the objects they had in
view. "Let me entreat you to aid, by all the
MEANS IN YOUR POWER, A CAUSE SO IMPORTANT TO
YOURSELF AND YOUR ORDER. LET CHARITY AND
WISDOM GUIDE YOU IN YOUR EFFORTS; REMEMBER
THAT IN AIDING OTHERS YOU ARE ELEVATING YOUR-
SELF, AND THAT CO-OPERATION IS THE EMBODIMENT
OF BOTH CHARITY TO OTHERS AND WISDOM TO YOUR-
SELF." Thus spake old Newton, the stalwart father
of the old Union. If he were with us now he would
be the first to recognise the failure of the strike —
the only method that existing conditions made pos-
sible in his time. He would be in the forefront of
the battle to-day, pointing and leading, in the light
of a brave man's hope and faith, to the open portals
of the better day to come. He would not bid men
cringe at the factory gate for the privilege of being
allowed inside to tread the everlasting mill for
others' profit, or to bear the crushing burden of
modern industry for a slave's reward — bread to eat
and a hovel to dwell in. He would not tell men it
was brave to strike, or honourable to starve women
and children, or just to inflict misery on others in a
paltry scramble after sixpences.
To unify the forces of Socialism and trade
unionism is the work that lies to hand for all who
are earnest in the love of their fellows. Trade
unionism will wander in the desert until it takes
the hand of Socialism and the two pass on together
— out of the darkness of ignorance and prejudice
into the Empire City of Labour's Dominion — the
city whose foundations are Eternal Justice, whose
walls are Everlasting Peace, whose gates are Grace
The Utopia Press, Printers, Worship St., London, E C.
Pass On Pamphlets*
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These Pamphlets are intended to explain the need
for Socialism, to explain what Socialism is, to answer
objections to Socialism, and to suggest methods for
the attainment of Socialism.
By R. B. Suthers.
NO* i.-JOHN BULL AND DOCTOR SOCIALISM,
NO. 2.-JOHN BULL AND DOCTOR FREE TRADE.
NO. 3.-JOHN BULL AND DOCTOR PROTECTION.
By Julia Dawson*
NO. 4 r WHY WOMEN WANT SOCIALISM.
By A, M. Thompson.
No. 5--SOCIALISM AND INVENTIONS.
By F. H. Rose*
No. 6.-STOP THE STRIKE.
By F. W. Jowett, M.P.
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HAVE YOU SEEN
Edited by MARY R. MACARTHUR,
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